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 The Soviets first manifested themselves in the revolution of 1905. They
played an important part during that brief but significant period. Though the
revolution was crushed, the Soviet idea remained rooted in the minds and
hearts of the Russian masses. At the first dawn which illuminated Russia in
February, 1917, the Soviets revived again and came into bloom in a very
short time. To the people the Soviets by no means represented a curtailment
of the spirit of the Revolution. On the contrary, the Revolution was to find
its highest, freest practical expression through the Soviets. That was why
the Soviets so spontaneously and rapidly spread throughout Russia. The
Bolsheviki realized the significance of the popular trend and joined the cry.
But once in control of the Government the Communists saw that the Soviets
threatened the supremacy of the State. At the same time they could not
destroy them arbitrarily without undermining their own prestige at home
and abroad as the sponsors of the Soviet system. They began to shear them
gradually of their powers and finally to subordinate them to their own
needs.
The Russian trade unions were much more amenable to emasculation.
Numerically and in point of revolutionary fibre they were still in their
childhood. By declaring adherence to the trade unions obligatory the
Russian labour organizations gained in physical stature, but mentally they
remained in the infant stage. The Communist State became the wet nurse of
the trade unions. In return, the organizations served as the flunkeys of the
State. “A school for Communism,” said Lenin in the famous controversy on
the functions of the trade unions. Quite right. But an antiquated school
where the spirit of the child is fettered and crushed. Nowhere in the world
are labour organizations as subservient to the will and the dictates of the
State as they are in Bolshevik Russia.
The fate of the coöperatives is too well known to require elucidation.
The coöperatives were the most essential link between the city and the
country. Their value to the Revolution as a popular and successful medium
of exchange and distribution and to the reconstruction of Russia was
incalculable. The Bolsheviki transformed them into cogs of the Government
machine and thereby destroyed their usefulness and efficiency.
III
It is now clear why the Russian Revolution, as conducted by the
Communist Party, was a failure. The political power of the Party, organized
and centralized in the State, sought to maintain itself by all means at hand.
The central authorities attempted to force the activities of the people into
forms corresponding with the purposes of the Party. The sole aim of the
latter was to strengthen the State and monopolize all economical, political,
and social activities—even all cultural manifestations. The Revolution had
an entirely different object, and in its very character it was the negation of
authority and centralization. It strove to open ever-larger fields for
proletarian expression and to multiply the phases of individual and
collective effort. The aims and tendencies of the Revolution were
diametrically opposed to those of the ruling political party.
Just as diametrically opposed were the methods of the Revolution and of
the State. Those of the former were inspired by the spirit of the Revolution
itself: that is to say, by emancipation from all oppressive and limiting
forces; in short, by libertarian principles. The methods of the State, on the
contrary—of the Bolshevik State as of every government—were based on
coercion, which in the course of things necessarily developed into
systematic violence, oppression, and terrorism. Thus two opposing
tendencies struggled for supremacy: the Bolshevik State against the
Revolution. That struggle was a life-and-death struggle. The two
tendencies, contradictory in aims and methods, could not work
harmoniously: the triumph of the State meant the defeat of the Revolution.
It would be an error to assume that the failure of the Revolution was due
entirely to the character of the Bolsheviki. Fundamentally, it was the result
of the principles and methods of Bolshevism. It was the authoritarian spirit
and principles of the State which stifled the libertarian and liberating
aspirations. Were any other political party in control of the government in
Russia the result would have been essentially the same. It is not so much the
Bolsheviki who killed the Russian Revolution as the Bolshevik idea. It was
Marxism, however modified; in short, fanatical governmentalism. Only this
understanding of the underlying forces that crushed the Revolution can
present the true lesson of that world-stirring event. The Russian Revolution
reflects on a small scale the century-old struggle of the libertarian principle
against the authoritarian. For what is progress if not the more general
acceptance of the principles of liberty as against those of coercion? The
Russian Revolution was a libertarian step defeated by the Bolshevik State,
by the temporary victory of the reactionary, the governmental idea.
 That victory was due to a number of causes. Most of them have already
been dealt with in the preceding chapters. The main cause, however, was
not the industrial backwardness of Russia, as claimed by many writers on
the subject. That cause was cultural which, though giving the Russian
people certain advantages over their more sophisticated neighbours, also
had some fatal disadvantages. The Russian was “culturally backward” in
the sense of being unspoiled by political and parliamentary corruption. On
the other hand, that very condition involved inexperience in the political
game and a naïve faith in the miraculous power of the party that talked the
loudest and made the most promises. This faith in the power of government
served to enslave the Russian people to the Communist Party even before
the great masses realized that the yoke had been put around their necks.
The libertarian principle was strong in the initial days of the Revolution,
the need for free expression all-absorbing. But when the first wave of
enthusiasm receded into the ebb of everyday prosaic life, a firm conviction
was needed to keep the fires of liberty burning. There was only a
comparative handful in the great vastness of Russia to keep those fires lit—
the Anarchists, whose number was small and whose efforts, absolutely
suppressed under the Tsar, had had no time to bear fruit. The Russian
people, to some extent instinctive Anarchists, were yet too unfamiliar with
true libertarian principles and methods to apply them effectively to life.
Most of the Russian Anarchists themselves were unfortunately still in the
meshes of limited group activities and of individualistic endeavour as
against the more important social and collective efforts. The Anarchists, the
future unbiased historian will admit, have played a very important rôle in
the Russian Revolution—a rôle far more significant and fruitful than their
comparatively small number would have led one to expect. Yet honesty and
sincerity compel me to state that their work would have been of infinitely
greater practical value had they been better organized and equipped to guide
the released energies of the people toward the reorganization of life on a
libertarian foundation.
But the failure of the Anarchists in the Russian Revolution—in the sense
just indicated—does by no means argue the defeat of the libertarian idea.
On the contrary, the Russian Revolution has demonstrated beyond doubt
that the State idea, State Socialism, in all its manifestations (economic,
political, social, educational) is entirely and hopelessly bankrupt. Never
before in all history has authority, government, the State, proved so
inherently static, reactionary, and even counter-revolutionary in effect. In
short, the very antithesis of revolution.
It remains true, as it has through all progress, that only the libertarian
spirit and method can bring man a step further in his eternal striving for the
better, finer, and freer life. Applied to the great social upheavals known as
revolutions, this tendency is as potent as in the ordinary evolutionary
process. The authoritarian method has been a failure all through history and
now it has again failed in the Russian Revolution. So far human ingenuity
has discovered no other principle except the libertarian, for man has indeed
uttered the highest wisdom when he said that liberty is the mother of order,
not its daughter. All political tenets and parties notwithstanding, no
revolution can be truly and permanently successful unless it puts its
emphatic veto upon all tyranny and centralization, and determinedly strives
to make the revolution a real revaluation of all economic, social, and
cultural values. Not mere substitution of one political party for another in
the control of the Government, not the masking of autocracy by proletarian
slogans, not the dictatorship of a new class over an old one, not political
scene shifting of any kind, but the complete reversal of all these
authoritarian principles will alone serve the revolution.
In the economic field this transformation must be in the hands of the
industrial masses: the latter have the choice between an industrial State and
anarcho-syndicalism. In the case of the former the menace to the
constructive development of the new social structure would be as great as
from the political State. It would become a dead weight upon the growth of
the new forms of life. For that very reason syndicalism (or industrialism)
alone is not, as its exponents claim, sufficient unto itself. It is only when the
libertarian spirit permeates the economic organizations of the workers that
the manifold creative energies of the people can manifest themselves, and
the revolution be safeguarded and defended. Only free initiative and
popular participation in the affairs of the revolution can prevent the terrible
blunders committed in Russia. For instance, with fuel only a hundred versts
[about sixty-six miles] from Petrograd there would have been no necessity
for that city to suffer from cold had the workers’ economic organizations of
Petrograd been free to exercise their initiative for the common good. The
peasants of the Ukraina would not have been hampered in the cultivation of
their land had they had access to the farm implements stacked up in the
warehouses of Kharkov and other industrial centres awaiting orders from
Moscow for their distribution. These are characteristic examples of
Bolshevik governmentalism and centralization, which should serve as a
warning to the workers of Europe and America of the destructive effects of
Statism.
The industrial power of the masses, expressed through their libertarian
associations—Anarcho-syndicalism—is alone able to organize successfully
the economic life and carry on production. On the other hand, the
coöperatives, working in harmony with the industrial bodies, serve as the
distributing and exchange media between city and country, and at the same
time link in fraternal bond the industrial and agrarian masses. A common tie
of mutual service and aid is created which is the strongest bulwark of the
revolution—far more effective then compulsory labour, the Red Army, or
terrorism. In that way alone can revolution act as a leaven to quicken the
development of new social forms and inspire the masses to greater
achievements.
But libertarian industrial organizations and the coöperatives are not the
only media in the interplay of the complex phases of social life. There are
the cultural forces which, though closely related to the economic activities,
have yet their own functions to perform. In Russia the Communist State
became the sole arbiter of all the needs of the social body. The result, as
already described, was complete cultural stagnation and the paralysis of all
creative endeavour. If such a débâcle is to be avoided in the future, the
cultural forces, while remaining rooted in the economic soil, must yet retain
independent scope and freedom of expression. Not adherence to the
dominant political party but devotion to the revolution, knowledge, ability,
and—above all—the creative impulse should be the criterion of fitness for
cultural work. In Russia this was made impossible almost from the
beginning of the October Revolution, by the violent separation of the
intelligentsia and the masses. It is true that the original offender in this case
was the intelligentsia, especially the technical intelligentsia, which in
Russia tenaciously clung—as it does in other countries—to the coat-tails of
the bourgeoisie. This element, unable to comprehend the significance of
revolutionary events, strove to stem the tide by wholesale sabotage. But in
Russia there was also another kind of intelligentsia—one with a glorious
revolutionary past of a hundred years. That part of the intelligentsia kept
faith with the people, though it could not unreservedly accept the new
dictatorship. The fatal error of the Bolsheviki was that they made no
distinction between the two elements. They met sabotage with wholesale
terror against the intelligentsia as a class, and inaugurated a campaign of
hatred more intensive than the persecution of the bourgeoisie itself—a
method which created an abyss between the intelligentsia and the proletariat
and reared a barrier against constructive work.
Lenin was the first to realize that criminal blunder. He pointed out that it
was a grave error to lead the workers to believe that they could build up the
industries and engage in cultural work without the aid and coöperation of
the intelligentsia. The proletariat had neither the knowledge nor the training
for the task, and the intelligentsia had to be restored in the direction of the
industrial life. But the recognition of one error never safeguarded Lenin and
his Party from immediately committing another. The technical intelligentsia
was called back on terms which added disintegration to the antagonism
against the régime.
While the workers continued to starve, engineers, industrial experts, and
technicians received high salaries, special privileges, and the best rations.
They became the pampered employees of the State and the new slave
drivers of the masses. The latter, fed for years on the fallacious teachings
that muscle alone is necessary for a successful revolution and that only
physical labour is productive, and incited by the campaign of hatred which
stamped every intellectual a counter-revolutionist and speculator, could not
make peace with those they had been taught to scorn and distrust.
Unfortunately Russia is not the only country where this proletarian
attitude against the intelligentsia prevails. Everywhere political demagogues
play upon the ignorance of the masses, teach them that education and
culture are bourgeois prejudices, that the workers can do without them, and
that they alone are able to rebuild society. The Russian Revolution has
made it very clear that both brain and muscle are indispensable to the work
of social regeneration. Intellectual and physical labour are as closely related
in the social body as brain and hand in the human organism. One cannot
function without the other.
It is true that most intellectuals consider themselves a class apart from
and superior to the workers, but social conditions everywhere are fast
demolishing the high pedestal of the intelligentsia. They are made to see
that they, too, are proletarians, even more dependent upon the economic
master than the manual worker. Unlike the physical proletarian, who can
pick up his tools and tramp the world in search of a change from a galling
situation, the intellectual proletarians have their roots more firmly in their
particular social environment and cannot so easily change their occupation
or mode of living. It is therefore of utmost importance to bring home to the
workers the rapid proletarization of the intellectuals and the common tie
thus created between them. If the Western world is to profit by the lessons
of Russia, the demagogic flattery of the masses and blind antagonism
toward the intelligentsia must cease. That does not mean, however, that the
toilers should depend entirely upon the intellectual element. On the
contrary, the masses must begin right now to prepare and equip themselves
for the great task the revolution will put upon them. They should acquire the
knowledge and technical skill necessary for managing and directing the
intricate mechanism of the industrial and social structure of their respective
countries. But even at best the workers will need the coöperation of the
professional and cultural elements. Similarly the latter must realize that
their true interests are identical with those of the masses. Once the two
social forces learn to blend into one harmonious whole, the tragic aspects of
the Russian Revolution would to a great extent be eliminated. No one
would be shot because he “once acquired an education.” The scientist, the
engineer, the specialist, the investigator, the educator, and the creative artist,
as well as the carpenter, machinist, and the rest, are all part and parcel of the
collective force which is to shape the revolution into the great architect of
the new social edifice. Not hatred, but unity; not antagonism, but
fellowship; not shooting, but sympathy—that is the lesson of the great
Russian débâcle for the intelligentsia as well as the workers. All must learn
the value of mutual aid and libertarian coöperation. Yet each must be able to
remain independent in his own sphere and in harmony with the best he can
yield to society. Only in that way will productive labour and educational
and cultural endeavour express themselves in ever newer and richer forms.
That is to me the all-embracing and vital moral taught by the Russian
Revolution.
IV
In the previous pages I have tried to point out why Bolshevik principles,
methods, and tactics failed, and that similar principles and methods applied
in any other country, even of the highest industrial development, must also
fail. I have further shown that it is not only Bolshevism that failed, but
Marxism itself. That is to say, the STATE IDEA, the authoritarian principle,
has been proven bankrupt by the experience of the Russian Revolution. If I
were to sum up my whole argument in one sentence I should say: The
inherent tendency of the State is to concentrate, to narrow, and monopolize
all social activities; the nature of revolution is, on the contrary, to grow, to
broaden, and disseminate itself in ever-wider circles. In other words, the
State is institutional and static; revolution is fluent, dynamic. These two
tendencies are incompatible and mutually destructive. The State idea killed
the Russian Revolution and it must have the same result in all other
revolutions, unless the libertarian idea prevail.
Yet I go much further. It is not only Bolshevism, Marxism, and
Governmentalism which are fatal to revolution as well as to all vital human
progress. The main cause of the defeat of the Russian Revolution lies much
deeper. It is to be found in the whole Socialist conception of revolution
itself.
The dominant, almost general, idea of revolution—particularly the
Socialist idea—is that revolution is a violent change of social conditions
through which one social class, the working class, becomes dominant over
another class, the capitalist class. It is the conception of a purely physical
change, and as such it involves only political scene shifting and institutional
rearrangements. Bourgeois dictatorship is replaced by the “dictatorship of
the proletariat”—or by that of its “advance guard,” the Communist Party;
Lenin takes the seat of the Romanovs, the Imperial Cabinet is rechristened
Soviet of People’s Commissars, Trotsky is appointed Minister of War, and a
labourer becomes the Military Governor General of Moscow. That is, in
essence, the Bolshevik conception of revolution, as translated into actual
practice. And with a few minor alterations it is also the idea of revolution
held by all other Socialist parties.
This conception is inherently and fatally false. Revolution is indeed a
violent process. But if it is to result only in a change of dictatorship, in a
shifting of names and political personalities, then it is hardly worth while. It
is surely not worth all the struggle and sacrifice, the stupendous loss in
human life and cultural values that result from every revolution. If such a
revolution were even to bring greater social well being (which has not been
the case in Russia) then it would also not be worth the terrific price paid:
mere improvement can be brought about without bloody revolution. It is not
palliatives or reforms that are the real aim and purpose of revolution, as I
conceive it.
 In my opinion—a thousandfold strengthened by the Russian experience
—the great mission of revolution, of the Social Revolution, is a
fundamental transvaluation of values. A transvaluation not only of social,
but also of human values. The latter are even preëminent, for they are the
basis of all social values. Our institutions and conditions rest upon deep-
seated ideas. To change those conditions and at the same time leave the
underlying ideas and values intact means only a superficial transformation,
one that cannot be permanent or bring real betterment. It is a change of
form only, not of substance, as so tragically proven by Russia.
It is at once the great failure and the great tragedy of the Russian
Revolution that it attempted (in the leadership of the ruling political party)
to change only institutions and conditions while ignoring entirely the
human and social values involved in the Revolution. Worse yet, in its mad
passion for power, the Communist State even sought to strengthen and
deepen the very ideas and conceptions which the Revolution had come to
destroy. It supported and encouraged all the worst anti-social qualities and
systematically destroyed the already awakened conception of the new
revolutionary values. The sense of justice and equality, the love of liberty
and of human brotherhood—these fundamentals of the real regeneration of
society—the Communist State suppressed to the point of extermination.
Man’s instinctive sense of equity was branded as weak sentimentality;
human dignity and liberty became a bourgeois superstition; the sanctity of
life, which is the very essence of social reconstruction, was condemned as
un-revolutionary, almost counter-revolutionary. This fearful perversion of
fundamental values bore within itself the seed of destruction. With the
conception that the Revolution was only a means of securing political
power, it was inevitable that all revolutionary values should be subordinated
to the needs of the Socialist State; indeed, exploited to further the security
of the newly acquired governmental power. “Reasons of State,” masked as
the “interests of the Revolution and of the People,” became the sole
criterion of action, even of feeling. Violence, the tragic inevitability of
revolutionary upheavals, became an established custom, a habit, and was
presently enthroned as the most powerful and “ideal” institution. Did not
Zinoviev himself canonize Dzerzhinsky, the head of the bloody Tcheka, as
the “saint of the Revolution”? Were not the greatest public honours paid by
the State to Uritsky, the founder and sadistic chief of the Petrograd Tcheka?
 This perversion of the ethical values soon crystallized into the all-
dominating slogan of the Communist Party: The end Justifies all means.
Similarly in the past the Inquisition and the Jesuits adopted this motto and
subordinated to it all morality. It avenged itself upon the Jesuits as it did
upon the Russian Revolution. In the wake of this slogan followed lying,
deceit, hypocrisy and treachery, murder, open and secret. It should be of
utmost interest to students of social psychology that two movements as
widely separated in time and ideas as Jesuitism and Bolshevism reached
exactly similar results in the evolution of the principle that the end justifies
all means. The historic parallel, almost entirely ignored so far, contains a
most important lesson for all coming revolutions and for the whole future of
mankind.
There is no greater fallacy than the belief that aims and purposes are one
thing, while methods and tactics are another. This conception is a potent
menace to social regeneration. All human experience teaches that methods
and means cannot be separated from the ultimate aim. The means employed
become, through individual habit and social practice, part and parcel of the
final purpose; they influence it, modify it, and presently the aims and means
become identical. From the day of my arrival in Russia I felt it, at first
vaguely, then ever more consciously and clearly. The great and inspiring
aims of the Revolution became so clouded with and obscured by the
methods used by the ruling political power that it was hard to distinguish
what was temporary means and what final purpose. Psychologically and
socially the means necessarily influence and alter the aims. The whole
history of man is continuous proof of the maxim that to divest one’s
methods of ethical concepts means to sink into the depths of utter
demoralization. In that lies the real tragedy of the Bolshevik philosophy as
applied to the Russian Revolution. May this lesson not be in vain.
No revolution can ever succeed as a factor of liberation unless the
Means used to further it be identical in spirit and tendency with the
Purposes to be achieved. Revolution is the negation of the existing, a
violent protest against man’s inhumanity to man with all the thousand and
one slaveries it involves. It is the destroyer of dominant values upon which
a complex system of injustice, oppression, and wrong has been built up by
ignorance and brutality. It is the herald of New Values, ushering in a
transformation of the basic relations of man to man, and of man to society.
It is not a mere reformer, patching up some social evils; not a mere changer
of forms and institutions; not only a re-distributor of social well-being. It is
all that, yet more, much more. It is, first and foremost, the Transvaluator,
the bearer of new values. It is the great Teacher of the New Ethics,
inspiring man with a new concept of life and its manifestations in social
relationships. It is the mental and spiritual regenerator.
Its first ethical precept is the identity of means used and aims sought.
The ultimate end of all revolutionary social change is to establish the
sanctity of human life, the dignity of man, the right of every human being to
liberty and well-being. Unless this be the essential aim of revolution,
violent social changes would have no justification. For external social
alterations can be, and have been, accomplished by the normal processes of
evolution. Revolution, on the contrary, signifies not mere external change,
but internal, basic, fundamental change. That internal change of concepts
and ideas, permeating ever-larger social strata, finally culminates in the
violent upheaval known as revolution. Shall that climax reverse the process
of transvaluation, turn against it, betray it? That is what happened in Russia.
On the contrary, the revolution itself must quicken and further the process
of which it is the cumulative expression; its main mission is to inspire it, to
carry it to greater heights, give it fullest scope for expression. Only thus is
revolution true to itself.
Applied in practice it means that the period of the actual revolution, the
so-called transitory stage, must be the introduction, the prelude to the new
social conditions. It is the threshold to the New Life, the new House of
man and humanity. As such it must be of the spirit of the new life,
harmonious with the construction of the new edifice.
To-day is the parent of to-morrow. The present casts its shadow far into
the future. That is the law of life, individual and social. Revolution that
divests itself of ethical values thereby lays the foundation of injustice,
deceit, and oppression for the future society. The means used to prepare the
future become its cornerstone. Witness the tragic condition of Russia. The
methods of State centralization have paralysed individual initiative and
effort; the tyranny of the dictatorship has cowed the people into slavish
submission and all but extinguished the fires of liberty; organized terrorism
has depraved and brutalized the masses and stifled every idealistic
aspiration; institutionalized murder has cheapened human life, and all sense
of the dignity of man and the value of life has been eliminated; coercion at
every step has made effort bitter, labour a punishment, has turned the whole
of existence into a scheme of mutual deceit, and has revived the lowest and
most brutal instincts of man. A sorry heritage to begin a new life of freedom
and brotherhood.
It cannot be sufficiently emphasized that revolution is in vain unless
inspired by its ultimate ideal. Revolutionary methods must be in tune with
revolutionary aims. The means used to further the revolution must
harmonize with its purposes. In short, the ethical values which the
revolution is to establish in the new society must be initiated with the
revolutionary activities of the so-called transitional period. The latter can
serve as a real and dependable bridge to the better life only if built of the
same material as the life to be achieved. Revolution is the mirror of the
coming day; it is the child that is to be the Man of To-morrow.

THE END

FOOTNOTES:
[A] Political bureaus.
[B] Armed units organized by the Bolsheviki for the purpose of suppressing traffic
and confiscating foodstuffs.
[C] Individual small-scale.
[D] Happy villagers and their model homes, specially prepared and shown to
Catherine the Great by her Prime Minister Potemkin to deceive her about the true
condition of the peasantry.
 *** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MY FURTHER
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