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Making Two Vietnams

North and South Vietnamese youth had very different experiences of

growing up during the Vietnamese War. This book gives a unique
perspective on the conflict through the prism of adult–youth relations.
By studying these relations, including educational systems, social orga-
nizations, and texts created by and for children during the war, Olga
Dror analyses how the two societies dealt with their wartime experience
and strove to shape their futures. She examines the socialization and
politicization of Vietnamese children and teenagers, contrasting the
North’s highly centralized agenda of indoctrination with the South,
which had no such policy, and explores the results of these varied
approaches. By considering the influence of Western culture on the
youth of the South and of socialist culture on the youth of the North,
we learn how the youth culture of both Vietnams diverged from their
prewar paths and from each other.

Olga Dror is Associate Professor in the Department of History at Texas

A&M University.
 Studies of the Weatherhead East Asian Institute, Columbia University

The Studies of the Weatherhead East Asian Institute of Columbia University were
inaugurated in 1962 to bring to a wider public the results of significant new
research on modern and contemporary East Asia.

A list of titles in this series can be found at the back of the book.
Making Two Vietnams
War and Youth Identities, 1965–1975

Olga Dror
Texas A & M University
University Printing House, Cambridge CB2 8BS, United Kingdom
One Liberty Plaza, 20th Floor, New York, NY 10006, USA
477 Williamstown Road, Port Melbourne, VIC 3207, Australia
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Cambridge University Press is part of the University of Cambridge.

It furthers the University’s mission by disseminating knowledge in the pursuit of
education, learning, and research at the highest international levels of excellence.

www.cambridge.org
Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9781108470124
DOI: 10.1017/9781108556163
© Olga Dror 2018
This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception
and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,
no reproduction of any part may take place without the written
permission of Cambridge University Press.
First published 2018
Printed and bound in Great Britain by Clays Ltd, Elcograf S.p.A.
A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Dror, Olga, author.
Title: Making two Vietnams : war and youth identities, 1965–75 / Olga Dror,
Texas A & M University.
Description: Cambridge ; New York, NY : Cambridge University Press, [2018] |
Series: Studies of the Weatherhead East Asian Institute, Columbia
Identifiers: LCCN 2018021914 | ISBN 9781108470124 (alk. paper)
Subjects: LCSH: Vietnam War, 1961–1975 – Children – Vietnam. | Vietnam War,
1961–1975 – Youth – Vietnam. | Socialism and youth – Vietnam. | Communist
education – Vietnam – History – 20th century. | Youth – Vietnam (Republic) –
History. | Education – Vietnam (Republic) | Political socialization – Vietnam
(Republic) | Vietnam – Civilization – Western influences. | Textbooks – Vietnam.
Classification: LCC DS559.8.C53 D76 2018 | DDC 959.704–dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018021914
ISBN 978-1-108-47012-4 Hardback
Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of
URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication
and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain,
accurate or appropriate.
To all those who grew up in North Vietnam and in
South Vietnam during the war.
 Contents

List of figures page viii

List of tables x
Acknowledgments xi
Introduction 1
1 Educational Systems of the DRV and the RVN 15
2 Social Organizations in the DRV and the RVN 73
3 Publication Policies and Venues in the DRV and the
RVN 108
4 Educational and Social Narratives through the Texts in
the DRV 168
5 Educational and Social Narratives through the Texts
from the RVN 219
Conclusion 268

References 279
Index 308

vii
 Figures

0.1 Picture of a Boy. From Tet nam Ga. (New Year of a

Rooster) (Hanoi: Kim Dong, 1969), 48. page 1
1.1 Number of Pupils in Community Schools, 1965–73 63
1.2 Rate of Imprisonment in Cases, 1965–73 68
3.1 Number of Translations by Kim Dong Publishing House,
1961–75 125
3.2 Cartoon: Da Hoa, “Nguoi ta giet tre em nhu the nao?”
(How Do People Kill Children?), Hon tre (Young Souls),
December 15, 1964, 4. 146
3.3 Price of magazines, 1969–75 164
4.1 Cartoon: Van Thanh, “Banh dau xuan: ‘tang’ xam luoc
My” (“Cakes for the Beginning of Spring: ‘Gifts’ to
American Aggressors”), Thieu nien tien phong (Pioneer),
February 20, 1968. 198
4.2 Cartoon: Dau Khac Binh, “Tranh do” (Picture-Puzzle),
Thieu nien tien phong (Pioneer), May 17, 1974. 201
4.3 Picture of Le Van Tam from Tuoi nho anh hung (Heroic
Childhood) (Hanoi: Kim Dong, 1965). 205
4.4 Picture of Nguyen Van Be with Tien phong (Vanguard)
newspaper describing his heroic deeds and death. “Viet
Cong Dead Hero is Alive.” Viet Nam Bulletin 1(6), June
1967, 121. 208
4.5 Trinh Duong and Ha Quang Phuong, “Em Bui Trung”
(Young boy Bui Trung), Vui he thang My (Enjoy Summer,
Triumph over Americans) (Hanoi: Kim Dong Publishing
House, 1969), 13. 215

viii
 List of Figures ix

5.1(a) Cover of Thang Bom (Fellow Bom) magazine, 5 (April

5–11, 1970) (Saigon). 229
5.1(b) Cover of Thieu nhi (Adolescents and Children) magazine,
3 (August 29, 1971) (Saigon). 229
5.2 Cover of Ngan thong (Pine Forest) magazine, Mai Khoi,
“Nhin nhung mua thu di” (Watching the Autumns Go By),
38 (November 20, 1972) (Saigon). 248
 Tables

1.1 Education System in the DRV, 1956–75 page 23

1.2 Graduates and Enrollment in DRV Schools, 1970–1 24
1.3 Population and Enrollment in RVN Schools, 1954–74 53
1.4 Graduates and Enrollment in RVN Schools, 1967–8 54
1.5 Number of Teenage Offenders Brought to Saigon Juvenile
Court, 1965–73 67
1.6 Major Offenses/Crime Cases by Minors Brought to Saigon
Juvenile Court, 1965–71 67
3.1 Publications of the Publishing House of the Ministry of
Education, 1968/9–1973/4 113

x
 Acknowledgments

While military and political aspects of the wars in Vietnam have been
written about on an astounding scale, the lives of civilians have been
largely ignored. Coming from a family that had to endure the blockade
of Leningrad by the Germans in World War II, I have always been
interested in the experience of non-combatants in wartime. This initially
led me to study and translate the account of the Battle of Hue during the
1968 Tet Offensive written in 1969 from a civilian perspective by a South
Vietnamese female writer Nha Ca. I thought it important to remember
the lives and deaths of South Vietnamese who are so often pushed aside
from narratives of the war.
As I saw my son growing up, I thought how lucky he was that he had to
live neither in Leningrad during the blockade nor in Vietnam during the
war. Thinking about it, I was fascinated by trying to understand how
young people in North and South Vietnams were growing up during the
war. I wanted to create a comparative work that would consider to an
equal extent the youth in both Vietnams at that time.
Thus, my family in Leningrad and my son in the United States have
been an inspiration for this work. But, I would not be able to accomplish
the project without the help of many people, especially Vietnamese. I have
discussed different aspects of the project with hundreds of Vietnamese, in
Vietnam and abroad, with those who fought on the communist side, the
anti-communist side, or were not sure on whose side they were.
I cannot list all of them here, but I would like to thank some who
especially helped with my project. I would like to thank Professor Phan
Huy Le, who helped me with establishing necessary connections. I am in
great debt to the incredibly helpful people of Kim Dong Publishing
House in Hanoi, especially Nguyen Huy Thang and Le Phuong Lien,
both of whom are not only administrators there but also writers and
editors; to the poet Dinh Hai, who also worked at Kim Dong and did a
lot to develop publications for young people and fostering young people’s
writing skills that led to their publications; to late writer To Hoai who was
one of the founders of Kim Dong; to Phong Nha, the composer and first
xi
xii Acknowledgments

editor of Thieu nien tien phong (Pioneer) newspaper in North Vietnam; to

Associate Editors of Thieu nien tien phong newspaper at different times
Nguyen Tran Chau and Pham Thanh Long; to the journalist Truong
Son; to the composer Pham Tuyen; to the poet and writer Hoang Cat; to
two of the DRV’s child-poets during the war: Tran Dang Khoa, now one
of the leading figures on the Voice of Vietnam Radio; and Nguyen Hong
Kien, an archaeologist now working in the Imperial Citadel Museum; and
also to former students of the DRV schools in China, in particular Tran
Khang Chien who shared with me not only his memories but also docu-
ments. Thai Thanh Duc Pho, a writer, who from 1969 to 1975 was an
editor in the Giai Phong Publishing House, located in Hanoi, but publish-
ing on behalf of the communists in South Vietnam, detailed to me the
mode of work of this legendary press. Without Chu Tuyet Lan’s help to
find people in and to retrieve documents from different institutions in
Vietnam this project would be only half-alive. She has been my angel in
Vietnam for many years.
From the South Vietnamese side, the writer Nhat Tien and the edu-
cator Bui Van Chuc, aka Quyen Di, who were among the most active
publishers for youth in the South, and former Minister of Education Tran
Ngoc Ninh were indispensable for my understanding of the situation at
the time. Poet Tran Da Tu was a great source for receiving information
and establishing connections with writers and publishers of the RVN.
Phan Cong Tam rendered me help in the same way but among former
politicians of the RVN. Bui Van Phu was very patient when I would
constantly run to him with my many questions.
I am also very grateful to the staff in the National Archives Center no. 2
in Ho Chi Minh City and no. 3 in Hanoi, as well as patient librarians who
were retrieving for me hundreds and hundreds of books and newspapers
at the National Library in Hanoi and in the General Science Library in Ho
Chi Minh City.
An earlier shorter version of the first chapter, without correctional
education, appeared in the Journal of Cold War Studies; parts of my article
in the Journal of Southeast Asian Studies are included in Chapters 3 and 5;
and a modified version of my article in the Journal of the History of
Childhood and Youth is included in Chapter 4. I especially appreciate
anonymous reviewers for each of the journals, whose comments signifi-
cantly improved my work. I also relied on my other research which
appeared in the Journal of Asian Studies and the Journal of Social History.
I thank these journals for publishing my work and allowing me to use
these articles and I thank Kim Dong publishing house and Thieu nien tien
phong (Pioneer) newspaper for allowing me to use images from their
publications.
 Acknowledgments xiii

I am very grateful to Ross Yelsey, Publication Coordinator at the

Weatherhead East Asia Institute of Columbia University, and to Lien-
Hang Nguyen, a historian at Columbia University, for taking interest in
my project and including it in the Institute’s series.
Lucy Rhymer, Editor at Cambridge University Press, and Lisa Carter,
Editorial Assistant, have been very patient and generous with me, as have
all the team at Cambridge University Press. I cannot express enough
appreciation for the reviewers to whom the Press sent my manuscript.
Their comments and encouragement were a tremendous help to me in
completing this book.
The project was generously supported by several grants and fellowships
from Texas A&M University: SEED Grant, College of Liberal Arts;
Program to Enhance Scholarly and Creative Activities Grant;
Fellowship from Melbern G. Glasscock Center for Humanities and
Research; Inaugural Class of Texas A&M University Arts & Humanities
Fellow; and also a Faculty Development Leave, which, in combination
with a fantastic year-long fellowship from the National Endowment for
the Humanities, enabled me to write this book.
Finally, I want to thank my husband Keith Taylor for always trying to
bring out the best in me, for standing by me, reading each page of this
project many times, and critiquing it. My son, Michael Dror, though not
in scholarship, was and is an inspiration for everything I do in academia. I
thank both of them with all my heart.
My deepest appreciation goes to those who shared with me their
experiences and helped me to bring them into this book. While I cannot
possibly mention all of them by name here, I dedicate this book to them.
All mistakes are mine.
Introduction

Figure 0.1 Picture of a Boy

1
2 Introduction

When you look at Figure 0.1 what does it make you think about?
When I first saw it, I thought that it expressed a peaceful, happy
childhood. In the presence of a feline companion, with a grin like
a Cheshire cat, a cute little boy takes the measurement of his own
height on the first day of the New Year. For a moment, the picture’s
peacefulness made me forget that I saw it in a Hanoi newspaper
published during a fierce war. When I read the caption under the
picture, I understood its connection with the wartime reality and its
intended message. It reads: “I am a year older; already several cen-
timeters taller; soon I will be able to join the army and to fight the
Americans until they turn tail and flee.”
This picture and its caption, published on the occasion of Tet, the
Lunar New Year, by Kim Dong Publishing House in Hanoi in 1969,
stands in stark contrast with a poem published in 1972 in a South
Vietnamese children’s magazine Thang Bom (Fellow Bom) in Saigon
and titled “Dreaming of Being Little”:
Spring has arrived to add green to the leaves
To make flowers blossom more . . .
But my heart is sad more and more,
As (it also) adds another year to my age . . .1

The picture and the poem both deal with growing up by a year but
have the opposite root and the opposite effect: a boy’s aspiration to grow
fast to join the army to defend his country vs a girl’s anxiety, as weird as it
sounds, about the fleeting moments of her childhood or youth, without
any hint at fighting for her country. It can be attributed to the gender
differences of the central figures of these pieces, but the contrast still
stands if we compare the aspiration of the North Vietnamese child, as
shown in Figure 0.1, to a joke that appeared in the same Saigonese
magazine: a student who was assigned to write about the armed forces
branch in which he preferred to enlist turned in a blank sheet of paper
and explained to his teacher: “I hear that in several years there will be
peace, so I think by the age of eighteen I will be free from going into the
army.”2
The juxtaposition of these two attitudes toward growing up and
serving in the military contrasts the states of minds of the younger
generations in the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) or North
Vietnam and the Republic of Vietnam (RVN) or South Vietnam.

1
Respectively, Tet nam Ga, 48; Suong Nhat Sa, “Uoc mo tuoi nho.” The name of the
author is a pen name. The author is identified as a member of a poetry club (many of them
existed in high schools). This one in particular was connected to Thang Bom magazine.
2
Ly Hoan Phong, “Hoa binh.”
 Introduction 3

Even more, it contrasts the two societies in which these young people
were raised and the goals that these societies endeavored to set for
their youth and the means through which they strove to achieve these
goals.
Many shelves of books, more than thirty thousand, have been written
about the war in Indochina between 1955 and 1975. They analyze
different aspects of the military and sociopolitical realities of this war.
Most of them center on the American role in the war. Most of the works
that focus on the Vietnamese sides concentrate on the DRV. The RVN,
until recently, has been left on the backburner of scholarship and con-
sideration of the war as Americans are given the central role in most of the
narratives of the war.3 This approach turns the war solely into a conflict
between the communist Vietnamese and the anti-communist, or imperi-
alist, Americans.
Indeed, Vietnamese were caught in the global struggle, the Cold War,
between the communist camp(s) headed by the Soviet Union and the
People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the anti-communist world led by
the United States. Vietnam was a burning part of that conflict. But it was
also a civil war between the communist forces led by the DRV and the
anti-communist forces led by the RVN. Unlike the Cold War between the
camps of the superpowers, the war between the DRV and the RVN was an
armed conflict between two polities identifying themselves as represent-
ing the same national ethnicity: Vietnamese. These two polities put this
unifying identification aside and fought for the ideologies that set them
apart. It was a struggle between different visions that Vietnamese had
about the kind of society they wanted to live in and to bequeath to the next
generation.
Ironically, it is exactly this group, the next generation, children and
young adults, that has largely been ignored in academic analysis of the
war.4 For the purpose of this project, I call these two groups “youth,”

3
Works that bring the RVN into the scholarship tend to focus on Ngo Dinh Diem and his
period: Catton, Diem’s Final Failure; Jacobs, Cold War Mandarin; Miller, Misalliance;
Chapman, Cauldron of Resistance; Stewart, Vietnam’s Lost Revolution; on the Army of the
Republic of Vietnam: Brigham, ARVN; Wiest, Vietnam’s Forgotten Army; Nathalie
Nguyen, South Vietnamese Soldiers.
4
On the identity of young people/children during the war see Dror, “Raising Vietnamese,”
“Love, Hatred, and Heroism,” “Education and Politics in Wartime.” The works on older
young people that to some extent include high school students are Marr, “Political
Attitudes” and Nguyen-Marshall, “Student Activism.” The study on the two
Vietnamese educational systems is Vasavakul’s unpublished doctoral dissertation
“Schools and Politics in South and North Vietnam. Masur, Hearts and Minds: Cultural
Nation-Building,” also discusses school, 43–71.
On the French educational system G. Kelly, Franco-Vietnamese Schools, Altbach and
G. Kelly, Education and the Colonial Experience, D. Kelley, French Colonial Education:
4 Introduction

including young people between the ages of six and seventeen, called in
Vietnamese thieu nien nhi dong or in abbreviated form thieu nhi, a term that
includes both “teens or adolescents” (thieu nien) and “children” (nhi
dong). This is in contrast to the term thanh nien commonly translated
into English as “youth” that is applied to an older group from the age of 17
up to the age of 35,5 which would grossly misrepresent the age category of
youth customary in the West.
The study of youth during the war is a critical lacuna, the filling of
which will give an additional dimension for analysis of the war and for
understanding the different identities of the two Vietnamese societies that
contended for the future of the country. Youth are important for any
society, but their role, even if unacknowledged, increases when a society is
under duress. The creation of a cohesive society is especially important in
wartime, particularly when a war is fought inside the country against an
enemy ostensibly of the same language and nationality with the participa-
tion of foreign forces. In the DRV and the RVN, the younger generations
had not only to maintain a certain social order but also to fight for it in the
prolonged conflict. For this purpose, both societies had to reproduce
people who would be willing to stand for their goals.
Although living under conditions created by their parents’ and grand-
parents’ generations, youth participate in what happens around them and
will make the future. How adults understand the progression from “child-
hood” to “youth” to “adulthood” reveals how they think about what they
want for their children’s future and how they dream about what they want
for themselves. Consequently, bringing young people into historical ana-
lysis is a way to understand what is most important to adults in the present
and what they see as important for the future.
In Western contexts, there has been a tendency to portray children and
youth as victims whose suffering in political and military conflict is unde-
served since children ideally symbolize purity and innocence.6 But
socialist discourses of the Cold War era often transformed the image of
youth and children, as well as the children themselves, “into revolutionary
warriors who were already implicated in the politics of class struggle,” as

Essays on Vietnam and West Africa, Trinh Van Thao, L’école française, Bezançon, “Un
enseignement colonial,” Nguyen Thuy Phuong, L’école française au Vietnam.
On the Chinese educational system in Cho lon, a Chinese part of Saigon, see Mok,
“Negotiating Community and Nation in Cho Lon”; in Hanoi, see Han Xiaorong,
“A Community between Two Nations.”
5
Even in the publications in English, those in their thirties were included in the “youth”
category. See, for example, “Vietnam’s Youth,” 3.
6
Jenkins, “Introduction”; Stephens, “Nationalism, Nuclear Policy, and Children”;
Gilligan, “Highly Vulnerable?”, Kirschenbaum, “Innocent Victims” and Small
Comrades; Marten, Children and War.
 Introduction 5

Orna Naftali, for example, demonstrated with children of the Cultural

Revolution in China between 1966 and 1976.7
Different societies see youth’s position and their role differently and
thus treat them differently. While in some societies “at decisive moments
in social history children have been at the center of ideological activity,”8
in others, they were not considered to be as important as the adult
population in terms of ideological formation. But in any society, ideas
about children and youth and their role involve a wide spectrum of
concerns: social, communal, cultural, moral, legal, and political. Thus,
while focusing on youth, I engage with the broader discourse of the
Vietnamese adult societies.
This book also poses questions about the nature of the societies in the
DRV and the RVN, focusing on the cultural and political constructions
of ideas about childhood and youth in these two societies.
The distinction between “flesh and blood human beings of a certain
age” and the cultural constructions of ideas surrounding childhood is
particularly useful, as demonstrated by a historian of the Soviet Union,
Lisa Kirschenbaum, in her book about children between the ages of
three and seven in the Soviet Union between 1917 and 1932. In her
words, such study is useful “in sorting out the complex interaction of
ideology and practice that accompanied efforts to re-envision and
remake everyday life.”9
It is commonly thought that a government must unify the people
around a single vision of the future in order to assert its authority and to
prevail in wartime.10 According to Benedict Anderson, such a vision of
unity is identified with the nation and is built upon deep sensations
of horizontal comradeship for which people are willing to die.11 In times
of war, the need to unify the nation behind a single vision of the future is
vital to any group or government seeking to assert its authority.12
The unity, fictional or real, is indispensable to mobilize people to fight
and die for “their” country. This unity, embedded in the idea of a Nation,
conceived as a deep, horizontal comradeship, creates a fraternity, which
allows people to willingly die for it.13 An authoritarian government’s use
of coercion to mobilize people can appear to be more efficient than efforts
to mobilize people without coercion. Indeed, the authoritarian Germany

7
Naftali, “Chinese Childhood” and “Marketing War.” See also, Xu, “Chairman,”
Peacock, “Broadcasting Benevolence.”
8
Reynolds, Radical Children’s Literature.
9
See, for example, Steedman, Strange Dislocations; Cunningham, “Histories of
Childhood”; Kirschenbaum, Small Comrades.
10
Proud, Children and Propaganda, 10. 11 Anderson, Imagined Communities, 7.
12
Proud, Children and Propaganda, 10. 13 Anderson, Imagined Communities, 7.
6 Introduction

of the late 1930s and early 1940s was more effective in its war efforts than
any of its democratic victims – Czechoslovakia, France, Belgium,
Netherlands, and other countries – and it took a mobilization of the
Soviet people by an equally authoritarian Soviet government to mount
a response that eventually destroyed the fascist state.
French Marxist philosopher Louis Althusser suggested that, to exist,
a state must reproduce labor, which requires not only the reproduction of
workers’ skills but also of workers’ submission to the ruling ideology. He
believed that it is the educational system that enables a dominant ideolo-
gical state apparatus to reproduce labor power and to form citizens in the
desired mold.14 Publications, education systems, and socialization sys-
tems are three important venues in which to achieve this goal.
The consideration of these venues with the measure of their failure and
success in achieving this goal, as employed by the DRV and the RVN are
the focus of my analysis.
This book endeavors to bring youth into the picture of the raging war
years, considering it against the backdrop of the adult societies. Given the
great depth and breadth of available materials, I focus on three main
spheres of raising young people: education, social organizations, and pub-
lications. Chronologically, I concentrate on the years from 1965 to 1975,
from the start of direct American involvement to the end of the war. While
I provide some germane information from previous years, I focus on that
decade since these were the most intense and complicated years of the
conflict. The book is based on archival sources, newspapers, textbooks,
books (that is, texts produced by adults and by youth), and interviews.

Vietnamese Societies as Frameworks for Considering

Youth
The issues that separated the Hanoi and Saigon governments during the
civil war between 1955 and 1975 were not unrelated to the sense of
difference that had emerged in the attitudes of northerners and south-
erners toward each other since the sixteenth century.15 One obstacle to
understanding the differences between the two Vietnams during the
wartime years is that propaganda from both sides emphasized the unity
of the Vietnamese people and of their history and culture. This ignores the
two-and-a-half centuries (from the mid-sixteenth to beginning of the
nineteenth centuries) during which northerners and southerners lived in
separate countries, divided between ruling clans, often at war with each
other, with different economies, material cultures, forms of government,

14
Althusser, “Ideology,” 132–3, 154. 15
Taylor, “Surface Orientations.”
 Vietnamese Societies as Frameworks for Considering Youth 7

legal systems, educational practices, military organizations, varieties of

social hierarchy, village morphologies, languages, and relations with non-
Vietnamese/the outside world. In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries,
the differences between northerners and southerners were sufficiently
palpable that the assertion of a unified “national identity” was purely
ideological and not an objective description of real life. Culture and
society in the South were more diverse and less susceptible to authority
than in the North because of the characteristics of their separate historical
development since the sixteenth century. While the North remained
closely connected to China, people in the South came from encounters
with a variety of peoples and cultures along the southern coast.
The unification of North and South for the first time in the nineteenth
century by the Nguyen dynasty had been brief and unsuccessful.
The French conquered the South thirty years before it conquered the
North and governed it differently throughout the colonial period.
On September 2, 1945, at Ba Dinh Square in Hanoi, Ho Chi Minh
proclaimed the Democratic Republic of Vietnam as a sovereign state
independent of French colonial rule. However, as France refused to
recognize this, the DRV remained a state without any significant territory,
the situation that in 1946 led to the beginning of the First Indochina War,
in which the communist-led Viet Minh forces, a coalition formed by Ho
Chi Minh in the mountains of North Vietnam in 1941, fought against the
French. In 1954, after the Battle of Dien Bien Phu and the Geneva
Accords, the First Indochina War ended. The defeat of European colo-
nialism led to the emergence in 1954 of two Vietnams, the North, or the
Democratic Republic of Vietnam with its capital in Hanoi, under the
leadership of Ho Chi Minh, and the South, or the Republic of Vietnam
with its capital in Saigon, under the leadership of Ngo Dinh Diem.
The DRV and the RVN aimed to follow opposing paths into the future.
Almost one million northerners, most of them Catholics, fled their homes
to resettle in the South.
In the North, the DRV’s government proclaimed as its first goal the
formation of a socialist state and as its ultimate goal a communist state
that would eventually encompass the South. Establishing a vast system of
government control and propaganda, diversity and pluralism among
people was eliminated in favor of achieving these goals and unifying the
country under the authority of the Communist Party, called at the time
the Workers Party.
In the South, anti-communists saw the goal of the RVN as the
creation of a state that would be an antipode to the communist
North. In the South, diversity was embedded in society and culture.
South Vietnamese society was fractured and stratified during the
8 Introduction

French colonial period and the Japanese occupation. In the absence of

a strong propaganda machine and a rigid societal structure, political
ideas remained abstract for many in the South. As Le Ly Hayslip, who
lived in the South during part of the war, pointed out in her book When
Heaven and Earth Changed Places, “We [Vietnamese in the South] knew
little of democracy and even less about communism.”16
Those who took an interest in politics held views that varied
enormously, including supporters of RVN governments, shifting agglom-
erations of diverse religious and political groups, communists with ties to
the North, and dissenters of various persuasions. Unlike the North, the
RVN chose to inherit and maintain the tradition of what historian of
colonial Vietnam Christopher Goscha calls Vietnamese republicanism,
which was an adaptation and elaboration of French-championed repub-
licanism that penetrated Vietnam along with French colonialism and was
adopted by intellectuals and politicians.17 As a result, efforts to govern
such a diverse society required that it be accommodated. The South did
not have, and perhaps could hardly have, a policy developed to such an
extent and as strictly enforced as was the case in the North because,
among other reasons, the southern state’s raison d’être was to establish
an antipode to the state in the North.
From the late 1950s until 1975, the war between the Vietnams evolved
to become one of the most prolonged and tragic confrontations of the
Cold War era. While initially the DRV aimed at building socialism on its
own territory, starting from 1959 it shifted its focus to bring the RVN
under its sway. In the late 1950s, the Communist Party came under new
leadership. Le Duan, originally from the South, became Secretary-
General of the Party, supported by Le Duc Tho, a member of the
Politburo and the Head of the Party’s Organizational Department.
Under Le Duan’s leadership, the DRV quickly regeared its agenda
towards the unification of the North and the South as a socialist country;
according to Hanoi propaganda, there was “no other road to take.”18
The communists threw all their efforts into achieving this goal. In 1960, in
the South, the National Liberation Front was established, which united
Southern communists and communist sympathizers in the struggle
against the RVN government. The military arm of the front was called
the People’s Liberation Armed Forces of South Vietnam, commonly
known to their enemies as Viet Cong, an abbreviation meaning
Vietnamese communists. The Front existed under the aegis of the DRV

16
Hayslip, When Heaven and Earth, xv. 17 Goscha, Vietnam, 105, 108, 112, passim.
18
From the title of the Hanoi wartime propaganda book No Other Road to Take, by Nguyen
Thi Binh, a leader among southern communists.
 Vietnamese Societies as Frameworks for Considering Youth 9

government, receiving directives and supplies from Hanoi. Moreover, it

was constantly expanded and reinforced by people from the North, both
those who regrouped to the North after 1954, were retrained there and
sent back, and by northerners. They infiltrated into the South through
what became known as the Ho Chi Minh trail.
The South went through an assassination of its first president Ngo
Dinh Diem in 1963, a series of governments with oppositional street
demonstrations, insurgencies, military coups, and multi-party electoral
exercises. This was not an ideal democracy, perhaps not even a democ-
racy; there were political persecutions and numerous impediments for
those who disagreed with the government and who tried to subvert its
goals and policies, but it was a far cry from the authoritarian state in the
North, and it was a more open system allowing many more challenges to
state authority than was possible in the North. While persecuting
a significant number of those perceived as enemies of the state, the
South Vietnamese governments did not shut all the doors for the expres-
sion of different, often polar, views, including in print. This resulted in an
incredible diversity of publications, including those for children, which,
instead of supporting government policies, expressed a variety of dissent-
ing opinions and even openly advocated for ending the war.
The anti-communists in the South struggled to stave off the invasion
from the North and the communist attempts to destroy their country;
with few exceptions, after the rule of Ngo Dinh Diem, they did not claim
as their goal, nor did they attempt, an invasion of the North. The conflict
intensified with the introduction of American ground troops in 1965 and
continued for another ten years. In 1973, the Americans withdrew and
the Vietnamese continued to fight until April 30, 1975, when Saigon fell
and the RVN government surrendered to the North. Millions of
Vietnamese were dead and both the DRV and the RVN had suffered
great destruction.
Despite a history of division and conflict going back to the beginning of
the seventeenth century, not only the North but also the South traced
their history to common ancestors, and the governments both in Hanoi
and in Saigon claimed to speak on behalf of all Vietnamese. Textbooks in
both the North and the South affirmed the territorial and linguistic unity
of “Vietnam” as “one country.”19 Youth in both the DRV and the RVN
were taught that their country was inhabited by more than sixty different
ethnic groups from the northernmost Ha Giang province on the border
with China to the southernmost Ca Mau region on the Gulf of
Thailand.20 Northern youth were taught that the Vietnamese homeland

19 20
Bui and Bui, Viet-Su. Lop nhi, 9, 11; Pham and Pham, Quoc su. Lop nhat, 11.
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
 SHIPPING CONDITIONS

Magazine Articles, etc.

All the Year Round: Aboard an Emigrant Ship, 7:111, 1862.

Chambers’ Journal: Emigrant Ship Washington, 16:27, 1851; Trip
in an Emigrant Ship, etc., 1:228, 262, 302, 1844.
Living Age: Scenes in Emigrant Ships, 26:492, 1850.
United States Senate Reports: Sickness and Mortality on Board
Emigrant Ships, 33d Congress, 1st Session, Committee Report
No. 386, 1853–54.
 INDEX

Advertising, 153.
Age distribution of immigrants, 194–196, 316.
Agents, 132, 148–160.
Agriculture, 59, 72, 263.
Alaric, 13.
Alexander the Great, 15.
Alien Bill, 57.
Almshouses, paupers in, 312, 318, 319, 320.
American Protective Association, 294.
American type, 51, 147, 399, 408.
Americanization. See Assimilation.
Ancient Order of Hibernians, 95.
Appeals, 111, 114, 116, 185.
Argentina, 22, 27, 137.
Arguments concerning immigration, 388–415.
Assimilation, 51, 58, 69, 103, 130, 194, 196, 199, 202, 231, 257, 327,
369, 375, 397–415.
Assimilation argument, 397.
Assisted immigration, 159.
Association, 409.
Attitude toward immigrants, of colonists, 38, 41, 43, 45, 46;
of American people, 54, 65, 88, 99, 164.
See also Race prejudice.
Australia, 22, 24, 27.
Austria-Hungary, 128, 134–136.
Austro-American Company, 171.
Avars, 14.

Bellevue and Allied Hospitals, 321, 339.

Berths, 175.
Biological argument, 390, 397.
Birds of passage, 126, 359.
Birth rate, European, 420;
foreign-born, 222, 225, 298, 377;
native, 215–218, 375.
Births, 298.
Black Hand, 334.
Boarders, 239, 242, 243–246, 253, 262.
Bohemians, 73.
Bonding shipowners, 41, 45, 75, 76, 77, 78, 80.
Boot-blacking. See Shoe-shining.
Boston, 282.
Brutality at immigrant stations, 186.
Buffalo, 239.
Bulgaria, 142.

Cabin passengers, 183.

California, 99.
Canada, 22, 27, 79, 81, 133, 168;
aliens arriving in, 121.
Canals, 62, 63.
Carolina colonies, 35.
Castle Garden, 80, 91.
Causes of immigration, 34, 131, 144;
from Austria-Hungary, 134;
Bulgaria, 142;
China, 98;
Germany, 72;
Ireland, 73;
Italy, 136;
Russia, 139;
Scandinavia, 93.
Causes of migration, 3, 5.
Certificate of citizenship, 365.
Chain-letter system, 156–157.
Charitable organizations, 312, 328, 413.
Charity organization societies, 313, 318, 322, 326.
Chicago, 278.
Children, occupations of, 266.
China, 17.
Chinese, 98–105.
Cities, growth of, 374.
Civil War, 86, 90.
Cleanliness, 242, 247.
Climatic changes, 14.
Clothing of immigrants, 256–257.
Colonies classified, 17.
Colonists, 29.
Colonization, 16, 28.
Commissioner General of Immigration, 113, 114.
Commissioners of Emigration in New York, 76, 79.
Company houses, 254.
Conditions. See separate headings, i.e. Housing, Sex, Wages, etc.
Congestion, 228–231, 236–242.
Conjugal conditions of immigrants, 201–202.
Conquest, 14.
Conservation, 382, 394.
Contract labor laws, 90, 108, 111, 153–154, 279.
Contract labor system, 277–280.
Control-stations, German, 173.
Convicts, imported. See Criminals, imported.
Coöperative housekeeping, 247.
Crime, 328–338.
Crime argument, 395.
Criminals, imported, 43, 44, 48, 56, 67.
Crises, 123, 347–361.

Deaths, 298.
Debarred aliens, 207–211, 336.
Declaration of intention, 364.
Density of population, 228, 375.
Departing aliens, 116, 124–128, 347, 351.
Department of Commerce and Labor created, 114.
Department of Labor, 118.
Depopulation, 424, 426.
Deportation, 57, 102, 109, 112, 114, 118, 337.
Destination of immigrants, 206–207.
Destitution, 40, 317.
See also Pauperism.
Discharging, 290.
Discoveries Period, 27.
Disease, 86, 209–211.
Displacement, 133, 235, 342.
Dissatisfaction, as a cause, of immigration, 133, 145, 148;
of migration, 4.
Distribution argument, 394, 435.
Distribution of immigrants, 207, 226–232.

Early population movements, 1.

East Indians, 168.
Economic argument, 391.
Economic competition, 50, 57, 69, 105, 222, 302, 342.
Economic conditions of immigrants in colonial period, 40;
in modern period, 204–206.
Economic nature of immigration, 145, 341, 363, 428.
Economics, practical, 433.
Effects of immigration. See separate headings, i.e. Housing, Standard
of Living, Wages, etc. See also Arguments.
Effects of migration, 8.
Ellis Island, 183–185.
Embargo, 59.
Embarkation, conditions at port of, 169.
Emigrant aliens, defined, 125.
See also Departing aliens.
Encouragement of immigration, 55, 60, 62, 87, 90, 383, 389;
forbidden, 110.
England, colonists from, 32.
English, 401.
English language, ability to speak, 267, 272, 327, 365, 401.
Environment, 406.
Europe, 14, 17, 167, 417.
Examination in Europe, 171.
Excluded classes, 76, 78, 105, 107, 110, 113, 115.
Exclusion. See Debarred aliens.
Exclusion of Chinese, 102, 113.
Exploitation, of immigrants, 79, 274–289, 291;
of resources, 382, 391–392.

Family incomes, 261.

Famine, Irish, 72, 421.
Farm colonies, 17, 22.
Farms, 210, 211.
Federal laws, 61, 82, 87, 90, 102, 105, 106–120, 386.
Feeble-mindedness, 339.
Food, of immigrants in the United States, 254–256;
on shipboard, 83, 176–179.
Foreign-American societies, 405.
Foreign-born population, number and race, 214.
Foreign missions, 296, 401.
Fraud in naturalization, 367.
French, 71.

Gains of immigrants, 428–430.

Germans, 33, 71, 84, 92.
Germany. See Germans.
Goths, 11.
Greece, 17, 422, 426.
Greek Orthodox Church, 141.
Greeks, 150, 157, 159, 275, 333.
Gresham’s Law, 342.

Haida Indians, 3.
Hamburg-American emigrant village, 170.
Head forms, 407.
Head tax, 42, 74, 76, 77, 78, 107, 113, 115.
Hebrews. See Jews.
Heredity, 406.
Hindus. See East Indians.
Historical analogies, 414.
History of immigration, 27.
Hospitals, 43;
private, 80.
See also Bellevue and Allied Hospitals.
Housing conditions, 234–254.
Huguenots, 24, 33.
Humanity, point of view of, 431.
Huns, 14.

Illegal entrance argument, 396.

Illiteracy, 197–201, 325.
Imitation, 409.
Immigrant Aid Societies, 289–293.
Immigrant aliens defined, 125.
Immigrant banks, 283–287.
Immigrant Homes, 289–293.
Immigration Commission authorized, 117.
Immigration defined, 20, 26.
Immorality, in the United States, 292, 335;
on shipboard, 87, 179.
Importation of paupers and criminals, 40, 43, 64, 68.
Indented servants, 48.
Indentured servants. See Indented servants.
India, 16.
Indifference, 411.
Indifference argument, 393.
Induced immigration, 93, 132, 148–162, 379, 387.
Industrial depressions, 92, 123, 124, 145.
Insanity, 338.
Inspection of immigrants, in Canada and Mexico, 121;
on arrival, 43, 111, 183–188;
on embarkation, 170.
Inspectors on shipboard, 182, 434.
Intellectual qualities of immigrants, 197.
Interbreeding, 390, 397.
Interest rates, 353.
Interests, 387.
Intermarriage, 202, 299, 397, 400.
Internal migration, 90, 373.
Invasion, 10.
Ireland, 421.
See also Irish.
Irish, 63, 69, 71, 83, 92, 94, 146, 238, 310, 368.
Italians, 238, 240, 241, 334.
Italy, 13, 128, 136, 423–426.
See also Italians.

Japanese, 167.
Jews, 8, 23, 139, 238, 241, 288, 296, 362.
Juvenile delinquency, 298, 337.

Know Nothing Party, 85.

Labor. See Wages, Standard of Living, Shortage of Labor, etc.
Labor agents, 153.
Labor conditions, 346.
Labor-saving devices, 344.
Laissez-faire, 385.
Land. See Ratio of men to land.
Laws. See Federal laws and State laws.
Liquor, 63, 332.
Literacy, 267.
Literacy test, 197, 199–201.
Living wage, 264–266.
Loan-sharks, 160.
Lodgers. See Boarders.
London Company, 30.
Losses of immigrants, 429.
Lumber camps, 282.

Magyars, 14.
Maine, 282.
Malthusianism, 219–221, 381, 416.
Manifests, 111, 112, 172.
Manufacturing industries, 59, 62, 259, 375.
Marine Hospital, New York, 74, 76.
Marine Hospital Service, officers of, 111, 172, 184.
Marriages, 299.
Maryland colony, 44, 47.
Massachusetts, colony, 31, 37, 46;
State, 78.
May Laws, 141.
Mennonites, 33.
Methods of emigration agents, 149.
Migration, defined, 2;
forced, 23;
intra-state, 24.
Migration, seasonal, 2, 3;
causes of, 3, 33;
classified, 6;
economic, 6, 12;
political, 7;
social, 7;
religious, 7;
effects of, 8;
routes of, 9.
Milwaukee, 240, 314.
Mining, 94.
Mining communities, 246, 248, 253.
Missionaries, 290, 292.
Molly Maguires, 94–98, 334.
Money brought in, 202–204.
Money sent home, 157, 158–160, 204, 287, 326, 345, 421, 424.
Moors, 23.
Moral dangers, 295.
Mores, 10, 15, 16, 403.
Mortgages, 150, 160, 278.
Motives of migration, 5.

Native American Party, 70, 81.

Naturalization, 58, 70, 85, 101, 114, 115, 272, 363, 364–368.
New immigration, 128, 250.
New Jersey colony, 32, 35.
New Netherland, 31.
New-type steerage, 180–181.
New York City, 289, 329, 331.
New York, colony, 32, 35, 46;
State, 74.
Nonemigrant aliens, 359;
defined, 125.
Nonimmigrant aliens, 359;
defined, 125.
North Carolina, colony, 44;
State, 57.
Notary public, 287.
Numbers argument, 393.

Occupations of immigrants, 204–206, 223.

Old immigration, 128, 249.
Old-type steerage, 174–180.
Open-door policy, 383, 388.
Opposition to immigration, 41, 54, 68, 69, 70, 81, 85, 91, 99, 104.
See also Arguments.
Orders in Council, 59.
Overcrowding on shipboard, 44, 61, 82, 87, 180.
See also Congestion.
Overpopulation, 6, 12, 14, 16, 136, 138, 383.
Overproduction, 352.

Padrone system, 274–277.

Palatinate, 34.
Palatines, 33, 34.
Panic of 1907, 286, 350.
Parochial schools, 273, 411.
Pauperism, 63, 84, 311–328.
Pauperism argument, 395.
Paupers, imported, 64.
Penal colonies, 24.
Pennsylvania, colony, 32, 33, 36, 39, 41;
State, 56, 94.
Peonage system, 280–283.
Persons per room, 237.
Petition for naturalization, 364.
Philanthropy, 413.
Phœnicia, 17.
Physical conditions of immigrants, colonial period, 40;
1820–1860, 64, 81;
modern period, 209–211.
Physiological analogy, 398.
Plantation colonies, 18.
Plymouth colony, 31.
Plymouth Company, 30.
Poles, 239, 241.
Politics, 70, 363–368.
Poorhouses, private, 80.
Population, effect of emigration upon, 416–421, 423;
effect of immigration upon, 215–225, 341.
Population movements, four forms of, 2.
Potato, 73.
Prepaid tickets, 158, 169, 284, 379.
Presbyterians, 33, 37.
Prices, 137, 302, 307, 352, 422, 425.
Prisoners, 330.
Protection, 289.
Protestantism, 46, 51, 70, 297.
Provisions on shipboard, 61.
Public domain, 372.
Public schools, 252, 270–272, 410.

Quakers, 33, 47.

Quality of immigrants, 377–380, 395, 419.

Race prejudice, 39, 99, 103, 297, 362, 397, 411.

Racial composition, 128–131, 189, 369.
Railroads, 62, 63.
Ratio of men to land, 6, 21, 38, 88, 146, 303, 370–373, 381.
Recreations, 299.
Redemptioners, 48.
Reformation, Protestant, 33, 34.
Regulation, 386.
Religion, 293–298.
Remedies, 434–436.
Remittances. See Money sent home.
Responsibility of the United States, 382, 387, 432–436.
Restriction, 42, 393, 394, 436.
Retardation, 272.
Returned emigrants, 157–158, 422, 424, 426.
Revolution of 1848, 72.
Rhode Island colony, 47.
Roman Catholicism, 34, 47, 70, 85, 293.
Roman Empire, 12.
Rome, 13, 15, 17.
Rooms per apartment, 236.
Routes of migration, 9.
Runners, 79.
See also Agents.
Russia, 22, 128, 139.

Sanitary provisions on shipboard, 176;

on land, see Housing conditions.
Savings, 284, 323, 345, 357.
Scandinavians, 93.
Schools, 269–273.
See also Parochial schools and Public schools.
Scotch-Irish, 33, 36.
Second generation, 403.
Sentimental argument, 388.
Sex distribution of immigrants, 190–194, 317, 419.
Ship fever, 84.
Shipping, 59, 84, 91, 131.
Shipping conditions, 59, 63, 81.
See also Voyage.
Shoe-shining industry, 275–277, 282.
Shortage of labor, 344, 357.
Skye, Isle of, 419.
Slavery, 19, 24, 30, 164.
Slums, 234, 242, 251, 403.
Social argument, 390.
Social stratification, 361.
Sociology, applied, 384, 387, 433.
Sources of immigration, 167, 419.
South Africa, 22, 27.
Special inquiry, boards of, 113, 114, 185.
Standard of living, 221, supposed to be 224–273, 303–310, 417.
Standard of living argument, 394.
Standpoints, 385, 388.
State laws, 74–81, 104.
Statistics of immigration, authorized, 62.
Steerage conditions, 86, 174–182.
Steerage legislation, 82, 87, 118–120.
Steerage rates, 148, 181.
Stimulated immigration. See Induced immigration.
Stimulation argument, 396.
Stowaways, 121.
Superintendent of Immigration, 111, 113.
Supreme Court decisions, 77.
Sweat shops, 288.
Sweden, colonists from, 31.

Tamerlane. See Timur.

Tariff, 60, 92.
Temporary immigration, 138, 379.
Theodoric, 13.
Timur, 14.
Trachoma, 209, 210, 211.
Trade-unions, 310.
Tradition, 383, 392.
Transit, aliens in, 121, 125–126.
Transportation companies, 148–153, 170, 175, 207.
Treaties with China, 101.

Underconsumption, 352, 357.

Unemployment, 352.
United Hebrew Charities, 323.
United States, 22, 24, 27, 53, 382, 388.

Ventilation, of steerage, 178;

of houses, see Housing conditions.
Virginia colony, 30.
Volume of immigration, 1783–1820, 53;
1820–1860, 62, 73, 74;
1860–1882, 92;
1882–1912, 102, 106, 123–128;
1820–1912, 189, 369, 384.
Voyage, 39, 61, 83, 174, 379.

Wages argument, 394.

Wages, in Europe, 422;
in Italy, 137, 424;
in the United States, 258–264, 301–310, 354.
Wandering, defined, 1, 10.
War of 1812, 59.
Wealth, amount of, 345;
distribution of, 346;
growth of, 392;
love of, 411.
Weekly earnings, 260.
White slavery, 296, 334–337, 365.

Yearly earnings, 261, 276.

Young Men’s Christian Association, 297.
 1. Mason, Otis T., “Migration and the Food Quest,” American Anthropologist,
7:279.
2. Mason, Otis T., “Migration and the Food Quest,” American Anthropologist,
7:275.
3. Professor A. G. Keller brings out this point in his unpublished lectures on
Colonization, where the causes of emigration are classified under unsatisfactory
conditions of environment, either physical or human. He also emphasizes the
strength of the home tie in resisting emigration.
4. Henry George does not appear to recognize this dividing line, but seems to
regard an indefinite increase of numbers as bearing with it the possibility of
improvement. The opposite view is maintained by Professor Irving Fisher,
Elementary Principles of Economics, pp. 434 ff.
5. Cf. Bryce, James, “Migrations of the Races of Men Considered Historically,”
Contemporary Review, 62:128.
6. Bradley, H., The Story of the Goths, p. 21. Cf. Von Pflugk-Harttung, J., The
Great Migrations, p. 110.
7. Bradley, op. cit., p. 365. See this work for fuller details of the Gothic
invasion. Also Von Pflugk-Harttung, op. cit., and Hodgkin, Thomas, Theodoric the
Goth.
8. Huntington, Ellsworth, The Pulse of Asia, pp. 357, 373, 383.
9. Keller, A. G., Colonization, Ch. I.
10. Sumner, W. G., War and Other Essays, “Sociology.”
11. Well developed, of course, in the sense of culture, not in the exploitation of
natural resources.
12. There has not only been much looseness and ambiguity in the use of the
word “immigration,” but also an apparent feeling that immigration and emigration
are two different things, as is witnessed by the title of one of the standard works on
the subject. They are, in fact, only two different ways of looking at the same thing.
As so often happens in the social sciences, the student of immigration is under the
necessity of taking a word from the common language, and giving it a more
restricted and inflexible meaning than either everyday usage or the etymology of
the word would warrant.
13. Mayo-Smith, R., Emigration and Immigration, p. 36.
14. Cobb, S. H., The Story of the Palatines. Cf., also, Faust, A. B., The German
Element in the United States, Chs. II, III, IV; Bittinger, Lucy F., The Germans in
Colonial Times, pp. 12–19; Proper, E. E., Colonial Immigration Laws, Columbia
College Studies, Vol. 12, No. 2, pp. 40–42.
15. Commons, J. R., Races and Immigrants in America, p. 32.