Interdisciplinary Journal of Economics and Business Law 2023, Vol. 12, pp.

146-162
©2023 CJEAS Ltd.

Greetings as a Politeness Strategy in a Yoruba Short Story Taught to

High School Learners
Theophilus Adedayo Adedokun1, Eugene Patrick Marais2
Abstract
This study investigates the cultural and linguistic aspects of politeness found in selected Yoruba
greetings within a short story that is taught to high school learners. To examine the politeness
strategies used in Yoruba greetings, a simple textual analysis was employed. The concept of
politeness considers greetings as significant in all human conversational interactions since they
contribute to establishing and maintaining rapport between speakers. This study identifies
several functions of greetings, including discourse initiation and termination, gap filling,
solidarity, security and acceptance, courtesy and respect, and comradeship. Additionally, the
study explores the social distance between interlocutors, the power dynamics between the
speaker and the listener, and the formal relationships between them, which influence the
specific types of politeness strategies employed. This research provides valuable insights into
the behavioural characteristics and cultural values of Yoruba language speakers and individuals
from other linguistic backgrounds worldwide.
Keywords: Yoruba; greetings; high school; politeness; short stories

Introduction
This study explores cultural and linguistic elements of politeness in some
selected Yoruba greetings in a short story taught to high school learners.
Yoruba is one of the three main languages spoken in Nigeria and it belongs
to the to the Niger-Congo group of languages with over 30 million speakers
in Nigeria alone, with most speakers in the Southwest Nigeria (Adedokun,
2020). Yoruba is also a native language of over two million speakers in
Togo, Republic of Benin, and other countries where Yoruba people
emigrated. It is important to mention that the Yoruba alphabet is tonal,
which makes it more challenging to recognise when compared to the
printed alphabet of English. Yoruba speakers use the language for
communicative purposes, greeting being one form of communication. The
Yoruba community believes that greetings are an important part of every
human communication from the start to the end and are a common marker
and an integral part of politeness. This suggests that in all interpersonal
communication, people usually employ politeness strategies, or set
standards that guides conversational exchange.
Scholars such as Brown and Levinson (1987), Leech (2016), and
Lakoff (2004) explore linguistic approaches to politeness. This study uses

Levinson describe politeness as a longing to secure self-image by language

1
Durban University of Technology, South Africa.
Email: [email protected]
2
University of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa.
Email: [email protected]
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speakers. This implies that in order to be considered polite or well-
mannered, a speaker should take into account the listener's facial
expressions and self-perception by employing various approaches. This
emphasises the importance of respecting and valuing every individual in all
interactions. However, achieving success in human communication
requires the implementation of essential politeness strategies, with
greetings being of utmost importance. According to Brown and Levinson
(1987), when a speaker utters something that poses a threat to someone's
self-image, it is referred to as a 'face threatening act' (FTA). Conversely,
when the speaker mitigates the potential threat, it is considered a "face
saving act" (FSA). Based on this notion, the following are the four main
strategies for managing Face Threatening Acts (FTA): Positive Politeness,
Negative Politeness, Bald on Record, and Off Record.
Greeting is a type of speech act where the speaker intentionally makes
their presence known to another, to show attention to, and suggest a type of
relationship or social status between individuals or groups of people
encountering each other (Kim et al., 2009). Jibreen (2010) asserts that
greeting could then be regarded as a positive politeness strategy as it tends
to cater for the positive face needs of the hearer. It is in this regard that
Adeoye (2014) argues that greetings are customary phrases employed to
extend a welcome or convey delight upon encountering someone. Greeting
is not defined by its length or brevity but by its possession of more
interactive expressions, more questions from the people involved, and more
emotive feelings than when there is/are no greetings. In our meetings with
people, greeting seems to be an indication of our readiness to participate
socially and as conversational routines. Greetings are a part of the linguistic
catalogue
be described as the foremost contact that occur in human communal
encounters and greetings could com
from speakers and then followed by other sequence of greetings.
Greetings are very common in Yoruba short stories. Yoruba culture
and people have greetings for almost every human day-to-day activity and
the greetings constantly refer to the condition in which the recipient is
found, the time of the day, the weather condition, and other factors
(Oparinde, Makhubu and Bariki 2017). In many cases, a non-Yoruba
speaker usually feels uneasy when a Yoruba speaker greets them in every
encounter on the same day. The art of greetings is also reflected in Yoruba
short stories which distinguishes them from short stories in other languages
and cultures.
Remarkably, short stories exist in almost every language and culture
worldwide, reflecting their respective cultural heritage and traditions
(Ceylan, 2016). The Yoruba language, like other languages and cultures,

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possesses its own collection of short stories that hold significant importance
within Yoruba culture and tradition. These stories not only impart moral
lessons to individuals of all ages but also provide guidance on cultivating
positive interpersonal relationships and fostering harmony among
community members (Barnabas, 2014). Numerous Yoruba short stories
incorporate proverbs, wherein a specific proverb is intricately connected to
a particular short story. In essence, each proverb is derived from a
corresponding short story. In ancient Yoruba communities, elders (both
male and female) used to narrate these short stories as part of Yoruba oral
literature, typically in the evenings under the moonlight, to children,
teenagers, young adults, and older members of the community. These
stories share similarities with the "moonlight stories" told in various
African cultures. As mentioned earlier, the purpose of these stories lies in
imparting moral values, cautioning against societal vices, and teaching
appropriate behavioural norms both within and outside the home. Most
significantly, they emphasise the importance of politeness, with a particular
focus on greetings.
The emergence of Western education has transformed short stories
into Yoruba reading texts which have been infused into the curriculum
(Adedokun, 2022) and learners now read in the classroom in printed text or
digitally (Adedokun and Zulu, 2022). It should be noted that most Yoruba
short stories usually do not have titles. The titles are usually supplied by the
hearers of the stories at the end of the narrations. The titles are dependent
on the moral lesson(s) that can be derived from such short stories. An
interesting fact is that a short story might have more than one title since
there might be more than one moral lesson derived from such story. The
goals of these stories according to Pardede (2010) are to offer learners
increased opportunities to derive enjoyment from learning activities,
improve their language skills, cultivate cultural sensitivity, and refine their
thinking abilities.
Literature Review
Greeting as a speech act is anchored on the initiative that goes beyond
merely building and cementing interpersonal relationships. According to
Searle (1969), the sounds or marks one makes in the performance of the
speech act of greeting are characteristically said to have meaning and mean
something by those sounds or marks produced or signalled in the process
of speech utterance. This indicates that whenever we speak as humans, we
mean something by what we say, and whatever we say, i.e., the thread of
morphemes that we emit while speaking is typically supposedly to have a
specific meaning or some string of meanings.
Greeting like other speech acts, such as asking, commanding,
reporting and warning involves a speaker, a listener, and the utterance.
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Fundamentally, any speech act that a speaker performs is accompanied by
some semiotic movement of the body which makes such conversation to be
either interesting or irritating to the hearer(s). Greeting is regarded as a
modest type of speech act, which is uttered at the beginning, during, and at
the end of an encounter. However, greeting performs more than observation
of social obligation or as obedience to the norms of the community; it builds
and cements social relationships, even to grease the wheel of
communication (Bickmore and Picard, 2005; Wallwork 2011; Mohammed,
2017). In fact, Jibreen (2010) believes that greetings are considered speech
acts or specific illocutionary acts that possess meanings or propositional
contents with the purpose of fulfilling certain functions. Greeting as
portrayed here could be said to facilitate the process of communication,
making it easier for the speech to flow better during speech performance.
In their investigation on the greeting customs around the world, Zayats
and Triput (2012:130) contend that while greetings may appear to be
merely a linguistic formality, they serve as an excellent means of
familiarizing oneself with the culture and traditions of a community. They
further identify some linguistic politeness strategies that accompany
greetings in some cultures around the world. To them, greeting during

welcome and that one means no harm. Zayats and Triput (2012) indicate
that in the US, it is a common thing for fellow men to shake hands and a
peck on a cheek for those who know each other well but in France on the
other hand, it is casual for children, men and women to kiss their friends on
both cheeks at the beginning and end of an encounter. In Japan, however,
it is a common practice for men to bow when they greet, with a casual
shaking of hands or a hug. Furthermore, in the Arab culture, close males
greet each other with a hug and a kiss on both cheeks and shaking the right
hands alone for longer, but not firmly like the West. To the Arabs, in public,
any form of physical contact between individuals of different genders, even
during greetings, is considered improper and illegitimate (Amir et al.,
2012). This suggests that the form of greetings that is acceptable in a
particular culture or part of the world could be a taboo in another.
In the same vein, other linguistic politeness strategies that are crucial
to greetings in cultures around the world have to do with positioning of the
fingers. For instance, the high five is a congratulatory hand signal which
occurs when two individuals concurrently raise one hand, approximately in
the height of the head, pushes, slides or slaps the level part of their palm
and hand alongside the palm and level of the hand of their partner (Glowka
et al, 2009; Baker and Warren 2015). The finger gesture during greeting is
another linguistic politeness strategy that differs in use from culture to
culture during greetings. We may thus, conclude at this point that every
culture has its own politeness strategies of greetings, and it is quite
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interesting that the strategies employed in one culture might be
unacceptable in another. Yoruba greetings have some important politeness
strategies which accompany them. These strategies are the focus of this
study. The strategies that would be discussed include prostrating (idobale)
as in the case of younger males in front of an older adult and kneeling with
two knees - kneeling (ikunle) as in the case of younger females in front of
an older individual. Another important politeness strategy that accompanies
Yoruba greetings is folding of two fists inwards or outwards (Osuba) at the
same time. This strategy is used when greeting a traditional ruler in
Yorubaland. This is accompanied by prostrating or kneeling, depending on
the gender of the greeter. In the Yoruba culture, everyone must show
deference to the traditional rulers such as, kings, chiefs, clan head.
In addition is the switching prostration (iyika) which is an unusual
kind of prostration that is accompanied by rolling on the floor from one side
of the body to the other. This can be done by both males and females and
is regarded as one of highest form of politeness strategy of greeting
accorded to royal subjects and the traditional rulers. Unlike the idobale,
ikunle, osuba and the iyika is the ijuba, ,
This is a strategy that involves touching the ground with the forehead while
the buttocks are raised up. This strategy is related to the manner in which
the Muslims pray. This strategy that accompanies greeting is exclusively
reserved for the Yoruba deities (gods and goddesses) but not used for
mortal beings. The last is oro aponle (use of honorifics). Abushariefeh
(2016), defines honorifics as expressions or words that convey esteem or
respect when referring to a person, especially when speaking to an elder or
a social superior. The main functions of honorifics are to show deference
and to communicate respect (Agyekum, 2004; Brown, 2011). The
politeness strategies such as osuba, iyika and oro aponle are not a function
of age of the recipient but a function of the office or title of such people.
An interesting thing, for instance, is that the parents of the traditional rulers
must also show courtesy to their son or daughter when such children are
traditional office holders, just the same way other people show reverence
to such rulers. The politeness strategies crucial to greetings as described
above could be described pictorially as compiled by Kone (2017) except
for the last one, which is the use of honorific (oro aponle). They are as
follows:

Figure 1 and 2: Idobale (prostration) and Ikunle (kneeling)

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 eference (Osuba)
Figure 3: Osuba (reference)

Figure 4: Iyika (switching prostration and ijuba (worship)

The Functions of Greetings
The act of greeting performs specific functions. These functions generally
are to show that the greeter wishes to establish a relationship in a harmless
atmosphere, to appease and bond to neutralise possibility of aggressive
behaviour (Rash, 2004; Wayar, 2015). The functions of greetings could be
subdivided further. These functions include:
(i) discourse initiation and termination
(ii) gap filling
(iii) solidarity
(iv) security and acceptance
(v) courtesy and respect and
(vi) comradeship
Greeting could initiate and terminate discourse between two or more
people. This is not based on whether the people involved have known one
another for a long or short time. Discourse can be initiated by two strangers
or two familiar individuals. For example, below is a dialogue between two
students on a university campus who are possibly meeting for the first time
and are English speakers.
Student A: Good day! Could you please show me the way to the

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 Student B: Ok, look at that bu
Building is behind it.
Speaker A: I am grateful. Thank you so much!
The second example below depicts a conversation between two
Yoruba adult speakers who are somewhat familiar with each other but
haven't seen each other in a long time. They unexpectedly run into each
other on the street.
Adult A: E nle o! (Hello)!
Adult B: E rora o! (Hello)!
Adult A: E ku ijometa (Long time, no see).
Adult B: Oooo
Adult A: Bawo ni? (How are you)?
Adult B: A dupe o (I thank God).
Adult A: Gbogbo ile nko? (How is the family)?
Adult B: A wa daada (We are fine).
Adult A: E ki gbogbo ile o (My regards to the family).
Adult B: Won a gbo o, e seun (They will hear, thank you).
Adult A: O dabo (Bye).
Adult B: O dabo (Bye).

nle
dabo
between speakers. According to Adegbija (1995), the discourse initiation

waters the ground for the seed of conversation to germinate and to Chiluwa
(2009, 2010), it is grossly impolite to initiate a conversation without [a
word of greeting], especially if the recipient lacks prior knowledge of the
subject matter.
The gap-filling function of greeting is possible as a result of the first
function which is discourse initiation. In order for humans to maintain
harmonious relationships with one another, it is necessary to establish a
ritual of initiating conversations with greetings. Consequently, when
individuals have established a smooth rapport through greetings, their
conversations tend to flow seamlessly. This notion aligns with the Yoruba
proverb, "Eni ti o ba d'ami si w'aju, a te ile tutu" (Whoever pours water
ahead will walk on a wet floor). Generally wet floors may connote danger
ed, so you must
are filled
by words of greetings, as greeting oils the wheel of verbal interaction
between interlocutors (Akinwunmi, 2014).
Greeting could also function as solidarity. Every rational human
understands and believes that being snubbed by someone whom one
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believes should not, may be an indication of temporary or permanent
animosity. At that point in time, the snubbed individual should not, as a
matter of fact, expect any iota of support from the one who has snubbed
them. The significance of solidarity becomes evident when individuals or
families encounter difficulties or navigate through challenging periods,
particularly in the context of greetings. For example, when a family is
bereaved, the neighbour
condolence through greetings is a sign of solidarity for the bereaved family.
Gestures such as vigorously shaking each other's right palms, snapping
fingers, and warm embraces (Egblewogbe, 1990) are among the various
indicators of solidarity.
Greetings, in the same vein, function as security and acceptance. For
instance, a 10th grade female learner was heading home from school and
happened to take a shortcut. The shortcut she took led her to a solitary place
where she stumbles on three hefty men in a corner smoking and drinking,
even with knives in their hands. She was terrified that they might harm her.
Nevertheless, when she approached them, one of the men greets her with a
warm smile. Her fears were allayed. As could be observed from the
encounter above, the greeting by one of the men gave the teenager a sense
of security and acceptance. She was quite aware that she would not be
harmed by those armed men.
Brooks (2000) recounts his experience as a high school teacher. He

greet them with a warm smile at the door of the classroom each day to
welcome them to school. The effect of this greeting accompanied with a
warm smile, according to him, gave the learners a sense of security and
acceptance. The effect of this was that the learners took him as a father
figure. This suggest that the function of greetings goes beyond that of
security and acceptability of an encounter as it could ease tension and dispel
fear.
Greeting can serve as an expression of courtesy and respect.
Regardless of gender or age, every individual desires to be treated with
respect and shown common courtesy. It can be argued that a person who
greets others is displaying courtesy and respect, as many societies view
those who neglect greetings as disrespectful, antisocial, and rude. The
significance attached to greeting within many communities imply that an
interaction lacking a greeting is often perceived as lacking courtesy and
respect. Relationships such as seller-buyer, doctor-patient, and lecturer-
student, among others, may struggle to thrive if greetings are omitted at any
point be it the beginning, middle, or end since such interactions
partially disregard the importance of courtesy. According to Schottman
(1995), when a visitor is in the Benin kingdom (Nigeria), they are advised

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to show courtesy and respect by greeting individuals, particularly elders,
before seeking directions. In return, the visitor is typically offered a seat
and may even be served a refreshing drink before continuing their journey.
It is worth noting that these greetings serve as indicators of courtesy and
respect and can potentially result in additional advantages for the person
extending the greeting.
The section will be wrapped up by discussing the comradeship
function of greetings. Comradeship, as defined by the Oxford Learner's
Dictionary (2020), refers to the friendship among individuals who belong
to the same group, such as soldiers or co-workers. Greetings serve as a
manifestation of comradeship, particularly when friends exchange
greetings during social gatherings. The language they use during these
interactions provides insights into the nature of their relationship. The
following is an example of two people who happen to meet on the street in
an African community.
Speaker A - Hello!
Speaker B - Hi!
Speaker A Good to see you, my guy. How are you?
Speaker B - Great, thanks, and you?
Speaker A - Fine, thanks.
From the above conversational thread, one could notice that the two
interlocutors seem to know each other, and a friendship relationship exists

that they are not just meeting for the first time. Greeting in this way show
comradeship among people of a particular social class and the social
relationship that exists between speakers during the conversational
encounter. In this section, the functions of greetings, including discourse
initiation and termination, gap filling, solidarity, security, acceptance,
courtesy, respect, and comradeship have been discussed. Greetings could
be seen as an essential routine in conversational exchange, negotiation of
social relationships and are guarded by shared communal factors.
Methodology
This study adopts Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) to investigate
politeness routines strategies in a Yoruba short story taught to High school
learners. Janks (1997) describes Critical Discourse Analysis as a research
tool used in analysing a text with the intention of understanding the role
and the relationship between discourse and power. In agreement, Rear
(2013) identifies the aims of discourse analysis as inclusive of discovering
the way the level of knowledge in society, the ideologies and assumptions
influence, shape the way people talk, write and interact.

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 This research agrees with the submissions of Janks (1997) and Rear
(2013) regarding the role of CDA and finds it to be a relevant research
method for this study. This study is text based. It analyses politeness
strategies in some selected Yoruba greetings in a Yoruba short story. This
study examines the politeness strategies employed in greetings as a means
of discourse and representation of power. Understanding the representation
of politeness and its relationship to Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) is
crucial for this research.
Janks (1997) argues further that Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA)
provides researchers with the opportunity to focus on the specific
'signifiers' within a text. Thus, in this study, it is crucial to examine both
politeness strategies and the linguistic choices of politeness forms in order
to explore how politeness is portrayed in the text and the underlying reasons
behind its presentation. According to Rear (2013), discourse serves an
ideological function by contributing to the establishment and perpetuation
of unequal power dynamics in society. He emphasizes that CDA's primary
objective is to illuminate how the 'creation and perpetuation of unequal
power relations' is achieved through a thorough analysis of the text.
Therefore, the objective of this research is to investigate the depiction of
politeness in the selected Yoruba greetings through textual analysis. The
investigation of the various ways in which politeness is manifested in the
text will involve a meticulous analysis of the contextual factors influencing
the use of politeness strategies.
Findings
In his short story, Adegbite (2012) explores various themes, including the
repercussions of disregarding Grice's (1975) conversational maxims, while
also exploring the concept of "face" as proposed by Brown and Levinson
(1987). To them, face -esteem. Face has

accepted (in a way) and the negative is the longing to be unhindered in

In the text1, the first paragraph introduces the reader to a very
short biography of the two participant characters in the story (Oyeleke and
Oyelakin) and what they intend to achieve. They both want to put on a
positive face, they desire to be liked, appreciated, and possibly want to be
approved. They want to make a good impression on people during their
upcoming coronation ceremony. As a result, they both decide to visit a
senior citizen (Otunba a title of a chief who sits on the right hand side of

1
Extract from "Life Lessons: Four Yoruba Stories." by Adebayo Adegbite
2012 [https://drive.google.com/file/d/1Q8z8TTuIM06u7Gd-98KpBZW-
EzPFitdm/view?usp=share_link]
155
the king in Yoruba land) to borrow his ceremonial outfit which happens to
be an expensive one.
The second paragraph provides evidence of the visit by one of the duo,
Oyeleke, who is soon to be coronated. Oyeleke, seemingly in a hurry, fails
to initiate the conversation with a greeting when he visits Otunba to borrow
his ceremonial attire. This goes against the politeness strategy of greeting,
which is an essential aspect of discourse initiation. Greeting, serving to
initiate discourse, plays a significant role in establishing rapport through
the use of in-group address forms. For instance, Oyelakin refers to Otunba
as "the only man in the kingdom who makes fear itself shiver" during his
previous visit for the same purpose. According to Brown and Levinson
(1987:107), the use of in-group address forms aims to fulfil the other
participants' positive face desires and foster solidarity and intimacy
between them. The absence of this device, the in-group address form, in
Oyeleke's initial conversation with Otunba, signifies a deficiency that
ultimately affects the outcome of the visit.
Subsequently, Oyelakin is conscious of a Yoruba proverb that says,
ma n mu ida jade ninu apo, oro naa lo si ma n mu obi jade ninu
apo
kola nut
Kola nut is a traditional plant whose fruit is often eaten as snacks,
especially among the elderly in Nigeria (Odebunmi et al., 2009). The first

proverb summarily means that it is words that bring wrath to the speaker,
and it is also words that bring blessings to the speaker. This implies that
language can operate in various ways depending on how its users utilise it.
When Oyelakin entered, he adhered to the protocol of initiating discourse,
which involved beginning the interaction with a greeting as a means to
overcome the barrier of non-acceptance by Otunba. He initiated the
discourse with expressions of hailing and obeisance. Building relationship
and rapport
(How are you?), family members (How is your wife and children), and his
business. Goffman (1955) affirms that exchange of greeting works for re-
establishment of social relations, acknowledgement of status, and
guarantees for safe passage when performed. It is evident that Oyeleke has
no interest in re-establishing a relationship with Otunba. His sole focus lies
in obtaining what he desires. The utilisation of Oyelakin's diverse greetings,
salutations, and respectful gestures greatly informs Otunba that Oyelakin is
a cultured individual, exemplifying a consistent display of politeness during
his interaction with him.
Likewise, after the building of rapport with Otunba by Oyelakin,
through discourse initiation strategies of greetings such as hailing and

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paying obeisance, he makes his intention known, which was to borrow

to why he wants what he requests (though we might say that Otunba as one
of the current senior chiefs should know about what Oyelakin wants to use
the ceremonial outfit for). Otunba grants his request immediately. It seems
here that the previous building of rapport by Oyelakin acts as a gap filler
for him before Otunba. He never needed to say much before his request is
granted. This is contrary to what Oyeleke did who thought he could plunder
the possession of Otunba without binding him first. Waetjen (2014)
provides an illustration of this concept by citing Matthew chapter 3, verse
27, which states that no one can enter the house of a strong man and take
his possessions without first subduing the strong man. Only then can the

devise to use to be able to get what one wants without stress. In the same

bind the listener(s) to comply without being coerced to do that which is

requested of them. Otunba had to comply with Oyelakan's request as he had
no other option. This suggests that greetings as a politeness routine does
more than as gap filling mechanism, but also contributes to negotiating of
and re-establishing relationships and social identities.
Meanwhile, as a result of the building of rapport and which has earned

as he (Otunba) replies promptly to his hailing and greetings and invites him
to join him in his meal. This signals that he (Oyelakin) is being accepted,
safe and welcome to stay to discuss whatever he has come for, though we
are aware of the fact that Oyeleke, too, was accepted as he was also invited
meal but was not given full attention. This reflects an
important aspect of Yoruba culture, wherein an angry adult openly conceals
their anger and adheres to the proverb that states, "Oruko ta o so omo eni,
inu eni lo n gbe," meaning that "whatever name one wishes to give a new-
born child is cherished in the heart." Despite being aware that Oyeleke
invaded his space and behaved rudely towards him, Otunba, as a respected
monarchical title holder in the community, chose not to confront him
directly, considering it a sign of disrespect. Instead, Otunba continued to
interact with Oyeleke as if nothing had happened, displaying maturity in
handling such matters, which is fitting for someone of his stature as the
king's right-hand man.
Although Oyeleke was invited to join Otunba's meal, he could hardly
wait for a formal invitation before joining. In the Yoruba culture, when

join the meal immediately. You do not join the meal at the first invitation
because you are not hungry and starving but as a polite way of saying that
you have a good upbringing. You display an attitude of gratitude before
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 -invited for the
second time, that is when you can possibly join the meal. When you join
after the first invite, you are regarded as rude and lack home training.

who is not worthy to be one of the chiefs of the land, as he fails to display
the virtue of patience.
It is worth mentioning that Oyelakin demonstrates courtesy, respect,
and good upbringing by expressing his admiration and paying respects to
Otunba.

colleague. How are you? What of your wife and the children? I
hope your businesses too are going well?
The Yorubas replace the name of a person with their title in cases
when the individual is a pubic or traditional office holder. The repetition of
displays courtesy and respect with a sense
of solidarity to the recipient (Otunba). Respect and courtesy towards office
holders among the Yorubas are not determined by age or gender, instead,
they are influenced by the status of the holders within the society. We
would not know if Otunba is older or younger than Oyelakin, but he
prostrated in reference for the office of Otunba. Schottman (1995)
elucidates that prostration implies that the inferior lowers himself during
the opening greeting, the difference in status determining just how low he
should go. [Prostration is] being reserved for an out of the ordinary
exchange of greetings with a supreme superior such as a chief, a man's
parents- in-
public or traditional offices do not only enjoy the benefits attached to their
offices but also enjoy the privilege of being accorded respect among their
subject during private or public encounters. This accounts for why society,
in turn, expects holders of such positions to demonstrate decorum and
decency. Regarding prostration and kneeling, in Yoruba communities, for
one to get things done on time, it is important to prostrate or kneel as male
or female respectively. These strategies that accompany greetings tend to
soften the heart of the recipient when you have gone to ask for a favour.
This act of prostration signifies the gesture of politeness.
Undoubtedly, both visitors display the recognition of comradeship at
different levels. Oyeleke in his case, probably because of his
overfamiliarity, refuses to build and solidify his relationship with Otunba
and it got him into trouble of forfeiting what could have been his going by

following questions from Otunba:

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 your wife and the children? I hope your business too
We could say that the greetings show that Otunba is well known by
Oyelakin and even if not, he has performed some research about Otunba
before coming to his house to ask for his ceremonial outfit. The greetings
of Oyelakin were so cordial that it becomes incredibly difficult for Otunba
to detect if Oyelakin knows him really well or not.
Thank you very much,
is a marker of discourse termination. Oyelakin terminated the discourse by
muttering "thank you so much, Otunba" and left immediately after
receiving what he came for. The expression is a sign of accomplishment.

The findings of this study are based on two items: an examination of

linguistic politeness strategies in some selected Yoruba greetings in a short
story taught to high school learners and exploration of the manifestation of
linguistic politeness strategies in some selected Yoruba greetings in a short
story taught to high school learners. For linguistic politeness strategies of
greeting, this study found six functions of greetings which are discourse
initiation and termination, gap filling, solidarity, security and acceptance,
courtesy and respect, and comradeship. Furthermore, as regards the
manifestation of linguistic politeness, this study found out that greetings are
always extremely formulaic discourse -that is, greetings in most cases are
used to initiate a discourse and terminate discourse. Also, the routine of
greetings is a structured sequence, where greeting(s) by an individual
requires response(s) from the other individual being greeted. Failure to
initiate a discourse with a form of greeting or respond to greetings is
considered to be a violation of the politeness routine of greeting. This study

accomplished and greeting can be said to be an important tool that makes

mutual recognition possible in any human encounter.
Conclusion
This study sets out to explore selected greetings as a form of linguistic
politeness strategies in a Yoruba short story taught to high school learners.
This study concluded that the type of politeness strategies of greeting serves
as a pointer to the following: the social distance of the speakers, the relative
power of the speakers and the statutory relationship of the speakers. These
three could go a long way in determining who is who in a conversation and
accord roles to the speakers during a conversation among the Yorubas.
Future research should focus on the investigation of other forms of

159
linguistic politeness strategies and routines as evident in other literary
narrative texts that are taught to high school learners.
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