Introduction 371

CHAPTER 10 TheCity
370
over the Charles, Cheryl strained to make out However you choose to view cities, they
KEY TERMS the wateriront aquarium, the Federal Center, are an environmental feature that you will prob-
and old Trinity Church sitting beneath a glassy ably have to contend with throughout your ife.
familiar stranger city tower. She was already planning her return. Cities and their suburban outgrowths are where
adaptive reuse most North Americans live. Today, nearly 80 per-
festival marketplaces
affiliative behavior
gentrification No environment more clearly shows the hand cent of the population of the United States lives
block organizations
City Beautiful Movement
homelessness of humanity than cities.When some groups of in small or large metropolitan areas (U.S. Bu-
loose parts reau of the Census, 1990), compared with 6 per-
defensible space humans gave up their nomadiclife to settle per
cent in 1800 (Gottman, 1966). There were only
deindividuation
placemaking manently in groups, they began the trend toward
prosocial behavior seven metropolitan areas in the world in 1800
design review concentration of people and services that even-
a population of over 500,000, but 42 in
diffusion of responsibility Pruitt-Igoe tually resulted in large cities in Mesopotamia, with
urban homesteading9 China, Egypt, and Europe. In the New World, 1900, and there are almost 500 today (World
edge cities
English Romantic style urban renewal Aztec, Inca, and Mayan cities were eventually Development Report, 1987). A key feature of
environmental stress urban villages replaced by huge urban centers like Mexico City the next twenty-five years will be "mega cities
and New York. In contrast with nature-dominated such as Mexico City, with populations in the
landscapes, cities are our creations-perhaps dozens of millions (Figure 10-1). Simply saying
our delights, and perhaps our nightmares. No- metropolitan areas are growing obscures
that
INTRODUCTION central
where is there such diversity, novelty, intensity important differences between the older
and choice as in cities. They provide an im- cities and their surrounding suburbs. As we

Cheryl anxiously rubbed her hands on herjeans were centered on the suburbs-the homne mense variety of cultural and recreational facili- shall see, the dramatic growth experienced
as the big jet descended in its final approach to shared by her cousin and his family, trips to the ties, such as concert halls, museums, sports by Canadian and United States metropolitan
Boston's Logan Airport. It was not that the flight town beach, and sight-seeing exCursions to the stadums, educational façilities, and alliypes of areashas occurred in the suburbs, not in the
was responsible for her moist palms; the suo historic towns of Lexington and Concord. Mem- restaurants. Further, there is a much wider va- city (e.g, Gareau, 1991; Southworth &
cores

cession of miniature fams, villages, and water ories of the city itseff were just as important, and riety of services available to the average city Owens, 1993). Growth and other changes pre-
just as fond. Her introduction had begun with a dweller than to the resident of a small town. On sent different opportunities and different chak
ways out the window had been far more
entertaining than the slick magazine in the long walk down Commonwealth Avenue, the the other hand, cities are, quite clearly, dan- lenges to the suburbs and their parent cites.
In this chapter we will discuss cites in some
plane's seat pocket. What she feared was not shady parkway between old brownstone apart gerous. They seem to attract crime, avarice,
the trip, but the destination-Boston. Of course and noise. As Altman and Chemers (1980) ob- detail. It will become evident that cities are
ments. She and Jon sat next to a statue and
Cheryl knew (and kept telling herself) that watched the city squirrels race among the trees served, historical attitudes have changed, but omplex, large-scale environments that com-
Boston was not a really big city compared to at almost any given time it is possible to docu- bine many of the environmental features ak
They strolled on through the Public Garden (and
the packed towers of New York or the concrete rode on one of the swan boats) and across the ment both negative and positive attitudes to ready discussed in this book. As you read this
sprawl of Los Angeles. And she would not be chapter, keep in mind that there are important
alone. Her cousin Jon would meet her near his
expanse of Boston Common. History was every ward urban life.
The city as a place is characterized by mul- differences between cities in their desirability
where they walked. It colored the facades of the
office, just a short subway ride from the airpot homes on stately Beacon Hill, added texture to the city and livability which probably affect the conse
But Boston was certainly too big for tipleand realities.
contrasting Within
Chery. t the old headstones in a little graveyard tucked both ends of almost any continuum (e.g.. ex quences of residing in them. Too many studies
was far too big for a on the effect of urban life have been done
person who had grown up
in the pine ridges of northwestem
into the financial district, and creaked in the rig-
citement and boredom; safety and danger) can
in New York City, which many would argue
Nebraska. ging of Old Ironsides down by the waterfront. and do exist simultaneously. Cities can pull
Cities should never grow larger than is hardly a representative city. and other
bluf, Nebraska, or Casper, Wyoming," she
Scotts She could almost feel the presence of John people apart them together; yield op-
bring
or
may have received less attention than they
cities
Hancock and Paul Revere. One morning was wayscoñstrain
thought. Certainly no larger than Rapid City, portunities for us and in otherand
spent along the Charles River. They visited the our
behavior. There are good bad, rich and deserve.
South Dakota. Why would anyone want to live Our chapter will begin with a consideration
with filth, crime, gangs, and noise? And
science museum that perches across the water, poor, isolation and integration the
within city's
how will then walked the banks of the Charles to a little of some conceptual perspectives that have been
l ever be able to handle
traveling alone on the limits. Urbanlife is good for some people and
playground. They walked on through the bustle bad for others, optimal for some activities
but proposed for understanding and predicting the
subway?" of effed urban life. We will then move on toa
A week later Chery was city traffic to the Faneuil Hall Marketplace. not for others of course,
(Krupat, 1985). And,
again at Logan, There they found food and music, and discussion of some of the consequences of city
preparing to leave her favorite city. Boston had
galore. Everything was so alive!
shops cities are not just one place,but a series of in life. Finally, we will highlight various solutions
become a ich blend of new memories. Some terconnecting. sometimes hierarchical districts that have been proposed to ameliorate some of
As the plane banked and (Bonnes et al., 1990).
began its climb
 373
CHAPTER 10 The City Effects of Urban Life on the City Dweller: Conceptual Eftorts
372

conceptual efforts are concerned with un- ADAPTATION LEVEL

derstanding and predicting some of the et-
fects of urban life? Applying our eclectic Contrasting with overload theory, which sug-
of stimulation char-
model to cities, as depicted in Figure 10-2, gests that the high level
should give you some ideas. As you read the acteristic of the city will have negative ett
descriptions of the various theoretical per- the adaptation level approach (cf. Geller,
1980) implies that this is not necessarily the
spectives below, try to make predictions
from them concerning how and when urban case. Drawing on the concepts of optimal-
life can be expected to affect those who live level of stimulation _and adaptation level,
in cities. Also think about the suggestions which we have discussed in Chapter 4, Geller
the urban set-
offered by each argues that stimuli (such as
theory for preventing the
negative aspects of city life and preserving ting) which are intense, complex, and/or
the positive ones. novel may lead to.eitber positive or negative
The effects will vary across persons
Yeftects.
OVERLOAD NOTIONS I (e.g., depending on
their past experiences).
For certain people the city may offer an op-

One of the most deterministic formulations timal level of stimulation: It could also be
is a form of overload theory (see Chapter 4). argued that the city offers so much diversity
Figure 10-1 City living will probably be an inevitable fact of life for most of the world's population in the next How do overload notions (cf. Milgram, 1970) (e.g, quiet parks, busy streets)_ that some-
where within its environs itcould harbor an
century. apply to understanding and predicting urban
behavior? Overload theorists hypothesize optimal level of stimulation for everyone.
that an urban existence involves being ex- The effects of urban life will also vary over
the city's problems. As we will see, some of become more and more urbanized, the need to not used to often find it
these "solutions" create problems of their own. "humanize" the city is a challenge we can
posed to a profusien of stimulation, includ- time. Those the city
ing too much exposure to the actions and to be too noisy, too crowded, or too uncom-
Nevertheless, as North America and the world hardly avoid. after they adapt,
demands.of others, Controntation with end- fortable in_general, but
less choices, and exposure to excessive more complex stimuli are tolerated and may
visual even be preferred. Also, we may find the city
and auditory stimulation5This-plethora of
to be a perfect setting for some
EFFECTS OF URBAN LIFE ON THE CITY DWEILLER:
stimuli is frequently more than we can deal activities,
with a employ coping strate- but awful for others.
CONCEPTUAL EFFORTS requir es
gies in order to lower stimulation to a more
Before we
reasonable level Coping strategies for deat ENVIRONMENTAL STRESS
to broadly describe sev-
attempt nous, small social structures of ing with urban life are many and varied and
eral of the major theoretical views of city hoods
neighbor-
or businesses. In other words, the include setting priorities- on-inputs.so that A number of researchers (cf. Glass & Singer,
life, we should reiterate a point that
elsewhere in this text (see
appears day-to-day life of the average city dweller only important stimuli are attended to 1972) have applied the environmental stress
Chapter 6 and may not require him or her to deal with the (which may result in ignoring those in need approach to understanding and predicting
Chapter 11). As attractive as it is to perceive monolithic city itself, but rather, a small of certain types of help), erecting interper- reactions to urban life. In general, this ap-
that we can exert control over part
our environ- of it centered around his or her
ments, it is usually an home sonal barriers (e-g., behaving in an untriendly proach views the presence.of particular nega-
oversimplification to or
speak of any workplace. Perhaps one primary effect of fashion), establishing specialized institutions tive stimuli (e-g., noise, crowding) as critical
environment determnng
as be- the city is to for
havior. For instance,
although cities do have provide the "critical mass to
allow various ethnic
(e.g., welfare agencies)to absorb inputs, and the negativeeffects of citylife, as opposed
to the overload assumption that too much
disproportionate rates of crime, many of and social shifting burdens to others (e.g, requiring
tablish enclaves. Thus, the size groups
to es-
their residents exact change on buses). Even successtul cop- stimulation per se is the criticat etement. The
live fulfilled lives of the
being driven to vandalism,
without not city is
irrelevant, but many of its effects may after- negative elements of city lifemay beexperi
isolation, or de- be ing may be costly, leading to such
spair. indirect and may result in the
Instead of
operating on
people di- ness of urban positive rich- effects as exhaustion, fatigue, or disease. eneee as threatening and may elicitstress re-
rectly, implied by determninistic theories,
as
as crime and
ethnic neighborhoods as well When successful coping does not occur, the actions, which have emotional, behavioral,
cities may other negative effects and physiological components. Stress reac-
actually be experienced as urban & (see Alt- individual will be subject to continued over-
villages (Gans, 1962)-relatively homoge-
man
Chemers, 1980; Fischer, 1976). load and is extremely likely' to suffer serious tions lead to a variety ot eoping strategies,
With this caution in physical or emotional damage. which may be either constructive (e.g, using
mind, what types of
 Efects of Urban Life on the City Dweler Conceptuel Eorts 375
374 CHAPTER 10 The City

POSSDLE TE.EPFECTS

ADAPTATION,

H
ON OF ADAPTATION CUULUTWE EFFECTA
DBJECTIVE URBAN CONDITIONS
(e.g. crime rensportation,
PERCEpORTIVE
CITY AS SUPPORTIVE,
MINIMALLY DISRUPTIVE
SATISFACTION WITH
CITYLIFE
and/or
ADJUSTMENT
(g.cheeed e u r

major symphony

SuccessTU
IfCoping

PERCEPTION
OF COPING
CITY
t Coping,

Unsuc es ful
NDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES
(eg. rurl beckground) PERCEPTION OF AROUSAL CONTINUED AROUSAL POSSIBLEABRFRCS

and/or andor
SrUATIONAL FACTORS CITY AS DANGEROUS, CUULATME BRRECS
e g construction delays) CROWDED, DETERIORATING, STRESS STRESS
POSSIBLE INTENSIFIED
POLLUTED, NOISY, andor
SOCIAL CONDITIONS STRESS DUE TO ( soc
(eg tamily nearby) INCONVENIENT, OVERLOAD INABILITY TO COPE
UNRESPONSIVE TO NEEDS and/or
CULTURAL FACTORS REACTANCE
egneighborhood vigilance)

Figure 10-2 Our eclectic model applied to urban environments

reasonable control the interaction between individuas, their physi-

experience learned helplessness. While
means to
stressor) or in rural areas. Such constraints-often dcter- may
destructive (e-g., aggression). If
coping is suc- mine whether cal setting, and standing patterns of beha
or not they can achieve their city life does impose many constraïnts on
cessful in eliminating threat,
adaptation behavior, it should be noted that in some ways ior. Two different dimensions of Barkers
oc
goals in a
setting (Stokols, 1978).
curs, and long-term consequences of the What kinds of consequences result from it is less constraining than small town life. theory have made it increasingly important
stressor are often in modern urban studies. First, the behavior
prevented. It coping is un- the feeling that one's behavior is constrained? For example, urbanites probably have more
Successtul, long-term costs are likely to result. control over the intormation others
obtain setting approach takes a very molar
or broad
Initially, behavior constraint notions predict view of the interaction of humans and env
FoL that individuals about their activities than those living in
experiencing this situation ronments. Increasingly, researchers ueat the
BEHAVIOR CONSTRAINT will
evidence a negative feeling stateand will small towns, and are less frequently con-
Besides overload and environmenta> make strong attempts-to-reassert their free- strained by unavailable resources. city as a plase or series of plaees (see Chap-
of
stress dom. However, ters 2 and 12). Places represent the nenis
notions, the behavior constraint formulation predictions of the conse setting and experience-a compler amalgamn
be quences of long-term adaptation may be
can
applied to the
analysis of urban be- more
THE CITY AS A BEHAVIOR SETTING of memories, feelings and mare direct ef
havior. This
tormulation assumes that City pessimistic. If our efforts- at reasserting fects. This multi-variable, broad approach to
dwellers experience constraints control are
repeatedly unsuccessful, or if we A final approach to understanding urban be- transactions between humans
havior (such as those caused on their be- are overwhelmed by too many havior seems to be gaining importance in en understanding
antdcipated and
crime, or getting "stuck" in trafficby
fear of
lable events, we may be less likely uncontro You may recall fromm and their surroundings was
vironmental psychology.
jams) that to attempt least partly inspired by Barkers behavior
control of urban Chapter 4 that Roger Barker emphasized
are not at
generally shared by people who live settings even when it is aç
tually possible
to control them. In effect, we
the importance of behavior settings, a point of setting analysis.
 376 CHAPTER 10 TheCity Effects of Urban Life on the City Dweller: Research Evidence 377

More directly, Barker's approach gave discrepancies in the various conceptual per-
spectives? Although the approaches are pre- While the single variable approach may One study showed that the quietesttimes in
birth to staffing theory (Wicker, McGrath,&
Armstrong, 1972). As you recall from Chap- sented as competing with one another, it is
allow us to synthesize a picture of urban life inner city apartments were-neisier than the
as the sum of the separate effects of various noisiest moments in small tawnlixing areas
ter 4, overstaffing occurs when the number probably the case that too much stimulation,
of participants exceeds the capacity of the sys-
stressors, it does not allow us to understand (EPA, 1972). Pollution is commnon in cities
too much stress, to0-many-behavioralLcon- the city as a place-the result of a multitude In fact, one breath of New York City air
tem. How does this concept apply to
under- straints, and_overstatfhng prebablyeach a of individual elements. The city represents contains 70,000 dust and dirt particles, and
standing behavior in urban settings? brief
A countfor Some of the negative-effects.that the simultaneous presence of a great many just living in that city is equivalent to smok-
look at any city is sufficient to convince us may resultfrom anurban_existence. On the stressors, and the effects of cities on human ing 38 cigarettes ( a y 8oton, 1978). n
thatweare looking at anoverstaffed environ other hand, many of these same theoretical
behavior are determined in a very complex addition, both crowdingand crime are much
ment. In terms of overstaffing theory city approaches account for the desirable stimula
dwellers should respond to such conditionss
manner. A realistic view of the consequences more frequent in urban than in rural areas
tion and rich opportunities afforded by city of urban stressors may come from consider- (Fischer,1976).
by experiencing feelings.of competition and ife. Eventually, a "compromise" model may
marginality, by establishing priorities for in- ing how they affect us collectively. Research Thepaceoflife seems faster in the city.
emerge, which subsumes the valid predictions using this approach generally compares citiesS "Pace"in this case, may includeactual phys-
teraction, and by attempting to exclude oth- of each approach by using a more parsimo- (which obviously contain a full range of urban içal movement. For example, Table 10-1
ers from their lives. If
overstaffing is habitual, nious construet. h e ways in which
people stressors) with nonurban areas on various de-
shows that residents walking speed varies as
these
behaviors may come to characterize are assumed to cope differ for the various pendent variable dimensions. One might at-
a function of the size of the local city popu-
everyday existence. However, it should be modelswe have discussed. Nevertheless, when how urban and rural life lation (Bornstein, 1979). The effect of popu-
tempt to assess
kept in mind that cities offer more diverse coping is successtul in handling stress, aclap-
affect willingness to help others by compar lation size is not always strong, however. In
behavior settings and more behavior settings tation or adjustment occurs, and the indvid-
overall to choose ing prosocial behavior in urban and rural tact, there sgreater yanation in speed at
from, and this could have ual is less likely to experience afteretects or
difterent locations within the same city than
positive effects. settings. Such studies give us a feeling for
cumulative effects. If coping is unsuccessful, how urban and rural conditions attect
as- between two cities (Sadalla et al., 1990), and
the stress continues, and the individual is speed may be influenced by sex, time of day,
pects of human behavior, but sacrifice the
likely to experience aftereftects and cumula- ability to identify a specific cause. Since cities or even weather (Walmsley & Lewis, 1989).
INTEGRATING THE VARIOUS tive effects (e.g., illness). and nonurban areas vary in many ways be- Sadalla et al. (1990) argue that more subjec-
In the final section we will attend to re- tive, psychological measures of tempo are
FORMULATIONS sides the presence or absence of environ
search and designs aimed at capitalizing on mental stressors, we must be aware that more representative of the perceived ditter-
Each of the views have
we
presented posits a
different element of urban life as the critical
the good aspects of urban life while mini- difterences between urban and rural behav ences between cities than actual physical
mizing its negative effects. First, however, we iors could be caused by different popula- speed. That is, certain cities seem "tast paced"
factor in potential negative effects. More- will examine a larger
psychological
literature tions, social conditions, physical conditions, because of a complex mix of psychological
over, each suggests somewhat different reac- tactors, onlysome of which actually involve
tions
which has aimed at
documenting the or a combination of these (cf. Korte, 1980).
to urban life. How resolve the nega-
can we
tive effects of cities on residents and visitors. It should be noted, however, that urban ver physical movement.
sus rural comparisons are still one of our It is sad to note that the urbanites most
best opportunities to determine how city life intensely exposed to urban stressors are those
EFFECTS affects behavior.
OF URBAN LIFE ON THE CITY DWELLER: Table 10-1 Walking Speed in Cities
RESEARCH EVIDENCE of Various Sizes
STRESS U
Research on the effects of urban life
has re-
Ubserved
lied explore the effect of urban noise on urban areas differ from each other
Clearly,
on two
methodological approaches. The atric disorders, one psychi- and some are much better places to live than tountry Town/city Populatioa (m/ses)
Singlevariable approacb attempts to might compare the men-
a picture ot urban lite irom synthesize tal health of the residents on
two streets that
others. Nevertheless, comparisons of urban Ireland Galway 29,375 1.25
studies how
yarious ndividual stressors present of
Limerick 57,161 1.27
differ only in their closeness to
a noisy tac-
and rural areas generally suggest that cities
Dublin 679,748 1.56
city (e-g noise, polluton) affect in. the tory. This strategy may allow us to approxi- çontain more stresstul environmentalea
behavior. These studies have often urbanites Scotland Inverness 53,179 1.43
Faatea.cause-and-effect relationship between tures. Anumber of stimuli identified as po- 1.51
Edinburgh 470,085
in
"real-world" settings, been done a
potential urban stTessor and behavior, al- tential stressorsare more prevalent in citie
where the stressor than in small towns. For example, noise lev- United States Seatle 503,000 1.46
under study
varies naturally, rather than though the nonrandom assignment of sub-
the will of at jects to conditions may lead els have been found to increase with the size After M. H. Bornsteim (1979). The pace of life: revisited. Interna
an-experimenter.
For instance, to causal inference.
to
problems in
of rcommunity (Dillman & Tremblay, 1977). tional Journal of Psychology, 14, 84
 378 CHAPTER 10 The City Effects of Urban Life on the City Dweller: Research Evidence 379

with other problems as well People who are in well with

A study by Wohlwill and Kohn (1973) affiliative behavior. This ties
and generally dis- several of the notions have
poor, poorly educated, suggested that perception of stressors in ur- conceptual we

criminated against by society live in those ban and rural areas depends on one's adapta- discussed as well as with conceptual formu-
areas of the city with the greatest pollution
tion level (measured by the size of the town lations discussed elsewhere (e-g, Wirth,
(McCaut, t977). The poor are probably ex- one resided in previously). In their study, 1938), but can also be explained in terms of
posed to more urban crowding, noise, andd people from small, middle-size, and large reinforcements derived from past experience
crime as well. Given the fact that these communities who had migrated to Harris-
with city life (e-g., more experiences with
people are already vulnerable to stress, add- burg, Pennsylvania, were asked to make crime). In one study suggesting a lower de-
ing the environmental stressors charactëristic judgments concerning extent of crowding, gree of affiliation, Newman and McCauley
of urban life can be especially problematic. frequency of crime, and feelings of safety. (1977) found that subjects' eye contact with
With all of the evidence indicating that.
Although the results were not totally consis- strangers who looked them in the eye was

living in the city is probably experienced as tent, it was tound that individuals coming- relatively rare in center city Philadelphia,
more stresful, do urban and rural dwellers from relatively large communities assessed more common in a Philadelphia suburb, and
really perceive diaerentBevels of stress? Al- Harrisburg as safer, less crime-ridden, and verycommon in a rural Pennsylvania town
though only a few studies directly compare less crowded than those coming from simatler (Table 10-2). In a study extending these
urbanites and rural people, a study of indi- communities. It is important to note that in findings, McCauley, Coleman, and DeFusco
viduals who had recenthy migrated to the city
addition to adaptation level, many other (1977) showed that commuters were less
or to a rural area suggested that this may willing to meet a strangers eye when they
be the case (Franck, Unseld, & Wentworth, types of individual differences may affect the
arrived at a downtown terminal than when
perception of stressors in cities. For e x
1974). Investigators interviewed a sample of ample, variables such as ones-length-ofresi- they were in a suburban train station. How
students who were newcomers to did urbanites and ruralites respond facially
eitheE a Figure 10-3 Commuting can be a source of urban dence, one's need tor stimulation, and one's
smalltown or a large city. It was observed stress.
SOCioeconomic status might niuence the to attempts by strangers to take candid
that the urban newcomers
reported experi- way urban stressors are experienced. Untor- photos of them? When the pictures were
encing signiicantly more tension when liv- college students to rate, it was
ingin the city than in their previous residence;
muting as a source of stress (Figure 10-3) tunately, little research has been done in given to
was done by this area, and what exists has been inconclu- found that urbanites in the photos appeared
the reverse was observed for rural newcom- faculty and students in the
Social Ecology Program sive. Further, although future research is to be less friendly, less easygoing, and more
ers. When sources of stress were broken down
at the Universiy tense than ruralites (Krupat, 1982). Finally,
into those associated with the
of California-Irvine Novaco et al., 1979; clearly needed before we can draw such a
physical
vironment and those associated with the
en- Stokols& Novaco, 1981). The research was
conclusion, in addition to affecting people's Milgram (1977) reported that when under-
cial environment, some additional
s0 a
longitudinal field experiment, using urban experience of environmental stressors, in- graduate students approached strangers on
differences commuters dividual difference variables will probably the street and extended their hands in a
emerged. For physical stressors traveling varying distances to
tion, noise, crowding), urbanites (e.g pollu-
work. also be found to affect other responses to friendly (as if to initiate a hand-
Subjects were tested twice in their work manner

ing affected far more adversely_reported

be- settings-18 months apart--to determine urban settings. shake), only 38.5 percent of city dwellers
than rural the effects of
commuting The data reciprocated, compared with 66 percent of
dwellers. For social stressors, results de- stress.
mostly corroborate earlier studies, but give a small town dwellers.
pended on the particular stressor. Public so more complete
AFFILIATTVE BEHAVIOR While this pattern of effects
suggests
Cial stressors (e.g, slums, aversive
individuals
picture of things. It was found On a number of dimensions, city lite seems that city dwellers are apt to avoid contact
one must deal with) were
that conditions that interfere with a com-
strongly by urban
experienced more muters movement (e.g., congestion) elicit to be associated with a decreased desire for with strangers, it is important to assess
newcomers. However,
some rural newcomers stress reactions
such as physiological arousal,
lack of cultural complained about the negative mood, and performance deficits, and Table 10-2 Percentage of Passersby Making Eye Contact With Male and Female Experimenters at
diversity
Personal social stressors
in their environment. that the Post Office and Store in Parkesburg, Bryn Mawr, and Philadelphia*
(stresstkl personal intensity of these responses depends
relationships) did not differ
the two significantly for
on
muter.
personality characteristics of the com-
Parkesburg Bryn Mawr Philadelphia
groups. These findings are
Also, when people view commuting Sex of
tive and should be sugges- in a Experimenter Post Office Store Post Office Store Post Office Store
interpreted with
caution,
negative light they attempt to change
as should all studies the situation
(e.g., Female 30 S2 45 15 8

rural comparisons. involving urban and other routes).

closer to work, try
move
Male 75 73 40 45 12 10

makes them feelImportantly, such coping otten

Perhaps the most complete study of com- better at the "Reprintedfrom Joseph Newman and Clark MeCauley. (1977, December). Eye contact with stramgers in city, suburb, and smal 10wm. Environ-
level. psychological ment and Behavior, 9, No. 4, 547-558.
 Effects of Urban Life on the City Dweller: Research Evidence 381
380 CHAPTER 10 The City

communities with a population of 300,000

Although much research suggests that it is safe to conclude that additional variables
whether this behavior extends to friends and or more) than previously thought (cf. Amato, there may often be less prosocial behavior in may be operating.
acquaintances. In an experiment designed
to
cities, other studies imply some important
test this hypothesis, McCauley and Taylor 1983). According to Levine et al. (1994), pop-
moderators of this pattern (Forbes & Gro-
(1976) asked small-town and large-city resi- ulation densita-(the number of people in a re- THE FAMLIAR STRANGER
about yesterday's telephone conversa- stricted area) is more likely to be related to moll, 1971; Korte, Ypma, & Toppen, 1975;
dents unhelpful behavior than population size (the Weiner, 1976). Korte and his colleagues sug- has suggested is
tions with friends and acquaintances. Phone
total population of a city). In an ambitious gested that urban and rural settings may lead One thing
that
our
discussion
conversations in the city were just as likely
to differences in heping only insotar as en- urbanitesare less likely
to
acknowledge
to be with close friends and as intimate in study of 36 cities in different regions of the strangers (e-g, by shaking hands and mak-
subject matter as conversations in small United States, Levine and his colleagues vironmental input level (i.e., amount of in- ing eye contact) than rural dwellers. Some
towns. This pattern is corroborated by addi- compared the correlation between popula- coming stimuli) is higher in cities. Their -

extremely interesting research by Milgram

tional research (see Korte, 1980). Many tion size and density and a group of six help- findings led them to conclude that input level
may be the critical determinant of helping,
(1977) indicates that while city dwellers fail
other studies (e.g., Glenn & Hill, 1977; Key, ing behaviors. Overall, population densíty to display such amenities in everyday situa
1968) show no urban-rural differences in was the strongest and most consistent pre- rather than the urban-rural distinction per se. tions, they may show their feelings in other
dictor of helping, particularly in situations that Similarly, others (e.g., Kammann, Thomp-
contact with relatives.
required a tast, more spontaneous response. son, & Irwin, 1979) suggest that pedestrian -
ways. Milgram and his students found that
many.city residents have a number of people
Among a number of possible explana- density in the area where help.is to be given,in their lives who may be called familiar
PROSOCIAL BEHAVIOR
tions for the lower helpfulness of urbanites,
rather than city size, is the major factor in strangers. What is a familiar stranger? It is
Overload notions suggest that the overstinm- we first should examine overload theory. As whether or not aid will occur. And House sameone they observe repeatedly for a long
ulation of urban life leads us to filter out less that model would predict, the high levels of and Wolf (1978) report intriguing evidence period of time butnever interact with, prob-
important inputs a needy stranger for in- stimulation characteristic of the city make of
lower urban helping only where crimne ably because ofoverload. Milgram found that-
stance. Does the urbanite's lack of desire to passersby less attentive to novel stimuli, such rates make involvement inadvisable, suggest- New York City had an
commuters to aver
affiliate with strangers extend to a disregard as someone needing help (Korte, 1980). Sec- ing that this may account for lack of proso- age of four individuals whom they recog
for strangers who are in need? When child
a ond, Fischer (1976) suggested that the diver- cial action. Finally, Steblay (1987) reported nized but never spoke to at their train station,
claiming to be lost asked for aid in New York sity of appearance and behavior characteristic that urban-nonurban differences were greaat and that 89.5 percent of the commuters had
City and-in severalsmatt towns, he or she of others in
urban areas imay nake people only when theindividual requesting help was at least one "tamiliar stranger. How did the
was more likely to be the recipient of proso- feel insecure and thus less likciy to htlp, and male, and when the request for help was ei- researchers find this out? They took pictures
cial (helping) behavior in thesmaller towns third, Wirth (1938) has pronosed rhat being ther very trivial or very serious. of groups waiting for a train at the station
(Milgram, 1977). In a similar vein, Milgram brought up in an urban as opposed to a rural Some studies have even found more had subjects how many of
found that willingness to allow a needy indi- area elicits an "urban personality," which helping in urban than in nonurban contexts.
and tell them
vidual into one's house to use the telephonee is simply not characterized by prosocial be-
those present met the definition of a "famil-
Weiner (T976) and Forbes and Gromoll 1ar stranger.
was higher in a small town than in a large havior. Overstaffing theory (detailed earlier) (1971) found greater helping by individ- What is the difference in urbanites be-
city. Also, în Milgram's study 75 percent of could offer a fourth explanation, and diffu-
all city respondents answered theperson in sion of responsibility notions (cf. Latané &
uals raised in cities than by those raised in haviortoward "familiarstrangers and other
smalltowns Interpretingherfindings,Weiner strangers2 First, many passengers told the
needbyshouting through a closed door,while Darley, 1970), a fifth. Work on diffusion of posited that difterent patterns of social- researchers they often think about their fa-
of all rural respondents opened
percentTeinforcing
the
responsibility suggests that when there are perceptual learning-in thecity and the coun- miliar strangers and try to figure out what
door, our earl+er conclusion many people around who could help (as try may cause urbanites to be more socially kinds of lives they lead. According to evi-
about urbanite avoidance of affiliation with would occur more in cities than in Small eftective in certain circumstances. I n effect, dence, urbanites are more likely to help a fa-
strangers. Additional studies (Gelfand et al, towns), perceived responsibilityto help less- shesuggests that the experienceo f growing
miliar stranger in need than an ordinary
1973; Korte & Ker, 1975; Milgram, 1970) ens, which affects the likelihood of giving aid. up in the city allows one to learn skills that stranger. Finally, Milgram found that under
have also found that urbanites are less
hep Interestingly, meta-analytic work by Steblay may be particularlyadaptive in certain depen- familiar strangers do
ful than ural some circumstances,
dwellers, and a meta-analysis (1987) suggests that it is the urban context dency situations. Also, it seems that deviants interact with each other, although it is rarely
(e., a statistical summary of all past research rather than personality factors which is re- were more apt to receive aid in cities than
on the subject) by Steblay (1987) strongly sponsible for lower levels of urban helping. in small towns (Hansson & Slade, 1977) and
inthe place where they usually meet. He sug-
gests that the farther they are away from the
Supports the nonurban -urban difference in This discounts Wirth's "urban personality that the pattern of less helping in cities ex- scene of their routine encounter
(a foreign
helping, though decreases in helping were theory, while lending a measure of support only to strangers and not friends
tound
tends country, for instance), the more likely they
to begin at a higher threshold (i.e., to several of the others. (Korte, 1980). Given the above qualifications, are to interact.
 Effects of Urban Life on the City Dweller: Research Evidence 383
382 CHAPTER 10 TheCity

mental health and well-being (Kasl, 1976;

include a laçk of employment opportunities, ties to tactors residing "within the neighbor-
CRIME Kasl & Harburg, 1972; Lawton, Nahemow, hood" (Taylor & Hale, 1986). Importantly,
the greater number.of antisocialrole models
& Yeh, 1980). For example, one such study studies have shown that perceptions ofnti-
Studies of victimization suggest that even available, and the fact that there may be fewer showed only scattered effects of crime on fear than
what coud be thought of as trivial crimes
prosocial models available than in nonurban vilities are more strongly related to

there are the well-being of adults and no effects on the objective number of incivilities Taylor
may have long-lasting consequences for areas. Another explanation is that children (White et al., 1987). & Hale, 1986). Finally, perceived loss of ter-
Vvictims' well-being (Greenberg & Ruback, simply more possible victims, more goods to
in ritorial control appears to be associated with
-1984), and there is ample evidence that
crime steal, and more
outlets for stolen goods Environmental and Individual Difference
cities than elsewhere. Individuals who want fear of crime (Taylor & Hale, 1986).
is more prevalent in urban than rural Factors and Fear of Crime
areas
to pursue crime may even migrate to the city. While there is no evidence that street
Fischer, 1984). The rate of violent crimes Imagine being afraid to go outside of your lighting affects actual levels of crime, it does
in Not surprisingly, feelings of being unsafe
per person is almost eight times greater decrease fear of crime (Tien et al., 1979). In
the largest cities than in extremely rural areas, and concern about being a potential crime apartment to buy food or cash a check, or
i s three times as victim are greater for city residents (Fischer, opening the door in terror when someone addition, propinquity (discussed in detail
and the rate of murders
1984). Not only are crime rates higher in knocks, hoping he or she is not a criminal. in Chapter 12) affects how afraid people are
high (Fischer, 1984). When asked to list the cities, but "urban incivilities" (e.g., physical Fear of crime and a[sociated stress are major- of being victimized. The closer we liveto a
top 10 problems facing their neighborhoods, problems in urban arcas. Interestingly, it has known_crime-vietim, the more wefear that
residents of cities listed crime as the number deterioration) may make people feel more
one problem (Gallup Opinion Poll, April 4, vulnerable. Feelings of vulnerability to crime been found that fear of crime is increasing we
could suffer the same fate (cf. Lavrakas,
1981). An amusing anecdoterelated by Zim- can have several types of consequences. First, faster than actual crime rates (Taylor & Hale, 1982). Finally, social interaction between
1986). In fact, in some cases, fear of crime in - neighbors may increase fear of crime to the
bardo(1969) suggests the intensity of crime individuals residing in cities with popula-
tions over 50,000 trust others less than those a subpopulation is not related to the true like- extent that it increases knowledge of crime
in and around many cities. While repairing.a
flat tire alongside a highway in Queens, New livingin areas withlowerpopulations(NORC, lihood of being victimized (Maxfield, 1984). victims (Newman & Franck, 1981a).
1987). Second, urbanites have greater fearof Several rather complete conceptualiza- In urban areas certain types of people
York, a motorist was startled when he ob-
served that his car hood was being raised, and crime, which may lead to stress. tions have been offered of the various factors eemto fear crime moreare
thanthose
others. Those
with lower
a stranger was removing his battery. "Take it What are the effects-of.crime sres? which affect fear of crime (for a review, see whoare most concerned
easy, buddy," said the thief to his assumed Overall, there is little empirical evidence Taylor & Hale, 1986). However, our interest ineomes, females, blacks, the aged, and resi-
car-stripping colleague, "you can have the about its effects and the data are conradic- here is primarily to explore how fear is in- dentsofthe inner city (Clemente & Kleiman,
fuenced by environmental factors. In the 1977; Gordon et al., 1980). There are many
tires-all I want is the battery!" tory. Roberts (1977) found that crime stress
was associated with emotional reactions of chapter on personal space and territoriality possible reasons for this, ranging from greater
Why is there more crime in cities than victimization of some groups to a poorer
in small towns? Although these findings can worry, fear of injury, fear of material loss, we discussed how territorial markers can
control. It would seem moderate fear of victimization; here we will others (e.g., the aged, women) to
ability of
be interpreted in terms of overload, stress, andfeelings ofloss of
behavior constraint, or overstaffing notions, reasonable to assume
that continued stress mention some other environmental deter- defend themselves. Interestingly, in areas
several other explanations have been offered. associated with crime (which is likely since minants of crime stress. with the highest crime, age is not related to
the objective threat of crime does not dissi- fear of crime. Where crime is a regular tea
One is the theory of deindividuation. It was Various aspects of the urban environ-
the
used by Zimbardohe(1269) to explain why an pate) could have extremely negative effects
ment may impact on fear of crime,
which ture of daily life, physical vulnerability
associated with age may be a less important
abandoned" car left in New York City (e.g., it may be associated with nervous dis- varies from neighborhood to neighborhood
was stripped of all movable parts within 24 orders and learned helplessness). Also, fear determinant of fear than other factors (Max-
(Maxfield, 1984).Teenage loitering, which
hours, whilewasa similar car left in Palo Alto, about victimization through crime and asso- can be facilitated or inhibited by environ- field, 1984).
California, untouched. According to this ciated stress could lead to a reduction in mental features, can elicit crime stress (Lav- People with high fear of crime feel they
theory, when we feel we are an anonymous people's activities. In fact, compared to sub- Lewis & Maxfield, 1980). It has must restrict their activities greatly to avoid
rakas, 1982;
member ofacrowd(i.e., deindividuated), our urbanites, city dwellers report that they re
decay of being victimized (Lavrakas, 1982). Environ-
inhibitonsagainst antisocial behavior are re- strict their activities much more of the time also been suggested thatphysical
of urban "incivil-
mental designs which help promote social
leased. his is partdy because we feel it is due to fear of crime (Lavrakas, 1982). Far the environment and signs vandalism, graf- cohesion among residents (e.g., defensible
very unlikely that we will be identified and worse, fear of crime and crime stress has led ies (e.g, reports of crime; the social Lavrakas, 1982, p. 343) may moderate
punished. Under such conditions, criminal iti, litter) can
imply to people thatfear space;
fear and make people feel more comfort-
behavior is clearly less costly and is more
a
few, especially the elderly, to refrain en- order has broken down, and elicit of vic-
tirely from leaving home (Ginsberg, 1975). able "moving about." Also, having support-
& Maxfield, 1980; White
likelyto be engaged in. Other explanations Nevertheless, a number of studies have found mization (Lewis ive neighbors who are accessible may act to
for the et al., 1987). Thisis especially likely when
higher levels of crime in urban areas few effects of fear of neighborhood crime on the incivili- quell fear of being victimized (Gubrium,
Tesidents attribute the cause of
 Research Evidence
385
Effeçts of Urban Life on the City Dweller:
384 CHAPTER 10 TheCity

than in rural areas (Clinard, 1964; Mann,

1974; Sundeen & Mathieu, 1976). For the
aged, this seems to occur more often in
so- 1964), ît is not certain that urbanites are
cially homogeneous living situations (e.g., re- actually less mentally healthy (Srole, 1972).
tirement communities) than in other settings. For example, of 17 studies compar1ing paper
and-pencil measuresof adjustment in_areas
of difterentsize, three found more personal-
HEALTH ity problems in larger cities, five found that
We should be cautious in interpreting data such difficulties were more common in small_
health urban and rural settings. communities, and nine found no differences
relating to
(Fischer, 1976). Srole (1976) reports that in
Specialized medical care is generally more
available in cities. Specialists, such as cardi- habitantsof large cities are less likely to
break-
ologists and surgeons, are in especialyshort show symptoms of imminent nervous
down than residents of small towns. On
supply-in ruraB areas-{Dillman & Tremblay, the other hand, Dohrenwend and Dohren-
1977), and urban hospitalfacilities are supe-
wend (1972) contend that some forms of
rior.Individuals who are ill may migrate from
the country (where they became sick) to the mental illness (e-g., psychoses) are more prev-
city (Srole, 1972). Because these factors make alent in rural areas, while other forms (e.g.,
it difficult to interpret the findings of studies neuroses, personality disorders) predomi- 10-4 Homelessness is one of the saddest urban problems.
Figure
on urban-rural differences in health, the ac- nate in urban areas.
tual data are rather equivocal and depend on While mental illness may not differ reli-
the particular disease. ably in urban and rural areas, drug addiction cally in the last few years, and their plight belongings (in settings where they
Hay and Wantman (1969) studied the is much more common in urban than in rural can be stolen with ease), how you will
has become the focus of more and more
areas (Fischer, 1976). Obviousiy, this can be
rate of hypertension and heart disease (both public attention (Figure 10-4). be safe, how you will dress properly to
associated with stress) and found that hyper- accounted for by the ovcrload and stress no- go to work (for many homeless people
How is homelessness defined? The U.S.
tension rates were only sightly higher in tions we reviewed earlier. Some otlier expia-
do, indeed, work), and for some, how
nations include: greater of government-dehnesit-as-eeeurr+ag when a
New York City than in the nation overall. A avsilatsilny drugs
and liquor, better treatent oi drug addicts person is without a fixed, reguar, and rdte you will fill up the long hours of
the
u d y by Levine et al. (1988) found that in and hence more reportiig at rhese afflic- quate nighttime residence, or when someone day and do so in places that will tol-
h those cities where the "pace of life" was faster ha» a primary nighttime residence that is: erate your existence (p. 50).
(which the authors termed "Iype A cities" tions, and better record keeping in cities. Fi-
(a) a shelter designed for temporary accom-
death rates from coronary heart disease were nally, and rather surprisingly, there is no Rasoc

greater. Interestingly, arthritis and rheuma-,consistent difference in the suicide rate be imodations; (b) an institution that provides Researchers emphasize that homeless-
to be in Newb tween urban and rural areas (Gibbs, 1971).
lower temporary residence for people intended to
ness is not simply being "houseless." That is,
tism rates were tound be institutionalized; or (c) a public or private homelessness is not just the lack of shelter,
York City than in the country as a whole1
(Srole, 1972). On the other hand, tuberculo
place not designed for, or ordinarily used as, but the loss of security and social or eco
sis, emphysema, bronchitis, lung cancer, and
HOMELESsNESS a regular sleeping accommodation for hu- nomic support that is associated with unreli-
other respîratory diseases-often associated Although homelessness occurs in rural man beings. able shelter or the prospect of losing shelter
Formal definitions for experiences like as well (Bunston & Breton, 1992). As you
with pollution occur more frequently- in areas, itis disproportionately an urban mal-
studies homelessness sometimes obscure insight. might imagine, collecting reliable statistics
urban areas(Ford, 1976). Overall, it may be ady. Not surprisingly, most of the Rivlin (1990) provides a particularly dramatic about people without permanent residences
said that the effects of city life on health are of homelessness have been done in cities, is difficult, and estimates of the total home-
not inherently pathological, and that there- though it has been noted that the problems description:
of the rural homeless differ somewhat from less population and the proportion of differ-
lationship between urban and rural environ- Picture a day when you cannot be c e r ent subgroups (e.g., women) varies (Bunston
ments and disease is complex. those of the urban homeless (Committee for
Are there differences reflected in rates Health Care for Homeless People, 1988). tain where you will sleep, how you &Breton, 1992;Johnson, 1989; Rivlin, 1990).
of mental illness? While it is clear that men Although there have always been homeless will clean how you will find
yourself, Some estimates suggest that on any given
tal hospital admissions are higher in ciues people, their number has increased dramati- food, how you will hold on to your night in the United States, there are 735,000
 Problems 387
Environmental Solutions to Urban

386 CHAPTER 10 The City

SUMMARY
chil- source of support as their children (Mc- eases, likelihood of incurring trauma,
the
homeles people, of whomn many are for women; vi1
and of being victimized (rape intensely
more

dren; that in a given year up to 3 million Chesney, 1986). In the larger cities, minori- 1985).
Environmental stressors are

ties are overrepresented among the homeless. olent assault for both sexes; Kelly, urban than in rural settings.
people will be homeless for one night o r For those with medical problems,
homeless- present in heat,
Interestingly, most homeless are long-term include noise, pollution,
more; and that there-are- about 6 nmillion residents of particular cities, which negates makes treatment extremely
difficult. Stressors
crime, and home-
Americans at risk of becoming homeless, crowding, "extra demand,"
ness
o n "bed rest"
when
of hous- some public officials' arguments that if How can s o m e o n e be that individually
primarily because of the high cost How can they be on
lessness. Studies suggest

ing relative to their income (Alliance Hous- they do more to help them, increased num- they do not have a bed? have food and collectively these
s t r e s s o r s have at least

bers of homeless will come to their city a restricted diet if they

do not various dimen-
ing Council, 1988; Rivlin, 1990). negative effects o n
facilities? The mortality rate for mildly
One adaptation to homelessness may be (Committee for Health Care for Homeless preparation sions of urban
existence. Urban stressors
of the total
so-called "shelterization, characterized by People, 1988). the homeless is three times that associated with less desire
for affiliation
homeless die are
low self-esteem and a dependency on the Why are so many people homeless? American population, and the decrements,
& with strangers, performance
20 years earlier than expected (Baum
system (Grunberg Eagle, 1990).From- Many individuals are homeless because their
&
Burnes, 1993). Homelessness is also associ long-term behavioral effects, and differences

their study of homeless women in Toronto, incomes havefailed to keep up with sharply indices. These effects
health-related
the fires used in some
Bunston and Breton (1992) concluded that increasedhousing costs. Especially for those ated with other risks (e.g., be interpreted in terms
of the urban
can
warm often cause
the simple provision of shelter alone over- with few closefamily ties who havemarginal by street people to keep stress model have
we
While urban
proposed.
looks important needs for autonomy, pro- incomes,the loss of even a few days' pay due burns). Mental illness was mentioned as a fac: future research needs to
associated with homeless, but
becoming problems abound,
grams to foster independent living, and to an injury, losing job,
a orsimilar mis- tor
he tocus more on positive effects of city life.
the
education and job skills to break the cycle of it can also be a result.of homelessness 1
fortune, can quickly result in homelessness. trauma of being homeless has negative psy- Studies comparing life in urban and
rural
homelessness. Another tactor in the homelessness prob- areas have focused primarily on the intensity
assoCiated
The characteristics of the homeless dif- lem is society's failure to provide adequate chological consequences and is conditions (such
of aversive environmental
from place, and es- with anxiety and depression. Homelessness
fer dramatically place to
umates of the proportions of men, womnen,
community-based housing and care for
can also contribute' to alcoholism or drug as stress) across the two settings. Ve should
people.Urban renewal and gentrification research that allows us to
and children who are homeless vary. It does can also cause homelessness. Gentritication addiction as an attempt to "medicate" the encourage future
make comparisons on positive as well as neg-
appear that the composition of the homneless occurs when middle- and upper-income peo- Psychological pain of not having a place
ative dimensions.
is changing: Middle-agedof make up to live
men now
ple move back to the city and occupy and
a shrinking percentage the homeless, and improveareas formerly lived in by poor
families with small children are the fastest people. There are other reasons for home
growing segment of this population (U.S. lessness as well. Many homeless families are
Conference of Mayors, 1987) with families ENVIRONMENTAL SOLUTIONS TO URBAN PROBLEMS
"multi-problem families"(Bassuk, Rubin, &
now accounting tor about one-third of the Lauriat, 1986) with fragmented social net
tion be ameliorated? Many very significant
homeless (Berck, 1992). As you can imagine, works, and difficulty utilizing available pub- Not surprisingly, many people and busi- social, economic, and physical changes are
Chomelessness disrupts almost every facet lic welfare services. In addition, certain health nesses have attempted to find true happiness
Yof afamily's life. Neighborhood friendships, problems tend to cause homelessness (e.g,
by escaping from urban areas, a fact that has needed, but cities are an unwieldy aggregate
resulted in population declines for the urban of corporate and private interests only loosely
privacy, and daily routines such as cook- major mental illnesses like schizophrenia). In overburdened
cores of many North American cities even as controlled by governments.
ing or shopping are interrupted. For chil- tact, studies suggest that a very large
some
the suburbs and areas grow Perhaps the earliest and simplest approach
dren, homelessness usually means changing
percentage ofthe homeless have psychologi- metropolitan
schools, leaving teachers and friends behind. cal or addictive disorders (Bassuk et al., 1986; (e.g, Garreau, 1991; Southworth & Owens, was to add new amenities such as museums
Not surprisingly, many children become rest- Baum & Burnes, 1993), ordiseases like AIDS, 1993). Those who-remain behind-in-the de- (see Chapter 13), parks, or playgrounds with-
less, aggressive, or listless when they must which may render one unable to pay rent caying city core are often individuals whose out attempting to change the basic structure
move to
a shelter (Neiman, 1988). Homeless sOcial or economic position makes them of the city.
and/or undesirable to landlords and even This has left cities
adults are most likely
never to have been family due to stigma. incapableof departing.
married. In fact, lack of in deteriorating physical condition, with a
a
support systems In addition to being a cause of home- A LITTLE PIECE OF NATURE:
PARKS
is one ot the reasons for homelessness. In
lessness, health and psychological problems dwindling tax
base and a
population com- AND URBAN GARDENS
a study of
single-parent homeless families, can result from homelessness. Homelessness posed heavily of minority groups with high
many women actually named their major may increase the risk of developing many dis- levels of unemployment and attendant social
problems, such as crime. How can this situa- One cure what ails cities might be a little
for
piece of the country. We saw in Chapter 2
 389
388 CHAPTER 10 TheCity alal Environmental Solutions to Urban Problems
with the onset of World War I. The special
that natural scenes have many psychological his death in 1852, the great American de- it ideally might be. In spite of modern intru-
sions and neglect, Central Park retains many needs of children were also recognized, and
in
benefits, so perhaps going back to nature signer Andrew Downing_was prominent playgrounds proliferated (Cranz, 1982). Du
would help cities. Somewhat before medi- the ranks of those advocating the construc- of the romantic landscapes that first at-
ing this period of retorm, parks were
increas-
tion of city parks. Then, in 1857, 25-year- tracted visitors when the park opened in
cine provided an explanation, citizens of Eu- old Frederick Law Olmstead became the 1859. The ideas Olmstead and Vaux devel- ingly seen as sites for organized activities
rope and North America began to suspect
such as sports, and less as naturepreserves
were Superintendent of Construction for what oped in Central Park were refined in Brook-
that outbreaks of diseases like cholera to counter the stress of urban life
tied to the unsanitary living conditions and
was to become New York's Central Park (see lyn's Prospect Park, and repeated by the have
Cranz, 1982; Hayward, 1989; Hiss, 1990; Olmstead firm across North America (hun- Neglect, fences, crime, and conflict
close quarters of big cities. People needed to
breathe, they said. In London, for example, Kostof, 1987; and Schuyler, 1986, for reviews dreds of Olmstead Parks remain: San Fran- left many parks at the end of the twentieth
the problems of the
the large open squares were believed to have of urban park design in North America). cisco's Golden Gate Park and Montreal's century with many of
positive health eftects, and former royal With his associate Calvert Vaux (Downing's Mt. Royal are examples). In Boston Olmstead surrounding city and anything but romantic
historic preservation eftorts
former partner), Olmstead created Central proposed and built an integrated necklace of reputations. Yet
parks acrOSs European cities were opened to

the public in the new spirit of populism Park, North Americas-firstgreatpublic park. interconnected parks along waterways, and and the environmental movement have led
ettorts concen-
(Schuyler, 1986). Many American cities such Olmstead was inspired by the English Ro- his hand is also apparent in the design of a to a
park reñái[sance Some
as New York, however, lacked both the large mantic style, a literary and artistic return to number of college campuses (see Chapter 11) trate on the construction of new, specialized
parks and culturalcenters such as botanical
squares and the history of royal parks. As nature that was popularized by the Euro- across the continent.

their new nation became more urban, citi- pean elite (see Chapter 2). Olmstead and The nineteenth-century park was a nat- gardens, zoos, and aquariums (see Chapter
13 for a discussion of some of these dual
zens of the United States began to seek out Vaux sought to create an illusion of nature ural "pleasure ground,"intended for the learning/leisure environment). Others seem
relief from urban noise, disease, and confu through careful manipulation of topography, most part to provide quiet vIstas and oppor-
tunities for reflection in the midst of ex- aimed at refurbishing-mere traditional parks.
Sion. Initially many people went on outings water, and plant materials (see Figure 10-5). In the latter case, it is unclear how well his-}o
to cemeteries, the first public or
semi-public Parks were a form of landscape art meant to panding cities (Cranz, 1982)2Øpen lawns in toric parks addres the needs of modern city
gardens in cities (Kostof, 1987). Just before represent nature,-not as t-Feally was, but as some cities supported herds of sheep, deer,
or even
reindeer, with the dual purpose of
dwellers. Olmstead's vision may have been
adding to the pastoral or picturesque land- on the mark, but it not, to what degreeG
Figure 10-5 lusion of nature created by Oimstead and Vaux in New York's Central Park and keeping the lawns clipped. Parks
should an old park evolve to meet the needs
Scape of a changing society? Part of this tension is
were separated from the neighboring city
with berms and barriers of vegetation, and between the need tor environments to sup-
although drives were provided for carriages port both organized activities like sporting
and horses, pedestrian pathways were gener- events and somewhat more passive pursuits.
Simple contact with nature may be impor-
ally segregated"The park was also seen as a
tant; in fact, humans may have an automatic,
place where different ethnic groups could ex-

perience leisure and reflection together. Less biological thirst for it (Ulrich, 1993). On the
Kostof (1987) suggests that other hand, Alexander et al. (1977) reported
charitably, one

primary goal was to wean the working classes that people wereunlikelyto make regular
from their ethnic neighborhoods in order to use of parks that are more than three blocks
make "good" Americans of them. fromtheir homes. Despite variations in use
Even in the 1800s parks supported some levels, parks and playgrounds are amenities
organized group activities (ice skating be- that are likely to enhance the quality of lite

came popular in Central Park, for instance), for city residents.

but at the turn of the century North Ameri- Parks represent the desire of an ur-
cans found themselves with more leisure, banized society to maintain contact with
and a heightened desire in
participate or-
to nature. At a more personal level, private gart
ganized activities. In many parks open pas- dening may provide nature-based benefits
tures were replaced by ballfields and tennis
for urban residents (Kaplan, 1984, 1985;
For
courts. Some added private garden space, an Kaplan & Kaplan, 1987; Lewis, 1973).
effects
approach that became even more common example, Lewis (1973) researched the
 yrodnbeo trgr Environmental Solutions to Urban
Problems 391

390 CHAPTER 10 TheCity

to engage in rious insensitivity to life and limb) concrete

searchers believe that play activity has gTeat games, but were also more likely Aesthetics are not neces-
of providing recreational gardening environ- im undesirable behavior such as fighting. More or asphalt paving.
urban areas significance for children, and serves as an sarily ignored. Sometimes pipes are fash-
recently, Weinstein and Pinciotti (1988)
run-down
ments tor residents of
New York City portant vehicle for learning aboutthe world._ ioned into rocket ships or stagecoaches,
and
in New York City. The he various types of recreationat environ=- showed increases in active running, swing-
animal
recreational sometimes concrete is molded into
Housing Authority sponsored balancing play and decreases in
ments available or unavailable _to a child ing, and
to gar-
gardens. Groups of tenants wanting which and uninvolved behavior.
shapes (Shaw, 1987).
den could apply to the Authority, could have a significant impact on the child's games
Brown &
Contemporary playgrounds include
development. Also, the way in which avail- Modern researchers (e.g.,
gave them a garden site close to their proj-
able play spaces are designed can affect the Burger, 1984; Hayward et al., 1974) gener many of the same elements found n radi-
for aesthetics
ect, turned over the ground
for them, and tíonal designs, but with a flair
and experiences and benefits that children real- ally distinguish between three broad play--
and abstract shapes (e.g., the slide may
ex
also provided money for seeds or plants
ize from their interaction with them. Can ground styles: traditional, adventure, and
a gardening manual.
the design of play areas in our cities enrich contemporary playgrounds- (see Figures 10-6, tend from a multileveled wooden structure
Providing garden plots for residents has the psychological growth of our children? A, B, and C). Perhaps you are most
familiar with a variety of ladders, balancing beams,
Note that
had many beneficial effects. Lewis (1975) re- ramps, bridges, and other delights).
Much of the research on children's play with the traditional and contemporary play-
9 ports that recreational gardening by inner- in a contemporary playground a single appa-
city residents led to pride in accomplishment, environments has focused on playgrounds ground types. Traditional playgrounds con- rather than single
tain the standard apparatus (e.g, Swings, ratus often serves mulüple
to increased self-esteem,-andto reduced van- (Moore, 1989). Although this may overem-
still the play functions
dalism outside as well as inside the build- phasize the importance of designed environ- monkey bars, jungle gyms).This is in the Hart (1987) remarks that highly mani-
ments (neglecting back yards, streets, and most widely spread playground type
ingsSocial factors are important as well. In of United States, and seems primarily geared cured outdoor settings are usually controlled
Kaplan's (T985)study cited above, residents provides some the standard-
vacant lots), it
ization necessary for our discussion. Further- toward exercise.nfortunately, these play- by adults, with the loose parts of scrap wood,
who had adequateaccess to gardens found
their neighbors to be more friendly and feBt more, because there is less space available grounds are often dangerous-places-with a dirt, and other materials systematically
re-

(with moved. These environments atford children

a Sturonger sense of community. Gardensadd for children to appropriate, playgrounds may variety ot metal parts, chains, and a cu-

SOCial cohesion in the community by provid- be better used and more important in cities
ing a meeting place and a chance for people (Moore, 1989). The beginning of the pay- Figure 10-6 Playground styles (A) Traditional (B) Adventure (C) Contemporaryy
to work together toward a common end ground movement in America can be traced
(Lewis, 1973). Gardening may also increase to t885 when a pile of sand was providcd for
theproprietary sense and thus
of territoriality, asand garden," a play area for the childre
AA
make nearby space more apt to be defended living near a mission in Boston (Dickason,
and defensible (see Chapter 1983). "This structured play experience. was
8).
Why is recreational gardening benefi- and wasapparently in-
cial? In addition to their natural beauty and
well supervised,
tended to "Americanize" the children of im-
potential as a food source, gardens may pro- migrants by enticing them to a site where
vide a restorative experience that allows theywould be subject to instruction orpro-
people to recover from the stresses of day-
to-day life Kaplan-&Kaptan, T987). The paganda. Although this goal may seem rather
heavy handed, it represents an early recogni-
chance to be outside, to labor, to see things tion of the usefulness of formal play facilities
grow, and to experience a diversion from the in creating effective educational environ-
routine involves
many of the same benefits ments. Unfortunately, even today some
observed in wilderness recreation (R.
Kap- teachers view time spent on the playground
lan, 1984; Talbot & Kaplan, 1986). as "recess from the children time" (Brown &
Burger, 1984), no doubt overlooking educa-
DESIGNING URBAN PLAYGRUNDS tional opportunities.
As early as 1935, researchers were able to
One fact of nearly every childhood is play. demonstrate effects of different playground
Children play in all types of environmen- designs on children's behavior. According to
tal contexts, including playgrounds, recre- Johnson (1935), when playground equip-
ation rooms, museums, vacant lots, alleyways, ment was removed, children exercised less,
street corners, and driveways. Most re- played with dirt and sand more, played more
 Environmental Solutions to Urban
Problems 393
392 CHAPTER 10 The City

environmental designers do not sufficientdy

Such pretend or imaginative play is of
few opportunities for fantasy and sponta- patronize the adventure playgrounds (Hay- the preferences or c o n c e r n s of
chil-
neous design. On the other hand, snow in the ward et al., 1974). Finally fewer adults were particular theoretical interest because it is weigh
dren and parents (e.g.,, Bishop & Peterson,
wintertime and the "odds and ends" that ac- present in adventure playgrounds than
in thought to foster divergent, creative think- 1989). The reasoning that goes
cumulate in untended lots or rural areas the contemporary or traditional playgrounds. ing. One recent study_(Susa & Benedict, 1971; Moore,
often involves untested
provide rich opportunities for children. Ad- This latter finding is in all likelihood due to 1994) specificallyexamined the link between intoplay space design
about the nature of children
venture playgrounds (at least the "official fewer young children being present, but it playground design, pretend play, and.creativ- assumptions
ity. As expected, more pretend play occurred and play (Brown & Burger, 1984; Hayward,
for level of
versions) began in Denmark during World nevertheless has implications the
supervision in the three settings. The pres- on a complex.contemporary playground than Rothenberg, & Beasely, 1974). Consequently,
War I and encouraged youngsters to use on a somewhat more simple traditional play-
we should ask how well the resultant play
scrap wood and other castoft materials to ence of adults may be one reason why fewer
m e e t the needs of the user
In the researchers asked spaces actually
build their own world of fantasy and dirt. school-age children attended the traditional ground. addition,
Instead of traditional play equipment, scraps or contemporary playgrounds than the ad- the children they had been observing on the population. Moore (1989) _ernphasizes thhe
venture playgrounds, since school-age chil- playgrounds to try to think of.different uses importance of community involvement. Es-
of materials such as wood and tools like for a large wooden cable spool. At least for pecially in smalland medium cities, newa
hammers, nails, and saws are supplied. Chil- dren desire a degree of independence.
dren are eneouraged to buiBd stTuctures and The activities engaged in at the three this measure, creativity was positively corre- playground construction is increasingly
lated with pretend play, leading to at least a community project involying teachers, par-
to modify old ones
as time goes on and in- playgrounds differed as well, and the data im- ents, public officials, and children themselves.
ply that environmental features had a strong tentative conclusion that playground design
terests evolve. Clearly these playgrounds re The playground in Figure 10-7, for instance,
quire careful supervision, and the presence effect on behavior. In the traditional play- may foster creativity
There seems to be general agreement was constructed as a community project
of adult supervisors makes possible activities ground, swinging was the most common a c that tradi- under the supervision of a commercial design
such as cooking and gardening n addition ivity; but at the contemporary playground, 2mong architects and educators firm. During the course of the construction,
tional playgrounds fall short of providing
to less structured digging and hammering children engaged in a continuous mode of hundreds of different individuals volunteered
varied the desirable variety of educational, physical,
Some believe the adventure playground can activity which included playing on
and experiential challenges (Frost & Klein, time and materials, and subsequent post-
expand the range of play opportunities avail- equipment. This result was probably due
occupancy evaluation (see Chapter 11)
re-
able to children (Cooper, 1970; Hart, 1987; in part to the equipment at the contempo- 1979). On the other hand, not all empirical re-
search demonstrates that contemporary play- sulted in the consturuction of two additions
Moore, 1989; Nicholson, 1970). For instance, rary playground (e-g., there was much more
Moore (1989) concludes that adventure play- "multipurpose" equipment). At the adven- gTounds as a class are necessarily superior to to ease congestion on the popular playground
more traditional designs. Brown and Burger and to make it more accessible to physically
grounds.support more fantasy and richer cog- ture playground the most popular activity
(1984), for example, observed children at challenged children.
nitive experiences. Of course somemembers was playing în the "clubhouse," an option three contemporary and three traditional
Playground supervision is also important
of the community complain about their un- that did not exist in the other two settings. (Moore, 1989). Whereas the earliest city play-
planned nature and unattractive appearance. The degree of novelty of an apparatus playgrounds. Although one of the three con-
were often supervised, those of this
Different playgrounds attract different also seemed to affect its use: There were tra- temporary playgrounds was the most suc- grounds
cessful at promoting educationally desirable century have often either overlooked many
clientele. According to Moores (1989) sum- ditional slides at the traditional-playground, social, language, or motor behaviors, the over-
safety concerns, or depended upon the design
mary, girls are more often seenon.traditional but
at the contemporary playground slide a
all levels of the measured behaviors were of apparatus to reduce injuries. With increas-
apparatus such as sWings whereas boys seem was built on a cobblestone "mountain with
lowest at one of the other contem- ing concern about litigation, supervisors may
more attracted to climbing apparatus and to actually
Moore be-
tunnels running through it. VWhereas the porary sites. Theresearchers concluded that become more common. An important op-
ball games. On the other hand,
lieves that settings dominated by nature at-
novel slide was extremely popular, the tradi-
although the poorly functioning playground portunity will be overlooked if adults are
tional one was used relatively infrequently.
tract a more equal mix of boys and girls and Overall, for the three playgrounds, it may be appeared contemporary. in_ design and was merely monitors, however. The potential for
pleasing to the adult eye, these visual charac- well-trained playleaders or animators (play-
encourage more cooperative play. In a study seen that the opportunities and constraints
that teristics were not successtul in promoting ground leaders who are trained to elicit cer-
specifically compared the three
primary provided by the environment predict the
the desired play behaviors. In sum,-children's tain play behaviors, much as a play's director
playground designs, Hayward et al. (1974) predominant activities engaged in by chil- elicits different performances from his or
found that each attracted a somewhat differ- dren. Such
play is affected by the success of each indi
ent clientele. Practically no preschool chil- opportunities and constraints also sidual playground apparatus, the choice of her cast)to make playgrounds a richer, more
affect how the children play (e.g., alone or in
dren attended the adventure sites for the playground, and the integration effective learning environment is a partic
while about one-third of the playgrounds,
groups) and the focus of their interaction
users in the of the play spaces in addition to the particu- ularly exciting challenge (Moore, 1989). In
other two settings fell into this (e.g., on the "here and now" versus fantasy). addition to the need for safety, we will
age group. In For example, tantasy play was least
lar design style (traditional or contemporary).
contrast, older children were more likely to common A number of researchers believe that paraphrase the playground design guidelines
in the traditional
playground.
 Environmental Solutions to Urban Problems
395
394 CHAPTER 10 The City
and office
Chicago (a world's fair), Daniel Burnham set luxury apartments
place slums with
out to create an entire city based on a coher- buildings, forcing resídents to move else-
who a r e r e -
ent master plan that was to be
free from the where. Unfortunately, the people
their area as a
located often do not perceive
ills of unplanned urban disörder. Theë fair at al but as a pleasant neighborhood
was a success. Although no new cities re- slum
sulted, Burnham's plan led to what was called (Fried & Gleicher, 1961).
What are the psychological conse
the City Beautiful Movement.These'grand and
quences of demolishing neighborhoods
master plans featured classical architecture, Clearly, these
arranged in.an orderly-fashion-arOUnd public forcing people torelocate?
number of situational
depend on a large
open spaces having plazasand-pools., City conditions, including attraction to the for
Beautiful plans w e r e adopted and at least
mer neighborhood and family conditions,
partially executed in Chicago, Duluth, Cleve-
but relocation often has negative
conse

land, and San Francisco. For Unite States neighborhood not

quences. }Destroying
a
citizens, the most familiar of Burnhams proj-
can destroy a
ects may be his contribution to Washington only eliminates buildings, it
sense of iden-
D.C.s Mall, with its flanking monuments functioning social system and
and museums (Kostof, 1987). tity for neighborhood residents. According
for urban re- to Gans (1962), sBum areas provide not only
Figure 10-7 A playground constructed as a community project A m o r e modern initiative
newal focused more clearly on the decaying cheap housing, but offer the types of social
crisis-
residential and commercial sections of post- Supportpeopte need
to keep going i n a
A System of Pathways. Key places need to
suggested by Shaw (1987) as-a-summary be linked by a carefully chosen systen
World War II cities. The assumption_was ridden existence.
Boston's West End served as the location
desirable playground amenities. They should that renewal would provide better housing,
possess: of paths that provide children with safer neighborhoods, and revitalized busi- for an intensive study of the effect of renewal
choices and lead them to discover the ness districts. In effect, urban renewal was to on a well-liked Ttalian working-class resi-
A Sense of Place. Just as adults seem to What the consequences of
variety of play dptions. dential area. were
prefer legible environments (those that be a panacea for many urban problems, For
instance, there was assumed t o be a.causal relocation? Loss of home, neighborhood, and
canbe understood or cognitively
easily Three-Dimensional Layering. The piay-
relationship between poor housing-and a daily interactions with weil-known neigh-
mapped), children will be most com- ground should not be thought of as a bors caused an upheaval in peopleslives and
fortable when spaces form aTontext series of structures seated on a single "grab bag" of social ills: In fact, aside from
studies relating poor housing to problems disrupted their routines, personal relation-
that reffects an overall orde plane, but as a three-dimensional ships, and expectations. This led to a griet re
Unity. The environment's overall imagge arrangement of ramps, slides, tunnels,
with physical and mental health (e-g., Duval
there is little evidence action in many of those who were displaced,
should be unified. Individual parts should and ladders that allow children access & Booth, 1978), to especially in those people who had been mest
to different elevations. support this assumption.
be connected physically and spatially; The latter half of the twentieth century satisfied with the status quo. Among women
otherwise, most activity will center on Loose
the most complex pieces. Unity may Parts. Loose parts are things
to manipulate that are not part of the
saw massive physical changes in the name of who reported liking their neighborhood very
also imprOve
renewal: Houses and neighborhoods were much, 73 percent displayed short-term re
and
children'sability to develop playground apparatus itself. Examples razed and replaced by tall apartment com- actions to extreme griet, including vomiting,
sustain workable cognitive maps. include
balls, games, or building plexes, and thousands of residents were relo- intestinal disorders, crying spells, nausea, and
A Variety of Spaces. Playgrounds should materials. cated. Perhaps you can anticipate a natural depression. About 20 percent of the resi-
include large spaces, Small spaces, en- conflict of interest between planners and dents were depressed for as long astwoyears
closed spaces, and open spaces. In par- REVITALIZING ENTIRE URBAN those living in the slums that are torn down after moving. These types of reactions, and
ticular, children may especially DISTRICTS: URBAN RENEWAL
enclosed defensible spaces, a enjoy
to make way for renewal. Planners hope to more severe health effects, may be most com-
non Brown and phenome- Urban renewal can be defined as an inte attract wealthy individuals and businesses mon in people who are already vulnerable
Burger refer to as "en-
grated series of steps taken to maintain and back into the city, to destroy eyesores, and (e.g, those with previous problems; Free-
capsulation."
to keep the city sufficiently attractive so that man, 1978). Interestingly, peoples reactions
Key Places. Key places are complex play upgrade the environmental, economic, and people will make use of its cultural resources
social health of an urban area (Porteus, were mediated by knowledge of their former
structures that
support a variety of (Porteus, 1977). Especially in the early years neighborhoods. The greater the tamikarity,
activities. 1977). It is not really a new idea. More than a
century ago at the CoBombian Exposition in of urban development, they tended to re- the stronger the grief (Fried, 1963).
 Solutions to Urban Problems
397
Environmental
396 CHAPTER 10 The City

Individuals with more ties are more apt to closed or blocked, and speed bumpswere in- features advocated by the theory, while.somne
REVTTALIZzING RESIDENTIAL AREAS and
intervene to "defend" their neighborhood, stalled to_slow trafic Insteadof one large times significant, is not-terribly large
influenced by other factors (Taylor
If "wiping out" entire urban districts in an are better able to discriminate neighbors
from
residential neighborhood, Five Oaks was di- may be not all research has
et al., 1984). In addition,
attempt to "save" them generates new prob- strangers, and, because shared norms de- vided into smaller "mini-neighborhoods" by lower
of the modifications. At least according to pre- found that defensible space works to
lems, are there environmental steps we can velop, are more likely to know what types liminary results, traffic decreased by 67 per- crime, increase neighborhood
cohesion, and
should
take to target residential areas tor revitaliza- activities should go on and what types so on (e.g., Mawby, 1977; Merry, 1981). So-
The latter cent, and crime was reduced by 26 percent
tion? In this regard, let us examine defensible not (Taylor & Browér, 1985). since implementation of the modifications. cial and cultural factors (e-g-, groups
of resi-
and analysis was supported in research by Taylor
space, social networks, public housing, dents from different ethnic groups who do
et al. (1984). Finally, defensible space could We will report more examples of blocking
notform cohesive bonds.even when living in
gentrification.
lessen crime, since it may strengthen peo- 5 off neighborhoods shortly.
Defensible Space because In addition to physica changes to en-
"defensible space") may-sometimes.causede
ples territorial functioning (i.e.,
other interventions fensible space to remain "undetended."
Newman and his colleagues (Newman, 1972,
areas characterized by detensible space are hance defensible space, In addition to architectural features
well bounded and more defensible, they may that will increase neighborhood cohesion or
1975; Newman & Franck, 1982) have fo- affecting defensible space, as suggested by
cused on how physical aspects of a setting elicit more proprietary attitudes). feelings of "ownership" should also lower
Does the concept of defensible space crime. These could include increasing the Newman, Taylor and his associates (e.g, lay-
may affect resident-based control of the lor et al., 1980) believe defensible space
environment and ultimately lead to lower have the predicted effects? There is definite extent of home ownership-in an.area, assist-
of research and application should draw more
crime. Their ideas are captured in the con- support for at least part of the model. New- ing neighborhoods in the development the concept of territoriality (see
man (1972) -compared two public housing cal social dies, and similar initiatives. For heavily on
cept of defensible space, Defensible spaces
projects in New York, one of which was high example, block organizations can be spon- Chapter 8). They suggest that some critical
crime
areclearly bounded,
o rsemi-private, spaces snred and supported, and neighborhood environmental features for controlling
that appear to belong to someone; that is, a in defensible space, the other of which was contests can be are signs of defense, signs ot appropriation,
low. The latter project had more crime and clesn-up and beautihcation
visitor is likely to recognize them as some- 1978). Signs
one's territory, Defensible spaces should also higher maintenance costs, and this could not
run (Taylor et al., 1984). All of these may and signs of incivility (Hunter,
and real barriers di-
allow surveillance by providing visual acces- be explained by tenant characteristics. How- impact on some of the
same types of social of defense are symbolic that
advo- rected toward strangers keep unwanted
ever, while increased defensible space was processes which the physical changes
sibility. Newman argued that if we create cated by defensible space theorists are as-
outsiders away. Signs of appropriation
are

such spaces through design, they will lead associated with less crime, whether this was sumed to affect. territorial markers suggesting that a space
is
residents to feel ownership over them, foster due to greater cohesion among neighbors used and cared for. Signs of incivility are
informal surveillance, and promote social and stronger territorial attitudes and behav-
Some have criticized the way the defen- environmental
sible space theory was originally formulated physical and social cués (e-g.,
cohesion between neighbors. These behav- iors, as suggested by defensible space theory, deterioration) that indicate decay in the
the sup-
iors should reduce certain types of crime and is unclear since this mediating link was not (e.g., Taylor et al., 1980), including social order. These territorial signs give in-

elicit improved social re- porting research literature (e.g, Patterson,

antisocial acts
and measured. Another study, a demonstration
1977). One of the problems, as noted above,
formation to other residents and to strangers
ätions among urbanites. project in Hartford, Connecticut, imple- crime occurs.
Defensible spaces could lead to lower
is that the social processes defensible space which affects whether or not

mented both physical and social changes de- measured in Taylor et al. believe that territorial signs
crime for several reasons (Taylor, Gottfred iS assumed to attect were not which deter crime are more common in ho-
signed to increase defensible space (Fowler, most studies. While the research suggests
son, & Brower, 1984). First, they could have McCall, & Mangione, 1979). While the me- and where there
a direct effect. It that factors associated with more defensible mogeneous neighborhoods,
may be that spaces which diating variables posited by defensible space arestrong local social ties. As opposed
to
| and other outcomes
look "defensible" lead potential offenders to theory were again unmeasured, the changes space may atfect crime
that Newman's model, then, these authors sug-
assume that residents will in a favorable way, there is little evidence
actively respond which were implemented led to fewer bur-
this occurs, as Newman believes, because gest that sociocultural variables and social_
to
intruders, a notion which has been sup- glaries, and residents perceived themselves defensible space creates feelings of owner conditions, in addition to design, determine
ported in work by Brower,
Dockett, and Tay- to be less at risk. They reported walking in territorial cognitions and behaviors and-ulti-
lor (1983). Second, as ship and affects the social fabric of a setting.
suggested by Newman, the neighborhood more, and believed it was Recent research (e.g., by Taylor and his as mately the level of crime in a neighborhood.
defensible space may cause the formation of easier to recognize strangers. The Five Oaks This model has been tested and has received
sociates and Newman and his) has tried
to
local ties among residents. This may occur & Tay
neighborhood of Dayton, Ohio, is the lo support (e.g., Gottfredson, Brower,
because it makes clarify and extend the model, and behavior.
to measure
people feel safer, which cation of an even more recent
lor, 1979; Newman & Franck, 1982; Taylor
causes them to use the
space more, to come of Newman's
application the links between cognitions and & Ferguson, 1978; Taylor et al., 1980, 1984).
into increased contact with neighbors, and approach (Newsweek, July 11, Other research suggests that the link
ultimately, to develop more common ties. 1994). In order to create smaller,
more
defen between lower crime and the physical design
A fairly recent means of promoting
sible neighborhoods, streets and alleys were
 Environmental Solutions to Urban
Problems 399
398 CHAPTER 10 The City
access to an
territorial defense in cities is to barricade of social networks helps regulate -

leads toless reliance o n

out (Crowe, area by strangers,
disturbances, and
streets to keep nonresidents
can
with
1991). A cul-de-sac design in residential police for dealing to c o n f o r m
on so-
exert signihcant pressure
area serves a similar function: Traffic access
inside a neighborhood
is reduced so that residents may be more cial deviants living When
Wheeldon, 1969).
vigilant and criminals more conspicuous if (e-g., Suttles, 1968; urban decay can
social is absent,
cohesion
the area to scout out a these c o n -
they cruise through foothold. Under
gridlike street pattern, it is get a strong effects
target. With a
of responsibility
who ditions, diffusion
more difficult for neighbors to know in which people
"belongs" in the area and who does not. Darley & Latané, 1968), responsibility
assume it is "someone else's
By barricading strategic points in the neigh- occur. In
borhood, residents hope to make cruising to deal with social problems, may
(Zimbardo, 1969),
the neighborhood by criminals
addition, deindividuation
through inwhich people feel "lost in the crowd,"
un-

more difficult. Barriers can be barrels filled therefore not responsible

with sand and linked by long boards, con- recognizable, and
crete construction barriers, or attractively
for their antisocial behavior, may occur/
Viable social networks are most likely
to
designed brick walls with landscaping. Barri- in
certain situations. "Neighboring"
cades are not without controversy; often, occur in when there is
lower-income residents or those in mostly urban environments is greater
sta-
contend that bar- racial similarity, shared socioeconomic
minority neighborhoods "investment" in a neigh- EE

keep them out of tus, psychological

ricades are designed to

well-to-do majority residential areas. Do borhood, satisfaction with conditions there, social network formation.
Lack of defensible space inhibits local
and a positive sense of well-being (Unger & Figure 10-8
barricades work? Atas and LeBlanc (1994)
Miami Shores, a Wandersman, 1983). Social networks can
report o n one study of Public hous-
Florida that erected barriers also be fostered or inhibited through envi- residents, and how much a person generaly with a relatively low income.
community in ronmental means. VWe will see later that they settings that a r e
Over a period of
years. Compared to other with other residents ing often provides physical
in activities
are very often strong in so-called "sluns, participates than the residents
communities, some crime rates were lower (Wandersman & Florin, 1981). objectively much better
and very weak in many urban renewal hous- are often
but such projects
after installation of the barricades. Part of original homes,
the reduction, however, may have been due ing projects. Research by Newman (1972,
Public Housing: Some Bad Examples unsuccesstul.

not to the barriers themselves, but to the 1975) and Newman and Franck (1982) has The classic example is the Pruitt-lgoe
What when plans to revitalize the
happens built in the
need for neighbors to work together to imple- also shown that defensible space works in St. Louis, which was
the mostly poor residents of the project
ment the plan; in other words, social factors to facilitate local social network formation city displace such inner in 1954. In this project, 12,000 per-
city
Figure 10-8). decaying urban core? Forced relocation, relocated into 45 buildings l l sto-
may have been at least as important as envi-
urban renewal, frequently results sons were
as
through apartments, and
ronmental ones, a topic we will explore next. One way in which social networks can
in one of two housing options. Although
ries high, containing 2,762 contained
Social Factors
function effectively for the good of an urban
affected individuals are generally promised covering 57 acres. The buildings areas
area is to form local organizations (often is often narrow hallways with n o semiprivate
Neighborhood social networks could play a alternative housing, the promise that wass
tor people to congregate-a design
significant role in fostering the ability to called "block organizations"). These work unfulfilled, and many drift into
other slums
Forum (April, 1951)
for improvements such as better lighting,
become homeless. There is
a tremen- praised in Arcbitectural
cope with urban problems. Neighborhood police protection, street repairs, or other o r even
for having no "wasted space." The project
social networks are people living nearby who dous lack of affordable, alternative housing
common goals. Residents participation in expensive build but very institutional
to
the net result was
in the United States today,
about and so
care
depend on each other. People "features" as in-
block organizations may be in nature, containing such
with strong social networks
enjoy better phys eral factors: how
predicted by sev- of urban renewal is often
to lower the pop-
stitutional wall tile (from which graffiti
was
ical health and
psychological important the block en-
ulation of one slum neighborhood
while
indestruc-
well-being, are
less fearful of victimization, and vironment is to the individual, whether a of another. Alter- easily removed), unattractive (but
respond bet- increasing the population vandal-resistant ra-
ter to crisis events persor elieves he or she could perform the relocated in public hous- tible) light fixrures, and
(e-g., Antonovsky,
1979; behaviors necessary natively, people are
diators and elevators.
Holahan 8& Moos, 1981). Also, the to
participate, the
per- which is low-rent housing built for
those
presence ceived existence of common needs among ing,
 Environmental Solutions to Urban
Problems 401
CHAPTER 10 The City
400
miserably? slums. Resi-
ished. Why did Pruitt-Igoe
fail so
comes..they stumble around and you can people had lived with in the
construction expense, proposed by Yancey dents also resented their unknown neigh-
In spite of the One explanation
was hear them in time to get out" (Yancey, 1972,
sham- lost the
Pruitt-lgoe
was a
who centered his argument around bors and felt bored because they had
within a few years (1972), p. 133).
the project were used
bles. Take walk with us through
a the lack of semiprivate, sociopetal
spaces or
Other explanations have also been put companions and pastimes they
there is a social in- to. Finally, some were unhappy because they
it opened. First,
several years after aban- other facilities that could promote forward for the demise of Pruitt-Igoe. One could no longer engage in certain illegal
tin cans, and of a social order.
display of broken glass, and teraction and the formation suggested by Rainwater (1966) is that such the slums
the playgrounds made up of low-rise activities they had practiced in
doned c a r s covering
Typically "slums" are "features" as vandal-proof radiators and walls prostitution) due
lots. Some of the building windows and lots of door-
seltf-threatening message of (e.g., selling stolen goods,
parking boarded tenements, n a r r o w streets, may convey a
have been up and talk. to greater surveillance.
are broken; others ways to
businesses in which to stop
inferiority to residents and may actualy
smell the stench In
with plywood. Inside, you elevator is The design of many urban
renewal projects
challenge them to destroy these objects. Low-Income Housing: More
The
of urine, rash, and garbage. is far less successful in providing
for such so- another context, Sommer (1974) and Stain- Favorable Alternatives
feces indi-
the presence of architectural failure
in disrepair, and cial interaction. This brook (1966) proposed that the environmnent
used as a toilet. Next, you What factors are associated with satisfaction
cates it has been cohesion among residents, and can convey negative intormation that may
and electrical fixtures may resist A
study
notice that plumbing and crime. adversely affect belhavior. In a sense, the by residents of low-income housing?residents
promote confict
have been pulled out of apartment
and hall-
also contended that the high- stigma of poverty was highlighted by
the by Rent and Rent (1978) surveyed
When you come upon a
resident Yancey from many housing projects in South Car-
way walls.
she says she rise architectural design of the project was
design of Pruitt-lgoe. It, like many public olina. Those who lived in single-family or
and ask her about Pruitt-lgoe, that setit
greatly to blame. It put
children beyond their housing developments, had a look
has no friends there; there
is "nobody to
whenever they were off from other types of housing, and it was "duplex" dwellings liked their residences
that gangs have parents' sight and control much than others. This satisfaction
help you." She also tells you
more
outside their house and gave them many
hid- easily identified as "housing for the poor." because these
formed and that rape, vandalism,
and rob-
in The lack of "defensible space" has also been probably occurred, in part,
crime frequently den areas, such as stairwells and elevators, residences were n o r e often owned,
which
are common. Since as an important explanation (New-
bery which to cause mischief. Such areas also pro- suggested low-
in elevators and stairwells, the is another predictor of satistaction in
took place adults man, 1972). Finally, it should be mentioned
been abandoned (see Fig- vided sanctuaries for teenagers and ad-
income housing. For other reasons, too (e.g.,
upper floors have activities almost anony-
that Pruitt-lgoe was plagued by a poorly
ure 10-9).
to engage in illicit
ministered housing authority and by tsS iso- greater privacy), such dwellings produce
These conditions destroyed Pruitt-Igoe. mously. As one resident said, "All yo: have more satistaction.Not surprisingly, then, 75
to do is knock out the lights on the landings lation from the surrounding community.
said they would
By 1970, 27 of the 43 buildings were vacant; Pruitt-lgoe is unfortunately not unique percent of those surveyed
above and below you. Then when and
prefer to live in a single-family dwelling, im-
someone
and the project has now been totally demol in its effects on residents, which has prompted
to be studied by so- 83 percent wanted to own one. Another
other housing projects satisfaction was
cial scientists. One study was conducted in portant predictor of housing
Figure 10-9 The demolition of Pruit-lgoe in 1972 Puerto Rico by Hollingshead and Rogler having friends in the neighborhood (often
(1963). Their findings will give you a feeling these turn out to be neighbors). Generally,
the satisfiedone was with his or her
for the obstacles a public housing project is
more

the types of neighbors, the greater the attraction to the

up against, even if it incorporates situation. An interesting finding was
improvements we have suggested.
The proj- living
that overall lite satistaction was associated
was less crowded and had
ect in question The happier one
better facilities, lower rents, and a healthier with liking one's residence.
from which the was with his or her life, the more satisfied
atmosphere than the slums one was with living arrangements. Overall,
residents had moved. However, while only
35 percent had disliked the slums, 86 per- then, social as well as'physical factors may
the be determinants of housing satis-
cent of the men and 71 percent of important
When their rea- faction among low-income individuals.
women disliked the project.
sons were examined, they reflected many Fortunately, of the recent trends
some

assistance have more

complaints that could not easily be remedied
in government housing
was loneli- elements associated with residential satisfac-
by design changes. One problem made tion than earlier project housing. When gOv-
had not pro-
ness, since the designers
visions for housing the extended family that
ernment assistance is provided, the U.S.
 Solutions to Urban
Problems 403
Environmental

402 CHAPTER 10 TheCity

This is the source of many

less stopped build- has been gentrification. Gentrification can and lifestyles are responsible for gentrifi- in urban areas.
violence and
government has
more or
be defined as the emergence of middle- and problems (e.g.,
urban
cation. Whereas the values of most Ameri-
current
for low-income fam-
ing "high-rise projects crime) and will probably play
a n e v e n greater

ilies. No"public housing" has been

built for upper-class areas in parts of the inner city that cans may have formerly been
antiurban
are placed
were formerly deteriorated (London, Lee, & (Allen, 1980), this may be changing. In fact, role in the future.
over a decade. Instead, people Another negative aspect of gentrihca-
this follows
more often in townhouses or small apartment Lipton, 1986). Frequently, reno-
it may even be becoming "invogue" to live lived in
vations to buildings which were once attrac- tion is that the poor who originally
buildings. There has also been
increased in the city among some population sub- often pressured to m o v e out.
with home ownership,
tive and desirable, but which have fallen into the "slums" are
government assistance groups (e.g, yuppies). Because they have few political
advocates and
direct housing subsidies for the poor (e.g., disrepair. After the renovation, wealthier ten- Finally, political-economic explanations situation.
ants move in, and those who lived there be- One implies that the little power, they are in a difficult
may take several forms.
and attempts to renOvate or
rent vouchers), that collective mobi-
fore the renovation must find alternative Henig (1982) argues
preserve current housing instead of demoli-
decreasing availability of suburban land, ris- for the
the admirable function of housing. While gentrification is good for the low lization o r other forms of protection
tion. This serves
ing transportation costs, intlation, victims of gentrification (e.g., those
whose
the people." cities in many ways (e.g., it encourages "re cost of urban, inner-city dwellings, and anti-
"fixing the building and leaving taxes are raised, o r who are
Another recent innovation is "urban home- settlement" by people with greater means, discrimination and school desegregation laws rents o r property
where abandoned urban property raises the tax base, and improves the envi- are all conspiring to encourage gentrifica- pressured or forced to relocate) is even m o r e
steading, than for victims of urban
renewal.
is given to individuals who agree to rehabili- ronment), like urban renewal, it can be "bad tion. Another perspective suggests that eco- important
has not found ef-
tate it to meet existing housing codes and news" for poor residents of the city. In addi- nomic interests and political factors are
The federal government
fective means of monitoring gentrification
it for a prescribed period of time. It tion, while gentrification and urban renewal responsible for gentrification, and that, in
Occupy for possible harm, and leaves much of
the
has sometimes been quite successful, but in continue to occur, we should keep in mind some sense, it has been willfully planned. The
those dis-
other instances the practical problems of that a major threat to cities is still the disin- most cyical view is that powerful interest responsibility for dealing with
to state and local officials.
When
having low-income families with limited re- tegration and abandonment of urban hous- groups allow the city to deteriorate, mindful placed
sources play the role of "general contractor" ing (Henig, 1982). that gentrification could later yield major these officials weigh their c o n c e r n s over dis-
have been overwhelming. There has, untor- Several conceptual perspectives have profits. They pursue gentrification for their lacement of existing residents with their
own benefit, with little regard for individ- lesire for an increased tax base, they often
tunately, been one "backlash" from earlier been proposed to explain the emerging trend
find it difficult to support the former (HHenig,
fiascoes with public housing such as Pruitt of gentrihcation. Demographic explanations uals who would be displaced by it (London
Igoe: Some municipalities refuse altogether suggest that gentrification 1s due to popu- et al., 1986). 1982). In addition, the private sector is resis-

to have any form ofit within their boundaries. lation changes. For example, as increasing Do only the wealthy benefit from gentri- ant to policies to limit displacement due to
When people must be moved due to numbers of "baby boomers" reached adult- fication? While at first it may appear so, a Not
gentrification. surprisingly, as with u r -
are there some means of ac- caser analysis suggests that this may not be ban renewal, it has been found that being
urban renewal, hood in the seventies and eighties they put
torced to relocate due to gentriication is as-
complishing this in a more humane way? demands on the housing supPply. Other fac- enirely correct. It has been found that while
One possibility would be to move people tors include the declining birth rates in t e owners of gentrified housing are "urban sociated with threats to health and well-
to a new setting in established social groups. Canada and the United States, and the in- gentry (e.g.,young, highly educated profes- being (Myers, 1978).
This would maintain the social cohesion of creasing number of women in the work force. sionals), the "renters" of such housing typi-
the former neighborhood (Young & Will- Affuent, childless, working couples are not cally have much lower incomes, and pay a REVITALIZzING COMMERCIAL
mott, 1957). It could also be maintained, to discouraged by the poor reputation of inner- large proportion of them for rent. Thus, two AND BUSINESS DISTRICTS
types of people are moving into gentrified
some extent, by moving people to redevel-
oped areas near their old neighborhood.
city schools, and may want to live in the city,
North American cities are mere infants com-
areas (DeGiovanni & Paulson,
Another important tactor is citizen
close to their jobs and recreational opportu- 1984).
partici- nities (London et al., 1986). In contrast, eco- There are various "costs of gentriheca pared to many
of their European counter-
patio in planning the move and the new logical approaches suggest that the ecology tion. It has been found that gentrification parts, and North American cities (with the
setting in which they will live (e.g.,
Arnstein, ofthe setting determines whether or not there often results in an increase in violent crimes possible exception of Mexican archeological
1969). Designers and planners should en- will be gentrification (London et al, 1986). (Taylor & Covington, 1988), as well as an in- sites) have no opportunity to show the rich
courage participation, and be especially sen- in larceny history of Paris or London, let alone the an-
sitive to cultural or subcultural differences in
From this perspective, cities high in white- crease
and robbery (Covington&
collar businesses, low in manufacturing, low Taylor, 1989). This may occur, in part, from cient cities of Athens or Rome. Moreover,
housing preferences. in noxious land use, and which have long the close juxtaposition of the "haves" to the until recently North Americans have shown
Gentrification commuting distances should be most apt to "have nots" in gentrifying areas. One of the a disregard for preserving the variety of dif-
urban trends of in architectural styles, materials, and
While urban renewal has had effect
experience gentrification (e.g, Lipton, 1977). major the
past decade, ferent
an on A third approach, the sociocultural
explana- fact, is an increasing gap between the very building sizes that once marked the core of
cities for many years, trend poor households and the other households
a more recent
tion, assumes that changing values, attitudes, cities (Day, 1992; Gratz, 1989; Kostof, 1987).
 Problems
405
Solutions to Urban
Emvironmental

404 CHAPTER 10 The City

renewal a new retail emphasis to turn the old market

As Kostof (1987) complains, urban into something not unlike a shopping mall,
destruc-
often resulted in the indiscriminate
tion of the rich texture of old neighborhoods, but with a sense of history. Funding was
difficult, even when the project attracted the
with corporate towers. One
replacing them
part of what was lost was formal history successful developer James Rouse. But funds
the architecture associated with important were obtained, and the Faneuil Hall-Quincy
but perhaps Market district became the prototype for
people and events. A different,
related loss is the sense of place created not dozens of other festival marketplaces (see
but by the sense of meaning Figure 10-10). These marketplaces are busy
by age per se,
created by architecture (see also Chapters 2 retail and tourist centers that combine retail
and 12 for other discussions of place). One space, leisure, and a bit of theater. The so-
current goal ot many downtown revital- called Rouseification of downtown Boston,
ization projects is not to erase the past, but Baltimore, and other American cities invokes
to preserve or even recapture it. For ex- what Hall (1988) calls the "city-as-stage."
ample, many cities have "rediscovered" their That is, the new city center, like theater,
old farmer's markets (Sommer, 1989). Such presents a wholesome, sanitized, and not
placemaking may not be a simple task, be quite real vision of urban life. Part of the
cause it relies not on a buildings power to mix includes a bow to history. In Boston the
elements of history were Faneuil Hall, which
determine behavior, but on its ability to cue
the memories that create the personal mean- was treated as an historic landmark, and the
ing and experience of place (Day, 1992). As three old granite buildings of Quincy mar- 10-10 The festival marketplace in Baltimore's Inner Harbor
Figure
we shall see, the results of these efforts at ket which were renovated to serve as homes
least as varied as their goals, and projects for retail outlets and food vendors. This re- tes
successes,
that are successtul on some counts may ex- habilitation and recycling of old structures also for an adjoining glassy atrium that was Despite these apparent
so-called post-
acerbate other urban problems. for new uses is now known as adapive reuse apparently seen as linking the building to marketplaces and other
tival without their
activity outside. modern projects are n o t
Festival Marketplaces (Hall, 1988). In Balimores Inner Harbor, Such critics. As we said, they preserve n o t history,
on the other hand, the old wharf and ware- require massive funding.
projects
Baltimore's Inner Harbor area, for instance, but an idealized presentation of urban life as
The proliferation of so-called festival mar- house district was reoved altogether and
ketplaces provides an example of both suc attracted S180 million in federal funds, $58 it never was. At their worst, such develop-
replaced by new retail pavilions, plazas, and
the potential dangers of urban milion from the city, and only $28 million ments (or their poor imitations) make little
cess and a museum. Some connecuon t the historic
in private funds (Hall, 1988). At their best, attempt to preserve real history, but instead
revitalization projects. In the late 1960s a
Boston architect, Benjamin Thompson, pro-
watertront was main tained (or recovered) by
such downtown attractions revitalize decay- treat historic structures as commodities and
acquiring the three-masred frigate the SS
pOsed a plan for restoring an historic area of Constellation and mooring it permanently ing older cities. Rouse's Inner Har
industrial cater more to collective nostalgia than to a
Downtown Boston by creating a new retail near the pavilions (Kostof, 1987). bor area of Baltimore, for instance, attracts genuine understanding of the historic land-
marketplace. The proposed site lay midway 22 million visitors a year to its shops, a mu- scape (Kostof, 1987; Roberts & Schein, 1993).
How candesigners marry the architec
between the waterfront and the Boston f
ture of the past with modern construction seum, and waterfront plazas (Hall, 1988). In Their apparent spontaneaus mix of sights
nancial district. Its focus was three old Boston, the market area and a similar revi- and smells are, in fact, anything but acci-
market buildings adjacent to Faneuil Hall, techniques and requirements? Much of the
effect can be created by visually extending talization of the waterfront are part of a long dental, and to some represents a publicly
Colonial meetinghouse (Gratz, corridor the heart of old subsidized
a
1989). old facades through new edifices and by pedestrian through trendy superficiality. At their best,
Thompson's plan for a revitalized market- maintaining compatible size and mass (e.g., Boston which stretches from the harbor, however, they may be delightful celebrations
place ran counter to the conventional wis-
dom that downtown retail districts were
Hedman & Jaszewski, 1984). The new does through the market, to the Boston Common
and Public Garden area, and beyond to the
of the city.

destined to fail at the hands of suburban

not
need to "pretend" to be old. Day's (1992) of Commonwealth Design Review
shopping malls. Unlike the parallel rediscov survey of public
responses to a new 1.3 mil- gentrified brownstones
of lon square megastructure in St. Paul
foot Avenue and Back of
is
Bay (this cohesive corridor Both historic preservation and
large-scale
ery farmers markets and fea markets showed not only an appreciation for a care-
partly result Kevin Lynch's cognitive
a downtown revitalization
projects operate on
(Sommer, 1989), Thompson's plan called for fully preserved and reconstructed facade, but mapping studies reviewed in Chapter 3). a massive scale. Most
buildings are not
part
 Suburbs 407
The City Escaping to the
406 CHAPTER 10

in the middle
the target of revitalization plans
of such massive projects, of course. Unfortu- observers reacted with mixed
individualdevelopers, landlords, 1980s, some

nately, when to construct a new

emotions. On the one hand, the plans sig-
and architects attempt the decaying the-
confiict between naled a return to health for
building, there may be a
district. On the other hand, some feared
goals o r taste and those of the
ater
their individual visually over-
would
1989; that huge new buildings
surrounding district (Devlin & Nasar, whelm the m o r e modest historic
district. Ac-
smaller still
Nasar, 1994). Other projects are an environmental
(a plan to refurbish an aging business facade, cording to Hiss (1990),
the simulation demonstrated the need for build-
for instance) and may not even require the sixth floor to
Owner to hire an architect or other design ings to be set back at about
allow continued use of the traditional gaudy
professional. To ensure that building appear-
ance is not discordant with the good of the signs, and the New York City Planning Com-
mission adopted both this suggestion and
community, cities may adopt design review,
a case by case examination of proposed
new zoning regulations requiring developers to
aside space for businesses such as cos-
projects that attempts to ensure that they
set

will remain harmonious with both the archi- tume shops that serve the theater industry.
tecture and the ongoing social fabric of a Unfortunately (according to Hiss) the plan-
commission did not also require a sec-
district. New York City's Times Square may ning
provide examples of both the good of design ond setback at approximately the twelfth suburban or rural areas still want to be
near a city.
Figure 10-11 Many people preferring
review and the bad that can result from lack floor to maintain historic levels of sunlight
of oversight. When Times Square became and sky.
building and the lack of a central political
dirt, noise, and pollution. In addition, al- meant that adjacent neigh-
though suburban crime rates are increasing, authority has also
are
borhoods, streets, and commercial
zones
they are still much lower than in the city.
often not well integrated with each other
ESCAPING TO THE SUBURBS According to Garreau, suburbanization (Southworth & Owens, 1993). The edge city
occurred in three phases. In the first phase,
which began shortly after World War II, af- consumes far m o r e land for each unit of ac-
The great American dream appears to be to cent; rural area, 25 percent (ABC News//
fuent city dwellers moved to new residential tivitythan did the old city core, and its vast-
leave the city. Evidence of the dislike most Washington Post Survey, February 22, 1985). ness commits us to the
automobile. Still, the
city dwellers have for their environs is sug- However, it does not appear that the city is developments in the suburbs and govern-
home
gested by the finding that almost four in ten being totally rejected: Many of those ex- Inents built highways to allow them to travel edge city seems destined to remain the
would like to move out of the city, though to and from the central business district. of most North Americans well into the
pressing a preterence for suburban or rural
In the 1960s, the second phase of suburban twenty-tirst century.
seven in ten say they could be induced to areas still wanted to be near a medium-size
What are the individual consequences
stay if conditions would improve (Gallup orlarge city (Figure 10-11). growth saw malls and other commercial es-
tablishments following the outflow of people. of the move to suburbia? There is some evi-
Poll, March, 1978, vol. 2). Only 15 percent the massive sub-
of those living in communities with less than
This explains move to
Finally, offices and corporate headquarters dence that the move has a positive effect.
urbia, but what exactly are suburbs? They Suburbanites are generally happier with their
50,000 residents express a desire to leave moved to the newly established edge cities
(Gallup Poll, April 19, 1981). In addition to are areas
tively
a
metropolis that are rela-
within
distant from the historic city center.
that now ring the old urban core. Edge cities housing, their communities, and their lives
than city dwellers, even when socioeconomic
crime, urbanites cite overerOwding, pollu- Suburban account not only for most metropolitan areas
living has increased dramatically, status and other differences between urban
tion, housing, traffic congestion, and noise especially since World War II, and at pres- population, but for most of its office and
as major reasons for commercial space as well. Unlike the old city and rural populations are statistically con-
leaving. Where would ent more Americans live in the suburbs than
people rather live? A 1985 survey asked a the trolled (Fischer, 1973; Marans & Rodgers,
rep- in the center core, however, edge cities are largely
resentative American sample, "If city nonmetropolitan areas
or
who try to 1975). Also, people who move to the suburbs
you could (Garreau, 1991). Why is this happening? product of individual developers
live wherever you wanted, would make their particular developments spacious, are much less afraid of crime victimization,
you prefer Quite simply, because suburban
a large
city, a suburban area, a small town, or an answer
living offers attractive, and, of course, profitable. The re- and restrict their behavior less due to fear of
a rural area?" The to a number of urban
results were: city, 9
per- As one moves
problems.
farther from the city, he or
sults are mixed. Internally, each development crime (Lavrakas, 1982; Skogan & Maxfield,
cent; suburbs, 29 percent; small
town, 37 per she is subjected to fewer crowds and can be well organized, but the tast pace of 1981). However, not all is well in suburbia.
to less
 Chapter Summary 409
CHAPTER 10 The City
408
the to suburbia has its roots in determin-
typical suburban houses is
of ris- ated by move
however, is suburbia. This is attainable only tricts are of much importance
The price back in the cities. Cities are experiencing de-
and it appears that fewer for those whose socioeconomic level permits ing your judgments?
ing tremendously,will be able to afford or to creased populations, populations
that are
What are views of urban life? Has
and fewer people it. Research on suburban living shows that it 3. your
the future. poorer, and that
are more minority domi- our assessment led you to become more pos-
maintain a suburban lifestyle in nated than ever before. There is a declining offers a solution to some of the negative as-
toward cities than
Further, as more and more people escape the tax base and an increasing demand for city pects ot the city for those who can make itive or more negative views and compare
pollution, and fore? Write down your
Ccity tor the suburbs, crowding services This has
(e.g., police protection).
the move.
them with those of classmates.
other urban problems are becoming subur- occurred at a time when federal support has instructor
the 4. Discuss this project with your
ban problems. As noted earlier, crime in decreased. Unfortunately, the trend toward SUGGESTED PROJECTS because states have
betore you begin many
suburbs is increasing, and the use of drugs in observation of
suburban schools is causetor great concern. abandoning urban areas and moving to sub- 1. One assumption we have made is that very strict rules regarding
urbia has jeopardized all that the city has to cities differ from small towns on a number children. Thus prepared, get pernmission
All this leaves one wondering if the subur- offer (Flynn, 1995; Garreau, 1991). We will to visit and observe
from school officials
a

ban areas of today will be characterized by a of dimensions. To test this hypothesis, first to
of "urban" problems in the
have more to say about urban-suburban liv
copies ot a tew newspapers from large
school playground (they may be eager
full complement buy Would you classify the
future. But perhaps the worst problem cre- ing in Chapter 12. cities and small towns. Compare the follow- learn from you.).
sections: entertainment, sports, and r e playground as traditional or contemporary?
ing the playground? For
locate some How do children use
ports of local crime. Next, is most

CHAPTER SUMMARYY telephone directories from large cities and instance, what playground equipment
in enclosed
small towns. Compare listings for the follow- popular? Do children congregate
spaces? What are the functions parts?
of loose
ing: medical specialists, tradespeople, spe- the studies Newman and
The salient environmental moderately detrimental effects on city dwell- cialized restaurants of diverse nationalities, 5. Try to replicate
city is a
element McCauley did on reciprocation of eye c o n -
in almost everyone's lite. How does the urbann ers; the effects of homelessness and crime museums, religious institutions, educational
for interac-
tact (which signals accessibility
setting affect individuals who live in it? A are much more severe. Further, when cities facilities, and theaters. What pattern of tions). In a small town and then in a city,
number of conceptual formulations have and nonurban areas are compared, there are urban-rural differences emerges on these
When
urban-rural differences in terms of affiliative various dimensions? position yourselt near a doorway.
been derived to understand and predict the
effects of the city on individuals; these in- behavior, prosocial behavior, crime, stress, 2. Think of three cities you have visited, and people passing by are a tew feet away, inin-
them in terms of "atmos- ate eye contact. Record the number of recip-
clude overload, environmental stress, behav- coping behavior, long-term aftereffects, and attempt to rate
rocal gestures you receive in both settings.
ior constraint, and overstathng notions. health. On most of these dimensions, urban- phere." Can you identify specific physical or Do your resultS replicate those of Newman
Although they are often presented as com- social aspects that led you to make these
ites come out on the short end. However, on Do you think that historic dis- and McCauley?
peting concepts, it is probably true that dimensions not often studied by researchers judgments?
overload, stress, constrained behavior, and (eg., ability to adapt to diverse situations),
insuficient resources each explains some of urbanites may come out ahead.
the consequences of an urban existence.
Further, the predictions of each of the mod-
Finally, a number of solutions have been
tried to alleviate urban problems. One major
els can be integrated into the general en-
vironment-behavior formulation presented attempt has been urban renewal. Unfortu-
nately, this has often involved a conflict of
in Chapter 4. While this model has not been
interest between slum dwellers and city
tested explicitly research on citkes,
n
many planners, with the former being forced to
of its assertions have been
supported. relocate. Forced relocation into public hous-
What are the results ot
on the effects of
experiments ing sometimes has disastrous consequences,
city life? Two method- which might be ameliorated
ological perspectives (the "single variable" by proper de-
sign of public housing. Gentrification is a
approach and the "urban versus rural" ap- more recent trend. Individuals
return to the
proach) have been used in past research. Each
has its strengths and weaknesses. city and renovate housing that was formerly
such urban stressors as noise, Overall, in bad condition. While
this improves the
pollution, heat,
crowding, and "extra demand," have at least
urban area, it again causes relocation of
nal residents. The dream origi-
of most urbanites,