Pes 216
Pes 216
framework of partial similarity of dialects within a linguistic area. Furthermore, since dialects are by and large
too logical, their most useful delimited boundaries will be those which coincide with lines of ethnological
discontinuity: the interaction between language and culture being mutual. Dialectology therefore can furnish us
with clues as to the cultural history of the speakers of a language.
Orthography, on the other hand, is simply defined as the study of correct spelling according to
established usage. In the case of Yoruba Language, for instance, Oyo dialect and spelling are regarded as the
established usage.
The Yoruba Linguistic Area(s)
To date, a survey of Yoruba speaking areas of the world has not yet been made. We know that Yoruba is
spoken in Cuba (though for special purposes only), in Brazil, in Nigeria, in Togo and Dahomey. Outside Nigeria,
Yoruba speaking areas constitute small islands which would not give much problem to delimit. Within Nigeria,
however, we have a special problem in delimiting Yoruba speaking areas. Divergence within the language is so
immense here that the analyst finds it almost impossible to decide which form of speech he will call a dialect of
Yoruba and which he will label an independent language. In many cases, contrary to the beliefs of native
speakers, the analyst will find no linguistic justification for the inclusion of such forms of speech as exist in
Ikaram-Ibaram, Arigidi, Ishau, etc. within the Yoruba linguistic area. These areas are designated ‘fringe areas’
and any conclusion as to their status vis-a-vis the Yoruba language must await further investigation.
The vast area in which Yoruba is spoken in Nigeria cannot be covered by a single analyst with any
degree of comprehensiveness. The analyst will either spread himself too thinly or be lost in the mass and welter
of data. What we have done in this study is to direct attention to the major features and major lines of
discontinuity and to hope that others to follow will pursue this study in a way that may yield finer dialect
boundaries.
1
COMPILED BY SALMAN KAMALDEEN MUQADAM
the raining seasons. There is almost equal division of the day into periods of sunlight and darkness. On the average
day, there is tropical sunlight between 10.00am and 4.00pm. Both the dry and the raining seasons are ushered in
by thunderstorms and tornadoes; those proceeding the raining season are often very violent. Tall trees are uprooted
and roofs of buildings are blown away. Heavy rainfall is experienced during the months of April, May, June and
July. There is usually a short dry season or what is referred to as ‘August break’ in the month of August and very
early September. Heavy rainfall continues in September till early November when the dry season sets in.
During the harmattan period, which is usually between the end of November and early January, the night
temperature gets to its lowest point, while there is intense heat during the day. The period of the raining season is
used for planting all the food crops. The early part of the dry season is used to harvest all the food crops and keep
them in the barn. The remaining part is used to prepare again for the next farming season. This is the most
appropriate period for building houses. The grasses that are used for constructions are harvested at this period.
The Yoruba people also have the following timing and season:
a. Igba ẹrun (dry season)
b. Igba ojo (rainy season)
d. Igba ọyẹ (harmattan season)
SYLLABUS, SCHEME OF WORK AND LESSON PLAN
Syllabus refers to subjects in a course of study or teaching. Scheme of work is the comprehensiẹe
breakdown of syllabus. Lesson plan is written organisation or arrangement to be prepared by a teacher in order to
discharge his/ her duties efficiently. The goals of education in Nigeria include ‘to help develop a well-integrated
person who is socially adjustable, morally dependable, mentally and physically alert, intellectually honest,
economically efficient, scientifically literate, vocationally equipped, nationally and internationally oriented and
culturally adjusted’.
Primary Education in Nigeria
The primary school course in Nigeria lasts six years in certain states, and seven in others. Until recently in
many states; the duration of the course was eight years; however, the ultimate objective of all states in Nigeria is a
six year primary school education. The entry age is either five or six; consequently most children complete their
school course at the age of eleven or twelve.
The problem of bilingualism is perhaps the most bewildering one to the Nigerian curriculum planners and
teachers. In a wholly Yoruba, Hausa or Igbo speaking area, the child starts out with his mother tongue as medium
of instruction in the first two or three years. The medium then switches to English in the third or fourth year, either
11
gradually or abruptly. In most schools some rudiments of English, e.g. alphabet and sight reading are introduced
right from the first year. In some areas, where linguistic groups abound, English is introduced actively from the
first year. The upshot of all this is that no one is really happy with the curriculum. Parents, government officials,
teachers and others complain that the products of these primary schools are neither proficient in English nor in
their mother tongue. The primary school child is expected to think and communicate effectively in his mother
tongue within the first two or three years of school and switch over to English for the last three.
A study entitled ‘The Effect of bilingualism on the abstract and concrete thinking of Yoruba Children’, was
conducted by the Faculty of Education, University of Ife, during the 1966-67 academic session. The purpose of the
study was to examine the learning and thought process of young Yoruba children when they are forced to work in
COMPILED BY SALMAN KAMALDEEN MUQADAM
two languages, Yoruba and English. The children were presented with a set of stimuli (a series of pictures) and
were asked to identify them in either English or Yoruba depending on which experimental group they had been
assigned to. They were then asked to recall as many of the objects as they could in either English or Yoruba, again
depending on their experimental group. Two hundred primary school children took part in the experiment and
were selected from Ile-Ife town and nearby villages.
The first group was taught in Yoruba and was asked to recall in English. The second was taught in English
and asked to recall in Yoruba. The study showed that the children were at their best when taught in Yoruba and
asked to recall in Yoruba. An earlier experiment showed that in most primary schools in Nigeria, the teacher ‘does
a double take’ with his pupils in primaries four, five and six; that is to say, the teacher employs Yoruba as a
medium whenever the children fail to follow instructions in English, particularly in the last three classes. This is
unavoidable, because the children’s level of proficiency in English is minimal. We found for instance that all
subjects, except Yoruba are treated in this fashion even up to the last year of primary education.
Of course one can attribute the lack of language effectiveness to a number of factors: poorly prepared
teachers, lack of adequate teaching aids, paucity of appropriate textbooks or the absence of a national or state
language policy.
The Importance of The Mother-Tongue as Medium of Instruction
The state of affairs described above led the writer to wonder aloud as to whether the African child is not
being unnecessarily maimed emotionally and intellectually. It is universally accepted (except in most African
countries) that a child learns best in his mother-tongue and that the mother-tongue is as natural to him as mother’s
milk. The writer also observed that no other nation in the world, except most of the ex-colonies or those countries
still under colonial rule, prepare their children for adult undertakings in languages foreign to them.
The first twelve years are the most formative period in a child’s life, for it is during this period that
attitudes and aptitudes are developed. It is also during this period that the child requires intelligent care for his
physical needs and trained guidance in his mental, emotional and social potentialities. It is our thesis that if the
Nigerian child is to be encouraged from the start to develop curiosity, initiative, industry, manipulative ability,
spontaneous flexibility, manual dexterity, mechanical comprehension and the co-ordination of hand and eye, he
should acquire these skills and attitudes through his mother-tongue; after all this is the .most natural learning
medium. This is where the average European or English child has a decided advantage over his African
counterpart. While the former is acquiring new skills during the first six years in his mother-tongue, the latter is
busy struggling with a foreign language during the greater part of his primary education. The American, English,
12
German, French and Italian children explore their own natural environment and communicate in their native
tongue, thus acquiring at very early stages self- confidence, initiative, resourcefulness, creative reasoning and
adaptability - skills necessary for further growth in later stages of development. It is our contention that a child, if
helped to lay the foundation of his future development in his own mother-tongue, will most likely be in a position
to build upon it in later years even in a different language.
The Six-Year Primary Project
It is this impelling thought that led the Institute of Education at the University of Ife to launch a six-year
primary school project using Yoruba as a medium of instruction throughout the six year primary course and
teaching English as well, but as a second language, throughout. The Institute launched the project in January 1970,
COMPILED BY SALMAN KAMALDEEN MUQADAM
with financial assistance from the Ford Foundation of America, the moral support of the West Ministry of
Education and the active participation of language scholars from the University of Lagos, Ibadan and If^. The
project adopted the entire Year one class of an Ile-If^ township school. Some one hundred and twenty children
take part and the class is divided into A, B and C streams of 40 each. Class A and B constitute the experimental
group while class C is the control. Elowever, C is not an ideal control class due to its proximity to the other two
classes, so that the real control are all primary one classes across the Western State.
An experienced Nigerian woman teacher is given the responsibility of teaching English as a second
language to classes A and B. She was selected after careful screening by primary education specialists in language
arts and rep- resents a very good model. The other teachers, who are regular staff members of the school, are
responsible for teaching all subjects through the medium of Yoruba in each of the two experimental classes. They
too were care- fully screened and selected out of the staff in the said school.
Regular in-service and orientation courses are given to the two Yoruba-medium teachers and the English
language teacher. The control class is left to continue with the traditional system which is prevalent in most of the
schools in the State. All the teachers involved both in the experimental and the control classes are Grade II
teachers by qualification. The teacher of English is also Grade II, although she has had considerable local and
overseas experience.
The subjects taught through the medium of Yoruba are; Civics, Social and Cultural Studies, Health and
Sanitation, New Mathematics, Elementary Science with particular reference to observation and classification, and
Yoruba. Aural-oral English is taught from the first day of the child’s school experience through play and other
activities and this in the first instance will continue for two years. It is anticipated that' the child will be able to
speak the language fairly fluently within this period even though he may not be in a position to read or write in it.
English will continue to be taught as a second language for the six years while other subjects will be taught
through the medium of Yoruba for the same length of time.
Organization and Administration of the Project
The writer is the over-all director of the project while a project co-ordinator handles the day to day
supervision of the programme. He ensures that the syllabus is followed to the letter and runs a small secretariat. He
consults the teachers frequently, and they consult him. He organises orientation programmes and short intensive
in-service courses.
In addition to the above, three committees are set up by the project. The first one is an advisory group
made up of some twenty-eight members drawn from the Universities of Lagos, If? and Ibadan, selected teacher
13
training colleges, some ministry officials, secondary school teachers and the primary school teachers who are
actively connected with the project. The advisory committee meets once or twice a year to review programmes.
The second committee is a small task force made up largely of University of If^ lecturers chosen from the Faculty
of Education, the Department of English and the Institute of African Studies. The group meets frequently to handle
urgent matters that cannot rest until the larger advisory group is ready to meet. This group has a famous artist and
a seasoned Yoruba expert and writer as members.
Then, there is the executive committee of the project. This committee comprises the director, the co-
ordinator, the language consultant, the specialist English teacher and the teaching-material-production manager. It
is this committee that directs the day to day running of the project and it may co-opt other people to advise it as
COMPILED BY SALMAN KAMALDEEN MUQADAM
necessary, such as the consultant evaluator. Consequently it handles such matters as use of words, coining of new
words, particularly in science and mathematics, writing of new units, production of new materials and text books,
and the suggestion of methods of approach and audio-visual aids.
During the summer of 1970, a one month writing work- shop was organized by the project to bring
together writers, educators, specialists and artists to assemble and try out units for Primaries I and II. This first
writing workshop was a huge success. The work of the group will be carried forward by a small group of
curriculum writers and translators, who will continue to develop new materials from time to time.
Future Plans
Meanwhile, the project plans to arrange with a selected secondary school in Ile-lf^ the admission of the
entire class to secondary I with or without any entrance examination. At the completion of their six-year primary
education, the children will be transferred to the selected secondary school to form a separate stream. The initial
stage of secondary education in secondary one will largely be devoted to an intensive English course, if this is
found to be necessary. The children will then proceed to complete their secondary school education through the
medium of English and will sit for their West African School Certificate Examination at the end of the fifth year
like their counterparts who follow the regular routine.
If agreement is reached, the succeeding classes at the primary school will follow the same scheme. All
being well, the entire population of this particular primary school (from primary I to VI) will be converted to this
system of education and will proceed to the selected secondary school to complete their secondary education
under the new scheme.
Anticipated Outcome
It is anticipated that by the end of the programme this group of children will have had a richer school
experience both emotionally and intellectually than the children who follow the conventional system. It is indeed
expected that they will be better adjusted, more relaxed, more enterprising and more resourceful than. their
counterpart. To determine whether this is true,, a system of regular evaluation will be built into the programme
from primary I to secondary V. The experiment and the control (the parallel classes in the adopted Schools) will
be evaluated. It is hoped that at the end of the programme we shall have gained some insight into the nature of the
Nigerian child, developed materials that coold be used in all primary schools in the Yoruba speaking areas as well
as new materials in the teaching of English as a second Language in all elementary schools in Nigeria. It is also
hoped that the Yoruba medium approach may, with modifications, be applicable to other Nigerian languages, such
as Hausa, Igbo, Efik, Nupe, Edo and others.
14
However, like any other experiment, its success cannot be guaranteed. Even if the result does not meet our
expectations, we shall have learnt something that may be of use to us and others who are equally concerned with
the problem of the integrated primary school and its relevance to the needs of our children.
THE YORUBA TONE MARKS/ TONE OF VOICE
In English, tone of voice can be used to indicate the speaker’s feelings or attitude. For example, if we don't
believe someone we might say "Go on!" (meaning “I don’t believe it’’) with a falling tone. We can use the same
words with a rising tone to encourage someone; "Go on !" (“You can do it”).
The pronunciation of words in Yorùbá language is tonal; where a different pitch conveys a different word
meaning or grammatical distinction. This means that pronouncing words in Yorùbá is based on what is called Àmì
COMPILED BY SALMAN KAMALDEEN MUQADAM
ohùn – Tone Marks. These marks are applied to the top of the vowel within each syllable of a word or phrase.
There are three types of tone marks namely:
Dò Low with a falling tone, depicted by a grave accent.
Re Mid with a flat tone, depicted by an absence of any accent.
Mí High with a rising tone, depicted by an acute accent.
Understanding the use of tone marks is key to properly reading, writing and speaking the Yorùbá language.
This is because some words have similar spellings but at the addition of tone marks, these words could have very
different meanings.
Here are some paired examples:
Apá (Re Mí) Arm
Àpá (Dò Mí) Scar
Bàtà (Dò Dò) Shoe
Bàtá (Dò Mí) A type of Drum
Aya (Re Re) Wife
Àyà (Dò Dò) Chest
Importance of Tone Marks in Yoruba Language
The importance of language is for effective communication and when this is not achieved (maybe by one
or both speakers’ inability to speak the language, inability to pronounce some words correctly or inability to
understand the language being communicated correctly) there is always a misrepresentation of information.
Yoruba as a language has so many words that are closely related; for instance, words that are the written the same
way, almost pronounced the same way but different meanings, if such words are not pronounced on the premise of
their tone marks (Àmì ohùn) then another meaning would be conveyed to the second person being communicated
to, hence, the usefulness of tone marks in Yoruba language.
Tone marks otherwise called Àmì ohùn aids our understanding of the Yoruba language better because
Yoruba language is one of the most interesting languages in the world, however, without tone marks it would be
difficult to comprehend. Yoruba language is tonal, hence meaning of words and conversations are best conveyed
using different pitch/tone of sounds while talking. These different tones are called Tone marks (Àmì ohùn). Tone
marks (Àmì ohùn) are placed on the vowels (a e ẹ i o ọ u) in every syllable of Yoruba words or phrases, therefore,
we can say our placement of tone marks is dependent on our level of knowledge of the Yoruba syllables.
There are three types of tone marks (Àmì ohùn) and they show the different types of tone/pitch they
accompany. They include;
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Do (\) : Low type of tone represented with a graving accent
Re (-): This is the mid flat tone that has no accent.
Mi (/): This high rising type of tone and it is represented with sharp acute accent. Below is an example:
Owó (Re -, mi /) which is money
Òwò (Do \, Do \) which is trade.
The knowledge of our Tone marks (Àmì ohùn) cannot be overemphasized as it helps us attain fluency in
speaking the Yoruba language; it helps us in reading the language comfortably and also writing the language in a
readable fashion.
THE PHONEMES OF YORUBA
COMPILED BY SALMAN KAMALDEEN MUQADAM
A phoneme is any of the distinct units of sound that distinguishes one word from another. E.g: p, b, d, and
t in pad, pat, bad, and bat.
Vowels
Yoruba has seven vowel phonemes. They are / a, e, ẹ, i, o, ọ, u/
/a/ low central unrounded.
/e/ and /ẹ/ are respectively mid and lower-mid front unrounded.
/i/ is high front unrounded.
/o/ and /ọ/ are respectively mid and lower-mid back rounded.
/u/ high back rounded.
Moreover, /a/ has a raised allophone [a] when nasalized: [a] is /a/. Usually it is considered sufficient to
show phonemic distinctions by minimal pairs. The structure of Yoruba, however, makes it possible to indicate the
vowel phonemes by means of a minimal SEPTET.
/tí/ 'to beat, thump'
/tẹ́/ 'to be tasteless'
/ta/ 'to roast'
/kọ́/ 'to educate'
/tú/ 'to loosen'
Nasalization.
All vowels occur oral or nasalized. Many morphemes show varying phonemic shapes, the only difference
being presence or absence of nasalization. It is therefore advisable to establish the phonemic status of nasalization
by means of the following minimal pair:
1. /irin/ 'iron' /írín/ 'walking'
2. /égán/ 'down grading' /egán/ 'dense forest'
3. /idùn/ 'sweet addicted' /ìdun/ 'bedbug'
4. /igba/ ‘calabash’ /igba/ ‘time’
5. /ikun/ 'mucus' /ikún/ 'squirrel'
Length
All vowels occur both short and long. Examples showing this difference are: /tì/ 'lock it', /ti:/ 'weaving
movement [e.g. that of a drunken man]'. Length is independent of nasalization:
/tó/ 'again', /to:/ 'far, distant'.
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Consonants
The consonant phonemes of Yoruba are: stops, voiceless, voiced, nasals, fricatives, flap r, lateral l, labial b
m f affricate j, apical s, alveolar t d n, laminal ṣ, continuants: laminal y, velar k g, lryngal h, dorsal w, labio-velar
kp gb.
/kp/ and /gb/ are produced by the simultaneous release of bilabial and dorsal velar closures. Since these
egments do not contrast with the sequences /k/plus /p/, and /g/ plus /b/, they will be represented by the digraphs.
/r/ and /1/ are alveolar, as is /j/, which is characterized by only slight affrication, and is acoustically very
like a palatalized voiced alveolar stop. The fricatives are always voiceless, /f/ being labio-dental, /s/ apical and /s/
laminal.
COMPILED BY SALMAN KAMALDEEN MUQADAM
We are able to show all consonants but one in exactly the same phonemic environment. The exception is
/u/, which occurs in my material in initial position only as part of the first person singular verbal prefix. Examples
of the other consonants: /pà/ bang, tà/ to sell, /kà/ to read, /gbà/ to take, /bà/ to alight, /dà/ to overturn, /gà/ to adjust,
/mọ̀/ to know, /nà/ to flog, /fà/ to pull, /sà/ to prepare, /sà/ to pick, /hà/ really?, /rà/ to buy, /là/ to be rich, /jà/ to
fight, /yà/ to give way, /wà/ to dig.
Examples of the three nasal phonemes in environments more similar than is possible using the series above:
/Mo n lọ/ I am going, /N o lọ/ I will go, /Nu un lounjẹ/ Feed him.
/m n u/ are vowels before a consonant, and consonants before a vowel. A vowel is defined as a segment
that may have a tone contour different from that of the following segment. A consonant is a segment having a tone
contour like that of the following segment, or [when it is voiceless], no tone contour at all.
Pitch
The phonemes of pitch in Yoruba are nine. The fundamental frequency [of glottal vibration]' coincident
with any segment is its tone-contour. Three of the phonemes of pitch have unchanging fundamental frequencies
[i.e. are 'level']. Three are characterized by increasing frequencies [are 'rising'] and three by decreasing frequencies
[are 'falling']. We have then three level contours, and six changing contour!k5"
The level contours are:
1. Low /ro/ 'stir'
2. Mid /ro/ 'to hoe
3. High /ro/ 'sound'
The contours coincident with long vowels rise and fall the same distance as those coincident with short
vowels, but with a slower rate of change of frequency. The changing contours are:
4. Low-high rising /Ro o/ 'stir it'
5. Mid-high rising /Ro o/ 'hoe it’
6. Mid rising /to:/ 'far away'
7. High-low falling /fa:/ 'spank'
8. Mid-low falling /le/ 'able'
9. Mid falling /fa:/ 'shave it'
Rising from low almost to high.
Rising from mid almost to high.
Rising from just below mid to just above mid.
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Falling from high almost to low.
Falling from mid almost to low.
Falling from just above mid to just below mid.
One problem of phonemic interpretation which deserves further discussion is that concerned with the
phonemicization of the continuants /w,y/ and the high vowels /u,i/. These are respectively very similar, although /y
I has a slightly more retracted tongue position than /i/, and is characterized by more friction, while the tongue
position involved in /w I is not as high as that for /u/, which has less labial friction in addition. Will it be possible,
then, to utilize Greenberg's suggestion that, "Once tone is recognized, the semi-vowels can be analyzed as
allophones of the corresponding vowels when they are not simultaneous with a tone", devised for a somewhat
COMPILED BY SALMAN KAMALDEEN MUQADAM
similar situation?
SYLLABLES
A syllable consists:
1. Of a single vowel, pure or nasal ; as, o, thou; ón, he.
2. a. Of a consonant and a vowel; as, dá, to create,; dan, to polish.
b. Of a consonant and a vowel, with the nasal n prefixed; as, n dán, is polishing.
3. a. Of two initial consonants and a vowel ; as, jẹ to eat ; gbà, to receive; pè to call; mbệ, to be; nde, to arise ;
gbọn, to be wise, etc.
b. Of two initial consonants and a vowel, with a nasal prefixed.
No word or syllable ends in a consonant, except occasionally in the nasal 'm'; as, bam-bam, a beetle. As
consonants do not occur at the end of syllables, they are not reduplicated in spelling. Thus we write ilé, a house,
and ofa, an arrow, instead of ille and ọffa.
Syllabic Structure.
For Yoruba, the syllable may be defined as a sequence composed of a vowel either preceded or not
preceded by a consonant, i.e., (C)V. No sequence of consonants unseparated by vowels occurs in my material, nor
is it likely, since no utterance ends in a consonant.
ACCENT
By the term accent is here meant that emphatic pronunciation of a syllable which distinguishes it from
other syllables of the word. This, when marked, is denoted in the present work by the sign (‘) commonly termed
the acute accent, placed after the accented syllable; as, i-da, a sword, è-ni-a,a person. In words of two or more
syllables, the accent falls regularly on the penult; as, a-ga, a chair ; ę-lę-da, a creator. But since the accent of
derivative words follows that of their primitives, the rule has several exceptions.
Nouns of two syllables derived from verbs having the acute tone are accented on the ultimate; as, e-dá, a
creature, from dá, to create. When a verb or preposition having the acute tone enters into the composition of a
noun of three or more syllables, it usually takes the accent; as, a-ba-ni-jẹ, an injurer. When an accented vowel is
elided or changed, as in the union of two words to form one, the accent retains its place; as, be-ru (for ba eru), to
be a afraid; ni-nu (for ni inu) within; sa-re (for sa ere), to run.
Primitive nouns, or those which cannot be referred to any root in the Yoruba Language, are generally
irregular in regard to accent; as, a'-da-ba, a dove; 0-ri-sa, an idol; a-lu-fa, a learned man. In polysyllables, a lighter
secondary accent usually falls on the second syllable before or after the primary ; as, a-la-tan-po-ko, a rasshopper;
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a-la-śa'-ra, a dealer in snuff. But many compounds retain the accents of their component words; as, a-lai-lo-gbọn, a
foolish man; oni-ba-ta, a shoemaker. It is proper to observe here, that all the Yoruba vowels (unless very short as
to quantity) are sounded much more fully and distinctly than English vowels. Thus, a-la'-ra-da', a healthy man,
which has two full accents, is pronounced with a strong emphasis on both the accented syllables, and with a
considerable although slighter stress on the unaccented ones. The distinctness with which Yoruba vowels are
uttered is particularly observable in the monosyllabic verbs, prepositions, and adverbs, which are generally spoken
as if accented; as, á lě se e, We can do it; Lọ sọ ọ nu, Go and throw it away.
COMPILED BY SALMAN KAMALDEEN MUQADAM