Al Rabady Built Heritage (2024) 8:9 Built Heritage

https://doi.org/10.1186/s43238-024-00120-9

RESEARCH ARTICLE Open Access

Territorial heritage gentrification in Abdali

in Amman, Jordan
Rama Al Rabady1*   

Abstract
Having established itself as a heritage discourse, planetary gentrification is being studied in terms of how it oper-
ates in the Global South. This study focuses on the case of Abdali Amman, a significant mixed-use neighbourhood
in Jordan that has experienced numerous mega-gentrification initiatives. According to Bourdieu’s theories of the state
and dispositional practices, this study critically evaluates urban gentrification practices. In terms of gentrification
governance, which takes place in two adjacent ‘state’ and ‘civic’ zones inside the Abdali district, this study analyses
the interactions between transnational and state actors and the intragovernmental (state-municipality) govern-
ance system. Gentrification in Amman is connected to the revitalisation of historic sites, is a matter of urban gov-
ernance, and operates from the transnational sphere along national and local lines. Furthermore, gentrification
is caught in a desire/resistance paradox with calls for legitimacy and recognition. As a country in the Global South,
Jordan has welcomed capitalist urbanisation. Gentrification is articulated within a flux between deterritorialisation/
reterritorialisation, producing a form of ‘heritage gentrification’ in which history and national heritage are sacri-
ficed through a process of satellite gentrification that is rooted in generative cultural transformation and governed
by decentralised power structures. Introducing a Western blueprint of planetary gentrification through narrow gates
into non-Western environments is a prevailing challenge.
Keywords Neoliberalism, Planetary gentrification, Geographies in the Global South, Dispositional practice, Urban
military heritage, Satellite territorialism, Trans-governance gentrification, Abdali, Amman

1 Introduction This phenomenon is directing global urbanism in a neo-

1.1 Gentrification under urban neoliberalism: Towards liberal world (both in the Global North and the Global
a territorial habitus South), which justifies the rise of urbanisation on a global
The critical analysis of gentrification, one of the essential scale and the generalisation of gentrification as a global
global processes affecting cities, is still lacking. Lees et al. strategy (Smith 2002, 437). Scholars should also explore
(2016) contend in their seminal book on planetary gen- the gentrification of the Middle East and the Global
trification that gentrification is a phenomenon that can South, but these areas have received little attention in the
be observed in any city and takes various forms of urban discussion thus far1. This is primarily because scholars
restructuring. Additionally, gentrification cannot be emphasise gentrification as an urban product (the archi-
viewed as static or limited to the Northern Anglo-Amer- tecture and design of new developments/modernities)
ican sphere, particularly in London and New York City. that affects a city’s reputation and social structures rather
than as an urban and spatial process (displacement and
replacement caused by gentrifying policies).
*Correspondence:
Rama Al Rabady
[email protected]; [email protected]
1
Department of Architecture Engineering, The Hashemite University, P.O.
1
Box 330127, Zarqa 13133, Jordan Examples of these studies are Daher (1999), Hayes and Zaban (2020), and
Thomas and Vogel (2018).

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Al Rabady Built Heritage (2024) 8:9 Page 2 of 19

Earlier research discusses the limitations of gentrifi- development of comparative urban thought in vari-
cation theory in non-Western settings. Scholars have ous locations around the world, the concept planetary
suggested that planetary gentrification needs to be gentrification can assist in tracing the dynamism of
understood in broader contexts outside of Anglo-Amer- gentrification and its varied forms of application in dif-
ican communities. For example, D. Asher Ghertner’s ferent global locales. Moreover, according to Atkinson
study on ‘Why gentrification theory fails in much of the and Bridge (2005), gentrification may evolve into a new
world’ criticises the conventional gentrification theory, form of urban colonialism in new peripheral geographies
which focuses on market mechanisms and privatised that are not part of the main Anglo-American domain
land, for its inability to explain displacement in areas (Atkinson and Bridge 2005, 1). This is not to suggest that,
with diverse tenure systems (Ghertner 2015). He calls regardless of local contexts and circumstances, West-
for a more nuanced understanding of displacement and ern notions of gentrification should be imperialistically
urban transformation in areas with varied tenure sys- imported as blueprints into postcolonial cities; rather, we
tems and partially privatised land. Likewise, Alan Smart need to reevaluate our understanding of gentrification.
and Josephine Smart argue that ‘gentrification’ should be Although there is a growing colonial tendency towards
investigated as a topic of inquiry rather than as a compre- transnational policy mobility, we advise that Western-
hensive theory, emphasising local terms and conceptual based approaches be the focus while still exercising cau-
diversity (Smart and Smart 2017). Their study illustrates tion when interacting with neoliberal urbanism theories
how local displacement processes may be missed when (Lees, Shin, and López-Morales 2016, 7).
viewed through the lens of gentrification, stressing the This study also emphasises the significance of research-
need for a more inclusive and pluralistic approach to ing gentrification in the Global South and the Middle
urban research. East. It discusses how gentrification is a complicated ter-
Scholars also advocate expanding the concept of ritorial process with cultural and political ramifications
urbanism and performing comparative relational analy- rather than an urban product. Placing planetary gentri-
ses beyond merely comparing how gentrification urban- fication and Bourdieu’s dispositional practices in context,
ism is applied in various cities. Instead, studies should the study highlights the interplay between governance
investigate real-world aspects of the Global South and systems and how neoliberalism impacts urban develop-
North that support preexisting gentrification theories. ment in heritage territories. Megaprojects and govern-
This can make gentrification urbanism more adaptable ment-led gentrification are highlighted as crucial tactics
and responsive in an increasingly neoliberal and inter- in urban transformation, underscoring the role of the
connected world. For example, Michael Herzfeld high- state and government in promoting gentrification, espe-
lights the tension between historical space preservation cially in historic military settings.
and contemporary ‘gentrifying’ urban planning (Herzfeld
2006) (Herzfeld 2017). He looks at the effects of spatial 2 Methodology
cleaning and historic preservation on social power struc- This study explores the dynamics of territorial gentrifica-
tures and cultural identity in Greece, Italy, and Thailand tion in the Global South, specifically those occurring in
(Herzfeld 2006). He explores the connections among an historic district of Amman, Jordan. To comprehend
economic ideologies, urban depopulation, and historical these dynamics from an ideological and practical stand-
space reconfiguration as well as the relationships among point, the following are considered: What is the nature
architectural symbolism, societal resistance, and spa- of the interaction and collaboration among state, local,
tial cleansing. Herzfeld continues to examine gentrifica- and international actors in orchestrating and implement-
tion in new contexts and settings. In 2017, he studied the ing gentrification policies for military heritage sites, and
effects of urban beautification on Bangkok’s traditional how does this interaction influence the power dynam-
communities, specifically Pom Mahakan (Herzfeld 2017). ics within the governance structure? Given the com-
He highlighted the paradox of urban beautification, plex dynamics of desire and resistance highlighted by
which aims to improve aesthetics but neglects the social Bourdieu’s dispositional practice, how much do discur-
repercussions for the poor population. Hence, he argues sive formations contribute to maintaining (or otherwise
against the sustainability, morality, and cultural ramifica- reformulating) power relations in gentrification govern-
tions of urban beautification methods. He favours a more ance? What role do historicism/neoliberalism narratives
inclusive strategy that considers the social, cultural, and play in influencing the discourse on territorialism, and
economic well-being of all inhabitants of the city. how do these narratives help shape policies and decision-
The Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region making processes at different scales of governance?
would benefit from a broadening of the definition of Using qualitative techniques, the study uses a multi-
gentrification because, in addition to aiding in the method approach to analyse the complex dynamics of
Al Rabady Built Heritage (2024) 8:9 Page 3 of 19

territorial gentrification in the historic district of Abdali, other hand, territorial gentrification is political. It can be
Amman. A review of the literature is performed to com- defined as the transfer of authority or resources from a
prehend the theories of gentrification that are currently centralised entity. This term is used to imply that several
in use, with a primary focus on planetary gentrification entities, including state actors, local governments, and
and Bourdieu’s notions of state and dispositional prac- transnational actors, are involved in the gentrification
tice. This provides the research with a theoretical founda- process. Hence, at the core of gentrification lies a duality
tion. This study uses a thorough case study methodology characterised by both resistance and desire: ‘resistance’
to investigate the unique context of the Abdali district. to the changes brought about by the process of gentrifica-
To fully convey the district’s historical and cultural sig- tion and a ‘desire’ for recognition and legitimacy within
nificance—including its military past and current gentri- the power habitus. This duality is deeply connected to
fication issues—archival research, stakeholder interviews the broader concepts of territorialism, deterritorialism,
(mainly with government officials), newspaper logs, and and reterritorialism. Gentrification produces territori-
on-site observations are considered. Interviews (n = 6) alism, where prevailing groups try to control and alter
were conducted with local planners and officials who urban environments to suit their cultural and economic
took part in the two most recent projects in Abdali agendas, often displacing existing communities (Smith
Amman—the state-led Abdali Boulevard Project (in the 1996). Urban environments are becoming more deterri-
central business district, CBD) and the municipal-led torialised (disconnected or disassociated from a specific
Abdali Park Project (a transit-oriented development, territory) due to global economic forces, as gentrifica-
TOD, project). The official documents, policies, and tion spreads globally and has local implications, such
media portrayals of gentrification in Abdali are exam- as a loss of an area’s original character and identity due
ined through content analysis. This approach offers per- to acts of local transformation and alteration (Deleuze
ceptions of the discourses surrounding the gentrification and Guattari 1987). Reterritorialism essentially refers to
projects, pinpointing crucial narratives, and framing the creating new territories, reclaiming already existing ter-
techniques used by different players. ritories through urban renewal initiatives, or creating
An analysis of the case study elucidates the ideologies new cultural and economic institutions (Kunstler 1994).
and mechanisms of government-led territorial gentrifi- This process ultimately results in an increasing number
cation as it has unfolded in Abdali, Amman. Discourse of communities being excluded from and marginalised
analysis is a powerful tool for investigating the discur- within their communities.
sive constructions supporting the gentrification govern- According to Soja (2000), deterritorialisation is the
ance framework at military heritage sites, and the present phenomenon of weakening attachments to place and
study uses Pierre Bourdieu’s theoretical framework, par- to territorially defined communities and cultures rang-
ticularly the notion of dispositional practices. This study ing from the family, the urban neighbourhood, and the
highlights the complex duality between historicism and town or city to the metropolis, the region, and the most
neoliberalism by delving into the intricate dynamics of potent of modern territorial communities of identity: the
desire and resistance. This is accomplished by empha- modern nation-state (Soja 2000, 151–152). In the cur-
sising the interactions between state, local, and interna- rent global context, the idea of a capital city has come to
tional actors in shaping and implementing gentrification reflect the influence of a class of capitalists and patrons
policies at various scales. By carefully examining the dis- rather than that of a nation, as the former are more likely
cursive formations surrounding these phenomena, this to be connected to a global marketplace than to a local,
research investigates how power relations are negotiated, national identity (Atkinson and Bridge 2005). Their
contested, and authorised in the intricate world of gentri- efforts are supported by the structuring logic of the New
fication governance. World, which predicts the nation’s downfall and the city-
state’s ultimate ascent. Additionally, the idea of the capi-
3 Bourdieu’s dispositional practices: territorial tal city emphasises the city as a crucial (analytical) setting
gentrification habitus and the desire/resistance in the story of cultural globalisation (Oren 2003, 52).
duality This study uses dispositional practice and Bourdieu’s
The present research examines territorial gentrification theories of the state to explore the parallels between
as a form of urban governance and explores how it relates Bourdieu’s theories of the social field and habitus and
to historic site regeneration. Usually, the term ‘gentri- governance, particularly in the context of gentrification.
fication’ refers to a process of urban renewal involving The concept of habitus represents shared practices and
the influx of affluent individuals into formerly lower- cultural norms that determine an individual’s position in
class neighbourhoods, frequently resulting in changes governance, highlighting the potential of territorialised
to the neighbourhoods’ culture and character. On the gentrification practices.
Al Rabady Built Heritage (2024) 8:9 Page 4 of 19

3.1 Territorial gentrification habitus: a stance of ‘desire’ ways by the different ‘players’ while conforming to the
The involvement of the state (along with other govern- generative regulations of the habitus. A variety of struc-
mental agencies) in the habitus of gentrification govern- tural positions and ‘symbolic powers’ are thus involved
ance is crucial because of two interrelated factors: the in the structure of the habitus. Nevertheless, dominant
legitimacy to practice symbolic violence and recognition systems exhibit successful attempts to exert symbolic vio-
for gaining distinction and merit. As far as legitimacy lence, even when challenged by resistance.
is concerned, Bourdieu terms this desire ‘involution’.
Involution promises to achieve ‘revolutions’ because it
invokes the authority of ‘progress, reason, and science 3.2 Habitus of territorial gentrification: a stance
(economics in this case)’ (Bourdieu 1998, 34–35). More of ‘resistance’
importantly, involution successfully claims a state’s legiti- Through his theory of practice, Bourdieu calls for social
mate use of symbolic violence. To establish a connection resistance against the multiple political and economic
between legitimacy and symbolic violence, Bourdieu’s elements of the habitus that defines neoliberalism.
theorises the state as the institution that successfully Resistance to neoliberal-driven gentrification occurs
asserts a monopoly on the legitimate use of physical because neoliberalism is against cultural preservation
and symbolic violence over a specific territory and the and ‘historicism’. When the state adopts ‘neoliberal-
entirety of the corresponding population (Bourdieu 1994, ism’, it seeks to deny and erase its own history. There-
3). Symbolic violence is related to symbolic capital and fore, the idea that social existence is not historically
the application of social power in any sociohistorical con- determined and that it is pointless to use the past as a
text. Symbolic capital is described as a type of dominance guide to understand the present is a fundamental tenet
that does not involve direct physical contact or violence of neoliberalism. Additionally, neoliberalism views any
but instead involves symbolic manipulation (Swartz 1997, remaining aspects of historically constituted social
82). In this case, Bourdieu believes that every power that reality as useless and as failing to fit into the mathemat-
can impose meaning and pass itself off as legitimate by ical equations of the free market (Chopra 2003, 432).
hiding the power relations that underlie its forces adds its Two factors challenge the possibility of resisting, modify-
own, mainly symbolic, force to those power relations, i.e., ing, or changing a habitus. First, habitus is portrayed as all-
symbolic violence (Bourdieu and Passeron 1977, 4). encompassing. It is ruled by undisputed compliance with
Regarding recognition, engagement in the neoliberal- the fundamental presuppositions of the field, i.e., by a doxa
driven gentrification governance habitus allows the embodied in human thoughts and behaviours. It allows
accumulation of social, economic, and cultural capitals limited (if any) freedom of thought and practices and is
sought for symbolic purposes, i.e., to garner recognition, controlled by the existing patterns orchestrated by the
distinction, and legitimation. It is not easy to distinguish dominated doxa, institutions, and practices. Second, habi-
between differences and distinctions within a habitus. tus is institutionalised as a supreme distinction. Accord-
The debate of conditions and habitus, the cornerstone of ing to Bourdieu, incorporating distinction into the solid,
alchemy, transforms the distribution of capital and the long-lasting reality of things or institutions goes hand in
balance sheet of power relations into a system of per- hand with institutionalising this distinction, which is the
ceived differences and distinctive properties. This factor surest way to achieve naturalisation (Bourdieu 1990, 139).
allocates symbolic and legitimate capital (Bourdieu 1984, Changing the dominant habitus is thus possible through
172). The class structure of a social formation remains an Bourdieu’s notion of ‘practices of resistance’. Nevertheless,
objective network of positions in which people are related although individual thoughts, actions, and practices might
to each other through their cultural and economic capital. differ from objectively existing habitus structures, habitus
People are only sometimes inclined to certain practices acts as an anchored social structure that informs, influ-
within social spaces. Instead, they tend to regularly engage ences, and orients an individual’s behaviours.
with specific rules and adopt them as ‘dispositions’ to gen- This study uses Bourdieu’s social theories because they
erate their system of ‘habitus’. However, the range of prac- help us rethink how gentrification is governed in Amman
tices and dispositions within this habitus usually resides as a city in the Global South—which is what has been
within a limited perceptual framework, or what Bourdieu lacking in the application of gentrification theory in this
terms doxa. Bourdieu suggests that habitus allows differ- region. In such locations, gentrification is developing as
ent players to feel that they have the potential for success a challenging, complex, and evolving political phenom-
in the ‘game’. He uses the term ‘generative formula’ to show enon of urban development. The discussion of gentri-
that new ‘practical’ schemes of practices can be deployed fication in Abdali Amman as proposals, practices, and
while maintaining the ‘theoretical’ generative principles. forms of resistance/acceptance is covered in the follow-
Thus, recognition within a habitat is sought in different ing section.
Al Rabady Built Heritage (2024) 8:9 Page 5 of 19

Fig. 1 Map of Abdali as of 1974 with the military camp (State Zone) and Abdali Transit terminal (Civic Zone) (Source: modified from MOD 1974)

4 Habitus of territorial gentrification: the Abdali district of Amman3. The Jordanian Armed
a perspective from Abdali in Amman Forces (Arab Army) initially paid 20 Dunm for the loca-
Abdali, Amman’s most robust mixed-use district, has tion in 1942 to establish a military exercise campsite in
witnessed several waves of gentrification. Analysis of this the Abdali district that could host various officer train-
gentrification demonstrates the complementary roles of ing courses (Fig. 2). Throughout the mandate period,
governmental actors in territorial gentrification. Both the district remained vacant. After the country gained
state and municipal forms of gentrification have been independence, Abdali rose to become the country’s most
suggested or undertaken since the mid-1960s. Two areas representative landscape located within a few kilometres
are of particular importance for this study: the old mili- of several centres of power. The general headquarters of
tary site, which has been subject to state-led gentrifica- the Jordanian Army was on display in the military camp
tion initiatives (termed the ‘State Zone’ in this study), in 1956, following the Arabisation of the Jordanian army
and the old transit terminal, which has been subject to (Ta’reeb Kiyadat Al-Jaish Al-Araby). Additionally, the
municipal-led gentrification initiatives (hereafter referred Military Police College, the General Intelligence Build-
to as the ‘Civic Zone’) (Fig. 1). Two phases of Abdali’s ing, an old housing complex for senior officers and offic-
gentrification are illustrated: the historical creation of the ers’ clubs, and new governmental structures, such as the
Abdali site as a military base for an independent Jordan Interior Ministry, Department of Lands and Survey, and
(i.e., with a symbolic national identity) and the regenera- Chief Justice Department, were all added as defence-
tion of Abdali’s historic military site as part of territorial related facilities (Department of the National Library
gentrification2. (1967a)4.

4.1 Abdali’s creation: a military site with a national identity

The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan’s founding monarch, 3
The Abdali region was previously given this name in honour of Prince and
King Abdullah the First, is remembered in the name of later King Abdullah I Ibn Al-Hussein – the founder of Jordan – when the
General Command of the Arab Army purchased land to establish a military
training centre for the Jordanian army. This camp then became the head-
quarters of the General Command of the Jordanian Armed Forces. Hence,
King Abdullah I is regarded as critical in Jordan’s early nation-building
2
Jordan’s military tangible heritage comprises various historically and cul- efforts. Naming a military city district after him is a way of preserving and
turally significant buildings, artefacts, and locations. Monuments like the promoting the cultural heritage of Jordan by drawing a direct connection
Martyrs’ Monument of the Battle of Karama, the Martyr’s Monument, the to his contributions to Jordan’s military infrastructure and readiness, thus
Northern Martyr’s Monument, and the Royal Tank Museum commemorate symbolising the leadership and vision he provided during a crucial time in
the courage of the Arab Army’s martyrs and narrate Jordan’s history, from the nation’s history. This city name honours the country’s historical legacy
the Great Arab Revolt to the formation of the Jordanian Army, its inde- and foundational period, honours its founding leaders, instils a sense of
pendence, and critical moments. Military sites like the old Mahatta military pride and identity in its citizens, and fosters a sense of belonging and conti-
camp and the Abdali military camp are also crucial to the history of Jordan nuity across generations.
4
because the country’s history is inextricably linked to the evolution of the Suggestions for establishing other government-related structures on the
Jordanian Armed Forces, which represent the nation’s response to regional military campus include a building for the Amman Municipality (Depart-
challenges. The armed forces are a cultural symbol of pride and identity ment of the National Library, 1967b), cooperative housing projects (Depart-
because the nation’s cultural fabric is woven with tales of sacrifices and vic- ment of the National Library, 1968), and a public park (Department of the
tories made in its defence. National Library, 1966).
Al Rabady Built Heritage (2024) 8:9 Page 6 of 19

Fig. 2 During training in Abdali (upper left), a group of candidate officers trained in the Abdali Camp on 4/9/1953 (upper right) (Sources: compiled
from historyofjordan.com; Department of the National Library 1953). On the 24th anniversary of the Great Arab Revolt of 1916, a military parade
was held in Amman’s urban streets to proclaim military heritage as a social force and a crucial component of the nation’s unifying identity (lower)
(Source: historyofjordan, 2000s)

Additional mixed-use developments were created ministries and departments with a governmental focus
around the military zone within the Abdali district to offer (Department of the National Library 1965). The military
public services, including a public transportation termi- camp was installed at the suggested location in Abdali
nal (the Abdali Transit Terminal). After the military camp because it is conveniently accessible but far from the
had been established in Abdali for 20 years, the then- crowded city centre and because its development would
mayor of the Amman Municipality, Daifallah Al-Hmood, encourage the city to expand in that direction once the
decided to set aside 28 Dunm for an Abdali terminal sta- city centre was fully developed with buildings. The con-
tion that would house buses and service vehicles to link the struction of the government complex was also meant to
East Bank (Jordan) with the West Bank (Palestine). Later, aid locals in completing their administrative tasks more
offices for processing external travel to Saudi Arabia, Syria, quickly and effectively. In the complex’s designs, the cen-
Baghdad, Beirut, Aleppo, Turkey, and the West Bank were tral government departments were situated in a promi-
added. Local transit lines were also made available to help nent area close to the Prime Ministry and the Parliament
those in nearby cities or within the inner city. Because of House. As a result, the departments were situated around
its proximity to the State Zone within the Abdali district two significant thoroughfares that overlooked the Mall,
and its function in enacting municipal-led gentrification a prominent intersection of pedestrian streets (Depart-
practices in Amman, the Abdali terminal is a subject of ment of the National Library 1965) (Fig. 3).
intense debate and criticism in the discussion of gentrifica- In 1991, a new plan was established to develop the
tion in Abdali. Abdali State Zone with an official (militarised) identity.
Abdali is primarily regarded as the birthplace of The then-mayor of Amman, Ali Suheimat, and the for-
Amman’s national and patriotic identity because of its mer military engineer officer Dr. Abdel-Fattah Touqan
historical and geographical mixed-use designation. proposed a military-led development project on the
A regeneration master plan was created in 1965 for site of the army camps while maintaining the General
Abdali to function as a government complex housing all Headquarters of the Jordanian Armed Forces due to its
Al Rabady Built Heritage (2024) 8:9 Page 7 of 19

Fig. 3 1965 plan for regenerating the State Zone in Abdali as a governmental complex comprising ministries distributed along a central mall
(boulevard). The proposal was not implemented (b) (Source: Department of the National Library 1965)

historical significance. Toukan said, ‘I wanted to keep the government pursued planning to support the country’s
General Command building as a historically significant worldwide recognition and economic growth. As a result,
structure. It is connected to significant occasions and piv- neoliberal development policies replaced the inwards-
otal choices in Jordan and Jordanians’ lives. The rest of facing development strategies of the earlier period, which
the area can be redesigned to make room for traffic con- resulted in a significant opening of Amman’s economy to
gestion solutions. Additionally, I proposed building resi- international capital flows. Second, in 2000, King Abdul-
dential towers for the officers and an entertainment area’ lah II spoke with Rafik Hariri, a former Lebanese prime
(Touqan, 2010); nonetheless, the project needed to be fin- minister, about establishing The American University of
ished quickly due to the important nature of the site. Amman as part a brand-new urban development. For this
The above discussion exemplifies how the histories of purpose, the former military camp (the State Zone) and
the continuous production and reproduction of Abdali the Civic Zone were selected (Royal Hashemite Court,
are intertwined, as well as how the area has contributed 2002, 1, as cited in Al Huniti 2016).
to the construction of the country and the (re)affirmation Jordan has always desired neoliberalism, even if it
of Amman’s cultural (or national) identity. Additionally, emerges from urban gentrification. Like many other
it demonstrates how Abdali’s strategic location and the nations, Jordan has seen changes in its economic poli-
economic, cultural, demographic, and spatial structur- cies over time, with successive administrations pursuing
ing processes that have been occurring since the 1940s various strategies, including neoliberalism. Neoliberal-
played crucial roles in establishing the case for launching ism typically supports free-market capitalism, minimal
neoliberal-oriented gentrification in Amman. government involvement in the economy, and a focus
on individual entrepreneurship. This frequently entails
4.2 Abdali’s regeneration: territorial gentrification deregulation, privatisation, and a reduction in the role
in a historic military district of the government in economic matters. Abdali Boule-
The Abdali district experienced two distinct phases of vard, a major revitalisation project in Abdali Amman,
gentrification: one phase established an ideology and the was constructed to accomplish these neoliberal ends. The
other put this ideology into practice. goal of the project was to reuse an old military zone to
establish a contemporary business and recreational dis-
4.2.1 Phase one: establishing an ideology for the governance trict. By encouraging private investment, urban renewal,
of territorial gentrification and infrastructure development, such projects frequently
Two main political factors influenced Amman’s urban- conform to neoliberal economic principles.
ism. First, Amman was recognised as a global economic The National Resources Investment and Develop-
powerhouse in 2000, just a few years after King Abdul- ment Corporation (Mawared) was established as a finan-
lah II acceded to the throne in 1999. The Jordanian cially and administratively independent state-owned
Al Rabady Built Heritage (2024) 8:9 Page 8 of 19

Fig. 4 2002 regeneration discourse to develop the State Zone as a national, technological, and global district with mixed uses (HJW Consultants
(HOK Planning Group – Jafar Tukan & Partners – Wahib A. Shair & Associates – Consolidated Consultants Engineers): Al-Abdali Urban Regeneration
Project, Unpublished)

corporation that follows the Civil Service Bureau. necessarily considering it in connection to the State
Mawared embodies Jordan’s pioneering move towards Zone. The site was renovated for educational and rec-
transforming military sites (mainly treasury land ear- reational purposes in 2000 by the Greater Amman
marked by the Jordanian Armed Forces (JAF)) into Municipality (GAM) in collaboration with regional
investment projects. According to its vision, investing in consultants. The consultants suggested a network of
projects that will benefit the nation’s economy and cul- national libraries. A design contest was entered by
ture will help the treasury generate steady returns for the seven regional architectural firms. One of the entries
JAF while also boosting the national economy (Mawared, described a national orientation that included a park,
2023). an aqueduct, a library, and parking (Hammad 2016a)
Hence, Mawared evolved as the most prominent (Fig. 5a). However, it was evident that the focus of the
real estate developer in the Kingdom, leading Jordan’s proposal was on building an iconic structure rather than
drive towards urban regeneration and inner-city devel- nationalising the location and giving it a unique, indig-
opment. The corporation focuses on renewing the enous identity5. Hence, a plan to develop the Civic Zone
urban environment of inner cities and creating vibrant was presented in 2002 as a result of the collaboration
urban spaces through private/public partnerships. between Mawared and the master planning consultants
One of these sites is the State Zone in the Abdali dis- (HJW Consultants (HOK Planning Group – Jafar Tukan
trict. Mawared created an image of Abdali District in & Partners – Wahib A. Shair & Associates – Consoli-
Amman as a ‘smart urban centre’ that would include dated Consultants Engineers): Al-Abdali Urban Regen-
The American University of Jordan in a ‘state-of-the- eration Project, Unpublished). In addition, a pedestrian
art office complex’ and ‘place for emerging businesses’, path leading to the transportation terminal (Civic Zone)
which would serve as an incubator for start-up compa- was suggested in the proposal. Along this route, facili-
nies based on networking and interaction (Fig. 4). The ties such as shopping malls, urban open spaces, squares,
plan was created with regional master planning experts parks, terminal gateways, and public buildings could
such as Wahib A. Shair and Associates, Jafar Tukan and be added to complement those built in the State Zone
Partners, and the HOK Planning Group (HJW Consult- (HJW Consultants (HOK Planning Group – Jafar Tukan
ants (HOK Planning Group – Jafar Tukan & Partners
– Wahib A. Shair & Associates – Consolidated Consult-
ants Engineers): Al-Abdali Urban Regeneration Project, 5
According to architect Bilal Hammad, ‘[The GAM] wanted some facili-
Unpublished). ties…We realized the slope in the site, so we decided to make terraces and
The Civic Zone was the focus of a different discourse added specific functions below it. We also suggested a big and dominating
element, the aqueduct, which crosses the length of the site and synchro-
(about a civic park) that was an attempt to revital- nizes with the slope of the topography.…If this huge proposal is imple-
ise Abdali by giving it a national civic identity without mented, the site will celebrate an iconic structure, especially since Amman
lacks such a landmark’ (Hammad 2016b).
Al Rabady Built Heritage (2024) 8:9 Page 9 of 19

Fig. 5 Regeneration discourse for the Civic Zone with a national library. a designed by the local Architect Bilal Hammad in 2000 (Sources: Hammad
2016a); b designed by local architects HOK Planning Group – Jafar Tukan & Partners – Wahib A. Shair & Associates – Consolidated Consultants
Engineers in 2002 (HJW Consultants (HOK Planning Group – Jafar Tukan & Partners – Wahib A. Shair & Associates – Consolidated Consultants
Engineers): Al-Abdali Urban Regeneration Project, Unpublished); c designed by Italian architect (Caputo) in collaboration with local architect Bitar
in 2007–2008 (Sources: Bitar 2016)

& Partners – Wahib A. Shair & Associates – Consoli- • In Amman, gentrification refers to revitalising his-
dated Consultants Engineers): Al-Abdali Urban Regen- torical sites, particularly those with military pasts.
eration Project, Unpublished) (Fig. 5b). In this way, New gentrification models are not characterised by
the proposal concentrated on developing public urban the conventional ‘population displacement’ model
spaces that might essentially introduce a workable cen- overseeing urban processes7. As an alternative, the
tral park—Abdali Park. Eventually, the GAM, in collabo- new models adopt the guise of ‘urban replacement’
ration with a local architectural firm, Bitar Consultants, for reconstructing historic areas’ physical and cul-
and architect Paolo Caputo from Milan, Italy, developed tural military landmarks and presenting a fresh urban
a comprehensive master plan for regenerating the site perspective on the city. Interestingly, in the case of
in 2007–2008, with a national library and underground Amman, the state and municipal agencies started to
parking as its main components. This was the third work together to stifle the traces of ancient cultural
attempt to restore the site through a ‘park’ proposal landscapes, even if historically recognised as part
(Bitar 2016)—figure (5c)6. of the national landscape, to draw investment from
None of the three plans were put into practice. Never- transnational actors across the globe.
theless, these proposals helped articulate the gentrifica- • Urban governance is a factor in territorial gentrifi-
tion discourse in Abdali in three different ways. cation. To facilitate Amman’s transformation into
an ‘entrepreneurial local state’ (Harvey 1989) and
comprehensive economic, social, cultural, and spa-
6
The park has been conceived as an urban area for contemplation and tial restructuring, the state was wise to maintain
relaxation and an educative and formative place through the subdivision
the gentrification habitus institutionalised within its
of different themes (the rooms). The idea is to relate the project with the
surrounding areas and the central axis of the urban settlement through four domain. Furthermore, to support social hierarchies
primary functions distributed as four significant nodes along the north‒ within the system of government, the state acquired
south axis of the land, including a multimedia library, mosque, glasshouse
symbolic power. As a result, Amman experience
for damp plants, and cafeteria pavilion at the top of the park, in the direc-
tion of downtown. The connection between the nodes forms open-air mega-gentrification, which inspired state-led gentri-
rooms. The park is served by two car parks, one upstream and one down-
stream, and both are placed on the roadway level. The lower one is covered
7
by the park’s south end, so the minor part of the green area is well utilized See, for instance, Rami Daher talking about Umm-Qais, a historic village
and preserved, separated from the roadway. Different paths provide the park in north Jordan, and social gentrification due to population displacement
with a walking itinerary and structure, each featuring distinguished arboreal (Daher 1999). See also related studies on cultural gentrification in postcolo-
and floral specimens arranged according to botanical principles. nial Amman, including (Al Rabady and Abu-Khafajah 2015, 2021).
Al Rabady Built Heritage (2024) 8:9 Page 10 of 19

Fig. 6 The State Zone (the Boulevard or Abdali Project) and the Civic Zone (the car park area) are implanted in Al Abdali (Source: modified
from Google Earth in May 2023)

fication (Shaw 2005, 183) and involved the extreme of Amman to move towards policy-driven gentrification.
and direct urban redevelopment of Abdali. As a result, the state started to alter its approach and imple-
• A new logic of territorial gentrification is proposed ment a proactive gentrification policy designed to improve
as a driving force behind upcoming urban renewal Jordan’s investment climate. This time, a new charter of
initiatives in Amman. First, this logic orchestrates a gentrification was proposed in which urban elites (at the
state-based formula that directs municipal actors to national and state levels) called for Abdali to be the subject
appropriate their social practices and gentrification of image-based policies and the development of economic
plans while being confused by the state’s referencing regulations intended to draw sizable investments.
principles in the Civic Zone. Later, various gentrifi- Abdali was a suitable location for these plans because,
cation practices highlighting the interaction between while being developed as a relatively central business
cultural heritage, national economic development, district within Amman’s administrative boundaries (as
urban reconstruction, and the involvement of differ- suggested by the new metropolitan plan), it played a
ent governance systems will be applied to the Abdali vital role in financial operations, primarily because it
district (the State and Civic Zones). was a hub of the amalgamation of numerous investment
buildings and businesses with a high density of banking
The Abdali district (with its State and Civic Zones) has and commercial uses (including the main headquarters
recently experienced various gentrification practices. of central banks, hotels, retail areas that include malls,
The projects implemented in these zones are examined etc., in the nearby Shmaisani district). In the State and
in the following section to determine how gentrification Civic Zones (Fig. 6), active projects and plans were
has gone from an ‘ideology’ to a ‘practice’. In addition, implemented through cooperation among transnational,
this section focuses on how various governance systems, state, and municipal actors. The desire to participate in
national economic development, urban reconstruction, gentrification plans and resistance tactics emerged as
and cultural heritage interact. two approaches to gentrification governance.

4.2.2 Phase two: practising the governance of urban 5 Governance of Abdali’s territorial gentrification:
gentrification the desire/resistance duality
Politics were kept out of the ‘ideology’ stage, which The fundamental element of gentrification is a duality marked
occurred on a microgovernance scale (i.e., gentrification by ‘desire’ and ‘resistance’. This duality is closely linked to terri-
was not politicised). However, the state shifted to entrepre- torialism, deterritorialism, and reterritorialism, as discussed in
neurialism in the early 2000s, which caused the capital city the urban gentrification at both Abdali’s State and Civic Zones.
Al Rabady Built Heritage (2024) 8:9 Page 11 of 19

Fig. 7 Sectors of Abdali Project-as prepared by LACECO Int. (Source: Al Huniti 2016)

5.1 Gentrification in the State Zone King Hussein Memorial Library and Convention Centre
A proposal to establish Abdali as a central business dis- was another significant project intended to activate Abdali’s
trict (CBD) was active between 2000 and 2002 and was sociocultural identity; these aspects were dropped from the
aimed at regenerating the city and creating mixed-use plan in late 2005 or early 2006 due to the growing influ-
integrated development. The Abdali Project’s new mas- ence of investors who wanted high-return revenue from the
ter plan comprised eight sectors (Fig. 7)8 project. This led to significant deviance from the project’s
The state required more successful and seasoned partners original theme and prevented the site from honouring its
to develop investment attractions in Amman than were historical and symbolic significance as a component of Jor-
available, so this plan was never carried out. International dan’s national military identity.
partners were sought, but Only Saudi-Oger presented an The plan’s initial vision (as stated by Mawared) read as fol-
acceptable investment proposal from the four potential lows: ‘developing the American University of Jordan and a
partners. With the approval of the cabinet members, a part- ‘smart’ urban center for Amman—a mission to foster unique,
nership agreement was signed in 2004 between Mawared cultural, intellectual, and professional life in the region”;
and Saudi-Oger with equal shares. A new business, Saudi- however, transnational investors were crucial players in the
Abdali Oger’s Investment and Development Private Share- social governance structure in Abdali (Mawared 2002). The
holding Company, was created as a partnership (PSC). stakes for international investors were high, increasing their
Mawared was inactive in this partnership, owning the land desire for control. These factors have had a significant impact
but having no say in construction initiatives (Al Huniti on Amman’s gentrification governance habitus.
2016, 171). Rafik Hariri’s son, Bahaa Hariri, managed the The state could not engage in acts of defiance or reas-
Saudi-Oger share of the Abdali PSC after his father’s death sert its need for Abdali to be reshaped in a way that
until it was formally transferred to his company, Horizon, combined historical, national, technological, and global
in 2006. The Abdali Project now includes The Kuwait Pro- identities9. The state could not validate these traditions
jects Company (KIPCO), which has a current stake of 2.7%.
Horizon and Mawared each have 48.65%.
The ensuing economic restructuring processes in Abdali 9
The Abdali investment-oriented project required the establishment of
required spatial changes at the urban level. As a result, a peaceful, welcoming, and inviting place, so it was crucial to demolish all
while the new master plan proposed new sociocultural existing historical and military buildings. As a result, the General Intel-
ligence Headquarters (demolished in May 2005), the Anti-Corruption
icons, other original historic buildings, such as the General
Building, and the Officers’ Club were removed to areas outside the city. In
Headquarters Building, were to be eliminated (Fig. 8). The addition, the Abdali project was initially intended to upgrade and maintain
the General Headquarters of the Jordanian Army due to its favourable asso-
ciation with Jordanians’ memories. Unfortunately, however, the building
8
For more information on this strategy, see Alshawabkeh (2018) and Nah- was demolished, and none of these structures are present on the site as evi-
has (2015). dence of the site’s rich cultural history (Fig. 8).
Al Rabady Built Heritage (2024) 8:9 Page 12 of 19

Fig. 8 The Abdali ‘State Zone’, as it appears in contemporary times, with global high-rise structures to represent neo-liberal urbanism and open lots
in the place of the old military sector (Source: maps were modified from Google Earth Pro; photograph captured by the author on May 20th, 2023)

by framing national military heritage as a fundamental 5.2 Gentrification in the Civic Zone

category that orchestrates common frameworks of per- The symbolic value of neoliberal-based gentrification
ception and appreciation to shape the gentrification habi- acts must be acknowledged, even though the state’s CBD
tus in Abdali. The investors’ neoliberalist paradigm was suggestion may have some economic value because this
also applied to the state to justify exercising power in var- project is viewed as an increased financial resource. Fur-
ious contexts. Thus, these investors applied this paradigm thermore, these acts help maintain the political and cul-
to the gentrification field. The neoliberal gentrification tural hierarchy of difference and distinction because they
paradigm was dynamically used as a conceptual frame- become socially acceptable within the community. In this
work to enable interaction between the different active instance, the state level upholds and sustains the domi-
fields once it had been authenticated (primarily through nance hierarchy within a governance system that includes
actual practice) by the state (in our case, the other com- municipalities as governmental bodies representing local
ponent of the governance system—the municipality). societies, following in the footsteps of transnational
Now, each neighbourhood reforms its norms to validate investors. Even though the GAM has not been directly
the state’s neoliberal gentrification paradigm. The state involved in the Abdali project in recent times, its influ-
wants things to be this way because it sees the neoliberal ence on gentrification policies can be seen in plans to
paradigm as the ‘mental capital’ and a model for how it renovate the old terminal (Civic Zone). Two competing
should interact with other governmental entities, espe- approaches exist for regenerating this area: one scenario
cially local municipalities. accepts neoliberal-driven gentrification to iconise Abdali
Al Rabady Built Heritage (2024) 8:9 Page 13 of 19

as a transit hub, and the other resists gentrification to regeneration program in the form of Abdali Park (study
celebrate ‘historicism’ and portray Abdali’s national and participant, 23 October 2017). The park would include
military image. open spaces, amphitheatres, visitor parking, buildings,
and vegetation. As a result, the GAM held a local design
5.2.1 Resisting the ‘historicism’ scenario: Metaphoric contest for the Arab Army Plaza in Abdali in 2014. The
regeneration of military heritage to reconsolidate main objectives of the park project included creating
Amman as a ‘nationhood state’ with an inclusive a fully functional contemporary urban area that could
identity serve as a plaza for official gatherings, parking, and a
The history of the Arab military and the founding of the public garden while fostering a sense of national identity
independent state and the country are intertwined in the by highlighting the contributions made by the Arab Army
minds of many Jordanians. They consider the concept of to the nation and its people. Unfortunately, financial limi-
national heritage and citizenship heavily intertwined with tations prevented the implementation of the Arab Army
military heritage. The Abdali site played a significant role Plaza proposal.
in helping Jordanians form their unique military heritage. Some GAM decision makers do not see themselves as
This type of heritage has remained visible and pertinent guardians of this ‘unknown’ heritage, so revitalising old
to the public since the state has worked to make its com- heritage in the Abdali region is not necessarily their top
ponents into real semaphores and carriers of meaning priority. According to one study participant:
through the continued presence and role of the armed When King Abdullah, the First of Jordan, was the
forces in Jordanian society. Mahmoud Krishan described country’s first monarch, Al Abdali was known as
his memories of the Abdali military site in conjunction Al Abdalieh. This kind of connection needs to be
with the nearby bus terminal in a local newspaper, saying: improved in our cultural imagery. When the mayor
Let the memory shine with a beautiful sovereign [Aqel Biltagi] informed me that it was Al Abdalieh,
time in which Abdali symbolized pride, dignity, and I conducted a thorough search but came up empty.
pride…. We go back to the memory of the years of Barely two references could be found. We required
patience and contentment so that the memory shines data for the competition [to regenerate the Abdali
with the scene of the officers leaving proudly from the Plaza]. Quite a few people are aware of this topic.
various military directorates in that street. That scene The mayor knows it because he is an experienced
stays in the memory of the fans of the Arab army who older man (Study participant, Jan. 2017).
were listening to the roar of performing the military In these situations, the GAM worked with the Ministry
salute on its outskirts…[also] Taxi No. 7 [of the Bus of Transportation to develop a new approach for regen-
Terminal] is entrenched in the memory of Jordanians, erating the Civic Zone. For example, the above study par-
coming from villages and provinces with the aim of ticipant elaborated on this as follows:
recruitment [to the army] when the recruitment divi-
sion was in Abdali,…[Abdali] also includes…the old If we approach this location strategically, the trans-
General Intelligence building…[that stands] in the portation problem is more significant [than the mili-
memory of preserving the sovereignty of the home- tary heritage] of Abdali. You will notice that we do
land under challenging stages. Al-Abdali’s men [i.e., not use any military terminology. This allusion did
the army] raised the banner of defiance … they vowed not occur to us at all. Al Abdali contains no refer-
blood to protect the country (Krishan, 2019). ences to the military, not even the architectural pic-
ture (Study participant, Jan. 2017).
Abdali’s military heritage is assigned a role of continu-
ity and sustainment of cultural interconnection because it Another critical decision maker at the GAM concurred
has remained closely connected with society. As a result, with this viewpoint and argued that revitalising the Civic
this military heritage was transformed into cultural her- Zone is essential for resolving the city’s traffic issues
itage. Nevertheless, this relationship and the ways it while preserving Abdali’s military heritage. He said the
changes the formation of identities are also relevant to following:
military heritage. Hence, Abdali military heritage can be Every city has its laws that fit the needs of the area.
authentically recognised and revitalised. When various However, Amman’s transportation issues must be
regeneration plans for the Civic Zone were being consid- resolved, particularly if we intend to build a light
ered, the former mayor, Aqel Biltagi, proposed a revitali- train, subway, or underground train. We need termi-
sation strategy that symbolically reaffirmed the military nals and stations, though this may only be a tempo-
heritage of this location. To create open space and hon- rary fix. We made parking lots, and public transpor-
our the unique army history of that area, he presented a
Al Rabady Built Heritage (2024) 8:9 Page 14 of 19

tation riders will use them in the future. However, form of a famous public transit hub where people can
we also need a public plaza. Amman needs public transfer between various modes of transportation (study
squares. We require a public plaza that honours the participant, 1st October 2016). Commuters and tour-
Arab Army and represents Jordan’s history and civi- ists can access the site via shuttles from Amman’s old
lisation from its inception (Study participant, Feb. city centre and other transit bus stations connecting the
2017). area to the Sweileh region as well as use parking lots. The
transit-oriented development (TOD) approach, which
Municipal and community resistance manifested
the GAM is currently attempting to implement in Abdali
through efforts to preserve cultural practices, traditions,
Plaza through a transport hub, is a typical strategy result-
and historical narratives threatened by gentrification’s
ing in a new networked city type. One of the GAM study
homogenising effects. Nevertheless, the state adopted a
participants said:
neoliberal-oriented gentrification ethos despite this criti-
cal discourse for reviving national military heritage in the If we make transit-oriented development, there will
Abdali district, making it difficult to provide structures of be the most beautiful open space. We visited Rome,
resistance to challenge the established habitus. Since the Singapore, and other places…and realised that the
state currently determines and validates the gentrifica- transit hubs are always very liveable because they
tion habitus in Abdali, it might take great efforts from the include open spaces, greenery, plazas, and the hub
municipal side to alter to this discourse. (Study participant, Jan. 2017).
To link the Boulevard (a symbol of neoliberalism) with
5.2.2 Desiring the ‘neoliberalism’ scenario: functional
the Abdali transport hub (a symbol of speed) and thereby
regeneration to stage Amman as a ‘metropolitan city’
illuminate the most overtly neoliberal characteristics of
The State Zone—now popularly known as the Boule-
Jordan and the newly created entity of the transport hub
vard or the Abdali Project—has been fully developed and
as a grandiose urbanism, i.e., the metropolitan capital,
regenerated under a scheme of creative restructuring. As
this proposal adopted a utilitarian view along with a ‘stag-
a result, it ‘became the icon and the new reference for
ing’ perspective. However, the GAM has not explicitly
future development in Abdali region’ (Study Participant,
stated or defined this territory-based perspective. On the
Jan. 2017). Nevertheless, Abdali Boulevard is criticised
contrary, the GAM lacks a planning strategy to regener-
because it lacks public spaces, which gave rise to regen-
ate and fully develop the Abdali region. Instead, it oper-
eration of the Civic Zone. A GAM participant suggested
ates according to a tactical plan to temporarily resolve
the following:
urban-related and emerging issues. For instance, the
When the Boulevard project was completed, it was GAM decided to create a temporary solution by creating
a central financial and commercial hub. Simulta- a car park because, according to one study participant,
neously, in 2008, we considered revitalising Abdali this would help solve the parking problem in Abdali until
Plaza [Civic Zone] with a national library and open the proposal could be implemented. Approximately 3000
spaces to represent the nation’s identity rather than cars can fit into Amman’s parking lots, which are divided
a historical reference. With its open areas, this loca- among Shabsoug Parking, Sweisat Parking on Salt Street,
tion could provide the outdoor spaces the boulevard and Municipality Parking in Jabal Amman. However, the
project needs to include. The boulevard is a private GAM asserts that this number of lots is insufficient due
area. It is an expense. The GAM and Mawared to increased car ownership in Amman. Considering this,
agreed that some public areas on the Boulevard the entire location was renovated and built as a parking
would remain, but they would take the form of lot surrounded by sidewalks (Fig. 9).
streets and sidewalks that people could use. The old The GAM has been inspired to concentrate on the pub-
terminal, in our opinion, as GAM, was that this was lic realm in the Civic Zone by a new urbanism strategy
the only space that could be used to create an open in the state CBD zone. The GAM wants to participate in
area (i.e., the plaza). As a result, we proposed that the current neoliberal initiatives launched in Amman.
this strategically beautiful space be used to build a However, the gentrification habitus considers a different
national library with plazas (Study participant, Jan. practical approach that provides a ‘sense of distinction’;
2017). it has led to the proposal of a TOD in the Civic Zone that
mimics the CBD in the State Zone, satisfying its desire
Unfortunately, this possibility was not fully considered
for ‘modernism’, ‘dynamism’, and most importantly, ‘cos-
as plans to regenerate the Civic Zone were being pre-
mopolitanism’ while embracing new technology and
pared. Plans for such development have involved bring-
being open to globalisation.
ing back the theme of transportation there but in the
Al Rabady Built Heritage (2024) 8:9 Page 15 of 19

Fig. 9 The Civic Zone was regenerated as a parking lot (Source: the author, captured on May 20th, 2023)

6 Discussion: gentrification in the Global South state’s involvement in urban governance by incorporat-
as a ‘territorial moment’ ing iconic global architecture that gentrifies and packages
This study offers a practical perspective on the relation- urban spaces into globally recognisable realms.
ships among urban development, heritage sites, and
gentrification in the Global South. The following charac-
teristics of planetary gentrification in the Abdali district 6.2 Introducing a ‘generative’ heritage gentrification
can be emphasised: The case of Abdali presents gentrification as a ‘territo-
rial moment’ affecting urban, historic, militarised, and
6.1 Introducing ‘heritage’ gentrification national heritage. Governments in the Global South seek
From an ideological standpoint, this study highlights how to amass wealth while transforming their cities through
Amman has become an object of ‘heritage gentrification’, massive construction projects. Thus, gentrification is
with neoliberalist agents and decision-makers fabricating transterritorial. The geographic scope of gentrification
the city’s history through acts of military heritage erasure in Amman is widening to include other nonresidential
and replacement. Heritage gentrification has been estab- areas and nearby residential neighbourhoods (see, for
lished as a dominant discourse and an unchallengeable example, Vidal (2020) on the gentrification of the nearby
convention. The lessons on urban renewal and regenera- neighbourhood of Jabal al-Weibdeh). This gentrifica-
tion governance at the mezzo level (transnational), macro tion can reach urban, historic, militarised, official, and
level (the state), and micro level (the municipality) and public spaces by connecting urban gentrification with
in both state and urban civic zones are colonised by the neoliberalism. Hence, as Abdali in Amman shows, gen-
story of heritage gentrification, which is elevated to the trification has advanced ongoing relational geographies
level of a—to use Bourdieu’s term—national ‘habitus’ that and increased differentiated societal, spatial, economic,
operates through neoliberalism. The ‘historicism’ of the and cultural polarisation within cities (Deffner and
sites and national military heritage in Amman are hardly Hoerning 2011, 1). In other words, gentrification within
acknowledged within this neoliberal-oriented gentrifica- a neo-liberalised Global South is evolving within a ‘gen-
tion habitus. The state views urbanism through a purely erative formula’ that fosters multipolar territorialism and
neoliberal lens despite having once expressed an inten- satellite gentrification.
tion to combine historical and neoliberal visions in its Satellite gentrification starts by putting a specific
urban gentrification policies. This factor encourages the territory close to the context of capitalism’s global
Al Rabady Built Heritage (2024) 8:9 Page 16 of 19

restructuring process to achieve deterritorialisation López-Morales 2016). Issues such as replacing cultures,
worldwide. Other less-favoured local environments are histories, identities, populations, and urban uses are con-
disconnected from the global cultural economy, caus- sidered unimportant. In turn, local governments may
ing a profound transformation in their status, which is resist gentrification because they fear adverse effects on
increasingly conditioned by global dynamics. In essence, the sociocultural aspects of their communities. How-
this leads to ‘deterritorialisation’ and the reshaping of ever, states are increasingly ‘desiring’ larger develop-
cultural landscapes and the relationships among commu- ment projects that rewrite urban landscapes and expand
nities, their heritage (both tangible and intangible), and urban imaginations. In addition to the state, municipali-
the forces of gentrification. According to scholars such ties are increasingly drawn to the glow of neoliberalism.
as Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari, deterritorialisation Although communities can resist neoliberalism through
breaks traditional territorial norms (Deleuze and Guat- ‘cultural preservation’, they eventually present their herit-
tari 1987). Typically, deterritorialisation in urban devel- age and culture as dynamic processes subject to neolib-
opment breaks a community’s historical and cultural eral-driven modifications and (re)creation practices.
connections to its physical surroundings. In the case of Practices of resistance through advocating for ‘cultural
Abdali, urban gentrification provides a prime example preservation’ (as noted in this study) might not be able to
of how the neoliberal approach can accelerate deterrito- challenge the dominant discourse of neoliberalism. Local
rialisation and disrupt enduring ties between communi- communities might experience other forms of resist-
ties and their military and cultural heritage, polemically ance, such as ‘territorial assertion’, i.e., resistance becom-
leading to the creation of new territorial ethos, norms, ing a form of territorial assertion as communities strive
and structures (also known as reterritorialisation). Abdali to maintain control over their spaces and resist exter-
demonstrates how reterritorialisation—blending new nal influences. Remarkably, such ‘territorial assertion’ is
elements with historic heritage sites—can occur in state already emerging in the immediately adjacent historic
and civic territories, resulting in a comprehensive and district in Amman—the old Jabal al-Weibdeh neighbour-
irreversible loss of cultural authenticity. This dynamic hood. The neighbourhood, which is privately owned, has
emphasises that the discourse of neoliberalism has the undergone socioeconomic gentrification due to attempts
unintended consequence of eroding cultural legacy to by multinational chain cooperatives to encroach upon
achieve economic development objectives. June Wang the operations of local businesses. Local activists and
expressed concern about turning cities into miniature business owners formed the ‘Ma7alli’ (meaning ‘local’
worlds devoid of distinctiveness and cut off from their in Arabic) local resistance initiative to fight the domi-
natural environments (Wang 2009) (see also Wang and Li nant neoliberal urban planning (Vidal 2020). In this case,
2017). While this happens, the spread of such gentrifica- resistance is a grassroots movement wherein communi-
tion to various urban domains shows disrespect for these ties facing gentrification often mobilise to resist changes,
areas’ historical and cultural significance, which can employing various strategies such as protests, advocacy,
weaken the city’s distinct identity. and grassroots organising. However, the impact of this
resistance has remained limited.
6.3 Introducing a ‘decentralised’ heritage gentrification Essentially, the traditional power structures and gov-
Amman’s gentrification practices have normalised a ernance models of Amman’s Abdali district have under-
‘decentralised gentrification governance’ trend. Deter- gone a seismic shift due to the intertwining dynamics
ritorialisation—especially in the context of gentrifica- of neoliberalism and heritage gentrification. The effects
tion—has catalysed political change in Abdali. Likewise, of this shift go beyond simple urban development; they
deterritorialisation in politics has advanced the disso- penetrate the political system, undermining and stifling
lution of established power structures (state-centred the roles that communities and local governments play
governance). This has given rise to a new political struc- in the shifting balance of power. In the case of Abdali,
ture, i.e., decentralised governance, that transfers power it is evident that neoliberal-driven gentrification is por-
among the transnational, state, and municipal actors trayed as an all-encompassing habitus and institutional-
because of an inability to ‘resist’ neoliberalism in favour ised as a supreme distinction by any means of resistance.
of a ‘desire’ for historicism and cultural identity. Neil On the other hand, the state, both directly and indirectly,
Smith reminds us that the government is crucial in gen- permits other significant actors to act within this sphere
trification policies, generating state-led gentrification of power, even when conflict arises within and between
(Smith 1979, 2002). States are increasingly using gentri- these actors. Ironically, resistance and opposition have
fication to repurpose space in urban areas. Nevertheless, been employed to create and legitimise what Bourdieu
these same states are ignoring the challenge of balanc- refers to as ‘organic solidarity’ within a neoliberal habi-
ing national identity and urban forms (Lees, Shin, and tus. Once this threshold is crossed, altering the dominant
Al Rabady Built Heritage (2024) 8:9 Page 17 of 19

gentrification governance structures and systematic free-market principles, privatisation, and state interven-
power is even more complicated. tion, have permeated the urban development strategies
for the entire Abdali district enacted not only by the state
7 Conclusion: tuning planetary gentrification but also with municipal power structures. Hence, gentri-
This study aims to expand our understanding of the fication, driven by neoliberal principles, has manifested
dynamics of planetary gentrification occurring in the as a catalyst for dissolving the conventional governance
Global South. To achieve this, it examines the power rela- habitus in Abdali. Paradoxically, the state and municipal
tionships in the governance of gentrification and dem- entities might find themselves increasingly marginalised
onstrates how state, local, and international actors have and silenced as established power structures crumble.
cooperated and communicated to orchestrate and imple- Political instability and disenfranchisement result from
ment gentrification plans for heritage territories (state the diminished ability of local communities and munici-
and civic) in the Abdali district in Amman, Jordan. Using palities to challenge the basic power structure. In other
a framework of the dualism of desire/resistance, this words, this might result in political upheaval and gov-
study explores the complex dynamics of gentrification ernance reform10 that challenges and silences the local
governance within the intricate habitus of Abdali. It dem- communities’ and municipalities’ position as the resisting
onstrates how official discourses about historicism and entities within the power structure, as observed in neigh-
neoliberalism can impact conversations about territorial- bouring regions within the Abdali district.
ism and gentrification. It also underlines the influence of This paradigm shift—the dissolution of traditional
transnational factors on deterritorialisation and reterrito- power structures and the emergence of decentralised gov-
rialisation in the context of gentrification. ernance models—could lead to related developments in
Furthermore, this study illustrates how Abdali’s urban adjacent historic areas; consequently, political instability
development embodies planetary urban gentrification and the reform of governance dispersed throughout the
in non-Western environments. Specifically, it shows area may eventually become recurring themes. The rich
that quite apart from the relocation of residential areas tapestry of cultural diversity in a given society may also
(also known as social gentrification), gentrification also be jeopardised if neoliberal development is prioritised
includes cultural (i.e., heritage, both tangible and intangi- over this component. Therefore, this study highlights
ble) and, more significantly, political (governance) gentri- the unexpected difficulties and repercussions of bringing
fication. Embedded in these two forms of gentrification standardised Western models of planetary gentrification
are acts of deterritorialisation and reterritorialisation. In into non-Western contexts through narrow gates. The
the studied case, heritage deterritorialisation occurred Abdali case necessitates managing the conflict between
after the militaristic cultural symbols were removed from neoliberal gentrification and the preservation of the built
their original context. Neoliberal-driven urban develop- heritage. Understanding the effects of heritage gentrifica-
ment led to the deterritorialisation of histories as they tion and the significance of giving heritage preservation
were uprooted from their traditional settings. Displace- top priority for maintaining cultural identity and histori-
ment disrupted the cultural continuity of the affected cal continuity is crucial when managing this relationship.
population and forewarned the loss of tangible and intan- Amman’s gentrification has brought up significant con-
gible heritage. The neoliberal forces influencing these cerns concerning the future of urbanism in the MENA
areas may yet reterritorialise them in response to mar- region. A careful balance between economic interests and
ket demands, worsening the loss of cultural heritage and heritage preservation is necessary because of the poten-
weakening the distinctive character of the place. tial impact on cultural identity and historical continuity.
Deterritorialisation describes how established struc- Nevertheless, the findings of this study may not apply to
tures can be changed, causing political, social, and eco- other Global South urban development contexts. Future
nomic dynamics to shift. This movement alters traditional studies should look at other situations and urban devel-
power structures in politics, especially, in our case, the opments to fully understand the nuances and variances in
state-centred governance model that formerly dominated the relationships among neoliberalism, gentrification, and
the political landscape in Jordan. The old hierarchies that heritage preservation. Furthermore, by focusing solely
define state-centric governance are threatened when geo- on the unique dynamics, opportunities, and challenges
graphical boundaries lose their significance, leaving room
for more decentralised and innovative gentrification gov-
ernance. Amman’s Abdali district is a testament to the 10
For example, a discussion of the relationships among decentralisation,
transformative power of deterritorialisation and neo- urban governance, and political culture in Jordan, specifically in urban her-
liberalism governed by international forces of planetary itage governance, can be found in (Al- Rabady, Rababeh, and Abu-Khafajah
gentrification. Global neoliberal ideologies, emphasising 2014). This discussion highlights the opportunities and challenges for
achieving democratic, decentralized governance in the nation.
Al Rabady Built Heritage (2024) 8:9 Page 18 of 19

in Jordan’s capital city, Amman, the study offers insights Al Rabady, R., and S. Abu-Khafajah. 2015. ‘Send in the clown’: re-inventing
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settings in the Global South. The study also draws atten- urban histories between a colonizing legacy and a decolonizing illusion.
Journal of Social Archaeology 21 (3): 259–282.
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consider cultural factors and refute the notion that West- Jordan. Habitat International 42: 253–263.
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