7mm

GLOBAL
POLITICS

GLOBAL POLITICS
B.A. (HONS.) POLITICAL SCIENCE
SEMESTER-IV
DSC-12

READING NOTES
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20CUS01302
 SYLLABUS
Global Politics
Syllabus Mapping

Unit I: Locating Global Politics Unit 1: Locating Global Politics

(Pages 1-14)

Unit II: Changing Nature of Global Politics Unit 2: Changing Nature of Global Politics
a. Globalization to de-globalization, and post-globalization A. Globalization to De Globalization and
b. Geo-politics, Geo-economics, and Geo-strategy Post-Globalization
c. Territorialisation and De-territorialisation (Pages 15-26)
d. Cultural Frames of Global Politics Unit 2: Changing Nature of Global Politics
B. Geo-politics, Geo-economics and Geo-strategy
(Pages 27-38)
Unit 2: Changing Nature of Global Politics
C. Territorialization and De Territorialization
D. Cultural Frames of Global Politics
(Pages 39-58)

Unit III: Contemporary Global Issues Unit 3: Contemporary Global Issues

a. Ecological Issues: Climate Change, and International A. Ecological Issues: Climate Change, and
Environmental Agreements International Environmental Agreements
b. Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons in Post- Cold War (Pages 59-74)
Era Unit 3: Contemporary Global Issues
c. Global Terrorism and Its Impact B. Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons in
d. Migration Post-Cold War Era
e. Human Security (Pages 75-89)
Unit 3: Contemporary Global Issues
C. Global Terrorism and Its Impact
(Pages 91-106)
Unit 3: Contemporary Global Issues
D. Migration
(Pages 107-122)
Unit 3: Contemporary Global Issues
E. Human Security
(Pages 123-137)

Unit IV: Global Social Movements Unit 4: Global Social Movements

a. Environment Movements Environment Movements, Women Movements
b. Women Movements and Peace Movements
c. Peace Movements (Pages 139-154)
 Global Politics

Sl. No. Title Writer

Unit-1 Locating Global Politics Amit Meena
Unit-2 Changing Nature of Global Politics Gowri S.
A. Globalization to de-globalization and post-
globalization
B. Geo-politics, Geo-economics and Geo- Gowri S
strategy
C. Territorialization and De-Territorialization Shahnawaz
D. Cultural Frames of Global Politics Afaque
Unit-3 Contemporary Global Issues Dr. Hijam Liza
A. Ecological Issues: Climate Change, and Dallo Rihmo
International Environmental Agreements
B. Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons in Post- Narayan Roy
Cold War Era
C. Global Terrorism and Its Impact Ms Rumi Roy
D. Migration Megha
E. Human Security Megha
Unit-4 Global Social Movements Aditi Vashistha
Environment Movements, Women
Movements and Peace Movements

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Global Politics

CONTENTS
UNIT 1 LOCATING GLOBAL POLITICS 1-14

1.1 Learning Objectives

1.2 Introduction
1.3 Development of Global Politics
1.4 Eastern origin of the Western Civilisation Thesis
1.5 Eurocentric and Non-Eurocentric Discourse
1.6 Oriental Globalisation: An assessment
1.7 Worldmaking after Empire and Global Politics
1.8 Norm Makers at Global Level
1.9 Conclusion
1.10 Glossary
1.11 Practice Questions
1.12 References
UNIT 2 CHANGING NATURE OF GLOBAL POLITICS
A. GLOBALIZATION TO DE-GLOBALIZATION AND POST-
GLOBALIZATION 15-26

2.1 Learning Objectives

2.2 Introduction
2.3 Arriving at a definition of globalization
2.4 History and Origin of Globalization
2.5 Globalization and de-globalization
2.6 Neo-globalization and post-globalization
2.7 Conclusion
2.8 Practice Questions
2.9 References
 Global Politics

UNIT 2 CHANGING NATURE OF GLOBAL POLITICS

B. GEO-POLITICS, GEO-ECONOMICS AND GEO-STRATEGY 27-38

2.1 Learning Objectives

2.2 Introduction
2.3 Geo-politics
2.4 Geo-economics
2.5 Geo-strategy
2.6 Conclusion
2.7 Practice Questions
2.8 References
UNIT 2 CHANGING NATURE OF GLOBAL POLITICS
C. TERRITORIALIZATION AND DE TERRITORIALIZATION
D. CULTURAL FRAMES OF GLOBAL POLITICS 39-58

2.1 Learning Objectives

2.2 Introduction: Territorialisation and De-territorialisation
2.3 Four sub-principles of territoriality
2.4 Debates on globalization
2.5 The new geography of power
2.6 Relevance of geography
2.7 Introduction: Cultural Frames of Global Politics
2.8 Cultural dimensions of global politics
2.9 The return of culture and identity in IR
2.10 Globalization and the return of culture
2.11 Deconstructing Huntington’s Clash of Civilization
2.12 Conclusion
2.13 Practice Questions
2.14 References
Global Politics

UNIT 3 CONTEMPORARY GLOBAL ISSUES

A. ECOLOGICAL ISSUES: CLIMATE CHANGE, AND INTERNATIONAL
ENVIRONMENTAL AGREEMENTS 59-74
3.1 Learning Objectives
3.2 Introduction
3.3 Global Environmentalism
3.4 Approaches: Ecocentrism and Anthropocentrism
3.5 Major Themes in Climate Change Debates
3.6 Major International Environmental Agreements
3.7 The Architecture of Climate Change Agreements
3.8 Conclusion
3.9 Practice Questions
3.10 References
UNIT 3 CONTEMPORARY GLOBAL ISSUES
B. PROLIFERATION OF NUCLEAR WEAPONS IN
POST-COLD WAR ERA 75-89
3.1 Learning Objectives
3.2 Introduction
3.3 What Motivates States to be Nuclear Power?
3.4 Nuclearization and Denuclearization
3.5 Anti-Proliferation Treaties, Convections and Measures
3.6 Way Forward
3.7 Conclusion
3.8 Practice Questions
3.9 References
UNIT 3 CONTEMPORARY GLOBAL ISSUES
C. GLOBAL TERRORISM AND ITS IMPACT 91-106
3.1 Learning Objectives
3.2 Introduction
3.3 Genesis of International Terrorism
3.3.1 Nature of International Terrorism
 Global Politics

3.3.2 Types of International Terrorism

3.3.3 Causes of International Terrorism
3.3.4 Ways to Combat Global Terrorism
3.4 Non-State Actors and State Terrorism
3.4.1 Who are Non-State Actors?
3.4.2 Status of Non-State Actors in the Global World
3.4.3 Counter Terrorist Measures and United Nations
3.5 Post 9/11 Developments
3.5.1 Understanding 9/11
3.5.2 Post 9/11 and Emerging Threats
3.5.3 Global Response to Terrorism Post 9/11
3.6 Conclusion
3.7 Practice Questions
3.8 References
UNIT 3 CONTEMPORARY GLOBAL ISSUES
D. MIGRATION 107-122
3.1 Learning Objectives
3.2 Introduction
3.3 Understanding Migration
3.4 Migration Drivers
3.5 Migration and Human Rights
3.6 Why Migration is a Problem?
3.7 Migration at the Global Level
3.8 South Asia and Migration
3.9 Migration and Security
3.10 Conclusion
3.11 Practice Questions
3.12 References
UNIT 3 CONTEMPORARY GLOBAL ISSUES
E. HUMAN SECURITY 123-137
3.1 Learning Objectives
3.2 Introduction
Global Politics

3.3 Human Security: Defining the Concept

3.4 Human Security: Linking Development and Security
3.5 Human Security: Critical Debates
3.6 ‘Security–Development Nexus’: A Critical Appraisal
3.7 Human Security: The Gender Dimension
3.8 Human Security: International Community and Its Role
3.9 Conclusion
3.10 Practice Questions
3.11 References
UNIT 4 GLOBAL SOCIAL MOVEMENTS
ENVIRONMENT MOVEMENTS, WOMEN MOVEMENTS
AND PEACE MOVEMENTS 139-154
4.1 Learning Objectives
4.2 Introduction
4.3 The Historical Context
4.4 Theoretical Framework
4.4.1 The Political Opportunity Structure Theory
4.4.2 Mobilization Structure Theory
4.4.3 Cultural framing Theory
4.4.4 The World Society Theory
4.4.5 Action at a Distance
4.4.6 Transnational Public Sphere
4.5 Key Issues
4.5.1 The Relationship Between Global and Local
4.5.2 Instrumental and Expressive Dimensions of Movement Activism
4.5.3 Democratic and Oligarchic Dynamics
4.6 Anti-Globalization Social Movements
4.7 Digitalization and Social Movements
4.8 Conclusion
4.9 Practice Questions
4.10 References
Locating Global Politics

UNIT 1 NOTES

LOCATING GLOBAL POLITICS

Amit Meena

Structure
1.1 Learning Objectives
1.2 Introduction
1.3 Development of Global Politics
1.4 Eastern origin of the Western Civilisation Thesis
1.5 Eurocentric and Non-Eurocentric Discourse
1.6 Oriental Globalisation: An assessment
1.7 Worldmaking after Empire and Global Politics
1.8 Norm Makers at Global Level
1.9 Conclusion
1.10 Glossary
1.11 Practice Questions
1.12 References

1.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

x To learn key concepts and the entire gamut of issues pertaining to global politics.
x In depth analysis of Eurocentric and Non-Eurocentric notion of global politics.
x To understand alternative location of global politics through historiography and
through analysing contemporary context.
x To resuscitate the economic history of the world and the role played by the
easterners.
x Analysis of the thesis of eastern origin of western civilisation.
x How the West deserve the centre stage as far as progressive world is concerned.
x Who is the global norm maker?

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1.2 INTRODUCTION

In the world history, it has been argued that European had paved their way on their
own towards the development and prosperity. They claim that their trajectory of growth
and development orchestrated by them independently, and Eastern civilisations had
no role to play in it. East had been perceived as passive actor. John Hobson countered
the above-mentioned thesis by unveiling the truth behind the myth of progressive West
and discovered the “oriental West”. According to him, the Eastern ideas, inventions,
technologies, and institutions propelled the development of Western civilisation through
“oriental globalisation” (500-1800) which disseminated from the erstwhile progressive
East towards the West. The Europeans were dependent on the Eastern resources
(land, labour etc.) and market for their own progress. Hobson argued for marginalised
East which is the root cause of the progress of the West.
The iota of truth pertaining to the exploitation of East by the Europeans for their
own progress and development can be traced in the works of Dadabhai Naoroji’s
theory of “drain of wealth” work– “Poverty and Un- British Rule in India” (1867)
and also in the R.C Dutt’s work- “The Economic History of India” (1906). They
revealed the truth behind the policy of colonisers as far as the appropriation of eastern
resources were concerned. Hobson further validate their argument by bringing the
Eastern civilisation at the forefront of the world in the trajectory of their progress. In
similar vein, Amitav Acharya also criticized the Eurocentric notion of globalisation
which is ignorant of actual reality.
Hobson further argued that how the East played a major role as a developer
through major voyages, discoveries, inventions which hitherto claimed by the West.
The oriental globalisation led to the Eastern discoveries i.e., Afro-Asian age of discovery
(500-1500) in which Islamic, African, Chinese and Indians were prominent. For
instance, China well known for its Industrial progress (China’s Industrial Miracle)
along with revolution in agriculture technologies much before the Agriculture and
Industrial Revolution in the West
It is also pertinent to understand, the worldmaking after empire and how it has
shaped the postimperial world order and lately the new world order. According to
Adom Getachew, the universalisation of nation state was major landmark in the world
history which made the departure of European imperialism inevitable and paved the
way for new world order in the direction of domination-free and egalitarian world.

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This gave impetus to movement of self-determination and anti-colonialism in the areas NOTES
which were under the subjugation of European imperialist powers. Therefore, anti-
colonial movement propelled a new world order based on self-determination,
Westphalian sovereignty, principle of non-intervention and protection of human rights.
Moreover, the first Afro-Asian Conference or Bandung conference (1955) was
a major event which provided a platform for non-Western countries to raise their
voices against imperialism and colonialism. This conference gave chance to non-Western
and newly emerged independent countries for international norm makers, which hitherto
considered as norm wreckers. This conference had impacted the global politics in
post-war period. Moreover, the Non-Alignment Movement gave further impetus to
the agenda of newly independent countries and acted as a force against imperialism
and colonialism.

1.3 DEVELOPMENT OF GLOBAL POLITICS

The discourse of The West versus rest continued till today in global politics. The claim
for superior status by the Western world was for justification of their policy of imperialism
and colonialism which ultimately for keeping the rest of the world under their subjugation
and exploitation of their recourse for their own benefits. The western agency created
a narrative about the Eastern world which depicted them in a poor light, for instance,
uncivilised, barbaric society, irrational, lethargic, stagnant economies etc, just keep
them at subordinate positions. In similar vein, they used the concept of ‘White Man’s
Burden’, to justify that, the West is superior, and the East is inferior and uncivilised.
Therefore, they claim that it is the responsibility of the West to make them civilised.
There is inconsistency in holding the above argument true, as we would analyse
in subsequent sections that how East propelled the development of the West. because
it was the East who excelled in different field i.e., innovative ideas, inventions, discoveries,
etc. The Eastern achievements in industrialisation, agriculture, trade connection,
geographical explorations are well evident. The major issues are with the historiography
where the East had been ignored.
The domination of the Western world continued since they appropriated the
Eastern resources for their own development and was able to keep the rest of the
world under subjugation through imperialism and colonialism. But myth regarding the

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NOTES western racial supremacy destroyed in the end of nineteenth and beginning of twentieth
century when Ethiopia (Abyssinia) defeated Italy (1896), Japan defeated Russia (1904).
The rise of anticolonial movements and demand for independence and sovereignty
resulted into emergence newly independent countries.
Major changes can be seen post 1945 global order. The world entered into the
Cold war (1947-1991) which led to bipolar world order led by United States and
USSR. During the same period the movement of anticolonialism strengthened. The
decolonisation led to independence of many countries in Asia and Africa. Apart from
the Cold war rivalry between the two blocs, a third group of countries which remained
outside of the Cold war politics and followed the non-alignment path as far as Cold
war bipolar blocs were concerned, and which ultimately resulted into gulf between the
West and the non-Western world. But later on, the Afro-Asia Conference held in
Bandung gave impetus to the agenda of Third World. Their main concern was right to
self-determination, sovereignty, anticolonialism, nuclear non-proliferation, etc. they also
demanded a New International Economic Order (NIEO) for economic self
determination or ‘Trade not Aid’.
Notwithstanding the Third World agenda, the West always dominated the global
politics throughout the history. The West always known as the global norm makers
and the rest were the followers. The global order ran as per the rules and norms of the
west and their institutions. Earlier, it was European domination and then United States
dominated after the end of Cold war period when world entered into the unilateral
global order. The US emerged as sole superpower and exercised its hegemony
thereafter. The hegemony of the West in economy, politics, culture, remained intact
throughout the world history.
The global order in now in continuous flux. The multilateralism is a new global
reality. The newly emerging economies of the world i.e., China, India, Brazil, Indonesia,
Türkiye and among other. The emergence of new power centres in different regions
have shifted the global clout. The Global South have found the significant place in
global discourse. The American power now under challenge due to its relative decline
in global order. Now the ‘past has turned in full circle’ because the global clout has
shifted toward the Asia or erstwhile East. Now the Asia is emerging again as ‘engine of
global growth’ driven by China, India, ASEAN, and other East Asian economies with
resurgence of Japan.

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NOTES
1.4 EASTERN ORIGIN OF THE WESTERN
CIVILISATION THESIS

The traditional or Eurocentric view boastfully claim the progressive story of the world
history in which the West occupies centre stage with its victory. But this argument of
the West seems inconsistent if we analyse the historiography in an unbiased manner.
According to Martin Bernal, the western civilisation which is rooted in ancient Greek
civilization which was greatly influenced from Egyptian civilisation in ancient times.
Moreover, the western civilisation significantly derived from various other Eastern
civilizations. It is the East which gave impetus or propelled the dawn of the modern
Western civilisation through diffusion/assimilation ideas and appropriation resources
of the East (Hobson 2004). The East was dominant global economy during the oriental
globalisation (500-1800). According to Angus Maddison, British economic historian,
in 1000 AD share of China and India’s economy was about 50.5 percent of the global
GDP.
The rise of the West started with diffusion and assimilation of the ideas, invention,
institution etc., and later, the appropriation of the resources (both natural and human
resources) of the East by the Westerners. So, the West did not achieve its development
on its own. It is difficult to imagine the growth and development without the diffusion
and appropriation of Eastern resources.
The ignorance of Arabs, Afro-Asian world from the growth and development
of the world was a grave injustice as far as historiography is concerned. Du Bois in his
book highlighted the significance of Africa in the world history in his book, ‘Africa in
the World History’. In the similar vein, John Hobson criticised the Eurocentric ignorance
of the progressive history of the East their contributions through assimilation in the
West and orchestrated their development into a modern western civilisation.
Moreover, the argument that the East never got its rightful place in the world
history as far as its contribution in the growth and development of the world are
concerned. These all are confirmed by the Mercator projection of world map which
projected the western world in a larger space than its actual geographical area and
showing rest of the arear in the map smaller than their actual geographical area which
intended to show their dominance. This has been corrected by the Peter projection.

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NOTES
1.5 EUROCENTRIC AND NON-EUROCENTRIC
DISCOURSE

The West associated with the progressive values, rational, civilised, independent,
democratic, economic progress while the East considered as barbaric, despotic,
enslaved, lethargic, irrational, stagnant economies. The above assumption about the
Eastern societies formed the foundation of the “theory of oriental despotism” and
Peter Pan theory of the East for making the above argument justifiable. The oriental
depiction of third world legitimised the Western imperialism and rule over them. They
justify the concept of “White Man’s Burden” by representing eastern societies as
barbaric, uncivilized, irrational, dependent etc., to make them civilized, progressive,
and rational.
The orientalist scholars countered the argument that the East gave impetus to
development of the modern western world through assimilation of idea and inventions
of the east, albeit they hold that the two ends never meet. Rudyard Kipling, an English
novelist, depicted above argument in poem- ‘The Ballad of East and West’ 1889)
through a phrase- “Oh, East is East, and West is West, and never the twain shall
meet”. This further gave birth to the idea Western exceptionalism.
The Eurocentric perspective argue that roots of western civilisation was in the
ancient
Greek and Roman Civilizations. It was revived during the Renaissance and
Reformation period in 15th-16th centuries which brought the revival of literature, scientific
revolution, age of exploration and voyages for Europeans which led to enlightenment
and gave impetus to industrial revolutions and capitalism in the West and paved the
way for modern western world.
The orientalist approach can be seen in Marxism and Weberian as well. According
to Marx, West symbolize the historical progress while the role of the East was passive
bystander or recipient (Hobson 2004). We can say that Karl Marx’s approach as
‘Orientalism painted red’ (Tibebu 1990) In similar vein, Weber also applied the
Eurocentric categories into his central social scientific concepts (Hobson 2004). The
West had rational, liberal democratic institutions which propelled them into progressive
and developed societies (Weber 1951).

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According to Hobson, the West would have never achieved modernity had the NOTES
East not provided supporting role in their development. He criticised the West for their
prejudiced and their narrow perspective which was not scientific and objective. James
Blaut challenged the idea of superior West and also criticised the idea of the Europeans
as the “maker of history”. He calls it ‘Eurocentric tunnel history’, in his book- “The
Coloniser’s Model of the World” (1993), for lack of having wider perspective without
any prejudice.
There Eurocentric argument have a fallacy because it is not supported by
historical evidence. The empirical evidence of history favours the East and counter the
claims of the West. According to historical evidence the East had been the prime
mover behind the growth and development of the world (Hobson 2004). The western
powers were initially weaker than their counterpart in Asia. As it had been well evident
that many of early inventions, discoveries and revolutions which were claimed by the
West, were already experienced by the East.
It is not only about the ideas and inventions that was introduced in the East,
much earlier than the West but also about the major voyages and explorations of new
geographical areas which were done by the Eastern people i.e., Arabs, Ethiopians,
Indians, Javanese etc. There were well aware about the navigational technologies. In
fact, Eastern people helped the Western explorers. Moreover, the East is known for
many ideas, institutions, and technologies, for instance, China known for gun powder
and canon. China also known for introduction of paper currency (806 AD) for the first
time in the world. The modern-day bureaucracy first introduced in China during Qing
dynasty (221-206 BEC). Indian, Arabs and East Africa had trading contact since long
time, and they were advanced explorers and discoverers than the Westerners.
Based on above account, it is easy to conclude that the Eastern resources had
significant influence on the West. Many of the ideas and innovations disseminated to
rest of the world from the East though the Islamic bridge of the World (Hobson 2004).
They further gave impetus to renaissance and reformations and also propelled the
agricultural and industrial revolutions in the West which were originally initiated in
China i.e., agriculture revolution around 600 CE and industrial revolution in Sung
dynasty during 11th century. But industrial revolution in China was considered as
‘abortive revolution’ due to its slipping back of Chinese economy in stagnation (Ibid).
Moreover, the West also appropriated the Eastern both natural and human resources
i.e., land, labour and also their market for development and growth.

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NOTES
1.6 ORIENTAL GLOBALISATION: AN ASSESSMENT

Literature of oriental globalisation criticised the conventional Eurocentric theories of

globalisation. It emphasised on reconsidering global history in a longer period of time.
The Eurocentric version is confined to only recent time period in the history of the
world. Orientalism had been criticised by different scholars on various ground. According
to Edward Said and Martin Bernal criticised on the ground of racism and cultural bias
in Eurocentric perspective. Because the consider the East as inferior, barbaric,
uncivilised and justify imperialism and enslavement of the Eastern people.
Moreover, another group of scholars i.e., Andre Gunar Frank, Immanuel
Wallerstein, Shamir Amin, Paul Bairoch and criticised the Eurocentrism on the ground
of development which explains centre-periphery relations between the developed West
and the rest. Moreover, orientalism has been criticised for historiography. It has been
alleged that history writing is biased which favour the West. It has lack of objectivity
and factually incorrect that provide only partial analysis of historical events. James
Blaut provided different perspective through revisionist history of Africa. Eric Wolf
and Jack Goody criticised the historiography which provide biased account of history.
The unbiased analysis of historical event requires a longer time frame and their
objective scrutiny. The globalization literature dominated by Eurocentric perspective
which includes only recent history that justifies the Western superiority and hegemony.
Geoffrey Gunn highlighted the connection between Southeast Asia and Europe from
sixteenth century onwards as a ‘first globalization’ (Nederveen Pieterse 2017). The
early globalisation provides different story which was always ignored by Eurocentric
led globalisation. For instance, the China and India has played vital and dominant role
in the global economies which shows the Asian hegemony before seventeenth century
(Andre Gunder Frank 1998).
In similar vein, Kenneth Pomeranz explained in his ‘theory of great divergence’
(2000) by comparative history of Europe and China and argued that there is myth of
the great divergence of Europe from the rest of the world. John Hobson also argued
that ‘first industrial miracle’ happened in China during 1100 AD, in a similar way,
Industrial revolution happened in the West. Apart from the industries, the East was
early developer in other fields as well i.e., agriculture, trade networks, institutions etc.
These ideas and innovation further disseminated in other parts of the world and fuelled
the development there. Hobson called ‘oriental globalisation was the midwife of

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the medieval and modern Western world’. Moreover, the role of Middle East and NOTES
Arab world in trajectory of growth and development was very significant. Middle East
played vital as a ‘Bridge of the World’ and connected the East with the West and
Where the Mecca was a Global trade hub and Baghdad was ‘waterfront to the
world’ linked to the East (Hobson 2004).
The Eurocentric dominance can also be seen through Breton Woods institutions
(i.e., World Bank, IMF), Washington consensus and World Trade Organisation (WTO).
These initiatives were to maintain the hegemony of the West in global economy and
politics. This shows their narrow consideration of the world history (Nederveen Pieterse
2017). Through above mentioned institution, the West always tried to dominate the
world. For instance, earlier free trade was introduced to hijack the industrialisation in
the third world and now WTO through its policies seek to prevent industrialisation in
global South.
In recent times, the hegemony of the world is challenged by newly emerging
powers in the world. The growth organisation i.e., G20, BRICS, and among others
showing that global order is in continuous flux. Fastest emerging big economies of the
world i.e., China, India and rejuvenation of Japan validate the argument of Asian
century. Now the global clout has been shifted towards the East. It is rightly said that
‘present is key to the past’, the emergence of Asian economies validate it. Paul
Kennedy, a British historian, rightly said that ‘we cannot stop the rise of Asia’.
Many scholars locate the emergence of globalisation in the second half of the
twentieth century dominated by Pax Americana. The conception of globalisation
captured by Eurocentric theories which has been criticized for alleged ahistorical in
nature (Hobson 2020). Many scholars the claim recent globalisation does not depict a
real picture of it. Early globalisation tells entirely different story in which the East was
at the helm of the affairs.
The concept of globalisation perceived by different scholars in different ways.
Some Eurocentric scholars i.e., Robert Kaplan (1994) and Huntington (1996) see the
globalisation is threat to the Western civilisation from ‘barbaric threat’ of the East
specially form Chinese and Islamic people. The ‘Clash of Civilisation’ (1996) thesis of
Samuel Huntington supported the discourse of ‘barbaric threat’. Such discourse run
counter to historical fact which prove that the eastern civilisation was more progressive
and innovative that ultimately fuelled the growth of the modern western world. Marx
and Engels also emphasised on the needs of the imperialism, colonialism, and
globalisation for making barbaric societies civilised and this would ultimately transform
into communist terminus (Hobson 2020).
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1.7 WORLD MAKING AFTER EMPIRE AND GLOBAL
POLITICS

Emergence of the concept of nation-state or the Treaty of Westphalia (1648) brought

the transition of the world from empire to nation-state. This universalisation of the
concept of nation-state significant in the direction of challenging imperialist powers
and expansionism. Later on, decolonisation and rise of independence movements in
Asia and African continents gave impetus to nation building and right to self-
determination.
According to Adom Getachew, anticolonial nationalism led to new world order
or worldmaking. Moreover, the Bandung conference, an Afro-Asian conference (1955)
and Non-Alignment Movement (NAM) also greatly contributed to making of
postimperial world order. This strengthened Afro-Asian’s self-determination movement
and third world solidarity.
Later on, the proposal advocated by developing countries to put an end to
colonialism and emphasized on national independence, self-determination, and state
sovereignty. For this they demanded for New International Economic Order (NIEO)
in 1970s based on the principle of sovereign equality of all States. In this direction, the
United Nation General Assembly (UNGA) adopted the ‘Declaration for the
Establishment of a New International Economic Order (1974).
NIEO objective was to bring sovereign equality and non-domination at
international level, but it was challenged by newly emerged neo-liberal world order.
Therefore, postcolonial worldmaking and nation-state was a daunting task because
they were vulnerable to external forces which has been well captured by Kwame
Nkrumah’s in his thesis of ‘neocolonialism’ that threatened the state sovereignty
(Getachew 2019). Still the existence of economic and political domination can be
seen at global level.

1.8 NORM MAKERS AT GLOBAL LEVEL

The Bandung conference (April 1955) or Asia-Africa Conference held at Bandung

(Indonesia), had strengthen the norm making at global level, but it also brought the

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non-Western countries in the norm making process. The norms related to non-alignment, NOTES
non-intervention, anticolonialism, nuclear non-proliferation, universal collective security,
self-determination, and human right were significant.
The non-western countries generally considered to acts as norm follower or
norm violators rather norm makers (Amitav Acharya 2014). The Bandung conference
provided the platform for non-western countries to define the universal norm in which
the played vital role as a norm maker.
The Western powers perceived this conference as a challenge to their status
quo. This conference perceived by the Westerners as anti-universalist and anti-west.
They tried to manipulate and thwarted the attempt of non-western countries to organise
the conference. But this conference actually proved to norm maker on issues such as
‘human right and self-determination’ etc. Indian leader Nehru was major proponent of
these norms and advocated to universalise them.
The western countries acted not only norm makers but they themselves found,
on many occasions, to break or mould the norms for their own sake. For instance, on
many occasion the western countries justified their illegitimate intervention in name of
prevention of human rights in non-western countries.
The gulf between the North-South existed only because of the Western countries
did not play a constructive role in safeguarding of global governance norms. The
Bandung conference further widen the gulf. The post conference scenario was changed
the equation between the two significantly. This further enhanced because of the
resistance to the aspirations of newly independent countries pertaining to their self-
determination and political autonomy (Amitav Acharya 2014).

1.9 CONCLUSION

The Eurocentric theory of globalisation considered that The West is self-made but
without the rest (or the East) there might be no Western development. So, the non-
Western led globalisation came first, and it gave impetus to the Western led globalisation.
Therefore, modern western globalisation existed because of prior existence of firstly,
the proto globalisation between sixth century to fifteenth century and then came non-
western led globalisation after fifteenth century till nineteenth century.

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NOTES The historiography ignored the role played the East and it has been depicted in
a poor light i.e., barbaric, uncivilised, greedy, backward etc. There is inconsistency in
holding this argument true because Eurocentric theories were not supported by
evidence. Notwithstanding the Eurocentric claim, the east society were far more
advanced in all fields i.e., industrialisation, agriculture, technologies, ideas, inventions,
exploration etc. The Eastern world continuously fed the Western development through
their ideas, innovations, technologies and among others, throughout the history. This
non-Eurocentric societies were the victim of the Eurocentric world.
The non-Western countries enhanced their say gradually in global politics right
after 1945 through anticolonial movement, Afro-Asian Conference, Non-alignment
Movement, NIEO and among others. In recent times the clout of Global South has
increase in global politics. The Global South have raised demand on reforming global
order, reform in United Nations (UNO), disarmament, nuclear non-proliferation, action
on climate change, terrorism etc.
Now, the ‘past has turned in full circle’ because the global clout has shifted
again toward the East. The major economies of the world are in Asia i.e., China, India,
ASEAN, and Other East Asian economies, which are now driving the global growth.
There is relative decline of US power and emerging new power dynamics because of
increasing clout of other countries in global politics. Now, the world order is in continuous
flux and this uncertainty makes the world more unstable. In recent times, we have seen
Russia-Ukraine war, Middle East war between Israel-Hamas, belligerent attitude of
China toward Taiwan, brings uncertainty in the world.
We need to understand the global history beyond East-West binaries (Pomeranz
2002, Whitfield 2003). There is need resolve dispute through global cooperation
because the newly emerging global issues need global solution for making world more
stable and peaceful.

1.10 GLOSSARY

Globalization: means flow of goods, services, resources, capital, institution, ideas,

technologies, disease, and people across the globe resulting into transforming societies
across the globe.

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Orientalism: According to Edwad Said was constructed in mid-eighteen century, it NOTES

means the study history, language, and culture of the Eastern world by the West.
Eurocentrism: A discourse or metanarrative that reifies Western Agency and its central
role in the global economy and hide its darker side. The Eastern agency acted as
passive bystander in the world history.
Whiteman’s Burden: means the white race is morally obliged to civilise the non-
white people of the globe. Kipling perceived imperialism as the moral burden of the
white people to civilise the non-white.
Occidentalism: a distorted and stereotype depiction of the image of the West.

1.11 SELF ASSESSMENT

1. Critically evaluate the role of the Eastern agency in globalisation.

2. Critically analyse the discourse on globalisation.
3. Do you think that the Bandung conference gave voice to non-Western countries,
discuss?
4. Discuss the Eurocentric perspective on globalisation and how does it elide the
non-Eurocentric role?
5. Discuss the origin of globalisation and how the Eastern agency propelled the
development in the West during the early globalisation?

1.12 REFERENCES

x Hobson, J.M. (2004). The Eastern origins of Western civilization (pp. 1-

26). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
x Acharya, Amitav (2014), “Who Are the Norm Makers? The Asian-African
Conference in Bandung and the Evolution of Norms” in Special Section on
“Principles from the Periphery: The Neglected Southern Sources of Global
Norms”, Global Governance, 20 (3): 405- 417.

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NOTES x Hobson, J.M. (2020), “Globalization” in A. B. Tickner, & K. Smith (eds.),

International Relations from the Global South: Worlds of difference (pp.
221-239). Routledge.
x Pieterse, Jan Nederveen (2017), “Oriental Globalization: Past and Present”, in
Delanty, Gerard (eds.), Europe and Asia Beyond East and West, New York:
Routledge, pp. 61-73.
x Getachew, A. (2019), Worldmaking after Empire: The rise and fall of self-
determination (pp. 1-13). Princeton: Princeton University Press.

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UNIT 2 NOTES

CHANGING NATURE OF GLOBAL POLITICS

A. GLOBALIZATION TO DE-GLOBALIZATION
AND POST-GLOBALIZATION
Gowri S.

Structure
2.1 Learning Objectives
2.2 Introduction
2.3 Arriving at a definition of globalization
2.4 History and Origin of Globalization
2.5 Globalization and de-globalization
2.6 Neo-globalization and post-globalization
2.7 Conclusion
2.8 Practice Questions
2.9 References

2.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

x How to we understand Globalization, its meaning and origins?

x What is meant by de-globalization, neo-globalization and post-globalization?
How has it affected the international state system?

2.2 INTRODUCTION

The term “globalization” which has become common parlance, first emerged in the
1940s and later gained widespread attention from the nineties, which reflects the
increasingly interconnected nature of social life. Early popular works like Kenichi
Ohmae’s “The End of the Nation State” and Thomas Friedman’s “The Lexus and the
Olive Tree” oversimplified globalization, presenting it as an inevitable force spreading

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NOTES capitalism and erasing local traditions. This perception intensified post the “Global
War on Terror,” contributing to the dichotomy of the West versus the rest. Despite
recent debates on the decline of the United States and the rise of China and India,
many still struggle to grasp globalization as diverse connections linking local to global,
the social, economic, political and cultural spheres from encompassing the entire globe
(Steger, 2009).
This chapter aims to delve into the process of globalization, to understand what
it means, and it’s difficulty associated in defining the process. We arrive at a functional
definition of this phenomenon, and later examine into the history of globalization. Here,
we can see how the history of the process can itself be understood in multiple ways
from linear to cyclical and epochal beginnings. The chapter then aims to discuss the
major debates associated with globalization; this includes the various dimensions of
globalization, to its drivers and inhibitors. The chapter further proceeds to look into
the associated concepts of de-globalization and neo-globalization, all centered around
the skeptics (those that do not believe) and the diverse globalists. We conclude the
chapter by looking into the contemporary crisis in globalization and the changes in the
international order, precipitating post-globalization discussions.

2.3 ARRIVING AT A DEFINITION OF

GLOBALIZATION

Arriving at an appropriate definition for globalization is challenging due to the use of

the term in both popular and academic literature, many a times with different meanings
and connotations. A functional definition of globalization can be as follows,
“Globalization may be thought of as a process (or set of processes) which embodies
a transformation in the spatial organization of social relations and transactions—
assessed in terms of their extensity, intensity, velocity and impact—generating
transcontinental or interregional flows and networks of activity, interaction,
and the exercise of power. (David Held, Professor of Politics and International
Relations, Durham University)” (Steger, 2009).
This definition encompasses the various defining characteristics of globalization.
Firstly, it differentiates between globalization and ‘globality’, wherein globality can be
understood as a ‘social condition of interconnectedness’, this means that in the

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social, economic, political, cultural and environmental conditions, there is a NOTES

transformation from nationality to globality. Such an understanding makes three significant
assumptions; firstly, it means that the modern state system order of the 18th century
and its associated nationality is transforming, secondly it is in the transition to one of
post-modern globality and thirdly, that this post-modern globality has not been achieved
and is facing challenges and crisis.
The second definitional attribute of globalization focusses on the idea of change,
looking into the changing nature of globalization, the changes in the state system as
well as changes and transformation in the economic, social, cultural and political lives
of individuals (the various dimensions). However, here, the unevenness of the process
as well as its effects are to be noted and therefore the uneven and diverse kind of
reactions towards globalization. Finally, globalization and its definitions also mark the
change in people’s consciousness regarding connectivity and interconnectedness.
People have started to think and identify in terms of the global and international crossing
exclusive national identities. This global imaginary also includes the ‘glocal’, wherein
the local has indeed become global.
Therefore understanding globalization would mean grasping firstly the creation
and multiplication of networks of geographical, political, cultural and economic lines.
Secondly, lies the process of expanding and deepening of these networks and connection
which leads to social exchanges coming closer around the globe at an accelerated
pace. Finally are the changes and process moving beyond just the economic realm to
inside human consciousness. There is a never before seen increased and democratized
role of technology which enables these exchanges and interconnectedness.

2.4 HISTORY AND ORIGINS OF GLOBALIZATION

To the pertinent question of when globalization began, there are multiple answers and
multiple ways to look at it. Some scholars believe that globalization in terms of
interconnectedness and exchange throughout the globe have existed since pre-historical
times whereas others believe it to be a contemporary phenomenon. Manfred Steger
has traced the history of globalization in such a manner from pre-historic, pre-modern,
early modern, modern and the contemporary period. Whereas George Ritzer in his
book ‘Globalization: A Basic Text’, has identified the histories of globalization in terms

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NOTES of hardwired, cycles, epochs, events and broader, recent changes. This section seeks
to address these.
A. Manfred Steger’s conceptualization of the history of globalization
Pre- Historic period (1000 BCE to 3500 BCE): Around 12,000 years ago, global
human dispersion began as nomadic groups reached South America, following their
Siberian ancestors. The shift to agriculture 10,000 years ago led to settled societies in
key regions like the Fertile Crescent and China, resulting in population growth and
specialized social classes. This marked the transition from egalitarian hunter-gatherer
groups to centralized, stratified societies with craft specialists and bureaucrats/soldiers.
Although early globalization was limited, the end of this epoch saw the emergence of
centrally administered agriculture, religion, bureaucracy, and warfare as key agents,
fostering intensified social exchange—a phase described as ‘divergence,’ signifying
the movement and diversification of people and connections from a single origin across
time and space.
Pre-modern period (3500 BCE to 1500 CE): This period witnessed the invention of
writing and the wheel which marked a transformative period for globalization. The
former led to innovations like carts and roads, enhancing transportation efficiency
while writing aided coordination of social activities and encouraged large state
formations. The east-west orientation of Eurasia also facilitated rapid diffusion of these
technologies. In the later premodern era, empires like Egypt, Rome, and China facilitated
long-distance communication, cultural exchange, and technological innovation. China’s
extensive trade routes, especially the Silk Road, linked the Chinese and Roman Empires.
However, in the 15th century CE, Chinese rulers halted overseas navigation, paving
the way for smaller European states to dominate global influence. The existing global
trade network triggered migrations, population growth, and the spread of major world
religions, while simultaneously introducing infectious diseases (plagues).
Early Modern period (1500 to 1750): The term “modernity” is often linked to the
18th-century European Enlightenment project, emphasizing objective science and
universal morality. However, multiple forms of modernity developed globally in resistance
to European dominance. The “early modern” period, spanning the European
Renaissance to the Enlightenment, saw Europe as the catalyst for globalization,
benefitting from technological innovations from Islamic and Chinese cultures. European
expansion westward, driven by innovations and political ideas like limited government,
intensified global flows. The rise of European metropolitan centers and capitalist
practices, supported by monarchs, led to the establishment of joint stock companies,

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shaping a global economic landscape with colonial implications and societal NOTES
transformations.
Modern period (1750-1980): In the late 18th century, the globe became one of a
European-dominated global exchange network. Despite claims to universal leadership,
they remained oblivious to their racist practices and global inequalities. The rise of the
bourgeoisie and capitalism during the early modern period, guided by individualism
and free-market ideologies, intensified globalization. Marx and Engels noted this shift,
emphasizing the bourgeoisie’s pursuit of global markets. The 19th-century witnessed
increased world trade, colonization, and the rise of science and technology, enabling
global infrastructure and communication. Population explosion, migration, and
industrialization led to social and political movements, while extreme nationalism fueling
two world wars. The post-World War II era brought both the horrors of atomic
warfare and the prospects of global democratic governance through the United Nations,
marred by the Cold War division into capitalist and socialist blocs.
Contemporary period (1980s onwards): Since the early 1980s, there has been a
remarkable surge in worldwide interdependencies and global exchanges, constituting
a significant leap in globalization. Described as ‘convergence,’ this wave brings together
diverse people and social connections more rapidly than ever. The 1991 collapse of
the Soviet Empire and ‘neoliberal’ initiatives to establish a global market further fueled
this dynamic. Deregulation, coupled with the Information and Communication
Technology (ICT) Revolution, propelled globalization, enabling the development of
horizontal networks through the diffusion of the Internet, wireless communication, digital
media, and online social networking tools. This contemporary period is what is widely
acknowledged and understood as globalization.
B. George Ritzer’s origins of globalization
Hardwired: Nayan Chanda contends that globalization originates from a fundamental
human drive to seek an improved and more satisfying life. He traces the initial
globalization to the late Ice Age when a small group of ancestors left Africa in search of
better food and security, eventually settling on all continents after wandering along
ocean coasts and traversing Central Asia for fifty thousand years. Chanda highlights
four aspects of globalization linked to the human urge for a better life: trade or commerce,
missionary work (religion), adventures, and conquest (politics and warfare). However,
the assertion that globalization is innate to humans can be problematized since the
globalization phenomenon suggests we are currently in a distinct global age.

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NOTES Cyclical: The second perspective on globalization posits it as a long-term cyclical

process. This view rejects the notion of a single point of origin and deems the identification
of such a point largely irrelevant. According to this perspective, there have been historical
cycles of globalization, and the cycles themselves hold paramount importance rather
than any specific phase or origin (Scholte 2005). In contrast to the idea of a current
“global age,” this viewpoint suggests that similar global ages have occurred in the past.
Furthermore, it anticipates that what may now be perceived as a new global age, or its
zenith, will eventually contract and vanish, making way for a new cycle in the ongoing
process of globalization.
Epochs: In the third perspective on the origins of globalization, Therborn identifies six
distinct epochs or “waves” of globalization, spanning from the fourth to the twenty-
first century (globalization of religions, European colonial conquests, intra-European
wars, imperialism, post-World War II and post-cold war). He rejects the cyclical
view and asserts that past epochs will not return in their earlier form. Robertson offers
a contrasting set of epochs, starting from the early fifteenth century with the germinal
phase in Europe, incipient phase, take-off phase, struggle for hegemony phase and the
uncertainty phase.
Events: Here, specific events contribute to the origin of globalization. Some of them
include; Roman conquests before Christ, spread of religions like Christianity and Islam,
trade in the Middle Ages, discovery of America, European colonialism, the world
wars and others. More specific events that contribute to the origins of globalization
include, the first transatlantic telephone cable, the transatlantic passenger jet travel,
launch of satellites, television and satellite correspondence, development of internet
and digital banking and the terrorist attacks on twin tower.
Broader, more recent changes: Three movements are specifically discussed here,
which brought about tremendous changes in the 21st century. Firstly, the post-WWII
era marked the emergence of the United States as a global power, projecting military
and economic dominance worldwide. This period saw America’s influence in diplomacy,
media, Hollywood, and other aspects, closely aligning with the idea of Americanization.
Secondly, multi-national corporations (MNCs) became integral to globalization, evolving
from national entities to globally operating giants. As Marx predicted, capitalism’s
need for expanding markets led corporations like Ford and General Motors to conduct
international business, making MNCs intrinsic to globalization. And finally, the demise
of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War in 1991 accelerated globalization.

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The breakdown of the “Iron Curtain” dismantled barriers between capitalist and NOTES
communist spheres, opening the world to extensive global flows, including immigration,
tourism, and economic transactions. This period marked a significant shift toward
contemporary globalization, expanding in scope and intensity after WWII.

2.5 GLOBALIZATION AND DE-GLOBALIZATION

By now it is clear that globalization is a complex and elusive concept that lacks a
universally accepted definition and here we focus on establishing a comprehensive
framework for the study of globalization and its counterpart, deglobalization. In the
discussions on globalization and deglobalization, the article titled ‘Globalization,
deglobalization and the liberal international order’, by Markus Kornprobst and T V
Paul are used.
They focus on how in any understanding of globalization and deglobalization,
interconnectedness emerges as a central theme, this encompasses economic, medical,
and social dimensions amongst others. Their framework acknowledges the multifaceted
nature of globalization, allowing for a nuanced exploration of its various manifestations.
In economic terms, globalization involves the integration of national economies into
the international economy through processes such as trade, direct foreign investment,
capital flows, international labor migration, and technological exchanges. This economic
interconnectedness reflects a growing interdependence among nations and regions,
with implications for global development and prosperity. Here, decolonization brings
to attention the unevenness and inequality of exchanges between countries, but also
the varied uneven impact of these exchanges.
However, globalization is not confined to economic domains; it extends into
diverse realms such as health and social structures. From a medical perspective,
globalization is evident in the global spread of microbes, including pathogenic viruses
responsible for diseases like yellow fever, influenza, AIDS, and the recent COVID-
19. This underscores the interconnectedness of health outcomes across borders and
the need for global cooperation in addressing health challenges. Social theorists
emphasize the remaking of geographical imaginations of socio-political space and
communities. Globalization, in this sense, decouples political communities from territorial
boundaries, paving the way for the conceptualization of global citizenship.

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NOTES Despite the prominence of interconnectedness in discussions of globalization,

scholars also recognize the existence of deglobalization processes. Even during
globalization’s heyday following the Cold War, some authors cautioned that global
politics wasn’t solely characterized by increasing interconnectedness. Various theorists,
such as Giddens, Robertson, Appadurai, and Barber, highlighted concurrent phenomena
like the revival of nationalism, the resurgence of local identities, and the tension between
universalization and particularism. The term “glocalization” encapsulates the idea that
even as the world comes together in some aspects, it is simultaneously falling apart in
others.
Since the late 2000s, deglobalizing forces have gained strength, prompting some
scholars to argue that the balance between globalization and deglobalization has shifted.
O’Rourke and Williamson outline historical epochs of globalization and deglobalization,
highlighting periods such as the anti-global mercantilist restriction, the first global century,
and subsequent retreats. The global financial crisis of 2007–2009 stimulated discussions
about “peak finance” and “peak trade,” questioning whether these aspects, having
peaked in the mid-2000s, or would decline in subsequent years. Scholars like, Van
Bergeijk, draw parallels between the Great Depression of the 1930s (termed
“deglobalization 1.0”) and the great recession of 2007–2009 (“deglobalization 2.0”).
Furthermore, sociologists’ approach deglobalization analytically or normatively.
For Hannerz, it is underpinned by cultural interpretations of Self versus Other, while
Walden introduces a positive and normative perspective on deglobalization. He
envisions a new world economy embedded in society, marked by equitable income
distribution and the absence of transnational corporations or global organizations.
Thus, the multifaceted nature of globalization resists a concise and universally
accepted definition. The interconnectedness characterizing globalization spans multiple
dimensions, from levels of local, national and international to economy, communication,
culture, environment and much more. Simultaneously, deglobalization processes have
gained prominence since the late 2000s, challenging the earlier narrative of ever-
increasing interconnectedness. The juxtaposition of globalization and deglobalization
forces scholars to navigate a dynamic landscape shaped by economic shifts, historical
epochs, and sociocultural interpretations. As the world grapples with the complex
interplay of global forces, ongoing research continues to refine our understanding of
these intricate dynamics.

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NOTES
2.6 NEO-GLOBALIZATION AND POST-
GLOBALIZATION

The discourse on globalization has been accompanied by a robust critique as we have

seen with the reactions to globalization, and the debate on deglobalization, there have
emerged diverse perspectives on the preferred frameworks of world order and
international governance. Terry Flew argues how, although this critique is evident in
historical protests, they challenge the term and process of ‘neoliberal globalization,’
‘corporate globalization,’ and ‘globalization from above,’ associating these with
economic exploitation, increased inequalities, undemocratic practices, elite dominance,
cultural erosion, and environmental degradation.
Alternative approaches, such as ‘anti-corporate globalization,’ ‘justice
globalism,’ ‘globalization from below,’ ‘alter-globalization,’ ‘global democracy,’
and ‘anti-capitalism,’ have been advocated. The World Social Forum (WSF) has
played a significant role in debating these alternatives since its inception in 2001,
positioning itself as a ‘counter-summit’ to the World Economic Forum (WEF) with the
slogan ‘Another World is Possible.’ Further it is important to note crucial distinction
between critics of globalization adopting populist, nationalist, or protectionist stances
and those aligning with ‘critical globalism.’
The rise of neo-globalization is marked by projects aimed at reforming and
transforming existing globalization, addressing its negative structural and distributional
consequences. Global civil society emerges as a key player in this process,
encompassing a section from a commitment to the rule of law and human rights to
more activist forms promoting ‘globalization from below’ and a global public sphere.
The concept of ‘global civil society’ includes a broad spectrum, from an expansive
understanding that incorporates all aspects of global developments to a more pragmatic
focus on non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and transnational advocacy networks.
While global civil society movements have brought crucial issues like migrant
rights, human rights, climate change, and global poverty to the forefront, there is
skepticism about claims that this has significantly shifted the global system towards a
new medievalism or weakened the concept of national sovereignty. Reforming the
global system requires more than institutional changes or a broad global civil society; it
necessitates a nuanced understanding that recognizes the enduring significance of the

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NOTES nation-state and acknowledges the diverse needs and preferences of societies. In this
context, the quest for global governance is viewed as impractical, and national
governments remain central players in shaping the world order.
Post-globalization can be understood as a potential shift in the global economic
and political landscape characterized by a reevaluation of the principles that have
defined globalization in the past. This concept arises from the idea that the pace and
nature of global integration might be slowing down or taking on a different form.
The rise of populism sets the context for these recent changes and challenges.
The 2010s witnessed populism and populist leaders who diverse in their policies, have
come to power globally, their challenge often seen as a reaction against the policies of
the past three decades in Western liberal democracies. This sentiment is amplified by
the perception that globalization has led to increased economic inequalities, social
dislocation, and cultural and demographic changes, leaving a significant portion of the
population feeling ‘left behind.’ The appeal of populism is attributed to a mix of economic
factors (stagnant wages, economic insecurity) and cultural factors (backlash against
multiculturalism and cosmopolitanism). Populism is often linked with nationalism, and
its rise is associated with the ‘Four Ds’: distrust of political elites, economic deprivation,
destruction of national cultures and traditions, and dealignment of citizens from major
political parties.
Two likely developments are imagined within the post-globalization framework.
One suggests the formation of competing civilization-states emphasizing realist foreign
policies and mercantilist economic strategies. The other scenario foresees a world
marked by competing populisms, where various political ideologies vie for dominance.
Although a complete break from globalization is deemed improbable due to existing
global economic interdependence, these scenarios suggest a potential reconfiguration
of trade relationships and political alliances, impacting the trajectory of global
interconnectedness. The concept of post-globalization reflects a rethinking of the
prevailing trends that have characterized the global order in recent decades.

2.7 CONCLUSION

This section has thus tried to make sense of the complex phenomenon of globalization,
from what it means and its history as well as ways of conceptualizing the origin of

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globalization. It has dealt with ideas such as the multiple processes and dimensions of NOTES
globalization along with what drives and restricts this process. Furthermore, the concepts
of deglobalization and neo-globalization and post-globalization have been discussed.
How these processes have affected the state system, changing it in significant ways
and how the state system has in turn aided or hampered globalization was dealt with.
In final we can say that globalization as a phenomenon is dynamic and changing in
nature, but one that is pertinent to make sense of the world today.

2.8 PRACTICE QUESTION

1. What is understood as globality?

A. Social condition of interconnectedness
B. State control of organizations
C. Global race to higher income
D. None of the above
2. What is the opposite process to globalization?
A. Localization
B. Liberalization
C. De-globalization
D. Neo-globalization
3. What does WSF stand for?
A. World Secular Foundation
B. World Socialist Fund
C. Wide Space Foundation
D. World Social Forum
4. What are the defining characteristics of globalization?
5. Briefly explain the origins of globalization.
6. What differentiates globalization from de-globalization, neo-globalization and
post-globalization?

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NOTES
2.9 REFERENCES

x Steger, M. B. (2009). In Globalization: A Very Short Introduction (pp. 1-

16). London: Oxford University Press.
x Ritzer, G. (2010). In Globalization: A Basic Text (pp. 33-62). West Sussex:
Wiley-Blackwell.
x Paul, M. K. (2021). Globalization, Deglobalization and the Liberal International
Order. International Affairs, 1305-1316.
x Flew, T. (2020). Globalization, neoglobalization and postglobalization: The
challenge of populism and the return of the national. Global Media and
Communication, 19-39.

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UNIT 2 NOTES

CHANGING NATURE OF GLOBAL POLITICS

B. GEO-POLITICS, GEO-ECONOMICS AND GEO-
STRATEGY
Gowri S.

Structure
2.1 Learning Objectives
2.2 Introduction
2.3 Geo-politics
2.4 Geo-economics
2.5 Geo-strategy
2.6 Conclusion
2.7 Practice Questions
2.8 References

2.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

x How do we theorize geo-politics, geo-economics and geo-strategy?

x What is their relevance in the contemporary international relations?

2.2 INTRODUCTION

This section will look into the associated concepts of Geo-politics, Geo-economics
and Geo-strategy. The attempt is to look into their meanings, distinctive histories and
development. We also discuss their characteristic features and relevance in
understanding contemporary international and global order.

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NOTES
2.3 GEO-POLITICS

What is geopolitics? Its history and approaches, Geopolitics can be explained as a

concept that seeks to understand and represent the world’s complexity, emphasizing
the relationship between politics and geography. It not only helps understand the world
but also offers simple, reassuring explanations and predictions about it. However,
geopolitics is also linked to the exercise of power, actions, geography, and
representation, here it looks at how the powerful shape worlds and its implications.
Therefore, geopolitics is a component of human geography, which focusses on the
mutual construction of politics and geography, involving concepts like place, space,
scale, region, territory, and network. Furthermore, the agency and structure of
geopolitics has increasingly been expanded to non-state actors and structures
complicating any simple understanding of it.
History of geopolitics: The historical development of geopolitics, can be traced to
the late 19th century, emphasizing its connection to the establishment of states and
nation-states as dominant political institutions. Classical geopolitics, exemplified by
figures like Sir Halford Mackinder and Alfred Thayer Mahan, emerged during a period
of intense inter-state competition. Mackinder’s “Heartland” theory, focusing on Eurasia
explains how global dominance is dependent on controlling the landlocked Heartland,
spanning Eastern Europe and Central Asia and whoever commands this region can
potentially dominate the World-Island (Europe, Asia, Africa), that is exert influence
over the entire world. The latter, Mahan argued that nations with strong navies and
control of key sea routes would have strategic advantages, enabling them to achieve
economic and military dominance. The German school, represented by Friedrich Ratzel
and Rudolf Kjellen, justified territorial expansion based on cultural superiority. An
example is how Nazi geopolitics, particularly Karl Haushofer’s ideas, influenced
German policy and challenges the Eurocentric perspective. Post-World War II,
geopolitical views evolved in the United States, with figures like George Kennan and
Nicholas Spykman contributing to strategic thinking, however in the US there was an
absence of academic engagement in post-war geopolitical theories, leaving policy-
oriented views to gain prominence. Finally the rise of critical geopolitics, challenged
the state-centric perspectives emphasizing the role of non-state actors in global politics,
while simultaneously bringing out the Eurocentric nature of the classical approach and
its associated power in knowledge construction. Their project has been furthered by

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scholarship in feminist geopolitics. However in the contemporary era, there is the NOTES
resurgence of classical geopolitics since the War on Terror, the rise of China and
populisms throughout the globe.
Approaches to geopolitics: This as we have seen, classical geopolitics, stemming
from the era of colonialism, perceives the world as an arena for state competition,
shaping imperialistic policies. It classifies regions hierarchically, justifying colonial control
over what it deems “barbaric” or “savage.” This approach persisted through the colonial
competition of the late 19th century and influenced Cold War global calculations,
resurfacing in contemporary geopolitics, notably in the “War on Terror” and narratives
against China.
Critical geopolitics emerged post-World War II, seeking to reclaim geopolitics from
state-centric practices. Rooted in postmodernism, it challenges authoritative narratives
and exposes biases in maps, policy statements, and media. Critical geopolitics critically
engages past geopolitical thinkers, dissecting their language and political agendas to
demystify underlying discourses and assumptions.
Feminist geopolitics, building on feminist thought, rejects simplistic classifications,
emphasizing complexity and connectivity. It challenges binary categories, urging an
embodied perspective and empirical research involving real people in real contexts,
that is, a bottom up approach focussing on understanding individuals in specific places.

Characteristics of Geopolitics

Human Geography: Defined by Knox and Marston as involving the systematic study
of what makes places unique and the social connections between them. Human
geography looks at the components of place and space locating not just the physical
place but also the sense of it, the identity, power and relations associated with it. A
second component comprises of scale, wherein the scope of reach is focussed at. It is
at multiple levels, from individual and local, to the national and international, playing a
significant role in shaping observations and perceptions of power relations. Thirdly,
regions and territory, looks at the imagining and construction of the area in relation to
us and others. The rights of property and associated identity as well as a political
control over them, has always determined states and their identity. Finally, networks
and linkages, which transcend territories also play a significant role in understanding
geopolitics. Geopolitics becomes not just place, territory, and scale, but the networks
and linkages that are in constant interaction with each other.

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NOTES Practice and Representation: Geopolitics is both a practice and representation. The
first aspect involves the real actions of individuals and groups to wield power in specific
geographic entities. For instance, a social media network control or territorial control
by a country like Russia in Ukraine demonstrates geopolitical practices that alter political
and geographical arrangements. The second aspect involves representations, that is,
shaping how actors or spaces are perceived. These representations brought through
discourse, become common sense and influence actions. Thus acts of representation
are inseparable from geopolitical practices.
Agent-Structure: This explores geopolitical agents, entities acting to achieve specific
goals in geopolitics. Agents range from individuals and households to countries,
corporations, and NGOs. The interconnection of agents are complex. Agents operate
within structures, which are sets of rules and norms expressing power. Structures both
facilitate and constrain agents. Agents can also be structures and vice versa. Theoretical
use lies in understanding these opportunities and constraints, recognizing the use of
multiple structures together, along with its changing nature and understanding geopolitics
through a hierarchy of geographic scales.
Relation to Power: The practice and representation of geopolitics as we have seen is
intimately linked to power. This has been studied in terms of material, relational and
ideological. The first relates to the traditional conception of having power over another,
and for a long time in history geopolitics involved the capture of material power.
Relational power on the other hand, beings out how one can only exercise power in
relation to another, that is, a strong state can only exist if there is a weak state. Finally,
ideological exercise of geopolitical power takes into account the use and construction
of hegemony, which has deep impacts for world politics.

2.4 GEO-ECONOMICS

Geo-economics and its rise since 1990s

Geo-economics involves strategically using economic tools for geopolitical goals,
emphasizing the application of economic measures—such as trade policies, investments,
and sanctions—to achieve political influence and security goals on the global stage,
therefore recognizing the interconnectedness of economic and political factors in shaping
international relations. For example, we can see the use of economic sanctions imposed

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against aggressive policies of nations, economic carrots (incentives) used to encourage NOTES
certain policies.
The rise of geo-economics can be traced to the post-Cold War era, where
Edward Luttwak introduced the term “geo-economics,” predicting a shift in international
rivalry from military to economic competition. Luttwak and others, including Huntington,
anticipated that states, with the end of Soviet threat, would increasingly compete through
economic power rather than military strength. However, this early vision faded as the
1990s and 2000s saw a surge in economic interdependence globally. It was the narrative
of a liberal interdependence fostering international cooperation and mutual benefit that
dominated.
But, despite the expectation of a cooperative international system with mutual
benefits and reduced chances of conflict, the challenges associated with asymmetric
economic interdependence emerged, that is benefits and costs were uneven and
inequality not only persisted but deepened. Disruptions in global supply chains, illicit
trade flows, and the strategic use of vulnerabilities for leverage became prominent
issues. Geo-economic calculations, emphasizing economic security, returned to the
forefront of global concerns. The term “geo-economics” gained renewed attention in
academic and policy debates, reflecting varied interpretations. Scholars noted the
lack of a clear and unified definition, highlighting the challenge of resolving diverse
contemporary understandings of geo-economics under a common framework.
Luttwarkian and Non-Luttwakian approaches to geo-economics: Post
1990s scholars have delved into geo-economic phenomena, drawing inspiration from
Edward Luttwak’s influential article, ‘From Geopolitics to Geo-Economics: Logic of
Conflict, Grammar of Commerce’. Scholars like Hudson define geo-economics as
economically driven territorial control, emphasizing actions such as trade and investment.
Hsiung perceives it as a shift from military to economic security concerns, especially
concerning China’s global role. Mattlin and Wigell propose that non-Western powers
like Brazil, China, and India rely on non-military means for strategic balancing. Research
on Russia, China, and Germany aligns with Luttwak’s concepts, emphasizing the role
of economic power. Contrary to expectations, geo-economics hasn’t completely
supplanted military means; states often deploy both, as noted by Blackwill and Harris.
The study on geo-economics also moves away from Luttwak’s emphasis on
power politics. Scholvin and Draper focus on the impact of material structures on
regional economic relations in Brazil and South Africa. Käpylä and Mikkola highlight

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NOTES how geographical conditions induce cooperation in the Arctic. Barton sees the era of
geo-economics marked by flexible non-state actors and borderless transnational
relations, contrasting the stability of geopolitics. Cowen and Smith argue that geo-
economics, with global production segmentation and transnational enterprises,
transcends territorial borders. The rise of the United States to global power hood in
the early twentieth century, according to Smith, was a geo-economic project. Other
researchers define geo-economics by its ends, such as the use of statecraft for economic
goals (Youngs) or focusing on natural resources and their control (O’Hara and
Heffernan).
Constructivist geo-economics, in contrast, interprets geo-economics as
discourses. This perspective views geo-economic policy advice and research as
ideological, sometimes leading to partisan conclusions. Constructivists also consider
geo-economics as a securitising discourse, emphasizing the construction of security
risks to legitimize extraordinary counter-measures. However, this approach may
overlook material structures influencing international relations beyond discursive control.
Geo-economics and Geopolitics: two sides of the same coin?
The interlinked nature of geo-economics and geopolitics forms the core of great power
competition in foreign policy. The prefix ‘geo’ emphasizes the spatial aspect, outlining
a sphere of influence that great powers aim to dominate, unifying economic, political,
and strategic dimensions. Grand strategy, conceptualized as the intellectual architecture
guiding foreign policy, balances geo-economics and geopolitics. Within grand strategy,
states employ two types of strategies:
Geopolitical strategies involving the geostrategic use of political power, utilizing
diplomatic, military, and intelligence means to achieve objectives.
Geo-economic strategies, as defined by Wigell, denote the geostrategic use of
economic power, where leaders pursue objectives through control over markets,
resources, and international economic rules.
For example, the Asia-Pacific region demonstrates the simultaneous application
of geo-economics and geopolitics. The United States, with its ‘Pivot to Asia’ strategy,
sought to rebalance its focus, emphasizing traditional partnerships and a geo-economic
component like the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). In contrast, China’s One Belt–
One Road strategy reflects a geo-economic approach, tapping into Eurasia’s heartland
to establish economic interdependencies.

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The roots of geo-economics and geopolitics trace back to the early twentieth NOTES
century, with shifts in the international balance of power. While contemporary
perspectives often view geo-economics as a convergence of economics and geopolitics,
it introduces a distinctive logic that integrates geostrategic ends and economic means
within a grand strategic framework. Contrary to Luttwak’s claim that geo-economics
replaces geopolitics, the two coexist, offering distinct yet complementary strategies.
The global distribution of economic and political power witnessed a structural divergence
in the late 2000s. While the international political structure remained predominantly
unipolar, economic power shifted towards a multipolar structure. New economic poles,
including China, Brazil, and India, emerged, leading to a potential bi-multipolar political
structure in the future. This decoupling of economic and political power challenges
traditional security arrangements, signalling a shift in the dynamics of international
relations.
Four generations of geo-economics
The evolution of geo-economics spans four distinct generations, each reflecting shifts
in global power dynamics, economic structures, and strategic thinking.
First Generation (Pre-20th Century): The earliest roots of geo-economics can be
traced to the pre-20th century era, where states engaged in mercantilist practices.
Economic power was seen as a means to achieve geopolitical objectives, with states
pursuing colonial expansion, trade dominance, and control over key resources.
However, the term “geo-economics” wasn’t explicitly coined during this period.
Second Generation (Early to Mid-20th Century): The interwar period and the
aftermath of World War II marked the second generation of geo-economics. Nations
recognized the interplay between economic and geopolitical power, particularly in the
context of reconstruction and global economic integration. Institutions like the Bretton
Woods system was established to regulate international economic relations. Economic
strength became a crucial element in the geopolitical struggles of the Cold War, with
the United States and the Soviet Union engaging in economic competition alongside
military rivalry.
Third Generation (Late 20th Century to Early 21st Century): The term “geo-
economics” gained prominence with the publication of Edward Luttwak’s article “From
Geopolitics to Geo-economics” in 1990. This period witnessed a shift from geopolitics
to geo-economics as the key strategy. The end of the Cold War and the rise of
globalization reshaped the landscape, emphasizing the role of economic instruments in

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NOTES achieving national interests. Institutions like the World Trade Organization (WTO) and
regional trade agreements proliferated. The focus extended beyond military might to
economic statecraft, as seen in the rise of economic sanctions and trade negotiations
as geopolitical tools.
Fourth Generation (Early 21st Century Onward): The fourth and current generation
of geo-economics reflects the complexities of a multipolar world. Emerging powers,
such as China, India, and Brazil, have redefined economic structures and power
dynamics. The digital revolution and technological advancements have further intertwined
economic and geopolitical realms. States increasingly use economic tools not only for
traditional geopolitical goals but also to shape global governance, influence international
norms, and establish themselves as key players in shaping the future of technology,
cyberspace, and artificial intelligence. Issues like cybersecurity, data governance, and
control over emerging technologies become integral to the geo-economic landscape.
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) by China exemplifies the modern geo-economic
approach, intertwining infrastructure development, economic partnerships, and
geopolitical influence.

2.5 GEO-STRATEGY

Geostrategy, a branch of geopolitics, involves crafting foreign policy based on the

influence of geographical factors on political and military planning. Like any strategic
pursuit, geostrategy is concerned with aligning means to ends, and its connection with
geography is described by Colin S. Gray and Geoffrey Sloan as (geography being)
the mother of strategy.’
Unlike geopolitics, geo-strategists approach their analysis from a nationalist
standpoint. The significance of geostrategies is intricately tied to the circumstances of
their development, considering elements such as a nation’s historical background,
available resources, overarching objectives, the political geography of the time, and
technological aspects impacting military, political, economic, and cultural engagements.
Geostrategy serves varied purposes: it can prescribe foreign policy based on
geographical and historical considerations, provide analytical insights into how
geography and history mould foreign policy, or offer predictive forecasts about a nation’s
future foreign policy decisions and their consequences. The concept of geostrategy is

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closely associated with strategic geography, where the spatial dimension plays a pivotal NOTES
role.
Prominent Geo-Strategists: Alfred Thayer Mahan and Halford Mackinder
Alfred Thayer Mahan’s “The Influence of Sea Power upon History” (1890)
Mahan’s key insights emphasized the centrality of maritime power in shaping global
dominance. He argued that control of sea lanes and strategic maritime chokepoints
was pivotal for a nation’s geopolitical influence. His work profoundly influenced naval
strategies, with an emphasis on the strategic significance of a powerful navy. Mahan’s
ideas had practical applications in the establishment of naval bases, influencing nations
to secure forward positions for projecting power globally.
The impact of Mahan’s geostrategic thinking extended to both the Pacific and
Atlantic Oceans, playing a crucial role in shaping the naval policies of major powers.
His work is instrumental in the United States’ rise as a global power, left a lasting
legacy, influencing not only military strategies but also the broader field of geopolitics,
emphasizing the indispensable role of maritime power in international affairs.
Halford Mackinder and the Pivotal Heartland
A century ago, Halford Mackinder introduced the ‘Geographical Pivot of History,’
highlighting the geopolitical struggle between land and sea powers, particularly the
potential dominance of the Euro-Asian landmass. After World War I, Mackinder
expanded his ideas in ‘Democratic Ideals and Reality,’ emphasizing the importance of
controlling Eastern Europe to command the Heartland and, subsequently, the World-
Island and the world. Mackinder’s influence extended to General Karl Haushofer in
Germany, who envisioned global dominance through accommodation with the Soviet
Union. The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact in 1939, dividing Eastern Europe, aligned with
Haushofer’s vision but diverged from Hitler’s goals, leading to conflicts in World War
II.
Post-war, Mackinder’s ideas shaped geopolitical thinking, seen in Germany’s
division and the Cold War’s containment strategies against the USSR. Critiques
emerged, challenging Mackinder’s ‘closed space’ concept and accusing his ideas of
Eurocentrism, arguing they are ill-suited for the contemporary era of globalization.
Despite criticisms, Mackinder’s theories significantly influenced historical events and
continue to shape geopolitical discourse.

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NOTES Geo-strategy important considerations

Geographical Considerations: One fundamental aspect of geostrategy is the
understanding of a nation’s geographic position and the opportunities or challenges it
presents. Geographic features, such as mountain ranges, rivers, and coastlines, can
significantly impact military and economic activities. Access to natural resources, like
oil or minerals, often influences a nation’s strategic priorities.
Heartland Theory: Sir Halford Mackinder’s Heartland Theory is a classic example
of geostrategic thought. Mackinder argued that control over the Eurasian “Heartland,”
which includes the vast landmass of Eastern Europe and Asia, would grant a power
the potential to dominate the world. This theory has shaped geopolitical analyses and
influenced strategic thinking, especially during the era of great power competition.
Sea Power and Rimland: Alfred Mahan’s ideas on sea power are another cornerstone
of geostrategy. Mahan emphasized the importance of naval dominance for global
influence. The concept of Rimland, developed by Nicholas Spykman in response to
Mackinder’s Heartland Theory, suggests that control over maritime peripheries
(Rimland) is crucial for countering the power located in the Heartland.
Strategic Encirclement and Balancing: Geostrategy often involves the concept of
strategic encirclement. Nations seek to control or influence territories surrounding
potential rivals, limiting their strategic options and preventing the emergence of a
dominant power. Balancing power in key regions becomes a crucial element in
geostrategic planning to avoid the concentration of power that might threaten a nation’s
security.
Energy Security and Trade Routes: In the modern era, energy security and control
over key trade routes have become central to geostrategic considerations. Nations
aim to secure access to vital resources, such as oil and natural gas, to sustain their
economic development and military capabilities. Control or influence over critical
maritime routes, like the Strait of Hormuz or the South China Sea, is integral to global
power dynamics.
Technological Advancements: Advancements in technology, including communication
and transportation, have added new dimensions to geostrategy. Cybersecurity, space
exploration, and satellite technology play pivotal roles in modern military and geopolitical
planning. Nations with technological prowess can gain strategic advantages in both
traditional and non-traditional domains.

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Globalization and Interdependence: While traditional geostrategy focused on NOTES

competition and dominance, the realities of globalization have introduced a new layer
to strategic thinking. Interconnected economies and shared security concerns
emphasize the importance of collaboration and alliances. Geostrategy now involves
navigating complex networks of international relations and managing interdependencies
to advance national interests.
In conclusion, geostrategy is a multifaceted field that considers geographic,
political, economic, and technological factors to formulate effective national strategies.
It involves understanding and leveraging a nation’s position in the world to secure
advantages and mitigate risks. As the geopolitical landscape continues to evolve, so
too will the strategies employed by nations to navigate the complexities of the global
stage.

2.6 CONCLUSION

Geo-politics, geo-economics, and geo-strategy are interwoven facets shaping global

affairs. Geo-politics concerns political interactions among nations, emphasizing territorial
interests and power dynamics. Geo-economics focuses on the economic dimensions
of international relations, encompassing trade, investment, and resource distribution.
Geo-strategy involves the use of military and diplomatic means to achieve geopolitical
and geo-economic objectives. Together, these elements drive state actions, alliances,
and conflicts, profoundly influencing the world order. In an interconnected world,
understanding and navigating the complexities of geo-political, geo-economic, and
geo-strategic landscapes remain crucial for nations seeking security, prosperity, and
strategic advantage in a rapidly evolving global arena.

2.7 PRACTICE QUESTIONS

1. Who introduced the term geo-economics?

A. Ferdinand Magellan
B. Edward Luttwak

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NOTES C. Christopher Columbus

D. Woodrow Wilson
2. What are the three major approaches to geo-politics?
A. Traditional, Medieval and Modern
B. Historical, Legal and Institutional
C. Classical, Critical and Feminist
B. Realist, Liberal and Marxist
3. What was Halford Mackinder’s major concept in geo-strategy?
A. Geographical Heartland Theory
B. Axis of Evil Nations
C. Perpetual peace through liberal internationalism
D. World Systems Theory
4. Define Geo-politics. What are its major characteristics?
5. Write a note on the evolution of geo-economics by referring to the 4 generations
of geo-economics.
6. What do you understand by geo-strategy? Explain in reference to the
contributions of Alfred Thayer Mahan and Halford Mackinder.

2.8 REFERENCES

x Flint, C. (2022). Introduction to Geopolitics (4th Edition), London: Routledge,

pp: 1-44.
x Wigell, Mikael et al. (2019) (eds.), Geo-economics and Power Politics in the
21st Century: The Revival of Economic Statecraft, London: Routledge, pp: 1-
24.
x Blouet, Brian W. (2005) (eds.), Global Geostrategy: Mackinder and the defence
of the West,
x New York: Frank Cass, pp. 1-16; 137-141; 165-171.

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UNIT 2 NOTES

CHANGING NATURE OF GLOBAL POLITICS

C. TERRITORIALIZATION AND DE
TERRITORIALIZATION
D. CULTURAL FRAMES OF GLOBAL POLITICS

Shahnawaz Afaque

Structure
2.1 Learning Objectives
2.2 Introduction: Territorialisation and De-territorialisation
2.3 Four sub-principles of territoriality
2.4 Debates on globalization
2.5 The new geography of power
2.6 Relevance of geography
2.7 Introduction: Cultural Frames of Global Politics
2.8 Cultural dimensions of global politics
2.9 The return of culture and identity in IR
2.10 Globalization and the return of culture
2.11 Deconstructing Huntington’s Clash of Civilization
2.12 Conclusion
2.13 Practice Questions
2.14 References

2.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

x What is territoriality? How has de-territorialisation affected the nature of state

system?
x How has IR theorised the return of culture in global politics? What are the ways
in which globalisation has contributed in the resurgence of culture across the
globe?

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NOTES
2.2 INTRODUCTION: TERRITORIALISATION AND
DE-TERRITORIALISATION

The principle of territoriality underlies the conception of modern state. Territory is one
of the four characteristic features of the modern nation-state. It has been argued by
many experts of international relations that the process of globalisation has severely
undermined the importance of national territories, describing the phenomenon as some
kind of de-territorialisation. While it is certain that the global order has moved towards
de-territorialisation, the phenomena has not been very clearly conceptualised in the IR
literature. Scholars are divided on what exactly is the extent of de-territorialisation,
and whether de-territorialisation has weakened the state or just transformed its role.
In order to understand de-territorialisation, let us first try to understand the concept of
territorialisation as it unfolded in the course of history.

2.3 FOUR SUB-PRINCIPLES OF TERRITORIALITY

One of the ways to grasp the concept of de-territorialisation is through a historical

investigation of the traditional functions of territoriality. The modern notion of territoriality
as we know it today is based upon four sub-principles, namely- sovereignty, integration,
border and security. The principle of territoriality is mutually interdependent on these
sub-principles. In order to assess if there has been a move from territorialisation to de-
territorialisation, we first need to investigate if there has been a shift in these four sub-
principles.
a. Sovereignty: Sovereignty can be defined as the supreme power and control
that a government or state holds over its own affairs and citizens within its
territory. It involves the ability of a state to make its own decisions and enforce
its own laws without interference from outside forces. This principle is a crucial
aspect of international law and a defining feature of a state’s autonomy.
Sovereignty provides a legal framework to be applied within the territory of the
state. Westphalia saw a transition in the nature of sovereignty from one that was
based on a theologically sanctioned monarchical model of medieval Europe to
a republican model based on the modern conception of state. This transition

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resulted in a change in the subject of sovereignty and not necessarily in its NOTES
constructive logic.
However, the growing influence of transnational agents within a state and its
competition with the state authorities for sovereignty has also been categorised
as a form of sovereignty by Max Weber. But the underlying logic driving this
competition between the state and transnational agents is over autonomy and
not territory. Nonetheless, such kind of autonomy also demands a certain amount
of power, and so transnational agents also yield some amount of power. However,
the nature of this power is different from the traditional aspects of power as
based on weaponry, army, territory or population. Such a nature of power
requires a broader understanding of power, and Foucault’s notion of power as
a form of social relationship, for instance, could be one way to understand it.
b. Integration: Integration is the force that binds a state or a society together. Its
primary purpose is to build, maintain and strengthen a political body. Common
values, norms and practices are an essential ingredient in making this bond
stronger. The logic of integration also entails that all members and groups in a
polity are subordinate to a single supreme actor, namely the state and its
institutions. As opposed to integration, transnational bodies are based on the
principle of differentiation. That is precisely because members of transnational
bodies come from different states and their distribution is transnational. Also,
these transnational bodies build strategic alliances across national boundaries,
that come together functionally, and disband as soon as their job is done.
c. Borders: State border functions to demarcate and secure its territory. The
sociologist Anthony Giddens define state as a bordered power container. While
the borders of the medieval states and empires were more loosely demarcated,
the inception of modern nation-states was characterised by a more rigidified
demarcation of territory as based on modern cartography techniques.
Transnational politics and economics undermine the importance of rigid national
boundaries, as its membership is not limited to the population of one single
nation-state. Border serves more of an ideological and socio-psychological
function in transnational politics than a legal or security function. The traditional
view of the state as power containers based on clearly defined borders has
been replaced by transformationalist view that sees states more in terms of
global flows and changes.

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NOTES d. Security: National security is the dominant conception of security. This entails
that state guarantees security to its population within its defined territory. The
threat to national security could have both national as well as international origins.
An aggressive neighbouring state as well as internal civil-strife could pose equal
threat to the sovereignty of the state. However, globalisation has changed the
nature of threat, and consequentially the definition of security, for the modern
nation-states. In the context of transnational security, the security functions of
the border break down and leads to new security challenges. The security
challenge becomes much more unpredictable, complex and unaccountable.
Antonio Negri and Michael Hardt in their work “Empire” (2000) have talked
about the virtual nature of the new global order, marked by a tension between the
Empire and the Multitude. The Empire represents a new type of governance, which
lacks a clear foundation, is spread out and not tied to any specific location. Its power
is virtual rather than centralized. The Empire is characterized by the exploitation of the
“multitude,” an idea coined by Hardt and Negri to describe a global and postmodern
working class. The multitude is defined by its fluid and global identity, making it difficult
to create a unified resistance against the Empire. This marks the end of traditional
forms of sovereignty and signals the emergence of a new global order based on a new
notion of territoriality. Such a notion of global order undermines the traditional security
functions of the state, and demands looking at the problem of security in a more
nuanced way.
Having explored the transitions marking the sub-principles of territoriality, it
becomes clear that globalisation has indeed altered the nature of territoriality, giving
way to some kind of de-territorialisation of the global order. De-territorialisation as a
philosophical concept has been touched by the postmodern philosophers Gilles Deleuze
and Felix Guattari. The concept of deterritorialization was used by them to describe
the breaking away from oppressive structures within a particular environment, whether
it be conceptual, social, emotional, or linguistic. Deleuze and Guattari have applied the
term deterritorialization in various contexts, and so have their followers. However, to
say that their notion of de-territoriality relates to the concept of deterritorialization in
IR would be bit of a stretching of the concept.

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NOTES
2.4 DEBATES ON GLOBALISATION

David Held in his edited volume “Global Transformations: Politics, Economics

and Culture” (1999) has talked about experts on globalisation roughly divided into
three camps, namely the hyperglobalist camp, the sceptic camp and the
transformationalist camp. The three theses on globalisation represented by these three
camps, try to understand the impact of globalisation on the role of state and its
territoriality, and come up with different conclusions. These three theses have been
discussed below.
a. Hyperglobalist thesis: The adherents of the hyperglobalist thesis look at the
process of globalisation through a neo-liberal perspective. They define
globalisation as characterised by the disintegration of traditional nation-states
and marking a new epoch in human history. They contend that the institution of
state acts as a hindrance in materialising a global market system, and is therefore
considered unnatural and unnecessary. They also argue that globalisation is the
harbinger of an authentic global civilisation, and is deemed a liberatory force for
humankind.
The economic logic of this perspective defies the notion of territoriality as it
comes in the way of a single global market. They believe in a minimalist state,
i.e., a state relegated to act as a transmission belt for the global market.
Denationalisation and privatisation of economies around the world provides the
hyperglobalists with a rich set data to support their claim. They also believe that
new forms of social organisations are being created as a result of globalisation.
The new social order created by globalisation is marked by new sets of winners
and losers. However, the competition between the winners and losers is not a
zero-sum game, as the losers also relatively get a better share of the pie as
compared to the previous economic systems.
b. Sceptical thesis: The proponents of this thesis contend that commentators on
globalisation have exaggerated the extent of its impact on the role of the state.
They argue that globalisation employ the support of the state in the process of
internationalisation, thereby depending on state institutions and territoriality. The
global market requires not just the territory of the state in order to conduct its
business, but also immense institutional and security support from the state. This

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NOTES means that the process of internationalisation does not take place outside the
purview of the state, but very much within its regulatory power.
The sceptics believe that rather than internationalisation, the process of
globalisation has resulted in regionalisation of the world order. Regional blocs,
such as the European Union, the Asia-Pacific region, the North American bloc,
the OPEC nations, etc, point towards regionalisation of the global order rather
than internationalisation. Moreover, globalisation has intensified the process of
inequality between the North and South, between core and periphery, and
between the First world and the Third world.
Thus, for the sceptics, the fragmentation of the world into cultural and civilisational
blocs represent the true face of globalisation. Besides, they also argue that
globalisation is Americanisation in a garb, and that most major multinational
firms are headquartered in the west and representative of their interests.
c. Transformationalist thesis: The transformationalists assess the process and
impact of globalisation in terms of gradual change and adjustments in the nature
of the state. Globalisation can be viewed as a transformative force in the political,
economic and cultural organisation of the world. States and societies are being
compelled to adjust and reconfigure in the face of a globalising world. They
define globalisation as a long-term historical process that is laden with
contradictions.
Unlike other schools, the transformationalists do not believe in any fixed ideal
type globalised world that they have to defend or promote. Rather, they draw a
more balanced picture of globalisation in acknowledging its transformative as
well as contradictory sides, and do not indulge in predicting the future trajectory
of the phenomena. Globalisation blurs the line between the international and the
domestic, making nation-states adjust to, what Rosenau calls, an ‘inter-mestic’
kind of a world order.
Transformationalists contend that globalisation is replacing the older conceptions
of statehood with new sovereignty regimes, that are less territorially defined
than its predecessor. Globalisation is also associated with new patterns of global
stratification, wherein some societies are increasingly invested and some
increasingly excluded or marginalised from the global market. Such a stratification
is not to be understood in the traditional binaries of the North-South, First
World-Third World, etc, rather these categories are all intertwined in major
cities throughout the world.
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These three theses put together can complement each other in better NOTES
understanding the dynamic nature of a phenomena as massive, complex and
contradictory as globalisation.

2.5 THE NEW GEOGRAPHY OF POWER

A more balanced perspective on globalisation’s impact on territoriality has been

presented by Saskia Sassen, in his work “Losing control? Sovereignty in an age of
Globalisation” (1996). In what appears to be a synthesis of the sceptical and
transformationalist theses on globalisation, Sassen’s conceptualisation of de-territoriality
goes beyond the global-national duality as prevalent in most literature on globalisation.
He finds the mutually exclusive relation of the nation-states and global economy,
dominating the IR literature, highly problematic.
Sassen attributes globalisation to what he terms a ‘new geography of power.’
The new geography of power is a matrix that comprises of three essential components,
namely territoriality, legal regimes and virtual economy. Territoriality concerns the
geographical space of the nation-state along with its institutions and processes within
which the process of globalisation actually unfolds and materialises. Legal regimes
concern the emergence of a new set of international and national laws that governs
trade and transactions between the states. And lastly, virtual economy concerns the
growing trend of trade and transactions taking place in a digital space far beyond the
territorial jurisdiction of any state.
a. Territoriality: It has been argued that offshoring of firms loosens the grip of
the state on the flows of global economy. Such an offshoring creates a space
economy that defies the control of the state. In this sense it can be certainly said
that transnational business networks have weakened the state. But if we take a
closer look at the situatedness of these multinational firms, we see that most of
these firms are headquartered in the most developed countries of the world.
It is from these headquarters that production and flows are regulated. It has
also been observed that, the more internationalised a firm becomes, the more
their core functions expand in terms of complexity and importance. For instance,
even if Microsoft has assembling and manufacturing units spread across the
globe, the Microsoft headquarter in Washington, USA takes the most crucial

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NOTES decisions on the development and regulation of the firm. Therefore, it can be
safely concluded that the flows and processes of contemporary globalisation is
controlled from within the territories of the most developed nation-states.
b. New Legal Regimes: In the face of globalisation and liberalisation in the 1990s,
many nations including India opened its market to the world. The opening up of
the domestic market implied legal changes and innovations in favour of de-
nationalisation, delegation and de-regularisation. Such legal changes were seen
as symbolising the decline of state. While such attempts at de-regularisation by
poorer states can be certainly considered as a desperate move in the face of
political and economic pressures from the global hegemons, it is not the same
with highly developed states. These economies by de-regularising their economy
extend their sovereignty beyond their territory.
The international order that we see today is just an extension of the domestic
legal regimes of the most powerful countries. The international legal regime
represents the geopolitical and economic interests of the western nations,
especially the United States, and can be identified as a form of Americanisation.
It must be added that different nations and regions of the west also compete
with each other to control the international legal regime. The Americanisation of
the international order since the past few decades has earned a lot of resentment
and resistance from the developed economies of Europe and Asia.
c. Virtual Economy: Virtualisation of economy presents a real threat to the state
as well as to the private sector in terms of control and regulation. It can be
challenging to regulate virtual economies due to their decentralized and worldwide
nature, making it difficult to prevent fraudulent activities like money laundering
and theft. Virtual economies are also susceptible to cybersecurity threats and
hacking, which can result in financial losses and the exposure of user information.
In virtual economies, virtual currencies can experience fluctuations in value,
similar to real-world currencies, as they are also subject to inflation and deflation.
When virtual economies experience an influx of virtual currency, it can cause the
value of existing virtual currency to decrease and lead to an increase in price
levels. And lastly, there is always the risk of tax evasion beyond the state’s
ability to control.
Against these challenges, the state has reconfigured itself as an active player in
shaping the global economy. We can see a consensus developing among the
states, both western and non-western, to further the growth of global economy.

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This goes against the commonly held view that the global market has replaced NOTES
the state system with an international regime. It rather points towards a pattern
of transformation in the nature of state system and not its decline.

2.6 RELEVANCE OF GEOGRAPHY

As Stuart Eldon argues, territory still remains of paramount importance in the age of
globalisation. The calculable understanding of the space that developed in the wake of
Enlightenment and Modernity, has been extended from the domestic to the global due
to globalisation. In the process, even if the state has lost some relevance, the importance
of territory has not declined. One of the reasons for the same is that, even if the notions
of state and territory coincidentally emerged around the same time, the latter is not tied
to the former.
Territory could be seen as a political usage of the concept of space, that developed
in stages, over the course of the medieval and modern European history. The calculable
nature of the concept of space made mapping and demarcation of territorial control
become possible. With the onset of globalisation, it was argued by many that the
temporal dimension has taken a precedence over the spatial, resulting in the decline of
the relevance of geography.
However, a better way to understand the shift is through Scholte’s notion of
‘supra-territoriality’ or trans-world simultaneity. The concept implies that globalisation
has not made territory irrelevant, rather it has freed it from the bounds of any one
single state and made it extend to the globe.

2.7 INTRODUCTION: CULTURAL FRAMES OF

GLOBAL POLITICS

The discipline of IR has traditionally focussed on variables such as politics, diplomacy,

policies, trade and commerce. The area of culture remained under-theorised in IR
until Samuel P. Huntington published his highly controversial work, “The Clash of
Civilisations and the Remaking of World Order” in 1996. It was also the time that
saw the collapse of Soviet Union and its replacement with political Islam as the new

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NOTES enemy of the United States. Francis Fukuyama had earlier published “The End of
History and the Last Man” that resonated throughout the western world. Fukuyama
had prophesized that the defeat of communism as manifested by the fall of Soviet
Union had made liberal democracy the final and universal form of human government.
The triumph of the Western bloc signified the end of debate on ideologies, and the
western form of government and economy was deemed as best suited for the rest of
the future of humankind.
This was the time that saw the discipline of IR start to swing towards the study
of culture and identity. Under the neo-realist paradigm in IR theory, culture was treated
as a fuzzy residual and accorded a ‘Cinderella’ status. This was due to the highly
actor-centric nature of neo-realism, that saw culture as non-essential in understanding
the nature of the international system. However, the focus on culture and identity had
already begun in other social science disciplines around that time. Anthropology and
sociology made great strides in studying and conceptualising the re-emergence of
culture around the globe. Critical and alternative perspectives in IR such as
constructivism, post-structuralism and critical theory could also be credited with bringing
back a renewed interest in culture and identity to the domain of IR theory.

2.8 CULTURAL DIMENSIONS OF GLOBAL POLITICS

Culture, Civilisation and Nation-States are inter-related concepts. The European

civilisation came into encounter with the non-European Civilisations during the course
of colonialism. The modern industrial civilisation embodied in the European colonialists
encountered a traditional and non-industrial oriental world, and immediately a hierarchy
was created. The European civilisation was considered as superior and its advancements
threatened the cultural base of the oriental world. The European system of nation-
states was introduced outside Europe, that led to the universalisation of the Westphalian
system. The process of state building in the oriental world was often carried along
cultural lines, though not strictly. For instance, state building in the South Asian region
mostly occurred along religious lines, whereas in other parts of the world, language
and race also determined the demarcation of national borders. More or less, culture
acted as an important criterion in the organisation of the nation-states, and subtly
operate in the policy formation of nation-states.

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Many a times, in an attempt to draw national boundaries, the colonialists operated NOTES
with an essentialised understanding of cultures. Such an essentialisation of culture could
be explained as the reason for so many border disputes in the world today. The division
of India and Pakistan for instance took place at the expense of the well-being of the
bordering provinces, such as Punjab and Bengal. These provinces were divided midway
so as to carve out separate territories for the Muslim and Hindu populations, often
compromising the political will of the sub-cultures. The ongoing Palestine-Israel crisis,
the recurring civil wars in African nations, can all be understood as the product of
hastily carving out territories with an over-simplified and essentialised understanding
of cultures.
Cultural formations also occurred along the lines of ideology during the period
of the Cold War. The western bloc was represented as an overly materialist and
consumerist culture by the eastern bloc, whereas the latter was stereotyped as lazy
and authoritarian culture by the former. Following the Cold War period, American
culture was universalised across the globe, and led to what some political commentators
call the ‘McDonaldization’ or ‘CocaColization’ of the entire world. Globalisation
intensified around the time, and it was assumed that such a rapid compression of
space and time would lead to the disintegration of world cultures, consequentially
resulting in the formation of some global or universal culture. But as it turned out, the
effects of globalisation were more evident in the areas of government and economics
than in the area of culture.

2.9 THE RETURN OF CULTURE AND IDENTITY IN IR

Yosef Lapid argues that the sudden shift in IR theory towards culture is not happening
for the first time. Culture and identity have played a significant role in the discipline of
IR from 1940s to 1960s. Later, with the neo-realist turn in IR, culture was deemed a
non-essential variable in the study of the international system and sidelined for a significant
period until its return in the 1990s. However, the landscape into which culture and
identity is making a return is quite different from the past, and therefore demands a
revision in theorizing too. Traditional understanding of culture and identity in IR needs
to be problematized and redefined.

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NOTES In the traditional theories of IR, culture as a category is considered natural,

static and singular. Such a natural understanding of culture assumes that human beings
are born into and shaped by a culture, and this process of cultural indoctrination is
irreversible. It is also assumed that cultures do not change with time, and that its beliefs
and practices are static and resistant to transformation. Moreover, cultures were
considered as monolithic, homogenous and uniform entities. Diversities within cultures
were overlooked resulting in the reification of cultural boundaries.
The current theorizing of culture in IR tend to highlight those themes and
dimensions of culture that have been ignored or marginalised all this time. Thus, it
considers culture as a product of social construction, and membership in a culture is
considered optional and not mandatory. Also, cultures change and evolve greatly with
time, and the same culture in different times could be poles apart in their beliefs and
practices. And lastly, macro-cultures comprise of multiple micro-cultures, that adhere
to diverse sets of practices and beliefs. In this way, the discipline of IR is trying to shun
it strict focus on entities or structures and turn towards processes and change.

2.10 GLOBALISATION AND THE RETURN OF

CULTURE

The resurgence of culture and identity post-Cold War is taking place amidst a condition
of intensified globalisation. David Harvey in his work “The Condition of Post-
modernity: An inquiry into the Origins” (1992) calls this intensified process of
globalisation the ‘compression of space and time.’ This suggests that the world that we
live in now is so interconnected that it has led to the shrinking of the temporal and
spatial dimensions. Sports and events happening in one corner of the globe could be
watched by people sitting in the other corner of the globe in real time. Bulletins of war
and terrorist incidents happening elsewhere can reach us within minutes and affect us
like it has never affected us before. Likewise monetary transactions across the globe
as well as the movement of goods and commodities has intensified making the world a
real global village.
Experts in social theory had assumed that such an intense globalisation would
lead to the erosion of local cultures making space for a singular global or universal
culture. In this background, three theses were proposed by social theorists on the
consequence of globalisation on culture. The three these are as follows:
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a) Homogenisation Thesis: Wherein globalisation leads to a form of cultural NOTES

convergence
b) Polarization Thesis: Suggests that globalisation result in cultural and civilisational
conflicts
c) Hybridization Thesis: Assumes that globalisation produce a condition for cultural
syncretism or hybridization.

Let us try to understand these three theses in more detail.

a. Homogenisation Thesis: Western commentators on IR and Global Politics

observed that globalisation from the 1950s onwards led to what they identify as
the phenomena of Americanisation or westernization. This Americanisation
influenced not just the areas of world governments and economic systems, but
also world cultures. Americanisation of world cultures is best represented by
terms such as ‘McDonaldization’ and ‘CocaColization.’ Such a transformation
of world cultures was associated with the universalisation of market economy.
Market economy as represented by the United States faced an existential threat
from the Socialist mode of economy during the Cold War period. Both United
States and Soviet Russia contested with each other in trying to transport their
economic model to the furthest corners of the world. The Capitalist and the
Communist economies represented two different cultures, one guided by the
logic of profit and consumerism, the other guided by the logic of common
ownership and sharing of resources. The fall of Soviet Russia in 1989 marked
the triumph of the former resulting in its uncontested spread worldwide.
Americanisation was sold to the world in the garb of an achievable ‘American
dream’ idolizing the dreams of affluence and personal success. It asserted the
‘rag to riches’ discourse under which anyone can make a fortune in the American
styled market economy. Mass advertisements, standardized brand images and
erotic gratification symbolising the American lifestyle became popular in almost
all urban centres of the globe. The elites of the society inhabiting these urban
spaces identified more with the global elites than with the masses of their own
country.
However, the homogenisation thesis has been criticised on more than one ground.
Critics argue that under the condition of globalisation, it is not necessarily the
American culture that influence the lifestyle of rest of the world, but also the

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NOTES former colonial cultures. Moreover, America is not a leading force in a number
of corporate and non-corporate areas, making people opt for non-American
products and trends all the time.
b. Polarization Thesis: The polarization thesis asserts that the institution of culture
has remained impervious to the effects of globalisation. On the contrary,
globalisation has made cultural identities more robust and concrete. Culture, it
seems, is harder to penetrate than politics and economic activities. While
globalisation might have affected and transformed the government systems and
economic models around the world, local and national cultural identities have
received a boost. Such a cultural boost is marked by growing incidents of ethnic
cleansing, racial violence and cultural parochialism.
Commentators such as Samuel Huntington and Benjamin Barber have tried to
understand the effects of globalisation in dividing the world on cultural/civilizational
lines. Huntington visualises the post-Cold War world order as marked by
civilisational clashes. Some of the major civilisations that might shape the future
of the planet according to Huntington are the Western, Islamic and Sinic
civilisations. These Civilisations would end up fighting each other to determine
the future world order. We will discuss Huntington’s notion of the Civilisational
clash in more details in the last section of this chapter. However, it must be
emphasised here that Huntington’s analysis opened the Pandora’s Box of the
debates on culture in social theory.
Barber has also made an attempt to create a binary between the western and
the Islamic world. He characterizes this binarification in terms of McWorld and
Jihad. The former represents the American culture which is marked by
consumption and market capitalism. The latter symbolises the world of Islam
and its strict notion of struggle for justice. In creating this binary, Barber assumes
that Islam provides the soulless western culture some sort of moral liberation
and purpose. The American culture is morally challenged by an overwhelming
system of commodity fetishism, and Islam in some ways provides the world
with spiritual globalisation.
The social anthropologist Ernst Gellner, in his work “Postmodernism, Reason
and Religion” has discussed the reasons for the resurgence of religion in the
Muslim world. He writes:

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So far, there is no indication that it (Islam) will succumb to secularization in NOTES

the future either, though of course it is always dangerous to indulge in prophecy.
The reasons which have made this achievement possible seem to be the following:
all ‘under-developed’ countries tend to face a certain dilemma. The dilemma such
countries face is: should we emulate those whom we wish to equal in power, or
should we, on the contrary, affirm the values of our own tradition, even at the
price of material weakness?

He further writes:
But (in the Islamic world), the dominant and persuasive answer recommended
neither emulation of the West, nor idealization of some folk virtue and wisdom. It
commended a return to, or a more rigorous observance of, High Islam. Admittedly
this was linked to the historically perhaps questionable assumption that High
Islam had once dominated and pervaded the whole of society, and also that it was
identical with early Islam, with the teaching and practice of the Prophet and His
Companions.

Despite abundance of data supporting the Polarization thesis, it must be noted

that such a conception of the world is not without flaws. Critics have attacked
the polarization thesis for being too simplistic and pessimistic. It portrays a very
reified notion of civilisational boundaries, leaving no room for inter-cultural
dialogues and exchanges.
c. Hybridisation thesis: The hybridisation thesis believes in the possibility of
cultural exchange. Globalisation has intensified the process of migration, cross-
border employment and exchange of ideas. Colonialism played a huge rule in
bringing the western and eastern cultures interact with each other, though the
nature of the interaction was hierarchical and favourable for the former. Because
of all such movements, hybridisation is clearly evident in our music, food, art,
literature and spiritual movements. This has made a variety of options open to
people in making their lifestyle decisions.
However, cultural hybridity is also marked by ambivalence. The post-colonial
thinker, Homi K. Bhabha, has theorised on the notion of both ambivalence and
hybridisation in the context of the coloniser and the colonised. Bhabha’s colonial
discourse theory describes the complex and contradictory relationship between
the coloniser and colonised, involving both attraction and repulsion. This
ambivalent relationship cannot be simplified as either complicity or resistance
because both elements are present in a fluctuating form within the colonised.

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NOTES The colonial discourse itself can also exhibit this ambivalence, appearing both
exploitative and nurturing simultaneously. Bhabha’s theory emphasizes that
ambivalence disrupts the colonial authority, which is an unwelcome aspect for
the coloniser. Colonial discourse wants compliant subjects, but instead produces
ambivalent ones, whose mimicry is fluctuating between mockery and compliance.
This ambivalence is unsettling for colonial dominance.
Bhabha explains that cultural hybridity occurs when the authority of the coloniser
tries to make the identity of the colonised fit into one universal framework, but
instead creates something new. This mix of the coloniser and colonised creates
a new identity which challenges ideas of any single cultural identity. The
combination of cultures is an answer to the idea that any culture or identity is
pure or authentic. Postcolonial thought is opposed to the idea of cultural
essentialism or cultural purity. This means, it is not possible to go back to a pure
or authentic form of any culture because cultural encounters between the people
and civilisations have made cultures intermix and produce new cultural identities.
While the homogenisation thesis might have been true for the earlier years of
globalisation starting in the 1950s, the polarisation and hybridisation theses are
more relevant in understanding globalisation today. Polarisation could be seen
as the manifestation of the reactionary tendency of cultures in the face of global
transformations, whereas hybridisation could be understood as a productive
force that is more compatible with the spirit of globalisation.

2.11 DECONSTRUCTING HUNTINGTON’S CLASH OF

CIVILISATIONS

Huntington sets a dangerous precedent in social theory that looks at the international
system from the prism of civilisational clash. While for Kenneth Waltz, the main actors
in an anarchic international system happened to be nation-states, for Huntington the
nature of international system remains conflictual and anarchic, only the state actors
are replaced by civilisational actors. Huntington identifies seven major civilisations,
namely the Western, Chinese, Islamic, Hindu, Japanese, Latin American and Orthodox.
Each of these civilisations have a ‘core state,’ except in the case of the Islamic
civilisation. Islam lacks a core state, and is therefore more anarchic, absolutist and

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aggressive. Thus, Islam is the primary threat to global security, according to Huntington. NOTES
The second threat is identified with the Chinese civilisation. Migration constitutes the
third threat, as it disturbs the demography and aggravates domestic conflicts. The
fourth threat happens to be western civilisation’s impulse to spread democracy around
the world, that is perceived as western aggression by rest of the players.
Huntington’s theory lacks grounding in the area of historical sociology. The clash
thesis is highly stereotypical of cultures and draws upon a very rigidified understanding
of civilisations. His theory could be classified as a typical case of cultural fundamentalism
as he ignores the phenomena of change. For Huntington, cultures are immutable entities,
and any effort to change a culture ends up in failure. He considers cultural intermixing
as dangerous as well as unnatural, which goes against the possibility of hybridisation.
Also, Huntington’s notion of Islam is highly problematic, because he doesn’t target
Islamic fundamentalism as a threat to global security but Islam itself. And lastly, he
holds the western civilisation in great regards and its people as the most reasonable
and secular people on the planet.

2.12 CONCLUSION

It can be concluded that the commonly accepted notion of globalisation as a force that
weakens state’s territoriality is problematic to its core. Globalisation does not make
territoriality irrelevant, rather it extends the sovereignty of the state to new locations
outside its territory. Such an argument for de-territorialisation requires revised
conceptualisation of the idea of territoriality, an area that remains under-theorised in
the mainstream IR literature. And lastly, we need to move beyond the traditionally held
duality of the global-national, as it hinders in developing a more nuanced understanding
of a phenomena as dynamic and contradictory as globalisation.
The resurgence of culture is a significant phenomenon in global politics and
demand new forms of theorising in the discipline of International Relations. Any IR
theory on culture, must have an inter-disciplinary outlook and should be well informed
of the theoretical developments on culture in other disciplines. IR must also give up its
actor centric approach, and focus more on the processes, change and fluidity of the
international system.

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NOTES
2.13 PRACTICE QUESTIONS

1. Which of the following is not a sub-principle of territoriality?

A. Security.
B. Sovereignty.
C. Culture.
D. Integration.
2. What is the central argument of the hyperglobalist thesis on globalisation?
A. Globalisation is leading to transformation of the state system.
B. Globalisation is the harbinger of an authentic global civilisation.
C. Globalisation leads to cultural and civilisational conflicts.
D. None of the above.
3. What is the meaning of supra-territoriality?
A. Disintegration of the state system.
B. Human Rights regime.
C. Extension of state’s territoriality to the globe.
D. The rise of secessionist movements around the globe.
4. Briefly explain the transformationalist thesis of globalisation with relevant
examples.
5. How has the concept of national security transformed in the face of globalisation?
6. What does Saskia Sassen mean by ‘new geography of power.” How does it
help in a better understanding of de-territorialisation?
1. What does Fukuyama’s thesis “End of History” stand for?
A. The world is coming to an end.
B. Western civilisation is going to collapse.
C. The future of the planet is liberal democracy.
D. The future of the planet is secular socialism.

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2. Benjamin Barber talks about polarisation between which two cultures? NOTES
A. Sinic culture and Islamic culture.
B. Islamic culture and western culture.
C. Western culture and African culture.
D. Islamic culture and Hindu culture.
3. Which thesis on globalisation talks about inter-mixing of cultures?
A. Homogenisation Thesis.
B. Hybridisation Thesis.
C. Polarisation Thesis.
D. Civilisational Thesis.
4. Write a short note on Homi Bhabha’s idea of cultural hybridisation.
5. Differentiate between the polarisation and hybridisation thesis on globalisation’s
cultural consequences.
6. What are the problems in Huntington’s notion of a Civilisation?

2.14 REFERENCES

x Behr, H. (2007). Political territoriality and de-territorialisation. Royal

geographical society, 6-9.
x Elden, S. (2005). Missing the point: Globalisation, de-territorialisation and the
space. Royal geographical society, 8-19.
x Held, D. (1999). Introduction. In D. Held, A. McGrew, J. Perraton, & D.
Goldblatt, Global transformations: Politics, economics and culture (pp. 1-
31). Stanford: Stanford University Press.
x Sassen, S. (1996). The state and the new geography of power. In S. Sassen,
Losing control? Sovereignty in the age of globalisation. (pp. 1-32). New
York: Columbia University Press.
x Gusterson, H. (2005). The seven deadly sins of Samuel Huntington. In C.
Besteman, & H. Gusterson, Why America’s top pundits are wrong? (pp. 24-
42). University of California Press.

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NOTES x Harshe, R. (2006). Culture, identity and international relations. Economic and
political weekly, 3945-3951.
x Holton, R. (2000). Globalization’s cultural consequences. ANNALS, AAPSS,
140-152.
x Lapid, Y. (1996). Culture’s ship: Return and departures in international relations
theory. In L. Yosef, & F. Kratochwil, The return of culture and identity in IR
theory (pp. 3-20). London: Lynne Rienner Publishers.

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Contemporary Global Issues A. Ecological Issues: Climate Change, and International...

UNIT 3 NOTES

CONTEMPORARY GLOBAL ISSUES

A. ECOLOGICAL ISSUES: CLIMATE CHANGE,
AND INTERNATIONAL ENVIRONMENTAL
AGREEMENTS

Dr. Hijam Liza Dallo Rihmo

Structure
3.1 Learning Objectives
3.2 Introduction
3.3 Global Environmentalism
3.4 Approaches: Ecocentrism and Anthropocentrism
3.5 Major Themes in Climate Change Debates
3.6 Major International Environmental Agreements
3.7 The Architecture of Climate Change Agreements
3.8 Conclusion
3.9 Practice Questions
3.10 References

3.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

x In this lesson students can understanding of what is Ecological issues

x Climate Change issues and its impact on the world
x Also understanding about the International Environment Agreements

3.2 INTRODUCTION

Human-nature relationships have become complicated over the years. In this age of
globalisation human economic activities have increased in its intensity and has become
unsustainable. This anthropogenic activity has threatened our ecological environment.
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NOTES Understanding the importance of protecting the environment many scientific studies
are undertaken and numerous campaigns, advocacy and activism are conducted. This
has led states to commit themselves to environmental protection, most notably, towards
climate change. Climate change is one of the major environmental issues in international
politics. It refers to the shifting weather patterns, especially due to human induced
global warming, which is threatening human security, food security, energy security
and various life-forms on earth itself. Increased global temperature also takes place
through the cycle of nature but human induced global warming can be controlled through
mitigation and adaptation. It is in this background that various international environmental
agreements are framed.

3.3 GLOBAL ENVIRONMENTALISM

The discourse on environmentalism got global attention following the work of Rachel
Carson Silent Spring in 1962. She made a critical analysis of human activities’ impact
on the environment by examining the harmful effects of the use of pesticides (Carson
1962). Her controversial views made it to the media capturing the public imagination
and policymakers alike. International bodies such as the United Nations (UN) also
took keen interest and further the cause for environmental protection as well. The UN
wanted to bring the government’s attention and public opinion on the urgency of
environmental questions (Vogler 2014: 343). Environmental movements for protecting
natural resources and fighting against pollution are growing louder. To make a historical
overview on the development of global environmentalism it is important to highlight
that in the 1970s there were numerous environment related incidents that have
strengthened the international environmental movement. There were cases of mercury
poisoning in Minamata, hydrogen bomb testing, three mile island nuclear accident,
ozone depletion, acid rain, global warming, genetically modified crops, etc exposed
the importance for environmental movement in the public domain. However, the most
controversial and highly politicised environmental issue is climate change. Climate change
is a multifaceted problem affecting all sectors of human life in terms of food production,
water availability, rising sea level, global warming, etc. Environmental problems like
pollution and climate change do not respect national boundaries. These are global
problems that need concerted multilateral efforts. And it is in the sharing of climate
responsibilities and carrying the burden where international cooperation has been having
difficulties.
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The Economic and Social Council of the United Nations recommended convening NOTES
a “United Nations conference on problems of the human environment” in 1968 (The
Economic and Social Council 1968). This was followed by the first world conference
on environment “United Nations Conference on the Environment” in 1972 that took
place at Stockholm which became a landmark in the history of global environmentalism.
The Stockholm conference also adopted an Action Plan for the human environment
(United Nations 1973) to assess, manage and take up measures for addressing
environmental problems. It resulted in the establishment of the United Nations
Environment Programme (UNEP) in 1972. Today UNEP is the leading global authority
on the environment. The 1972 Stockholm conference heralded the beginning of
international environmental debates and negotiation processes. The Stockholm
Declaration put the protection of the global environment on the official agenda of
international law and policies for time to come. It not only heightened the global debate
for environmental protection but also exposed a rift between the industrialised global
North countries and the developing global South (Chasek 2020). The developing
countries, led by India, demanded the right to development and since then the concept
of developmental rights has been a constant feature in environmental diplomacy. It
segues into paving a way towards sustainable development. Environmentalists and
policymakers alike were aware of the intricate link between development and
environment. Environmental degradations are the consequences of developmental
projects. Environmental policies cannot be successful without a well planned and a
sound management of sustainable development.

3.4 APPROACHES: ECOCENTRISM AND

ANTHROPOCENTRISM

Broadly, there are two approaches to addressing environmental problems - ecocentric

policies and anthropocentric policies. Ecocentrism is when the environment is valued
for its own sake and anthropocentrism is where the environment has value for its
benefits to humans (Thompson and Barton 1994). Some environmental conventions
like the Ramsar Convention on Wetlands (1971), Wildlife Protection (1975), Biological
Diversity (1992) are examples of ecocentric approaches to environmental protection.
While the concept of sustainable development is anthropogenic in nature as the idea is
to bring about human development without bringing long term lasting effects on the
environment.
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NOTES The ecocentric environmental frameworks are scattered across international

laws. Although, they are not necessarily environmental agreements or environmental
laws per se but it does concern environmentalism. Some of the international laws that
are framed in ecocentric terms are the Convention on the Prohibition of Military or any
other Hostile use of Environment Modification Techniques (ENMOD) of 1977. It
prohibits the destruction of the environment as a strategy to warfare. The underlying
statement is that the environment is a silent victim of war. War and conflicts affect the
climate system as it destroys forest, croplands, pollute water sources, burns the soil,
etc. The Additional Protocol I to the Geneva Convention of 1949 (International
Committee of the Red Cross 1977), in article 35(3) laid down the prohibition of using
means of warfare that will cause damage to the natural environment. Meanwhile, the
most prominent anthropogenic environmental framework is the UNFCCC. Article
3(1) says, “the parties should protect the climate system for the benefit of present and
future generations of humankind” (United Nations 1992:4). This reflects the
anthropogenic values in the convention.
The argument is not about which approach is right but the purpose is to expand
our understanding of global environmentalism. Understanding the intentionality and the
environmental attitudes of policy makers is important. The disposition of the prevailing
attitudes of concerned lawmakers or policymakers, whether it is ecocentric or
anthropogenic, can influence how they attach values to the environment leading to
different environmental behaviour. The behaviour and perception of the policymakers
can influence the direction of international negotiation process and environmental
regimes.

3.5 MAJOR THEMES IN CLIMATE CHANGE DEBATES

This section examines some of the major themes in environmental debates and
negotiation processes. These themes are important as they shaped the nature of
discourse on global environmentalism. And climate change is the most important
environmental concern of this century as it impacts every aspect of lives. Climate
change is an existential threat and much efforts are underway to address the situation.
Numerous international climate agreements have come into existence to combat climate
change. A series of negotiation processes took place but it is not without some struggles
and contestations. This is global climate politics.

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Global Commons: Usually negotiation processes are coherent in nature as parties at NOTES
the negotiating table attempt to identify the gap in the climate change discourse as to
why climate change response is inadequate and inequitable, examine the shifting power
relations and provide possible outcome scenarios on how to best fight for climate
justice and equality. But while conducting negotiation and climate diplomacy the
proceedings should be guided with the idea of the “global commons”. Global commons
referred to the shared earth resources like the atmosphere, oceans and space. The
idea is that countries cannot indiscriminately pollute the air, water and soil. As such, the
polluting countries are to be held responsible for their contributions and should bear
the burden to address the problems.
Development: This has become central in global environmentalism since the Stockholm
Conference 1972. During this period, developing countries and environmentalists across
the globe debated and argued that industrialised nations were mainly responsible for
the majority of the greenhouse gas in the atmosphere. But the developed countries
also demanded the active participation of major emerging economies like India and
China citing that their national emission is high due to their development projects.
However, this demand was challenged by prominent environmentalists Anil Agarwal
and Sunita Narain arguing that national emissions should be based on “per capita
basis” and not country-wise. Atmosphere is a global commons and every individual
has an equal right to use it. Based on this premise, the per capita basis is a fair method
for accounting and making national emission inventories. And since India has a huge
population the national emission is relatively low.
Climate Justice and Equity: Developing countries made the least contribution to
climate change so they shouldn’t be brought to bear the same responsibilities. This is
climate justice. It argues for making differentiated responsibilities. The principles of
climate justice and equity is central to the North-South debate in the climate change
discourse. There is a gap of wealth, vulnerability threshold, technology, historical
contribution and climate responsibility between the global North and the South.
Developing countries opposed the argument that emission cuts and climate
responsibilities should be applied to all. But the struggle and contestation is not only
between the global North and the South there is power dynamic even within the global
South itself too which has not garnered more attention yet. There are different voices
even within the global South which can be inferred from the fragmentation between the
richer developing countries like India, China and Brazil and the poorer developing
countries like Bolivia, Tuvalu, and Grenada. For an observer it presents itself as a

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NOTES crack in the solidarity of the South. Yet, the fact remains that these are different political
positions in the international system which are constantly playing out in the climate
change negotiations, producing and reinforcing climate inequality. Inequality does not
exist only in the form of emission cuts but also in proportioning adaptation funds among
the vulnerable states as well.
Power Relations: Another notable element in the international negotiation process is
power politics. Powerful groups are able to diffuse radical challenges from the less
powerful groups by aligning the public collective expectations with the elite’s interests
and strengthening the existing hegemonic structure. There is an interplay of power
politics in the climate negotiation process; the consent from the vulnerable states are
manufactured through adoption, co-option, and alignment of interests. This reflects
how weaker states have to compromise during the negotiations (Ciplet at el. 2015:99).
The international climate negotiation process is laden with power relationships. Although,
there are different forces of power are at work in international environmental movement,
for instance, material power in terms of national capacity which is visible in the North-
South debate, normative power is reflected in the indigenous and women’s struggle
for their rights recognition in the climate regime, discursive power in terms of
institutionalization of a specific environmental norms like how market mechanism is
accepted as a standard climate response and others. There are different trajectories to
climate change negotiations and its outcome. The Paris agreement accommodated
much of the issues and interests of the non-state actors.
Gender: But what’s challenging is the question of gender. Negotiation process needs
better coordination and organisation in making the gender arguments. There are gender
gaps and absence of indigenous voices in the texts of the UNFCCC and other
international laws but over the years it has been reflected in the debates for future
climate negotiations. Gradually those neglected issues have been given due space.
Although, further research and better gender analysis can be explored. It will hold
promising trends towards the role of women and indigenous societies in future climate
politics. Representation of different voices is a democratic practice but it is also where
power relations can threaten that space. The role of non-state actors is crucial for the
successful implementation of environmental policies. Rightly, it can be assumed that
national states, civil societies, women, indigenous societies all occupy a certain political
space or position in the climate change regime which gives them different capacities to
negotiate and bargain in the climate regime. In fact, the Paris agreement that came out
of the Conference of Parties meeting in December 2015 acknowledged their roles
and rights as a stakeholder in the climate change negotiation.
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Information: Understanding the nature of the climate negotiation process and how it NOTES
transpires in a differentiated power relation opens up a critical political juncture where
climate injustice and inequality can be challenged. In this regard, the role of cyberspace
is significant as it plays as an enabler for fighting climate injustice. Information is a
powerful tool to expose inequality and to fight for justice. Environmental organizations
understand this informational power and use online advocacy for climate justice and
some of those following the trend are 350.org and Avaaz. Information has a
‘performative’ power. The issue of modern technology is inseparable from climate
talks. This is evident from the online advocacies and also in the willingness to deploy
technology to fix climate change through geoengineering. Geo-engineering, in bringing
about man-made favourable climatic changes, is an uncertain and underexplored area
and being unequipped with extensive research and it raised a cause for its concern.
Actors: The discourse on global environmentalism involves multiple actors. Among
others few of them are state actors, media and the non-state actors or the civil society.
Their work has made crucial contributions.
States play an important role in environmental protection. It is the state actors
who are members or parties to international environmental conventions. It is member-
states that make debates and define future environmental policies and actions.
Environmental protection needs comprehensive strategy and cooperation among the
states. Civil societies and other non-state actors also play a crucial role in creating
awareness, bringing out relevant issues, scientific data and also implementation of
environmental policies at the grassroot level. They are mostly responsible for bringing
in democratic practices in the negotiation processes as they represent different voices
of the people in the public. Another crucial role is played by the media. The media
informs the public and disseminates information to the public. Thus, it shapes the
behaviour of the public in terms of risk communication, social acceptability, threat
perception of climate change.

3.6 MAJOR INTERNATIONAL ENVIRONMENTAL

AGREEMENTS

In examining the discourse on climate change the First Climate Conference took place
in 1979 at Geneva under the sponsorship of the World Meteorological Organization
(WMO) in collaboration with other international bodies. It was primarily a scientific
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NOTES conference but it did capture the attention of the international political community. It
led to the creation of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) in 1988
by the WMO and UNEP. The IPCC is an intergovernmental body responsible for
producing scientific reports on climate change. The IPCC made its first assessment
report in 1990. The Second Climate Conference took place in 1990. This conference
was more political in nature than the first conference as it envisioned a global climate
treaty. Despite limited success, political leaders were gradually aware of the need for
the conception of an overarching international body to combat climate change through
a multilateral governance system. Thus, there was a transition from a scientific discussion
on climate change to political debates on policy making for addressing environmental
problems and making it a part of mainstream political agenda.

1) Montreal Protocol

In examining the history of global environmental policy the scientific discovery of the
ozone hole in the 1980s was significant as it brought world leaders to come together to
discuss, initiate and legislate to protect the ozone layer (Solomon 2019) which resulted
in the establishment of the Montreal Protocol in 1987. It monitors and controls the use
of Chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs) as it contributes to the depletion of the ozone layer.
The Protocol has been lauded as one of the successful environmental policies. The
significance of this discovery and the protocol is that it has broader impacts for climate
science and actions as it inspired the scientific community to make rigorous research
on environmental issues. Such scientific endeavours have contributed towards the
collection of climate data, reports and monitoring of earth’s climate system. The scientific
findings are the basis on which climate policies are formulated. Needless, among all
else climate change has become one of the most debated and contested environmental
issues today. And it is climate science that can give direction to the right policies.

2) United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification

It was established in 1994. It focuses on sustainable land management and combat

desertification. It strives “to improve the condition of affected ecosystems, combat
desertification/land degradation, promote sustainable land management and contribute
to land degradation neutrality” (United Nations 2017). Other objectives also include
reducing vulnerability and increasing resilience of the environment thus, contributing to
sustainable use of biodiversity and climate actions.

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3) Convention on Biological Diversity NOTES

But the watershed moment in environmental history was the United Nations Conference
on Environment and Development (UNCED) or the ‘Earth Summit’ held at Rio de
Janeiro in 1992. There were two outcomes to the summit which was the adoption of
the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) and the United Nations Framework
Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). The CBD was a legally binding multilateral
treaty for the protection of biodiversity and other natural resources. It is a regulatory
framework which also outlined environmental impact assessment as tools for biodiversity
protection and preservation.

4) United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change

The other outcome of the Earth Summit was the adoption of the United Nations
Framework Convention on Climate Change which put the topic of climate change as
one of the central focuses in international politics. The UNFCCC laid down guidelines
for financial and technical support, procedural process, climate measures, institutional
development so that countries can meet their commitments to challenge climate change.
The convention took into account the debate on the principle of historical responsibility
and as such included in its framework the principles of Common but Differentiated
Responsibilities and Respective Capabilities (CBDR-RC).
Under the aegis of the UNFCCC, Conference of the Parties (COP) became
the ultimate authority on matters of the convention. COP meetings are conducted
regularly among member states to review the progress and the development of climate
change actions and make relevant policies. The COP meetings have produced landmark
agreements such as the Berlin mandate, Kyoto Protocol, Paris agreement among others.
All these have contributed towards the literature on climate change.

a) Berlin Mandate

The first COP meeting was held in 1995 at Berlin (United Nations 1995). It was
observed that the UNFCCC was limited in its power to bring member states to reduce
their greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. In order to strengthen the convention it outlined
a possible protocol structure with legally binding targets and timetables for GHG
emission cuts (UNFCCC 1995). This proposed legal binding agreement was directed
towards the developed countries.

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NOTES b) Kyoto Protocol

In the aftermath of the Berlin mandate, the Kyoto Protocol was introduced in 1997. It
was a landmark agreement which established legally binding emission cuts for the
developed countries as proposed in the Berlin mandate. In keeping with the principles
of CBDR-RC the protocol divided climate responsibilities between the industrialised
developed countries categorised as Annex I countries and non-Annex parties,
developing countries, without binding targets for the developing countries. The most
notable feature in the architecture of the Kyoto Protocol is the Clean Development
Mechanism and the Joint implementation. They are provisions for earning carbon credits
by the developed countries that can be utilised for emission trading. In simple words,
it means that private and public entities from developed countries can fund projects in
developing countries to meet their emission targets (Bodansky and Rajamani 2018:45).

c) Copenhagen Accord

The importance of the COP15 meetings held at Copenhagen in 2009 is that the nature
of climate diplomacy started taking a different trajectory. Unlike Kyoto Protocol the
Copenhagen accord was not legally binding. It was not able to endorse the continuation
of the commitments in the Kyoto Protocol. However, greater commitment was made
for financial assistance for the developing countries by the developed countries. Another
major step taken in the conference was the conception of voluntary commitments to
emission cuts by countries (UNFCCC 2010:31). It was met with lots of opposition
from the developing countries for diluting the principles of equity and CBDR.

d) Paris Agreement

The concept of voluntary contributions towards emission cuts was firmly laid down in
the Paris Agreement 2015. It was historic because developing countries also participated
in making commitments towards voluntary emission cuts along with the developed
countries (UNFCCC 2015:7). This was unprecedented in the history of international
climate negotiation processes because since the beginning it was the developed countries
which were to make the emission cuts. However, based on the observation that the
developed countries have a major responsibility to raise the climate fund for their past
contributions it is argued that the principles of equity and CBDR were weakly applied.

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NOTES
3.7 THE ARCHITECTURE OF CLIMATE CHANGE
AGREEMENTS

In examining the architecture of major international agreements on climate change

there are some contested issue areas for effective climate actions. Some of these
contested issue areas relate to the following course of actions:
Commitments to Mitigation: Different categories of commitments to mitigate GHG
emissions can be observed across different climate change agreements. Commitments
content in the UNFCCC and Paris agreement generally applies to all the parties. It
established general commitments. The UNFCCC outlined that all parties should take
measures to combat climate change. It should make national inventories of GHG
emission sources and its removals as well. This commitment is applicable to all countries
and encourages both developed and developing countries to undertake comprehensive
and systematic review of relevant policies to implement their national programmes for
addressing climate change. Majority of the provisions in the Paris agreement also
apply to all parties. Although, different countries with different national capabilities can
differ in their practices. However, Kyoto Protocol contains different commitments or
differentiated responsibilities for different categories of countries. Developed countries
had more climate responsibilities because of their historical contributions. They had
specific targets to meet in their emission cuts but it didn’t apply to developing countries.
Adaptation: The Bali Action Plan identified adaptation policy as one of the pillars for
climate actions (UNFCCC 2007). The issue of adaptation policy has been neglected
by many policymakers because of their central focus on mitigation. In order to enhance
the efficacy of adaptation plans and international cooperation the COP16 Cancun
meetings launched the “Cancun Adaptation Framework” and the “Work Programme
on Loss and Damage” (UNFCCC 2011: 6) to address the adverse effects of climate
change in developing countries. Developing countries are most vulnerable despite the
fact that they have contributed the least to climate change.
Technical and Financial Assistance: Technical and financial assistance is important
for mitigation and adaptation. The UNFCCC provisions on technology and finance
are weak. Successive COP meetings have not taken concrete steps towards technology
transfer until recently. The Cancun agreement created the Technology Mechanism

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NOTES recommending developed countries to promote, facilitate, transfer of or access to

green technologies. The Paris agreement also provided a technology framework to
enable innovation, collaboration in research and development and access to technology.
In matters of finance, the UNFCCC requires certain developed countries to provide
financial assistance to developing countries but it doesn’t specify the amount nor have
mandatory assessment. Other mitigation programmes have to go through the Global
Environment Facility (GEF) which is often limited to capacity building and demonstration
projects (Bodansky and Rajamani 2018: 47). However, during the Copenhagen meeting
an effort was made for greater funding and decided to establish the Green Climate
Fund (GCF). Subsequently, it was incorporated into the Cancun Agreement and the
outcome of the Cancun meeting led to the establishment of the GCF. Accordingly,
developed countries agreed to mobilise US$100 billion per year by 2020. The Paris
agreement further encouraged the developed countries to provide financial assistance
to developing countries and it also broadened the donor base to other non-developed
countries as well but only on a voluntary basis (UNFCCC 2015).
Emission Trading: Another important topic in the global climate regime is emission
trading which is prescribed in the Kyoto Protocol (UNFCCC 1998:15). The emission
trading provisions were finalised in the 2001 Marrakesh Accords. The Kyoto Protocol’s
“flexibility mechanisms’’ represents the first application of market approach to
environmental regulation. Under these mechanisms there is a facility for clean
development projects and joint implementation where developed countries listed in
Annex B can fund projects in developing countries to generate “certified emission
reductions” (UNFCCC 1998:11) that can be used for meeting their emission targets.
Reporting and International Review: Under the UNFCCC and the Kyoto Protocol
for reporting and international review there is a provision requiring states to submit
their annual GHG national inventories. The Cancun agreement also set rigorous national
communications to the UNFCCC. Transparency of the reports is important to proceed
to taking effective climate actions. It ensures clarity and tracking the progress towards
achieving parties’ mitigation and adaptation goals. The Paris agreement’s transparency
framework is robust and applies to both developing and developed countries. These
reports and national communications are subject to international review. It is non-
confrontational in nature but the purpose is to facilitate countries in meeting their climate
objectives. After in-depth review compilation and aggregation of data takes place in

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the form of a synthesis report to determine their progress and promote their accountability. NOTES
Compliance system: In examining the framework on the compliance systems as
instituted by some international environmental agreements there are some degree of
differences in terms of its being forceful. For instance, the UNFCCC (1992) article 14
gave provisions for dispute settlement mechanism but it is weak as it attempts to
facilitate rather than coerce states in their climate actions. However, the Kyoto Protocol
has a strong compliance system put in place (UNFCCC 1998). In 2005, it established
a Compliance Committee with two branches, facilitative branch and enforcement
branch (UNFCCC 2005). However, the non-renewal of the Kyoto Protocol has
diluted whatever little success was achieved. In 2015, the Paris Agreement came up
with its own compliance system but it was not as strong as the Kyoto Protocol design.
This new mechanism provided minimal guidelines, article 15 states that “...facilitative
in nature and function in a manner that is transparent, non-adversarial and non-punitive.
The committee shall pay particular attention to the respective national capabilities and
circumstances of Parties” (UNFCCC 2015).

3.8 CONCLUSION

Anthropogenic activities have been constantly changing the environmental landscape.

And in this era of globalisation and intensified human economic activities there is a
rapid deterioration of the environment. In the 1960s, environmental problems caught
the international attention. Gradually, it was no longer a scientific discussion and debate
but it has become an important agenda in national planning by the 1990s. The existing
multilateral environmental agreements today are a product of this long history of
environmental discourse. And among all the major environmental problems the most
debated topic is climate change. Climate change impacts all aspects of lives. Thus,
given the gravity of the significance of climate change this paper outlined the major
themes and structure of international climate agreements in order to understand the
subject matter.

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NOTES
3.9 PRACTICE QUESTIONS

1. Briefly discuss about major themes in climate change debate.

2. Write about United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change.
3. Write an essay on global environmentalism.

3.10 REFERENCES

x Carson, Rachel (1962), Silent Spring, Boston: Houghton Mifflin.

x The Economic and Social Council (1968), Resolution E/RES/1346(XLV),
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n y. u n . o r g / d o c / R E S O L U T I O N / G E N / N R 0 / 5 9 1 / 4 8 / I M G /
NR059148.pdf?OpenElement
x United Nations (1973), Report of the United Nations Conference on the
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x Chasek, Pamela (2020), Stockholm and the Birth of Environmental
Diplomacy, [Online:Web] Accessed 12 December, 2020. URL https://
www.iisd.org/articles/stockholm-and-birth-environmental-diplomacy
x Solomon, Susan (2019), The Discovery of the Antarctic Ozone Hole,
[Online:Web] Accessed 12 December, 2020. URLhttps://eapsweb.mit.edu/
news/2019/discovery-antarctic-ozone-hole
x United Nations (1995), A Brief History of the Climate Change Convention,
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x UNFCCC, (1995), Report of the Ad hoc Group on the Berlin Mandate on the
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x United Nations, (1992), United Nations Framework Convention on Climate NOTES

Change, [Online:Web] Accessed 13 December, 2020. URL https://unfccc.int/
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x UNFCCC, (2010), Reports of the Conference of Parties on its Fifteenth Session,
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x Bodansky, Daniel and Rajamani, Lavanya (2018), “The Evolution and
Governance Architecture of the United Nations,” in Urs Luterbacher and Detlef
F. Sprinz (eds.) Global Climate Policy: Actors, Concepts, and Enduring
Challenges, Cambridge, Massachusetts: The MIT Press.
x UNFCCC, (2015), Paris Agreement, [Online:Web] Accessed 13 December,
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x UNFCCC, (2007), Report of the Conference of the PArties on its Thirteenth
Session, held in Bali from 3 to 15 December 2007, Paris Agreement,
[Online:Web] Accessed 17 December, 2020. URL https://unfccc.int/resource/
docs/2007/cop13/eng/06a01.pdf
x UNFCCC, (1998), Kyoto Protocol to the United Nations Framework
Convention on Climate Change, [Online:Web] Accessed 17 December, 2020.
URL https://unfccc.int/resource/docs/convkp/kpeng.pdf
x UNFCCC, (2005), Procedures and Mechanism Relating to the Compliance
under the Kyoto Protocol, [Online:Web] Accessed 17 January, 2021. URL
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dec.27_cmp.1.pdf
x Vogler, John, (2014), Environmental Issues, in Baylis et al. (eds.) The
Globalization of World Politics: An Introduction to International Relations,
Ozford: Oxford University Press.
x Thompson, Suzanne and Michelle Barton (1994), “Ecocentric and
Anthropocentric Attitudes Toward the Environment,” Journal of
Environmental Psychology, 14, 149-157.

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NOTES x Ciplet, David et al. (2015), Power in a Warming World: The New Global
Politics of Climate Change and the Remaking of Environmental inequality,
Cambridge, Massachusetts: The MIT Press.
x International Committee of the Red Cross, (1977), Protocol Additional to the
Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, and Relating to the Protection of
Victims of international Armed Conflicts (Protocol I), of 8 June 1977,
[Online:Web] Accessed 17 December, 2020. URL https://www.un.org/en/
genocideprevention/documents/atrocity-crimes/Doc.34_AP-I-EN.pdf
x United Nations, (2017), 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development: implications
for the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification: The future strategic
framework of the Convention, [Online:Web] Accessed 17 December, 2020.
URL https://www.unccd.int/sites/default/files/sessions/documents/2017-09/
copL-18.pdf

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UNIT 3 NOTES

CONTEMPORARY GLOBAL ISSUES

B. PROLIFERATION OF NUCLEAR WEAPONS IN
POST-COLD WAR ERA
Narayan Roy

Structure
3.1 Learning Objectives
3.2 Introduction
3.3 What Motivates States to be Nuclear Power?
3.4 Nuclearization and Denuclearization
3.5 Anti-Proliferation Treaties, Convections and Measures
3.6 Way Forward
3.7 Conclusion
3.8 Practice Questions
3.9 References

3.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

In this lesson student can understand few points

x What motivates state to be Nuclear Powers?
x Nuclearization and denuclearisation.
x Also anti-proliferation treaties, convections and measures.

3.2 INTRODUCTION

The word Nuclear Proliferation signifies the spread of nuclear weapons (including
nuclear weapons technology and fissile material) in the world, to those countries that
had not acquired it earlier. This term is also used by intellectuals to refer the possible

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NOTES acquisition of nuclear weapons by terrorist organizations or other armed groups. World
has witnessed first use of the Nuclear weapon when, during the World war II, USA
dropped two nuclear bomb on the soil of the Japan. This nuclear attack over the two
cities of the Japan has leaded the world towards the inception of the era of Nuclear
Diplomacy. Over the period of the time, as the technology evolved, the nature of these
weapons has transformed and due to this the political and the military relationship
between the states have also transformed. Apart from the five “original” nuclear weapons
states (Britain, China, France, Russia, USA) many other countries has made effort to
acquire the nuclear weapon and some of them have succeeded in acquiring the
technology and materials to develop these weapons and even they have missiles and
aircrafts to deliver these weapons.
Nuclear technology, initially, was considered as a war-winning technology but
over the period of the time the issue of the nuclear proliferation have became complex.
There are many reasons of it, like: (i) rising concern for the safety of the world from
nuclear weapons and radioactivity; (ii) possibility of arrival of nuclear technology or
weapons in the wrong hands (like terrorist organization, expansionist states); (iii) and
this threat was further deepened because of emergence of transnational trade of nuclear
related materials and technology. In addition to this, some of scholars have argued that
proliferation of nuclear weapons in good, as it can lead the world to a state of stable-
deterrence and may induce stability in conflict-prone matters.
However, since after the first use of the nuclear weapons, the effort were been
made to constrain the spread or diffusion of nuclear technology. Among the various
efforts, some important are NPT, CTBT, establishment of MTCR (Missile Technology
Control Regime), IAEA (International Atomic Energy Agency) and NSG (Nuclear
Suppliers Group). Even though, many steps were taken to constrain or prevent the
proliferation of these weapons but now, owing to changing nature of this technology
and global relationship, we need to find new measures and ways and to think form
more of a practical and new approach to constrain the nuclear weapons proliferation.
In this chapter we will discuss, in details, about the factors that motivates any state to
acquire nuclear power; debates related to proliferation and non proliferation of such
weapons; about the treaties signed and institutions established and measures
implemented for fulfillment of both objectives, first is to constrain the proliferation of
nuclear weapons and second to ensure and facilitate the peaceful use of nuclear energy.

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NOTES
3.3 WHAT MOTIVATES STATE TO BE NUCLEAR
POWERS?

To know the answer of this question we need to analysis the proliferation pattern of
nuclear weapons at the state and inter-state level. During the World War II, firstly,
USA used nuclear technology as weapon for weakening of Japan and since then many
countries have tried to develop nuclear weapons and be a nuclear weapon state. Why
states get motivated to invest huge amount of money in the research projects to develop
such Weapons of Mass Destruction? We need to understand the motivational, aspect
of it and that we can do by analyzing Strategic, Political and Prestige rationales, which
motivates states to do so.
If we look at the importance of nuclear weapons in the context of Second
World War than it is a war winning weapon, but later on, during the Cold War, nuclear
weapons played a vital role in deterrence. This new role of nuclear weapons signifies
the strategic importance of it and it motivated non nuclear weapons states to be
equipped with nuclear capacity so that they can also use these weapons as a mean for
the fulfilment of their foreign policy objectives. In international affairs, especially in the
sphere of war-affairs, the nuclear weapon was the newly developed technology which
has massive and unprecedented destructive capacity. Owing to this, any state which
posses such power can by the dint of this technology get a top position at the international
stage. On these bases it can be said that being a nuclear power not only gives a
political advantage to the state but it also have a prestige benefits.
In the context of the globalization and increasing connectedness between the
states the motivational factors are not so clearly be identified. Today scenario is changing
due to many of the reasons and changes happened in the world. In the globalizing
world, many states prefer to not be the nuclear power or many states (together) are
declaring their area as Nuclear Weapons Free Zone. For instance, Latin American
countries declared their area as Nuclear Weapons Free Zone by signing Treaty of
Tlatelolco in 1967. Such incidents gave birth to a debate between Nuclearization and
Denuclearization.

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NOTES
3.4 NUCLEARIZATION AND DENUCLEARIZATION

Denuclearization means a removing of nuclear capacity. Even when the most of states
were making efforts to be nuclear power, there were many countries which thought
contrary to it. These states, like the Latin American states, were moving away from the
nuclear power and were making effort to make their area Nuclear Weapons Free
Zone. “A nuclear-weapon-free zone (NWFZ) is defined by the United Nations as an
agreement which a group of states has freely established by treaty or convention that
bans the development, manufacturing, control, possession, testing, stationing or
transporting of nuclear weapons in a given area, that has mechanisms of verification
and control to enforce its obligations, and that is recognized as such by the General
Assembly of the United Nations. As per the United Nations NWFZ is a regional
approach to strengthen global nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament norms and
consolidate international efforts towards peace and security.”
Nuclearization means making efforts to be nuclear power or the acquisition of
the nuclear warheads. As we have discussed above, after the Second World War
many states tried to enhance their military power by adding nuclear weapons to it and
some of them succeeded to be a nuclear power. Owing to the rising appetite of states
to be a nuclear power and due to uncertain nature of international politics a concern
for the possession of nuclear weapons emerged at international stage. There was
rising fear in among the states because of many reason related to nuclear power; like-
what happens if these weapons falls in wrong hands, what is a non-democratic and
aggressive government uses these weapons, such rising fears forced the states to move
forward in the direction of Non Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.

3.5 ANTI-PROLIFERATION TREATIES,

CONVECTIONS AND MEASURES

In august 1945 world firstly witnessed the destructive capacity of the nuclear weapon.
The effects of these weapons were so unprecedented and considerable that in 1948
United Nations Commission for Conventional Armaments introduced a new category
of weapons called ‘Weapons of Mass Destruction’ solely with the purpose to distinguish
these weapons from the traditional weapons. As the Commission declared, Weapons
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of Destruction includes “atomic explosive weapons, radioactive material weapons, NOTES

lethal chemical weapons, lethal biological weapons, and any weapons developed in
the future which have characteristics comparable in destructive effect to those of atomic
bomb or other weapons mentioned above.” After the World War II, while on one
hand many scholars, human right activist, NGO’s were trying to spread awareness
about the destructive effects of these weapons many states, on the other hand, were
trying or making efforts for the acquisition of nuclear weapons.
Soon after the end of World War II global efforts to constrain the spared of the
nuclear weapons began. In 1946, a resolution for the establishment of UN Atomic
Energy Commission was approved by the General Assembly of UNO. Purpose of
this resolution was to establish a global Commission that will work for the elimination
of nuclear weapons and promoting peaceful use of nuclear energy. This proposal did
not get approval of Security Council due to conflict of USA and USSR. Few years
later, in 1953, US President Eisenhower delivered a speech titled “Atoms for Peace”
in which he highlighted the benefits of nuclear energy, if we use it for the peaceful or
non-military purpose. The speech of Eisenhower was not a disarmament or non-
proliferation plan but it started a debate in respect to the regulation of nuclear energy
related material, technology, etc. Rising concerns and efforts to implement Atoms for
Peace leads the world to establishment of IAEA (International Atomic Energy Agency)
in 1957. In addition to this many were made, many treaties were signed and implemented
to constrain acquisition of nuclear weapons. Some important anti-proliferation
convections, treaty and measures are discussed below.

i Antarctic Treaty System

On Dec 1, 1959 twelve nations signed a treaty to achieve the objective to demilitarize
the Antarctic continent (which is defined as all of the land and ice shelves, located in
the south of 60°S latitude) and to preserve this continent solely for the scientific research.
This treaty was the result of a conference that happened in Washington, in which the
representatives of United States, Soviet Union, Britain and many other states were
present. Later many other countries agreed to this agreement. This treaty prohibits
some activities like “establishing military bases, carrying on military maneuvers, testing
any weapons (including nuclear weapons), or disposing of radioactive wastes in the
area”. In addition to this, the treaty also establishes the provision of reality-check, by
giving power to each party of the treaty to carry out inspection of all the institutions
established in the area defined by the treaty, to ensure the implementation of the treaty
in the actual sense.
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NOTES i The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA)

The IAEA was created in 1957, in the response to rising fears and concerns due to the
discovery and diverse uses of nuclear technology. Headquarter of the IAEA is in
Vienna (Austria). In the world, it is known as “Atoms for Peace and Development”
organization. It is an UN agency which works at the international level for the
cooperation in the field of the nuclear/atomic energy. It works in the direction to promote
peaceful uses of nuclear technologies, with its member countries and many other partners
of it. It is an international organization which functions independently. Every year, the
agency submits its annual report to the General Assembly of the UNO. Even in some
situations, when it is seems necessary, the agency can also report to the Security
Council about the non-compliance of its member with safeguards and security
obligations. The major functions of the IAEA are (i) Establishing and administering
safety guards to ensure that such research and development are not being used for
military purposes. (ii) Promoting and assisting the development, research and practical
applications of peaceful uses of nuclear technologies. (iii) To apply mandatory
comprehensive safeguards in those non-nuclear-weapon states which are subject to
the same as per the provisions of the NPT and other such international treaties. On the
basis of its functions it can be concluded that ‘safety and security’, ‘science and
technology’ and ‘safeguards and verification’ are the three chief areas of IAEA’s work.
In 1988, the IAEA adopted an Additional Protocol to ensure the peaceful use of the
atomic energy. This new protocol provides agency the power, access and authority to
verify the nuclear declaration. By ensuring peace and security and peaceful use of
atomic energy, it is helping the humankind in achieving the Sustainable Development
Goals.

i The Hotline Agreement 1963

Hotline is a technology which establishes the secure and fast communication link
between the Heads of the Nation. This option was adopted to ensure the direct and
instant communication, so that the possibility of danger can be minimized and can be
avoided. First of this type communication was established, by an agreement, between
the USA and USSR. In 1963, the leaders of both the countries signed a Memorandum
of Undertaking, in which both agreed to set-up a communication link between the
USA and Soviet counterpart. Signing of this memorandum is known as the hotline
treaty, which was designed with the objective to reduce the possibility of the nuclear
war/attack by any of these superpowers.

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i The Limited or Partial Test Ban Treaty NOTES

PTBT/LTBT is the abbreviation for the name of the treaty that was signed in 1963,
that is Limited or Partial Test Ban Treaty. This treaty was signed for the fulfilment of
two objectives: First objective was to slow down the arm race (especially for acquiring
the procession of nuclear bomb) among the states. Second objective of this treaty,
which motivated the superpowers to sign it, was the concern about the environmental
damage that happens owing to the testing of nuclear weapons. The testing of nuclear
weapons (whether it is done above-ground or underwater) results in the fallout of the
radioactive which has hazardous effect on the human health. The dispersed radioactive
isotopes can be present in our atmosphere for more than the period of tens or hundreds
or even thousands of years. Even the nuclear explosion can cause many health problems
that can transmit from one generation to other. To prevent happening of such thing and
for achieving these two objectives, the nuclear powers of that time agreed to sign a
treaty. In Moscow, on 5th of August 1963, the leaders of Britain, United States of
America and Soviet communist bloc signed this treaty. The treaty declares as its “principal
aim the speediest possible achievement of an agreement on general and complete
disarmament under strict international control and explicitly states the goal of achieving
a comprehensive test. The treaty permanently forbids the parties to the treaty from
conducting, permitting, or encouraging any nuclear explosion in the atmosphere, outer
space, or underwater as well as any other nuclear explosion that threatens to send
nuclear debris into another state’s territory. Thus the treaty prohibits/bans the testing
of the Nuclear Weapons in the Earth’s atmosphere, in the outer space and under
water, except those conducted underground.” After the ratification from US Senate,
this treaty came into force from October 10, 1963. LTBT is the first ever effort made
by the superpowers in the direction of the arms control. Effectiveness of this treaty can
be easily concluded, as after the ratification of it, there was a steep decline in the
amount of radioactive particles in the atmosphere.

i Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty 1968

Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), that was signed in 1968 and came into
force in 1970. In 1995, the period of this treaty is extended for the infinite period of
the time. On one hand, this treaty recognized America, Russia, UK, France and China
as five nuclear-weapon states (NWS) and authorized them to possess nuclear weapons;
while on the other hand, it institutionalized such norms which enforce non-proliferation
of nuclear weapon in respect to the non-nuclear weapon states (NNWS). As per the

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NOTES provision of this treaty, “by signing the NPT a non-nuclear weapon state pledge not
acquire nuclear weapons in exchange for a pledge by the nuclear weapons states not
to assist the development of nuclear weapons by any non-nuclear weapon states and
to facilitate the fullest information for the peaceful uses of nuclear energy.” This treaty
uphold the ‘proliferation’ (production and transfer), of nuclear weapons, fissile materials
and related technology to the non-nuclear weapon states as illegitimate. As per its
declaration, “this treaty is established on the three pillars or main objectives of non-
proliferation (stopping the spread of nuclear weapons and related technology),
disarmament (getting rid of existing nuclear arsenals) and the right to use nuclear energy
for peaceful purpose (including access to nuclear technology, which is the right of all
states parties to this treaty).” Responses towards this treaty are diverse in nature.
Many of the western countries, even those which are not equipped with nuclear military
capacity, have ratified and supported this treaty. These countries did so because they
believed that this step is a great step towards achieving the sustainable goals and it can
promote healthy and cooperative relations among the nations, while minimizing the
fearful environment of global politics. However, on the other hand, many non-nuclear
weapon states like India, has criticized the provisions of this treaty, on basis of having
structural flaws and they viewed it as a partial arrangement for the disarmament. Point
to remember is that, even three states (that are India, Pakistan and Israel) have not
signed this treaty on the similar ground. Presently, NPT is widely accepted arms control
measure and it can be said on the basis that by June 2003, all the members of UNO
except India, Pakistan and Israel had accepted this treaty and North Korea has
withdrawal itself from it.
In addition to this, NNWS has criticizes this treaty to be discriminatory on
many grounds:
x NNWS has objected this treaty because as per their objection, this treaty
protects only the horizontal proliferation (direct or indirect transfer of such
technologies from one nation-state to another, that can lead to the
development, advancement and proliferation of these weapons) of nuclear
weapons and it puts no limit on the vertical proliferation (the advancement,
modification or modernization of possessed nuclear weapons by any state)
x NNWS has also objected the Articles 1st and 2nd of the treaty (i.e. prohibition
of possessing nuclear weapons) which did not prohibits nuclear weapons
on allied territory of nuclear weapons states like USA’s allies of NATO.
x NNWS also feels that this treaty puts discriminatory or biased restrictions

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even on Peaceful use of nuclear technology. NOTES

x NNWS, even claims that the protocols or provisions of International Atomic
Energy Agency (IAEA) regarding the nuclear safety are biased because as
per the protocols the nuclear weapon states are allowed to maintain
‘voluntary’ safeguards while the rest states are subject to ‘comprehensive’
safeguards, which seems discriminatory to the NNWS.
Due to these differences on the provision of NPT, most of the quadrennial
Review Conferences (the forum that reviews the health and functioning of the treaty),
has remained inconclusive since 1995. In May 2010, an NPT review conference held
in New York (at UN headquarter) to review to work, progress and achievements of
NPT in containing the spread of nuclear weapons. In addition to this, at this conference,
several issues were discussed, including: “universality of this treaty; nuclear disarmament,
including specific practical measures; non proliferation, including the promoting and
strengthening of safeguards; measures to advance the peaceful use of nuclear energy,
safety and security; regional disarmament and non-proliferation; measures to address
withdrawal from the treaty; measures to further strengthening the review process; and
ways to promote engagement with civil society in strengthening NPT norms and in
promoting disarmament education.”

i The Nuclear Suppliers Group

The Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) is an international body comprised of nuclear

supplier countries which attempt to control the proliferation or spread of nuclear
weapons by regulating the export of materials, product, technology and equipment
that are used for the nuclear weapons development. This transnational body or group
aims to improve the existing safeguards to contain the proliferation of such weapons.
The NSG was founded by the nuclear weapons states, after the first nuclear tests
conducted by India in May 1974. This incidence raised the question that a nuclear
weapon could be developed by using certain non-weapons nuclear technology and
made them realize that non-proliferation measures are not alone enough to prevent the
proliferation of the nuclear weapons. The first seven members of this group met first
time in November 1975, with an objective to regulate supply of nuclear material and
technology. After the first meeting, several meetings were held in London and it results
in the setting up guidelines for the export of nuclear material. These guidelines are set-
up to ensure that the trade of nuclear materials or technology for the non-military/
peaceful use of it, not somehow contribute in development of nuclear weapons or its

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NOTES military use. As per the guidelines, “NSG members are expected not to have trade in
nuclear material and equipments with governments that do not subject themselves to
scrutiny at international level and inspection by the authorized bodies to ensure that
their imports of nuclear material and equipment are not used to develop nuclear arms.”
The main objective of NSG is to regulate and control the trade of nuclear material,
technology and equipments and thus each member of this group has to inform about
the supply, import, or export of any nuclear-based product.

i The Seabed Arms Control Treaty 1971

This treaty is another multilateral effort made by states to achieve the goal of non-
proliferation and to curtail the fear of possible nuclear war. The Seabed Arms Control
Treaty seeks to prevent nuclear weapons and international conflict from spreading to
the seabed. Aim of this treaty is to ensure that any exploration of the seabed would be
only for peaceful purposes. USA, UK, USSR (now Russia) and other 91 countries
signed a treaty to prohibit “the emplacement of Weapons of Mass Destruction (including
nuclear weapons) on the ocean floor or sea-bed or on the subsoil of it, beyond 12 mile
of coastal zone.” To ensure the compliance, it even allows the other parties or member
states to observe all seabed activities beyond the 12 mile coastal zone.

i The Threshold Test Ban Treaty 1974

The Threshold Test Ban Treaty was signed by the USA and its Soviet counterpart in
July 1974. TTBT aims to establish a nuclear threshold which prohibits signatories
form conducting nuclear tests that exceed 150 kilotons. The threshold suppresses the
possibility of testing of existing or new nuclear weapons that surpass the fractional-
megaton range. By this treaty, both the superpowers mutually restrained themselves to
reduce the explosive capacity of new bombs or arsenals. Both the superpowers were
subject to verification, as per the provisions of treaty, which can be conducted through
hydrodynamic yield measurements, seismic monitoring, and on-site inspection.

i The Intermediate Range Nuclear Force Treaty 1987

In June 1988, both the superpowers (USA and USSR) moved forward in the direction
of disarmament, by signing the Intermediate Range Nuclear Force Treaty. This treaty
was first nuclear arms control treaty which actually meant to reduce the number of
there Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles. By this treaty, both the parties,

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agreed to “the elimination of all the missiles with the ranges between 625 and 3500 NOTES
miles by June 1991, and all the missiles with the ranges between 300 and 625 miles
within 18 months. In addition to this, all associated equipments and operating bases
were to be closed” pint to remember is that, by this treaty no provision were made in
regard to air- or sea-launched missiles and it was signed with the objective to reduce
the number of land based intermediate and Short range missiles.

i The Comprehensive Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) 1996

The Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT)—described as the “longest sought and
hardest fought for arms control treaty in history”—was opened for signature in
September 1996. CTBT is a multilateral agreement signed by both nuclear weapons
states like USA, UK along-with more than 90 non nuclear weapons states, with
objective to “ban all the nuclear explosion (whether big or small) by everyone and
everywhere (on earth’s surface, in the atmosphere, underwater and underground).”
The CTBT obligates countries that sign and ratify “not to carry out any nuclear weapon
test explosion or any other nuclear explosion.” The importance of the CTBT is that as
it makes very difficult (near to impossible) for the nations to develop nuclear arms for
the first time, or even it prevents the states which already have nuclear weapons from
developing more destructive and powerful nuclear bombs. In addition to this, the
treaty also seeks to prevent human, plants, animals and other living-beings from the
hazardous effects of radioactivity. “It provides for an extensive verification regime
including an International Monitoring System (IMS) to detect nuclear explosions, a
global infrastructure for satellite communications from IMS stations to an International
Data Center (IDC) that processes and distributes data to State Parties, and for on-
site inspections, which may be requested by any State Party to determine whether
suspected cheating has occurred.” By this treaty, a Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban
Treaty Organization (CTBTO) was also established. This organization was assigned
with the responsibilities to promote the CTBT. In addition, it establishes a verification
regime that monitors compliance to the treaty. “The verification system is built around
a network of over 325 seismic, radionuclide, infrasound and hydro-acoustic
(underwater) monitoring stations.” At its head-quarter, which is located in Vienna,
around 260 members (from the CTBT’s Member States) work to ensure the compliance
and non-proliferation of nuclear weapons.

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NOTES i The International Convention for the suppression of acts of Nuclear

Terrorism 2005

United Nations General Assembly, on 15th of April 2005, adopted a convention to

suppress the acts of nuclear terrorism. The need for this convention emerges due to
rising fear about the threat of use of nuclear weapons by terrorist groups or
organizations. Objective of this convection was “to criminalize acts of nuclear terrorism
and to promote police and judicial cooperation to prevent, investigate and punish
those acts.” In the post cold war era, terrorism emerges a great threat to the international
peace and with the development of Weapons of Mass Destruction this threat has
further deepened. With rising concern to this matter, many possible steps had been
taken to tackle such threats.

i Other Treaties and Conventions:

x SALT I and II: SALT is an abbreviation used for the Strategic Arms Limitation
Talks. SALT I was the first series of this talk started from November 1969 to
May 1972. In this stage of the talk, USA and USSR negotiated the terms for
reduction and place limits on the some strategic offensive arms. In the second
round of this talks (SALT II), which held from 1972 to 1979, both the parties
i.e. USA and USSR sought to curtail the development of new strategic nuclear
weapons. Although, this treaty was a continuation of the SALT I but this time,
both the countries agreed to decrease the numbers of nuclear weapon. Thus
SALT II was the first nuclear arms treaty, that resulted in the reductions in
strategic weapons to 2,250 of all categories on both sides.
x Anti Ballistic Missile Treaty 1972: During the USA-USSR summit, which
was held in Moscow in May 1972, US’s president Richard Nixon and USSR’s
president Leonid Brezhnev signed a treaty by which both agreed to some
restriction related to deployment and development of anti-ballistic missiles. By
this treaty, both parties agreed that “each country will have two ABM sites, with
no more than 100 ABM launchers and interceptors at each site. In addition, this
treaty prohibits the development, testing and deployment of sea-based, air-
based, space-based or mobile land based ABM system.”
x START I and II: START was a bilateral agreement negotiated between
America and Soviet Union to put limit on the numbers of strategic offensive
arms. START I was signed on 31st of July 1991 and it came into force in
December 1994. START II was signed in 1993 by President Bush and USSR’s
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president Yeltsin. START I and II was a successful effort made by both NOTES
superpowers, as it resulted in massive reduction in the numbers of strategic
warheads. Many scholars have regarded START as historic, largest and complex
disarmament treaty as it resulted in reduction of more than 80 percent of all
strategic warheads.
x The Chemical Weapon Convection 1997: This convection was started in
1992 with the objective to achieve a complete prohibition or ban on the
development, manufacturing, accumulation and use of chemical weapons. The
provisions of this convection came into effect from 1997. As per the provisions,
the signatory countries have to destroy all of their chemical weapons within in
10 years (from the day which it came into force) and in special circumstances a
extension for the period of 5 year (till 2012) can be given to the country to fully
comply with the provisions of the convection. For the safe destruction of these
weapons an organization- Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical
Weapons- was also got established. However many reasons like environmental
concern, massive number of weapons have delayed the process of complete
destruction of such Chemical Weapons.
x NEW START 2010: The New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty is also a
bilateral treaty between USA and Russia. By this agreement both countries
have decided to reduce numbers of some specific strategic weapons within the
period of next seven years. New START was signed in Prague (in April 2010)
and after the ratification of it, it came into effect from February 5, 2011. By this
agreement both sides agreed to “reduce the number of strategic nuclear missile
launchers to the half of the existing numbers. In addition, both agreed to on-site
inspections, exchange of data related to strategic offensive arms and facilities
covered by the treaty.” This treaty also put limits on the weapons or warheads
each of the states can have, but the limits on which both agreed this time are
seventy-four percent lower than the limits put by START I.

3.6 WAY FORWARD

As we have discussed in this chapter, we can say that globally many steps were taken
collectively by the states to constrain the proliferation of the nuclear weapons. These
steps, whether it is treaty, convection or any other measure (implemented individually
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NOTES by a state or collectively by some states or implemented/enforced by any global

organization) have significantly contributed in containing the horizontal spread of the
nuclear warheads/arms. As we have discussed earlier, many leaders have supported
the proliferation of nuclear weapons just because of its war-winning capacity. For
instance, North Korea, which had earlier signed the NPT, withdrew itself from the
treaty in 2003 and in October 2006 it got success in developing nuclear weapons. On
this incidence some of analyst commented that proliferation of nuclear weapons cannot
be stopped. They believe that most suitable solution of it is to diffuse the nuclear
capabilities to new states so that a condition of stabilizing deterrence can emerge.

3.7 CONCLUSION

Since the end of World War the context and the nature of the nuclear power have
changed remarkably. The knowledge and technology for the development of Weapons
of Mass Destruction has spared widely. In addition, the diffusion of various other
warheads making technology like missiles with the nuclear weapons has made these
weapons more easy to use and has changed the nature of these weapons. After the
end of Cold War the global politics has changed, and with this changes new major
issue emerged. In present time we need to address the issue of non-proliferation with
modern means. We also need to look this matter in context of rising environmental
challenges. In coming decades, the issues related to the proliferation of nuclear weapons
may change. Even today, it is needed that the leaders of the world look towards the
peace and try to avoid the conflicts. They should focus on developing capabilities of
their human resources; protect environment and use resources and inventions for the
good of the whole human kind.

3.8 PRACTICE QUESTIONS

1. Should states need nuclear power? Discuss briefly about nuclearisation and
denuclearisation.
2. Write briefly about International Atomic Energy Agency.
3. Discuss about Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty of 1968.

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NOTES
3.9 REFERENCES

x Baylis, J, Smith, S & Owens P. (2011) The Globalization of World Politics: An

introduction to International Relations. Oxford University Press: Delhi
x Kumar, C, Riamei, L & Gupta S. (2017) Understanding Global Politics. KW
Publishers: New Delhi
x Fadia, B. L, & Fadia, K. (2019) International Relations. Sahitya Bhawan
Publications: Agra
x (https://www.armscontrol.org/treaties) treaties

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UNIT 3 NOTES

CONTEMPORARY GLOBAL ISSUES

C. GLOBAL TERRORISM AND ITS IMPACT
Ms Rumi Roy

Structure
3.1 Learning Objectives
3.2 Introduction
3.3 Genesis of International Terrorism
3.3.1 Nature of International Terrorism
3.3.2 Types of International Terrorism
3.3.3 Causes of International Terrorism
3.3.4 Ways to Combat Global Terrorism
3.4 Non-State Actors and State Terrorism
3.4.1 Who are Non-State Actors?
3.4.2 Status of Non-State Actors in the Global World
3.4.3 Counter Terrorist Measures and United Nations
3.5 Post 9/11 Developments
3.5.1 Understanding 9/11
3.5.2 Post 9/11 and Emerging Threats
3.5.3 Global Response to Terrorism Post 9/11
3.6 Conclusion
3.7 Practice Questions
3.8 References

3.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

This unit deals with the nature and pattern of international terrorism. The basic objective
of the unit are as follows:
x define the term “international terrorism”.
x provide a brief overview of non-state actors and state sponsored terrorism and
its implications for the world community.

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NOTES x implication of 9/11 attacks and pattern of global terrorism.

x counter terrorist measures.
x emerging threats post 9/11 world order

3.2 INTRODUCTION

The term ‘terrorism’ is derived from Latin words “terrere” and “deterre”.The word
“terrere” means to “tremble”, and the term “deterre” implies to “frighten”. Although
there is no universally acceptable definition of the term, terrorism is understood as a
strategy to achieve the avowed objectives through the systematic use of violent tactics
undermining the legal authority of a state or government. In the past, the failure of the
rulers to address the grievances of the people, infringement of their rights and perceived
feeling of oppression at the hands of the rulers caused people to resort to violence.
There is no global consensus regarding an definition of international terrorism. Since
the 9/11 attacks by “Al–Qaeda, (the successor organisation of the Afghan Services
Bureau)”the approach towards the prosecution of “terrorists” and condemning terrorism
has hardened.
Post September 11, 2001 attacks, international terrorism underwent tactical
changes and became more diffused and widespread. The terrorist acts were universally
condemned. It marked a turning point in history with all nations together joining to
formulate collective response in what in what came to be known as the “Global War
on Terrorism”.

3.3 GENESIS OF INTERNATIONAL TERRORISM

In human history, terrorism is not a new phenomenon. It has been an integral part of
human civilisation. However, no international consensus has been arrived at to as what
constitutes “terrorism”. During the 18th century as claimed by David Rapport, “religion
provided the only acceptable justifications for terror.” The Muslim Hashshins, the
Jewish Zealots, the Hindu Thugs are some of the recognised religious terrorist groups
in the ancient times. Their modus operandi was mainly assassinations and sacrificing

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people. During the 18th century, French Revolution and 20th century anti-colonial NOTES
movements terrorism was mainly confined to guerrilla tactics, political kidnappings,
sabotage and causing mayhem.
Religious terrorism remerged once again in the post-cold war era among the
Islamist organisations. In the past decade, the threat of terrorism of intensified with the
emergence of a more extreme form of international terrorism known as the “Global
Jihad.”

3.3.1 Nature of International Terrorism

As terrorism is a world wide phenomenon which uses violence to perpetuate fear

among a wider audience. Many justifications have been given for the use of violence
by vested parties/organisations. The terrorist groups have established international
linkages with other terrorist organisations and groups. These groups entails leadership
and command hierarchy and engage in planning and decision making process. However,
it is to be noted that what drives people to become terrorists is difficult to determine.
What’s more, “one group’s terrorist is another group’s freedom fighter” captures the
very essence of the problem in the study of terrorism. Most people interpret and
justifies terrorism and the form of violence associated with it as a heroic act of self-
defence, ethnic expression or self-determination.
It should be noted that an act can be defined as an act of terrorism if:
• The act is illegal.
• It relates to the use of force or violence or threat.
• Violence or force directed against individuals or property.
• Projected to increase pressure on a government or society.
• Promote political, ideological and religious objectives.
The nature of international terrorism underwent a paradigm shift marching towards
an unpredictable world post 9/11. The attacks reawakened the threat of violence and
shared perception of asymmetrical and unpredictable threats. The threat from an
“unspecified enemy” loomed large in absence of the tactics to dispel the fears and
means to protect the people from violent terrorist activities or adopt any suppressive
or pre-emptive actions. the Bush administration’s perception on the disastrous 9/11
attacks received the consensus and massive support of the Americans for deposing

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NOTES and eliminating all acts of terror. The post 9/11 perception instilled a sense of solidarity
and common perception to wage war against global terrorism which united nations
across the world.

3.3.2 Types of International Terrorism

International terrorism is of varied types. Few of them listed below:

x State-Sponsored terrorism: In case of state-sponsored terrorism, the
government supports non- state actors who are engaged in acts of violence and
terrorist activities.
x Right wing terrorism and Left wing Terrorism: This kind of terrorism is
rooted in differences in political ideologies both upholds. The right wing or the
right first found prominence in the French National Assembly of 1789. The
conservatives or the right and the radicals or the left positioned themselves on
the left in the Assembly. In the contemporary world order, there is no single
definition of right or left wing extremism. It is argued that the differentiation
between Left from Right democracy, freedom, the role of Church and State,
market economy, egalitarianism, pluralism, etc is no longer compatible with the
current political environment and does not correspond to the left- right political
dichotomy in the present century.
x Religious terrorism: “Religious terrorism is a type of political violence motivated
by an absolute belief that an otherworldly power has sanctioned—and
commanded—terrorist violence for the greater glory of the faith”. In the name
of faith, people are motivated to commit violent acts with a promise for pious
afterlife by the otherworldly power. Religious terrorism considers violence as
an expression of the deity’s will. The world view on religious terrorism has
observed that its frequency and scale of violence expanded globally with a
decline in secular principles and values.
x Global Terrorism: In the global world terrorism has surpassed the national
boundaries. Today the globalised world is exemplified by technological
advancement which has advanced the mobility and lethality of terrorist acts.
The targets are easily reachable exposing them to fanatics who led them to
resort to terrorism. The 9/11 attacks on World Trade Centre led USA to establish
a new world order with focus on advancing the fight against Global terrorism
and proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.

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3.3.3 Causes of International Terrorism NOTES

While ascertaining the possible causes of terrorism, scholars found that is not possible
to state as to what causes people to engage in terrorist acts. It is practically impossible
to identify the causes of international terrorism. However, several research conducted
in this regard have identified three causes of international terrorism- domestic political
instability, failed state, ideological and psychological.
Domestic instability: International terrorism can be correlated to domestic political
instability arising out of the outbreak of civil wars and inter- state wars. Low levels of
political development and economic development causes greater domestic instability
for propagation of international terrorist activities. Anti-government demonstrations,
guerrilla warfare, armed revolutions conditions, general strikes contributes to escalation
of state sponsored terrorism. Terrorism in this context is understood as a logical
extension of the failure of the politics.
Failed state- The shortcomings in a failed or weak states affected by conflict, political
stability, human rights abuses and conflict intensity, incidence of coups and territory
exhibits the weakness of the states and their failure to contain terrorism. As per the
Brookings Institution’s Annual Report on Weak States: “Since September 11, 2001,
the United States and other governments have frequently asserted that threats to
international peace and security often come from the world’s weakest states.” The
failure of the state to address the grievances of the people contributes to escalation of
terrorist violence.

3.3.4 Ideological and Psychological

The moral values and ability to make sense of the world appears central to certain acts
of militancy and large spectre of religious radicalisation stemming from particular beliefs.
It plays a central role in creating a sense of community and instilling a sense of political
purpose among the community. Individuals are impacted by radical Islamist propaganda
and global events like USA’s intervention in Middle-east have carried out terrorist
attacks in their home countries despite having no linkages with nay terrorist groups or
organisations. For instance, “a German national of Albanian descent had shot dead
two US Air Force personnel and injured another two outside the Frankfurt airport on
March 2, 2011. The Boston Marathon bombing on April 15, 2013 and the beheading
of a British soldier who had served in Afghanistan by two African Muslims in London
on May 22, 2013 is another instance to be cited this regard.”
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NOTES It is however to be noted that, post 9/11, ascertaining the causes of international
terrorism has remained elusive.

3.3.5 Ways to Combat Global Terrorism

International Terrorism or any form of terrorist act poses a direct threat to the life,
security of the people across nations and causes an impediment to the international
peace, stability and prosperity. The threat of global terrorism transcends beyond any
border , nationality or religion. It posits a great challenge to the international community.
Many counter terrorism measures focusses on the combating the violent terrorists
activities with full solidarity among nations. Some of the measures for combating
terrorism is listed as follows:
Firstly, NATO invoked its collective defence clause (Article 5) for the first and
only time in response to the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 on the United
States.
Secondly, the adoption of Security Council resolution 1373 (2001), much of
which has an impact on the enjoyment of human rights.
Thirdly, the adoption of the United Nations Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy
by the General Assembly in its resolution 60/288 whereby, the international community
has ensured all measures to respect human rights for all and rule of law as the fundamental
basis of the fight against terrorism.
Fourthly, in September 2011, a group of 29 States (including Spain) and the
European Union, with the participation of the United Nations, decided to set up the
Global Counter-Terrorism Forum (GCTF) as an informal body with practical aims of
debate, analysis, exchange of recommendations and good practices, the identification
of priorities and the mobilisation of resources to provide technical assistance in
countering terrorism.
Fifthly, in September 2013 the Madrid Memorandum was adopted to guarantee
immediate and effective assistance to victims of terrorism from the time of the attack
and throughout criminal proceedings, in order for them to cope with the damage suffered
in the best possible manner.
Sixthly in 2006, the General Assembly adopted the United Nations Global
Counter-Terrorism Strategy, in which it stressed the importance of addressing the
issues that can give rise to terrorism. These include unresolved conflicts, dehumanization
of victims, discrimination, violations of human rights, and lack of good governance.
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Seventhly, need for bilateral and multilateral agencies who can share their NOTES
expertise with countries in need of technical assistance including drafting national laws,
training prosecutors and judges, and linking national databases to border posts.
There is considerable need to enhance the capabilities of readiness and responses
to any form of terrorist threats. The potential targets needs to be analysed in the light of
possible risks and security measures to be beefed up in places which fall under the
high risk zone. There should be training of special unites in tactical field combats (sniper
courses, counterterrorist actions in the urban conditions, operations on destruction of
terrorists camps, mountainous training courses, etc.). Co-ordination and their
cooperation with neighbours will facilitate the process of brainstorming on good
practices for combating terrorist activities globally. In this regard, the guidance and
support of the United Nations must be provided to support the endeavours to adopt
comprehensive national strategies that balance hard-end security measures with social,
economic, and community-driven policies that are grounded in the rule of law.

3.4 NON-STATE ACTORS AND STATE TERRORISM

As mentioned above, state sponsored terrorism can direct any form of terrorist act at
the state itself by encouraging, transporting, and providing necessary equipment and
training to terrorists to commit an act of terror. These activities are actively sponsored
and controlled by the state. At times, the state may not be directly involved in sponsoring
terrorism, however, providing base operations and allowing the use of the territory to
for staging an attack or refusal to shut any operation by terrorist groups constitute
state sponsored terrorism. It is seen as an unjustified and unlawful interference into the
affairs of the state. Taliban in Afghanistan is one such example of state sponsored
terrorism. Taliban have been supporting all forms of terrorist activities within the borders
and their non-cooperative attitude in capturing Osama bin Laden appeared to be fall
under the ambit of state sponsored terrorism. Asylum to hijackers of civilian aircraft
also constitutes state sponsored terrorism.
State sponsored terrorism is form of surrogate warfare in which the alleged
enemies of the state is attacked in relatively inexpensive tactical ways and involves less
risks than conventional armed conflict. Post 9/11 USA recognised Iran, Cuba, Sudan
and Syria as state sponsors of terrorism, and imposed a host of economic and military
sanctions against them.
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NOTES 3.4.1 Who are Non-State Actors?

There is no accurate and acceptable definition to define a non-state actor. In technical

terms, any actor on the international forum other than a sovereign state is considered
as a non-state actor. The non-state actors are not members of the United Nations.
They may include the inter-governmental organizations, non-governmental organizations
(NGOs) and individuals-natural and juridical. The law-abiding non-state actors such
as Amnesty International, Greenpeace, Doctors Without Borders, CARE, and Human
Rights Watch are typically designated non-state actors in contemporary international
world order. The crime and terrorist groups such as the Mafia, the Colombian drug
cartel, the Irish Republican Army, Hamas, Hezbollah ,Abu Sayyef, and Al-Qaeda can
be classified as organised illegal non -state actors.

3.4.2 Status of Non-State Actors in the Global world

The public discourse on state sponsored terrorism often focusses its exclusively on
non-State actors and destined perpetually to evoke terror and provide strategic
advantage to the states . Although there are no clear patters of causation for the rise of
non-state actors and state sponsored terrorism, state with less legitimacy and weakness
failed to garner loyalty and allegiance of the people. The possibility of state agents
extending direct or indirect support to perpetrate acts of terrorism is an enduring issue
in this context. Further, the globalised world has facilitated the flow of arms, illicit
drugs, weapons capabilities that allow them to challenge government forces. The non-
state actors particularly the armed groups have assumed and multiplied in numbers in
the past decade. For their survival and growth groups like Al-Qaeda, the Revolutionary
Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and certain militia in Syria or Libya rely on
paramilitary control of civilians, rudimentary governance (especially in security and
justice). This is compounded by the transitional networks as supporters and facilitators.
Very often, the alternative forms of terror tactics are provided by the state. Prior to
2001, Al-Qaeda was a concentric network with the leadership group in Afghanistan at
the core. At the periphery its transnational network were dispersed throughout Western
Europe and Asia post 9/11.
It is to be noted that in the past decade, the non – state actors have been
developing themselves. In the era of globalisation the most salient threat develops
from the non- state actors. Apart from the state funded troops, these groups are
supplied with extensive financial and technical assistance from other off shore accounts

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and untraceable organisations. For example “Hezbollah, is a non- state actor operating NOTES
in Middle East”, which for some is a terrorist organization while for others it’s a party.
It has a working structure and government capability. In 2004, after twenty four years
of its formation, it grew as virtual state in the Southern part of Lebanon. Its activities
have been expanding in parts of South America ,Africa Argentina, Paraguay, Brazil,
Ecuador, Panama, and recently Venezuela. The most salient threat to peace and threat
to security stems from strong non- state actors like the Al-Qaeda and its followers in
the globalised world as they transcend all boundaries and state territories and not
bounded by any form of approval from the state.

3.4.3 Counter Terrorist Measures and United Nations

The “United Nations Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy” was adopted by the General
Assembly on 8th September 2006. For the first time a global strategic framework was
adopted by the United Nations. In 2005, “Counter-Terrorism Implementation Task
Force” was established to ensure overall coordination of counter terrorist measures.
As many as Sixteen universal legal instruments “(13 instruments and three amendments)”
were adopted by the United nations to “ provide a legal framework for multilateral
actions against terrorism and criminalize specific acts of terrorism, including hijacking,
hostage-taking, terrorist bombings, financing of terrorism and nuclear terrorism. They
are complemented by resolutions of the General Assembly (49/60, 51/210 and 60/
288) and of the Security Council (1267 (1999), 1373 (2001), 1540 (2004), 1566
(2004) and 1624 (2005))”.

3.5 POST 9/11 DEVELOPMENTS

September11, 2001 attacks were a turning point history of world affairs which painfully
demonstrated to the world that we have entered an era whereby even super powers
remains challenged and their vulnerability was exposed to the world. The monstrosity
of the attacks caused extensive death and destruction of the people on the American
soil in the history of USA. The magnitude of the terrorist attacks were felt world-wide.
President Bush defined the terrorist attacks of 9/11 as the “new war”. The shared
perception of an unpredictable world posed by an unspecified enemy echoed among
Nations.

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NOTES 3.5.1 Understanding 9/11

The September 11 terror attacks in New York, Pentagon towers, often referred to as
9/11 were “a series of four coordinated suicide attacks by the Islamist terrorist group
Al-Qaeda under the leadership of Osama bin Laden, a wealthy Saudi Arabian.” The
hijackings and suicide attacks committed by the Islamic extremist group Al-Qaeda
killed around “2750 people in New York, 184 at Pentagon, 40 in Pennsylvania (where
one of the hijacked planes crashed after the passengers attempted to retake the plane)
leaving all 19 terrorist dead”. The bombings were a consequence of extreme
radicalisation which escalated into suicide bombings. The magnitude of horror generated
a universal wave and abhorrence for terrorism. The Bush administration expressed
their objectives of evicting out the terrorist from Afghanistan. The “Axis of Evil” (Iraq,
Iran and North -Korea) as the next declared enemies of the civilised world although it
received outcry from most of European countries. War on Taliban and Afghanistan
and against global terrorism improvised USA’s relation with Russia and China. The
Bush administration clearly expressed its intention in eradicating potential threats
involving the “weapons of mass destruction” and prosecute oppressive regimes engaged
in terrorist activities. On 24th May, 2002 “US- Russia Strategic Offensive Reductions
Treaty” was signed in Moscow changing the relationship between USA and Russia
from antagonism to cooperation. On 28th May, 2002, “NATO- Russia Relations: A
New Quality (Rome Declaration)” was signed establishing the new “NATO- Russia
Council” placing Russia on an equal footing in the decision making process including
war on terrorism and crisis management. NATO invoked its “right of collective self-
defence” mechanism for the first time since its inception.
“Global Jihad” began to give a new fillip to radicalization and precipitation of
sectarian strife. Post 9/11 terrorists began to expand their networks and activities and
theatre of violence targeting the westerners continued. Bali Bombings of 2002 and
London tube bombings in 2005 were inflicted by individuals influenced byAl- Qaeda’s
ideology. They also held loose affiliations with the organisation. With the delayed
response by United Nations in passing the draft on “Comprehensive Convention on
Terrorism” and failure of the international community to arrive at an universally accepted
definition of terrorism, “Jihadi terrorism” became more pronounced as terror outfits
across the globe. They began to align under the broad umbrella of Al – Qaeda and
adopt their ideology and procure logistical support in targeting the common enemies
and reigning terror. For instance, the “Laskhar-e-Taiba (LeT), the attacks in Mumbai
in 2008” were ideologically similar to that of Al Qaeda. The documents retrieved from
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bin Laden’s Abbottabad hideout indicated it. LeT proxies in Pakistan have become NOTES
breeding ground for expanding its activities. However, due to geopolitics, USA
designated Pakistan as a rogue state but it remained as a front ally of the USA in the
“Global War on Terrorism (GWOT)”.
In 2003, under the newly launched war on terrorism USA invaded Iraq and
deposed President Saddam Hussein who was suspected of producing “weapons of
mass destruction” under the leadership of President George W. Bush. Although in
2014, combat operations in Iraq and American troops were withdrawn from the Iraq’s
soil, military involvement of USA in Afghanistan and Iraq still continues till today. USA
began to view the problems related to Asia from the lens of terrorism menace. USA
once again with the support of the American people donned the role of the “world
policeman” which it had abandoned after the end of the Cold war to deal with rising
threats of non- state actors like Al- Qaeda.
In 2011 commando raid under President Obama’s administration killed bin
Laden in Abbottabad. However, this did not end the threat of international terrorism.
It became more pronounced with the Jihadists re-gaining their traditional safe havens
in the Afghanistan -Pakistan border region. In Central and South Asia (with Jammu
&Kashmir) the cradle of terrorism expanded and increased radicalisation in the Muslim
world from the Middle East to Bangladesh in South Asia began to show casting an
ominous shadow looming large on the prospects of peace in these regions.

3.5.2 Post 9/11 and emerging threats

The 9/11 act of terror gained unprecedented prominence. Post 9/11 Jihadi terrorism
has been on an upward trajectory. It made USA and other nations rethink about the
world order and the threat posed by an unspecified enemy. The worldwide response
to the attacks were astounding and massive international support was extended for
deposing Taliban from Afghanistan. The bombing of the twin towers and its destruction
illustrated the dark side of globalisation-technological advancement, warfare through
internet, hi- tech aeroplanes to carry out attacks sitting at the remote place or home.
The appalling tragedy invoked the “war on terrorism” which received global consensus.
The removal of Taliban government harbouring the Al- Qaeda, invasion in Afghanistan
took place within less than a month after the attacks. After 9/11, USA began to incur
maximum expenditure from the budget for defence related agencies and mechanism. It
can be argued that post 9/11 international terrorism became more diffused and wide
spread and the world underwent tactical changes.
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NOTES Post 9/11 the pattern of terrorist attacks also underwent change with most attacks
directed towards the civilians to create a greater impact and garner publicity. The
scope of terrorist activities in identifying prospective targets of a particular community
like in Jammu Kashmir, Pakistan or Afghanistan increased in frequency . The attempts
to create a permanent state of fear psychosis leading to disruption of economic activity
and discouraging foreign investments in the target countries have brought about a
paradigm shift the nature of attacks post 9/11. Democratic values and tradition and
western way of life is anathema to Jihadists. Therefore, often the western influencers
have become the legitimate targets of violence by the terrorist groups.
In today’s world, hijacking has also been replaced by more use of suicide
bombers and Improvised Explosive Devices (IEDs).Cyberspace and use of satellite
phones, GPS, night vision satellites for recruiting, training communicating, online
propaganda have become prospective weapons.
With social media garnering greater attention among the current generation many
social networking websites like “Facebook and on line messaging tools such as Google
chat, Yahoo messenger”, etc have become hub of sending coded communications and
raise propaganda and online donations to fund their activities. In addition, Blackberry
messenger, WhatsApp, etc have come to provide a reliable platform for conducting
and communication activities among the terrorist groups. During bin Laden’s arrest, it
was discovered that pornographic sites was used for sending embedding messages by
Al- Qaeda. In the Mumbai attacks or 26/11 attacks Voice over Internet Protocol
(VoIP) which routes the located server to a third county was used by the attackers.
Human bombs attacks like the attack in Lal Masjid in Islamabad in June 2007 by
Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), LTTE in Sri Lanka, Vehicle-Borne IEDs (VBIEDs)
in Iraq, Integrated Chips to detonate the IEDs, mass fire-assault by the Lashkar-e-
Taiba (LeT), phenomenon of free-lance terrorism in Mumbai have been wreaking
havoc and causing casualties perpetuated by the terrorists in the contemporary world.
Suicide bombings has precipitated post 9/11 due to increasing radicalised stance adopted
by the Jihadist after witnessing USA’s led invasions and air strikes and drone attacks
on civilians whipping up the emotional passions of people. International terrorism have
become diffused. The emerging global world stands challenged due to the growth of
an unparallel risks for prosperity and peace co-existence and prospects for development
in such a situation. The technological advancement and remarkable opportunities can
be explored or exploited due to the existence of diversity of factor with benign or
regressive intent and the variable that influences it.

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3.5.3 Global response to terrorism Post 9/11 NOTES

Till 9/11 attacks, global response to terrorism did not receive desired attention and
was over casted by pervading notion that domestic acts like freedom struggle,
insurgencies did not define international terrorism. Hence such acts of terrorism were
legitimised by the state and no action was directed towards such acts. 9/11 brought a
major shift in the terrain of international terrorism. The attacks were universally
condemned by the world community as unacceptable ‘tactics’ to achieve political or
ideological objectives. The principle position was to condemn such acts of terrorism
irrespective of the underlaying causes. USA laid emphasis on creating a strong united
front against terrorism with the cooperation of the world community. The stance against
terrorism led to cementing of an angst against such acts of terror and international
opinion in favour to brutal crackdown and wiping such outfits.
Let us now examine some of the major collective counter-terrorism measures
adopted after 9/11 by the international community–
x Operation Enduring Freedom: The US led military operation in Afghanistan in
the immediate aftermath of the September 11 attacks ousted the Taliban
government and decimated the Al Qaeda core. “Operation Enduring Freedom”
coupled with US covert operations and drone strikes in Pakistan mounted severe
operational losses on Al Qaeda.
x Counter-Terror legislations: the 9/11 attack to spur the World community to
usher in “Resolution 1373 by the UN Security Council (as against the General
Assembly)” as a right to self-defence. “UN Security Council Resolution 1373”
adopted unanimously on September 28, 2001, calls upon member states to
“implement a slew of measures intended to enhance their legal and institutional
ability to counter terrorist activities”.
The Patriot Act (Providing Appropriate Tools Required to Intercept and Obstruct
Terrorism on October 28, 2001), Homeland Security Act in the US and Anti-
Terrorism
Act in the UK were some of the robust counter-terrorism legislations which
strengthened the resolve and ability of some countries to combat terrorism.
x New Global Counter-Terror Institutions: Post 9/11, other than INTERPOL,
new global institutions such as the UN Counter Terrorism Committee (CTC),
CTC Executive Directorate, 1540 Committee, Al Qaeda and Taliban Sanctions

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NOTES Committee, Counter Terrorism Implementation Task Force (CTITF) formed

to criminalize terror financing, freeze terror related bank accounts, improve
information sharing between governments and assist in terror investigations.
x Actions to Check Nuclear Proliferation: The nuclear non-proliferation regime
led by the IAEA needs to be more proactive in monitoring proliferation of nuclear
material by state as well as non-state actors. With increasing instability, the
spectre of use of small nuclear devices in the form of ‘dirty bombs’ or even
short range nuclear tipped warheads of a weak nation state by terrorists cannot
be entirely ruled out.
x Policing the Cyber Space: Terrorists are increasingly making use of the cyber
space to communicate among themselves. An international legislation which
would enable states to legally detect and disrupt communication channels
including through social media being used for terrorism purposes and book
individuals who carry out these activities must be invoked.
Today we are living in a dangerous moment in history with the world currently
fighting pandemic on the one hand and menace of international terrorism on the other
hand. To combat the unspecified enemy spawning terrors by intimidating and creating
fear psychosis and causing casualties by indiscriminating innocent civilians can be
defeated by only by galvanising popular opinion against the terrorist groups. Counter
terrorism measures against non- state actors who gain a strategic advantage in the
states must be curbed. International treaties and instruments must be toned to strengthen
the relationships among nations to fight the war on global terrorism. In the foreseeable
future of USA, it is to be seen how the newly appointed President Biden’s administration
exhibit strong steady and principled leadership effectively deals with the renewed threats
of tough and deadly menace of terrorism and defend the vital interests of the people.
The credibility of his administration will rest how he addresses the defining global
challenges of our time.
“Safety from terror is the watch word”. The prospect for a peaceful co- existence
of humankind can be safer only if the world is terror free. Currently the world is terror
stricken with the ongoing pandemic. Nations have to come together to fight terrorism
and pandemic by coming together. The wisdom and will of the people can go a long
way in defending and protecting the lives and interests of humanity.

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NOTES
3.6 CONCLUSION

In this unit, we have discussed about the what constitutes international terrorism. The
task of defining terrorism is complicated due to complexity of factors in understanding
the phenomenon. There have been many interpretations regarding the term each having
its own complexity suffering from vested interests.
We have found that defining international terrorism is difficult in absence of an
acceptable definition. We have explored few causes of terrorism induced by unlawful
violence or threat , coercion or fear inflicted upon people to with underlying
psychological , ideological and strategic goals causes causing it with a growing reflection
on the counter terrorist measures.
We have learned about non- state actors how state sponsored terrorism
contributes to non- state actors in executing political violence.
We have learned about events of 9/11 attacks and the forces that led to it. We
have also examined the various counter terrorist measured adopted by USA in response
to it aftermath of the attacks.
We have examined the phenomena of international terrorism have undergone a
paradigm shift in matters related to tactics and strategies in context of the technological
advancement. We have further examined the trends in global response to terrorism
post 9/11 reflecting on the war on terror.
We have learned about Al- Qaeda’s ideology and operational tactics and how
it has led to radicalisation of violence. The vitality of the terrorist outfit has been examined
with simultaneous rise of international terrorism.

3.7 PRACTICE QUESTIONS

1. What is international terrorism? Discuss its causes.

2. Enumerate on the counter terrorist measure.
3. Reflect on why 9/11 happened and how terrorism affects our world today.
4. Suggest measures how terrorism can be tackled in the current world order.

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3.8 REFERENCES

x Bush, George W. Address to a Joint Session of Congress and the American

People, 20 September 2001
x Brenner, S. and Clarke, L. (2010), “Civilians in cyberwarfare: casualties”, SMU
Science and Technology Law Review, No. 13.
x Available at:https://heinonline.org/HOL/LandingPage?handle=hein.journals/
comlrtj13&div=22&id=&page=(accessed on 7th November, 2020)
x Center for Defense Information. A Brief History of Terrorism. 2003. Available
at: http://www.cdi.org/friendlyversion/printversion.cfm?documentID=1502
(accessed on 10th November 2020).
x Edwards, Richard, (1988), “International terrorism. Vero Beach,” Fla: Rourke
Enterprises. http://books.google.com/books?id=smMQAQAAMAAJ (e-book)
x Fry, G., & O’Hagan, J. (2017), “Contending Images of World Politics,” London:
Macmillan Education, Limited.
x Owens, Patricia. (2016), “Globalization of world politics,” Oxford University
Press.
x Kroenig, M. (2010), “How to deter terrorism”. Available at:
www.matthewkroenig.com/ Kroenig_How%20to%20Deter%20Terrorism.pdf
(accessed 7th November, 2020).

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UNIT 3 NOTES

CONTEMPORARY GLOBAL ISSUES

D. MIGRATION
Megha

Structure
3.1 Learning Objectives
3.2 Introduction
3.3 Understanding Migration
3.4 Migration Drivers
3.5 Migration and Human Rights
3.6 Why Migration is a Problem?
3.7 Migration at the Global Level
3.8 South Asia and Migration
3.9 Migration and Security
3.10 Conclusion
3.11 Practice Questions
3.12 References

3.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

In this lesson student can understanding about the:

x What is migration.
x Migrations and Human Rights
x Migration at the global level and why is problem.

3.2 INTRODUCTION

The United Nations’ landmark Convention of 1951 and the 1967 Protocol Relating to
the Status of Refugees defined refugees and outlined the rights accorded them, which

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NOTES helped in developing one international standard for migration policy. With ever growing
migration and the fact that it is not going to stop in the near future, countries are still
reluctant or unwilling to meet this challenge. The need of the hour is not just to be
prepared to meet the needs of migrant and welcome them but also to address the
factors that push them to migrate in the first place. According to the IOM World
Migration Report 2020, the number of international migrants was estimated to be
almost 272 million globally till June 2019, which is 51 million more than what was in
2010. Nearly two thirds were labor migrants. International migrants comprised 3.5
per cent of the global population in 2019. The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable
Development recognizes for the first time the contribution of migration to sustainable
development. 11 out of the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) contain targets
and indicators relevant to migration or mobility. The core principle of the Agenda is to
“leave no one behind,” not even migrants. It aims to facilitate orderly, safe, regular and
responsible migration and mobility of people, by implementing planned and well-
managed migration policies. Other targets directly related to migration mention
trafficking, remittances, international student mobility and more.

3.3 UNDERSTANDING MIGRATION

Movement of people from one place to another is not a recent phenomenon. It has
always happened, though for different reasons, sometimes by choice and sometimes
by force. People move for the purpose of tourism, employment, business, sports,
public events, education etc. They also move looking for a safe and secure environment
or simply looking for a better life prospect. This movement is a historical fact. This is
not a problem if people go on moving without stopping at any place. It becomes a
problem if people stop for the purpose of living or settling down in a particular country.
Human migration refers to the movement of people from one place to another for the
purpose of settling down either temporarily or permanently. There can be different
nature of migration. Some of them are:
x internal migration: local movement within a state or a country
x external migration: moving to a different state or a country

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x emigration: leaving one’s country to move to another NOTES

x immigration: entering in a new country
x return migration: moving back to where you came from
x seasonal migration: movement during a particular season in response to labor or
climate conditions
On this basis there can be several categories of people who migrate. Some are
called emigrants, who leave their parent country to settle in another country while the
one’s entering a new country to live would be called immigrants by the country in
which they enter. Refugee is another category of migrants who leave their parent
country because of some kind of discrimination faced by them or because of any other
problem that makes their life insecure in that country. Refugee is a complicated category
of migrants as the discretion is with the host government to decide whether the migrants
can be recognized as refugee or not. Though most of the countries accept the definition
of refugee provided by UN Refugee Convention, they exercise their discretion in
terms of accepting the migrants as refugee by granting them asylum. The UN Refugee
Convention defines refugee as follows:
[A refugee is a person who] owing to well-founded fear of being persecuted for
reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or
political opinion, is outside the country of his nationality and is unable or, owing
to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country; or who,
not having a nationality and being outside the country of his former habitual
residence as a result of such events, is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling
to return to it.

The global flow of people is managed by the states by categorizing them into
different groups. On the basis of this categorization different migrants are entitled to
different rights and protections from host governments and international organizations.
States make a distinction between ‘regular’ and ‘irregular’ migrants. Regular migrants
are the ones who enter the host states with proper authorization and are recognized as
legitimate members. Irregular migrants are the ones who enter the host country without
proper authorization. Further there can be voluntary and involuntary migrants. Voluntary
migrants are the ones who leave their parent country by choice while involuntary migrants
are the ones who have to forcefully leave their parent country. Based on these
categorizations the host states grant rights to the migrants. Economic migrants, for

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NOTES example, fall within two broad categories-those who have the permission to enter into
a country to work and live there and those who do not have any such permission but
still they migrate to work and live in another country. People who migrate with permission
enjoy certain rights and protection to work and live while those who do not have
permission do not have such rights and they are called as illegal migrants or
undocumented migrants or irregular migrants.
Those migrants whose rights are protected enjoy a life of dignity and security
and, hence are in a better position to contribute to society both economically and
socially as compared to those who fall within the unauthorized or illegal category of
migrants who do not get any protection from the state and are exploited, marginalized
and excluded. These irregular or illegal migrants are more vulnerable to human rights
violations. They face discrimination, exclusion, exploitation and abuse at all stages of
the migration process. In these cases human rights can become a guiding principle for
the policy makers for coming up with a more inclusive migration policy. States have
taken many positive measures to address the human rights concerns of the migrants
like decriminalizing irregular migration, and ensuring that the functions of public service
providers such as nurses or teachers remain autonomous and are not affected by the
immigration authorities.

3.4 MIGRATION DRIVERS

People are influenced by macro-, meso-, and micro-level, and highly contextual elements
that support, enable, constrain, and trigger migration processes in complicated ways,
according to migration studies. The boundaries and situations within which people
decide whether or not to relocate or stay put are shaped by migration forces. They
influence the importance of migration, the likelihood of specific migration routes, and
the appeal of various locations. While some migration drivers, such as economic or
environmental reasons, are commonly examined in isolation, there is growing recognition
that migration is the result of complex configurations of many, interdependent, and
interacting elements, rather than a single factor or a “root cause.” Multidimensional

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differences between places (of existing and projected residency) in general generate a NOTES
driving environment in which people consider migration as a viable alternative. Long-
standing economic and non-economic inequalities – such as those between the global
North and South – as well as cyclical or seasonal swings or ad hoc changes in life
conditions may all be part of these “driver complexes.” Furthermore, differences in
driver characteristics across locations, as well as connectivity between locations,
influence migratory processes and their dynamics. Specific – frequently obvious and
traceable – events or developments at the home or community level may motivate the
choice to relocate or stay put.
The scientific literature has identified a variety of key features of migration drivers,
including economic, political, social, cultural, demographic, and ecological factors,
which have been researched for decades. The functionality of migration drivers, which
is a central aspect in understanding the specific role that single or combinations of
multiple drivers may play at different stages of a migration process, is dependent on
the circumstances, ways and modes, and extent to which sets of driving factors may
influence individual migration decision-making and larger migration processes. Migration
is a very context-dependent behavioural option, and as a result, the setup of complex
driver settings is highly particular to the time and place in which migration ambitions
are created and decisions are made. Specific migration drivers’ context-specific
functionalities, on the other hand, can be generalised and classified along several
important characteristics. Fundamental societal systems and structural inequities, for
example, are defined by predisposing drivers. We can assume that (possible) migrants
respond to extrinsic or intrinsic stimuli while making migration decisions as a basic
methodological principle. Predisposing elements, from this perspective, define the largest,
most fundamental layer of opportunity structures. More proximate drivers downscale
and localise broader structural dispositions, bringing them closer to potential migrants’
immediate ‘perception and choice domains,’ whereas the ultimately triggering elements
of migration serve as the actual reasons why people opt to migrate. This can include
things like joblessness or job offers, marriage, threats or persecution, asset loss, and
other comparable situations.

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NOTES Source: Czaika and Reinprecht (2020)

Analytical Driver dimensions Driving factors
level
Macro Demographics Population dynamics
Family size & structure
Economic Economic & business conditions
Labour markets & employment
Urban/rural development & living
standards
Poverty & inequality
Environmental Climate change & environmental
conditions
Natural disasters & environmental
shocks
Human Education services & training
development opportunities
Health services & situation
Security Conflict, war & violence
Political situation, repressions &
regime transitions
Supranational Globalisation & (post)colonialism
Transnational ties
International relations & geopolitical
transformations
Politico- Public infrastructure, services &
institutional provisions
Migration governance & infrastructure
Migration policy & other public
policies
Civil & political rights
Meso Socio-cultural Migrant communities & networks
Cultural norms & ties
Gender relations
Micro Individual Personal resources & migration
experience
Migrant aspirations & attitudes
Sex, gender, age, disability, etc.

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NOTES
3.5 MIGRATION AND HUMAN RIGHTS

Human rights are universal in nature, which means that each and every human being
has these rights irrespective of their nationality or legal status. The international human
rights law makes no discrimination in providing every individual access to all fundamental
human. It ensures that whenever states have to make a distinction between citizen and
non-citizen or even among different categories of non-citizens, this differentiation has
to be structured in such a way that it is non-discriminatory. Thus human right is an
effective tool to ensure that the migrants are not pushed to the margins and become the
focus of all migration policy and action.
The cases of forced displacement are examples of those cases where returning
back to their home country is not an option because of the risk on their life in the
parent country which forced them to migrate. In these cases it becomes the responsibility
of the host country to not send them back looking at the risk involved on their life and
freedom. The complexity of human movement has multiplied the points of intersection
between refugee protection, forced displacement and international migration. People
who cannot return home have specific rights and needs. Their rights and duties are fall
within the purview of international law. It is important that the linkages between forced
displacement and development are considered so that states can come up with
progressive and constructive approach towards handling such cases. Also it is important
to look into the root causes of the forced displacement, whether a flawed development
process or an undemocratic governance structure has led to an insecure environment
for certain people.

3.6 WHY MIGRATION IS A PROBLEM

Modern world is a world of sovereign states with defined borders and territory. It is
the state that exercises the power to decide who can stay in their territory and for how
long and what rights they will have. Migration becomes a problem when the state feels
that there is some kind of violation of their sovereignty. States do not want people to
enter in their borders at their own will. They impose different restrictions on free
movement of people between states. Security is one of the main concerns in imposing

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NOTES these restrictions. Another concern for the states is the cost that they have to bear
because of immigration in their states. Liberal states in the modern times are welfare
states and they will have to take care of the infirm, old, children by providing them with
health care and other facilities. States will also have to find justifiable ways of resource
distribution and access to goods as immigrants would also compete for the scarce
resources that states have. So the welfare states would try to limit immigration. The
demand of limiting immigration may also come from the conservatives and the native
groups who may feel that people from different cultural and ethical background may
damage their cultural integrity as a nation. However, there are groups that favour open
immigration and free movement of people between states. They make a case of open
immigration on humanitarian grounds as well as in terms of preserving individual freedom.

3.7 MIGRATION AT THE GLOBAL LEVEL

If we look at the data of migration over a period of time it can be observed that there
is a steep rise in the number of international migration by the end of twentieth century
and even after that. (214 million in 2010 and 280 million in 2020). One of the main
reasons for this increase was the dissolution of the USSR in 1991, Yugoslavia in 1992
and Czechoslovakia in 1993, which changed the nature of internal migrants into
international migrants. Another reason for this rise can be attributed to population
growth, technological development, cheap and easy transportation and improved
communication network with the advent of globalization. According to International
Organization for Migration 150.3 million people fall within the category of labor migrants
or migrant workers (till 2015) and 4.8 million were students who migrated for studies
(till 2016). 68.5 million people were forcibly displaced due to persecution, conflict,
generalized violence, human rights violations, or other reasons by the end of 2017.
India tops the list of the countries of origin of the migrants with the figures of the
migrants from India touching 18 million in 2019. India is followed by Mexico with 12
million migrants, followed by China (11 million), Russian Federation (10 million) and
Syrian Arab Republic (8 million). United States is the top destination of the migrants
(51 million) followed by Germany (13 million), Saudi Arabia (13 million), Russian
Federation (12 million), and United Kingdom (10 million).

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NOTES
3.8 SOUTH ASIA AND MIGRATION

The South Asian region witnesses migration in great numbers. Major migratory flows,
both within the sub-region and internationally, have influenced the densely populated
sub-region of Southern Asia, which includes 1.94 billion people in nine countries:
Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, the Islamic Republic of Iran, Maldives, Nepal,
Pakistan, and Sri Lanka. It is one of the most major locations of origin for international
labour migrants, particularly to the “Gulf Cooperation Council” countries, in addition
to housing large numbers of refugees and internally displaced persons.
From the mid-twentieth century to the early-twentieth century, Southern Asia
experienced a succession of conflicts and major political events, all of which had a
significant impact on migration movements. Following India’s independence in 1947,
around five million Hindus and Sikhs migrated from Pakistan to India, while
approximately six million Muslims migrated from India to Pakistan; decolonization
also prompted large-scale migration from India to the United Kingdom. The Iranian
Revolution of 1979, as well as the war with Iraq in the 1980s, resulted in large diasporas
of Iranians residing abroad. Around two million Iraqis migrated to the Islamic Republic
of Iran as a result of the “Halabja crisis” in the late 1980s and the Iraq war in 1991.
Between 1979 and 1992, an estimated six million individuals fled Afghanistan
after the Soviet Union invaded the nation, with “3.2 million heading to Pakistan and
2.2 million to the Islamic Republic of Iran”. Despite international return programmes,
long-term political insecurity in Afghanistan keeps the number of Afghan migrants high.
Nearly “1.5 million Afghan refugees are registered in Pakistan, with another 1 million
living in the Islamic Republic of Iran”, according to estimates. Sri Lanka’s civil conflict
lasted nearly 30 years, resulting in massive internal displacement and refugee outflows.
Thousands of Rohingya refugees fled Myanmar to Bangladesh since 2016. In the
district of Cox’s Bazar, there are nearly 860,000 refugees seeking refuge. Other long-
term refugee communities in the sub-region include “Tibetans and Bhutanese in India
and Nepal, as well as Burmese in Bangladesh”.
In the 1960s, “quota systems and other discriminatory laws for Asian migrants
were abolished in Canada, the United States, and Australia”, resulting in greater
opportunities and increased the migration of labour from the South Asian region. The
1970s oil price boom fueled migration by bringing a large numbers of “contract workers

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NOTES to the Middle East to work on infrastructure and development projects”. International
migration from the sub-region increased even more in the 1980s, with the primary
destinations being “North America, Australia, and the oil economies of the Gulf
Cooperation Council”. Furthermore, fast economic growth in some Asian countries
resulted in both “high-skilled and low-skilled employees migration”.
The GCC countries have long been a popular destination for migrant labour
from the sub-region, apart from return movements after the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait
and the 1990-1991 Gulf war. Unlike migration to other destination countries, migrants’
work and residence status in these countries are typically temporary. In the 1970s, the
majority of migrants were male and worked as low-skilled labourers on construction
projects; today, many work in semi-skilled or specialised roles. Since the 1990s,
there has been a considerable increase in the number of migrant women due to increased
demand for domestic workers in the Middle East and Asia.
Prior to COVID-19, it was expected that emigrants from South Asia will pay
20% of total earnings to their home countries in 2019. The region includes some of the
most disaster-prone nations in the world, putting a high number of people at risk of
being displaced as a result of natural disasters. Thousands of individuals are displaced
each year due to environmental and climatic change in the region. Southern Asia has
the highest number of people at risk of being displaced as a result of unexpected
disasters, such as the almost 10 million new internal displacements that occurred in
2019. Floods, glacial lake outbursts, storm surges, droughts, cyclones, and heavy
precipitation are just a few of the natural disasters that are expected to become more
severe and common in the future. Long-term repercussions relevant to the sub-region
include “salinity intrusion, coastal erosion, groundwater depletion, and sea-level rise”.
Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan are the countries most vulnerable to natural disasters.
The pandemic has had a significant impact on the sub-region. India accounts for
the great majority of infections and deaths in the sub-region (21.4 million and 234,083
respectively as of 6 May 2021), followed by the “Islamic Republic of Iran with
approximately 2.6 million cases, Pakistan and Bangladesh with 845,833 and 769,160
cases, respectively”. Testing has been quite low in most of the sub-countries, region’s
raising concerns about the data’s credibility.
Efforts at the organizational level has also been taken to address migration.
With eight member states, “Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal,
Pakistan, and Sri Lanka”, the South Asia Association for Regional Cooperation

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(SAARC) is the most prominent forum for cooperation in Southern Asia, embracing NOTES
political, economic, social, and cultural issues. The “South Asian Free Trade Area
(SAFTA)” went into effect in 2006, and it might be seen as a first step toward a future
economic union. The SAARC Convention on Preventing and Combating Trafficking
of Women and Children for Prostitution and the SAARC Convention on Regional
Arrangements for the Promotion of Child Welfare in South Asia, among other things,
address migration. The SAARC Heads of States/Governments agreed in the 2014
Kathmandu Declaration to “collaborate and cooperate on safe, orderly, and responsible
management of labour migration from South Asia to ensure the safety, security, and
well-being of their migrant workers in destination countries outside the Region (SAARC,
2020).”
“Bangladesh, India, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka” are members of the ASEAN
Regional Forum (ARF), which was created by ASEAN in 1994 and is the only
permanent multilateral organisation in the Asia-Pacific region dealing with security issues
such as transnational crime, terrorism, piracy, and disaster assistance.
India attends the East-Asia-Summit (EAS), which is normally held concurrently
with the ASEAN Summit. It brought together 16 Asian and Oceanian countries, as
well as Russia and the United States, and resulted in the founding of the “Economic
Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia (ERIA)”, which also works on migration
issues.
“The Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic
Cooperation (BIMSTEC)” is a regional organisation that includes “Bangladesh, Bhutan,
India, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Myanmar, and Thailand”, all of which are located around the
Bay of Bengal. It was founded in 1997 with the goal of improving collaboration in 14
areas spanning from economic to social challenges, such as public health, poverty
evaluation, tourism, and transportation. Counter-terrorism and transnational crime,
which is led by India and includes a “Sub-Group on Human Trafficking and Illegal
Migration”, is another area of collaboration. A “Convention on Mutual Legal Assistance
in Criminal Matters” was developed but not signed.
Every country in the sub-region is the member of the Global Forum on Migration
and Development (GFMD), a voluntary, informal, non-binding, and government-led
process that focuses on the multidimensional aspects of international migration and its
interconnections with development, and is open to all UN Member States as well as
observer organisations. The GFMD Steering Group includes India and Bangladesh.

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NOTES The “Regional UN Network on Migration for Asia and the Pacific” assists its
member countries in implementing the “Global Compact for Safe, Orderly, and Regular
Migration” goals. Nepal and Bangladesh have been designated as GCM “champion
nations”, receiving additional support from the “UN Network on Migration” and being
entrusted with sharing best practises and lessons gained with other member states.
The “Bali Process on People Smuggling, Trafficking in Persons, and Related
Transnational Crime (Bali Process)” is a regional platform for policy discourse,
information exchange, and practical collaboration, with 49 participating states and
organisations encompassing the whole Southern Asia region. It addresses practical
concerns such as information exchange, intelligence, and best practises, law enforcement
cooperation, protection and asylum issues, and awareness-raising in relation to
smuggling, trafficking, and related transnational crime.
The Bali Process Ad-Hoc Group, which brings together the most-affected
member countries and relevant international organisations to address specific irregular
migration issues in the region through initiatives and specialised working groups, also
includes “Afghanistan, Bangladesh, India, the Maldives, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka”.
The “Abu Dhabi Dialogue (ADD)” – officially known as the “Ministerial
Consultation on Overseas Employment and Contractual Labour for Asian Countries
of Origin and Destination” – is a non-binding, voluntary inter-government consultation
on labour migration. It consists of seven countries of destination and eleven countries
of origin, with “Afghanistan, Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka” among
the latter.
The “Colombo Process”, which is officially known as the “Regional Consultative
Process on Overseas Employment and Contractual Labour for Asian Countries of
Origin”, strives to promote safe, regular, and well-managed migration. Protection and
service provision for migrant workers, maximising the benefits of organised labour
migration, capacity building, data gathering, and inter-state collaboration are some of
the areas where it focuses. Participants include “Afghanistan, India, Nepal, Pakistan,
and Sri Lanka”.
The “Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM)” is an informal intergovernmental
mechanism that promotes conversation and collaboration between Asia and Europe
on subjects such as politics, economics, finance, social, cultural, and education. The
“ASEM Conference of the Directors General of Immigration and Migratory Flows”,
among other things, addresses the issue of migration. Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan
are among the countries that have signed up.
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The Budapest Process is an “interregional discourse and operational cooperation NOTES

platform on migration between Europe and Asia”. Afghanistan and Pakistan are among
its 55 members. Observers include “Bangladesh, India, and the Islamic Republic of
Iran”.
Migrants have been adversely impacted by the epidemic, which has increased
their vulnerability in all sectors, particularly in lower-paying jobs. Due to large-scale
loss of jobs, salary cutbacks, homelessness, and short-notice lockdowns in some
nations, COVID-19 triggered a widespread movement of many South - Asian migrant
workers from respective host countries. Nearly “5.8 million Indians had returned from
all over the world by 13 April 2021, and nearly 870,000 undocumented Afghans had
returned from the Islamic Republic of Iran and Pakistan by 29 April 2021”. Furthermore,
many migrants intend to return or are awaiting “deportation”, but are nonetheless
stranded due to “COVID-related border closures and travel restrictions”. Further, the
pandemic also triggered large-scale migration movements within countries, particularly
from cities to rural, which contributed to the virus’s spread in some circumstances.

3.9 MIGRATION AND SECURITY

While the migration of people is not a new phenomenon but what has made it a point
of consideration is the different way they are now viewed by host countries’ population
and the way they are treated by the states. To explore this there is need to understand
the genealogy of migration which explains how the migration being a ‘good phenomenon’
changed into something ‘threatening’ or came into the purview of ‘securitization-a
threat to the security’. Migrants can benefit the host countries economically by providing
cheap labor, enhancing productivity and also adding skill to workforce. But migration
can also become a security concern for both the host as well as for the parent country
of the migrants as it may become a reason of conflict between them. Understanding
migration as a security threat has reshaped the border security practices of the states.
The migrants can also change the equation of market in the host country by
increasing the competition between them and the locals in terms of jobs, basic amenities
like housing, food, medical care and other resources which might become a cause of
internal unrest, rivalry and violence. Some groups might even argue that migrants not
only pose economic security threat but also can cause social instability by posing a

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NOTES threat on cultural identity and social cohesion of the host country. Sometimes migration
is also associated with social disorder, crime and even terrorism.
There is also a gender dimension to migration which can be brought in when we
look at human trafficking because the majority of those who are trafficked happen to
be women. In 2017 48.8% of the migrants were identified as women. (International
Organization for Migration) The fate of these trafficked women depends largely on
how they are categorized. Their categorization as illegal migrants, prostitutes, or victims
determines their treatment in the host country, what rights they will get and what benefits
they can have. For example, if the women are identified as ‘victims’ then they are sent
to rehabilitation centers or if they want they are also deported to their parent country.
But if they are categorized as ‘illegal migrants’ then they are kept in detention centers
and then forced to go back to their parent country. Many times the distinction between
these categories are very blurred as women who are victimized often find themselves
caught up in illegal category. So security works through this classification which helps
in governing the people or in this case the migrants. In the interest of the trafficked
women it is important to avoid this security trap. This is possible when this categorization
is avoided and common grounds of treating these trafficked women are identified.
Jef Huysmans examined migration in the context of European states. According
to him the European states during 1950s and early 1960s used to take immigration as
a positive phenomenon in terms of added workforce, which was cheap and flexible as
compared to their domestic workforce. However, since late 1960s the issue of migration
started being politicized. It became a matter of public concern. All this started when
families of the migrant workers too started migrating which destabilized the public
order in the European states and also posed serious challenge to their welfare model.
This led to the change in approach of the European states towards the migrants, as
now they became stricter about who is entering their borders. Huysmans argues that
this politicization of migration then transformed into an issue of securitization during the
late 1980s and early 1990s when migration was started being linked to terrorism,
crime and violence. This was a significant development as it brought migration into the
internal security framework of European states.

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NOTES
3.10 CONCLUSION

Modern world is a world of democratic states that rest on the principle of equality.
This basic nature of democratic states put an obligation on them to protect the rights
and equal status of those who live within their borders. However, in reality sovereign
states do exercise their discretion in deciding who can enter their borders, what rights
they can have and how long they can live in their country. Even those who oppose
migration do not argue for complete sealing of the borders. States take a decision on
such matters on the basis of their “national interest”. In the international system national
interest is the supreme principle for sovereign states. Those policies or acts that are
considered a threat to national interest are withheld. As a general practice we find that
states do not restrict the movement of “white collar” people like doctors, academicians,
professors, engineers, and so on because they believe that these people might contribute
to their economy and development. The people on whom these restrictions are imposed
or on whom migration policies apply are mostly poor people because for welfare
states these people might become a burden for their societies. The cost to maintain
them would be higher than the contribution that they can make for their economy. This
differentiation in terms of migration policy cannot be justified on democratic grounds.
Freedom is a fundamental right that every individual has and to restrict their freedom
of movement is an attack on this fundamental right. Also if we value human rights,
principles of humanity, global justice, equality and freedom then we may not have
justifiable reasons to deny people the opportunity to improve their condition or to help
themselves. Therefore, on the principle of freedom and humanity the case for open
borders can be defended.

3.11 PRACTICE QUESTIONS

1. Is migration a curse? Discuss the problem of migration.

2. Discuss migration on security perspective.
3. Analyse migration on human rights perspectives.

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NOTES
3.12 REFERENCES

x Peoples, Columbia and Nick Vaughan-Williams, “Migration and Border

Security”, in Critical Security Studies: An Introduction, London: Routledge,
pp. 134-147, 2010.
x Kukathas, Chandran, “The Case for Open Immigration”, In Andrew I. Cohen
& Christopher Heath Wellman (eds.), Contemporary Debates in Applied
Ethics. Blackwell. pp. 207-220, 2005.
x Miller, David, “Immigration: The Case for Limits”, In Andrew I. Cohen &
Christopher Heath Wellman (eds.), Contemporary Debates in Applied Ethics.
Blackwell. pp. 193-206, 2005.
x Huysmans, Jef, The Politics of Insecurity: Fear, Migration and Asylum in
the EU, London: Routledge, 2006.
x Aradau, Claudia, Rethinking Trafficking in Women: Politics out of Security,
London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.
x https://www.migrationdataportal.org /regional-data-overview/southern-asia
x M. Czaika and C. Reinprecht, https://www.migrationresearch.com, 2020.

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UNIT 3 NOTES

CONTEMPORARY GLOBAL ISSUES

E. HUMAN SECURITY
Megha

Structure
3.1 Learning Objectives
3.2 Introduction
3.3 Human Security: Defining the Concept
3.4 Human Security: Linking Development and Security
3.5 Human Security: Critical Debates
3.6 ‘Security–Development Nexus’: A Critical Appraisal
3.7 Human Security: The Gender Dimension
3.8 Human Security: International Community and Its Role
3.9 Conclusion
3.10 Practice Questions
3.11 References

3.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

In this lesson students know about the:-

x What the meaning of Human security and its concepts.
x On human security critical debates.
x Gender related human security.

3.2 INTRODUCTION

The concept of security is understood to be associated with the state. In International

Relations the security of the state is a primary concern. Mainstream IR thinking in
terms of Realism prioritize state’s security over any other security which exclusively

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NOTES concern military issues where peace was considered in a narrow sense that is ‘negative
peace’ understood in terms of absence of war. In other words we can say that for a
long time state’s security has been the central concern for IR theorists because of
dominance of political realism. In Patrick M. Morgan’s words ‘security has long been
about the survival and physical safety of the actors and their people; by extension it
concerns the deliberate use of force by states (and some other actors) for various
purposes’. In contrast to realism’s state centric approach critical security studies
emerged which moves away from the state centric militarism of traditional orthodoxy
and radically supported for ‘broadening’ and ‘deepening’ of security agenda. This
broadening and deepening of security agenda did play a very important role for bringing
human security an important issue of concern. The broadening proposes the expansion
of the analytical horizon of the study of security beyond the military sector to encompass
environmental, economic, political and societal spheres. Deepening on the other hand
relate to the extension of the referent object of security beyond simply the state to
incorporate other actors such as institutions, human individuals and groups and even
the biosphere. The critical security studies and peace research started focusing on the
relationship of security to freedom and most fundamentally started prioritizing individual
humans over the state in understanding of security and introduced the idea of ‘security
with a human face’ focusing primarily on the well-being and welfare of individuals
rather than on the protection of the states exclusively.

3.3 HUMAN SECURITY: DEFINING THE CONCEPT

The critical security debates about broadening and deepening the security helped in
bringing the notion of human security from just the academic debates to a broader
political discourse. Being people centered approach the notion of human security
redefined the ‘referent object’ of security from state to individual/ people. In this way,
human security is normative because it focuses on ethical responsibility to associate
security with the individual to meet internationally recognised standards of human rights
and governance. With time, rather than just being a part of critical debate in academics
the notion of human security has become part of a broader political discourse. In fact,
it has been seen that most scholars and practitioners working on human security are
more interested in the policy orientation of this approach because they believe that the
concept of human security can only be realized in practical life if it results in policy
changes which could lead to the welfare of people.
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So if all the debates are seen then we find four different threads of human security, NOTES
the first three of which are inspired by policy concerns.
1) The first approach to human security is broad as it incorporates all threats
to human integrity Such as– underdevelopment, poverty and deprivation.
This approach pursue for the importance of development in the emergence
of human security thinking. This approach is initiated by the 1994 UNDP
Human Development Report whereby human security proposes first, safety
from such chronic threats as hunger, disease and repression and second,
protection from sudden and hurtful disruptions in the patterns of daily life
– whether in homes, in jobs or in communities. This broad development-
oriented approach to human security has been supported by policy circles
for example the Japanese sponsored Commission on Human Security.
The whole idea is to define human security in terms of achieving human
freedoms and human fulfilment. This broad conceptualization of human
security is normative in character.
2) The second approach to human security is narrower which gives attention
to the human consequences of armed conflict and the threats posed to
civilians by repressive governments and conditions of state failure. In
contemporary times conflicts, civil war and state collapse has resulted in a
high rate of victimisation and displacement of civilians, especially women
and children. According to this approach to human security, there is a
need to go beyond statist approach to security because it is inappropriate
for explaining the realities of armed conflict and its impact upon humanity.
3) The third approach which is particularly adopted and initiated by policy
makers and researchers conceptualize human security as an umbrella for
approaching a range of ‘non-traditional’ security issues, such as HIV/
AIDS, drugs, terrorism, small arms, inhumane weapons such as anti-
personnel landmines, and trafficking in human beings. The idea is to
incorporate these neglected problems in policy making.
4) Finally, a number of scholars draw on both the broad and narrow approaches
to human security and by developing theoretical perspective they integrate
human security into security studies. They explore theoretical debates about
the nature of security threats, referents, and responses to insecurity. They
investigate the sources of insecurity, the nature of the institutions which provide
security, and the interests served by them. A small section of scholars within

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NOTES this approach focus upon the gendered aspects of security and insecurity.
They explore how the conditions of deprivation are related to gender relations
and masculine institutions of power.
This brief understanding helps us to understand how the concept of human
security has been conceptualized and evolved in different spheres with various interests.
It has been realized that the theoretical contributions of human security have not been
initiated by security studies both in conventional and ‘critical’ terms. Human security
scholarship has developed successfully in its engagement with policy, and its desire to
change security policy in ‘progressive’ ways. The term Human security indeed was
popularised in the realm of world policy since the 1990s by the work of the UN
Development Programme and other UN agencies, including UNESCO and the UN
University. A number of human security initiatives have been taken by government-
sponsored organisations, such as the Commission on Human Security, the Human
Security Trust Fund, and the International Commission on Intervention and State
Sovereignty (ICISS). The concept has also been included in foreign policy framework.
The Human Security Network had also been created with a loose grouping of thirteen
governments who have incorporated people-centred approach of development and
addressing the sources of insecurity in their foreign policy principles. This gives an
impression that the concept of human security has not emanated initially in the academic
study of international security but in development studies framing the policy framework
and amongst bodies such as the UN.
What is specific and distinct about the concept of human security propounded
by UN is that it brought a lacuna in the traditional concept of security which understands
security in terms of security of territory from external aggression, or as protection of
national interests in foreign policy or as global security from the threat of nuclear attack.
Here rather than people the focus is on nation-states whereby the insecurities in people’s
daily life have been neglected. UN conceives the concept of human security in terms
of protection from the threat of disease, hunger, unemployment, crime, social conflict,
political repression and environmental hazards. The idea of state or nation centric
approach to security has widely been criticised for its empirical unhelpfulness as rather
than inter-state conflict, these are intra state conflicts which are one of the major threat
in post-Cold War world. It has also been seen that now the state itself becomes the
biggest danger or enemy for its own people. This is sub-Saharan Africa, where the
number of people killed in intra state conflict is far higher than the people killed in
interstate conflict. In this context, programmes such as the UNDP have proposed to

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shift the focus of security away from interstate conflict exclusively towards issues of NOTES
development, and the consequences that underdevelopment can have for the liberty
and security of individuals.
The concept of human security was formulated in the 1994 UNDP report as
‘freedom from fear and freedom from want’. Freedom from fear represented the
aspiration that people should be secure from the threat of violence; and freedom from
want symbolized the aspiration that people should be free from poverty and destitution
and entitled to basic means of survival. This is clearly distinct from the traditional focus
of security. As the UNDP report interpreted it clearly in these words, ‘Human security
is not a concern with weapons – it is a concern with human life and dignity’.
The 1994 UNDP report indeed identified four key characteristics of human
security:
a) human security is a universal concern, i.e. it applies equally to all people;
b) the components of human security are interdependent, i.e. military and
non-military sources of insecurity overlap;
c) human security emphasises on prevention rather than intervention;
d) human security is ‘people-centred’.
These characteristics make the idea of human security a broad concept that is
characterized by critical security studies. It also helps in establishing the link between
development and security whereby bringing the concern for developing and
underdeveloped countries in the centre.

3.4 HUMAN SECURITY: LINKING DEVELOPMENT

AND SECURITY

UNDP in its 1994 report explained the concept of human security by identifying seven
specific elements:
(1) Economic security by providing an assured basic income for individuals, usually
from productive and remunerative work, or, in the last resort, from some publicly
financed safety net.
(2) Food security by ensuring that all people at all times have both physical and
economic access to basic food.

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NOTES (3) Health security by guaranteeing a minimum protection from diseases and
unhealthy lifestyles.
(4) Environmental security by protecting people from the short and long term ravages
of nature, manmade threats to nature, and depletion of the natural environment.
(5) Personal security by protecting people from physical violence, whether from
the state or external states, from violent individuals or sub-state factors, from
domestic abuse, and from predatory adults.
(6) Community security by protecting people from the loss of traditional relationships
and values, and from sectarian and ethnic violence.
(7) Political security by ensuring that people live in a society that honours their basic
human rights, individual freedom is ensured and groups from government attempts
to exercise control over ideas and information.
The core idea is that all individuals, as human beings, have a right to exist free of
such threats. While defining human security Thomas and Tow assert that, the ‘most
fundamental application is to concentrate upon enhancing the physical security and
economic welfare of all the world’s inhabitants, notwithstanding their sovereign status
or individual identity’.
All the above elements comprising the concept of human security, give an
impression that in principle security should be available to all human beings. In the
contemporary world it has been realized that due to underdevelopment or lack of
development, the developing and underdeveloped countries are suffering from excessive
poverty, lack of resources resulting into war and conflict within these states between
people and also between state and people. So, in an academic and policy concern the
primary focus of human security has been on the developing world whereby on the
one hand war and its effects have now become an important part of development
discourse and on the other hand development concerns have become increasingly
important in relation to how security is understood. The concept of human security
explains interdependency between military and non-military threats to security because
conflict has proved to be one of the most frequent inhibitors of human development. It
directly affects the lives of those living in conflict zones, and also indirectly constraints
their access to food, health, and educational facilities. This linkage establishes
‘development–security nexus’ or ‘development–conflict nexus’ maintaining the idea
that underdevelopment leads to conflict and vice versa.

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This nexus can well be understood with the example of Sub-Saharan Africa. NOTES
The Human Security Report of 2005 depicted that violent conflicts in Africa (Democratic
Republic of Congo and Sudan) were giving rise to a ‘conflict trap’ in which conflict
tended to aggravate the condition of poverty, thus leading to greater political instability
and, resulting into a higher risk of violence. It should be noticed that these problems in
Sub-Saharan Africa were exacerbated by extensive poverty, external loans, and the
legacies of colonial rule. All these factors together have caused weak administrations,
poor-infrastructure, external interventions, small arms indulged in conflicts for their
control on state making the existing state and power structure instable far beyond the
direct impact of war . This can also be seen in the case of the Democratic Republic of
Congo where it was found that out of the 2.5 million war deaths between 1998 and
2001 only 6 per cent of these (145,000) were as a direct result of the conflict itself.
The majority of deaths actually resulted from the broader societal impact of the war in
terms of war-related disease and malnutrition. Similarly, the effects of conflicts frequently
outlast the immediate period of violence.
Here there is need to understand that the idea of development is not just about
economic growth but it has been conceived more in terms of ‘human development’,
an idea first put forward in the UN’s Human Development Report of 1990 (UNDP
1990). The concept of human development represents a broad approach to expanding
people’s choices or capabilities not only in terms of income, but also in terms of
development and self-sufficiency in the area of health, education, the environment, and
employment. Amartya Sen with his capability approach has changed the way we
conceptualize development in terms of availability of conditions creating ability of people
to access to the basic facilities to maximise their potential. Influenced by Amartya
Sen’s approach the UNDP later developed the ‘Human Development Index’ whereby
development was measured in terms of income per capita, life expectancy at birth,
and educational attainment. It is realized that all the countries described as having low
human development indicators are located in sub-Saharan Africa.

3.5 HUMAN SECURITY: CRITICAL DEBATES

The debates within the realm of human security not only make it broader in academic
and policy concerns but also help in defining and shaping security practices in a critical
way. The first critical debate is about the defined concept of human rights which poses

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NOTES the question: what does human security actually mean? The basic problem is that
states and organisations those who support the idea of human security agree on the
need of human security but they do not have precise and definite understanding about
the concept of human security. They have different understandings about its exact
meaning. The academic community indeed is divided over the exact definition of human
security. Andrew Mack supports a narrow understanding comprising the effects of
conflict, directly and indirectly, on human beings. Others, such as Ramesh Thakur,
Amartya Sen, Caroline Thomas, and Martha Nussbaum believe in more expansive
definitions. Amartya Sen, as discussed earlier, consider capabilities of people to access
to the basic facilities to maximise their potential as one of the fundamental basis of
human security. Likewise, in her understanding of human security Nussbaum includes
bodily health, senses, and emotion. Some critics find problems with broad understanding
of human security as for them the idea of making it too broad would make the whole
concept too vague for policymakers, by incorporating wide range of different threats.
As Roland Paris argues it seems that ‘everyone is for it, but few people have a clear
idea of what it means’.
One of the important debates is about the ‘broad’ or ‘narrow’ interpretation of
human security which can be understood in terms of the original UNDP definition of
human security as ‘freedom from fear’ and ‘freedom from want’. Freedom from fear
denotes a more narrow definition of human security where the main concern is the
protection from violence, political oppression and conflict. Canada and Norway,
recommend this narrower conception of human security, as are the majority of other
states in the human security network. They conceive human security as a people centred
approach to foreign policy which asserts that lasting stability cannot be achieved until
people are protected from violent threats to their rights, safety or lives. With this intention,
Canadian security policy emphasise on strengthening legal norms and building the
capacity to enforce them, as done in the 1997 Ottawa Convention (the landmine ban)
and the 1998 Rome Treaty (which established the International Criminal Court). This
also leads to an emphasis on protection of civilians, peace support operations, and
conflict prevention as goals for which they justify humanitarian interventions.
In contrast, Japan, like the UNDP, initiates broader understanding of human
security by including both freedom from fear and freedom from want. Japan has made
it fundamental to its foreign policy and in its conceptualization of human security covers
all the menaces that threaten human survival, daily life and dignity, such as environmental
degradation and the spread of infectious diseases. They believe that human security is

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a condition of existence in which basic material needs are achieved and in which NOTES
human dignity, including meaningful participation in the life of the community, can be
achieved. Despite the differences between the two conceptions of human security we
find some common points in both the approaches such as both consider the individual
as the referent object of security, and both believe that globalization and the changing
nature of armed conflict are posing new threats to human security. In addition, both
perspectives stress safety from violence as a key objective of human security, and
both insist for a rethinking of state sovereignty as a quintessential part of promoting
human security. Both assert development as a necessary condition for human security
and security is also considered to be a necessary condition for human development.
To pursue freedom from fear without addressing freedom from want would amount to
addressing symptoms but not the cause.
One of the important debates in the realm of human security is the relationship
between human security and state or national security. Here the role played by states
comes into question in the provision of human security. It is argued that state forces
play an important role in restoring peace by upholding or re-establishing state authority
where it has broken down. It is empathized that this coexistence between state and
human security constraints the ability of human security to question the global status
quo, the North–South divide, and the insecurities that follow from it. According to
Bellamy and McDonald in the context of human security states are more often part of
the problem than the source of the solution.
Finally, there is a current debate about the change of focus from prevention to
intervention in the realm of human security. This debate emanates from the publication
of the ‘Responsibility to Protect’ (R2P) report in 2001 by the International Commission
on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS). The R2P report was presented as
coming up with ‘new humanitarianism’. The report discussed ‘the question of when, if
ever, it is appropriate for states to take coercive [military] action against another state
for the purpose of protecting people at risk in that other state’. This report came up
with clear idea that if any state fails to protect its citizen’s human rights then military
intervention can be made by other states. This report makes the idea of human security
a priority of every state and also for international communities.
The R2P was praised and endorsed by UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan and
his successor Ban Ki-moon. However, the R2P principle continues to be criticised. It
was argued that R2P principle would work in contrast to the principle of non-intervention
and would encourage greater intervention by Western powers in the developing world.

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NOTES In the context of human security it is also stated that R2P over-emphasises military
means and intervention rather than issues of poverty and human dignity and also
prioritises a ‘top-down’ interventionist approach to security that would again bring
state in the centre.

3.6 ‘SECURITY-DEVELOPMENT NEXUS’: A

CRITICAL APPRAISAL

It has been explored in above sections with the example of Sub Saharan Africa that
there is a vicious circle whereby underdevelopment perpetuates poverty which in turn
create the conditions for political stability resulting into conflicts within the state and
create insecurity for the people. It is because of conflicts that development cannot
take place which perpetuates poverty. This depicts a link between underdevelopment
and insecurity. By exploring this relationship in Sub Saharan Africa and underdeveloped
countries, the idea that has been brought is that development is a guarantee of security
and underdevelopment causes insecurity thus underdeveloped countries are presented
as a threat or a danger to security. Many scholars working within the realm of critical
security studies critically examine the emerging practices associated with human security
and development and find the policies and practices enacted in the name of human
security conspicuous. Critical theorists such as Bellamy and McDonald argue that
these policies and practices are not able to fulfil the normative, progressive potential
inherent in the idea of human security. Other scholars find these policies and practices
as perpetuating particular modes of governance, particularly in ‘developing world’ or
‘global south’. It has been portrayed that underdeveloped world or global south are
perpetuating international instability through conflict, criminal activity and terrorism
and are dangerous to global stability.
The idea that underdevelopment is a security concern and hence has to be
addressed by radical measures has been termed by Duffield as the ‘radicalisation of
development’ which gives power to Northern organisations both in terms of state and
non-state, to operate in the global South to an extent that exceeds even the colonial
period. This justifies for continued surveillance and extensive new modes of governing
in global ‘peripheries’ from the global north. The idea that underdevelopment potentially
leads to threats, played a very important role in constructing ‘liberal development
complexes’ These ‘strategic complexes’ embrace UN agencies, international NGOs,

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governments, military establishments, private military companies, and business interests. NOTES
All these mechanisms have a common motive that is to spread the idea that liberal
governance encourages peace; economic liberalism (in the form of free markets)
encourages development; and that these two elements combined ultimately guarantee
for security. The idea is that if individuals have satisfactory access to political participation
and monetary income, they would not like to indulge in activities such as terrorism and
violent crime that may ultimately spread beyond the global South. This is how the
politics of development channelized by global north, reflecting a new security framework
within which the modalities of underdevelopment have become dangerous.

3.7 HUMAN SECURITY: THE GENDER DIMENSION

There are multiple dimensions in the context of the relationship between gender and
human security. The UN Inter-Agency Committee on Women and Gender Equality
summarise five aspects: (1) violence against women and girls; (2) gender inequalities in
control over resources; (3) gender inequalities in power and decision-making; (4)
women’s human rights; and (5) women (and men) as actors, not victims. It has been
seen that in conflicts women have been victims of rape, torture, and sexual slavery.
For example, between 250,000 and 500,000 women were raped during the 1994
genocide in Rwanda. Such atrocities against women are now recognized as a crime
against humanity. In War-affected areas there is a sharp increase in domestic violence
directed at women, and women are increasingly trafficked to become forced labourers
or sex workers. Women and children comprise 73 per cent of an average population,
but they constitute 80 per cent of the refugees in the world today.
Another important aspect of the gender dimension of human security depicts
the role of women as actors in conflicts. This acknowledges the participation of women
in combat and their role in support functions, such as logistics, staff, and intelligence
services, in a conflict. Feminists work has explored that in war and conflict women are
raped or violated sexually to humiliate masculine nation. The idea is to make other
nation feel that they are not able to protect their women and men of the victimized
nation are not masculine enough. This shows how the war, nation and women are
linked. It has also been revealed that women’s participation in combat is motivated to
legitimize their cause in conflict. It becomes one of the criterions to attain social consensus
and solidarity within and outside the state. The endorsement of Women’s greater

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NOTES participation in international peace operations has also been noticed. The UN
Department of Peacekeeping Operations in its 2000 report demonstrated that Women’s
presence in peacekeeping missions improves access and support for local women; it
makes male peace keepers more reflective and responsible. Gender mainstreaming
has proved to be beneficial. In 2000, the UN Security Council passed a resolution
(Security Council Resolution 1325) directing a review of the impact of armed conflict
on women and the role of women in peace operations and conflict resolution. When
the review was released in 2002, with the title ‘Women, Peace and Security’ it was
realized that women were still a minority in participating in peace and security
negotiations, and receive less attention than men in post-conflict agreements,
disarmament and reconstruction.

3.8 HUMAN SECURITY: INTERNATIONAL

COMMUNITY AND ITS ROLE

Amongst different policies and actions of the international community it is quite difficult
to identify specifically which of them are human security policies. However, some of
the most important multilateral actions include the establishment of War Crimes Tribunals,
International Criminal Court (ICC), and Anti-Personnel Landmines Treaty. The ICC
was established on 1 July 2002 with its headquarters in The Hague, the Netherlands.
It exercises its jurisdiction over persons for the most serious crimes of international
concern which include genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and the crime
of aggression, with the agreement of the party state. It is opted as the last resort when
national courts are unwilling or unable to investigate or prosecute over such crimes. In
the past these tribunals have acted on some high-profile war criminals in the former
Yugoslavia, Liberia, and Congo, which included the former President of Yugoslavia,
Slobodan Miloševiæ (whose trial ended without a verdict after he was found dead in
his cell in March 2006), former Liberian President Charles Taylor, and the former
President of Ivory Coast Laurent Gbagbo and his wife. The Convention on the
Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling, Production, and Transfer of Anti-Personnel Mines
signed in Ottawa in December 1997, bans the development, production, acquisition,
stockpiling, transfer, and use of anti-personnel mines and also the signatories are asked
to destroy their existing stockpiles. The UN peacekeeping and peace-building measures
have worked towards the decline in such conditions of conflict and hence strengthening

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human security. A UN Peace building Commission that was inaugurated in 2006 was NOTES
established with the goal is to assist in post-conflict recovery and reconstruction,
institution-building and sustainable development, in countries that have come out of
conflict situations. The UN has also been the main propagator of the idea of humanitarian
intervention which has been a central policy element of human security. There are
specialized agencies of the UN that play a crucial role in promoting human security,
like the UN Development Programme and the World Health Organization (WHO)
that fight poverty and disease, UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the
UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF), and the UN Development Fund for Women
(UNIFEM), focused on refugees and the rights of children and women. Then there
are Non-governmental Organizations (NGOs) that help in ensuring human security in
a many ways such as acting as a source of information and early warning about conflicts
and helping and providing assistance in relief operations.

3.9 CONCLUSION

The concept of human security incorporates both freedom from fear and freedom
from want but it has still not got equal status as national security. The developed
nations spend large part of their budget on national security as compared to aid. In fact
the developing or underdeveloped countries don’t spend appropriate amount on social
and economic development but they spent huge amounts on military equipment and
armed forces. This shows that national/state security is still a foremost important concern
than human security. State sovereignty and territorial integrity are given importance
over security of the individual. Many countries in the developing world are victims of
imposed western territorial nation states, where the people don’t feel any affiliation to
the prescribed boundaries of state which is rooted in homogenising the differences.
This leads to separatist and secessionist movements and conflict within the State. In
reaction to these movements the state is always accompanied by the most rigorous
violations of human security. Moreover, many Third World states, as well as China,
remain under authoritarian rule. The lack of political space for alternatives to state
ideologies and restrictions on civil liberties imposed by governments to ensure their
own survival inhibit the achievement of Human security. In recent times, one of the
most powerful challenges to human security has come from the war on terror (renamed
by the Obama administration as ‘overseas contingency operation’) led by the USA in

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NOTES response to the 9/11 attacks. This war has reemphasized the language of national
security .This is a reality that terrorists target innocent civilians and thus threaten human
security but governments have also used the war on terror to impose restrictions on,
and commit violations of, civil liberties which ultimately undermine the phenomenon of
human security.
There is a need to understand that these challenges can be overcome by making
some alternative spaces for human beings so that they could realize their freedom,
autonomy and agency. To achieve this there is need to move towards contextual
emancipatory realm of politics which focuses on inclusion. The phenomenon of human
security can provide that alternative space where emancipatory politics is possible
because it is rooted in ’people’.

3.10 PRACTICE QUESTION

1. Explain the concept of human security according to UNDP report od 1994.

2. What are critical debates on human security?
3. Critically appraise security-development nexus.

3.11 REFERENCES

x Amitav Acharya, The Periphery as the Core: the third World and Security
studies’, in Keith Krause and Michael C. Williams (ed.) Critical Security Studies:
Concepts and Cases, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1997,
pp.299-328.
x AmitavAcharya,”HumanSecurity”,https://www.researchgate.net/publication/
339956544_Human_Security, accessed on 11 March 2021.
x Columba Peoples and Nick Vaughan-Williams, “Human Security and
Development” in Critical Security Studies: An Introduction, USA, Routledge,
2010, pp.120-133.

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x Chandler (ed.), “Introduction”, Critical perspectives on Human Security: NOTES

Rethinking Emancipation and Power in International Relations, New York,
Routledge, 2010, pp. 1-11.
x Joane Nagel, “Masculinity and nationalism: gender and sexuality in the making
of nations” in Ethic and Racial Studies, Vol.21, No.2, March 1998.
x Ken Booth, “Security and Emancipation”, Review of International Studies,
Vol. 17, no.4, 1991, pp.313-326.
x Mahammed Ayoob, “The Security Problematic of the Third World”, in The
Third World Security Predicament: State Making, Regional Conflict, and
the International System, USA, Lynne Rienner Publisher, 1995, Ch-9, 189-
199.
x Mark Duffield, Global Governance and the New Wars, London: Zed, 2001,
x Martha C. Nussbaum, Women and Human Development: The Capabilities
Approach, London: Pluto Press, 2000.
x United Nations Development Programme, 2005, UNDP Human Development
Report 2005, Oxford, Oxford university Press. (Analysis of the problem of
human development around the world.)

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UNIT 4 NOTES

GLOBAL SOCIAL MOVEMENTS

ENVIRONMENT MOVEMENTS, WOMEN
MOVEMENTS AND PEACE MOVEMENTS
Aditi Vashistha

Structure
4.1 Learning Objectives
4.2 Introduction
4.3 The Historical Context
4.4 Theoretical Framework
4.4.1 The Political Opportunity Structure Theory
4.4.2 Mobilization Structure Theory
4.4.3 Cultural framing Theory
4.4.4 The World Society Theory
4.4.5 Action at a Distance
4.4.6 Transnational Public Sphere
4.5 Key Issues
4.5.1 The Relationship Between Global and Local
4.5.2 Instrumental and Expressive Dimensions of Movement Activism
4.5.3 Democratic and Oligarchic Dynamics
4.6 Anti-Globalization Social Movements
4.7 Digitalization and Social Movements
4.8 Conclusion
4.9 Practice Questions
4.10 References

4.1 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

x To understand the social movements in the global world.

x How globalization shaped social movement and what is anti-globalization
movement?
x How does digitalization impact movements at both global and local level ?
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NOTES
4.2 INTRODUCTION

Globalization, a term laden with diverse meanings, is perceived by many as a pivotal

shift in the conditions of human existence. However, the precise nature of these changes
and the manner in which they unfold remain subjects of considerable debate. The
contemporary discourse on globalization directs attention to specific trends that seem
to propel the sources and implications of social action beyond the conventional
boundaries of nation-states. Recent technological transformations, particularly in
transportation and communication, emerge as catalysts in this global shift. Transportation
and communication technologies have undergone significant advancements, leading to
a radical compression of time and space. This compression, as noted by scholars such
as Harvey and Giddens, alters our fundamental perceptions of distance, rendering the
world more interconnected than ever before.
Accompanying these technological changes is a perceived transformation in the
capacities of territorial states. States, traditionally viewed as primary actors in establishing
order and mediating change within their borders, appear to have lost some of their
effectiveness in the face of globalization. The weakened role of states becomes evident
as they grapple with the challenges posed by global forces, as discussed by Sassen.
Intergovernmental institutions and multinational corporations emerge as prominent
players in the global arena. The number and power of these entities have experienced
remarkable growth, signifying a shift in the traditional power dynamics dominated by
nation-states. The works of Smith et al., Keck and Sikkink, and Risse-Kappen
underscore the increasing influence of intergovernmental institutions and multinational
corporations in shaping global affairs.
A crucial aspect of the globalization narrative is the pervasive reach and global
reference of communication media. Media, both in terms of their content and distribution,
have transcended national boundaries. This globalized media landscape contributes
not only to the interconnectedness of the world but also to the formation of transnational
epistemic communities. Appadurai highlights the role of media in facilitating the building
of communities among immigrants or like-minded activists across borders.In the context
of these global processes and formations, social movements emerge as dynamic actors
riding the waves of change. Social movements, traditionally rooted in local or national
contexts, find themselves compelled to adapt to the evolving global landscape.
Globalization presents social movements with contradictory possibilities, setting the
stage for a nuanced exploration of their role and agency.
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On one hand, the perceived reduction in the ability of states to act within their NOTES
own territories poses challenges for social movements. The weakened position of
states vis-a-vis globalization implies a dislocation of social movements from their
customary role of petitioning states to address grievances. This shift necessitates a
redirection of resources toward international linkages and partnerships, potentially
diminishing the autonomy of movements within their home countries.On the other hand,
globalization provides social movements with new and potentially significant
opportunities and resources. Keck and Sikkink introduce the concept of the
“boomerang effect” to illustrate this potential. In this scenario, national movements,
facing limitations in influencing their own target state, can bypass this obstacle by
leveraging international pressure from other states and transnational movements. This
dynamic exemplifies how globalization, by fostering transnational connections, can
empower social movements to exert influence beyond traditional national boundaries.
The intertwining of social movements with global processes prompts a reevaluation
of how the world is being transformed. Social movements, in navigating the complexities
of globalization, contribute to the redefinition of understanding about contemporary
global dynamics. Their agency extends beyond traditional frameworks, and their
strategies evolve to encompass international dimensions, reflecting the intricate interplay
between the local and the global. Globalization represents a multifaceted phenomenon
reshaping the conditions of human life. Technological advancements, shifts in state
capacities, the rise of intergovernmental institutions and multinational corporations,
and the globalized nature of communication media collectively contribute to this
transformative landscape. Social movements, as dynamic agents, grapple with the
challenges and opportunities presented by globalization. The intricate dance between
the local and the global underscores the complex and evolving nature of contemporary
global dynamics.

4.3 THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT

In the realm of social movements, substantial debate persists without reaching a

consensus on their precise definition. Mario Diani highlights the absence of even an
implicit, empirical agreement in using the term. Diani contributes a synthetic concept,
characterizing a social movement as a network of informal interactions among

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NOTES individuals, groups, or organizations. Engaged in political or cultural conflicts, these

entities share a collective identity. Diani’s definition offers clarity amid the challenges of
globally applying the term, emphasizing the interconnectedness of diverse actors within
the framework of shared identity in the pursuit of political or cultural objectives.
The study of movement activism and its connection to global change has
historically been sidelined due to the separation between the examination of social and
political interactions within states and relations between them. Approaches in sociology
and politics have displayed a pronounced national bias, neglecting global or world-
systemic developments, even in cross-country comparisons. The discipline of
international relations, with its focus on interstate relations, has further perpetuated this
oversight by predominantly viewing states as the primary agents in global politics,
downplaying the relevance of activities within states and nonstate actors. This disciplinary
bias has obscured the potential impact of social movements on global change processes.
In the late 20th century, the emergence of social movements unfolded against
the backdrop of an unprecedented era of globalization, a complex tapestry woven by
the threads of economic interdependence, technological advancements, and geopolitical
shifts. The 1990s marked a pivotal juncture as the collapse of the Soviet Union and
the end of the Cold War ushered in an era of intensified global connectivity. This
period witnessed the ascent of transnational corporations, the acceleration of information
exchange through the burgeoning internet, and the proliferation of neoliberal economic
policies. Concurrently, social movements, catalyzed by diverse grievances, navigated
this globalized terrain with a nuanced dexterity.
The anti-globalization movement, epitomized by protests such as the 1999 Battle
of Seattle, articulated concerns about economic inequality, corporate power, and cultural
homogenization. Simultaneously, environmental, women’s, and peace movements
leveraged global networks to address planetary concerns transcending borders. These
movements, influenced by and influencing globalization, represented a dialectical
interplay between the local and the global. They underscored the interconnectedness
of disparate struggles, forging a narrative that challenged not only specific policies but
also the broader structures underpinning a globalized world. In this intricate dance
between the forces of globalization and the resilience of social movements, the contours
of global society were shaped, revealing both the promises and perils woven into the
fabric of an interconnected world.

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NOTES
4.4 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

According to Catherine Eschle and Neil Stammers, contemporary literature on social

movements and global change can be categorized into three overarching perspectives,
transcending disciplinary boundaries. The first perspective is pragmatic, grounded in a
liberal or social democratic outlook and an empiricist epistemology. Pragmatists underscore
the significance of formal organization and view the interaction between state and nonstate
entities as the foundation of political life, shaping state policies and fostering social change.
Within this perspective, globalization is perceived as embedding states in cooperative
networks with international and transnational organizations. Pragmatism manifests in two
main forms: analytical, focusing on the role of NGOs/TSMOs in global structures for
academic understanding, and normative, emphasizing the need to democratize international
organizations and enhance global governance through inclusive and transparent interstate
negotiations facilitated by INGOs or TSMOs.
The second perspective, termed structuralist, draws from Marxist, ecological,
and poststructuralist traditions, positing that movement activism is fundamentally shaped
by deep social structures, processes, and institutions. This approach emphasizes large-
scale trends in movement development, attributing their emergence, orientation, and
outcomes to overarching social structures. Two strands emerge within structuralism:
one optimistic, highlighting a shift in movement form towards transnational and “anti-
systemic” activism due to globalization-induced changes; the other pessimistic,
underscoring the adaptability of the capitalist and state system, with fragmented or co-
opted transnational movements. Pessimists foresee greater resistance potential in national
or local activism, considering it less susceptible to co-option on a universal scale,
thereby limiting possibilities for global transformation.
The third perspective, termed transformationalist, transcends the dichotomy of
reformist engagement and revolutionary challenge or withdrawal. Drawing from diverse
traditions such as liberalism, neo-Gramscianism, anarchism, ecology, feminism,
poststructuralism, and social movement theory, transformationalists emphasize the
emancipatory potential of global social movements. They highlight how movements
can employ a combination of materialist and institutionalist strategies, along with
reshaping cultural norms, values, and lifestyles. This activism seeks to alter attitudes
and practices within global civil society, considering it central to the essence of
movements and recognizing its potential transformative and democratizing effects on

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NOTES international institutions. It must be stressed that the boundaries between pragmatism,
structuralism, and transformationalism are fluid and shifting.
There are several other classifications for the study of Social movements and
Globalization. There are multitudes of theories that tries to understand the complex
phenomenon of collective action in the context of Globalization.

4.4.1 The Political Opportunity Structure Theory

The Political Opportunity Structure (POS) theory in the context of global social
movements posits that the likelihood of collective action is influenced by the openness
or constraints within the political environment. Sidney Tarrow is a key exponent of this
approach. Developed by political sociologists, this theory suggests that movements
are more likely to emerge and succeed when there are favorable political opportunities,
such as governmental instability or international support. It emphasizes the impact of
external factors, including changes in political institutions and power relations, on the
mobilization and effectiveness of global social movements. The POS theory underscores
the dynamic interplay between political contexts and the emergence of transnational
collective
Action. Within the expansive theoretical arsenal of social movement research,
political opportunity structures are just one component. The broader framework
recognizes that understanding social movements requires consideration of factors
beyond political opportunities, embracing the complexity and diversity inherent in these
dynamic collective actions.

4.4.2 Mobilization Structure Theory

Mobilization Structure Theory, within the realm of Global Social Movements, focuses
on the organizational and strategic aspects that shape the mobilization of individuals
for collective action on a global scale. Rooted in sociological and political science
perspectives, this theory examines how social movements are structured, coordinated,
and mobilized across borders. Key elements include the role of formal organizations,
networks, leadership, and communication strategies in facilitating global activism. The
theory emphasizes the importance of organizational structures in mobilizing resources,
disseminating information, and coordinating efforts, acknowledging that the effectiveness
of global social movements is intricately tied to the nature and efficiency of their
mobilizational structures.
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4.4.3 Cultural framing Theory NOTES

Cultural framing, as a theory of global social movements, explores how activists and
movements construct and communicate their messages to resonate with diverse
audiences, both locally and globally. Rooted in sociology and cultural studies, this
theory highlights the role of shared symbols, meanings, and narratives in shaping
collective identities and mobilizing support. Activists strategically frame issues to create
a common understanding of problems and solutions, fostering solidarity among diverse
participants. The cultural framing theory underscores the importance of language,
symbols, and narratives in shaping perceptions, mobilizing resources, and building
transnational alliances, recognizing the cultural dimensions that influence the success of
global social movements.
Detractors contend that Mobilizational and Cultural Framing theories, while
insightful, oversimplify the intricacies of social movements. Mobilizational theory might
overlook structural factors, and Cultural Framing may underestimate power dynamics.
Critics underscore the necessity for a more comprehensive approach that considers a
broader array of contextual and structural influences on concerted social efforts.

4.4.4 The World Society Theory

The “world society” theory of global social movements posits that in the era of
globalization, a shared global culture is emerging, influencing social movements. Rooted
in the work of sociologist John W. Meyer, the theory suggests that movements draw
on this global culture to shape their agendas and strategies. It explores the emergence
of ‘rational-bureaucratic’ world society and the role of social movements in making
it.It emphasizes the interconnectedness of societies, with movements leveraging
transnational networks and institutions. The theory underscores the diffusion of cultural
symbols, the adoption of transnational activism, and the framing of issues in ways that
resonate globally. While critiqued for potential oversimplification, it offers insights into
how global cultural elements influence the dynamics of social movements across
borders.Critics assert that the world society theory oversimplifies global social
movements by disregarding local intricacies and dismissing power disparities. It
overlooks the richness of diverse sociopolitical landscapes.

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NOTES 4.4.5 Action at a Distance

Giddens (1994) simplifies this complexity of globalization by characterizing it as “action

at a distance.” In this conceptualization, globalization involves actors in one location
influencing events in other places through economic, political, or media processes.
Giddens captures the essence of global interconnectedness, emphasizing the capacity
of individuals or entities to exert influence and shape events beyond their immediate
geographical context, thus highlighting the far-reaching impact of economic, political,
and media activities in an increasingly interconnected world. Giddens undermines the
local in the global.”Action at a distance” isn’t truly distant; it originates somewhere,
follows specific pathways, achieves objectives, and manifests concrete effects in
particular locations. This concept underscores that influence, while seemingly remote,
has identifiable origins and discernible paths of impact.

4.4.6 Transnational Public Sphere

The interconnectedness of global social movements is closely associated with the notion
of a transnational public sphere. This sphere represents a communicative landscape
that surpasses national boundaries, serving as a platform for discussions on global
issues.Scott Turner proposes a global civil society. He contends that global civil society
is constituted by small-scale movements aimed at transforming public consciousness,
thereby influencing the legitimacy parameters within which traditional institutions operate.
Within the realm of global social movements, this shared communicative space becomes
pivotal for mobilization, advocacy, and the exchange of ideas. Activists strategically
employ transnational networks, social media, and international forums to amplify their
messages, foster solidarity, and influence public opinion on a global scale. In essence,
the transnational public sphere emerges as a vital arena shaping and sustaining the
dynamics of global social movements. A notable limitation of the transnational public
sphere pertains to its susceptibility to exclusivity and inequity. While designed to foster
global discourse, there exists the risk of marginalizing certain voices, particularly those
from historically disadvantaged regions or social groups.
There are two major approaches that deal with the orgazinational character of
social movements in global world.The New Social Movement (NSM) approach
diverges from conventional perspectives by asserting that pivotal movement dynamics
unfold within informal social circles rather than being orchestrated by formal organizations
or professional entrepreneurs. In contrast to structured entities, NSM contends that

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social movements primarily consist of individuals and small, loosely connected groups. NOTES
These entities sporadically collaborate, pooling resources to organize movement events.
The approach underscores the significance of fluid, constantly evolving informal
networks where activism thrives. Gerlach and Hine’s characterization of these networks
as “polycephalous, cellular organization” captures the essence—a complex,
interconnected structure shaped by personal, structural, and ideological ties among
activists. In contrast to the New Social Movement (NSM) perspective, the rational
choice approach to social movements focuses on resource consolidation within
predominantly formal organizations. This perspective emphasizes strategic decision-
making by individuals within organized structures, highlighting the rational choices made
in pursuit of movement objectives.

4.5 KEY ISSUES

4.5.1 The Relationship Between Global and Local

Globalization, interpreted diversely, encompasses both a proliferation of

interconnected localities communicating through transnational media and a
potential homogenization of socio-cultural processes governed by transparent,
rational norms worldwide. However, these perspectives oversimplify the
intricate and interactive nature of globalizations. Focusing solely on the local
risks neglecting the importance of transnational modular forms shaping our
perception of specific places. Conversely, privileging the global may marginalize
local actions, overlooking their potential to reshape the global narrative. As
local actions are communicated through the transnational public sphere, the
very essence of “globality” is in question. While acknowledging powerful forces
like neoliberal economics and North American cultural dominance, it is crucial
to recognize that dominant globalizations are not inherent certainties but should
be critically examined.
A notable issue arises concerning the oversimplified and hierarchical conceptualization
of the global-local relationship. The literature commonly interprets globalization as
predominantly economic, technological, or political, diverging from the sociological
perspective that underscores cultural shifts and the restructuring of space and time.
Regardless of their specific emphasis, these approaches commonly depict globalization

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NOTES as centripetal and homogenizing, pulling economic and political structures in an upward
direction. This perspective implies that globalization has the potential to eliminate cultural
differences at the local or national level, with varying degrees of agreement among the
examined theorists on the extent to which this homogenization is taking place. This
tendency emerges from the assumption that the informal, socially embedded facets of
movements are inherently local or national, whereas only the more formally structured
and institutionally oriented NGOs or TSMOs are deemed to engage in global politics.
There is possibility of solving the conflict between global and local with contending
that the local and global are mutually constitutive, asserting that localities actively shape
and are shaped by global processes. Roland Robertson terms this phenomenon
“glocalization,” a concept underscored in anthropological and feminist analyses. This
viewpoint emphasizes the reciprocal influence between localities and global dynamics,
highlighting the active role of local contexts in both shaping and being impacted by
broader global phenomena.

4.5.2 Instrumental and Expressive Dimensions of Movement Activism

A related concern lies in the proclivity to favor either the instrumental or expressive
facets of movement activism, often overlooking their interconnectedness. The
instrumental dimension revolves around concrete strategies and demands directed at
influential institutions, intending tangible material impacts on social relations. Conversely,
the expressive dimension is dedicated to shaping and reshaping norms, values, identities,
and lifestyles within the movement and the broader socio-cultural landscape. This
dichotomous perspective obscures the intricate synergy between these dimensions,
limiting a holistic understanding of movement activism that integrates both its strategic
and normative dimensions. The restricted definition of globalization, predominantly
seen as economic, institutional, and technological, hinders the acknowledgment of the
impact of expressive movement activism on this phenomenon.
Understanding the global-local dynamic in social movements becomes intricate
when considering both instrumental and expressive modes of activism. Drawing from
Jean Cohen and Andrew Arato, social movements often adopt a dualistic strategy.
Applying this model to Western feminist activism, movements simultaneously challenge
male dominance in civil society while contesting its influence on subsystems and social
policy. This dual logic involves a communicative, discursive politics targeting civil and
political society for identity influence and an organized, strategically rational politics

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aimed at inclusion and reform within political and economic institutions. It illustrates NOTES
the multifaceted nature of movement strategies in navigating global and local spheres.

4.5.3 Democratic and Oligarchic Dynamics

A critical oversight lies in the neglect of dynamics related to oligarchic and democratic
possibilities within movement organization and activism. There are certain theories that
stress more on the democratic character and the role of social movement activism.
These theories often overlook the examination of oligarchic and democratic dynamics
within movement organization. Notably, the potential challenges of oligarchy and
bureaucratization within INGOs/TSMOs merit attention. There is a notable risk of
these organizations becoming progressively assimilated into elite power structures,
detached from member control and broader movement constituencies. This highlights
the importance of scrutinizing the evolving role of INGOs/TSMOs and their
organizational dynamics, particularly in understanding how they may integrate into or
distance themselves from broader social movements and their democratic ideals over
time.
We perceive a pressing necessity for a systematic revival of participatory,
informal, and group-based democratic modes. There is a distinct call for a more critical
endeavor to explore the applicability of these democratic modes to the realm of global
politics. This involves a deliberate and comprehensive effort to understand, adapt, and
integrate participatory and informal democratic practices into the broader discourse
and structures of global governance. The emphasis lies on acknowledging and
incorporating diverse democratic mechanisms that prioritize active participation and
informal group dynamics as viable components in the complex landscape of global
political processes.
In relation to these three key issues, Catherine Eschle and Neil Stammers
advocate tentative conceptual reconstruction proposals. Firstly, they advocate for a
network-centric understanding of social movements, emphasizing the pivotal role of
informal activism in everyday contexts and the necessity for maintaining an analytical
distinction between informal modes and more formal social movement organizations.
Secondly, they assert that social movement networks can attain a transnational and
global scope through a multidimensional analysis of globalization, acknowledging the
mutually constitutive relationship between the local and the global, and recognizing the
impact of disembedding processes. Thirdly, they stress the nuanced interplay of

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NOTES instrumental and expressive strategies within formal organizations and grassroots
activism in transnational social movements, underscoring their complex pursuit of global
change. Lastly, they emphasize the acknowledgment of oligarchic tendencies within
transnational social movement organizations (TSMOs) and propose mitigating strategies
involving the construction of more democratic network relationships between TSMOs
and less formal dimensions of movement activism. These strategies, in turn, offer
pathways to enhance inclusivity and participation in global politics.

4.6 ANTI-GLOBALIZATION SOCIAL MOVEMENTS

The anti-globalization movement epitomizes global social movements, uniting diverse

factions against perceived drawbacks of globalization. Despite a common goal, the
movement showcases a heterogeneous blend of ideologies, strategies, and tactics. In
the 2001 Genoa protest, 300,000 participants, ranging from anarchists to eco-feminists
and workers, converged against the perceived imperialism of capital and institutions
like the World Bank and WTO. The movement’s complexity is reflected in alternative
labels like anti-capitalist and anti-corporate globalization movements. Critiquing the
neo-liberal agenda, the movement’s strength lies in its global, collective effort to counter
the multifaceted negative impacts of globalization across economic, social, and
environmental spheres.
According to Paul Kingsworth, these movements represents redistribution of
wealth and power, equity for all, autonomy and genuine democracy, a new model of
oraganization which rejects all heirarchies, Economic independence, anti-consumerism
and rejection of top-down models. The ideology and causes championed by these
movements include labour rights, environmentalism, gender equity, freedom of migration
etc. These social movements can be described as faceless movements because these
are not led by particular group or section of people. It is a combined effort of people
from the globe against the multinational corporations and powerful countries that exploit
resources and people of poor countries. The global social movements are active on
different levels- international, regional, national, local.
There are various ways in which they communicate to each other and the forces
they want to influence. During the early 2000s, these used to communicate through e-
groups, chats, special websites etc. In the Digital world, these groups use different
kinds of social media apps such as Facebook, Twitter, Whatsapp, Instagram etc.
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Critics argue that certain social movements face scrutiny for perceived homogeneity, NOTES
grounded in the experiences of white, male, and middle-class individuals. This critique
suggests a limitation in representing diverse perspectives and experiences within these
movements, potentially excluding marginalized voices and issues.
There are few example which shows the power of social movement at grassroots
level in the era of globalization.The Zapatista movement, born in the mountains of
Chiapas, Mexico, in 1994, represents a unique force within the global social movement
landscape. Embracing indigenous rights, autonomy, and social justice, the Zapatistas
have transcended regional boundaries to resonate on a global scale. Their use of
technology, including the internet, has allowed them to connect with global supporters,
fostering transnational solidarity. The movement’s emphasis on decentralized,
participatory decision-making challenges traditional hierarchical structures, offering an
alternative model for social movements worldwide. The Zapatistas’ influence extends
beyond specific local concerns, symbolizing a broader quest for inclusive, grassroots-
driven social change in the face of globalization.
Reclaim the Streets (RTS) in London, England, emerged as a localized movement
with global implications. Originating in the 1990s, RTS protests aimed to reclaim public
spaces from vehicular dominance, advocating for community-driven, pedestrian-friendly
environments. While rooted in local concerns, the movement’s resonance extended
globally, inspiring similar actions worldwide. RTS contributed to a broader discourse
on urban planning, environmental sustainability, and participatory governance. Its ethos
of grassroots activism, inclusive decision-making, and the reclaiming of shared spaces
mirrored concerns transcending borders, reflecting a global paradigm shift towards
sustainable, community-centric urban living within the broader context of the evolving
global social movement for equitable and livable cities.
A notable example of a women’s movement with global resonance in the 2000s
is the “One Billion Rising” campaign. Launched in 2012 by playwright and
activist Eve Ensler, the movement addresses issues of gender-based violence
and advocates for women’s rights worldwide. The campaign gained traction
through its call for collective action, urging people across the globe to rise
and dance on a specific day as a form of protest and solidarity. “One Billion
Rising” highlights the interconnectedness of women’s experiences and the
need for a global response to address violence against women. The movement
emphasizes the power of grassroots activism and community engagement in
fostering change on a global scale.

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NOTES The anti-globalization movement, encompassing environmental, women’s, and

peace movements, emerges as a dynamic force challenging the negative facets of
globalization. Through diverse strategies, it addresses environmental degradation,
women’s rights, and the pursuit of peace. These interconnected movements underscore
the imperative for a holistic approach to global issues, advocating for a sustainable,
equitable world. Together, they exemplify the power of collective action in shaping a
more inclusive and conscientious global landscape.

4.7 DIGITALIZATION AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS

The intertwining forces of digitalization, social movements, and globalization

constitute a dynamic and transformative nexus in contemporary society.
Digitalization, marked by the proliferation of information and communication
technologies, has become a catalyst for the evolution and efficacy of social
movements on a global scale. In the realm of social movements, digital tools
and platforms have ushered in a new era of mobilization and connectivity.
Social media platforms, in particular, serve as virtual arenas for discourse,
organization, and dissemination of information. Movements harness the power
of hashtags, online campaigns, and digital networks to transcend geographical
boundaries, enabling the rapid spread of ideas and the formation of global
coalitions. The Arab Spring, Occupy Wall Street etc. exemplify instances where
digitalization played a pivotal role in galvanizing collective action.
Simultaneously, this digitalized landscape intersects with and amplifies the
processes of globalization. Information flows seamlessly across borders,
facilitating the creation of transnational alliances and the sharing of
experiences among activists worldwide. Digital platforms act as conduits for
the global circulation of narratives, images, and strategies, shaping a shared
consciousness that transcends local contexts.However, this nexus is not without
challenges. The digital realm introduces complexities related to privacy,
misinformation, and the digital divide, potentially excluding segments of
society from participating fully in globalized movements.In essence, the
symbiotic relationship between digitalization, social movements, and
globalization underscores a paradigm shift in the nature and impact of

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activism. The digital landscape serves as both a conduit and a battleground, NOTES
where movements navigate the opportunities and pitfalls inherent in a globally
connected world.

4.8 CONCLUSION

To comprehend contemporary social movement activism, researchers must delve into

the transnational processes that orchestrate and propel a diverse spectrum of
movements. The intricate web of these processes unfolds predominantly within informal
movement networks. These networks, characterized by fluidity and adaptability, plays
a pivotal role in shaping the agenda, coordination, and mobilization of social movements
on a global scale. Understanding the dynamics within these informal structures is
paramount, as they facilitate the exchange of ideas, resources, and strategies among
activists worldwide. In essence, the transnational nature of contemporary social
movements highlights the interconnectedness and collaborative efforts that transcend
geographical boundaries, reflecting the evolving landscape of global activism.
Social movements and collective behavior have historically been catalysts for
social change, and as our interconnected global society expands, these movements
are now unfolding on a global scale. Influenced by and contributing to the evolution of
global institutions and culture, they reflect the dynamic interplay between cooperation,
competition, and conflict among local, national, and transnational groups. Responses
to globalization vary based on resource infrastructures, political contexts, and the
translation of global templates into local institutions. While left-leaning movements
have garnered attention, understanding rightist and backlash mobilization at local and
national levels remains a research gap.
The rise of transnational movements, exemplified by climate justice advocacy
leveraging digital tools, indicates a trajectory of increasing influence. The twenty-first
century offers opportunities for movement scholarship to innovate with novel data
collection techniques, particularly using the wealth of social media data activists generate.
As the century unfolds, lessons from the past should guide humanity toward avoiding
the destructive pitfalls of the twentieth century, with the hope that informed collective
action can navigate the complexities of global change.

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NOTES
4.9 PRACTICE QUESTIONS

1. Explain anti-globalization social movements.

2. Brief explain digitalization and its impact on social movements
3. Explain about the theoretical frameworks and who its works

4.10 REFERENCES

x Almeida, Paul, and Chris Chase-Dunn. 2018. “Globalization and Social

Movements.” Annual Review of Sociology 44 (1): 189–211. https://doi.org/
10.1146/annurev-soc-073117-041307.
x Eschle, Catherine, and Neil Stammers. 2004. “Taking Part: Social Movements,
INGOs, and Global Change.” Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 29 (3):
333–72. https://doi.org/10.1177/030437540402900305.
x Guidry, John A., Michael D. Kennedy, and Mayer N. Zald, eds. 2000.
Globalizations and Social Movements: Culture, Power, and the
Transnational Public Sphere. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.
x Lee, Francis Lf, and Ivy Wy Fong. 2023. “The Construction and Mobilization
of Political Consumerism through Digital Media in a Networked Social
Movement.” New Media & Society 25 (12): 3573–92. https://doi.org/10.1177/
14614448211050885.
x Maiba, Hermann. 2005. “Grassroots Transnational Social Movement Activism:
The Case of Peoples’ Global Action.” Sociological Focus 38 (1): 41–63.
https://doi.org/10.1080/00380237.2005.10571256.

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GLOBAL
POLITICS

GLOBAL POLITICS
B.A. (HONS.) POLITICAL SCIENCE
SEMESTER-IV
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READING NOTES
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20CUS01302