Two Nation Theory
Two Nation Theory
Nation The word “NATION” is derived from Latin route “NATUS” of “NATIO” which means
“Birth” or “Born”. Therefore, Nation implies homogeneous population of the people who are organized
and blood-related. Today the word NATION is used in a wider sense. A Nation is a body of people
who see part at least of their identity in terms of a single communal identity with some considerable
historical continuity of union, with major elements of common culture, and with a sense of
geographical location at least for a good part of those who make up the nation. We can define nation
as a people who have some common attributes of race, language, religion or culture and united and
organized by the state and by common sentiments and aspiration.
Nationality, according to Mazzini: “Every people has its special mission and that mission constitutes
its nationality”. Nation and Nationality differ in their meaning although they were used
interchangeably. A nation is a people having a sense of oneness among them and who are politically
independent. In the case of nationality it implies a psychological feeling of unity among a people, but
also sense of oneness among them. The sense of unity might be an account, of the people having
common history and culture. But nationality largely requires the element of political independence
either achieved or aspired. Secondly, a nation must have a political organization of passionate desire
for such an organization. But a nationality is a political, cultural, spiritual and unified community of a
people. A.E. Zimmern said: “Nationality, like religion, is subjective, psychological, a condition of
mind, a spiritual possession, a way of feeling, thinking and living”.
Others, however, started to argue that Muslims were their own nation. It is generally believed in
Pakistan that the movement for Muslim self-awakening and identity was started by Ahmad
Sirhindi (1564–1624), who fought against emperor Akbar's religious syncretist Din-i
Ilahi movement and is thus considered "for contemporary official Pakistani historians" to be the
founder of the Two-nation theory, and was particularly intensified under the Muslim reformer
Shah Waliullah (1703-1762) who, because he wanted to give back to Muslims their self-
consciousness during the decline of the Mughal empire and the rise of the non-Muslim powers like
the Marathas, Jats and Sikhs, launched a mass-movement of the religious education which made
"them conscious of their distinct nationhood which in turn culminated in the form of Two Nation
Theory and ultimately the creation of Pakistan."
Many historians also consider Haji Shariatullah (1781–1840) and Syed Ahmad Barelvi (1786–
1831) to be the forerunners of the Pakistan movement, because of their purist and militant reformist
movements targeting the Muslim masses, saying that "reformers like Waliullah, Barelvi and
Shariatullah were not demanding a Pakistan in the modern sense of nationhood. They were,
however, instrumental in creating an awareness of the crisis looming for the Muslims and the need
to create their own political organization. What Sir Sayyed did was to provide a modern idiom in
which to express the quest for Islamic identity."
Thus, many Pakistanis describe modernist and reformist scholar Sir Syed Ahmad Khan (1817–
1898) as the architect of the two-nation theory. For instance, Sir Syed, in a January 1883 speech
in Patna, talked of two different nations, even if his own approach was conciliatory:
“Friends, in India there live two prominent nations which are distinguished by the names of Hindus
and Muslims. Just as a man has some principal organs, similarly these two nations are like the
principal limbs of India.”
However, the formation of the Indian National Congress was seen politically threatening and he
dispensed with composite Indian nationalism. In an 1887 speech, he said:
“Now suppose that all the English were to leave India—then who would be rulers of India? Is it
possible that under these circumstances two nations, Mohammedan and Hindu, could sit on the
same throne and remain equal in power? Most certainly not. It is necessary that one of them should
conquer the other and thrust it down. To hope that both could remain equal is to desire the
impossible and inconceivable.”
In 1888, in a critical assessment of the Indian National Congress, which promoted composite
nationalism among all the castes and creeds of colonial India, he also considered Muslims to be a
separate nationality among many others.
In 1925, during the Aligarh session of the All-India Muslim League, which he chaired, Justice
Abdur Rahim (1867–1952) was one of the very first to openly articulate on how Muslims and
Hindu constitute two nations, and while it would become common rhetoric, later on, the historian
S. M. Ikram says that it "created quite a sensation in the twenties":
“The Hindus and Muslims are not two religious sects like the Protestants and Catholics of England,
but form two distinct communities of peoples, and so they regard themselves. Their respective
attitude towards life, distinctive culture, civilization and social habits, their traditions and history,
no less than their religion, divide them so completely that the fact that they have lived in the same
country for nearly 1,000 years has contributed hardly anything to their fusion into a nation... Any
of us Indian Muslims travelling for instance in Afghanistan, Persia, and Central Asia, among
Chinese Muslims, Arabs, and Turks, would at once be made at home and would not find anything
to which we are not accustomed. On the contrary in India, we find ourselves in all social matters
total aliens when we cross the street and enter that part of the town where our Hindu fellow
townsmen live.”
More substantially and influentially than Justice Rahim, or the historiography of British
administrators, the poet-philosopher Muhammad Iqbal (1877–1938) provided the philosophical
exposition and Barrister Muhammad Ali Jinnah (1871–1948) translated it into the political reality
of a nation-state. Allama Iqbal's presidential address to the Muslim League on 29 December 1930
is seen by some as the first exposition of the two-nation theory in support of what would ultimately
become Pakistan.
The All-India Muslim League, in attempting to represent Indian Muslims, felt that the Muslims of
the subcontinent were a distinct and separate nation from the Hindus. At first they demanded
separate electorates, but when they opined that Muslims would not be safe in a Hindu-
dominated India, they began to demand a separate state. The League demanded self-determination
for Muslim-majority areas in the form of a sovereign state promising minorities equal rights and
safeguards in these Muslim majority areas.
Many scholars argue that the creation of Pakistan through the partition of India was orchestrated
by an elite class of Muslims in colonial India, not the common man. A large number of Islamic
political parties, religious schools, and organizations opposed the partition of India and advocated
a composite nationalism of all the people of the country in opposition to British rule (especially
the All India Azad Muslim Conference).
It asserted that "a Muslim of one country has far more sympathies with a Muslim living in another
country than with a non-Muslim living in the same country.” Therefore, "the conception of Indian
Muslims as a nation may not be ethnically correct, but socially it is correct."
Muhammad Iqbal stated the dissolution of ethnic nationalities into a unified Muslim society
(or millat) as the ultimate goal”
In his 1945 book Pakistan, or The Partition of India, Indian statesman and Buddhist Bhimrao
Ramji Ambedkar wrote a sub-chapter titled "If Muslims truly and deeply desire Pakistan, their
choice ought to be accepted". He asserted that, if the Muslims were bent on the creation of Pakistan,
the demand should be conceded in the interest of the safety of India. He asks whether Muslims in
the army could be trusted to defend India in the event of Muslims invading India or in the case of
a Muslim rebellion. "Whom would the Indian Muslims in the army side with?" he questioned.
According to him, the assumption that Hindus and Muslims could live under one state if they were
distinct nations was but "an empty sermon, a mad project, to which no sane man would agree".
Under such circumstances, Allama Iqbal proposed a separate state of the Muslims. In his
presidential address to the Allahabad session of the Muslim League in 1930, he said: “Personally
I would go further…. I would like to see the Punjab, North WestFrontierProvince, Sindh and
Balochistan amalgamated into a single state. Self-government within the British Empire or without
the British Empire, the formation of a single consolidated North-West Indian Muslim state appears
to me to be the final destiny of the Muslims at least of North WestIndia.”
Quaid-e-Azam further said: “India is not a national state. India is not a country but a Sub-continent
composed of nationalities, the two major nations being Hindus and the Muslims whose culture and
civilizations, language and literature, art and architecture, names and nomenclature, sense of value
and proportion, laws and jurisprudence, social moral codes, customs and calendar, history and
traditions, aptitudes and ambitions, outlook on life and of life are fundamentally different. By all
canons of international law we are nation.”
In 1940, Muslim League embraced the creed of Chaudhry Rehmat Ali and the historic session on
March 23, 1940 in Lahore demanded the establishment of Pakistan. On that occasion, Quaid-e-
Azam in his presidential address said: “Islam and Hinduism are not religions in the strict sense of
the word, but are, in fact, different and distinct social orders… The Hindus and Muslims belong to
two different religious philosophies, social customs, and literatures. They neither inter-marry nor
inter-dine together and, indeed, they belong to two different civilizations which are based mainly
on conflicting ideas and conceptions.”
He refuted the claim of All Indian Nation Congress that India had only one single nation, in the
name of Indian by the following statement. The history of the last twelve hundred years has failed
to achieve the unity and has witnessed, India always divided into Hindu India and Muslim India.
Quaid-e-Azam made the English ruler realize the fundamental deep rooted spiritual economic,
social and political differences. He said that their efforts would frustrate which they were making
to bind all Indians through central Government.
iii. Conclusion
History cannot be changed however the future can likely be changed for good. The Two Nation
Theory called Pakistan a religious state and its identity based on religion Islam. However, Muslims
political leader Muhammad Ali Jinnah emphasized in many occasions that he did not want to have
a non secular state or an Islamist state. The reason for him to create Pakistan was to lift the position
of Muslims in the Indian subcontinent but he never preached Muslims growing hostility towards
the Hindus.
The Two Nation Theory has said to define the identity of the Muslims. There are some academic
scholars who accuse this Two Nation Theory because they think that this idea generates from the
top class aristocrats who were representing poor Muslim community in India. Further, after
Pakistan being made this very notion was again followed by the Military Elites, Civil, Bureaucrats
to attain their selfish political interests of gaining power and authority (Ahmed, 2017).
Pakistan is said to have taken a road to religious extremism willingly or unwillingly. What scholars
have to say on this is that unfortunately to date Pakistan has not been successful in defining national
identity in Pakistan. There is no government policy to date which defines or dictates it. The most
common reason that scholars accuse the government is that, Pakistani government has still not
drawn a line between where religion ends, and state affairs start. Religion has been made the center
spectrum and everything is seen from a religious lens (Ahmed, 2017).