T h e Book of the Himyarites

Syriac Studies Library

18

Sériés Editors

Monica Blanchard
Cari Griffïn
Kristian Heal
George Anton Kiraz
David G.K. Taylor

The Syriac Studies Library brings back to active circulation major reference works in
the field of Syriac studies, including dictionaries, grammars, text editions, manuscript
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Catholic University of America, one of the largest collections of Eastern Christianity
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The Syriac Institute, and Brigham Young University.
 The Book of the Himyarites

Fragments of a Hitherto Unknown Syriac Work

Edited and Translated by

Axel Moberg

2010
gorgias press
Gorgias Press LLC, 954 River Road, Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA
www.gorgiaspress.com
Copyright © 2010 by Gorgias Press LLC
Originally published in 1924
All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part
of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any
form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or
otherwise without the prior written permission of Gorgias Press LLC.

2010 O

1
ISBN 978-1-60724-814-9

Reprinted from the 1924 Lund edition.

Digitized by Brigham Young University. Printed in the United States of America.

 Series Foreword

This series provides reference works in Syriac studies from original books digitized at the
ICOR library of The Catholic University of America under the supervision of Monica
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 SKRIFTER UTGIVNA AV
KUNGL. HUMANISTISKA VETENSKAPSSAMFUNDET
I LUND
ACTA REG. SOCIETATIS HUMANIORUM LITTERARUM LUNDENSIS
VIÏ.

AXEL MOBERG
THE BOOK OF THE HIMYARITES
 THE BOOK
OF T H E HIMYARITES
FRAGMENTS OF A HITHERTO UNKNOWN
SYRIAC WORK

EDITED, WITH INTRODUCTION A N D TRANSLATION,

BY

AXEL MOBERG

WITH EIGHT FACSIMILES

LUN D, C. W. K, GLEERUP
LONDON, HUMPHREY M1LFORD PARIS, EDOUARD CHAMPION
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS LEIPZIG, O. HARRASSOWITZ
1924
 1
IXSTITVTS O f CStHTUJi]

¡C£K p W E u m
mt,& mm. m mm
-mm*-

PREFACE

In the Arsberattelse 1920—1921 of Kungl. Humanistiska Vetens

skapssamfundet i Lund, published in September 1921, I accounted for
the discovery of the fragments of the Book of the Himyarites (see
also below, p. xi). It is much against my wish that the publication
of the text of those fragments has been delayed till now. My excuse
is solely other work, that could not be postponed, the edition of the
Greater Grammar of Bar Hebraeus, published 1922, and my university
duties, which prevented me, over and over again, for weeks and months,
from dealing with the fragments.
In offering now, at last, the present"volume to the public it has
been my main object to give an absolutely trustworthy edition of the
text of the remains of the Book of the Himyarites. Before reading
this text, however, it is necessary to take notice of the short introductory
remark on pp. cxlix f.
The translation is intended to bring this text, in a practically
speaking exact form, within the reach also of him who is not acquainted
with the Syrmc language. In this translation, therefore, the portions
restored by way df conjecture, or the reading of which is doubtful,
are enclosed between brackets. The lacunae in the text not conjecturally
filled up are also indicated in the translation. It should be observed,
however, that the notes "lines (or "one line") missing", inserted in
the translation, refer to those lines of the MS. only of which no letter
at all remains. Smaller lacunae, or even lacunae extending over the
space of a line or more but not embracing an actual line of the MS.,
are marked only by The actual space of the gap in such a case
is to be found by consulting the Syriac text and the notes on it. A s
to the forms of the names of persons in the translation see the remarks
on p. Ixxx.
The Facsimiles are intended not only to convey an idea of the
condition of the fragments but also to act as substitutes for the originals
on some specially interesting points in the text. Unfortunately the size
vi Preface

of the volume did not allow them to be given in the full size of the
originals. Only the facsimiles on Plate VIII are full^sized. The size
of the other facsimiles can be estimated by comparing those on that
plate and consulting the statements on pp. xiii f.
The Introduction contains first the description of the fragments
together with other particulars necessary for the textual criticism.
Further, I have collected there the materials, and indicated the princif
pal points of view considered of importance for the critical appreciation
of the narrative itself in its literary relations and historical value.
It was thus my endeavour to lay a sure basis for further investi?
gation, and to facilitate the study of this new source to the history of
Arabia and the struggle of religions and nations there. But I did not
think myself entitled to delay the publication of that source by myself
discussing, at first hand, all the questions involved. Many a problem
is only touched in passing and the previous discussion of these questions
is not recapitulated but, as a rule, taken as being known to the reader.
I am greatly obliged to Mr. H. Caudwell, English lector in the
university of Lund, for correcting the English of my manuscript.
I wish to thank here my friend and colleague, Professor Martin
P. Nilsson, for the interest he has taken, as Secretary of Kungl.
Humanistiska Vetenskapssamfundet i Lund, in the preparation of this
volume.
My heartiest thanks are due to the owners of the fragments edited,
Mr. and Mrs. E. G. Wiren, of Stocksund, for the true scientific interest
with which they readily granted permission to publish their precious
manuscript, and for the confidence and courteous patience they have
shown in placing it at my disposal and enirusting it to my care for
several years.

Lund, September, 1924. AXEL MOBERG.

 CONTENTS
PAGE
PREFACE v
INTRODUCTION
THE MANUSCRIPT
A manuscript and its boards xi
The remnants of an old codex xiii
Table of fragments xxiii
THE BOOK OF THE HIMYARITES A N D ITS RELATION
TO OTHER NARRATIVES ON THE ABYSSINIAN,
H1MYARITIC STRUGGLES xxiv
The ecclesiastical tradition xxv
The profane tradition xli
The Muhammadan tradition x'iii
REMARKS ON THE NARRATIVE OF THE BOOK OF THE
HIMYARITES xlvii
THE SOURCES OF THE BOOK OF THE HIMYARITES A N D
ITS AUTHOR Lxiii
THE HISTORICAL VALUE OF THE BOOK OF T H E HIMYA*
RITES Ixvii
APPENDIX. NAMES OF PERSONS A N D PLACES
Prefatory remarks on the Personal Names Ixxviii
List of Names of Persons and Places Ixxxiv
TRANSLATION xcix
NOTES ON THE SYRIAC TEXT cxlvii
ADDITIONS A N D CORRECTIONS clxxi
FACSIMILES, Plates I - V I I I
SYRIAC TEXT !"61
 : ' '

: 7
 THE M A N U S C R I P T
A MANUSCRIPT A N D ITS BOARDS
In the spring of 1920 I received for examination a Syriac manuscript
belonging to two Swedish bibliophiles, Mr. and Mrs. E. G. Wiren of
Stocksund. The owners had themselves observed that the cloth^covered
boards of the volume, which were ripped open, also contained a number
of fragments in Syriac writing, and they were interested to know some*
thing about them as well as about the main manuscript.
Prying into the boards I happened to read on one of the many
fragments there hidden the lines that are to be found in the present
volume p. 54 a , 15—25. As I was fairly certain, at the first glance, that those
lines had not been met with, up to that date, in all Syriac literature,
I proposed to the owners to let a competent person open the boards
and take out the fragments of old MSS. of which the boards were
composed. My proposal was accepted and in December 1920 I received
for further examination a bundle of fragments, greater and smaller,
that had been found in the boards together with some pieces of ems
broidered linen, possibly of Egyptian make of the thirteenth century.
Amongst those fragments, the greatest part turned out to be the rem«
nants of a work, the title of which was once "The Book of the
Himyarites". It is the text of these fragments that is now edited
for the first time in this volume. 1 )
Before going on to describe in some detail the fragments and the
MS. of that work I think fit to make some remarks as to the MS. in
the boards of which the fragments were found. As stated already in
my note just cited, it contains a collection of liturgies for the celes
bration of the Eucharist in the Jacobite Church. The volume has lost
many leaves, especially at the beginning and at the end. There are
remains of 29 quires of 10 leaves each, of which however only 7 quires
still retain all their original leaves; two further quires are made complete
i) Cf. Kungl. Ilumanistiska Vetenskapssamfundet i Lund, Arsberattelse 1920—1921,
pp. 30—40.
 xii The Book of the Himyarites

by means of additional leaves written by a second hand; all the rest

are more or less defective. Several leaves are loose from the binding.
The first leaves existing contain the latter part of a liturgy of the
Eucharist, which ends (fol. 18 b ) J ) with a special note (£»• i-r^»^ A*)
bearing the date 1781 of the Seleucidian era, i. e. A. D. 1469—70. On the
next leaf but one (20 h ) begins an introduction to the solemn bringing
in of the holy elements (li^j®, v<U»Q*B). The leaf 25 1 brings an Index
of liturgies of the Eucharist, which is in conformity with the contents
of all the rest of the volume. It runs:
Index of Liturgies.
1. of James, the brother of the lord, 2. of Simeon Kepha,
3. of the twelve Apostles, 4. (k*iA»t i. e. of Julius, 6. of
Mar Thomas Harqlaya, 7. of Ignatius the "Igneous", 8. of Mar
Philoxenos of Mabbogh, 9. of the same Mar Philoxenos, 10. of
Mar Xystos (Sixtus), 11. of Matthew the Shepherd, 12. of Mar
Dionysios, 13. of St. John the Evangelist, 14. of MarEustathios, 15. of
Mar Kyrillos, 16. of Mar James the Doctor, 17. of Mar
Philoxenos of Bagdad.
In the midst of this last liturgy the MS. ends abruptly, many leaves
of the quire being missing. A colophon therefore is not to be found
nor otherwise any statement as to the date or the provenience of the
MS. apart from the year given above.
This kind of liturgical MSS. is well known amongst scholars and
has many representatives in the libraries of Europe. 3 ) It is not neces*
sary therefore, I think, to dwell longer on this subject.
As to the leaves and fragments of which the boards were composed
they belonged to three if not four different MSS. But by far the greatest
part of them came from the MS. that contained once the Book of the
Himyarites. The rest, about a dozen greater pieces and some small
fragments from two (or three) different MSS,, one of which is in two or
three different handwritings, are in a very bad condition. The text in
the few fragments from one of those MSS. is still tolerably legible; it
contains some trifling lines out of medical or chemical recipes. The
fragments of the second of those MSS. only by exception present a
single line that is legible from end to end, notwithstanding the lines
i) The numbering of the leaves is a preliminary one. Originally this leaf belonged
to the fourth quire of the MS.
a
) See A. Baumstark, Geschichte der sy rise hen Literatur (Bonn 1922), Register s. v.
Anaphora.
 The Manuscript xiii

being only 9—9.5 centimetres in length and the comparatively large

handwriting allowing only four or five words in each line. The size
of the page of this MS. was 18 centimetres by 14; to be fitted in the
boards the pages had to be pasted together to pieces of the size
21 centimetres by 16.5, which was the size of the boards. The book*
binder has done his work very well and, as the leaves now are full
of holes, decayed and brittle, it has been difficult, often impossible,
to separate them from each other. This task has been brought about,
therefore, only so far as to insure no fragment of the Book of the
Himyarites being hidden in these pieces of paper pasted together.
The contents of these fragments seem to be prayers.
From the same volume certainly is another piece in a quite
different, though also WestiSyrian handwriting, immediately taking up
a line of what seems to be the first hand. Two more fragments are
in a writing closely resembling this latter one though perhaps larger
and stronger. They are written, however, in Karshuni.
All these fragments thus are of no special interest as to their
contents. And I have not been able to discover in them any hint as
to the date when they were put in the.boards. I think, however, one
can take the date given above, the year A. D. 1469—70, as the approx*
imate date of the liturgical MS. itself and probably at the same time
it was bound in the boards which have up till now hidden in their
interior the fragments in question.

THE REMNANTS OF AN OLD CODEX

By far the greatest part of the fragments in the boards and
the best preserved of them, belong to the Book of the Himyarites
and to another work, a theological compilation, originally contained
in the same volume. These fragments are fiftyeight in number,
fortynine of which are from the Book of the Himyarites, six from
the other work, while three small pieces (Fragm. XLV, L, LI) are not
yet identified though they, probably, are from the Book of the Himyarites
too. One of the fragments (Fragm. XXX) contains, besides a portion
of the text of the colophon of that book, also the first part of the
theological treatise.
The fragments of the Book of the Himyarites vary considerably
in size and condition. Originally the page of the MS. was of the size
26 centimetres by 16 (or 16,5) or thereabout. The number of lines on
the page varied from 25 to 31. To be fitted into the board this page
xiv The Book of the Himyarites

had to be cut down to the size of 21 centimetres instead of 26, cf. above,
p. xiii. Of this size are the fragments I, II, I X - X V I I I , X X V I - X X X
(cf. Plates I and IV) and, originally, one more, which, however, now is
torn in half lengthways giving in consequence the two Fragm. XXIII
and XXIV. fragm. XXV looks like these two, but is much damaged,
and has, not to mention other defects, lost about one third of its length.
The fragments VII—VIII, XIX—XXII represent respectively the upper
and lower portions of leaves which have been cut right in half
(cf. Plates III, V, and VI). The fragments III—VI offer specimens of
a third type. Two coherent leaves have been trimmed down to one
piece of the normal size (21 centimetres by 16) by cutting off the exs
terior parts all round the required shape (cf. Plate II). Fortunately
some of the strips which had been cut off by this procedure likewise
have been put in the boards, and are now the fragments XXXI—XLII,
XLIV, LII, and, probably, XLV (cf. Plate VII). The fragments XLIII,
XLVI—XLIX, finally, are small pieces broken off from some of the
greater fragments and so, probably, are also the fragments L and LI,
though I have not succeeded in replacing them (cf. Plate VII).
The fragments of the theqlogical treatise are, besides Fragm. XXX,
mentioned above, five leaves of the kind of the Fragm. I, II, and
XXVI—XXX just described; the sixth one is a little fragment broken
off from a greater leaf.
These works, the Book of the Himyarites and the theological trea*
tise, have both formed parts of the same volume. The Fragm. XXX
bears as just stated, in the first column of the leaf, what certainly is
the end of the final note of the first work together with an introductory
note to the second. The leaves belonging to this work are of the same
size and of the same paper and the ink and the handwriting are the
same. The only difference is that, though the pages of the Book of
the Himyarites are written in two columns, some of the pages of the
theological treatise—in all seven pages out of eleven and a half—are not
divided in the same way.
All these fragments of the Book of the Himyarites are of course
not in the same condition 1 ). Fragm. IX—XVIII are comparatively well
preserved. They are clipped both at top and bottom: at the top without
damaging the text, while at the bottom in some cases one line is missing,

') For details in every case see the corresponding page of the text and the notes on
(hat page.
 The Manuscript xv

in other cases the text is intact, or at least can be reconstructed from

the remnants of script still left. In other respects these fragments are
in the best condition: the paper is not injured either by damp or by
worms and the writing stands out clearly and distinctly. Small holes
obviously made by the bookbinder for fixing the boards in the binding
are quite harmless. The other fragments of the same size, viz. I, II,
and XXIII—XXX, are in a much inferior state, torn and wormíeaten,
with, in most cases, a considerable portion of one corner worn off. In
very bad condition are the Fragm. XIX—XXII, while Fragm. VII and
VIII are nearly as well preserved as Fragm. IX—XVIII. Of each of
these two fragments, however, one border has been worn out, the result
of which is that three or four lines are missing in the midst of the
leaf of which they represent respectively the upper and the lower
portions. O n the other hand they give good specimens, as also the
Fragm. X X X I - X X X I I I , XXXVI, X X X I X do, of the original upper
and lower margins of the pages otherwise cut away. In tolerably good
condition also are Fragm. Ill—VI in themselves, though they have had
their place in a corner of the board which has been much worn. But
the manner in which they were adapted for the purpose of the book*
binder has led to a lamentable consequence for the conservation of the
text of the leaves of which they form parts. As already stated, the
upper and lower portions of these leaves are to be found in the
strips Fragm. XXXI—XXXIII and others. But also the exterior parts
of the leaves have been cut away with the result that the exterior
columns of these leaves are missing nearly totally or, at the best,
to the half of their breadth, as is to be seen pp. 7—22 of the Syriac
text (cf. Plate II). In addition, Fragm. V has in its upper part a half*»
round gap, over portions of three lines, which, however, can be filled
up b y Fragm. XLVIII.
In some cases, not very many, a border or a corner of a fragment
has got stained by damp and in consequence the script has become
difficult to read if not illegible. Otherwise it is clear and distinct, and
has very likely been better preserved in the boards than it could have
been under ordinary circumstances.
The script is a regular old Jacobite hand. H a d it not been for the
date given by the MS. itself, viz. A. D. 932 (see infra p. xxi), I should
have felt disposed to make it even a hundred years older. It shows
a close resemblance to the Edessene Syriac script of the Codex Climaci
Rescriptos, which has been ascribed by Rev. G. Margoliouth and
 xvi The Book of the Hitnyarites

Mr, A. G. Ellis to the beginning of the ninth century. 1 ) If anything,

I should have been inclined to think it even slightly older than that
script.
The MS, is most carefully written. The punctuation is of the same
character as in the MS. just referred to. Especially the interpunctation
is consistently carried through; the diacritical points are used in the
ordinary, not very clear way. It is somewhat striking that the upper and
the lower point so often are placed respectively over and under the
same letter thus producing, as it would seem, a sign — like the East<Syrian
F c thaha. In fact, such an interpretation of the sign seems reasonable
enough in cases such as (p. 8 a ), ^¿r^ (Perf. with suffix, p. 27
and the personal names U4> (Hayya, p. 30Ll), ( P a b b , p. 24 b ), and
others. That, however, it would not be the true one is shown by the
fact that the same sign occurs very often also in words that have no
P e thahl, e.g., not only in such cases as (p. 3a, 61), ¿4>f (p. 7 b ), but also
in »ji p. 27 b ), J * (JI*, p. 27 b ), fcl, (M}, p. 6 b ).
Real vowelssigns do not occur in the MS. except, in three cases, a
WestiSyrian F'thaha, viz. in the placeinames (p. 7 b ), ¿ f ^ » , p. 8 b ),
a
and ^ l a (p. 8 ). This, in my eyes, looks just like an early instance
of a new method of indicating the correct pronunciation of not com?
monly known words. These vowelssigns are all of the first hand*
writing, no second hand being met with throughout the MS. But, of
course, they may have been taken over from an older MS. and this is
probably the case.
The headings are in red but the name of the tyrant Jewish king,
Masruq, is in black even in the rubrics. In red are also, in the Index
of Chapters, pp. 3—6, the Syriac characters, giving the number of each
chapter, as well as the first word (i. e. of each rubric.
On the top of some leaves the word (on the verso), or the
word JLfijfcu; (on the recto), is written with red ink in Estrangelo
characters, thus giving, as a running title, the title of the work
The sign -> is placed (with rare exceptions) at the beginning
of the first line of every column (on Fragm. XXXI', p. 13a, even at
the beginning of the second line, obviously by a mistake). The name
of the Virgin Mary, of a saint, or a bishop is marked with a little cross
( + or •:) above the line, sometimes even below it, but the name Masruq

i) See Horae Semiticae, No. VIII, Codex Climaci Rescriptus ed. by Agnes
Smith Lewis (Cambridge 1909), p. XL
i
 The Manuscript xvii

(with very few exceptions) is written upside down. The remnants of

the running title occur on Fragm. I I ' , XXXIV 2 , XXXIV 1 , V I I ' , IX',
X V I I I ' , X X I ' , cf. Syriac text pp. 6, 10, 11, 24, 25 , 44, 47. As the text
runs without interruption from p. 23 to p. 44, no leaf missing, there
originally were, as there still are, from p. 25, which bears the word
to p. 44, with the word ( i n c l u s i v e ) just twenty pages, i. e.,
ten leaves, or the whole of an ordinary quire, a quinion. N o w it was
a custom amongst Syrian scribes to write the running title, if they cared
for one, on the first and last pages of the quire. If this has been the
case here Fragm. IX—XVIII form a complete quinion of our MS.,
Fragm. VII and VIII (pp. 23f.) being the last leaf of the preceding one.
I have detected no quireimarks; see, however, note on p. 47.
There is, however, a circumstance that makes it a question whether
in the MS. of the Book of the Himyarites the running title was written
in that way. For Fragm. XXXIV, which represents the top of a pair
of conjugate leaves, bears again on two pages the two words of this
running title. But, as can be seen from pp. 10 and 11 of the edition, these
pages give a continuous text; thus they are not, as one might think
from the fact that the running tittle is to be found on them, the outer
pages of the exterior pair of leaves of the quire, but the inner pages
of the interior pair of leaves of it. Hence, in this case, the running
title was written in the middle of the quire. W e cannot know for
certain whether it was so placed instead of on the outer pages of the
quire, or whether it was written in both places.
In consequence, when Fragm. II (see p. 6) bears the first word of
the title, JaBo, it may be because it was the fifth leaf of a quire or
possibly the tenth one. Fragm. I, thus, was either the fourth leaf
or the ninth. If the last was the case I scarcely think it possible that the
Book was the first work contained in the MS. For eight leaves cers
tainly are too large a space for the introductory note that ends on
Fragm. I.
And, in fact, the probability is that the running title even in this
work was placed, ordinarily, on the first and last pages of the quire,
and was only accidentally written in the middle of the quire of which
Fragm. X X X I V is a portion. For it is more probable that the ten leaves
Fragm. IX—XVIII, of which the first and the last ones bear each its
portion of the running title, once formed a complete quire, than that
they should have formed the last half of one quire and the first half
of the following. Much the same is the case with Fragm. XXI—XXX,
2
xviii The Book of the Himyarites

of which the first one has the second portion of the title, and which,
with the addition of two leaves of the theological treatise, may have
formed, also, a complete quire. On the presumption, thus, that leaves
bearing the portions of the running title are, as a rule, the first and
last leaves respectively of a quire of ten leaves and only in one case
the fifth and sixth ones, the following table of quires has been drawn
up to show the original places in the MS. of the fragments still extant,
as well as, to some degree at least, the extent of the lacunae and the
contents of the different quires. In this table the sign (a) after the
designation of a fragment denotes that the page of which this frags
ments forms part bears the first, the sign (¿) that it bears the last word
of the running title.

TABLE OF QUIRES

Leaf Fragments Pages

in the or lacunae of the Contents
& quire edition
_ 1
r- 2
- 3
_ 4
missing

d
- 7
8
L
- 9 Fragm, I 3—4 Preface (continued). Index
— 10 Fragm. If (a) 5—6 Index (continued)

Quire (or quires) missing Chapter I—VII

. I Fragm. Ill, XXXI, XXXII 7-8 Chap. VII (end), VIII i)

2
' 1 Chap. VIII (continued)
- 3 ) missing
- 4 i 9-10 Chap, VIII (end), IX
|—5 Fragm. IV, XXXIII, XXXIV (a) 11-12 Chap. IX (confirmed)
1-6 Fragm. IV, XXXIII, X X X I V (6)
7 Chap. IX (end), X, XI, XII, XIII
missing
10 Fragm. III, XXXI. XXXII 13-14 Chap. XIII (continued)

1) It must be stated that no trace of the running title is to be seen on the fragment
XXXI though it contains the upper margin of the leaves here supposed to have been the
first and last ones of the quire, By supposing them, however, to be the second and ninth
leaves too little space is left for Chapters X—XII.
 The Manuscript

Leaf Fragments Pages

In the or lacanae of the Contents
quire edition
- I missing Chap. XIII (continued}
- 2 F. agni. V, XXXV, XXXVIII,XLVIH 1 5 - 1 6 Chap. XIII (end), X I V
- 3 Fragm. VI,XXXVI,XXXVII, XLIV, 1 7 - 1 8 Chap. X I V (end)
LI I
missing Chap. XV, XVI
ft I
i- 8 Fragm. VI, XXXVI, XL 19-20 Chap. XVI (continued)
— 9 Fragm. V, XXXIX, XLI 21-22 Chap. XVI (end), XVII
^ 10 missing Chap. XVII (confirmed)

1
- 2
- 3

b
1-7
missing Chap. XVII (?), XVIII, XIX

^ 9
- 10 Fragm. VII, VIII (a) 23-24 Chap. XIX (continued)

_ 1 Fragm. IX (fe) 2.5-- 2 6 Chap. XIX (end), XX

- 2 Fragm, X 27- 28 Chap. XX (continued)
- 3 Fragm. XI 29-- 3 0 Chap. XX (end), XXI
i— 4 Fragm. XII 31- -32 Chap. XXI (continued)
Fragm, XIII 33--34 Chap. XXI (continued)
r5
Fragm. XIV 35--36 Chap. XXI (end), XXII
L7 Fragm. XV 37--38 Chap. XXII (continued)
L8 Fragm. XVI 39- -40 Chap. XXII (continued)
L 9 Fragm. XVII 41--42 Chap. XXII (continued)
L JO Fragm. XVIil (a) 43--44 Chap. XXII (end), XXIII

Quires triissing]

~ 1 Chap. XXIII (continued)—

2
r
3
r
R* , missing
P
L7
8 >
- 9 Fragm. XIX, XX, XI.IX 4 5 - -46 Chap, XLI I (continued)
L
10 missing Chap, XLII (end), XLill
2*
 XX The Book of the Himyarites

y Leaf Fragments Pages

in the or lacunae of the Contents
quire edition
_ 1 Fragm. XXI,XXII,XLII,XLIII (b) 47-48 Chap. XLIII (continued)
r 2 Fragm. XXIII, XXIV, XLVI 49-50 Chap. XLIII (end), XLIV
r 3 Fragm. X X V 51-52 Chap. XLIV (continued),XLV, XLVI (?)
|— 4 Fragm. XXVI, XLVII 53-54 Chap. XLVI (end), XLVII.XLVIH
-5 Fragm. XXVfX 55-56 Chap. XLVIII(end) XLIX
G Le Fragm XXVIII 57-58 Chap. XLIX (continued)
L 7 Fragm. XXIX 59-60 Chap. XLIX (end)
L 8 Fragm. X X X 61 Colophon (and beginning of the Book
L
9 of Thimotheos)
L lo
Fragments of the Book of Thimotheos
1
H 2
3

One must estimate, thus, I think, the extent of the Book of the
Himyarites at, at least, ten quires of 20 pages each and it most
probably was considerably more voluminous.
As I have already suggested, this work was perhaps not the first
one written in that volume, of which it formed part, and it was cer#
tainly not the last. This accounts for the fact, otherwise not to be
expected, that two of the first leaves as well as the last ones of the
work still remain, just the leaves, in fact, which ordinarily are the
first to be lost in a MS, Nor do the fragments, on the whole, seem
to indicate a bad state of that MS. from which the bookbinder once
took the material for the boards he had to make. As to the paper,
Fragm. IX—XVIII are still in excellent condition and most of the
others owe their bad state to the knife of the bookbinder, and to
the damage caused to the boards by wear and worms.
Much the same is the condition of the leaves which contain the
remnants of the theological treatise that followed, in the old codex, the
Book of the Himyarites. In the first column of Fragm. XXX ends the
final note of that book (see p. 61). Immediately after, in the lower part
of the same column, in closer writing, and included in a frame of black
ink, the following note is written:

<m i°> »¿.jo : Jj.a.mao y^} : o <°> y-(o jljloo ^t ^ x l x

.ik-OxiO» ijoi fkitt*uOD pjaoo —¿»ii? y-io ¿ v
.oCik-»? liila^Sfc.} y-i . Cut, JLftiyo itotoij fta-iaS**» ^>0. Jjo* JLakja.:«
uajua*^CD oot oj^Kjs :Ji®t Jbk&^aa iiJOj)? Jbajj ^¿xXbjo
 The Manuscript xxi
. Jhooik-'poj JJLa-o^a i f c o ^ s o fc^acus ^Aaynrv
Wp (pa? JJJ :JLJCL.» v^oioi Kiji, . ^crui^ d . ¡ ^ ^jo*
. f . . . ©» . . . . oil, , . . y+l a u X o o . ©i<(. . . .) ^vo
^ ( - f ) ytD Jicn iijotai* JUkiuy JLuJJ J-Po? JLamso
^QiOJeH iN oov-j ),> ¿S. n n

"Stephanos, a sinner above all of women born, has made and

collected diligently and carefully, according to his poor power, and
gathered and composed, to the best of his ability, this spiritual com«
position in this book, from the teachings of the holy orthodox Fathers,
to the profit of himself and of everyone who will read this book. But
this sinner Stephanos wrote it in the blessed fortress Qaryathen, 1 ) in
the church of the holy Mar Thomas. His book was finished on Tuesday
Nisan 10th, A. G. 1243 (i. e., April 10.«*, A. D. 932). But let everyone
who reads in it pray for him and for the of Stephanos. And let
everyone as and let the sentence of the Lord
. . . , according to the power which God has given His priests
power to a man to erase at all this mention (viz. of the name of the scribe).
The column ends with this. The top of the next column is muti*
lated, the outer corner being torn away. Still there are legible, as remains
of a rubric (in red), the words . . . lJbu4 and . . . . eo ^ . o ^ v This, and
some other rubrics in the text, show that Stephanos did not freely collect
the following extracts but wrote a copy of the compilation known
from MS. Add. 12,156 of the British Museum as the Book of Timotheos
against the Council of Chalcedon. 8 ) The extracts preserved in our
fragments follow each other, judging from the rubrics still existing, in
the same order as in that MS. viz. Ignatius, (Irenaeus, see next page) Felix,
Peter of Alexandria, Gregory Thaumaturgos, Simplicius. Of the rubric
following immediately after the anathemas of Simplicius nothing remains
but the word Myi^&a&j. If this means Dionvsios of Alexandria the
extracts from Cyprian have been left out here. This is the last rubric
of which a trace is preserved in the fragments. The text runs
without interruption, and is, on the verso of this fragment as well

*) On a visit there Professor E. Sachau saw the poor remains of a Syriac library. Syriac
was still used in the mass, but no one understood it. See Sachau, Reise in Syr/en und
Mesopotamien (I.eip:ig 1883), p. 31,
2) See Catalogue of the Syriac MSS. in the British Museum by W. Wright, p. 640 and
A. Baumstark, op. cit., p. 162.
xxii The Book of the Himyarites

as on the rest of the fragments (in all, three leaves), not even divided
in columns (cf. above, p. xiv). The contents are polemical, against
"the blasphemies of the Council of Chalcedon", and against Nestorios,
whose name once is written upside down as is the name of Masruq
in the Book of the Himyarites.
As to these extracts it should be added only that the quotations
from Ignatius are more extensive than in the MS. Add. 12.1561), jud*
ging from the edition by Cureton, Corpus Ignatianum (p. 21Qf). The first
passage here given is nothing less than the letter to the Smyrneans,
hitherto not found in Syriac, Chap. I—VI (beginning). The text, follow*
ing the shorter Greek recension (Corpus Ignatianum pp. 103—107),
ends with the lines edited in Syriac ibid. p. 210, 15-19, Without inter*
ruption follow the words o ^ s H (ibid, I. 23) to M U» (p, 211, l) and
the passage to (ibid. 11. 4—11). Here the column ends; the text
of the following column, that I have not identified yet, may be the
extracts from Irenaeus, and the first line (or lines) of ihe column, now
missing, might have contained the rubric (see above). The extracts
from Gregoty Thaumaturgos are those published by P. Lagarde in
Analeeta Syriaca (p. 65, 1 4 - 2 1 and 66, 1 9 - 2 3 ) .
As already stated the handwriting is the same in these fragments
as in those of the Book of the Himyarites. The writer Stephanos has
passed on immediately from the one work to the other and the date
given is, thus, the approximate date of the MS. as a whole. The writer
has stated his name not only in this note, as well as in the colophon
to the preceding work, but also in his preface on Fragm. I (Syriac text
p. 3), But in neither place, unfortunately, has the name of the author
of the Book of the Himyarites been preserved.

The examination of the fragments of the Book of the Himya*

rites now accounted for has led to the reconstruction, more or less
complete, of portions of the text of fiftyinine pages (edition pp.
3—61) from different parts of the MS. 2 ) There are two leaves giving
the end of the preface followed by a nearly complete Index of the
fortyinine chapters of the work, Further on there are remains of the
') This MS. seems to be imperfect at the beginning.
2) I stated, in my preliminary note, cited above, that the remains are from sixty»
three pages of the work. Later, however, I succeded in combining two different fragments,
each of which contains femnants of four pages. The figure 63 thus Is to be reduced to 59.
 The Manuscript xxiii

chapters VII, VIII, IX, XIII, XIV, XVI, XVII, XIX, XX, XXI, XXII,
XXIII, XLII, XLIII, XLIV, XLV, XLVI, XLVII, XLVIII and XLIX,
as well as of the colophon. As can be seen from the edition, the
remains of some of these chapters consist of few lines only, e. g.
Chapters VII, XXIII, XLV, XLVI. In other cases the text, though
of a certain length, is very fragmentary, e. g., Chapters IX, XIII, XIV,
XVI, XLII, while, in other cases again, the text is nearly intact; thus
the pages 23—44 offer a continuous text with only few and in*
significant lacunae.
These, then, are the remnants of the Book of the Himyarites
brought to light by an unexpected discovery. They give, thanks, above
all, to the Index of chapters, a clear idea of the plan and composition of
that work; they offer many characteristic specimens from various parts
of the account, and make us, by extensive passages, well acquainted
with its language and literary style. Still they are but disjecta membra
of a priceless work on the early traditions on Jews and Christians in
South Arabia. Many of the leaves recovered by a lucky chance are
of comparatively little value from a historical point of view and many
a leaf is lost for which I would gladly have given all the leaves of
Chapter XLIX and those of the Book of Thimotheos too.

TABLE OF FRAGMENTS

Fragm. I. p.3f. Fragm. XXI. p.47f. Fragm. X LI. p. 21 f.

Fragni. II. p.5f. Fragm.XXII. p. 47 f. Fragm. XLII. p. 47 f.
Fragm. III. p.7f.,13f. Fragm. XXIIL p. 49 f. Fragm. XLIII. p. 47 F.
Fragm. IV. p. 9f,, 11 f. Fragm. XXIV. p. 49 f. Fragra. XLIV. p. 17F.
Fragni. V. p. 15 f., 21 f. Fragm. XXV. p.5lf Fragm. XLV. V
Fragm. VI. p. 17f.,I9f, Fragm. XXVI. p. 53 f. Fragm, XLVI. p. 49 F.
Fragm, VII. p. 23 f. Fragm. XXVII. p. 55 f. Fragni. XLVI 1. p. 53 F.
Fragm. V I I I . p. 23 f. Fragm. XXVIII. p.57f. Fragm. XLVI II. p.Hf.
Fragm. IX. p. 2.5 f. Fragm. XXIX. P.59F. Fragm. XLIX. p. 45 F.
Fragm. X. p. 27 f. Fragm. XXX. p. 61. Fragm. L. ?
Fragm, XI. p. 29 f. Fragm. XXXI. p.7f.,13f. Fragm. LI. f
Fragm. XII. p. 31 f. Fragm, XXXII. p.7f,, 13 f. Fragni LII. p. 17F.
Fragm. XIII. p. 33 f. Fragm. XXXIII. p. 91'., 11F. Fragm. LI IL
Fragm. XIV. p. 35 f. Fragm. XXXIV, p.9f„Ilf. Fragm. LIV. Book
Fragm. XV. p. 37 F. Fragni. XXXV. p. 51 f. Fragm LV. of Thi
Fragm. XVI. p. 39 f. Fragm. XXXVI. p. 17 F., 19f. Fragni. l.VI. mos
Fragm. XVII. p. 41 f. Fragm. XXXVII. p. 17 F. Fragm. LVI1. theos
Fragm. XVIII, p. 43 f. Fragm. XXXVIIJ. p. 15 F. Fragm. l.VI II.
Fragm, XIX. p. 45 f. Fragm.XXXIX. p. 21 f.
Fragm. XX. p. 45 f. Fragm. XL. p. 19f.
xxiv T h e Book of t h e Himyarites

T H E BOOK OF T H E HIMYARITES A N D ITS RELATION TO

OTHER NARRATIVES O N T H E ABYSSINIAN ? HIMYARITIC
STRUGGLES
It is well known that there once was widely spread through the
Orient a tradition of an invasion by the Abyssinians of the South of
Arabia in the first part of the 6 t h century, and of certain incidents in
connection with that enterprise. As to the form which this tradition
has acquired in old literatures there are considerable differences accords
ing as to whether one consults a Muhammadan or a Christian, a
profane or an ecclesiastical work.') The events can be related as merely
political ones and brought into connection with the outstanding political
fact of those days, the rivalry between Byzantium and Persia, or they
can be pictured as a religious struggle, a struggle between Christianity,
just penetrating into South Arabia, and Judaism, since old times
existing in the country side by side with the indigenous paganism.
The ecclesiastical works, on the other hand, dwell, exclusively or
especially, on a persecution of the Christians and on the deeds of the
martyrs who were made its victims, while the Muhammedan relation,
in want of original features of more real value, pads out its narrative
with fantastical matters so appreciated by the Arabs. Besides such
differences of treatment or representation of the story there are, between
these relations, so many divergences concerning the details in nearly
every respect, not least as regards the very names of the characters,
that it has remained an open question, not only whether any trust*
worthy information at all can be derived from these sources, but also
as to the relations in which they stand to one another. In this tangle
of incongruous or contradictory representations, of which it is, however,
not necessary here to give a minute account, the Book of the Himys

') Christian sources are;

I. Ecclesiastical:
1. The martyrology of Harith (Martyrium Si Arethae, in this work called Acta).
a) Greek text published first b y J. Fr. Boissonade in Anecdote Graeca, vol. v (Paris
1833), pp. 1 - 6 2 , and later, with Latin translation, by E. Carpentier in Acta
Sanctorum, October, vol, x (Paris and Rome 1869), pp. 7 2 1 - 7 5 9 .
b) Aethiopic (Geez) text published by F. M. E. Perejra in Historia dos Martyres
de Nagran (Lisbon 1899), pp. 7 9 - 1 2 2 , with Portuguese translation pp. 1 2 3 - 1 6 5 ;
cf. German translation by W. Fell in ZDMG, vol. 35 (1881), pp. 4 8 - 7 4 . This
text is said to be derived from an Arabic version.
c) Armenian text (cf. Acta Sanctorum, op. cit., p. 719 and Bibliotheca Hagiographica
orientalis edd. Socii Bollandiani, Bruxelles 1910, p. 26), translated from the Greek
(see NSldeke in GGA 1882, I, p. 207). is not published.

J
 Relations to other Narratives xxv

arites now enters as fresh evidence bringing with it, as is often the
case with new documents, the solution of some old problems and the
introduction of some new ones.
Before going on to study its value as a historical account it will be
appropriate first to examine its relation to the other narratives just
referred to.
A glance at the Index of chapters of the Book of the Himyarites
suffices to show that this work, nothwithstanding its historical character,
is closely akin to the narratives that I have named above as ecclesiü
astical, viz.: the Letter of Simeon of Bêth Arshäm and the Acta
SI Arethae- These two works are, as is well known, the principal
documents for the traditions which occupy us here. As to their
d) Arabic text (cf. L, Cheikho, Le christianisme et la littérature chrétienne en Arabie
avant V islam I, Beyrouth 1912, p. il and see, on a Karshitni MS. at Jerusalem,
A, Baumstark in Orlens Christianus N. S. vol. iii, p. 323f,) is not published.
e) Of a Latin version of the 9th century a fragment is preserved and published
in Acta Sanctorum op. dt. pp. 761 f.
2. The Letter of Simeon oj Beth ^rshlrn.
a) Syriac text published by I. Guidi in Atti délia R. Accademia dei Lincei, Memorie
délia classe di scienzc morali, storiche e filologkhe, Vol. vii (Roma 1881),
pp. 501-515.
b) Of this Letter several more or less altered and shortened Syriac recensions are
known, partly embodied in the historical works of John of Asia, (Pseudo»)
Zacharias of Mitylene, and Michael Syrus, As for editions see Bibliotheca
Ilagiographka, pp. 24 f.
3. The Hymn of John Psaltes.
Preserved only in a Syriac translation published first by R. Schröter in ZDMG.,
vol. 31 (1877), pp. 400-405 and later by E. W . Brooks in Patrologia Orientalis,
vol. vii, pp. 613 ff.
4. Of secondary importance only are the notices preserved in the Synaxaria of the
different Oriental churches. The item of a Maronite Synaxarhim (in Arabic)
is published by Guidi, op. cit., pp. 496f., those of the Aethiopic first by Sapeto
and again by Pereira, op. cit, pp. 169 173 and pp. 179f, Shorter notes of similar
origin arc found elsewhere, cf., for instance, Acta Sanctorum, op. cit., pp. 714f.
II. Profane:
t. Procopius, De hello persico I, cap. 19—20 (Opera omnia recogn. J. Haury, vol. i,
Leipzig 1905, pp. 100--104, 106-110).
2. Cosmas Indicopleustes, The Christian Topography ed. E. O. Winstedt (Cambridge
1909), p. 72 (short notice).
Other historical works, Byzantine or Syriac, treating the Abyssinian»llimyaritic struggles
are devoid of value as independent historical sources.
Muhammadan sources are the traditions embodied in:
1. Ibn Hishäm, Das Leben Muhammed's herausg. v. F. WListenfeld (Göttingen 1858),
pp. r.-n.
2. Tabari, Annales ed. M. J. DeGoeje, Series t, pp. llV-Sr. and other works.
I am, however, aware of no other Arabic work that can claim the value of an
independent source as to the traditions here in question.
XX vi The Book of the Himyarites

relation to each other it seems to be the preferred opinion that the Acta
are based, essentially, on the Letter, This is the view held by Noldeke
and Guidi, 1 ) who consider the Letter as the authentic work of the
Bishop Simeon, just named, and written In the year after the bloody
deeds in Najran, that is in the year 524 of our era. But it is the
view held also by Halevy,' 2 ) who thinks the Letter a forgery without
historical value and without any right to the name of Simeon.
N o w I was able, in my preliminary notice on the discovery of
the fragments of the Book of the Hi my a n t e s / ) to state that the Acta
are in still closer connection with this Book of the Himyarites than
with the Letter. This verdict has in view, first and essentially, the
whole of the plan and the principal lines of the narrative but also
many minor details. There prevails, in fact, such an intimate and
characteristic agreement between the two works that one need not
enter into a very p r o f o u n d study of them to ascertain the justice of
the remark (1. c.), that: "The Acta are little more than an extract from
some chapters of the Book of the Himyarites."
The following hasty review of the contents of the Acta as compared
with corresponding portions of the Book of the Himyarites will con*
firm this in spite of the fragmentary condition in which this latter work
is known to us.
The author of the Acta 1 ) begins (§ 1) b y fixing the date of the
incidents which he is going to relate, and states, at the same time, the
names of the kings of the Abyssinians and of the Himyarites at that
date, namely Elesbaas and Dunaas, respectively. These kings are shortly
characterized. A geographical (and ethnographical) orientation follows
stating that the Himyarites were either heathens or Jews. Unfortu*
nately it is impossible to know whether the Book of the Himyarites
ever offered exactly the same information in these respects'") as nothing
remains of its six first chapters. Still it is obvious, from the Index,
that Chapters I—III were devoted to, at all events, an identical object.

1) See Noldeke in GGA 1899, p. 826f. and Guidi, op, laud., pp. 476, 499.
2) Cf. Revue des etudes juives, vol. 18 (1889), pp. 21, 38 ff.
3) Cf. Kungl. Humanistiska Vetenskapssamfundet i Lund, Arsberattelse 1920—21
(Lund 1921), p. 38.
J) I quote this work according to the edition of the Bollandistes, Acta Sanctorum,
Octobris, X. X (Paris and Rome 1869), pp. 721—759, speaking of the sections of that edition,
marked 1 - 3 9 , as §§ 1 - 3 9 .
5
) I do not speak here of the names of the kings as they will be subjects for con si«
deration later.
 Relation to other Narratives xxvii

This paragraph ends by stating that perpetual wars raged between the
king of the Abyssinians and the king of the Himyarites, who was his
Tributary, on account of the polytheism of the Himyarites. Elesbaas
arrives with an army and defeats the impious king of the Himyarites.
It is possible that Chapters IV, V and perhaps VI of the Book of the
Himyarites contained materially corresponding statements but no details
can be derived from the headings of the chapters preserved in the
Index, which are the only remains of these portions of the book.
The following paragraph of the Acta (§ 2) tells of the town Najran,
its population, its Christianity, the flight of the Jewish king to the
mountains, the return of the king Elesbaas to Abyssinia leaving in
Arabia troops under their Abyssinian commander, and how the Jewish
king fell upon those troops and massacred them, excited a persecution
of the Christians in the country, and finally marched against Najran.
A s to the Book of the Himyarites it appears from the Index that
Chapters V—IX related similar incidents and fragments of Chapters
VII—IX furnish us with specimens of their narrative as to the massacre
of the Abyssinians (in Zafar), the beginning of the persecution of the
Christians and the coming of the Jewish king to Najran. But neither
from the headings nor from the fragments can we tell whether the
geographical details, as, for instance, the description of Najran, have
had their equivalents there.
The next paragraphs (§§ 3—5) describe the vain efforts of the Jewish
king first to bring the men of Najran to abandon Christianity, then to
conquer the town, and the treachery b y which he finally made himself
master of it. The last lines of § 5 relate how the bones of the Bishop
Paul, who had been dead for two years, were exhumed and burnt and
the ashes scattered in the wind. A s to the events recorded, Chapter IX of
the Book of the Himyarites is equivalent to these paragraphs. The
utterances of the characters are of course not identical in the two versions;
such elements of the narrative are usually treated comparatively freely
by copyists, editors and compilers. Certain particulars, such as the inter*
pretation of the name Najran and the statement that the rebellion took
place in the winter (in § 3), the Jewish king's claim that the people of
N a j r a n should pay their taxes to him and the account of the Himyaritic
monetary system (in § 4), are not to be found in the fragments of the
Book of the Himyarites; nor is the episode of the bones of the Bishop
Paul recorded in the fragments of this chapter. But a very mutilated
passage in a later fragment, from Chapter XVII (see p. 22 a , 14f),
xxviü The B o o k of the Himyarites

shows that it was known also to the author of the Book. But in another
point—though a rather insignificant one—it seems as if there were a real
contradiction between the two works. When the town of Najran had
opened its gates to the Jewish king he entered the town (§ 5, p. 724D).
This probably seemed quite natural to the author of the Acta seeing
that the king had been so anxious to force an entry. But it looks
as if this were not the case in the narrative of the Book of the Himyf
antes. The text is rather fragmentary but everything in the narrative
points to the fact that the king himself never entered but stayed outside
in his camp (p. 35 a , 22. 43 a , 2 4 f f . ) . The Najranites came to him there
(p. l l a , 12), and his own men were sent into the town to collect his
victims and bring them out to him.') It is obvious that this is the
original version—of which, moreover, an echo remains even in the Acta
a few lines after the passage just alluded to: "x«l ttj l£rjc avoEEocvtEi,
¿i^XOov SiravTEc oi afr/vjpl a&rwv . , . icpoc xov paotXIa". The old latin trans*
lation of the Acta, made by the Bishop Athanasius of Naples in the
9 t h century, seeks to reconcile the two versions by the words: " M o x
autem ingressus teterrimus Homeritarum draco: cui omnes pariter
magnates . . . ante ingressum urbis obviam venientes . . ."*) The Letter
of Simeon (p. 502, 24) agrees with the Book.
Paragraphs 6—9 relate—though in a rather confused manner—how
an immense pyre was prepared on which the priests and other members
of the clergy of the town, in all 427 persons, were burnt whilst the
notables, with the holy Arethas at their head, were imprisoned and
invited to deny their faith. A s they refused to do so they were mars
tyred. Their women and children were brought to them to persuade
them to recant. But as, on the contrary, they exhorted them to perses
vere in their refusal the women also were led away to be killed by
the sword. After a dispute between ten "xotvomat" on the one side
and the rest of the women on the other as to which party was entitled
to the benefit and honour of going first to death the execution was
carried out. The king expressed his astonishment at the spread of
the false doctrine of the Crucified over all the world.
It is easy to see, from many inconsistencies in the narrative,") that
this account is a compilation. In the Book of the Himyarites Chapter XIII,
and probably Chapter XVIII, told of similar events; possibly Chapter

See p. 21a, 8. 13, 21b, 20. 22b, 10. 26a, 8, 21. 28b, 1. 4. 39», 20. 44b, 8if.
) Acta Sanctorum
J Octobris, T. X, p. 762 B.
C f . also below p. xxxff.
 Relation to other Narratives xxix

XXIII contained some analogies to what is related in § 9 about the

death of the women. Perhaps also, if the full text of the Book of
the Himyarites were placed before us, we could discover particulars
from these paragraphs of the Acta also in other chapters of the Book.
Still there are unmistakably certain differences between the narratives
of the two works in the sections in question. The Acta tells of a pyre
on which certain martyrs were burnt; in the Book of the Himyarites
they perished in the flames of the churches or, in one case, of a house.
Still there is in the narrative of the Book of the Himyarites at least
a partial equivalent in two definite cases in which the executioners
threw fuel on the burning ruins to feed the fire. Other differences
certainly are due to the character of the narrative of the Acta as a
compilation. The Letter (p. 503 f.), here too, tells of the events in the
same explicit manner as the Book.
On the other hand the mutual connection of the two narratives
appears not only in the principal traits but also in details. As already
pointed out, it can not be expected that speeches and dialogues should
be reproduced in the same words in different versions. The narrator,
in most cases, felt justified in making the actors speak just as he him*
self thought fit in the situation. It is the more worth noticing, then,
that the remark of the Jewish king (Acta § 6, p. 728 E), namely that
the Romans now realized that the Crucified was a man, is met with
also in the Book of the Himyarites (p, 13a, 2«,). Unfortunately the text
is interrupted here so it is doubtful whether the following words in
the Acta, alluding to the Nestorians, once occurred in the Book of the
Himyarites too. Also the utterance of the Jewish king in which he
expressed his astonishment at the Christians (Acta § 9, p. 730D) has
its parallel in the Book (p. 2l\ 8-12), The remark (§ 7, p. 729A) that
many Christians had escaped and hidden themselves in the mountains
does not occur in the corresponding part of the Book of the Himya*
rites. But something similar is said a little later on in that work
(p. 44 b , 18f.), and alluded to in p. 54", 9f. Even as to phrases and exs
pressions there are some points of agreement between the two works
(cf. notes on the text of pp. 10a, 19«, 25'\ 26 a , 27% 33a).
The paragraphs 10—14 deal with the martyrdom of a rich widow
and her two daughters. This story is nothing but an abridged and
confused reproduction of Chapter XXII of the Book of the Himyarites.
As this is one of the chapters whose text is preserved intact in our
fragments, it is easy here to study the relation between the two
XXX T h e B o o k of t h e H i m y a r i t e s

versions. The clear and natural plan of the narrative of the Book of
the Himyarites is, in the Acta, thrown into confusion not so much by
the abridgement but by a careless transposition of an episode. Paras
graphs 11 and 12 reproduce an address that the martyr delivered to
the women of Najran, on her way to the king to be questioned. But
the questioning begins in § 10 and is continued in § 13 and the first
lines of § 13 show that the king has seen and heard nothing of all
that, according to §§ 11 and 12, has just taken place before him. Certain
details are remodelled and exaggerated, obviously to make them, to
the mind of the redactor, more striking. In the narrative of the Book
the widow appears before the king without a veil, for which the
king blames her with the remark that she had let only a few men see
her face before. This in the Acta leads to the statement that "the
sun never before had seen her face" and that therefore the king's men,
when bringing her out to be questioned, took care to protect her
against its rays by an umbrella, o r ' ) by bringing her in a sedan. Later
on, while questioning her, the king orders her to be unveiled. The two
daughters of the widow are in fact, in the Book of the Himyarites,
one daughter and one granddaughter. Even in this work, however,
they are twice, for the sake of simplicity, called her daughters, (see
p. 30b, 5 and p. 39 a , 21.) In the Book of the Himyarites one of them
spits at the king saying: "This spittle in thy face etc."—in the Acta she
of course really spits in the king's face.
The martyrdom of this woman is dated in the Acta as "the third
day" (p. 731 B), One asks: after which event was it the third day? The
expression may easily be combined with the words "the following day"
at the beginning of the 6 t h paragraph. This expression means the day
after Najran had surrendered and the king entered the town. It seems
then that the third day is meant to be the third day after the surrender
of the town. This however is not the dating of the Book of the
Himyarites. There the martyrdom of this widow, the holy Ruhm,
took place many days after that incident. Still, there too, a period of
three days is mentioned in so far as it is said (p. 38 a , 5) that a daugh*
ter of this same Ruhm had been killed "three days before". That day,
a Monday, was the day of the martyrdom of the freeborn women in
general (see Chap. XX); Ruhm, because of her high social position,

') Sic!, the redactor not being able to make up his mind which of the alternatives
to choose.
 Relation to other Narratives xxxi
had been separated from the others and was now treated alone with
the two girls on Wednesday, "the third day" after the martyrdom of the
other freeborn women. The same dating is met with also in the Letter
of Simeon (p. 504, l2f.). Hence comes, I think, the tij ^ ¿ p « t^j rphji
of the Acta,
Paragraphs 15—20 of the Acta describe the martyrdom of the holy
Arethas and the freeborn men of Najran; this again is dated as "the
following day"—obviously the day after the martyrdom of the widow
Ruhm, accounted for in the preceding paragraphs. To take it literally
their death is reported already in § 8 as having happened on the day
before the martyrdom of the widow. Here, again, the Acta have
disarranged the narrative. 1 ) In the Book of the Himyarites the death
of the freeborn men in general and that of Harith and 'Arbai(?) are
told of in Chapters XVIII and XIX respectively, and the latter dated
Sunday, i. e. the day before that on which the freeborn women were killed.
Unfortunately, of Chapter XVIII nothing remains in the fragments of
the Book of the Himyarites. Of Chapter XIX are preserved the last
lines of the main martyrology and the date (p. 23 a ), and, besides this, the
description of the interment of the bodies and the list of the names
of the martyrs. These last two portions of the chapter, though of
special interest in themselves, have no equivalents in the Acta and
therefore are of no importance here. The final lines of the main
martyrology contain nothing but the last words of the martyr (Harith
or 'Arbai [?]) and the statement that he was decapitated.
We do not know therefore if the much discussed placesname
'OpeSiswii (Wadi), given by the Acta (§ 20, p. 736F) to the place where
the martyrs were put to death, has occurred also in the Book of the
Himyarites. Still there is obviously some inconsistency between the two
relations as to the localities. In the Acta the men were martyred in this
place 'OpeSiovoc (J. 1.) and it seems to follow from a passage at the
beginning of § 9 (p. 729F) that the women had been killed on the
same spot. They were all interred there, as far as they were interred
at all. In the Book of the Himyarites the women were massacred on
the spot where their men had been killed, a place inside the wall of
the town of Najran. But their bodies afterwards were dragged out
of the town and buried in a grave, or in graves, in a "handaq" (p. 30a, u )

*} The same is the case with the narrative of §§ 6,8—9; the chief points of incoherence
ate so obvious that I do not think it necessary to dwell in detail on them ,
xxxii T h e B o o k of the H i m y a r i t e s

or (poosaxov (p. 44 a , 10} outside the wall, which, I think, in the

idea of the author, was nothing but the moat before the wall. Where
the bodies of the men were interred is not said in the fragments but
most likely, judging by certain indications, it was not in the same
place as the women. Obviously the differences between the two
relations as to the details here treated depend upon the carelessness
of the redactor of the Acta.
Paragraphs 21 and 22 tell the story of a woman, who, with her
little son, was amongst the spectators at the execution of Harith, and
was seized as a victim. The boy at first ran to the king to seek release
for his mother from the executioners, but seeing his mistake he rejected
all the lures of the king, who even proposed to adopt him, bit the
king in the leg to get free and threw himself into the pit filled with
fire where his mother was cast There are no remains of this story
in the fragments of the Book of the Himyarites, and it is not easy
to find out, in the Index, a chapter that reasonably could have told it.
Perhaps one might suggest Chapter XXVI, if the fragmentary heading
means that the woman there mentioned was present at the death of
Harith. It is all the more unfortunate that we are not able to state
if this episode was told also in the Book of the Himyarites—and
how it was told, if it was — as it is the only instance, in the Christian
traditions of the persecution in Najran, of a pit filled with fire, that
could be brought into relation with the famous ^»x&J of Sura LXXXV, 4
in the Koran. In the letter of Simeon the woman is beheaded but
the boy is spared. And, later, Joh. of Ephesus 1 ) states that he himself
has frequently met with him in Constantinople.
Before leaving this episode it is to be noted, however, that the
list of martyrs, in ChapterXIX (p.25 a , 19ff.), speaks of a certain Aswar(?),
son of Mu'man, whom the king would make his adoptive son but
who declined and was killed. And in another connection, Chapter XVI
(p. 21 a , isfi.), the Book tells of a young man, Abraham, who threw
himself in the flames. But I do not think that these martyrs and their
deeds have much to do with the story of the woman and her little
son, a boy of four or five years of age, as told in the Acta.
Paragraph 23 of the Acta states that all Christian children were
gathered and distributed as slaves amongst the notables of the king.
Further it tells of a prodigy, a mighty glow of a fire, that was seen
i) See j . S. Assemani, Biblhtheca orkntalis, vol. I, p. 380.
 Relation to other Narratives xxxiii
on the sky when the Jewish king was to leave Najran. Nothing
corresponding to this is to be found in the fragments of the Book of
the Himyarites. For the light spoken of in p. 2Qb, Iff. is, though also
of a supernatural origin, not to be compared with this.
Paragraph 24 is a hymn in honour of Najran obviously placed
here as the dosing of the story of the Martyrs in conformity with an
established usage in such cases. And, really, it is known that the
Armenian version of the Acta ends with what is here told in § 23.
This closing hymn certainly has much contributed to the popularity
of the idea that the following portions of the Acta originally did
not belong to this work. In fact these following portions, more poli*
tical and profane, seem rather out of place after that hymn.
But of such a hymn there are not the slightest traces in the Book
of the Himyarites. Moreover, it would obviously contrast with the
idea and plan of that work. So much the more are the following
chapters, telling of the vengeance wrought on the Jews by the Abyss
sinians, appropriate in the Book of the Himyarites. They form together
with the first seven chapters of the book the broad frame in which
the stories of the martyrs have had their place as episodes, if ever so
significant episodes, of the whole. This fact, now, accounts also for
the corresponding portions of the Acta. They are there, just as
they are in the Book of the Himyarites, and because they are in the
Book of the Himyarites. Still the case is not altogether the same.
The Book of the Himyarites is a historical work with the stories of
the martyrs as its central and essential portion. The Acta are acts of
Martyrs with a historical introduction and a historical epilogue of a
Marked edificatory character. By this modification of the aim of the
Work the politicoshistorical epilogue, which, moreover, is of a consi«
derable length, gives the impression of something heterogeneous, that
originally did not belong to this work. And this impression is much
intensified by the hymn to Najran in § 24. In fact, the impression made
by these two sorts of epilogue is so strange that I think the later
and secondary one, i. e. the hymn, cannot have been added but to a
shortened recension of the Acta, such as is known from the Armenian
version just referred to. Once introduced at the end of such an abridged
form the hymn has more easily found its way also into the fuller
recension.
I shall now proceed to compare these last paragraphs of the
Acta with the corresponding portions of the Book of the Himyarites.
3
xxxiv The Book of the Himyarites

Unfortunately not very much remains of these portions of the Book

and what remains is often in a very fragmentary condition.
Paragraphs 25 and 26 of the Acta take us to the camp of the Lakh*
mid Prince Mundhar at Ramla, in the Syrian desert, where we meet
with an embassy from the Emperor in Byzantium, Justinus, witness a
controversy between the members of this embassy, who are Mono?
physites, on one side, and a Nestorian, Silas, who also is present there,
on the other side, and hear of the famous letter that the Jewish King
of the Himyarites has just sent to Mundhar. The only equivalent to
this in the fragments of the Book of the Himyarites is the indication
in the Index that Chapter X X V has communicated the contents of a
letter from Masruq to Mundhar. Nothing remains of that chapter.
The next paragraphs (§§ 27, 28) deal with the measures taken by
the Emperor Justinus and the bishop in Alexandria, Timotheus, to
induce the King of Abyssinia to hasten to the succour of the Christians
in the land of the Himyarites. In spite of the defective state in which
we know the Book of the Himyarites it is fairly sure that that Book
has told nothing of any such measures. Already from the headings
of the chapters in the Index it is clear enough that the Christian
Himyarites themselves have informed the Abyssinians of the insurrection
of Masruq. And there is every probability, to judge from many indin
cations, that the Emperor, and perhaps even the Bishop of Alexandria,
were never mentioned in the Book of the Himyarites.
In § 29 the Acta describe how ships were brought together and
other measures taken for the war, how the King Elesbaas went to the
church before departing to the war, quoting (§ 30) the prayer that he
said there, 1 ) and (§ 31) how he visited a Greek holy man, Zonenos.
It is very improbable that the Book of the Himyarites ever contained
anything of that kind.
It is true that what the headings of the chapters mention as their
contents is not to be taken too rigorously. For instance, Chapter VII
should, according to its rubric, deal with the departure of the Abyssinians
from the land of the Himyarites. Yet the last lines, the only ones
remaining, of this chapter (p. 7*) tell how the Jewish rebel by false promises
prevails upon the Abyssinian garrison in Zafar to surrender the town.

t) (t is this prayer, in the Ethiopian version of t h e Acta, but enlarged b y additions

of the same kind, that is given in a Berlin Geez Ms. (Peterm. II N a c h t r . 41, if. 1—7) as a
separate work under the heading "Prayer of King Kaleb,"
 Relation to other Narratives XXXV

Thus this chapter has dealt not only with the departure of the Abyss
sinians but also with the growing insurrection, and goes on to tell
how Masruq had collected troops and grown strong enough to take
the chance of an attack upon the chief stronghold of the Abyssinians.
But even if there have been somewhere, for instance in Chapter
XL or XLI, some notices as to the preparations for the war, they have
certainly been rather short, and many particulars in the relation of the
Acta are entirely incompatible with the spirit of the Book of the
Himyarites. I refer, for instance, to such particulars as those given in
the story of the iron chains with which the Jewish king blocked
"P the sea at Bab el Mandeb, Fantastical constructions of that kind
are unknown to the Book of the Himyarites. Thus, probably, the
Book of the Himyarites has told of the whole of the Abyssinian
expedition in a somewhat different manner. It may be that the two
adresses in Chapters XLI and XLII, that of the Abyssinian king and
that of his general, are to be looked at as indications that the Abys=<
sinians landed at two different places on the coast, just as is stated in
Acta (§ 34). But this of course is uncertain. It cannot even be said
with certainty to which chapter the description of the battle preserved
'n the fragments XIX and XX (p. 45 f.) properly belongs. I think it
Probable that it is a portion of Chapter XLII, but it may very possibly
form part of Chapter XLI, or perhaps of Chapter XXXVIII. It is ob*
vious, however, that the death of the Jewish King has been related in
another way in the Book of the Himyarites than in the Acta. Accord*
'tig to the Acta he was made a prisoner and afterwards cut down by
the Abyssinian King. According to the Book of the Himyarites he
Was slain in the battle by an Abyssinian warrior, and fell (?) into the sea.
Certainly, in the Book of the Himyarites, it came to pass without a
voice from heaven and other such miracles out of the stockfinftrade
the martyriologies which the Acta cannot dispense with.
Paragraph 38 of the Acta describes how order was restored in the
country and the churches rebuilt. The same is told of in the Book
°f the Himyarites, Chap. XLIV, X L V I - X L V I I I , in different places, as
£> PP. 49, 53, 56. Even here there is no trace of an application, on
the part of the Abyssinians, to the Emperor Justinus or to the Bishop
°f Alexandria. But the Bishop Euprepios of Abyssinia is spoken of
as
the highest ecclesiastical authority and Abyssinian priests are
appointed to the new churches. Nothing is said about a son of Harith
as
appointed governor in Najran; the name of the Himyarite made
3*
xxxvi The Book of the Himyarlles

king of the land was certainly not A b r a h a m ' ) (or Abraha), and he
was not already, before his appointment, asthe Acta think, XPW"«VIX<S»TMOC,
but had first to be baptized. N o r were, as in the Acta, Abyssinian
troops left behind with the new king and "the holy bishop." Troops
were left, of course, to look after the Abyssinian interests, and Abys*
sinian notables were left with them, but no bishop.
Finally the Acta, in § 39, relate how the victorious King Elesbaas,
having returned to Abyssinia, abdicated the throne and became a
monk so holy that no layman ventured to address him in all his life.
It is scarcely necessary to point out that the Book of the Himyarites
knows nothing of such a legendary abdication.

>;<

The preceding review of the contents of the Acta as compared

with that of the Book of the Himyarites places beyond doubt that
there is, notwithstanding all differences, a close connection between
the two works. Even just the last portions, where the narratives differ
in nearly every detail as well as in the political orientation, show
perhaps better than anything this connection. The course of the events
is throughout the same in them both and these two works, moreover,
are the only ones known that relate them at all. W h a t differs is the
general view of the writers and the scope of their works. The Acta
are a martyrology and their author knows what ingredients are needed
for a work of that kind. H e adopts from his source what he thinks
fit for his scope and rejects what he has no use for; the tyrant and
the martyrs he makes speak so as to agree with his idea as to how
the actors in a martyrology ought to speak, in this and similar details
caring very little for exact reproduction of what he has f o u n d in his
source. His aim is to glorify his hero and to impress his readers, and
he uses the means he thinks fit for that aim. For this purpose he
exaggerates the data given in his source and adds new ones; he
exercises his imagination to find out new and unheard of cruelties;
miracles manifest the interest that heaven takes in the struggle of the
martyrs, and, finally, by a supernatural intervention, the tyrant is struck
by judgment. The part in the events ascribed to the Emperor seems
to indicate that the author was a Greek, or, at least, influenced by
Greek views.
l
) See below, p. Ixii sq.
 Relation to other Narratives XXX v i i

Also the author of the Book of the Himyarites was full of zeal
for the church and for the faith, and wrote his work in honour of the
martyrs. But it was not his plan to write a martyrology on a model
already fixed long before, a new variant of a wellsknown and widely
spread type. H e would in no wise fail to derive from the events he
related the moral that could serve to edify his co-religionists and to
strengthen them against trials to come. Chapter XLIX, with its mono*
tonous and insipid exposition, that incessantly follows a model hack?
iieyed in Syriac literature and used already in Chap. XLIII, confirms
this sufficiently. It is, however, obvious that, despite all this, his prin*
cipal aim was to give a full historical record of what had happened,
not, in the first place, an edifying tract caring little for the historical
particulars, nor a novel "in majorem dei gloriam". The more I have
studied the work the more it has given me the impression that the
author was anxious to relate what he had heard and found trustworthy,
and believed himself to have really taken place. But in stating this
1 have said nothing, yet, as to the objective historical value of the
Work. It will be examined later on.
It is to be added only that, as pointed out already, the Book of
the Himyarites has told nothing, judging from the fragments, about
an influence exercised by the Emperor Justinus and Byzantium upon
the events that it relates. If, then, the difference in aim and tendency
accounts for most of the differences between the two works in plan
and in details, the general agreement between them in both respects
appears the more prominent and points unmistakably to an original
connection. I have already pointed out how this connection is to be
considered. It does not suffice to state a common source for both works;
it is obvious, in my view, that the Book of the Himyarites is the main
source and that the Acta are composed out of extracts from that work,
more or less altered and adapted for the purpose. It is scarcely neces»
sary to state that the relation cannot possibly be the inverse one, that
is
to say, the Acta cannot be the original work and the Book of the
Himyarites an amplified and enlarged edition. The internal evidence
IS
quite conclusive in this respect. The narrative of the Book of the
Himyarites bears in no single point the characteristics of an amplii
^cation but the Acta show in many cases—some of which have been
Pointed out above—the unmistakeable features of a secondary and rigo?
r
°usly shortened compendium.
It remains to consider the relation that the Book of the Himyarites
xxxviii Tbc Book of the Himyarites

and the Letter of Simeon of Beth Arsham hold to each other. The
close agreement as to the contents between this Letter and the Acta
is generally admitted; it is this agreement that has made many scholars
think the Letter to be the principal source of the first, martyrological,
part of the Acta. Thus it is a matter of course, after what has just
been explained, that the contents of the Letter are to be found, in so
far as they concern the incidents in Yaman, also in the Book of the
Himyarites, and indeed the two works agree closely as to these facts.
It is not necessary, therefore to dwell longer on this agreement nor is
there any special interest in the cases where the Acta differ from both
the Letter and the Book. As a rule the explanation of such cases will
be found in the freedom wherewith the author, or rather the compiler,
of the Acta deals with his source or sources, remodelling them and
adding to them what he thinks fit to add. By far more interesting are
cases where a disagreement between the two works, the Book and the
Letter, can be viewed as evidence of their being independent the one
of the other. Such cases are, however, rare and not very conclusive.
The following are worthy of notice:

1. In the Letter (p. 502, 20) the Jewish king declares that he has
made the church in Zafar a synagogue; in the Book it is burnt
down,
2. The speech that the rich widow, in the Letter named JL»o* and m . » « ; , 1 )
adresses to the women of N a j r a n agrees in the version given in
the Letter fairly well with that related in the Acta, but not with
the version in the Book. A manifest coincidence between the two
first*mentioned versions against the Book is the passage speaking
of the wedding-day as the day of rejoicing for a woman (see
Letter, p. 504 f„ Acta, § 11, p. 732D).
3. Another coincidence between the Letter and the Acta against the
Book is the notice (Letter, p. 506, 1 2 - 1 3 , Acta, § 11, p. 7 3 2 D )
that the king ordered the widows' hair to be dishevelled. In the
Book this detail is n o t found and the woman herself lets down
her hair immediately before the execution.
4. In the Letter (p. 506 at the bottom), as in Acta § 14 (p. 733 B), the
king having ordered this woman and her daughters to be executed
expressed his regret, considering the extraordinary beauty of these
women, at being forced to this step. In the Book of the Himyarites
1
) Cf, Guidi op. fit., p. 493, note 3.
 Relation to other Narratives xxxix

this detail is lacking and the beauty of the widow, even if mentioned,
is not made nearly so much of as in the other works.
5. The little girl, according to the Letter, as in the Acta (cf. above
p. xxx), spits in the face of the king, and not only, as in the
Book, towards the king.
Of the story of Harith (Arethas) hardly anything remains in the
fragments and it is therefore impossible to know if it was told there
in the same manner as in the Letter. As to the name of the place where
he was executed, the Wadi, see above (p. xxxi). In the Letter (p. 509,
1. 19) Harith says before the king that Najran certainly had been in
the position to endure a siege, "for there was no want of anything at
all." But when the men of Najran, in the Book of the Himyarites
(p. 10 b ), discuss the answer to be given to Masruq, when he had sum*
naoned them to surrender, it is taken for granted that the town, if it
should come to a siege, would succumb for want of food. It is obvious
however that these two statements, even if seemingly contradictory, by
no means necessarily imply thai the two works told the events in a
contradictory way, the general situation being quite different in the
two cases.
As already stated above (p. xxxii) it is uncertain if the Book of the
Himyarites has ever told the story of the woman whose little son
first applied to the tyrant king for help, and afterwards bit him
in the leg to get free, and threw himself into the fire where his mother
had just been cast. Still it is worth observing in this connection that
the Letter, which tells the story, says nothing of the pit filled with fire
(cf. above L 1.),
These few particulars, materially insignificant as they are, certainly
do not suffice to establish the Letter's literary independence of the Book.
They are more interesting in another respect as showing, by the agrees
ment of the Acta with the Letter against the Book, that the Letter also
is to be reckoned amongst the sources of the Acta along with the Book.
As to the literary relation between the Letter and the Book, the differ*
ence in plan and composition affords evidence that I consider more
conclusive.
The composition of the Letter must, from a literary point of view,
be characterized as a rather miserable one. It was the plan of the writer
first to reproduce a letter from the Jewish king in the land of the
Himyarites to Mundhar in Hirtha d e Na'man, that related the incidents
that had just taken placc in Najran, and then to amplify this relation
xl The Book of t h e Himyarites

by adding the information he himself had gathered. This plan would

make the same incidents to be related in two different places of the
author's composition. But unfortunately the author has not carried out
even this plan with the consistency required. H e has not resisted the
temptation, even in the alleged writing from the Jewish king, to insert
part of the information that he had gathered himself from other sources.
In this way he has succeeded in presenting, as a letter from the king, a
writing that no one could easily accept as authentic. It does the author
credit perhaps, when he states, in the course of the writing he pretends
to reproduce, that such or such a detail, that has just been told of, in
reality was not found in that writing, but is added by himself. But it
contributes very little to the clearness and the plan of his composition,
which was already poorly enough equipped in that respect.
This peculiar plan, or rather this want of plan, makes it impossible
to think that the Letter was dependent on the Book of the Himyarites,
N o one, however poor a writer he was, could succeed in composing
such a confused account while using the clear and explicit Book of
the Iiimyarites as his basis. Indeed this strange and seemingly careless
composition finds a natural explanation only if we assume, with N o l d e k e
and Guidi, that the Letter really is what it pretends to be, a hasty
account, composed under the fresh influence of agitating news, with the
practical aim of stimulating public opinion to set out for the relief of
the oppressed Christians in Yaman.
O n the other hand it would be unreasonable to suppose the Book
of the Himyarites to be dependent on the Letter. The Book disposes
of much more detailed and, in all respects, much fuller matter than the
Letter does. Thus it would explain nothing, to suggest that the author
of the Book had gathered his knowledge of the very incidents told of
in the Letter from the Letter and all the remaining similar matter from
another, and unknown, source.
This being the case the agreement between the Letter and the
Book of the Himyarites finds its explanation only if we suppose
them to have used as chief source the same oral account. From this
oral account, then, the author of the Letter has chosen out some few
significant particulars and incorporated them in the message that he
hastened to send out to draw the attention of Christendom to the
persecution that was going on in South Arabia. Again the author of
the Book of the Himyarites has gathered all the information within
reach in this way, and afterwards amplified it by further inquiry in order
 Relation to other Narratives xli
to put his narrative of the persecution and of the deeds of the martyrs
in its proper historical connections, and to work it out in a literary
way. The author of the Letter knows nothing of what happened
after the death of the martyrs, the author of the Book is well informed
also as to the Abyssinian expedition that brought punishment on
the persecutors about two years later. The aim of the author of
the Letter is, by an immediate protest, to call for help on behalf of his
oppressed co-religionists, while the author of the Book writes after
the settlement of the troubles, for the information and edification of
his readers.

T H E PROFANE T R A D I T I O N

The relation between the Letter of Simeon and the Book of the
Himyarites is characterized by the preceding exposition. As to the
Acta it is evident, I think, that their principal source was the Book
of the Himyarites, although the Letter of Simeon also has exercised a
certain influence, perhaps a determinative one, upon their representation
of the main martyrdoms. Still these two do not constitute the only
sources of the Acta. Neither of them has ascribed to the Emperor
Justinus, as do the Acta, any influence u p o n the events. And whence
come to the Acta (§ 29) the particulars that point to an intimate
acquaintance with ports and navigation on the Red Sea? A n d how
is it that the Acta call the two adversaries Elesbaas and Dunaas, while
the Book of the Himyarites knows them under the names Kaleb and
Masruq, and the Letter mentions them without names?
To these questions no full and definite answer can be given, l h e
very source from which the Acta have derived those particulars is
not known and probably exists no more. Still there can be but little
doubt as to the direction in which it should be sought for. The
Byzantine historiographers, Procopios, Cosmas Indicopleustes, Malalas,
and later compilers, know, too, of religious troubles in South Arabia
and of war or wars between the Abyssinians and the Himyarites in
the 6ll> century. In their relations we now, in fact, see the Emperor
of Byzantium intervening in the troubles of those remote tracts, and
We are informed, on very plausible grounds, why he did so. Cosmas,
himself, once stayed in Adulis, and saw there the preparations for an
Abyssinian expedition to the land of the Himyarites. Procopios is
well informed as to the Red Sea and the navigation there, and Nonosos,
 xlii The Book of the Himyarites

once sent by the Emperor as his legate to the King of Abyssinia, likewise
furnishes information about these parts of the world for which we
should search in vain in Abyssinian or Syrian authors. According to
Cosmas the name of the Abyssinian king is 'EXXaxCpdta; simplified b y
Malalas to 'EXeerjSoac and obviously the same as the 'B-^Sok or 'EXesPadw
of the Acta. Possibly the same name is meant by the form 'EXXijd&eciTot
of Procopios.
These somewhat vague indications are the only answer that can
be given to the questions just raised. For, while, for instance, the
works mentioned can account for the name of the Abyssinian king in
the Acta, they cannot do so for the name of his adversary, the Himyarite
Aoovaai. Neither Cosmas nor Procopios mentions him at all. In Malalas
we meet, though in another connexion, a Himyaritic king iffivoc, whom
J o h n of Asia calls Dimiun and Theophanes Aajuavii, but it
would be a very risky thing to identify this name with the name
Aomu&i of the Acta. It would be the more so, as the Abyssinian king
mentioned in connexion with this Dimnos is not Elesbaas but
another, nameless in Malalas, A i d u g in J o h n of Asia, A d a d in
Theophanes.
It is obvious then that we can point out no definite Greek work
as the source from which the compiler of the Acta has derived those
particulars of his work which he has not gathered from the Book of
the Himyarites nor from the Letter of Simeon. Still there is little
doubt that such a source has influenced his work. It has been based
chiefly upon the Book of the Himyarites; the Letter has been of use
specially in selecting and shortening the properly martyrological portions;
while a Greek tradition, parallel, partially at least, with the Syriac
tradition has furnished him with certain supplementary information,
and made him change the names of the two kings, Kaleb and Masruq,
for names more current amongst the Greeks.
N o w a d a y s we know that Kaleb was really the name of the
Abyssinian king EllaiAsbeha (Elesbaas). 1 ) A n d as to the name Masruq
it was long ago known as a name for the persecutor b y its occurrence
in the introductory note to the well-known hymn of J o h n Psaltes, that
is to be dated about A. D. 600. 2 ) As long as it stood in that note
J) Kaleb therefore is his name also in the Gccz translation of the Acta; see further
W. Fell in ZDMG vol. 35 (188!). p. 19, and F. M. E. Pcreira, Historia tlos nmctyres de
Nagran (Lisboa 1899), p. XLV sqq.
s
) See Patrologia Orientalis vol. VI, p. 5, vol. XIV, p. 299 and Baumstark in Or/ens
Christianas, N. S. I, p. 334.
 Relation to other Narratives xliii

alone, one was certainly compelled to doubt its authenticity, or simply

assume it to be a mistake. It received afterwards a noteworthy
confirmation from a highly interesting notice in the Histoire Nesto*
rienne published b y Msgr. Addai Seller,') By the discovery of the
Book of the Himyarites, finally, it has attained a real Importance.
O f course the hymn with its introductory note is too short to justify
a decisive conclusion as to its dependence on, or independence of, the
Book of the Himyarites. The probability is, however, judging from
the names Harith and Masruq, 3 ) that it depends on the Book. Cer*
tainly, at all events, it is not dependent on the Acta.

THE MUHAMMADAN TRADITION

T h e distinction made above between the ecclesiastical and the

profane traditions of the AbyssiniansHimyaritic struggles will, under
a close examination, turn out to be a distinction, broadly speaking,
between (originally) Syriac and (originally) Greek tradition. Along
with these ranks the Arabic (Muhammadan) tradition as, so it seems
at the first glance, something of its own. It remains to consider the
relation the Book of the Himyarites bears to this tradition. U n d e r
a critical examination the peculiar character of the Muhammedan tra<
dition will show itself to consist especially in the vivid, often, it is
true, rather fantastic description, and in the confidence with which it
reports without hesitation on all particulars and—of course—tells you
the names of most of the characters and often also of their fathers
and grandfathers and other relations. All these details and embellish*
ments, which in themselves, of course, deserve no credit, stripped off,
the oldest Arabic tradition on the persecution in Yaman and the first
Abyssinian occupation of that land, as told by Ibn Ishaq and preserved
b y Ibn Hisham and Tabari, 8 ) consists chiefly of the following facts,
to which parallels can be found in the contents of the B o o k of the
Himyarites.
Christianity was introduced in Najran by a stranger, Faimiun,
or by Abdallah b. ath'Thamir, who had rcccived it from a stranger.
The last king of the Himyarites was Dhu?Nuwas, who had, together
with his people, adopted Judaism. H e is said to have assumed the name

' ) Patrologia Orient,ilis, vol. V , p. 330 sq„ cf. below, p. xlix,

'2J See below, p Ix, and ef. also p. Ixii note *},
See above, p, xxv.
 xliv The Book of the Himyarites

Joseph. This king, whose capital was Sana, went with his array
against Najran and called upon its inhabitants to adopt Judaism. As
they refused "he digged for them the trench" ( ^ . x i V i , see above, p.xxxii),
burned them, slew them with the sword and mutilated them, and
killed in all nearly 20,000 of them. Amongst these was also, according
to one version, Abdallah b. athsThamir; according to another he had
been put to death previously. A man, Daus DhiiiTha'Iaban by name
(according to others bearing the name H a y y a n or Jabbar b. Eaid),
escaped, betook himself to the Emperor in Byzantium and implored
his help against D h u i N u w a s . The distance n o t allowing the Emperor
to intervene directly, the man was sent with the recommendation of the
Emperor to the King of Abyssinia who dispatched an army under Ariat—
the famous Abraha Ashram too went with the army—against the Himyarites,
who were beaten. Thereupon D h u s N u w a s threw himself on horseback
into the sea. Ariat laid waste everything in the land in which he
remained as governor. W h a t thereafter happened is without interest here.
Another version, given by the famous Ibn ahKalbi *), presents certain,
though not very important, variants. Dhu*Nuwas marched, it is true,
against N a j r a n out of zeal for Judaism. But the cause was an outrage
by the Christians there upon a Jew, whose name was Daus b. ThaV
laban. A man, not mentioned b y name, fled from Najran directly to
the King of Abyssinia and implored his help. The King was willing
to come to the assistance of the Christians but could do nothing till
the Emperor had sent the number of ships required for the transport
of the troops. By an artifice D h u s N u w a s succeded in cutting down
the victorious Abyssinians, whose leader is not named, but a fresh
army was sent out under two leaders, one of whom was the famous
Abraha Ashram. T h e Himyarites were beaten, D h u ? N u w a s threw
himself into the sea, and Abraha remained as king in S a n a . Ariat
makes his first appearance on a subsequent occasion.
These Arabic narratives have enjoyed a certain credit amongst the
scholars, I, for my part, must confess not to be able to see in them
anything lhat suggests an independent Muhammadan tradition of
historical value. The Jewish King, the Christians in Najran, the Emperor
and the King of Abyssinia, the ships, the war, or the wars, against the
Himyarites, the defeat of the Jewish King and his death, the devastation
and conquest of Yatnan—all these points are owed, in my opinion, to a
') Tabari loc. laud., inserted in the former relation, viz. pp. Hro, 19 -in 11 Irl 15—
 Relation t o other Narratives xlv

relation already well known—that of the Acta. O n e single point suggests

the narrative of the B o o k of the Himyarites, viz. the death of the
Jewish King in the sea. 1 ) In the Muhammadan tradition his death in
the sea is the more striking as the battle is not spoken of as taking
place on the sea, or on the seaishore. In one version, that of Ibn ah
Kalbi, the battle is fought b y San a and from there ( ! ) the king takes the
long way to the coast in order to throw himself into the waves. I n the
Acta he is killed by the Abyssinian King after having been captured.
A variant of the death in the sea is met with also in the final note of
the Letter of Simeon in the edition of Guidi (p. 515). N o t h i n g in all
this seems to me original and independent, apart from the names given
to the characters, and the anachronism which makes S a n a the capital
of the Himyarites instead of Zafar, which was the capital according to
the Acta, in accordance with the B o o k .
Professor Guidi (loc. laud,, p. 476 sq.) has well observed that the
Muhammadan historians gathered, as a rule, their knowledge of
Christianity and Byzantium in presMuhammadan times from Syriac
sources, or, through Syrians, from G r e e k authors. Much the same, no
doubt, holds true in the case of the early Christianity in South Arabia.
The tradition of the Syriac and Greek churches has furnished the
Muhammadan storytellers with the principal features of their narrative;
confusion with other legends and freeiworking imagination have done
the rest. In fact even in the traditions just accounted for there are
features that possibly are to be explained as marks o f such legends.
It is remarkable that the name H a y y l n should be met with in one o f
those traditions. According to one tradition, current in the old Syriac
church, Hayyan was the name o f a tradesman from Najran, who first in*
troduced Christianity in the land of the Himyarites (see b e l o w . p . x l i x s q . ) .
If it is not by mere chance, therefore, that this name occurs here the
reason for its doing so may possibly be that very circumstance. It is
of no importance in this case that in the Islamic tradition the name
is not given to the actual man who introduced Christianity in Najran.
In the life o f legends it is a common feature that the names of the
different actors are interchanged; an instance at hand presents the name
Daus, in itself a good S o u t h ' A r a b i a n name, that occurs in the one
tradition as the name of a Christian who fled to the Emperor for help,

Another is perhaps the name K.ileb, preserved as the name of an Abyssinian

general in the commentary on the Himyaritic Qasidah, cf, C. Conti Rossini, RSO
Vol. ix, p. 429.
xlvi The Book of the Himyarites

in the other as the name o f a J e w whose sons were slain b y the Chris«
tians, the very incident which p r o v o k e d the persecutions.
I n the tradition of I b n al*Kalbi, according t o which the K i n g o f
A b y s s i n i a sends to the E m p e r o r for ships, it is told that the N a j r a n i t e
w h o went t o the K i n g for help b r o u g h t with him a b o o k , containing
the Gospels, that had been damaged b y fire. It is, of course, to be
understood that the damage was caused b y the J e w i s h persecutors, the
b o o k thus serving as an o b v i o u s evidence o f the persecution. 1 ) T h e K i n g
in his turn, sent the b o o k t o the Emperor. I d o u b t whether this partis
cular is of M u h a m m a d a n , not to say South^Arabian, origin; it seems
to m e much more p r o b a b l e that it is derived from some ecclesiastical
legend. A n o t h e r instance is a legend o f the death o f A b d a l l a h b. ath*
Thamir. A c c o r d i n g to this legend the k i n g o f N a j r a n wished to kill
A b d a l l a h , but, as A b d a l l a h , himself, had foretold, he was not able to d o
so, either b y precipitating him from a high mountain, or b y t h r o w i n g
him into a lake. B u t when the k i n g himself had p r o n o u n c e d the con*
fession o f A b d a l l a h he easily killed him with a stick he had in his h a n d .
It is true he died himself also in the same moment. T h i s story shows, in
my opinion, too close an affinity with stories k n o w n from the later
raartyrological literature n o t t o be in fact derived from such a s o u r c e . ' )

T h e later M u h a m m a d a n historians gathered n e w information even

from sources u n k n o w n to us. B u t there is n o t h i n g that makes it probable
that t h e y ever had at their disposal an indigenous and authentic tradition.
M o r e interesting and more important would be the famous verses in
the K o r a n ( S u r a L X X X V , 4 s q . ) on the people o f the pit, if these verses
really allude to the events in N a j r a n . In this case they would constitute
a very remarkable proof that a legend out o f the M a r t y r o l o g y of the
N a j r a n i a n s was k n o w n in A r a b i a already at the b e g i n n i n g o f the 7 i h
century. It is, however, b y n o means b e y o n d d o u b t that this is their
bearing. It has been observed already ( c f . a b o v e , p . x x x i i ) that a pit filled
with fire is n o very prominent feature in the narrative of the Acta, a n d
perhaps had n o place at all in the B o o k o f the Himyarites. Furthers

") Kitab al'aghani (vol. 16, p. VI, cf. vol. 20, p. A), speaking of Dhu«Nuwas, expressly
states j J ^ e p i V l
J) Another instance, though not strictly belonging here, is the story of the little child
of seven months, that suddenly, by a miracle, could speak and exhorted its mother to throw
herself in the fire—a story known only in the Muhammadan tradition of the incidents in
Najran and from this tradition taken over in the (Jeez translation of the Acta There can
not be much doubt as to. its Christian character.
 Remarks on the Narrative xlvii

more the Arabic word scarcely is, from an etymological point

of view, the exact word that one would have expected for a pit or
hollow. It implies a long trench, a furrow, and I freely confess that
I should like to find out how to use it in this sense even in the pas»
sage in question. 1 ) This, however, is of no great importance here, as
all Muhammadan interpreters agree in the traditional acceptation of
the word. More important is it to observe that even the Muhammadan
interpreters do not agree, at least not unanimously, in referring this pas*
sage to the story of the martyrs in Najran. This, no doubt, is the
interpretation preferred by the majority. But at least two others have
been set forth. Tabari, in his great commentary on the Koran,") repro*
duces a tradition according to which these verses allude to an incident
amongst the Parsees and, on the following page, another,
according to which they bear on "Daniel and his men" or, rather,
those who cast the men into the furnace. O. Loth, who has discussed
this question at length in an excellent paper,') sees in other traditions
given by Tabari the influence of the Martyrology of Saint George. Be
that as it may, considering those varying interpretations one can hardly
cite the Koran LXXX, 4 sq. as proving that the story of the martyrs of
Najran was known to Muhammad. Loth thinks that the Muhammadans
had learnt of the persecution in Najran only from the Najranites who
were exiled to Iraq in the days of Omar, As observed already, I think
Wore probable that they had all their knowledge in this case from the Greek
Syriac tradition. If there has been preserved any indigenous South*
Arabian relation at all of the persecution in Najran it has been preserved
'ft the Book of the Himyarites, not in the Muhammadan tradition.

REMARKS O N T H E N A R R A T I V E OE T H E B O O K O F T H E
ITIMYARITES
The Book of the Himyarites is by far the broadest and most de*
tailed account of the incidents here in question that is known to us.
I h e preceding examination shows that it is also the oldest one next
to the Letter of Simeon, of which, though dealing with the same
e
vents in a nearly identical way, it still is, from a literary point of view,
•iuite independent. A t this result one arrives chiefly by seeing that the
other representations, for the main part of their narrative, depend on

For .mother interpretation of, E. Glascr, Zwei Inschtijfen, p. 43, note 5.

a
J Tabari, Tafi'ir ¿Lqor'.vi (edition Bulaq 1329) vol. 30, p, Al.
:l
) Sec ZDMG vol. 35 (1881), p. 6 1 0 - 6 2 2 .
xlviii The Book of the Himyarites

the Book of the Himyarites. It remains to dwell shortly on the narra*

tive of the Book of the Himyarites itself, especially in such particulars
as have not been embodied in the later literature, the stress being laid,
for obvious reasons, on not strictly martyrological matters.
It has already been observed (see above, p. xxxivf.) that it is not
always possible from the headings of chapters in the Index to form
any idea of the real contents of the chapters, much less even to guess
what interesting information may possibly have found an incidental
place there. A short remark made in passing in a martyrology might
easily be more important to us than all the rest of the narrative. But
apart from such chances, the Index in itself shows that an abundance
of information about South*Arabian affairs has been lost with the
missing portions of the Book of the Himyarites.
A s to the contents of the first chapter we are in doubt owing to
the fragmentary state of its heading in the Index. The heading of the
next chapter makes it not very probable that the first one treated of the
heathen Himyarites and their religion. It is possible that it was devoted
to the Jews and their beliefs.
The following two chapters (Chap, II and III) have dealt respectively
with Judaism and Christianity, which was just beginning, at that time,
to penetrate into the land of the Himyarites, Needless to say, it would
have been of great interest to learn the idea the author had formed on
these subjects. W e have got no reliable information on any of them;
even of the traditions as to them that were current in old times we
know very little. For the matter of Judaism, to dwell first on that
question, the fragments preserved do not give even a hint as to its
first appearance in the land, 1 ) In the narrative of the Book of the
Himyarites the Jews are the ruling part of the people. Jews and heathens
seem to go side by side against the Christians, but the king and other
acting persons are Jews, and the martyrs are urged, not only to deny
Christ, but to become Jews. It is not expressly stated, it is true, in
the heading of Chapter IV, that the persecution there mentioned was

t) T h e G e e i version of the Acta gives some particulars in this respect that not are
t o be f o u n d in the Greek text; see Pereira, Historia dos Martyres de N a g r a n , p. 80. It is,
however, impossible t o say if they arc the author's free constructions or borrowed from t h e
Book of the Himyarites. Yet the description, in this version (loc. laud.), of the negligence
of (he J e w s in matters of religion is in full h a r m o n y with the expression " b a d n e s s of their
faith" of t h e fragmentary heading of Chapter I (Syriac text, p. 3b, 3), which may bear on
the Jews. For other old traditions as to t h e introduction of Judaism see i b n H i s h a m ,
pp. i v f . , Tabari I, pp. ' H f f .
 Remarks o n the Narrative xlix
also conducted by Jews, But when the Martyr Habsa (p. 32 b ) before
the Jewish king boasts of her father Hayyan having set on fire, in his
day, the synagogue(s) of the Jews, it is a sufficient proof of earlier
conflicts between the two religions. The Christians of course had an
opportunity of outraging in connection with the first Abyssinian expedition
told of in Chapter V. But, previously too, such an opportunity may
have offered itself, for instance before the persecution just mentioned.
Were we informed as to the age in which Bishop Thomas, mentioned
in the heading of Chapter IV, lived, we should be able perhaps to fix
approximatively the date also of certain other events (see further below,
p. 1 sq.).
It is the same martyr Habsa who, by the way, helps us to guess
what the Book of the Himyarites may have told its readers about the
first preaching of Christianity in the land of the Himyarites. In the
passage cited above, she states that a certain Hayyan, not her father
this time, but her grandfather, was the person "by whom God first
sowed Christianity in our land." 1 ) In itself this notice does not say
very much. But a lucky chance aids us to bring it into relief, to a certain
extent. In the Nestorian Chronicle from Saard,*) that has been edited
byAddai Scher") and was compiled, probably, shortly after the year 1036
of our era,') is to be found (part I, p. 218 sq.) the following passage:

"Notice on the christening of the people of Najran.

In the land of Najran of Yaman there was, in the days of Jazdegerd,
a tradesman, welhknown in his country, whose name was Hayyan.')
He went to Constantinople on business and returned to his country.
Then he planned to go to Persia and passed through alsHira. There
he frequented the society of the Christians and learned their religion.
So he was baptized there and remained in that place some time. Then
he returned to his country and exhorted the people to adopt his faith,
and made his family Christians, as well as a number of the people in
') The author himself has stated this (p. 31a, n sq.) referring to what was s.iid already
111
the introductory chapters of the Book, now missing.
2
) Such was, some years ago at least, the official way of spelling the name, for instance
in
postmarks. ! prefer this to the different efforts made to represent the pronunciation,
such as Soord, Sccrt and others.
3
) See Patrologia Orientalis vol. IV, V and VII.
4
) Cf. Seybold in ZDMG vol. 66 (1912), p. 743.
*) The text has Hannan, which, as- Prof. Sachau has remarked already, may as well
be read Hayyan; cf, E. Sachau, Zuv Ausbreitung des Christentums in Asien (Abh. d. PrcnB.
Ak. d. Wissenschaften, 1919. PhiUHist. KI„ No. 1). p. 68, note 2.
4
1 The Book of the Himyarites

this part of the country. A n d certain persons attached themselves to

him and aided him to convert to Christianity the people in the Land
of the Himyarites and the adjacent tracts of Abyssinia. In later times
there reigned over this country a Jewish king, whose name was Masruq.
His mother was a Jewess, of the inhabitants of Nisibis, w h o had been
made a captive. Then one of the kings of Yaman had bought her and
she had given birth to Masruq and instructed him in Judaism. H e
reigned after his father and killed a number of the Christians. Bar
Sähde has told his history in his Chronicle."
It is obvious that this narrative corresponds very well with the version
in the Book of the Himyarites, so far as we know it. A n d especially
the name of the Jewish king Masruq makes it probable that the whole
narrative is simply borrowed from that book. 1 ) It is known that the
Chronicle from Saard to a very large extent is compiled of extracts of
old Syriac historical works, that exist no l o n g e r / ) The same narrative
is found also, though much abridged, in the Chronicle of Mari, and
as a short notice in the Chronicle of A m r , ' )
The date of this Hayyän the elder is indicated by the notice
that he went to Constantinople in the days of Jazdegerd I, who reigned
399—420. There is no difficulty, from a chronological point of view,
in thinking that a g r a n d d a u g h t e r of his died as a martyr some hundred
years later. As to the troubles during which the other Hayyän, the
younger one, burnt the synagogues, their date is not at all indicated
in the fragments preserved. Certainly it was somewhere else in the
book. The same undoubtedly was the case concerning the first Abyssi*
nian expedition to Yaman. N o w , such a date, approximately of course,
could be derived from the heading of Chapter IV, did we know the
date of Bishop Thomas. Unfortunately we do not even know where
he is supposed to have been bishop. If he was bishop in Najrän
and preceded the Bishop Paul, of whom the Book of the Himyarites
and the Letter of Simeon (as well as the Acta) tell us, then the
Abyssinian expedition, caused by the report on persecutions in Yaman
which he gave to the king of Abyssinia, cannot easily be the expe®
dition which scholars used to assign to the year 519. For, at the time

1) Cf. above, p. xlii rq„ on the h y m n of J o h n Fsaltes.

2) Cf. E. Sachau, op. cit., p. 13.
:
>) See Maris, Arnri and Slibae de Patriarchis Nestorianum commentaria cd. H . G i s m o n d i ,
I, p. 33, II, p. 28: cf. G. W e s t p h a l , Untersuchungen über die Quellen und die Glaubwürdig-
keit des Patriarchenchroniken des Märt. . ., 'Amr... und Satiba . . . (Kirchhain 1901), p. 153f.
 Remarks o n the Narrative $
of the persecutions related in the Book of the Himyarites, Bishop Paul
had been dead for two years. 1 ) Thus he died in the year 521. But
if this was the case and, on the other hand, his predecessor, Bishop
Thomas, was alive even shortly before 519, one can hardly imagine
how Bishop Paul, after only a few years episcopate, had become such
an important man that the king, after the surrender of Najran, first
of all had to ascertain that he really was dead.
There are, however, two ways, at least, out of this difficulty.
Either Thomas was not bishop of N a j r a n but of another place, or the
persecution and the Abyssinian expedition alluded to must be attributed
to a considerably earlier period. As this question cannot be settled defini*
tely with the material at my disposal, for the moment, I will merely
mention the martyrology of the holy Azqir as a testimony, probably,
to a persecution in the times of the king, Sharahbi'ii Yakkuf, who
was in power in the year 467.") It is to be observed, however, that
the author, in speaking, in the beginning of Chapter XLIX, of his
sources, mentions as his informants as to the first expedition of the
Abyssinians "blessed men who were with them" (see p. 56 b , 15 sq.).
This, no doubt, indicates that the first expedition in the relation of
the Book of the Himyarites is regarded as being of a comparatively
recent date. Still it is noteworthy that these informants, on the other
hand, are not the same as those cited with reference to the second
expedition. But this, of course, does not necessarily mean that there
Was a long interval between the two expeditions.
T o return, for a moment, to the question how and at what time
Christianity was brought to South Arabia, there exists a tradition that
attributes this event to a considerably earlier date. The Greek Philo?
storgios has preserved this often remarrated story of the holy Theo?
philos, from Socotra, w h o was sent by the Emperor Konstantios to
the court of the Himyarites, and there succeeded in converting the king.")
1) This is according to the Acta § 5 (p. 724) only. The term (two years) is not p r o
served in the fragments and is wanting in the Letter (see p. 503).
2
) CI. II. Wincklcr, Altonentalische Fotschangen vol. I, pp. 329—336 and C. Conti
Rossini, Un document« sul cnstianesmo nello lemen ai tempi del re Savahbil Yakkuf
(>n Rmdiconti delta reale Acad, dei Lined, chissc di scicnze morall, storiche e fitologiche,
s
« i e Quint,i, Vol. XIX, pp. 703-750).
Cf. C. Conti Rossini op. cit, pp. 707 sq. To a much earlier epoch has to be attru
W e d the first introduction of Christianity if, .is proposed by Ad. Harnack, Mission tmd
•Ausbreitung des C/irisfenfums (3 rd edition, vol.11, p. 156) South.Arabia really is the country
meant by "India" in the notice of Eusebius, Hist, eccles. V : x , 3, on the voyage of Pan«
'aenos about the year ISO, This identification, however, is, as pointed out by Professor Hats
"ack himself (op. cit., p. 152), doubtful,
4"
lii The Book of the Himyaritcs

W h a t ever may be the historical value of this legend in itself, it is

certain that neither history nor legends have preserved any traces
of such a conversion. The Muhammadan legend of the introduction
of Christianity, just alluded to (see above, p. xliii), has preserved no
features of obvious historical value. The foreign name Faimiun given
to the stranger who converted Abdallah b. athsThamir (cf. loc. laud.)
seems to indicate that the legend, in this particular, depends on a
story of Greek origin. Other legends, as that of the dispute of the
Bishop Gregentius of Zafar with the Jews, refer not to the introduction
of Christianity but to a later time. The same is the case also with a
notice in the Chronicon of Saard already cited, according to which
a number of Monophysites, expelled b y j u s t i n u s , fled, first to alsHira
and from there to Najran, where they propagated their doctrine.') It
is the same also in the case of the Azqir=legend in spite of the, as it
seems, considerably earlier date of this legend: Christianity is spoken
of as if it had already got a footing in the country (cf. C. Conti Rossi,
op. cit., p. 717).

If the information as to the introduction of Christianity in South

Arabia is scanty and of problematic value it is still more so regarding
the extent to which Christianity spread. Assemani in his Bibliotheca
Orierttalis I I I : I I , p. D C I I combines without much criticism several
different legendary reports and states on such a basis that "there
were in the kingdom of the Himyarites four bishoprics viz. in Zafar
(archbishopric), in A d e n , in a place at the mouth of the Persian
Gulf (Assemani thought this place was Ormuz) and finally in N a j r a n . "
In fact, if the Book of Himyarites can be relied on in this respect,
its information, reflected to a certain extent in the Acta, is the earliest
and hitherto the only genuine information that has reached us on
that subject. The headings of Chapters VIII, XXX, X X X I and X X X I I
show that before the persecution of Masruq there were churches not
only in Najran but also, at least, in Zafar and "Hadramaut", and,
besides this, there were Christians (and probably therefore churches)
in Marib and (Ha)jaren. During the persecution probably all these
churches were destroyed. But the Abyssinians came and "many
churches" (p. 56 a , 7) were again built in the land. T h e view of the
Book of the Himyarites as to this restoration is obviously that Christi*

>) Histoire NestoHenne (Chronlqe de Seed) pubtici- et traduite p. Adda'i Scher, 11:1,
p- 51 sq. (Patrologia Omentitis, vol. VI i, p. 143 sq,}
 Remarks o n t h e Narrative liii
anity emerged from the crisis stronger and probably, therefore, with
a greater number of churches than before.
As to the localities just mentioned it is not clear what is the meaning
of Hadramaut, One would expect here the name of a town, not
that of a district of such an extent as the valley of Hadramaut. It is
possible, of course, that a place in this valley was once designed by
that name, though I could not establish which place it may have
been.') The principal place of Hadramaut in old times is said, on
the authority of Flinius, in this case not very strong, to have been
the town Sabota, which is to be identified with the of the ins
8
scription Os. 29,6 and Shabwa of our days. ) This place would suit
here inasmuch as it is not too far from Yaman, being situated only
some two hundred kilometres east of Marib. Ruins of a Himyaritic
town are to be seen there (see Bury loc. laud, and Handbook loc.
laud.) Several ways lead from Shabwa to Najran and to Marib.")
To judge from an often cited passage from al*Hamdani (op. cit. p. AV,
23 ff.: "Shabwa between Baihan and Hadramaut") one must think
that it did not belong to Hadramaut; but Nashwan 4 ) states expressly
that it was "a town of the Himyarites in Hadramaut." Nothing in
our text, however, indicates that this town is meant by the name
Hadramaut, It is just as possible that this name is used there only
by a mistake of the Syriac author, who, perhaps, had heard of a town
in Hadramaut and had then forgotten the name of the town.
Hajaren, proposed by me for the fragmentary . . jryn of the MS.,
is known as the name of a place in Wadi Doan ) in the vicinity of
which the German traveller L. Hirsch (op. cit, pp. 168 and 171 f.) saw
the ruins of an ancient town. To aliHamdam and other Muhammadan
authors it is known by the name o V ? ^ " ' nowadays it is called
Hajaren (cf. Hirsch op. cit., p. 162). N o w it is of course a very delicate

*) As to Hadramaut as a place>name scc v. Maltzan, Adolph von Wrede's Reise in

Hadhramaut etc.,p. 116.
l
) Cf. E. Glaser, Skizze dev Geschichte und Geographie Arabiens II, pp. 20,88, 93 f,
and M, Hartmann. Die Arabische Frage, pp. 171,419. As to the Site of this place compare
C. Landberg. Arabien V (Leiden 1898), pp. 245 ff., L, Hirsch, Reisen in Süd'Arabien,
Mehra-Land and Hadramuf, p. 205, L. W, C. van der Berg, Hadhramout, p. 12 and map,
G.Wyman Bury, The Land of Uz (London 1911), pp. 218, 247 and map, A Handbook of
Arabia (Admiralty War Stall 1916) Vol. 1, p. 511,
3
) CF. Glaser op. cit., p. 94 and alcHamdini, Jazirat aU'arab (passim),
*) Angaben etc. herausgegeben i'on'Azimuddin Ahmad,"E, J. W, Gibb Memoria!" XXIV,
P- Ol", 10 f.
See L. W , C. van den Berg, Le Hadhramout, pp. 13, 24 and map.
liv The Book of the Himyarites

question, how it could be allowable to suppose a form Hajarën, looking

like a vulgar Arabic dual, to have existed in a MS. of the year 932, or
rather in a work of the 6 <h century. It is a matter of course, it is
true, that my reading of the name is nothing but a guess given for
the simple reason that I can propose no better. Still the objection
just based on the vulgar Arabic form of the name is not too serious.
For I do not think that this name originally was a North*Arabic dual
as in the Muhammadan literature. The word itself (hajar) is, as already
aliHamdani well knew, a South=Arabic word meaning town. A n d this
language possessed a termination en or in commonly used to form
placonames. 1 ) This termination is often taken by the Arabs as that of
a dual, and so, I think, the learned Muhammadan authors formed a
regular nominative of the dual, viz. al?HajarIni, not only with termination
of the North*Arabic dual but also with the article of that language 2 )
applied to the SouthrArabic word. Thus it is an old vernacular form
Hajarën ( H a j a r i n ) that I am disposed to seek in the placemame of
which the letters . . jryn (text p. 5) are the remains. As to the place
itself it may be left an open question whether the ancient town in Wadi
D o a n is concerned, or possibly another place bearing the same name,
Christianity maintained itself in these parts, at least in Najrân,
till the days of the caliphate of Omar. H e is said") in the year 13
after the Hijra to have ordered the Christians in Najrân who still
refused to embrace Islam to be deported to I r l q . The place called
N a j r â n of aUKufah is thought to derive its origin from this event. 1 )
If we hear of bishops of the Najranites in later time,®) between 846
and 935, it is perhaps these "Najranites" that are meant.' 1 ) A s to
Judaism, it is well known, especially since the journey of Halévy,

«) Cf. e. g„ G. Kampfmeyer, ZDMG vol. 54 (1900). p. 647f. a n d C. Brockelmann,

Grundriss der verglekhcnden Grammatik tier semitischen Sprachen I, p. 393.
Im consequence a U H a m d a n i (Ioc laud.) wishes to make us think that the place
really consisted of fwo towns.
See Tabari, Annales 1, p. r n r .
See for instance Jâcûts Geographisches Worterbnch ed. Fr, Wustenfeld, I V , p. vov.
A n o t h e r Najrân, in H a u r â n , is mentioned by Yâqût on the next page, and still exists.
S) Chronique de Michel de Syrien ed. J,«B. C h a b o t , vol. IV (Paris 1910), p. 7 5 6 - 7 5 9 ,
cf. Revue de l'Orient Chrétien vol. 4 (1899), p. 499 ( N o . 53), p. 502 ( N o . 30), p. 505 ( N o . 17)
and p . 506 ( N o . 13).
e
) See, however, on a b i s h o p of Yaman a n d San'.i a b o u t A. D. 835, The Book of
Governors, ed B u d g e , I , p. 238 and, on C h r i s t i a n s in N a j r â n A, D . 897, C. A r e n d o n k ,
De opkomst l'an het Zaiditische Imamat (Leiden 1919), p. 128, 309; cf. C. Conti Rossini,
RSO vol. !X, p. 429.
 Remarks on the Narrative lv

that it is still alive in the country. A deportation of the Jews in Najran

to aUKufa of which Tabarl tells us 1 ) on the authority of akWaqidi
therefore seems to have been of only temporary effect, if it was
brought about at all. Probably the Jews in Yaman were too numerous
to allow such a proceeding.
As to the Jewish King himself, Masruq, the notice in the Nestorian
Chronicle from Saard, cited above pp. xlix sq., informs us that his mother
was a Jewish slave and his father a king of Yaman. H e succeeded
his father on the throne, but he followed his mother in her religion,
which obviously was not his father's. We do not learn from the
fragments preserved if this was the version also of the Book of the
Himyarites. Still his descent from a slave would well account for
the remark of the martyr Ruhm (p. 37 h , II sq.) that not one of Masruq's
nobles, nor even the King himself, was worthy to take her to wife.
It is striking, however, that the fragment, speaking (p. 43 b ) of his
predecessors on the throne and mentioning one of them by name,
does not make a single allusion to the fact that they were also his
ancestors. In the situation pictured in this passage such a reminder
would have been quite appropriate, and one therefore feels tempted to
think that Masruq, according to the Book of the Himyarites, was not
a near relation to his predecessors, even if he was a member of the
same royal family. 8 ) I think it, however, more probable, as observed
above, that the narrative of the Nestorian Chronicle is simply borrowed
from the Book.
A s already pointed out (cf. above, p. xlviii) the Jews are the ruling
fraction of the persecutors and, probably, of the people; in Najran, of
course, the Christians are in power. The heathens stand back in a strange
manner, but it is not clear if this was permanently so, owing, perhaps,
to numerical or social inferiority, or only for the short period of the
reign of Masruq, owing to his being a Jew. The political situation,
however, allows, in my opinion, of but one explanation: the Christians
held with the Abyssinians, but the Jews and the heathens, who
certainly formed the bulk of the people, represented the national aspi*
rations and worked for political independence. Amongst these, let us
say, nationalists the Jews had probably the advantage of relations abroad,
with their coreligionists (Tiberias is mentioned p. 7*)» and perhaps
also with the Persians. This and the fact of the King being a Jew gave
') Tabari, /3nna?es I, p. roso.
Cf. Martin Hactmann, Die Avabische Frnge, p, 507.
lvi The Book of the Himyarites

them the momentary preponderance which in the Book of the Himyarites

with its ecclesiastical character is so strongly emphasized.
The many martyrologies constitute the central part of the Book
of the Himyarites. Of them only some few particulars may be
pointed out.
A certain number of the martyrs are burnt and it would be of
special interest, in respect of the famous verses in the Koran, SuraLXXXV,
4 sq., to be able to state that, in some cases at least, the fire was made
in a trench or pit. But so far I can see this was not the case. The
Book has nothing of that artificial or phantastical element so often met
with in later martyrologies. The tyrant and his executioners, to be sure,
d o their utmost to invent deliberate and deterrent punishments. But
when they are to be carried out it is done in a quite natural and
practical way without affectation and unnecessary apparatus. Martyrs,
thus, are burnt in the church in Zafar, where they had repaired, together
with the building itself (pp. 7h, 19 J ). The same method was practised
also in Najran. But there the fire was fed with fresh fuel before the mars
tyr Z R W Y B ( a ) was cast into the flames (p. 18 b ,3f.) and the same thing
was repeated the next day again in the cases of Tahnah and Aurnah
(Chapter XV). That this was the case is not said in the heading of
the chapter (nothing more is preserved of it), but it appears from the
little retrospective note that ends (p. 1 9 \ 11-26) the preceding part of
the narrative specially devoted to martyrdoms by fire. There we are
given to understand that all these martyrs were burnt in the churches
of Zafar and Najran respectively, and only the Martyr Hadyah alone
in her own house. Of a trench or a pit filled with fire, therefore, there
probably was no use in this work. That it occurs in the Acta has
already been stated above (p. xxxii). But it is hardly favourable to the
credibility of this story that such a troublesome arrangement as this
pit of fire should be used only once, for one women and her son.
As to the use of punishments by fire in Yaman cf. C. Conti Rossini,
op. cit. p. 744, foots note (2).
The other martyrs are beheaded, or else killed by the sword or by
arrows, flogged to death, or b o u n d to wild camels and dragged out b y
them into the desert.
A noticeable fact is the moderation the work observes as to miracles
and omens. It is of course possible that the missing portions told of
more incidents of that kind but at all events what remains indicates
a moderation that inspires confidence. Chapter I V seems, to judge from
 Remarks on the Narrative lvii

the heading, to have told of some omen. Besides this, only Chapter XVI
dwells on miraculous matter as a conclusion to the narrative of martyr?
doms b y fire just spoken of. This portion of the chapter seems to have
had its own rubric of which a few words (among these the names
Gabriel (?) and Eliyah) still remain (see p. 19 b , 1 3 - 1 5 ) . A portion of it
is preserved 011 p. 20 b . The miracles are described as a gleam of light,
the rumble of a sounding board calling for service, the voices of a
service, an odour, surpassing the finest perfumes, issuing from the spot
where the martyrs had died, a well of water and oil springing up from
the same place—"miracles" most of which could present themselves at
any time and anywhere to excited minds in troubled times.
Even the very utterances of the martyrs to the tyrant show a certain
moderation as compared with what is often met with in the traditional
martyrologies. In response to the command of the tyrant that they
should deny Christ, spit on the cross, dip a finger in a bowl cons
taining blood l ) and become Jews, the martyrs reply, as a rule, by shortly
but clearly confessing Christ, blessing the cross and offering thanks to
G o d for the glory of martyrdom awaiting them. I n some cases, it is
true, they manifest the tendency to revile and provoke the tyrant that
is so well known in most martyrologies. But even then one misses
with satisfaction the equally common tedious and insipid theological
discussions. The author has succeeded in holding them back till the
speeches in Chapters XLI, XLVI, XLVIII, and till his own concluding
discourse in Chapter XLIX,
The martyrdoms in Najran are, so far as the fragments show,
minutely dated. Certainly the work has stated the dates of other im*
portant events also, such as the years of the Abyssinian expeditions.
O n p. 56" we learn that on the second expedition of the Abyssinians
the King and the bulk of the army stayed in the country for seven months.
The dates preserved are the following ; 2 )
1. The week-days Tuesday and Wednesday, (certainly of the same
week as the next date viz. the 20"' and 21 st of the latter Teshrl):
martydoms, related in Chapters XIII—XVI ( s e e p . 19a, 21 sq)

•j O n this ceremony and the use of blood in oaths and covenants see W . Robertson
Smith, Kinship & Marriage in early Arabia (London 1903), pp. 56—61 and J. Wellhausen,
Reste arabischen Heidentums (2. edition), p . 128. In the same way is an episode in the
Letter (and the Acta) to be understood. At t h e execution of Hsirith (Letter, p. 512 j f, ( Acta,
§ 20 sq.) t h e Christians rushed forward, took of the b l o o d of the Martyr, and smeared it
on their own bodies. I n so doing they declared their readiness to stand or fall with him
2
J Parts of the single dates not expressly given in the text are put in brackets.
Iviii The Book of the Hi my antes

2. Friday (23 r d of the latter Teshri): martyrdoms of the f r e e d o m men,

related C h a p t e r X V I I I (see p . 2 6 \ 10).

3. Sunday, 25 th of the latter Teshri: martyrdoms of Harith and

' A r b a i (?), related C h a p t e r X I X (see p, 23 a , 20sq.).

4. M o n d a y (26 t h of the latter Teshri): Abdallah b, A f ' u is permitted

to b u r y the bodies of the martyrs of the preceding days (p. 2 3 \ 23).

5. T h e same d a y : Dhu<Yazan is ordered to collect and bring out be*

fore Masruq the wives of the martyrs of the preceding Friday
(see p. 25 b , 26).
6. T h e same day, 26 t h of the latter Teshri: the women just mentioned
are put to death on their way out, related Chapter X X (p. 30 a , 21 sq.).

7. Tuesday (27 t h ) of the latter Teshri: m a r t y r d o m of H a b s a , related

C h a p t e r X X I (p. 31', 2 8 - 3 1 b , l. 36 b , 7sq.).

8. W e d n e s d a y (28 t h ) of the latter Teshri: m a r t y r d o m of Ruhm, of her

daughter A u m a h a n d her g r a n d d a u g h t e r R u h m , related C h a p t e r X X I I
( P . 43 b , 7 sq.).

In these two last cases the w e e k d a y a n d the m o n t h are stated, but

not the actual dates. In most of the cases the w e e k d a y alone is given,
to which I have a d d e d in brackets the proper date in consequence to
the t w o cases (3 a n d 6) of full dating. There is, however, as often is
the case b o t h in Syriac and Arabic writings of the M i d d l e Age, some
inconsistency in these dates. For in the year 523 A. D., which, no doubt,
is the year of these incidents, N o v e m b e r 25 l h (see above no. 3) fell n o t
on a S u n d a y but on a Saturday.
A s to this discrepancy, stated already in m y preliminary note on
the Book of the Himyarites, Professor F. C. Burkitt k i n d l y wrote to me:
"The weehday is likely to be right, if the work is that of an eyewitness;
it is likely to be wrong, if it is only arrived at b y calculation." This
remark, I think, hits the nail on the head. In the present case the
decision is easy. For it is of course n o t by a mete chance that Saturday,
the J e w i s h sabbath, is left free. It is the date that is w r o n g and must
be increased by one in all the cases given above. T h e nearest years
in which N o v e m b e r 25 t h really fell on a Sunday would be 518 and 529.
In the Abyssinian Calendar the d a y of the Martyrs of N a j r a n is H e d a r
26 th , H e d a r being the m o n t h that, generally speaking, corresponds to
 Remarks o n the Narrative lix

November, and the 26 t h being, as just shown, the rectified date of the
martyrdom of Harith, 1 )
In speaking of the martyrdoms it should be observed that the
martyr Ruhm, of course the "Rome" or " D u m a " of the Letter of Simeon
and the "widow" of the Acta, is not, in the Book of the Himyarites,
the wife of Harith as is stated in the recensions of the Letter offered
b y the works of J o h n of Asia and Zacharias of Mitylene, and in the
Abyssinian tradition, the Acta as well as the Synaxarium under Hedar
26 t h . a ) This is nothing but a secondary combination which, however, was
taken as an original trait by J, H a l e v y 1 ) and, in connection with other
similar mistakes, led him to his hypercritical attitude towards the Letter of
Simeon. According to a notice on p. 36 b , 24 Ruhm was a relation of Harith,
not his wife. Her husband, however, wasamongstthe martyrs killed during
the last few days before her own death, and his name, therefore, is
certainly amongst the names of the martyrs given on pp. 24 sqq. though
not specially indicated as the name of her husband. As he was in a
very prominent position it is not impossible that he was actually that
'Arbai (?) who suffered together with Harith on Sunday. A son of
hers is mentioned (p. 251, 10 sq.) as one of the martyrs. Of the two younger
women the one was her daughter, the other her granddaughter, whose
mother, 'Amma, however, had been killed already along with the bulk
of the f r e e d o m women. A s stated above (p. x x x ) these two younger
women are, for the sake of brevity, called her daughters (p. 301' and
p. 39 a ), and this expression,has misled the author of the Acta to think
that they both really were so. The notice (p. 36 b , 22 sq.) that Ruhm was
of the family (or tribe?) Jaw, (cf. below, p. lxxiii) is of interest, as also
in general the social position of this woman and her relation to former
kings, to one of whom she lent money.
The martyr H a r i t h in the Letter of Simeon is called Harith b. Ka'b,
a name that is adopted, though disfigured, also in the Acta, Since
') H e d a r 26th exactly corresponds to N o v e m b e r 22nd of the Julian Calendar, cf,
]. Ludolf, Ad suam historiam aethiopicam cSjjjhmentarius, p. 399; the Abyssinian Synaxarix
mention t h e martyrs of N a j r a n under H e d a r 26tl>. In t h e R o m a n calendar the day of
"Arethas et socii" is Oct. 24th and so it is in t h e calendar of the Syriac Maronites, but in t h e
Jacobite Mcnologies, edited b y N a u (Patrologia Orientalis, vol, X), Dec. 31 th, in the Ar*
ineni.in Synaxarium, edited by G. Bay an (Patrologia Orientalis, vol. XV), Sahmi 11th ( i . e .
Oct, 20th), and in the old Calendar of Jerusalem as preserved in two Georgian Manuscripts
(Heinr. Goussen, Vber gcorg. Dcache und JImdxhriften etc., Mtinthen«Gladbach 1925,
P 34) Oct. 4 ih.
») See Fell in ZDMG vol. 3 5 (18S1). p. 58 a n d JE. Pereira, op. cit., p. 90 and p. 171,
J
) See Revue des etudes Juives, v o l IS (1S89J, p 164 sq.
 Ix The Book of the Himyarites

C a u s s i n d e Perceval*) o b s e r v e d t h a t this w a s t h e n a m e of a South* A r a b i a n

t r i b e settled in W a d i N a j r a n , it h a s b e e n an object f o r m u c h suspicion
o n the p a r t of scholars in its use as t h e p e r s o n a l n a m e of t h e m a r t y r .
M o s t scholars h a v e o n t h i s g r o u n d rejected t h e n a m e in t h a t a p p l i c a t i o n
as a mistake, a n d m a n y h a v e b e e n r e a d y , f o l l o w i n g also in this in t h e
f o o t s t e p s of C a u s s i n d e Perceval, to accept t h e n a m e p r o p o s e d b y t h e
M u h a m m a d a n t r a d i t i o n , A b d a l i a h b. a t h s T h a m i r , as the t r u e n a m e of
t h a t p e r s o n . A s o b s e r v e d a l r e a d y this A b d a l i a h b. a t h i T h a m i r in t h e
M u h a m m a d a n l e g e n d is said to h a v e b e e n t h e p e r s o n w h o , practically
s p e a k i n g , i n t r o d u c e d C h r i s t i a n i t y i n t o N a j r a n . B u t t r a d i t i o n is n o t
u n a n i m o u s as t o t h e q u e s t i o n w h e t h e r h e w a s p u t to d e a t h in c o n n e c t i o n
w i t h t h e p e r s e c u t i o n of C h r i s t i a n s let loose o n N a j r a n b y t h e J e w i s h
k i n g . A c c o r d i n g t o o t h e r s h e h a d d i e d l o n g b e f o r e t h a t time.
N o w w e k n o w t h a t , a c c o r d i n g t o t h e B o o k of t h e H i m y a r i t e s ,
H a r i t h w a s not the p e r s o n w h o i n t r o d u c e d C h r i s t i a n i t y i n t o N a j r a n ,
b u t o n t h e o t h e r h a n d h e certainly w a s o n e of t h e m a r t y r s t h e r e a n d
t h e chief of t h e m (cf. p. 36 b ,Z5). T h u s t h e r e is n o t v e r y m u c h to s u p p o r t
t h e i d e n t i t y of this H a r i t h w i t h t h e A b d a l i a h of t h e M u h a m m a d a n
l e g e n d . A n d t h e chief r e a s o n f o r i d e n t i f y i n g t h e m exists n o l o n g e r .
F o r i n t h e B o o k of t h e H i m y a r i t e s h e is o n l y called H a r i t h , t h e K u n y a *
n a m e b e i n g u n k n o w n in its n a r r a t i v e . By chance t h e v e r y passage
seems t o b e p r e s e r v e d w h e r e H a r i t h is i n t r o d u c e d i n t o the story, viz.
p. 8 a , 17. E v e n in t h a t place h e is called H a r i t h w i t h o u t a n y
2
a d d i t i o n a l n a m e . ) A n d it c a n n o t , of course, b e u r g e d t h a t t h e n a m e
H a r i t h itself w a s u n k n o w n in W a d i N a j r a n , It can t h e n b e left a n
o p e n q u e s t i o n w h e t h e r the n a m e of his f a t h e r really w a s K a ' b , as i n
t h e letter of S i m e o n , or w h e t h e r this i n f o r m a t i o n is a mistake o n
account of t h e tribal n a m e H a r i t h b. K a ' b .
It is a p i t y t h a t n o t h i n g is left of t h e n a r r a t i v e s of the p e r s e c u t i o n s
in o t h e r places, H a d r a m a u t , M a r i b a n d ( H a ) j a r e n . P r o b a b l y , h o w e v e r ,
t h e y w o u l d n o t , if p r e s e r v e d , h a v e a d d e d v e r y m u c h to o u r k n o w l e d g e
in g e o g r a p h i c a l , e t h n o g r a p h i c a l or archaeological respects. E v e n w h a t
is t o l d a b o u t N a j r a n in t h i s respect is n e x t to n o t h i n g . W e u n d e r *
s t a n d t h a t t h e a u t h o r t h i n k s N a j r a n to b e a great f o r t i f i e d t o w n . T h e
d i t c h o u t s i d e t h e wall, w h e r e t h e b o d i e s of the s h o t - d o w n w o m e n
w e r e cast, is most n a t u r a l l y t a k e n as a m o a t . It is n o t w i t h o u t interest
t o o b s e r v e that it is d e s i g n e d b y w o r d s b o r r o w e d f r o m t h e l a n g u a g e s

t) Caussin de Perceval, Essai stir I'hisloire des Arnbes I, p. 129.

2
) It is the same also in the hymn of John Psaltes, cf. above, p. xliij,
 Remarks on the Narrative lxi

o f the two great military powers o f the epoch, the first time (p. 30*, 14)
b y the Persian kandaq'), the other time b y the G r e e k <p6a<iaTov. Forti*
fications, it is well k n o w n , are n o t seldom spoken o f in the South*
Arabian inscriptions, and even A e l i u s Gallus, on his f a m o u s expe*
dition to Y a m a n , had t o arrange a regular siege o f " M a r s y a b a " , a siege,
moreover, that he was soon forced t o give up again.
Buildings and dwellings are nowhere described; we o n l y learn
( p . 43*, 25) that Masruq, during his stay outside N a j r a n , lived in a dartha
d e qaise, not considering for the m o m e n t whether this means a w o o d e n
house, or possibly a camp protected b y a stockade (cf. p. 35 \ 22, where, at
all events, the camp is spoken o f ) . In the Acta ( § 2 1 ) D u n a a s , in conse*
quence o f this, is said to live in a tent outside the town (cf. a b o v e , p . x x v i i i ) .
A c c o r d i n g to the B o o k o f the H i m y a r i t e s Y a m a n was in compa*
ratively lively communication with the Greek^Persian w o r l d . " ) T h e way
passed b y Hirtha dc Na'man. A l s o in the B o o k M a s r u q writes to
M u n d h a r ') in Hirtha. In H i r t h a the ambassador o f the K i n g , Afu,
was baptized, (p. 25b, 8-14). In N a j r a n stayed t w o presbyters f r o m
H i r t h a ( p . 14 b , 19f.), and also amongst the men o f M a s r u q is a man,
" C h r i s t i a n in n a m e " , i. e., p r o b a b l y , a N e s t o r i a n , from Hirtha. With
this one may compare the significance of Hirtha not only in the
Letter o f S i m e o n and the Acta b u t also in the passage, cited above,
(p. x l i x ) , from the Chronicle from Saard (vol. I, p. 218 sq.), where
H a y y a n , g o i n g from N a j r a n to Persia, passes b y Hirtha, as also, finally,
in the record in the same work ( v o l . II, p. 5 2 ) , where the J a c o b i t e s
expelled from Hirtha fled to N a j r a n . T h e M u h a m m a d a n historiography
shows the same thing, as can easily be seen from the excellent w o r k of
G . R o t h s t e i n , j u s t cited.
T h e interior of Y a m a n o b v i o u s l y was not, at this time, such an ins
accessible and inhospitable country as it has b e c o m e since. Amongst
the martyrs we meet with, besides H i m y a r i t e s and A b y s s i n i a n s , not
only the two presbyters from H i r t h a j u s t mentioned, but also two

i) Cf. J . Horovitz in Der Islam, vol. 12 (1922). p. 179, note 2,

3) Cf. Hartmann, Arabische Frage, p. 496.
3) Mundhar in the heading of Chapter X X V is called bar Zaqiqa. The name of
his mother was according to Tabari {Annates I, p. V>) Mariya, though she was called also
Ma' as«sam.V. According to Th. Noldekc (Geschichtc der Perscr und Araber, p. 169, note -1)
her name was, on the contrary, Saqiqa cf, G. Rothstein, Die Dynastie der Lahmidcn in aU
IJlra, Berlin 1899, (p, 75 sqq.), by which name she is known to the Byzantine historians
and, consequently, also in the Acta (2<m*Ai, § 2 5 ) . Zaqifa of my preliminary note
P- 34, is a mistake. As to its real form in the Book, Zaqiqa (instead of Shaqiqa) cf. |
Theophanes (see Noldekc and Rothstein 11, 11.).
 Ixii The Book of the Ilimyarites

Greeks, the presbyter Sergios and the deacon Hananya and a Persian
presbyter Abraham (p. 14 b , 20 sqq.),
The Ilimyarites arecharacterized(p, 55 b , 6 sq,)asa barbarian people 1 )
of whom one could expect but little. It is not without humour
that it is an Abyssinian whom the Book makes deliver this both severe
and indulgent verdict. That the Himyarites could not make themselves
understood by the Abyssinians appears from the notice on p. 49 b , 18.20.
The Abyssinians are deliverers sent by God. O f the decisive
battle and the death of Masruq one can form no very clear idea from
the fragmentary narrative on pp. 45 sq. The remains are in a condition
to make a reconstruction rather arbitrary. About the continued work
of "liberation", on the other hand, we learn enough to understand that
in many respects it was like other operations of that kind. One easily
realises that it was a hard thing for the country to recover from what
it had now to suffer. The Abyssinians "began to roam through all
the towns in the provinces of the Himyarites, wasting and plundering
to their hearts' content" (p. 49 a , 23 sqq ). After a sojourn of seven
months during which they "performed all they wished by the power
of their l o r d , who was with them, and took there all that their eyes
desired, by the grace that followed them" (p, 56 a ), they at last returned
to their own land taking with them not only fifty persons of the royal
family, but also many other heathen Himyarites who thus had to go
into an exile, probably in truth not very different from slavery.
Unfortunately an ill chance has obliterated, in the midst of an
otherwise legible text, the name of the Himyarite, of the Royal family,
whom Kâleb made his tributary king in the country. As to the reading
cf. below, the note on the Syriac text of p. 54 a , 23. It is, however,
certain that in the Book of the Himyarites this name was not Abraha.
More probably it is to be brought into connexion with the name that
occurs in the final note to the Letter of Simeon as edited by I. Guidi.
There (p. 515) that man is called Jii-aV There is, in the Preussische Staats*
bibliothek, a manuscript (Ms. orient, oct. 1257) that is a carefully written
copy of a manuscript in Diarbekr, of the contents of which an account
is given by Mgr. Addai Scher.") This MS. contains also the letter of

' ) A similar statement is made in the introductory note to the hymn of John Psaltes.
Joucn.il Asiatique Série 10, Tome 10 (1907), p. 398—401. 1 am indepted to Professor
Heinrich Gousscn of Bonn for the information as to the existence of the Berlin copy.
To the authorities of the Staatsbibliothek I am much obliged for having placed at my
disposal here in Lund, with the wellsknown generosity of the German libraries, this as well
as other costly manuscripts.
 Sources and A u t h o r Jxiii

Simeon in the same recension as that edited by I. Guidi. To judge

from the introductory note, reproduced in Journal Asiatique (p. 400,
note 1), it is here derived from the church history of Bar Sahde. But,
except that note, nothing suggests this origin')- The text is in full
accordance with the text of Guidi, the variants in no case being of
fundamental consequence. N o t seldom the text follows that of Guidi's
MS. P. In this Berlin MS., now, the name of the Himyarite in question
is liia^l. Here the name ends, not counting the I (of the Syriac termi*
nation?) on the same letter s as in the Book of the Himyarites, Un*
fortunately the obvious resemblance seems to be limited to this. At
all events the name in the Book certainly has not had the ^ that the
name in the Letter of Simeon has in both texts. It is however not
quite impossible that the letter after I in the Book really was correspond
ding, not counting the to the « in the Letter. If, on the contrary, it was a
it should be noted here that the name does in fact occur elsewhere
in the Book (p. 25, three times) as the name of a martyr. To me it
looks as if the letter preceding the ; in the Book must have been a a.
Be that as it may, whether the name in the Book and the corre*
sponding name in the Letter are variants of a common original form
or not, it is obvious, as just stated, that the name in the Book was
not Abraha, as in the Greek tradition, viz. in the Acta, in the narrative of
Procopios—there, it is true, in a different character—in Michael Syrus a )
and, though in somewhat varying connection, in the Muhammadan
tradition that depends on the Greek one. For this reason the Book
of the Himyarites and the Letter of Simeon must be classed by
themselves.
A s to this person and his subsequent fate we learn nothing in
the Book. The account has reached its aim in showing how the
divine vengeance befell the persecutors and a new state of things
was established through Kaleb, the liberator sent by G o d .

THE SOURCES OF T H E BOOK OF T H E HIMYARITES A N D

ITS A U T H O R
The inquiry as to the relation that the Book of the Himyarites holds
to the works of the Greek and Muhammadan traditions has shown that
1
) Thus there are no other extracts from the work of Bar Sahde, as one might be
made think from the way in which the work is mentioned by Baurastark, Geschichte der
Syrischen Litemtur (Bonn 1922), p. 135.
2) See Chvonlque . . . editeu p. J..B. Chabot, Book IX, Chap. XVII (vol. IV, p. 274).
Ixiv The Book of the Himyarites

it is a source of some of them, but that itself is not dependent upon

any of them. Nor does its author refer to any other written work as
his source. And even in the portions now missing from the work he
can scarcely have done so except, perhaps, in the first three chapters.
The Book of the Himyarites pretends to have been written shortly
after the events described and on the basis mainly of oral records of
eyeswitnesses.
The author states in the last chapter (p. 56 b ), that his object has
been to tell of events that have taken place in the land of the Himys
arites "many generations ago and even until the coronation of those
victorious ones who have now suffered martyrdom there." H e has
learned of this from believing Himyarites who were eyeswitnesses of
the events they have told him of. About the first expedition of the
Abyssinians he has heard from "blessed men who were with
them." The history of the second expedition of the Abyssinians is
related by "still other men who went with them to make war" against
the Jews.
It appears from passages such as p. 2 3 \ 25 sq. and 35 b , 14 sq. that the
author somewhere in the first portion of his work has given a detailed
account as to his informants. To this passage, unfortunately lost, he
refers therefore, when (p. 23a, 23—23b, h ) he introduces one of these
informants, the believing Abdallah b. Af'u, recording his attitude tot
wards the incidents, mentioning his father who, a heathen, was one of
the magnates around Masruq, and telling how Abdallah made use of
his position to obtain leave to bury the martyrs. To this same passage
he refers also when he (p. 35b, 141.) makes us acquainted with another
of his informants, the believing Af'u, brotheriindaw of the Martyr
Habsa, who had informed him how he had secretly gone out into the
desert for the bodies of this Martyr and the Martyr Hayya and buried
them. Abdallah "and those with him" he refers to also p. 2 4 \ 26 sqq.
as the ones who had written to him, from memory, the names of mars*
tyrs recorded on p, 24b—25b. In other cases 1 ) he refers to his infors
mants without mentioning them by name. Once, in establishing the
relation of a miracle (p. 2 0 b , 5sq.), he makes them confirm by oath the
veracity of their statement.
It is not necessary specially to point to expressions such as (p. 56 b , 9)
"these victorious ones who have now suffered martyrdom" to prove
that the author himself pretends to have written his work shortly after
') See pp, 20a, 15 (fragmentary), 20b, 5 sq. 22, 25 b, 23 sq. 30 a, 27 sq., 30b, 27 sq.
 Sources and Author îxv

the principal incidents pictured in it. But it merits attention that the
narrative of the believing A f ' u as to the burial of the martyrs Hab?a
a n d H a y y a (p. 36-\ 27 sq.) reveals by itself that it was in fact made u p
even before the second expedition of the Abyssinians, For A f u there
declares that he h a d not yet dared to save any of the bones of the
martyrs f o r fear of the Jews, because it was to risk one's life to be f o u n d
to have such relics in one's possession. T h e author himself immedias
tely before has t h o u g h t necessary b y the remark "for the Jews were
still ruling in the l a n d " to point out that this was n o longer the case
at the moment when he wrote his work.
A s to the person of the author we learn next to nothing in the
fragments. In the final note of the work he was hardly even mentioned
if, as I think is the case, the fragments X X I X a n d X X X (pp. 60 a n d 61)
are in u n b r o k e n sequence. T h e last lines of Fragm. X X I X (p. 60), it
is true, are fragmentary, but it is, notwithstanding, obvious that they
have h a d for subject the retributive justice of G o d . A n d the lacuna
at the top of the following page (Fragm. X X X , p. 61) hardly offers
the necessary space f o r the author to be mentioned there. M o r e likely
he was named in the preface immediately before our Fragm. I. T h e
only notice of him still preserved is the passage (p. 23 h , Ssq.) where
it is stated that, after the persecution, he baptized with great ceremony
the Himyarite A f u , father of Abdallah, in the church of the true be*
lievers ( p r o b a b l y the Monophysites as opposed to the Nestorians) in
Hirtha, " w h e n we (/. e. the a u t h o r ) still were there."
O n e cannot abstain f r o m comparing this with the situation pictured
in the Letter of Simeon of Beth Arsham. T h e embassy with which
Simeon came to the camp of M u n d h a r there heard, f r o m the Jewish
side, the first news of the persecution in N a j r a n . Returning to H i r t h a
they obtained more detailed information. There, for some time, h a d
been staying a legation consisting of Christian Himyarites, sent there
already by the Christian king of the Himyarites, whose death n o w h a d
given M a s r u q the o p p o r t u n i t y of u s u r p i n g the power. At the rumour
of their king being dead they had sent a person back to their land
to gather information. This person, at this moment, h a d returned to
Hirtha where, in consequence, n o w a certain number of Himyarites
were informed of what had h a p p e n e d in their land. Simeon only
stayed a short time in Hirtha. Some one in the company may have
stayed longer. N o d o u b t refugees f r o m Yaman little b y little arrived
in the place. T h e y had f o u n d their way there before, and so they did
5
Ix vi The Book of the Himyarites

later (cf. above, p. lxi). Thereby arose just the situation in which
the author of the Book of the Himyarites could gather the information
necessary for his work, up to Chapter X X X V inclusively. It is not
necessary to think that he stayed at i j i r t h a long enough to learn also
of the second expedition of the Abyssinians. But certainly the con*
version and baptism of A f u could be most easily explained b y assume
ing A f u also in his turn to have come there as a fugitive before the
Abyssinian avengers. Be this as it may, the notice (p. 23 b ) just cited
says expressly that the work was not put on paper in Hirtha. Moreover
it is obvious, from the Index as well as from the fragments preserved,
that the material was not nearly so rich for this part of the work as
for the earlier part. The facts are scarce and the edifying meditations
take more place.
A b o u t the author we learn, b y all this, nothing new. He, of course,
was not necessarily a member of the embassy of Justin mentioned above.
But perhaps there is a hint as to his name and social position to be
derived from another quarter. For in the Acta (§ 2) we are informed
that "the land of the Himyarites was as thickly settled and populous as
Rusafa." This Rusafa the learned editor and commentator of the text
in the Acta Sanctorum, Pater Carpentier, identified (p. 726, note z) with
the Syriac town near Rakka, that the Greeks called Sergiopolis. Con*
eluding from this mention of Rusafa, L Guidi (op. cit., p. 471, note 3)
suggested that the author of the Acta was a monk or priest of that town,
and very likely the Bishop Sergios(or Georgios) of Rusafa 1 ), mentioned
in the Letter of Simeon (p. 507) as a member of the embassy from the
emperor to the King Mundhar, to which also Simeon belonged. N o w ,
referring to our inquiry as to the relation that the Acta hold to the
Book of the Himyarites as one of their two Syriac sources, the other
being the Letter of Simeon, and taking for granted that the mentioning
of Rusafa must be ascribed to the Syriac, not the Greek, sources it is

!) In the text of Guidi his name is Sergios, but in Guidi's Ms. P it is Georgios, and
so also in the Berlin copy of the old Ms. of Diarbekr mentioned above. The variant
probably is a mere graphical one. Otherwise no bishop of Rusafa of this epoch is known
to me (later on there was both a Sergios and a Georgios). Still it may be observed that,
in an old, now ruined, basilica at Rusafa, once rebuilt and restored by a Bishop Simeon in
the year 1092 or 1093, there occur columns from an older building with capitals of about
the cpoch of Justinianus. On a number of these capitals the following inscription is to
be read: (¿01 SEPHOr EI112K0nGr TOT STNTENOTZ MAPONIOr TOr KOPEniZKOOOr
(see S. Guyer, Rusafah in Sarre«Herzfeld, Archaologische Rase im Euphrat* und Tigris-Gebiet,
vol II, Berlin 1920, p. 15). From this it must thus be concludcd that once in the 6th or
following century there was in Rusafa a Bishop Sergios,
 Historical Value lxvii

likely enough that this particular in the Acta should be derived from
the Book of the Himyarites. Taking up thus the suggestion of Pro*
fessor Guidi in a modified form I think it possible, if not very pro*
bable, that the author of the Book of the Himyarites was just this
Sergios (or Georgios) of Ruslfa. Professor Nöldeke, in his review of
the edition of the Letter by Professor Guidi, rejects this suggestion of
Guidi as to the author of the Acta saying: „Wer mit Simeon in Hira zu*
gegen war, der hätte doch wohl mehr getan, als dessen Erzählung nur
etwas auszuschmücken."') After the preceding account of the Book of
the Himyarites, of its contents and of its relation to the tradition, the
words of Professor Nöldeke strike one as nearly prophetic. The author
of the Book of the Himyarites has certainly "mehr getan".
In fact even Professor Guidi has hinted at a modification of his
view. For as he (op. cit., p. 500) illustrates his idea as to the tradition
on the incidents in Yaman by drawing up a sort of tree, he there not
only puts the Acta in their due place, but places on a stage above, as
another and preceding degree, parallel with the Letter of Simeon, the
Bishop Sergios (Georgios) of Ruslfa. If in this place we put, instead
of Sergios (or Georgios), the Book of the Himyarites we have, in my
opinion, given to this work just its due place in the tradition, with
the slight modification only that the hymn of John Psaltes also probably
depends, directly or indirectly, on the Book of the Himyarites.")
Possibly, thus, the Book of the Himyarites was written by Sergios
(or Georgios) of Ru?afa, But this cannot be proved by conclusive
evidence, It would be, besides, of no great importance for the estimation
and understanding of the work. For we know nothing of this person
except this, that he was with Simeon of Beth Arsham in Hirtha. We
do not know for certain, as already observed, even what his name was.

T H E HISTORICAL VALUE O F T H E BOOK

OF T H E HIMYARITES
The preceding inquiry has dealt with what the author of the Book
of the Himyarites wishes us to know and think as to the incidents in
Yaman and as to the sources of his own work. The internal value of
this work, its authenticity and its trustworthiness, have not been as yet
discussed. These points however decide whether the Book of the Him*
*) See Göffingisefie Gelehrte Anzeigen 18S2: 1, p. 206.
2
) As to its age see above, p, xlii. It formerly was thought to have been composed
shortly after the persecution.
5*
Ixviii The Hook of the Himyarites

yarites has any value other than a literary one, as being a link in the
traditions on the events that it describes, that is to say, if it has
any historical value. W e have seen that the Book of the Himyarites
and the Letter of Simeon, though from a strictly literary point of view
independent, are closely akin as to their contents and the situation from
which they proceed. The one is but the earlier pamphlet, hastily written
immediately on the arrival of the first information, with the purpose
of raising the hue and cry against the persecutors; the other is the later,
elaborate, historical record, quietly compiled on the basis of fuller know*
ledge after the affair had been settled. The question as to the authenticity
of the one, therefore, includes the question also as to the authenticity
of the other. If the Letter of Simeon is genuine, then there is but little
doubt that the Book of the Himvarites also is what it claims to be.
This, however, does not in the least imply that the authenticity of
the Book of the Himyarites depends on the authenticity of the Letter.
O n the contrary, the discovery of this work has furnished a fresh and,
in my opinion, decisive argument for the authenticity of the Letter of
Simeon. As to the Book, it shows in itself, in its style, in its inner
coherence, in nearly every detail in its narrative, the marks of its own
authenticity.')
I do not doubt, thus, that the Book of the Himyarites is a narra*
tive composed shortly after the second Abyssinian expedition, i. e.,
shortly after A. D . 525, based mainly on oral records delivered, partly
even before that expedition, by persons—whom the author considered
trustworthy—who came from Yaman and proclaimed themselves to
have been eyewitnesses of the events they recounted. W i t h this ins
formation for a basis the author's aim has been to compose a truth*
ful historical record in honour of the martyrs, for the strengthening of
his readers in the confession of Christianity, and with the theme that,
by a mere chance, is alluded to in the very first as well as the last
words preserved of his work, " G o d rewards everyone according to
his works."
To a large extent the historical reliability of the work thus depends
on the reliability of the informants. In this respect one can judge
only from interior indications, the possibility or probability of the
relations given, and from their consistency with what is otherwise k n o w n
about the same events. From both points of view the Book of the

Cf. my notice, cited above, The Book of the Himyarites, p. 36 sq.

 Historical Value lxix

Himyarites holds its own. But it is necessary, of course, n o t to expect

too much. T h e w o r k is of an obviously literary character. It must
n o t be t h o u g h t that its m a n y speeches, dialogues, adresses and
such things are meant to exactly reproduce the speeches in reality
delivered on the occasions indicated. A n d even the account of the
actual facts must be taken cum grano salis. O n e must not forget that
what the Book gives is a record f r o m agitated times a n d of agitating
incidents. O n e person has seen one thing, another another. T h e ims
pressions of one person have been confronted and confused with
those of another long before they reached the writer. A n d together
with h i m the informants themselves held a definite position, a n d n o t
an unprejudiced one, as to what had h a p p e n e d . They all agreed with
one another in the same view as to the incidents, their causes, their
bearing a n d h o w to employ them. O n e must n o t expect more in the
way of an objective a n d impartial account than of, say, a first report
in a newspaper n o w a d a y s about riots in the Ruhrdistrict, or of a
m o d e r n g o v e r n m e n t c o m m u n i q u é in w a r t i m e .
A s to the consistency of the account of the Book with what is
otherwise k n o w n of the same incidents it must be admitted, it is true,
that the difficulties possibly would be greater if we had, on one side,
the complete Book, and, o n the other, fuller and more detailed inform
mation from other quarters. W h e t h e r one considers the Letter of Simeon
as genuine, with N o l d e k e , G u i d i , Dillman, and others, or as unauthentic
with J. H . M o r d t m a n n ')» if one is only disposed to admit, at least, t w o
different A b y s s i n i a n military expeditions to Y a m a n , one earlier 2 ) and
one in the year 525, one meets with n o difficulty in this question in the
fragments of the Book of the Himyarites. For the account of the first ex*
pedition is, unfortunately, lost and the only remaining particular
belonging to it, the name H Y W N ' in the h e a d i n g of C h a p t e r V, is too
uncertain to make any difficulty. If one does not, as does H a î é v y '),
categorically d e n y the possibility of a Himyaritic king (or insurgent,
or champion of liberty) confessing the Jewish religion, one must n o t
think the position of the Jews, as pictured in the Book, to be unhisto*
rical. But for a theory like that proposed b y Halévy, w h o interprets
') Cf. his article. Die himyarisch'Sthiopischen Kriege noch emmai in ZDMG, vol. 3 5
(1881), p . 6 9 3 - 7 1 0 .
2) Though later than that of the Abyssinian King Afitas suggested by C Conti Rossini
in ,/oiirnaf Asiatique, Série 11. Tome 18 (1921), p. 30 sq.
h Cf. Revue des études juives, vol. IS (1S89), p. 173 sqq., 178, Revue sémitique, vol. 4
(1896), p. 64, vol. 8 (1900), p. 90,
 The Book of the Himyarites

the Jews of the tradition as "judaizing Christians" i, e. Atians, the

account of the Book certainly makes insuperable difficulties. The mention^
ing of "the Christians in name" among the Jews (p, 73, 7 sq.), the
"Jewish priests from Tiberias," and all the other unmistakeably Jewish
features allow but one interpretation.
Those "Christians in name" on the Jewish side are in fact note*
worthy. They seem to bear witness to an alliance of Christians and
Jews that scarcely can be explained but by assuming as motive to
the persecution of the Christians not religious fanaticism but policy,
the rivalry between Persia and Byzantium, as represented by Masruq
and Abyssinia respectively.
There is in the Book of the Himyarites a person of special interest
in this connection, viz. DhusYazan, the rightfhand man and willing
servant of Masruq, W e d o n o t know if the Book of the Himys
arites has described his fortunes under and after the Abyssinian ex*
pedition of punishment. But we know from a brilliant narrative by
Tabarj 1 ) how Saif b. Dhu*Yazan finally became an instrument for the
definite crushing of the Abyssinian supremacy in South Arabia. H e came
from his land to al«Hira and was introduced by the king of a h H i r a to the
Persian court. There he brought it about that an army was sent under a
Persian general to South Arabia by the help of which the Abyssinians
were n o w definitely cast out. As to this Saif b. DhusYazan, his name
and his family, I refer to N o l d e k e , Geschichte der Perser und Araber
zur Zeit der Sasaniden (Leyden 1879), p. 220, note 4, cf. also Martin
Hartmann, Die Arabische Frage (Leipzig 1909), p. 508, It suffices, here,
to call attention to this interesting fact, that the Book of the Himyarites,
written already several years before the time of this Saif b, DhusYazan,
knows a member of the same family DhuiYazan, 2 ) who was also a
leading person on the nationalist Himyaritic side. It is the same
policy in both cases. A n d perhaps even the real purpose of Masruq
when he sent his embassy to a h H l r a was not very different from
that of Saif b. Dhu=Yazan a generation later on. Perhaps the real
object of this embassy was b y this way to obtain the assistance of
the Persians against the reprisals which inevitably threatened from the
Abyssinians, That it was not, as Simeon of Beth Arsham wishes to
make us believe, merely to provoke persecutions of Christians, is, I think,
tolerably evident.

*) -flnnafos I, p. - «A.
s
) Cf„ for instance, EduardGlaser, Zwei Inschriften liber den Dammbruch von Mirth, p.75,92,
 Historical Value Ixxi
Particularly difficult are the problems that meet him who tries to
combine the information given by the Byzantine historiographers with
the ecclesiastical tradition. The difficulties are of many kinds. A special
obstacle in this question is, however, the rather fantastic variety in
the names of the acting persons. Owing to this variety nearly every
combination is possible and nearly every combination highly problems!
atical. Certainly there is a way out of many an embarrassment if
one can prove a difficult name to be nothing but a variant, a misreading or
a miswriting, of another name. But this method, unfortunately, has
its inconvenience also. For by using Greek, Syriac, Arabic and
Ethiopian letters, one can arrive at almost any result except one that
can be relied upon.
To illustrate the variety of names, and of the ways of deriving one
from another, I merely mention here the name of the Jewish king who
in the Book of the Himyarites is called Masruq. In the Acta his name
is Dunaas and Dunaan, and this name then has been identified with
such names, occurring in other sources, as Dimnos, Damnos, Dimion,
Dimianos, Damianos, DhfifNuwas. 1 ) Further A k s o n o d o a is said to
be, by the intermediate stage SevoSwv (after the confusion of an original
A in the midst of the word with A) a mistake for this same Dunaas,
which elsewhere has given rise to the form Phincas, a deformation
that has been explained in, at least, two different ways. It is by no
means astonishing if such combinations admitted by some scholars
are rejected by others, or if, in return, other combinations are proposed,
such as, for instance, for Aksonodon, either A x u m or ecw slvSwv.
Against such a method one must not make too serious objections in
a single case; but its application requires the greatest caution. By
indulging in it one does nothing but confuse the issue.')
It is obvious, however, that from a tradition that labours with such
great uncertainty no earnest objections can be made against the historical
value of the Book of the Himyarites in this special respect. Some of
the names offered by this work undoubtedly appear as better forms
for names given elsewhere in the tradition. This is the case with Harith
as shown above (p. lx), with R u h m of which the later tradition
has made Rome, Dauma and Demaha, and with the name of the father
°f this woman, Azma', in the Letter of Simeon called Azmani. In this

f
) See above, p. xlii.
2
) J. H a l i v y , in his articles mentioned above, went far in this respect,
lxxii The Book of the Himyarites

class I reckon also the name Kaleb f o r the Abyssinian king (cf. above,
p. xlii). T h e Book of the Himyarites makes clear n o w that this name
belongs to the very oldest form of the tradition.
More problematic is perhaps the name of the Jewish king, Masruq.
A s observed already, a n d well known, this name occurs, f o r this person,
only in the introductory note to the h y m n of J o h . Psaltes, and in the
notice in the Chronicle from Saard referred to above. N o w it obviously
cannot be the object of a priori deductions whether the true name of
this king was Masruq or D h u s N u w a s , which latter is his name in the
M u h a m m a d a n tradition a n d has been t h o u g h t to be the original form
of the name D u n a a s ( D u n a a n ) in the Acta. Also the name M a s r u q
occurs as a name of persons in the historical works of the A r a b s
treating of just this epoch. N o r can it be s h o w n in a more definite
way, that his real name was a combination of both, i. e. Masruq (b. ? )
D h u s N u w a s , t h o u g h it w o u l d make little difficulty to see in the name
D h u ' N u w a s a f a m i l y m a m e of a type well k n o w n f r o m names such as
Dhu*Yazan, D h u s j a d a n , D h u = Q i f a n and m a n y others. 1 ) This name
t h e n h a d t o be preceded by a more personal name such as Saif (above,
p. Ixx) or, in this case, possibly, Masruq. T h e name D h u # N u w a s
strikes one, specially in the interpretation of M. H a r t m a n n 2 ) as Sabaean
DhUiNu'as, as being t o o genuine to be rejected. O n the other h a n d
M a s r u q is n o t only possibly the complement to this name sought for 3 ),
b u t is, moreover, now, after the recovery of the Book of the Himyarites,
really supported by the oldest tradition. By n o means, obviously, can
a controversy of this kind between the Book of the Himyarites and
the other sources be used as an argument against the historical value
of the Book. ') This value cannot be questioned only on account of
its information being in contradiction to that of other narratives.
In return, what one must expect to find in the Book of the Hims
yarites, if it really has such an origin as it wishes to make us believe
1) Cf. G, Kampfmeyer, Siidarabisches in ZDMG, vol. 54 (1900), p. 624 n o t e 2, and the in«
script ions.
2) See Arabisehe Frage, p. 292 and, before, H . W i n k l e r , Attorientalische Forsekungen,
p. 329, cf. C. Conti Rossini in Journal Asiatique, Ser. 11, T. 18 (1921), p. 32 and, for an
instance, CIS I V , N o , 68:1.
3) A s well known, the M u h a m m a d a n tradition gives him the name Zur'a
•s) In this connection it should b e observed, perhaps, that K. Schroter (ZDMG, vol, 31,
1877, p. 361 note 1} interpreted t h e name Masruq as a rendering of the (Norths) Arabian
JDhu=Wuwas vii. " t h e man with the locks." The same interpretation (of D h u s N u w a s ) gives
also N a s b w a n (see Angaben, p, 1*1, 18) a n d Kitab ahaghani, vol. 20, p. A; another of
Masruq Glaser, Zwet Inschnften titer den Dammbnteh von Marib, p. 97.
 Historical Value Ixxiii

itself, is some evidence, at least, of an acquaintance with SouthsArabian

conditions that exceeds what an otherwise welliinformed Syrian of
that epoch can be t h o u g h t likely to have possessed.
A s to the general historical detail we have no means of deciding if
it is based on information that could n o t be procured but f r o m South
Arabia. Concerning, further, the main martyrologies, they of course
necessarily have a more universal and international character. The conflict
itself is always between Christendom a n d another religion, or the State.
A n d the methods of martyring h u m a n beings, also, little by little have
grown international. A certain local colour perhaps is given to the
martyrdom of Habsa and the two H a y y a ' s by the camels employed to
track two of these martyrs out in the desert. This detail, however, seems
too insignificant and too easily invented after well-known models (e.g., the
horses of the martyrdom of H i p p o l y t e a n d of others) to prove a n y t h i n g
as to the origin of the narrative. Certainly, however, the Book bears, in its
martyrological matter, a somewhat peculiar character, but this depends
more o n the persecutors being Jews than on the scene being Yaman. 5 )
M o r e importance, in this respect, must be attributed to the places
and persons, or names of places and persons, met with in the Book.
Even an acquaintance with Zafar, N a j r a n , Marib, H a d r a m a u t and
( p e r h a p s ) H a j a r e n was, j u d g i n g f r o m the Syriac Literature hitherto k n o w n ,
by n o means a commune bonum in the Syriac world in the first half
of 6 i h century. Moreover, at that epoch, to find out, in a Syriac monas*
tery, that the name Dhu»Yazan would be a most appropriate name
for a leader of a national and, therefore, antisAbyssinian (z. e., anti*
Christian) party of the Himyarites, was far b e y o n d w h a t could be
expected of a Syriac writer. Probably n o such writer could t h i n k it
at all important what name he gave the fictitious hero of a story he
invented. Still more striking is the name J a w for the family or tribe
of which the Martyr R u h m was a member (cf. above, p. lix). Such a
particular could be of n o interest to the readers of a Syriac legend of
Martyrs; in the m o u t h of the Himyaritic informants of our author it
was another indication as to the rank a n d social position of that martyr.
T o us this name was n o t k n o w n hitherto, as the name of a family or

It is worth noticing, however, that the ceremony of dipping the finger in a bowl
filled with blood (see above, p. Ivii), has nothing specially to do with Judaism, but is in
connection with customs testified to, in later times .it least (cf. Doughty, Travels, vol. II, p.41),
as current in Yaman.
Ixxiv The Book of the Himyarites

a tribe, except from the inscriptions 1 ,) A s a name of a district (Yamama)

it is well known to the Muhammadan authors.
Highly interesting also is the mentioning of a Himyaritic king of
the predecessors of Masruq with the name Ma'dikarib. 2 ) H e had borrow?
ed money from Ruhm, who later on seems to have remitted the debt.
This name also is known from the inscriptions as the name of persons
of royal family, kings or others. E. Glaser, H . Winckler and M. Hart*
rnann have supposed, on the perhaps not quite secure basis of a resto*
ration of the inscription Seeizen IV, that a certain Ma'dikarib Jan'am,
son of Sharahbisil Yakkuf, was king of Saba, Raidan etc. about A.D.500,
that is precisely at the time postulated also for the Ma'dikarib of our
text. 3 ) The Muhammadan historiographers know nothing about him
nor, on the whole, anything certain about these early preiMuhami
madan times. The name Ma'dikarib, however, reached them in various
combinations.
There is no further evidence needed, I think, to prove that the
Book of the Himyarites does, in fact, show a knowledge of South*
Arabian affairs that cannot be explained but as the result of direct in?
formation. Certainly such points as just mentioned cannot possibly be
products of the imagination of a pious teller of legends. The names
of the other characters, moreover, give no opportunity of connecting
them with facts otherwise witnessed by history or inscriptions, A pecu?
liarity, however, of the Book of the Himyarites is the lists of martyrs,
men and women, inserted in Chapters X I X and XX. N o assertion
can be made, of course, as to their actual correctness. Still they are
interesting as lists of names of the 6 t h century. If they can, besides,
maintain their claim of being lists of Himyaritic names of that epoch,
they are to be considered all the more important. In criticizing them
one must bear in mind, of course, just as in the case of the main narra?
tive, that an authentic representation is not necessarily a correct one

') As t o the original appellative meaning of the word cf. E. Glaser, Altjemenische
Naehrichten (Munchen 1908), p, 105—107, M. H a r t m a n n , Die arabtsche Frags, p. 365,
N . Rhodokanakis, Studien zur Lexikographie u. Grammatik d, AHsudarabischen II, p. 8 sqq.
2) The name is written Ma'dikarim with m instead of b (cf, below, p. xcii). In the
same way (KaSixaPlH":=) H i s rendered by Theophanes (cited i n Rothstein, Die Dynastic d.
Lahm'tdeti in aUHira, p. 83. Moreover m, n o t b, is in fact the third radical of the root
(cf. Lidzbarski, Ephemeris fur Semitische Epigraphik I, p. 235).
s
) See E. Glaser, Zwei Inschriften iiber den Dammbruch von Marib, p 26f., 86if.,
H . Winckler, Altorientalische Forschungen I, p. 329, M. H a r t m a n n , op. c i t , p. 481 f. and cf.
also C. Conti Rossini, op. cit. in Rendiconti delta Acad, dei Lined, Ser, 5, vol. X I X (1910)
p. 71Sf,
 Historical Value lxxv
in every detail. Many mistakes arise in writing it down and others
are added in the course of time. Moreover the Syriac script, specially
in rendering foreign names, is a very inadequate one, capable of mani*
fold interpretation. A n d this inconvenience is not reduced by the fact
that the script of the South*Arabian inscriptions, which have to offer us
the samples for comparison, is not less ambiguous (see below pp.lxxxff.).
Notwithstanding these difficulties it is beyond d o u b t that a certain
number of the names in the lists are in fact good Himyaritic ones
k n o w n from the inscriptions. Others are known from the Muhammadan
historiographers as belonging specially to the ancient traditions of South
Arabia. Others seem to have been current since old times all over
Arabia. Finally there remain some names which have resisted till now
my efforts to interpret them. Further examination will show if they
can be explained in the form offered by the text or if one must fall
back upon the expedient of conjecture, in this case, more than
usually hazardous. 1 )
Be that as it may, even these names, in my opinion, are new evids
ence of the authenticity of the Book. For scarcely would an author of
legends in this epoch have taken it into his head to invent names for
his heroes. A n d , if he had, for what purpose would he have taken the
trouble to draw up long lists of names without real importance to the
rest of his narrative. A n d , if he did, he would never have imagined that
the best way to mystify his readers would be the inexpressibly simple
method of repeating two or three or more times the same name in his
list. A n d , if he had invented this easy method of producing endless
lists, what an artful idea suddenly to stop and declare, in the heading
of chapter X X I V , that he would now pass on to martyrs "the names
of whom we have not been able to learn"!
If, on the other hand, the Book could be shown to contain names
or facts inconsistent with its pretended age and origin, it would have
to be accepted as evidence in the contrary direction. In a most in*
teresting and elucidating review 2 ) of my preliminary note on the Book
of the Himyarites, Professor C. Conti Rossini has pointed out the names
Umayyah and Abdallah as such names, belonging only to the Norths
Arabian territory.
Now, it is true, it would not be unduly remarkable, if, amongst
the Syrians, Greeks, Persians, and Abyssinians in Yaman there had
J
) Cf. beiow, pp. lxxxiff.
2
) See Rivista deglt Studi orientali, vol. IX, p. 426-30.
Ixxvi The Book of the Himyarites

appeared also two Arabs from the Centre or North of the Peninsula.
But the persons here considered are obviously meant, by the author
and his narrative, to be genuine Himyarites. Our knowledge, however,
of the names of the Himyarites is scarcely perfect enough to allow of
categorically denying the occurrence of the name Umayyah amongst
them.') As to the name Abdallah the problem seems more complicated.
For the Himyarites used, as the inscriptions certify, the names Abd s il
(Safai'tie and Abdslat, and it is not very probable that they
used, in addition, also the Arabic name Abdallah. Neither is there, in
my eyes, any way of interpreting the Syriac as Abdsil or Abd*
lät. There occurs, it is true, in the Safai'tie and Lihyanic a ) inscriptions,
in names like Fl^am, j"6"IJ?D, a form of the word for God (H1?) that'
composed with 12}?, would give exactly our name «»V^v. Unfortu«
nately this 7b probably is nothing but the same North^Arabic Allah
and therefore of no help in vindicating a South=Arabic origin to the
name in question. So there remains nothing but, as the last resource,
to think that NorthsArabic names had gained ground among the
Himyarites at this epoch together with the North ¿Arabic dialect
(cf. Nöldeke in GGA 1899, p. 828), or else that the Syriac author
has changed the real name of his informant, "the believing Abdallah",
from its heathen form Abd4l or Abddat into a name more familiar in
the parts where he lived. This and similar changes were often repeated
later on in Muhammadan times. ')
Whatever may be the true explanation, certainly the evidence of
the name Abdallah must be supported by many other and more far#
reaching objections before it can seriously menace the authenticity and
the historical value of the Book of the Himyarites.
As to the chief historical features of the narrative they do not
differ very much from those given in the Acta. It is a pity, however,
that the remains of the Book of the Himyarites do not allow us to
establish, in a definite way, the date of the first Abyssinian expedition
to Yaman related in Chapters V—VII.
As to the persecution it is often thought that the description given
by the Acta is highly exaggerated. As regards the number of the
!) In F. Wüstenfei H, Genealogische Tabellen dec Arabischen Stämme und Familien,
the name occurs frequently also almong the SoutbsArabian tribes.
2) See Dussaud et Macler, Mission, p. 624, D. H. Müller, Epigraphische Denkmäler,
p. 59 f,
3) See for instances J. Wellhausen, Reste Arabischen Heidentums, 2. edition, p. 32 and
below, p. lxxxii.
 Historical Value Ixxvii

victims it is impossible to state n o w whether the figure given by the

Acta (more t h a n 4000) is in conformity with the figures once given in
the Book, It is of n o very great importance, however, whether, in
reality, the victims were 500 or 5000, In a much more i m p o r t a n t re«
spect the Book of the Himyarites teaches us that the ecclesiastical
tradition did a n y t h i n g b u t exaggerate. For it shows us that the
persecution was b y n o means restricted to N a j r a n , as that tradition
makes us t h i n k , but that, on the contrary, it e x t e n d e d widely over
Yaman and Hadramaut.
This, again, is of importance as indicating a correspondingly wide
spread of Christianity in these parts at that epoch. D u r i n g the follow*
ing Abyssinian rule Christianity, of course, could b u t increase all
over the land. T h i s is of interest for the conception it gives us of
the state of t h o u g h t a n d religion in South Arabia in the century before
M u h a m m a d , O b v i o u s l y Christianity, as well as Judaism, was at that
time in force there, the old paganism meanwhile, p r o b a b l y , losing
more a n d more g r o u n d . If such was the case it is n o t impossible that
it is to the South of Arabia we have to look out for the suggestions
and influences which stirred u p the Arabian p r o p h e t to his preaching.
For, although the route t o w a r d civilisation, f r o m N a j r a n a n d f r o m
Y a m a n as a whole, went t h r o u g h alsHira, there certainly was another
way that passed b y Mecca a n d Medina. 1 )
T h e close relations which, according to the Book of the Himy*
arites, prevailed between the Christians of Y a m a n and the Abyssinians
are of interest too. T h e y make us u n d e r s t a n d better h o w it was that
M u h a m m a d sought a refuge for his followers in Abyssinia. In this
policy M u h a m m a d did n o t h i n g but follow a well-trodden path.
In these a n d m a n y other respects, the Book of the Himyarites
throws light u p o n the South of Arabia of the 6 t h century. I n this I
see the main importance of its discoveiy.
1) Too late to be used in the preceding inquiry I received two works beating, partly,
on the problems here discussed, viz. D. S, Margoliouth, The Relations between Arabs and
Israelites prior to the Rise of Islam (London' 1924) and Tor Andrae, Der Ursprung des
Mams und das Christentum (Kyrkohistonsk Arsskrift, vol. 23, Uppsala 1924, pp. 149—206).
The views of Dr. Andrae are, as a whole, more in conformity with my own than those
of Professor Margoliouth (op. cit., pp. 57—83) are.
 APPENDIX
NAMES OF PERSONS A N D PLACES

a) Prefatory remarks on the Personal Names.

The actors in the narrative of the Book of the Himyarites are not
very many and t h e i r names alone could not produce a very long
list. The great majority of the names registered below are from the
two lists of martyrs given on pp, 24t>—25k and p, 30 b , and containing
names of men and names of women respectively.
These names of persons are of special interest and present special
difficulties. There are amongst them no names characteristic of the
Christian Syrians except a few biblical names ascribed to foreign
clerics staying in Najran. A great many of the names may by
identified as Arabic e. g. A m r , Umayyah, Jarxr, Mu awiya and others,
but not a few of them are known as specially used in South Arabia,
such as Jadan, DhusYazan, Haufaamm, Mauhaba, Ma'dikarib, Marthad,
whilst others are, as far as I am aware, hitherto unknown. The oc*
currence of genuine SouthsArabian names in the text, as well as the
claim of the Book of the Himyarites itself to be based on direct and
authentical information from the land of the Himyarites, makes it
likely that even these unknown names are to be interpreted as being
of SouthiArabian origin.
Thus, in the following list, wherever the text does not expressly
give a name as belonging to a foreigner (nonsHimyarite), I have done
my best to find in the Sabaean inscriptions a name with which that
name may be compared, if not as to its actual form, at least as to its
root. Such names are noted in the following list in Sabaean charac#
ters. 1 ) If I failed there I fell back upon the Lihyanic and Safaitic, etc.
inscriptions, giving, in the list, the result in Hebrew characters, Lastly
I have given equivalents from Arabic literature using the Indices to
') It should be observed that it seems of n o interest, in this case, to distinguish
between inscriplions in different SouthsArabian dialects, nor h a v e I limited the comparison
to strictly personal names. A name k n o w n as the n a m e of a tribe or place may easily
appear elsewhere as, or in, t h e name of a person.
 Names of Persons and Places Ixxix

Ibn Hisham, Tabari, Kitab akaghani, Hamasa and other works, 1 ) but
specially those of aliHamdani, Nashwan and Ibn Duraid which treat
of the SouthsArabian traditions. 2 )
Unfortunately there are many stumblingibloeks in the way. First
there is the question of the Syriac representation of those foreign names.

For names of w o m e n see also E. Gratzl, Die altarabischen Frauennamen (Leipzig 1906),
J
) I use the following abbreviations:
Agha in Indices for Tables Alphabétiques clu Kitêbal-Ag ,5 ni rédigées p I . G u i d i (Leidel900),
D u s s a u d et Maclet for B. D u s s a u d et F. Macler, Rapport sur une mission scientifique dans
¡es régions désertiques de la Sytie moyenne (Paris 1902), If refera
ence to a page is not given the word m a y b e f o u n d b y help
of the Glossary (pp. 6 0 8 - 6 3 9 ) ,
Glaser, Dammbruch for Eduard Glaser, Zwei Inschriften über den Dammbruch ron MSrib (Mit-
teilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft, 1897, 6).
Glaser, Nachrichten for Eduaid Glaser, Altjemenische Nachrichten (München 1908).
Glaser, Studien for Eduard Glaser, Altjemenische Studien. Nach dem Tode des Ver-
fassers herausgegeben von Otto Weber (I, Leipzig 1923).
Hamdäni for AUHamdâvtî's Geographie der Arabischen Halbinsel herausgegeben von
D . H. Müller (Leiden 1884),
Hartmann, Arab. Frage for M. Hartmann, Der Islamische Orient. Band II, Die Arabische Frage
(Leipzig 1909).
H o m m e l , Chrestomathie for F. H o m m e l , Süd'ArabiMte Chrestomathie (München 1893).
H o m m e l , Aufsätze for F. H o m m e l , Aufsätze und Abhandlungen arabistisch'semitologischen
Inhalts (München 1892).
I b a Duraid for ibu'ßoreid's genealngisch°etymologisches Handbuch herausg. von
F. W ü s t e n f e l d (Göttingen 1851).
Jaussen et Savignac for Jaussen et Savlgnac, Mission archéologique en Arabie (Paris 1909,
1914).
Lidlbarski, Ephemerls for M. Lidzbatski, Ephemcris für Semitische Epigraphik I—III (GieSSen
1902-1915).
Littmann, Entzifferung for E, Littmann, Zur Entzifferung der S afâ.Inschriften (Leipzig 1901).
Littmann, Inscriptions for E. Littmann, Semitic Inscriptions (Part IV of the Publications of an
American archàelogicalexpédition toSyela 1899—1900,New»Yo,k 1905).
Mordtmann, Beiträge for D . H . Mordtmann, Beiträge zur Mimischen Epigraphik (Sern!-
iistische Studien 12, Weimar 1896),
Mordtmann und Müller for J. H . MordtmaDn und D . H . Müller, Sabäische Denkmäler aus
Arabien (Denkschriften der Akademie der Wissenschaften Bd. 33,
W i e n 1883).
Müller, Epigr. Denkm. for D . H . Müller, Epigraphische Denkmäler aus /Irakien (Denkschriften
der Akademie der Wissenschaften Bd. 37, W i e n 1889).
Nashwan, Angaben for Die auf Südarabien bezüglichen Angaben Naswin's im Sams at-'ulûm
herausg, v o n 'Azümuddln Ahmad ("E. J. W . G i b b Memorial,"
vol. xxiv).
R h o d o k a n a k i s , Studien for N . Rhodokanakis, Stadien zur Lexikographie und GrammaHt des
Altsudarabischen (Sitzungsberichte der Akademie der Wissenschaften,
W i e n 1915, 1917).
Weber, Studien for O. W e b e r , Studien zur Südarabischen Altertumskunde I—1II (Mit•
teilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft 1901, 1907),
A b b i e v i a t i o n s such as eis, RSO, WZKM, ZDMG need n o explanation.
 lxxx The Book of the Himyarites

The Syriac alphabet not being specially suited for the phonology of
the SouthiArabian language, some letters are necessarily used in an
ambiguous way; thus ; is not only d but also dh (e. g. o^,),
i is t and th (e. g. If*, J^A^l), ^ is ' and gh (e, g. •p-^}, ^ is h and
kh (e. g. i ^ « ) , j is s and d (e. g. ^ is f (e. g. and z (e, g.
r^-i). As to the vowels Syriac is, it is true, a little better than Sabaean
itself, as, at least, the vowel u, u is generally expressed by a o and
the vowel i, i may be written A n a is expressed only at the end
of the word. In two instances our MS, sets an J for a within the
word, viz. in and If this should be an imitation of the
Arabic mode of writing, as I really think it must be, 5 ) then it can
certainly be accounted for in our MS., dated the year 932 A. D., but
it cannot belong to the original work of the 6 t h century as the ortho
graphy of Arabic literature did not exist at that time.
Notwithstanding this ability of the Syriac language to express
vowels, the ambiguity of most names remains just as puzzling in Syriac
transcriptions as in the South'Arabian originals. It is impossible to
say if f » ^ means A m r or 'Amir or A m m a r , and I do not think that
the various ways of punctuating this word met with in the fragments
afford any reliable help in fixing its pronunciation. Similarly ct*»^
can be read Jabrah, Jabarah, Jabirah, Jabirah (Jabrah), Jabbarah or
Jibrah and so on. It is of course the same with the names in the
Sabaean inscriptions. This fact is well illustrated by the name flftH
cited below, p. Ixxxvii. As remarked there, it corresponds, with regard to
its form, just as well to oto, in the Syriac script as to cwj. This is to
be borne in mind when reading my transcription of the names in the
following list, as well as in the translation of the text. Strictly speaking
it is not absolutely certain that <=¿-3 is Kaleb and Harith, much
less that I am in the right in all the interpretations of names otherwise
proposed. They are not to be taken too rigorously. In many cases
they are likely to be correct, in others they are chosen according to
a certain probability only to avoid too many transcriptions like Z ' W N S ,
which often, it is true, are more safe and perhaps more correct but
always more unpractical than the others.
Special attention is due to some endings. The feminine termination
(Sabaean X, Ar. it) is written either, as its Syriac equivalent, ' (e. g.
'J Other instances are with two Lamadhs, t-eoa and without °
after the first letter (cf. below, p. Ixxxii).
 Names of Persons and Places Ixxxt
or <H (or «) as in ¿n*«^. As to the latter writing cf,
Noldeke in ZA, vol xii, p. 179f., Gott. Gel Am. 1899, p. 827, and
Dussaud et Macler, Mission, p. 532 f. Another termination is — It
occurs in words as «a«» (masc.), (masc.), (masc.), (masc.),
(fem.), o a . (masc.), (masc.), (fem.), (fem.),
(masc.). But this - certainly does not mean the same termination
in all these cases. In «i* it represents the vowel i, in and
probably, in the mind of the writer, the Greek in ^o^joal
the suffix 1. p. sing, Ol). In the other cases it might be the termination
*ai of a feminine word, or the termination *ai common in hypocoristics,
or, finally, it may mean the ending A ( J j ) of the "nomina relativa."
The ending i is not only the termination of a feminine; in other cases
it stands for the Arabic ending e. g. lb. (cf. ojisv.), .bunl, Jlqfc^,,
or possibly for Arabic ^ . In addition to the inadaequacy of the
Syriac writing here referred to, other difficulties arise from the uncer*
tainty as to the correctness of the present text. This text in other
respects inspires a high degree of confidence. Still one must realize
not only how easily a mistake can arise in Syriac script out of the
many similar letters, especially in copying such long lists, where the
meaning fails to hold the attention of the scribe, but, also, that no
words are more liable in themselves to be disfigured than foreign
proper names. If, then, many names remain not only ambiguous
as to their forms but unexplained as to their very roots, we may seek
the explanation of that fact not only in our insufficient knowledge of
the old South*Arabian dialects, but also, sometimes, in an incorrect
rendering of the names themselves.
There are different cases to be considered here. First a rather
trifling but obvious one. Amongst the names there is one,
compounded with the Arabic (Abu), and several compounded in
the same way with the Arabic «wool (Ummu; cf. List of names). But
instead of names with Arabic ¿jj\ we meet in our text only two names
compounded with Syriac and J-t^ia* There cannot be any
doubt here that the Syriac author (or scribe) has changed Arabic Ibn
into Syriac Bar. It is, besides, not without interest to meet here with
the casesendings ti and u, respectively, in the words and The
last word is once written without lhat vowel: •, m - w l , another time
without the first ^ma*»!.
There are cases of a certain inconsistency as to the use of » for
6
lxxxii T h e B o o k of the Himyarites

the vowel u or in the d i p h t o n g au. T h u s finding, in addition to the cases

just spoken of, the names (Busr), ^ (Mundhar), (Mu'awiya),
( N u ' m a n ? ) without o and y^®«* beside one feels tempted to
compare also such instances as « v * and ^ and perhaps also
Jbet and u»«!. By extending this, one might perhaps even take such names
as Ij-r*», and others as diminutives and pronounce them
J u d a i d a , Kulail, Shulaim, and so on.

Some names of w o m e n afford another instance. It is somewhat

puzzling to come across such forms, amongst the names of women, as
nit aausil, v<*SS, There is, however, an easy solution of this
difficulty if we suppose that has d r o p p e d out by mistake before
these names, and therefore read f.*^ and so on. In an
analogous way one could, if necessary, remodel names by adding be<
fore them such w o r d s as or t h o u g h I see n o reason for
d o i n g so except, possibly, in one case. The name I have in mind is
^al, which occurs three times ( p . 3 0 b ) as a name for women. It is common
in the SouthsArabian inscriptions as the name of a god in such corns
p o u n d s as Sa'd*Aum, W a h b A u m , and others. N o w a god's name is not
seldom applied to a man, but in this case, as already stated, y»o! stands
for a woman, and therefore it would, in my opinion, be not impro*
bable that a form of a word as lio*I ( X ^ h ) maid should be restored
before it. Perhaps the missing word has been intentionally suppressed,
the name of the saint martyrs in this case being too obviously a heathen
name. A much easier way is, however, to connect this i»»t with the
following name and read not ¿ » x * . ^ql, as has the MS. (p. 30,17), but
<u«o!, as has just been proposed for another reason. In this case
one must, of course, also read Jb-*^ «•«! (p. 3 0 \ 24) and JliV* o»o!
(L 26).
T h e next step is to go further in conjectural corrections of the
actual forms of the names. T h u s it requires only a very slight change
of the name which I cannot think correct, b u t which is clearly so
written in the M S , to make it the wellsknown name , that occurs
several times in the same list. It would be quite as easy t o change
the name u n k n o w n elsewhere, into ¡«J»!, a w e l h k n o w n Arabic
name. Even less is required to make the two n o w different names
••»i and o»*5 into two instances of one name.
 Names of Persons a n d Places Ixxxiii

A somewhat different case Is presented by the name oe* (p, 24 a ).

It is preceded, as are most of the names in the lists, b y the cone
junction o. N o w we are not entitled, perhaps, to say that there could
not have been such a name in use in Yaman at the epoch in question.
But on the other h a n d it requires n o great amount of imagination to
guess that the « just spoken of in reality is a haplography, and that
we should read not a«*« but a « « "and W a h b " and so produce a
name that counts a m o n g the most common of all names in South
Arabia. T h e conjunction («) is omitted in a few other cases in this
list (see pp. 24 b , 6. 30 b , 20.23).
N o d o u b t it will in many cases prove quite reasonable and even
necessary to undertake such corrections as those here proposed, and
even some others involving greater alterations. For the present, however,
in editing for the first time the remains of the Book of the Himyarites,
I think it better not to meddle with the names given in the text but
to reproduce them just as they are, inviting the special students of
Sabaean, and other interested, to examine them and decide h o w to
interpret or correct them.
Of a special class are the names jwX», JL«\*, and
perhaps also ¡ ^ and A s to the four first mentioned it can
scarcely be d o u b t e d that they are to be connected with
( f r o m the root represented also in the list b y the names beX®
and J-spoiu»), and ¿ v U U . T h e original (Semitic) sfsound of the roots of
these names is k n o w n to be i ( s h ) which in Arabic as well as in Sabaean
and Ethiopic has become s. Still there seems, at least in Sabaean, to have
been some difference between this s ( f r o m Semitic s) and the original
(Semitic) s still retained in the language. This is proved by the attempt
made in some inscriptions to distinguish this latter (original) s by a
special letter $ f r o m the other (corresponding to Semitic s). 1 ) T h e
fact, however, that there are in the inscriptions b u t few instances of
the use of that new letter, the two ^ s o u n d s , notwithstanding their
different origin, being written, as a rule, b y the same letter (|i,), seems
to indicate that the difference in their pronunciation was only a dia*
Icctical one a n d restricted within narrow limits. N o w I can suggest n o
other explanation of the sh in the names here spoken of than that
the dialect in which these names were b r o u g h t to the ears of the writer

') See Brockelmanii, Grundriss der vergl. Gramm, d. Semitischcn Sptachen I, p. 130.
6*
Ixxxiv T h e B o o k of t h e Himyarites

retained some pecularity in the pronunciation of 5 that made him take

it for a sh. Cf. Safaitic Q ^ , D u s s a u d et Macler, Mission, p. 497
( N o . 68). Be this as it may, if the names » » A * etc. are in fact but
variants for etc., the same might be the case with (for ¿«0),')
a n d perhaps also with for Hi1!<Z>fh (Lidzbarski, Ephemens II, pp.383,
390). In the case of ^ one may compare the name mj?ti> in a
T h a m u d e n e graffito in Jaussen et Savignac, Mission II, p. 624 ( N o . 643).
In the N a b a t a e a n inscriptions the name is well k n o w n to be written
cf. Brockelmann 1. 1, and the inscriptions in Jaussen et Savignac
a n d Littmann.

b) List of N a m e s of Persons a n d Places.'")

U=.Jt>l ' B ' B W T ( o r Ua JLa! Abb x B W T ? ) , 7 b , 1. 1, cf. 1. 7; seems to
be the name or title of the commander of the Abyssinians
in Zafär. A n ni3M(?) in Gl. 1548|1549 1. 2 see Glaser,
Nachrichten, pp. 77 a n d 81.
¿a^. aal Abu 'Afr, 24 b ; see u n d e r
'BYSH ( A b y a s h ? ) , 24 b (twice).
Abraham a) Persian deacon, 14 b , 2S'{?)\ b) " Y o u n g m a n "
martyred, 21 a , 2 5 a ( ? ) .
Abraq, 25 a ; cf. i f IS I V 282 and note on 1. 1) a n d
Safaitic )p"DK (E. Littmann, Inscriptions, pp. 127,155, N o . 9 2 ,
and D u s s a u d et Macler, p. 600f.; Palmyrene pVOK is
uncertain, Littmann, op. cit., pp. 66f.).
jf Add, 24 b ; see Littmann, op. cit., p. 104 ( N o . 107), and Ent-
zifferung, p. 49 (V. 197 b ).
Uaji 'DKY\ 25

'D'a, fem., 5 b .
Aum ( U m m , A w warn?) fem., 30 b (three times); cf. the
1
name of the god J®, ), common in composite personal
names, and the name DN in the Safaitic inscriptions,
Dussaud et Macier; but see above, p. lxxxii.

») T h e name r^-*, however, by a slight alteration could b e changed in v a name

that is better known from Sabaean inscriptions.
2
) This list does not include names of biblical persons. Reference has been made
to every column where a name occurs and if it occurs more than once in the column this
is indicated. In the case of names which occur very frequently, e. g, Masrüq, only some
of the first and last instances are given. Names of women are indicated by "fem. ",
 Names of Persons and Places Ixxxv

¿ - « ¿ W Umm(u) Busr, fem. 30 l \ 1. 24; cf. i-m^ <wof, ibidem, 1.13, both
incorrect for ixaa a»o{; see ^ a a .
Aumah(?), ( U m m a h , A w w a m a h ? ) , fem., ( 4 b ) , 5-, 21», 30 b
(three times), 36 b , 37 b , 38 a , 44-1 (twice); cf. above, yo!.
JLua <uq«I Ummu Bayya ( ? ) , fem., 30 b ,
<&»q!) [Ummu] Jahala, fem., 3 0 b ; see J l ^ .
¿ats. <«uo<il> [Ummu] Amr, fem., 3 0 b ; see
J b ^ * <<*»«!> [Ummu] Shalshala, fem., 3 0 b ; see J U \ * .
J^W Umayya, fem., 3 0 b ; cf. Ar. (fem.).
um! Umayyah, 6 1 (twice); cf. Ar. (mask.) and J^-fr
¿CUl, and Thamudene rT*OK, J a u s s e n et Savignac II, p. 568
( N o . 324); but see C . Conti Rossini, in RSO, vol. I X ,
p. 427, and see above, pp. Ixxv f.
juoI Aus, 2 5 a ; ili1!®}1! of the inscriptions, and Safa'itic DK, cf.
D u s s a u d et Macler, and Littman, Entzifferung, p. 60.
«fa«) Euprepios, 6 a (twice), 55 a , 5 5 b ; A b y s s i n i a n bishop.
J i « t Ushanaf?), fem., 3 0 b ; cf. ( p e r h a p s ? ) HfS®!1! a n c * s e e above,
pp. Ixxxiiif.
Azmam, 25 3.
I Azma, 4 b , 25 a , 26 b , . . . 4 3 b ; cf. in names of
Yamanite tribes, Ibn Doraid, p. ro«, N a s h w a n , Angaben,
S. VV. w U s A
Azfar, 2 5 a ; cf. below ~f»i and ( p e r h a p s ? ) fl^X^F o f t h e
inscriptions, one of "the eight families."
*tjl Azraq, 25\ 2 5 b ; cf. Ar. J j ^ V i .
yajAA.} Ahmarn, 25»; cf. JL^o-m.
,ul 'YZD ( A y z a d ? ) , 2 4 b ; cf. ( p e r h a p s ? ) HftXft (e. g. CIS
IV, 1 and passim).
JL! Tla, fem., 3 0 b ; Ar. is the mountain-goat, but I d o not
know it as a woman's name; or miswriting for JUo, Ar.
Alhan, fem. 30 b ; cf. W l r S (name of a tribe, of a place,
and of men) and see D u s s a u d et Macler, p. 501, note on
N o . 96, Ar.
JL^n. Eliya, a) a presbyter from Hiriha dh c Na'mSn, 14 b , and b )
the same, or the prophet of the Old Test., 19 b .
Elishba (Elisabeth), fem., deaconess, 4 b , 22* (twice),
ju.! Ama, fem., 30 b (three times); X B h o f the inscriptions, cf.
Ixxxvi The Book of the Himyarites

Safaitic flOM Dussaud et Macler, Littmann, Entzifferung,

p. 48 f. and Ar. ¿-»I as a woman's name (or cf. «*»<>!?,
see p. Ixxxii).
Ummu Busr, fem., 30 b ; see above f m a W .
Asad, 24 b ; ( j ) ^ ? ! of the inscriptions.
Ashubf?), 25\
imml Aswar(?), a) martyrs 25 J (twice), 25 b , and (possibly) b) the
tributary king appointed by the Abyssinians, 54*, 1. 23
(text very doubtful, see note on p. 54 3 ,23); cf. HD Littmann,
Entzifferung, p. 40. But the name might be a mistake
(in Syriac script) for !<«ot, cf. Safaitic "11DH, Dussaud et
Macler, Ar.
Asma (or Usama?), fern., 30 b (three times); cf. XUrSfH
(masc.) Lidzbarski, Ephemeris I, p. 222 (<L«Loi) and
Ar. -U—l (masc. and fem.),
«w Asfar, 2 5 o r cf. Ar. (?).
Afu, a) heathen magnate of the party of M a s r ü q , 23
23 b (twice), 24 a ; b) a Christian, 35 b (twice), 36* (four
times); cf. Ar. used as a title or name of renowned
1
judges in NajrSn ( o / ^ us**'. Ibn Duraid, p. r\\, 2, Tabari
I, p. Ii.i, f., and others) and again Lihyanic njiSK (Müller,
Epigr. Denkm, N o . 1,1, p p . 58 seq., J a u s s e n et Savignac
II, p. 441, Lihyanic N o . 77).
Aqtam(?), fem., 3 0 b (twice).
ÄAit Arqasf?), fem., 30 b.
¡P Baddä, 24b, 2 5 - cf. A r . (South.Arabian, e. g. a b
Hamdäni, pp. AO, AA).
see L^a aionl.
(txBi) Busr. 24b, 25- (twice), 2 5 b ; see and Ar, if t h e
point over => (in two cases) does not mean Basir.
see
¿»j ¿a see
H ^ J a b a l a [fem.?, see p. Ixxxii and 30 b ; cf. X1I11
in Gl. 618, 91 f. (CAS IV 541) and Ar. '¿X^ (masc.).
M r (Jäbir?, or J a b b ä r ? ) , 24 b (twice), 25 h ; cf. (Dussaud
et Macler) and Ar. j - ? ^ , ^CU..
 Names of Persons and Places lxxxvii

Jabrah(?) fem., 30 b ; cf. the preceding n a m e ; reading n o t

quite certain, see note on the text.
lrrt=,Jadida (Judaida?), fem., 3Qb (twice); cf. Ar. ¿ a . and

KT^Jadan, 25»; 2 M 1 - well-known name, mostly with H or

© I f l , of one of "the eight families" or of a tribe, b u t also
as a personal name, cf. CIS I V 1,3, 241,1, 314,3, 348,3 seq.
and notes; or Ar.
family or tribe, 36 l! ; ©*1 not only a geographical
name, see C. Landberg, Arabica I V ( L e y d e n 1897), pp. 4 3 - 4 6 ,
b u t also name of a family or tribe, see H a r t m a n n ,
Arab. Frage, p. 365, and (considered as an appellative) Glaser,
Nachrichten, pp. 1 0 4 - 1 0 7 , N . R h o d o k a n a k i s in SBWAW,
vol. 177,2, p. 41 and vol. 185,3, pp. 8 - 1 0 , Weber, Studien
I, p. 54, and cf. WZKM, vol. 31 (1924), p. 37, note 3. It
should be noted, however, that a name 1J> G H W occurs
in the Safaitic inscriptions, see Littmann, Entzifferung,
P. 29.
Aoaol^ Jaushanah. fem., 3 0 b ; cf. Ar. cA?^ (masc.), Nashwän
Angaben, p. n, also Aghani Indices.
v ^ G h a n a m ( G h ä n i m , G h a n ä m ) , 24 b , 25*; 2 2 h H ( f em.) CIS
I V 450, l seq. and note, cf. the tribe fljjiyfl (Dhfl ibid.
340,2 and note, Safa'itic DiJ D u s s a u d et Macler, Ar.
«.ili, a n d f U i , see also Wellhausen, Restearab. Heidentums,
p. 66.
W ^ J u r ì r , 25 a (twice), 25 b ; cf. Ar. ß y * . .
Dhu(w)ab(?), 25 b ; cf. Arab. and A s to the n a m e

nfsH see above, p. lxxx, and u n d e r in this list; cf.

D u s s a u d et Macler, p. 486.
Dhuht, 24 b (three times), 25 a (twice), 2 5 b ; cf. Safaitic
Littmann, Entzifferung, p. 12, and Ar. J j » i .
h o , Duwaidf?), 25 a , 25 b ; p r o b a b l y diminutive of fcjfcj (but ac*
cording to I b n D u r a i d , p. rri, ¿ j y is diminutive of >$>);
cf. j o y a S o u t h ' A r a b i a n tribe, see a b H a m d ä n i , p.
m, 16. David is less probable. There is also an Ar. v u y .
v^o; Dhü-Yazan, 2 5 b - 2 8 b , 29 b , 30», 44 b ; the w e l h k n o w n name
lxxxviii The Book of tbe Himyarites

one
HftXfM of "the eight families", in Arabic
literature written y.
Dhtb, 24 b ; flhH the inscriptions (e. g. Hal. 233,3, Hal.
630—631), cf. M o r d t m a n n in ZDMG, vol. 52, p. 394 f. and
specially p. 400; very common in Safai'iic inscriptions,
see D u s s a u d et Macler, p. 486. Cf. next name,
Dhiba, fem,, 5 b ; obviously fem. of the preceding name, cf.
Safaitic JISKT (a man's name), D u s s a u d et Macler, p. 582,
A r . ¿ U J j J l . A m o n g s t p o e m s on the war between the
Himyarites and the Abyssinians communicated by Tabari
(Annales I, p. i r i ) is one ascribed to a certain ¿¿>1.
DY' (or D*?), 25 b ; ^ i , t h o u g h clearly so written in the MS.,
easily might be a mistake for in another MS., cf. above,
p. Ixxxii,
B»IJDurrah(?), fem,, 30 b ; cf. Ar. &j> or y, b u t also «*?* of this
list.
o * HB, 25 a ; cf. ¿»«x^» and Lihyanic Hin, D . H . Müller, Epigr,
Denkmäler 68,1, a n d Safaitic rOH Littmann, Entzifferung,
p. 38. O r the preceding particle o might be a haplo*
g r a p h y for cf. above, p, lxxxiii.
Habira, 2 5 c f . A r .
t'f^ot Hajaren; so possibly to read p. 5 b , 1. 11 where the letters
are the remains of a placeiname. See above, p. liii.
HWLH, fem,, 30 b ; cf. below,
J.*»««, Humama, fem,, 30 b ; cf. Safaitic DÖH D u s s a u d et Macler,
p. 547, and Ar. and f - ^ ) -
^ « » o . Haufa'amm, 24 b ; E ( H ® Y in
the inscriptions, see Glaser,
Studien, pp. 23 f., cf.
HLH, fem., 30 b ; cf.
4** Hint (HNZ'O, fem., 5 b , 30 b (four times), 49 b ; one is tempted
to compare Ar. but I cannot explain the 4 for
ttio» Häni, 25', 25 b ; flj^HV. a name welhknown in the in*
scriptions and the literature, e. g. CIS I V 6, 2 (cf. note,
p. 17) and 594 bis, cf. D u s s a u d et Macler, p. 573.
Haufa'amm, 25 s ; see
Wail, 25', 25 b ; JU«,®, cf. CIS IV, ii, p. 126 (note on Gl.
 Names of Persons and Places lxxxix

1081, 1. 9-io), common in the Safai'tic inscriptions, see

Dussaud et Macler. A s to the spelling (with I) cf. above,
p. lxxx.
at!« Waddah, fem., 30 b ; XH® i n the inscription Langer 13,
ZDMG, vol. 37, p. 391.
oioto see u n d e r 001.
»wjolj Z'WNS, 6', Abyssinian general; in RSO, vol. IX, p. 429,
Conti Rossini points at the strange fact that this d o u b t f u l
name contains almost exactly the letters of the name
D h u i N u w a s , missing in the Book of the Himyarites but
of so great an importance in the ecclesiastical tradition.
I, for my part, w o u l d prefer, in an analogous way, to
bring the name into connection with the name of the m o n k
Zd>vev|| of Acta § 31.
wf»i ZFRY ( Z u f r ä ? ) , 25 b ; cf. and Ar. ß ) .
a
Jjs-u») Zaqiqa, fem., 5 ; see above, p. lxi.
HBB, fem., 30 b ; cf. f l l l T ( H a b i b or H a b ä b ? ) , name of a
place and a tribe, see H a r t m a n n , Arab, Frage, p, 313 f., CIS
IV, ii, p. 60, note 011 Gl. 891,17, and nnfi, name of persons
in Safai'tic ( D u s s a u d et Macler) and in Lihyanic (Jaussen et
SavignacII, p.401, 523), Ar.w-jUs». and the next three names.
Habib, 25 a ; cf. Ar. ^ a a ä . .
Habiba, fem., 3011 and
Hab'ibah, fem., 30 b ; the feminine form of in two
spellings, cf. Safai'tic r o a n Dussaud et Macler, p. 593, and

¡¿au« Habsa(?), fem., 4 b , 31 a ~-36 b ; the form here given is ar»

bitrary, the root ambiguous, representing 41 as well as
4 and s & as well as 0 , not to consider the many
soundichanges possible.
«¡mh« Hadyah (?), fem., 4 b , 19 a , 21 a (twice); form and root am*
biguous.
JL=^ Hubba(?), fem., 30 b and
Hubbah(?), fem., 30 b ; variants of the same name, cf. Safai'tic
n a n Dussaud et Macler, p. 598, and Ar. iCoL.
Huzaiqaf?, or miswriting for A r . ¿ . ^ J Ä . ? ) 2 4 b ; as to the
f o r m cf. M o r d t m a n n and Müller, Sabäisehe Denkmäler, p. 54.
xc The Book of the Htmyarites

..¡XOA, Huldai, 25 b ; cf. Safai'tic Dussaud et Macler, p. 605,

and Nabataean Jaussen et Savignac II, p, 200.
JLaun* Humama, 24 b , 25 = ; cf. Gl. 1081,8 and note in CIS
IV, ii, p. 126, Ar. and see also Wellhausen,
Reste ar. Heidentums, p. 65, and above, the name
^ Hittarif?), 25 b ; cf. Safai'tic Bttn Dussaud et Macler, p. 580,
and Ar.
Hayya, fem., 4 b (twice), 5 b , 3 0 b - 3 2 b , 34*, 35*~36 b ; cf. J o f f
(masc.) and Safa'itic TJ (masc.) Dussaud et Macler, and Ar.

l u t ^ HYWN', 3 b , Abyssinian king or general; the name is pro»

bably disfigured, Ar. being out of question in
this case.
^ Hayyan, 31 3 (twice), 32 b (three times); the name L,?!}1
occurs Hal. 88 and Gl. 265, 3(?), cf. CIS IV, i, p. 297,
and is also Safai'tic and Arabic.
HYRM, 25 b ; unknown name, cf., on one side, names as
Milksräm, Ilsräm, on the other side names as Hayy?
atht and Hayysil, and compare the name SlYt Jaussen
et Savignac II, p. 320 (Minaean No. 64).
7 \ 14 b and
23 b Hirtha dhe Naman; town, cf. G. Rothstein, Die Dynastie
d. Lahmiden in al-Hira, p. 12—17,
JlA*. Khalilaf?), fern., 30 b ; cf. the well-known name ^ f l (e. g.
Gl. 618,16) of one of "the eight families" and Safai'tic
Dussaud et Macler, or Ar. ¿LA*».
V » " Hamdah ( H a m m ä d a ? ) , fem., 30 b (twice); cf. M f (fem.)
in Gl. 136 (CIS IV 179 and note) and Ar, see below,
the name ¡¡^oo.
Hannah, 25 b ; cf. Ar. Ä-Xa- and Safa'itic jn Dussaud et
Macler, ^ " p n Littmann, Entzifferung, p. 57.
Uli« Hananya, 14 b ; a Greek deacon.
Jjxew Hasanaf?), fem., 30 b (twice); cf. Ar. (and?) in
a Thamudene graffito Jaussen et Savignac I, p. 287
( N o . 138).
Hadramaut, 5 b (twice), name of a "town", cf. above, p. liii.
 Names of Persons and Places xci

I f * Härith, a) the head of the Christians in Najrän, 4l\ 5 a , 8 a ,

36b, 4 9 a ( ? ) ; b ) eight other martyrs, 2 4 b - 2 5 b ; Bg>4J of
the inscriptions.
UrM Häritha, 25 b ; cf. A r .
6^1 TBH (Taibah?),fem., 30 b ; probably a miswriting for ¿ ^ q. v.
ZWRBN (or T W R B N ) , 24 b ; Hommel (Chrestomathie, p. 132,
Aufsätze, p. 203) cites híl^i? as n a m e a tower; cf. below,
the name and the root Ü W Hal. 359, see CIS
I V , ii, p. 232 (note on 1. 2), and C. Conti Rossini in RSO,
vol. I X , p. 601 f., and A r . name L - J ^ I .
Taibah, fern. 30 b ; cf. the appellative HYBDI Mordtmann und
Müller, Sab. Denkm., p. 84, CIS I V 308, 1. 4 and note
(p. 326 f.), N . Rhodokanakis, Stadien, I, p. 4, Glaser, Studien
I, pp. 38 (Gl. 1083,4f.), 62 (Gl. 1076', 4), 73, and Ar.
and ^w-^aIí r see above «*=»-¿ •
Tiberias, 7 a ; town in Palestine.
•r±l Zafar, [4aJ 7 a (b
capital of the Himyaritic kings.
i - ^ r i ZRWYba? (orTR\XY$á?, ZarwTba?), fem., 4 a , 16-\ 17-'—18b,
21a; cf. above, under the name
«^ooM YHWbah, fem., 30b.
YHyah, fem., 30h. .
^Ok, Jonan, 14 b ; Abyssinian deacon.
•H»OU see
Yazld, 25a (twice); common in the inscriptions, cf. CIS
I V , ii, p- 287 (note on Gl. 618, l o - u ) .
J.*^ Kabsha, fem., 30 b ; as to X ^ f l t í see CIS, Ioc. laud., cf. A r .

Kahf (or Kahif or Kahaf), 25 b ; cf. |h3 as a personal name

in a Thamudene graffito in Jaussen et Savignac II, p. 636
( N o . 736).
c^io* Kuraib, 24 b ; cf. and numerous Himyarites with the
name ^-f-tß in Tabarl and other authors.
*<u> Abyssinia, 6'\ 6 b .
JloJUa KYTWL', 25 a ; cf. B l X f i L'dzbarski, Ephemeris II,
p. 103 (after Derenbourg).
» V i Kaleb, 6 a . . . 50 51a, 52 a ; cf. above, p. xlii.
xcii The Book of the Himyarites

Kal\l{?, Kulail?), 25a, 25 b ; cf. H i l K N I l 0 CIS I V , i, pp. 16f.,

Ar. J ^ common in the tradition on South Arabia.
KF, 24 b ; possibly miswriting for q. v.
Karib, 25b; flr'l'n" Ar. Nashwän, Angaben, p. and cf.
above, 0.^0.3.
VA. LYL, 25 b ; perhaps a short form, or a clerical error, for the
next name, or for Vu,
0CÙA LYLWB, 24 b ; cf. preceding name.
tao,** Mauhaba 7*; cf. ^ f l V ^ Gl. 1606,25, Glaser, Nachrichten,
p. 167; here a person from Hirtha.
J - * » Mätoiya, fem., 30b (twice); A r . AJ5U. In the inscription of
Hisn Ghurab occurs Mawiyat as a placesname.
J.*aso Moses, 14b, 15'\ ( 1 9 b ? ) ; priest from Hirtha dh e Na'rnan.
v.u. Mazin, 25-1; J M S Gl. 618,23, cf. CIS I V , ii, p. 288, ]?»
Dussaud et Macler, p. 563, Littmann, Inscriptions, p. 124,
and A r .
^ ( U ^ M H W Y N , 25 a .
JL[«x]jjl* M H . .a, fem. 5 3 ; cf. note 011 p. 5 a , 16.
Mahmida{?, Mohammada?), fem., 30 b ; cf. BNUHH^JI a «d
H3HPII CIS I V 353,1. 420,1 and notes; see above.
<***> Mayyah, fern., 30'"; cf. Ar. àJLt.
, . j^i«» MKR . . . , 25 b ; see next name.
w;f.üo MKRDY, 25 s .
Malik (Mulaik?), 24 b , 25 b ; cf. A r . SÌÌS, and next name.
Malik, 25* (three times); cf. M J CIS I V 3,2 and 434,16
and notes; see above, p. lxxx,
iji.se Mundhar.Ssee Zeitschrift f. Semitistik, v o l . I , p.197, vol. II, p. 96.
j>(»fxmo Masrüg, 41 (three times) . . . 46 a ; cf. A r . J^y^t and
above, pp. xlii f., lxxii, note 4.
Pi^j.*.» Ma'dikarim, 43 b ; flr'fiN®!! ° f the inscriptions, cf. above,
p. lxxiv.
(«,«*») Muctwiya, 24 b (twice), 25 a (three times), 25 b (twice);
Ar. ¿ojIä*.

Ma na, fem., 30 b ; cf. A r . and o 1 *-* (masc.) and Naba*

taean Jaussen et Savignac I, p. 226 ( N o . 96).
o f f » Ma rib, (Mar'ib?) town, 5 b ; in the inscriptions fl?! 1 ^; on the
 Names of Persons and Places xciii

spelling cf. J. H . M o r d t m a n n in ZDMG, vol. JO, p, 323:

"ein bis jetzt noch nicht a u f g e f u n d e n e s aKtö".
l^M» Märiya, fem., 30 b ; cf. Xf l i>^ Hai, 190, M i n a e a n i W l Ö
Müller, Epigr. Denkm. XIII, 4, a n d Jaussen et Savignac
II, p. 290, N o . 26, Ar. Ä ^ U
ilp« Marthad, 2 5 b ; the most common name S N ^ ! 5 ! '
vf^ Najran, town, 4 a and passim,
•a« Nauf, 25 3 ; J^CD 1 ! of the inscriptions, cf. Ar. ü y .
Namlah, fem., 30 b ; cf. Ar. and ¿LWi (masc.),
a s IV
«p»» Namirah (?, or N a m m ä r a h ? ) , 25»; cf. > (
pp. 169, 225, a n d ZDMG, vol. 54, p. 645 f., Lihyanic m a l
Jaussen et Savignac I I , p. 500 (No. 261), as well as Ar.
j-»-», « ^ J and see also «¿»^J below,
^Äia Nu man, 24 (twice), 25 a (seven times), 25 b ; cf. the places
b

name hB 0 H ^ s e e CIS IV, i, p. 57, note o n Gl. 302,4, a n d

Glaser, Studien I , p. 30), also with ^ or Qljfj as a name
of a family or a tribe; as a man's name it is common in
the Safai'tic inscriptions, see Dussaud et Macler; cf. ZDMG,
vol. 54, p. 247, a n d above, p. Ixxxii; see as to the Arabic
f o r m Zeitschrift / . Semitistik, vol. I, p. 197, vol. II, p. 96.
j N'Mrah 25*; cf.
Sar (?, or Sa'ir?), 2 4 b ; cf. (?) Hi30!*! ( a family or tribe) a n d
see CIS IV, i, p. 289 (note on D r a k e 4, l), or Safa'itic
Littmann, Inscriptions, p. 128; cf. Ar.
Stephanos (Son of Mattai), 3 a , 61 a ; the scribe of the MS.
i^oVio SLWma, fem., 3Q b ; cf. the following names.
b
a) Salima, 24 ; cf. Sf^lA- Safai'tic fllS^D a n d D u s s a u d et
Macler, p. 599, a n d Ar. Ä-J^J (or a n d see under

b) Sahna, fem., 30 b ; cf. (fem.), Jaussen et Savignac II,

p, 286, (Minaean N o , 24) and note; Ar.
Samurah, 24 b ; cf. Ar. ¿ J + M , as to the f o r m see I b n Duraid,
p. 11 seq.
t^m Sad, 24 b ; tjojlj of the inscriptions; cf. below, under A.*,
and see above, p. lxxxiii.
Sergios, 14 b (Greek presbyter), 24 b (the same?).
SRHB, 2 5 f e m . , 30 b ; cf. (?)
xciv The Book of the Himyarites

'Amir, 25 a ; cf. c o m m o n in South Arabia (see N a s h w a n ,

Angaben); as t o the Arabic spelling see above, p. lxxx.
^ Abd, 24 b , 25 a , 25 b ; Sab. a
Personal name).
ot-VljjLi., o ä . I j ü . , c l v . ; ^ Abdallah, a) informant of the author, 23 a —24 b
(eight times); b) ten martyrs, 24 b —25 a ; as to this name
see above, p. l x x v f .
fj»<j-> ^ 'Abd YWFR, 24 b ; with »asu one feels tempted to compare
Sab. oJi^V? (Juhafri"), name of a person and of a tribe
(cf. H a r t m a n n , Arab. Frage, p, 273); after however,
one must exspect the name of a god. Cf. also A r .
and a n d see u n d e r ¿ s ^ .
ijftv Auda (?, ' O d a ? , ' U d d a ? ) , fem. 3Qb; form and root ambi*
guous. Cf. X N 0 in
t' 1 6 inscription Euting 55, l (Jaussen
et Savignac II, p. 286), or Safa'itic, Minaean and T h a m u d e n e
"!J> ( D u s s a u d et Macler, p. 487, N o . 14, and Jaussen et
Savignac II, p. 677), or Safa'itic "iji (Dussaud et Macler)
and Ar. or There is in the inscription Gl. 618,37
a name V^tDo (cf. CIS IV, ii, p. 288, a n d Glaser, Damm-
bruch, p. 94), but the final V prevents its being compared
here; see, however, Lidzbarski, Ephemeris I, p. 218.
U j o ^ 'WZfa ( ' U z a f a ? ) , fem., 30 b .
Auf, 24 b , 25 a , 25 b ; cf. Ar. ui^s.
ijo^. 'Ansa (Auda), fem., 30 b ; cf. and(?) Safa'itic iJiji (Dussaud
et Macler, p. 577), and Ar. J»}« as a name of a god,
Robertson Smith, Kinship & Marriage, pp. 59ft'., J. Wells
hausen, Reste ar. Heidentums, p. 66; a m o d e r n J=>^s J t
see C . Landberg, Arabica V (Leyden 1898), p. 4 L
itv 'Alä (?}, 25 a ; cf. next name.
ojh*. Alau (?), 25 b ; see preceding name and cf. Ar. s!sL«Jl (in a b
H a m d ä n i , p. ior, 3, a man f r o m Iladramaut).
U v 'Ammaf?), fem., a) martyr, daughter of Ruhm, 3Qb, 38 a , 44 a ;
b) another Christian woman, 5 b , 49 b ; cf. the name of the
Q a t a b a n i a n god JJo, frequently used in composite personal
names (see, for instance, Dietlef Nielsen, Der dreieinige Gott,
pp. 132, 147), Safa'itic QJ? (Dussaud et Macler), and see next
name.
 N a m e s of Persons and Places xcv

u h v "Ammaif?), fem., (22 a ); cf. preceding name a n d Lidzbarski,

Ephemeris III, p p . 208 (I. 4) and 211.
Amr (?, or 'Ämir or A m m ä r ) , a) 5 \ 24 b (three times), 25« (five
times), 25 b , 49 b {cf. 2>I1 0 Lidzbarski, Ephemeris I, p. 222,
and see above, p. lxxx), [b) fem.?, see p. Ixxxii and
b
i-saX «ueol] 30 .
^ Afr, 24 b ; the root meets in the n a m e > ^ o f (Gl. 554,1, cf.
CIS IV, ii, p. 269) and (of the family D h j j f Y a z a n
rt
in I b n Duraid, p. \ 1 9 f f . ) ; cf. also Ar. J-*, a n d see
above, under
ijx 'Sa ('Us?a?), fem., 30 b (twice); perhaps variant for tj«x q. v.
'SRY ( DRY?), 25 h .
¡jkS. (or 'QD (or 'QR), 25-1; see note o n the passage.
'Arbai ( A r a b i ? ) , 4 b , 24 h ; cf. ^ o (CIS I V , 572, 1. 1 and
note), Lihyanic n m y Janssen et Savignac II, p. 512 ( N o . 302),
and Ar. ¿ol^-s.
a***. 'RHB, 25 b .
Jl« Paulos, 22 a ; bishop.
Fätima, fem., 30 b ; cf, Lihyanic DtiD (masc.) Müller, Epigr.
Denkrn., p. 86 ( N o . 69) a n d p. 82 (No. 52 = ) , Jaussen et
Savignac II, p. 419 ( N o . 70).
^S Faman(?), 24 b ; cf. (?) H ^ O T H Hal. 489 a n d others, see
J. H . M o r d t m a n n , Beiträge, p. 50, and H a r t m a n n , Arab.
Frage, p. 250, Mtnaean JDKBl Jaussen et Savignac II, p. 286
( N o . 24) a n d passim (also without T), a n d (?) Safai'tic p f i B
Littmann, Semitic Inscriptions, p. 128, and A r .
c j Qabb, 5 b , 24 b (twice), 25 b , 49 b ; cf.Safaitic3iiDussaud etMacler,
Littmann, Inscriptions, pp. 108, 127 f., a n d Ar. see next
name.
ooj Dabbah, fem., 30 b ; Ar. <SCU>, see preceding name,
-a*« Qais, 25 s , 25 b .
^ijs Qa'bBn, 24h; cf. p>'p in a T h a m u d e n e graffito Jaussen ct
Savignac I, p. 285 ( N o . 114).
Qaryaten, the village where the MS. was written, sec above,
p. xxi,
Rabi'a, 25-«.
xcvi The Book of the Himyarites

«!' RDH, fern., 30 b ; see above, under

fem., 5s, 25", the first time (in a rubric) f o r the younger,
the second time for the elder martyr of Chapter X X I I , in
both cases a miswriting for y>«.o? q. v.
fem., 4 \ 36 \ the elder martyr of C h a p t e r X X I I ; miswri*
ting (in t w o rubrics) for next name.
Ruhm, fem., a) Mnojf lf-=>, the elder martyr of Chapter X X I I
(cf^ooti and ( 2 6 a ) 2 6 \ 30 b , 36 b , 37*, 38 a , 38 b , 39*, 39 b ,
4 1 4 1 , 42 , 43 , 44 a (several times in most of the columns);
b a b

b) IÄV U=>, the younger martyr of C h a p t e r X X I I (cf.

poo«« and uaotti), 38 a , 41 b , 44 a (twice);
c) two other martyrs, 3Qb.
Cf. Ar. as the name of a w o m a n ; as to its etymology
see I b n D u r a i d , p. ire, is. Its diminutive is cf.
Loth in ZDMG, vol. 35, p. 620, and N ö l d e k c in Gött. Gel.
Anz. 1882: 1, p. 212.
fem., 36 b ; miswriting (in a rubric) for q. v.
b
Shalim (Shulaim?), 2 4 ; , cf. Hal. 581 (cf. Mordt*
m a n n u n d Müller, Sab. Denkm., p. 54, Müller, Epigr. Denkrn.
LXXI), Ar. M o r d t m a n n , Beiträge, p. 62, a n d see
above, pp. lxxxiiff.
Shalima (Shulaima?), 25 a ; cf. preceding name.
Shalimah, 25 b (twice); cf. J-n»\m a n d see above, p. Ixxxiii.
Shilshila [fem.?, see p.lxxxii and JUV* a»»!], 30 b ; c f . A r . i W L i o
and (fem., Aghäni Indices) and see above, pp. Ixxxiilf.
r^* Shad, 25 b ; cf. and see above, p p . Ixxxiii.
W THNah or THHNah (Tahnah?), fem., 4 b (twice), 21».
«¿•^•ol Thummaliki(?), fem., 5 b , 30 b (two times, cf. I see
in this name a c o m p o u n d f o r m e d of Thun, the well-known
name of a deity, and maliki, meaning " T h u n is my king."
T h u n is very common in c o m p o u n d s such as
" A m a t h i t h ü n " (for A m a M h u n ) and similar names; see, for
instance, Weber, Studienlll, p. 19, note l ; a specimen of this
type (though not recognized by the editors) is obviously
also pfVn Jaussen et Savignac II, p. 319 ( N o . 60). In our
case the N u n of the name is assimilated to the following
Mim, and Thün-maliki thus has become Thummaliki.
 Names of Persons and Places xcvii

ywl Taim. 25* ; ijfX- a s n a m e a ver

Y common in com*
e
pounds, occurs as a m a n s name - S* in Gl. 105
(CIS IV, 126, p. 191), very commonly in Safaïtic in*
scriptions {on, Dussaud et Macler), and in Arabic ( ^ o ) ;
see next name.
vW Taimaif?), 25 b ; c£ preceding name and Palmyrene W n ,
Littmann, Inscriptions, pp. 58 f., S a i R , J.»B. Chabot,
Index . . des Inscriptions , . . publiées par Waddington, Paris 1897.
Tamim, 2 4 b , 2 5 b ; cf. Ar.
fem., 30 b (twice); miswriting for q. v.
TMNya, fem., 30 ; there is a place-name H3X- s e e
b C i S IV
>
375 and note (p. 27). ^ (
b b
J-.\sl Thalaba, 24 , 25 ; the well-known name ¿UxkS".

7
TRANSLATION
(Preface)
rewards everyone according to his works; H e w h o in the p 3»
ocean of H i s grace may grant peace to H i s church in every land, a n d
draw near in H i s mercy those of her members w h o are far away, a n d
gather in H i s pity her dispersed (children), a n d t u r n again in H i s
grace her shepherds, and gather within her in H i s b o u n t y her spiritual
sheep, and have pity on all w h o have become and are believers, and
also, in the bottomless ocean of H i s mercy, on the humble one w h o
has composed this b o o k recording the inspiring martyrdom of those
victorious servants of G o d . A n d may H e forgive him w h o has written
it and h i m w h o has read it a n d is reading it, those as well as their
departed, a n d grant to them, a n d to their spiritual brethren and their
brethren in the flesh, in that hour of judgement, remission by the Lord
and forgiveness of sins a n d inheritance of the new life rn secuJa secw
lorum, by the prayers of those victorious ones, and of all w h o have
been, or are, well pleasing to H i s Divinity in H e a v e n a n d on earth,
for ever a n d ever, A m e n and A m e n . A n d on Stephanos, alas, for
him! be mercy, [Amen] A m e n and A m e n . M a y the Lord forgive his
departed ones, A m e n , a n d all departed, Amen.

[Index of accounts] p. 3*>

[1. Account] telling briefly [of the Jews and of] the badness
of their faith
[II. Account] telling of the Himyarites, w h o they are
a n d whence they first r e c e i v e d ] Judaism.
III. Account telling h o w C h r i s t i a n i t y ] began to be sown in
the land of the [Himyarites],
IV. Account telling h o w Bishop T h o m a s went to the Abyssi*
nians and informed them that the Himyarites were perse*
cuting the Christians.
V. Account telling of the first coming of H Y W N ' a n d the
Abyssinians.
VI. Account telling of the amazing sign which the Lord showed
the Himyarites in the ranks of the Abyssinians.
 eil The Book of the Himyarites

VII. Account telling of the first departure of the Abyssinians

from the land of the Himyarites.
p. VIII, Account telling of the beginning of the persecution by
[Masruq, the crucifier, and of the burning of the church
in the town of Zafar, and of the massacre] of the Abyssinians
in it.
IX. Account telling [of the co]ming of Masruq[, the crucifier,]
to the town of Najran [and of the attack] against it.
X. [Accoun]t telling of [the siege] of the town of Najran.
[XI.] The martyrdom of the believing . . . h, who was the first
to suffer in Najran at this time, when he was coming on
the road.
[XII.] Account telling how the pure brethren of the holy order
went out [to] Masruq.
XIII. [Accou]nt telling of the [bujrning of the church and of the
brethren of the holy order of the town of Najran, and of
the others who were burnt there,
p. 4 b XIV. The martyrdom of coronation by fire of the pure and
blessed ZRWYba.
XV. Account of the martyrdom of coronation by fire [of the
freeborn Tahnah and of Aumah,] her handmaid.
XVI. The martyrdom of the freeborn Hadyah, daughter of the
martyr Tahnah, who also suffered martyrdom by fire in
her house.
XVII. The martyrdom of Elishba", the deaconess, and of Ammai,
sister of the holy order.
XVIII. The martyrdom of coronation in the Lord of the freeborn
men of Najran.
XIX. The martyrdom of the freeborn liarith and 'Arbai, who
were crowned in the Lord.
XX. Account of the confession first, and further of the martyr«
dom of coronation in the Lord of the freeborn women of
the town of Najran, and of their young children together
with [them.]
XXL Account telling of the confession first, and further of the
martyrdom in the Lord of the freeborn IJab$a and ftayya,
and another Hayya.
XXII, Account of the martyrdom in the Lord of the freeborn
 Translation, Index of accounts ciii

Ruhm, daughter of Azma', and of Aumah, her daughter, P-

and of Ruhm, her granddaughter.
XXIII. Other martyrdom of many freeborn women from the town
of Najran.
XXIV. The martyrdom of believing men from the town of Najran,
who won the crown by being killed for the sake of Christ,
their Lord, but the names of whom we have not been able
to learn.
XXV. Account telling of the contents of the letter that Masruq
wrote to Mundhar bar Zaqiqa, the king of Hirtha dh e
N a man, against the Christians.
XX[VI.j The martyrdom of the blessed M H ( S ? ) a , the handmaid of
G o d , who was also from the town of Najran. And
she amongst the people on the occasion when
the . . . . of the freeborn man and Martyr Harith took place.
XXVII. Account telling [of the departure of Masruq, when [he
went forth from] the town [of Najrln.J
XXVIII. [Account telling of the coro]nation of .
(probably three lines missing)
[XXIX.] The martyrdom of His holy martyrs who suffered in the p
town of Hadramaut.
XXX. Account telling of the burning of the holy church, and of
the martydom of those who suffered in the town of
Hadramaut.
XXXI. The martyrdom of the holy martyrs who suffered in the
town of Marib of the land of the Himyarites.
XXXII. The martyrdom of the holy martyrs who suffered in the
town of [Hajjaren.
XXXIII. The martyrdom of D a, sister of the holy order, and
Thummaliki, the lay woman, who suffered in the town of
Najran after the departure of Masruq.
XXXIV. The martyrdom of Dhiba and of H a y y a , who suffered in
the town of Najran.
XXXV. Narrative telling of Hint and A m m a from Najran, who
were seized to suffer martyrdom.
XXXVI. Account telling of D a b b and of Amr, the Najranites, who
were also apprehended to suffer martyrdom, and were kept
in custody till the Abyssinians came and liberated them
also.
 civ The Book of the Himyarites

[ X X X V I I . Account of]
(probably two lines missing)
p. 63 f X X X V I I I . ] . . . how G o d speedily revenged the blood of His servants,
which had been shed by the Jewish crucifiers, through the
arrival of the Abyssinians in the land of the Himyarites.
X X X I X . Account telling how the freeborn Umayyah came to Abyss
sinia out of zeal for God, and informed the holy Bishop
Euprepios and Kaleb, the believing King of Abyssinia, of
all that Masruq, the crucifier, had done to the Christians.
XL. The petition that was brought by the believing Himyarite
Umayyah to the holy Bishop Euprepios and to Kaleb,
the King of the Abyssinians, as from the church in the
land of Himyar.
X L I . Account telling of the arrival of the King Kaleb with his
army in the land of the Himyarites to make war.
X L I I , The address that the commander*inichief Z ' W N S made to
his army, when he arrived by sea in the land of the
Himyarites.
X L I I I . The exhortation to gratitude unto God that the Christ?
loving King Kaleb addressed to his army in the land of
the Himyarites, after the victory,
p. 6b X L I V . Account telling of the confessors who were released from
Najran, and of the sign of the cross that the Himyarites
showed on their hands.
X L V . The petition that was brought to the believing King Kaleb
by people from among the Christians who had de[nied] but
repented, and turned and came to do penance.
X L V I . The address of rebuke that the believing Kaleb made to
those Christians after they had denied, but repented and
turned.
X L V I I . Account telling that the King of Abyssinia by his own
power appointed a king in the land of the Himyarites.
X L V I I I . The second address that the believing King Kaleb made to
those who turned [after] having denied.
X L I X . Conclusion of this book after the return of the believing
Kaleb, King of the Abyssinians, from the land of the
Himyarites
(great lacuna embracing one or more quires)
 Translation, Index, Chapters V I I , V i l i cv

(Chapter V I I )
A n d when he saw that he could not prevail over them in battle, p. 7.i
he sent to them Jewish priests, who were from Tiberias, with a man
from [the town] another, whose name was , [son
of] Mauhaba, who was from Hirtha dh c Na'man, and these were
Christians in name. A n d this tyrant Masruq sent with them a letter
with terrible oaths, swearing by Adonai, and by the A r k , and by the
Thora: " N o harm shall befall you if ye will come out to me willingly
and [surrender the town of Zafar, but I will send you back to your
country to your king in peace."

V I I I . Account telling of the first persecution by Masruq, the

crucifier, and of the burning of the church in the town of Zafar,
and the massacre of all who were in it.
When the Abyssinians received from him a letter of this nature
through those who were sent, and moreover the words of his mes*
sengers supported his oaths, they, in the simplicity of their souls, did
rely upon his oaths and went out to him, ' B ' B W T , their leader . . . . . . p. 7b
with three hundred [fighting men,] who were with him. A n d Masruq
received them [without reserve] and showed [them]
(one line missing)
[their leader B ' . . , ] saying that everyone of [the Jews]
should slay the Abyssinians [in that night], and in the morning [their
bodies should be fo]und in one place. [And] those [servants] of un#
righteousness did as [he had commanded them], and at the dawn the
bodies of the servants [of G o d were fo]und [there] cast upon each
other. [ A n d then he sent] men to the t[own] of Z a f a r [and they set
on fire] the church [in] which the Abyssinians [were], and two hundred
[and eighty men], who were left by the Abyssinians, [were burnt] in
the church. [And he also sent] messengers with the priests, and with
them [letters] to the provinces [of the Himyarites,] by which he gave
command that [all] Christians [should be killed] unless they [would
deny Christ] and be [Jews]
(one line missing)
[that everyone who was f]ound concealing a Christian, his house should P . 8 a
be [set on fire] and all his property [destroyed]. A n d immediately
was drawn out [the sword in the whole people] of the Himyarites . . ,
(two lines missing)
[shedd]er of blood [had killed] b y the sword and [had burnt] that
 cvi The Book of the Himyarites

church. Then he grew enraged [and became Ii]ke a wild beast [in
his fury and] used all his cunning that was in him to
try to [exterminate the Christians, who were in the [whole] land [of
the Himyar]ites. A n d first [he wrote a letter] and sent to a man of
[the freeborn who] lived in the town of Najran, Harith [by name,]
and he was [a Christian], saying to him as follows: "[When thou recei]«
vest [this] our letter [be careful to levy] speedily [all] the Christian
[fighting]men [of] the town of Najran, [not leaving a] single one of
them, and send [them] to me, [for w]ar is nigh to breaking out against
us now have risen up unclean "
p. gb Masruq, his master, he made every effort and assembled all the
Christian fighting men who were in the town of Najran, and spoke with
them just as [the wicked Masruq had instructed him] by his order.
A n d those believers went on the road in the innocence of their hearts,
since, on account of the great distance of their town, they had not
yet heard of what that king of unrighteousness had done, letters an*
nouncing the wickedness having not yet reached their town, and they
being not aware of the treachery that was planned against them by
the wicked Masruq. But when in their journey they were not far
from the place where the shedder of blood Masruq stayed, and when
they heard from persons and received information of the treachery of
that foe of righteousness against them, and that he had sent for them
to destroy them, and learned also what he had done with those
Abyssinians w h o were in the town of Zafar and in the church there,
namely that he had slain and destroyed them, they immediately turned
away from that place

(three leaves missing)

p. 9a to the town of Najran, those crucifiers asked him:
(one line missing)
A n d they said to him: " A r t thou a Christian?" He answered them:
"If I am worthy I am Christian." These unclean ones said to him:
"If thou art a Christian stretch thy hand up." A n d he immediately
stretched up his right hand, and a man swiftly drew his sword, smote
him, and cut it off. Again he said to him: "If thou art a Christian
stretch up the other." A n d immediately with j o y he stretched up the
left one also, and then that crucifier smote and cut off that as well.
Again they asked him and said to him: " A r t thou still a Christian?"
A n d he said to them: "In life and in death I am a Christian, and
 Translation, Chapters V i l i , IX cvii

praise be to G o d , our Lord Jesus Christ, w h o has deemed me worthy

of this.'' W h e n they heard this, those foes of righteousness be*
came angry and smote his feet also from behind and cut them both
off from P-
(two Jines missing)

IX. Account tel[ling of the coming] of Masruq to the town

of Najran.
N o w when the foes [of G o d ] w h o besieged the [town] saw that
[many di]ed every day in warfare and that they were [not] able to
sei[ze it], then [they wrote] to their wicked king: "[If] thou [comest
not] we are not able to [fight] with Najran because as [often as we
attack] it we are defeated. For fthey will be intimidated] by thee and
not at all [set themselves against] thee." [When] the unclean [Masru]q
received this letter [he became agitated] and much disturbed and
[anxious] in his mind, and in [great] rage ordered that [all the chiefs]
of [his] army should come together, and that not a single one of all
[the chiefs should dare not to come] to him
of the great town hundred and anything P-
(three lines missing)
how that they have been . . . . that they should destroy that
court and he asked the chiefs of his army of them
that he might conquer Najran. A n d in this way, in the an[xiety] of
his bitterness, he also ventured to [fight] with them but he [was
shajmefully conquered more than his [generals] before him. So he
coiled as [a serpent] in meditating [how to conquer] the believing
town. [ A n d also] this Masruq [the shedder of innocent blood] planned
b y himself and took . . . . . of his mind h o w by treacherous stratagems,
as he was accustomed, [to creep in] amidst the Najranites and overcome
them. A n d he wrote [a letter to the N]ajra[nites] and sent it b y
[a messenger] swearing b y the great p.
Merciful G o d (Rahmana) and by the Law of Moses: "If ye are going
out to me from the town
(one line missing)
with y o u a lawsuit regarding that because of which ye have rebelled
against me. A n d if y e have been found guilty according to the sen-
tence of judges w h o rightly administer justice between us, then I will
fine you. But if ye will not obey me and come out to me and submit
 cviii The Book of the Himyarites

to me as your king, then I will not remove from this town until I
have broken down its wall and scattered it to all the winds, and buried
its citizens in it, making it a ruin over them," W h e n now the bes
lieving Najranites had received this letter they thought to themselves
and said to each other: "What is now to be done, brethren, for this
is for us a great and serious distress on every side. For if we now
obey this unclean one and go out to him, perhaps he will destroy us.
A n d if we do not go out to him, the town will perish for want of
P- 11 a food, But even this wicked man cannot seize it by force, as long as
the people
(one line missing)
our lives to the Lord. But we will let this unclean one see that we
have obeyed his oath and have gone out. A n d if he, as he has sworn,
will go to law with us, then, if we are condemned to pay him gold,
it is better for us that we lose our property than that our town should
be destroyed". Since this opinion prevailed amongst the Najranites,
there went out from them to that shedder of innocent blood, Masruq,
about one hundred and fifty notables. A n d he received them without
reserve, showing the first day no perfidy. But he spoke with them in
the same way as he had written to them, saying: " W h y have ye
rebelled against me? Y e must know, that I am your king and that ye
are not able to perform that which ye had in view. But because I
have given you my oath I will not break it and truth against
you in my heart. W e will appoint to us
(two columns missing)
p. 12 b and he began to speak with them with much boasting, and imperiously....
(one line missing)
ye r[ebelled] against me. A n d when I bade you that ye should come
to me, why did ye turn away from the road and dishonour me and
not come to me, and what did ye rely upon, when ye [ventured] to
close your town to my command and to the chiefs of my army, that
I sent to y o u ? Did ye not know that ye are my servants and that
no one can save you from my hands? A n d now, although ye have
deserved death, I will not slay you, unless I shall again find that ye
have dealt treacherously with me. But immediately each of you shall
send and bring to me all his silver and gold, while the rest of your
property shall remain yours. But take heed that ye do not try tode*
ceive me by subtracting from your silver and gold and not bringing
it to me, else art ye dead men." A n d these freeborn men said to
 Translation, Chapters IX, XIII cix

him: "We had given thee our silver and gold even without this shame,
if the first day [thou hadst asked for it]
(three leaves missing)

(Chapter XIII)
were shameless enough to carry out his order. And again he ordered p. 13 a
and they brought before him speedily all
(one line missing)
they brought to him a cross and threw it on the ground before him.
And this incarnate Satan, Masruq, answered and said to the blessed
ones: "May it be enough for you that ye have cried out that ye
would rebel against me, but have failed. And consider at least now
your reputation and listen to my words and deny Jesus Christ, the
son of Mary, because he was of mankind and a mortal as all men;
and spit upon this cross and be Jews with us, and ye shall live. But
if ye will not obey my words, by Adonai, God, I will let you suffer
torment by fire and your lives shall be consumed by it, because ye
worship a mortal man, who, being of mankind, yet said about him?
self, that he was the son of God, the Merciful (Rahmana). And in
this very time his false doctrine has been manifest, and all lands
understand that he was a man and not God. And especially the land
of the Romans, who first erred concerning him, they now better than
any
(two columns missing)
who will make him endure evil for the sake of our Lord Jesus Christ, p, l4t>
our God, He who became man for us [by His manifestation in the
flesh] and in His grace
(one line missing)
and rose as God, and, by His passion and death, saved us from the
second death that is reserved for you, that ye may die for ever by it,
together with Satan, your father. So, then, now thou hast seen our
belief, do all that thou wishest, and do not delay us from our way to
our Lord."
But because this foe of truth, Masruq, had learned secretly, that
subjects of foreign countries were amongst the blessed ones, he sat
and inquired about each of them, and asked what was his name, and
who he was, and whence was the origin of his family. So he learned
of the presbyters Moses and Eliya, that they were from Hirtha dh*
Na'man, of the presbyter Sergios and the deacon Hananya, that they
 cx The Book of tbe Hlmyarites

were Romans, of the presbyter Abraham, that he was a Persian, and

of the deacon Jonan, that he was an Abyssinian. And he said to the
servants of G o d : "Verily it is not enough for you, that ye are going
astray
(one leaf missing)
p. 15¡> and by Him thou hast sworn to us and said: " I f ye will not deny
Christ and say that he is not G o d but a man, by fire
(one line missing)
and I will not deny but confess Him, that He is God, Son of G o d
indeed. But if thou fearest my family, that they will exact vengeance
for me, if I am put to death, do not think of it, separating me from
my brethren. For if thou doest that, thy treachery will be manifest
to all people". But when this shedder of innocent blood, Masruq,
heard that from the presbyter Moses, he waxed exceeding wroth and
gave command, and immediately they brought him before him, and
he said to him; " N o w , O deceiver, thou hast imagined, that I hesitated
in putting thee to death. And because I would have mercy upon
thee to let thee live, thou hast imagined that I, as in consideration to
thy family, would not slay thee together with thy fellows. On this
account thou hast been arrogant and contemned us. But thou shalt
learn that I not will be false on thy behalf, and straightway thy life
shall flee from thy body in the vehement flame, as also the lives of
thy bold fellows, and if a death more dreadful than ')

X I V , [The martyrd]om [of coronation in the Lord by burjning

[in fire of the pure blessed Z R ] W Y b a .

p, I6i> of truth; such was her manner of life. As now this excellent Z R W Y b a
entirely . . . . Masruq said about that holy church that burnt,
and about the holy bones of the martyrs of God, those whom these
unclean men had brought up from different places and out before the
murderer Masruq, and that over them were burnt and crowned even
all the brethren of the holy order, together with the women who, of
their own accord, had followed them, her mind became filled with
zeal for the Lord, and she grew exceeding sad. So she was no longer
able to hold out in her seclusion, but at once she went out and came
to the church, weeping and crying out in her prayer: " O Lord, G o d

1 Of the next tvro columr, (15b and 16a) only the heading of chapter X I V can be
reconstructed.
 Translation, Chapters XIII, X I V cxi
of my fathers, separate me not from Thy servants, which have suffered
martyrdom on behalf of Thy holy name, but let even me, a sinner,
join them in martyrdom for Thy sake." And when she arrived at the
holy church she fell on her face to the earth outside the fire and &• 17»
prayed amid tears and said: "I bow myself in reverence before you,
my lords and fathers, I bow myself in reverence before you, elected
of God, and I beg you to make petition for me, that I may not be
separated from you, but that I may speedily come and reach you by
martyrdom for the sake of our Lord, and come, even I, miserable one,
with you to Him." Some of the Jews, who saw her, ran hastily in
their hatred and informed the impious Masruq about her. And when
this murderer heard it he commanded, and they speedily brought her
before him. When she now stood before him he said to her: " W h o
art thou that, weeping as if insane, thou runnest in the town to stir
up tumult? And what is that language I hear that thou art proffering
on account of those who willingly have been burnt because of their
insolence, as they also deserved?" The blessed ZRWYba answered
and said: "In the pain of my heart in order that I should go
(one line missing)
I to them." But Masruq, the crucifier, [said to her]: "Thus thou p- 17
weepest
(one line missing)
Because [this deceiver was] a man [and not God], and be alive and
do not [die as a lunatic"]. But the blessed one [said to him: "God
forbid], and this will not be, [either with me or with anyone] of the
Christians, [that we should deny our Lord] and our God and our
Creator, [Jesus Christ], or that we should spit upon [His worshipped
Cross], by which He has saved us [from all error] and delivered us
from [eternal] death. But I abjure [thee, Jew, crucifier], and all who
agree [with thee and deny] Him". Then this serpent, [Masruq], said
to her: " thou insolent, who of thy own
accord " The blessed one sai[d: "I praise my Lord] and my
God, Jes[us Christ, and as to] thy demand [that I should deny Him],
• . . what
(one line missing)
and thou shalt burn O, miserable". [The blessed ZR]WYba p. is*
said: "So now not this voice
(two lines missing)
the blessed a more bitter death than must n o t . . . . that
 cxii The Book of the Himyarites

thou wast seeking because its pain is bitter, not

that I not should make thy will [in the f]ire, that
thou lovest, thy life will be consumed [speedily] away from [this
world,] thou insolent, evil one". [And he ordered her speed]ily to be
brought and [thrown, like the] others on the bur[ning church], and
there they should burn her [above the bones] of those who were
burnt [there. And immediately they hujrried with [the blessed one
to the] burning fire her mouth for her, but praised
p. 18b and said: " me, my Lord on Thee. Praise be to Thee,
my Lord, who hast not separated me from my lords, my fathers, who
have suffered for Thy name." When she arrived at the holy church,
the servants of unrighteousness speedily threw on wood and made a
flame above the fire that was above the bones of the blessed ones.
But the blessed one kneeled down and worshipped, and stood up and
sealed herself with the sign of the Cross and said: "Our Lord, turn
not away from Thy servants who confess Thee, but humiliate Thy
crucifiers and grant peace to Thy church and confirm this town in the
true faith. And receive my spirit by Thy mercy as a sacrifice acceptable
before Thee." When this excellent woman had spoken so far, swiftly
the servants of unrighteousness seized her by her hands and her feet
and hurled and threw her into the flame of the fire and so this glorious
ZRWYba was crowned by a good confession of Christ, God. But
when [this blessed ZRWYba] had given up her life the servants of
unrighteousness [went away] from there.
(four leaves missing)
(Chapter XVI)
p. 19! [abjure you] and your king and all who agree with you, ye, Jews,
who crucify your Lord". But when those impious ones heard this,
they were thrown into a violent rage and brought wood and in*
creased that fire, and immediately they threw the blessed Hadyah into
the flame. And so her soul departed from her body and the glorious
Hadyah was crowned by a good confession before her Lord. Besides
this blessed Hadyah, then, who suffered martyrdom by fire in her
house, and besides those Abyssinians, who burned in the church that
was in the town of Zafar, all those about whom we have subsequently
written above were burnt in the burning of the holy church in
the town of Najran. And these also were burnt within two days,
namely on the Tuesday and on the Wednesday, on the date that we
 Translation, Chapters XIV, XVI cxiii

have written above, above the holy b o n e s of the martyrs of God

w h o m they assembled and b r o u g h t into the church and
(two columns missing)
they f o u n d n o t h i n g . But again w h e n they l o o k e d f r o m afar they saw p. 20b
that light as they had d o n e before. And again they have told us
attesting the statement b y their oaths, that at e v e r y time of service,
by n i g h t or b y day, w h e n those h o l y ones were accustomed to per*
form their service when they were in the life of the b o d y , at that
time they heard the rumble of the sounding=board as b e f o r e and it
was perceived also in all the town. And after the rumble of the
soundingsboard had been heard they heard also the v o i c e of the
service l o u d l y r i n g i n g and then another v o i c e c r y i n g out and s a y i n g :
"Let us kneel d o w n and p r a y " and again afterwards another voice
saying: "Let us stand up in the p o w e r of G o d . " A n d again they
told us this also, that o n the spot w i t h i n the church where these
g l o r i o u s martyrs were c r o w n e d their o d o u r spread abroad, surpassing
the finest perfumes. And from that blessing of water and oil w h i c h p. 21 a
sprang up, the believers t o o k that issued o n the place of
coronation of the h o l y martyrs of G o d . But w h e n those servants of
sin, after h a v i n g b u r n t the blessed H a d y a h , w e n t out f r o m the t o w n ,
they learned f r o m Jews, their fellows, a b o u t t w o sisters of the h o l y
order w h o w e r e h i d d e n in the t o w n for fear of the Jews. A n d when
they w e n t out to the w i c k e d M a s r u q , they told him of all that they
had done and seen, h o w the blessed Z R W Y b a w i t h great j o y took
upon herself that she should be burnt in fire, and of the y o u t h
Abraham, brother of the holy order, w i t h w h a t fortitude c r y i n g "I
am a C h r i s t i a n and for the sake of C h r i s t I will die," he threw him*
self willingly on the flames, and again of the three blessed ones,
Tahnah and A u m a h and H a d y a h , how they with a wilfulnes not
concealed f r o m a n y o n e , c r y i n g " C h r i s t i a n s w e are and abjure p. 21b
( o n e line missing)
the crucifiers A n d then she g a v e u p [her soul]. But w h e n the blood*
shedder [Masruq] lea[rned] this [from the servants] of unrighteousness,
he wondered [greatly and said] to the J e w s a n d heathens w h o were
ar[ound h i m : " I w o n d e r ] at a people like this [seeing] h o w they take
u p o n [themselves tortures] w i t h j o y because o f [this] error. But I will
[bring it a b o u t if] possible that no [one m a y remain] but t h e y all [must
d e n y Christ]. W h e n [now those] servants of perdition saw that . . . .
of Masruq all that that he h a d said a b o u t they rose
8
 cxiv The B o o k o l the Himyariles

early in the morning and [went] to the town and sec[luding] the
bles[sed women] them . and

p. 22.1 X V I I . [The martyrdom of EHsh]ba', the deaconess, [and of

Ammai, the sister of the holy orjder.

(two lines missing)

and by means of torments for years [mar*
tyr]dom for the sake of Christ gloriously. A n d another
who performed the duties of deaconess . . . whose name was Elishba' , . .
these blessed women . . . . who dwelled together they had
in the house they were. The [holy] bones of the bishop
Paulos [he who wa]s and by the purity of [the H o l y ] Ghost
[and b y a con]duct of the highest virtue . . . . always the first ones
this crucifier Masruq were the holy bones of [those servants]
of G o d who were and some of were them
(the women)
p. 22 b A n d they shut them up in the house and gagged them and con*
strained them by great oaths not to make themselves known
(one line missing)
against the people of the Christians. But when these wicked men had
sought them eagerly and (finally) got hold of them, they seized these
lambs of Christ like rapacious wolves and brought them out before
the son of perdition Masruq. A n d when they stood before him, he
began to speak to them in the bitterness of his soul: "Lo, ye have
heard, and mayhap ye have also seen, all that has befallen those who
have not denied Christ and confessed with us that he was a mortal
man like every one, that, lo, their lives were consumed and passed
away by fire, as they merited. So I am convinced that ye, knowing in
this way what has been, have no need that I say many words to you
but will now confess, as we do, that Christ was not G o d
(Great lacuna, probably ten leaves missing)

(Chapter X I X )
p. 23^ that thou hast deemed me worthy to*day to suffer martyrdom for T h y
sake. Grant peace, o Lord, to T h y church in every land and seal its
children with T h y victorious Cross. A n d bring low the horn of Judaism,
that crucified Thee, and reward Masruq, the crucifier, for all that he has
done to T h y temples and T h y servants. A n d pardon me all that I have
sinned against Thee and receive in peace my spirit as well as theirs."
 Translation, Chapters XVII, XIX exv

When he had said this he sealed himself and bending down and
worshipping towards the east he said: "Peace be with you, my beloved
brethren, and blessed be our Lord, who will crown you
(four lines missing)
[the murderer] struck him with his sword and cut off his head. And in
this way he was crowned by a good confession for the sake of Christ
and joined with his brethren in the spirit and in the flesh on this day,
Sunday, the 2 5 ^ of Teshrin II.
But on the next day, that was Monday, the believing Abdallah,
son of Af'u, one of those of whom we have written above that they p. 23b
told us of the confession of these glorious ones—he was present at all
the deeds, at all that took place in Najran and with every one of its
people who suffered martyrdom, because that Af'u, his father, was one
of the leading notables and because that he was at that time a heathen—
but afterwards, by the help of our Lord, who deemed him worthy, we
baptized him into the church of the true believers that is in Hirtha
dh c Na'man with great pomp, when we still were there,—this honours
able old man and leading notable, who had been also an ambassador
between the kings Af'u
(three lines missing)
that impious Masruq a man from his—this young man then, Abdallah,
being a believer, said to some of the notables among his relations that
they should ask Masruq to give order that the bodies of these freeborn
men that had been slain should be collected and buried. But those
notables dared not say anything on this subject because they feared
Masruq. Then this young man Abdallah in the fervour of zeal of his p. 24 a
faith encouraged himself and approached the crucifier Masruq and asked
him that he might go and collect and bury them. And immediately
our Lord gave His command in the soul of the wicked one and,
without doing any harm to him, or even being angry with the young
Abdallah, he said to him: "For the sake of Af'u, thy Father, go, make
a grave and bury them." So Abdallah went out from him with great
joy after having received this command. But when he was gone a
little distance from him, this Masruq again called him and said to
him: "Because
(two lines missing)
go and bury them." And this young man Abdallah prepared forty men
from his family and from his friends and took them with him by night
and they went and he digged graves and collected all the bodies of the
8*
 cxvi The Book of the Himyarites

servants of God, the glorious martyrs, and buried them. And this
'Abdallah placed on each of their burial places a sign in order that it
might be recognized afterwards. And when this Abdallah and those
p. 24 b who were with him told us about the blessed ones, they also wrote
for us the few names which they did remember of the glorious, namely
as follows:

Names of the glorious freeborn men who suffered martyrdom

at Najran.
Harith, Humama and 'Amr, Tamim and Add and Jabr and Harith,
his brother, Tha'laba. their nephew and Ghanam and 'Abdallah and
Dabb, he who was for a time a judge and a persecutor but afterwards
became a true Christian and was deemed worthy even to the stage of
martyrdom for the sake of our Lord, and 'Amr and Jabr and Bar
Dabb and Z W R B N and Abdallah and Malik and S
(four lines missing)
and Abu Afr and Bar Huzaiqa and Nu'man and Sa d and Harith and
'Auf and Sergios and Muawiya and 'YZD and Badda and 'BYSh and
Busr and A b d YWFR and BYSh and Mu awiya and Q a ' b l n and Dhuhl,
his son, and Dhib and Haufa'amm and Shalim and Dhuhl, his son, and
'Abdallah and Salima and Asad, the son of his sister, and LYLWB
and Fa'man and Amr and I>huhl, his brother, and 'Arbai and Sar and
'Abdallah and Samurah and Kuraib and Abd and Nu'man and KF
p. 25 a and KYTWL', his brother, and Asfar and 'Auf and Humama, his
brother, and Abdallah and Habira, his son, and Malik and Abd and
Jadan and N'Mrah and Azmam and H B and Ashab and Mlzin, his
brother, and Nu'man and Yazid and Nu'man and Jarir and Abdallah
and Abdallah and Malik and Nu'man and 'Amr, brethren, and Harith
and Taim and Amr, brethren, and Nauf and Ghanam and Azfar, his
sons, and Nu'man, son of Ruhm, daughter of Azma', and Azraq and
Abraq and Shalima and Qais, his brother, and Harith and Nu'man,
brethren, and Amr and Habib and Amir, his brother, and Duwaid
and Kalil and Harit_h and Q D and Harith, brethren, and Nu'man and
Abdallah and his little baby;brother, whom he carried on his shoulder
and who was killed, and Nu'man and Aswar, his son, he to whom
the king said: "Deny and I will make thee my son," but he would
not and was killed in a good confession, and Aswar and Amr and Busr,
his son, and 'Abdallah and Ahmam and DKY' and M H W Y N and
Abraham and Hani and MKRDY and Mu awiya and Dhuhl and Busr,
 Translation, Chapters X I X , X X cxvii

his son, and Abdallah and Mu awiya, his son, and W a il and Mu awiya
and Dhuhl and Badda and Arar, his brother, and Haufa'amm and
Namirah and Aus and Malik and Rabi'a and Ala . . . r and S R H B
and Jarir and Yazid and Kalil and 'Amr and A l a u and Kahf and Z F R Y p. 25 »>
and Nu'man and A u f and Harith and Hani and H Y R M and Aswar
and Azraq and Taimai and Qais and Fluldai and L . . a and A b d
and Duwaid and jarir and M . . . and L Y L and Tamim and
Shalimah and Muawiyah and , . . Y N and Busr and S R Y and
Dhuwab and Muawiyah and W a i l and Tha'laba and Karib and
M K R [ D Y ] and Marthad and Dabb and D Y ' and Dhuhl and Sha d
and " R l i B and Malik and J a b r and Shalimah and Haritha and Hannah
and Hittan.
These are the names that they could remember of those freeborn
men who were crowned, about whom those who buried them told us.
A n d again, when this murderous dragon Masruq saw that he had
shed his gall and destroyed, as was his wish, the nobles of Najran and
had done all that he had desired, he even so was still raging and in=
creased on every occasion his impiety against the servants of God, the
Christians there, without pity. For, when these freeborn men were killed,
of whose names we have noted above a few, in as much as the believing
men who have told us this record did remember them, he, on this same
day, Monday, called in one of his generals, whose name was Dhu=Yazan,
who had been this, with his brethren, Masruq had sent p. 26 =
before, at first, against Najran to go and make war against it and conquer
it before that impious Masruq went against it himself. T o this Dhu<
Yazan then the crucifier Masruq sent and said to him: " G o and enter
Najran and bring together the wives of those rebels who were killed
on Friday and bid them deny Jesus, son of Mary, whom the Christians
call Christ, And those who deny shall be Jews with us and be alive,
but those who do not deny shall die as bitterly as their husbands.

X X . Account that tells of the confession first and further

of the martyrdom of coronation in the Lord of the frees
born women of the town of Najran and of their young
children with them.
When this wicked Dhu^Yazan had entered the town of Najran, he
gave orders to them who were with him and they brought together to
him the believing freeborn women of Najran whom they found, one
hundred and seventy seven in number. And they brought with them
 cxviii The Book of the Himyarites

also many children whom they carried. And there was amongst them
p, 26b also [Ruhm], daughter of Azma', an important woman, more wealthy
than all the women there. Now when DhuA'azan saw Rulim, he sent
the vicious Masruq word concerning her saying: "Lo, I have brought
together all the freeborn Christian women of Najran I have found,
and with them is also Ruhm, daughter of Azma'. So let me know what
is thy will as to them and I will do it." But this crucifier sent to him:
"Dismiss immediately Ruhm, daughter of Azma', that she may go to her
house until I reflect quietly what to do with her. But, as to the other
women, ask them as their husbands were asked. And those who deny
Jesus Christ must be Jews and live, but for those who do not deny
must be devised the same fate as for their husbands. But separate those
who do not deny from those who deny and give me notice of them,"
When this wicked DhusYazan received this command, he imme*
diately dismissed Ruhm
(one line missing)
p. Hi The other women he commanded to be imprisoned in the house of one
of the notables, who had suffered martyrdom. And this wicked Dhu«
Yazan went to them and stood and spoke with them and said to them:
"Now, indeed, what have your husbands benefited, who insisted in this
rebellious opinion and did not obey the king and do his will and live?
And, lo, because they did not obey, they have died by the sword, not
in war, but as evildoers. Do not, therefore, even ye also imitate their
folly, lest ye perish suddenly, ye also, as they have perished, but care
as wise women for your lives and choose life for yourselves and reject
that death which your husbands did choose for themselves in their
madness. So deny then Jesus, son of Mary, whom ye say is Christ.
For he is a mortal man as everyone, and will not benefit you in any*
thing, just as he did not benefit your husbands. And spit on his cross
and become Jews with us and live and do not die, so may ye go in
peace to your houses and there will not fail amongst the freeborn men
who will be husbands to you
(one or more lines missing)
p. 27i' immediately and they said to him everyone: " G o d forbid that we
should deny our Lord and our God, Jesus Christ. For He is God and
the Maker of all things, and He has saved us from eternal death. And
God forbid that we should spit on His Cross or that we should treat it with
contempt, for by it He has prepared for us redemption from all error.
But we abjure thy king and thyself and all who agree with you, ye
 Translation, Chapter XX cxix

Jews, crucifiers of your Lord. And we pray that, as our husbands

died, we may be deemed worthy to die, we also, for the sake of
Christ, God."
When this crucifier Dhu»Yazan saw that they all contended against
him and cried thus, he found a defence such as this not sufficient, but
as a rapacious hawk, afflicted with hunger, sits at the opening of the
nest of harmless pigeons to try to destroy those which are coming out,
so he sat at the door outside the house, threw a cross before him, and
gave command that those freeborn women should go out one by one
in order and approach him. His order was carried out. And when each
one of them
(one or more lines missing)
again indefatigably he required them to deny. But these believing women p. 28a
not only did not deny, but, by the help of Christ, God, who was with
them, each one of them despised him, bravely giving him answer for
the sake of truth, and confessed, that Christ is God, and abjured him
and his king and all who agreed with them. When this unclean Dhu?
Yazan saw that he could not at ail, not even in a single one of them,
find the weakness of denial, and not only that, but also that they ab?
jured his king and himself and all who agreed with them, he imme*
diately sent word to the impious Masruq, his king, and said:
"Among the women that we have brought together, I have not found
even a single one that denies Christ, but they insist shamelessly, even
more than their husbands, in their rebellious opinion, saying that Christ
is God, Creator, Son of the Merciful (Rahraana), and they abjure thee
and all who agree with thee. But all that thou shalt determine cons
cerning them, let me know, that I may carry it out."
And this crucifier Masruq sent to him: "As they, though they are
women, persist in such a rebellious opinion as their husbands did, they
too must come here before me to die a cruel death even as their p. 28 b
husbands."
Immediately this wicked Dhu==Yazan ordered that they should go
out, as his impious king had bidden, and he let men keep guard around
them lest one of them should be left behind the others. When they,
after their going out, had arrived at the place where the freeborn men
had been brought together and while they spoke about their deeds
there, suddenly there arrived and reached them mounted men sent from
Masruq, by whom he sent commandment to DhusYazan: ' A s not a
single one of them has weakened to deny and save her life, so kill them
 cxx The Book of the Himyarites

on the spot by a painful death more cruel than that of their husbands,
that the rest of the inhabitants of Najran also may see it and be
frightened. When this murderer DhusYazan received this command, he
placed around them a troop of men of the Jewish crucifiers, that not
one of them should escape, and bade that even the gates of the town
should be shut before them, because this place was nigh to the gates
p. 29* of the town. Thereafter he commanded those Jews who were with him
that they should first pierce them with arrows. And immediately they
began, these shameless men, to shoot at them and their children as a
man shoots and the arrow strikes and [splits] without pity. When now
the arrows were flying continuously in a dense shower from every side
and were piercing them, just as a cloud that pours down hail over a
vineyard, these handmaids of Christ lifted up their hands towards heaven
saying: "Christ, God, come to our help. O, our Lord, Jesus Christ,
behold our oppression in this moment and turn not away from us, but
grant in us the power to accomplish this our way by martyrdom for
Thy sake, that we also may go and reach our brethren who died for
Thy sake. And forgive us our sins and accept the sacrifice of our lives
as acceptable before Thee." But those women who had with them little
children, set them down on the earth and covered them with their
garments and stood themselves, spreading out their hands to heaven,
till suddenly [one] of them was overpowered by the violence of the
p. 29b heavy pains of the numerous wounds of arrows and fell to the ground
as a tree, the roots of which are cut off with axes at the foot, falls to,
the ground.
As now the bitterness of this impious DhusYazan was not satisfied,
even when he saw that there was not one of these handmaids of Christ
who stood on her feet but they were all thrown to the ground, wounded
by the arrows without pity, and though he further saw the blood of
them, and of their little children too, flowing before them, and heard the
sound of their wailing and of their childrens', which was heard at a great
distance, he afterwards commanded those shameless ones who were with
him, saying: "Lest some of them may be alive, if they are not slain
with swords, and may escape, go ye immediately out and make away
with them and with their evil children by swords, that they may not live,
neither the ones nor the others." Then these murderers who were with
him immediately, as it was commanded them, began to slay them with
swords without mercy like reapers who cut down the ears without
sparing. When they had now killed these women by the pains of a
 Translation, Chapter XX cxxi
cruel death and saw that not a single one of them nor a single child p. | | §
remained alive, they rejoiced and exulted like reapers when they finish
their field.
N o w this wicked Dhu=Yazan gave command to open the gates of
the town, and the men that were with him brought together boys and
men, all they found, and caused them to come before Dhu=Yazan. And
this crucifier commanded that they should drag all these bodies and
take them out of the town lest they should stink. So they dragged them
according to his command and took them out and threw them into a
moat outside the wall of the town. And again this wicked one gave
command that they should make a grave and bury all these bodies
under the earth.
So then these handmaids of God were crowned by a good con«
fession through these pitiless sufferings which they endured for the sake
of Christ, their Lord, because of their great love to Him, on this same
day, Monday, the twenty sixth of Teshrin II. And they lay to rest in
peace from the anxiety of this world of woes, these glorious women.
And those men who told us of their wondrous martyrdom mentioned
also to us a few of their names out of many. And also [they wrote p. 30b
these for us, as many] as they remembered.

Names of the holy women who suffered martyrdom in

the town of Najran.
Humama and Ruhm and Arqas and Thummal(i)ki and Ruhin and
her three daughters and Ama and Jabrah and Aumah and her daughter,
and Ruhm and Ushana, her sister, and their mother, and Hayya and
Aumah and her four sisters, and Hubba and 'Uzafa and Aqtam and
Waddah and her daughter, and SRHB and Aqtam and Salma and Yla
and her three daughters, and SLWma and Ausa and Ma'na and TMNya
and Taibah and Hamdah and Auda and Ummu Busr and Taibah and
YHWbah and Habibah and Ausa and Durrah and Amma and HBB
and Hint and Hubbah and Thummal(i)ki and Ama and Mariya and
Asma and Ummu Amr and Asma and Mawiya and Jadida and
Mawiya and Hasana and Hint and Hasana and Khalila and Alhan and
Ummu Bayya and Asma and Kabsha, H L H and Jaushanah and H W L H
and Hayya and Hint and Au$a and Durrah and Namlah and Mahmida
and Mayyah and Hamdah and Dabbah, YHyah and Ummu Busr and
Ummu Jabala and Umayya and Aumah and Habiba and Jadida and
Ama and Fatima and Ummu Shaishala and Hint.
 cxxii The Book of the Himyarites

These few from the names of the victorious women knew those
who wrote for us their story.

p. 31* XXI, Account that tells first of the confession and further
afterwards also of the martyrdom in the Lord of the freeborn
women Habsa and Hayya and another Hayya.
There was in Najran amongst the other believing freeborn women,
those who were not yet seized by the Jews that they should deny, one
freeborn woman also, the name of whom was tfab$a, of the family of
Hayyan, son of Hayyan, the teacher, him by the care of whom it is
written above in the beginning of this book that Christianity was sown
in the town of Najran and in the land of the Himyarites. When then
this excellent woman heard about all the harm that was done to the
freeborn women by the Jewish crucifiers on account of their belief in
Christ, our Hope, she grieved exceedingly that she was not amongst
them, and So she wept and said: "Our Lord, Jesus Christ, regard not
my sins and exclude me not from the rank of martyrdom for Thy sake,
but deem me worthy, O my Lord, me also, to be added to the number
of those who have loved Thee and have been put to death for the sake
of Thy worshipped name.'' And on the day that followed that on
p. 31 b which the [other] freeborn women [of Najran] had been crowned, which
was Monday, this believing Habsa rose and took that little cross of
brass she had, sewed it on to her headcloth over its edge, went out
into the street and cried, saying openly: "I am a Christian and I worship
Christ." Then there went out to her two other women, freeborn, friends
of hers, the names of whom were as follows: the one Hayya, and she
was an old woman, and the name of the other was Hayya too, and she
was a girl. A n d many of the Najranites also, men and women, came
together around them. And this Habsa looked and beheld among them
a man, her neighbour, who was a Jew. So she called him and said to
him: " O thou, Jew and crucifier, I abjure you and all who agree with
you, since you deny Christ, saying that He is not God, and abjured
be thy king, that crucifier of his Lord. Go and tell him: "Lo, Habsa,
daughter of Hayyan, is crying out in the street that she is a Christian
and abjures thee and all that agree with thee". That Jew said to her:
"They will not allow me to approach him". But Habsa answered: "Go
p. 32» and say to him what I have said to thee, and if thou wilt not go, thou
mayst know that I will say before him that I have bidden thee to tell
him but thou hast not done so." This Jew said to her: "I fear to go
 Translation, Chapter XXI cxxiii

to him." Habsa said to him: "Go then and tell it to one of his mags
nates, that he may tell him". When Habsa said this, that Jew went and
informed one of the magnates of the impious Masruq and that magnate
informed the crucifier Masruq concerning Habsa and concerning them
who were with her and concerning what they had said, namely that
they confessed that they worshipped Christ, and before everyone ah*
jured all Jews with a loud voice. When now this shedder of innocent
blood Masruq heard that from this magnate, he was violently disturbed
and enraged against these freeborn women, and commanded that they
should speedily catch them and bring them before him. A n d it was
quickly done as he had ordered.
When they now stood before him he began to speak to them as
was his arrogant custom saying: "Which of you is Habsa?" And the
freeborn Habsa answered him: "I am Habsa." This impious Masruq
said to her: "And what are the names of these?" Habsa said to him: p- ™
"the names of these two are Hayya and Hayya." The impious Masruq
said to her: "Whose daughter art thou?" Habsa said to him: "I am
the daughter of Hayyan of the family of Hayyan, the teacher, him by
whom our Lord sowed Christianity in our land. But Hayyan, my father,
once burned your synagogues." The crucifier Masruq said to her: "So
then thou holdest the same opinion as thy father. And I think from
thy words that thou too art ready to burn our synagogue just as thy
father burned it." Habsa said to him: "Nay, I will not set it on fire
in my own person because I am ready speedily to go and join my
brethren in Christ by this way of martyrdom. But we trust in the
justice of Jesus Christ, our Lord and our God, that he will speedily
remove and destroy thy power from among mankind, and break down
thy pride and thy life, and extirpate your synagogues from our land,
and built in it holy churches, and Christianity will increase or rule in it P- 33 .t
by the grace of our Lord, and by the prayers of our fathers and brethren,
who died for the sake of Christ, our Lord. A n d thou and the sons of
thy people shall be a prodigy and a byword for ages to come, because
of all that thou as a man without God and without mercy hast done
to the holy churches and to the worshippers of Christ, God." But the
accursed serpent Masruq breathed out the rage of his heart, as it were,
just as a serpent that seeks to suck the blood of a pigeon, and was
troubled and oppressed because of all that he heard from Habsa, and
planned how to find out a way of death that would suffice to torment
this believing woman that had said to him such words as these. And
 cxxiv The Book of the Himyarites

he gave orders and they threw before him a cross, and brought and
placed near him a bowl in which was blood, just as he had done to
those who had suffered martyrdom before her. Then he said fo her:
"Lo, now thou hast spoken abundantly all that thou desiredst in thine
effrontery and thou hast let me hear things that not even the men be*
fore thee have said to me. And I highly wonder how thou treatest me
p. 33i> with contempt, as thou thickest, and sayest this in thy boldness. But
since thou art a woman I must first ask thee to turn back from thine
error, but afterwards, if thou hearest me not, I will let thee perish bitterly
as thou hast deserved. But deny Christ immediately, and spit on this
cross, and take with thy finger from this blood, and say as we that
Christ was a mortal as everyone else, and be thou a Jew as we are and
thou shalt live and I will give thee to a freeborn man and forgive thee
all that thou hast spoken."
Habsa said to him: "Thy mouth, that has blasphemed thy Maker,
shall speedily be shut up from this temporal life, and there will be left
after thee no offspring to revile its Creator, O, thou crucifier, who hast
hung on the cross thy Lord, thou who hast undertaken to destroy, as
thou thinkest, all the race of the Christians that is in our land. But
thou shalt know that not only will I not say that Christ was a man, but
I worship Him and praise Him because of all the benefits He has shown
p, me. And I believe that He is God, Maker of all creatures, and I take
refuge in His Cross. Now as thou knowest that I do not shrink from
a single one of thy tortures, do thou invent all the sufferings thou
wishest and bring them upon me."
The crucifier Masruq said to her: " N o w I understand that what I
did desire, that thou shouldst be exempted from a painful death, has not
succeeded, and so thy blood be upon thy head. Therefore I shall
speedily so deal with thee that thou wilt regret in thy mind that thou
hast not listened to my words." And this Masruq said to the freeborn
women that were with her: "And ye, what think ye about yourselves;
will ye listen to my words, will ye deny Christ or do ye hold by the
insanity of this woman and wish to come to a bitter end with her?"
Hayya and Hayya said to him: "All that has been said to thee by
our sister Habsa is said to thee on behalf of us all. And even if
our mouth has not pronounced it our mind agrees with it. God
forbid then that we should separate from each other. No, we are
ready to endure for the sake of the truth that is in us all sufferings.
Bring therefore quickly upon us all the tortures thou wilt, for we
 Translation, Chapter XXI cxxv

confess that Christ is God. But thee and all who agree with thee
we abjure,"
When the impious Masruq heard this from Hayya and Hayya he
became more and more agitated and gave command in his wickedness P- MB
that they should speedily bind their shin?bones to their thighs and tie
them as camels and beat them with rods and strike them with their fists.
The blessed ones prayed and said: "Our Lord, we praise Thee, who
hast deemed us worthy the martyrdom for the sake of Thy name.
Grant peace, O Lord, to Thy church and preserve its children from
denial of Thee. And receive us in peace and forgive us all our sins
against Thee."
When now his command was executed there was a loud sound of
their bones which were made to creak and of their joints which were
broken loose the one from the other. They also removed the cross that
was on the head of Habsa and threw it away. And this evil doer said:
"Because thou hast thought that this cross would help thee in that place
where thou hadst sewn it, I will now order thee and thy fellows to be
tormented, and thou shalt understand that it has not only not availed
thee, but has become the cause of ruin for thee and also for those that
have gone mad together with thee." So he gave command and they
were struck in the face without mercy. While this was done the hands
maids of God were in great suffering, so that they were not even able
to speak. Moreover this murderer Masruq gave command that they
should be flogged on their backs like men, without pity. And it was
done as he ordered and these crucifiers that executed the sentence p. 35 a
on them said to them jestingly: "Will ye now obey all that the
king says to you or are ye pleased with this death?" But because
these believing ones were not able to speak, they made signs with their
hands meaning: "Yes, we wish to die." Then, in this immense suffering,
the blessed Hayya, the elder, yielded up her spirit to the Lord and was
crowned by a good confession for His sake. And when those crucifiers
saw that she was dead, they cried aloud and laughed in their madness
and said: "Excellently has Christ availed this woman that worshipped
him, for he has not saved her from this suffering but, lo, she has died
like an animal. And they removed the body of the blessed Hayya and
brought it out and threw it outside the encampment. But in the night
some of the Christians, those who were there in fear, not confessing
themselves to be Christians, went and digged a grave and buried the
good and blessed Hayya. But the handmaids of God, Hab§a and the
 cxxvi The Book of the Himyarites

. 35b other H a y y a , were thrown into great suffering, not being able to speak
because of the blows with which they were struck without mercy, and
because of their torments. A n d this crucifier Masruq commanded that
they should bring wild camels and bind each of them to one (of the
camels) and so send them forth into the desert. His command was
quickly carried out and so these handmaids of G o d , being dragged
away by those wild camels, yielded up their spirits to their Lord
and were crowned b y this glorious confession that they confessed for
his sake.
But A f ' u , one of the freeborn men of whom we have written above
that they wrote to us this witness, the same who was also the brothersim
law of the blessed Hab$a, the husband of her sister, whom we have
also seen and spoken with—he has told us that A f ' u and two other men
with him went out on the tracks of those camels on the way where the
blessed ones had been dragged. A n d when he had gone about twelve
miles, they found the body of the excellent blessed H a y y a , for the
bonds that were fastned on the camel had broken and she was left there
36 a though the camel went on. A n d this A f ' u cut off and took in faith as
a blessing the hair of the blessed H a y y a and they digged a grave and
buried her body on the spot. Then they went on and took the track
of the other camel and continued and went by it about fifteen miles and
found also the body of the woman fulfilled with victories, the handmaid
of G o d , Habsa, and the camel lying down. When A f u saw her, he
noislessly ran on and with his sword cut off those ropes and the camel
rose and went away, but the pure body of the handmaid of G o d
remained. So he and those with him took the blessed Habsa and buried
her besides the blessed H a y y a . A n d Af'it cut off and took in faith as
a blessing the hair of the victorious Habsa also, and A f ' u and those
with him buried together the two victorious ones and erected a sign on
their graves, and returned for fear of the J e w s because they were still
ruling in the land.
This A f ' u gave to us a blessing from the hair of them both, but
when we asked him to give to us also from their bones he said to
us: " W e have not yet for fear of the J e w s brought thereof to
36b our town and we did not even take anything from their bones
because the J e w s immediately put to death everyone of the believers
who was found wearing anything from the bones of the victorious
martyrs."
So came to rest by the heroic martyrdom for the sake of their
 Translation, Chaptets XXi, XXII cxxvii

Lord those victorious women on Tuesday of the month of Teshrin II.

And they were a noble example for those who came after them.

XXII. Account telling of the martyrdom of coronation in the

Lord of the freeborn Ruhm, daughter of Azma', and Autnah,
her daughter, and Ruhm, her granddaughter.
After the murderer Masruq had had the handmaids of God, Habsa,
Hayya, and Hayya, tormented to death by strucks and blows and
draggings, he was still eager for blood and sent men of his to Ruhm, the
daughter of Azma', the rich woman fromNajran, of whom we have written
above and who belonged to the family that was named Jaw, and she was
akin to the blessed Harith, the venerable old man and head of those who
were crowned, he of whom it has been written before in this book that
he, shortly before, had suffered martyrdom for the sake of Christ. And
he commanded those men that they should say to her: "Deny Christ p- 37a
and be a Jew, and save thy life, and remain in thy former honour, and
I will give thee to a great and noble man amongst my notables." When
now these men came and said to her as they were ordered, Ruhm said
to them: "Now since ye have said to me all that ye would, listen
to me, that I also may speak. As to your saying to me that I should
deny Christ, God forbid! that shall never be, nor will I for my part
deny Him nor any other of them who love Him and worship Him with
an upright heart. For H e is God, Son of God, Creator of the worlds.
And as to your saying to me that I should become a Jew, abjured be
your king, the crucifier of his Lord, and ye and all Jews, your fellows,
the crucifiers, and all who agree with you or fear you and deny Christ
as ye do. And as to your saying to me that I may live after having
denied Christ, my God, God forbid that I should desire to live longer
in this world and abstain from the company of the Martyrs of God,
whom ye have murdered, and who, behold, in the fervour of their
love for their Lord have gone straight to the kingdom of heaven. And
as to your saying to me that I may remain in my former honour—that
would be for me a dishonour
(one line missing)
For the true honour that brings no dishonour with it, is for me that I, p. 37b
having confessed Christ with heart and mouth that He is God and
Creator of all, may die for the sake of His holy name. And as to your
saying to me that your wicked king will give me to a great man of his
notables, God forbid, after this, that I should cleave unto a mortal
 cxxviii The Book of the Himyarites

man and forsake Christ, the heavenly bridegroom, to whom are in

holiness betrothed all the souls of His worshippers. And ye know,
yourselves too, that there is no man amongst his notables who is worthy
in his greatness to take me for his wife, not even this impious one,
your king, is worthy to be my husband. But because that Christ, my
Lord, has mercy upon me and has invited me to a new life, behold,
I will go with you and speak before him all that it behoves me. And
he may bring upon me all the torments he wishes, and I will with great
joy take upon myself to endure them for the sake of the name of our
Lord, Jesus Christ, my Lord and my God."
When the handmaid of God, Ruhm, had spoken thus far, she sealed
herself with the sign of the victorious Cross and she sealed also her
p. 58J daughter, whose name was Aumah, and her granddaughter, who was
a girl of about nine years. But the mother of this little girl, whose name
was Amma, daughter of the freeborn Ruhm, had been killed three
days before together with the freeborn women who had suffered for
the sake of Christ, God. After that this Ruhm, her grandmother, took
care of the girl and she did not separate from her. And this excellent
Ruhm sealed with the sign of the victorious Cross her house and all
that was there and said: "Our Lord Jesus Christ, God of all, save us
and the dwellers in this house and all who fear Thy name in every
place from denying Thee. And deem also me, a sinner, and these Thy
handmaids worthy to tread according to Thy will this way of martyr*
dom, of which Thou hast deemed us worthy in Thy mercy. May we
quickly reach Thy beloved ones, who have been killed for Thy name."
Then this handmaid of God Ruhm took with her Aumah, her
daughter, and Ruhm, her granddaughter. And when they went out into
the street there also gathered to them, because of the weeping of her
handmaids and servants who followed them, many women of Najran
p. 38b who wept, they also, and related crying the many charitable deeds that
this freeborn Ruhm had done for them. And this excellent woman stood
in the street and said to the women of Najran: "Weep not for us,
whom, behold, our Lord has deemed worthy to die for His name, as
those who have gone before us have died for His sake and have found
mercy before Him. But weep for all who have denied or deny Christ,
God, and for all who do not confess that He is God in truth and the
Son of God, And if ye say now that I have done good to you and
to others, I know that even if God has given me greatness in this world
and lavished on me much gold and silver and valuables and servants
 Translation, Chapter XXII cxxix
and handmaids and great honour, on me as well as on my husband,
all the good I have done of that which I have done, I have done not
in my own strength, but in His. But praise ye God, and pray for us,
and stand by your truth, all ye who worship Christ, and do ye continue
to worship Him and depart not from Him by denying Him, and pray
for us that we may go and reach our brethren, who, behold, are gone
before us to the new life a little . . . . . as in a temporary p. 39*
habitation deserted by its dwellers, and all good to those who love Him.
For to us no property shall belong after this but only Christ, our Hope,
and He who raises us from the dead. But in peace shall rest the people
of the Lord, all those who worship Him and continue till the end in
His truth."
When she had said this, the handmaid of God, Ruhm, seized by
the hand her daughter and her granddaughter and they went out. And
the women of Najran wept after them and wailed until the cry reached
even the murderer Masruq, at the place where he was. So he imme*
diately sent men to know what the tumult was. When he heard, he
became furious against those who led the freeborn Ruhm and those
with her. And when they came out, those who led her and her
daughters, and stood before him, he would even have put them to death
because they had allowed Ruhm to speak in the street and to cause
such a tumult. But certain men stood up and prevailed upon him to
desist from killing them.
When now the shedder of innocent blood, the wicked Masruq, saw p. 39b
the handmaids of God, Ruhm and her daughters, who with defiance
in their uncovered faces with joy stood before him, he was extremely
amazed and said to Ruhm: "Verily thou art altogether mad who hitherto
hast let thyself be seen only by few men and, when thou hast been
summoned to appear before me, now, behold, thou standest without
shame as a harlot. Or perchance thou desirest to show us that with thy
great riches thou art also very beautiful. Now, care rightly for thy life
as a wise woman and return to thy magnificence as it was before, and
keep not that foolish belief as thy husband did and those others before
thee. For then thou shalt perish, both thou and thy daughters, even
as they did. But deny Christ and say that he was a mortal man, as
everyone else, and spit on this cross and turn back to thy house in
honour and in peace."
But the handmaid of God, Ruhm, said to him: "As to thy insulting
of me as though I were mad because I stand before thee frankly with
9
 cxxx The B o o k of the Himyarites

open face, and as to thy saying to me that in order to show thee my

greatness and beauty
(one line missing)
40a and also as to thy saying that I have let only few men see me—all
this thou sayest but in the perfidy and iniquity that fills thy heart.
Hear now then from me, who am a woman, concerning what thou hast
said to me: Thou knowest that all those who love wine drink and
become drunken. But when they are drunken they do not know their
former state, and because of this they seem to those who are not drunken
as though they were mad, So I am not mad at all, but I am drunken
with the love of our Lord Jesus Christ, my Lord and my God. And
because of that I care not henceforth for my former state. For it is not
so, as thou in thy lasciviousness thinkest, that I desire to show to thee
or anyone else my beauty, for henceforth I hate and despise by the
aid of Christ, my God, all passions of lusts, and I have no other desire
but this, that i may swiftly reach by death my brethren, and go and
see Christ, my Lord, He who in this world has given me abundantly,
besides the comely beauty of my face, for which thou, as thou thinkest,
hast insulted me, also great riches and high honour. And I believe in
Him that He will also in the new world deem me worthy of unspeak*
•50b able wealth nor am I ashamed to be seen of everyone
how I am in the life of the flesh, for I with the eyes of my spirit give
heed only to Christ, my Lord, As to what thou hast said to me, that
I should deny Christ, my Lord, and live and not perish as those before
me, I pray that my end may be like theirs, and my lot with them.
A n d I abjure thee, O Jew, crucifier of thy Lord, and all Jews, thy
fellows, and all who agree with thee and obey your words, or fear
and deny Him as ye do. And I believe that because of all that thou
hast inflicted upon His servants, suddenly killing them, H e will take
thy life away from this world by the sword of thy enemies and destroy
thy seed, so that nothing will survive of thy cursed stock, and will
humiliate and lay low and depose your Judaism. But now, do thou
torment us, as thou likest."
The shedder of innocent blood, Masruq, said to her: " I thought
not of thee, that thou wouldest speak this before me, for I hoped that
thou wouldest save the state of the freedom of thy magnificence. But,
behold, thou hast not saved it but hast spoken as one deserving death;
and if a man had spoken such words before me, I had had no more
41 a patience with him, but because thou art a woman, and because of the
 Translation, Chapter XXII ixxxi

many great benefits done by thee to many, I exhort thee not to perish
from thy magnificence, but to deny Christ and live and turn back to
thine honour,"
The handmaid of God, Ruhtn, said to him; " O thou fool, devoid
of every sense of honour, who dost not understand what thou speakest,
it behoves thee to know that, instead of what thou sayest, that I should
deny and live, if I, which may God forbid, should deny, then should I
die the eternal death. But if I deny not, then shall I live that life over
which death has no power. But thou, because thy soul is lost in error
and thou thyself art deprived of God, thou dost not understand this.
But I, who understand this, have said to thee and, behold, even now
say to thee: abjured be thou and all who agree with thee,"
When this handmaid of God, Ruhm, said this, her daughter and
granddaughter cried out: "Abjured be thou, O Jew, crucifier, and all
who agree with thee." But this murderer looked at them and was in a
ferment and saw that he was put to shame by girls such as these. And
as he was seeking something, the girl Ruhm, her
granddaughter, went up to him, and filled her mouth with spittle and p. 41H
spat at him, and said to him: "This spittle in thy face, O unclean Jew,
because thou hast dared to say to my lady that she should deny Christ.
She is more honourable than thou and her family than thine, O thou
insolent tyrant, rebelling against God and man."
When this holy girl said this, the wicked Masruq, who was without
mercy, in order to intimidate the Christians who worshipped Christ,
bade that they should threw the excellent Ruhm on her back and
slaughter the girl, her granddaughter, and pour of her blood into the
throat of her grandmother. When this was done, as he had commanded,
and they had raised up the believing Ruhm on her feet, the murderer
asked the handmaid of God, Ruhm: "How indeed was the taste of the
blood of this insolent one?" The excellent one answered him: " A s a
sacrifice accepted before God." And Aumah, the daughter of the blessed
one, said to him: "Crucifier, murderer of thy Lord, thou shalt be desti»
tute of the mercy of God, just as thou by this thine own choice hast
deprived thyself of the mercy of mankind." When the destroying Masruq
heard the words of this woman too, . . . he commanded and said: "Do ye p. 42a
also to this insolent woman as to her fellow," And quickly some of
the servants of unrighteousness again threw the blessed Ruhm on her back
and others killed her daughter and poured of her blood into the throat
of the handmaid of God, Ruhm. And as she stood on her feet this
9»
 cxxxii The Book of Ibe Himyarites

murderer, Masruq, said again to her: " H a s even this second sacrifice
pleased thee, as thou saidst?" The excellent Ruhm answered h i m :
"Verily, it has pleased G o d as it has pleased me. A n d even if thou
hast alienated thyself from the order of mankind and in thy wicked«
ness surpassed them all, Christians, Jews and Heathens, and hast
become like no one but the wild beasts that drink the blood of men
—as they, so even thou slayest men, the vengeance for which will be
preserved for thee in a terrible judgment—yet Christ, my Lord, has
done towards me an unspeakable favour, in so far as these innocent
pigeons have gone before me, so that thou like Satan, thy father, canst
not lure them into apostasy by the bait of thine brood
(one line missing)
p. 42b my Lord, Christ, who has sent them before me as a sacrifice accepted
by Him, and I am going after them, I shall stand before Him in
blessedness and confidence." A n d the believing R u h m praised G o d
and said: "I praise Thee, my Lord and my God, who hast sustained
me with all good things in this world and hast relieved me and made
my heart glad, and who, even now, at the end of my life, hast approved
and received the pure offerings of my innocent daughters. Have mercy
upon me, O my Lord, and forgive me all that I have sinned against
Thee in all the days of my life, and impute it not to me as sin that I
have lived these few days afler my husband. A n d see to the oppression
of T h y servants, and have mercy upon all Thy worshippers in every
place and save them from denying Thee, and sustain Thy true religion
in this town until the end. A n d deem me worthy, together with Thy
servants who died for Thee, and add me to them, me, a sinner."
A n d , when she had said this, she sealed herself with the sign of
the cross between the eyes and loosened from her head her hair, which
p. 43» was plaited, and held it and said to the devouring bear, Masruq: " O
thou crucifier of thy Lord and slaughterer o£ the Christians, who confess
Christ, behold, I have abjured thee and all who agree with thee, give
command then to kill me, that I may speedily reach my beloved ones."
But the impious Masruq, because of the others who had received
benefits from her and who had interceded for her with him, had sought
to delay her case, in the hope that she would yield to him. But when
he saw her firmness before death and that she ceased not to despise and
abjure him, he gave order and said to the servants of unrighteousness
that were before him: "Take also this woman, who hates and despises
the pleasures of this world and its honour and magnificence because
 Translation, Chapters XXII, XXIII cxxxiii
of the folly that has seized her, and go and cut off her head." So these
unclean slaughterers took her away from him. And when they had
quickly brought her out a short distance from that enclosure of wooden
palings where he was, the blessed one knelt and bowed herself towards
the east, and seated herself and said: "Our Lord
(one or more lines missing)
and immediately that murderer drew nigh and raised her and she p. 43b
stretched forward her head with great joy, and the excecutioner smote
her with his sword and cut it off."
So this handmaid of God, Ruhm, was heroically crowned by a good
confession for the sake of Christ, God, on Wednesday in that same
month, Teshri II.
When now the unclean Masruq learned that the head of this
victorious woman had been cut off, he commanded also the bodies
of her daughters to be thrown upon her for a humiliation, and it was
quickly done as he had commanded.
But some of the notables before him came forth and said to him:
"This great woman Ruhm, daughter of Azma', has done many good deeds
to many, to the kings before thee as well as to the nobles and to the poor
people inasmuch as she once, when Ma'dikarim, king before thee, was
in straits and asked to borrow from her 12.000 dinars, lent to him this
sum. And some time afterwards when she heard that he was in want,
she offered him as a gift of honour
(one or more lines missing)
and many who received her benefits. We therefore recommend thee to p. 44a
order her to be buried."
Then this impious Masruq ordered her to be buried, and some of
the Christians quickly brought linen clothes and enshrouded and buried
the handmaids of God opposite that place where the freeborn women be«
fore them had been buried, above the moat where they had been interred.
Such was the end of the life of these victorious women, Ruhm,
daughter of Azma', and Aumah, her daughter, and Ruhm, daughter of
Amma, her other daughter. And they were crowned by a good con*
fession for the sake of Christ, God.

XXIII. Another martyrdom of many freeborn women of the

town of Najran.
Even so, after the coronation of the victorious handmaids of God,
Ruhm and Aumah and Ruhm, this foe of truth, Masruq, seeing that
 cxxxiv The Book of the Himyarites

he was bitterly mocked by many women of Najran, was moved and

provoked in his mind. And he coiled as a drago^basilisk to devour
the rest of the innocent pigeons [and he made upl in
44b his mind, of his own will, not to let henceforth a woman that con«
fessed Christ remain in Najran, but to kill her. And he ordered again
the wicked DJau=Yazan, the captain of his army, him who had brought
together and put to death the freeborn women the first time also, and
said to him: "Go and enter even now the town of Najran and collect
and bring hither before me all the women that worship Christ so that not
a single one of them hereafter shall remain but all must die," And this
Jew and crucifier Dhu=Yazan took some of the men who were with him
and entered Najran, and diligently and carefully sought to gather the
women together. For many of the men and women who confessed
Christ had concealed themselves in different places. And Dhu=Yazan
gathered all the women he found to the number of one hundred and
twenty two, many of whom carried young children, and he brought
them out before the foe of righteousness, Masruq. And this enemy of
truth in the rage of his mind and in the boast

(great lacuna, several quires missing)

(Chapter XLII) . . . .
45a of sight and it was in many [places and] above all places on the
seas[hore] with the troops was against them he per*
ceived and he [said] : "I see to us their king
our enemies changing the clothes
(seven lines missing)
salvation against those who were fighting [against] His
[Cr]oss, through the death of [their king], the crucifier. And it
happened, when they were . . . . and descended and, behold, those
Abyssinians massacred of the [Himyarites] innumerably many, then [was]
brought low that rank that was before the crucifier Masruq, falling
45 b in the water, till the Abyssinians reached them destroying [that line]
in which was the shedder of innocent blood, Masruq. And then a
believing and powerful man he the one eye of whom as • - .
those whom he destroyed the Abyssinians of the
Himyarites to see where their king was . . . . he looked
[and because] of
(seven lines missing)
 Translation, Chapters XXIII, XLII, XLIII cxxxv
that was around him, some of the Himyarites turned to escape. A n d
from this, this brave Abyssinian who had killed him understood the
more that he was their impious king. A n d he swiftly drew his sword
and caught the b o d y and dragged [it] quickly into the water to [the
shore] of the sea in the shallowness of the water; and immediately he p. 46a
smote him and cut off the . . head of the crucifier Masruq, who, as
it were, just as [Goliath] boasted [in contempt] of the ranks of Israel,
in the same way boasted [over] the Abyssinians, the servants of the
Lord, [despising His Cross], and from ( b y ) . . . . succeeded in
the war] against the Abyssinians. A n d [they praised] G o d who gave
[them victory] through the death of the wicked they were
• . . . them
(five lines missing)
[and many] of the Himyarites ran, after they had left the sea [shore],
to mount their horses and escape, but they were not allowed b y the
Abyssinians because these Abyssinians pursued them and destroyed
them, just as reapers, as it were, the [full] ears of the field. A n d the
Lord wrought a great and extremely severe slaughter by the hand of
the Abyssinians among this people [of .the Himyarites] . . . . . he who p. 46b
not and thereafter . . not those Himyarites they
stood [servants] of God, the Abyssinians, who were [found]
in that out of the s[ea] in the midst of it
out of [the sea] to mount
(six lines missing)
they were erring until were survivors of them
those who had not fled, that - . not . . . . [their capture], because they
captured many of them - - - all The service of the . . . . ceased
not from . . . . because the servants of G o d , the Abyssinians, were
before them
(at least one leaf missing)

(Chapter XLIII)
to us predominance and victory over our enemies whilst . . . may be p. 46a
Ye remember what I said to you: ' [ N o man is] our king, and
I am not, save only b y [n]ame.' A n d I k n o w that ye have adopted
in your mind [all that ye have heard] from me in our land and that
ye believe and rely [upon our words] that they are and have been the
truth. A n d , behold, to-day ye see b y His grace that the Lord has
carried out by deeds all that I [had said] to you, and even more, and
 cxxxvi The Book of the Himyarites

easily, behold, the Lord has given us as an inheritance [the land of

our enemies] ,
(two lines missing)
a [hen] and our fear . . . is as an animal that has been torn and cast
before lions. For all that the Lord will, He doth in heaven and on
earth and on the seas and in all depths. And as He would H e took
away Enoch, because he pleased Him. And as He chose H e destroyed
the generations of Noah in His righteousness, but He saved him alone
p. 47b and his family . . . that he should be another Adam . . . . [that there
should be] a substitute for the world, that from [him] should be re*
established afterwards the generations [of the world. And] as He would
He [s]owed [through Abraham] His knowledge in the [land of] erring
[peoples]. And as He pleased He . . . the offering of His onlysbegotten
[holy] Son . . . by Isaac towards the altar that [his father had built]. And
as He chose . . . He, by Jacob, set up a likeness of the coming down of
His Son to His witness
(four lines missing)
with a staff [in his hand; and He sent down to them] manna from
heaven and let the quails come-up from the sea; and from a little block
of dry rock H e even made to flow water for [thousands] innumerable;
and as He destroyed the nations before Joshua, son of Nun, and caused
him to take possession of their land; and as He set the sword of a man
p. 48J [against his fellow] in the days of Gideon; and as He killed [Sise]ra,
he who was [the servant] of Satan, by the hand of Anael [who was a
symbol] of the Church; [and as He humiliated] the boast [of the servant]
of Satan and put him to death by the hand of . . . Mma in the shape
of his [wife]; and as He cast [the fear] for Elijah, the prophet, upon
[fourjhundred priests whom he [destroyed though] their [k]ing stood up
for their aid; and as he destroyed [in the camp of the Assyrian] one
hundred and eighty*five [thousand] by the prayer of Hezekiah; and as
he destroyed a million
(four lines missing)
the fellows of Hananjah on whose not even the smell of it (viz. of the
fire) [had passed]; and as He performed signs from time to time for
everyone of the holy fathers, and gave them by His grace the name
of victory, which has been applied to them, though He alone was
victorious, just as He even now has made me victorious for us, by
fighting for us against our enemies, and [has driven them back] before
p. 48b us, and appointed for us by [His] pity this [victory] as if, lo, we were
 Translation, Chapters XLIII, XLIV cxxxvii
victorious. These then [may be before] our eyes and we are not
beaten and ¡killed]. And now, behold, [our Lord] has shown you
all my words in deeds, and He went before [us], and was at our
head, and has fought our battles against our [enemies], His crucifiers.
And His victory over them He has given to us by His grace. Thus
it is the victory of our Lord and not of ourselves, of His Cross and
not of our spears . . . . . of His [Cross] by which we seal . . . . . .
(three lines missing)
in these and keep ye His observances . . . by means of His command«
ments and He . . . . praising Him because of all that He has done for
us, and now also. And let no one of you think within himself t h a t . . .
has been from us, the victory which He has given us. For He has
created us and not [we ourselves] and just as He has created us, so
He has given us the victory also. Thus the victory is His and not
ours and while it was in truth His, behold, He gave it [to us] in His p. 49 a
grace. But we may by our praises and thanksgiving to Him show
ourselves to be His people and sheep of [His] flock. We may believe
in God and praise Him for all that He has done for us, that we may
succeed in all that we do and prosper wheresoever we go, and He
may be our help and not abandon us. [For] the Lord [is faithful] in
His words and righteous in all His [works]. But let us, my brethren,
be firm in our Lord [in] our hearts, in our words and in our works.

XLIV. Account of the confessors who were released from

Najrln, [and of] the sign of the cross that the Himyarites
showed on their hands.
But after that the believing King Kaleb had spoken, and exhorted
his troops with words like these, they remained in that place a certain
number of days and afterwards they [began] to roam in the other
towns, [namely] the capital, and all the other towns in the provinces of
the Llimyarites, [wasting] and plundering [in them] as they liked, [and
they went] also to the town of Najran
(one line missing)
after that the wicked Masruq had left that place . | . whom the notables p. 49b
Harith and ' W . . LN had laid hold of, two men [the name] of one of
whom was Dabb and [the name] of the other Amr, and two [women]
the name of one of whom was H[int] and of the other 'Amraa, And
[they allowed them] to go where they [liked] and they destroyed [these]
Jews for whom the land of the [Himyarites] had [trembled] and
 cxxxviii The B o o k of the Himyarites

shaken, and was cast down to fall [because] they smote it utterly with
heavy [blows].
But when [some o f ] the Himyaritic Christians saw that [all men]
of [the Himya] rites were destroyed who were found, and were not
[able] to say to the Abyssinians in their language: " W e are Christians,"
those Christians found out [an artifice], and tattoed [on their hands] the
sign of the Cross, and [this artifice] they each other. [And these signs]
they showed [to the Abyssinians] who had gone out destroying, [and
p. 50.1 when] the Abyssinians [saw these signs on their hands] they did them
no harm.
When this artifice which these Himyarites [had prepared] against
the Abyssinians b y this sign, [came to the knowledge] of the Christ*
loving King Kaleb, this king [was confounded] and stupified and
greatly [astonished] that in such a w[ay] they took refuge in [the
victorious Cross], and he said [within] himself that perhaps these were
not even . . . but had [denied] Him, still they had [escaped] from the
massacre of the J e w s and were delivered. But even if it [should be]
that they were of those who had [denied], because of this that the
memory of the Cross was in their souls, those [who] had done so
should be purified and live. A n d therefore he ordered and [set forth]
a command to all his troops Ithat wheresoever] anyone of [them] saw
the sign of the [victorious] Cross [on the hand of] a man, he should
not [be slain]. When now this [command] was heard and spread through
[all the land of the Himyarites] [But when the J e w s saw] that
p. 50 b [some] of the Christians, who had made this sign of the Cross on their
hands thereby had escaped from the slaughter b y the Abyssinians, they
also yielded, and did even as they, [tatooing] the symbol of the Cross
[on] their [hands], and escaping from death. When now [this] too came
to the knowledge of the G o d d o v i n g King Kaleb, he wondered at their
wickedness and said: "Although these not are worthy of pity because
they have crucified their Lord and murdered His servants, nevertheless,
lest they should think that the victorious Cross is not a strong place
of refuge and a deliverer from [all] evils to all [who] seek shelter by
it, those who show on their [hands] the [victorious sign] of the Cross
of our Saviour [and] Him who makes us victorious [may live] either
because [they are] believing [or] because
(one or more lines missing)
p, 51 b by the artifice by means o f . . . took refuge [in] the victorious [Cross]
which through were of was further . . .
 Translation, Chapters XLIV, XLV, XLVI cxxxix
But some of those Christians who had denied made in writing a
petition of repentance therefore, wishing to present it to the Christ*
loving King Kaleb, that he might receive them as Christians and excuse
and forgive them. And they asked some of the Abyssinians to intercede
for them, [that they should] be allowed to come and present [to him]
their petition, [When now these] men asked him this, he gave command
[that they should be admitted] to him
(several lines missing)
the believing King [Kaleb] to them-. "What do ye want [from me] . . ." p. 52.1
Then they presented to him the petition.

XLV. [Petition] that was presented to the believing King [Kaleb] from
some of the [Christians] who had denied but repented [and came] to
do penance, the sense of which was:
"Our mouth is shut before God and before man and there is no
excuse for us in anything at all, [except] in that we are ashamed before
heaven [and] before the dwellers of the earth and also before thy
palace. For we have committed wrong and done wickedness and
provoked (God's) anger, and all . . . have not room for [our] sin.
Therefore we cannot [open] our mouths to say anything to [excuse]
ourselves, for we willingly have killed our souls and the [words] of
[denial have harmed] them
(at least one column missing)
(Chapter XLVI)
ye have provoked Him to anger [by your denial of Him], but, behold, p. 53.1
because ye now [confess] Him ye are acceptable to Him. Ye have been
betrayers of your Lord together with Judas, but, behold, the sword of
your repentance [is drawn] against the . . . . of your God, as in the
case of the head of the company of the apostles, who had denied and
repented. Ye loved the life that fills the present age and died from
God, but, behold, the voice of your hope has raised you and brought
you to life. Ye have held more to man than to God and have been
subjects of the curse of the prophet, but now, behold, the curse is taken
from you, since ye have confessed your Lord before men. And He
[will] also acknowledge you [before] His father, if ye remain in the
true faith till the end. Ye have denied Christ as Peter did, but, behold,
ye have repented like him and have regretted your sin, even weeping
bitterly, and now take heart and fear not, for the door of mercy is open
 cxl The Book of the Himyarites

for those who repent. Be strong and be not troubled and hear [the voice
of your Lord] who says to you b y His disciples: "Take heart and fear
p, 53 b not and persevere on the side of the truth
(one or more lines missing)
we . . . is r i g h t . . . that. . . b u t . . . when the G o d [ 4 o v i n g ] King [Kaleb
had received] this (petition) from those who had denied [but repented]
and had spoken also [with them] this speech that is written (here) [he
allowed] them to go where they desired, and bade them bring together
the rest of all them w h o had denied, till he went round among the
towns of the land and performed what he had in his heart, and in
order further that he might see and judge if they stayed firm in their
repentance, and then give command to the priests who were with him,
that they should absolve them and forgive them the apostasy against
G o d . A n d those who repented went and were firm in their repentance,
and did ail that they had been ordered to do, and brought together
p. 54a their fellows and came before him . . . that was

(one line missing?)

the [Himyarites] , . . from . , . and of [them who had been found] in those
places [having hidden themselves] and not denied. A n d the [souls] of
the prophets [rejoiced] in the erecting of these churches, and the spirits
of the apostles exulted at their true faith and the bones of the holy
martyrs were brought into them in triumph.

X L V I I . Account that tells how this believing Kaleb, King

of Abyssinia, by his authority appointed a king in the land
of the Himyarites,
A n d this Christdoving King Kaleb took a [man], one of the notables
of the Himyarites, who was also of the royal family there, whose name
was - [WR], A n d because he had seen in him goodswill towards faith
and that he had greatly desired for a long time to be baptized and to
p. 54b be a Christian, he commanded the [priests who were with him] and
they baptized him, and he acted as sponsor at his baptism and made
him his spiritual son, and appointed him as king over all the land of
the H i myarites. A n d [Kale]b gave order on behalf of those who had
apostatized, and they were brought before him, all who repented of
their denial. A n d he spoke to them at length threatening, frightening
and warning and encouraging them. A n d afterwards he ordered the
priests who were with him to give them absolution and intercede before
 T r a n s l a t i o n , Chapters XLVI, XLVlI, XLVIII cx li

God on their behalf that He might forgive them. [And] these God*
[loving] priests arranged a service [for their sake] and prayed to God
on their behalf and absolved and forgave them.

XLVIII. The second speech that the believing King Kaleb spoke to
them who repented after having denied.
And afterwards at the same time this zealous King Kaleb said to
them before [the priests] who had absolved them: "When I was about p. 55a
to leave our land to come [to this land to make war, I asked our holy
father, our blessed Bishop] Euprepios, if it was right that some of you
who had denied and would repent should be accepted or not. And he,
our excellent father, said to me: 'Even if this sin is great that they
have committed, still it is right that they should be accepted, for 'the
Lord is nigh unto those that call upon Him in truth' (Ps. 145, is), and
because it is said to the prophet (Ez. 33, l l ) : 'As I live, saith the Lord,
Lord of lords, I have no pleasure in the death of the dead sinner, but
that he turn from his way and live before me', and further because
our Lord has said: *I am not come to call the righteous, but sinners'
(Matth. 9, 13), and because of that other word that He said: 'Joy shall
be in heaven to the angels over one sinner that repenteth, more than
over ninety and nine just persons, which have not erred' (Luke 15, 7).
And He has shown us the truth of these words in the case of Peter,
[who] repented [after] having denied and was accepted. And further
I said to him: 'And how imperatively . . . And he, our father
everyone of . . . are commands . . . of . . . . daring p. 55 b
(one line missing)
between the peoples in peace [a space of] many years, ordering . . . in
repentance, those who in this way . . , and then, thereafter, worthy of
the Holy sacraments. But because [these] Himyarites are barbarians and
a people for whom such conditions would be too hard, they shall wait
one year only and then be esteemed worthy of the Holy sacraments.'
These things said now the holy Euprepios, our bishop, on behalf of
[those of] you who will repent. But do also [ye] take care and guard
and beware of yourselves that, in any thing that it is possible for
anyone of you to avoid, there may be nothing neglected in anything
that belongs to the true faith to make us ashamed before God or
before man or in one's own eyes. [And observe] also that command
that [I give you], that ye may not approach to the [Holy sacrament]
until one full year is gone from this day, in order that even so your
 cxlii T h e Book of the Himyarites

p. 56« repentance may be accepted

(one line missing)
[imposed on them] these [conditions]. But after [the king and the army]
that was with him had stayed in the land of the Himyarites about
seven months, and after he had performed there all that he would,
and built many churches in that land, and appointed in them priests
from those who were with him, and appointed also a king, and made
the land pay tribute, and left notables of the Abyssinians to guard
the king against enemies, and also the churches that he had built, he
brought with him many captives from the erring Himyarites and fifty
princes of the royal family. A n d so went in peace to his land this
Chrxst4oving Kaleb and all his army with him, having performed in
the land of the Himyarites all that he wished by the power of [their
Lord], who was with them, and [they took there all] that [their] eyes
desired by the grace that followed them.

XLIX. Concluding discourse of this book after the departure

p. 56b of the believing Kaleb, [King of the Abyssinians, from the
land of the Himyarites].
. . . . us to compose this varying work of many tales on different
matters, telling of events that have taken place in the land of the
Himyarites many generations ago, and even until the coronation of
these victorious ones who have now suffered martyrdom there. (This
we have told) according to what we, to the best of our ability, have
learnt about the things that happened amongst the Himyarites from
believing Himyaritic men, who were present as eyeswitnesses of the
events of which they have told us; and about the first coming of the
Abyssinians to the land of the Himyarites, from blessed men who
were with them; and further about the second coming of the Abys*
sinians, b y still other blessed men who went with them to make war
against the crucifiers b y [the help of] G o d , those who with [their own
eyes had seen] the events that they have told us of . from
p. 57^ these who is righteous who was hired
their sighing was as the sighing of prisoners, H e quickly and
speedily and without delay took vengeance for the blood of His
servants that had been shed, that [cried] unto Him even as
Abel's [who was wrongfully slain], so too, as H e delayed not
the vengeance for him, but speedily in His justice rebuked Cain, so
also H e in His justice brought a hasty and sudden punishment upon
 Translation, Chapter XLIX cxliii
the murderous Himyarites for the blood of those victorious martyrs
by the coming of the believing and Christdoving King Kaleb. [So too]
He delayed not on behalf of Enoch, [who pleased Him], but who was
derided by the sons of his people, but took him away from them. So
too He delayed not on behalf of Noah, the perfect, who was reviled
by the sons of his generation, but speedily sent the plague of the
waters of the flood and destroyed them. So too He delayed not on
behalf of Abraham, His friend, when Sara was taken from him, [till]
He revealed Himself before Abimelech and delivered her from [his
hands. So too He delayed not on behalf of Sara, His handmaid, but p. 57 b
speedily avenged her and cast out] from before her Hagar, their maid.
So too He delayed not on behalf of Isaac, His beloved, when he was
despised by Ishmael, [his] servant, but speedily drove away the latter,
not only from the house of Abraham but even from the land of peace.
So too He delayed not on behalf of Jacob, the [perfect], whom Esau
envied, but gave him precedence by the right of the firstborn, and
enriched him with blessings and supported him with possessions. So
too He delayed not on behalf of Joseph, the beauteous, when he was
wrongfully sold by his brethren, but speedily made him their prince
and lord and patron and sustainer. So too He delayed not on behalf
of Job, His victorious servant, when he was struck by [the trial] from
Satan, the accuser, as to his goods and his sons and his body; but
speedily restored to him the health of his body and also sons and
daughters and the double of all his goods. So too He delayed not on
behalf of Moses, His elect, when he was hidden
(two lines missing)
. . . . and led him ( ? ) . . . So too He delayed not on behalf of Aaron, p. 58*
His holy one, when he was despised in the eyes of the company of
Korah, Dathan, and Abiram, but speedily avenged him by [the fire that]
consumed the house of Korah, and by the earth that swallowed up the
house of Dathan and Abiram. So too He delayed not on behalf of
Joshua, the son of Nun, His general, against whom many nations . . .
but speedily avenged him by the victory of his sword that he gave him
[over them], and by the doubling of [the day] when he made the sun
and the moon to stand still in their spheres while he took vengeance
on his enemies. So too He delayed not on behalf of Gideon, the
deliverer, when the Midianites thought to blot out Israel, [but] speedily
avenged him in that they (Israel) dispersed [them] and Gideon remained
untroubled. So too He delayed not on behalf of Samson, His Nazirite,
 cxliv The Book of the Himyarites

when he was mocked by the Philistines, but speedily, for the soul of His
servant, killed by his death three thousand who were in the [house].
So too H e delayed not on behalf of Nephtah (Jephthah) [when]
p. 58 b [against] him, but speedily avenged him by the victory over them that
H e gave him and he destroyed them. So too H e delayed not on behalf
of [Barak, His servant], when many Midianites had him and
wished to kill him, but speedily avenged him by the death of Nabin
and Sisera and their army. So too H e delayed not on behalf of Hannah,
who feared Him, when she was reviled by Peninnah, her rival, because
of her barrenness, but speedily avenged her and gave her a son, who
became judge over all Israel. So too H e delayed not on behalf of Samuel,
the righteous, whom Hophni and Phineas envied, but speedily killed
them in the war. So too He delayed [not] on behalf of David, His
prophet, when Saul wished to kill him, but speedily brought upon him
an evil spirit which consumed him, and killed him by the sword of his
enemies. [So too] H e delayed not on behalf of Elijah, His mighty
prophet, when there were twice sent [against him] fifty men . . but
p. 59* speedily
(one or two lines missing)
but speedily . . . . both of them by the sword of their enemies.
So too H e delayed not on behalf of Elisha, His prophet, the keeper of
secrets, when the Edomites had gone out after him to seize him, but
speedily avenged him and struck them with blindness till Elisha [led]
them [wheresoever] he wished. So too H e delayed not on behalf of
Micah, His prophet, when they smote him on his cheek and shut him
up in the prison, until Ahab should return, but speedily avenged him,
for he ( A h a b ) fell as he went from him by the sword of his [enemies].
So too H e delayed not on behalf of [Hezekiah], His [servant], when
he was reviled by the Assyrians, but speedily avenged him, for He
reduced them to [silence] in the space of a moment. [So too He] delayed
not on behalf of [Mordecai], His servant, when [Haman] envied [him
p. 591> and wished] to hang him . . . was . . . Haman (?) . . . on that day on
which he had thought that [Mordecai] would be hanged. So too H e
delayed not on behalf of His handmaid Esther, when she had been
reviled by Vashti, but speedily avenged her in that Vashti was compelled
to leave the rank of queen and Esther succeeded in her stead. So too
H e delayed not on behalf of Sus[anna], the fair, when two old men
dared to [violate her] and, because she consented not to them, [turned]
and falsely accused her, but speedily killed [them] by the judgement
 Translation, Chapter XLIX cxlv

of Daniel, the friend, who, by the will of God, gave command, and
they were stoned with stones and died as calumniators who had falsely
accused an innocent. So too H e delayed not on behalf of Daniel, the
pleasant, when the Chaldeans falsely accused him, but speedily avenged
him in that their bones were broken by the lions in the den into which
they had cast him. So too H e delayed not on behalf of the young
men of the house of Hananjah, when the Chaldeans accused them and
cast them p. 60 a
(one line missing)
[but speedily avenged them in that H e made] a refreshing dew to
[fall] upon them [that saved] them, and they cast iheir accusers into
the fire, and they and their children were burned. So too He delayed
not on behalf of the king Asa, when he was zealous for the Lord [and]
drove out fornication from his people, and the king [Zerah] came to
destroy him, but the Lord [speedily] saved him, and Zerah and his
army were destroyed by the will of [God],
But what need is there that I should enumerate every one of the
fathers who have invoked the Lord and H e has answered them, and
delivered them from their distresses, for, behold, even in our times there
are many who have invoked Him and H e has answered them, and
delivered them from their distresses. A n d H e has sung by the mouth
of His prophet David (Ps. 50, is) and said: "[Call] upon me in the day
of [trouble: I will deliver] thee, and thou shalt glorify me", [and this]
(Ps. 145, is): "The Lord is nigh unto them that call upon Him in
truth" and (Ps. 34, is) "unto them that are of a broken heart" p. 60b
(one line missing)
and H e answered him not upon him and [he was ashamed.]
[And since] all [this] is known to us, my beloved, let us hold fast
our confession and endure the distresses which come upon us for the
sake of God, distresses which are as for a trial and proving of out
faith. Let us receive the temptations which unceasingly befall us, and
let us cry to G o d and urge Him with sighing that H e may make an
end of our temptation as His Godhead knows is of advantage for us.
So then H e made vengeance for the holy churches that were burnt,
and for the [servants] of God who were killed. A n d since, even if we
have written the accounts of the coming [of] the believing [King] Kaleb,
we have yet not been able fully to describe all the stupendous deeds
that he performed in the land of the Himyarites, we and [ye] must
nevertheless derive from this the belief that, behold, God is a . . . .
10
 cxlvi The Book of the Himyarites

p. 61 a avenger and rewards . . . . those who exult [servants?]

(one or two lines missing)
[that was added to his blood]
to the holy Mar Thomas. But Stephanos, the alien and the sinner,
has written it. Every one who reads in it or copies it may pray for
the sinner and the poor wretch who by the gift of God composed this
work, and for the scribe who has written it, and for his deceased ones,
and for all believers deceased, that they may find mercy before God
in the two worlds and be worthy of forgiveness of their sins and of
a blessed life in the new world, by the prayers of all the holy church
in heaven and on earth. Amen and Amen,
Pray for Stephanos, son of Mattai, the sinner, who has written this.
NOTES ON THE SYRIAC TEXT
 NOTES O N T H E SYRIAC TEXT
The text reproduces the Syriac text of the fragments as exactly as
possibly. Every page contains line by line the remains of a page of the
old MS. and every leaf corresponds to what is left of a leaf of the MS.
Only some few letters and points which the scribe himself has blotted
out are not reproduced, nor are single letters, or waving lines, written
in the MS. at the ends of lines only to fill them up. Scribal errors are
not corrected in the text but in the notes on the text. The rubrics and
the running title are printed in red as they are written in the MS. But
red points which in the MS. often alternate with the black ones in the
compounded signs of the interpunctation are not considered. As the
alphabet of the scribe is Jacobite, the Jacobite characters are used in the
print, notwithstanding that the scribe in his alphabet has retained, and
constantly uses, a certain number of the old Estrangelo letters, as may
be seen from the facsimiles. Doubtful letters are enclosed between square
brackets [ ], but broken letters which are nevertheless certain are not
marked. If a number of letter are enclosed between the same square
brackets this does not necessarily mean that there are visible traces of
them all in the MS.
Conjectural restorations of the text are enclosed between < X As
to the sign •> cf. above, p. xvi. I have used an asterisk under the last
line of a column to indicate that it can be seen from the fragment itself
(and not only the context) that this line was the last line of that column
in the MS. Where this sign is missing only the context shows whether
the column is complete or not. The same method is followed in an
analogous way at the top of those columns in which the beginning of
the first line, with the sign v, is lost. In cases where a running title is
preserved above the first line there was of course no need for this
asterisk.
A whole line of angular dots indicates a line of which only illegible
traces are preserved in the MS., or the existence of which is established
by the corresponding line of the other column of the page being still
preserved.
cl The Book of the Himyarites

Thus it is not meant b y this to state for certain that precisely one
line of the text is missing in this place; as a rule I have tried to state
as exactly as possible in the following notes on the text as well as in
the translation the extent of the greater lacunae.
Shorter lacunae are indicated by a number of the same angular
dots. The last letter preserved before this lacuna and the first one after
it are placed as exactly as possible under and over the letters of the
preceding and the following line under and over which, respectively,
they are written in the MS. In this way it is possible to calculate
approximatively the amount of a short lacuna in the text. O n e must
bear in mind, however, that the Syriac letters are subject to much
variation as to the space they occupy; sometimes they are prolonged
a great deal to fill up a line, sometimes the script is very close or the
last letters of a line are written above the preceding letters of the word
to which they belong. The number of letters in the lines therefore is
variable. So is also, to a certain degree, the number of the lines in a
column. The lines of the two columns on the same page of the MS.,
therefore, do not correspond to each other as regularly as they do in the
print. There, in consequence, two columns of one page do not always
end so uniformly as in the MS.; see for instance pp. 21, 31 and others.
As to the conjectural restorations of the text they must, of coursc,
be judged in relation to the circumstances. Their aim is often in the
first place only to show the connection of the sentences. They cannot
always claim to give the exact wording of the passage lost, though, on
the other hand, the often strictly limited space to be filled in restricts
the number of possible alternatives; see note on p. 17. It goes without
saying that I have ventured upon a conjecture only in those cases where
the context seems to indicate in a fairly unambiguous manner what must
have been the contents of the lost passage. Even so, in many cases, I
was not able to find the appropriate expression, and was obliged to
leave it to be supplied by others.

I s 3. Fragm. I r ; for the condition of the fragment see Plate I,

O n e (cf. note on p. 4) or, at most, two lines are missing at
the top; the outer part of the upper half of the leaf is lost,
the first intact line of the outer column of this page as well
as of the following being I. 12.
col. a: 1. 1. N o t h i n g remains of this line; the last word is restored
only to show how I interpret the following line.
 Notes on the Syriac Text cli
1. 2. Cf, p. 60, 23 f. and Ps. 62, 12, Prov. 24, 12.
1, 8. f o r \ojjj ( f r o m
J. 27. Of the first word only I remains; possibly it is to be read
instead of
1. 28, Faint traces of ^ and * are the only remains of the first
word, cf. p. 61, 8.
1. 29. The two words are added under the last main line of the
column.
col. b: II. Iff. Nothing remains of I. 1. The letters (of 1. 2) are clear;
there never was a » before them as required on the anas
logy of other rubrics. On this rubric see p. xlviii,
1. 5. If (1. 2) is right the missing word on this line prob*
ably was iai«; or one may read 1. 2 and on
this line.
11. 15-19. The letters ^ (1. 16) and rC (1. 18) indicate of course that
the rubrics under «* and o, respectively, are to be trans»
posed. The "sign" appeared in the Abyssinian army after
its landing in the land of the Himyarites.
P. 4. Fragm, I v , cf. note on p.3; if I have restored LI correctly only
one line is missing at the top of this fragment on every page
(not counting the great part of the outer columns torn away),
col. a: II. Iff. On the rubric restored cf. p. 7 a , 17ff. Of line 2 only remains
a long horizontal stroke, the bottom of an Estrangelo
Lamadh (of lengthened to fill up the line,
1. 11. Before which is not quite certain, there remains the
foot of a 1 or of two or three connected letters the last
of which was I , or possibly r.
col. b: 1. 1. Is supplied from p. 21 a , 23ff.
1, 4. Traces of the last two letters (lj) are visible between the
lines above the remains of <*.
1. 26. The remains of the name ^ j ! are to be seen under thelastline.
P. 5. Fragm. II resembles in many ways Fragm. I (see note on
p. 3), but is in a somewhat better condition. In the boards
it was put together with Fragm. I but the other way up,
and has, thus, a great piece torn off from the inner part
of the lower half corresponding to the piece lost from the
outer part of the upper half of that fragment,
col. a: I. 16. the*ais very doubtful,only the bottom of theletter remaining.
clii T h e B o o k of the Himyarites

1. 23. For * the scribe first wrote a I which he afterwards

corrected into «». I d o not think it necessary to note such
corrections in the future.
1. 26 f. O n l y the top of I remains, Of 11. 27ff. n o t h i n g at all is l e f t
col. b : 1. 11. O n both sides of a wormshole traces are visible like the
left curve of a * and the right one of a >=>.
1. 15. jsoija» is here written upright as also pp. 21 b, IS. 26 b , 5.
1. 26 f. Of the three first words n o t h i n g remains but the tops of
I and I, a faint trace, possibly, of and the plural points;
of the two last w o r d s a little more is visible. N o t h i n g
remains of 11. 27 £f.
P. 6. At the top of the fragment are visible the feet of the letters
of the word Juska, the first part of the r u n n i n g title; cf,
above, p. xviff,
col. a: 1. 27. T h e bottom of the line is cut off.
col. b : 1. 7. Faint traces only are left of the letters a;, nothing of the
rest,
1. 20ff. W i t h these lines cf. p. 56 a , 26ff.
1. 25. Before f are three black and, between them, two red dots
indicating a new section of the text, the Index being
finished. A s this line stands a little higher than 1. 27 of
col. a, it is probable that there once was one line more
(at least) in this column.
P. 7. As to Fragm. I l l see Plate II and p. xiv; Fragm. X X X I
is the top of the leaves ( p p . 7 - 8 , 13—14) and F r a g m . X X X I I
their bottom. Between Fragm. X X X I and Fragm. I l l there
is lost a strip of paper bearing one line, of which the tops
of the letters *>, and i (col. a, 1. 4) and one » more (or
see below) are the only remains; cf. I. 4 of col. b, and
further pp. 8,5. 13,4. 14,4. Fragm, III and F r a g m . X X X I I
fit together like two pieces in a puzzle. U n f o r t u n a t e l y
great portions of the outer columns are cut off (see above,
p. xiv), and are lost. Thus, of this page the outer half of
col. b is missing.
col. a: 1. 4. For the traces of the word see above. Before those
traces there is, at the beginning of the line, the top of a
10
, if it was the first letter of the line, or of a if it was
the second one.
 Notes on tbc Syriac Text cliit

1. 26, Most of this line is on Fragm. III, but the bottoms of

the letters 5 fU; o n Fragm. X X X I I .
1. 27. Most of this line is on Fragm. X X X I I , but the tops of the
letters on Fragm. III.
col. b : 1. 1. The - that I suggest after < might as well be the first
stroke of a a or an i-. The n a m e ( ? ) laaj-i! is quite clear
and beyond any doubt.
I. 2. For J-^i-e -rä-i-, proposed by me, one might as well read a
numeral, e.g. ^ » s i , cf. Letter of Simeon, ed. Guidi, p. 509,1.6.
1. 3. cf. p. 11 a , 15.
1. 4. Of only a faint trace is discernible.
1. 5. N o t h i n g remains of this line, cf. above, note on p. 7.
II. 6f. T h e readings are uncertain, the top of the fragment being
darkened here a n d the script faded. O n 1. 7 a wormshole
has made the reading still more doubtful. I am not able
to read the traces before ^ (1. 7) as «a, cf. 1. 1; they seem
more like Also Ui j s d o u b t f u l but the first word,
^«•mu;, is, I think, fairly certain; cf. Plate II, which shows
the traces of the letters here nearly as well as does the
fragment itself. I wonder whether the following relation
is not in connection with the story told in Tabarï, Ser. I,
p. 2fif„ especially 11. 9 - 1 1 .
1. 18. is supplied f r o m the Letter of Simeon, op. cit.,
p. 502, 19.
11. 19f. Cf. p. 19 a , 15f.
1. 22. cf. p. 6*, 16; if we restore JL****,, not to mention
Jj^am/j, ^.biij, the line will be long.
!, 26. is restored f r o m the tops of two letters visible at the
bottom of Fragm. III. N o other traces are left neither of
this line nor of 1. 27.
F- 8, As to the fragments cf. above, note on p. 7; the outer part of
the first column is lost.
col. a: 1. 1. By the letters ^jUj supplied at the beginning the line
becomes longer than most and so it actually is in the MS;
perhaps even the word supplied p. 7 b , 27, should be
placed at the beginning of this line to make it still longer.
11. 3f. Cf. Acta Marty rum, ed. Bedjan, vol. II, p. 248, and Jiilianos
der Abtrünnige, ed. G. H o f f m a n n , p. 98, 15f.
cliv T h e B o o k of the Himyarites

11. 5f. Nothing remains of I. 5; of 1. 6 faint traces of one or two

letters are to be seen at the top of Fragm, III,
1. 10. The trace of » may be read as V (lo^.).
1. 12. A slight trace before - suggests a « or «n. I was notable
to find the word required,
1, 13, O f « next to nothing is visible.
1. 26. Of 1 and » only the tops are left.
1. 27. i is all that remains of the line and is written in the space
between the colums. Fragm. X X X I I has preserved no trace of
this column, just as it has nothing of the last column of p. 7,
col. b : 1. 4. Only the tops of the letters put in brackets remain; but
the reading seems certain.
1. 5. There are no traces of this line on either fragment.
1. 6. O f the letters in brackets only obliterated traces remain.
11. l l f . A somewhat strange way to express what must be the
meaning.
I. 27. The top of « « on Fragm. I l l ; the rest of the line on
Fragm. X X X I I .
P. 9. Fragm. I V in essentials resembles Fragm. I l l , cf. note on
p. 7 and Introduction, p. xiv. Fragm. X X X I V is the top
of the leaves ( p p . 9 - 1 0 , 1 1 - 1 2 , see PI. VII), F r a g m . X X X I I i
their bottom. Here also (cf. note on p. 7 on Fragm, X X X I
and Fragm. I l l ) there is a gap between the greater fragment
(Fragm. I V ) and its upper complement (Fragm. X X X I V ) .
There are in two cases, p. 10 b , 1. 5 (above the V of Vi..)
and p. 12 b , 1. 3 (under of ¡sJjOlas), traces of letters (in
the first case of a in the second case of an V, or of an
» ) which do not correspond to what still exists of p. 10 b ,
1, 4 and p. 12 b , 1.4, respectively, and consequently belong to
lines now missing. Probably only one line is lost in every
column except in the second column of p. 9 and in the first
column of p. 10. Fragm. X X X I I I fits exactly with Fragm. IV.
Between p. 8 and p. 9 there is, as the contents show,
a gap. As the end of p. 8 is intact, as well as the be=
ginning of p. 9, the lacuna embraces at least one leaf. As,
however, the corresponding lacuna between p. 12 and
p. 13 represents three entire chapters (Chapters X — X I I ) ,
besides the end of Chapter I X and the beginning of

i
 Notes on the Syriac Text civ

Chap. XIII, there is every probability that the gap is

greater, embracing two or, at most, three leaves; cf. above,
p. xviii.
col. a: II. If. In the middle of these lines the paper is rubbed and the
script nearly (1. 1), or totally (I. 2), obliterated.
1. 3. The tops of two letters ! (or 1) and » (or V) visible
at bottom of Fragm. XXXIV.
1. 4. Only the bottoms of the letters are to be seen at the top
of Fragm. IV. Of kjl nothing remains,
I. 25. Most of the letters are on Fragm. IV, few and scanty traccs
of the bottoms of them on Fragm. XXXIII.
col. b: The outer part of this column is cut away, see above, p. XV.
II. 1 f. The paper is rubbed and very few traces of the script arc
left. In 1. 1 there possibly was one letter (or two?) be*
fore j , but I can not think it allowable to restore ^ o m X ^ v o *
or -0,0^*0*1. Graphically it would not be impossible to
read w o u v j v ^ In 1. 2, besides the top of J, are faint
traces of the tops of two or three small letters.
11. 3f. Nothing at all remains; delete <>^»1 • 4 •>•
1. 14f. Cf. Letter of Jacob of Sarugh to the Himyarites ( Z D M G
v o l . 31, p. 370, ? f . ) : nvVai^o, ]LaJ Vao . ^ S J as* oiJiso» „ksot
j-SlliO o n .

I, 25. The top of v on Fragm. IV, the rest on Fragm. XXXIII.

P. 10. As to the fragments cf. above, note on p. 9; the outer part
of the first column is lost. On the running title see above,
pp. xvif.
col. a: I. 1. A hole in the paper and the faded script make the two
last letters doubtful. Perhaps there are traces of a letter
before <.
1. 2. Before !L» the traces of one or two letters are visible but
it is doubtful how to read them; y^a is not certain; it
may be Ft-»«
11. 3—5. Only two lines are missing here; the third line of dots
is a mistake.
1. 10. The traces interpreted as «» can hardly be read otherwise.
The line is long, the last letters ( U ) being written above
the line.
clvi The Book of the Himyarites
1. 11. is long; the last letters (i>) are written in the space between
the columns.
1. 12. Very little remains of but it is certain,
1. 27. On Fragm. XXXIII; the traces visible before strictly
should be read as or a* but I am not able to sec what
this would mean.
col, b: 1. 1, The epithet for God Juajj; also p. 13", 22, used both times
by the Jewish King, and p. 28 a , 22. It is welhknown from the
inscriptions but it is noticeable that it is used also for the First
person of the Trinity in the inscription of Abraha, Gl. 618
(CIS IV, 541). With this passage cf. Acta, p. 723B: xal
ap-/£xai ¿ [ A V U E I V T O V Qso'v tou oupavou xat T O U v<5fj,ou, xctl
i.-ftotc Suvifieii".
1. 3. Only the tops of certain letters 1, i) are visible; the
last five letters (II seem to be certain. I should like
to read II and then continue (1. 4): <JJi M
<Jit , . . but there certainly never was a V here, and
there is not the slightest trace of the plural points. As
to the v of 1. 4 see note on p. 9.
1, 4. The trace of the v, just mentioned, is all that remains of
this line.
1. 25. The bottoms of the letters of the word are on
Fragm. XXXIII and so is I. 26.
P. 11- As to the fragments see note on p. 9; col. b is nearly
totally lost. On the running title see above, pp. xvif.
col. a: 1. 2. Holes in the paper and fading of the script make the
words in brackets doubtful.
1. 24. The bottoms of the letters are cut off; in the last half of
the line only the tops remain. Of the * that 1 propose
before not a trace is visible though of the following
letters the upper third, at least, remains. Even «uo are not
certain, * is beyond doubt. At the end of the line the
top of an I or a I is visible.
1. 25. is on Fragm. XXXIII; of " 0»<m>?) only the bottom
remains; instead of J» one may read *>, and instead of I
perhaps V.
F. 12. As to the fragments see note on p. 9; col. a is almost
totally lost.
 Notes on the Syriac Text clvii

col. b : 1. 3. O n the scanty remainder of 1, 3 see note on p. 9.

1, 4. Only the bottoms of the letters visible, and of the two
first letters not even that,
1. 26. is on Fragm. XXXIII.
P. 13. As to the fragments see on p. 7; col. b is almost totally
lost. As to the gap in the text cf. note on p. 9.
col. a: 1. 3. Only the tops of the letters remain; there are also some
traces of an ' and a ^ after
1. 4. N o t h i n g remains.
1. 5. Only faint traces of the bottoms of the letters are visible
at the top of Fragm, III; of the last word remain only
the j and the main angle of the V
1. 25 f. A t the beginning of these lines stand the usual marks
of quotation; cf. above, p. xxix,
1. 28. is on Fragm. X X X I I .
P. 14. A s to the fragments see on p. 7; col. a is almost totally lost,
col. b: 1. 4. N o t h i n g remains of this line.
1. 25. O n Fragm. I l l very few traces remain of the first three
words; the rest is preserved on Fragm. XXXII.
P. 15. Fragm. V resembles in many ways Fragm.Ill and Fragm, IV,
cf. above, p. xiv, Fragm. XXXVIII is the top of the first
leaf (pp. 1 5 - 1 6 , see PL V I I ) and Fragm. X X X V its bottom.
Fragm. XLVIII is a semicircular piece of paper broken
off from the top of Fragm. V, cf. above, p. xv and PI. VII.
As to the gap in the text cf. above, p. xviii.
col. a: 1. 4. N o t h i n g remains.
1. 26. The tops of the tallest letters are visible on Fragm. V,
the rest is preserved on Fragm. X X X V . Of the last two
words, however, only faint traces of the bottoms remain,
and are scarcely decisive.
P. 16. As to the fragments see above, note on p. 15.
col.a: 11.15-17. The rubric is restored after p. 4, 20ft., the letters l ^ «
(1. 17) as well as the contents of the following columns
showing that this is the rubric required here; delete o o l .
Line 16 is short.
col. b : 1. 4. Only a j> written upside d o w n shows that here once stood
the name of the tyrant; of the following word only the
tops of the letters remain and the reading is doubtful.
clviii The Book of the Himyarites

1, 5, Traces of the three first words are on Fragm. XLVIII, the

three last letters on Fragm. V.
1, 27. Most of this line is on Fragm. V, only some traces of
!i<u « being on Fragm. XXXV.
P. 17. Fragm. VI resembles in many ways Fragm. V, cf. above, note
on p. 15; Fragm. XXXVI is the top of its leaves (pp. 17—18
and 19—20), fitting it exactly as to the inner columns;
Fragm. XXXVII has preserved the bottom of the first leaf
(pp. 17—18); Fragm. LII bears traces of the last two letters
of col. b, 1. 1 (and the first letter of p. 18a, 1), and
Fragm. XLIV, finally, is part of the outer margin of the
leaf, containing 1—5 letters of the ends of 11. 6—17 of this
page and a corresponding portion, that is to say the first
letters, of the beginnings of 11. 7—19 of p. 1 8 T h i s is
not the only case of a strip cut off an outer margin
being preserved amongst the fragments. Another instance
is Fragm. XLII, see note on p. 47, and another, certainly,
though not identified and replaced yet, Fragm. XLV, cf.
above, p. xiv. Unfortunately this Fragm. XLIV does not
contain all that is cut away of the lines indicated. As can
be seen on pp. 17 f„ the outer columns of the text are cut
away to at least half of their breadth, but the fragment
has preserved only the edge of it with the last, or the first
letters, respectively, of these columns. Thus I was not able
to identify and replace this fragment till I had already
restored conjecturaliy the text on p. 17. Not till the very
evening before sending my manuscript to the printer did
I observe that the letters on this fragment were the same
as those I had placed conjecturaliy at the end of 11, 7—16
of p. 17b. The only differences were 1. 11, where I had
restored Ja-hb enaA.j, but the fragment shows :li, and 1. 14,
where my conjecture was oXj, but the fragment has
For MS. ¡i^o* (I. 6) and the preceding i> I had
proposed nothing but In the first line of the
column, where Fragm. LII, which is a little piece of the
same kind, has ]-», I had suggested oX. In places, where
the text is not already restored, (pp. 17b, 17, 18a, 7-13) a
fragment of this kind is of very little help. This accounts
 Motes on the Syriac Text clix
for the fact that I have not yet been able to identify
Fragm, XLV. Between Fragm. VI and Fragm. XXXVII
there is a gap, see below, note on p. 18b, 23.
col. a: 1. 4. The tops of the letters are on Fragm. XXXVI, the rest on
Fragm. VI.
1. 6. \oaiWo, thus in MS. for \jtaji)!«.
1. 24. The tops of most of the letters can be seen at the bottom
of Fragm. VI; the rest of these letters are not on
Fragm. XXXVII, cf. just above, note on p. 17.
1. 25. Very faint traces of the letters of this line are visible on
Fragm. XXXVII. There may bee one or more lines missing
between 1. 24 and I. 25, see note on p. 18b, 23.
1. 26 is not a regular line,
col, b: 1. 1. See note on p. 1 8 \ l .
11. 6—16. Cf. above, note on p. 17.
I. 24. There are no traces of this line, cf. note on col. a, 1. 25.
II. 25 f. are on Fragm. XXXVII; 1. 26 is not a regular line.
P. 18. As to the fragments cf. note on p. 17.
col. a: 1. 1. Fragment LII contains on this page nothing but .¿v. This,
however, is enough to identify the fragment.
II. 4f, Nothing remains.
1. 6. is on Fragm. VI.
1. 24. is the last line on Fragm. VI. Between this line and the
following there necessarily was at least one line corre?
sponding to I. 24 of col. b; cf. note on that line.
1. 25. is on Fragm. XXXVII; reading doubtful; only is certain,
col. b: 1. 4. The tops of the letters are on Fragm. XXXVI, the bottoms
on Fragm. VI.
I. 18. Ijjpio is misprint for ifjolo.
1. 23. corresponds to 1. 24 of col. a. As, on the other hand,
1. 25 corresponds to 1. 25 of that column, the gap to be
supposed between Fragm. VI and Fragm. XXXVII embraced
the space necessary to fill out the context between 1. 25
and 1. 25 of col. b. If I am right in my reconstruction
(I. 24) only one line is required for this purpose. In this
case one line is missing between 1. 24 and 1. 25 of col. a,
corresponding to 1. 25 of col. a and 1.24 of col. b on p. 17.
This suits the normal size of the leaf.
P. 19. As to Fragm. VI and Fragm. XXXVI see noie on p. 17;
dx The Book of the Himyarites

Fragra. XL is from the bottom of the leaf (pp. 19—20). As to

the gap in the text between p. 18 and p. 19 see above, p. xix.
col. a; 1. If. With the common expression y=>o ^t-ai
(e. g. pp. 27 , 10. 28 , 10.15f. 23) cf. Acta § 7 (p. 7281'):
a a

"2k Sè àpvoó|.p.si}a xaì tì)m woXiteiav oou".

1. 3. is on Fragm. XXXVI, and traces of some of its letters
on Fragm. VI.
1. 17. MS. spfc-al with the points of the plural.
1. 25. is on Fragm. VI.
1. 26. is on Fragra. XL, Only the context shows that there is no
gap between the fragments. The last letters are too faded
to be legible («> ojjv.Uo?)
col. b: 11.13—15. Notwithstanding the red ink there is no new chapter
beginning here. It is possible that a sort of Appendix to
Chapter XVI begins here telling of miracles in connection
with the martyrdoms; cf. such rubrics p. 24b, #. 25b, 10, 30b, 2
and see above, p. Ivii. As to the names and .Uojo
b
(I. 16) cf. above, p. 14 , 18, and below, List of names;
|>] (or V ) a f t e r (L 13) is very uncertain, as next
to nothing remains of the letter.
P. 20. As to the Fragments see note on p. 19.
col. b: 1!. 1 - 3 are on Fragm. XXXVI.
11. 4—24. are on Fragm. VI.
II. 25 f. are on Fragm. XL, 1. 26 is not a regular line.
P. 21. As to Fragm. V see note on p. 15; Fragm. XXXIX is from
the top of the leaf, Fragm. XLI from its bottom, see PL VII.
col. a: 1. 3. The last portion of the line is cut off at the bottom of
Fragm. XXXIX.
11. 4—25. are on Fragm. V; at the bottom of this fragment the tops of
» and i at the beginning of 1. 26 are visible.
1. 26. is on Fragm. XL as well as a (race of the j of 1. 25.
COl. b: 1. 1. MS. t^rSUO for vr®30-
1. 3. No traces of this line are preserved on either fragment.
11. 4—23. are on Fragm. V.
11. 8—12. Cf. above, p. xxix,
1. 24. After o a trace remains of the following letter, probably
an ^ or a ».
P. 22. As to the fragments see note on p. 21.
 Notes on the Syriac Text cJxj

col. a: 11, 1 f. Cf. p. 4 \ II. 6ff.

11. 14f. Cf. above, p. xxviif.
1. 26. is on Fragm. XLI.
col. b. 1. 25. is on Fragm. XLI.
P. 23. Fragm. VII contains the upper half of the page (leaf),
Fragm. VIII the lower one; the dotted lines correspond
(as usual) to lines of which there still remain some
traces, the number of other lines missing is arrived at
by calculation from the ordinary size of a leaf; see
Plate III.
col. a: 1. 13—15. Of ^ nothing remains, the corner of the fragment being
torn away or cut round. The same is the case with
P. 24. As to the fragments see note on p. 23 and cf. Plate III.
col. a: 1. 4. v<u! instead of ^il, and so 11. 9 and 23.
1. 15. The last word certainly was ^¿jo again,
PP. 25—44. As to the fragments (Fragm. I X - X V I I I ) see pp. xivf.,
xvii and Plate IV.
P. 25. Of the running title nothing but faint strokes of the
bottoms of the letters remain.
1. 15. The ? of is very doubtful; probably there is no point,
col. a: 1. 31. Only the tops of the letters are visible; the iirst name
probably was f * » . As this line corresponds to 1. 28 of
col. b there possibly was one more line in this column,
col. b: I. 15. luii, cf. Acta § 4 (p. 723B): "tov ¿Mi)p<i>7toxT<$M0M itpiv ...
¡AllAeiXOtt."
1, 29. There is not quite so wide a space between this line and
the preceding as is ordinarily the case. Most probably,
thus, this line was the last one in this column.
P. 26, col. a: 1. Over is visible what seems to be the lowest part of
two points (the points of the plural). One would prefer
to see there a stroke indicating the abbreviation for
-«»ttwJ; perhaps we should read «LJ as an abbreviation for
but nothing remains of that stroke, the top of the
page being cut off.
1. 15, With expressions as v1«*», fU» (e.g. 28b, is),
B
{jui Ho» (p. 15 26), cf. Acta § 8 (p. 729 ): "yaUm» »dvixtp
arro&avetaite", § 10 (p. 731 B ) : "Stt xaxip 8«MaT(i> TeXeut^aen",
1. 29. After I®«* only the tops of >=», ! and « are visible.
ll
dxii The Book of the Himyarites

col. b: 1,28, Of this line only the tops of three letters remain; the first
word cannot have been l**.
P. 27, col. a: 1.19. MS. ^i-*'? for with the passage cf.
Acta § 8 (p. 729®): "toG Xeyopivoo Xpwroo."
1. 27. Of the letters of the two first words only the tops are
visible; of the following line (or lines) not the slightest
trace remains.
col. b: 1. 2. r«e ioAai; cf. Acta § 8 (p. 729 B ) : "Mtj ^evcnTo ouv
rjjitv apvrpowfrou . . ."
1. 28. Very faint traces of this line are visible; the context shows
that no line is missing here.
P.28, col.b: 1.11. MS. for
1. 29. The line is cut; only the upper portions of the letters are
visible.
P.29, col.a: 11. 5f. The meaning is not clear; if there is no lacuna, one
must at least read ^ o ^ a instead of ¿v;}«.
11.24f. Instead of and »jftjo read ujSj» and ujaoJ»«.
1.29. Only the upper parts of some letters of this line visible;
no line missing after it.
P. 30, col. a: 1. 29. Cf. p. 24 a , 26f. and p. 25 b , 23.
col.b: 1.2. MS. «¡6M»I; instead of as to the names in the
following list cf. Appendix.
1. 5. In there is no point over i in the MS.
1.29. Read
1, 30. Only the absolute tops of some letters are visible, but the
reading is certain.
P.31, col. a: 1. 30. The reading is, from a graphical point of view, very
. doubtful. The remains of this line consist only in three
pairs of plural points and the very tops of letters corre?
sponding to the alaphs and taws of the restoration pro*
posed in the text. Still, if the reading is right, there is
room for two or three letters before f ^ a ^ i , the top of
its first I being visible just beneath the left angle of the 1
of in the preceding line,
col.b; 1. 10. (instead of is the reading of the MS.
P. 33, col. b: 1. 1. thus MS. instead of - l i A » , .
1. 9; U-A, JUa^, cf. l u . ^ (p. 44*, 27) and Acta § 5 (p. 724^):
"i 84Xio4 5<pu/' § 10 (p. 731B): "6 p6Sioc Spi*««."
 Notes on the Syriac Text clxiii

It. 20f., cf. above, p. lvii.

1.24. MS. for
P. 34, col. a: 1. 1. The line is long, being written above it.
1. 23. for and other instances as e. g. below, 1. 26
and 1. 28, cf. Noldeke, Syriac Grammar, § 64 (p. 45, foot«
note 1).
col. b: 1.3. cf. Arabic ^ ¿ j "tie (a camel) with the ^ j . " The
verb is new for the Syriac dictionary, cf., perhaps,
1.22. -v^ilo; as to the verb if "to fist" (see also above, 1.4 and
below, p. 35 b , 3), cf. Brockelmann, Lexicon Syriacum. The
substantive Ut«a> "blow" (p. 35b, 2 and 36 b , 15) is certainly
of this root and not of the root (Thes. Syr., col. 2063).
P. 35, col. b: 1.12. MS. oi«w»l, for
P. 36, col. a: 11.20—27ff„ cf. above, p. lxv.
col. b: 1.11. As to the name cf. List of Names.
P. 38, col. a: 1. 28. Of this line the only remains are four pairs of plural
points and the tops of some letters of the three first words
and perhaps also of the of the last one. Of
nothing remains but the points of the plural and I doubt
whether this restoration is right. Cf., however, next column,
1. 5, p. 39-\ 1. 11, and the Letter of Simeon, ed. Guidi,
p. 504, 1. 18. It seems to me more probable, now, that
the word lost here had no letter so tall as a I or an J.
If this was the case it necessarily was a verb,
col. b: 1.29. The tops of some other letters are to be seen before and
after but I am not able to restore the text.
P. 39, col. a: 1. 28. The lower part of the line is cut off; after - nothing
remains but the tops of two 1 and a faint trace that may
belong to j.
col. b : 1. 1. There is a little line above but I do not understand
what it means.
1.7. MS. for
1.27. There may have been room for one line more in this
column.
P. 40, col. a: 1. 28. Several tops of V (», I, l belonging to this line
are to be seen at the bottom of the fragment,
col. b: 1. 9. MS. for ¡vaj.
11. 23f. MS. a - » , for
II*
clxiv The Book of the Himyarites

P. 41, col. a: 1.1. MS. y ^ l for

1,28. The line was very short; the word >>,» begins in the
middle of it and is widened so as to fill it up. Only the
top of a V or * remains of the preceding words.
col. b: 1.27f. Only the tops of ij« -af, remain at the end of the line.
Of the following line nothing is left.
P. 42, col. a: 1.20. a scribe's slip for
col. b: 1.15. With the translation of this line cf. Letter of Simeon,
p. 506, 4 f.
1. 22. A verb is missing, or ? of is a miswriting.
P. 43, col. a. O f the missing line (or lines) at bottom of the column
nothing remains,
col. b: 1.28. Very faint traces of one or two letters are visible.
P. 44, col. a: 1.29. Only the tops of some letters remain; the first letter
of the line perhaps was a, the last ones (>«°<>) seem
certain.
P. 45. As to Fragm. X I X r and X X r see pp. xiv and xx, and cf.
Plate V ; as to Fragm. X L I X r see Plate V I I and below, on
col. b, 11. 13ff.
col. a: 1.5. Before i there are traces of what may have been a « or
a to and the top of an I.
1.12. The tops of two or three letters are visible at the bottom
of the fragment,
I. 13. Before the point there are traces of a letter like * (or
1. 14. Before ^ a trace of a letter that may have been JL.
1. 20. is too short to fill up the gap at the beginning of the line.
1.22. Perhaps we should restore something like IJL^o
col, b: 1.2. The last two words still remain, but the script is faded.
1. 8. After and connected with it, is a trace that may belong
to a a (or i , or, possibly, » ) ; the following traces of
letters are illegible,
1.9. seems certain; the following letters are doubtful.
1. 12. The tops of some letters are visible but doubtful.
1. O f f . <»>a» i s o n Fragm. X L I X and so are J.^» o® of 1. 14, o o l
of 1, 15, and I of L 16.
P. 46. As to the fragments see above, note on p. 45, and Plates VI
and VII.
col. a: 1.1. The line is long, being written above it. At the
 Notes on the Syriac Text clxv

beginning of the first four lines of the page the script is

faded and sometimes illegible.
1.2, The first word is faded and illegible; one would expect
or something like that, but the faint traces of the
last two letters suggest or o ^ , one of the preceding
letters possibly was I or I.
col. b: 1. 3. The last letter was perhaps not but a>.
1. 14. The traces of letters between o and ^are doubtful 0<*\j»?)
1.21. » , perhaps ¡K/f*» (?).
P. 47. Fragm. X X I contains the upper half of the page (leaf),
Fragm. X X I I the lower one, cf. above, p. x v ; Fragm. X L I I
is from the inner part of the inner column of the upper
half, and Fragm. X L I I I the corresponding portion of the
lower half. These two pieces, though torn and wormieaten,
fit in well with the greater fragments, from which they
are torn off unintentionally, not cut off as Fragm. X L I V ,
X L V , see p. xiv. A little below the beginning of the last
line of this column is a sign like : and under that some
faded traces, probably of letters. I cannot make out if this
was a marginal note or, possibly, a quire?mark; on the
assumption made above (p. x v i i i ) this leaf is the first one
of a quire. The first alternative, however, seems to me by
far more probable.
col. a. Fragm. X L I I contains the first letter (or traces of it) of
each of 11. 2—12, Fragm. X L I I I the beginning (1—3 letters)
of each of 11. 17—25.
1. 15. Nothing remains of this line.
1.16. The last letter ( v ) is very faded.
1. 17. The first letter (a small one) is lost; of the next a trace
remains that possibly belongs to a a, and finally there is
a faded trace of what probably was a v Between these
two there is room for a letter like * or or something
similar.
col. b : 1.16. The upper edge of the fragment is stained and darkned
and the script, therefore, not clear.
1.24. The letters of the word «x",^^ are faded and next to
illegible; the word is, however, beyond doubt, cf.Judges 7,22.
P. 48. A s to the fragments cf. note on p. 47.
clxvi The Book of the Hitnyarites

col. a: 11. 5ff. I cannot find out what occasion is referred to (Nabal
and Abigail?, I Sam. 25). There is no room for a name
before <otrax!> (1. 5); for (1. 6) read In 1. 7
<U!j> is a mere guess; one may read »l 5 , or something
quite different; of the last 1 only a faint trace remains.
11. 8ff. Cf. I Kings 18,19.40.
11, 11 f. With the text restored cf. II Kings 19, 35.
1. 14. Cf. II Chr. 14,9.
11. 16f. Cf. Dan. 3, 27.
1.21. MS. yuuaslli for )aj.i»U!?.
P. 49. Fragm. XXIII is the inner portion and Fragm. XXIV the
outer portion of a leaf torn in half lengthways, cf. above,
p. xivf. Fragm. XXIII, being broader than Fragm. XXIV,
contains not only the inner columns of the two pages o£
the leaf but also the inner letters, first or last respectively,
of the outer columns. The leaf is, however, in bad con?
dition, wormseaten and torn, especially on the inner edges
of the two fragments; of the upper margin of the leaf a
portion still remains; at the bottom a strip is cutoff, but
probably only one line is lost there,
col. a:l. 16. is a scribe's error for Wj®, cf. p, 6h, 3.
1. 24. A great worm*hole has destroyed the word before
at the beginning of the line.
1. 28. The missing line or lines certainly stated that the Abyss
sinians found in custody in Najran four Christians who
were seized for execution, and the names of whom are
given in the following column,
col. b: 1. 3. As the context is not clear it is uncertain what the missing
word was; perhaps
1.4. For «¿k. we perhaps should read a personal name is meant.
1. 5—8. The story of these persons was told in Chapters XXXV
and XXXVI; see pp. 5 b , 18ff.
P. 50. For the fragments see above, note on p. 49.
P. 51. For Fragm. XXV see above, p. xv; a great piece is torn off
from the upper part, another, though a smaller one, from the
lower part.
1. 20. The letter before » was a » or a perhaps we may read
oXskBllo.
 Notes on the Syriac Text clxvii
P. 52. For the fragment see note on p. 51.
1.16. Two small wormsholes have destroyed partly the two or
three small letters before k .
1.19. After o there are traces of a a, or or something similar,
and the top of an I (or perhaps both traces belong to a A\).
P. 53. Fragm. XXVI is a leaf that has lost a great portion of
the upper outer corner, and is injured by great and small
wormsholes (see p. xv), A little piece torn off at the
bottom, Fragm. XLVII, has preserved of this page the first
three or four letters of col. a, 11. 26 f.
col. a: I. 6. After ! there are traces of the foot of a letter like * and at
the end of the line faint traces of another letter, perhaps m.
P. 54. As to the fragments see note on p. 53 and below, note
on col. b, II. 26 f.
col. a: 1. 9. Cf. above, p. xxix.
1.22. In the MS. seems to have the plural sign, but I think
the scribe has blotted out one of the points.
1. 23. It would be of no little interest could one establish to a
certainty what was the name of the king here mentioned.
In the different traditions discussed above, pp. xxiv—lxvii,
we meet with a person playing the same, or a similar, role
and bearing such different names as 'Aj3pi|uo; or 'Appaajj.
(Acta), 'Eaifutpouoc (Procopius), 'A-^avrji (Malala), U y l or
¿L^l (Arabic tradition), J - ^ or liia^ (Letter of Simeon).
By the name here used the Book of the Himyarite, prob*
ably, would class itself with one of those traditions.
Unfortunately a wormshole and a break in the paper
have succeeded in spoiling the second and third letters of
the name, see Plate VIII. Moreover, the rest of the letters
of the name as well as those of the preceding word ( l o o t )
are nearly illegible, the ink being almost totally faded. The
first word (1««*) is made certain by my first note from
this place in the MS., taken when the fragments were still
hidden in the boards, cf. above, p. xi. There the word 1«i is
written without hesitation whilst the following name is
written . . . . } , N o w even this I is very pale. Of the
following letter the uppermost right portion is preserved
before the break. What letter this was cannot be concluded
clxviii The Book of the Himyarites

with certainty from that faint trace. I sometimes thought

I could read it is a o and, of course, interpreted the name
as icn^aj. But this trace certainly does not belong to a a
of normal shape. More likely it should be considered as
the remainder of a or, possibly, a The traces of the
following letters are too faint to allow an interpretation
of any value. The photograph a reproduced on Plate VIII
shows what I think to be immediately visible on the frag?
ment. But, for some time, I thought myself able to discern
a little more by closely examining the fragment, turning
it round in every way and allowing the light to fall on
it from different sides, different angles and even, feebly,
through the paper. The photograph b on Plate VIII gives
a fairly correct idea of what is visible in this way. 1 )
It should be noted, specially, that what seem, there, to
be the upper and lower portions, respectively, of an f at
the end of the word are not the shades of characters (or
of other strokes of ink) on the opposite page of the
fragment Still I was not quite convinced that they were
traces of a letter once written here.
In this situation Dr. The Svedberg, Professor in the
University of Uppsala, much assisted me by undertaking
to see what could be gained by photographing the frag*
ment through a special filtre, the colour of which was
arrived at in a scientific way. By this method Dr. Sveds
berg is known, otherwise, to have obtained wonderful
results in making old and faded writing legible. The
photograph c on Plate VIII shows, approximately, the
result. It is, I think, no longer doubtful that the last letter
was ; and the preceding one most probably o. Before
this letter is the little wormshole and break already spoken
of. If I am right in reading thus, the name should be
(cf. List of Names) or i . . si. As to its relation to the
name in the final note of the Letter of Simeon, see above,
p. Ixiii. What the original form of this name was, and if
it is to be combined with the name Abraha also, are
questions that, in my opinion, it is useless, under the
T h i s photograph was taken by Malmd Grafiska Anstalt with an ordinary red filter
and a feeble subsidiary light falling from behind through the paper of the fragment.
 Notes on the Syriac Text clxix
the present conditions, to puzzle one's brains over. They
will be solved when, one day, a hitherto overlooked MS.
brings new evidence to bear on them.
col. b: 1.26f. The last word on 1.26 and the last two letters of 1, 27
are on Fragm. XLVII. Of the first half of line 27 only
the tops are visible.
P. 55. Fragm. XXVII resembles in many ways Fragm. XXVI
(see note on p. 53), but the portion lost is in this case
the inner bottom corner,
col. a: 1. 1. Cf. p. 6-\ 19, or read, perhaps, (cf. p. 56b, 22 l ) VajsaV, k » ^

col. b: 1, 2. The readings are doubtful.

P. 56, As to Fragm. XXVII see above,
col. a:l. 1. Nothing remains of this line; if, however, the restoration
of 11. If. of col. b is accepted, there must have been one
line here, corresponding to 1. 1 of that column.
1.2. Of the two words enclosed between brackets only the
bottoms remain,
col. b: 1. 1. Nothing remains; cf. p. 6 b , 23f.
J. 2, At the end of the line some traces of letters (t^N v?)are visible.
P. 57. The fragment is of same type as Fragm. XXVI (see note
on p. 53) but is in a somewhat better condition as the
upper outer corner is nearly intact, only two or three
words of the first line missing.
With the following discourse (pp. 57—60) compare the
Homily XXI of Aphraates (§§ 8 - 2 2 , Patrol. Syr. I,
coll. 952-988).
col. a: 11. 4f. Cf. Gen. 4, 10; the traces of are very ambiguous.
1.15. Of the first three letters of only faint traces remain;
but cf. Gen. 5, 22 and above, p. 47 a , 22 f.
P. 58. For the fragment see note on p. 57.
col.a: II. 1 - 8 . Cf. Num. ch. 16.
11.8—15. Cf. Jos, 10, lift.
1.10. Before there is a faint trace of what possibly was a » .
11.16—21. Cf. Judges ch. 7.
11.21-25. Cf. Judges ch. 16.
1. 27. Of •» nothing remains, of the following three letters only
the tops. As this line corresponds to 1. 27 of col. b at least
one line is missing here. Cf. Judges ch. l l f .
clxx The Book of the Himyarites
col. b: 11. 3—8. Cf, Judges ch. 4f.; (1.4) is mistake for Canaanites;
the same mistake in Aphraates, op. cit„ col. 949.
11.8-14. Cf. 1 Sam. ch. If.
11. 14-18. Cf. 1 Sam. ch. 4.
1. 16. MS. W : for
11. 24 ff. Cf. 2 Kings 1, 9ff.
1. 28. Only the tops of the tall letters remain.
P. 59. Fragm. XXIX resembles Fragm. XXVII, but it is in this
case the inner bottom corner that is lost. Portions of the
first lines at the top of the inner columns are missing also,
col. a: 11. 5—11. Cf. 2Kings 6,14-20; JLnoiiW (1.7) is a mistake for the
same mistake in Aphraates 1. !., and the Peshitta 1 Kings 20,1,
11. 11-17. Cf. 1 Kings 22, 24ff.
11. 18-22. Cf. 2 Kings 19, 35.
II. 23ff. Cf. Esther ch. 3 - 7 .
col. b: 1.1. There are left some traces of the bottoms of the letters
of the first half also of this line but I have not succeeded
in reading them.
11. 3—8. Cf. The Book of Esther, which tells, however, of nothing
that exactly corresponds to this representation.
11, 9 - 1 7 . Cf. The Book of Susanna.
11. 17-23. Cf. Dan. ch. 6.
11. 23ff. Cf. Dan. ch. 3.
P. 60. For the fragment see note on p. 59.
col. a: 11.6—12. Cf. 2 Chron. ch. 14.
col. b: 1. 26. Contained only one or two words placed under the last
ordinary line (1. 25).
P. 61. Fragm. XXX is of the same type as Fragm. XXIX (see
note on p. 59); for its contents see above, p. xxf. At the
top at least one line seems to be lost,
col. a: 1. 1. The bottoms of most of the letters remain, but I have not
succeeded in reading them all, the edge of the leaf being
darkened and the remains in some cases being very scanty.
| 2. Before is a hole and above this the upper half of
an !. As there is no room for more letters at the be?
ginning of the line I think this stroke must be interpreted
as ^ though it is upright as an !.
I. 15. Immediately after this line begins the note reproduced
above, p. xx.
 ADDITIONS A N D CORRECTIONS

p. 5 1 , 1. 25, read lloimro

1.27. O o l . the place of these words is on the last line,
probably I. 29.
p. 9 b , 1.4 delete <¿»«1,. 4 .>.
p. 1 6 1 . 15. delete <=»•!.
p. 18b, 1.9. For W « read ¿¡.»I«.
pp. xxi f. Further investigation has shown that the "theological treatise"
is not a copy of the Book of Timotheos but consists of
extracts only from that book. Amongst these are extracts
also from Dionysios of Alexandria, from Julius of Rome
and from a special pamphlet of Timotheos that begins, in
the MS. of the British Museum, on fol. 11r, the beginning
of which, however, is not indicated in the Catalogue,
p. xxx, I. 20. For 'twice' read 'in four places'.
1.21. After '39*, 21' add '39 \ 2. 42 b , u ' .
p. xlvi, 1. 20. Cf. the end of the Azqirdegend (see above, p. li), or
the legend of Pethion, G. Hoffmann, Auszüge aus Syrischen
Akten Persischer Märtyrer, pp. 61—68.
p. xlvii, 1. 5. Cf. T. Andrae, Der Ursprung des Islams und das Christen*
itim (see above, p. Ixxvii), p. 159f.
p. li, Note 3. Cf. also the short notice in Theodoros Lector, Patrologia
Graeca, vol. 86:1, col. 212.
p. liv, Note 6. See also Baladhuri, Futüh albuldän, ed. De Goeje,
pp. 66 £f., and H. Lammens, Le Califat de Yazid Ier,
Chapter XXII.
p. lix, 1. 24. After '39 a ' add '39 b , 42 b '.
p. Ix, 1. 34. On the fortifications of Najrän see Waqidi, Muhammed in
Medina, hrsg. von J. Wellhausen, p. 343.
p. lxxx, 1. 15. For 'language' read 'script*.
pp. Ixxxiii f. I think it more probable, now, that the names y ^ r etc.
should be considered as being, in fact, the NorthsArabian
clxxii The Book of the Himyarjtes

names f-^X*» etc. as used in Yaman (cf, above, p. lxxvi,

11. 17 £f.) in their pre4iterary forms (cf. Brockelmann,
Grundriß der vergleichenden Grammatik der Semitischen
Sprachen I, p. 130). If this view is correct the word *»«
(p. 34b, 3; cf. the note on the passage) may be an Arabic
loan-word.
p. ciii, I, 18. For 'Account telling of' read 'The martyrdom o f .
Miswritings as 'Thimotheos' for 'Timotheos', or an incorrect use
of 'even' for 'also' in some places in the Introduction, are not con*
sidered here.
 LIST OF FACSIMILES
Plate 1. rf Text P. 3
Plate II. Fragm. H P , 4 cf. Text PP. 7, 14
Plate III. Fragm. VII v, VIII v rf Text P. 24
Plate IV. Fragm. X I v Text P. 30
Plate V. Fragm. X I X f, X X ' rf Text P- 45
Plate VI. Fragm. X I X \ X X ' rf Text P- 4 6
Plate VII. Fragm. X X X I ' W , X X X V I I I v, X L K
XLIIIv, X LV I r , XL V I I c , XLVlIIv,
X L I X r , LI
Plate VIII. Fragm. X X V I ^ (lower part) and
photographs . . . . . . . rf Text P- 5 4 J
 PLATE I

Fragm. I r
 s
f • • «
'¿M- o <§•
'm
•• m*, ¿¡L. " *
í t \ l ;. ' >• •

E
Of-

«kjL à
<80 ^ ¿ e i ' » J i i M i
tL ¿S t j

mmP*'
 PLATE 111

- m ;
©

Wm*
\
• W j ^ J v & i - C. • i
7 fl.'j, • '

iÄäsatSf > i
«J
* Wis

I i - v ^ - •

Fragm. Vir', i | j | | v
 P L A T E IV

Fragra. X!v
 PLATE V

xixr

I, 0
• I«
-TV' V;
'. . - * ••' -

% rfICEpu * • >••1

if S'-jT.'.-.J
Iii:: V-.
SC'HV r"1 • :Ä . '. %<3 E H- ggs
, -iMCif•
' dr. W-
::•">
: vSlJe... -.. sf . vsäMM -
I •. .-
i
t
.
»

Fragm. XIXr, XXr

 PLATE VI

* « • 'I t
*sm „ I am•v
" '"'! * •
, I V
>

XIX V

l^jjkpf V ' «*

•sSI

ppjg
"Vs. ' -"fe. ;
I

..-v.:

-, • * . - • • •» -

. r? s R * » 'm ' '"f.

•'t V i
K • > i—-

Fragm. XIX V , X X V
Iii
h-
l-J
û.

. gg 3' m%
 PLATE VIII

m s^s • *
v

Scction of Fragm. XXVr

(see note on p. 54"\ 23)
ri-l'i,A ti kit rí_a¿la
 The Book of the Himyarites. Preface, Index

Fragm. F ,
( L. i . i f t C Ä J t l f daLtkiOo)
. , -lNfl|>\ yj, VK^S JUÎ

^OCHLCULÜI^W I f e J U d Otl^ ^Ju Q ) l o A . ¿> J L a * [ » ]

^(K. v a l L.O J ò ) . n .*»>' o ^ j a j o . ìli

5 • Jb^josoj «JU-OJO : v o t o v i 1 >v-a

^ooe» 04» cxLq.[ìv]V j à a j o . ot 1 ii

o»La{]=x[=»j «jlLsuo.culaci

Jbwto^oy JbwO-oJl OjuJJO . CUCL^i JUÙUO? ÓV-'jjLyj^

JjLa-î» •• „opo îoôto joof»

10 <V,-.v>»j)» iilfe» l o o t v^ij/L?

[Jlxjq.]»» .?.. ^Jixio» OOt» <âio

OjEMXUdl JhôÔÎL ÎOO) itvjjas*.!»» il ex {Lo-taJ^aao

t â ^ s o . Jl*[üflLa] LaA. Ofavj ÎJi^^J <OO»JLOΫHJ»!

o y v oJcn ioC^Î J-w^jJ

15 jb^ja^û» its*xs.L o o l < • « . . {^JOJ \ O òtoKaj

JL<-;)ìe wcuò? Ì Ì S L J iti ^ • , • < s \ <1 ^OOfX J m * . J

<[JWJL)qj>Î {'ï^fioa JL^an^V ) . l i .Oli ^Û-S-JO

JL^toioj Î Ê ^ a I ¿soi . o . . IKaxma» (tout ùap,

J&w^OçJS ^Oot&JLJb» Jjuaacus-jo JLpo»] Juod[qjj|

20 00X . I . J. an i l j - ü JLÀÀa ÎLolî-io .

^ ^ {KoMti v ootLo..\ j^>. ^viNs yxN?v.\ y

oi . . ^QJQt

0 . 0 I . u j JLvuaouu? Jbwii ^o ji.ii.yi t » . o t L o o ^ J J ^'¿aÀ?

JL^joûo; (ÎS-AJLL jnVv. ^o . jbfciJbo

25 ^o» J L â o ? i ; JLfojk \iovo v .

jûoou ixLJ-? o i X i o <mi9>.¿.m

^AVo . JLOQ-WJ J L ^ f o , . . » ^ O]

1*
 The Book of the Himyarites. Index (continued)

Fragra. I v .
<^òp&oì?o òvJoit λJL> t v » ? ) ^¿MfO- JlsclXj orarioct)

itoyot-eo . » o l - a - • «fcooi { ^ o i k t - t i o va-&»? îtt^»)

ÒttV» ÒV-t-J^ • i *JLu t v » ? ^ . s*»? [JLa-cLs]? [ o ] ( o t t»v*>)

[i»OM»]î» i r i { . Ò M O ) t ìt?<*JOD> ¿sol)

.ÒlfcvAZJ CL^p» -CU . ìiOJ t-*» iococrt ocr

^ c l a J ^ S ? ¡Ìojch£c s o L :JU • .ibsUjiO V^^X?

t v » uJß»w.?o . VI*»] oet . [ôt.]*"^» J^av«©)

(LOÌO^OD 2>OL .OU- • J y

ÎLoîom» » o t î^., • JLucuopo; (Lo»PM» . [ o s i .JL .] 10

JÌIJLM U.ÏÛ? »oM»? ÎS-bô^x. oot? . [ o ) | . . ,

o>ot : • <ïs\.sU» t j j ÒCH JLi.[a]Ao iooi

^ ^ J^iaù* ÎK^iatt ¿sol • [ •] JLwioJb» Joot ÌtJ

doto.p».x»aX ^oitajLifa]»
^ o ^ i v a j s ? {tojoM» |.vi ajo • . . . ! . J L a ü j » ÌKXLSL» 15

ÌV'^j [ÌSJl=>] JLü» osi • ^ • OTOTtOCP' ( t o ù w ? )

j^lCLiO» i f c ^ S h f c t )

:J <\ iyv. Jl v i . r> u.jLa?o ( t t ^ ? òMt-n^)

JL^jasbì {N-jä^U JLoVJt?o . i f c ^ W »

^ottoJLfOâo ¿soi. - ..., • ^ ò t O j J ^ f » ] ^ ^ ? ) 20

^¿HLojo^BO ooto t-^z»? c Ä o J J Jtoyofj»

[ Î J j s j u . ¡»JLi fcüia» t V x i » ; IfisaAJJ ÌÌOlJJ

o e s l «ou» • JUjù it^j-tio , JLajo . s o l .0+- . l » - o v 4

.^Vj**»? !to]?CHÀ? ÌÈ^OkJfct ¡Lotovao JL^»oìoj

tv» u » o o t » . }'»JL» . J»CU» IJ^JX, ^tStJ . ^ O t ^ O Z » 25

5 The Book of the Himyaritcs. Index continuai)

-.OjOiOVÛO? {LOJOVÛO V joooii»o òit^s» ¿i-[»oi];o

• • ¿»OÎ . i ^ » • tv»
• itjU^co Jiäj; ÎLi-jui tlofovœ
lîsxxjk.1 û o . . ÎKi-t^o
.i^a-pô ¡»JL. K b
JUj{** îio»0».Û5 o o l . «

itsjL.^0 Laiotj-us ojò(Xo{j v j - ^ ï ôviso»

.JLuuuuo -
îlojotJ» • œ l - P. y» ,ajc>t. ^[otpo]
«aîpoa OioM»î»
. ¡itî» Jxicuo» {fivókjtl
iSciCD» ÎLOîOVÛO . o o t . Îooî |t<ju
^ V ^ J o ^ ] OÏOVOOÎ* y i M ^ oaxrtoan ooi
¡l.o[ïoM»] o o l . îfto-yio v U w ? Ji 'iNsn. JLa.vOj
u.nVViol.o . Jv>. f> Jb^ïij [, o_s] . j •. A rm .y N^ousa^.
-»?<=>t"00Îî. ?k..YiS,s iìs^xza^f {ÌOJOVXD . , t.
^JDO^XJO»* CXÊÎ^JJLSO »Êo> . î^i^t^O Îri. otls^oi J,| mj-uio
Jlà.j}» ÎLotchj» . s o i , . OO» LOCK 3T»
. JUoïO J»oi -oto . vr^(î)
îlisiOuArft. sôl. ^aj^a. ]m.'t"i « * « ,
/^^Vot. ¿saxo ^¿jot'^CK iooi fit- ' • • •
-ÛO) V i o t t i » . . . L}.[X»] lj«X-ÜD<0 l»JL>)
.sol. ¿ X . ^ïo^jcrn» l ^ol)
V o t-D . iwtsHoon otfcx^/jbo ^Cw)
«Ì *i-Vs JLJ;-^ . ^ à x
^oiouaoj» vûJa <âl. oooj
. JL o^JLÎO
.{
f.\ow\ àio o^h» JLuitââ oli») <ooL. ,
L y y
 The Book of the Himyaritcs, Index fcontmuedj

Fragra. I I v ,
«¿»«Ha
^[x ÌjlS^x*,!. o o L . ^ : • V .N n Jjla^Ì» —b» [Nic^j

o-»^*^? < jbuja» «-.CMOpL^ì Jboyj ikàol

ooot ^»gjùao» i'li»e J s » c i X j JL»o- ^o r[*]{tlo

. vpói^^t' ^ jLv-Aìa^ wòt JbxiJJ» j L i i a - a » spojfisJJb»

KaiJstîï ì l o x a ool. ¡^AÄJLI s o l . , JL^aìolu» 5

y> .cnvTN ioot ^ j ì » on ^ ^ JLxy&io»

<oqch jlt.fatn ,-jj> ^o <*n 1 \ . JUo*3s - L u ^ a ®**sooî {iJLu

o l i o OJLSO . Q_.oti{o ji^m**^» ¡oot Vvjoio

• )1\Y> V . ^ o l • OÜ0 • JLaiv» JLa[q.n m >°i|]

Ì-^-ÙO; ^ ¡ k . , tAcus ? JjLsojopo 10

(ii^m^fas J u a d A j wrartoer îooi

. . cloLo a.~oLLto 0001 'KapoU» i L a ^ a . . .
. ooSL. . liJü^opo ÓMÌOÓÌ
Jtoo» J L a l » optj [«01] [^JJJBÌÒÌ lanmigij

oCx.? ( j l ^ q j l » toc« y A s c i ^OJ . JUa.q«3j JLaXib q \ à . \ o 15

[.V 0 0 . ] jU^sb .y..v>i>; {Lo'»l.Jaj lâojts

.^ÌSìo? ^ V b Jl^aa.» 0 0 L . JLxto.^)* ÎK*xe,L s o l •

Q,\,f> f -tNv> jjLìaL.04.30 O O ) ioof o„\*> JbiSviy otNJ.Jho
^ S O O O « \OJÓ4 ^ U X {RU JLa^nX o»LoXx*>

. v oì, . . oì-Sl.3» )t\v\v> s o i . -ifcao • À-**»»^» 20

OILOÙX^UX . JLAJ a i uxlJOÎ; ^SOJ
i i l f ""^ojdoA . ssj-io ^ s

( ^ 3 JL*.cl)Ä> JLX\io Î L < u â \ » ¿sol. - ^ r [.JUvusaJja?

.(U'^y^Lxtì MU ioi^s te£X» i L a s L A ^ X a o s [>Q|\i.>]
, . , , , , { . . . ¿-o^kib ) u . » v i \ jxjUÌ 25
JbwjjLa , chIOXXAJ L Q A O-XS
 7 The Book of the Himyaritcs VII, Vili

Fragni. III 1 ,
XXX!'. ,t , Loa otloi^v spo^Xuu {pb |j Jba^oja» iju» ^ov
XXX ÎI *

OJÎ ' ^ r a . j ó o . © p ü * » ^u — ^^ -¿
—o - ¿ o . o c w i o c r , , •

5 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . « ['.îoot] Jjf-'-'i
. . . » . • . [i]k.[.enaje] ^ iooi ^ C H o k J j . jLaòiaao
[K..^ vpcH*-*] \oJc*. ^ „ v i j

[ç]so j u i ^ î . î j b i fS> .0001

<Jlio) Vv "^.ái .spo^t-Jb» Jjo}-¿ c r a r î o c r o o i »»jfco

«vi iv> ^ î ) vQJchJ^l. î t v a o ^ .JioiJLao . i*jo»Jbk Jbai

0
( l o a » . tJO-Sj) y - í © r ? ^ -'W. ^? ys-flûx. JLoät j a X J l j . ik-»oJi=>o

(fol ^.öot -.i-OKî^ t-ûo —laX

15 <(îoo» i f « , o o l o . \cu>ïl)Î )J{. î f t u - f » .

^oj-ooio yCLA,a\:¿> Lcùv y < i a \ JJÎ VAiò
0001) ^ e à t j -©» Í í . r s ¿ x . K í « u ¡ > j î&wowfci.jbai^jtachap.
( { • ¿ a ^ ^.Aioto) ^.tjbibivo . f . « o - o ^e» , JLoo+_ô JLâoj» ^ ^
^o^aeî ^o ooo» oj*-3» óa^xu . JsaXj curari o cr
20 (00L v*,o . î l ) ^ » \Qj{ iü^o J B u ^ is^o.» îi^v»
(lís¿2k¿k¿>O l)j<X¿> ît-^-í JLacLs ^f vpJÇM . ©*»?
(•^oouu» j)Lo')L)J . vpo».-.^)^» M yJj Ji^ïSo

25 , , , . «(JLJQ-.) \pooMO ..otKioäMLik. wób» ^o^M»

< [JJ] \00tJ»äj» qA[a]IL{

cuQ.[a]jo ortlS-boaio
 The Book o£ the Himyaritcs Vili fcmtimted) 8

*
tlo.\,. a o i p c cn uu tocrv »Kßaio» OAÒ/ISJUJ j u ì i ^ x x x p 1 , ' '
XXXII'
\ O o A "1 V sAJUSO
ooot K . Ì » . JL^^o — »Äst
«X "^sjso . ^a-fcj).
[t^a-oi \OchA {ÌSJ-po
(curro-too^ chV ioot ì+jl»)
• Juv-ja-u* « [ A ] (.a JLs>w)
..J*.ia-CHàO VQJ01 ... ^[lo]
ilaiQj.ioÌs^a JLuioJL» ooc») ^ i k j i jLa^ae :Jhö? . . . . . .
Q>y> » jJ +£> . yPOoN 1 —« i t t - S ^ O ..[i]<o« fc^J)
v \0«ÌS..L»p0Ì JLiXoO» ^ ¿ J ö oo« ^JJ-ÈSJLÌ • • • [ i ] ^ o « ^isoi)
o « J-aòoo io») p^oo? ^ A - i it-i» lo.[»]<^ i . i à o ) 10
«bofcjpi i o « «kaama)
)J j j o . v ooiku^i vi \ jbua^ii ..o»^? o'«
csvx» v p o v ^ x ; Jxco^J^» Jh^ijb» fcwij \i..¿..nn^t-o <aoi»«j)
Loo» i^sc^-Èc» ... J L ^ , - « A » )
ou^àbo o o « o_\./ì» ^o .. ^o ^xiV jjjLO ^ Ì L ^ J c s f c o ) 15
w«oK*i» JLoiJJ . Jbo^w . (ta-po i o [ « ] ^ j i»Ju>
a ^ i a j t o . „ « r o l o c r j j o j ^.ÀÌ i o « -otoLio ^{o«
onlWio ^o o o « . i t a « « X p ò i ws. ^ A ^ f l a ^ p p ? o « )
oOx. Ìoot JM? JLaj fcui '^(.n.O^l jjs wJLu)
-
..vp«.* ^.^ ÌUuJLo? X»JLXo Jbfc^Xsut 20
Ì0« \Qj{ Ì o « AOpJt
ool OO« Q.SCX.0 . \Oji ÌÈvLJì
.j.aoAa io« y » j j t o . ^ j u jjLa^io o o o a u * i JJ)
• i tso-^bo « J a ^ a oooì \OJ«
io« A^y^.^Z.» iì^SOO o p e r i t i JL*,« 25
OT^^V inuüo . \Q..ii ^.aioio i ,
_« ifcvao» ^o \ p o t _ \ oo« i
*
 The Book of the Himyaritcs VIII (continued after lacuna), IX

Ffagm. IV', r
XXXII11 IO-D jv]
L
XXXIV",
I . _©tc£vJL[,a.] JL=>q.Xj

C
ixP'<ool-^->
ooto . y - i s - i

^iJSji)*^ ¿oevtoer bi {ol*, J .

•'¡ot^s?., -.otaa : )Lv\ ^ ycucH opoio , - L I

ooof — 1» • ^ r" •; OCHJi

e&u^ao joouJikaj L^Us ifJLOO 001 y^fl

K*$LXoo. j i u v i e x ^ i

. JUxxio JLa*a>

(ill J1 V )J? spotJxSao^,, y^JS-N 904-1! . o i ^ . o p p t caolo

JJ ..^¿m ..fsji
{Lot^MA it-jwioo

15 y .y ^ J ^ s j p a ^ . c*V)V Jj^aoio

{\Ojij) (J ^ a ^ i o • yJ-» ^ ^ . o)om3Q JLoo o C ^ 3i'o s o i

<Vfl OsUj i o ) c r ijba^ oot .oiv —chclXJL«. 00L0

!o)oi ^Vo» Jl^f

wicL^aao u J i a t . vpotik. 0040

20 JUoiojlo. —
\OJLU»K»J JOCH „,Q°> JLu.,**:» wcjl.
, , . , i®®* liOuW/» O.VXUfc- t-OO. i^JUOJtlj

^«JAd&JLI^ t-aj JJLsio vQjoi oksajMii fcJwk- ¡ten

Hi Jjuu»> [ ^ o ] {00 »si Q_ia.ioo . (IcuJLai

25 » otlaX
* ^o Q.n a v a o
 T h e Book of the H i m y a r i t c s IX feontinuedj 10

i-teèuk xjBcìiÌX '

. J k ^ a « » Jbk» Asó-» t » o v . [Ika]» . , . . , »

»fi n o> 1L ^f», JLJLQ^OJ jLfloo.sai3Q [jopo.]\.o . ijbo

[JI V <vs] . .. <ikj~r>[»]

Jjl» . yn n v > \ 5

yofco-^ùlÌ ^ ( o . WATV SpijJJO W Ì

Kjj^ii} JLL;» ^ n m S ; y^l OOCH vpOi-fcwij , sp

.^xoix ; ffi,iiyi ^JLj wO) i t i j j ÒIO , , , , , ,

vtx^ÌsJtL JJ ^^iio

wJLaX ycuasto . vpoM^o >3 « . 10

ÌÈu-*» ^o "i i N y ì S ; \ Kaoto òt-Ato^fj] . . . .
J b o« ^ . JjÌ J j l i l » U . *i»o»
* wpbi OfÌ0t-}J»J

v u o i ^ S - a ^ O . (li ot»cut» i ^ j y O OO) I3?0 yOOOCL^ ^oJjdJO)

. JjJ fi» ^o itl^otstia Ì001)

Jjf . Jji OWXiDt-O w i t ) 15

J - J , ^ • •J1M vpooio

n \ S n ^ X « ÌL'^J . L^a-ooo ioot ».[JS] ^JUsov-*-»)

^OQj oooi . ooot invivi .D»Vl ÌÌM . t V) ¿ f / . » - * . <M«\

Ilio» . OOOt ^ p à i ¿Jt^i Lci^fcO OOf CH*SLL=» 3Ìo)

j ^ J ) ^ Jiió ^ ¿ X k S Ì ^ a j t o . cmju !eo* JU^-oj jb»» 20

U,. fln l'.o J b » ^ o« { K à j r p ? . otl^ok.»1 , , , , ,

^»fcvJL» o p p i » .

jsclSLSO :Jjo) {jbo^i^ jL*« .JLj^^j sposloX [iSj^ouip)

P ^o. o p j i-a-p O»ÌolV ofcsJSO y j )

, cxLoifc. ^Ȉftj
r=» W « ] < h > M < * > 25

< W 4 >

*
 11 The Book of the Himyarites I X (continued).

Fraj-m. IV 3 .
XXXIII«, ptí» îbsn.M.1
XXXIV ä ,
jj«* 001

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ooîSK. ^.oto-ct-uj ^ro

- t _ otl^ionvi V ; ÍJha^

, . . . t JÎ ^fiîo.^AâJO

Êoi ^ p ô { JLL-J

A w ^ o i a , Jb»oi» e>»X ^.kj?

J0 ^.{j ^ . CSCLCDI

X j \ootkato lío»

|¡, . , ¿PO t o i k . \poua> o n ° i >

, »L ^»i i v ^ v ^ : c w t o c r JLà/ Jbpj

* . . . . . . . . . . . . ». . » o» o.oi. ^ajojjo ijb»

15 t , , . ot J^ojt-3 . vpal'^ixo

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . *» JböflLAS \OoCi- wOXí U j b ^ a j ï

. . . [KJ^SlJL yoo^viv JJÎ.JLaotJS

t jko .\po£w ioot ^-Xch ^Jo»

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . J«o .^óiiw pòi t-a

20 . . . . \p-aX Î001 )Jô.

\ok-»{ . bl \o.fiNv>?

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . âo .^ciÄSa.^. ijot» jILwù

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . O t - a s b JJ ili

. . . . . . . . . . . [X ifcotcuao]. M ^ t a o ö j a a [)i(]

25 . . . [i~o] jb»-^ . waÄa yo_aX

 The Book of the Himyaritcs IX fcontintíedj

.\pOpQ-V ¡O« w¡i,0?

})v>,\ JLu>o{ t{j] . .

vpfcwLi (3 o . .
s p í C V a U i ojlíó ' ^ o i . o . [ « L j a i * . VQ.^ .

v p t ^ f o vpK^jjpoio) —oto ,
JJuÁi i*»»o . u j f j j a á j ¡xi , , .
jJ . \0-=>1.qJV ^ , , ,

JLk.OÍO ^o \Q-D-X. «¿V 3 ó* <i

{ L a i a X \oK,oo( ^ d « . i3Í> Jbixsi \o , ,
ool ví Jflf. yOuaV JíÍ )J . .

.t*=» y o I i O i ^ J I «JU5LS.Í "V , ,

o t ^ a o j o ovio)i3D ¡lSj_10 íjJLj JLAik .

íobt \OXULajO? jL^MtO . OiX» , .
3
.«a soX^i JJ ojLu ^t»- } .
^00 yO, .0^0,1ra yoij^tlo .JUx*Xj
. ^ c h j J o ^ I (JO Q-. . .

vojoi .. ^Jbwá JJÍo Q^Oj-O ,

Joo). o ^ p í Í'»JL*-* . . . .
04 0
Jijo . . t ^ ? ^ . .

. .^Sfc, ^ o o t '.^AlO
The Book o£ the Himyarites XIII

t a x u X a J ; ooo) ^ °> -j * '**

otlo-J^. o a ^ j o o +ss-2> o o L v
f ^ X KJ1A]«

, , . , [ J b i ^ X j o^X cijk*.fj
, , ! . ^ o i a a o f j p JLxii ^e*. WO^^jlo
, , i UMJU loor» J L s o j l ^ o och j^o
. , aSLDDl. fr'Sn yo<A i-iaio
, =>» wbt \Q-oX
Ji a x ^ a L l o . SOKaa-Slä-Z JJC
» a m ^ a ^ L l o . Jjloi ^sj
, s>.. JLujLtt wo.« o»o 9> *io. t . V r i S

, , jao .001

[o](o cuao>o. ocm t l o A S » o

[•»]»o t-ioCk. oooto . )joi Jhi,.,\j&

- JJ . ^.JLO o . JL*Q~>
vpKii ¡ch^N :i.\vii\ \Q.VV> > 1
? . {»CLIS»

*,» . IIa*» ¡; ~> \pkii

c>)„> a i ^ ¿ k ¡001
. oix . Jjlsojj» ooi oti^a»
ona\ou u u s o ^ a l i ¡01 JLA.O«O

, . jkf hkJ^Stf \p'»Ü . JLo»^

. , . . {iL} K . { t - K . o ou^wO oo)<

. » e>» clv^ J^jbo^D \q.jch>. JLoeo»*<
. \o* «mNo ,x> Jutoi y a j o i . o ^ a
 The Book of the Himyarites XÌII (continued) 14

V I X Fragra. Ill*
U.SO J b ^ a - . o t n . V> m j ; v xxxr.
? • W I XXXII \
{ootj o<*. )Uuì»
JL<U^ .

otiaaaao o ^ m a a iot^N pjoo 5

0 « . IjloL iLoao ^o ^-yùi

v iuaai JJL^-JP . , . , , , » . ,

Ìò» • ^ N s N voioioi

.Rai JLaj> ©iIS-Jljj 11 , . , , . » , ,

loA.» ^^xtcukL JJo , 10
^ OOt . . . ^JO , , , , , .
. <a<jj t ocr * : 01 . . . . .

v oop K . Ì J t h U {LoVli JK ,

JLoàfcooo io©» o K i . fc-So ¿-=>

^ J U j o o . .VO
» c*i» » « ioex ao , , , , . 15
. o L i j u o o . OpOJt a i » » Joch —o , , ,

. O ^ u o l i ^ » itot-JV. JLaiÌ ^00 . . . . . .

JUSisO JLjtOM "^v^oo looi °i\-r- .ysi ,
ÌL^ljU ^O ^OOM^-i? • jU^JLO «A ,

.JLJUJLO tOlJsjj^i-CD . ^SaiJJ 20

^Oo^tS-Ì» . ji.i i >>0 ,, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ,
^ ¿ ¿ © o . JL*soV U- ,

^ja^ ^ ^ ^ i o o . JLmio-S ob^li . . . JL , . . .

...JL*.C1S - o t o k J j tt.j>aaAìo ^[¿ì]

.(O^SN? O j S ^ k X v oo^ ÌOO) p p i o 05

i o » y a a x b u.3 JJ ^o
* *
 15 T h e Book of the Himyarites XIII (continued after lacuna)

Fragm, 1V ' , , ,
XXXV |lO»* Jl .{» i p o i o K-Oflu S*»0*
XXXVIII 1 , v
' ^ ^
XLVIII r . , oik.» ^ . W L o ^oiAat

» fcoia, JUu;^ JK . . o o i

o I J»{ { , a * JJJ.[|«i ^ s l o ] JJo

U . l i t J u a iov^S oo) iot^Sy

, t-o :Aal —fcojj^ ^o

^ jrf LJL* .{>

, . |ioi w U k ^ a L o . Jiit U

10 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . -sfo ^La^^j " f t o w ^ l i iot W o . i

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ^ ^ »Jl! ^ y oo» . . .

, . , , , , 4ty voa* ^loi ya. oiwlotr JLij

..JLaaAjd JLaajtof ioot

. . . . . . . . . . . . „ n oin. ¡001 hacLxjll

15 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . OO tW" <-mI \ i ^ O

-¿? t*=Lcd ot.ot-X

. . . , . '.JLjil.0 ^O-uifj ft^aj Jlly

, , ot >•)i» ^-¿Lsif- y V m

20 . . . . . . . . . so» yLk^sbi

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . y-*i t^.Ns iyota© . ^.'p^u

jy Jly ^»y f o o d . ^L^aiLjo

M i f - u i o JJi.^ISifc^ao Jj{ iobi

, , , . . . , JL ..itjujl^ iLdO^JO

J-fc-aj? iLaio . JLupo

 The Book of the Hirayarites XIII (continued), XIV 16

»> —v Frssiii V 2
foot o k - ! . {kjtCUSJV JOO) [oK„J] XXXV
, , xxxvnr,
(JO) V s o t ^.ei.etJLu-f? >OM. • XLVIII".
po^V iUt^io
. . . . owiotr] . . . . .
[-]« ^ o ] 5
yOO^OOt-^ "^¿OOO - ¡tJQUj V , . , .
: s_oio»o».ib? jUL^o {?[<*]
¡^^OU-AiO vQ.joi OiASI. ,
cuasio vQJOt 0001 Ak- ,
)Ja^j6» ^.otaiotJD ooi» y^jyo 10
^»sisfc. o o J . ofjoujo . ccer*ocr Vo^jCd
Jha^jo w i S o - W a l i o .-.oot-Lio . o*
Jliii JOJk. .^Ofifc^
-0« IASIAJ ^cnJOl-^j ,
»MiSJ loo» ,i<oje*X£! o o l ) 15 Chap.
XIV
«aol JJo. us^-cr loo* Ji^^cu ^psa^a? . ,

^mv^joi? Ih^ista^ IbjsUsaf fccuj)

»-a J l j ^ too» JJjio c ^ ,

J L ^ » . J^saio ¿ i i a V j j s i-^X^o . JLa^ 20
wjjfc^st JU foC^ ^sJ
yia*. ^¿vio ojcxjaoi; :
JL^
JK^-uA. u \ ^io JW • JL»*jJ0 . , '
.yk^joj (iofovca2> ^oopo^ ii .
tl^X ¿».X looi j-ao {to t 25
K>3J . . ^ , , ,
. i i o j ^o* [^aiSh. JaJi'Wj
 17 The Book of the Himyarites XIV fcontinuedJ

[Jbo] (poi JL)=>aXj <aw tocr . 6j o o L toe* J L v á o v

XXXVII', ' vv .. , V i) )
XLIVr, .wova(o u p o t \ pi
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . J^-î -iovSs? w O i i L a . ^ ^o-auX Jii i t ^ ^ B
, . . . , . .<«°>\n> o.ocua? vO I V Jlî JU[m»o]

5 io^Ss JJo OCM JlA^i'tOi " ^ ¿ O JJÎ. v cmoA» <*4aJU JJ?

j&v.f ^ ¿ s H ) JJo. [u.]*ajo Jjot ^-¿¿»í ÍU;o»ma ^ a a f j l o ítí
. o v X Lpol) ^ î îkio» M à i o ^jío.^po

[«*]<j)J J i s i o J)) : î j o i ÍootL JJo ^Júí .. cxiaX ^ftuoika

^.[ä]^» ì g A a ì » ) Jju^XBu'fa a ^ o t i . oo«x otoojLuí JLjcw ^o
10 ^o^áo ^otSSo ^ootLJwaoo K . ) L X o ooo>
vbop» oí Jk'«i \ ooof qjv.»o{o
3
[^ï] o^Î O&a»* t" JJo-¿*¿ ^ î o p t . (AO) toen
oc* ÎJ.)oio ^o ^-«-ùîo ooo» ò i o K . ) l . \ n o
Ji{ foAn JH Jbéu^o « o n m a ^ o t - o o . oiLcLX
15 ^5.^3.00 y X .^JM jtóo « J M . ò t X . i¿pl loot
«^•oorioer J-Qjl» • JLa=> {Êvaàr y - t »jsj
. . . . . . . . . . ppl ¿J^u^aoa o cu JL¿ó|i
. *>? - j t s j u f i ò Juoo. ^.'i.ji.xlj

—l-Wpií Ä ^ ü A » Ji»
20 ^s-vaaûfc- W J L j a » ? -OfO"*
{«OI ^ ¿ O O O JoAaAÍO NÄv)cUU wO^SSO Júcuai ••yOOtlfl V>
(ot=> i a S L a î j ) bJ&Okâl.) ¿ . . . ooot
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . [*]lt «ói Wî . I p p l o 'tax
[^î? ujläj? óuuj]

25 . . .
p m * , s» J»E
* *

2
 The Book of the Himyarites X I V (continued) 18

Fragni. V I *,
il? 7 Jbtóoju* . ' L p o i J L s w o / ^ i Î J L u a a Y i * X X X V I V3 , '
' \ o /"O XXXVII ,
^¿ào OJOM»{?. — p o ^o . ..;>ot JJ , , , , , XLIV V , LI I*.

too) tJO . yxxA H a

] I
j X . J J L ] \ o Ojj»,. î & ^ ^ j j ílj^A. , , , , ,

oj-ajvo jLm*o. , . , , , . , . 5

• ^ ^ y lioj

It***iaa-¿ :Jiüo..¿» ^ o o m í o í ^ [so]î

'fcs3a_DO t ^ ^ o o 'loot "ISo^j ioot JJ© )J . í o [ o i ] . . . . . . ^o

.Xt^pîo H . ¿MtSU to<oISa>0 íyooi jUS^î

y-fä^ ^o JLsochL )J ^ i o Ô^OJQAÎ , ( , , » { 10

. y. Ojj^. yJtíB JJi . y=> ^ O S o J (J . O CM «-».[*> j

ÎÊa-jio^ •" ""'TU î ^ ^ î JJ? . . . . . ai

{ioLua-.oi^ îjot [wJÊ^scMjij wcn . . . . -y
{Ky-y \ y 11 ujjO^ V t ô o '•« i »!«.> ô^a
Jbo^kw . y^tOt-^ {ÎSN'-) flYi . <ôi LaS.V) 15

W.Oi l o o t l ^ i p î ij04A. .ó0o_¿o^J .\.o> tJiâo)...

ÔIO JJol^j Î^wjso Sj"P->¡{» y - í iMOf-JL^>JO

ò^'pJLa 0 0 « òMOt-ooJ ^ ô t o ( Î L ^ î Ji^fxt]-.

O-s^» éiOOÎy* CUQJ^O ^»-Îî (JO

Y O) UiOiO .•{íoJJ ¿HX oocx ^ [ ó i j ^ p o . ^ o l ) 20

ilo;c*ûas» h ^ o - ^ b {ÊvU-jJ :{ÍQJJ IvÎâJ^-ÎX

.. • i'OCSN JUuuiao .qiS< >1 ¿poas . . . . . . . . . .

©m-»o* 'Êoûl^aÎï ^ i i o » ^o J a.vi JJÎ. ài . , , . . . . . . . .

^a^/J jL=»—i;oi ÍK*xao_¿) . t p o ì o t o cm

..JJ<Mvî JJ.[jläjuo ^ o t . [y-Ajw] 25

* *
The Book of the Hi my a rites XVI

, t-00? V \Sn^CLaaXsaaOv
, Jbb*o .^ootpa ' ^ JL?o_> . v o i N

• « « 2 +-0 }v.m,> tauen..

=» 00O1 ok* y tit i f . Q^^UL
aatajt o.a¿Do(o JLOQÚLO OOL cul^Jo
JL*.ot îf-wjoo . —öt Í ^ j t í ^ j "^x
¿»-»h-» . <~ìa ¿ X ôtoit»«-
,Q-iòi O t i l ) JJLÛOIO . ovn
JLfcO»? "J^ikjsUo . K o j l óiU^ ^o
CLoJfij {lojoMSis» ót-fJL. i J W ^ i
^j'ot? •• ¿»Po l a X » ItkûL^
{yo( V 3 0 1 öf-Uäo
[n^JJL^x^ JJJJO- j o 'ÄAXBUJ ò^yjw
^ JuSSO ..Ôdiî Q ^ S Jiojj

OOO» O f ^ - ? JL*,Q-3
jjtoioo ; W . 6 1 . ÎL^i
JUuiLo ^äfc^ai ^ o í f t s a ^o» ^ootXa
W o ôm»-Û*=> e ^ o - j ,so

^MM ^OLlOt a i o O^.O ,J . sJLtyàO

M ^¿j» QJÒt .,t*»CL»

, , . 0 »t )t i . Jb»¿a»jbio JbkJLa
, , , Q-¿ ^O ^Kàjj

. « . wOtoî<HJ3Dj JULtJS ^oeHJLiov^

o^KJo QJÜLS; .ojcm , iov^s;
, . , , [ - J i j o i ÎJLyV a ^ »
 The Book of the Himyaritcs XVI (continued)

.JOj^O 00©) ^ JU.ÄJUO }Jv . ^rt i*t v»o » » I « »

^am ) n n o ) ^o» 0 0 i Jboo

ooe
iioiooX c A >i «.0004 ¡»a. . , « . . . •

. . . J L t t f O ^Olt^Ok y*? O «
oocH ^ s . tkjL» 00JL0 ...Jbo , , • , t .

Jit^ V o ; .^©tfcooaLsas
,jiv\in .j;o IlkejajtLj .IKüf.

jUujJS ^Q-J<> OO Ot ^ t ^ s i b j ^
JLJÜA ».a : ^ « i ä i ü B .Ivää- . . . . . .
OOS* ^ S V l « . . , 0 0 « fOot^A^i

ijJLi. y j j j t Q J U i )lo pJX ^ ....

¡00) vooISjtso *t J > . J L » t•- o
ifcca ^00 . ¿fN ujia v<xiö)

. J L a a a j j JJLo {oot ^OOV^'OV • ,

)Lo ^>(0 voovX ?oot

• kJi-fco*. t JS . {Njcöjtl? ^pfcio . .

p o l o jbhjö j-S Jlo Aoto iio . . . .

c=>oto . jjjjo JLoJols y>. m j

jljp-»? JJLo . . ^ i f c o a ^o
Jju-UÄ JOOJU •m ...
.00L oooi lob» J . . .

¡ I b o p ; . ^ p o ! t-s t?ot {00« , , . .

,Q.jch . OLXXOU»

.iL^)^ a ^ » JL-w-p a ^ —

^s ^ooM^-i ioot
 21 The Book of the Himyarites XVI (continued)

F
x l x i x rr j * * fal [^-LO] *> >-6» ¡ Ü o f a » » öu»ov
XLI , u j v •
Q^gjL JuiOJ

[Juä-otio] oooi
« . , . . . , . » » JLscLoj^. ^oot^. v oo»,\s o *> ' K s o j ä {jot
5 {001 . ^^ioiO viatSs? jL£*t-o «otojoi-jaoj

( o c a r i o c r ) JLb; JLspy vQJOI ^ jjutsk*»

OOOt Oiojjjoij iK^s ^o
(i^pfo W^CO j^OO* ooof ^ n t . iLjaa^.
( o ^ a l } w o t o ' i ) ^ ; J°i i ' >0 JL?n .N 000» f? ^o
10 <^JU? ijLw)» Jio» ^m! l i o i . i*\ ^ ¿ ^ a . yOrn .-,—1 Ju}o-> ^Ju? ^o
^ * • ^ t »X JbjauhO
{tCijjj ^o —öoi
j Ji{) Jb>j Jw>0) ^ f JJ! i.ClN OOCX Q.XLSJ J_30 ,JL»Q-.J
JLai;.Looi JLpo • orartocr
lg jUoJLiCL^a Jii. |oo) ik..i~>o ^ )' " • ojujjo . o ; s m ; V i
, ^ o J o i ^-j) . . 000» ¡tJLs^cn { t o f ^ a « . J L i - o ^
W? om» r® Iocm t-i|Li Ö^aXX, "tCS.a-D
-i -^O^OiOJ JiVI . \?l> JO .
^»ij ¡1 r>-> . J^Jbs .
JLif :Jbt.j3 ^o
(tJB, . Jji IJbö joX^A^gl
, , ^Ji

^ . K X L OOL {KaIACL^ ^WO..

. cH.-»t-oo ©poolo ö i J o L
25 ¡V-KCD JJJ JjjxJJ
. ¿ m .yr»? ^ x ö t-a .ajJ ^O?
 The Book of the Himyarites XVII 22

Fiaguo, V*
XXXIXV,
J_>0 • v^^SNi ito^ö^as^ chaj^XVII

¡JLuto itoooiä.=>o. ^.c+^jb»

^og^J JJ» ooot ©tJaoi

¡JJI OOO» nv jjäsk, ^QJCH JOj^S £>]

Q»lÖf»l\ OOOt O i• {LpjJo . . . •

Jlä^ü JLä{» . JLU^jlx» Loo, - H

axiaio ...wa*^ ((oot ö p o j t j ) . , , , 10

t-so
» . iocn Jj+<-=>(? oi , , , , , , ,

^pflLjiv , , , , ,
fot pibjj ^oiV ooot
mOIQJO'^^. wOOt » , , » , , ,

o^auo Jij ^A^JJ « a - j ^ j

Waj V <Xi?o!o wuoij . {^0©t . , t 1 ÖOl)

i t l N j yLtl ilo-kib oot Jh*j{ . i ^ a ^ o j a o JLa.}cu9>

c u a o ' o OJSl^I.i ^Cl_L=> Jot» .iXeuuaoja oidjjs , , , ,
o. jl. Jbi^o{. to<r Lao-o; oot , ,
AS» . i a X Jif • a j j o o . OOOi JU^tÜ ^ o o t ^ y ^ oo[o»] . 20

ooo» .io^Ss» { ^ ^ o » M
JJ . ^ O m L I ) ^fcot ^o o(o)©to , , , , ,
llJL^ä? ^joj^Qol; "i \ JJö w
f^j v vy N .

,o©t iotiäS JLuul*»» . ^ [ l a j s i ] H , 25

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 23 The Book of the Himyarites XIX

Fragra. VII r ,
iLojO^tiCÌX. jiUOCU.
VIII r . ,ooilo»otxo O*ÌJÌMU}V
^O-OL-» io©t
Ò M t ^ i JOOK^O . i l i ^^JSJ»?
uJCtìK*,}? •( ^ a A ^ ..^J^CuCG
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. c^i» «juXJXXO .•
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10 .Jb»l j l u o ^ ov=> ptw ool ..

• J* h ^+ - i JLL*->O )JO) j a c n Jjo£X boi{ , a.ovt^.. Jl.aa'S.À .

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15 **j[JJ] o c a r t o c p o©i
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loo» . foot ClK.| JjLìft.Op»? jk^. m,s>

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;,Kjo 0 s u » . \ i m j j t o c r eoo» Jjot J soffila , ^ S a o uuo^a

20 , c u ò t {'»JLu i*i=»J ^OCH-t-X*. yi a * » . Jm> •-> t-jj»

,QJOjO , uOO) , f i ^ i m . QlX^JDUJ ^jui ^ptKa o ^ a Jui^auuo

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v opòJj> ooo) o j u p b j }J ^ m a i l o c r o ^ J,"» a s ^il

oot -J?®» •)°> a o ^o •Q^sl Incuoi»

25 JLu^i «stW^ JLi^

 T h e Book of the Himyarites XIX (continued'} 24
V
, Fragm. VI1 ,
rCsshA VIIIv.
\S ^Jx f..s. K. a ( o ^ o o toot ¿xixXLi otl<vivi..c>v; •>
^o ojop^Uj -j fopii*. tdio JLSoja; \ i*.ur!ocr> o)ffii,9iio
JU^p; (¡oomlsoj . ^ A n ^¿J» foot f o a j u o > » u j o Joot "^/jjj
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p o ^ o . ^iB A i u j {iojoM»? foot »>¿»¡1 ^o . . Jiot
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, i o i > , o . a l ] i | ^.otojo. ^ia^o iifc-t- {ootLj.iJS^j- {'if 25

.otpomo . ot^^au^o . »JLmo oot ¡oot caKol.. ^-oifco.
• a s o •v ^ > j o , t-a^o . o ^ f a j o ^»-te oi^^s
* *
 25 The Book of the Himyarites XIX (continued)

* r€k vsKUiai
Xr
. ä q ^ O . ; ?» m | o . CL*>{ J i o t w û o
, k â o ^ à c . o J L \ v o . ;v> v o . .
. © v ^ f i v o - a_oi Jba^oeu>o
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• .,ry> -l.n . Jiijlo . ÍOJ3J¡0 . JO^uliO .^=>•^0 . yS.V>Q . Q1»a ipüCHO
, t a..ivO • Ji * * ^ . ( o . o i »o, i m ¡ r>o . o « o . j o i û j î o . CHW^JO . ^ t ^ j O

5 . [• * t so]o . i - Î ^ O . i - o j o . ^VIMO . QuûJ . <^LiOO . Û O ^ s j o

. *•(0}. . c^iaXao. p ^ a l o

. [ o * - ] c l ü o o . o ¡ o » o . w i p ^ o . y r a ra o . ^Yi*VlO . ySiiûO .

(. o^io. lo , ^ ¡ 0 0 . ^3-ilo . I ^ Ù O . JLüí i YfV O

.^MLO . ^ o i o j o . ^ J O . O ^ O . J L v i o o .JO-L^O .iSCUO . JUi{ P A ^ O

^ s a x i o , wotojûa t-9jîo

tO0SuÄ ^ j - X o t . ç ^ J r f O . OUUJO . ÍI^JUO . o ï i j î o .NikSO/i l ^ a . j o o o j t

.im.nc . jba^,<.o.ua^fo

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, wOtOjulf ^»JL^O . •-> I |Q

15 JlUji 0 0 | fyu,» iiss» ^O o o l o . ffi s o . 0 A ."S 1 0 . t->o»o

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25 O A . W í}0) {Lo-LaK¿xio> . • i v i n . wJOiO . j o o i ^ a î o

J~> ^Vb Jhsoa^a 001 . 0 p s a o ."^otojo. JLo^oo

o+loN V > > u a ï ^so loo í^o . • JucL^bo . o » , \ t ^ v o

io©* o f c ^ î » . v j u 0 j foot o v m j l » . i p o . ^ O l O J O . JLo N.Y>Q . \ s - i 0 0

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BO • JJb^O . JbkA^iÎO . . LQDO(O

[t-A-O W t ^ o ÛO«J»6 i] . , .
 The Book of the Himyarites XIX (continued), XX 26

{Nai J I M . l^av ocroiocr oot foot . q«u?v Fra

®m'
^o loot (J-A^J ¿O ifJLO
¿«JLu ^ a o . ^ o U JUu ótViN. ^n -i; n 10 : otJjj
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N. 11 <•»» V s JLiu K i l s Jot j . «.wtocr» JLacusj oot

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Jbjj JJÍ.^íoojJ l^a potoi vV v ^ á t o . {ÍSoopka 10

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iLr^jxt &lo ^otvis 0001 ojL{Í
.«oot í'^ü.*.
^ j o o t o i ) [<2>¿] íojot
27 The Book of «he Himyarites X X (continued\)

U-Aajutio ioot ,--1X3 i i ú f JLspL*>

¡ y - , ioSUUJ ^ itBui} ,o?oM»{j Jjuaio» t-jw? Í U j »
. JUuJL*> NXOJU voC¿NO ^ o » oot „.»oíld^fc. Joot ^ v o
opio.'y^aî Íjo-c*.© oot Ío^Ss» íoot joJDO . JJo¿L
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Jí^axa Î^JW» íoot iÉ^ío.* ^óoto . o t a ^ p
^ • ^ o t s j o . íí JLu J M a ^JOt {jUAa . v ÍQ V>l JJo ^SJÜO
. . (-0.3» y - í íopio , — o t a * v ß ]ií¿=» ^ " \ „OOOtJJO ,
^.ot.1 V» Í+íjO ijju 'V) ^fCOLju )í ií'JLu [ u b ^o]
 T h e B o o k of the Himyarites X X (continued) 28

uoo^JD JLalot ^ Q - a i v {001 >&=»1 l l o j u j b o J)} o o l v F "sra' x "

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29 T h e B o o k of the Himyarites X X (continued)

i'iJL^j. i L J L ^ » ilo-AAiöj M l u v )0tJ0aXf . opttX 0001 -i?

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[JLiyM? ^O ^OtJL» ij^f**)

 The Book of fhe Himyaiites X X (continued), X X I
30

ojoi-XÜjv JJLsio , J U ^ a X ^ W JJ ? o j u , o * F "gm X1'

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. ^ j o t o . UjC^kao . )ooto . J b a ^ j S o \ A o ^Op'O^LA s
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XXI. [^caA ,boomst Lj 30
 31 T h e Book of t h e Himyarites XXI (continued)

Fragm. XII
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30
 The Book of the Himyarites XXI (continued) 32

JJ ^ J o . y X t^bii r i o^vFragm- Xir

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 33 The Book of the Himyarites X X I (continued)

Fragm. XIIl r .
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3
 The Book of the Hunyarites XXI (continued) 34

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 35 The Book of the Himyarites XXI (continued)

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 The Book of the Himyarites XXI (continued], XXII 36

^^SO.JÔfJO v\OA ^OmSß't^V àfi^flo a.V3Í 0_ot (KoíasxX» Fragm"X1V "

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 The Book of the Himyarites XXII (continued) 40

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 The Book of the Hiinyarites XXII (continued) 42

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 T h e B o o k of the Himyarites X X I I {continued), XXIII 44

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 45 T h e B o o k of the Himyarites X L I I

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 The Book of «he Himyarites XLII (continued) 46

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 The Book of the Himyarites XLIII (continued) 48

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 49 The Book of the Himyarites XLIII (continued}, X L I V

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