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Intercultural Communication

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Intercultural Communication

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University of Missouri, St.

Louis
IRL @ UMSL

Open Educational Resources Collection Open Educational Resources

12-7-2020

Intercultural Communication
Shannon Ahrndt
University of Missouri-St. Louis, [email protected]

Follow this and additional works at: https://irl.umsl.edu/oer

Part of the Gender, Race, Sexuality, and Ethnicity in Communication Commons, International and
Intercultural Communication Commons, and the Social Influence and Political Communication Commons
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Ahrndt, Shannon, "Intercultural Communication" (2020). Open Educational Resources Collection. 24.
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Intercultural
Communication
Shannon Ahrndt

University of Missouri–St. Louis


This work was created as part of the University of Missouri’s Affordable and Open Access
Educational Resources Initiative (https://www.umsystem.edu/ums/aa/oer).
The contents of this work have been adapted from a variety of Open Resources. Changes to the
original works were made by Shannon Ahrndt to suit the needs of her Intercultural Communication
course at the University of Missouri–St. Louis. Materials from the original sources have been
combined, reorganized, and added to by the current author, and any conceptual or typographical
errors are the responsibility of the current author.
This work was developed with support from the University of Missouri–St. Louis Thomas Jefferson
Library, with special thanks to librarians Judy Schmitt and Helena Marvin.
Cover image: “Square swirl 2623 015 background” by Lucy Nieto/Flickr is licensed under
CC BY-NC 2.0.
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0
International License.
Contents

A Letter to My Students iv

CHAPTER 1
Introduction to Intercultural Communication 1

CHAPTER 2
Social Categorization, Stereotyping, and Discrimination 29

CHAPTER 3
Beliefs, Values, and Cultural Universals 56

CHAPTER 4
Introduction to Race and Ethnicity 63

CHAPTER 5
The Impacts of Social Class 83

CHAPTER 6
Gender and Gender Inequality 92

CHAPTER 7
Socialization and Human Sexuality 104

iii
A Letter to My Students

Dear Students:
As I write this in October 2020, I can safely say that our world has changed
A LOT in the past few years—even over the last few months. More change and
uncertainty await us. As we watch a huge shift taking place in our societies,
intercultural communication is more important than ever.
If we want to move forward together as a nation and global community, we
must learn how to respectfully communicate with each other across differences.
Intercultural communication doesn’t refer only to communication between people
from different countries, but includes communication across all kinds of personal,
social, and cultural identities like race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, abilities,
gender, socioeconomic class, and religion.
In order to understand each other and how our identities are similar, different,
and intersect, we must listen to those with different backgrounds and spotlight
voices that might not typically be heard in our society. To achieve that goal, I have
collected materials from a wide range of open resources and authors in order
to best represent what I want to bring to you this semester: many perspectives
and stories. My hope is that through this exposure, we will find what many great
leaders have said: “It’s harder to hate up close.”
This course will open your mind to how differences can be valuable, interesting,
and even worthy of celebration. If we open our minds and stay curious, we can
learn how to respect and communicate across differences in a constructive way,
leading to stronger relationships, communities, and nations.
Moving forward together,
Professor Shannon Ahrndt

iv
CHAPTER 1

Introduction to Intercultural Communication

SOURCE
Culture and communication. (2016). In Communication in the real world: An introduction to communication studies.
University of Minnesota Libraries Publishing. This edition adapted from a work originally produced in 2013 by a
publisher who has requested that it not receive attribution. Retrieved February 13, 2020, from https://open.lib.umn.edu/
communication/part/chapter-8-culture-and-communication/
(Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License)

LEARNING OBJECTIVES
1. Define culture. 9. List and summarize the six dialectics of intercultural
2. Define personal, social, and cultural identities. communication.
3. Summarize nondominant and dominant identity development. 10. Discuss how intercultural communication affects interpersonal
4. Explain why difference matters in the study of culture relationships.
and identity. 11. Define intercultural communication competence.
5. Define the social constructionist view of culture and identity. 12. Explain how motivation, self- and other-knowledge, and
6. Trace the historical development and construction of the four tolerance for uncertainty relate to intercultural communication
cultural identities discussed. competence.

7. Discuss how each of the four cultural identities discussed 13. Summarize the three ways to cultivate intercultural communica-
affects and/or relates to communication. tion competence that are discussed.

8. Define intercultural communication. 14. Apply the concept of “thinking under the influence” as a reflec-
tive skill for building intercultural communication competence.

KEY TERMS
ableism essentialize motivation
antimiscegenation laws ethnocentrism nondominant identities
ascribed identities gender patriarchy
avowed identities global village personal-contextual dialectic
code-switching history/past-present/future dialectic personal identities
cognitive flexibility ideology of domination privileges-disadvantages dialectic
cultural identities intercultural communication race
cultural-individual dialectic intercultural communication competence sex
culture (ICC) sexual orientation
dialectic intercultural relationships social constructionism
dichotomies intersectional reflexivity social identities
differences-similarities dialectic intersectionality static-dynamic dialectic
digital divide medical model of disability tolerance for uncertainty
dominant identities mindfulness transgender

H umans have always been diverse in their cultural beliefs


and practices. But as new technologies have led to the
perception that our world has shrunk, and demographic
schools, and neighborhoods have become more integrated
in terms of race and gender, increasing our interaction
with domestic diversity. The Disability Rights Movement
and political changes have brought attention to cultural and Gay Rights Movement have increased the visibility
differences, people communicate across cultures more now of people with disabilities and sexual minorities. But just
than ever before. The oceans and continents that separate because we are exposed to more difference doesn’t mean
us can now be traversed instantly with an e-mail, phone we understand it, can communicate across it, or appreciate
call, tweet, or status update. Additionally, our workplaces, it. This chapter will help you do all three.

1
2 • CHAPTER 1

FOUNDATIONS OF CULTURE AND IDENTITY are the components of self that are derived from involve-
Culture is a complicated word to define, as there are at least ment in social groups with which we are interpersonally
six common ways that culture is used in the United States. committed.
For the purposes of exploring the communicative aspects For example, we may derive aspects of our social iden-
of culture, we will define culture as the ongoing negotia- tity from our family or from a community of fans for a
tion of learned and patterned beliefs, attitudes, values, and sports team. Social identities differ from personal identities
behaviors. Unpacking the definition, we can see that cul- because they are externally organized through member-
ture shouldn’t be conceptualized as stable and unchanging. ship. Our membership may be voluntary (Greek organiza-
Culture is “negotiated,” and as we will learn later in this tion on campus) or involuntary (family) and explicit (we
chapter, culture is dynamic, and cultural changes can be pay dues to our labor union) or implicit (we purchase and
traced and analyzed to better understand why our society listen to hip-hop music). There are innumerous options for
is the way it is. The definition also points out that culture is personal and social identities. While our personal identity
learned, which accounts for the importance of socializing choices express who we are, our social identities align us
institutions like family, school, peers, and the media. Cul- with particular groups. Through our social identities, we
ture is patterned in that there are recognizable widespread make statements about who we are and who we are not.
similarities among people within a cultural group. There Personal identities may change often as people have
is also deviation from and resistance to those patterns by new experiences and develop new interests and hobbies.
individuals and subgroups within a culture, which is why A current interest in online video games may give way
cultural patterns change over time. Last, the definition to an interest in graphic design. Social identities do not
acknowledges that culture influences our beliefs about change as often because they take more time to develop,
what is true and false, our attitudes including our likes and as you must become interpersonally invested. For exam-
dislikes, our values regarding what is right and wrong, and ple, if an interest in online video games leads someone to
our behaviors. It is from these cultural influences that our become a member of a MMORPG, or a massively multi-
identities are formed. player online role-playing game community, that personal
identity has led to a social identity that is now interper-
Personal, Social, and Cultural Identities sonal and more entrenched. Cultural identities are based
Ask yourself the question “Who am I?” Recall from our on socially constructed categories that teach us a way of
earlier discussion of self-concept that we develop a sense being and include expectations for social behavior or ways
of who we are based on what is reflected back on us from of acting (Yep, 2002). Since we are often a part of them
other people. Our parents, friends, teachers, and the media since birth, cultural identities are the least changeable of
help shape our identities. While this happens from birth, the three. The ways of being and the social expectations
most people in Western societies reach a stage in adoles- for behavior within cultural identities do change over
cence where maturing cognitive abilities and increased time, but what separates them from most social identities
social awareness lead them to begin to reflect on who they is their historical roots (Collier, 1996). For example, think
are. This begins a lifelong process of thinking about who of how ways of being and acting have changed for African
we are now, who we were before, and who we will become Americans since the civil rights movement. Additionally,
(Tatum, 2000). Our identities make up an important part
of our self-concept and can be broken down into three
main categories: personal, social, and cultural identities TABLE 1.1 Personal, Social, and Cultural Identities
(see Table 1.1). Personal Social Cultural
We must avoid the temptation to think of our identi- Antique collector Member of historical Irish American
ties as constant. Instead, our identities are formed through society
processes that started before we were born and will con- Dog lover Member of humane Male/female
tinue after we are gone; therefore our identities aren’t society
something we achieve or complete. Two related but dis- Cyclist Fraternity/sorority Greek American
tinct components of our identities are our personal and member
social identities (Spreckels & Kotthoff, 2009). Personal Singer High school music Multiracial
identities include the components of self that are primar- teacher
ily intrapersonal and connected to our life experiences. Shy Book club member Heterosexual
For example, I consider myself a puzzle lover, and you may
Athletic Gay/lesbian
identify as a fan of hip-hop music. Our social identities
Introduction to Intercultural Communication • 3

identity also changes based on context. For example, an


African American may not have difficulty deciding which
box to check on the demographic section of a survey. But
if an African American becomes president of her college’s
Black Student Union, she may more intensely avow her
African American identity, which has now become more
salient. If she studies abroad in Africa her junior year,
she may be ascribed an identity of American by her new
African friends rather than African American. For the
Africans, their visitor’s identity as American is likely more
salient than her identity as someone of African descent. If
someone is biracial or multiracial, they may change their
racial identification as they engage in an identity search.
One intercultural communication scholar writes of his
Pledging a fraternity or sorority is an example of a social experiences as an “Asianlatinoamerican” (Yep, 2002, p. 61).
identity. (IMG_2749 by Adaenn is used under CC BY-NC 2.0.)
He notes repressing his Chinese identity as an adolescent
living in Peru and then later embracing his Chinese iden-
common ways of being and acting within a cultural iden- tity and learning about his family history while in college in
tity group are expressed through communication. In order the United States. This example shows how even national
to be accepted as a member of a cultural group, members identity fluctuates. Obviously one can change nationality
must be acculturated, essentially learning and using a code by becoming a citizen of another country, although most
that other group members will be able to recognize. We are people do not. My identity as a U.S. American became very
acculturated into our various cultural identities in obvious salient for me for the first time in my life when I studied
and less obvious ways. We may literally have a parent or abroad in Sweden.
friend tell us what it means to be a man or a woman. We Throughout modern history, cultural and social influ-
may also unconsciously consume messages from popular ences have established dominant and nondominant groups
culture that offer representations of gender. (Allen, 2011). Dominant identities historically had and
Any of these identity types can be ascribed or avowed. currently have more resources and influence, while non-
Ascribed identities are personal, social, or cultural identi- dominant identities historically had and currently have
ties that are placed on us by others, while avowed identities less resources and influence. It’s important to remember
are those that we claim for ourselves (Martin & Nakayama, that these distinctions are being made at the societal level,
2010). Sometimes people ascribe an identity to someone not the individual level. There are obviously exceptions,
else based on stereotypes. You may see a person who likes with people in groups considered nondominant obtaining
to read science-fiction books, watches documentaries, has more resources and power than a person in a dominant
glasses, and collects Star Trek memorabilia and label him group. However, the overall trend is that difference based
or her a nerd. If the person doesn’t avow that identity, it on cultural groups has been institutionalized, and excep-
can create friction, and that label may even hurt the other tions do not change this fact. Because of this uneven dis-
person’s feelings. But ascribed and avowed identities can tribution of resources and power, members of dominant
match up. To extend the previous example, there has been groups are granted privileges while nondominant groups
a movement in recent years to reclaim the label nerd and are at a disadvantage. The main nondominant groups
turn it into a positive, and a nerd subculture has been grow- must face various forms of institutionalized discrimina-
ing in popularity. For example, MC Frontalot, a leader in tion, including racism, sexism, heterosexism, and ableism.
the nerdcore hip-hop movement, says that being branded a As we will discuss later, privilege and disadvantage, like
nerd in school was terrible, but now he raps about “nerdy” similarity and difference, are not “all or nothing.” No two
things like blogs to sold-out crowds (Shipman, 2007). We people are completely different or completely similar,
can see from this example that our ascribed and avowed and no one person is completely privileged or completely
identities change over the course of our lives, and some- disadvantaged.
times they match up and sometimes not.
Although some identities are essentially permanent, Identity Development
the degree to which we are aware of them, also known as There are multiple models for examining identity devel-
salience, changes. The intensity with which we avow an opment. Given our focus on how difference matters, we
4 • CHAPTER 1

will examine similarities and differences in nondominant


and dominant identity formation. While the stages in this
model help us understand how many people experience
their identities, identity development is complex, and
there may be variations. We must also remember that peo-
ple have multiple identities that intersect with each other.
So, as you read, think about how circumstances may be
different for an individual with multiple nondominant
and/or dominant identities.

Nondominant Identity Development


There are four stages of nondominant identity devel-
opment (Martin & Nakayama, 2010). The first stage is
unexamined identity, which is characterized by a lack of
awareness of or lack of interest in one’s identity. For exam-
ple, a young woman who will later identify as a lesbian
may not yet realize that a nondominant sexual orientation
is part of her identity. Also, a young African American
man may question his teachers or parents about the value
of what he’s learning during Black History Month. When
a person’s lack of interest in their own identity is replaced
by an investment in a dominant group’s identity, they may
move to the next stage, which is conformity.
Many hearing-impaired people in the United States use
In the conformity stage, an individual internalizes American Sign Language (ASL), which is recognized as an
or adopts the values and norms of the dominant group, official language. (ASL interpreter by Quinn Dombrowski is used under
often in an effort not to be perceived as different. Individ- CC BY-SA 2.0.)
uals may attempt to assimilate into the dominant culture
by changing their appearance, their mannerisms, the way Sign Language (ASL), and other cultural practices consti-
they talk, or even their name. Moises, a Chicano man tutes a unique culture, which they symbolize by capitaliz-
interviewed in a research project about identities, narrated ing the D in Deaf (Allen, 2011).
how he changed his “Mexican sounding” name to Moses, While this is not a separatist movement, a person who
which was easier for his middle-school classmates and is hearing impaired may find refuge in such a group after
teachers to say (Jones, 2009). He also identified as White experiencing discrimination from hearing people. Stay-
instead of Mexican American or Chicano because he saw ing in this stage may indicate a lack of critical thinking if
how his teachers treated the other kids with “brown skin.” a person endorses the values of the nondominant group
Additionally, some gay or lesbian people in this stage of without question.
identity development may try to “act straight.” In either The integration stage marks a period where individu-
case, some people move to the next stage, resistance and als with a nondominant identity have achieved a balance
separation, when they realize that despite their efforts they between embracing their own identities and valuing other
are still perceived as different by and not included in the dominant and nondominant identities. Although there
dominant group. may still be residual anger from the discrimination and
In the resistance and separation stage, an individual prejudice they have faced, they may direct this energy into
with a nondominant identity may shift away from the positive outlets such as working to end discrimination
conformity of the previous stage to engage in actions that for their own or other groups. Moises, the Chicano man
challenge the dominant identity group. Individuals in this I mentioned earlier, now works to support the Chicano
stage may also actively try to separate themselves from the community in his city and also has actively supported gay
dominant group, interacting only with those who share rights and women’s rights.
their nondominant identity. For example, there has been
a Deaf culture movement in the United States for decades. Dominant Identity Development
This movement includes people who are hearing impaired Dominant identity development consists of five stages
and believe that their use of a specific language, American (Martin & Nakayama, 2010). The unexamined stage of
Introduction to Intercultural Communication • 5

dominant identity formation is similar to nondominant and their awareness of the inequality makes it difficult for
in that individuals in this stage do not think about their them to interact with others in their dominant group. But
or others’ identities. Although they may be aware of dif- it’s important to acknowledge that becoming aware of your
ferences—for example, between races and genders—they White privilege, for instance, doesn’t mean that every per-
either don’t realize there is a hierarchy that treats some son of color is going to want to accept you as an ally, so
people differently than others or they don’t think the hier- retreating to them may not be the most productive move.
archy applies to them. For example, a White person may While moving to this step is a marked improvement in
take notice that a person of color was elected to a promi- regards to becoming a more aware and socially just per-
nent office. However, he or she may not see the underlying son, getting stuck in the resistance stage isn’t productive,
reason that it is noticeable—namely, that the overwhelming because people are often retreating rather than trying to
majority of our country’s leaders are White. Unlike people address injustice. For some, deciding to share what they’ve
with a nondominant identity who usually have to acknowl- learned with others who share their dominant identity
edge the positioning of their identity due to discrimination moves them to the next stage.
and prejudice they encounter, people with dominant iden- People in the redefinition stage revise negative views
tities may stay in the unexamined stage for a long time. of their identity held in the previous stage and begin to
In the acceptance stage, a person with a dominant iden- acknowledge their privilege and try to use the power they
tity passively or actively accepts that some people are treated are granted to work for social justice. They realize that
differently than others but doesn’t do anything internally or they can claim their dominant identity as heterosexual,
externally to address it. In the passive acceptance stage, we able-bodied, male, White, and so on, and perform their
must be cautious not to blame individuals with dominant identity in ways that counter norms. A male participant
identities for internalizing racist, sexist, or heterosexist in a research project on identity said the following about
“norms.” The socializing institutions we discussed earlier redefining his male identity:
(family, peers, media, religion, and education) often make
I don’t want to assert my maleness the same way that male-
oppression seem normal and natural. For example, I have
ness is asserted all around us all the time. I don’t want to con-
had students who struggle to see that they are in this stage
tribute to sexism. So I have to be conscious of that. There’s
say things like “I know that racism exists, but my parents
that guilt. But then, I try to utilize my maleness in positive
taught me to be a good person and see everyone as equal.” ways, like when I’m talking to other men about male privi-
While this is admirable, seeing everyone as equal doesn’t lege (Jones, 2009, p. 130‑32).
make it so. And people who insist that we are all equal may
claim that minorities are exaggerating their circumstances The final stage of dominant identity formation is inte-
or “whining” and just need to “work harder” or “get over gration. This stage is reached when redefinition is com-
it.” The person making these statements acknowledges dif- plete and people can integrate their dominant identity
ference but doesn’t see their privilege or the institutional
perpetuation of various “-isms.” Although I’ve encoun-
tered many more people in the passive state of acceptance
than the active state, some may progress to an active state
where they acknowledge inequality and are proud to be
in the “superior” group. In either case, many people never
progress from this stage. If they do, it’s usually because
of repeated encounters with individuals or situations
that challenge their acceptance of the status quo, such as
befriending someone from a nondominant group or taking
a course related to culture.
The resistance stage of dominant identity formation
is a major change from the previous in that an individual
acknowledges the unearned advantages they are given and
feels guilt or shame about it. Having taught about various
Heterosexual people with gay family members or friends
types of privilege for years, I’ve encountered many students
may join the group PFLAG (Parents, Families, and Friends
who want to return their privilege or disown it. These indi- of Lesbians and Gays) as a part of the redefinition and/or
viduals may begin to disassociate with their own dominant integration stage of their dominant identity development.
group because they feel like a curtain has been opened (Atlanta Pride Festival parade by Jason Riedy is used under CC BY 2.0.)
6 • CHAPTER 1

into all aspects of their life, finding opportunities to edu- just society. Difference also matters because demographics
cate others about privilege while also being a responsive and patterns of interaction are changing.
ally to people in nondominant identities. As an example, In the United States, the population of people of color
some heterosexual people who find out a friend or fam- is increasing and diversifying, and visibility for people
ily member is gay or lesbian may have to confront their who are gay or lesbian and people with disabilities has also
dominant heterosexual identity for the first time, which increased. The 2010 Census shows that the Hispanic and
may lead them through these various stages. As a sign of Latino/a populations in the United States are now the sec-
integration, some may join an organization like PFLAG ond largest group in the country, having grown 43% since
(Parents, Families, and Friends of Lesbians and Gays), the last census in 2000 (Saenz, 2011). By 2030, racial and
where they can be around others who share their dom- ethnic minorities will account for one-third of the popu-
inant identity as heterosexuals but also empathize with lation (Allen, 2011). Additionally, legal and social changes
their loved ones. have created a more open environment for sexual minori-
Knowing more about various types of identities and ties and people with disabilities. These changes directly
some common experiences of how dominant and non- affect our interpersonal relationships. The workplace is
dominant identities are formed prepares us to delve into one context where changing demographics has become
more specifics about why difference matters. increasingly important. Many organizations are striving
to comply with changing laws by implementing policies
Difference Matters aimed at creating equal access and opportunity. Some
Whenever we encounter someone, we notice similarities organizations are going further than legal compliance to
and differences. While both are important, it is often the try to create inclusive climates where diversity is valued
differences that are highlighted and that contribute to because of the interpersonal and economic benefits it has
communication troubles. We don’t only see similarities the potential to produce.
and differences on an individual level. In fact, we also
place people into in-groups and out-groups based on the
similarities and differences we perceive. This is important ■ “Getting Real” • D
 iversity Training
because we then tend to react to someone we perceive as Businesses in the United States spend $200 to $300 million
a member of an out-group based on the characteristics a year on diversity training, but is it effective? (Vedantam,
we attach to the group rather than the individual (Allen, 2008) If diversity training is conducted to advance a com-
2011). In these situations, it is more likely that stereotypes pany’s business goals and out of an understanding of the
and prejudice will influence our communication. Learning advantages that a diversity of background and thought offer
about difference and why it matters will help us be more a company, then the training is more likely to be success-
competent communicators. The flip side of emphasizing ful. Many companies conduct mandatory diversity training
difference is to claim that no differences exist and that based on a belief that they will be in a better position in
you see everyone as a human being. Rather than trying to court if a lawsuit is brought against them. However, research
ignore difference and see each person as a unique individ- shows that training that is mandatory and undertaken only
ual, we should know the history of how differences came to educate people about the legal implications of diversity
to be so socially and culturally significant and how they is ineffective and may even hurt diversity efforts. A commit-
continue to affect us today. ment to a diverse and inclusive workplace environment must
Culture and identity are complex. You may be won- include a multipronged approach. Experts recommend that
dering how some groups came to be dominant and others a company put a staff person in charge of diversity efforts,
nondominant. These differences are not natural, which can and some businesses have gone as far as appointing a
be seen as we unpack how various identities have changed “chief diversity officer” (Cullen, 2007). The U.S. Office of Per-
over time in the next section. There is, however, an ideol- sonnel Management offers many good guidelines for con-
ogy of domination that makes it seem natural and normal ducting diversity training: create learning objectives related
to many that some people or groups will always have power to the mission of the organization, use tested and appro-
over others (Allen, 2011). In fact, hierarchy and domina- priate training methods and materials, provide informa-
tion, although prevalent throughout modern human his- tion about course content and expectations to employees
tory, were likely not the norm among early humans. So one ahead of training, provide the training in a supportive and
of the first reasons difference matters is that people and noncoercive environment, use only experienced and quali-
groups are treated unequally, and better understanding fied instructors, and monitor/evaluate training and revise as
how those differences came to be can help us create a more needed (U.S. Office of Personnel Management, n.d.). With
Introduction to Intercultural Communication • 7

these suggestions in mind, the increasingly common “real- existed forever actually came to be constructed for various
world” event of diversity training is more likely to succeed. political and social reasons and how they have changed over
1. Have you ever participated in any diversity training? If
time. Communication plays a central role in this construc-
so, what did you learn or take away from the training?
tion. As we have already discussed, our identities are rela-
Which of the guidelines listed did your training do well
tional and communicative; they are also constructed. Social
or poorly on?
constructionism is a view that argues the self is formed
through our interactions with others and in relationship to
2. Do you think diversity training should be mandatory or social, cultural, and political contexts (Allen, 2011). In this
voluntary? Why? section, we’ll explore how the cultural identities of race, gen-
3. From what you’ve learned so far in this book, what der, sexual orientation, and ability have been constructed in
communication skills are important for a diversity the United States and how communication relates to those
trainer to have? ■ identities. There are other important identities that could be
discussed, like religion, age, nationality, and class. Although
they are not given their own section, consider how those
We can now see that difference matters due to the identities may intersect with the identities discussed next.
inequalities that exist among cultural groups and due to
changing demographics that affect our personal and social Race
relationships. Unfortunately, there are many obstacles Would it surprise you to know that human beings, regard-
that may impede our valuing of difference (Allen, 2011). less of how they are racially classified, share 99.9% of
Individuals with dominant identities may not validate the their DNA? This finding by the Human Genome Proj-
experiences of those in nondominant groups because they ect asserts that race is a social construct, not a biological
do not experience the oppression directed at those with one. The American Anthropological Association agrees,
nondominant identities. Further, they may find it difficult stating that race is the product of “historical and con-
to acknowledge that not being aware of this oppression is temporary social, economic, educational, and political
due to privilege associated with their dominant identities. circumstances” (Allen, 2011). Therefore, we’ll define race
Because of this lack of recognition of oppression, members as a socially constructed category based on differences in
of dominant groups may minimize, dismiss, or question appearance that has been used to create hierarchies that
the experiences of nondominant groups and view them privilege some and disadvantage others.
as “complainers” or “whiners.” Recall from our earlier dis- Race didn’t become a socially and culturally recognized
cussion of identity formation that people with dominant marker until European colonial expansion in the 1500s. As
identities may stay in the unexamined or acceptance stages Western Europeans traveled to parts of the world previ-
for a long time. Being stuck in these stages makes it much ously unknown to them and encountered people who were
more difficult to value difference. different from them, a hierarchy of races began to develop
Members of nondominant groups may have difficulty that placed lighter skinned Europeans above darker
valuing difference due to negative experiences with the
dominant group, such as not having their experiences val-
idated. Both groups may be restrained from communicat-
ing about difference due to norms of political correctness,
which may make people feel afraid to speak up because
they may be perceived as insensitive or racist. All these
obstacles are common and they are valid. However, as we
will learn later, developing intercultural communication
competence can help us gain new perspectives, become
more mindful of our communication, and intervene in
some of these negative cycles.

EXPLORING SPECIFIC
CULTURAL IDENTITIES
We can get a better understanding of current cultural iden- There is actually no biological basis for racial classification
tities by unpacking how they came to be. By looking at his- among humans, as we share 99.9% of our DNA. (friends by
tory, we can see how cultural identities that seem to have evilgurl is used under CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.)
8 • CHAPTER 1

skinned people. At the time, newly developing fields in Racial classifications used by the government and our
natural and biological sciences took interest in examining regular communication about race in the United States
the new locales, including the plant and animal life, natu- have changed frequently, which further points to the social
ral resources, and native populations. Over the next three construction of race. Currently, the primary racial groups
hundred years, science that we would now undoubtedly in the United States are African American, Asian Ameri-
recognize as flawed, biased, and racist legitimated notions can, European American, Latino/a, and Native American,
that native populations were less evolved than White Euro- but a brief look at changes in how the U.S. Census Bureau
peans, often calling them savages. In fact, there were scien- has defined race clearly shows that this hasn’t always been
tific debates as to whether some of the native populations the case (see Table 1.2). In the 1900s alone, there were
should be considered human or animal. Racial distinctions twenty-six different ways that race was categorized on cen-
have been based largely on phenotypes, or physiological sus forms (Allen, 2011). The way we communicate about
features such as skin color, hair texture, and body/facial fea- race in our regular interactions has also changed, and
tures. Western “scientists” used these differences as “proof ” many people are still hesitant to discuss race for fear of
that native populations were less evolved than the Europe- using “the wrong” vocabulary.
ans, which helped justify colonial expansion, enslavement, The five primary racial groups noted previously can
genocide, and exploitation on massive scales (Allen, 2011). still be broken down further to specify a particular region,
Even though there is a consensus among experts that race is country, or nation. For example, Asian Americans are
social rather than biological, we can’t deny that race still has diverse in terms of country and language of origin and cul-
meaning in our society and affects people as if it were “real.” tural practices. While the category of Asian Americans can
Given that race is one of the first things we notice about be useful when discussing broad trends, it can also gen-
someone, it’s important to know how race and communi- eralize among groups, which can lead to stereotypes. You
cation relate (Allen, 2011). Discussing race in the United may find that someone identifies as Chinese American or
States is difficult for many reasons. One is due to uncer- Korean American instead of Asian American. In this case,
tainty about language use. People may be frustrated by the label further highlights a person’s cultural lineage. We
their perception that labels change too often or be afraid should not assume, however, that someone identifies with
of using an “improper” term and being viewed as racially his or her cultural lineage, as many people have more in
insensitive. It is important, however, that we not let polit- common with their U.S. American peers than a culture
ical correctness get in the way of meaningful dialogues that may be one or more generations removed.
and learning opportunities related to difference. Learning History and personal preference also influence how
some of the communicative history of race can make us we communicate about race. Culture and communication
more competent communicators and open us up to more scholar Brenda Allen notes that when she was born in
learning experiences. 1950, her birth certificate included an N for Negro. Later

TABLE 1.2 Racial Classifications in the U.S. Census

Year(s) Development
1790 No category for race
1800s Race was defined by the percentage of African “blood.” Mulatto was one Black and one White parent, quadroon was
one-quarter African blood, and octoroon was one-eighth.
1830–1940 The term color was used instead of race.
1900 Racial categories included White, Black, Chinese, Japanese, and Indian. Census takers were required to check one of
these boxes based on visual cues. Individuals did not get to select a racial classification on their own until 1970.
1950 The term color was dropped and replaced by race.
1960, 1970 Both race and color were used on census forms.
1980–2010 Race again became the only term.
2000 Individuals were allowed to choose more than one racial category for the first time in census history.
2010 The census included fifteen racial categories and an option to write in races not listed on the form.
2020 Individuals who identified as White, Black/African American, and/or American Indian or Alaska Native were asked
to specifically identify their racial origins.
Adapted from Allen (2011).
Introduction to Intercultural Communication • 9

she referred to herself as colored because that’s what peo- groups, if you are unsure of how to refer to someone, you
ple in her community referred to themselves as. During can always ask for and honor someone’s preference.
and before this time, the term Black had negative connota- The history of immigration in the United States also
tions and would likely have offended someone. There was a ties to the way that race has been constructed. The met-
movement in the 1960s to reclaim the word Black, and the aphor of the melting pot has been used to describe the
slogan “Black is beautiful” was commonly used. Brenda immigration history of the United States but doesn’t cap-
Allen acknowledges the newer label of African American ture the experiences of many immigrant groups (Allen,
but notes that she still prefers Black. The terms colored and 2011). Generally, immigrant groups who were White, or
Negro are no longer considered appropriate because they light skinned, and spoke English were better able to assim-
were commonly used during a time when Black people ilate, or melt into the melting pot. But immigrant groups
were blatantly discriminated against. Even though that that we might think of as White today were not always con-
history may seem far removed to some, it is not to oth- sidered so. Irish immigrants were discriminated against
ers. Currently, the terms African American and Black are and even portrayed as Black in cartoons that appeared in
frequently used, and both are considered acceptable. The newspapers. In some Southern states, Italian immigrants
phrase people of color is acceptable for most and is used to were forced to go to Black schools, and it wasn’t until 1952
be inclusive of other racial minorities. If you are unsure that Asian immigrants were allowed to become citizens of
what to use, you could always observe how a person refers the United States. All this history is important, because it
to himself or herself, or you could ask for his or her pref- continues to influence communication among races today.
erence. In any case, a competent communicator defers to
and respects the preference of the individual. Interracial Communication
The label Latin American generally refers to peo- Race and communication are related in various ways. Rac-
ple who live in Central American countries. Although ism influences our communication about race and is not
Spain colonized much of what is now South and Central an easy topic for most people to discuss. Today, people
America and parts of the Caribbean, the inhabitants of tend to view racism as overt acts such as calling some-
these areas are now much more diverse. Depending on one a derogatory name or discriminating against some-
the region or country, some people primarily trace their one in thought or action. However, there is a difference
lineage to the indigenous people who lived in these areas between racist acts, which we can attach to an individual,
before colonization, or to a Spanish and indigenous lin- and institutional racism, which is not as easily identifiable.
eage, or to other combinations that may include European, It is much easier for people to recognize and decry racist
African, and/or indigenous heritage. Latina and Latino actions than it is to realize that racist patterns and prac-
are labels that are preferable to Hispanic for many who tices go through societal institutions, which means that
live in the United States and trace their lineage to South racism exists and doesn’t have to be committed by any one
and/or Central America and/or parts of the Caribbean. person. As competent communicators and critical think-
Scholars who study Latina/o identity often use the label ers, we must challenge ourselves to be aware of how racism
Latina/o in their writing to acknowledge women who influences our communication at individual and societal
avow that identity label (Calafell, 2007). In verbal commu- levels.
nication you might say “Latina” when referring to a par- We tend to make assumptions about people’s race
ticular female or “Latino” when referring to a particular based on how they talk, and often these assumptions are
male of Latin American heritage. When referring to the based on stereotypes. Dominant groups tend to define
group as a whole, you could say “Latinas and Latinos” or what is correct or incorrect usage of a language, and since
“Latinx” instead of just “Latinos,” which would be more language is so closely tied to identity, labeling a group’s use
gender inclusive. While Hispanic is used by the U.S. Cen- of a language as incorrect or deviant challenges or negates
sus, it refers primarily to people of Spanish origin, which part of their identity (Yancy, 2011). We know there isn’t
doesn’t account for the diversity of background of many only one way to speak English, but there have been move-
Latinos/as. The term Hispanic also highlights the coloniz- ments to identify a standard. This becomes problematic
er’s influence over the indigenous, which erases a history when we realize that “standard English” refers to a way
that is important to many. Additionally, there are people of speaking English that is based on White, middle-class
who claim Spanish origins and identify culturally as His- ideals that do not match up with the experiences of many.
panic but racially as White. Labels such as Puerto Rican or When we create a standard for English, we can label any-
Mexican American, which further specify region or coun- thing that deviates from that “nonstandard English.” Dif-
try of origin, may also be used. Just as with other cultural ferences between standard English and what has been
10 • CHAPTER 1

having a population that is multilingual (Linguistic Soci-


ety of America, 1986). Interracial communication presents
some additional verbal challenges.
Code-switching involves changing from one way of
speaking to another between or within interactions. Some
people of color may engage in code-switching when com-
municating with dominant group members because they
fear they will be negatively judged. Adopting the language
practices of the dominant group may minimize perceived
differences. This code-switching creates a linguistic dual
consciousness in which people are able to maintain their
linguistic identities with their in-group peers but can still
acquire tools and gain access needed to function in dom-
inant society (Yancy, 2011). White people may also feel
The “English only” movement of recent years is largely a anxious about communicating with people of color out of
backlash targeted at immigrants from Spanish-speaking
countries. (Welcome to America, indeed by CGP Grey is used under
fear of being perceived as racist. In other situations, people
CC BY 2.0.) in dominant groups may spotlight nondominant members
by asking them to comment on or educate others about
called “Black English” or “African American English” have their race (Allen, 2011). For example, I once taught at a
gotten national attention through debates about whether private university that was predominantly White. Students
or not instruction in classrooms should accommodate of color talked to me about being asked by professors to
students who do not speak standard English. Education weigh in on an issue when discussions of race came up in
plays an important role in language acquisition, and class the classroom. While a professor may have been well-inten-
relates to access to education. In general, whether some- tioned, spotlighting can make a student feel conspicuous,
one speaks standard English themselves or not, they tend frustrated, or defensive. Additionally, I bet the professors
to negatively judge people whose speech deviates from the wouldn’t think about asking a White, male, or heterosexual
standard. student to give the perspective of their whole group.
Another national controversy has revolved around
the inclusion of Spanish in common language use, such as Gender
Spanish as an option at ATMs, or other automated services, When we first meet a newborn baby, we ask whether it’s
and Spanish language instruction in school for students a boy or a girl. This question illustrates the importance of
who don’t speak or are learning to speak English. As was gender in organizing our social lives and our interpersonal
noted earlier, the Latino/a population in the United States relationships. A Canadian family became aware of the deep
is growing fast, which has necessitated inclusion of Spanish emotions people feel about gender and the great discom-
in many areas of public life. This has also created a back- fort people feel when they can’t determine gender when
lash, which some scholars argue is tied more to the race they announced to the world that they were not going to
of the immigrants than the language they speak and a fear tell anyone the gender of their baby, aside from the baby’s
that White America could be engulfed by other languages siblings. Their desire for their child, named Storm, to be
and cultures (Speicher, 2002). This backlash has led to a able to experience early life without the boundaries and
revived movement to make English the official language of categories of gender brought criticism from many (Davis
the United States. & James, 2011). Conversely, many parents consciously or
The U.S. Constitution does not stipulate a national unconsciously “code” their newborns in gendered ways
language, and Congress has not designated one either. based on our society’s associations of pink clothing and
While nearly thirty states have passed English-language accessories with girls and blue with boys. While it’s obvi-
legislation, it has mostly been symbolic, and court rulings ous to most people that colors aren’t gendered, they take
have limited any enforceability (Zuckerman, 2010). The on new meaning when we assign gendered characteristics
Linguistic Society of America points out that immigrants of masculinity and femininity to them. Just like race, gen-
are very aware of the social and economic advantages of der is a socially constructed category. While it is true that
learning English and do not need to be forced. They also there are biological differences between who we label male
point out that the United States has always had many lan- and female, the meaning our society places on those dif-
guages represented, that national unity hasn’t rested on ferences is what actually matters in our day-to-day lives.
a single language, and that there are actually benefits to And the biological differences are interpreted differently
Introduction to Intercultural Communication • 11

around the world, which further shows that although we (Wood, 2005). One of the ways patriarchy is maintained
think gender is a natural, normal, stable way of classifying is by its relative invisibility. While women have been the
things, it is actually not. There is a long history of apprecia- focus of much research on gender differences, males have
tion for people who cross gender lines in Native American been largely unexamined. Men have been treated as the
and South Central Asian cultures, to name just two. “generic” human being to which others are compared. But
You may have noticed I use the word gender instead that ignores that fact that men have a gender, too. Mascu-
of sex. That’s because gender is an identity based on inter- linities studies have challenged that notion by examining
nalized cultural notions of masculinity and femininity that how masculinities are performed.
is constructed through communication and interaction. There have been challenges to the construction of gen-
There are two important parts of this definition to unpack. der in recent decades. Since the 1960s, scholars and activ-
First, we internalize notions of gender based on socializing ists have challenged established notions of what it means
institutions, which helps us form our gender identity. Then to be a man or a woman. The women’s rights movement
we attempt to construct that gendered identity through in the United States dates back to the 1800s, when the first
our interactions with others, which is our gender expres- women’s rights convention was held in Seneca Falls, New
sion. Sex is based on biological characteristics, including York, in 1848 (Wood, 2005). Although most women’s rights
external genitalia, internal sex organs, chromosomes, and movements have been led by White, middle-class women,
hormones (Wood, 2005). While the biological character- there was overlap between those involved in the abolition-
istics between men and women are obviously different, it’s ist movement to end slavery and the beginnings of the
the meaning that we create and attach to those character- women’s rights movement. Although some of the leaders
istics that makes them significant. The cultural differences of the early women’s rights movement had class and edu-
in how that significance is ascribed are proof that “our way cation privilege, they were still taking a risk by organizing
of doing things” is arbitrary. For example, cross-cultural and protesting. Black women were even more at risk, and
research has found that boys and girls in most cultures Sojourner Truth, an emancipated slave, faced those risks
show both aggressive and nurturing tendencies, but cul- often and gave a much noted extemporaneous speech at a
tures vary in terms of how they encourage these charac- women’s rights gathering in Akron, Ohio, in 1851, which
teristics between genders. In a group in Africa, young boys came to be called “Ain’t I a Woman?” (Wood, 2005) Her
are responsible for taking care of babies and are encour- speech highlighted the multiple layers of oppression faced
aged to be nurturing (Wood, 2005). by Black women. You can watch actress Alfre Woodard
Gender has been constructed over the past few cen- deliver an interpretation of the speech in Video Clip 1.1.
turies in political and deliberate ways that have tended to
favor men in terms of power. And various academic fields VIDEO CLIP 1.1 Alfre Woodard Interprets Sojourner Truth’s Speech
joined in the quest to “prove” there are “natural” differ- “Ain’t I a Woman?”
ences between men and women. While the “proof ” they
presented was credible to many at the time, it seems bla- Feminism as an intellectual and social movement
tantly sexist and inaccurate today. In the late 1800s and advanced women’s rights and our overall understanding of
early 1900s, scientists who measure skulls, also known as gender. Feminism has gotten a bad reputation based on how
craniometrists, claimed that men were more intelligent it has been portrayed in the media and by some politicians.
than women because they had larger brains. Leaders in the When I teach courses about gender, I often ask my students
fast-growing fields of sociology and psychology argued to raise their hand if they consider themselves feminists. I
that women were less evolved than men and had more in usually only have a few, if any, who do. I’ve found that stu-
common with “children and savages” than an adult (White) dents I teach are hesitant to identify as a feminist because
males (Allen, 2011). Doctors and other decision makers of connotations of the word. However, when I ask students
like politicians also used women’s menstrual cycles as evi- to raise their hand if they believe women have been treated
dence that they were irrational, or hysterical, and therefore unfairly and that there should be more equity, most stu-
couldn’t be trusted to vote, pursue higher education, or be dents raise their hand. Gender and communication scholar
in a leadership position. These are just a few of the many Julia Wood has found the same trend and explains that a
instances of how knowledge was created by seemingly desire to make a more equitable society for everyone is at
legitimate scientific disciplines that we can now clearly the root of feminism. She shares comments from a student
see served to empower men and disempower women. that capture this disconnect (Wood, 2005):
This system is based on the ideology of patriarchy, which I would never call myself a feminist, because that word has
is a system of social structures and practices that main- so many negative connotations. I don’t hate men or any-
tains the values, priorities, and interests of men as a group thing, and I’m not interested in protesting. I don’t want to go
12 • CHAPTER 1

around with hacked-off hair and no makeup and sit around in schools correspond to larger inequalities in the general
bashing men. I do think women should have the same kinds workforce. While there are more women in the workforce
of rights, including equal pay for equal work. But I wouldn’t now than ever before, they still face a glass ceiling, which
call myself a feminist. is a barrier for promotion to upper management. Many of
It’s important to remember that there are many ways my students have been surprised at the continuing pay gap
to be a feminist and to realize that some of the stereotypes that exists between men and women. In 2018, the median
about feminism are rooted in sexism and homophobia, in salaries for all full-time, year-round workers showed
that feminists are reduced to “men haters” and often pre- women earning 81.6 cents for every dollar men earned,
sumed to be lesbians. The feminist movement also gave statistically the same gap as in 2017 (National Commit-
some momentum to the transgender rights movement. tee on Pay Equity, n.d.a). To put this into perspective, the
Transgender is an umbrella term for people whose gen- National Committee on Pay Equity started an event called
der identity and/or expression do not match the gender Equal Pay Day. In 2020, Equal Pay Day was on March 31.
they were assigned by birth. Transgender people may or This signifies that for a woman to earn the same amount
may not seek medical intervention like surgery or hor- of money a man earned in a year, she would have to work
mone treatments to help match their physiology with their three full months extra, until March 31, to make up for
gender identity. The term transgender includes other labels the difference (National Committee on Pay Equity, n.d.b).
such as transsexual, transvestite, cross-dresser, and intersex,
among others. Terms like hermaphrodite and she-male are Sexuality
not considered appropriate. As with other groups, it is best While race and gender are two of the first things we notice
to allow someone to self-identify first and then honor their about others, sexuality is often something we view as per-
preferred label. If you are unsure of which pronouns to sonal and private. Although many people hold a view
use when addressing someone, you can use gender-neu- that a person’s sexuality should be kept private, this isn’t
tral language, the pronoun that matches with how they a reality for our society. One only needs to observe popu-
are presenting, or the pronoun they or them. If someone lar culture and media for a short time to see that sexuality
has long hair, make-up, and a dress on, but you think their permeates much of our public discourse.
biological sex is male due to other cues, it would be polite Sexuality relates to culture and identity in important
to address them with female pronouns, since that is the ways that extend beyond sexual orientation, just as race
gender identity they are expressing. is more than the color of one’s skin and gender is more
Gender as a cultural identity has implications for many than one’s biological and physiological manifestations of
aspects of our lives, including real-world contexts like edu- masculinity and femininity. Sexuality isn’t just physical; it
cation and work. Schools are primary grounds for socializa- is social in that we communicate with others about sex-
tion, and the educational experience for males and females uality (Allen, 2011). Sexuality is also biological in that it
is different in many ways from preschool through college. connects to physiological functions that carry significant
Although not always intentional, schools tend to recreate social and political meaning like puberty, menstruation,
the hierarchies and inequalities that exist in society. Given and pregnancy. Sexuality connects to public health issues
that we live in a patriarchal society, there are communica- like sexually transmitted infections (STIs), sexual assault,
tive elements present in school that support this (Allen, sexual abuse, sexual harassment, and teen pregnancy. Sex-
2011). For example, teachers are more likely to call on and uality is at the center of political issues like abortion, sex
pay attention to boys in a classroom, giving them more education, and gay and lesbian rights. While all these con-
feedback in the form of criticism, praise, and help. This tribute to sexuality as a cultural identity, the focus in this
sends an implicit message that boys are more worthy of section is on sexual orientation.
attention and valuable than girls. Teachers are also more The most obvious way sexuality relates to identity is
likely to lead girls to focus on feelings and appearance and through sexual orientation. Sexual orientation refers to a
boys to focus on competition and achievement. The focus person’s primary physical and emotional sexual attraction
on appearance for girls can lead to anxieties about body and activity. The terms we most often use to categorize sex-
image. Gender inequalities are also evident in the adminis- ual orientation are heterosexual, gay, lesbian, bisexual, and
trative structure of schools, which puts males in positions asexual. Gays, lesbians, and bisexuals are sometimes referred
of authority more than females. While females make up to as sexual minorities. While the term sexual preference
75% of the educational workforce, only 22% of superinten- has been used previously, sexual orientation is more appro-
dents and 8% of high school principals are women. Similar priate, since preference implies a simple choice. Although
trends exist in colleges and universities, with women only someone’s preference for a restaurant or actor may change
accounting for 26% of full professors. These inequalities frequently, sexuality is not as simple. The term homosexual
Introduction to Intercultural Communication • 13

can be appropriate in some instances, but it carries with it a popular cultural discourses or in social and political move-
clinical and medicalized tone. As you will see in the timeline ments. Transgender issues have received much more atten-
that follows, the medical community has a recent history of tion in recent years, but transgender identity connects to
“treating homosexuality” with means that most would view gender more than it does to sexuality. Last, queer is a term
as inhumane today. So many people prefer a term like gay, used to describe a group that is diverse in terms of iden-
which was chosen and embraced by gay people, rather than tities but usually takes a more activist and at times radical
homosexual, which was imposed by a then discriminatory stance that critiques sexual categories. While queer was
medical system. long considered a derogatory label, and still is by some,
The gay and lesbian rights movement became widely the queer activist movement that emerged in the 1980s and
recognizable in the United States in the 1950s and contin- early 1990s reclaimed the word and embraced it as a posi-
ues on today, as evidenced by prominent issues regarding tive. As you can see, there is a diversity of identities among
sexual orientation in national news and politics. National sexual minorities, just as there is variation within races and
and international groups like the Human Rights Campaign genders.
advocate for rights for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, As with other cultural identities, notions of sexuality
and queer (LGBTQ) communities. While these commu- have been socially constructed in different ways throughout
nities are often grouped together within one acronym human history. Sexual orientation didn’t come into being as
(LGBTQ), they are different. Gays and lesbians constitute an identity category until the late 1800s. Before that, sexual-
the most visible of the groups and receive the most atten- ity was viewed in more physical or spiritual senses that were
tion and funding. Bisexuals are rarely visible or included in largely separate from a person’s identity. Table 1.3 traces

TABLE 1.3 Developments Related to Sexuality, Identity, and Communication

Year(s) Development
1400 bce– During the Greek and Roman era, there was no conception of sexual orientation as an identity. However, sexual
565 bce relationships between men were accepted for some members of society. Also at this time, Greek poet Sappho
wrote about love between women.
533 Byzantine Emperor Justinian makes adultery and same-sex sexual acts punishable by death.
1533 Civil law in England indicates the death penalty can be given for same-sex sexual acts between men.
1810 Napoleonic Code in France removes all penalties for any sexual activity between consenting adults.
1861 England removes death penalty for same-sex sexual acts.
1892 The term heterosexuality is coined to refer a form of “sexual perversion” in which people engage in sexual acts for
reasons other than reproduction.
1897 Dr. Magnus Hirschfield founds the Scientific Humanitarian Committee in Berlin. It is the first gay rights organization.
1900–1930 Doctors “treat” homosexuality with castration, electro-shock therapy, and incarceration in mental hospitals.
1924 The first gay rights organization in the United States, the Chicago Society for Human Rights, is founded.
1933–44 Tens of thousands of gay men are sent to concentration camps under Nazi rule. The prisoners are forced to wear
pink triangles on their uniforms. The pink triangle was later reclaimed as a symbol of gay rights.
1934 The terms heterosexuality and homosexuality appear in Webster’s dictionary with generally the same meaning the
terms hold today.
1948 American sexologist Alfred Kinsey’s research reveals that more people than thought have engaged in same-sex
sexual activity. His research highlights the existence of bisexuality.
1969 On June 27, patrons at the Stonewall Inn in New York City fight back as police raid the bar (a common practice used
by police at the time to harass gay people). “The Stonewall Riot,” as it came to be called, was led by gay, lesbian,
and transgender patrons of the bar, many of whom were working class and/or people of color.
1974 The American Psychiatric Association removes its reference to homosexuality as a mental illness.
1999 The Vermont Supreme Court rules that the state must provide legal rights to same-sex couples. In 2000, Vermont
becomes the first state to offer same-sex couples civil unions.
2003 The U.S. Supreme Court rules that Texas’s sodomy law is unconstitutional, which effectively decriminalizes
consensual same-sex relations.
2011 The U.S. military policy “Don’t Ask Don’t Tell” is repealed, allowing gays and lesbians to serve openly.
Adapted from Allen (2011) and University of Denver Queer and Ally Commission (2008).
14 • CHAPTER 1

some of the developments relevant to sexuality, identity, associated with it. Ableism is the system of beliefs and
and communication that show how this cultural identity practices that produces a physical and mental standard
has been constructed over the past 3,000 years. that is projected as normal for a human being and labels
deviations from it abnormal, resulting in unequal treat-
Ability ment and access to resources. Ability privilege refers to
There is resistance to classifying ability as a cultural iden- the unearned advantages that are provided for people who
tity, because we follow a medical model of disability that fit the cognitive and physical norms (Allen, 2011). I once
places disability as an individual and medical rather than attended a workshop about ability privilege led by a man
social and cultural issue. While much of what distinguishes who was visually impaired. He talked about how, unlike
able-bodied and cognitively able from disabled is rooted in other cultural identities that are typically stable over a life-
science, biology, and physiology, there are important socio- time, ability fluctuates for most people. We have all experi-
cultural dimensions. The Americans with Disabilities Act enced times when we are more or less able.
(ADA) defines an individual with a disability as “a person Perhaps you broke your leg and had to use crutches
who has a physical or mental impairment that substantially or a wheelchair for a while. Getting sick for a prolonged
limits one or more major life activities, a person who has a period of time also lessens our abilities, but we may fully
history or record of such an impairment, or a person who is recover from any of these examples and regain our ability
perceived by others as having such an impairment” (Allen, privilege. Whether you’ve experienced a short-term dis-
2011, p. 12). An impairment is defined as “any temporary or ability or not, the majority of us will become less physically
permanent loss or abnormality of a body structure or func- and cognitively able as we get older.
tion, whether physiological or psychological” (Allen, 2011). Statistically, people with disabilities make up the larg-
This definition is important because it notes the social est minority group in the United States, with an estimated
aspect of disability in that people’s life activities are limited 20% of people five years or older living with some form
and the relational aspect of disability in that the perception of disability (Allen, 2011). Medical advances have allowed
of a disability by others can lead someone to be classified as some people with disabilities to live longer and more
such. Ascribing an identity of disabled to a person can be active lives than before, which has led to an increase in
problematic. If there is a mental or physical impairment, it the number of people with disabilities. This number could
should be diagnosed by a credentialed expert. If there isn’t continue to increase, as we have thousands of veterans
an impairment, then the label of disabled can have negative returning from the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan with
impacts, as this label carries social and cultural significance. physical disabilities or psychological impairments such as
People are tracked into various educational programs based posttraumatic stress disorder.
on their physical and cognitive abilities, and there are many As disability has been constructed in U.S. history, it
cases of people being mistakenly labeled disabled who were has intersected with other cultural identities. For exam-
treated differently despite their protest of the ascribed label. ple, people opposed to “political and social equality for
Students who did not speak English as a first language, for women cited their supposed physical, intellectual, and
example, were—and perhaps still are—sometimes put into psychological flaws, deficits, and deviations from the male
special education classes. norm.” They framed women as emotional, irrational, and
Ability, just as the other cultural identities dis- unstable, which was used to put them into the “scientific”
cussed, has institutionalized privileges and disadvantages category of “feeblemindedness,” which led them to be
institutionalized (Carlson, 2001). Arguments supporting
racial inequality and tighter immigration restrictions also
drew on notions of disability, framing certain racial groups
as prone to mental retardation, mental illness, or uncon-
trollable emotions and actions. See Table 1.4 for a timeline
of developments related to ability, identity, and communi-
cation. These thoughts led to a dark time in U.S. history,
as the eugenics movement sought to limit reproduction of
people deemed as deficient.
During the early part of the 1900s, the eugenics move-
As recently disabled veterans integrate back into civilian
life, they will be offered assistance and accommodations ment was the epitome of the move to rehabilitate or reject
under the Americans with Disabilities Act. (110518-M-EC403-102 people with disabilities (Allen, 2005). This was a brand of
by Wounded Warrior Regiment is used under CC BY-NC 2.0.) social engineering that was indicative of a strong public
Introduction to Intercultural Communication • 15

TABLE 1.4 Developments Related to Ability, Identity, and Communication

Year(s) Development
400 bce The Greeks make connections between biology, physiology, and actions. For example, they make a connection
between epilepsy and a disorder of the mind but still consider the source to be supernatural or divine.
30–480 People with disabilities are viewed with pity by early Christians and thought to be so conditioned because of an
impurity that could possibly be addressed through prayer.
500–1500 As beliefs in the supernatural increase during the Middle Ages, people with disabilities are seen as manifestations of
evil and are ridiculed and persecuted.
1650–1789 During the Enlightenment, the first large-scale movements toward the medical model are made, as science and
medicine advance and society turns to a view of human rationality.
1900s The eugenics movement in the United States begins. Laws are passed to sterilize the “socially inadequate,” and
during this time, more than sixty thousand people were forcibly sterilized in thirty-three states.
1930s People with disabilities become the first targets of experimentation and mass execution by the Nazis.
1970s The independent living movement becomes a prominent part of the disability rights movement.
1990 The Americans with Disabilities Act is passed through Congress and signed into law.
From Shreve (n.d.).

support in the rationality of science to cure society’s prob- there will be more instances of interability communication
lems (Allen, n.d.). A sterilization law written in 1914 “pro- taking place.
posed to authorize sterilization of the socially inadequate,” Interability communication is communication between
which included the “feebleminded, insane, criminalistic, people with differing ability levels; for example, a hear-
epileptic, inebriate, diseased, blind, deaf, deformed, and ing person communicating with someone who is hearing
dependent” (Lombardo, n.d.). During the eugenics move- impaired or a person who doesn’t use a wheelchair commu-
ment in the United States, more than sixty thousand people nicating with someone who uses a wheelchair. Since many
in thirty-three states were involuntarily sterilized (Allen, people are unsure of how to communicate with a person
2011). Although the eugenics movement as it was envi- with disabilities, following are the “Ten Commandments
sioned and enacted then is unthinkable today, some who of Etiquette for Communicating with People with Disabil-
have studied the eugenics movement of the early 1900s ities” to help you in communicating with persons with dis-
have issued warnings that a newly packaged version of abilities (Office of Disability Employment Policy, n.d.):
eugenics could be upon us. As human genome mapping
and DNA manipulation become more accessible, advanced 1. When talking with a person with a disability, speak
genetic testing could enable parents to eliminate undesir- directly to that person rather than through a compan-
able aspects or enhance desirable characteristics of their ion or sign-language interpreter.
children before they are born, creating “designer children” 2. When introduced to a person with a disability, it is
(Spice, 2005). appropriate to offer to shake hands. People with lim-
Much has changed for people with disabilities in the ited hand use or an artificial limb can usually shake
United States in the past fifty years. The independent living hands. (Shaking hands with the left hand is an accept-
movement (ILM) was a part of the disability rights move- able greeting.)
ment that took shape along with other social movements 3. When meeting a person who is visually impaired,
of the 1960s and 1970s. The ILM calls for more individual always identify yourself and others who may be with
and collective action toward social change by people with you. When conversing in a group, remember to iden-
disabilities. Some of the goals of the ILM include reframing tify the person to whom you are speaking.
disability as a social and political rather than just a medi- 4. If you offer assistance, wait until the offer is accepted.
cal issue, a shift toward changing society rather than just Then listen to or ask for instructions.
rehabilitating people with disabilities, a view of accom- 5. Treat adults as adults. Address people who have dis-
modations as civil rights rather than charity, and more abilities by their first names only when extending the
involvement by people with disabilities in the formulation same familiarity to all others. (Never patronize people
and execution of policies relating to them (Longmore, who use wheelchairs by patting them on the head or
2003). As society better adapts to people with disabilities, shoulder.)
16 • CHAPTER 1

6. Leaning on or hanging on to a person’s wheelchair is our changing world. Changing economies and technolo-
similar to leaning or hanging on to a person and is gies intersect with culture in meaningful ways (Martin &
generally considered annoying. The chair is part of the Nakayama, 2010). As was noted earlier, technology has cre-
personal body space of the person who uses it. ated for some a global village where vast distances are now
7. Listen attentively when you’re talking with a person much shorter due to new technology that make travel and
who has difficulty speaking. Be patient and wait for communication more accessible and convenient (McLu-
the person to finish, rather than correcting or speaking han, 1967). However, as the following “Getting Plugged In”
for the person. If necessary, ask short questions that box indicates, there is also a digital divide, which refers
require short answers, a nod, or a shake of the head. to the unequal access to technology and related skills that
Never pretend to understand if you are having diffi- exists in much of the world. People in most fields will be
culty doing so. Instead, repeat what you have under- more successful if they are prepared to work in a global-
stood and allow the person to respond. The response ized world. Obviously, the global market sets up the need
will clue you in and guide your understanding. to have intercultural competence for employees who travel
8. When speaking with a person who uses a wheelchair or between locations of a multinational corporation. Perhaps
a person who uses crutches, place yourself at eye level less obvious may be the need for teachers to work with stu-
in front of the person to facilitate the conversation. dents who do not speak English as their first language and
9. To get the attention of a person who is deaf, tap the for police officers, lawyers, managers, and medical person-
person on the shoulder or wave your hand. Look nel to be able to work with people who have various cul-
directly at the person and speak clearly, slowly, and tural identities.
expressively to determine if the person can read
your lips. Not all people who are deaf can read lips.
For those who do lip read, be sensitive to their needs ■ “Getting Plugged In” • T
 he Digital Divide
by placing yourself so that you face the light source Many people who are now college age struggle to imag-
and keep hands, cigarettes, and food away from your ine a time without cell phones and the Internet. As “digital
mouth when speaking. natives” it is probably also surprising to realize the number
10. Relax. Don’t be embarrassed if you happen to use of people who do not have access to certain technologies.
accepted, common expressions such as “See you later” The digital divide was a term that initially referred to gaps in
or “Did you hear about that?” that seem to relate to access to computers. The term expanded to include access
a person’s disability. Don’t be afraid to ask questions to the Internet since it exploded onto the technology scene
when you’re unsure of what to do. and is now connected to virtually all computing (van Deursen
& van Dijk, 2010). Approximately two billion people around
INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION the world now access the Internet regularly, and those who
It is through intercultural communication that we come don’t face several disadvantages (Smith, 2011). Discussions of
to create, understand, and transform culture and identity. the digital divide are now turning more specifically to high-
Intercultural communication is communication between speed Internet access, and the discussion is moving beyond
people with differing cultural identities. One reason we the physical access divide to include the skills divide, the
should study intercultural communication is to foster economic opportunity divide, and the democratic divide.
greater self-awareness (Martin & Nakayama, 2010). Our This divide doesn’t just exist in developing countries; it has
thought process regarding culture is often “other focused,” become an increasing concern in the United States. This
meaning that the culture of the other person or group is is relevant to cultural identities because there are already
what stands out in our perception. However, the old adage inequalities in terms of access to technology based on age,
“know thyself ” is appropriate, as we become more aware race, and class (Sylvester & McGlynn, 2010). Scholars argue
of our own culture by better understanding other cul- that these continued gaps will only serve to exacerbate exist-
tures and perspectives. Intercultural communication can ing cultural and social inequalities. From an international per-
allow us to step outside of our comfortable, usual frame spective, the United States is falling behind other countries in
of reference and see our culture through a different lens. terms of access to high-speed Internet. South Korea, Japan,
Additionally, as we become more self-aware, we may also Sweden, and Germany now all have faster average connec-
become more ethical communicators as we challenge our tion speeds than the United States (Smith, 2011). And Finland
ethnocentrism, or our tendency to view our own culture in 2010 became the first country in the world to declare that
as superior to other cultures. all its citizens have a legal right to broadband Internet access
As was noted earlier, difference matters, and studying (ben-Aaron, 2010). People in rural areas in the United States
intercultural communication can help us better negotiate are especially disconnected from broadband service, with
Introduction to Intercultural Communication • 17

about 11 million rural Americans unable to get the service at


home. As so much of our daily lives go online, it puts those Cultural Individual
who aren’t connected at a disadvantage. From paying bills
online, to interacting with government services, to applying
for jobs, to taking online college classes, to researching and
participating in political and social causes, the Internet con- Personal Contextual
nects to education, money, and politics.
1. What do you think of Finland’s inclusion of broadband
access as a legal right? Is this something that should Differences Similarities
be done in other countries? Why or why not?
2. How does the digital divide affect the notion of the
global village? Static Dynamic

3. How might limited access to technology negatively


affect various nondominant groups? ■
History/Past Present/Future

Intercultural Communication:
A Dialectical Approach
Privilege Disadvantage
Intercultural communication is complicated, messy, and at
FIGURE 1.1 Dialectics of intercultural communication.
times contradictory. Therefore it is not always easy to con-
(Dialectics of Intercultural Communication by Judy Schmitt is used under
ceptualize or study. Taking a dialectical approach allows us CC BY-NC-SA 4.0; adapted from Martin & Nakayama [1999].)
to capture the dynamism of intercultural communication.
A dialectic is a relationship between two opposing con-
cepts that constantly push and pull one another (Martin a dialectical approach is useful in studying intercultural
& Nakayama, 2010). To put it another way, thinking dia- communication because it gets us out of our comfortable
lectically helps us realize that our experiences often occur and familiar ways of thinking. Since so much of under-
in between two different phenomena. This perspective is standing culture and identity is understanding ourselves,
especially useful for interpersonal and intercultural com- having an unfamiliar lens through which to view culture
munication, because when we think dialectically, we think can offer us insights that our familiar lenses will not. Spe-
relationally. This means we look at the relationship between cifically, we can better understand intercultural communi-
aspects of intercultural communication rather than view- cation by examining six dialectics (see Figure 1.1) (Martin
ing them in isolation. Intercultural communication occurs & Nakayama, 1999).
as a dynamic in-betweenness that, while connected to the The cultural-individual dialectic captures the inter-
individuals in an encounter, goes beyond the individuals, play between patterned behaviors learned from a cultural
creating something unique. Holding a dialectical perspec- group and individual behaviors that may be variations on
tive may be challenging for some Westerners, as it asks or counter to those of the larger culture. This dialectic is
us to hold two contradictory ideas simultaneously, which useful because it helps us account for exceptions to cultural
goes against much of what we are taught in our formal norms. For example, earlier we learned that the United
education. Thinking dialectically helps us see the com- States is said to be a low-context culture, which means that
plexity in culture and identity because it doesn’t allow for we value verbal communication as our primary, mean-
dichotomies. Dichotomies are dualistic ways of thinking ing-rich form of communication. Conversely, Japan is said
that highlight opposites, reducing the ability to see grada- to be a high-context culture, which means they often look
tions that exist in between concepts. Dichotomies such as for nonverbal clues like tone, silence, or what is not said
good/evil, wrong/right, objective/subjective, male/female, for meaning. However, you can find people in the United
in-group/out-group, Black/White, and so on form the basis States who intentionally put much meaning into how they
of much of our thoughts on ethics, culture, and general say things, perhaps because they are not as comfortable
philosophy, but this isn’t the only way of thinking (Marin speaking directly what’s on their mind. We often do this
& Nakayama, 1999). Many Eastern cultures acknowledge in situations where we may hurt someone’s feelings or
that the world isn’t dualistic. Rather, they accept as part damage a relationship. Does that mean we come from a
of their reality that things that seem opposite are actually high-context culture? Does the Japanese man who speaks
interdependent and complement each other. I argue that more than is socially acceptable come from a low-context
18 • CHAPTER 1

culture? The answer to both questions is no. Neither the and plenty of female friends, and I don’t feel like any of
behaviors of a small percentage of individuals nor occa- them are the opposite of me. Perhaps a better title for a
sional situational choices constitute a cultural pattern. book would be Women and Men Are Both from Earth.
The personal-contextual dialectic highlights the con- The static-dynamic dialectic suggests that culture
nection between our personal patterns of and preferences and communication change over time yet often appear to
for communicating and how various contexts influence be and are experienced as stable. Although it is true that
the personal. In some cases, our communication patterns our cultural beliefs and practices are rooted in the past,
and preferences will stay the same across many contexts. we have already discussed how cultural categories that
In other cases, a context shift may lead us to alter our most of us assume to be stable, like race and gender, have
communication and adapt. For example, an American changed dramatically in just the past fifty years. Some cul-
businesswoman may prefer to communicate with her tural values remain relatively consistent over time, which
employees in an informal and laid-back manner. When allows us to make some generalizations about a culture.
she is promoted to manage a department in her company’s For example, cultures have different orientations to time.
office in Malaysia, she may again prefer to communicate The Chinese have a longer-term orientation to time than
with her new Malaysian employees the same way she did do Europeans (Lustig & Koester, 2006). This is evidenced
with those in the United States. In the United States, we in something that dates back as far as astrology. The Chi-
know that there are some accepted norms that communi- nese zodiac is done annually (The Year of the Monkey,
cation in work contexts is more formal than in personal etc.), while European astrology was organized by month
contexts. However, we also know that individual managers (Taurus, etc.). While this cultural orientation to time has
often adapt these expectations to suit their own personal been around for generations, as China becomes more
tastes. This type of managerial discretion would likely not Westernized in terms of technology, business, and com-
go over as well in Malaysia where there is a greater empha- merce, it could also adopt some views on time that are
sis put on power distance (Hofstede, 1991). So while the more short term.
American manager may not know to adapt to the new con- The history/past-present/future dialectic reminds us
text unless she has a high degree of intercultural commu- to understand that while current cultural conditions are
nication competence, Malaysian managers would realize important and that our actions now will inevitably affect
that this is an instance where the context likely influences our future, those conditions are not without a history. We
communication more than personal preferences. always view history through the lens of the present. Perhaps
The differences-similarities dialectic allows us to no example is more entrenched in our past and avoided in
examine how we are simultaneously similar to and dif- our present as the history of slavery in the United States.
ferent from others. As was noted earlier, it’s easy to fall Where I grew up in the Southern United States, race was
into a view of intercultural communication as “other ori- something that came up frequently. The high school I
ented” and set up dichotomies between “us” and “them.” attended was 30% minorities (mostly African American)
When we overfocus on differences, we can end up polar- and also had a noticeable number of White teens (mostly
izing groups that actually have things in common. When male) who proudly displayed Confederate flags on their
we overfocus on similarities, we essentialize, or reduce/ clothing or vehicles.
overlook important variations within a group. This ten- I remember an instance in a history class where we
dency is evident in most of the popular, and some of the were discussing slavery and the subject of repatriation, or
academic, conversations regarding “gender differences.” compensation for descendants of slaves, came up. A White
The book Men Are from Mars and Women Are from Venus male student in the class proclaimed, “I’ve never owned
makes it seem like men and women aren’t even species that slaves. Why should I have to care about this now?” While
hail from the same planet. The media is quick to include a his statement about not owning slaves is valid, it doesn’t
blurb from a research study indicating again how men and acknowledge that effects of slavery still linger today and
women are “wired” to communicate differently. However, that the repercussions of such a long and unjust period
the overwhelming majority of current research on gender of our history don’t disappear over the course of a few
and communication finds that while there are differences generations.
between how men and women communicate, there are far The privileges-disadvantages dialectic captures the
more similarities (Allen, 2011). Even the language we use complex interrelation of unearned, systemic advantages
to describe the genders sets up dichotomies. That’s why I and disadvantages that operate among our various iden-
suggest that my students use the term other gender instead tities. As was discussed earlier, our society consists of
of the commonly used opposite sex. I have a mom, a sister, dominant and nondominant groups. Our cultures and
Introduction to Intercultural Communication • 19

immigration, laws, and religion. In 2011, France passed a law


banning the wearing of a niqab (pronounced knee-cobb),
which is an Islamic facial covering worn by some women that
only exposes the eyes. This law was aimed at “assimilating
its Muslim population” of more than five million people and
“defending French values and women’s rights” (de la Baume
& Goodman, 2011). Women found wearing the veil can now be
cited and fined $150 euros. Although the law went into effect
in April of 2011, the first fines were issued in late September
of 2011. Hind Ahmas, a woman who was fined, says she wel-
comes the punishment because she wants to challenge the
law in the European Court of Human Rights. She also stated
There has been controversy over whether the that she respects French laws but cannot abide by this one.
Confederate flag is a symbol of hatred or a historical
Her choice to wear the veil has been met with more than
symbol that acknowledges the time of the Civil War.
(Confederate Rebel Flag by Jim Surkamp is used under CC BY-NC 2.0.) a fine. She recounts how she has been denied access to
banks and other public buildings and was verbally harassed
by a woman on the street and then punched in the face by
identities have certain privileges and/or disadvantages. To the woman’s husband. Another Muslim woman named Kenza
understand this dialectic, we must view culture and iden- Drider, who can be seen in Video Clip 1.2, announced that
tity through a lens of intersectionality, which asks us to she will run for the presidency of France in order to challenge
acknowledge that we each have multiple cultures and iden- the law. The bill that contained the law was broadly supported
tities that intersect with each other. Because our identities by politicians and the public in France, and similar laws are
are complex, no one is completely privileged and no one already in place in Belgium and are being proposed in Italy,
is completely disadvantaged. For example, while we may Austria, the Netherlands, and Switzerland (Fraser, 2011).
think of a White, heterosexual male as being very privi- 1. Some people who support the law argue that part of
leged, he may also have a disability that leaves him without integrating into Western society is showing your face.
the able-bodied privilege that a Latina woman has. This is Do you agree or disagree? Why?
often a difficult dialectic for my students to understand, 2. Part of the argument for the law is to aid in the assim-
because they are quick to point out exceptions that they ilation of Muslim immigrants into French society. What
think challenge this notion. For example, many people like are some positives and negatives of this type of
to point out Oprah Winfrey as a powerful African Amer- assimilation?
ican woman. While she is definitely now quite privileged
3. Identify which of the previously discussed dialectics
despite her disadvantaged identities, her trajectory isn’t
can be seen in this case. How do these dialectics cap-
the norm. When we view privilege and disadvantage at the
ture the tensions involved? ■
cultural level, we cannot let individual exceptions distract
from the systemic and institutionalized ways in which
some people in our society are disadvantaged while others
VIDEO CLIP 1.2 Veiled Woman Eyes French Presidency
are privileged.
As these dialectics reiterate, culture and communica-
tion are complex systems that intersect with and diverge Intercultural Communication and Relationships
from many contexts. A better understanding of all these Intercultural relationships are formed between peo-
dialectics helps us be more critical thinkers and competent ple with different cultural identities and include friends,
communicators in a changing world. romantic partners, family, and coworkers. Intercultural
relationships have benefits and drawbacks. Some of the
benefits include increasing cultural knowledge, challeng-
■ Getting Critical” • Immigration, Laws, and Religion ing previously held stereotypes, and learning new skills
France, like the United States, has a constitutional separa- (Martin & Nakayama, 2010). For example, I learned about
tion between church and state. As many countries in Europe, the Vietnamese New Year celebration Tet from a friend
including France, Belgium, Germany, the Netherlands, and I made in graduate school. This same friend also taught
Sweden, have experienced influxes of immigrants, many me how to make some delicious Vietnamese foods that
of them Muslim, there have been growing tensions among I continue to cook today. I likely would not have gained
20 • CHAPTER 1

this cultural knowledge or skill without the benefits of my and overcoming language barriers increase the likelihood
intercultural friendship. Intercultural relationships also of intercultural friendship formation (Sias et al., 2008). In
present challenges, however. some cases, previous intercultural experience, like studying
The dialectics discussed earlier affect our intercultural abroad in college or living in a diverse place, may motivate
relationships. The similarities-differences dialectic in par- someone to pursue intercultural friendships once they are
ticular may present challenges to relationship formation no longer in that context. When friendships cross nation-
(Martin & Nakayama, 2010). While differences between ality, it may be necessary to invest more time in common
people’s cultural identities may be obvious, it takes some understanding, due to language barriers. With sufficient
effort to uncover commonalities that can form the basis of motivation and language skills, communication exchanges
a relationship. Perceived differences in general also create through self-disclosure can then further relational for-
anxiety and uncertainty that is not as present in intracul- mation. Research has shown that individuals from differ-
tural relationships. Once some similarities are found, the ent countries in intercultural friendships differ in terms
tension within the dialectic begins to balance out and of the topics and depth of self-disclosure, but that as the
uncertainty and anxiety lessen. Negative stereotypes may friendship progresses, self-disclosure increases in depth
also hinder progress toward relational development, espe- and breadth (Chen & Nakazawa, 2009). Further, as people
cially if the individuals are not open to adjusting their overcome initial challenges to initiating an intercultural
preexisting beliefs. Intercultural relationships may also friendship and move toward mutual self-disclosure, the
take more work to nurture and maintain. The benefit of relationship becomes more intimate, which helps friends
increased cultural awareness is often achieved, because the work through and move beyond their cultural differences
relational partners explain their cultures to each other. This to focus on maintaining their relationship. In this sense,
type of explaining requires time, effort, and patience and intercultural friendships can be just as strong and enduring
may be an extra burden that some are not willing to carry. as other friendships (Lee, 2006).
Last, engaging in intercultural relationships can lead to The potential for broadening one’s perspective and learn-
questioning or even backlash from one’s own group. I expe- ing more about cultural identities is not always balanced,
rienced this type of backlash from my White classmates in however. In some instances, members of a dominant culture
middle school who teased me for hanging out with the may be more interested in sharing their culture with their
African American kids on my bus. While these challenges intercultural friend than they are in learning about their
range from mild inconveniences to more serious repercus- friend’s culture, which illustrates how context and power
sions, they are important to be aware of. As noted earlier, influence friendships (Lee, 2006). A research study found a
intercultural relationships can take many forms. The focus similar power dynamic, as European Americans in intercul-
of this section is on friendships and romantic relationships, tural friendships stated they were open to exploring every-
but much of the following discussion can be extended to one’s culture but also communicated that culture wasn’t a big
other relationship types. part of their intercultural friendships, as they just saw their
friends as people. As the researcher states, “These types of
Intercultural Friendships responses may demonstrate that it is easiest for the group
Even within the United States, views of friendship vary with the most socioeconomic and socio-cultural power to
based on cultural identities. Research on friendship has ignore the rules, assume they have the power as individu-
shown that Latinos/as value relational support and posi- als to change the rules, or assume that no rules exist, since
tive feedback, Asian Americans emphasize exchanges of others are adapting to them rather than vice versa” (Collier,
ideas like offering feedback or asking for guidance, Afri- 1996). Again, intercultural friendships illustrate the com-
can Americans value respect and mutual acceptance, and plexity of culture and the importance of remaining mindful
European Americans value recognition of each other of your communication and the contexts in which it occurs.
as individuals (Collier, 1996). Despite the differences in
emphasis, research also shows that the overall definition Culture and Romantic Relationships
of a close friend is similar across cultures. A close friend is Romantic relationships are influenced by society and
thought of as someone who is helpful and nonjudgmental, culture, and still today some people face discrimination
who you enjoy spending time with but can also be inde- based on who they love. Specifically, sexual orientation
pendent, and who shares similar interests and personality and race affect societal views of romantic relationships.
traits (Lee, 2006). Although the United States, as a whole, is becoming more
Intercultural friendship formation may face challenges accepting of gay and lesbian relationships, there is still a
that other friendships do not. Prior intercultural experience climate of prejudice and discrimination that individuals
Introduction to Intercultural Communication • 21

in same-gender romantic relationships must face. Despite


some physical and virtual meeting places for gay and les-
bian people, there are challenges for meeting and starting
romantic relationships that are not experienced for most
heterosexual people (Peplau & Spalding, 2000).
As we’ve already discussed, romantic relationships are
likely to begin due to merely being exposed to another per-
son at work, through a friend, and so on. But some gay
and lesbian people may feel pressured into or just feel more
comfortable not disclosing or displaying their sexual orien-
tation at work or perhaps even to some family and friends,
which closes off important social networks through which
most romantic relationships begin. In June 2020, in Bostock
The Supreme Court ruled in the 1967 Loving v. Virginia
v. Clayton County, the Supreme Court ruled in accordance
case that states could not enforce laws banning interracial
with Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 that employees marriages. (3232601024_6ef4148de9_b by Bahá’ís of the U.S. is used under
shall be protected against discrimination because of their CC BY-NC 2.0.)
sexual orientation or gender identity (Bostock v. Clayton
County, 2020). There are also some challenges faced by gay and culture are complex, we can see that gay and lesbian
and lesbian partners regarding relationship termination. relationships can also be intercultural if the partners are of
Gay and lesbian couples do not have the same legal and different racial or ethnic backgrounds.
societal resources to manage their relationships as hetero- While interracial relationships have occurred through-
sexual couples; for example, gay and lesbian relationships out history, there have been more historical taboos in the
are not legally recognized in most states, it is more difficult United States regarding relationships between African
for a gay or lesbian couple to jointly own property or share Americans and White people than other racial groups.
custody of children than heterosexual couples, and there is Antimiscegenation laws were common in states and
little public funding for relationship counseling or couples made it illegal for people of different racial/ethnic groups
therapy for gay and lesbian couples. to marry. It wasn’t until 1967 that the Supreme Court ruled
While this lack of barriers may make it easier for in the case of Loving v. Virginia, declaring these laws to
gay and lesbian partners to break out of an unhappy or be unconstitutional (Pratt, 1995). It wasn’t until 1998 and
unhealthy relationship, it could also lead couples to ter- 2000, however, that South Carolina and Alabama removed
mination who may have been helped by the sociolegal such language from their state constitutions (Loving Day,
support systems available to heterosexuals (Peplau & Spal- 2012). The organization and website lovingday.org com-
ding, 2000). memorates the landmark case and works to end racial
Despite these challenges, relationships between gay prejudice through education.
and lesbian people are similar in other ways to those Even after these changes, there were more Asian-White
between heterosexuals. Gay, lesbian, and heterosexual and Latinx-White relationships than there were African
people seek similar qualities in a potential mate, and once American–White relationships (Gaines & Brennan, 2011).
relationships are established, all these groups experience Having already discussed the importance of similarity in
similar degrees of relational satisfaction (Peplau & Spal- attraction to mates, it’s important to note that partners in
ding, 2000). Despite the myth that one person plays the an interracial relationship, although culturally different,
man and one plays the woman in a relationship, gay and tend to be similar in occupation and income. This can
lesbian partners do not have set preferences in terms of likely be explained by the situational influences on our
gender role. In fact, research shows that while women in relationship formation we discussed earlier—namely, that
heterosexual relationships tend to do more of the house- work tends to be a starting ground for many of our rela-
work, gay and lesbian couples were more likely to divide tionships, and we usually work with people who have sim-
tasks so that each person has an equal share of responsi- ilar backgrounds to us.
bility (Peplau & Spalding, 2000). A gay or lesbian couple There has been much research on interracial couples
doesn’t necessarily constitute an intercultural relationship, that counters the popular notion that partners may be less
but as we have already discussed, sexuality is an import- satisfied in their relationships due to cultural differences.
ant part of an individual’s identity and connects to larger In fact, relational satisfaction isn’t significantly different
social and cultural systems. Keeping in mind that identity for interracial partners, although the challenges they may
22 • CHAPTER 1

face in finding acceptance from other people could lead to Members of dominant groups are often less motivated,
stressors that are not as strong for intracultural partners intrinsically and extrinsically, toward intercultural commu-
(Gaines & Brennan, 2011). Although partners in interra- nication than members of nondominant groups, because
cial relationships certainly face challenges, there are posi- they don’t see the incentives for doing so. Having more
tives. For example, some mention that they’ve experienced power in communication encounters can create an unbal-
personal growth by learning about their partner’s cultural anced situation where the individual from the nondomi-
background, which helps them gain alternative perspec- nant group is expected to exhibit competence, or the ability
tives. Specifically, White people in interracial relationships to adapt to the communication behaviors and attitudes of
have cited an awareness of and empathy for racism that the other. Even in situations where extrinsic rewards like
still exists, which they may not have been aware of before securing an overseas business investment are at stake, it is
(Gaines & Liu, 2000). likely that the foreign investor is much more accustomed
to adapting to United States business customs and commu-
INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION nication than vice versa. This expectation that others will
COMPETENCE adapt to our communication can be unconscious, but later
Throughout this book we have been putting various tools ICC skills we will learn will help bring it to awareness.
in our communication toolbox to improve our communi- The unbalanced situation I just described is a daily
cation competence. Many of these tools can be translated reality for many individuals with nondominant identi-
into intercultural contexts. While building any form of ties. Their motivation toward intercultural communica-
competence requires effort, building intercultural commu- tion may be driven by survival in terms of functioning
nication competence often requires us to take more risks. effectively in dominant contexts. Recall the phenomenon
Some of these risks require us to leave our comfort zones known as code-switching discussed earlier, in which indi-
and adapt to new and uncertain situations. In this section, viduals from nondominant groups adapt their communi-
we will learn some of the skills needed to be an intercultur- cation to fit in with the dominant group. In such instances,
ally competent communicator. African Americans may “talk White” by conforming to
what is called “standard English,” women in corporate
Components of Intercultural environments may adapt masculine communication pat-
Communication Competence terns, people who are gay or lesbian may self-censor and
Intercultural communication competence (ICC) is the avoid discussing their same-gender partners with cowork-
ability to communicate effectively and appropriately in ers, and people with nonvisible disabilities may not dis-
various cultural contexts. There are numerous compo- close them in order to avoid judgment.
nents of ICC. Some key components include motivation, While intrinsic motivation captures an idealistic view
self- and other knowledge, and tolerance for uncertainty. of intercultural communication as rewarding in its own
Initially, a person’s motivation for communicating right, many contexts create extrinsic motivation. In either
with people from other cultures must be considered. case, there is a risk that an individual’s motivation can
Motivation refers to the root of a person’s desire to foster still lead to incompetent communication. For example, it
intercultural relationships and can be intrinsic or extrin- would be exploitative for an extrinsically motivated person
sic (Martin & Nakayama, 2010). Put simply, if a person to pursue intercultural communication solely for an exter-
isn’t motivated to communicate with people from differ- nal reward and then abandon the intercultural relationship
ent cultures, then the components of ICC discussed next once the reward is attained. These situations highlight the
don’t really matter. If a person has a healthy curiosity that relational aspect of ICC, meaning that the motivation of
drives him or her toward intercultural encounters in order all parties should be considered. Motivation alone cannot
to learn more about self and others, then there is a foun- create ICC.
dation from which to build additional competence-rele- Knowledge supplements motivation and is an import-
vant attitudes and skills. This intrinsic motivation makes ant part of building ICC. Knowledge includes self- and
intercultural communication a voluntary, rewarding, and other-awareness, mindfulness, and cognitive flexibility.
lifelong learning process. Motivation can also be extrinsic, Building knowledge of our own cultures, identities, and
meaning that the desire for intercultural communication communication patterns takes more than passive experi-
is driven by an outside reward like money, power, or rec- ence (Martin & Nakayama, 2010). We learn who we are
ognition. While both types of motivation can contribute through our interactions with others. Developing cultural
to ICC, context may further enhance or impede a person’s self-awareness often requires us to get out of our comfort
motivation to communicate across cultures. zones. Listening to people who are different from us is a
Introduction to Intercultural Communication • 23

key component of developing self-knowledge. This may be focus on the interactive process like “How is our com-
uncomfortable, because we may realize that people think munication going? What are my reactions? What are
of our identities differently than we thought. For example, their reactions?” Being able to adapt our communication
when I lived in Sweden, my Swedish roommates often dis- in the moment based on our answers to these questions
cussed how they were wary of befriending students from is a skill that comes with a high level of ICC. Reflecting
the United States. They perceived U.S. Americans to be on the communication encounter later to see what can
shallow because they were friendly and exciting while they be learned is also a way to build ICC. We should then be
were in Sweden but didn’t remain friends once they left. able to incorporate what we learned into our communi-
Although I was initially upset by their assessment, I came to cation frameworks, which requires cognitive flexibility.
see the truth in it. Swedes are generally more reserved than Cognitive flexibility refers to the ability to continually
U.S. Americans and take longer to form close friendships. supplement and revise existing knowledge to create new
The comparatively extroverted nature of the Americans led categories rather than forcing new knowledge into old cat-
some of the Swedes to overestimate the depth of their rela- egories. Cognitive flexibility helps prevent our knowledge
tionship, which ultimately hurt them when the Americans from becoming stale and also prevents the formation of
didn’t stay in touch. This made me more aware of how my stereotypes and can help us avoid prejudging an encounter
communication was perceived, enhancing my self-knowl- or jumping to conclusions. In summary, to be better inter-
edge. I also learned more about communication behaviors cultural communicators, we should know much about
of the Swedes, which contributed to my other-knowledge. others and ourselves and be able to reflect on and adapt
The most effective way to develop other-knowledge is our knowledge as we gain new experiences.
by direct and thoughtful encounters with other cultures. Motivation and knowledge can inform us as we
However, people may not readily have these opportunities gain new experiences, but how we feel in the moment
for a variety of reasons. Despite the overall diversity in the of intercultural encounters is also important. Tolerance
United States, many people still only interact with people for uncertainty refers to an individual’s attitude about
who are similar to them. Even in a racially diverse edu- and level of comfort in uncertain situations (Martin &
cational setting, for example, people often group off with Nakayama, 2010). Some people perform better in uncer-
people of their own race. While a heterosexual person may tain situations than others, and intercultural encounters
have a gay or lesbian friend or relative, they likely spend often bring up uncertainty. Whether communicating with
most of their time with other heterosexuals. Unless you someone of a different gender, race, or nationality, we are
interact with people with disabilities as part of your job often wondering what we should or shouldn’t do or say.
or have a person with a disability in your friend or family Situations of uncertainty most often become clearer as
group, you likely spend most of your time interacting with they progress, but the anxiety that an individual with a low
able-bodied people. Living in a rural area may limit your tolerance for uncertainty feels may lead them to leave the
ability to interact with a range of cultures, and most peo- situation or otherwise communicate in a less competent
ple do not travel internationally regularly. Because of this, manner. Individuals with a high tolerance for uncertainty
we may have to make a determined effort to interact with may exhibit more patience, waiting on new information to
other cultures or rely on educational sources like college become available or seeking out information, which may
classes, books, or documentaries. Learning another lan- then increase the understanding of the situation and lead
guage is also a good way to learn about a culture, because to a more successful outcome (Pusch, 2009). Individuals
you can then read the news or watch movies in the native who are intrinsically motivated toward intercultural com-
language, which can offer insights that are lost in transla- munication may have a higher tolerance for uncertainty, in
tion. It is important to note though that we must evaluate that their curiosity leads them to engage with others who
the credibility of the source of our knowledge, whether are different because they find the self- and other-knowl-
it is a book, person, or other source. Also, knowledge of edge gained rewarding.
another language does not automatically equate to ICC.
Developing self- and other-knowledge is an ongoing Cultivating Intercultural
process that will continue to adapt and grow as we encoun- Communication Competence
ter new experiences. Mindfulness and cognitive complex- How can ICC be built and achieved? This is a key question
ity will help as we continue to build our ICC (Pusch, 2009). we will address in this section. Two main ways to build
Mindfulness is a state of self- and other-monitoring that ICC are through experiential learning and reflective prac-
informs later reflection on communication interactions. tices (Bednarz, 2010). We must first realize that compe-
As mindful communicators we should ask questions that tence isn’t any one thing. Part of being competent means
24 • CHAPTER 1

that you can assess new situations and adapt your exist- events, organize the world, and use rules of logic (Nisbett,
ing knowledge to the new contexts. What it means to be 2003). Some cultures have a cognitive style that focuses
competent will vary depending on your physical location, more on tasks, analytic and objective thinking, details and
your role (personal, professional, etc.), and your life stage, precision, inner direction, and independence, while others
among other things. Sometimes we will know or be able focus on relationships and people over tasks and things,
to figure out what is expected of us in a given situation, concrete and metaphorical thinking, and a group con-
but sometimes we may need to act in unexpected ways to sciousness and harmony.
meet the needs of a situation. Competence enables us to Developing ICC is a complex learning process. At
better cope with the unexpected, adapt to the nonroutine, the basic level of learning, we accumulate knowledge and
and connect to uncommon frameworks. I have always told assimilate it into our existing frameworks. But accumu-
my students that ICC is less about a list of rules and more lated knowledge doesn’t necessarily help us in situations
about a box of tools. where we have to apply that knowledge. Transforma-
Three ways to cultivate ICC are to foster attitudes that tive learning takes place at the highest levels and occurs
motivate us, discover knowledge that informs us, and when we encounter situations that challenge our accu-
develop skills that enable us (Bennett, 2009). To foster atti- mulated knowledge and our ability to accommodate that
tudes that motivate us, we must develop a sense of won- knowledge to manage a real-world situation. The cog-
der about culture. This sense of wonder can lead to feeling nitive dissonance that results in these situations is often
overwhelmed, humbled, or awed (Opdal, 2001). This sense uncomfortable and can lead to a hesitance to repeat such
of wonder may correlate to a high tolerance for uncer- an engagement. One tip for cultivating ICC that can help
tainty, which can help us turn potentially frustrating expe- manage these challenges is to find a community of like-
riences we have into teachable moments. I’ve had many minded people who are also motivated to develop ICC.
such moments in my intercultural encounters at home and In my graduate program, I lived in the international dor-
abroad. One such moment came the first time I tried to mitory in order to experience the cultural diversity that I
cook a frozen pizza in the oven in the shared kitchen of my had enjoyed so much studying abroad a few years earlier. I
apartment in Sweden. The information on the packaging was surrounded by international students and U.S. Amer-
was written in Swedish, but like many college students, I ican students who were more or less interested in cultural
had a wealth of experience cooking frozen pizzas to draw diversity. This ended up being a tremendous learning expe-
from. As I went to set the oven dial to preheat, I noticed it rience, and I worked on research about identity and com-
was strange that the oven didn’t go up to my usual 425–450 munication between international and American students.
degrees. Not to be deterred, I cranked the dial up as far as Developing skills that enable us is another part of ICC.
it would go, waited a few minutes, put my pizza in, and Some of the skills important to ICC are the ability to empa-
walked down the hall to my room to wait for about fifteen thize, accumulate cultural information, listen, resolve con-
minutes until the pizza was done. The smell of smoke drew flict, and manage anxiety (Bennett, 2009). Again, you are
me from my room before the fifteen minutes was up, and already developing a foundation for these skills by read-
I walked into a corridor filled with smoke and the smell ing this book, but you can expand those skills to intercul-
of burnt pizza. I pulled the pizza out and was puzzled for tural settings with the motivation and knowledge already
a few minutes while I tried to figure out why the pizza described. Contact alone does not increase intercultural
burned so quickly, when one of my corridor-mates gen- skills; there must be more deliberate measures taken to
tly pointed out that the oven temperatures in Sweden are fully capitalize on those encounters. While research now
listed in Celsius, not Fahrenheit! Despite almost burning shows that intercultural contact does decrease prejudices,
the kitchen down, I learned a valuable lesson about assum- this is not enough to become interculturally competent.
ing my map for temperatures and frozen pizzas was the The ability to empathize and manage anxiety enhances
same as everyone else’s. prejudice reduction, and these two skills have been shown
Discovering knowledge that informs us is another step to enhance the overall impact of intercultural contact even
that can build on our motivation. One tool involves learn- more than acquiring cultural knowledge. There is inter-
ing more about our cognitive style, or how we learn. Our cultural training available for people who are interested.
cognitive style consists of our preferred patterns for “gath- If you can’t access training, you may choose to research
ering information, constructing meaning, and organizing intercultural training on your own, as there are many
and applying knowledge” (Bennett, 2009). As we explore books, articles, and manuals written on the subject.
cognitive styles, we discover that there are differences Reflective practices can also help us process through
in how people attend to and perceive the world, explain rewards and challenges associated with developing ICC.
Introduction to Intercultural Communication • 25

As we open ourselves to new experiences, we are likely to we are guilty of TUI, such as uncritically accepting the dom-
have both positive and negative reactions. It can be very inant belief systems, relying on stereotypes, or prejudging
useful to take note of negative or defensive reactions you someone based on their identities. She recounts seeing a
have. This can help you identify certain triggers that may picture on the front of the newspaper with three men who
create barriers to effective intercultural interaction. Not- appeared Latino. She found herself wondering what they had
ing positive experiences can also help you identify trig- done, and then found out from the caption that they were the
gers for learning that you could seek out or recreate to relatives of people who died in a car crash. She identified
enhance the positive (Bednarz, 2010). A more complex that as a TUI moment and asked herself if she would have
method of reflection is called intersectional reflexivity. had the same thought if they had been Black, White, Asian,
Intersectional reflexivity is a reflective practice by which or female. When we feel “surprised” by someone different,
we acknowledge intersecting identities, both privileged this often points to a preexisting negative assumption that we
and disadvantaged, and implicate ourselves in social hier- can unpack and learn from. Allen also found herself surprised
archies and inequalities (Jones, 2010). This method brings when a panelist at a conference who used a wheelchair and
in the concepts of dominant and nondominant groups and was hearing impaired made witty comments. Upon reflec-
the privileges/disadvantages dialectic we discussed earlier. tion, she realized that she had an assumption that people
While formal intercultural experiences like study- with disabilities would have a gloomy outlook on life. While
ing abroad or volunteering for the Special Olympics or a these examples focus on out-groups, she also notes that it’s
shelter for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer important for people, especially in nondominant groups, to
(LGBTQ) youth can result in learning, informal experi- monitor their thoughts about their own group, as they may
ences are also important. We may be less likely to include have internalized negative attitudes about their group from
informal experiences in our reflection if we don’t see them the dominant culture. As a Black woman, she notes that she
as legitimate. Reflection should also include “critical inci- has been critical of Black people who “do not speak main-
dents” or what I call “a-ha! moments.” Think of reflection stream English” based on stereotypes she internalized about
as a tool for metacompetence that can be useful in bring- race, language, and intelligence. It is not automatically a bad
ing the formal and informal together (Bednarz, 2010). thing to TUI. Even Brenda Allen, an accomplished and admi-
rable scholar of culture and communication, catches herself
doing it. When we notice that we TUI, it’s important to reflect
■ “Getting Competent” • on that moment and try to adjust our thinking processes. This
Thinking under the Influence is an ongoing process, but it is an easy-to-remember way
Communication and culture scholar Brenda Allen coined to cultivate your ICC. Keep a record of instances where you
the phrase “thinking under the influence” (TUI) to highlight catch yourself “thinking under the influence” and answer the
a reflective process that can help us hone our intercultural following questions:
communication competence (Allen, 2011). As we discussed
1. What triggers you to TUI?
earlier, being mindful is an important part of building com-
petence. Once we can become aware of our thought pro- 2. Where did these influences on your thought come
cesses and behaviors, we can more effectively monitor and from?
intervene in them. She asks us to monitor our thoughts and 3. What concepts from this chapter can you apply to
feelings about other people, both similar to and different from change your thought processes? ■
us. As we monitor, we should try to identify instances when

KEY TAKEAWAYS
• Culture is an ongoing negotiation of learned patterns of beliefs, • Social identities are components of self that are derived from
attitudes, values, and behaviors. our involvement in social groups to which we are interperson-
• Each of us has personal, social, and cultural identities. ally invested.
• Personal identities are components of self that are primarily • Cultural identities are components of self based on socially
intrapersonal and connect to our individual interests and life constructed categories that teach us a way of being and include
experiences. expectations for our thoughts and behaviors.
26 • CHAPTER 1

• Nondominant identity formation may include a person moving self-awareness and be better able to communicate in a world
from unawareness of the importance of their identities, to with changing demographics and technologies.
adopting the values of dominant society, to separating from • A dialectical approach to studying intercultural communication
dominant society, to integrating components of identities. is useful because it allows us to think about culture and identity
• Dominant identity formation may include a person moving from in complex ways, avoiding dichotomies and acknowledging the
unawareness of their identities, to accepting the identity hierar- tensions that must be negotiated.
chy, to separation from and guilt regarding the dominant group, • Intercultural relationships face some challenges in negotiat-
to redefining and integrating components of identities. ing the dialectic between similarities and differences but can
• Difference matters because people are treated differently also produce rewards in terms of fostering self- and other
based on their identities and demographics and patterns of awareness.
interaction are changing. Knowing why and how this came to • Getting integrated: Intercultural communication competence
be and how to navigate our increasingly diverse society can (ICC) is the ability to communicate effectively and appropriately
make us more competent communicators. in various cultural contexts. ICC also has the potential to benefit
• The social constructionist view of culture and identity states you in academic, professional, personal, and civic contexts.
that the self is formed through our interactions with others and • A person with appropriate intrinsic or extrinsic motivation to
in relation to social, cultural, and political contexts. engage in intercultural communication can develop self- and
• Race, gender, sexuality, and ability are socially constructed cul- other-knowledge that will contribute to their ability to be
tural identities that developed over time in relation to historical, mindful of their own communication and tolerate uncertain
social, and political contexts. situations.
• Race, gender, sexuality, and ability are cultural identities that • We can cultivate ICC by fostering attitudes that motivate us,
affect our communication and our relationships. discovering knowledge that informs us, and developing skills
• Studying intercultural communication, communication between that enable us.
people with differing cultural identities, can help us gain more

EXERCISES
1. List some of your personal, social, and cultural identities. Are for Communicating with People with Disabilities” have influ-
there any that relate? If so, how? For your cultural identities, enced how you communicated in this instance? Why or why not?
which ones are dominant and which ones are nondominant? 8. Why is the phrase “Know thyself” relevant to the study of inter-
What would a person who looked at this list be able to tell cultural communication?
about you? 9. Apply at least one of the six dialectics to a recent intercultural
2. Describe a situation in which someone ascribed an identity to interaction that you had. How does this dialectic help you
you that didn’t match with your avowed identities. Why do you understand or analyze the situation?
think the person ascribed the identity to you? Were there any 10. Do some research on your state’s laws by answering the follow-
stereotypes involved? ing questions: Did your state have antimiscegenation laws? If
3. Getting integrated: Review the section that explains why so, when were they repealed? Does your state legally recognize
difference matters. Discuss the ways in which difference may gay and lesbian relationships? If so, how?
influence how you communicate in each of the following con- 11. Identify an intercultural encounter in which you did not commu-
texts: academic, professional, and personal. nicate as competently as you would have liked. What concept(s)
4. Do you ever have difficulty discussing different cultural iden- from the chapter would have helped you in this situation and
tities due to terminology? If so, what are your uncertainties? how?
What did you learn in this chapter that can help you overcome 12. Which of the following components of ICC—motivation, mind-
them? fulness, cognitive flexibility, and tolerance for uncertainty—do
5. What comes to mind when you hear the word feminist? How did you think you are most competent at, and which one needs the
you come to have the ideas you have about feminism? most work? Identify how you became so competent at the first
6. How do you see sexuality connect to identity in the media? Why one and some ways that you can improve the second one.
do you think the media portrays sexuality and identity the way 13. Choose one of the three ways discussed to cultivate ICC and
it does? make a list of five steps you can take to enhance this part of
7. Think of an instance in which you had an interaction with some- your competence.
one with a disability. Would knowing the “Ten Commandments
Introduction to Intercultural Communication • 27

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CHAPTER 2

Social Categorization, Stereotyping,


and Discrimination

SOURCE
Stangor, C., Jhangiani, R., & Tarry, H. (2014). Stereotypes, prejudice, and discrimination. In C. Stangor (Ed.), Principles of
social psychology (1st int’l ed.). BCcampus. Retrieved February 13, 2020, from https://opentextbc.ca/socialpsychology/
part/chapter-12-stereotypes-prejudice-and-discrimination/
(Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License)

LEARNING OBJECTIVES
1. Describe the fundamental process of social categorization and 5. Summarize the results of Henri Tajfel’s research on minimal
its influence on thoughts, feelings, and behavior. groups.
2. Define stereotypes and describe the ways that stereotypes are 6. Outline the personality and cultural variables that influence
measured. ingroup favoritism.
3. Review the ways that stereotypes influence our behavior. 7. Review the causes of discrimination and the ways that we can
4. Review the causes and outcomes of ingroup favoritism. reduce it.
8. Summarize the conditions under which intergroup contact does
or does not reduce prejudice and discrimination.

KEY TERMS
authoritarianism feelings of social identity prejudice
black sheep effect group-serving bias social categorization
bogus pipeline procedure Implicit Association Test (IAT) social dominance orientation (SDO)
common ingroup identity ingroup favoritism stereotype
contact hypothesis interdependence stereotype threat
discrimination jigsaw classroom superordinate goals
extended-contact hypothesis outgroup homogeneity ultimate attribution error

as an “aggressive minority” whose children have venereal


■ State-Sanctioned Homophobia disease, and, in 2012, a well-known news anchor recom-
In recent years, the Russian government has enacted a mended on air that the hearts of victims of car accidents
series of laws designed to target members of its LGBT (les-
bian-gay-bisexual-transgender) community. These include
forcing LGBT organizations to register as “foreign agents,”
banning depictions of homosexuality (including carrying
rainbow flags) in front of young people, and denying permis-
sion to LGBT groups wanting to organize gay pride parades.
Unfortunately, homophobic attitudes and even violence
are not uncommon in Russian society. For example, groups
such as Occupy Gerontilyaj have been known to lure and
then beat and torture gay teenagers. In 2012, a video that
surfaced online showed six members of another far-right-
wing organization torturing a young man who later died,
according to the Spectrum Human Rights Alliance (a group
that advocated for LGBT rights in Eastern Europe). LGBT activists are attacked during an action “Day of
The tone of some of the Russian media reflects these Kisses” against a homophobic bill in Moscow. (Image by Roma
attitudes. For instance, the LGBT community are portrayed Yandolin is used under CC BY SA 2.0.)

29
30 • CHAPTER 2

that happen to be homosexual “should be buried or burnt as


unfit for prolonging anybody’s life.”
In recent years, several commentators have drawn par-
allels between Russia’s persecution of its LGBT community
and the treatment of the Jewish community by the Nazi
regime in the years leading up to the Holocaust.
In 2014, public figures around the world called for a boy-
cott (unsuccessfully) of the Winter Olympic Games in Sochi,
arguing that the language of the Olympic Charter explicitly
denounces all forms of discrimination. Ultimately, the Winter
Olympic Games went ahead as planned, although athletes
and Olympic tourists alike were warned against promoting
“non-traditional sexual relations.”

Sources FIGURE 2.1 Relationships among social groups are


Ennis, S. (2014, January 14). Homophobia spreads in Russian media. influenced by the ABCs of social psychology.
BBC News. http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-25778272
Michaelson, J. (2014, June 9). Homophobia in Russia is taking a we may use those beliefs to guide our actions toward peo-
Kafkaesque turn. The Daily Beast. http://www.thedailybeast.com/ ple from those groups (Figure 2.2). In addition to our ste-
articles/2014/06/09/homophobia-in-russia-is-taking-a-kafkaesque- reotypes, we may also develop prejudice—an unjustifiable
turn.html negative attitude toward an outgroup or toward the mem-
Nemtsova, A. (2013, August 9). Russia: The next Third Reich? The Daily bers of that outgroup. Prejudice can take the form of dislik-
Beast. https://www.thedailybeast.com/russia-the-next-third-reich ■ ing, anger, fear, disgust, discomfort, and even hatred—the
kind of affective states that can lead to behavior such as
the gay bashing you just read about. Our stereotypes and

C ontemporary increases in globalization and immigra-


tion are leading to more culturally diverse populations
in many countries. These changes will create many benefits
our prejudices are problematic because they may create
discrimination—unjustified negative behaviors toward
members of outgroups based on their group membership.
for society and for the individuals within it. Gender, cul- Although violence against members of outgroups is
tural, sexual orientation, and ethnic diversity can improve fortunately rare, stereotypes, prejudice, and discrimina-
creativity and group performance, facilitate new ways of tion nevertheless influence people’s lives in a variety of
looking at problems, and allow multiple viewpoints on ways. Stereotypes influence our academic performance
decisions (Cunningham, 2011; Mannix & Neale, 2005; van (Shapiro & Neuberg, 2007), the careers that we chose to
Knippenberg & Schippers, 2007). On the other hand, as we follow (Zhang et al., 2009), our experiences at work (Fiske
have seen in many places in this book, perceived similarity & Lee, 2008), and the amount that we are paid for the work
is an extremely important determinant of liking. Members that we do (Jackson, 2011; Wood & Eagly, 2010).
of culturally diverse groups may be less attracted to each Stereotypes and prejudice have a pervasive and often
other than are members of more homogeneous groups, pernicious influence on our responses to others, and also
may have more difficulty communicating with each other, in some cases on our own behaviors. To take one example,
and in some cases may actively dislike and even engage in social psychological research has found that our stereo-
aggressive behavior toward each other. types may in some cases lead to stereotype threat—per-
The principles of social psychology, including the formance decrements that are caused by the knowledge of
ABCs—affect, behavior, and cognition—apply to the study cultural stereotypes. Spencer et al. (1999) found that when
of stereotyping, prejudice, and discrimination, and social women were reminded of the (untrue) stereotype that
psychologists have expended substantial research efforts “women are poor at math,” they performed more poorly
studying these concepts (Figure 2.1). The cognitive com- on math tests than when they were not reminded of the
ponent in our perceptions of group members is the stereo- stereotype, and other research has found stereotype threat
type—the positive or negative beliefs that we hold about in many other domains as well. We’ll consider the role of
the characteristics of social group. We may decide that stereotype threat in more detail later in this chapter.
“French people are romantic,” that “old people are incom- In one particularly disturbing line of research about the
petent,” or that “college professors are absent minded.” And influence of prejudice on behaviors, Joshua Correll and his
Social Categorization, Stereotyping, and Discrimination • 31

FIGURE 2.2 Do you have stereotypes about any of these people? (Women with baby by Francesco Veronesi is used under CC BY-NC-SA
2.0; DSC_0957a by andy orin is used under CC BY 2.0; Suspension by kris krüg is used under CC BY-SA 2.0; ASHS students studying by Mosborne01 is used under
CC BY-SA 3.0.)

colleagues had White participants participate in an exper- and our prejudices. We will consider the negative out-
iment in which they viewed photographs of White and comes of those beliefs on the targets of our perceptions,
Black people on a computer screen. Across the experiment, and we will consider ways that we might be able to change
the photographs showed the people holding either a gun those beliefs, or at least help us stop acting upon them.
or something harmless such as a cell phone. The partici- Let’s begin by considering the cognitive side of our group
pants were asked to decide as quickly as possible to press beliefs—focusing primarily on stereotypes—before turn-
a button to “shoot” if the target held a weapon but to “not ing to the important role of feelings in prejudice.
shoot” if the person did not hold a weapon. Overall, the
White participants tended to shoot more often when the SOCIAL CATEGORIZATION
person holding the object was Black than when the person AND STEREOTYPING
holding the object was White, and this occurred even when Thinking about others in terms of their group member-
there was no weapon present (Correll et al., 2007a; Correll ships is known as social categorization—the natural cog-
et al., 2007b). nitive process by which we place individuals into social
Discrimination is a major societal problem because it groups. Social categorization occurs when we think of
is so pervasive, takes so many forms, and has such nega- someone as a man (versus a woman), an old person (ver-
tive effects on so many people. Even people who are paid sus a young person), a Black person (versus an Asian or
to be unbiased may discriminate. Price and Wolfers (2007) White person), and so on (Allport, 1954/1979). Just as we
found that White players in National Basketball Associa- categorize objects into different types, so do we categorize
tion games received fewer fouls when more of the referees people according to their social group memberships. Once
present in the game were White, and Black players received we do so, we begin to respond to those people more as
fewer fouls when more of the referees present in the game members of a social group than as individuals.
where Black. The implication is—whether they know it or Imagine for a moment that two college students, Far-
not—the referees were discriminating on the basis of race. had and Sarah, are talking at a table in the student union
You may have had some experiences where you found at your college or university. At this point, we would prob-
yourself responding to another person on the basis of a ably not consider them to be acting as group members,
stereotype or a prejudice, and perhaps the fact that you but rather as two individuals. Farhad is expressing his
did surprised you. Perhaps you then tried to get past these opinions, and Sarah is expressing hers. Imagine, however,
beliefs and to react to the person more on the basis of his that as the conversation continues, Sarah brings up an
or her individual characteristics. We like some people and assignment that she is completing for her women’s studies
we dislike others—this is natural—but we should not let class. It turns out that Farhad does not think there should
a person’s skin color, gender, age, religion, sexual orienta- be a women’s studies program at the college, and he tells
tion, or ethnic background make these determinations for Sarah so. He argues that if there is a women’s studies pro-
us. And yet, despite our best intentions, we may end up gram, then there should be a men’s studies program too.
making friends only with people who are similar to us and Furthermore, he argues that women are getting too many
perhaps even avoiding people whom we see as different. breaks in job hiring and that qualified men are the targets
In this chapter, we will study the processes by which of discrimination. Sarah feels quite the contrary—argu-
we develop, maintain, and make use of our stereotypes ing that women have been the targets of sexism for many,
32 • CHAPTER 2

many years and even now do not have the same access to Taylor and her colleagues (Taylor, Fiske, Etcoff, & Ruder-
high-paying jobs that men do. man, 1978) showed their research participants a slide and
You can see that an interaction that began at individ- tape presentation of three male and three female college
ual level, as two individuals conversing, has now turned students who had supposedly participated in a discussion
to the group level, in which Farhad has begun to consider group. During the presentation, each member of the dis-
himself as a man, and Sarah has begun to consider herself cussion group made a suggestion about how to advertise a
as a woman. In short, Sarah is now arguing her points not college play. The statements were controlled so that across
so much for herself as she is as a representative of one of all the research participants, the statements made by the
her ingroups—namely, women—and Farhad is acting as a men and the women were of equal length and quality.
representative of one of his ingroups—namely, men. Sarah Furthermore, one half of the participants were told that
feels that her positions are correct, and she believes they when the presentation was over, they would be asked to
are true not only for her but for women in general. And the remember which person had made which suggestion,
same is true of Farhad. You can see that these social cate- whereas the other half of the participants were told merely
gorizations may create some potential for misperception, to observe the interaction without attending to anything
and perhaps even hostility. And Farhad and Sarah may in particular.
even change their opinions about each other, forgetting After they had viewed all the statements made by
that they really like each other as individuals, because they the individuals in the discussion group, the research
are now responding more as group members with oppos- participants were given a memory test (this was entirely
ing views. unexpected for the participants who had not been given
Imagine now that while Farhad and Sarah are still memory instructions). The participants were shown the
talking, some students from another college, each wearing list of all the statements that had been made, along with
the hats and jackets of that school, show up in the student the pictures of each of the discussion group members, and
union. The presence of these outsiders might change the were asked to indicate who had made each of the state-
direction of social categorization entirely, leading both ments. The research participants were not very good at this
Farhad and Sarah to think of themselves as students at task, and yet when they made mistakes, these errors were
their own college. And this social categorization might very systematic.
lead them to become more aware of the positive charac- As you can see in Table 2.1, the mistakes were such that
teristics of their college (the excellent rugby team, lovely the statements that had actually been made by a man were
campus, and intelligent students) in comparison with the more frequently wrongly attributed to another man in the
characteristics of the other school. Now, rather than per- group than to another woman, and the statements actu-
ceiving themselves as members of two different groups ally made by a woman were more frequently attributed to
(men versus women), Farhad and Sarah might suddenly other women in the group than to a man. The participants
perceive themselves as members of the same social cate- evidently categorized the speakers by their gender, lead-
gory (students at their college). ing them to make more within-gender than across-gender
Perhaps this example will help you see the flexibility confusions.
of social categorization. We sometimes think of our rela- Interestingly, and suggesting that categorization is
tionships with others at the individual level and some- occurring all the time, the instructions that the partic-
times at the group level. And which groups we use in ipants had been given made absolutely no difference.
social categorization can change over time and in different There was just as much categorization for those who were
situations. You are more likely to categorize yourself as a not given any instructions as for those who were told to
member of your college or university when your rugby or remember who said what. Other research using this tech-
football team has just won a really important game, or at nique has found that we spontaneously categorize each
your graduation ceremony, than you would on a normal other on the basis of many other group memberships,
evening out with your family. In these cases, your mem- including race, academic status (student versus teacher),
bership as a university student is simply more salient and
important than it is every day, and you are more likely to TABLE 2.1 Name Confusions
categorize yourself accordingly. Instructions Within Race Errors Between Race Errors

Spontaneous Social Categorization Memory 5.78 4.29


No memory 6.57 4.36
Social categorization occurs spontaneously, without much
thought on our part (Crisp & Hewstone, 2007). Shelley From Taylor et al. (1978).
Social Categorization, Stereotyping, and Discrimination • 33

world—things are complicated, and we reduce complexity


by relying on our stereotypes.

The Negative Outcomes of Social Categorization


Although thinking about others in terms of their social
category memberships has some potential benefits for
the person who does the categorizing, categorizing oth-
ers, rather than treating them as unique individuals with
their own unique characteristics, has a wide variety of neg-
ative, and often very unfair, outcomes for those who are
categorized.
One problem is that social categorization distorts our
perceptions such that we tend to exaggerate the differences
between people from different social groups while at the
FIGURE 2.3 If you are like most people, you will have a same time perceiving members of groups (and particu-
strong desire to categorize this person as either male or
larly outgroups) as more similar to each other than they
female. (Chillin by Sabrina’s Stash is used under CC BY 2.0.)
actually are. This overgeneralization makes it more likely
that we will think about and treat all members of a group
social roles, and other social categories (Fiske et al., 1991; the same way. Tajfel and Wilkes (1963) performed a simple
Stangor et al., 1992). experiment that provided a picture of the potential out-
The conclusion is simple, if perhaps obvious: Social comes of categorization. As you can see in Figure 2.4, the
categorization is occurring all around us all the time. experiment involved having research participants judge
Indeed, social categorization occurs so quickly that people the length of six lines. In one of the experimental con-
may have difficulty not thinking about others in terms of ditions, participants simply saw six lines, whereas in the
their group memberships (see Figure 2.3). other condition, the lines were systematically categorized
into two groups—one comprising the three shorter lines
The Benefits of Social Categorization and one comprising the three longer lines.
The tendency to categorize others is often quite useful. Tajfel found that the lines were perceived differently
In some cases, we categorize because doing so provides when they were categorized, such that the differences
us with information about the characteristics of people
who belong to certain social groups (Lee et al., 1995). If
you found yourself lost in a city, you might look for a
police officer or a taxi driver to help you find your way.
In this case, social categorization would probably be use-
ful because a police officer or a taxi driver might be par-
ticularly likely to know the layout of the city streets. Of
course, using social categories will only be informative
to the extent that the stereotypes held by the individual
about that category are accurate. If police officers were
actually not that knowledgeable about the city layout,
then using this categorization heuristic would not be
informative.
The description of social categorization as a heuristic is
also true in another sense: we sometimes categorize others
not because it seems to provide more information about
them but because we may not have the time (or the moti-
vation) to do anything more thorough. Using our stereo-
types to size up another person might simply make our life
FIGURE 2.4 Perceptual accentuation. Lines C and D were
easier (Macrae et al., 1994). According to this approach, seen as the same length in the noncategorized condition,
thinking about other people in terms of their social cate- but line C was perceived as longer than line D when the
gory memberships is a functional way of dealing with the lines were categorized into two groups. (From Tajfel [1970].)
34 • CHAPTER 2

between the groups and the similarities within the groups other than they actually are, it then becomes very easy
were emphasized. Specifically, he found that although lines to apply our stereotypes to the members of the groups
C and D (which are actually the same length) were per- without having to consider whether the characteristic is
ceived as equal in length when the lines were not catego- actually true of the particular individual. If men think
rized, line D was perceived as being significantly longer that women are all alike, then they may also think that
than line C in the condition in which the lines were cate- they all have the same positive and negative characteris-
gorized. In this case, categorization into two groups—the tics (e.g., they’re nurturing, emotional). And women may
“short lines group” and the “long lines group”—produced a have similarly simplified beliefs about men (e.g., they’re
perceptual bias such that the two groups of lines were seen strong, unwilling to commit). The outcome is that the
as more different than they really were. stereotypes become linked to the group itself in a set of
Similar effects occur when we categorize other people. mental representations (Figure 2.5). The stereotypes are
We tend to see people who belong to the same social group “pictures in our heads” of the social groups (Lippman,
as more similar than they actually are, and we tend to judge 1922). These beliefs just seem right and natural, even
people from different social groups as more different than though they are frequently distorted overgeneralizations
they actually are. The tendency to see members of social (Hirschfeld, 1996; Yzerbyt et al., 1994).
groups as similar to each other is particularly strong for Our stereotypes and prejudices are learned through
members of outgroups, resulting in outgroup homogene- many different processes. This multiplicity of causes is
ity—the tendency to view members of outgroups as more unfortunate because it makes stereotypes and prejudices
similar to each other than we see members of ingroups even more likely to form and harder to change. For one,
(Linville et al., 1986; Ostrom & Sedi­kides, 1992; Meiss­ner we learn our stereotypes in part through our communica-
& Brigham, 2001). Perhaps you have had this experience tions with parents and peers (Aboud & Doyle, 1996) and
yourself when you found yourself thinking or saying, “Oh, from the behaviors we see portrayed in the media (Brown,
them, they’re all the same!” 1995). Even five-year-old children have learned cultural
Patricia Linville and Edward Jones (1980) gave research norms about the appropriate activities and behaviors for
participants a list of trait terms and asked them to think boys and girls and also have developed stereotypes about
about either members of their own group (e.g., Blacks) or age, race, and physical attractiveness (Bigler & Liben,
members of another group (e.g., Whites) and to place the 2006). And there is often good agreement about the ste-
trait terms into piles that represented different types of peo- reotypes of social categories among the individuals within
ple in the group. The results of these studies, as well as other a given culture. In one study assessing stereotypes, Steph-
studies like them, were clear: people perceive outgroups as anie Madon and her colleagues (Madon et al., 2001) pre-
more homogeneous than their ingroup. Just as White peo- sented U.S. college students with a list of 84 trait terms and
ple used fewer piles of traits to describe Blacks than Whites,
young people used fewer piles of traits to describe elderly
people than they did young people, and students used fewer
piles for members of other universities than they did for
members of their own university.
Outgroup homogeneity occurs in part because we
don’t have as much contact with outgroup members
as we do with ingroup members, and the quality
of interaction with outgroup members is often
more superficial. This prevents us from really
learning about the outgroup members as
individuals, and as a result, we tend to
be unaware of the differences among the
group members. In addition to learning
less about them because we see and inter-
act with them less, we routinely categorize
outgroup members, thus making them
FIGURE 2.5 Stereotypes are the beliefs associated with social categories.
appear more cognitively similar (Haslam
The figure shows links between the social category of college professors
et al., 1996). and its stereotypes as a type of neural network or schema. The
Once we begin to see the members representation also includes one image (or exemplar) of a particular college
of outgroups as more similar to each professor whom the student knows. (Image courtesy of Dan Gilbert.)
Social Categorization, Stereotyping, and Discrimination • 35

FIGURE 2.6 Current stereotypes held by college students. (From Madon et al. [2001].)

asked them to indicate for which groups each trait seemed who drives particularly well, we tend to forget it. This illu-
appropriate (Figure 2.6). The participants tended to agree sory correlation is another example of the general principle
about what traits were true of which groups, and this was of assimilation—we tend to perceive the world in ways that
true even for groups of which the respondents were likely make it fit our existing beliefs more easily than we change
to never have met a single member (Arabs and Russians). our beliefs to fit the reality around us.
Even today, there is good agreement about the stereotypes And stereotypes become difficult to change because
of members of many social groups, including men and they are so important to us—they become an integral and
women and a variety of ethnic groups. important part of our everyday lives in our culture. Stereo-
Once they become established, stereotypes (like any types are frequently expressed on TV, in movies, and in
other cognitive representation) tend to persevere. We social media, and we learn a lot of our beliefs from these
begin to respond to members of stereotyped categories as sources. Our friends also tend to hold beliefs similar to ours,
if we already knew what they were like. Yaacov Trope and and we talk about these beliefs when we get together with
Eric Thompson (1997) found that individuals addressed them (Schaller & Conway, 1999). In short, stereotypes and
fewer questions to members of categories about which prejudice are powerful largely because they are important
they had strong stereotypes (as if they already knew what social norms that are part of our culture (Guimond, 2000).
these people were like) and that the questions they did ask Because they are so highly cognitively accessible, and
were likely to confirm the stereotypes they already had. because they seem so “right,” our stereotypes easily influ-
In other cases, stereotypes are maintained because ence our judgments of and responses to those we have
information that confirms our stereotypes is better remem- categorized. The social psychologist John Bargh once
bered than information that disconfirms them. When we described stereotypes as “cognitive monsters” because
see members of social groups perform behaviors, we tend their activation was so powerful and because the acti-
to better remember information that confirms our stereo- vated beliefs had such insidious influences on social
types than we remember information that disconfirms judgment (Bargh, 1999). Making things even more dif-
our stereotypes (Fyock & Stangor, 1994). If we believe that ficult, stereotypes are strongest for the people who are in
women are bad drivers and we see a woman driving poorly, most need of change—the people who are most preju-
then we tend to remember it, but when we see a woman diced (Lepore & Brown, 1997).
36 • CHAPTER 2

Because stereotypes and prejudice often operate out used to assess stereotypes and prejudice (Nosek et al.,
of our awareness, and also because people are frequently 2007). In the IAT, participants are asked to classify stimuli
unwilling to admit that they hold them, social psycholo- that they view on a computer screen into one of two cate-
gists have developed methods for assessing them indirectly. gories by pressing one of two computer keys, one with their
In the Research Focus box following, we will consider two left hand and one with their right hand. Furthermore, the cat-
of these approaches—the bogus pipeline procedure and egories are arranged so that the responses to be answered
the Implicit Association Test (IAT). with the left and right buttons either “fit with” (match) the ste-
reotype or do not “fit with” (mismatch) the stereotype. For
instance, in one version of the IAT, participants are shown
■ Research Focus • M
 easuring Stereotypes Indirectly pictures of men and women and are also shown words
One difficulty in measuring stereotypes and prejudice is that related to academic disciplines (e.g., History, French, or Lin-
people may not tell the truth about their beliefs. Most people guistics for the Arts, or Chemistry, Physics, or Math for the
do not want to admit—either to themselves or to others—that Sciences). Then the participants categorize the photos (“Is
they hold stereotypes or that they are prejudiced toward this picture a picture of a man or a woman?”) and answer
some social groups. To get around this problem, social psy- questions about the disciplines (“Is this discipline a science?)
chologists make use of a number of techniques that help by pressing either the Yes button or the No button using
them measure these beliefs more subtly and indirectly. either their left hand or their right hand.
One indirect approach to assessing prejudice is called When the responses are arranged on the screen in a
the bogus pipeline procedure (Jones & Sigall, 1971). In this way that matches a stereotype, such that the male cate-
procedure, the experimenter first convinces the participants gory and the “science” category are on the same side of
that he or she has access to their “true” beliefs, for instance, the screen (e.g., on the right side), participants can do the
by getting access to a questionnaire that they completed task very quickly and they make few mistakes. It’s just easier,
at a prior experimental session. Once the participants are because the stereotypes are matched or associated with the
convinced that the researcher is able to assess their “true” pictures in a way that makes sense or is familiar. But when
attitudes, it is expected that they will be more honest in the images are arranged such that the female category and
answering the rest of the questions they are asked because the “science” category are on the same side, whereas the
they want to be sure that the researcher does not catch men and the weak categories are on the other side, most
them lying. Interestingly, people express more prejudice participants make more errors and respond more slowly.
when they are in the bogus pipeline than they do when they The basic assumption is that if two concepts are associated
are asked the same questions more directly, which suggests or linked, they will be responded to more quickly if they are
that we may frequently mask our negative beliefs in public. classified using the same, rather than different, keys.
Other indirect measures of prejudice are also frequently Implicit association procedures such as the IAT show that
used in social psychological research; for instance, assess- even participants who claim that they are not prejudiced do
ing nonverbal behaviors such as speech errors or physical seem to hold cultural stereotypes about social groups. Even
closeness. One common measure involves asking partici- Black people themselves respond more quickly to positive
pants to take a seat on a chair near a person from a different words that are associated with White rather than Black faces
racial or ethnic group and measuring how far away the per- on the IAT, suggesting that they have subtle racial prejudice
son sits (Sechrist & Stangor, 2001; Word et al., 1974). People toward their own racial group.
who sit farther away are assumed to be more prejudiced Because they hold these beliefs, it is possible—although
toward the members of the group. not guaranteed—that they may use them when responding
Because our stereotypes are activated spontaneously to other people, creating a subtle and unconscious type of
when we think about members of different social groups, it is discrimination. Although the meaning of the IAT has been
possible to use reaction-time measures to assess this activa- debated (Tetlock & Mitchell, 2008), research using implicit
tion and thus to learn about people’s stereotypes and preju- measures does suggest that—whether we know it or not,
dices. In these procedures, participants are asked to make a and even though we may try to control them when we can—
series of judgments about pictures or descriptions of social our stereotypes and prejudices are easily activated when
groups and then to answer questions as quickly as they can, we see members of different social categories (Barden et
but without making mistakes. The speed of these responses al., 2004).
is used to determine an individual’s stereotypes or prejudice. Do you hold implicit prejudices? Try the IAT yourself,
The most popular reaction-time implicit measure of prej- here: https://implicit.harvard.edu/implicit ■
udice—the Implicit Association Test (IAT)—is frequently
Social Categorization, Stereotyping, and Discrimination • 37

Although in some cases the stereotypes that are used Social Psychology in the Public Interest
to make judgments might actually be true of the individual Our stereotypes influence not only our judgments of oth-
being judged, in many other cases they are not. Stereotyp- ers but also our beliefs about ourselves, and even our own
ing is problematic when the stereotypes we hold about a performance on important tasks. In some cases, these
social group are inaccurate overall, and particularly when beliefs may be positive, and they have the effect of mak-
they do not apply to the individual who is being judged ing us feel more confident and thus better able to perform
(Stangor, 1995). Stereotyping others is simply unfair. Even tasks. Because Asian students are aware of the stereotype
if many women are more emotional than are most men, that “Asians are good at math,” reminding them of this fact
not all are, and it is not right to judge any one woman as before they take a difficult math test can improve their
if she is. performance on the test (Walton & Cohen, 2003). On the
In the end, stereotypes become self-fulfilling proph- other hand, sometimes these beliefs are negative, and they
ecies, such that our expectations about the group mem- create negative self-fulfilling prophecies such that we per-
bers make the stereotypes come true (Snyder et al., 1977; form more poorly just because of our knowledge about the
Word et al., 1974). Once we believe that men make better stereotypes.
leaders than women, we tend to behave toward men in One of the long-standing puzzles in the area of aca-
ways that makes it easier for them to lead. And we behave demic performance concerns why Black students in the
toward women in ways that makes it more difficult for United States perform more poorly on standardized tests,
them to lead. The result? Men find it easier to excel in receive lower grades, and are less likely to remain in school
leadership positions, whereas women have to work hard in comparison with White students, even when other fac-
to overcome the false beliefs about their lack of leader- tors such as family income, parents’ education, and other
ship abilities (Phelan & Rudman, 2010). This is likely why relevant variables are controlled. Claude Steele and Joshua
female lawyers with masculine names are more likely to Aronson (1995) tested the hypothesis that these differences
become judges (Coffey & McLaughlin, 2009) and mascu- might be due to the activation of negative stereotypes.
line-looking applicants are more likely to be hired as lead- Because Black students are aware of the (inaccurate) ste-
ers than feminine-looking applicants (von Stockhausen et reotype that “Blacks are intellectually inferior to Whites,”
al., 2013). this stereotype might create a negative expectation, which
These self-fulfilling prophecies are ubiquitous—even might interfere with their performance on intellectual tests
teachers’ expectations about their students’ academic abil- through fear of confirming that stereotype.
ities can influence the students’ school performance (Jus- In support of this hypothesis, Steele and Aronson’s
sim et al., 2009). research revealed that Black college students performed
Of course, you may think that you personally do not worse (in comparison with their prior test scores) on math
behave in these ways, and you may not. But research has questions taken from the Graduate Record Examination
found that stereotypes are often used out of our awareness, (GRE) when the test was described to them as being “diag-
which makes it very difficult for us to correct for them. nostic of their mathematical ability” (and thus when the
Even when we think we are being completely fair, we may stereotype was relevant) but that their performance was
nevertheless be using our stereotypes to condone discrim- not influenced when the same questions were framed as
ination (Chen & Bargh, 1999). And when we are distracted “an exercise in problem solving.” And in another study,
or under time pressure, these tendencies become even Steele and Aronson found that when Black students were
more powerful (Stangor & Duan, 1991). asked to indicate their race before they took a math test
Furthermore, attempting to prevent our stereotype (again activating the stereotype), they performed more
from coloring our reactions to others takes effort. We expe- poorly than they had on prior exams, whereas the scores
rience more negative affect (particularly anxiety) when we of White students were not affected by first indicating their
are with members of other groups than we do when we are race.
with people from our own groups, and we need to use more Steele and Aronson argued that thinking about negative
cognitive resources to control our behavior because of our stereotypes that are relevant to a task that one is perform-
anxiety about revealing our stereotypes or prejudices (Butz ing creates stereotype threat—performance decrements
& Plant, 2006; Richeson & Shelton, 2003). When we know that are caused by the knowledge of cultural stereotypes.
that we need to control our expectations so that we do not That is, they argued that the negative impact of race on
unintentionally stereotype the other person, we may try to standardized tests may be caused, at least in part, by the
do so—but doing so takes effort and may frequently fail performance situation itself. Because the threat is “in the
(Macrae et al., 1994). air,” Black students may be negatively influenced by it.
38 • CHAPTER 2

Research has found that the experience of stereotype personal information about the individual. And we have
threat can help explain a wide variety of performance seen that social categorization can have a variety of neg-
decrements among those who are targeted by negative ative consequences for the people who are the targets of
stereotypes. For instance, when a math task is described our stereotypes. But social categorization becomes even
as diagnostic of intelligence, Latinos and particularly Lati- more important, and has even more powerful effects on
nas perform more poorly than do Whites (Gonzales et al., our reactions to others, when the categorization becomes
2002). Similarly, when stereotypes are activated, children more emotionally involving, and particularly when the
with low socioeconomic status perform more poorly in categorization involves categorization into liked ingroups
math than do those with high socioeconomic status, and and potentially disliked outgroups (Amodio & Devine,
psychology students perform more poorly than do nat- 2006).
ural science students (Brown et al., 2003). Even groups Because our ancestors lived in small social groups that
who typically enjoy advantaged social status can be made were frequently in conflict with other groups, it was evo-
to experience stereotype threat. White men performed lutionarily functional for them to view members of other
more poorly on a math test when they were told that their groups as different and potentially dangerous (Brewer &
performance would be compared with that of Asian men Caporael, 2006; Navarrete et al., 2004). Differentiating
(Aronson et al., 1999), and Whites performed more poorly between “us” and “them” probably helped keep us safe and
than Blacks on a sport-related task when it was described free from disease, and as a result, the human brain became
to them as measuring their natural athletic ability (Stone, very efficient in making these distinctions (Mahajan et al.,
2002). 2011; Phelps et al., 2000; Van Vugt & Schaller, 2008; Zárate
Stereotype threat is created in situations that pose a et al., 2008). The problem is that these naturally occur-
significant threat to self-concern, such that our percep- ring tendencies may lead us to prefer people who are like
tions of ourselves as important, valuable, and capable us, and in some cases even to unfairly reject people from
individuals are threatened. In these situations, there is a outgroups.
discrepancy between our positive concept of our skills and
abilities and the negative stereotypes suggesting poor per- Liking “Us” More Than “Them”:
formance. When our stereotypes lead us to be believe that Ingroup Favoritism
we are likely to perform poorly on a task, we experience a In his important research on group perceptions, Henri
feeling of unease and status threat. Tajfel and his colleagues (Tajfel et al., 1971) demonstrated
Research has found that stereotype threat is caused by how incredibly powerful the role of self-concern is in
both cognitive and affective factors. On the cognitive side, group perceptions. He found that just dividing people
individuals who are experiencing stereotype threat show into arbitrary groups produces ingroup favoritism—the
an impairment in cognitive processing that is caused by tendency to respond more positively to people from our
increased vigilance toward the environment and attempts ingroups than we do to people from outgroups.
to suppress their stereotypical thoughts. On the affective In Tajfel’s research, small groups of high school stu-
side, stereotype threat creates stress as well as a variety dents came to his laboratory for a study supposedly con-
of affective responses including anxiety (Schmader et al., cerning “artistic tastes.” The students were first shown a
2008). series of paintings by two contemporary artists, Paul Klee
Stereotype threat is not, however, absolute—we can get and Wassily Kandinsky. Supposedly on the basis of their
past it if we try. What is important is to reduce the self-con- preferences for each painting, the students were divided
cern that is engaged when we consider the relevant negative into two groups (they were called the X group and the
stereotypes. Manipulations that affirm positive characteris- Y group). Each boy was told which group he had been
tics about oneself or one’s group are successful at reducing assigned to and that different boys were assigned to differ-
stereotype threat (Alter et al., 2010; Greenberg et al., 2003; ent groups. But none of them were told the group mem-
McIntyre et al., 2003). In fact, just knowing that stereotype berships of any of the other boys.
threat exists and may influence performance can help alle- The boys were then given a chance to allocate points
viate its negative impact (Johns et al., 2005). to other boys in their own group and to boys in the other
group (but never to themselves) using a series of payoff
INGROUP FAVORITISM AND PREJUDICE matrices, such as those shown in Figure 2.7. The charts
We have now seen that social categorization occurs divided a given number of rewards between two boys,
whenever we think about others in terms of their cate- and the boys thought that the rewards would be used
gory memberships rather than on the basis of other, more to determine how much each boy would be paid for his
Social Categorization, Stereotyping, and Discrimination • 39

FIGURE 2.7 Examples of matrices used in the minimal intergroup studies of


Tajfel and his colleagues. (From Tajfel [1970].)

participation. In some cases, the division was between two any real sense), we still perceive groups and still demon-
boys in the boy’s own group (the ingroup); in other cases, strate ingroup favoritism.
the division was between two boys who had been assigned
to the other group (the outgroup); and in still other cases, The Outcomes of Ingroup Favoritism
the division was between a boy in the ingroup and a boy in The tendency to favor their ingroup develops quickly in
the outgroup. Tajfel then examined the goals that the boys young children, increasing up to about six years of age,
used when they divided up the points. and almost immediately begins to influence their behav-
A comparison of the boys’ choices in the different ior (Aboud, 2003; Aboud & Amato, 2001). Young children
matrices showed that they allocated points between two show greater liking for peers of their own sex and race and
boys in the ingroup or between two boys in the out- typically play with same-sex others after the age of three.
group in an essentially fair way, so that each boy got the And there is a norm that we should favor our ingroups:
same amount. However, fairness was not the predom- people like people who express ingroup favoritism better
inant approach when dividing points between ingroup than those who are more egalitarian (Castelli & Carraro,
and outgroup. In this case, rather than exhibiting fair- 2010). Amazingly, even infants as young as nine months
ness, the boys displayed ingroup favoritism, such that old prefer those who treat similar others well and dissimi-
they gave more points to other members of their own lar others poorly (Hamlin et al., 2013). Ingroup favoritism
group in relationship to boys in the other group. For is found for many different types of social groups, in many
instance, the boys might assign 8 points to the ingroup different settings, on many different dimensions, and in
boy and only 3 points to the outgroup boy, even though many different cultures (Bennett et al., 2004; Pinter &
the matrix also contained a choice in which they could Greenwald, 2011). Ingroup favoritism also occurs on trait
give the ingroup and the outgroup boys 13 points each. ratings, such that ingroup members are rated as having
In short, the boys preferred to maximize the gains of the more positive characteristics than are outgroup members
other boys in their own group in comparison with the (Hewstone, 1990). People also take credit for the successes
boys in the outgroup, even if doing so meant giving their of other ingroup members, remember more positive than
own group members fewer points than they could oth- negative information about ingroups, are more critical of
erwise have received. the performance of outgroup than of ingroup members,
Perhaps the most striking part of Tajfel’s results is that and believe that their own groups are less prejudiced than
ingroup favoritism was found to occur on the basis of such are outgroups (Shelton & Richeson, 2005).
arbitrary and unimportant groupings. In fact, ingroup People also talk differently about their ingroups than
favoritism occurs even when the assignment to groups is their outgroups, such that they describe the ingroup and
on such trivial things as whether people “overestimate” or its members as having broad positive traits (“We are gener-
“underestimate” the number of dots shown on a display, ous and friendly”) but describe negative ingroup behaviors
or on the basis of a completely random coin toss (Billig & in terms of the specific behaviors of single group mem-
Tajfel, 1973; Locksley et al., 1980). Tajfel’s research, as well bers (“Our group member, Bill, hit someone”) (Maass &
other research demonstrating ingroup favoritism, provides Arcuri, 1996; Maass et al., 1996; von Hippel et al., 1997).
a powerful demonstration of a very important social psy- These actions allow us to spread positive characteristics to
chological process: groups exist simply because individu- all members of our ingroup but reserve negative aspects for
als perceive those groups as existing. Even in a case where individual group members, thereby protecting the group’s
there really is no group (at least no meaningful group in image.
40 • CHAPTER 2

People also make trait attributions in ways that ben- Furthermore, when individuals feel that the value of
efit their ingroups, just as they make trait attributions their ingroup is being threatened, they respond as if they
that benefit themselves. This general tendency, known as are trying to regain their own self-worth—by express-
the group-serving bias (or ultimate attribution error), ing more positive attitudes toward ingroups and more
results in the tendency for each of the competing groups negative attitudes toward outgroups (Branscombe et al.,
to perceive the other group extremely and unrealistically 1993; Spears et al., 1997). Fein and Spencer (1997) found
negatively (Hewstone, 1990). When an ingroup member that participants expressed less prejudice after they had
engages in a positive behavior, we tend to see it as a stable been given the opportunity to affirm and make salient an
internal characteristic of the group as a whole. Similarly, important and positive part of their own self-concept. In
negative behaviors on the part of the outgroup are seen short, when our group seems to be good, we feel good;
as caused by stable negative group characteristics. On the when our group seems to be bad, we feel bad.
other hand, negative behaviors from the ingroup and pos- In some cases, we may be able to feel good about
itive behaviors from the outgroup are more likely to be our group memberships even when our own individ-
seen as caused by temporary situational variables or by ual outcomes are not so positive. Schmitt et al. (2000)
behaviors of specific individuals and are less likely to be had groups of female college students perform a cre-
attributed to the group. ativity task and then gave them feedback indicating that
although they themselves had performed very poorly,
Ingroup Favoritism Has Many Causes another woman in their group had performed very
Ingroup favoritism has a number of causes. For one, it is well. Furthermore, in some experimental conditions,
a natural part of social categorization; we categorize into the women were told that the research was comparing
ingroups and outgroups because it helps us simplify and the scores of men and women (which was designed to
structure our environment. It is easy, and perhaps even increase categorization by gender). In these conditions,
natural, to believe in the simple idea that “we are better rather than being saddened by the upward comparison
than they are.” People who report that they have strong with the other woman, participants used the success-
needs for simplifying their environments also show more ful performance of the other woman to feel good about
ingroup favoritism (Stangor & Leary, 2006). themselves, as women.
Ingroup favoritism also occurs at least in part because
we belong to the ingroup and not the outgroup (Cadinu When Ingroup Favoritism Does Not Occur
& Rothbart, 1996). We like people who are similar to our- Although people have a general tendency to show ingroup
selves, and we perceive other ingroup members as simi- favoritism, there are least some cases in which it does
lar to us. This also leads us to favor other members of our not occur. One situation in which ingroup favoritism is
ingroup, particularly when we can clearly differentiate unlikely is when the members of the ingroup are clearly
them from members of outgroups. We may also prefer inferior to other groups on an important dimension. The
ingroups because they are more familiar to us (Zebrowitz players on a baseball team that has not won a single game
et al., 2007). all season are unlikely to be able to feel very good about
But the most important determinant of ingroup favor- themselves as a team and are pretty much forced to con-
itism is simple self-enhancement. We want to feel good cede that the outgroups are better, at least as far as playing
about ourselves, and seeing our ingroups positively helps baseball is concerned. Members of low-status groups show
us do so (Brewer, 1979). Being a member of a group that less ingroup favoritism than do members of high-sta-
has positive characteristics provides us with the feelings of tus groups and may even display outgroup favoritism, in
social identity—the positive self-esteem that we get from which they admit that the other groups are better than
our group memberships. When we can identify ourselves they are (Clark & Clark, 1947).
as a member of a meaningful social group (even if it is a Another case in which people judge other members
relatively trivial one), we can feel better about ourselves. of the ingroup very negatively occurs when a member of
We are particularly likely to show ingroup favoritism one’s own group behaves in a way that threatens the posi-
when we are threatened or otherwise worried about our tive image of the ingroup. A student who behaves in a way
self-concept (Maner et al., 2005; Solomon et al., 2000). unbecoming to university students, or a teammate who
And people express higher self-esteem after they have does not seem to value the importance of the team, is dis-
been given the opportunity to derogate outgroups, sug- paraged by the other group members, often more than the
gesting that ingroup favoritism does make us feel good same behavior from an outgroup member would be. The
(Lemyre & Smith, 1985; Rubin & Hewstone, 1998). strong devaluation of ingroup members who threaten the
Social Categorization, Stereotyping, and Discrimination • 41

positive image and identity of the ingroup is known as the Another personality dimension that relates to the
black sheep effect (Pinto et al., 2010). desires to protect and enhance the self and the ingroup
and thus also relates to greater ingroup favoritism, and
Personality and Cultural Determinants in some cases prejudice toward outgroups, is the person-
of Ingroup Favoritism ality dimension of authoritarianism (Adorno et al., 1950;
To this point, we have considered ingroup favoritism as a Altemeyer, 1988). Authoritarianism is a personality
natural part of everyday life. Because the tendency to favor dimension that characterizes people who prefer things
the ingroup is a normal byproduct of self-concern, most to be simple rather than complex and who tend to hold
people do, by and large, prefer their ingroups over out- traditional and conventional values. Authoritarians are
groups. And yet not everyone is equally ingroup-favoring ingroup-favoring in part because they have a need to
in all situations. There are a number of individual differ- self-enhance and in part because they prefer simplicity
ence measures that predict prejudice, and these differences and thus find it easy to think simply: “We are all good
are particularly likely to show up under circumstances in and they are all less good.” Political conservatives tend to
which the desire to protect the self becomes important show more ingroup favoritism than do political liberals,
(Guimond et al., 2003). perhaps because the former are more concerned with pro-
Some people are more likely than others to show tecting the ingroup from threats posed by others (Jost et
ingroup favoritism because they are particularly likely to al., 2003; Stangor & Leary, 2006).
rely on their group memberships to create a positive social People with strong goals toward other-concern dis-
identity. These differences in group identification can be play less ingroup favoritism and less prejudice. People
measured through self-report measures such as the Col- who view it as particularly important to connect with and
lective Self-Esteem Scale (Luhtanen & Crocker, 1992). The respect other people—those who are more focused on tol-
scale assesses the extent to which the individual values his erance and fairness toward others—are less ingroup-favor-
or her memberships in groups in public and private ways, ing and more positive toward the members of groups other
as well as the extent to which he or she gains social iden- than their own. The desire to be fair and to accept others
tity from those groups. People who score higher on the can be assessed by individual difference measures such as
scale show more ingroup favoritism in comparison with desire to control one’s prejudice (Plant & Devine, 1998)
those who score lower on it (Stangor & Thompson, 2002). and humanism (Katz & Hass, 1988).
The scale, from Luhtanen and Crocker (1992) is shown in Social dominance orientation (SDO) is a personality
Table 2.2. variable that refers to the tendency to see and to accept

TABLE 2.2 The Collective Self-Esteem Scale

I am a worthy member of the social groups I belong to.


I feel I don’t have much to offer to the social groups I belong to [R].
Membership
I am a cooperative participant in the social groups I belong to.
I often feel I’m an unclean member of my social group [R].
I often regret that I belong to some of the social groups I do [R].
In general, I’m glad to be a member of the social groups I belong to.
Private
Overall, I often feel that the social groups of which I am a member are not worthwhile [R].
I feel good about the social groups I belong to.
Overall, my social groups are considered good by others.
Most people consider my social groups, on the average, to be more ineffective than other social groups [R].
Public
In general, others respect the social groups that I am a member of.
In general, others think that the social groups I am a member of are unworthy [R].
Overall, my group memberships have very little to do with how I feel about myself [R].
The social groups I belong to are an important reflection of who I am.
Identity
The social groups I belong to are unimportant in my sense of what kind of a person I am [R].
In general, belonging to social groups is an important part of my self-image.
[R] = Item is reversed before scoring.
From Luhtanen and Crocker (1992).
42 • CHAPTER 2

inequality among different groups (Pratto et al., 1995). and it has been argued that this in part due to the negative
People who score high on measures of SDO believe that outcomes of prejudice, including negative attitudes and
there are and should be status differences among social resulting social isolation (Halpert, 2002). And in some
groups, and they do not see these as wrong. High SDO rare cases, discrimination even takes the form of hate
individuals agree with statements such as “Some groups crimes such as gay bashing.
of people are simply inferior to other groups,” “In getting More commonly, members of minority groups also
what you want, it is sometimes necessary to use force face a variety of small hassles, such as bad service in
against other groups,” and “It’s OK if some groups have restaurants, being stared at, and being the target of jokes
more of a chance in life than others.” Those who are low (Swim et al., 2003). But even these everyday “minor”
on SDO, on the other hand, believe that all groups are rela- forms of discrimination can be problematic because they
tively equal in status and tend to disagree with these state- may produce anger and anxiety among stigmatized group
ments. People who score higher on SDO also show greater members and may lead to stress and other psychological
ingroup favoritism. problems (Klonoff et al., 2000; Klonoff et al., 1999). Stig-
Stereotyping and prejudice also varies across cultures. matized individuals who report experiencing more expo-
Spencer-Rodgers et al. (2007) tested the hypothesis that sure to discrimination or other forms of unfair treatment
Chinese participants, because of their collectivistic ori- also report more depression, anger, and anxiety and lower
entation, would find social groups more important than levels of life satisfaction and happiness (Swim et al., 2001).
would Americans (who are more individualistic) and that Of course, most of us do try to keep our stereotypes
as a result, they would be more likely to infer personality and our prejudices out of mind, and we work hard to avoid
traits on the basis of group membership—that is, to stereo- discriminating (Richeson & Shelton, 2007). But even when
type. Supporting the hypothesis, they found that Chinese we work to keep our negative beliefs under control, this
participants made stronger stereotypical trait inferences does not mean that they easily disappear. Neil Macrae
than Americans did on the basis of a target’s membership and his colleagues (Macrae et al., 1994) asked British col-
in a fictitious group. lege students to write a paragraph describing a skinhead
(a member of a group that is negatively stereotyped in
REDUCING DISCRIMINATION England). One half of the participants were asked to be
We have seen that social categorization is a basic part of sure to not use their stereotypes when they were judging
human nature and one that helps us to simplify our social him, whereas the other half simply wrote whatever came
worlds, to draw quick (if potentially inaccurate) conclu- to mind. Although the participants who were asked to
sions about others, and to feel good about ourselves. In suppress their thoughts were able to do it, this suppres-
many cases, our preferences for ingroups may be relatively sion didn’t last very long. After they had suppressed their
harmless—we may prefer to socialize with people who stereotypes, these beliefs quickly popped back into mind,
share our race or ethnicity for instance, but without par- making it even more likely that they would be used imme-
ticularly disliking the others. But categorizing others may diately later.
also lead to prejudice and discrimination, and it may even But stereotypes are not always and inevitably activated
do so without our awareness. Because prejudice and dis- when we encounter people from other groups. We can and
crimination are so harmful to so many people, we must all we do get past them, although doing so may take some
work to get beyond them. effort on our part (Blair, 2002). There are a number of
Discrimination influences the daily life of its victims techniques that we can use to try to improve our attitudes
in areas such as employment, income, financial opportu- toward outgroups, and at least some of them have been
nities, housing and educational opportunities, and medi- found to be effective. Kawakami et al. (2000) found that
cal care. Even with the same level of education and years students who practiced responding in nonstereotypical
of experience, ethnic minorities in Canada are 40% less ways to members of other groups became better able to
likely to receive callbacks for an interview following a avoid activating their negative stereotypes on future occa-
job application (Oreopoulos, 2011). Blacks have higher sions. And a number of studies have found that we become
mortality rates than Whites for eight of the 10 leading less prejudiced when we are exposed to and think about
causes of death in the United States (Williams, 1999) and group members who have particularly positive or nonste-
have less access to and receive poorer-quality health care, reotypical characteristics. For instance, Blair et al. (2001)
even controlling for other variables such as level of health asked their participants to imagine a woman who was
insurance. Suicide rates among lesbians and gays are sub- “strong” and found that doing so decreased stereotyping
stantially higher than rates for the general population, of women. Similarly, Bodenhausen et al. (1995) found that
Social Categorization, Stereotyping, and Discrimination • 43

when White American students thought about positive and the dependent measure was how far away the students
Black role models—such as Oprah Winfrey and Michael sat from her.
Jordan—they became less prejudiced toward Blacks. As you can see in Figure 2.8, high prejudice students
who learned that other students were also prejudiced sat
Reducing Discrimination by farther away from the Black confederate in comparison
Changing Social Norms with high prejudice individuals who were led to believe
One variable that makes us less prejudiced is education. that their beliefs were not shared. On the other hand, stu-
People who are more educated express fewer stereotypes dents who were initially low in prejudice and who believed
and prejudice in general. This is true for students who these views were shared sat closer to the Black confed-
enroll in courses that are related to stereotypes and prej- erate in comparison with low prejudice individuals who
udice, such as a course on gender and ethnic diversity were led to believe that their beliefs were not shared. These
(Rudman et al., 2001), and is also true more generally— results demonstrate that our perceptions of relevant social
education reduces prejudice, regardless of what particular norms can strengthen or weaken our tendencies to engage
courses you take (Sidanius et al., 2006). in discriminatory behaviors.
The effects of education on reducing prejudice are White college students who were low in prejudice
probably due in large part to the new social norms that toward Blacks sat closer to the Black confederate when
people are introduced to in school. Social norms define they had been told that their beliefs were shared with
what is appropriate and inappropriate, and we can effec- other group members at their university. On the other
tively change stereotypes and prejudice by changing the hand, White college students who were high in prejudice
relevant norms about them. Jetten et al. (1997) manipu- sat farther away from the Black confederate when they had
lated whether students thought that the other members been told that their beliefs were shared with other group
of their university favored equal treatment of others or members at their university. Data are from Sechrist and
believed that others thought it was appropriate to favor Stangor (2001).
the ingroup. They found that perceptions of what the other The influence of social norms is powerful, and
group members believed had an important influence on long-lasting changes in beliefs about outgroups will occur
the beliefs of the individuals themselves. The students were only if they are supported by changes in social norms. Prej-
more likely to show ingroup favoritism when they believed udice and discrimination thrive in environments in which
that the norm of their ingroup was to do so, and this ten- they are perceived to be the norm, but they die when the
dency was increased for students who had high social existing social norms do not allow it. And because social
identification with the ingroup. norms are so important, the behavior of individuals can
Sechrist and Stangor (2001) selected White college help create or reduce prejudice and discrimination. Dis-
students who were either high or low in prejudice toward crimination, prejudice, and even hate crimes such as gay
Blacks and then provided them with information indi- bashing will be more likely to continue if people do not
cating that their prejudiced or unprejudiced beliefs were respond to or confront them when they occur.
either shared or not shared by the other students at their What this means is that if you believe that prejudice is
university. Then the students were asked to take a seat in a wrong, you must confront it when you see it happening.
hallway to wait for the next part of the experiment. A Black Czopp et al. (2006) had White participants participate in
confederate was sitting in one seat at the end of the row, a task in which it was easy to unintentionally stereotype

FIGURE 2.8 The role of norms in intergroup behavior. (Data are from Sechrist and Stangor [2001].)
44 • CHAPTER 2

a Black person, and as a result, many of the participants outcomes on intergroup attitudes, not only because it
did so. Then, confederates of the experimenter confronted would provide Black children with access to better schools,
the students about their stereotypes, saying things such as but also because the resulting intergroup contact would
“Maybe it would be good to think about Blacks in other reduce prejudice between Black and White children. This
ways that are a little more fair?” or “It just seems that you strategy seemed particularly appropriate at the time it was
sound like some kind of racist to me. You know what I implemented because most schools in the United States
mean?” Although the participants who had been con- then were highly segregated by race.
fronted experienced negative feelings about the confron- The strategy of busing was initiated after the Supreme
tation and also expressed negative opinions about the Court decision, and it had a profound effect on schools in
person who confronted them, the confrontation did work. the United States. For one, the policy was very effective
The students who had been confronted expressed less prej- in changing school makeup—the number of segregated
udice and fewer stereotypes on subsequent tasks than did schools decreased dramatically during the 1960s after the
the students who had not been confronted. policy was begun. Busing also improved the educational
As this study concluded, taking steps to reduce prej- and occupational achievement of Blacks and increased the
udice is everyone’s duty—having a little courage can go a desire of Blacks to interact with Whites; for instance, by
long way in this regard. Confronting prejudice can lead forming cross-race friendships (Stephan, 1999). Overall,
other people to think that we are complaining and there- then, the case of desegregating schools in the United States
fore to dislike us (Kaiser & Miller, 2001; Shelton & Stew- supports the expectation that intergroup contact, at least in
art, 2004), but confronting prejudice is not all negative for the long run, can be successful in changing attitudes. Nev-
the person who confronts. Although it is embarrassing to ertheless, as a result of several subsequent U.S. Supreme
do so, particularly if we are not completely sure that the Court decisions, the policy of desegregating schools via
behavior was in fact prejudice, when we fail to confront, busing was not continued past the 1990s.
we may frequently later feel guilty that we did not (Shelton Although student busing to achieve desegregated
et al., 2006). schools represents one prominent example of intergroup
contact, such contact occurs in many other areas as well.
Reducing Prejudice through Intergroup Contact Taken together, there is substantial support for the effec-
One of the reasons that people may hold stereotypes and tiveness of intergroup contact in improving group atti-
prejudices is that they view the members of outgroups as tudes in a wide variety of situations, including schools,
different from them. We may become concerned that our work organizations, military forces, and public housing.
interactions with people from different racial groups will Pettigrew and Tropp (2006) conducted a meta-analysis in
be unpleasant, and these anxieties may lead us to avoid which they reviewed over 500 studies that had investigated
interacting with people from those groups (Mallett et al., the effects of intergroup contact on group attitudes. They
2008). What this suggests is that a good way to reduce found that attitudes toward groups that were in contact
prejudice is to help people create closer connections with became more positive over time. Furthermore, positive
members of different groups. People will be more favor- effects of contact were found on both stereotypes and prej-
able toward others when they learn to see those other peo- udice and for many different types of contacted groups.
ple as more similar to them, as closer to the self, and to be The positive effects of intergroup contact may be due
more concerned about them. in part to increases in other-concern. Galinsky and Mos-
The idea that intergroup contact will reduce preju- kowitz (2000) found that leading students to take the
dice, known as the contact hypothesis, is simple: If chil- perspective of another group member—which increased
dren from different ethnic groups play together in school, empathy and closeness to the person—also reduced prej-
their attitudes toward each other should improve. And if udice. And the behavior of students on college campuses
we encourage college students to travel abroad, they will demonstrates the importance of connecting with others
meet people from other cultures and become more posi- and the dangers of not doing so. Sidanius et al. (2004)
tive toward them. found that students who joined exclusive campus groups,
One important example of the use of intergroup con- including fraternities, sororities, and minority ethnic orga-
tact to influence prejudice came about as a result of the nizations (such as the African Student Union), were more
important U.S. Supreme Court case Brown v. Board of Edu- prejudiced to begin with and became even less connected
cation in 1954. In this case, the U.S. Supreme Court agreed, and more intolerant of members of other social groups
based in large part on the testimony of psychologists, that over the time that they remained in the organizations. It
busing Black children to schools attended primarily by appears that memberships in these groups focused the
White children, and vice versa, would produce positive students on themselves and other people who were very
Social Categorization, Stereotyping, and Discrimination • 45

similar to them, leading them to become less tolerant of presents this piece of the puzzle to the other members of
others who are different. his or her group. The students in each group are therefore
Although intergroup contact does work, it is not a interdependent in learning all the material. A wide variety
panacea because the conditions necessary for it to be suc- of techniques, based on principles of the jigsaw classroom,
cessful are frequently not met. Contact can be expected to are in use in many schools around the world, and research
work only in situations that create the appropriate oppor- studying these approaches has found that cooperative,
tunities for change. For one, contact will only be effective interdependent experiences among students from differ-
if it provides information demonstrating that the existing ent social groups are effective in reducing negative stereo-
stereotypes held by the individuals are incorrect. When we typing and prejudice (Stephan, 1999).
learn more about groups that we didn’t know much about In sum, we can say that contact will be most effec-
before, we learn more of the truth about them, leading us tive when it is easier to get to know, and become more
to be less biased in our beliefs. But if our interactions with respectful of, the members of the other group and when
the group members do not allow us to learn new beliefs, the social norms of the situation promote equal, fair treat-
then contact cannot work. ment of all groups. If the groups are treated unequally, for
When we first meet someone from another category, instance, by a teacher or leader who is prejudiced and who
we are likely to rely almost exclusively on our stereotypes therefore treats the different groups differently, or if the
(Brodt & Ross, 1998). However, when we get to know the groups are in competition rather than cooperation, there
individual well (e.g., as a student in a classroom learns to will be no benefit. In cases when these conditions are not
know the other students over a school year), we may get to met, contact may not be effective and may in fact increase
the point where we ignore that individual’s group member- prejudice, particularly when it confirms stereotypical
ship almost completely, responding to him or her entirely expectations (Stangor et al., 1996). Finally, it is important
at the individual level (Madon et al., 1998). Thus contact is that enough time be allowed for the changes to take effect.
effective in part because it leads us to get past our percep- In the case of busing in the United States, for instance, the
tions of others as group members and to individuate them. positive effects of contact seemed to have been occurring,
When we get past group memberships and focus more but they were not happening particularly fast.
on the individuals in the groups, we begin to see that there Let’s consider (in the following Research Focus) still
is a great deal of variability among the group members and another way that intergroup contact can reduce preju-
that our global and undifferentiating group stereotypes dice—the idea that prejudice can be reduced for people
are actually not that informative (Rothbart & John, 1985). who have friends who are friends with members of the
Successful intergroup contact tends to reduce the percep- outgroup, known as the extended-contact hypothesis.
tion of outgroup homogeneity. Contact also helps us feel
more positively about the members of the other group, and
this positive affect makes us like them more. ■ Research Focus •
Intergroup contact is also more successful when the The Extended-Contact Hypothesis
people involved in the contact are motivated to learn Although the contact hypothesis proposes that direct
about the others. One factor that increases this motivation contact between people from different social groups will
is interdependence—a state in which the group members produce more positive attitudes between them, recent
depend on each other for successful performance of the evidence suggests that prejudice can also be reduced for
group goals (Neuberg & Fiske, 1987). The importance of people who have friends who are friends with members of
interdependence can be seen in the success of cooperative the outgroup, even if the individual does not have direct
learning techniques, such as the jigsaw classroom (Aron- contact with the outgroup members himself or herself. This
son et al., 1978; Aronson, 2004). hypothesis is known as the extended-contact hypothesis.
The jigsaw classroom is an approach to learning in Supporting this prediction, Wright et al. (1997) found in two
which students from different racial or ethnic groups correlational studies that college students who reported that
work together, in an interdependent way, to master mate- their own friends had friends who were from another ethnic
rial. The class is divided into small learning groups, where group reported more positive attitudes toward that outgroup
each group is diverse in ethnic and gender composition. than did students who did not have any friends who had
The assigned material to be learned is divided into as outgroup friends, even controlling for the participants’ own
many parts as there are students in the group, and mem- outgroup friendships.
bers of different groups who are assigned the same task Wright and his colleagues (1997) also tested the extend-
meet together to help develop a strong report. Each stu- ed-contact hypothesis experimentally. Participants were
dent then learns his or her own part of the material and four groups of 14 students, and each group spent a whole
46 • CHAPTER 2

FIGURE 2.9 The extended-contact hypothesis. This figure shows how members of the two groups,
which were in competition with each other, rated each other before and after the experimental
manipulation of friendship. You can see that group relationships, which were becoming more
negative, changed to being more positive after the intervention. (Data are from Wright, Aron, McLaughlin-
Volpe, and Ropp [1997].)

day in the lab. On arrival, seven participants were assigned that they are closer to each other rather than further away
to the “green” group, and seven to the “blue” group, sup- from each other. In short, groups are going to have bet-
posedly on the basis of similar interests. To create strong ter attitudes toward each other when they see themselves
ingroup identity and to produce competition between the more similarly to each other—when they feel more like
groups, the group members wore blue and green T-shirts one large group than a set of smaller groups.
and engaged in a series of competitive tasks. Participants This fact was demonstrated in a very convincing way
then expressed their initial thoughts and feelings about the in what is now a classic social psychological study. In the
outgroup and its members. “Robbers’ Cave Experiment,” Sherif et al. (1961) studied
Then, supposedly as part of an entirely different study, the group behavior of 11-year-old boys at a summer camp.
one participant was randomly selected from each group, Although the boys did not know it, the researchers care-
and the two were taken to a separate room in which they fully observed the behaviors of the children during the
engaged in a relationship-building task that has been shown camp session, with the goal of learning about how group
to quickly create feelings of friendship between two strang- conflict developed and how it might be resolved among
ers. Then the two members from each team were then the children.
reunited with their original groups, where they were encour- During the first week of the camp, the boys were
aged to describe their experience with the other group divided into two groups that camped at two different
member in the friendship-building task. campsites. During this time, friendly relationships devel-
In the final phase, the groups then engaged in another oped among the boys within each of the two groups. Each
competitive task, and participants rated their thoughts and group developed its own social norms and group structure
feelings about the outgroup and its members again. As you and became quite cohesive, with a strong positive social
can see in Figure 2.9, and supporting the extended-contact identity. The two groups chose names for themselves (the
hypothesis, results showed that the participants (including Rattlers and the Eagles), and each made their own group
those who did not participate in the closeness task them- flag and participated in separate camp activities.
selves) were more positive toward the outgroup after than At the end of this one-week baseline period, it was
before the two team members had met. This study, as well arranged that the two groups of boys would become aware
as many other studies, supports the importance of cross- of each other’s presence. Furthermore, the researchers
group friendships in promoting favorable outgroup attitudes worked to create conditions that led to increases in each
(Page-Gould et al., 2008; Shook & Fazio, 2008). ■ group’s social identity and at the same time created negative
perceptions of the other group. The researchers arranged
baseball games, a tug-of-war, and a treasure hunt and offered
Moving Others Closer to Us: prizes for the group that won the competitions. Almost
The Benefits of Recategorization immediately, this competition created ingroup favoritism
The research on intergroup contact suggests that although and prejudice, and discrimination quickly followed. By
contact may improve prejudice, it may make it worse if it the end of the second week, the Eagles had sneaked up to
is not implemented correctly. Improvement is likely only the Rattlers’ cabin and stolen their flag. When the Rattlers
when the contact moves the members of the groups to feel discovered the theft, they in turn raided the Eagles’ cabin,
Social Categorization, Stereotyping, and Discrimination • 47

stealing things. There were food fights in the dining room, A substantial amount of research has supported the
which was now shared by the groups, and the researchers predictions of the common ingroup identity model. For
documented a substantial increase in name-calling and instance, Samuel Gaertner and his colleagues (Gaertner et
stereotypes of the outgroup. Some fistfights even erupted al., 1989) tested the hypothesis that interdependent coop-
between members of the different groups. eration in groups reduces negative beliefs about outgroup
The researchers then intervened by trying to move the members because it leads people to see the others as part
groups closer to each other. They began this third stage of of the ingroup (by creating a common identity). In this
the research by setting up a series of situations in which research, college students were brought to a laboratory
the boys had to work together to solve a problem. These where they were each assigned to one of two teams of three
situations were designed to create interdependence by members each, and each team was given a chance to create
presenting the boys with superordinate goals—goals that its own unique group identity by working together. Then,
were both very important to them and yet that required the the two teams were brought into a single room to work on
cooperative efforts and resources of both the Eagles and a problem. In one condition, the two teams were told to
the Rattlers to attain. These goals involved such things as work together as a larger, six-member team to solve the
the need to pool money across both groups in order to rent problem, whereas in the other condition, the two teams
a movie that all the campers wanted to view, or the need to worked on the problem separately.
pull together on ropes to get a food truck that had become Consistent with the expected positive results of creating
stuck back onto the road. As the children worked together a common group identity, the interdependence created in
to meet these goals, the negative perceptions of the group the condition where the teams worked together increased
members gradually improved; there was a reduction of the tendency of the team members to see themselves as
hostility between the groups and an emergence of more members of a single larger team, and this in turn reduced
positive intergroup attitudes. the tendency for each group to show ingroup favoritism.
This strategy was effective because it led the campers But the benefits of recategorization are not confined
to perceive both the ingroup and the outgroup as one large to laboratory settings—they also appear in our everyday
group (“we”) rather than as two separate groups (“us” and interactions with other people. Jason Neir and his col-
“them”). As differentiation between the ingroup and the leagues had Black and White interviewers approach White
outgroup decreases, so should ingroup favoritism, prej- students who were attending a football game (Neir et al.,
udice, and conflict. The differences between the original 2001). The dependent measure was whether or not they
groups are still present, but they are potentially counter- agreed to help the interviewer by completing a question-
acted by perceived similarities in the second superordinate naire. However, the interviewers also wore hats represent-
group. The attempt to reduce prejudice by creating a super- ing either one of the two universities who were playing in
ordinate categorization is known as the goal of creating a the game. As you can see in Figure 2.10, the data were ana-
common ingroup identity (Gaertner & Dovidio, 2008), lyzed both by whether the interviewer and the student were
and we can diagram the relationship as follows: of the same race (either both White or one White and one
Black) and also by whether they wore hats from the same
Interdependence and cooperation → or different universities. As expected on the basis of recate-
common ingroup identity → favorable intergroup attitudes gorization and the common ingroup identity approach, the

FIGURE 2.10 Recategorization and helping behavior. (Data are from Neir et al. [2001].)
48 • CHAPTER 2

White students were significantly more likely to help the you are now able to see the processes more fully. We hope
Black interviewers when they wore a hat of the same uni- you can see that categorization has some benefits—it
versity as that worn by the interviewee. The hat evidently allows us to think about ourselves as members of valued
led the White students to recategorize the interviewer as groups, for instance—but it also has some potential nega-
part of the university ingroup, leading to more helping. tive outcomes, including overgeneralized stereotyping and
However, whether the individuals shared university affili- ingroup favoritism. We hope that you are now more aware
ation did not influence helping for the White participants, how easily we categorize others, how quickly we learn ste-
presumably because they already saw the interviewer as a reotypes, and how fast ingroup favoritism develops and
member of the ingroup (the interviewer was also White). that you can better see the impact these processes have on
In this field study, White and Black interviewers asked our judgments of others.
White students attending a football game to help them by You will now be able to see that prejudice, discrimi-
completing a questionnaire. The data were analyzed both nation, and stereotypes reflect, respectively, the ABCs of
by whether the request was to a White (ingroup) or Black affect, behavior, and cognition. And because you are think-
(outgroup) student and also by whether the individual ing like a social psychologist, you will realize that prejudice
whose help was sought wore the same hat that they did is not unusual—that it results in large part from self-con-
or a different hat. Results supported the common ingroup cern. We like our own groups because we feel good about
identity model. Helping was much greater for outgroup them and see them as similar. But we can improve our atti-
members when hats were the same. Data are from Neir et tudes toward outgroups by focusing on other-concern—by
al. (2001). being more inclusive and including more different people
Again, the implications of these results are clear and into our ingroups. Perhaps the best thing we can do is to
powerful. If we want to improve attitudes among people, recategorize such that we see all people as human beings;
we must get them to see each other as more similar and we are all in the same ingroup, and we should treat every-
less different. And even relatively simple ways of doing so, one the way we would like them to treat us—with respect.
such as wearing a hat that suggests an ingroup identifica- We hope your new knowledge can help you in your
tion, can be successful. own relationships with others. Is it possible that you have
ingroup favoritism that you were not aware of? Or perhaps
THINKING LIKE A SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGIST you hold stereotypes about other groups that you would
ABOUT STEREOTYPING, PREJUDICE, like to avoid holding? You should now be able to see how
AND DISCRIMINATION better to avoid being prejudiced yourself. And you are now
This chapter has focused on the ways in which people from perhaps more aware of the importance of social norms—
different social groups feel about, think about, and behave we must work to prevent those norms from allowing prej-
toward each other. In most cases, we have positive thoughts udice. To stop prejudice, you must be willing to interact
and feelings about others, and our interactions with them with people from other groups, and you must confront
are friendly and positive. And yet in other cases, there is a prejudice when you see it occurring. These behaviors may
potential for negative interactions, and in rare cases, even be difficult, but in the end they will help you be a better
hostility and violence. citizen.
Look again at the pictures in Figure 2.2 and carefully
consider your thoughts and feelings about each person. CHAPTER SUMMARY
Does the image bring some stereotypes to mind? What The social groups that are part of a given nation or soci-
about prejudices? How do you think your impressions ety become essential parts of the culture itself. We easily
of the individuals might influence your behavior toward develop beliefs about the characteristics of the groups and
them? Do you hold these beliefs yourself, or do you know the members of those groups (stereotypes) as well as prej-
people who do? Can you see how quickly you or other peo- udice (an unjustifiable negative attitude toward an out-
ple might make judgments about these individuals, based group). Our stereotypes and our prejudices are problematic
on the culturally relevant stereotypes, and how those judg- because they may create discrimination—unjustified nega-
ments might lead to discrimination? What might be the tive behaviors toward members of outgroups based on their
negative outcomes of the stereotypes on the person? group membership. Discrimination is a societal and health
We hope that you can now see, perhaps more clearly problem because it is so pervasive, takes so many forms,
than you did before, that social categorization is all around and has such negative effects on so many people.
us. We think about other people in terms of their group Stereotyping and prejudice begin from social
memberships, and this is entirely natural. But perhaps categorization—the natural cognitive process by which we
Social Categorization, Stereotyping, and Discrimination • 49

place individuals into social groups. Social categorization group memberships to create social identity. Personality
is in many cases quite helpful and useful. In some cases, dimensions related to prejudice include authoritarianism
we might categorize others because doing so provides us and social dominance orientation. And there is also at least
with information about the characteristics of people who some evidence that stereotyping varies across cultures.
belong to certain social groups or categories. And we may Because social categorization is a basic human process
categorize others because we may not have time to do any- that provides some benefits for us, stereotypes and preju-
thing more thorough. dices are easy to develop but difficult to change. But stereo-
A problem is that social categorization distorts our types and prejudice are not inevitable.
perceptions of others such that we tend to exaggerate the The positive effects of education on reducing prejudice
differences between social groups while at the same time are probably due in large part to the new social norms that
perceiving members of groups (and particularly out- people experience in school, which people who do not go
groups) as more similar to each other than they actually to school do not learn. True changes in beliefs will only
are. One particularly strong outcome of social categori- occur if they are supported by changes in social norms.
zation is outgroup homogeneity—the tendency to view And because social norms are so important, the behav-
members of outgroups as more similar to each other than ior of individuals can help create or reduce it. Prejudice
we see members of ingroups. will be more likely to continue if people allow it to by not
Once we begin to categorize other people, and we start responding to it or confronting it when it occurs.
to see the members of those groups as more similar to each Intergroup attitudes will be improved when we can
other than they actually are, it then becomes very easy to lead people to focus relatively more on their concerns for
apply our stereotypes to the members of the groups, with- others and relatively less on their desires to feel good about
out having to consider whether the characteristic is actu- themselves. Intergroup contact is effective in this regard,
ally true of the particular individual. If men think that although only under conditions that allow us to individu-
women are all alike, then they may act toward all women ate others. And individuation is more successful when the
in the same way, and doing so is unfair. people involved in the contact are interdependent, such as
Our stereotypes and prejudices are learned through in cooperative educational contexts like the jigsaw class-
both cognitive and affective processes. Once they become room. Prejudice can also be reduced for people who have
established, stereotypes (like any other cognitive repre- friends who are friends with members of the outgroup—
sentation) tend to persevere—they are difficult to change. the extended-contact hypothesis.
In the end, stereotypes become self-fulfilling prophecies, In the “Robbers’ Cave Experiment,” as well as in many
such that our expectations about the group members make other studies, it has been found that superordinate goals
the stereotypes come true. And our stereotypes also influ- that help us see others as part of the same category as we
ence our performance on important tasks through stereo- are provide a common ingroup identity and are successful
type threat. at improving intergroup attitudes.
Ingroup favoritism occurs on the basis of even arbi- You can now see how important social categorization
trary and unimportant groupings and is found for many is but also that it has many potential negative outcomes.
different types of social groups, in many different settings, You are now more aware how easily we categorize others,
on many different dimensions, and in many different how quickly we learn stereotypes, and how fast ingroup
cultures. favoritism develops, and you can better see the impact that
The most important determinant of ingroup favoritism these processes have on our judgments of others. You can
is simple self-enhancement. We want to feel good about use that new knowledge to help you avoid being prejudiced
ourselves, and being a member of a group that has posi- yourself and to help others from being prejudiced too.
tive characteristics provides social identity—the positive Doing so will be difficult, but in the end it will be useful.
self-esteem that we get from our group memberships. In But just because we have stereotypes or hold prejudices
cases when our groups do not provide positive social iden- does not mean that we cannot change them or that we
tity, we must try to restore a positive self-worth. If we can- must act on them. If sports referees learn about their prej-
not leave the group, we may try to perceive the group as udices, they can work harder to overcome them, and they
positively as possible, perhaps by focusing on dimensions may well be successful. And when you learn about your
on which the group does not compare so unfavorably. own stereotypes and your own prejudices, and the effects
Although it is assumed that most people gain at least of those beliefs on yourself and others, you may be able
some positive social identity through their group member- to change your own behavior and respond more appropri-
ships, people differ in the extent to which they use their ately to the stereotypes and prejudices expressed by others.
50 • CHAPTER 2

KEY TAKEAWAYS
• Beliefs about the characteristics of the groups and the members • Ingroup favoritism develops early in children and influences our
of those groups are known as stereotypes. behavior toward ingroup and outgroup members in a variety of
• Prejudice refers to an unjustifiable negative attitude toward an ways.
outgroup. • Personality dimensions that relate to ingroup favoritism include
• Stereotypes and prejudice may create discrimination. authoritarianism and social dominance orientation—dimensions
• Stereotyping and prejudice begin from social categorization— that relate to less ingroup favoritism include a desire to control
the natural cognitive process by which we place individuals into one’s prejudice and humanism.
social groups. • There are at least some cultural differences in the tendency to
• Social categorization influences our perceptions of groups—for show ingroup favoritism and to stereotype others.
instance, the perception of outgroup homogeneity. • Changing our stereotypes and prejudices is not easy, and
• Once our stereotypes and prejudices become established, they attempting to suppress them may backfire. However, with
are difficult to change and may lead to self-fulfilling prophecies, appropriate effort, we can reduce our tendency to rely on our
such that our expectations about the group members make the stereotypes and prejudices.
stereotypes come true. • One approach to changing stereotypes and prejudice is by
• Stereotypes may influence our performance on important tasks changing social norms—for instance, through education and
through stereotype threat. laws enforcing equality.

• Ingroup favoritism is a fundamental and evolutionarily func- • Prejudice will change faster when it is confronted by people who
tional aspect of human perception, and it occurs even in groups see it occurring. Confronting prejudice may be embarrassing,
that are not particularly meaningful. but it also can make us feel that we have done the right thing.

• Ingroup favoritism is caused by a variety of variables, but par- • Intergroup attitudes will be improved when we can lead people
ticularly important is self-concern: we experience positive social to focus more on their connections with others. Intergroup
identity as a result of our membership in valued social groups. contact, extended contact with others who share friends with
outgroup members, and a common ingroup identity are all
examples of this process.

EXERCISES
1. Look again at the pictures in Figure 2.2, and consider your (e.g., showing the black sheep effect). What was the outcome
thoughts and feelings about each person. What are your of the actions?
stereotypes and prejudices about them? Do you think your 6. Visit the website http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/
stereotypes are accurate? shows/divided/etc/view.html and watch the program “A Class
2. Visit the website http://www.understandingprejudice.org/ Divided.” Do you think Jane Elliott’s method of teaching people
drawline/ and take one of the two interviews listed on the page. about prejudice is ethical?
3. Think of a task that one of the social groups to which you 7. Have you ever confronted or failed to confront a person who
belong is considered to be particularly good or poor at. Do you thought was expressing prejudice or discriminating? Why
you think the cultural stereotypes about your group have ever did you confront (or not confront) that person, and how did
influenced your performance on a task? doing so make you feel?
4. Visit the website https://implicit.harvard.edu/implicit/takeatest. 8. Imagine you are a teacher in a classroom and you see that
html and complete one of the tests posted there. Write a brief some children expressing prejudice or discrimination toward
reflection on your results. other children on the basis of their race. What techniques would
5. Describe a time when the members of one of your important you use to attempt to reduce these negative behaviors?
social groups behaved in a way that increased group identity

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CHAPTER 3

Beliefs, Values, and Cultural Universals

SOURCE
Weil, N. (n.d.). Beliefs, values, and cultural universals. In Speaking of culture. Retrieved February 13, 2020, from
https://press.rebus.community/originsofthehumanfamily/chapter/chapter-6-a-closer-look-at-values/
(Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License)

LEARNING OBJECTIVES
1. List the five questions that every society must answer, 2. List and define Hofstede’s six dimensions of culture.
according to Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck, and identify the three 3. Identify four problems that critics have identified with Hofst-
potential responses to each question. ede’s theory.

KEY TERMS
Dimensions of Culture theory Kluckhohn-Strodtbeck Value Orientations masculinity vs. femininity
individualism vs. collectivism theory power distance
indulgence vs. self-restraint long-term vs. short-term orientation uncertainty avoidance

VALUE ORIENTATIONS THEORY of people in check. On the other hand, other societies are
The Kluckhohn-Strodtbeck Value Orientations theory more likely to see human beings as born basically good
represents one of the earliest efforts to develop a cross-cul- and possessing an inherent tendency towards goodness.
tural theory of values. According to Kluckhohn and Strodt- Between these two poles are societies that see human
beck (1961), every culture faces the same basic survival beings as possessing the potential to be either good or evil
needs and must answer the same universal questions. It is depending upon the influences that surround them. Soci-
out of this need that cultural values arise. The basic ques- eties also differ on whether human nature is immutable
tions faced by people everywhere fall into five categories (unchangeable) or mutable (changeable).
and reflect concerns about (1) human nature, (2) the rela-
tionship between human beings and the natural world, What Is the Relationship between Human
(3) time, (4) human activity, and (5) social relations. Kluck- Beings and the Natural World?
hohn and Strodtbeck hypothesized three possible responses Some societies believe nature is a powerful force in the face
or orientations to each of the concerns (Table 3.1). of which human beings are essentially helpless. We could
describe this as “nature over humans.” Other societies are
What Is the Inherent Nature of Human Beings? more likely to believe that through intelligence and the
This is a question, say Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck, that application of knowledge, humans can control nature. In
all societies ask, and there are generally three different other words, they embrace a “humans over nature” posi-
responses. The people in some societies are inclined to tion. Between these two extremes are the societies who
believe that people are inherently evil and that the society believe humans are wise to strive to live in “harmony with
must exercise strong measures to keep the evil impulses nature.”

TABLE 3.1 Summary of Kluckhohn-Strodtbeck Values Orientation Theory

Basic Concerns Orientations


Human nature Evil Mixed Good
Relationship to natural world Subordinate Harmony Dominant
Time Past Present Future
Activity Being Becoming Doing
Social relations Hierarchical Collateral Individual

56
Beliefs, Values, and Cultural Universals • 57
What Is the Best Way to Think about Time? a number of additional questions that one might expect
Some societies are rooted in the past, believing that peo- cultural groups to grapple with:
ple should learn from history and strive to preserve the
• Space: Should space belong to individuals, to
traditions of the past. Other societies place more value
groups (especially the family) or to everybody?
on the here and now, believing people should live fully in
• Work: What should be the basic motivation for work?
the present. Then there are societies that place the greatest
To make a contribution to society, to have a sense of
value on the future, believing people should always delay
personal achievement, or to attain financial security?
immediate satisfactions while they plan and work hard to
• Gender: How should society distribute roles, power
make a better future.
and responsibility between the sexes? Should deci-
What Is the Proper Mode of Human Activity? sion-making be done primarily by men, by women,
or by both?
In some societies, “being” is the most valued orientation.
• The Relationship between State and Individual:
Striving for great things is not necessary or important. In
Should rights and responsibilities be granted to the
other societies, “becoming” is what is most valued. Life is
nation or the individual?
regarded as a process of continual unfolding. Our purpose
on earth, the people might say, is to become fully human. Today, the Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck framework is
Finally, there are societies that are primarily oriented to just one among many attempts to study universal human
“doing.” In such societies, people are likely to think of values. Others include those of Hofstede (1997), Rokeach
the inactive life as a wasted life. People are more likely to (1979), and Schwartz (2006).
express the view that we are here to work hard and that
human worth is measured by the sum of accomplishments. HOFSTEDE’S DIMENSIONS
OF CULTURE THEORY
What Is the Ideal Relationship between Geert Hofstede articulated a Dimensions of Culture the-
the Individual and Society? ory in the 1980s, and has updated and revised it over the
Expressed another way, we can say the concern is about how years. Hofstede’s theory currently gets a lot of attention in
a society is best organized. People in some societies think it basic texts that include discussion of cultural values. Based
most natural that a society be organized hierarchically. They on survey data collected from IBM employees, Hofstede
hold to the view that some people are born to lead and oth- has argued that his theory is particularly useful for high-
ers to follow. Leaders, they feel, should make all the import- lighting similarities and differences between national cul-
ant decisions. Other societies are best described as valuing tures. Hofstede initially identified four dimensions.
collateral relationships. In such societies, everyone has an
important role to play in society; therefore, important deci- Power Distance
sions should be made by consensus. In still other societies, Power distance is a measure of the degree to which
the individual is the primary unit of society. In societies less powerful members of society expect and accept an
that place great value on individualism, people are likely to unequal distribution of power. There is a certain degree of
believe that each person should have control over his/her inequality in all societies, notes Hofstede; however, there
own destiny. When groups convene to make decisions, they is relatively more equality in some societies than in others.
should follow the principle of “one person, one vote.” Countries vary along a continuum from countries where
In an early application of the theory, Kluckhohn and power distance is very low to countries where power dis-
Strodtbeck interviewed members of five cultural groups tance is very high (Table 3.2). Measured on a scale of 1–100
in the American Southwest: (1) Navajo people traveling for instance, Denmark scores very low and Mexico scores
around the Southwest seeking work, (2) White homestead- quite high. The U.S. falls somewhere in between.
ers in Texas, (3) Mexican-Americans, (4) Mormon villag- Countries with lower PDI values tend to be more
ers, and (5) Zuni pueblo dwellers. Researchers have found egalitarian. For instance, there is more equality between
the framework useful in making sense of diverse cultures parents and children with parents more likely to accept
around the world. it if children argue with them, or “talk back” to use a
As Hill (2002) has observed, Kluckhohn and Strodt- common expression. In the work place, bosses are more
beck did not consider the theory to be complete. In fact, likely to ask employees for input, and in fact, subordinates
they originally proposed a sixth value orientation—Space: expect to be consulted. On the other hand, in countries
here, there, or far away, which they could not quite figure with high power distance, parents expect children to obey
out how to investigate at the time. And Hill has proposed without questioning. People of higher status may expect
58 • CHAPTER 3

TABLE 3.2 Power Distance Index (PDI) for 50 Countries and 3 Regions

Country/Region PDI Country/Region PDI Country/Region PDI Country/Region PDI


Malaysia *104 France 68 South Korea 60 Australia 36
Guatemala 95 Hong Kong 68 Iran 58 Costa Rica 35
Panama 95 Colombia 67 Taiwan 58 Germany 35
Philippines 94 El Salvador 66 Spain 57 Great Britain 35
Mexico 81 Turkey 66 Pakistan 55 Switzerland 34
Venezuela 81 Belgium 65 Japan 54 Finland 33
Arab countries 80 East Africa 64 Italy 50 Norway 31
Ecuador 78 Peru 64 Argentina 49 Sweden 31
Indonesia 78 Thailand 64 South Africa 49 Ireland 28
India 77 Chile 63 Jamaica 45 New Zealand 22
West Africa 77 Portugal 63 USA 40 Denmark 18
Yugoslavia 76 Uruguay 61 Canada 39 Israel 13
Singapore 74 Greece 60 Netherlands 38 Austria 11
Brazil 69
*A country may score above 100 if it was added after a formula for the scale had already been fixed.
From Hofstede (1997), p. 26.

conspicuous displays of respect from subordinates. In the higher on individualism measure are considered by defi-
workplace, superiors and subordinates are not likely to nition less collectivistic than countries that score lower
see each other as equals, and it is assumed that bosses will (Table 3.3). In more highly individualistic societies, the
make decisions without consulting employees. In general, interests of individuals receive more emphasis than those
status is more important in high power distance countries. of the group (e.g., the family, the company, etc.). Individ-
ualistic societies put more value on self-striving and per-
Individualism vs. Collectivism sonal accomplishment, while more collectivistic societies
Individualism vs. collectivism anchor opposite ends of a put more emphasis on the importance of relationships
continuum that describes how people define themselves and loyalty. People are defined more by what they do in
and their relationships with others. Countries that score individualistic societies while in collectivistic societies,

TABLE 3.3 Individualism Index (IDV) for 50 Countries and 3 Regions

Country/Region IDV Country/Region IDV Country/Region IDV Country/Region IDV


USA 91 Germany 67 Turkey 37 Thailand 20
Australia 90 South Africa 65 Uruguay 36 El Salvador 19
Great Britain 89 Finland 63 Greece 35 South Korea 18
Canada 80 Austria 55 Philippines 32 Taiwan 17
Netherlands 80 Israel 54 Mexico 30 Peru 16
New Zealand 79 Spain 51 Yugoslavia 27 Costa Rica 15
Italy 76 India 48 East Africa 27 Indonesia 14
Belgium 75 Japan 46 Portugal 27 Pakistan 14
Denmark 74 Argentina 46 Malaysia 26 Colombia 13
France 71 Iran 41 Hong Kong 25 Venezuela 12
Sweden 71 Jamaica 39 Chile 23 Panama 11
Ireland 70 Arab countries 38 West Africa 20 Ecuador 8
Norway 69 Brazil 38 Singapore 20 Guatemala 6
Switzerland 68
From Hofstede (1997), p. 53.
Beliefs, Values, and Cultural Universals • 59

TABLE 3.4 Masculinity Index (MAS) for 50 Countries and 3 Regions

Country/Region MAS Country/Region MAS Country/Region MAS Country/Region MAS


Japan 95 USA 62 Singapore 48 South Korea 39
Austria 79 Australia 61 Israel 47 Uruguay 38
Venezuela 73 New Zealand 58 Indonesia 46 Guatemala 37
Italy 70 Hong Kong 57 West Africa 46 Thailand 34
Switzerland 70 Greece 57 Turkey 45 Portugal 31
Mexico 69 India 56 Taiwan 45 Chile 28
Ireland 69 Argentina 56 Panama 44 Finland 26
Jamaica 68 Belgium 54 France 43 Yugoslavia 21
Germany 66 Arab countries 53 Iran 43 Costa Rica 21
Great Britain 66 Canada 52 Peru 42 Denmark 16
Philippines 64 Malaysia 50 Spain 42 Netherlands 14
Colombia 64 Pakistan 50 East Africa 41 Norway 8
Ecuador 63 Brazil 49 El Salvador 40 Sweden 5
South Africa 63
From Hofstede (1997), p. 84.

they are defined more by their membership in particular than more tightly structured contexts. In educational set-
groups. Communication is more direct in individualistic tings, people from countries high in uncertainty avoidance
societies but more indirect in collectivistic societies. The expect their teachers to be experts with all of the answers.
U.S. ranks very high in individualism, and South Korea People from countries low in uncertainty avoidance don’t
ranks quite low. Japan falls close to the middle. mind it when a teacher says, “I don’t know.”

Masculinity vs. Femininity Long-Term vs. Short-Term Orientation


Masculinity vs. femininity refers to a dimension that Long-term vs. short-term orientation is a fifth dimension
describes the extent to which strong distinctions exist developed some years after the initial four. It emerged as
between men’s and women’s roles in society. Societies that a result of an effort by a research group (Chinese Culture
score higher on the masculinity scale tend to value asser- Connection, 1987) to develop a universal values framework
tiveness, competition, and material success (Table 3.4). with a non-Western bias. According to Hofstede (1997),
Countries that score lower in masculinity tend to embrace the resulting Chinese Values Survey overlapped with three
values more widely thought of as feminine values, e.g., of Hofstede’s dimensions: power distance, individualism,
modesty, quality of life, interpersonal relationships, and and masculinity although not with the uncertainty avoid-
greater concern for the disadvantaged of society. Societ- ance dimension. In addition, the group found a unique
ies high in masculinity are also more likely to have strong factor not reflected in Hofstede’s work, which they called
opinions about what constitutes men’s work vs. women’s Confucian dynamism. Hofstede has since incorporated
work while societies low in masculinity permit much Confucian dynamism into his own theory as long-term
greater overlapping in the social roles of men and women. vs. short-term orientation. Long-term orientation is asso-
ciated with thrift, savings, persistence toward results, and
Uncertainty Avoidance the willingness to subordinate oneself for a purpose (Table
Uncertainty avoidance measures the extent to which 3.6). Short-term orientation is associated with less saving,
people value predictability and view uncertainty or the a preference for quick results, and unrestrained spending
unknown as threatening. People in societies that measure in response to social pressure (often referred to in English
high in uncertainty avoidance prefer to know exactly what as “keeping up with the Joneses”).
to expect in any given situation (Table 3.5). They want firm
rules and strict codes of behavior. They dislike ambiguity. Indulgence vs. Self-Restraint
People from countries that score low on uncertainty avoid- Indulgence vs. self-restraint represents another new
ance generally have a higher tolerance for ambiguity. They dimension. People living in countries that score high on
are happy to have few rules and prefer less structured rather indulgence are more likely to value the free gratification of
60 • CHAPTER 3

TABLE 3.5 Uncertainty Avoidance Index (UAI) for 50 Countries and 3 Regions

Country/Region UAI Country/Region UAI Country/Region UAI Country/Region UAI


Greece 112 Costa Rica 86 Ecuador 67 Indonesia 48
Portugal 104 Turkey 85 Germany 65 Canada 48
Guatemala 101 South Korea 85 Thailand 64 USA 46
Uruguay 100 Mexico 82 Iran 59 Philippines 44
El Salvador 94 Israel 81 Finland 59 India 40
Belgium 94 Colombia 80 Switzerland 58 Malaysia 36
Japan 92 Venezuela 76 West Africa 54 Great Britain 35
Yugoslavia 88 Brazil 76 Netherlands 53 Ireland 35
Peru 87 Italy 75 East Africa 52 Hong Kong 29
Panama 86 Pakistan 70 Australia 51 Sweden 29
France 86 Austria 70 Norway 50 Denmark 23
Chile 86 Taiwan 69 South Africa 49 Jamaica 13
Spain 86 Arab countries 68 New Zealand 49 Singapore 8
Argentina 86
From Hofstede (1997), p. 113.

TABLE 3.6 Long-Term Orientation (LTO) for 23 Countries

Country LTO Country LTO Country LTO Country LTO


China 118 India 61 Poland 32 Zimbabwe 25
Hong Kong 96 Thailand 56 Germany 31 Canada 23
Taiwan 87 Singapore 48 Australia 31 Philippines 19
Japan 80 Netherlands 44 New Zealand 30 Nigeria 16
South Korea 75 Bangladesh 40 USA 29 Pakistan 0
Brazil 65 Sweden 33 Great Britain 25
From Hofstede (1997), p. 166.

TABLE 3.7 Indulgence vs. Restraint. Ranking of 40 Countries from Most to Least Indulgent

High-Indulgence Countries High-Restraint Countries


1 Venezuela 11 Australia 74 Morocco 83 Iraq
2 Mexico 12 Cyprus 75 China 85 Estonia
3 Puerto Rico 12 Denmark 76 Azerbaijan 85 Bulgaria
4 El Salvador 14 Great Britain 77 Russia 85 Lithuania
5 Nigeria 15 Canada 77 Montenegro 88 Belarus
6 Colombia 15 Netherlands 77 Romania 88 Albania
7 Trinidad 15 USA 77 Bangladesh 90 Ukraine
8 Sweden 18 Iceland 81 Moldova 91 Latvia
9 New Zealand 19 Switzerland 82 Burkina Faso 92 Egypt
10 Ghana 19 Malta 83 Hong Kong 93 Pakistan
From Jandt (2016), p. 175.
Beliefs, Values, and Cultural Universals • 61

human desires (Table 3.7). Enjoying life and having fun are effectively controls for the effects of occupational category
important to them. On the other hand, people in countries and class, insuring that the relevant variable of compar-
high on restraint are more likely to believe that gratifica- ison is nationality. However, it seems hard to escape the
tion should be curbed and that it should be regulated by conclusion that since the study consisted solely of IBM
strict social norms (Hof­stede et al., 2010). employees, the results may have more to say about IBM
corporate culture than about anything broader. Moreover,
CRITIQUE OF HOFSTEDE’S THEORY we should not forget that when Hofstede’s research was
Among the various attempts by social scientists to study first conducted, IBM employed mostly men, so women’s
human values from a cultural perspective, Hofstede’s is perspectives are also largely missing (Orr & Hauser, 2008).
certainly popular. In fact, it would be a rare culture text Hofstede’s theory has also been faulted for promoting a
that did not pay special attention to Hofstede’s theory. The largely static view of culture (Hamden-Turner & Trompe-
current text is a case in point. However, Hofstede’s theory naars, 1997). As Orr and Hauser (2008) have suggested,
has also been seriously questioned, and we will summarize the world has changed in dramatic ways since Hofstede’s
some of the most common criticisms below. research began. The world map has changed, cultures
First, Hofstede’s methodology has been criticized. To themselves may have changed, and the original data is
begin with, the way in which the questionnaire was devel- likely to be out of date. In fact, it is somewhat of a puz-
oped has been described as haphazard (Orr & Hauser, zle why Hofstede’s theory continues to enjoy the popular-
2008). Indeed, the questionnaire was not even originally ity that it does. Indeed, over the years, attempts by many
developed to explore cultural values but instead to assess researchers to replicate Hofstede’s findings have not been
job satisfaction within IBM. It is hard to believe that ques- very successful (Orr & Hauser, 2008).
tions framed to explore workplace attitudes are relevant to
broader cultural attitudes outside of the work place. FINAL REFLECTION
Critics also point out that Hofstede’s conclusions In this chapter, we have surveyed two approaches to the
are based on insufficient samples (McSweeney, 2002). study of cultural values: that of Kluckhohn and Strodt-
Although 117,000 questionnaires were administered, only beck, that of Hofstede. The study of values will no doubt
the results from 40 countries were used. Furthermore, only remain a vibrant subject for cross-cultural researchers.
6 countries had more than 1000 respondents, and in 15 However, implicit in Hofstede’s work, in particular, is
countries, there were fewer than 200 respondents. Surely the idea that there exists such a thing as a national culture.
it is not appropriate for 200 people to speak on behalf of a In discussing cultural values, we have temporarily gone
country of millions. along with this suggestion. However, in closing, let us raise
Critics have also been skeptical about the assumption the question of whether the idea of national culture actually
that IBM employees are representative of national cul- makes any sense. McSweeney (2002, p. 110), echoing the
tures as a whole. And even within IBM, the surveys were sentiments of many other scholars insists that “the prefix-
administered only to certain categories of workers, i.e., ing of the name of a country to something to imply national
“marketing-plus-sales,” leaving out many other employee uniformity is grossly over-used.” In his view, Hofstede’s
categories, including blue-collar workers, full-time stu- dimensions are little more than statistical myths. Perhaps
dents, retired employees, etc. (McSweeney, 2002). Hofst- culture is a term better applied to small collectivities and
ede has suggested that restricting the sample in this way any such thing as national culture is a mere illusion.

KEY TAKEAWAYS
• The Kluckhohn-Strodtbeck Value Orientations theory posits that • Hofstede’s Dimensions of Culture theory highlights similarities
every culture faces the same basic survival needs and must and differences between national cultures.
answer the same universal questions. • Hofstede’s theory identifies six dimensions: power distance,
• The basic questions faced by people everywhere fall into five individualism vs. collectivism, masculinity vs. femininity,
categories and reflect concerns about human nature, the rela- uncertainty avoidance, long-term vs. short-term orientation, and
tionship between human beings and the natural world, time, indulgence vs. self-restraint.
human activity, and social relations. • Despite its popularity, Hofstede’s theory has been criticized for
• Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck hypothesized three possible a number of reasons, including its methodology, conclusions,
responses or orientations to each of the concerns. and poor representation of current cultures.
62 • CHAPTER 3

EXERCISES
1. Choose two national cultures that interest you. Compare and 3. Is your primary cultural community a “high-indulgence” or a
contrast them using Hofstede’s six dimensions of culture. “high-restraint” community? How does this cultural orientation
2. Choose a community that you know well and decide where you align with your own personal orientation? Are you a “high-indul-
think most members of the community would place themselves gence” or a “high-restraint” person?
within Table 3.1—the Kluckhohn-Strodtbeck Value Orientations 4. Do you think it is possible to identify national values, or do you
framework. Explain your reasoning. Are your views the same or think values differ significantly from person to person and place
different from those of your primary community? to place? Explain.

REFERENCES
Chinese Culture Connection. (1987). Chinese culture and the search for Kluckhohn, F. R., & Strodtbeck, F. L. (1961). Variations in value
culture-free dimensions of culture. Journal of Cross-Cultural orientations. Row, Peterson.
Psychology, 18(2), 143–164. McSweeney, B. (2002). Hofstede’s model of national cultural differences
Hamden-Turner, C., & Trompenaars, F. (1997). Response to Geert and their consequences: A triumph of faith—a failure of analysis.
Hofstede. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 21(1), Human Relations, 55(1), 89–118. https://doi.org/10.1177/
149–159. 0018726702551004
Hill, M. D. (2002). Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck’s values orientation theory. Orr, L. M., & Hauser, W. J. (2008). A re-inquiry of Hofstede’s cultural
Online Readings in Psychology and Culture, 4(4). https://doi.org/ dimensions: A call for 21st century cross-cultural research. The
10.9707/2307-0919.1040 Marketing Management Journal, 18(2), 1–19.
Hofstede, G. (1997). Cultures and organizations: Software of the mind. Rokeach, M. (1979). Understanding human values: Individual and
McGraw-Hill. societal. The Free Press.
Hofstede, G., Hofstede, G. J., & Minkov, M. (2010). Cultures and Schwartz, S. H. (2006). A theory of cultural value orientations: Explication
organizations: Software of the mind (3rd ed.). McGraw-Hill. and applications. Comparative Sociology, 5(2–3), 137–182. https://
Jandt, F. E. (2016). An introduction to intercultural communication: doi.org/10.1163/156913306778667357
Identities in a global community (8th ed.) SAGE Publications.
CHAPTER 4

Introduction to Race and Ethnicity

SOURCE
Griffiths, H., Keirns, N., Strayer, E., Cody-Rydzewski, S., Scaramuzzo, G., Sadler, T., Vyain, S., Bry, J., Jones, F., & Rice
University. (2015, April 24). Introduction to race and ethnicity. In Introduction to sociology (2nd ed.). OpenStax. Retrieved
February 13, 2020, from https://openstax.org/books/introduction-sociology-2e/pages/11-introduction-to-race-and-ethnicity
(Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License)

LEARNING OBJECTIVES
1. Understand the difference between race and ethnicity. 8. Identify examples of culture of prejudice.
2. Define a majority group (dominant group). 9. Explain different intergroup relations in terms of their relative
3. Define a minority group (subordinate group). levels of tolerance.
4. Explain the difference between stereotypes, prejudice, discrim- 10. Give historical and/or contemporary examples of each type of
ination, and racism. intergroup relation.
5. Identify different types of discrimination. 11. Compare and contrast the different experiences of various
6. View racial tension through a sociological lens. ethnic groups in the United States.

7. Describe how major sociological perspectives view race and 12. Apply theories of intergroup relations, race, and ethnicity to
ethnicity. different subordinate groups.

KEY TERMS
amalgamation genocide racism
assimilation institutional racism redlining
colorism intersection theory scapegoat theory
culture of prejudice minority group sedimentation of racial inequality
de facto segregation model minority segregation
discrimination pluralism social construction of race
dominant group prejudice stereotypes
ethnicity racial profiling subordinate group
expulsion racial steering White privilege

T rayvon Martin was a seventeen-year-old Black teen-


ager. On the evening of February 26, 2012, he was vis-
iting with his father and his father’s fiancée in the Sanford,
A public outcry followed Martin’s death. There were
allegations of racial profiling—the use by law enforce-
ment of race alone to determine whether to stop and
Florida multi-ethnic gated community where his father’s detain someone—a national discussion about “Stand Your
fiancée lived. Trayvon went on foot to buy a snack from Ground Laws,” and a failed lawsuit in which Zimmerman
a nearby convenience store. As he was returning, George accused NBC of airing an edited version of the 911 call
Zimmerman, a White Hispanic male and the community’s that made him appear racist. Zimmerman was not arrested
neighborhood watch program coordinator, noticed him. until April 11, when he was charged with second-degree
In light of a recent rash of break-ins, Zimmerman called murder by special prosecutor Angela Corey. In the ensu-
the police to report a person acting suspiciously, which ing trial, he was found not guilty (CNN Editorial Research,
he had done on many other occasions. The 911 operator 2014).
told Zimmerman not to follow the teen, but soon after The shooting, the public response, and the trial that
Zimmerman and Martin had a physical confrontation. followed offer a snapshot of the sociology of race. Do you
According to Zimmerman, Martin attacked him, and in think race played a role in Martin’s death or in the public
the ensuing scuffle Martin was shot and killed (CNN Edi- reaction to it? Do you think race had any influence on the
torial Research, 2014). initial decision not to arrest Zimmerman, or on his later

63
64 • CHAPTER 4

Social science organizations including the American


Association of Anthropologists, the American Sociological
Association, and the American Psychological Association
have all taken an official position rejecting the biological
explanations of race. Over time, the typology of race that
developed during early racial science has fallen into dis-
use, and the social construction of race is a more socio-
logical way of understanding racial categories. Research in
this school of thought suggests that race is not biologically
identifiable and that previous racial categories were arbi-
trarily assigned, based on pseudoscience, and used to jus-
tify racist practices (Omi & Winant, 1994; Graves, 2003).
When considering skin color, for example, the social con-
The Million Hoodies rally in New York’s Union Square, struction of race perspective recognizes that the relative
protesting the shooting of Trayvon Martin. (Photo by David
Shankbone is in the public domain.)
darkness or fairness of skin is an evolutionary adaptation
to the available sunlight in different regions of the world.
Contemporary conceptions of race, therefore, which tend
acquittal? Does society fear Black men, leading to racial to be based on socioeconomic assumptions, illuminate
profiling at an institutional level? What about the role of how far removed modern understanding of race is from
the media? Was there a deliberate attempt to manipulate biological qualities. In modern society, some people who
public opinion? If you were a member of the jury, would consider themselves “White” actually have more melanin
you have convicted George Zimmerman? (a pigment that determines skin color) in their skin than
other people who identify as ”Black.” Consider the case of
RACIAL, ETHNIC, AND MINORITY GROUPS the actress Rashida Jones. She is the daughter of a Black
While many students first entering a sociology classroom man (Quincy Jones), and her best-known roles include
are accustomed to conflating the terms “race,” “ethnic- Ann Perkins on Parks and Recreation, Karen Filippelli
ity,” and “minority group,” these three terms have distinct on The Office, and Zooey Rice in I Love You Man, none
meanings for sociologists. The idea of race refers to super- of whom are Black characters. In some countries, such as
ficial physical differences that a particular society considers Brazil, class is more important than skin color in deter-
significant, while ethnicity describes shared culture. And mining racial categorization. People with high levels of
the term “minority groups” describe groups that are subor- melanin may consider themselves “White” if they enjoy a
dinate, or that lack power in society regardless of skin color middle-class lifestyle. On the other hand, someone with
or country of origin. For example, in modern U.S. history, low levels of melanin might be assigned the identity of
the elderly might be considered a minority group due to a “Black” if he or she has little education or money.
diminished status that results from popular prejudice and The social construction of race is also reflected in
discrimination against them. Ten percent of nursing home the way names for racial categories change with chang-
staff admitted to physically abusing an elderly person in the ing times. It’s worth noting that race, in this sense, is also
past year, and 40% admitted to committing psychological a system of labeling that provides a source of identity;
abuse (World Health Organization, 2011). In this chapter specific labels fall in and out of favor during different
we focus on racial and ethnic minorities. social eras. For example, the category ”negroid,” popular
in the nineteenth century, evolved into the term “negro”
What Is Race? by the 1960s, and then this term fell from use and was
Historically, the concept of race has changed across cul- replaced with “African American.” This latter term was
tures and eras, and has eventually become less connected intended to celebrate the multiple identities that a Black
with ancestral and familial ties, and more concerned with person might hold, but the word choice is a poor one: it
superficial physical characteristics. In the past, theorists lumps together a large variety of ethnic groups under an
have posited categories of race based on various geo- umbrella term while excluding others who could accu-
graphic regions, ethnicities, skin colors, and more. Their rately be described by the label but who do not meet the
labels for racial groups have connoted regions (Mongolia spirit of the term. For example, actress Charlize Theron is
and the Caucus Mountains, for instance) or skin tones a blonde-haired, blue-eyed “African American.” She was
(black, white, yellow, and red, for example). born in South Africa and later became a U.S. citizen. Is
Introduction to Race and Ethnicity • 65

her identity that of an “African American” as most of us color or language, (3) involuntary membership in the
understand the term? group, (4) awareness of subordination, and (5) high rate
of in-group marriage. Additional examples of minority
What Is Ethnicity? groups might include the LBGT community, religious
Ethnicity is a term that describes shared culture—the practitioners whose faith is not widely practiced where
practices, values, and beliefs of a group. This culture they live, and people with disabilities.
might include shared language, religion, and traditions, Scapegoat theory, developed initially from Dollard
among other commonalities. Like race, the term ethnicity et al.’s (1939) Frustration-Aggression theory, suggests that
is difficult to describe and its meaning has changed over the dominant group will displace its unfocused aggression
time. And as with race, individuals may be identified or onto a subordinate group. History has shown us many
self-identify with ethnicities in complex, even contradic- examples of the scapegoating of a subordinate group.
tory, ways. For example, ethnic groups such as Irish, Ital- An example from the last century is the way Adolf Hit-
ian American, Russian, Jewish, and Serbian might all be ler was able to blame the Jewish population for Germa-
groups whose members are predominantly included in ny’s social and economic problems. In the United States,
the “White” racial category. Conversely, the ethnic group recent immigrants have frequently been the scapegoat for
British includes citizens from a multiplicity of racial back- the nation’s—or an individual’s—woes. Many states have
grounds: Black, White, Asian, and more, plus a variety of enacted laws to disenfranchise immigrants; these laws are
race combinations. These examples illustrate the complex- popular because they let the dominant group scapegoat a
ity and overlap of these identifying terms. Ethnicity, like subordinate group.
race, continues to be an identification method that indi-
viduals and institutions use today—whether through the DISCRIMINATION, STEREOTYPES,
census, affirmative action initiatives, nondiscrimination PREJUDICE AND RACE
laws, or simply in personal day-to-day relations. The terms stereotype, prejudice, discrimination, and rac-
ism are often used interchangeably in everyday conversa-
What Are Minority Groups? tion. Let us explore the differences between these concepts.
Sociologist Louis Wirth (1945) defined a minority group Stereotypes are oversimplified generalizations about
as “any group of people who, because of their physical or groups of people. Stereotypes can be based on race, eth-
cultural characteristics, are singled out from the others in nicity, age, gender, sexual orientation—almost any char-
the society in which they live for differential and unequal acteristic. They may be positive (usually about one’s own
treatment, and who therefore regard themselves as objects group, such as when women suggest they are less likely
of collective discrimination.” The term minority connotes to complain about physical pain) but are often negative
discrimination, and in its sociological use, the term sub- (usually toward other groups, such as when members of
ordinate group can be used interchangeably with the term a dominant racial group suggest that a subordinate racial
minority, while the term dominant group is often substi- group is stupid or lazy). In either case, the stereotype is a
tuted for the group that’s in the majority. These definitions generalization that doesn’t take individual differences into
correlate to the concept that the dominant group is that account.
which holds the most power in a given society, while sub- Where do stereotypes come from? In fact new stereo-
ordinate groups are those who lack power compared to the types are rarely created; rather, they are recycled from sub-
dominant group. ordinate groups that have assimilated into society and are
Note that being a numerical minority is not a char- reused to describe newly subordinate groups. For example,
acteristic of being a minority group; sometimes larger many stereotypes that are currently used to characterize
groups can be considered minority groups due to their Black people were used earlier in American history to
lack of power. It is the lack of power that is the predomi- characterize Irish and Eastern European immigrants.
nant characteristic of a minority, or subordinate group. For
example, consider apartheid in South Africa, in which a Prejudice and Racism
numerical majority (the Black inhabitants of the country) Prejudice refers to the beliefs, thoughts, feelings, and atti-
were exploited and oppressed by the White minority. tudes someone holds about a group. A prejudice is not
According to Charles Wagley and Marvin Harris based on experience; instead, it is a prejudgment, originat-
(1958), a minority group is distinguished by five charac- ing outside actual experience. A 1970 documentary called
teristics: (1) unequal treatment and less power over their Eye of the Storm illustrates the way in which prejudice
lives, (2) distinguishing physical or cultural traits like skin develops, by showing how defining one category of people
66 • CHAPTER 4

as superior (children with blue eyes) results in prejudice criminal, economic, and political systems that exist in our
against people who are not part of the favored category. society.
While prejudice is not necessarily specific to race, rac- For example, when a newspaper identifies by race indi-
ism is a stronger type of prejudice used to justify the belief viduals accused of a crime, it may enhance stereotypes of
that one racial category is somehow superior or inferior to a certain minority. Another example of racist practices is
others; it is also a set of practices used by a racial major- racial steering, in which real estate agents direct prospec-
ity to disadvantage a racial minority. The Ku Klux Klan is tive homeowners toward or away from certain neighbor-
an example of a racist organization; its members’ belief in hoods based on their race. Racist attitudes and beliefs are
White supremacy has encouraged over a century of hate often more insidious and harder to pin down than specific
crime and hate speech. racist practices.
Institutional racism refers to the way in which racism Prejudice and discrimination can overlap and inter-
is embedded in the fabric of society. For example, the dis- sect in many ways. To illustrate, here are four examples
proportionate number of Black men arrested, charged, and of how prejudice and discrimination can occur. Unprej-
convicted of crimes may reflect racial profiling, a form of udiced nondiscriminators are open-minded, tolerant, and
institutional racism. accepting individuals. Unprejudiced discriminators might
Colorism is another kind of prejudice, in which some- be those who unthinkingly practice sexism in their work-
one believes one type of skin tone is superior or inferior to place by not considering females for certain positions that
another within a racial group. Studies suggest that darker have traditionally been held by men. Prejudiced nondis-
skinned African Americans experience more discrimi- criminators are those who hold racist beliefs but don’t act
nation than lighter skinned African Americans (Herring on them, such as a racist store owner who serves minority
et al., 2004; Klonoff & Landrine, 2000). For example, if a customers. Prejudiced discriminators include those who
White employer believes a Black employee with a darker actively make disparaging remarks about others or who
skin tone is less capable than a Black employee with lighter perpetrate hate crimes.
skin tone, that is colorism. At least one study suggested the Discrimination also manifests in different ways. The
colorism affected racial socialization, with darker-skinned scenarios above are examples of individual discrimination,
Black male adolescents receiving more warnings about the but other types exist. Institutional discrimination occurs
danger of interacting with members of other racial groups when a societal system has developed with embedded dis-
than did lighter-skinned Black male adolescents (Landor enfranchisement of a group, such as the U.S. military’s his-
et al., 2013). torical nonacceptance of minority sexualities (the “don’t
ask, don’t tell” policy reflected this norm).
Discrimination Institutional discrimination can also include the pro-
While prejudice refers to biased thinking, discrimination motion of a group’s status, such in the case of White priv-
consists of actions against a group of people. Discrimina- ilege, which is the benefits people receive simply by being
tion can be based on age, religion, health, and other indi- part of the dominant group (McIntosh, 1989).
cators; race-based laws against discrimination strive to While most White people are willing to admit that
address this set of social problems. non-White people live with a set of disadvantages due to
Discrimination based on race or ethnicity can take the color of their skin, very few are willing to acknowledge
many forms, from unfair housing practices to biased the benefits they receive.
hiring systems. Overt discrimination has long been part
of U.S. history. In the late nineteenth century, it was not Racial Tensions in the United States
uncommon for business owners to hang signs that read, The death of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, on
“Help Wanted: No Irish Need Apply.” And southern Jim August 9, 2014, illustrates racial tensions in the United
Crow laws, with their “Whites Only” signs, exemplified States as well as the overlap between prejudice, discrim-
overt discrimination that is not tolerated today. ination, and institutional racism. On that day, Brown, a
However, we cannot erase discrimination from our young unarmed Black man, was killed by a White police
culture just by enacting laws to abolish it. Even if a magic officer named Darren Wilson. During the incident, Wil-
pill managed to eradicate racism from each individual’s son directed Brown and his friend to walk on the side-
psyche, society itself would maintain it. Sociologist Émile walk instead of in the street. While eyewitness accounts
Durkheim (1982) calls racism a social fact, meaning that it vary, they agree that an altercation occurred between
does not require the action of individuals to continue. The Wilson and Brown. Wilson’s version has him shooting
reasons for this are complex and relate to the educational, Brown in self-defense after Brown assaulted him, while
Introduction to Race and Ethnicity • 67

Dorian Johnson, a friend of Brown also present at the tensions in Ferguson while also reflecting nationwide
time, claimed that Brown first ran away, then turned with racial inequalities (Bouie, 2014).
his hands in the air to surrender, after which Wilson shot
him repeatedly (Nobles & Bosman, 2014). Three autopsies Multiple Identities
independently confirmed that Brown was shot six times Prior to the twentieth century, racial intermarriage
(Lowery & Fears, 2014). (referred to as miscegenation) was extremely rare, and in
The shooting focused attention on a number of race-re- many places, illegal. In the later part of the twentieth cen-
lated tensions in the United States. First, members of the tury and in the twenty-first century, as Figure 4.1 shows,
predominantly Black community viewed Brown’s death attitudes have changed for the better. While the sexual
as the result of a White police officer racially profiling a subordination of slaves did result in children of mixed
Black man (Nobles & Bosman, 2014). In the days after, race, these children were usually considered Black, and
it was revealed that only three members of the town’s fif- therefore, property. There was no concept of multiple
ty-three-member police force were Black (Nobles & Bos- racial identities with the possible exception of the Creole.
man, 2014). The national dialogue shifted during the next Creole society developed in the port city of New Orleans,
few weeks, with some commentators pointing to a nation- where a mixed-race culture grew from French and African
wide sedimentation of racial inequality and identifying inhabitants. Unlike in other parts of the country, “Creoles
redlining in Ferguson as a cause of the unbalanced racial of color” had greater social, economic, and educational
composition in the community, in local political establish- opportunities than most African Americans (Caver &
ments, and in the police force (Bouie, 2014). Redlining is Williams, 2011).
the practice of routinely refusing mortgages for house- Increasingly during the modern era, the removal of
holds and businesses located in predominately minority miscegenation laws and a trend toward equal rights and
communities, while sedimentation of racial inequality legal protection against racism have steadily reduced the
describes the intergenerational impact of both practical social stigma attached to racial exogamy (exogamy refers
and legalized racism that limits the abilities of Black peo- to marriage outside a person’s core social unit). It is now
ple to accumulate wealth. common for the children of racially mixed parents to
Ferguson’s racial imbalance may explain in part why, acknowledge and celebrate their various ethnic identi-
even though in 2010 only about 63% of its population ties. Golfer Tiger Woods, for instance, has Chinese, Thai,
was Black, in 2013 Blacks were detained in 86% of stops, African American, Native American, and Dutch heri-
92% of searches, and 93% of arrests (Missouri Attorney tage; he jokingly refers to his ethnicity as “Cablinasian,”
General’s Office, 2014). In addition, de facto segregation a term he coined to combine several of his ethnic back-
in Ferguson’s schools, a race-based wealth gap, urban grounds. While this is the trend, it is not yet evident in all
sprawl, and a Black unemployment rate three times that
Historical public opinion of approval/disapproval of aspects of ourmarriage
interracial society. For example,
in the United theStates
U.S. Census only
of the White unemployment rate
source: Gallup, Inc., 2007 worsened existing racial recently added additional categories for people to identify

100%

90%

80%

70%

60%
Approve
50% Disapprove
No opinion
40%

30%

20%

10%

0%
1958 1968 1972 1978 1983 1991 1994 1997 2002 2003 2004 2007
FIGURE 4.1 Historical public opinion of approval/disapproval of interracial marriage in the United States (Source: Gallup,
Inc., 2007). (This work, Approval of Interracial Marriage US, is a derivative of Public opinion of interracial marriage in the United States by Yerevanci/Wikimedia
Commons, used under CC BY-SA 3.0. Approval of Interracial Marriage US is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 by Judy Schmitt.)
68 • CHAPTER 4

girls chose to go home for the day but then challenged the
school’s decision, appealing first to the principal, then to the
district superintendent, then to the U.S. District Court, and
finally to the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals (Hudson, 2009).
Why did the school ban the purses, and why did it stand
behind that ban, even when being sued? Why did the girls,
identified anonymously in court documents as A.M. and A.T.,
pursue such strong legal measures for their right to carry the
purses? The issue, of course, is not the purses: it is the Con-
federate flag that adorns them. The parties in this case join a
long line of people and institutions that have fought for their
right to display it, saying such a display is covered by the
Golfer Tiger Woods has Chinese, Thai, African American, First Amendment’s guarantee of free speech. In the end, the
Native American, and Dutch heritage. Individuals with court sided with the district and noted that the Confederate
multiple ethnic backgrounds are becoming more common. flag carried symbolism significant enough to disrupt normal
(Tiger Woods by Omar Rawlings is used under CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.) school activities.
While many young people in the United States like to
themselves, such as non-White Hispanic. A growing num- believe that racism is mostly in the country’s past, this case
ber of people chose multiple races to describe themselves illustrates how racism and discrimination are quite alive
on the 2010 Census, paving the way for the 2020 Census to today. If the Confederate flag is synonymous with slavery,
provide yet more choices. is there any place for its display in modern society? Those
who fight for their right to display the flag say such a display
should be covered by the First Amendment: the right to free
■ Big Picture • T he Confederate speech. But others say the flag is equivalent to hate speech.
Flag vs. the First Amendment Do you think that displaying the Confederate flag should
In January 2006, two girls walked into Burleson High School considered free speech or hate speech? ■
in Texas carrying purses that displayed large images of Con-
federate flags. School administrators told the girls that they
were in violation of the dress code, which prohibited apparel
THEORIES OF RACE AND ETHNICITY
with inappropriate symbolism or clothing that discriminated Theoretical Perspectives
based on race. To stay in school, they’d have to have some- We can examine issues of race and ethnicity through
one pick up their purses or leave them in the office. The three major sociological perspectives: functionalism, con-
flict theory, and symbolic interactionism. As you read
through these theories, ask yourself which one makes the
most sense and why. Do we need more than one theory to
explain racism, prejudice, stereotypes, and discrimination?

Functionalism
In the view of functionalism, racial and ethnic inequalities
must have served an important function in order to exist as
long as they have. This concept, of course, is problematic.
How can racism and discrimination contribute positively
to society? A functionalist might look at “functions” and
“dysfunctions” caused by racial inequality. Nash (1964)
focused his argument on the way racism is functional for
the dominant group, for example, suggesting that racism
morally justifies a racially unequal society. Consider the
This Confederate flag outside the South Carolina State way slave owners justified slavery in the antebellum South,
House was permanently removed in 2015. To some, the
by suggesting Black people were fundamentally inferior to
Confederate flag is a symbol of pride in Southern history.
To others, it is a grim reminder of a degrading period of White and preferred slavery to freedom.
the United States’ past. (222 - Columbia, South Carolina by Jason Another way to apply the functionalist perspective
Lander is used under CC BY 2.0.) to racism is to discuss the way racism can contribute
Introduction to Race and Ethnicity • 69

positively to the functioning of society by strengthening interactionists propose that the symbols of race, not
bonds between in-group members through the ostracism race itself, are what lead to racism. Famed Interactionist
of out-group members. Consider how a community might Herbert Blumer (1958) suggested that racial prejudice
increase solidarity by refusing to allow outsiders access. is formed through interactions between members of the
On the other hand, Rose (1958) suggested that dysfunc- dominant group: Without these interactions, individuals
tions associated with racism include the failure to take in the dominant group would not hold racist views. These
advantage of talent in the subjugated group, and that soci- interactions contribute to an abstract picture of the subor-
ety must divert from other purposes the time and effort dinate group that allows the dominant group to support
needed to maintain artificially constructed racial bound- its view of the subordinate group, and thus maintains the
aries. Consider how much money, time, and effort went status quo. An example of this might be an individual
toward maintaining separate and unequal educational sys- whose beliefs about a particular group are based on images
tems prior to the civil rights movement. conveyed in popular media, and those are unquestionably
believed because the individual has never personally met
Conflict Theory a member of that group. Another way to apply the inter-
Conflict theories are often applied to inequalities of gender, actionist perspective is to look at how people define their
social class, education, race, and ethnicity. A conflict the- races and the race of others. As we discussed in relation
ory perspective of U.S. history would examine the numer- to the social construction of race, since some people who
ous past and current struggles between the White ruling claim a White identity have a greater amount of skin pig-
class and racial and ethnic minorities, noting specific con- mentation than some people who claim a Black identity,
flicts that have arisen when the dominant group perceived how did they come to define themselves as Black or White?
a threat from the minority group. In the late nineteenth
century, the rising power of Black Americans after the Civil Culture of Prejudice
War resulted in draconian Jim Crow laws that severely lim- Culture of prejudice refers to the theory that prejudice
ited Black political and social power. For example, Vivien is embedded in our culture. We grow up surrounded by
Thomas (1910–1985), the Black surgical technician who images of stereotypes and casual expressions of racism
helped develop the groundbreaking surgical technique and prejudice. Consider the casually racist imagery on
that saves the lives of “blue babies” was classified as a grocery store shelves or the stereotypes that fill popular
janitor for many years, and paid as such, despite the fact movies and advertisements. It is easy to see how someone
that he was conducting complicated surgical experiments. living in the Northeastern United States, who may know
The years since the Civil War have showed a pattern of no Mexican Americans personally, might gain a stereo-
attempted disenfranchisement, with gerrymandering and typed impression from such sources as Speedy Gonza-
voter suppression efforts aimed at predominantly minority lez or Taco Bell’s talking Chihuahua. Because we are all
neighborhoods. exposed to these images and thoughts, it is impossible to
Feminist sociologist Patricia Hill Collins (1990) fur- know to what extent they have influenced our thought
ther developed intersection theory, originally articulated processes.
in 1989 by Kimberlé Crenshaw, which suggests we cannot
separate the effects of race, class, gender, sexual orienta- INTERGROUP RELATIONSHIPS
tion, and other attributes. When we examine race and how Intergroup relations (relationships between different groups
it can bring us both advantages and disadvantages, it is of people) range along a spectrum between tolerance and
important to acknowledge that the way we experience race intolerance. The most tolerant form of intergroup rela-
is shaped, for example, by our gender and class. Multiple tions is pluralism, in which no distinction is made between
layers of disadvantage intersect to create the way we expe- minority and majority groups, but instead there’s equal
rience race. For example, if we want to understand preju- standing. At the other end of the continuum are amalga-
dice, we must understand that the prejudice focused on a mation, expulsion, and even genocide—stark examples of
White woman because of her gender is very different from intolerant intergroup relations.
the layered prejudice focused on a poor Asian woman,
who is affected by stereotypes related to being poor, being Genocide
a woman, and her ethnic status. Genocide, the deliberate annihilation of a targeted (usually
subordinate) group, is the most toxic intergroup relation-
Interactionism ship. Historically, we can see that genocide has included
For symbolic interactionists, race and ethnicity pro- both the intent to exterminate a group and the function of
vide strong symbols as sources of identity. In fact, some exterminating of a group, intentional or not.
70 • CHAPTER 4

Possibly the most well-known case of genocide is Hit- expulsion can be a factor in genocide. However, it can
ler’s attempt to exterminate the Jewish people in the first also stand on its own as a destructive group interaction.
part of the twentieth century. Also known as the Holo- Expulsion has often occurred historically with an ethnic
caust, the explicit goal of Hitler’s “Final Solution” was the or racial basis. In the United States, President Franklin D.
eradication of European Jewry, as well as the destruction Roosevelt issued Executive Order 9066 in 1942, after the
of other minority groups such as Catholics, people with Japanese government’s attack on Pearl Harbor. The Order
disabilities, and homosexuals. With forced emigration, authorized the establishment of internment camps for
concentration camps, and mass executions in gas cham- anyone with as little as one-eighth Japanese ancestry (i.e.,
bers, Hitler’s Nazi regime was responsible for the deaths of one great-grandparent who was Japanese). Over 120,000
12 million people, 6 million of whom were Jewish. Hitler’s legal Japanese residents and Japanese U.S. citizens, many
intent was clear, and the high Jewish death toll certainly of them children, were held in these camps for up to four
indicates that Hitler and his regime committed genocide. years, despite the fact that there was never any evidence
But how do we understand genocide that is not so overt of collusion or espionage. (In fact, many Japanese Ameri-
and deliberate? cans continued to demonstrate their loyalty to the United
The treatment of aboriginal Australians is also an States by serving in the U.S. military during the War.) In
example of genocide committed against indigenous people. the 1990s, the U.S. executive branch issued a formal apol-
Historical accounts suggest that between 1824 and 1908, ogy for this expulsion; reparation efforts continue today.
White settlers killed more than 10,000 native aborigines in
Tasmania and Australia (Tatz, 2006). Another example is Segregation
the European colonization of North America. Some histo- Segregation refers to the physical separation of two
rians estimate that Native American populations dwindled groups, particularly in residence, but also in workplace and
from approximately 12 million people in the year 1500 to social functions. It is important to distinguish between de
barely 237,000 by the year 1900 (Lewy, 2004). European jure segregation (segregation that is enforced by law) and
settlers coerced American Indians off their own lands, de facto segregation (segregation that occurs without laws
often causing thousands of deaths in forced removals, such but because of other factors). A stark example of de jure
as occurred in the Cherokee or Potawatomi Trail of Tears. segregation is the apartheid movement of South Africa,
Settlers also enslaved Native Americans and forced them to which existed from 1948 to 1994. Under apartheid, Black
give up their religious and cultural practices. But the major South Africans were stripped of their civil rights and forci-
cause of Native American death was neither slavery nor war bly relocated to areas that segregated them physically from
nor forced removal: it was the introduction of European their White compatriots. Only after decades of degrada-
diseases and Indians’ lack of immunity to them. Small- tion, violent uprisings, and international advocacy was
pox, diphtheria, and measles flourished among indigenous apartheid finally abolished.
American tribes who had no exposure to the diseases and De jure segregation occurred in the United States for
no ability to fight them. Quite simply, these diseases deci- many years after the Civil War. During this time, many
mated the tribes. How planned this genocide was remains former Confederate states passed Jim Crow laws that
a topic of contention. Some argue that the spread of disease required segregated facilities for Blacks and Whites. These
was an unintended effect of conquest, while others believe
it was intentional citing rumors of smallpox-infected blan-
kets being distributed as “gifts” to tribes.
Genocide is not a just a historical concept; it is prac-
ticed today. Recently, ethnic and geographic conflicts in
the Darfur region of Sudan have led to hundreds of thou-
sands of deaths. As part of an ongoing land conflict, the
Sudanese government and their state-sponsored Janjaweed
militia have led a campaign of killing, forced displacement,
and systematic rape of Darfuri people. Although a treaty
was signed in 2011, the peace is fragile.

Expulsion
Expulsion refers to a subordinate group being forced, by a In the “Jim Crow” South, it was legal to have “separate but
dominant group, to leave a certain area or country. As seen equal” facilities for Blacks and Whites. (Billiard Hall for Colored by
in the examples of the Trail of Tears and the Holocaust, Marion Post Wolcott/U.S. Farm Security Administration is in the public domain.)
Introduction to Race and Ethnicity • 71

laws were codified in 1896’s landmark Supreme Court case


Plessy v. Ferguson, which stated that “separate but equal”
facilities were constitutional. For the next five decades,
Blacks were subjected to legalized discrimination, forced
to live, work, and go to school in separate—but unequal—
facilities. It wasn’t until 1954 and the Brown v. Board of
Education case that the Supreme Court declared that “sep-
arate educational facilities are inherently unequal,” thus
ending de jure segregation in the United States.
De facto segregation, however, cannot be abolished by
any court mandate. Segregation is still alive and well in the
United States, with different racial or ethnic groups often
segregated by neighborhood, borough, or parish. Sociolo-
gists use segregation indices to measure racial segregation
of different races in different areas. The indices employ a
scale from zero to 100, where zero is the most integrated
and 100 is the least. In the New York metropolitan area,
for instance, the Black-White segregation index was sev-
enty-nine for the years 2005–2009. This means that 79%
of either Blacks or Whites would have to move in order
for each neighborhood to have the same racial balance as
the whole metro region (Population Studies Center, 2010).

Pluralism
Pluralism is represented by the ideal of the United States
as a “salad bowl”: a great mixture of different cultures
where each culture retains its own identity and yet adds to For many immigrants to the United States, the Statue of
the flavor of the whole. True pluralism is characterized by Liberty is a symbol of freedom and a new life. Unfortunately,
they often encounter prejudice and discrimination. (Statue of
mutual respect on the part of all cultures, both dominant
Liberty, NY by Francisco Antunes is used under CC BY 2.0.)
and subordinate, creating a multicultural environment of
acceptance. In reality, true pluralism is a difficult goal to
reach. In the United States, the mutual respect required by culture, but assimilation has minimal to no impact on the
pluralism is often missing, and the nation’s past pluralist majority group’s cultural identity.
model of a melting pot posits a society where cultural dif- Some groups may keep only symbolic gestures of their
ferences aren’t embraced as much as erased. original ethnicity. For instance, many Irish Americans
may celebrate Saint Patrick’s Day, many Hindu Americans
Assimilation enjoy a Diwali festival, and many Mexican Americans may
Assimilation describes the process by which a minority celebrate Cinco de Mayo (a May 5 acknowledgment of
individual or group gives up its own identity by taking on Mexico’s victory at the 1862 Battle of Puebla). However,
the characteristics of the dominant culture. In the United for the rest of the year, other aspects of their originating
States, which has a history of welcoming and absorbing culture may be forgotten.
immigrants from different lands, assimilation has been a Assimilation is antithetical to the “salad bowl” created
function of immigration. by pluralism; rather than maintaining their own cultural
Most people in the United States have immigrant flavor, subordinate cultures give up their own traditions in
ancestors. In relatively recent history, between 1890 and order to conform to their new environment. Sociologists
1920, the United States became home to around 24 million measure the degree to which immigrants have assimilated
immigrants. In the decades since then, further waves of to a new culture with four benchmarks: socioeconomic
immigrants have come to these shores and have eventually status, spatial concentration, language assimilation, and
been absorbed into U.S. culture, sometimes after facing intermarriage. When faced with racial and ethnic dis-
extended periods of prejudice and discrimination. Assim- crimination, it can be difficult for new immigrants to fully
ilation may lead to the loss of the minority group’s cul- assimilate. Language assimilation, in particular, can be a
tural identity as they become absorbed into the dominant formidable barrier, limiting employment and educational
72 • CHAPTER 4

options and therefore constraining growth in socioeco- and the many manifestations of multiculturalism carry
nomic status. significant political repercussions. The sections below will
describe how several groups became part of U.S. society,
Amalgamation discuss the history of intergroup relations for each faction,
Amalgamation is the process by which a minority group and assess each group’s status today.
and a majority group combine to form a new group. Amal-
gamation creates the classic “melting pot” analogy; unlike Native Americans
the “salad bowl,” in which each culture retains its individ- The only nonimmigrant ethnic group in the United States,
uality, the “melting pot” ideal sees the combination of cul- Native Americans once numbered in the millions but by
tures that results in a new culture entirely. 2010 made up only 0.9% of U.S. populace; see above (U.S.
Amalgamation, also known as miscegenation, is Census Bureau, 2010). Currently, about 2.9 million people
achieved through intermarriage between races. In the identify themselves as Native American alone, while an
United States, antimiscegenation laws flourished in the additional 2.3 million identify them as Native American
South during the Jim Crow era. It wasn’t until 1967’s Loving mixed with another ethnic group (Norris et al., 2012).
v. Virginia that the last antimiscegenation law was struck
from the books, making these laws unconstitutional.
■ Sociology in the Real World •
RACE AND ETHNICITY IN Sports Teams with Native American Names
THE UNITED STATES The sports world abounds with team names like the Indi-
When colonists came to the New World, they found a ans, the Warriors, the Braves, and even the Savages and
land that did not need “discovering” since it was already Redskins. These names arise from historically prejudiced
occupied. While the first wave of immigrants came from views of Native Americans as fierce, brave, and strong sav-
Western Europe, eventually the bulk of people entering ages: attributes that would be beneficial to a sports team,
North America were from Northern Europe, then Eastern but are not necessarily beneficial to people in the United
Europe, then Latin America and Asia (U.S. Department States who should be seen as more than just fierce savages.
of Homeland Security, 2010). And let us not forget the Since the civil rights movement of the 1960s, the National
forced immigration of African slaves. Most of these groups Congress of American Indians (NCAI) has been campaigning
underwent a period of disenfranchisement in which they against the use of such mascots, asserting that the “warrior
were relegated to the bottom of the social hierarchy before savage myth . . . reinforces the racist view that Indians are
they managed (for those who could) to achieve social uncivilized and uneducated and it has been used to justify
mobility. Today, our society is multicultural, although the policies of forced assimilation and destruction of Indian cul-
extent to which this multiculturality is embraced varies, ture” (National Congress of American Indians, 2005). The

Many Native Americans (and others) believe sports teams with names like the Indians, Braves, and Warriors perpetuate
unwelcome stereotypes. (Chief Sitting Bull by D.F. Barry is in the public domain; Francisco Lindor by Erik Drost is used under CC BY 2.0.)
Introduction to Race and Ethnicity • 73

campaign has met with only limited success. While some American society. Europeans’ domination of the Americas
teams have changed their names, hundreds of professional, was indeed a conquest; one scholar points out that Native
college, and K–12 school teams still have names derived Americans are the only minority group in the United States
from this stereotype. Another group, American Indian Cul- whose subordination occurred purely through conquest by
tural Support (2005), is especially concerned with the use of the dominant group (Marger, 1994).
such names at K–12 schools, influencing children when they After the establishment of the United States gov-
should be gaining a fuller and more realistic understanding of ernment, discrimination against Native Americans was
Native Americans than such stereotypes supply. codified and formalized in a series of laws intended to sub-
What do you think about such names? Should they be jugate them and keep them from gaining any power. Some
allowed or banned? What argument would a symbolic inter- of the most impactful laws are as follows:
actionist make on this topic? ■
• The Indian Removal Act of 1830 forced the relo-
cation of any native tribes east of the Mississippi
How and Why They Came River to lands west of the river.
• The Indian Appropriation Acts funded further
The earliest immigrants to America arrived millennia
removals and declared that no Indian tribe could
before European immigrants. Dates of the migration are
be recognized as an independent nation, tribe, or
debated with estimates ranging from between 45,000 and
power with which the U.S. government would have
12,000 bce. It is thought that early Indians migrated to
to make treaties. This made it even easier for the
this new land in search of big game to hunt, which they
U.S. government to take land it wanted.
found in huge herds of grazing herbivores in the Americas.
• The Dawes Act of 1887 reversed the policy of iso-
Over the centuries and then the millennia, Native Amer-
lating Native Americans on reservations, instead
ican culture blossomed into an intricate web of hundreds
forcing them onto individual properties that were
of interconnected tribes, each with its own customs, tradi-
intermingled with White settlers, thereby reducing
tions, languages, and religions.
their capacity for power as a group.
History of Intergroup Relations Native American culture was further eroded by the
Native American culture prior to European settlement is establishment of Indian boarding schools in the late
referred to as Pre-Columbian: that is, prior to the coming nineteenth century. These schools, run by both Christian
of Christopher Columbus in 1492. Mistakenly believing missionaries and the United States government, had the
that he had landed in the East Indies, Columbus named express purpose of “civilizing” Native American children
the indigenous people “Indians,” a name that has persisted and assimilating them into White society. The board-
for centuries despite being a geographical misnomer and ing schools were located off-reservation to ensure that
one used to blanket 500 distinct groups who each have children were separated from their families and culture.
their own languages and traditions. Schools forced children to cut their hair, speak English,
The history of intergroup relations between European and practice Christianity. Physical and sexual abuses were
colonists and Native Americans is a brutal one. As discussed rampant for decades; only in 1987 did the Bureau of Indian
in the section on genocide, the effect of European settlement Affairs issue a policy on sexual abuse in boarding schools.
of the Americans was to nearly destroy the indigenous pop- Some scholars argue that many of the problems that Native
ulation. And although Native Americans’ lack of immunity Americans face today result from almost a century of mis-
to European diseases caused the most deaths, overt mis- treatment at these boarding schools.
treatment of Native Americans by Europeans was devastat-
ing as well. Current Status
From the first Spanish colonists to the French, English, The eradication of Native American culture continued until
and Dutch who followed, European settlers took what land the 1960s, when Native Americans were able to participate
they wanted and expanded across the continent at will. If in and benefit from the civil rights movement. The Indian
indigenous people tried to retain their stewardship of the Civil Rights Act of 1968 guaranteed Indian tribes most of
land, Europeans fought them off with superior weapons. the rights of the United States Bill of Rights. New laws like
A key element of this issue is the indigenous view of land the Indian Self-Determination Act of 1975 and the Edu-
and land ownership. Most tribes considered the earth a liv- cation Assistance Act of the same year recognized tribal
ing entity whose resources they were stewards of, the con- governments and gave them more power. Indian boarding
cepts of land ownership and conquest didn’t exist in Native schools have dwindled to only a few, and Native American
74 • CHAPTER 4

cultural groups are striving to preserve and maintain old internal in the United States, with slaves being bought
traditions to keep them from being lost forever. and sold across state lines like livestock. In 1808, during
However, Native Americans (some of whom now Thomas Jefferson’s presidency, Congress prohibited the
wished to be called American Indians so as to avoid the international importation of humans to be used as slaves.
“savage” connotations of the term “native”) still suffer the
effects of centuries of degradation. Long-term poverty, History of Intergroup Relations
inadequate education, cultural dislocation, and high rates There is no starker illustration of the dominant-subordi-
of unemployment contribute to Native American popu- nate group relationship than that of slavery. In order to
lations falling to the bottom of the economic spectrum. justify their severely discriminatory behavior, slavehold-
Native Americans also suffer disproportionately with ers and their supporters had to view Blacks as innately
lower life expectancies than most groups in the United inferior. Slaves were denied even the most basic rights
States. of citizenship, a crucial factor for slaveholders and their
supporters. Slavery poses an excellent example of conflict
African Americans theory’s perspective on race relations; the dominant group
As discussed in the section on race, the term African needed complete control over the subordinate group in
American can be a misnomer for many individuals. Many order to maintain its power. Whippings, executions, rapes,
people with dark skin may have their more recent roots in denial of schooling and health care were all permissible
Europe or the Caribbean, seeing themselves as Dominican and widely practiced.
American or Dutch American. Further, actual immigrants Slavery eventually became an issue over which the
from Africa may feel that they have more of a claim to the nation divided into geographically and ideologically dis-
term African American than those who are many genera- tinct factions, leading to the Civil War. And while the abo-
tions removed from ancestors who originally came to this lition of slavery on moral grounds was certainly a catalyst
country. This section will focus on the experience of the to war, it was not the only driving force. Students of U.S.
slaves who were transported from Africa to the United history will know that the institution of slavery was cru-
States, and their progeny. Currently, the U.S. Census cial to the Southern economy, whose production of crops
Bureau (2014) estimates that 13.2% of the United States’ like rice, cotton, and tobacco relied on the virtually limit-
population is Black. less and cheap labor that slavery provided. In contrast, the
North didn’t benefit economically from slavery, resulting
How and Why They Came in an economic disparity tied to racial/political issues.
If Native Americans are the only minority group whose A century later, the civil rights movement was charac-
subordinate status occurred by conquest, African Ameri- terized by boycotts, marches, sit-ins, and freedom rides:
cans are the exemplar minority group in the United States demonstrations by a subordinate group that would no
whose ancestors did not come here by choice. A Dutch sea longer willingly submit to domination. The major blow to
captain brought the first Africans to the Virginia colony of America’s formally institutionalized racism was the Civil
Jamestown in 1619 and sold them as indentured servants. Rights Act of 1964. This Act, which is still followed today,
This was not an uncommon practice for either Blacks or banned discrimination based on race, color, religion, sex,
Whites, and indentured servants were in high demand. or national origin. Some sociologists, however, would
For the next century, Black and White indentured servants argue that institutionalized racism persists.
worked side by side. But the growing agricultural econ-
omy demanded greater and cheaper labor, and by 1705, Current Status
Virginia passed the slave codes declaring that any for- Although government-sponsored, formalized discrimina-
eign-born non-Christian could be a slave, and that slaves tion against African Americans has been outlawed, true
were considered property. equality does not yet exist. The National Urban League’s
The next 150 years saw the rise of U.S. slavery, with 2011 Equality Index reports that Blacks’ overall equality
Black Africans being kidnapped from their own lands and level with Whites has dropped in the past year, from 71.5%
shipped to the New World on the trans-Atlantic journey to 71.1% in 2010. The Index, which has been published
known as the Middle Passage. Once in the Americas, the since 2005, notes a growing trend of increased inequal-
Black population grew until U.S.-born Blacks outnum- ity with Whites, especially in the areas of unemployment,
bered those born in Africa. But colonial (and later, U.S.) insurance coverage, and incarceration. Blacks also trail
slave codes declared that the child of a slave was a slave, Whites considerably in the areas of economics, health, and
so the slave class was created. By 1808, the slave trade was education.
Introduction to Race and Ethnicity • 75

To what degree do racism and prejudice contribute to immigrants came to Hawaii to participate in the sugar
this continued inequality? The answer is complex. 2008 industry; others came to the mainland, especially to Cal-
saw the election of this country’s first African American ifornia. Unlike the Chinese, however, the Japanese had a
president: Barack Hussein Obama. Despite being pop- strong government that negotiated with the U.S. govern-
ularly identified as Black, we should note that President ment to ensure the well-being of their immigrants. Japa-
Obama is of a mixed background that is equally White, nese men were able to bring their wives and families to the
and although all presidents have been publicly mocked at United States, and were thus able to produce second- and
times (Gerald Ford was depicted as a klutz, Bill Clinton as third-generation Japanese Americans more quickly than
someone who could not control his libido), a startling per- their Chinese counterparts.
centage of the critiques of Obama have been based on his The most recent large-scale Asian immigration came
race. The most blatant of these was the controversy over from Korea and Vietnam and largely took place during the
his birth certificate, where the “birther” movement ques- second half of the twentieth century. While Korean immi-
tioned his citizenship and right to hold office. Although gration has been fairly gradual, Vietnamese immigration
Blacks have come a long way from slavery, the echoes of occurred primarily post-1975, after the fall of Saigon and
centuries of disempowerment are still evident. the establishment of restrictive communist policies in
Vietnam. Whereas many Asian immigrants came to the
Asian Americans United States to seek better economic opportunities, Viet-
Like many groups this section discusses, Asian Americans namese immigrants came as political refugees, seeking
represent a great diversity of cultures and backgrounds. The
experience of a Japanese American whose family has been
in the United States for three generations will be drasti-
cally different from a Laotian American who has only been
in the United States for a few years. This section primarily
discusses Chinese, Japanese, and Vietnamese immigrants
and shows the differences between their experiences. The
most recent estimate from the U.S. Census Bureau (2014)
suggest about 5.3% of the population identify themselves
as Asian.

How and Why They Came


The national and ethnic diversity of Asian American
immigration history is reflected in the variety of their
experiences in joining U.S. society. Asian immigrants have
come to the United States in waves, at different times, and
for different reasons.
The first Asian immigrants to come to the United
States in the mid-nineteenth century were Chinese. These
immigrants were primarily men whose intention was to
work for several years in order to earn incomes to support
their families in China. Their main destination was the
American West, where the Gold Rush was drawing peo-
ple with its lure of abundant money. The construction of
the Transcontinental Railroad was underway at this time,
and the Central Pacific section hired thousands of migrant
Chinese men to complete the laying of rails across the
rugged Sierra Nevada mountain range. Chinese men also
engaged in other manual labor like mining and agricul- Thirty-five Vietnamese refugees wait to be taken aboard
the amphibious USS Blue Ridge (LCC-19). They are being
tural work. The work was grueling and underpaid, but like
rescued from a thirty-five-foot fishing boat 350 miles
many immigrants, they persevered. northeast of Cam Ranh Bay, Vietnam, after spending eight
Japanese immigration began in the 1880s, on the heels days at sea. (35 Vietnamese Boat People 2 by PH2 Phil Eggman/U.S. Navy
of the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882. Many Japanese is in the public domain.)
76 • CHAPTER 4

asylum from harsh conditions in their homeland. The Ref- Rican, or Cuban origin. Of the total Hispanic group, 60%
ugee Act of 1980 helped them to find a place to settle in reported as Mexican, 44% reported as Cuban, and 9%
the United States. reported as Puerto Rican. Remember that the U.S. Census
allows people to report as being more than one ethnicity.
History of Intergroup Relations Not only are there wide differences among the differ-
Chinese immigration came to an abrupt end with the Chi- ent origins that make up the Hispanic American popula-
nese Exclusion Act of 1882. This act was a result of anti-Chi- tion, but there are also different names for the group itself.
nese sentiment burgeoned by a depressed economy and loss The 2010 U.S. Census states that “Hispanic” or “Latino”
of jobs. White workers blamed Chinese migrants for taking refers to a person of Cuban, Mexican, Puerto Rican, South
jobs, and the passage of the Act meant the number of Chi- or Central American, or other Spanish culture or origin
nese workers decreased. Chinese men did not have the funds regardless of race.” There have been some disagreements
to return to China or to bring their families to the United over whether Hispanic or Latino is the correct term for
States, so they remained physically and culturally segregated a group this diverse, and whether it would be better for
in the Chinatowns of large cities. Later legislation, the Immi- people to refer to themselves as being of their origin spe-
gration Act of 1924, further curtailed Chinese immigra- cifically, for example, Mexican American or Dominican
tion. The Act included the race-based National Origins Act, American. This section will compare the experiences of
which was aimed at keeping U.S. ethnic stock as undiluted Mexican Americans and Cuban Americans.
as possible by reducing “undesirable” immigrants. It was not
until after the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 that How and Why They Came
Chinese immigration again increased, and many Chinese Mexican Americans form the largest Hispanic subgroup
families were reunited. and also the oldest. Mexican migration to the United
Although Japanese Americans have deep, long- States started in the early 1900s in response to the need for
reaching roots in the United States, their history here has cheap agricultural labor. Mexican migration was often cir-
not always been smooth. The California Alien Land Law cular; workers would stay for a few years and then go back
of 1913 was aimed at them and other Asian immigrants, to Mexico with more money than they could have made in
and it prohibited aliens from owning land. An even uglier their country of origin. The length of Mexico’s shared bor-
action was the Japanese internment camps of World War II, der with the United States has made immigration easier
discussed earlier as an illustration of expulsion. than for many other immigrant groups.
Cuban Americans are the second-largest Hispanic
Current Status subgroup, and their history is quite different from that of
Asian Americans certainly have been subject to their share Mexican Americans. The main wave of Cuban immigra-
of racial prejudice, despite the seemingly positive stereo- tion to the United States started after Fidel Castro came to
type as the model minority. The model minority stereo- power in 1959 and reached its crest with the Mariel boatlift
type is applied to a minority group that is seen as reaching in 1980. Castro’s Cuban Revolution ushered in an era of
significant educational, professional, and socioeconomic communism that continues to this day. To avoid having
levels without challenging the existing establishment. their assets seized by the government, many wealthy and
This stereotype is typically applied to Asian groups in educated Cubans migrated north, generally to the Miami
the United States, and it can result in unrealistic expecta- area.
tions, by putting a stigma on members of this group that
do not meet the expectations. Stereotyping all Asians as History of Intergroup Relations
smart and capable can also lead to a lack of much-needed For several decades, Mexican workers crossed the long
government assistance and to educational and professional border into the United States, both legally and illegally, to
discrimination. work in the fields that provided produce for the develop-
ing United States. Western growers needed a steady supply
Hispanic Americans of labor, and the 1940s and 1950s saw the official federal
Hispanic Americans have a wide range of backgrounds Bracero Program (bracero is Spanish for strong-arm) that
and nationalities. The segment of the U.S. population that offered protection to Mexican guest workers. Interestingly,
self-identifies as Hispanic in 2013 was recently estimated 1954 also saw the enactment of “Operation Wetback,”
at 17.1% of the total (U.S. Census Bureau, 2014). Accord- which deported thousands of illegal Mexican workers.
ing to the 2010 U.S. Census, about 75% of the respondents From these examples, we can see the U.S. treatment of
who identify as Hispanic report being of Mexican, Puerto immigration from Mexico has been ambivalent at best.
Introduction to Race and Ethnicity • 77

Sociologist Douglas Massey (2006) suggests that however, being a model minority can mask the issue of
although the average standard of living than in Mexico powerlessness that these minority groups face in U.S.
may be lower in the United States, it is not so low as to society.
make permanent migration the goal of most Mexicans.
However, the strengthening of the border that began with
1986’s Immigration Reform and Control Act has made ■ Social Policy and Debate •
one-way migration the rule for most Mexicans. Massey Arizona’s Senate Bill 1070
argues that the rise of illegal one-way immigration of Mex- As both legal and illegal immigrants, and with high popu-
icans is a direct outcome of the law that was intended to lation numbers, Mexican Americans are often the target of
reduce it. stereotyping, racism, and discrimination. A harsh example of
Cuban Americans, perhaps because of their relative this is in Arizona, where a stringent immigration law—known
wealth and education level at the time of immigration, as SB 1070 (for Senate Bill 1070)—has caused a nationwide
have fared better than many immigrants. Further, because controversy. The law requires that during a lawful stop,
they were fleeing a Communist country, they were given detention, or arrest, Arizona police officers must establish
refugee status and offered protection and social services. the immigration status of anyone they suspect may be here
The Cuban Migration Agreement of 1995 has curtailed illegally. The law makes it a crime for individuals to fail to
legal immigration from Cuba, leading many Cubans to try have documents confirming their legal status, and it gives
to immigrate illegally by boat. According to a 2009 report police officers the right to detain people they suspect may
from the Congressional Research Service, the U.S. govern- be in the country illegally.
ment applies a “wet foot/dry foot” policy toward Cuban To many, the most troublesome aspect of this law is the
immigrants; Cubans who are intercepted while still at sea latitude it affords police officers in terms of whose citizen-
will be returned to Cuba, while those who reach the shore ship they may question. Having “reasonable suspicion that
will be permitted to stay in the United States. the person is an alien who is unlawfully present in the United
States” is reason enough to demand immigration papers
Current Status (State of Arizona, 2010). Critics say this law will encourage
Mexican Americans, especially those who are here ille- racial profiling (the illegal practice of law enforcement using
gally, are at the center of a national debate about immi- race as a basis for suspecting someone of a crime), making
gration. Myers (2007) observes that no other minority it hazardous to be caught “Driving While Brown,” a takeoff
group (except the Chinese) has immigrated to the United on the legal term Driving While Intoxicated (DWI) or the slang
States in such an environment of illegality. He notes that reference of “Driving While Black.” Driving While Brown
in some years, three times as many Mexican immigrants refers to the likelihood of getting pulled over just for being
may have entered the United States illegally as those who non-White.
arrived legally. It should be noted that this is due to enor- SB 1070 has been the subject of many lawsuits, from
mous disparity of economic opportunity on two sides of parties as diverse as Arizona police officers, the American
an open border, not because of any inherent inclination to Civil Liberties Union, and even the federal government,
break laws. In his report, “Measuring Immigrant Assimi- which is suing on the basis of Arizona contradicting federal
lation in the United States,” Jacob Vigdor (2008) states that
Mexican immigrants experience relatively low rates of eco-
nomic and civic assimilation. He further suggests that “the
slow rates of economic and civic assimilation set Mexicans
apart from other immigrants, and may reflect the fact that
the large numbers of Mexican immigrants residing in the
United States illegally have few opportunities to advance
themselves along these dimensions.”
By contrast, Cuban Americans are often seen as a
model minority group within the larger Hispanic group.
Many Cubans had higher socioeconomic status when they
arrived in this country, and their anti-Communist agenda
has made them welcome refugees to this country. In south
Florida, especially, Cuban Americans are active in local Protesters in Arizona dispute the harsh new anti-
politics and professional life. As with Asian Americans, immigration law. (Image by prathap ramamurthy is used under CC BY 2.0.)
78 • CHAPTER 4

immigration laws (American Civil Liberties Union, 2011). The best estimates of the U.S. Census Bureau, the Arabic pop-
future of SB 1070 is uncertain, but many other states have ulation in the United States grew from 850,000 in 1990 to
tried or are trying to pass similar measures. Do you think 1.2 million in 2000, an increase of 0.07% (Asi & Beaulieu,
such measures are appropriate? ■ 2013).

Why They Came


Arab Americans The first Arab immigrants came to this country in the late
If ever a category was hard to define, the various groups nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. They were pre-
lumped under the name “Arab American” is it. After all, dominantly Syrian, Lebanese, and Jordanian Christians,
Hispanic Americans or Asian Americans are so designated and they came to escape persecution and to make a better
because of their counties of origin. But for Arab Ameri- life. These early immigrants and their descendants, who
cans, their country of origin—Arabia—has not existed for were more likely to think of themselves as Syrian or Leba-
centuries. In addition, Arab Americans represent all reli- nese than Arab, represent almost half of the Arab American
gious practices, despite the stereotype that all Arabic peo- population today (Myers, 2007). Restrictive immigration
ple practice Islam. As Myers (2007) asserts, not all Arabs policies from the 1920s until 1965 curtailed all immigra-
are Muslim, and not all Muslims are Arab, complicating tion, but Arab immigration since 1965 has been steady.
the stereotype of what it means to be an Arab American. Immigrants from this time period have been more likely
Geographically, the Arab region comprises the Middle to be Muslim and more highly educated, escaping political
East and parts of northern Africa. People whose ancestry unrest and looking for better opportunities.
lies in that area or who speak primarily Arabic may con-
sider themselves Arabs. History of Intergroup Relations
The U.S. Census has struggled with the issue of Arab Relations between Arab Americans and the dominant
identity. The 2010 Census, as in previous years, did not offer majority have been marked by mistrust, misinformation,
an “Arab” box to check under the question of race. Individ- and deeply entrenched beliefs. Helen Samhan (2001) of
uals who want to be counted as Arabs had to check the box the Arab American Institute suggests that Arab-Israeli
for “Some other race” and then write in their race. How- conflicts in the 1970s contributed significantly to cultural
ever, when the Census data is tallied, they will be marked as and political anti-Arab sentiment in the United States. The
White. This is problematic, however, denying Arab Amer- United States has historically supported the State of Israel,
icans opportunities for federal assistance. According to the while some Middle Eastern countries deny the existence of

The proposed Park51 Muslim Community Center generated heated controversy due to its close proximity to Ground Zero.
In these photos, people march in protest against the center, while counter-protesters demonstrate their support. (Ground Zero
Mosque Protesters 10 by David Shankbone is used under CC BY 2.0; Ground Zero Mosque Supporters 2 by David Shankbone is used under CC BY 2.0.)
Introduction to Race and Ethnicity • 79

the Israeli state. Disputes over these issues have involved The first major influx of European immigrants came
Egypt, Syria, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, and Palestine. from Germany and Ireland, starting in the 1820s. Ger-
As is often the case with stereotyping and prejudice, mans came both for economic opportunity and to escape
the actions of extremists come to define the entire group, political unrest and military conscription, especially after
regardless of the fact that most U.S. citizens with ties to the the Revolutions of 1848. Many German immigrants of
Middle Eastern community condemn terrorist actions, as this period were political refugees: liberals who wanted to
do most inhabitants of the Middle East. Would it be fair escape from an oppressive government. They were well-off
to judge all Catholics by the events of the Inquisition? Of enough to make their way inland, and they formed heavily
course, the United States was deeply affected by the events German enclaves in the Midwest that exist to this day.
of September 11, 2001. This event has left a deep scar on The Irish immigrants of the same time period were
the American psyche, and it has fortified anti-Arab sen- not always as well off financially, especially after the Irish
timent for a large percentage of Americans. In the first Potato Famine of 1845. Irish immigrants settled mainly in
month after 9/11, hundreds of hate crimes were perpe- the cities of the East Coast, where they were employed as
trated against people who looked like they might be of laborers and where they faced significant discrimination.
Arab descent. German and Irish immigration continued into the late
19th century and earlier 20th century, at which point the
Current Status numbers for Southern and Eastern European immigrants
Although the rate of hate crimes against Arab Americans started growing as well. Italians, mainly from the South-
has slowed, Arab Americans are still victims of racism ern part of the country, began arriving in large numbers
and prejudice. Racial profiling has proceeded against Arab in the 1890s. Eastern European immigrants—people from
Americans as a matter of course since 9/11. Particularly Russia, Poland, Bulgaria, and Austria-Hungary—started
when engaged in air travel, being young and Arab-looking arriving around the same time. Many of these Eastern
is enough to warrant a special search or detainment. This Europeans were peasants forced into a hardscrabble exis-
Islamophobia (irrational fear of or hatred against Muslims) tence in their native lands; political unrest, land shortages,
does not show signs of abating. Scholars noted that White and crop failures drove them to seek better opportunities in
domestic terrorists like Timothy McVeigh, who detonated a the United States. The Eastern European immigration wave
bomb at an Oklahoma courthouse in 1995, have not inspired also included Jewish people escaping pogroms (anti-Jewish
similar racial profiling or hate crimes against Whites. massacres) of Eastern Europe and the Pale of Settlement in
what was then Poland and Russia.
White Ethnic Americans
As we have seen, there is no minority group that fits eas- History of Intergroup Relations
ily in a category or that can be described simply. While In a broad sense, German immigrants were not victim-
sociologists believe that individual experiences can often ized to the same degree as many of the other subordinate
be understood in light of their social characteristics (such groups this section discusses. While they may not have
as race, class, or gender), we must balance this perspec- been welcomed with open arms, they were able to settle
tive with awareness that no two individuals’ experiences in enclaves and establish roots. A notable exception to this
are alike. Making generalizations can lead to stereotypes was during the lead up to World War I and through World
and prejudice. The same is true for White ethnic Ameri- War II, when anti-German sentiment was virulent.
cans, who come from diverse backgrounds and have had Irish immigrants, many of whom were very poor, were
a great variety of experiences. According to the U.S. Cen- more of an underclass than the Germans. In Ireland, the
sus Bureau (2014), 77.7% of U.S. adults currently identify English had oppressed the Irish for centuries, eradicat-
themselves as White alone. In this section, we will focus on ing their language and culture and discriminating against
German, Irish, Italian, and Eastern European immigrants. their religion (Catholicism). Although the Irish had a
larger population than the English, they were a subor-
Why They Came dinate group. This dynamic reached into the new world,
White ethnic Europeans formed the second and third where Anglo Americans saw Irish immigrants as a race
great waves of immigration, from the early nineteenth apart: dirty, lacking ambition, and suitable for only the
century to the mid-twentieth century. They joined a newly most menial jobs. In fact, Irish immigrants were subject
minted United States that was primarily made up of White to criticism identical to that with which the dominant
Protestants from England. While most immigrants came group characterized African Americans. By necessity, Irish
searching for a better life, their experiences were not all immigrants formed tight communities segregated from
the same. their Anglo neighbors (Greeley, 1972).
80 • CHAPTER 4

The later wave of immigrants from Southern and East- group in the country. For many years, German Americans
ern Europe was also subject to intense discrimination endeavored to maintain a strong cultural identity, but they
and prejudice. In particular, the dominant group—which are now culturally assimilated into the dominant culture.
now included second- and third-generation Germans and There are now more Irish Americans in the United
Irish—saw Italian immigrants as the dregs of Europe and States than there are Irish in Ireland. One of the coun-
worried about the purity of the American race (Myers, try’s largest cultural groups, Irish Americans have slowly
2007). Italian immigrants lived in segregated slums in achieved acceptance and assimilation into the dominant
Northeastern cities, and in some cases were even victims group.
of violence and lynchings similar to what African Ameri- Myers (2007) states that Italian Americans’ cultural
cans endured. They worked harder and were paid less than assimilation is “almost complete, but with remnants of
other workers, often doing the dangerous work that other ethnicity.” The presence of “Little Italy” neighborhoods—
laborers were reluctant to take on. originally segregated slums where Italians congregated in
the nineteenth century—exist today. While tourists flock
Current Status to the saints’ festivals in Little Italies, most Italian Ameri-
The U.S. Census from 2008 shows that 16.5% of respon- cans have moved to the suburbs at the same rate as other
dents reported being of German descent: the largest White groups.

KEY TAKEAWAYS
• Race is fundamentally a social construct. Ethnicity is a term that • Intergroup relations range from a tolerant approach of pluralism
describes shared culture and national origin. Minority groups to intolerance as severe as genocide. In pluralism, groups retain
are defined by their lack of power. their own identity. In assimilation, groups conform to the iden-
• Stereotypes are oversimplified ideas about groups of people. tity of the dominant group. In amalgamation, groups combine to
Prejudice refers to thoughts and feelings, while discrimination form a new group identity.
refers to actions. Racism refers to the belief that one race is • The history of the U.S. people contains an infinite variety of
inherently superior or inferior to other races. experiences that sociologist understand follow patterns. From
• Functionalist views of race study the role dominant and subordi- the indigenous people who first inhabited these lands to the
nate groups play to create a stable social structure. Conflict waves of immigrants over the past 500 years, migration is an
theorists examine power disparities and struggles between experience with many shared characteristics. Most groups have
various racial and ethnic groups. Interactionists see race and experienced various degrees of prejudice and discrimination as
ethnicity as important sources of individual identity and social they have gone through the process of assimilation.
symbolism. The concept of culture of prejudice recognizes that
all people are subject to stereotypes that are ingrained in their
culture.

EXERCISES
1. Why do you think the term minority has persisted when the 6. What is the worst example of culture of prejudice you can think
word subordinate is more descriptive? of? What are your reasons for thinking it is the worst?
2. How do you describe your ethnicity? Do you include your 7. Do you believe immigration laws should foster an approach of
family’s country of origin? Do you consider yourself multiethnic? pluralism, assimilation, or amalgamation? Which perspective
How does your ethnicity compare to that of the people you do you think is most supported by current U.S. immigration
spend most of your time with? policies?
3. How do redlining and racial steering contribute to institutional- 8. Which intergroup relation do you think is the most beneficial to
ized racism? the subordinate group? To society as a whole? Why?
4. Give an example of stereotyping that you see in everyday life. 9. In your opinion, which group had the easiest time coming to this
Explain what would need to happen for this to be eliminated. country? Which group had the hardest time? Why?
5. Give three examples of White privilege. Do you know people 10. Which group has made the most socioeconomic gains? Why do
who have experienced this? From what perspective? you think that group has had more success than others?
Introduction to Race and Ethnicity • 81

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News Network. http://hnn.us/articles/7302.html archive.org/web/20141118023222/http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/
Lowery, W., & Fears, D. (2014, August 31). Michael Brown and Dorian states/00000.html
Johnson, the friend who witnessed his shooting. The Washington U.S. Department of Homeland Security. (2010). Persons obtaining legal
Post. http://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/michael-brown-and- permanent resident status by region and selected country of last
residence: Fiscal years 1820 to 2010. Yearbook of Immigration
82 • CHAPTER 4

Statistics. https://web.archive.org/web/20111110114350/http://www. Wirth, L. (1945). The problem of minority groups. In R. Linton (Ed.), The
dhs.gov/files/statistics/publications/LPR10.shtm science of man in the world crisis (p. 347). Columbia University Press.
Vigdor, J. L. (2008). Measuring immigrant assimilation in the United World Health Organization. (2011). Elder maltreatment: Fact sheet No.
States. Manhattan Institute. http://www.manhattan-institute.org/html/ 357. https://web.archive.org/web/20111209083413/http://www.who.
cr_53.htm int/mediacentre/factsheets/fs357/en/index.html
Wagley, C., & Harris, M. (1958). Minorities in the New World: Six case
studies. Columbia University Press.
CHAPTER 5

The Impacts of Social Class

SOURCE
lumencandela. (n.d.). The impacts of social class. In Boundless sociology. Lumen Learning. https://courses.lumenlearning.
com/boundless-sociology/chapter/the-impacts-of-social-class/
(Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International License)

LEARNING OBJECTIVES
1. Describe how socioeconomic status relates to the distribution 5. Discuss three factors contributing to educational inequality.
of social opportunities and resources. 6. Explain how social class relates to religious affiliation, denomi-
2. Describe how a low socioeconomic status can impact the health nation, and religiosity.
status of individuals. 7. Evaluate how social class impacts political participation and
3. Define mental health and explain why it is regarded as a political influence.
socially constructed concept. 8. Describe how the administration of punishment has changed
4. Give examples of effects of social class on marriage, birth rates, throughout history.
and family composition.

KEY TERMS
adjudication hierarchy political participation
birth rate law enforcement private schools
courts legacy student religiosity
educational attainment mental disorder religious affiliation
environmental hazards mental health social determinants of health
family life overpopulation socioeconomic status
health inequality political influence

In the United States, a person’s social class has far-reach-


ing consequences. Social class refers to the the grouping
of individuals in a stratified hierarchy based on wealth,
by their income, wealth, occupational prestige, and educa-
tional attainment.
While social class may be an amorphous and diffuse
income, education, occupation, and social network concept, with scholars disagreeing over its definition,
(though other factors are sometimes considered) (“Hier- tangible advantages are associated with high socioeco-
archy,” 2019). One’s position in the social class hierarchy nomic status. People in the highest SES bracket, gen-
may impact, for example, health, family life, education, erally referred to as the upper class, likely have better
religious affiliation, political participation, and experience access to healthcare, marry people of higher social status,
with the criminal justice system. attend more prestigious schools, and are more influen-
Social class in the United States is a controversial issue, tial in politics than people in the middle class or work-
with social scientists disagreeing over models, definitions, ing class. People in the upper class are members of elite
and even the basic question of whether or not distinct social networks, effectively meaning that they have access
classes exist. Many Americans believe in a simple three- to people in powerful positions who have specialized
class model that includes the rich or upper class, the mid- knowledge. These social networks confer benefits ranging
dle class, and the poor or working class (“Social Class,” from advantages in seeking education and employment
2020). More complex models that have been proposed by to leniency by police and the courts. Sociologists may
social scientists describe as many as a dozen class levels. dispute exactly how to model the distinctions between
Regardless of which model of social classes used, it is clear socioeconomic statuses, but the higher up the class hier-
that socioeconomic status (SES) is tied to particular oppor- archy one is in America, the better health, educational,
tunities and resources. Socioeconomic status refers to a and professional outcomes one is likely to have (“Social
person’s position in the social hierarchy and is determined Class,” 2020).

83
84 • CHAPTER 5

PHYSICAL HEALTH
A person’s social class has a significant impact on their
physical health, their ability to receive adequate medical
care and nutrition, and their life expectancy. While gen-
der and race play significant roles in explaining healthcare
inequality in the United States, SES is the greatest social
determinant of an individual’s health outcome. Social
determinants of health are the economic and social con-
ditions that influence individual and group differences
in health status. Social determinants are environmental,
meaning that they are risk factors found in one’s living and
working conditions (including the distribution of income,
wealth, influence, and power), rather than individual fac-
tors (such as behavioral risk factors or genetics). Social
determinants can be used to predict one’s risk of contract- Farmers markets are visible sources of fresh produce and
healthy foods. These markets are concentrated in middle
ing a disease or sustaining an injury, and can also indicate to upper income neighborhoods and are not found in
how vulnerable one is to the consequences of a disease or food deserts. (SOJ Farmers Market by AuthenticEccentric is used under
injury (“Social Determinants of Health,” 2019). Individ- CC BY-SA 2.0.)
Health Insurance Status (Under 65 Years of Age)
uals of lower socioeconomic status have lower levels of
Source: U.S. Census Bureau. Income, Poverty, and Health Insurance
Coverage in the United States, 2007
overall health, less insurance coverage, and less access to
Employer-sponsored Not insured (16%) adequate healthcare than those of higher SES (Figure 5.1).
health insurance (59%) Medicare (3%)
Non-group health
Individuals with a low SES in the United States expe-
Medicaid (13%)
insurance (6%) Military health care (3%)
rience a wide array of health problems as a result of their
economic position (“Health Equity,” 2020). They are
unable to use healthcare as often as people of higher status
and when they do, it is often of lower quality. Addition-
ally, people with low SES tend to experience a much higher
rate of health issues than those of high SES (“Social Class,”
2020). Many social scientists hypothesize that the higher
rate of illness among those with low SES can be attributed
to environmental hazards. For example, poorer neighbor-
hoods tend to have fewer grocery stores and more fast food
chains than wealthier neighborhoods, increasing nutrition
problems and the risk of conditions, such as heart disease
(“Health Equity,” 2020). Similarly, poorer neighborhoods
tend to have fewer recreational facilities and higher crime
rates than wealthier ones, which decreases the feasibility of
routine exercise.
In addition to having an increased level of illness,
FIGURE 5.1 Health insurance distribution (under 65 lower socioeconomic classes have lower levels of health
years). As seen in this graph, with insurance needed insurance than the upper class. Much of this disparity can
for most health services, access to healthcare is not
be explained by the tendency for middle and upper class
evenly distributed among Americans. The largest group
of insured Americans consists of middle and upper people to work in professions that provide health insur-
class employees who receive health insurance through ance benefits to employees, while lower status occupations
employers. As of 2007, 16% of the population had no often do not provide benefits to employees. For many
health insurance coverage and, thus, had greatly limited employees who do not have health insurance benefits
access to healthcare. (This work, Health Insurance Status 2007, is
through their job, the cost of insurance can be prohibi-
a derivative of U.S. Health Insurance Status - Under 65 yrs by White House
Council of Economic Advisors/Wikimedia Commons, which resides in the public tive. Without insurance, or with inadequate insurance, the
domain. Health Insurance Status 2007 is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 by cost of healthcare can be extremely high. Consequently,
Judy Schmitt.) many uninsured or poorly insured individuals do not
The Impacts of Social Class • 85

have access to preventative care or quality treatment. This


group of people has higher rates of infant mortality, can-
cer, cardiovascular disease, and disabling physical injuries
than are seen among the well insured (“Health Care in the
United States,” 2020).
Health inequality refers to the unequal distribution of
environmental health hazards and access to health services
between demographic groups, including social classes.
For example, poor and affluent urban communities in the
United States are geographically close to each other and
to hospitals. Still, the affluent communities are more likely
to have access to fresh produce, recreational facilities for
exercise, preventative healthcare programs, and routine To say that mental health is socially constructed means
medical visits. Consequently, affluent communities are that its definition and criteria can change across time
likely to have better health outcomes than nearby impov- and culture. This 1857 lithograph illustrates the eight
erished ones. The role of socioeconomic status in deter- mental health disorders that were thought to be
mining access to healthcare results in heath inequality prominent in England during the early-19th century:
dementia, megalomania, acute mania, melancholia, idiocy,
between the upper, middle, and lower or working classes,
hallucination, erotic mania, and paralysis. Since 1857,
with the higher classes having more positive health out- many of those disorders have been erased from medical
comes (“Health Equity,” 2020). textbooks or modified in light of changing social norms.
(Gautier - Salpetriere by Armand Gautier is in the public domain.)
MENTAL HEALTH
Mental health describes a level of psychological well-being social classes have different levels of access to mental
or the presence/absence of a mental disorder (“Mental health interventions and to information about mental
Health,” 2018). From the perspective of “positive psychol- health. Thus, the diagnosis and treatment of mental disor-
ogy” or “holism,” mental health may include an individual’s ders varies widely by social class.
ability to enjoy life and to demonstrate psychological resil-
ience when confronted with challenges. The World Health FAMILY LIFE
Organization defines mental health as “a state of well-be- Family life—marriage and childbearing patterns, house-
ing in which the individual realizes his or her own abilities, hold composition, and home stability—are strongly influ-
can cope with the normal stresses of life, can work produc- enced by social class (“Introduction to Sociology/Family,”
tively and fruitfully, and is able to make a contribution to 2017). In the United States, the probability of a first marriage
his or her community” (“Mental Health,” 2020). ending is substantially higher for couples with low socioeco-
What counts as healthy enjoyment and resilience nomic statuses than for those in the middle or upper class
depends upon one’s class perspective. Members of different (Figure 5.2). Research shows that the higher rates of divorce
classes encounter different stressors—lower class people for individuals in lower social classes can often be attributed
likely face more financial stress as it pertains to day-to-day to the greater financial stress these couples face, though fac-
sustenance and well-being, while upper class people might tors like class expectations can also play a role.
experience stress from the intense social pressures asso- Globally, the birth rate in countries with large impov-
ciated with elite circles. The evaluation of which mental erished populations is much higher than in wealthier
states can be considered healthy and which require medi- countries, indicating that income and wealth play a role in
cal intervention also varies by class. shaping family structures. Demographers have identified
Mental health is a socially constructed and socially a direct relationship between average number of children
defined concept; different societies, groups, cultures, per household and the economic development of a nation.
institutions, and professions have very different ways of Today, less developed countries struggle with overpopula-
conceptualizing its nature and causes, determining what tion while many governments in developed countries are
is mentally healthy, and deciding what interventions are instituting policies to deal with low birth rates. In nations
appropriate. Definitions of mental health depend on cul- with high levels of fertility, upper class individuals tend to
tural understandings in addition to biological and neuro- have more children than their lower class peers. In nations
logical findings. Members of different social classes often with low levels of fertility, upper class families exhibit even
hold different views on mental health. Similarly, different lower fertility than average (“Birth Rate,” 2020).
Probability of first-marriage dissolution within 10 years according to
race/ethnicity and median family income, 1995
86 • source:
CHAPTER 5 Department of Health and Human Services

60% 56

50%
44 43
40% 38 39
Low income
33 33 33
31 Medium income
30%
26 High income
23 23
20%

10%

0%
All races Hispanic Non-Hispanic Non-Hispanic
white black
FIGURE 5.2 Probability of first marriage dissolution by race/ethnicity and income (1995). This graph shows
that among all races and ethnicities, low income households are more likely to experience divorce than
middle and high income households are. Thus, social class bears on rates of marriage dissolution. (First-
Marriage Dissolution by Race and Income 1995 by Judy Schmitt is used under CC BY-NC-SA 4.0.)

Social class has both a cause and an effect relationship benefit from such higher education are more likely to land
with family composition (“Introduction to Sociology/ prestigious jobs, and in turn, higher salaries. Just as educa-
Family,” 2017). For example, single-parent households tion and social class are closely intertwined, stratification in
are likely to have a lower social class because they violate education contributes to stratification in social class.
social norms. At the same time, single-parent families can Educational attainment refers to the level of school-
contribute to financial and social instability. A single par- ing a person completes—for instance, high school, some
ent will often face higher costs (in the form of paid child- college, college, or a graduate degree. Upper class individ-
care), lower earnings (loss of the second parent’s income or uals are likely to attend schools of higher quality and of
loss of time spent at work), or both. greater prestige than those attended by their lower class
counterparts (“Educational Attainment in the United
EDUCATION States,” 2020). Because members of high social classes tend
Education is a major component of social class, both directly to be better educated and have higher incomes, they are
and indirectly. Directly, individuals from higher social classes able to offer greater educational advantages, such as pri-
are more likely to have the means to attend more prestigious vate schooling, to their children as well (Figure 5.3).
schools, and are therefore more likely to receive higher edu- Upper-class parents are better able to send their chil-
cations (“Social Class,” 2020). Indirectly, individuals who dren not only to exclusive private schools, but also to
Median household income in 2003 (in U.S. dollars) according to educational attainment

$120,000 Overall
9th grade or less
$100,000
No high school
$80,000 High school
Some college
$60,000
Associate’s
$40,000 Bachelor’s
Master’s
$20,000 Professional
PhD
$0
1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003
FIGURE 5.3 Educational attainment and income (1991–2003). Households with higher educational attainment are
likely to have higher incomes than those with low educational attainment; members of the lowest income bracket
tend to have no more than a high school education, while the highest income bracket members tend to hold
graduate degrees. (This work, Household Income by Education 2003, is a derivative of Income Education 91 to 03 by BrendelSignature, which is used
under CC BY-SA 3.0. Household Income by Education 2003 is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0 by Judy Schmitt.)
The Impacts of Social Class • 87

public state-funded schools. Such schools are likely to be Presbyterians and Episcopalians (two highly formal Protes-
of higher quality in affluent areas than in impoverished tant denominations), tend to have above average socioeco-
ones, since they are funded by property taxes within the nomic statuses. Methodists and Lutherans (two moderately
school district. Wealthy areas will provide more property formal Protestant denominations) tend to have about aver-
taxes as revenue, which leads to higher quality schools. age SES. Baptists and members of Protestant fundamental-
Educational inequality is one factor that perpetuates the ist sects (which tend to be decentralized and informal) have
class divide across generations. below average SES (“Introduction to Sociology/Religion,”
Such educational inequality is further reinforced by 2018). Variations in SES across denomination reveal a cor-
legacy student admission, the preference given by educa- relation between religious affiliation and social class.
tional institutions to applicants who are related to alumni Social class is not significantly correlated to religiosity,
of that institution (“Legacy Preferences,” 2020). Germane an index of how strongly religious a person is. Religiosity
to university and college admissions (particularly in the is measured by tracking frequency of church attendance,
United States), this practice emerged after World War I, church group involvement, frequency of prayer, and other
primarily in response to the resulting immigrant influx. such markers of strength of religious practice. Members of
Ivy League institutions admit roughly 10% to 30% of stu- each social class show a range of religiosity.
dents from each incoming class based on this factor. On the other hand, income, and therefore social class,
is related to an individual’s denomination. When one looks
RELIGION at average income by religion, there are clear differences.
Social class, measured by socioeconomic status, is associ- The highest-earning religion on average is Judaism, with
ated with individuals’ religious affiliations and practices. an average income of $72,000 in 2000 (Figure 5.4). This is
Religious affiliation has more to do with how religion is dramatically higher than average; the next highest-earn-
practiced rather than degree of religiosity (“Introduction ing denomination is Unitarianism at $56,000. Jehovah’s
to Sociology/Religion,” 2018). Members of lower classes Witness, Church of God, and Seventh Day Adventists are
tend to be affiliated with more fundamentalist religions at the bottom of the income distribution, with $24,000,
andMedian
sect-likeannual
groups.household
Members income in 2000
of the middle (intend
class U.S.to
dollars) according
$26,000, and to$31,000,
religiousrespectively
group (“Introduction to
belong
source:toKosmin,
more B.formal churches.
A., & Keysar, For Religion
A. (2006). example,in a American Sociology/Religion,
free market. Paramount ” 2018).
Market Publishing, Inc.

Jehovah’s Witness $24,000


Church of God $26,000
Seventh-day Adventist $31,000
Pentecostal $31,000
Muslim $31,000
Baptist $33,000
Churches of Christ $34,000
Assemblies of God $38,000
Buddhist $38,000
Mormon $40,000
United Church of Christ $41,000
US average $42,000
Non-denominational $43,000
None/no religion $46,000
Christian (unspecified) $47,000
Catholic $47,000
Protestant (unspecified) $48,000
Methodist $48,000
Lutheran $49,000
Presbyterian $50,000
Hindu $51,000
Evangelical/Born Again $54,000
Episcopalian $55,000
Unitarian $58,000
Jewish $72,000

$0 $10,000 $20,000 $30,000 $40,000 $50,000 $60,000 $70,000 $80,000


FIGURE 5.4 Religious affiliation by median household income (2000). Household income, an indicator of social class, can
also indicate what religious denomination a person is likely to embrace. America’s top income bracket is more likely than
other groups to be Jewish, while the lowest bracket is more likely to be Jehovah’s Witnesses. (This work, Household Income by
Religion 2000, is a derivative of Income Ranking by Religious Group - 2000 by Rcragun/Wikimedia Commons, which is used under CC BY 3.0. Household Income
by Religion 2000 is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0 by Judy Schmitt.)
88 • CHAPTER 5

Religion is also linked with education. 72% of Uni- from Harvard and Yale, respectively (“Introduction to
tarian and 67% of Hindu adherents are college graduates, Sociology/Politics,” 2017).
while only 12% of Jehovah’s Witness and 15% of Church Those who vote as members of a social class can be said
of God members graduated from college (“Introduction to to be participating in identity politics. Identity politics is a
Sociology/Religion,” 2018). phenomenon that arose first at the radical margins of lib-
eral democratic societies in which human rights are recog-
POLITICS nized, and the term is not usually used to refer to dissident
Social class impacts one’s level of political participation movements within single-party or authoritarian states.
and political influence. Political participation refers to Some groups have combined identity politics and Marxist
whether or not a person votes in elections, donates to social class analysis and class consciousness. During the
campaigns, or attends public forums where decisions are 1980s, the politics of identity became very prominent and
made, such as town meetings or city council meetings, for was linked with new social movement activism (“Identity
example. Political influence refers to the extent to which Politics,” 2020).
one’s political participation achieves its desired results. For
example, if one attends a public forum, is their opinion CRIME AND CRIMINAL JUSTICE
likely to be heard, or if they donate money, is a politician Criminal justice is the system of practices and government
likely to support their desired policy? institutions directed at upholding social control, deterring,
Wealthy, well-educated Americans are more likely to and mitigating crime, or sanctioning those who violate
vote and to donate money to politicians than lower class laws with criminal penalties and rehabilitation efforts. The
individuals (Figure 5.5). This trend means that middle and American criminal justice system consists of three main
upper class individuals have greater political participation parts: (1) enforcement; (2) adjudication; and (3) correc-
and greater political influence than those in lower posi- tions. These distinct agencies are the principal means of
tions. Additionally, higher status people are more likely to maintaining the rule of law within society (“Criminal Jus-
hold political positions than lower class people. An illus- tice,” 2020).
tration of this is the presidential election between George The first contact an offender has with the criminal jus-
W. Bush and John Kerry in 2004. Both had millions of dol- tice system is usually with law enforcement, most often
Voter turnout by educational attainment, 2008 U.S. Presidential Election
lars of accumulated wealth, and they had higher degrees the police who investigate a suspected violation and make
source: U.S. Census Bureau

80%
76.2
71.8
70%
65.0

60% 58.2

50.9
50%

40%
33.7

30%
23.4
20%

10%

0%
Total Less than 9th to High Some college Bachelor’s Advanced
9th grade 12th grade, school or associate’s degree degree
no diploma graduate degree
FIGURE 5.5 Percentage of voter turnout by educational attainment (2008 presidential election). Educational attainment,
an indicator of social class, can predict one’s level of political participation. Those with high educational attainment are
more likely to vote in elections than those with little education. (This work, Voter Turnout by Education 2008, is a derivative of Voter Turnout by
Educational Attainment, 2008 US Presidential Election by Rcragun/Wikimedia Commons, which is used under CC BY 3.0. Voter Turnout by Education 2008 is licensed
under CC BY-SA 4.0 by Judy Schmitt.)
The Impacts of Social Class • 89

Police officers are the most visible members of the law


enforcement branch of the criminal justice system and
are charged with maintaining social order by arresting The criminal justice system includes adjudication, wherein
offenders who violate the law. (OTB St. Louis-274 by Shane McCoy/ the courts legally process suspects to determine their guilt
Office of Public Affairs/U.S. Marshals Service is used under CC BY 2.0.) or innocence and sentencing. (Dred Scott Courtroom by stepnout is
used under CC BY 2.0.)

an arrest. Next, the courts carry out adjudication or the primarily to sequester criminals and little thought was
legal processing of offenders to determine their guilt or given to living conditions within their walls. In America,
innocence and sentencing. The courts serve as the venue the Quaker movement is commonly credited with estab-
where disputes are settled and justice is administered. lishing the idea that prisons should be used to reform
Depending on the offense, either a judge or a jury deter- criminals. This can also be seen as a critical moment in the
mines whether the suspect violated the law and what their debate regarding the purpose of punishment (“Criminal
punitive sentence will be. If found guilty by the court, Justice,” 2020).
offenders are then turned over to correctional authorities. In the United States, criminal justice policy has been
Correctional authorities may include prison wardens or guided by the 1967 President’s Commission on Law
social workers, depending on the type of offense (“Crimi- Enforcement and Administration of Justice, which issued
nal Justice,” 2020). a ground-breaking report titled The Challenge of Crime in
Like all other aspects of criminal justice, the admin- a Free Society. This report made more than 200 recommen-
istration of punishment has taken many different forms dations as part of a comprehensive approach toward crime
throughout history. Early on, when civilizations lacked prevention. Some of those recommendations found their
the resources necessary to construct and maintain pris- way into the Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act
ons, exile and execution were the primary forms of pun- of 1968. The commission advocated a “systems” approach
ishment. Historically, shame punishments have also been to criminal justice, with improved coordination among law
used as forms of censure (“Criminal Justice,” 2020). enforcement, courts, and correctional agencies. The com-
The most publicly visible form of punishment in the mission defined the criminal justice system as the means
modern era is the prison. Prisons may serve as detention for society to “enforce the standards of conduct necessary
centers for prisoners after trial. Jails are used for contain- to protect individuals and the community” (President’s
ment of the accused before trial. Early prisons were used Commission, 1967, p. 7).

KEY TAKEAWAYS
• While sociologists debate exactly how social classes are • Many Americans believe in a simple three-class model that
divided, there is substantial evidence that socioeconomic status includes the rich or upper class, the middle class, and the poor
is tied to tangible advantages and outcomes. or working class.
• Social class in the United States is a controversial issue, with • Social class is correlated to environmental hazards that increase
social scientists disagreeing over models, definitions, and even one’s risk of contracting a disease or sustaining an injury; low
the basic question of whether or not distinct classes exist. access to fresh produce, exercise facilities, and preventative
90 • CHAPTER 5

health programs are all environmental hazards that negatively • Educational inequality is also perpetuated by legacy admission.
impact health outcomes. • Because members of high social classes tend to be better edu-
• Health inequality refers to the unequal distribution of environmen- cated and have higher incomes, they are more able to provide
tal hazards and access to health services between demographic educational advantages to their children as well.
groups, including social classes, as well as to the disparate health • Educational inequality is one factor that perpetuates the class
outcomes experienced by these groups. divide across generations.
• In addition to environmental hazards, lower socioeconomic • Social class is an indicator of religious affiliation, with upper
classes have lower levels of health insurance than the upper class members concentrated in formal denominations and
class. Much of this disparity can be explained by the ten- lower class members concentrated in informal denominations.
dency for lower status occupations to not provide benefits to • Social class is not an indicator of religiosity; members of each
employees. social class practice their faiths with a range of intensities.
• Mental health describes a person’s level of psychological • Income, and therefore social class, is related to an individu-
well-being, or the presence/absence of mental disorder. Mental al’s denomination. Religion is also strongly linked to level of
health can include one’s ability to enjoy life and demonstrate education.
psychological resilience.
• Political office holders tend to be of high socioeconomic status,
• Mental health is socially constructed and defined; it is furthering the impact of class on American politics.
determined by both scientific and cultural knowledge, and it
• Wealthy, well-educated Americans are more likely to vote and
is understood differently by various groups, institutions, and
to donate money to politicians than lower class individuals are.
professions.
• Those who vote as members of a social class can be said to be
• The evaluation of which mental states can be considered
participating in identity politics.
healthy and which require medical intervention also varies by
class. • When a person is suspected of violating a law, they are pro-
cessed through the criminal justice system.
• In the United States, the probability of a first marriage ending is
substantially higher for couples with low socioeconomic statuses • The criminal justice system includes law enforcement (such as
than for those in the middle or upper class. police or sheriffs), the courts, and corrections authorities (such
as prison wardens and social workers).
• Globally, the birth rate in countries with large impoverished
populations is much higher than in wealthier countries. • Legislation can attempt to refocus and restructure the criminal
justice system in the United States, as when the 1967 Presi-
• In nations with high levels of fertility, upper class individuals
dent’s Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration
tend to have more children than their lower class peers, while
of Justice issued recommendations to improve the efficacy of
in nations with low levels of fertility, upper class families exhibit
criminal justice.
even lower fertility than average.
• These reforms reflected a change in the purpose of the criminal
• Social class has both a cause and an effect relationship with
justice system. Historically, it had been used as a way to deter
family composition, and lower social class is often correlated
crime and punish criminals, but it now has the added goal of
with one-parent households.
rehabilitating offenders.
• Those in high social classes are likely to have greater educa-
tional attainment than those in low social classes.

REFERENCES
Birth rate. (2020, January 29). In Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/w/ Hierarchy. (2019, September 29). In Wiktionary. https://en.wiktionary.
index.php?title=Birth_rate&oldid=938230085 org/w/index.php?title=hierarchy&oldid=54378944
Criminal justice. (2020, January 9). In Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia. Identity politics. (2020, February 17). In Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.
org/w/index.php?title=Criminal_justice&oldid=934990442 org/w/index.php?title=Identity_politics&oldid=941294253
Educational attainment in the United States. (2020, January 29). In Introduction to sociology/family. (2017, August 16). In Wikibooks. https://
Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Educational_ en.wikibooks.org/w/index.php?title=Introduction_to_Sociology/
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Health care in the United States. (2020, February 9). In Wikipedia. https:// Introduction to sociology/politics. (2017, August 6). In Wikibooks. https://
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Health equity. (2020, February 17). In Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia. Introduction to sociology/religion. (2018, July 14). In Wikibooks. https://
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Religion&oldid=3442359
The Impacts of Social Class • 91

Legacy preferences. (2020, February 17). In Wikipedia. https://en. Social class. (2020, February 9). In Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/w/
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941192697 of_class_position
Mental health. (2018, October 28). In Wiktionary. https://en.wiktionary. Social determinants of health. (2019, December 14). In Wikipedia. https://
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CHAPTER 6

Gender and Gender Inequality

SOURCE
Gender and gender inequality. (2016). In Sociology: Understanding and changing the social world. University of
Minnesota Libraries Publishing. This edition adapted from a work originally produced in 2010 by a publisher who has
requested that it not receive attribution. Retrieved February 18, 2020, from https://open.lib.umn.edu/sociology/part/
chapter-11-gender-and-gender-inequality/
(Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License)

LEARNING OBJECTIVES
1. Define sex and gender and femininity and masculinity. 3. Discuss agents of gender socialization.
2. Critically assess the evidence on biology, culture and socializa-
tion, and gender.

KEY TERMS
androgynous gender roles secondary sex characteristics
femininity masculinity sex
gender non-binary sexual orientation
gender identity primary sex characteristics

he advised her, should just become wives and mothers and


■ Social Issues in the News leave the doctoring to men.
September 2009 was Rape Awareness Month at the Univer- At the same college and about the same time, John (also
sity of Missouri–Columbia. The coordinator of the Relation- a pseudonym) went to talk to a draft counselor for advice
ship & Sexual Violence Prevention Center (RSVP), the group as he considered his options, including military service in
sponsoring the month-long series of events, said they chose Vietnam. John said he had something very embarrassing
September because of the high rates of sexual violence to say and hesitated a long time before speaking. Finally
committed against new women students during the first few John explained, as if revealing a deep secret, that he had
weeks of the semester. As on many campuses around the never liked to fight, not even as a young boy, and wondered
country since the late 1970s, a Take Back the Night march aloud if there was something wrong with him. It was not
and rally was the highlight of RSVP’s effort to call attention to that he was scared to fight, he assured the draft counselor,
violence against women. An RSVP staff member explained it was that he thought fighting was wrong, even though
that Take Back the Night marches began when women his friends had sometimes called him a “sissy” and other
decided, “No, we’re not going to live in fear, we’re not going words for refusing to fight. John was advised that he might
to stay inside, these are our streets. This is our community; qualify as a conscientious objector and was informed
we’re not going to be frightened.” At her own campus, she about that and his other alternatives to being drafted. He
said, “It’s women getting together and saying, ‘You know left the room, and the draft counselor never saw him again.
what, these are our lives. We own these streets just like any- Much has changed during the almost four decades
one else, we walk these streets just like anyone else.’ It’s since these two real-life stories occurred and since Take
a very empowering kind of event and evening” (Silverman, Back the Night marches began. Women have entered med-
2009). ■ icine, engineering, and other professions and careers in
unprecedented numbers, no doubt dismaying the biology
professor who thought them best suited as wives and moth-

It was the early 1970s. Susan (a pseudonym), a sophomore


college student, wanted to become a physician, so she
went to talk to her biology professor about the pre-med
ers. Many men have begun to realize that “real men” do
not necessarily have to enjoy fighting and other tradition-
ally male behaviors and attitudes. Our society now has an
program at her school. The professor belittled her interest awareness of rape and other violence against women that
in medicine and refused to discuss the program. Women, would astonish students of the 1970s. Still, gender roles

92
Gender and Gender Inequality • 93

and gender inequality persist and violence against women


continues, with important consequences for both women
and men and for society as a whole. To begin our discus-
sion of gender and gender inequality, this chapter begins
with a critical look at the concepts of sex and gender.

UNDERSTANDING SEX AND GENDER


Although the terms sex and gender are sometimes used
interchangeably and do in fact complement each other,
they nonetheless refer to different aspects of what it means
to be a woman or man in any society.
Sex refers to the anatomical and other biological dif-
ferences between females and males that are determined
at the moment of conception and develop in the womb Infant girls traditionally wear pink, while infant boys wear
and throughout childhood and adolescence. Females, of blue. This color difference reflects the different cultural
expectations we have for babies based on their (biological)
course, have two X chromosomes, while males have one
sex. (Bed Time! by Matthew H. is used under CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.)
X chromosome and one Y chromosome. From this basic
genetic difference spring other biological differences. The
first to appear are the different genitals that boys and girls have of girls and women, while masculinity refers to the
develop in the womb and that the doctor (or midwife) and expectations we have of boys and men. A familiar nursery
parents look for when a baby is born (assuming the baby’s rhyme nicely summarizes these two sets of traits:
sex is not already known from ultrasound or other tech- What are little boys made of?
niques) so that the momentous announcement, “It’s a boy!” Snips and snails,
or “It’s a girl!” can be made. The genitalia are called pri- And puppy dog tails,
mary sex characteristics, while the other differences that That’s what little boys are made of.
develop during puberty are called secondary sex charac- What are little girls made of?
teristics and stem from hormonal differences between the Sugar and spice,
two sexes. In this difficult period of adolescents’ lives, boys And everything nice,
generally acquire deeper voices, more body hair, and more That’s what little girls are made of.
muscles from their flowing testosterone. Girls develop As this nursery rhyme suggests, our traditional
breasts and wider hips and begin menstruating as nature notions of femininity and masculinity indicate that we
prepares them for possible pregnancy and childbirth. For think females and males are fundamentally different from
better or worse, these basic biological differences between each other. In effect, we think of them as two sides of the
the sexes affect many people’s perceptions of what it means same coin of being human. What we traditionally mean by
to be female or male, as we shall soon discuss. femininity is captured in the adjectives, both positive and
negative, we traditionally ascribe to women: gentle, sensi-
Gender as a Social Construction tive, nurturing, delicate, graceful, cooperative, decorative,
If sex is a biological concept, then gender is a social con- dependent, emotional, passive, and weak. Thus when we
cept. It refers to the social and cultural differences a society say that a girl or woman is very feminine, we have some
assigns to people based on their (biological) sex. A related combination of these traits, usually the positive ones, in
concept, gender roles, refers to a society’s expectations mind: she is soft, dainty, pretty, even a bit flighty. What we
of people’s behavior and attitudes based on whether they traditionally mean by masculinity is captured in the adjec-
are females or males. Understood in this way, gender, like tives, again both positive and negative, our society tradi-
race, is a social construction. How we think and behave as tionally ascribes to men: strong, assertive, brave, active,
females and males is not etched in stone by our biology independent, intelligent, competitive, insensitive, unemo-
but rather is a result of how society expects us to think and tional, and aggressive. When we say that a boy or man is
behave based on what sex we are. As we grow up, we learn very masculine, we have some combination of these traits
these expectations as we develop our gender identity, or in mind: he is tough, strong, and assertive.
our beliefs about ourselves as females or males. These traits might sound like stereotypes of females
These expectations are called femininity and mascu- and males in today’s society, and to some extent they are,
linity. Femininity refers to the cultural expectations we but differences between men and women in attitudes and
94 • CHAPTER 6

behavior do in fact exist (Aulette et al., 2009). For exam- TABLE 6.1 Prevalence of Homosexuality in the United States
ple, women cry more often than men do. Men are more Activity, Attraction, or Identity Men (%) Women (%)
physically violent than women. Women take care of chil-
Find same-sex sexual relations 4.5 5.6
dren more than men do. Women smile more often than appealing
men. Men curse more often than women. When women
Attracted to people of same sex 6.2 4.4
talk with each other, they are more likely to talk about
Identify as gay or bisexual 2.8 1.4
their personal lives than men are when they talk with each
other (Tannen, 2001). The two sexes even differ when they At least one sex partner of same sex 2.7 1.3
during past year among those
hold a cigarette (not that anyone should smoke). When a
sexually active
woman holds a cigarette, she usually has the palm of her
At least one sex partner of same sex 4.9 4.1
cigarette-holding hand facing upward. When a man holds
since turning 18
a cigarette, he usually has his palm facing downward.
Data from Laumann et al. (1994).
Sexual Orientation
Sexual orientation refers to a person’s preference for sex-
ual relationships with individuals of the other sex (het- of men reported having had at least some male partners,
erosexuality), one’s own sex (homosexuality), both sexes while 4.6% of women reported having had at least some
(bisexuality), or neither sex (asexuality). female partners. Although precise numbers must remain
It is difficult to know precisely how many people are unknown, it seems fair to say that between about 2% and
gay, lesbian, bisexual, or asexual. One problem is concep- 5% of Americans are gay/lesbian or bisexual.
tual. For example, what does it mean to be gay or lesbian? If it is difficult to determine the number of people
Does one need to actually have sexual relations with a who are gay/lesbian or bisexual, it is even more difficult
same-sex partner to be considered gay? What if someone to determine why some people have this sexual orienta-
is attracted to same-sex partners but does not actually tion while most do not have it. Scholars disagree on the
engage in sex with such persons? What if someone iden- “causes” of sexual orientation (Engle et al., 2006; Sheldon
tifies as heterosexual but engages in homosexual sex for et al., 2007). Some scholars attribute it to unknown biolog-
money (as in certain forms of prostitution) or for power ical factor(s) over which individuals have no control, just
and influence (as in much prison sex)? These concep- as individuals do not decide whether they are left-handed
tual problems make it difficult to determine the extent of or right-handed. Supporting this view, many gays say they
homosexuality. realized they were gay during adolescence, just as straights
A second problem is empirical. Even if we can settle on a would say they realized they were straight during their
definition of homosexuality, how do we then determine how own adolescence. Other scholars say that sexual orienta-
many people fit this definition? For better or worse, our best tion is at least partly influenced by cultural norms, so that
evidence of the number of gays and lesbians in the United individuals are more likely to identify as gay or straight
States comes from surveys of national samples of Americans depending on the cultural views of sexual orientation into
in which they are asked various questions about their sex- which they are socialized as they grow up. At best, perhaps
uality. Although these are anonymous surveys, obviously all we can say is that sexual orientation stems from a com-
at least some individuals may be reluctant to disclose their plex mix of biological and cultural factors that remain to
sexual activity and thoughts to an interviewer. Still, schol- be determined.
ars think the estimates from these surveys are fairly accu-
rate but that they probably underestimate by at least a small The Development of Gender Differences
amount the number of gays and lesbians. What accounts for differences in female and male behav-
A widely cited survey carried out by researchers at the ior and attitudes? Do the biological differences between
University of Chicago found that 2.8% of men and 1.4% the sexes account for other differences? Or do these latter
of women identified themselves as gay/lesbian or bisex- differences stem, as most sociologists think, from cultural
ual, with greater percentages reporting having had sex- expectations and from differences in the ways in which the
ual relations with same-sex partners or being attracted sexes are socialized? These are critical questions, for they
to same-sex persons (see Table 6.1). In the 2008 General ask whether the differences between boys and girls and
Social Survey, 2.2% of men and 3.5% of women identified women and men stem more from biology or from soci-
themselves as gay/lesbian or bisexual. Among individu- ety. Biological explanations for human behavior implicitly
als having had any sexual partners since turning 18, 2.2% support the status quo. If we think behavioral and other
Gender and Gender Inequality • 95

differences between the sexes are due primarily to their from cultural and social influences. If biology is para-
respective biological makeups, we are saying that these mount, then gender differences are perhaps inevitable and
differences are inevitable or nearly so and that any attempt the status quo will remain. If culture and social influences
to change them goes against biology and will likely fail. matter much more than biology, then gender differences
As an example, consider the obvious biological fact can change and the status quo may give way. With this
that women bear and nurse children and men do not. backdrop in mind, let’s turn to the biological evidence for
Couple this with the common view that women are also behavioral and other differences between the sexes and
more gentle and nurturing than men, and we end up with then examine the evidence for their social and cultural
a “biological recipe” for women to be the primary care- roots.
takers of children. Many people think this means women
are therefore much better suited than men to take care of Biology and Gender
children once they are born, and that the family might be Several biological explanations for gender roles exist, and
harmed if mothers work outside the home or if fathers are we discuss two of the most important ones here. One
the primary caretakers. Figure 6.1 shows that more than explanation is from the related fields of sociobiology and
one-third of the public agrees that “it is much better for evolutionary psychology (Workman & Reader, 2009) and
everyone involved if the man is the achiever outside the argues an evolutionary basis for traditional gender roles.
home and the woman takes care of the home and family.” Scholars advocating this view reason as follows
To the extent this belief exists, women may not want to (Barash, 2007; Thornhill & Palmer, 2000). In prehistoric
work outside the home or, if they choose to do so, they societies, few social roles existed. A major role centered on
face difficulties from employers, family, and friends. Con- relieving hunger by hunting or gathering food. The other
versely, men may not even think about wanting to stay at major role centered on bearing and nursing children.
home and may themselves face difficulties from employ- Because only women could perform this role, they were
ees, family, and friends if they want to do so. A belief in also the primary caretakers for children for several years
a strong biological basis for differences between women after birth. And because women were frequently pregnant,
and men implies, then, that there is little we can or should their roles as mothers confined them to the home for most
do to change these differences. It implies that “anatomy is of their adulthood. Meanwhile, men were better suited
destiny,” and destiny is, of course, by definition inevitable. than women for hunting because they were stronger and
This implication makes it essential to understand the quicker than women. In prehistoric societies, then, biology
extent to which
Belief that women gender differences
should stay at do, in fact, stem from
home was indeed destiny: for biological reasons, men in effect
biological
Source: Datadifferences
from General between the2008
Social Survey, sexes or, instead, stem worked outside the home (hunted), while women stayed at
home with their children.
Agree Evolutionary reasons also explain why men are more
Disagree violent than women. In prehistoric times, men who were
more willing to commit violence against and even kill
other men would “win out” in the competition for female
mates. They thus were more likely than less violent men
to produce offspring, who would then carry these males’
34.9%
genetic violent tendencies. By the same token, men who
were prone to rape women were more likely to produce
65.1% offspring, who would then carry these males’ “rape genes.”
This early process guaranteed that rape tendencies would
be biologically transmitted and thus provided a biological
basis for the amount of rape that occurs today.
If the human race evolved along these lines, socio­
biologists and evolutionary psychologists continue, natural
selection favored those societies where men were stron-
FIGURE 6.1 Belief that women should stay at home. ger, braver, and more aggressive and where women were
Agreement or disagreement with statement that “it is
more fertile and nurturing. Such traits over the millennia
much better for everyone involved if the man is the
achiever outside the home and the woman takes care of became fairly instinctual, meaning that men’s and wom-
the home and family.” (Belief that Women Should Stay at Home by Judy en’s biological natures evolved differently. Men became, by
Schmitt is used under CC BY-NC-SA 4.0. Data from General Social Survey, 2008.) nature, more assertive, daring, and violent than women,
96 • CHAPTER 6

As one anthropologist summarizes the rape evidence, “The


likelihood that rape is an evolved adaptation [is] extremely
low. It just wouldn’t have made sense for men in the [pre-
historic epoch] to use rape as a reproductive strategy, so the
argument that it’s preprogrammed into us doesn’t hold up”
(Begley, 2009a, p. 54).
A second biological explanation for traditional gender
roles centers on hormones and specifically on testosterone,
the so-called male hormone. One of the most important
differences between boys and girls and men and women
in the United States and many other societies is their level
of aggression. Simply put, males are much more physically
aggressive than females and in the United States commit
According to some sociobiologists and evolutionary about 85%–90% of all violent crimes. Why is this so? This
psychologists, today’s gender differences in strength gender difference is often attributed to males’ higher levels
and physical aggression are ultimately rooted in certain of testosterone (Mazur, 2009).
evolutionary processes that spanned millennia. (Couple by To see whether testosterone does indeed raise aggres-
Vladimir Pustovit is used under CC BY 2.0.)
sion, researchers typically assess whether males with
higher testosterone levels are more aggressive than those
and women are, by nature, more gentle, nurturing, and with lower testosterone levels. Several studies find that this
maternal than men. To the extent this is true, these schol- is indeed the case. For example, a widely cited study of
ars add, traditional gender roles for women and men make Vietnam-era male veterans found that those with higher
sense from an evolutionary standpoint, and attempts to levels of testosterone had engaged in more violent behav-
change them go against the sexes’ biological natures. This ior (Booth & Osgood, 1993). However, this correlation
in turn implies that existing gender inequality must con- does not necessarily mean that their testosterone increased
tinue because it is rooted in biology. As the title of a book their violence: as has been found in various animal species,
presenting the evolutionary psychology argument sum- it is also possible that their violence increased their testos-
marizes this implication, “biology at work: rethinking sex- terone. Because studies of human males can’t for ethical
ual equality” (Browne, 2002). and practical reasons manipulate their testosterone lev-
Critics challenge the evolutionary explanation on sev- els, the exact meaning of the results from these testoster-
eral grounds (Hurley, 2007; Buller, 2006; Begley, 2009a). one-aggression studies must remain unclear, according to
First, much greater gender variation in behavior and atti- a review sponsored by the National Academy of Sciences
tudes existed in prehistoric times than the evolutionary (Miczek et al., 1994).
explanation assumes. Second, even if biological differences Another line of research on the biological basis for
did influence gender roles in prehistoric times, these dif- sex differences in aggression involves children, including
ferences are largely irrelevant in today’s world, in which, some as young as ages 1 or 2, in various situations (Card et
for example, physical strength is not necessary for survival. al., 2008). They might be playing with each other, interact-
Third, human environments throughout the millennia have ing with adults, or writing down solutions to hypothetical
simply been too diverse to permit the simple, straightfor- scenarios given to them by a researcher. In most of these
ward biological development that the evolutionary expla- studies, boys are more physically aggressive in thought or
nation assumes. Fourth, evolutionary arguments implicitly deed than girls, even at a very young age. Other studies
justify existing gender inequality by implying the need to are more experimental in nature. In one type of study, a
confine women and men to their traditional roles. toddler will be playing with a toy, only to have it removed
Recent anthropological evidence also challenges the by an adult. Boys typically tend to look angry and try to
evolutionary argument that men’s tendency to commit grab the toy back, while girls tend to just sit there and
violence, including rape, was biologically transmitted. This whimper. Because these gender differences in aggression
evidence instead finds that violent men have trouble find- are found at very young ages, researchers often say they
ing female mates who would want them and that the female must have some biological basis. However, critics of this
mates they find and the children they produce are often line of research counter that even young children have
killed by rivals to the men. The recent evidence also finds already been socialized along gender lines (Begley, 2009b;
those rapists’ children are often abandoned and then die. Eliot, 2009), a point to which we return later. To the extent
Gender and Gender Inequality • 97

this is true, gender differences in children’s aggression may


simply reflect socialization and not biology.
In sum, biological evidence for gender differences cer-
tainly exists, but its interpretation remains very controver-
sial. It must be weighed against the evidence, to which we
next turn, of cultural variations in the experience of gen-
der and of socialization differences by gender. One thing
is clear: to the extent we accept biological explanations
for gender, we imply that existing gender differences and
gender inequality must continue to exist. This implication
prompts many social scientists to be quite critical of the
biological viewpoint. As Linda L. Lindsey (2011, p. 52)
notes, “Biological arguments are consistently drawn upon
to justify gender inequality and the continued oppression
of women.” In contrast, cultural and social explanations of Margaret Mead made important contributions to the
gender differences and gender inequality promise some anthropological study of gender. Her work suggested that
hope for change. Let’s examine the evidence for these culture dramatically influences how females and males
behave and that gender is rooted much more in culture
explanations. than in biology. (Dr. Margaret Mead, half-length portrait, facing right,
reading book by Edward Lynch/New York World-Telegram/U.S. Library of
Culture and Gender Congress is in the public domain.)
Some of the most compelling evidence against a strong
biological determination of gender roles comes from the Tchambuli, women were the dominant, assertive sex
anthropologists, whose work on preindustrial societies that showed leadership in tribal affairs, while men were the
demonstrates some striking gender variation from one ones wearing frilly clothes and makeup.
culture to another. This variation underscores the impact Mead’s research caused a firestorm in scholarly circles,
of culture on how females and males think and behave. as it challenged the biological view on gender that was still
Margaret Mead (1935) was one of the first anthro- very popular when she went to New Guinea. In recent
pologists to study cultural differences in gender. In New years, Mead’s findings have been challenged by other
Guinea she found three tribes—the Arapesh, the Mundu- anthropologists. Among other things, they argue that
gumor, and the Tchambuli—whose gender roles differed she probably painted an overly simplistic picture of gen-
dramatically. In the Arapesh both sexes were gentle and der roles in her three societies (Scheper-Hughes, 1987).
nurturing. Both women and men spent much time with Other anthropologists defend Mead’s work and note that
their children in a loving way and exhibited what we much subsequent research has found that gender-linked
would normally call maternal behavior. In the Arapesh, attitudes and behavior do differ widely from one culture
then, different gender roles did not exist, and in fact, both to another (Morgan, 1989). If so, they say, the impact of
sexes conformed to what Americans would normally call culture on what it means to be a female or male cannot be
the female gender role. ignored.
The situation was the reverse among the Mundugu- Extensive evidence of this impact comes from anthro-
mor. Here both men and women were fierce, competitive, pologist George Murdock, who created the Standard
and violent. Both sexes seemed to almost dislike children Cross-Cultural Sample of almost 200 preindustrial societ-
and often physically punished them. In the Mundugumor ies studied by anthropologists. Murdock (1937) found that
society, then, different gender roles also did not exist, as some tasks in these societies, such as hunting and trap-
both sexes conformed to what we Americans would nor- ping, are almost always done by men, while other tasks,
mally call the male gender role. such as cooking and fetching water, are almost always done
In the Tchambuli, Mead finally found a tribe where by women. These patterns provide evidence for the evolu-
different gender roles did exist. One sex was the dom- tionary argument presented earlier, as they probably stem
inant, efficient, assertive one and showed leadership in from the biological differences between the sexes. Even so
tribal affairs, while the other sex liked to dress up in frilly there were at least some societies in which women hunted
clothes, wear makeup, and even giggle a lot. Here, then, and in which men cooked and fetched water.
Mead found a society with gender roles similar to those More importantly, Murdock found much greater
found in the United States, but with a surprising twist. In gender variation in several of the other tasks he studied,
Gender responsibility for weaving
98 •DataCHAPTER
Source: from Standard
6 Cross-Cultural Sample

Men predominate and masculinity of the society in which it is found and is


Women predominate thus considered an androgynous gender. Although some
Neither sex
people in this category are born as intersexed individuals
predominates
(formerly known as hermaphrodites), meaning they have
7.2% genitalia of both sexes, many are born biologically as one
sex or the other but adopt an androgynous identity.
An example of this intermediary gender category
may be found in India, where the hijra role involves
31.9% males who wear women’s clothing and identify as women
(Reddy, 2006). The hijra role is an important part of Hindu
mythology, in which androgynous figures play key roles
both as humans and as gods. Today people identified by
60.9% themselves and others as hijras continue to play an import-
ant role in Hindu practices and in Indian cultural life in
general. Serena Nanda (1997, pp. 200–201) calls hijras
“human beings who are neither man nor woman” and says
they are thought of as “special, sacred beings” even though
they are sometimes ridiculed and abused.
FIGURE 6.2 Gender responsibility for weaving. (Gender
Anthropologists have found another androgynous
Responsibility for Weaving by Judy Schmitt is used under CC BY-NC-SA 4.0. Data
from Standard Cross-Cultural Sample.) gender composed of women warriors in 33 Native Amer-
ican groups in North America. Walter L. Williams (1997)
calls these women “amazons” and notes that they dress like
including planting crops, milking, and generating fires. men and sometimes even marry women. In some tribes
Men primarily performed these tasks in some societies, girls exhibit such “masculine” characteristics from child-
women primarily performed them in other societies, and hood, while in others they may be recruited into “ama-
in still other societies both sexes performed them equally. zonhood.” In the Kaska Indians, for example, a married
Figure 6.2 shows the gender responsibility for yet another couple with too many daughters would select one to “be
task, weaving. Women are the primary weavers in about like a man.” When she was about 5 years of age, her parents
61% of the societies that do weaving, men are the primary would begin to dress her like a boy and have her do male
weavers in 32%, and both sexes do the weaving in 7% of tasks. Eventually she would grow up to become a hunter.
the societies. Murdock’s findings illustrate how gender The androgynous genders found by anthropologists
roles differ from one culture to another and imply they are remind us that gender is a social construction and not just
not biologically determined. a biological fact. If culture does affect gender roles, social-
Anthropologists since Mead and Murdock have con- ization is the process through which culture has this effect.
tinued to investigate cultural differences in gender. Some What we experience as girls and boys strongly influences
of their most interesting findings concern gender and sex- how we develop as women and men in terms of behavior
uality (Morgan, 1989; Brettell & Sargent, 2009). Although and attitudes. To illustrate this important dimension of
all societies distinguish “femaleness” and “maleness,” gen- gender, let’s turn to the evidence on socialization.
der is not always binary; non-binary is an adjective that
describes a person who does not identify exclusively as a Socialization and Gender
man or a woman. Although many non-binary people also Sociologists identify several agents of socialization, includ-
identify as transgender, not all do (Human Rights Cam- ing the family, peers, schools, the mass media, and religion.
paign, n.d.). Ample evidence of these agents’ impact on gender-role
Non-binary gender categories exist in some societies. socialization exists. Such socialization helps boys and girls
The Native Americans known as the Mohave, for example, develop their gender identity (Andersen & Hysock, 2009).
recognize four genders: a woman, a woman who acts like
a man, a man, and a man who acts like a woman. In some The Family
societies, a third, intermediary gender category is recog- Socialization into gender roles begins in infancy, as almost
nized. Anthropologists call this category the berdache, who from the moment of birth parents begin to socialize their
is usually a man who takes on a woman’s role. This inter- children as boys or girls without even knowing it (Begley,
mediary category combines aspects of both femininity 2009b; Eliot, 2009). Many studies document this process
Gender and Gender Inequality • 99

competitive team games governed by inflexible rules and


relatively large numbers of roles, while girls tend to play
smaller, cooperative games such as hopscotch and jump-
ing rope with fewer and more flexible rules. Although girls
are much more involved in sports now than a generation
ago, these gender differences in their play as youngsters
persist and continue to reinforce gender roles. For exam-
ple, they encourage competitiveness in boys and coopera-
tion and trust among girls. Boys who are not competitive
risk being called “sissy” or other words by their peers. The
patterns we see in adult males and females thus have their
roots in their play as young children (King et al., 1991).

■ Sociology Making a Difference •


Gender Differences in Children’s Play and Games
In considering the debate, discussed in the text, between
biology and sociology over the origins of gender roles, some
widely cited studies by sociologists over gender differences
in children’s play and games provide important evidence for
the importance of socialization.
Janet Lever (1978) studied fifth-grade children in three
Parents play with their daughters and sons differently. For different communities in Connecticut. She watched them
example, fathers generally roughhouse more with their play and otherwise interact in school and also had the chil-
sons than with their daughters. (Roughhousing by Jagrap is used dren keep diaries of their play and games outside school.
under CC BY-NC 2.0.)
One of her central aims was to determine how complex the
two sexes’ play and games were in terms of such factors
(Lindsey, 2011). Parents commonly describe their infant as number of rules, specialization of roles, and size of the
daughters as pretty, soft, and delicate and their infant sons group playing. In all of these respects, Lever found that boys’
as strong, active, and alert, even though neutral observ- play and games were typically more complex than girls’ play
ers find no such gender differences among infants when and games. She attributed these differences to socializa-
they do not know the infants’ sex. From infancy on, par- tion by parents, teachers, and other adults and argued that
ents play with and otherwise interact with their daughters the complexity of boys’ play and games helped them to be
and sons differently. They play more roughly with their better able than girls to learn important social skills such as
sons—for example, by throwing them up in the air or by dealing with rules and coordinating actions to achieve goals.
gently wrestling with them—and more quietly with their Meanwhile, Barrie Thorne (1993) spent many months in
daughters. When their infant or toddler daughters cry, two different working-class communities in California and
they warmly comfort them, but they tend to let their sons Michigan observing fourth and fifth graders sit in class and
cry longer and to comfort them less. They give their girls lunchrooms and play on the school playgrounds. Most chil-
dolls to play with and their boys “action figures” and toy dren were White, but several were African American or Latino.
guns. While these gender differences in socialization are As you might expect, the girls and boys she observed usually
probably smaller now than a generation ago, they certainly played separately from each other, and the one-sex groups
continue to exist. Go into a large toy store and you will in which they played were very important for the develop-
see pink aisles of dolls and cooking sets and blue aisles of ment of their gender identity, with boys tending to play team
action figures, toy guns, and related items. sports and other competitive games and girls tending to play
cooperative games such as jump rope. These differences
Peers led Thorne to conclude that gender-role socialization stems
Peer influences also encourage gender socialization. As not only from practices by adults but also from the children’s
they reach school age, children begin to play different own activities without adult involvement. When boys and
games based on their gender (see the Sociology Making girls did interact, it was often “girls against the boys” or vice
a Difference feature). Boys tend to play sports and other versa in classroom spelling contests and in games such as
100 • CHAPTER 6

tag. Thorne concluded that these “us against them” contests major characters are male. On Nickelodeon, for exam-
helped the children learn that boys and girls are two different ple, the very popular SpongeBob SquarePants is a male,
and antagonistic sexes and that gender itself is antagonistic, as are his pet snail, Gary; his best friend, Patrick Star;
even if there were also moments when both sexes interacted their neighbor, Squidward Tentacles; and SpongeBob’s
on the playground in more relaxed, noncompetitive situa- employer, Eugene Crabs. Of the major characters in Bikini
tions. Boys also tended to disrupt girls’ games more than the Bottom, only Sandy Cheeks is a female. For all its virtues,
reverse and in this manner both exerted and learned domi- Sesame Street features Bert, Ernie, Cookie Monster, and
nance over females. In all of these ways, children were not other male characters. Most of the Muppets are males, and
just the passive recipients of gender-role socialization from the main female character, Miss Piggy, depicted as vain
adults (their teachers), but they also played an active role in and jealous, is hardly an admirable female role model. As
ensuring that such socialization occurred. for adults’ prime-time television, more men than women
The studies by Lever and Thorne were among the first to continue to fill more major roles in weekly shows, despite
emphasize the importance of children’s play and peer rela- notable women’s roles in shows such as The Good Wife
tionships for gender socialization. They also called attention and Grey’s Anatomy. Women are also often portrayed as
to the importance of the traits and values learned through unintelligent or frivolous individuals who are there more
such socialization for outcomes later in life. The rise in team for their looks than for anything else. Television commer-
sports opportunities for girls in the years since Lever and cials reinforce this image (Yoder et al., 2008). Cosmetics
Thorne did their research is a welcome development that ads abound, suggesting not only that a major task for
addresses the concerns expressed in their studies, but women is to look good but also that their sense of self-
young children continue to play in the ways that Lever and worth stems from looking good. Other commercials show
Thorne found. To the extent children’s play has the conse- women becoming ecstatic over achieving a clean floor or
quences just listed, and to the extent these consequences sparkling laundry. Judging from the world of television
impede full gender inequality, these sociological studies commercials, then, women’s chief goals in life are to look
suggest the need for teachers, parents, and other adults to good and to have a clean house. At the same time, men’s
help organize children’s play that is more egalitarian along chief goals, judging from many commercials, are to drink
the lines discussed by Lever, Thorne, and other scholars. In beer and drive cars.
this way, their sociological work has helped to make a differ- Women’s and men’s magazines reinforce these gender
ence and promises to continue to do so. ■ images (Milillo, 2008). Most of the magazines intended for
teenaged girls and adult women are filled with pictures of
thin, beautiful models, advice on dieting, cosmetics ads,
Schools and articles on how to win and please your man. Con-
School is yet another agent of gender socialization (Klein, versely, the magazines intended for teenaged boys and
2007). First of all, school playgrounds provide a location men are filled with ads and articles on cars and sports,
for the gender-linked play activities just described to occur. advice on how to succeed in careers and other endeav-
Second, and perhaps more important, teachers at all levels ors, and pictures of thin, beautiful (and sometimes nude)
treat their female and male students differently in subtle
ways of which they are probably not aware. They tend to
call on boys more often to answer questions in class and to
praise them more when they give the right answer. They
also give boys more feedback about their assignments and
other school work (Sadker & Sadker, 1994). At all grade
levels, many textbooks and other books still portray peo-
ple in gender-stereotyped ways. It is true that the newer
books do less of this than older ones, but the newer books
still contain some stereotypes, and the older books are still
used in many schools, especially those that cannot afford
to buy newer volumes.

Mass Media Women’s magazines reinforce the view that women need
to be slender and wear many cosmetics in order to be
Gender socialization also occurs through the mass media considered beautiful. (Glamour/Fashion Retouching by Tucia by Photo
(Dow & Wood, 2006). On children’s television shows, the Editing Services Tucia.com is used under CC BY 2.0.)
Acceptance of traditional gender roles in the family
according to frequency of prayer
Gender
source: Data andSocial
from General Gender
Survey,Inequality
2008 • 101

women. These magazine images again suggest that wom- 45%


en’s chief goals are to look good and to please men and that 40%
men’s chief goals are to succeed, win over women, and live
35%
life in the fast lane.
30%
Religion
25%
Another agent of socialization, religion, also contributes
20%
to traditional gender stereotypes. Many traditional inter-
pretations of the Bible yield the message that women are 15%
subservient to men (Tanenbaum, 2009). This message 10%
begins in Genesis, where the first human is Adam, and
Eve was made from one of his ribs. The major figures in 5%

the rest of the Bible are men, and women are for the most 0%
part depicted as wives, mothers, temptresses, and prosti- Pray Pray Rarely/never
daily weekly pray
tutes; they are praised for their roles as wives and moth-
FIGURE 6.3 Frequency of prayer and acceptance of
ers and condemned for their other roles. More generally, traditional gender roles in the family. Percentage agreeing
women are constantly depicted as the property of men. that “it is much better for everyone involved if the man is
The Ten Commandments includes a neighbor’s wife with the achiever outside the home and the woman takes care
his house, ox, and other objects as things not to be coveted of the home and family.” (Prayer Frequency and Gender Roles by Judy
(Exodus 20:17), and many biblical passages say explicitly Schmitt is used under CC BY-NC-SA 4.0. Data from General Social Survey, 2008.)

that women belong to men, such as this one from the New
Testament: People who pray more often are more likely to accept this
traditional view of gender roles.
Wives be subject to your husbands, as to the Lord. For the
husband is the head of the wife as Christ is the head of the A Final Word on the Sources of Gender
Church. As the Church is subject to Christ, so let wives
Scholars in many fields continue to debate the relative
also be subject in everything to their husbands. (Ephesians
5:22–24) importance of biology and of culture and socialization for
how we behave and think as girls and boys and as women
Several passages in the Old Testament justify the rape and men. The biological differences between females and
and murder of women and girls. The Koran, the sacred males lead many scholars and no doubt much of the public
book of Islam, also contains passages asserting the subor- to assume that masculinity and femininity are to a large
dinate role of women (Mayer, 2009). degree biologically determined or at least influenced. In
This discussion suggests that religious people should contrast, anthropologists, sociologists, and other social
believe in traditional gender views more than less religious scientists tend to view gender as a social construction.
people, and research confirms this relationship (Morgan, Even if biology does matter for gender, they say, the sig-
1988). To illustrate this, Figure 6.3 shows the relationship nificance of culture and socialization should not be under-
in the General Social Survey between frequency of prayer estimated. To the extent that gender is indeed shaped by
and the view (seen first in Figure 6.1) that “it is much better society and culture, it is possible to change gender and to
for everyone involved if the man is the achiever outside the help bring about a society where both men and women
home and the woman takes care of the home and family.” have more opportunity to achieve their full potential.

KEY TAKEAWAYS
• Sex is a biological concept, while gender is a social concept and • Families, schools, peers, the mass media, and religion are
refers to the social and cultural differences a society assigns to agents of socialization for the development of gender identity
people based on their sex. and gender roles.
• Several biological explanations for gender roles exist, but
sociologists think culture and socialization are more important
sources of gender roles than biology.
102 • CHAPTER 6

EXERCISES
1. Write a short essay about one or two events you recall from 2. Do you think gender roles are due more to biology or to culture
your childhood that reflected or reinforced your gender and socialization? Explain your answer.
socialization.

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CHAPTER 7

Socialization and Human Sexuality

SOURCE
lumencandela. (n.d.). Socialization and human sexuality. In Boundless sociology. Lumen Learning. https://courses.
lumenlearning.com/boundless-sociology/chapter/socialization-and-human-sexuality/
(Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International License)

LEARNING OBJECTIVES
1. Examine the various ways in which a person is sexually social- 5. Describe the phenomenon of homophobia (both institutional
ized, specifically through religion, law, and the media. and informal) and the implications it has for LGBTQ individuals
2. Analyze the impact of Kinsey’s study of sexuality related to how in modern-day America.
it changed the public’s perception of sexuality and how people 6. Analyze the efforts of the LGBT rights movement to achieve
are sexually socialized. equal rights and opportunities for homosexual, bisexual, and
3. Summarize the impact of the Kinsey Report and the sexual transgendered individuals.
revolution of the 1960s on American sexuality. 7. Discuss the various ways people can express sexual desire, in
4. Explain the development of sexual orientation (heterosexual, both emotional and physical terms.
homosexual, bisexual, or asexual) in terms of both static and
fluid sexuality.

KEY TERMS
asexuality Holocaust pornography
context homophobia same-sex civil unions
Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) informal discrimination sexology
flirtation institutional discrimination sexual revolution
heteronormativity Kinsey Report sodomy laws
heterosexual/homosexual binary oral contraception socialization

O ne learns from society how to express one’s sexuality.


As such, sexual expression is part of socialization, the
lifelong process of inheriting and disseminating norms,
taught sexual norms of their particular cultural and his-
torical moment through socialization (“Human Sexuality,”
2020). At the current moment in Western societies, sex-
customs, and ideologies and providing an individual with uality is evaluated along a continuum of heterosexuality
the skills and habits necessary for participating within and homosexuality, with heterosexuality as the privileged
one’s own society. Socialization necessarily implies the mode of sexual expression. Obviously, this is a basic sche-
inculcation of norms, or behaviors that society marks as matic; it does not capture all of the existing ways in which
valued as opposed to those marked as deviant (“Socializa- people behave sexually, but it is the basic rubric by which
tion,” 2020). sexual behaviors are evaluated.
In regards to sexuality, socialization in the U.S. and In contrast, the Ancient Greeks categorized sexuality
Western countries most notably adheres to heteronorma- not in terms of homosexuality and heterosexuality, but
tivity, or the marking of heterosexual unions as normal in terms of active and passive sexual subjects. What was
and homosexual unions as socially abnormal and deviant. salient for the Ancient Greeks was whether one took an
While homosexual unions are the types of unions most active or passive sexual position, whether one was the
commonly marked in opposition to normative heterosex- penetrator or was penetrated. In this sense, biological
ual unions, heteronormativity marks any type of non-het- gender was obviously relevant, but not in the same way as
erosexual sexual activity as deviant, as heterosexual sexual evaluating homosexual or heterosexual orientation. Men
acts are considered the norm (“Heteronormativity,” 2020). could be either active or passive, but women could only
There is extreme variation in sexual expression across be passive (“Homosexuality in Ancient Greece,” 2020). It
historical periods and cultures. This indicates that there is misleading to say that homosexuality was tolerated in
are no universal sexual norms. Rather, an individual is Ancient Greece; rather, the Ancient Greeks conceived of

104
Socialization and Human Sexuality • 105

laws within a particular jurisdiction simultaneously reflect


and create social norms regarding sexuality. For exam-
ple, based on American law, Americans are socialized to
believe that prostitution and rape are improper forms of
sexual behavior. The interactions of homosexual sexual
acts and their (il)legality provides an opportunity to see
how the law both mirrors and molds American under-
standings of sexual norms. Sodomy laws, or laws prohibit-
ing particular sexual acts between two consenting partners
such as anal sex between two men, were on the books in
most American states for decades. While sodomy laws
in the United States often targeted sexual acts between
persons of the same sex, many statutes employed defini-
tions broad enough to outlaw certain sexual acts between
persons of different sexes as well, sometimes even acts
between married persons (“Sodomy Law,” 2020; “Lawrence
v. Texas,” 2020).
The media is one final example of a cultural pro-
gram through which individuals encounter normative
discourses of sexuality. Individuals are socialized to rep-
licate the sexual behaviors that they see on television, in
movies, and in books. These representations are typically
A heterosexual couple. Heterosexuality is a social norm. heteronormative. Pornography—the explicit depiction of
(Bride and Groom by Jenni is used under CC BY-SA 2.0.) sexual subject matter or a display of material of an erotic
nature—presents another way in which individuals are
sexuality in completely different ways than the current socialized towards particular sexual practices through the
Western norm. media. Over 70% of men ages 18–34 who use the Internet
So how is it that one becomes socialized into certain view at least one pornographic website a month (“Pornog-
sexual behaviors and proclivities? The rest of this section raphy,” 2016). Follow-up studies show that many of these
seeks to explore how socializing agents impress sexual individuals—in addition to female pornography viewers—
norms into their members by looking at three primary attempt to incorporate the actions they witness in pornog-
agents of socialization: religion, the law, and the media. raphy into their own sex lives.
Given that most religions seek to instruct their follow-
ers on the proper and holy ways in which to live life, it SEXUAL BEHAVIOR: KINSEY’S STUDY
follows that most religions seek to offer guidance on the Background
proper ways to sexually comport oneself. For example, Dr. Alfred Kinsey was an American biologist who is con-
many evangelical Christians value abstinence and believe sidered to be the founder of sexology, or the scientific
that men and women should wait until marriage to engage study of human sexuality, including human sexual interests,
in sexual activity (“Human Sexuality,” 2020). The Catholic behavior, and function (“Sexology,” 2020). Kinsey trained
Church asserts that homosexuality is unholy. Leaders of as a biologist and entomologist at Harvard and obtained
the Jewish faith promote sexual activity between married a teaching post at Indiana University. There, he became
couples to reinforce the marital bond and produce chil- interested in human sexuality. In 1935, Kinsey delivered a
dren. Like most of the other denominations of monothe- lecture to a faculty discussion group where he attacked the
istic religions, Islam encourages sexual activity so long as “widespread ignorance of sexual structure and physiology”
it is practiced by married partners (“Human Sexuality,” and advanced the notion that delayed sexual experience, or
2020). This is not to say, of course, that all adherents to waiting to engage in sexual activity until marriage, was psy-
a particular faith stringently follow the faith’s guidelines, chologically harmful. This lecture sparked intensive research
but rather that individuals growing up within a particular that resulted in the Kinsey Report. The report refers to two
religion are instructed on how to behave sexually. different book publications based on his research of human
The legal system is another mechanism through which sexuality: Sexual Behavior in the Human Male (1948) and
individuals are instructed on proper sexual conduct. The Sexual Behavior in the Human Female (1953). The books
106 • CHAPTER 7

were widely read and Kinsey became a media star (“Alfred moment in one’s life, indicating that sexuality changes
Kinsey,” 2020). over time. Nevertheless, Kinsey’s Scale is effectively a seg-
The Kinsey Report was the most extensive analysis of mented version of the heterosexual/homosexual binary,
human sexuality conducted to its day. Data was gathered not allowing for other interpretations of sexuality (“Sex-
primarily by means of subjective interviews, conducted ual Orientation,” 2020). Kinsey’s associates actually added
according to a structured questionnaire memorized by an additional category, X, to represent asexuals, or people
the experimenters. Significantly, the Kinsey research team who experience no sexual desire (“Kinsey Reports,” 2020).
went out and conducted the interviews themselves, rather In this way, Kinsey’s report is of its particular cultural and
than relying upon pre-collected data. What resulted was historical moment, in that it conceives of American sex-
the largest collection of statistical information about adult uality as only occurring along this binary. According to
sexuality in the United States (“Kinsey Reports,” 2020). Kinsey, 11.6% of White males aged 20 to 35 were given a
rating of three for this period in their lives, meaning that
The Kinsey Scale they were equally heterosexual and homosexual. Kinsey
A large section of the Kinsey Report was devoted to the further found that 7% of single females aged 20 to 35 and
idea of sexual orientation. The Kinsey Report is frequently 4% of previously married females were given a rating of
invoked to support the common estimate of one in ten three for this period of their lives (“Kinsey Reports,” 2020).
Americans being a homosexual. However, Kinsey disap- The report also states that nearly 46% of the male interview
proved of using terms like homosexual or heterosexual, as subjects had “reacted” sexually to persons of both sexes in
he firmly believed that sexuality is prone to change over the course of their adult lives, and 37% had at least one
time and that sexual behavior must be understood both homosexual experience.
as physical contact as well as purely psychological phe-
nomena, such as desire, attraction, and fantasy. Instead of Sexuality Within Marriage
using the homosexual/heterosexual categorization, Kinsey The Kinsey study also gave statistics on sexuality within
developed the Kinsey Scale system. This system attempts marriage that had never before been reported. According
to describe a person’s sexual history or episodes of sexual to Kinsey, the average frequency of marital sex reported by
activity at a given point in time, rather than assigning an women in their late teens was 2.8 times per week, 2.2 times
individual an overarching and permanent sexual orienta- per week for women by the age of 30, and once per week
tion (“Kinsey Reports,” 2020). by women by the age of 50. Kinsey estimated that approx-
The scale ranked sexual behavior from zero to six, imately half of all married males had some extramarital
with zero being completely heterosexual and six being experience at some point in their married lives. Among
completely homosexual. As one can see, Kinsey rejected Kinsey’s sample, 26% of females had extramarital sex by
the idea of a permanent status of sexual orientation and their forties. Kinsey found that between 10 and 16% of
instead chose to rely on a rating relating to a particular married females aged 26 to 50 were engaged in extramari-
tal sex (“Kinsey Reports,” 2020).

Critical Response
Kinsey’s report was wildly successful. The two books
together sold over 750,000 copies and were translated
into thirteen languages. They may be considered some
of the most successful and influential scientific literature
of the twentieth century. The reports are associated with
a significant change in public perceptions of sexuality. A
mere decade after the reports were published, the first oral
contraceptive was introduced and the sexual revolution
began. The sexual revolution was a social movement from
the 1960s to the 1980s that increased acceptance of sex
outside of marriage (“Sexual Revolution,” 2020).
The Kinsey Institute for Research in Sex, Gender, and SEXUAL BEHAVIOR SINCE KINSEY
Reproduction. The photo shows Morrison Hall at Indiana
University, home of the Kinsey Institute. (Morrison Hall by McAnt/ The publication of the Kinsey Report, the findings of norms
Wikimedia Commons is used under CC BY-SA 3.0.) in American sexuality by Dr. Alfred Kinsey, in the early
Socialization and Human Sexuality • 107

1950s contributed to the sparking of the sexual revo-


lution, or the loosening of sexual mores demanding sex
between heterosexual married partners that occurred in
the 1960s. While other sexualities were still stigmatized in
most post-Kinsey environments, the sexual revolution was
marked by popular acceptance of premarital sex. Studies
have shown that between 1965 and 1975, the number of
women who had had sexual intercourse prior to marriage
showed a marked increase. The social and political climate
of the 1960s was a unique one in which traditional val-
ues were often challenged loudly by a very vocal minority
(“Sexual Revolution,” 2020; “Sexual Revolution in 1960s
America,” 2019). “The pill.” The landmark Supreme Court case Griswold v.
Kinsey’s 1950s study of sexuality contributed to the Connecticut affirmed women’s right to use birth control.
sexual revolution of the 1960s in two ways. First, prior (Photo a Day Project: February 2006: Birth Control by Jenny Lee Silver is used
to the Kinsey Report, no one had interviewed and pub- under CC BY-NC 2.0.)

lished such an exhaustive and comprehensive analysis of


Americans’ sexual desires and practices. Kinsey’s report pill became an even more favored and socially acceptable
reached the conclusion that few Americans are com- means of birth control in 1965 when the Supreme Court
pletely heterosexual in desire or practice as indicated decided the case of Griswold v. Connecticut. In its opin-
by the Kinsey Scale, or a numeric scaling of individuals ion, the Supreme Court held that the government could
along a continuum from complete heterosexuality to not dictate the use of contraception by married couples
complete homosexuality. Though the Kinsey Report was because such action would be a violation of the right to
published in the popular press, it was a scientific study marital privacy implied in the Bill of Rights. The ruling
conducted by a biologist at an academic institution. Pop- furthered access to birth control and contributed to a post-
ular readers of the Kinsey Report imbued the findings Kinsey sexual environment in which society increasingly
with a sense of scientific authority and professed faith accepted premarital sex (“Sexual Revolution in 1960s
in their accuracy. While other sexual orientations and America,” 2019).
acts were still marked as non-normative, society began
to accept that other sexualities existed. The Kinsey Report SEXUAL ORIENTATION
was one step towards non-heterosexual orientations and Sexual orientation describes an enduring pattern of attrac-
behaviors becoming accepted by society as normal. Sec- tion—emotional, romantic, sexual, or some combination
ond, one cannot underestimate the significance of the of these—to the opposite sex, the same sex, both, or nei-
mere publication of the Kinsey Report, independent of its ther (“Sexual Orientation,” 2020). The varying forms of
findings. Prior to its publication, sexuality was consid- these attractions are generally divided into the following
ered uncouth to include in conversation. Kinsey’s pub- categories:
lication initiated a national environment more tolerant
• heterosexuality, or attraction to members of the
to conversations about sexuality, which in and of itself
opposite biological sex
loosened the grip of normalized, marital heterosexual
• homosexuality, or attraction to members of the
relations (“Kinsey Reports,” 2020).
same biological sex
Another scientific product had a profound impact
• bisexuality, or attraction to members of both bio-
on the development of the sexual revolution: the devel-
logical sexes
opment of oral contraception. “The pill” provided many
• asexuality, or attraction to neither biological sex
women a more affordable way to avoid pregnancy. Before
the pill, there was a lack of affordable and safe options for Some individuals have tried to avoid these categories
contraception, rendering unwanted pregnancy a serious of sexual orientation by not describing themselves as het-
risk of premarital sexual activity. In 1960, the Food and ero-, homo-, bi-, or asexual and preferring the umbrella
Drug Administration licensed the drug, enabling its legal term “queer.” Part of the opposition to the gender binary is
sale. However, many states still outlawed the use of contra- that it creates heteronormative assumptions that mark het-
ceptives in order to reflect and enforce an ethic in which erosexuality as normal and homosexuality deviant merely
sexual activity was only acceptable for reproduction. The because it is the opposite of heterosexuality.
108 • CHAPTER 7

FIGURE 7.1 Venn diagram depicting the


relationships between assigned sex and
sexual orientation. Androphilia and gynephilia
are preferred terms for some populations,
because homosexual and heterosexual
assign a sex to the person being described.
(Sex-Sexuality Venn by Andrea James/Wikimedia Commons is
used under CC BY-SA 3.0.)

religiously motivated; 79% of men who said


that they had changed their sexual orienta-
tion said that they had done so for religious
reasons, while 93% indicated that religion
was “extremely” or “very” important to them
(“Sexual Orientation Change Efforts,” 2020).

Sexual Reorientation
A significant amount of professional and
academic doubt exists about the efficacy of
Significantly, sexual orientation does not only refer these reorientation programs. No major mental health
to one’s sexual practices, but also includes a psychologi- professional organization has sanctioned efforts to change
cal component, like the direction of an individual’s erotic sexual orientation and virtually all of them have adopted
desire. Sexual identity and sexual behavior are closely policy statements cautioning the profession. These include
related to sexual orientation, but they are distinguishable. the American Psychiatric Association, the American Psy-
Sexual identity refers to an individual’s conception of their chological Association, the American Counseling Associ-
own sexuality, while sexual behavior limits one’s under- ation, the National Association of Social Workers in the
standing of sexuality to behaviors performed (Figure 7.1). USA, and the Royal College of Psychiatrists. According
People may or may not express their sexual orientation in to the American Psychological Association and the Royal
their behaviors (“Sexual Orientation,” 2020). College of Psychiatrists’ Gay and Lesbian Mental Health
Special Interest Group, there is no sound scientific evi-
Development of Sexual Orientation dence that sexual orientation can be changed (“Sexual
The primary tension in conversations about sexual orienta- Orientation Change Efforts,” 2020).
tion addresses whether sexual orientation is static or fluid, Though they obviously disagree with the conceit that
whether one is born with an immutable sexual orientation, homosexuality needs to be treated, many major gay rights
or whether one develops sexual orientation. Each inter- advocacy groups mirror the underlying assumption that
pretation of sexuality manages our understanding of what homosexuality is a static sexual orientation. The idea that
sexual orientation means in different ways, particularly sexual orientation is not a choice, but that rather one is
when combined with political debates about homosexu- born with an assigned orientation, is pervasive in popu-
ality. Organizations that subscribe to the static interpreta- lar conceptions of sexual orientation. This idea runs up
tion of sexual orientation fall on both sides of the political against studies that demonstrate how widely sexual ori-
divide. Some organizations are socially and politically con- entation varies in light of cultural and historical circum-
servative, advancing the view that sexuality, left untreated, stances, indicating that one’s environment and cultural
is static. These organizations tend to pathologize non-het- context play significant roles in determining one’s sexual
erosexual orientations, or conceive of them as an illness orientation (“Sexual Orientation,” 2020).
that must be corrected through medical or therapeutic
means. Some of these institutions offer sexual reorienta- HOMOPHOBIA
tion therapies in which individuals who are attracted to Homophobia is a range of negative attitudes and feelings
members of the opposite sex but do not want to have those towards homosexuality or people perceived as homo-
attractions can try to become solely attracted to members sexual. Homophobia is observable in critical and hostile
of the opposite biological sex. Many of these programs are behavior like discrimination and violence. Much like
Socialization and Human Sexuality • 109

Party itself were murdered. Between 1933 and 1945, an


estimated 100,000 men were arrested as homosexuals, of
whom some 50,000 were officially sentenced to imprison-
ment. Most of these German men served time in regular
prisons, but an estimated 5,000 to 15,000 were forced to
serve their time in concentration camps. Like Jews and the
disabled, Hitler labeled homosexuals as defective and sys-
tematically persecuted them (“Persecution of Homosexuals
in Nazi Germany,” 2020).

Current Institutional Persecution of Homosexuals


Today, homosexuality is still punishable by death in some
A homophobic protest in the United States. Frequently, countries around the world. Uganda, for example, crim-
homophobia is prompted by religious beliefs. (04.WBC. inalizes non-heterosexual sex acts and most Ugandans
MarriageEqualityRally.SupremeCourt.WDC.26March2013 by Elvert Barnes is consider non-heterosexuality to be taboo. In October,
used under CC BY-SA 2.0.) 2009, a member of the Ugandan Parliament introduced
the Uganda Anti-Homosexuality Bill to broaden the crim-
racism or sexism, homophobia involves the targeting of inalization of same-sex relationships and apply the death
a specific population of individuals with certain traits. penalty to repeat offenders (“LGBT Rights in Uganda,”
Homophobia, or the fear of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgen- 2020). Under the statutes of the bill, individuals convicted
der, and queer (LGBTQ) individuals, is often the impetus of a single act of non-heterosexual sex would receive life
for discrimination, which can be expressed through either imprisonment. Additionally, individuals or companies
institutional or informal means (“Homophobia,” 2020). promoting LGBTQ rights would be nationally penalized.
Institutional discrimination involves the state apparatus. The bill also created a public policing policy under which
If homophobic discrimination is institutional, it means Ugandan citizens would be required to report any homo-
either that non-heterosexual sex acts are criminalized or sexual activity within 24 hours or face a maximum penalty
that LGBTQ individuals are denied the same legal rights of three years in prison. Additionally, if Ugandan citizens
as heterosexuals (“Discrimination,” 2020; “Employment were found to be engaging in same-sex sexual or roman-
Non-Discrimination Act,” 2020; “Homophobia,” 2020). tic activities outside the country, Uganda would request
Informal discrimination is not necessarily sanctioned extradition. The bill was signed into law in February 2014
by the state, but involves social pressures against LGBTQ but annulled just five months later (“Uganda Anti-Homo-
individuals, behaviors, and identities. sexuality Act, 2014,” 2020).
In the United States, the social disapproval of homo-
sexuality is not evenly distributed throughout society. That Homophobia and the United States
being said, it is more or less pronounced according to age, Although non-heterosexual sex acts are legal in the United
ethnicity, geographic location, race, sex, social class, educa- States, LGTBQ people still face institutional discrim-
tion, political identification, and religious status (“Societal ination because they are not afforded the same rights as
Attitudes toward Homosexuality,” 2020). Republicans are heterosexual couples. Most evidently, same-sex couples
far more likely than Democrats to have negative attitudes are not allowed to wed in most states. Gay marriage has
about people who are LGBTQ. Likewise, people who con- become a sensitive political issue over the past decade,
sider themselves to be religious are more likely than secular partially due to the fact that the federal government and
individuals to hold negative views about LGBTQ people. state governments have different laws about gay marriage.
Until 2015, the federal government did not recognize gay
Historical Institutional Homophobia: Holocaust marriage, but individual states could choose to recognize
On many occasions in Western nations in the twentieth it (Figure 7.2). In 1996, the federal government passed the
century, LGBTQ individuals have been stigmatized because Defense of Marriage Act. According to this act, the federal
of homophobia. After the rise of Adolf Hitler, homosexuals government could not recognize gay marriages, and a state
were one of the many groups targeted by the Nazi Party and that did not recognize gay marriage did not have to accept
became victims of the Holocaust. Beginning in 1933, gay the marriage license given to a same-sex couple in a differ-
organizations were banned, scholarly books about homo- ent state that did recognize same-sex marriages (“Defense
sexuality were burned, and homosexuals within the Nazi of Marriage Act,” 2012). Supreme Court decisions in 2013
110 • CHAPTER 7

Performed and recognized


Recognized when performed elsewhere
Only recognized by the state and
federal governments
Mixed jurisdiction; not performed by
tribal government
Mixed jurisdiction; not performed or
recognized by tribal government

FIGURE 7.2 Same-sex marriage in the United States (2019). Laws regarding same-sex marriage varied by state in the U.S.
The federal government could not recognize gay marriage, and individual states could choose whether or not they would
recognize the practice. (This work, Same-Sex Marriage in the US 2019, is a derivative of Same-Sex Marriage in the United States by Lokal_Profil with data from
Stephen Macmanus/Wikimedia Commons, which is used under CC BY-SA 2.5. Same-Sex Marriage in the US 2019 is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0 by Judy Schmitt.)

and 2015 ruled the act’s provisions unconstitutional and men and lesbian women could meet other homosexuals
unenforceable (“Defense of Marriage Act,” 2020; “Same- with whom they could form romantic and sexual relation-
Sex Marriage in the United States,” 2020). ships. Moreover, they were early sites of political action on
behalf of gays and lesbians. Homophile organizations such
Informal Homophobia as the Mattachine Society and the Daughters of Bilitis lob-
Prejudices do not have to be institutionalized to be harm- bied politicians and business owners to create gay friendly
ful. Many instances of homophobia and discrimination establishments. The efforts of these types of clubs led to a
occur by informal means. Homophobia can occurs when growth in the number of gay-friendly bars and social clubs,
heterosexual individuals feel anxiety about being perceived making it easier for homosexual individuals to find other
as gay by others. This phenomenon is most commonly homosexuals to associate with. Homophile organizations,
experienced by adolescent boys. The taunting of boys seen however, did not lead to any large-scale demonstrations or
as eccentric, many of whom are usually not gay, is said to protests, and did not result in widespread legal or social
be endemic in rural and suburban American schools. At changes for LGBT people.
times, this abuse can lead taunted individuals to take dan- Prior to the 1970s, most states in the United States had
gerous risks in efforts to prove a normative masculinity. laws against sodomy, generally defined as any sexual con-
Adolescents in the United States often use phrases like tact other than heterosexual intercourse (“Sodomy Laws
“that’s so gay” in a pejorative sense. in the United States,” 2020). Thus, homosexuality was
essentially illegal. The surge in the number of gay-friendly
THE MOVEMENT FOR GAY AND bars in the 1950s led to police crackdowns against estab-
LESBIAN CIVIL RIGHTS lishments that were frequented by gays and lesbians in the
The LGBT Rights Movement refers to the attempts of les- 1950s and 1960s. One such crackdown was the raid on
bian, gay, bisexual, and transgender advocates to improve the Stonewall Inn, a bar in Greenwich Village, New York
the legal and social status of LGBT people. Historically, City that was frequented by gay men, drag queens, and
LGBT people have faced prejudice and discrimination male cross-dressers. When police raided the bar in June
(“LGBT Rights in the United States,” 2020). Since the mid- 1969, the customers resisted arrest. Neighborhood resi-
1900s, individuals and organizations have worked to over- dents joined in the resistance, resulting in several nights
come prejudice against LGBT people. of rioting. The Stonewall Riots are often cited as the first
The first organizations in the U.S. that worked to improve major protest by LGBT people against the criminalization
the standing of LGBT people were known as homophile of homosexuality. The riots gained much media attention
organizations. Homophile organizations were clubs of gay and served as visible evidence that there was a large popu-
men and lesbian women who sought equality for gays and lation of homosexual people that could be organized into a
lesbians. These clubs served as social spaces in which gay politically active group (“Stonewall Riots,” 2020).
Socialization and Human Sexuality • 111

Laws repealed or struck down before 1970


Laws repealed or struck down from 1970–1979
Laws repealed or struck down from 1980–1989
Laws repealed or struck down from 1990–1999
Laws repealed or struck down from 2000–2002
Laws struck down by the U.S. Supreme Court
in 2003 in Lawrence v. Texas

FIGURE 7.3 Anti-sodomy laws in the United States (2016). This map depicts when anti-sodomy laws that criminalized
non-heterosexual sex were overturned by state in the United States. (This work, Anti-Sodomy Laws in the US 2016, is a derivative of Map
of US Sodomy Laws by Lokal_Profil with data from CL8/Wikimedia Commons, which is used under CC BY-SA 2.5. Anti-Sodomy Laws in the US 2016 is licensed under
CC BY-SA 4.0 by Judy Schmitt.)

After Stonewall, large organizations of LGBT advocates Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) in 1996. DOMA
arose to challenge discrimination against LGBT people. defined marriage as between one man and one woman in
For example, leaders organized the first Gay Pride march federal law, meaning that the federal government would
to commemorate the one year anniversary of the Stone- not confer benefits to same-sex couples granted mar-
wall Riots and to loudly declare their desire for equality riage licenses by states. It additionally stated that states
(“Stonewall Riots,” 2020). First and foremost on the gay did not need to recognize same-sex marriages granted
rights platform was the need to overturn laws that made by other states (“Defense of Marriage Act,” 2012). None-
homosexuality illegal. Throughout the 1970s, activists in theless, by the early 2000s, many states began to consider
many states succeeded in having state legislatures overturn legalizing same-sex marriage. The first to do so was Mas-
laws banning homosexuality. This coincided with a period sachusetts in 2004. Connecticut, Iowa, New Hampshire,
in which sexual mores were generally liberalized in the U.S. New York, and Vermont passed similar laws between
Nonetheless, by the mid-1980s many states still outlawed 2008 and 2011, and, since then, the remaining states
homosexuality. It was not until 2003 that the Supreme have followed suit. Other states have passed laws allow-
Court decided that states could not criminalize homosex- ing for same-sex civil unions. Civil unions provide the
uality (Figure 7.3) (“Sodomy Laws in the United States,” legal benefits of marriage to same-sex couples, but not
2020). the title of marriage. Beginning with Denmark in 1989,
An issue that has been central to the LGBT rights civil unions under one name or another have been estab-
movement since the late 1980s is same-sex marriage. At lished by law in several, mostly developed, countries in
the 1987 National March on Washington for Lesbian and order to provide same-sex couples with rights, benefits,
Gay Rights, recognition of lesbian and gay relationships and responsibilities similar (in some countries, identi-
was a primary demand made by demonstrators. Indeed, cal) to opposite-sex civil marriage (“Civil Union,” 2020;
many protestors participated in a mass wedding in front “Same-Sex Unions in the United States,” 2019).
of the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) to highlight the ways On June 26, 2015, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in
in which U.S. tax code benefits married heterosexual cou- Obergefell v. Hodges that state laws banning same-sex mar-
ples. Because they were denied the right to marry, gay and riage violate the Fourteenth Amendment and that states
lesbian couples could not file taxes jointly, often could not must license and recognize same-sex marriages (“Same-
share custody of children, and lacked hospital visitation Sex Unions in the United States,” 2019).
rights and rights of inheritance, among other benefits of
marriage (“Second National March on Washington for SOCIAL CONTEXT AND SEXUAL BEHAVIOR
Lesbian and Gay Rights,” 2020). Sexual behavior refers to the manner in which humans
In response to same sex couples’ attempts to gain experience and express their sexuality. People engage in a
state marriage licenses, the U.S. Congress passed the variety of sexual acts from time to time, and for a wide
112 • CHAPTER 7

variety of reasons. Sexual activity normally results in sex-


ual arousal and physiological changes in the aroused per-
son, some of which are pronounced while others are more
subtle. Sexual activity also includes conduct and activities
which are intended to arouse the sexual interest of another,
such as strategies to find or attract partners (mating and
display behavior), and personal interactions between indi-
viduals, such as flirting and foreplay.
Human sexual activity has sociological, cognitive,
emotional, behavioral and biological elements, including
physiological processes such as the reproductive mecha-
nism, the sex drive and pathology; sexual intercourse and
sexual behavior in all its forms; and personal bonding and
shared emotions during sexual activity (“Human Sexual
Activity,” 2020).

Socialization and Sexual Behavior


An embrace: context matters. Russian President Boris
Since sexuality is expressed through means learned by Yeltsin (right) and President Mintimer Shaimiyev (left) of
socialization, social context is bound to influence sexual Tatarstan congratulate each other on a treaty signed in
behavior. Socialization is the lifelong process of inherit- 1994 between Russia and Tatarstan on the delimitation
ing and disseminating norms, customs, and ideologies and of powers between them. In a different context, the same
gesture could have very different connotations. (RIAN archive
providing an individual with the skills and habits necessary
65537 Yeltsin and Shaimiyev by Alexander Makarov/RIA Novosti/Wikimedia
for participating within one’s own society. Socialization Commons is used under CC BY-SA 3.0.)
necessarily implies the inculcation of norms, or behaviors
that society marks as valued. Because socialization teaches
members of a society how to behave, behaviors that are not successfully received. In other contexts, the hug could be
specifically taught as normalized and socially acceptable interpreted as sexual interest. Thus, social context is essen-
are marked as deviant (“Socialization,” 2020). tial when one considers potentially sexual behavior.

Understanding Sexual Behavior Socialization and Normalized Sexual Behavior


Individuals are taught to use social cues to interpret sex- Because sexual behavior is influenced by socialization, what
ual intent. This is most obviously demonstrated in behav- is deemed “normal” can vary widely across cultures. In
iors associated with flirtation. Flirting is a playful activity some cultures, sexual activity is considered acceptable only
involving verbal communication and body language by within marriage, although premarital and extramarital sex
one person toward another, used to sometimes indicate are also common. Some sexual activities are illegal either
an interest in a deeper relationship with the other (“Flirt- universally or in some countries, and some are considered
ing,” 2020). In some social contexts, a hug could demon- against the norms of a society. For example, sexual activity
strate platonic friendship, as in the case of two coworkers with a person below some age of consent and sexual assault
hugging upon hearing the news that their project was in general are criminal offenses in most jurisdictions.

KEY TAKEAWAYS
• With regard to sexuality, socialization in the U.S. and Western • In the current Western moment, heteronormative norms are
countries most notably adheres to heteronormativity, or the privileged, meaning that heterosexual expressions of sexuality
marking of heterosexual unions as normal and homosexual are more accepted than homosexual expressions. However,
unions as socially abnormal and deviant. sexuality is not thought of in the same way across space and
• Religion, the law, and the media are three primary agents of time; rather, different cultures and different historical moments
socialization that teach people how to behave sexually. think of sexuality in entirely different ways.
• There is extreme variation in sexual expression across historical • Kinsey developed the Kinsey Scale, which was a numerical
periods and cultures. This indicates that there are no universal ranking of sexual behavior on a scale of complete heterosexual-
sexual norms. ity to complete homosexuality.
Socialization and Human Sexuality • 113

• Kinsey’s open discussion of sexuality in the 1950s contributed • The phrase LGBTQ refers to the community of lesbian, gay,
to the sexual revolution of the following decade, in which bisexual, transgender, and queer individuals.
social standards that limited sex to heterosexual marriage were • Institutional discrimination involves the state and the law, while
loosened. informal discrimination refers to social controls and prejudices.
• The Kinsey Report is frequently invoked to support the common • In the United States, social disapproval of homosexuality is not
estimate of one in ten Americans being a homosexual. evenly distributed throughout society. That being said, it is more
• The Kinsey Report was the largest study of norms in American or less pronounced according to age, ethnicity, geographic
sexuality to its time, conducted by Dr. Alfred Kinsey. location, race, sex, social class, education, political identifica-
• The development of oral contraception also contributed to the tion, and religious status.
loosening of social regulations on sexuality. • Civil unions are ceremonies that grant same-sex couples
• The sexual revolution was a social movement in which social in some states legal equality, even if not by the name of
rules of sexuality became more lax. “marriage.”
• The Kinsey scale is a numeric scaling of individuals along a con- • Though some states have equal rights laws, many gay and
tinuum of complete heterosexuality to complete homosexuality. lesbian couples are still denied the same marriage rights as
• The varying forms of these attractions are generally divided heterosexual couples and cannot file joint taxes, share custody
into the following categories: heterosexuality, homosexuality, of children, have hospital visitation rights, or inherit equally.
bisexuality and asexuality. • The first organizations in the U.S. that worked to improve LGBT
• In place of these categories, some prefer to think of “queer” issues were known as homophile organizations, such as the
sexual orientations; a broader term that refers to any non-het- Mattachine Society and the Daughters of Bilitis.
erosexual form of sexuality. The heterosexual/homosexual • Sodomy laws are laws against any sexual contact other than
binary is a continuum of complete heterosexuality to complete heterosexual intercourse.
homosexuality, with bisexuality in the middle. • The Stonewall Riots were riots in New York City in 1969 that
• Heteronormativity is the assumption that heterosexual orienta- is frequently thought of as the start of the movement by LGBT
tions are normal to the exclusion of other sexual orientations. people to decriminalize homosexuality.
• Sexual identity is an individual’s conception of their own • In 1986, the U.S. Supreme Court found that states could crimi-
sexuality. nalize homosexuality in Bowers v. Hardwick.
• The primary debate in conversations about sexual orientation is • In 2003, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in Lawrence v. Texas that
whether sexual orientation is static or fluid, whether one is born anti-sodomy laws violated an individual’s right to privacy.
with an immutable sexual orientation, or whether one develops • In 2015, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in Obergefell v. Hodges
sexual orientation. that states must license and recognize same-sex marriages.
• Sexual reorientation therapies seek to “convert” homosexuals • Sexual behavior refers to the manner in which humans experi-
into heterosexuals. ence and express their sexuality.
• Sexual reorientation therapies seek to convert “homosexuals” • Individuals are taught to use social cues to interpret sexual
into “heterosexuals.” intent. This is most obviously demonstrated in behaviors associ-
• Homophobia is expressed through prejudice and discrimination, ated with flirtation.
which can either be institutional or informal. • Human sexual activity has sociological elements. Social context
is therefore essential when one considers potentially sexual
behavior.

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