BFI Report
BFI Report
Aim
To assess the personality of the participant using the Big Five Inventory.
Basic Concepts
The concept of personality arises from the fascinating spectrum of human individuality.
We observe that people differ meaningfully in the ways they customarily think, feel, and act.
These distinctive behavior patterns help define one’s identity as a person. As one group of
theorists noted, each of us is in certain respects like all other people, like some other people, and
like no other person who has lived in the past or will exist in the future (Kluckhohn & Murray,
1953). The concept of personality also rests on the observation that a given person seems to
behave somewhat consistently over time and across different situations. From this perceived
consistency comes the notion of personality traits that characterize an individual’s customary
ways of responding to his or her world. Although only modest stability is found from childhood
personality to adult personality, personality becomes more stable as we enter adulthood (Caspi &
Roberts, 1999; Terracciano et al., 2006). Nonetheless, even in adulthood, a capacity for
meaningful personality change remains (Lewis, 1999; Roberts et al., 2002).
Combining these notions of individuality and consistency, personality can be defined as
“the distinctive and relatively enduring ways of thinking, feeling, and acting that characterize a
person’s responses to life situations.” It should be noted that this definition refers not only to
personal characteristics, but also to situations. Personality psychologists are therefore interested
in studying “person-by-situation” interactions in their efforts to understand the distinctive
behaviors of individuals (Robins et al., 2007).
The thoughts, feelings, and actions that are seen as reflecting an individual’s personality
typically have three characteristics. First, they are seen as behavioral components of identity that
distinguish that person from other people. Second, the behaviors are viewed as being caused
primarily by internal rather than environmental factors. Third, the person’s behaviors seem to
have organization and structure; they seem to fit together in a meaningful fashion, suggesting an
inner personality that guides and directs behavior. This can be understood by the following
figure:
Figure 1
The behaviors of personality: Certain perceived characteristics of behavior are seen as reflecting
an individual’s personality
Psychosexual Stages of Development. Freud's theory also placed a great deal of emphasis
on sexual development. Freud argued that sexual drives are the dominant factors in development
of personality even in childhood, Freud believed that the child's basic relationship to the world in
its first several years of life in organised around the pursuit of sensual or sexual pleasure. In
Freud's view, all activities that are physically pleasurable such as eating or moving one's bowels,
are in essence "sexual". His psychosexual stages of development includes five stages - oral, anal,
phallic, latency, and genital.
During each stage, the pleasure seeking energy of the id (libido) focuses on a particular
area of the body (called the erogenous zone) and on activities connected with that area.
Overindulgence or deprivation in any stage can lead to fixation, an inability to progress normally
to the next stage of development. Outcome may be an adult personality reflecting activities of
that stage. The stages are as follows.
Table 2
The Psychosexual Stages of Development
Freud psychoanalysis can be seen as the first systematic approach to show how
psychological processes can result in shaping one’s personality. Unconscious processes have
been universally accepted and research shows that non-conscious mental and emotional
phenomena do indeed occur and affect our behavior.
Carl Jung. Carl Jung was a Neo-Freudian. Neo Freudians are personality theorists who
accepted basic portions of Freud’s theory but rejected or modified other portions. Jung shared
Freud's views concerning the importance of the unconscious, but contended that there is another
part to this aspect of personality that Freud overlooked: the collective unconscious. According to
Jung, the collective unconscious holds experiences shared by all human beings-experiences that
are, in a sense, part of our biological heritage. The contents of the collective unconscious, in
short, reflect the experiences our species has had since it originated on earth. The collective
unconscious finds expression in our minds in several ways, but among these, archetypes are the
most central to Jung's theory. These are manifestations of the collective unconscious that express
themselves when our conscious mind is distracted or inactive; for example, during sleep, in
dreams, or in fantasies (e.g., Neher, 1996). The specific expression of archetypes depends in part
on our unique experience as individuals, but in all cases such images are representations of key
aspects of the human experience: mother, father, wise old man, the sun, the moon, God, death,
and the hero. It is because of these shared innate images, Jung contended, that the folklore of
many different cultures contains similar figures and themes.
Another aspect of Jung's theory was his suggestion that we are all born with innate
tendencies to be concerned primarily either with our inner selves or with the outside world. Jung
labeled persons in the first category introverts and described them as being hesitant and cautious;
introverts do not make friends easily and prefer to observe the world rather than become
involved in it. He labeled persons in the second category extroverts. Such persons are open and
confident, make friends readily, and enjoy high levels of stimulation and a wide range of
activities. Although many aspects of Jung's theory have been rejected by
psychologists-especially the idea of the collective unconscious, the dimension of
introversion-extroversion appears to be a basic one of major importance; it is included in several
trait theories
Alfred Alder. Alfred Alder disagreed with some of Freud’s views. In particular, he
emphasized the importance of feelings of inferiority, which he believed we experience as
children because of our small size and physical weakness. He viewed personality development as
stemming primarily from our efforts to overcome such feelings through what he termed striving
for superiority. If these efforts go too far, we may develop a superiority complex and become a
braggart or a bully (Sutton & Smith, 1999). Under the surface, however, persons who show this
pattern still feel inferior: They are merely covering up with an outward show of strength.
Adler also emphasized the importance of social factors in personality; for instance, he
called attention to the importance of birth order. Only children, he suggested, are spoiled by too
much parental attention, while firstborns are “dethroned" by a second child. Second-borns, in
contrast, are competitive because they have to struggle to catch up with an older sibling. He also
spoke of a creative self, a self-aware aspect of personality that strives to overcome obstacles and
develop the individual’s potential.With the hypothesis of the creative self, Adler shifted the
emphasis of psychodynamic theory from the id to the ego. Because our potentials are uniquely
individual, Adler’s views have been termed individual psychology.
Karen Horney. Horney was one of the few females in the early psychoanalytic
movement, and she disagreed with Freud strongly over his view that differences between men
and women stemmed largely from innate factors, for example, from anatomical differences
resulting in penis envy among females. Horney contended that although women often do feel
inferior to men, this is a result not of penis envy but of how women are treated by society. She
argued that if women were raised in a different type of environment, they would see themselves
more favorably. In other words, it was not the male penis women envied, but rather the power
and autonomy associated with maleness. In addition, she maintained that psychological disorders
stem not from fixation of psychic energy, as Freud contended, but rather from disturbed
interpersonal relationships during childhood and what she termed basic anxiety children's fear of
being left alone, helpless, and insecure. She suggested that in reaction to excessive levels of such
anxiety, which stem from poor relations with their parents, children adopt one of the three styles:
a passive style, in which they try to cope by being agreeable and compliant;an aggressive style,
in which they fight to get attention; or a withdrawn style, in which they repress their emotions.
All three patterns can lead to serious psychological disorders. By emphasizing the importance of
children's relationships with their parents, then, Horney called attention to the importance of
social factors in shaping personality-a view echoed by modern psychology.
Erik Erikson. Erikson's theory suggests that all human beings pass through specific
stages or phases of development. Erikson believed that each stage of life is marked by a specific
crisis or conflict between competing tendencies. Only if individuals negotiate each of these
hurdles successfully can they continue to develop in a normal, healthy manner. The stages of
Erikson’s Theory have been summarized in the following table.
Table 3
Erikson’s Eight Stages of Psychosocial Development
Eric Fromm. Erich Fromm was a neo-Freudian psychoanalyst who suggested a theory of
personality based on two primary needs: the need for freedom and the need for belonging. He
suggested that people develop certain personality styles or strategies in order to deal with the
anxiety created by feelings of isolation. Of these character types, he suggested that four of them
are unproductive orientations, while one is a productive orientation.
Fromm believed that character is something that stems both from our genetic inheritance
and from our learning experiences. Some aspects of our character are hereditary. Other aspects
stem from what we learn at home, from school, and from society. And of course, there is the
interplay between the two influences. Fromm also believed that character is something deeply
ingrained and difficult to change. However, being aware of our tendencies and being committed
to change can help inspire change. The different traits that emerge from each of the five character
types have both positive and negative aspects. However, Fromm generally viewed the first four
orientations as unproductive.
● The Receptive Character Type- The receptive type is characterized by a need for constant
support from others. They tend to be passive, needy, and totally dependent upon others.
These people require constant support from family, friends, and others, but they do not
reciprocate this support. Receptive types also tend to lack confidence in their own
abilities and have a difficult time making their own decisions. Individuals who grow up
in households that are overbearing and controlling often tend to have this personality
orientation.
● The Exploitative Character Type- The exploitative type is willing to lie, cheat, and
manipulate others in order to get what they need. In order to fulfill their need to belong,
they might seek out people who have low self-esteem or lie about loving someone they
really don't care about. These types take what they need either through force or deception
and exploit other people to meet their own selfish needs.
● The Hoarding Character Type- The hoarding type copes with insecurity by never parting
with anything. They often collect a massive amount of possessions and often seem to care
more about their material possessions than they do about people.
● The Marketing Character Type- The marketing type looks at relationships in terms of
what they can gain from the exchange. They might focus on marrying someone for
money or social status and tend to have shallow and anxious personalities. These types
tend to be opportunistic and change their beliefs and values depending on what they think
will get them ahead.
● The Productive Character Type- The productive type is a person who takes their negative
feelings and channels the energy into productive work. They focus on building loving,
nurturing, and meaningful relationships with other people. This applies not only to
romantic relationships, but also to other familial relationships, friendships, and social
relationships. They are often described as a good spouse, parent, friend, co-worker, and
employee.
Out of the five character types described by Fromm, the productive type is the only
healthy approach to dealing with the anxiety that results from the conflict between the need for
freedom and the need to belong.
Object Relations Theory. Following Freud’s death in 1939, Melanie Klein (1975), Otto
Kernberg (1984), Margaret Mahler (1968), and Heinz Kohut (1971) developed a new
psychodynamic emphasis. Object relations theories focus on the images or mental
representations that people form of themselves and other people as a result of early experiences
with caregivers. 1983). Object in this context refers to the symbolic representation of another
person in the infant’s or child’s environment, most often a parent. Through a process of
introjection, a child symbolically incorporates into his or her personality (through images and
memories)
Whether realistic or distorted, these internal representations of important adults—for
example, of the mother as kind or malevolent, the father as protective or abusive—become
lenses, or working models, through which later social interactions are viewed, and these
relational themes exert an unconscious influence on a person’s relationships throughout life
(Westen, 1998). People who have difficulties forming and maintaining intimate relationships
tend to mentally represent themselves and others in negative ways, expecting painful interactions
and attributing malevolence or rejection to others (Kernberg, 1984; Nigg et al., 1992). These
working models often create self-fulfilling prophecies, influencing the recurring relationships
people form with others.
Otto Kernberg, for example, has a theory that people with a borderline personality, whose
chief characteristic is instability (especially in personal relationships), are individuals who are
unable to achieve a full and stable personal identity (self) because of an inability to integrate and
reconcile pathological internalized objects (Kernberg 1985, 1996; Kernberg & Caligor, 2005;
Kernberg & Michels, 2009). Because of their inability to structure their internal world in such a
way that the people they know (including themselves) can have a mixture of both good and bad
traits, they also perceive the external world in abrupt extremes. For example, a person may be
“all good” one moment and “all bad” the next (Koenigsberg et al., 2000).
Julian Rotter. In 1954, Julian Rotter laid the foundation for today’s social cognitive
approaches. According to Rotter, the likelihood that we will engage in a particular behavior in a
given situation is influenced by two factors: expectancy and reinforcement value. Expectancy is
our perception of how likely it is that certain consequences will occur if we engage in a
particular behavior within a specific situation. Reinforcement value is basically how much we
desire or dread the outcome that we expect the behavior to produce. Thus, a student who strongly
values academic success and also expects that studying will result in high grades is likely to
study (Rotter, 1954).
One of Rotter’s most influential expectancy concepts is internal-external locus of control,
an expectancy concerning the degree of personal control we have in our lives. People with an
internal locus of control believe that life outcomes are largely under personal control and depend
on their own behavior. In contrast, people with an external locus of control believe that their fate
has less to do with their own efforts than with the influence of external factors, such as luck,
chance, and powerful others. Locus of control is called a generalized expectancy because it
applies across many life domains as a general worldview. Locus of control is a highly researched
personality variable. Quite consistently, people with an internal locus of control behave in a more
self determined fashion (Pervin et al., 2005). “Internal” college students achieve better grades
than do “external” students of equal academic ability, probably because they link their studying
to degree of success and work harder. Internals are more likely to actively seek out the
information needed to succeed in a given situation (Ingold, 1989). Interpersonally, internals are
more resistant to social influence, whereas externals tend to give in to high-status people they see
as powerful.
Internal locus of control is positively related to self-esteem and feelings of personal
effectiveness, and internals tend to cope with stress in a more active and problem-focused
manner than do externals (Jennings, 1990). They are also less likely to experience psychological
maladjustment in the form of depression or anxiety (Hoffart & Martinson, 1991).
Albert Bandura. Albert Bandura has made major contributions to the development of the
social-cognitive approach. According to Bandura (1997), a key factor in how people regulate
their lives is their sense of self-efficacy, their beliefs concerning their ability to perform the
behaviors needed to achieve desired outcomes. People whose self-efficacy is high have
confidence in their ability to do what it takes to overcome obstacles and achieve their goals.
A good deal of research has been done on the factors that create differences in
self-efficacy (Figure 4). Four important determinants have been identified (Bandura, 1997). First
and most important is our previous performance experiences in similar situations. Such
experiences shape our beliefs about our capabilities. For example, college women who felt that
they had mastered the martial arts and emotional-control skills taught in a physical self-defense
training program showed dramatic increases in their belief that they could escape from or disable
a potential assailant or rapist (Weitlauf et al., 2000). Bandura stresses that self-efficacy beliefs
are always specific to particular situations. Thus, we may have high self-efficacy in some
situations and low self-efficacy in others. For example, the women who mastered the physical
self-defense skills did not feel more capable in all areas of their lives, despite their enhanced
self-defense efficacy.
Figure 4
Self-efficacy beliefs
A second determinant of self-efficacy is observational learning, that is, observing others’
behaviors and their outcomes. If you observe a person similar to yourself accomplish a particular
goal, then you are likely to believe that if you perform those same behaviors you will also
succeed. An example of this can be that some athletes might consider it impossible to run a mile
in less than five minutes, however once an athlete does it, the other athletes came to believe that
“if he can do it, so can I”, their new sense of self-efficacy enhanced their performance.
Third, self-efficacy can be increased or decreased by verbal persuasion. The messages we
get from other people who affirm our abilities or downgrade them affect our efficacy beliefs.
Thus, inspirational teachers who convey high standards and a “you can do it” conviction can
inspire their students to great accomplishments. By convincing students, who have trouble doing
well in a subject that they are capable of much more, and by helping them prove their hidden
competencies to themselves, a teacher can help his/her students excel in the subjects.
Fourth, high emotional arousal that is interpreted as anxiety or fatigue tends to decrease
self-efficacy. However, if we find ourselves able to control such arousal, it may enhance efficacy
beliefs and subsequent performance. For example, test-anxious college students who were given
training in stress-management relaxation techniques showed increases in their belief that they
could remain relaxed and focused during tests, and their test performance and grade point
averages improved significantly as they controlled anxious arousal (Smith, 1989). Efficacy
beliefs are strong predictors of future performance and accomplishment (Bandura, 1997). They
become a kind of self-fulfilling prophecy. In the words of Henry Ford, “Whether you believe you
can do something or you believe you can’t, you’re probably right.”
Mischel and Shoda. In the most recent formulation of social-cognitive theory, Mischel
and Yuichi Shoda (1999) describe a cognitive-affective personality system (CAPS), an organized
system of five variables that interact continuously with one another and with the environment,
generating the distinctive patterns of behavior that characterize the person (Mischel, 1999). The
dynamic interplay among these five variables (encoding strategies, expectancies and beliefs,
goals and values, affects, and competencies and self-regulatory processes), together with the
characteristics of the situation, accounts for individual differences among people, as well as
differences in people’s behavior across different situations. The five personality variables by
Mischel and Shoda are as follows:
● Encodings: Categories (constructs) for the self, people,events, and situations (external
and internal).
● Expectancies and Beliefs: About the social world, about outcomes for behavior in
particular situations, about self-efficacy.
● Affects: Feelings, emotions, and affective responses(including physiological reactions).
● Goals and Values: Desirable outcomes and affective states;aversive outcomes and
affective states; goals, values, and lifeprojects.
● Competencies and Self-regulatory Plans: Potential behaviors and scripts that one can do,
and plans and strategies for organizing action and for affecting outcomes and one's own
behavior and internal states.
Humanistic-Phenomenological Approach. these theorists believed that our behavior
is not a reaction to unconscious drives and conflicts but rather a response to our immediate
conscious experience of self and environment (Kelly, 1955; Rogers, 1951). This emphasis on the
primacy of immediate experience is known as phenomenology, and it focuses our attention on
the present instead of the past. These theorists also regarded themselves as humanists. They
embraced a positive view that affirms the inherent dignity and goodness of the human spirit, as
well as the individual’s creative potential and inborn striving toward personal growth.
George Kelly. According to Kelly, people’s primary goal is to make sense out of the
world, to find personal meaning in it. When they are unable to do so, they experience uncertainty
and anxiety. To achieve understanding, they try to explain and understand the events of their
lives, and they test this understanding in the same way scientists do: by attempting to anticipate,
to predict. Kelly’s primary interest was how people construct reality. They do so by their
individual system of personal constructs, cognitive categories into which they sort the people and
events in their lives. In Kelly’s theory, the personal construct system was the primary basis for
individual differences in personality.
From birth onward, Kelly maintained, stimuli are categorized, given meaning, and
reacted to in terms of the categories, or personal constructs, into which they are placed. Every
person has her or his own pattern of preferred personal constructs (such as “good,” “bad,”
“successful,” “powerful,” and so on), which vary in personal importance. By understanding these
constructs, the rules an individual uses to assign events to categories, and her or his hypotheses
about how the categories relate to one another, Kelly believed that we can understand the
person’s psychological world. If we can understand the individual’s internal world, then we can
understand and predict that person’s behavior because according to Kelley, the interpretation of
events is more important than events themselves.
A construct is a person’s unique way of looking at life, an intellectual hypothesis devised
to explain or interpret events. We behave in accordance with the expectation that our constructs
will predict and explain the reality of our world. Like scientists, we constantly test these
hypotheses. We base our behavior on our constructs, and we evaluate the effects. Consider a
student who is in danger of failing an introductory psychology course and is trying to persuade
the professor to give a passing grade. After observing the professor for most of the semester, the
student concludes that the professor behaves in a superior and authoritarian manner in class and
has an inflated sense of personal importance. From this observation, the student forms the
hypothesis, or construct, that acting to reinforce the professor’s exaggerated self-image will bring
a favorable response. The student tests this idea against reality by reading an article the professor
has written and praising it to the professor. If the professor feels flattered and gives the student a
good grade, then the student’s construct has been confirmed. It has been found to be useful and
can be applied the next time the student takes a course with that professor or with any other
professor who behaves similarly. However, if the student receives a failing grade, then the
construct was found to be inappropriate. A new one will be required for dealing with that
professor.
Over the course of our lives, we develop many constructs, one for almost every type of
person or situation we encounter. We expand our inventory of constructs as we meet new people
and face new situations. Further, we may alter or discard constructs periodically as situations
change. Revising our constructs is a necessary and continuous process; we must always have an
alternative construct to apply to a situation. If our constructs were inflexible and incapable of
being revised (which is what would happen if personality was totally determined by childhood
influences), then we would not be able to cope with new situations. Kelly called this adaptability
constructive alternativism to express the view that we are not controlled by our constructs but we
are free to revise or replace them with other alternatives.
Carl Rogers. As a humanist, Rogers believed that the forces that direct behavior are
within us and that when they are not distorted or blocked by our environment, they can be trusted
to direct us towards reaching one’s highest potential. This is one central assumption of Roger’s
theory: Left to their own devices, human beings show many positive characteristics and move
over the course of their lives, toward fully functioning persons. If all human beings possess the
capacity to become fully functioning persons, why don't they all succeed? Why aren't we
surrounded by models of health and happy adjustment? The answer, Rogers contends, lies in the
anxiety generated when life experiences are inconsistent with our ideas about ourselves—in
short, when a gap develops between our self-concept (our beliefs and knowledge about
ourselves) and reality or the ideal self, our perceptions of it. For example, imagine a young girl
who is quite independent and self-reliant, and who thinks of herself in this way. After her older
sibling dies in an accident, however, her parents begin to baby her and to convey the message,
over and over again, that she is vulnerable and must be sheltered from the outside world. This
treatment is highly inconsistent with her self-concept. As a result, she experiences anxiety and
adopts one or more psychological defenses to reduce it. The most common of these defenses is
distortion-changing our perceptions of reality so that they are consistent with our self-concept.
For example, the girl may come to believe that her parents aren't being overprotective; they are
just showing normal concern for her safety. Another defense is denial; she may refuse to admit to
herself that as a result of being babied, she is indeed losing her independence. In the short run
such tactics can be successful; they help reduce anxiety. Ultimately, however, they produce
sizable gaps between an individual’s self-concept and reality. For instance the girl may, cling to
the belief that she is independent when in fact, as a result of herv parent’s treatment, she is
becoming increasingly helpless. The larger such gaps, Roger contends, the greater an individual’s
maladjustment and personal unhappiness. Roger suggested that distortions in self-concept are
common, because most people grow up in an atmosphere of conditional positive regard. That is,
they learn that others, such as their parents, will approve of them only when they behave in
certain ways and express certain feelings. As a result, many people are forced to deny the
existence of various impulses and feelings and their self-concepts are badly distorted.
How can such distorted self-concepts be repaired so that healthy development can
continue? Rogers suggests that therapists can help accomplish this goal by placing individuals in
an atmosphere of unconditional positive regard- a setting in which they will be accepted by the
therapist no matter what they say or do. Such conditions are provided by client-centered therapy.
Figure 5
Congruence in the Real-self and Ideal-self
He studied models of self-actualized people who appeared to have fulfilled their basic
potentialities. He found some of his subjects in history (Lincoln, Jefferson, Thoreau, Beethoven)
and others from among his contemporaries (Eleanor Roosevelt, Einstein, a friend who was an
unusually creative housewife, another who was a clinical psychologist, and others who were in
business, sports, and the arts). Maslow (1967) found that this group of "optimal" people shared
some distinguishing characteristics.
● They were open to experience "vividly, selflessly, with full concentration and total
absorption."
● They were in tune with themselves, their inner beings.
● They were spontaneous, autonomous, independent, with a fresh, unstereotyped
appreciation of people and events.
● They devoted total effort to their goals, wanting to be first rate, or at least as good as they
could be.
● They were dedicated, fully and creatively, to some cause outside themselves.
● They related to a few specially loved others on a deep emotional plane.
● They resisted conformity to the culture; they could be detached and private.
Few people can be labeled self-actualizing in this complete sense. Yet most of us have
had moments of true self-actualization, or what Maslow referred to as peak experiences-a burst
of insight, a betrothal, the birth of a baby, a mountain top sunrise. During these highly focused,
vivid moments, there is often a disorientation in time and space, a feeling of richness and unity.
The accompanying emotional reaction "has a special flavor of wonder, of awe, of reverence, of
humility and surrender before the experience as before something great" (Maslow, 1968, p. 82).
“The person at the peak is godlike not only in senses but in the complete loving, uncondemning,
compassionate and perhaps amused acceptance of the world and of the person” (pp. 87-88).
Kapha Relaxed, slow to anger, slow to eat, Solid, heavy, and strong, with a
slow to act. They sleep long and tendency to be overweight, slow
heavily. Tend to procrastinate and digestion and somewhat oily hair,
be obstinate. and cool, damp, pale. skin. Prone
to high cholesterol, obesity,
allergies, and sinus problems.
Along with this, there is also a typology i.e., Sattva, Rajas, and Tamas. Sattva Guna
includes attributes like cleanliness, discipline, truthfulness, dutifulness, detachment, etc. Rajas
guna includes intensive activity, desire, sense of gratification, dissatisfaction, envy for others and
a materialistic mentality. Tamas guna characterizes anger, arrogance, depression, laziness,
feelings of helplessness etc. All these three gunas are present in each and in different degrees.
The dominance of one or other guna may lead to a particular type of behavior.
Freedman and Rosenman. Meyer Friedman and Ray Rosenman, cardiologists, noticed
in the 1950's that the chairs in his waiting room got worn out from the edges. They hypothesized
that his patients were driven, impatient people, who sat on the edge of their seats when waiting.
They labeled these people ‘Type A’ personalities. Type A personalities are work-alcoholics,
always busy, driven, somewhat impatient and so on.Type underline B personalities, on the other
hand are laid back and easy going. "Type A personality" has found its way into general parlance.
Friedman talked about two types of personality traits- Type A and Type B.
Type A behavior Pattern -A cluster of traits that includes competitiveness, impatience and
hostility related to important aspects of health, social behavior and task performance. Type A
persons are hard driving and competitive. They live under pressure largely by their own making.
They seek recognition and advancement and take on multiple activities with deadlines to meet.
When put under stressful conditions, they cannot control, they are likely to become hostile,
impatient, anxious and disorganized.
Type B behavior Pattern-Type B persons are quite opposite. They are easy going, non
competitive. They tolerate stress easily in some ways. They are like the tortoise in the lake.
Maybe a little dull but he/she is likely to live longer than the hare like Type A personality.
Type A personalities are more prone to heart attack compared to Type B as they perceive more
stress.
Trait Approach. When we describe other persons, we often do so in terms of specific
personality traits-stable dimensions of personality along which people vary, from very low to
very high. This strong tendency to think about others in terms of specific characteristics is
reflected in trait theories of personality. Such theories focus on identifying key dimensions of
personality-the most important ways in which people differ. The basic idea behind this approach
is as follows: Once we identify the key dimensions along which people differ, we can measure
how much they differ and can then relate such differences to many important forms of behavior.
Therefore we can say that Trait theories are theories of personality that focus on identifying the
key dimensions along which people differ.
Gordon Allport. One of the first efforts to identify key human traits-the most important
dimensions along which personalities vary was the work of Gordon Allport. He proposed that
personality traits could be divided into several categories that varied in their importance. The
least important are secondary traits: these are traits that exert relatively weak and limited effects
on behavior. More important are central traits-five to ten traits that together account for the
uniqueness of an individual's personality. Such traits are stronger and more resistant to situational
forces. Finally, Allport noted that a few people are dominated by a single all-important cardinal
trait. A few examples of such persons and the cardinal traits that seemed to drive their
personalities: Napoleon (ambition), Florence Nightingale (empathy), Alexander the Great lust for
power), and Don Juan (just plain lust).
Perhaps an even more important aspect of Allport's theory of personality is his concept of
functional autonomy (Allport, 1965) the idea that patterns of behavior that are initially acquired
under one set of circumstances, and which satisfy one set of motives, may later be performed for
very different reasons. For example, initially a child may learn to read because this pleases his
teachers and parents and because failure to do so is punished. Later in life, however, the same
person may read because he has come to enjoy this activity in and of itself intrinsically
motivated. Notice how this contrasts with Freud's view that the roots of adult personality are
planted firmly in the soil of childhood-that, as Freud put it, "The child is the father [mother] of
the man [woman]." For Allport, such connections are not necessarily present, and our adult
behavior may spring from roots entirely different from those that gave rise to our childhood
behavior.
Raymond Cattell. Another, and in some ways more sophisticated, trait theory was
proposed by Raymond Cattell. He and his colleagues focused on the task described earlier:
identifying the basic dimensions of personality. Instead of beginning with hunches or insights,
however, Cattell used a very different approach. He conducted extensive research in which
literally thousands of persons responded to measures designed to reflect individual differences on
hundreds of traits. These responses were then subjected to a statistical technique known as factor
analysis. This technique reveals patterns in the extent to which various traits are correlated. In
this manner, it can help to identify important clusters of traits-groups of traits that seem to be
closely linked to one another. As such clusters are identified, Cattell reasoned, the number of key
traits in human personality can be reduced until we are left with those that are truly central.
Using this approach, Cattell and his associates (e.g., Cattell & Dreger, 1977) identified
sixteen source traits-dimensions of personality that underlie differences in many other, less
important surface traits. The source traits identified by Catell are mentioned in Table 7. It is not
yet clear whether Cattell's list is actually valid, but at least this list is considerably briefer than
previous ones.
Table 7
Major Personality Factors by Cattell
Costa and McCrae, The “Big Five” Factors. Researchers, as well as practitioners in the
field of personality assessment, were faced with a bewildering array of personality scales from
which to choose, with little guidance and no organizing theory or framework at hand. What made
matters worse was that scales with the same name might measure concepts that were quite
different, and scales with differ ent names might measure concepts that were quite similar.
Although diversity and scientific pluralism can be useful, systematic accumulation of findings
and communication among researchers has become almost impossible amidst the cacophony of
competing concepts and scales. What personality psychology lacked was a descriptive model, or
taxonomy, of its subject matter. One of the central goals of scientific taxonomies is the definition
of overarching domains within which large numbers of specific instances can be understood in a
simplified way. Thus, in personality psychology, a taxonomy would permit researchers to study
specified domains of related personality characteristics, rather than examining separately the
thousands of particular attributes that make human beings individual and unique. Moreover, a
generally accepted taxonomy would facilitate the accumulation and communication of empirical
findings by offering a standard vocabulary, or nomenclature. After decades of research, the field
has now achieved an initial consensus on a general taxonomy of personality traits, the “Big Five”
personality dimensions. These dimensions do not represent a particular theoretical perspective
but were derived from analyses of the natural-language terms people use to describe themselves
and others. Rather than replacing all previous systems, the Big Five taxonomy serves an
integrative function because it can represent the various and diverse systems of personality
description in a common framework.
The five-factor model, or the Big Five represent the core description of human
personality, that is, the only dimensions necessary to understand what makes us tick. Proponents
of the Five Factor Model believe that when a person is placed at a specific point on each of these
five dimensions by means of a psychological test, behavior ratings, or direct observations of
behavior, the essence of her or his personality has been captured (McCrae & Costa, 2003). The
Big Five factors are mentioned below. (The acronym OCEAN represents Openness,
Conscientiousness, Extraversion, Agreeableness, and Neuroticism).
Openness. Openness to experience is a dimension ranging from imaginative, witty, and
having a broad range of interests at one end to down-to-earth, simple, and having narrow
interests at the other. The factor Openness to experience is perhaps the most difficult to describe,
since it doesn't correspond to everyday language as well as the other factors (McCrae, 1990).
Experts have given this factor various names: Culture, Intellect, Intellectual Interests,
Intelligence, and Imagination (John, 1990; Sneed, McCrae, & Funder, 1998). In lay man
language people recognize it by the terms artistic, curious, imaginative, insightful, original, and
wide interests (Sneed, McCrae, & Funder, 1998). Liberal values often go along with this factor
(Costa & McCrae, 1992a). On the Rokeach Values Survey, people scoring high on Openness
report that they value imaginativeness, broadmindedness, and a world of beauty. People low in
Openness, in contrast, value cleanliness, obedience, and national security (Dollinger, Leong, &
Ulicni, 1996).
Conscientiousness. A dimension ranging from well-organized, careful, self-disciplined,
responsible, and precise at one end to disorganized, impulsive, careless, and undependable at the
other. Conscientiousness, also called Dependability, Impulse Control and Will to Achieve (John,
1990), describes differences in people’s orderliness and self-discipline. Conscientious people
value cleanliness and ambitiousness (Dollinger, Leong & Ulicni, 1996). Described by their peers
as well organized, punctual, and ambitious (McCrae & Costa, 1987), the student who has a neat
notebook and list of assignments and who keeps up with reading and completes work on time
would score high on conscientiousness. Conscientiousness students are generally motivated to
achieve; they achieve high Grade Point Average and perform better in medical school (Ferguson
et al., 2000). Conscientiousness predicts higher job satisfaction, income, and occupational status
(Judge et al., 1999). Conscientious workers achieve more and set higher goals. Conscientious
employees have better attendance records (Judge et al., 1997). Among police officers, low
conscientiousness is associated with more job disciplinary actions for various kinds of
misconduct, including sexual misconduct, insubordination, theft, and other unprofessional
behaviour (Sarchione et al., 1998).
Extraversion. A dimension ranging from energetic, enthusiastic, sociable, and talkative at
one end to retiring, sober, reserved, silent, and cautious at the other. An important dimension of
personality, extraversion predicts many social behaviors. Ask an extravert what he or she values
in life, and the answer will often be cheerfulness and an exciting life (Dollinger, Leong, &
Ulicni, 1996). Extraverted subjects, in a study in which they kept records of their social
interactions, interacted with more people than did those low in extraversion; they also reported
having more control and intimacy in those interactions (Barrett & Pietromonaco, 1997). Their
peers consider extraverted people to be friendly, fun-loving, affectionate, and talkative (McCrae
& Costa, 1987). Fellow group members perceive extraverted members as making valuable
contributions to group projects (Barry & Stewart, 1997). While people with low score on
extraversion are likely to have porter relationships with parents and peers.
Agreeableness. A dimension ranging from good-natured, cooperative, trusting, and
helpful at one end to irritable, suspicious, and uncooperative at the other. Agreeableness, which
is sometimes instead called Social Adaptability or Likability (John, 1990), indicates a friendly,
compliant personality, one who avoids hostility and tends to go along with others. Their friends
find them sympathetic and softhearted, in contrast to those low in Agreeableness, who are
described as suspicious, ruthless, and uncooperative (McCrae & Costa, 1987). On a survey of
values, people scoring high in Agreeableness report that they value being helpful, forgiving, and
loving (Dollinger, Leong, & Ulicni, 1996). They report little conflict in their interpersonal
relationships; when conflict occurs, it reduces their self-esteem (Barrett & Pietromonaco, 1997).
People high in Agreeableness avoid direct attempts to assert power as a means of resolving con
flict with other people, but large sex differences have also been found. Men, even those high in
Agreeableness (who use less power to resolve conflict than men low in Agreeableness), are more
likely to assert power than women (Graziano, Jensen-Campbell, & Hair, 1996).
Neuroticism. A dimension ranging from poised, calm, composed, and not
hypochondriacal at one end to nervous, anxious, high-strung, and hypochondriacal at the other.
Neuroticism describes people who frequently are troubled by negative emotions such as worry
and insecurity (McCrae & Costa, 1987). Emotionally, they are labile (readily aroused) instead of
stable, like their low-scoring peers; thus, the factor, turning attention to its opposite pole-low
Neuroticism-has also been called Emotional Stability, Emotional Control, and Ego Strength
(John, 1990). People who score low on Neuroticism are happier and more satisfied with life than
those who score high (DeNeve & Cooper, 1998; Hills & Argyle, 2001; Schmutte & Ryff, 1997).
Another study reports that adults in the community who scored high on neuroticism also
reported-in a diary in which they checked life events that had occurred each day-that more
unpleasant events with family and friends, leisure, and finance had happened to them, which may
explain why their mood was generally negative (David, Green, Martin, Suls, 1997). Neuroticism
is higher in people with diverse types of disturbances, the specifics of which can be understood
by considering their other personality factors (Claridge & Davis, 2001).
The five-factor model is rapidly becoming the consensus model of personality. Support
for the five-factor approach comes from several sources, including factor analysis of trait terms
in language and the analysis of personality from an evolutionary perspective. The use of trait
terms in the analysis of personality is based upon the fundamental lexical hypothesis: “The
essential point of this hypothesis is that trait terms have survived in language because they
convey important information about our dealings with others: The variety of individual
differences is nearly boundless, yet most of these differences are insignificant in people’s daily
interactions with others and have remained largely unnoticed. Sir Francis Galton may have been
among the first scientists to recognize explicitly the fundamental lexical hypothesis—namely
that the most important individual differences in human transactions will come to be encoded as
single terms in some or all of the world’s languages” (Goldberg, 1990).
Recent Research on the Five-factor Model of Personality
The Big Five model is a widely accepted framework for the description of personality
(John, Naumann, & Soto, 2008). Several well-established questionnaires covering the Big Five
domains are available, including the NEO Personality Inventory revised (NEO-PI-R; Costa and
McCrae, 1992a, Costa and McCrae, 1992b) and its accompanying short version, the 60-item
NEO Five-Factor Inventory (NEO FFI; Costa & McCrae, 1992b) or the 44-item Big Five
Inventory (BFI; John, Donahue, & Kentle, 1991). In recent years, there is a growing interest to
include psychological constructs and especially personality into large panel studies, even if those
studies were not initiated with a psychological focus (Wagner, Frick, & Schupp, 2007). However,
given the strict time-constraints in studies covering a wide range of topics, including objective
living conditions, information about work and education as well as political and religious
interests, personality measures are supposed to be as short as possible. On the other hand, even
short scales need to demonstrate satisfying psychometric properties to offer sufficient utility.
A couple of brief measures for the Big Five domains have been developed, for example
the Ten-Item Personality Inventory (TIPI, Gosling, Rentfrow, & Swann, 2003), and the Five-Item
Personality Inventory (FIPI; Gosling et al., 2003). Also, a brief German measure, the Big Five
Inventory 10 (BFI-10), was developed by Rammstedt and John (2007). Despite its shortness, the
BFI-10 scales show overall mean correlations of .83 with the full BFI and .67 with the
NEO-PI-R. However, using two items per scale, leads to limitations especially for the
Agreeableness scale (Rammstedt & John, 2007).
Research on personality and its relationships to important personal, social, and economic
constructs is as vibrant and influential as ever (Funder, 2001), and such research has been
credited with prompting many of the major advances in fields such as organizational behavior
(Hough, 2001). Much of this contribution can be linked directly to theoretical and statistical
reviews of the role of personality, such as the pivotal meta-analyses of correlations between
personality and work performance (Barrick & Mount, 1991; Hough, Eaton, Dunnette, Kamp, &
McCloy, 1990). Such integrations of research have allowed researchers to assess the major
features of these relationships and have provided guidance for future studies. Academic
performance was found to correlate significantly with Agreeableness, Conscientiousness, and
Openness. Where tested, correlations between Conscientiousness and academic performance
were largely independent of intelligence. When secondary academic performance was controlled
for, Conscientiousness added as much to the prediction of tertiary academic performance as did
intelligence. Strong evidence was found for moderators of correlations. Academic level (primary,
secondary, or tertiary), average age of participant, and the interaction between academic level
and age significantly moderated correlations with academic performance.
A very interesting study by Bouchard, Lussier & Sabourin (1999) on Personality and
Marital Adjustment shows that an individual's level of neuroticism (the negative affectivity and
emotional instability) has been the most consistent and powerful personality predictor of
relationship outcomes. Self-reported neuroticism frequently was negatively associated with
diverse measures of marital adjustment (Buss, 1991; Geist & Gilbert, 1996; Kurdek, 1997). For
instance, the results of a broad longitudinal study conducted over 50 years on a sample of 300
couples revealed that the level of neuroticism of both spouses was a key determinant of their
marital adjustment (Kelly & Conley, 1987). More specifically, the spouses who divorced and the
spouses who were dissatisfied with their union scored higher on neuroticism that was measured
before their marriage. Karney and Bradbury (1995) recently emphasized that, considering the
huge predictive power of neuroticism, the influence of other personality traits in marital
outcomes remains to be investigated, after controlling for the level of neuroticism.
Significant relationships also were observed between self-reported marital adjustment
and particular personality traits, such as psychotism. agreeableness, and internal locus of control.
A high level of psychotism was negatively associated with self-reported marital adjustment, and
the other two personality factors were positively associated (Russell & Wells, 1994; Smolen &
Spiegel, 1987). Furthermore, personality factors such as perspective taking (the tendency to put
oneself in another person's place), emotional expressiveness. and ambivalence in emotional
expressiveness also A were significant predictors of marital adjustment. The first two related
positively to marital adjustment, and the last one related negatively (King, 1993; Long &
Andrews, 1990). Finally, outcomes of the personality factor of extraversion offered mixed
results. A high level of extraversion was positively related (Richmond, Craig, & Ruzicka, 1991) ,
negatively related (Bentler & Newcomb, 1978; Geist & Gilbert, 1996) , and unrelated (Russell &
Wells, 994) to marital adjustment scores.
According to Smith et al. (2019) there is an important link between perfectionism and
personality traits included in the five-factor model (FFM). However, inconsistent findings,
underpowered studies, and a plethora of perfectionism scales have obscured understanding of
how perfectionism fits within the FFM. Meta-analysis with random effects revealed
perfectionistic concerns (socially prescribed perfectionism, concern over mistakes, doubts about
actions, and discrepancy) were characterized by neuroticism, low agreeableness, and low
extraversion; perfectionistic strivings (self-oriented perfectionism, personal standards, and high
standards) were characterized by conscientiousness. Additionally, several perfectionism–FFM
relationships were moderated by gender, age, and the perfectionism subscale used. Findings
complement theory suggesting that perfectionism has neurotic and non-neurotic dimensions.
Results also underscore that the (mal)adaptiveness of perfectionistic strivings hinges on
instrumentation. There is much research done with regard to the Five-factor model of
personality. It can be studied in relation to academic performance, marital relationships,
performance in jobs, in short, life outcomes in general. This Theory of personality provides an
underpinning for the multiplicity of instruments available in the field.
Assessment of Personality
In psychological testing, a fundamental distinction often is drawn between ability tests
and personality tests. Defined in the broadest sense, ability tests include a plethora of instruments
for measuring intelligence, achievement, and aptitude. In the preceding seven chapters we have
explored the nature, construction, application, reliability, and validity of ability tests. The many
ways in which theorists conceptualize personality clearly have impacted the design of personality
tests and assessments. This is especially evident with projective techniques such as the
Rorschach inkblot method, which emanated from psychoanalytic conceptions of personality.
Self-Report Inventories. A self-report inventory is a type of psychological test in which
a person fills out a survey or questionnaire with or without the help of an investigator. Self-report
inventories often ask direct questions about personal interests, values, symptoms, behaviors, and
traits and in this case personality types. Inventories are different from tests in that there is no
objectively correct answer; responses are based on opinions and subjective perceptions. Most
self-report inventories are brief and can be taken or administered within five to 15 minutes,
although some, such as the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI), can take
several hours to fully complete. They are popular because they can be inexpensive to give and to
score, and their scores can often show good reliability. There are three major approaches to
developing self-report inventories: theory-guided, factor analysis, and criterion-keyed.
Theory-Guided. Theory-guided inventories are constructed around a theory of
personality or a prototype of a construct. The construction of several self-report inventories was
guided closely by formal or informal theories of personality. In these cases, the test developer
designed the instrument around a preexisting theory. An example of a theory-guided inventory is
the Personality Research Form (PRF), based on Murray’s (1938) need-press theory of
personality. The State-Trait Anxiety Inventory (STAI) is also a very popular self-report measure
of anxiety, used in research and clinical settings (Spielberger, 1983, 1989).
Criterion- Keyed. In a criterion-keyed approach, test items are assigned to a particular
scale if, and only if, they discriminate between a well-defined criterion group and a relevant
control group. For example, in devising a self-report scale for depression, items endorsed by
depressed persons significantly more (or less) frequently than by normal controls would be
assigned to the depression scale, keyed in the appropriate direction. A similar approach might be
used to develop scales for other constructs of interest to clinicians such as schizophrenia, anxiety
reaction, and the like. An example can be the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory
(MMPI) (Hathaway & McKinley, 1940, 1943; McKinley & Hathaway, 1940, 1944; McKinley,
Hathaway, & Meehl, 1948) and the Millon’s Clinical Multiaxial Inventory (MCMI-III).
Factor-Analytically derived Inventories. Factor analysis uses statistical methods to
organize groups of related items into subscales. The Eysenck Personality Questionnaire (EPQ)
was designed to measure the major dimensions of normal and abnormal personality (Eysenck &
Eysenck, 1975). Based on a lifelong program of factor-analytic in most self-report inventories.
The 16PF is also Factor- Analytically derived personality inventory.
Advantages. Self-report inventories are often a good solution when researchers need to
administer a large number of tests in a relatively short space of time. Many self-report
inventories can be completed very quickly, often in as little as 15 minutes. This type of
questionnaire is an affordable option for researchers faced with tight budgets. They are also
much more reliable and valid than projective techniques. Scoring of the test is standardized and
based on the previously established norms.
Disadvantages. Unlike IQ tests where there are correct answers that have to be worked
out by test takers, for personality, attempts by test-takers to gain particular scores are an issue in
applied testing. Test items are often transparent, and people may "figure out" how to respond to
make themselves appear to possess whatever qualities they think an organization wants. In
addition, people may falsify good responses, be biased towards their positive characteristics, or
falsify bad, stressing negative characteristics, in order to obtain their preferred outcome. In
clinical settings, patients may exaggerate symptoms in order to make their situation seem worse,
or under-report the severity or frequency of symptoms in order to minimize their problems. For
this reason, self-report inventories are not used in isolation to diagnose a mental disorder, often
used as screeners for verification by other assessment data. Many personality tests, such as the
MMPI or the MBTI add questions that are designed to make it difficult for a person to
exaggerate traits and symptoms.
Projective Techniques. Frank (1939, 1948) introduced the term projective method to
describe a category of tests for studying personality with unstructured stimuli. In a projective test
the examinee encounters vague, ambiguous stimuli and responds with his or her own
constructions. Disciples of projective testing are heavily vested in psychoanalytic theory and its
postulation of unconscious aspects of personality. These examiners believe that unstructured,
vague, ambiguous stimuli provide the ideal circumstance for revelations about inner aspects of
personality. The central assumption of projective testing is that responses to the test represent
projections from the innermost unconscious mental processes of the examinee. The assumption
that personal interpretations of ambiguous stimuli must necessarily reflect the unconscious
needs, motives, and conflicts of the examinee is known as the projective hypothesis. The
challenge of projective testing is to decipher underlying personality processes (needs, motives,
and conflicts) based on the individualized, unique, subjective responses of each examinee. In the
sections that follow we will examine how well projective tests have met this portentous
assignment. The projective technique can be classified into four:
Association to inkblots or words. A form of projective technique where participants are
presented with a target stimulus and are asked to respond with the first thing that comes to mind.
Association techniques include the widely used Rorschach inkblot test and its psychometrically
superior cousin the Holtzman Inkblot Technique, as well as word association tests.
Construction of stories or sequences. Construction techniques include the Thematic
Apperception Test (Murray, 1935, 1938) and the many variations upon this early instrument. In
administering the TAT, the examiner requests the examinee to make up a dramatic story for each
picture, telling what led up to the current scene, what is happening at the moment, how the
characters are thinking and feeling, and what the outcome will be. The examiner writes down the
story verbatim for later scoring and analysis. Children’s Apperception Test is also an example of
the same.
Completions of sentences or stories. In a sentence completion test, the respondent is
presented with a series of stems consisting of the first few words of a sentence, and the task is to
provide an ending. As with any projective technique, the examiner assumes that the completed
sentences reflect the underlying motivations, attitudes, conflicts, and fears of the respondent.
Forer Structured Sentence Completion Test and Geatric Sentence Completion Form are examples
of tests that use this technique.
Expression with drawings or play. Expressive techniques in which the subject is required
to organize and incorporate a particular stimulus into a self-expressive process, such as role
playing, psychodrama, dance, etc. Psychodynamically minded psychologists adapted the
procedure to the projective assessment of personality. Karen Machover (1949, 1951) was the
pioneer in this new field. Her procedure became known as the Draw-A-Person Test (DAP). Her
test enjoyed early popularity and is still widely used as a clinical assessment tool. The DAP is
administered by presenting the examinee with a blank sheet of paper and a pencil with eraser,
then asking the examinee to “draw a person.” When the drawing is completed the examinee
usually is directed to draw another person of the sex opposite that of the first figure. Finally, the
examinee is asked to “make up a story about this person as if he [or she] were a character in a
novel or a play” (Machover, 1949). The H-T-P (House- Tree- Person) is a projective test that uses
freehand drawings of a house, tree, and person (Buck, 1948, 1981).
Advantages. Do such tests really work-do they meet the criteria of reliability and
validity? For some projective tests, such as the TAT, which is used to measure achievement
motivation and other social motives, the answer appears to be yes; such tests do yield reliable
scores and do seem to measure what they are intended to measure. For others, such as the famous
Rorschach test, which uses inkblots, the answer is more doubtful. Responses to this test are
scored in ways. For instance, one measure involves responses that mention pairs of objects or a
reflection (e.g, the inkblot is interpreted as showing two people, or one person looking into a
mirror). Such responses are taken as a sign of self focus and excessive concern with oneself,
Other scoring involves the number of times individuals mention movement, color, or shading in
the inkblots. The more responses of this type they make, the more sources of stress they
supposedly have in their lives.
Limitations. The Rorschach test, like other projective tests, has a standard scoring
manual (Exner, 1993) that tells psychologists precisely how to score various kinds of responses.
Presumably, this manual is based on careful research designed to determine just what the test
measures. More recent research, however, suggests that the scoring advice provided by the
Rorschach manual may be flawed in several respects and does not rest on the firm scientific
foundation psychologists prefer (Misra et al., 1996; Wood, Nezworski, & Stejskal, 1996). Thus,
projective tests of personality, like objective tests, may vary with respect to validity. Only tests
that meet high standards in this respect can provide us with useful information about personality.
Behavioral Assessment. Behavioral assessment concentrates on behavior itself rather
than on underlying traits, hypothetical causes, or presumed dimensions of personality. The many
methods of behavioral assessment offer a practical alternative to projective tests, self-report
inventories, and other unwieldy techniques aimed at global personality assessment. Typically,
behavioral assessment is designed to meet the needs of therapists and their clients in a quick and
uncomplicated manner. But behavioral assessment differs from traditional assessment in more
than its simplicity. The basic assumptions, practical aspects, and essential goals of behavioral
and traditional approaches are as different as night and day. Traditional assessment strategies
tend to be complex, indirect, psychodynamic, and often extraneous to treatment. In contrast,
behavioral assessment strategies tend to be simple, direct, behavior- analytic, and continuous
with treatment. Behavior therapists use a wide range of modalities to evaluate their clients,
patients, and subjects. The methods of behavioral assessment include, but are not limited to,
behavioral observations, self-reports, parent ratings, staff ratings, sibling ratings, judges’ ratings,
teacher ratings, therapist ratings, nurses’ ratings, physiological assessment, biochemical
assessment, biological assessment, structured interviews, semi structured interviews, and
analogue tests. In their Dictionary of Behavioral Assessment Techniques, Hersen and Bellack
(1988) list 286 behavioral tests used in widely diverse problems and disorders in children,
adolescents, adults, and the geriatric population. Dozens more are referenced in a more recent
compendium (Hersen & Bellack, 1998).
Interviews. Interviews are also used to measure the specific aspects of personality.
Psychoanalysis, of course, uses one type of interview to probe supposedly underlying aspects of
personality. But in modern research special types of interviews, in which individuals are asked
questions assumed to be related to specific traits, are often used instead. For instance, interviews
are used to measure the Type A behavior pattern, an important aspect of personality closely
related to personal health.
History and Development of the Test
To address the need for a short instrument measuring the prototypical components of the
Big Five that are common across investigators, John, Donahue, and Kentle (1991) constructed
the Big Five Inventory (BFI; reprinted in Benet-Martinez & John, 1998). The standard BFI
consists of 44 short-phrase items, rated on a five-point scale from “disagree strongly” to “agree
strongly”. The items were selected using both consensual expert judgment and empirical factor
analysis to represent the core traits that define each Big Five domain. The goal was to create a
brief inventory that would allow efficient and flexible assessment of the five dimensions when
there is no need for more differentiated measurement of individual facets.
The BFI does not use single adjectives as items because such items are answered less
consistently than when they are accompanied by definitions or elaborations (Goldberg &
Kilkowski, 1985). Instead, the BFI uses short phrases based on the trait adjectives known to be
prototypical markers of the Big Five (John, 1990). One or two prototypical trait adjectives served
as the item core to which elaborative, clarifying, or contextual information was added. For
example, the Openness adjective “original” became the BFI item “Is original, comes up with new
ideas” and the Conscientiousness adjective “persevering” served as the basis for the item
“Perseveres until the task is finished.” Thus the BFI items retain the advantages of adjectival
items (brevity and simplicity) while avoiding some of their pitfalls (ambiguous or multiple
meanings and salient desirability).
Although the BFI scales include only eight to ten items, they do not sacrifice either
content coverage or good psychometric properties. For example, the 9-item Agreeableness scale
includes items related to at least five of the six facets postulated by Costa and McCrae (1992)
namely, Trust (forgiving; trusting), Altruism (helpful and unselfish), Compliance (not
quarrelsome), Modesty (not fault finding with others), and Tender- mindedness (considerate and
kind).
Description of the Test
The Big Five Inventory (BFI) is a self-report inventory designed to measure the Big Five
dimensions. It is quite brief for a multidimensional personality inventory (44 items), and consists
of short phrases with relatively accessible vocabulary. Despite its brevity, the BFI does not
sacrifice either content coverage or good psychometric properties. The items are rated on a
five-point scale ranging from 1 (disagree strongly) to 5 (agree strongly); scale scores are
computed as the participant’s mean item response (i.e., adding all items scored on a scale and
dividing by the number of items on the scale).
There are multiple descriptors for some BFI items; there is a second phrase that provides
an elaboration of the first concept. For example, such as “being relaxed, handles stress well”, is
understood as “being relaxed, in the sense of being good at handling stress”. Specifically,
“relaxed” is typically a low-Neuroticism item and means “not anxious, not easily upset or
stressed out.” But some people might misunderstand “relaxed” to mean “easy-going, having fun”
which would be a high-Extraversion item. Thus, to rule out this misinterpretation, the authors use
“handles stress well” to elaborate what is meant by “being relaxed”.
The BFI measures the ‘Big Five’, or OCEAN, and encompasses a set of five broad factors
or dimensions of personality. Briefly, Extraversion implies an energetic approach toward the
social and material world and includes traits such as sociability, activity, assertiveness, and
positive emotionality. Agreeableness contrasts prosocial and communal orientation toward others
with antagonism and includes traits such as altruism, tender-mindedness, trust, and modesty.
Conscientiousness describes socially prescribed impulse control that facilitates task- and
goal-directed behavior, such as thinking before acting, delaying gratification, following norms
and rules, and planning, organizing, and prioritizing tasks. Neuroticism contrasts emotional
stability and even-temperedness with negative emotionality, such as feeling anxious, nervous,
sad, and tense. Finally, Openness to Experience (vs. closed-mindedness) describes the breadth,
depth, originality, and complexity of an individual’s mental and experiential life.
Standardization of the Test
Reliability
In U.S. and Canadian samples, the alpha reliabilities of the BFI scales typically range from
0.75 to 0.90 and average above .80; three-month test-retest reliabilities range from 0.80 to 0.90,
with a mean of 0.85 (Rammstedt & John, 2007).
Test-retest correlations across an 8-week interval in a US sample of 726 students (mean
age = 21 years) at a large public university was found to be .83 and across a 6-week interval in a
German sample of 457 students (mean age = 25 years) was reported to be .85. The scales
differed somewhat from each other; Extraversion, Conscientiousness, and Neuroticism showed
greater stability, and Agreeableness and Openness somewhat less stability (Rammstedt & John,
2007).
Schmitt, Allik, McCrae, and Benet-Martinez (2007) reported data obtained from 200
English-speaking adult Indians in their study of personality, including the BFI, across 56 nations
in 10 world regions. Their data suggest adequate internal reliabilities of the BFI scales (ranging
from .70 for Agreeableness to .79 for Neuroticism); however, the scales are clearly less internally
consistent than the English-language originals, which typically average in the mid-.80s (e.g.,
Soto & John, 2009).
Validity
Factor analytic studies have supported a clear five-factor structure for the BFI.
Standardized validity coefficients from confirmatory factor analysis are .94, .92, .92, .90, .92 for
E, A, C, N, O respectively with an average of .92 for the total scale (John & Srivastava, 1999).
Convergent validity correlations with the NEO-PI-R domain scales averaged .73 across
Big Five domains for the full BFI-44 scales. After correcting for attenuation using alpha, the first
three of the Big Five (Extraversion, Agreeableness, and Conscientiousness) showed mean
validities clearly exceeding .90, suggesting virtual equivalence between the instruments.
However, the correlations for Extraversion and Openness did not reach .90, suggesting that the
conceptualizations of these factors are not fully equivalent across these two instruments (John &
Srivastava, 1999).
Norms
Norms for the BFI are based on the Gosling-Potter Internet Personality Project, a
personality study of volunteers recruited and assessed over the World Wide Web (Srivastava,
John, Gosling, & Potter, 2003). Personality and demographic data were available for 132,515
participants (54% female) between the ages of 21 and 60; the mean age of the participants was
31 years (SD = 9 years). All selected participants lived in the United States or Canada (the latter
represented 9.2% of the sample).
Applications of the Test
Personality tests can be used to help clarify a clinical diagnosis, guide therapeutic
interventions, and help predict how people may respond in different situations. Personality tests
are administered for a number of different purposes, including: Assessing theories, Evaluating
the effectiveness of therapy, diagnosing psychological problems, Looking at changes in
personality and screening job candidates. Personality tests are also sometimes used in forensic
settings to conduct risk assessments, establish competence, and in child custody disputes. Other
settings where personality testing may be used are in school psychology, career and occupational
counseling, relationship counseling, clinical psychology, and employment testing. These tests
can also help one learn more about himself/herself and better understand both his/her strengths
and weaknesses. And while all personality tests are different, learning that one might be high on
a specific trait can help him/her gain greater insight into their own behavioral patterns. For
example, a person’s results on a personality test might indicate that he rates high on the
personality trait of introversion. This result suggests that he has to expend energy in social
situations, so he needs to find time alone to recharge his energy. Knowing that he has this
tendency can help him recognize when he is getting drained from socializing and set aside quiet
moments to regain his equilibrium.
Limitations of the Test
The Big 5 traits are too broad. This is arguably the greatest strength and the greatest
weakness of the test. The fact that it measures personality in broad and non-conditional terms
make it easy to use, generalizable, and universally relevant. However, this also makes the test
subject to inaccuracy - people generally do not naturally use a trait system to describe
themselves, rather, they will tend to make conditional statements (eg, "I am very quiet when I
have things on my mind'). These subtleties, which capture the finet aspects of a personality, and
may very well reflect variation in behavior from one situation to the next, are omitted in the Five
Factor Personality Test.
For similar reasons, it is superficial. There is a lot of evidence that one can get a fairly
accurate sense of a stranger's big 5 traits in a single minute. This is why McAdams refers to the
test as the psychology of a stranger. Think about someone who you know really well. McAdams
writes, “What is it you know about him or her that you don't know about other people. Is it traits?
Probably not.”
The Big 5 traits are only descriptive While Trait Theory can effectively describe a
personality, it says nothing about why or how these personalities exist. In a world where
self-improvement is a seemingly universal goal, the Five Factor Personality Test is lacking in it’s
inability to answer these important questions “Yes, I'm high in neuroticism and I'm 18. But why
is that the case, and how can I change it?”
The Big 5 traits may be better understood as a rough indication of how a person moves
through their life in terms of social and emotional behavior. This by no means negates the value
of the test; it is still one of the best (or more likely, the best) description of personality structure.
This only reminds us that with the multitude of tests and measurements available, there are many
cases when we must not rely solely on the Five Factor Personality Test.
Method
Materials Required
The test was conducted through video calling platform Google Meet. Therefore the
materials required was only The “Big Five” Factor Inventory. The answers were filled in
digitally by the respondent. Other material used later by the tester include pen and paper to write
the calculations, a calculator to calculate the mean, S.D. and z score. The norms table and the
descriptive category table was also used by the tester.
Preliminary Information
Name: Vaasvi Agarwal
Age: 21
Gender: Female
Qualification: Bachelors of Science (III Year)
Place: Lucknow
Date: 20th January, 2022
Time: 5:30 P.M.
Mode: Online
Procedure
Lab Settings. The test was administered online through video calling. The responses
were filled digitally by the participant. A meeting was scheduled on Google Meet and both
participant and the tester joined the meeting at 5:30 PM.
Rapport Formation. The participant was first made to feel comfortable and to break the
ice, the examiner spoke of the beautiful weather outside. She made eye contact with the
participant and spoke in a soothing voice. She talks to the participant about the psychological test
and was made to understand the procedure. She also discusses her right to privacy and
confidentiality. She was asked to drink water and relax a bit before starting the test. The
examiner read the instructions to her and ensured she understood everything.
Consent. Before beginning the test, a consent was taken from the participant. The
Consent letter was signed digitally. All the conditions written in the letter were read to the
participant. Any queries regarding it were cleared by the examiner. The participant was also
informed that she can leave the test at any time if she wanted (see Appendix B)
Instructions. The following instructions were given to the participant: “Here are a
number of characteristics that may or may not apply to you. For example, do you agree that you
are someone who likes to spend time with others? Please write a number next to each statement
to indicate the extent to which you agree or disagree with that statement.”
1 2 3 4 5
Disagree Disagree a little Neither agree Agree a little Agree strongly
Strongly nor disagree
Administration. The participant was asked to sit comfortably. After the rapport
formation and the thorough reading, understanding, and signing on the consent form, she was
provided with all the important information and instructions. Preliminaries were noted down.
Queries were resolved if any. Then the BFI test was given to the participant and it was ensured
that all the items were marked. After the completion of the test the participant was asked to write
an introspective report (their experience and what they thought while giving the test), then the
participant was thanked for voluntary participation.
Precautions. It was ensured that the family members of the participant were informed
prior to the administration of the test that they are not to interrupt the tester and the participant. It
was ensured that the room chosen had suitable temperature and light. It was ensured that the
participant used the rating scale from 1 to 5 to respond to all the items The test was administered
in a comfortable, quiet and undisturbed setting.
Introspective Report
“I was both excited and nervous at the beginning of the experiment because it would help
me know about myself. Initially when the experimenter explained the experiment to me I thought
it’ll be very easy as one just had to talk about themselves but when I was answering the questions
I realized that I had to think a lot about each and everything. It helped me understand my
emotions, behaviors and mentality better and made me think about my own mind more deeply.”
Tester’s Observation
The examinee seemed to be excited about the test as she was told that the test will help
her know herself better. She showed some signs of nervousness but quickly overcame it. She
asked a number of questions in the beginning that showed her curiosity to attempt the test. She
was asked to relax and find a comfortable place to sit. While giving the test, she was asking
questions about the parts she was not able to understand. At times, she was unable to get what
the question meant, and she was duly explained. She was deeply thinking about each score she
was giving to the questions. After completing the test, she rechecked her scores. She was
interested in knowing the results as soon as possible.
Scoring and Results
For the Big Five Inventory, first we obtained the raw scores for the five dimensions
(keeping in mind reverse scoring of certain items). Then referred to the norm tables (see
Appendix A) that provide the mean and standard deviation for separate age groups from 21-60
years (in our case 21 years). Then we converted the raw scores to z scores by using mean and
standard deviation of the relevant age. Z score is a standard score with Mean of 0 and SD of 1, it
indicates the position of a score in relation to the mean expressed in standard deviation units. The
formula is:
Also the z score was translated into a T score by using the formula: 50+10z. T score is a
standard score with a Mean of 50 and SD of 10. Finally, descriptive categories based on the
range of z scores were assigned to the five dimensions The table below was used for the same:
Table 8
Descriptive Categories of z Scores
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