Postphenomenological Investigations - Essay On Human-Technology Relations
Postphenomenological Investigations - Essay On Human-Technology Relations
Editor-in-Chief
Robert Rosenberger, Georgia Institute of Technology
Executive Editors
Don Ihde, Stony Brook University, Emeritus;
Peter-Paul Verbeek, University of Twente
Technological advances affect everything from our understandings of ethics, politics, and
communication, to gender, science, and selfhood. Philosophical reflection on technology
helps draw out and analyze the nature of these changes, and helps us understand both the
broad patterns and the concrete details of technological effects. This book series provides
a publication outlet for the field of the philosophy of technology in general, and the school
of thought called “postphenomenology” in particular. Philosophy of technology applies
insights from the history of philosophy to current issues in technology, and reflects on
how technological developments change our understanding of philosophical issues. In
response, postphenomenology analyzes human relationships with technologies, while in-
tegrating philosophical commitments of the American pragmatist tradition of thought.
Design, Meditation, and the Posthuman, Edited by Dennis M. Weiss, Amy D. Propen, and
Colbey Emmerson Reid
Postphenomenological Investigations: Essays on Human-Technology Relations, Edited
by Robert Rosenberger and Peter-Paul Verbeek.
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2: Postphenomenological Theories 43
2 Why Postphenomenology Needs a Metaphysics 45
Lenore Langsdorf
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vi Table of Contents
Index 253
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Don Ihde
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viii Don Ihde
began to see that the content of scientific knowledge itself was “socially
constructed.”
It is at this point that phenomenology can be seen to play a background
and tangential role. Berger and Luckmann’s The Social Construction of Real-
ity (1966) was inspired by the phenomenologies of Alfred Schutz and Ed-
mund Husserl. And while phenomenology was muted in the Anglophone
version of social constructionism, it retained the shift of interpretive focus on
praxis. We now arrive at my chosen juncture of 1979 and the birth of what
were to become Actor-Network Theory and postphenomenology.
In Laboratory Life Latour described himself as a sociologist and anthro-
pologist. Laboratory culture was his substitute for a “tribe” and he would
become a participant observer. So, as an observer, he would follow around
the scientists and technicians and take account of their activities and out-
comes. How is scientific knowledge produced? Here I confess, I came to this
book late—years earlier I had read and taught his Science in Action (1987)
which was a much more philosophical re-working of Laboratory Life, al-
though most of the key ideas for the later book were already present in a
more diaristic-interview form in the earlier. From the outset, it is obvious that
Latour’s approach is radically different from either the history and philoso-
phy of science, or earlier sociologies of science. He self-consciously brings a
“literary critical” approach to his descriptions of what scientists do. Although
the index does not include the term, “semiotics,” Latour’s style of analysis
was later dubbed a material semiotics. It should be noted, too, that his labora-
tory was that of Roger Guillemin in the Jonas Salk Institute and thus was a
chemical-biological science. Thus, contrary to the sciences of interest to the
history and philosophy of science traditions which often assumed the prima-
cy of physics, mathematics (and astronomy); with Latour biology, chemistry,
and neurology are analyzed.
I begin my account of Laboratory Life with what Latour depicts of the
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was seen as electrostatic repulsion, though it was “not seen as such until
Hauksbee’s large-scale apparatus had greatly magnified its effects” (Kuhn,
1970, 117). And again “Herschel, when he first observed the same object
twelve years later . . . with a much improved telescope of his own manufac-
ture . . . was able to notice an apparent disk-size that was at least unusual for
the stars” (Kuhn, 1970, 115). What I am suggesting is that in early mathema-
tized and theory-centered interpretations of science, instruments play no im-
portant role; later, the role of instruments (Kuhn) does get acknowledged,
later accepted and then accelerated with Latour.
Moving now from Latour’s three image themes to his sociology-anthro-
pology—but also his hermeneutical-literary theory observations, I will now
begin to sketch the new interpretation of science which results. I begin, not
with Latour’s opening perspective, but with the “technologies” of the lab.
First, biochemical instruments differ from those in other sciences. Latour
includes in his photos (1) gamma counter, (2) NMR spectrometer, (3) frac-
tionating columns, and (4) an automatic amino acid analyzer. Most of these
instruments relate to bioassays and the material which goes into the assay is
biological, hormonal, chemical—including lots of rat brain and other animal
material. Note that the object being constructed is TRF (or TRH) which
requires “several tons of hypothalamic tissues obtained from the slaughter-
house” (Latour and Woolgar, 1986, 108). The instruments mentioned are
used in the process of isolating and identifying TRF(H), the new scientific
object of the study. Latour recognizes the important role played by instru-
ments (technologies) but gives a unique description of this role: instruments
are inscription devices. What the instruments produce is what later is de-
scribed as a “visual display” but which here remains an inscription. This is a
focal emphasis upon what Latour is drawing from the hermeneutic-literary
dimension of his perspective. The instruments being used here—spectrome-
ter and amino acid analyzer in particular—produce (visual) graphs. These are
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with contributions by the principals and critical responses by six of the TRG
participants. We also developed the tradition of “roasts.” Each semester had a
different theme, and a roastee was chosen—first to be read and discussed for
some six weeks, then to be given a full three-hour roast. We ended up with
philosophers of science (Joseph Rouse and Peter Galison), philosophers of
technology (Albert Borgmann, Andrew Feenberg, Hubert Dreyfus, Langdon
Winner, and Peter-Paul Verbeek) sociologists of science (Andrew Pickering,
Harry Collins, Trevor Pinch) feminist thinkers (Donna Haraway, Sandra
Harding, Evelyn Fox-Keller) a historian of science (Paul Forman) and ending
with me as final roastee during my retirement year.
The seminar encouraged participants to formulate conference presenta-
tions for science-technology associations. While at first these were simply
individual contributions during the 1990s and into the early 2000s, by 2006
we began to propose distinctly postphenomenology research panels to the
Society for Phenomenology and the Human Sciences, and added, in 2007,
the Social Studies of Science, and the Society for Philosophy and Technolo-
gy. These rapidly grew into multiple panels and today often are quadruple or
quintuple. During this same time period, and parallel to the Stony Brook
operation, Peter-Paul Verbeek had been directing a consortium MA program
and had a series of PhD students in the Netherlands. Thus, participants from
both Stony Brook and Twente plus other Asian, European, and North
American universities began to be a recognizable group, today over one
hundred participants.
While the list is too long for space here, I would point to a growing
number of publications—books, special issues of journals, individual articles
in journals—discussing postphenomenology. Verbeek also continued his
interest in comparing ANT and Postphenomenology and formed a special
panel at the Rotterdam 4/S (2008)—it was jammed, and some had to listen
from the hallway. This theme was later taken up in a conference in Manches-
ter UK (2009) and a 4/S conference in Arlington, Virginia (2010) Verbeek,
too, published two widely cited books, What Things Do (Penn State Press,
2005) and Moralizing Technology (Chicago, 2011). And this volume joins
the first series on postphenomenology, Postphenomenology and the Philoso-
phy of Technology, published by Lexington, which begins a longer list of
works arising out of postphenomenological research programs.
In conclusion I will briefly note some of the major comparative features
of the two styles of analysis:
Currently, in STS circles on the Continent, it probably remains the case that
ANT is the dominantly favored approach. I would note that at the Manches-
ter conference there was a bit of the division of the house with the sociolo-
gists siding with ANT but the anthropologists more likely to be favorable to
postphenomenology. Philosophy of technology is highly positive to postphe-
nomenology and at the 2013 Lisbon meeting of SPT [Society for Philosophy
and Technology] the phenomenology-postphenomenology and technology
track had 34 presenters, the largest single methological group. Clearly the
two styles of analysis are more complementary than combative.
NOTES
1. See note 24 (Latour and Woolgar, 1979, 261). Latour acknowledges his debt to Derri-
da’s terminology.
2. See Peter-Paul Verbeek’s entry in (Achterhuis, 2001, 119-146).
REFERENCES
University Press.
Ihde, D. (1991). Instrumental Realism: The Interface between Philosophy of Science and Phi-
losophy of Technology. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
Ihde, D. (1993). Postphenomenology: Essays in the Postmodern Context. Evanston: Northwest-
ern University Press.
Kuhn, T. (1970). The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, 2nd ediction. Chicago: University of
Chicago Press.
Latour, B. (1987). Science in Action. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
Latour, B., and S. Woolgar. (1979). Laboratory Life: The Construction of Scientific Facts, 2nd
edition. Princeton: Princeton University Press. (1st edition, 1979).
Law, J. (2007). “Actor Network Theory and Material Semiotics.” ANT document, April 2007.
http://www.heterogeneities.net/publications/Law2007ANTandMaterialSemiotics.pdf
Verbeek, P-P. (2005). What Things Do. University Park, PA: Penn State University Press.
Verbeek, P-P. (2011). Moralizing Technology. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
inform our politics, ethics, and our understandings of the basic features of
our everyday experience?
As a distinctive philosophical perspective, postphenomenology brings to-
gether a number of insights, interests, and commitments. It builds on the
phenomenological tradition of philosophy, approaching issues from the start-
ing point of deep descriptions of human experience. Postphenomenology
brings together the phenomenological approach and the ontological commit-
ments of the American pragmatist tradition of philosophy. This means that
postphenomenological claims are never about the absolute foundations of
reality or knowledge, and never about the “essence” of an object of study.
Instead, postphenomenological claims are posed from an embodied and situ-
ated perspective, refer to practical problems, and are empirically oriented. To
both phenomenology and pragmatism, postphenomenology adds a focus
upon case studies of human-technology relations. Through this combination
1
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2 Robert Rosenberger and Peter-Paul Verbeek
***
This book consists of four sections. While a first part introduces the main
ideas of postphenomenology, the second and third parts of this book present
paradigmatic examples of postphenomenological essays by scholars working
at the cutting edge of this perspective. The second section focuses on theoret-
ical positions in the field, presenting a number of original postphenomeno-
logical analyses, while the third section presents a selection of postpheno-
menological case studies. This distinction between theoretical and empirical
contributions to postphenomenology is somewhat false, though, since the
chapters on theory include many concrete examples, and the empirical chap-
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
ters include deep discussions and critiques of theory. The book concludes
with a fourth section, in which “critical interlocutors” offer advice for this
developing school of thought.
Part 1 The first section introduces the main ideas and philosophical
positions of postphenomenology and is written by the co-editors of this vol-
ume, Robert Rosenberger and Peter-Paul Verbeek. This chapter, which aims
to function as a “field map,” includes a review of the main concepts of the
postphenomenological framework, an analysis of its philosophical commit-
ments, a description of postphenomenological methodology, and also a re-
view of several of the key case studies of this perspective.
utors to the panels and publications hosted by this school of thought, includ-
ing Cathrine Hasse, Kyle Powys Whyte, Shannon Vallor, Anette Forss, Juni-
chi Murata, Bob Scharff, Stacey Irwin, Galit Wellner, Gert Goeminne, and
many others, including longtime interlocutors with Ihde. The Manhattan
Papers and the current book were purposely organized together to showcase
the work of many of the core contributors this perspective.
Part 4 The fourth section of this book features critical responses to the
postphenomenological perspective by three interlocutors with this school of
thought: Andrew Feenberg, Diane Michelfelder, and Albert Borgmann. The
works of these three figures are of constant relevance and concern to those
working on postphenomenology. Moreover, all three have recently engaged
with postphenomenologists through journal issues and conference panels. In
this section, they offer critical comments and advice for the school of post-
phenomenology, prescribing the future directions they would like to see this
perspective take.
In his chapter, “Making the Gestalt Switch,” Andrew Feenberg argues
that much of his own work on the political and socially constructed dimen-
sions of technology can be understood as consistent with the aims and com-
mitments of postphenomenology. Thus, if postphenomenologists wish to ex-
pand their analyses into issues regarding the construction of technology
through political, economic, and bureaucratic structures, then they can look
to the insights of his instrumentalization theory. Feenberg explores how this
can be done in part through an analysis of the work of Lukács.
Diane Michelfelder’s chapter, “Postphenomenology with an Eye to the
Future,” argues that the postphenomenological perspective is well suited to
the task of analyzing new technologies approaching on the horizon, such as
wearable computing devices like Google Glass. But Michelfelder also devel-
ops the criticism that, in its concern with concrete empirical case studies,
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
***
We sincerely hope that this book will contribute to the further development
of the postphenomenological approach. By providing an overview of the
basic characteristics of the approach, and by bringing together a substantial
number of theoretically and empirically oriented postphenomenological anal-
yses and critical perspectives, we hope to lay a basis for further investigation
and discussion. Parallel to this book, the forthcoming volume Technoscience
and Postphenomenology: The Manhattan Papers, edited by Jan Kyrre Berg
Friis and Robert P. Crease, will present more state-of-the-art work in post-
phenomenological approach. This is exactly what we aim to accomplish with
this book series in Postphenomenology and the Philosophy of Technology: to
be a platform for high-quality, state-of-the-art work in postphenomenology,
where Philosophy of Technology meets Science and Technology Studies,
and where philosophical analysis meets the concrete materiality of science
and technology, and—with a wink to Husserl—finds a new way “to the
things themselves!”
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
Over the past decades, an expanding group of scholars has been developing a
novel approach to the social and cultural roles of technology. Building upon
Don Ihde’s phenomenological analyses of human-technology relations (e.g.,
Ihde 1990), they have started to study technologies with a blend of empirical
and philosophical research methods—ranging from the epistemic role of the
Mars explorer vehicle to the role of technologies in education and from the
impact of hands-free calling on driving behavior to the role of sonography in
moral decisions about abortion.
All of these studies label themselves as “post-phenomenological,” in or-
der to express their ambivalent relation to the phenomenological tradition.
On the one hand, they are heavily inspired by the phenomenological empha-
sis on experience and concreteness, while on the other hand they distance
themselves from the classical-phenomenological romanticism regarding
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10 Robert Rosenberger and Peter-Paul Verbeek
which technology alienates human beings from themselves and from the
world they live in. While this approach has brought many relevant insights in
the role of technology in human existence, its monolithic and romantic char-
acter were increasingly experienced as problematic (Feenberg, 2000; Ihde,
1993). The analyses were losing touch with the actual experiences people
have of the roles of technologies in human existence.
At the same time, the empirical approach of the field of Science and
Technology Studies does not always provide a real answer to this lack of
connection. Despite its empirical basis in fields like sociology and anthropol-
ogy, and despite its ambition to take an “empirical detour” to answer philo-
sophical questions, it eventually did not always find the way back to these
questions. Insights in the dynamics of the complex interactions of science,
technology, and society, however valuable they are, do not always help to
replaced the split between subject and object with an intentional relation
between them.
Postphenomenology takes this relationist approach one step further than
phenomenology. Phenomenology itself was already a move beyond modern-
ism, because its concept of intentionality made it possible to overcome the
modernistic subject-object split. Against subjectivism and objectivism,
which founded knowledge on the internal workings of the subject or on the
objectivity of the world, its relationalism opened a novel and fruitful perspec-
tive. Postphenomenology, however, reconceptualizes this intentional relation
in two distinct ways. First, it investigates its fundamentally mediated charac-
ter. There is no direct relation between subject and object, but only an “indi-
rect” one, and technologies often function as mediators. The human-world
relation typically is a human-technology-world relation (Ihde, 1990). Sec-
ond, it does away with the idea that there is a pre-given subject in a pre-given
world of objects, with a mediating entity between them. Rather, the media-
tion is the source of the specific shape that human subjectivity and the
objectivity of the world can take in this specific situation. Subject and object
are constituted in their mediated relation (Verbeek, 2005). Intentionality is
not a bridge between subject and object but a fountain from with the two of
them emerge.
This focus on mediation and mutual constitution sharply demarcates the
postphenomenological approach from classical phenomenology. Claiming a
privileged access to the things themselves becomes an impossibility within
the postphenomenological approach. And against the idea that technology
alienates human beings from the world and from themselves it places the
idea that technologies help to shape human subjectivity and the objectivity of
the world. Postphenomenology makes it possible to make micro-scale analy-
ses of the mediating roles of technologies in human-world relations—and as
such it can be said that it truly takes us back “to the things themselves”:
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KEY CONCEPTS
Human-Technology Relations
Embodiment Relations
Human—Technology—World
(I—Technology) → World
The go-to example is a pair of eyeglasses. As they are worn, the glasses
themselves are not simply one among the many things in the world the user
may perceive. Instead, a user looks through the glasses upon a transformed
world, and the glasses can be conceived as a part of the user’s perceptual
experience. Ihde writes, “the wearer of eyeglasses embodies eyeglass tech-
nology: I—eyeglasses—world” (1990, 73). As they are worn, the eyeglasses
are a transformative mediation of the bodily-perceptual relationship between
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Hermeneutic Relations
I → (Technology—World)
perceptual gestalt.
The transparency of a particular hermeneutic relation will depend on the
particular level of familiarity one brings to the interpretation of the device’s
readout. Take, for example, a complex medical imaging technology such as
an fMRI. For a new medical student entirely novice with regard to this
technology, she or he may need to concentrate and slowly decode the mean-
ing of the colorful brain-shaped display. But for the expert, much of the
content and context of the readout will appear in a perceptual gestalt, and she
or he can focus attention on the area of interest within the image.
It should be noted that, while many standard examples of hermeneutic
relations focus on technologies with visual readouts, this is not a necessary
feature of this notion. The device readout could potentially occur in terms of
any bodily sense. For example, any number of devices can provide audio
readouts which require direct perception and active interpretation, including
the clicks of Geiger counters, the steady boops of heart monitors, the ca-
ching of cash registers, and the squeal of a car’s aging brake pads.
Alterity Relations
I → Technology – (– World )
One common form is computer interface schemes that pose direct questions
to the user, such as the ATM machine that displays questions on its screen
(“Would you like to make a withdrawal?”), or the “dialog box” that opens on
a computer screen to provide program installation instructions. This is not to
claim that we mistake these devices for actual people, but simply that the
interface modes take an analogous form.
It could be predicted that as computing advances, and as our abilities to
create sophisticated computer programs that simulate human interactive style
increase, we will see more and more devices designed with an alterity-style
interface. It is already the case that this form of relation can be increasingly
seen in automated interactive customer service phone calls, GPS devices that
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read aloud driving directions, and voice interactive personal assistant smart-
phone applications. Accordingly, postphenomenologists continue to develop
this idea (e.g., Irwin, 2006; Bottenberg, 2015; Wellner, 2014b).
Background Relations
Relational Ontology
subjectivity and objectivity are always the product of relations, rather than
their starting point. Things are not symmetrical to humans, but together,
humans and things constitute all kinds of entities. In order to see these pro-
cesses of mutual constitution, and to do justice to human experiences of
being subjectively “in” a world, it remains very relevant to make a distinction
between humans and things. When we give up this distinction, we also give
up the phenomenological possibility to articulate (technologically mediated)
experiences “from within.” Actor-Network Theory studies complicated net-
works of relations “from outside,” from a third-person perspective; postphe-
nomenology studies engaged human-world relations, and their technological-
ly mediated character, from a first-person perspective. It is not the distinction
between humans and technologies that it wants to depart from, but their
radical separation (see Verbeek, 2005, 166–168).
From this subtle difference between “separating” humans and nonhumans
on the one hand and “distinguishing” them on the other, it also becomes
possible to conceptualize the “active” role of technologies. When postphe-
nomenology claims that technologies play an actively mediating role in hu-
man-world relations, it does not claim that things can act just like humans do.
Such a claim would actually reproduce the modernistic subject-object split,
by attributing the characteristic of subjects to objects as well. The question is
not: is agency not only a property of subjects but also of objects? Rather, the
question is: what kind of roles do objects play in agency? Agency, then is not
an exclusively human property anymore: it takes shape in complicated inter-
actions between human and nonhuman entities.
Cyborg Relations
(I / Technology) → World
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or “smart beds” in hospitals that can detect if somebody falls or steps out of
bed. Schematically:
I ↔ Technology/World
The intentionality that comes with this type of relations has a “bi-directional”
character: human beings are directed towards technologies that are also di-
rected towards them. This bi-directionality can have several implications. On
the one hand, it makes it possible for human beings to experience how
technologies “experience” them, resulting in a “reflexive intentionality”:
smart toilets open a new relation to oneself. On the other hand, it opens the
possibility to be immersed in how smart environments perceive and act upon
human beings, as is the case for some “persuasive technologies” that give
unsolicited feedback on one’s behavior. An example is the “persuasive mir-
ror” that was designed for waiting rooms of medical doctors to give people
feedback on their lifestyle. When looking in the mirror, you actually look
into a camera and see yourself on a screen, but a face recognition system that
is linked to your medical record makes it possible for the system to morph
your face into what you will look like in five years’ time if you don’t give up
smoking, eating too much, or working too hard. People who look into this
mirror are immersed in the mirror’s intentionality towards specific aspects of
themselves, resulting in an “induced” intentionality.
The relation of augmentation, to conclude, adds a second layer to our
world, a second field of attention to be intentionally directed to. In addition
to the sensory relation we have with the world “through” such an augmented
reality technology, we also have a relation to the information it gives us.
Google Glass is a good example of such an augmented reality technology.
People wearing it can get information on objects and buildings they see, and
potentially also about human beings, when the technology would be
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( I - Technology) → World
↘ (Technology – World)
Field Composition
Sedimentation
Multistability
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Across multiple fields of thought (including, but not limited to, STS, design,
and especially the philosophy of technology), a central question is how to
conceive of the non-neutrality of artifacts. That is, how should we understand
the way that technology at once in part determines our choices and actions,
and yet at the same time itself remains open to our manipulation and interpre-
tation? How is technology both something we design and use for our own
purposes, and also something that influences, restricts, leads, inclines, or
controls us? One of postphenomenology’s main responses to this question
can be found in the notion of “multistability.” This refers to the idea that any
technology can be put to multiple purposes and can be meaningful in differ-
ent ways to different users. As Ihde puts it, “No technology is ‘one thing,’
nor is it incapable of belonging to multiple contexts” (1999, 47). Crucially,
the notion of multistability simultaneously points to the fact that the material-
ity of the device constrains the potential relations to only certain uses and
meanings. That is, a technology cannot mean simply anything or be used to
do simply anything; only some relations prove experientially stable. In this
vocabulary, a multistable technology has multiple “stabilities” or “varia-
tions” (these two terms are used interchangeably in this literature).
Ihde first develops the notion of multistability in his early-career work on
visual perception. In his book Experimental Phenomenology, he considers
the experience of someone encountering and interpreting a variety of simple
visual illusions, that is, drawings that can be coherently interpreted in more
than one way (second printing 1986; expanded second edition 2012). These
simple examples are helpful for illustrating the ways in which our perception
is trained, and how our perceptual expectations enable our visual experience
to occur in term of gestalts. The standard example is the Necker cube visual
illusion (see figure 1.1). The common understanding of the drawing is that it
can be interpreted in more than one way, either as a three-dimensional box
with the topmost side on the upper right, or as another box with the topmost
side on the lower left.
Ihde uses the illusion to illustrate the multistability of visual perception,
explaining that each cube shape can be understood as a separate stability.
When trained to recognize these separate stabilities, each appears individual-
ly in terms of a visual gestalt. Ihde continues his examination of the cube,
explaining that, “If a background story can be found to allow [a] third varia-
tion to appear, its stability will coalesce almost immediately” (1986, 96). He
explores several additional stabilities possible for the drawing, including a
simple two-dimensional hexagon, a square-shaped bug straddling a hexago-
nal hole, and a cut gem shape in which the center square is taken as topmost
with the surrounding sides sloping away. Ihde has also explored the multi-
stablity of auditory phenomena (2007).
Despite being first developed as an account of human perception, the
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Figure 1.1.
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could make the same considerations about those potential alternative stabil-
ities, the murder weapon, the objet d’art, and such. The notion of relational
strategies is thus useful for highlighting the learned conceptions and bodily-
perceptual habits involved in using a technology for a particular purpose in a
particular context.
Where the hammer provides an example of embodiment relations, we can
also consider the relational strategies involved in hermeneutic relations. In
such cases, a “hermeneutic strategy” enables a user to apprehend the mean-
ing of a technology’s readout in terms of a particular stability, and do so in a
perceptual gestalt (e.g., Rosenberger 2011a; 2011b; 2013a). Such a herme-
neutic strategy would involve the interpretive framework and the perceptual
training that enables a user to read off a particular stability. For example, if a
person can at first see only one stability of the Necker cube illusion, they may
become able to see another stability after a friend relays an alternative her-
POSTPHENOMENOLOGICAL METHODOLOGY
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CASE STUDIES
Imaging Technologies
2011b; 2013b; Verbeek, 2011; Forss, 2012; Friis, 2012a; Friis, 2012b; Carusi
& Hoel, 2014; Hasse, 2014; see also Riis on architectural façades, 2011).
While Ihde explores examples of image-making processes in many of his
works, his most systematic treatment appears in his 1998 book, Expanding
Hermeneutics: Visualism in Science, the last third of which contains a “mini-
monograph” on the phenomenology of laboratory imaging practice. Broadly
speaking, a user’s relationship to an image in science can be understood as a
hermeneutic relation. That is, a user can be understood to share a reading-
style relationship with an image. An imaging device transforms an otherwise
imperceptible aspect of the world into a readable form—an image. As the
user looks directly at and interprets the image readout, she or he receives a
transformed experience of the world. The image is interpreted by the user in
much the same way a person apprehends written language; if the user knows
how to interpret the image—if she or he knows “how to read” it—then much
of the context and meaning appears at once in a perceptual gestalt. According
to Ihde, it is exactly the capacity to provide information in the form of a
gestalt that makes images so crucial to contemporary scientific practice. He
writes, “The role of repeatable, Gestalt patterns . . . is the epistemological
product of this part of the quest for knowledge” (Ihde, 1998, 171).
This series of postphenomenological insights into the hermeneutics of
imaging technologies serves to articulate several aspects of scientific practice
that typically go underexamined in more conventional accounts. Rather than
understand images simply as a representation of the world, or perhaps as a
data set to be squared away with theory, the postphenomenological perspec-
tive reveals the essential relational dimension of these practices, as a human
user encounters a technologically mediated world. Two crucial points be-
come apparent.
First, scientific images are clearly not a simple encounter with the world
itself. Images and imaging technologies are better understood as technolo-
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tions.
Rosenberger’s studies of the multistability of scientific imaging practice
share a similar line of thinking. But he considers the ways that the multis-
tability of images facilitates ongoing scientific debates (e.g., Rosenberger,
2011a; 2011b; 2013b). Like Hasse, he argues that it is productive to conceive
of laboratory images as multistable mediators capable of facilitating multiple
coherent hermeneutic relations. In his studies it is different sides of ongoing
debates that supply the hermeneutic strategies that make possible the differ-
ent stabilities of the image. That is, each side of a debate supplies an interpre-
tive framework that enables the image to be perceived in terms of their own
position. Such a conception, Rosenberger claims, highlights the image’s stat-
us as a technology (rather than simply as a representation of reality, a repre-
sentation about which one side of the debate is right and the other wrong).
And it encourages reflexivity with regard to the imaging processes that trans-
form an otherwise imperceptible object of study into a form we can see with
the human eye. His work includes case studies into flash freezing techniques
used in the study of neurotransmission, and satellite-mounted cameras used
in the exploration of Mars.
Verbeek investigates the mediation of ultrasound technology (2008b;
2011). Through a hermeneutic relation to the device, a sonogram provides
transformed access to a developing fetus in the form of a live-feed picture on
a screen. As such, Verbeek presents ultrasound as a guiding example of the
non-neutral manner in which mediating technologies co-shape the actors
involved in its use. That is, Verbeek shows how this mediating technology
crucially and multiply informs how the parents, the fetus, the fetus’s environ-
ment, and the medical context are all constituted within the moral decision-
making circumstances surrounding pregnancy. He observes, for example,
that an ultrasound can have an effect of isolating the fetus, constituting it as
an individual, and constituting the mother as the environment within which
that individual develops. And more, the mediation of the ultrasound consti-
tutes the fetus as a patient, and the course of the pregnancy is corresponding-
ly constituted as a condition which requires the supervision of medical pro-
fessionals. Verbeek emphasizes that parents are additionally constituted by
the ultrasounds as decision makers, forced to contend with morally fraught
information regarding risk factors, potential birth defects, and the probabil-
ities regarding conditions such as Down syndrome. The effects of this media-
tion on contemporary pregnancy are such that even parents that decide
against getting an ultrasound are placed in the moral decision-making role of
opting out. All this serves as a dramatic illustration of the postphenomeno-
logical claim, most strongly expounded and developed by Verbeek, that tech-
nological mediation does not reduce to the mere usage of innocent instru-
ments for human purposes, but is instead the non-neutral context through
which human actors and the world itself are constituted.
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Implantations
own form of intentionality, one that calls together the bodily characteristics
of embodiment relations, and also the translational characteristics of herme-
neutic relations, which he calls “cyborg intentionality.”
Cell Phones
Considering just how normal it has become for cell phones and smartphones
to be carried around throughout the day, it is perhaps no surprise that post-
phenomenologists have devoted considerable attention to these devices. For
example, in an expansion of the notion of alterity relations through an analy-
sis of the works of Emmanuel Levinas, Galit Wellner has developed a con-
ception of smartphone screens that emphasizes their role as a “quasi-face”
point of interaction (2014b). Evan Selinger considers the multistability of
cell phones in their use as part of microcredit loan programs in Bangladesh
sition directed mostly upon the conversational content and the telepresence
of the interlocutor. That is, according to Rosenberger, due to the deeply-
entrenched habits of the phone, a driver’s mind is at times dangerously pulled
away from the road and toward the phone conversation with a force akin to a
bad habit. Wellner remains unconvinced. She argues that users can develop
ways to successfully split their attention between two tasks, what she calls
“multi-attention,” and thus that increased regulation is unnecessary (Wellner,
2014a). Their debate has dragged a number of postphenomenologists into the
discussion (see the 2014 special issue of Techné on this topic), and addresses
not only the concrete details of driver experience and traffic policy, but also
the nature of human attention, and the relation between habituation and mult-
istability.
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mans, Vertesi, Lynch, and Woolgar (eds.), Representation In Scientific Practice Revisited.
Cambridge, MA: MIT Press 201–221.
Dalibert, L. (2014). “Posthumanism and Somatechnologies: Exploring the Intimate Relations
Between Humans and Technologies.” Doctoral dissertation, University of Twente.
De Preester, H. (2011). “Technology and the Body: The (Im)Possibilities of Re-embodiment.”
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De Preester, H. (2012). “Technology and the Myth of the Natural Man.” Foundations of
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Hasse, C. (2013). “Artifacts That Talk: Mediating Technologies As Multistable Signs and
Tools.” Subjectivity. 6: 79–100.
Hasse, C. (2014). The Anthropology of Learning: On Nested Fictions and Cultural Ecologies.
Dordrecht: Springer.
Heidegger, M. (1996). Being and Time, trans. J. Stambaugh. Albany: SUNY Press.
Husserl, E. (1973). Logical Investigations. London: Routledge.
Ihde, D. (1986). Experimental Pheneomenology, second printing. Albany: SUNY Press.
Ihde, D. (1990). Technology and the Lifeworld. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
Ihde, D. (1993). Postphenomenology: Essays in the postmodern context. Evanston, IL: North-
western University Press.
Ihde, D. (1998). Expanding Hermeneutics: Visualism in Science. Evanston: Northwestern Uni-
versity Press.
Ihde, D. (1999). “Technology and Prognostic Predicaments.” AI & Society. 13: 44–51.
Ihde, D. (2003). “If Phenomenology is an Albatross, Is Post-phenomenology Possible?” In D.
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Ihde, D. (2007). Listening and Voice, 2nd edition. Albany: SUNY Press.
Ihde, D. (2008). Ironic Technics. New York: Automatic Press/VIP.
Ihde, D. (2009). Postphenomenology and Technoscience: The Peking University Lectures.
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Ihde, D. (2012). Experimental Phenomenology: Multistabilities, Second Edition. Albany:
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and Postphenomenology: The Manhattan Papers. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books.
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Postphenomenological Theories
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
Why Postphenomenology
Needs a Metaphysics
Lenore Langsdorf
I don’t think phenomenology returns to the given. . . . Once you have been able
to discover the possible multi-stability of a phenomenon, you can never return
to it as a given.
—Don Ihde, Chasing Technoscience (2003, 127)
There are two responses to this title’s implicit question. One is brief: All of
our investigations, indeed all of our mundane activities, are based on meta-
physical assumptions and convictions, most of which go unnoticed. Unex-
pected results and scientific revolutions sometimes make those thematic.
Phenomenology’s basic interest in making thematic what was unnoticed sup-
ports investigation of this implicit metaphysics.
The second response is longer, for it begins with Dewey’s inclusion
among the philosophers who provide “philosophies, metaphysics, of change”
to philosophy’s history. His event ontology envisioned the world as ordered
occurrences of organisms’ interaction with their environment. His naturalis-
tic metaphysics envisioned nature, and the universe itself, as composed of
those interactive events in an ongoing process of “potential consequences”
45
Postphenomenological Investigations : Essays on Human–Technology Relations, edited by Rosenberger, and Peter-Paul
Verbeek, Lexington Books, 2015. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/monash/detail.action?docID=2055678.
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46 Lenore Langsdorf
which, as they are integrated, “form the very nature and essence of a thing, its
defining, identifying and distinguishing form” (Ihde, 1976, 143).
That aspect of postphenomenology’s pragmatic heritage is evident in Don
Ihde’s discovery of the multi-stability of phenomena, and the possibility that
that character is a manifestation of the multistability of “the things them-
selves.” This is an ontological topic; as Ihde noted, his Listening and Voice
was “intended as a prolegomena to an ontology of listening” (1976, ix), and
expanded, as he integrated the visual realm with the aural/oral, into a “pheno-
menological ontology” (2003, 134), “relativistic ontology” (2006, 275), and,
most recently, an “interrelational ontology” (2009, 44). The later terms term
imply issues of identity and change, mind and matter, possibility and neces-
sity. These issues go beyond description of what is and into questions of how
multistable things come to be; in more phenomenological terms, how that
multi-stability is constituted. These are topics for metaphysical inquiry.
The pervasive historical dominance in Euro-American philosophy of Pla-
to’s promotion of stable permanence (Forms) over change (things), together
with the focus on the immutable in Aristotelian metaphysics, contribute to
the avoidance of metaphysical study in modern philosophy. Yet the multi-
stability of postphenomenology’s “things” encourages a broadened interest
in how “being as such” encompasses the becoming of that being; in Dewey’s
words, in the possibilities of a “metaphysics, of change” despite “the craving
for the sure and fixed” (1925, 49).
POSTPHENOMENOLOGY
ONTOLOGY
In both pragmatism and phenomenology, one can discern what could be called
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One rather standard response to the question of the difference between meta-
physics and ontology (granted that the terms are often used interchangeably)
is that ontology deals with entities; with what is in the environment, and
metaphysics deals (along with other topics) with how those entities have their
being. If those definitions are accepted, we can see why the basic interest of
traditional phenomenology was ontology, with a strong emphasis on episte-
mology. The goal of phenomenology as a “rigorous science” was devising
and using a method for discovering what humans could know, with certainty,
about the entities correlative with human noetic activity.
12). Thus, Ihde concludes, “Locke repeated in essential outline the meta-
physical division of the thing” (1976, 13).
To undo that division, Ihde’s early work accomplished a “deliberate de-
centering” of “classical” empiricism: “What is called for is an ontology of
the auditory” that does not “replace vision as such with listening as such,”
but enables a “move towards a radically different understanding of experi-
ence” (1976, 14–15). The seeds of the focus on technology in postphenome-
nology are discernable in the early development of this “second phenomenol-
ogy” as the setting for a “prolegomena to an ontology of listening” (Ihde,
1976, ix). Ihde emphasizes that “the philosopher must listen to the sounds as
meaningful”—which is to say, as embodying both “sense” and “signifi-
cance.” He recognizes that “our experience of listening itself is being trans-
formed” by living in a “technological culture” that informs that transforma-
tion (Ihde, 1976, 4–5). Yet this ontology is limited to what is experienced by
humans, either through utilizing our sensory capacities or through expanding
and even supplanting those capacities with technologies that humans devise.
By providing an ontology that departs from “classical” empiricism’s
understanding of objects and categories of experience, Ihde’s development of
“second phenomenology” “builds toward a fundamental ontology of Being”
(1976, 18). Insofar as that requires consideration of what presents itself in
appearances, it prepares for, but does not engage, the very process of experi-
encing—a process that does not, itself, present itself phenomenologically. In
other words, Ihde’s “interrelational ontology” (1976, 23) takes us to the
threshold of a metaphysical, in contrast to phenomenological, investigation.
Bruno Latour’s metaphysical interest takes him beyond that threshold,
and informs his assertion that “the phenomenological tradition that he knows
best—the one of Merleau-Ponty… is an entirely human-centered account of
embodiment” although “it is more helpful than overly rationalistic positions,
because of the attention on the lived world” (2003, 16). He acknowledges
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that he doesn’t “see the use of phenomenology” for responding the question
that provokes his investigations: “Can we gain access to agencies that are not
human-centered?” (Latour, 2003, 17). Given that interest, he “would rehabil-
itate metaphysical questions that were posed by Whitehead,” for whom “the
ingredients of the world are accessible to inquiry” (Latour, 2003, 16, 17). It’s
in fieldwork and laboratory research that he situates inquiry about “the basic
categories by which actors build time, space, and agency… categories that
should not be fixed in advance” of that research (Latour, 2003, 17).
In sum: Latour’s “very concrete” metaphysics calls for a “mixture of
ethnomethodology and ontology” (2003, 18) along with semiotics. He con-
siders all three to be the “necessary tools for seeing how some events or
actors can remake the world locally” and goes on indicate the particular
value of “small doses” of semiotics: “linking it with ethnomethodology”
provides a “philosophical tool” that is “effective for bracketing out the sub-
ject” and so clears a way for attending to “how the world is built” (Latour,
2003, 22). That bracketing is needed to avoid limitation to human subjects
and the risk of adopting, in advance, categories that are specified by phenom-
enology’s limitation to what appears as accessible to human knowledge.
Ethnomethodology’s focus on practices detects local interactions and interre-
lations accomplishing world building, and thus, expands the realm of the
accessible.
ETHNOMETHODOLOGY
Where others might see “things,” “givens,” or “facts of life,” the ethnometho-
dologist sees (or attempts to see) process: the process through which the per-
ceivedly stable features of socially organized environments are continually
created and sustained. (1980, 3; emphasis in original)
“how” rather than the “what.” That required fieldwork: bringing the re-
searcher to sites of activities, whether that be street intersections, dinner
tables, recreational games, or laboratories. Often, the researcher came not
only to observe but also with a strategy for interfering with what was ongo-
ing in order to see how order was (re-)constituted and sustained; that is, on
how that particular corner of the world was being built.
Given this interest in how practices internally and interactively generate
their objects, the “things themselves” of phenomenology became the “pro-
cesses themselves” of ethnomethodology. Insofar as a process occurs in a
context and has a goal or purpose, it is continuous with both its past and its
future. Its independence is constituted by how it takes up aspects of that past
and is attracted to prospective ingredients for its future. In effect, activities
are moments within a process, both constituted by that process and constitut-
ing its future. Thus the context itself, considered as temporally and spatially
efficacious, is no longer a separate and stable frame; rather, it is an ingredient
in processual, interactive, and interrelational events.
In sum: ethnomethodology investigates methods that members of a col-
lective use to create and sustain the particular ordering of entities that are
needed for their world building. That task requires suspending reliance upon
the subject (as in semiotics) but also suspending the researchers’ own reli-
ance on hypotheses and presuppositions, such as the “fixed in advance cate-
gories about objects, subjects, and reality in general” to which Latour
objected. Ethnomethodology’s sociological heritage provides an orientation
toward human practices, rather than toward phenomenology’s intentional
subjects or postphenomenology’s multistable objects. Yet its phenomenolog-
ical heritage remains in Garfinkel’s description of “practical actions as con-
tingent ongoing accomplishments of organized artful practices of everyday
life” (1967, 11). Bruno Latour overlooks that heritage in his appreciation of
ethnomethodology as a tool for investigating how the world is built in and
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POSTPHENOMENOLOGICAL METAPHYSICS
The idea that the immediate traits of distinctively human experience are highly
specialized cases of what actually goes on in every actualized event of nature
does more that merely deny us the existence of an impassable gulf between
physical and psychological subject matter. It authorizes us, as philosophers
engaged in forming highly generalized descriptions of nature, to use the traits
There is order in the plenum. . . in the most ordinary activities of everyday life
in their full concreteness, and that means in their ongoingly procedurally en-
acted coherence . . . it is intractably hard to describe procedurally. . . . The
witnessably recurrent details of ordinary everyday practices are constitutive of
their own reality.
— Harold Garfinkel, Ethnomethodology’s Program (2002, 95–97)
Metaphysics starts in earnest when you grant those you study the same ability
to build the basic categories as when you read a treatise by Leibniz or if you
read Process and Reality. . . . Metaphysics is a very concrete practice. . . . I
take it to be a mixture of ethnomethodology and ontology.
It is the job of metaphysicians to monitor the experiment in which the world
makes itself.
—Bruno Latour, Chasing Technoscience, (2003, 18)
When the description fails to include the practice, the metaphysics is inade-
quate and requires revision. Metaphysics is nothing but the description of the
generalities which apply to all the details of practice.
—Alfred North Whitehead, Process and Reality (1978/1929, 13)
human beings act” (Verbeek, 2006, 127). From this perspective, Verbeek
investigates things not as pregiven entities that assume relations with each
other, but as entities that are constituted in their mutual relations. Human
beings are what they are by virtue of the way in which they realize their
existence in their world, and their world is what it is by the way in which it
can manifest itself in the relations humans have to it (2006, 163).
A metaphysics that describes a world of mutual relations is a radically
reconstructed metaphysics. It investigates reality as a process of mutually
interactive constitution of concrete technologies and human practices; of the
things we make and how those things make us. It must begin empirically, as
Whitehead insists: “morphological description is replaced by description of
dynamic process” within which “any one actual entity involves the actual
other actual entities among its components” (1978, 7). It incorporates
Dewey’s search for “generic traits of experience” and Whitehead’s “Meta-
physical categories [that] are not dogmatic statements of the obvious; they
are tentative formulations of ultimate generalities” and form “a matrix from
which true propositions applicable to particular circumstances can be de-
rived” (1978, 8).
Postphenomenology’s pragmatic heritage urges awareness of the value of
our doings and undergoings, and metaphysical research is no exception. The
value of Whitehead’s matrix is suggested by Dewey’s summary of the value
of empirical philosophical methods, which can only be determined by relo-
cating “the conclusions of philosophic inquiry… in the experience out of
which they arose, so they may be confirmed or modified.” In that way,
Dewey continues, “the philosophical results themselves acquire empirical
value; they are what they contribute to the common experience of man,
instead of being curiosities to be deposited, with appropriate labels, in a
metaphysical museum” (1925, 26).
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Verbeek, P-P. (2006). “The Morality of Things: A Postphenomenological Inquiry.” In E. Se-
linger (ed.)., Postphenomenology: A Critical Companion to Ihde. Albany: State University
of New York Press.
Whitehead, A. N. (1978/1929). Process and Reality, Corrected Edition. David Ray Griffin and
Donald W. Sherburne (eds.). New York: The Free Press.
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
Kirk M. Besmer
presence—the sense that one is both “here” and “there”—has been called,
“re-embodiment” by philosophers pursuing (broadly conceived) phenomeno-
logical analyses of human engagement with technologies. The questions at
issue involve the nature of such re-embodiment and its limits. 1
In this chapter, I will pursue a postphenomenological analysis of two
varieties of technological re-embodiment: virtual re-embodiment, which oc-
curs to some degree in video games and more so in immersive virtual envi-
ronments; and robotic re-embodiment, which occurs, again to varying de-
grees, with tele-robotic systems, such as tele-surgery and remotely-operated
vehicles. I hope to advance towards a postphenomenological account of tech-
nological re-embodiment by arguing against a tempting but faulty way of
understanding such experiences, namely that technologies of telepresence
extend human embodiment much like ordinary bodily co-located tools, such
as the carpenter’s hammer or the blind man’s cane. My argument will depend
55
Postphenomenological Investigations : Essays on Human–Technology Relations, edited by Rosenberger, and Peter-Paul
Verbeek, Lexington Books, 2015. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/monash/detail.action?docID=2055678.
Created from monash on 2021-05-19 22:22:18.
56 Kirk M. Besmer
players quickly develop a sense of its spatial dimensions: they can judge
whether or not the avatar “body” will fit through a door, for example. Thus,
not only do they identify with the avatar; they also seem to inhabit it.
This anecdotal evidence is supported by empirical research done by social
psychologists Jeremy Bailenson and Jim Blascovich who have conducted
various studies of human experiences in immersive virtual environments.
Although their research is primarily oriented towards issues in social
psychology, some of their research is revealing for theories of human em-
bodiment, especially as it pertains to virtual experiences. For example, when
controlling an avatar in virtual space, people will respect the personal space
of another’s avatar; they will do so even when they believe that the avatar is a
computer-controlled agent. Likewise, when the avatars of others invade their
avatar’s personal space by coming too close, they react by moving away.
Their studies show that habits of minding socially acceptable interpersonal
One sees and controls the robot’s moving arms without receiving any periph-
eral feedback from them (but having one’s own peripheral proprioceptive
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
feedback from one’s unseen arms). In this situation, we transferred tools from
one hand to another, picked up an egg, and tied knots. After a few minutes we
all became at ease with the feeling of being “in” the robot. Making a move-
ment and seeing it effected successfully led to a strong sense of embodiment
within the robot arms and body. This was manifest in one particular example
when one of us thought that he had better be careful for if he dropped the
wrench it would land on his leg! Only the robot arms had been seen and
moved, but the perception was that one’s body was in the robot. (Cole et al.,
2000, 167; italics added)
I will call this sense of being “in” or “inhabiting” the remote body of the
robot, “robotic re-embodiment.” It occurs to varying degrees in tele-robotic
systems, such as remotely operated vehicles and tele-surgery, for example. It
seems that the effect is achieved as soon as the operator has real-time visual
access to and feedback from the remote site and is able to affect change there,
usually using some kind of robotic “arm” and/or grasping device. Approach-
ing robotic re-embodiment from a post-phenomenological framework, it is
tempting to see the remote robotic arms as technological extensions of the
user’s carnal embodiment, much in the same way that ordinary co-located
tools extend our sense of embodiment as well as our bodily capacities for
perception and action. While there are important differences, three similar-
ities between virtual and robotic re-embodiment are critical. Both involve
some kind of interface equipment (joystick, head-mounted display, key-
board, etc.), visual access to and feedback from the remote environment, and
the ability to be active and effective there. Since both virtual and robotic re-
embodiment involve expanded perceptual access and greater agency in the
world, there appear to be good reasons for seeing virtual and robotic re-
embodiment as technological extensions of carnal embodiment, much like
the blind man’s cane in Merleau-Ponty’s famous description.
TECHNOLOGICAL EXTENSIONS
AND INCORPORATIONS
insofar as the body is the locus of intentional activity in the world, it portrays
an open structure that can be modified by integrating into itself potentialities
and possibilities afforded to it by non-bodily objects—what I shall call,
“tools”—in its environment. The incorporation of a tool in this manner im-
plies that it not only withdraws from focal awareness but that the affordances
provided by that tool become a background condition for subsequent inten-
tional activity. In other words, the language of “incorporation” implies that
the tools contribute to the structuring of the very environment in which they
will be enlisted to bring intentional activity to fulfillment. By doing so, a tool
extends one’s capacities beyond what they would be in the absence of it. 10 It
is in this manner that the language of “incorporation” and “extension” are
used somewhat interchangeably in phenomenological and postphenomeno-
logical analyses of technology and embodiment, even though the terms are
not synonymous. Thus, the ambiguity arising from Merleau-Ponty’s lan-
focus remaining on the location of the arm in space throughout its movement.
Rather, most of the specific motor activity of arm movement occurs pre-
consciously due to almost automatic motor-perceptual processes that have
been habitually sedimented in the body. Focally, one is intentionally oriented
towards the coffee cup not the arm that achieves the movement. But without
proprioception, the automatic responses allowing the body to efface itself in
intentional activity have been disrupted for IW. Thus, in any movement the
he initiates, he must focus on his body in an unusually attentive manner.
Gallagher and Cole describe IW’s mode of embodiment:
Without proprioceptive and tactile information [IW] knows neither where his
limbs are nor controls his posture unless he looks and thinks about his body.
Maintaining posture, is for him, an activity rather than an automatic process.
habitual and sufficiently sedimented in the habit body so that one is able to
execute the move almost automatically. Of course, this functional integration
of body image and body schema is operative in learning to use bodily co-
located tools. The notion of withdraw from focal awareness that occurs as
one becomes habituated to the motions and movements of a hammer, for
example, expresses the shift to a primarily pre-reflective (body schema)
mode of engagement.
The second important consideration that IW’s case highlights is that even
though inputs from both the vestibular system and visual sense contribute to
the synthesis of a body schema, proprioceptive information from kinesthetic,
muscular, and cutaneous sources is essential to form the body synthesis that
gives rise to a sense of bodily unity. In fact, insofar as proprioception is a
pre-personal bodily self-awareness, we can speak of “proprioceptive spatial-
ity of the body” (Gallagher, 2006, 351). Distinct from allocentric space—
sometimes referred to as “objective” space—in which spatial ordering is
keyed to an object outside the body, proprioceptive spatiality is an intra-
corporeal unity in which ordinary spatial relations (based on a notion of
extension between objects) do not apply. Merleau-Ponty puts it this way:
“bodily space can be distinguished from external space and it can envelop its
parts rather than laying them out side by side” (Merleau-Ponty, 2012, 103,
italics added).
I noted above that Merleau-Ponty’s analysis of body schema implies a
particular part-whole relationship that resists the inner/outer distinction; it
also resists notions of “near” and “far” understood as ways of describing
spatial distance in which discrete things are separated by extension. It makes
no sense to say that my nose is nearer to me than my right big toe. When it
comes to proprioceptive spatiality of the body, there is no center; there is no
origin. There is the body as a diversity-in-unity. Such a system of organiza-
tion is a differentiated unity of mutual self-envelopment and overlap by the
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
The third thing that IW’s case highlights is that even though propriocep-
tive information is an essential aspect of body schema syntheses, deficiencies
in proprioceptive receptors can be compensated for, to some minimal degree,
with attentive vision and active concentration. In other words, with great
effort, one can cope with loss of normal functioning of somatic propriocep-
tion and cutaneous sensation, but doing so alters the subject’s embodied
engagement with his or her environment in a crucial way. As Gallagher and
Cole describe it:
For IW, location of the limbs in space and intentional bodily activity are no
longer elements of his pre-conscious, pre-personal body schema but become
elements of his conscious, self-referential body image. Even routine move-
ments will likely never become semi-automatic process that can recede to the
margin of conscious awareness but will always require focal concentration
and active visual attention.
The fourth thing that IW’s case highlights—and crucial to my overall
argument here—is that the state of the tele-operator is an analogous state as
IW when it comes to the remote machinery. This is so because the tele-
operator only has visual sensations—and not tactile, kinesthetic, or proprio-
ceptive awareness—of the remote machinery’s location in and movement
through space. Thus, activity in the remote environment would involve a
mode of embodiment similar to IW’s experience of his own body below his
neck. This means that in any remote activity undertaken with the tele-operat-
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
ed system, the operator must attentively focus on the target object of the
intended action as well as the remote machinery that serves as the means
with which the intended action is brought to fulfillment. In tele-surgery, for
example, the surgeon must focus on the “tissue” of the patient as well as on
the position and movement of the robotic arms. Like IW, activity in the
remote environment requires constant visual and mental concentration.
Even with this limit, however, visual feedback can yield what has been
called “visual proprioception” (Gallagher and Cole, 1998, 143), which is the
sense that one has of the nearness and farness of objects in one’s visual field
as one moves about the environment. One must do so with one’s object body
as the constant orienting referent. The most obvious instance of visual propri-
oception involves driving a car. For an experienced driver, successfully guid-
ing a car to the desired destination can be achieved with minimal explicit
attentive awareness of the spatial boundaries of the car as well as the precise
VIRTUAL RE-EMBODIMENT
that there is another, deeper similarity between the two, for in both we
witness the same double technological embodiment. The tele-operator, like
the game player (or participant in an immersive virtual environment) must
become familiar enough with the bodily co-located interface equipment so
that it withdraws from focal awareness, becoming integrated into the pre-
personal body schema. Moreover, it often occurs that the tele-operator expe-
riences the sense of inhabiting the remote machinery, despite the lack of
tactile feedback from the remote environment.
As noted above, this sense comes about due to visual feedback as well as
real-time command and control of the remote robotic “arms.” Likewise, we
can conclude that in an attenuated but analogous fashion one’s avatar, which
is seen and manipulated but never tactilely sensed, gives rise to the sensation
that one inhabits the avatar “body” in the virtual environment. Furthermore,
it seems that manipulating an avatar in a virtual environment requires the
same attentive visual focus as the tele-operation of remote machinery. This
means, however, that the manner in which one embodies the co-located
interface equipment in virtual embodiment is different in kind from the expe-
rience one has of inhabiting the avatar “body,” for the interface equipment—
joystick, VR helmet, or whatever is used—can withdraw into one’s body
schema to become an almost transparent medium of one’s intentional activ-
ity, while the same cannot be said of the digital representation that is one’s
avatar. The avatar remains at the object end of the (visual) intentional rela-
tionship, even though, much like the remote machinery of a tele-robotic
system, it functions as the locus of perception and agency in the virtual
environment.
The similarity to robotic re-embodiment elucidates a crucial aspect of
virtual re-embodiment. Moreover, it also hints at the limitations of that re-
embodiment, for if the remote elements of the robotic system should not be
seen as extension of carnal embodiment—as long as this is understood in
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tion occur in fantasy time and fantasy space. While virtual re-embodiment
entails a strong imaginary element, the reality principle remains, at least in
affective terms, for playing video games or otherwise spending one’s time in
virtual environments leads to real emotional experiences. Real people fall in
love with other real people in Second Life, for example. Making sense of
such emotional experiences, however, is a topic for another chapter.
CONCLUSION
integrated into the body image. This distinction provides a needed refinement
of the extension thesis, which is the general claim that technologies are
extensions of embodied human perception, agency, and cognition. The abil-
ity (or inability) of a technology to contribute to proprioceptive self-aware-
ness is crucial to the distinction I am making.
Future technologies might promise the theoretical possibility of interface
equipment that can participate in proprioceptive information systems of the
body; however, it seems that multiple practical possibilities would need to be
surmounted first. Indeed, such promises seem to be more on the order of
techno-fantasies rather than plausible developments of current technological
trajectories, which seem to point in the directions of greater visual resolution,
more “natural” interface apparatuses, shorter feedback times, and greater
mobility and dexterity in remote environments. Even without radical ad-
vances, however, current technologies of telepresence offer sufficient visual
NOTES
1. See, for example (De Preester, 2011; Dolezal, 2009; Ihde, 2011). “Re-embodiment” has
come to take on two related but distinct meanings. On the one hand, “re-embodiment” might be
applied to the altered form of embodiment emerging from the integration of bodily co-located
“tools” into the body schema, such as we witness in the example of the blind man’s cane or the
carpenter’s hammer. On the other hand, “re-embodiment” also can refer to the altered sense of
embodiment that occurs with technologies of telepresence in which technological equipment
yields a sense of perception and agency in a remote environment, whether that environment is
robotic or virtual. I will use this term in the second sense.
2. The subjects of these tests wore head-mounted displays so that they could see nothing of
the actual physical room they were in, and they were moving about a physical room that
corresponded to the virtual room in which their avatar was located. (See Bailenson et al., 2003;
Blascovich and Bailenson, 2011, 86–89.)
3. See also (Bailenson and Yee, 2009). In a series of studies, Bailenson and his colleagues
examine what they call the “Proteus Effect,” which is the thesis that an individual’s behavior in
virtual environments conforms to their digital self-representation independently of how others
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
see their avatar. While it seems reasonable that people will behave more aggressively in virtual
exchanges with others while controlling an aggressive-looking avatar, what is surprising is that
some of these altered behavioral traits persist, at least for a short time, into subsequent real-
world social engagements.
4. For example: “To habituate oneself to a hat, an automobile, or a cane is to take up
residence in them, or inversely, to make them participate with the volumnosity of one’s own
body. Habit expresses the power we have of dilating our being in the world, or of altering our
existence through incorporating new instruments [Fr: annexant de nouveau instruments, 168]”
(Merleau-Ponty, 2012, 145). Also, for the blind man, the cane “is an appendage of the body, or
an extension of the bodily synthesis [Fr: C’est un appendice du corps, une extension de la
synthèse corporelle, 178]” (Merleau-Ponty, 2012, 154).
5. This way of describing the physical body appears in “extended mind” approaches to
embodiment in cognitive science. See for example, Andy Clark’s 2003 book, Natural Born
Cyborgs, for examples—and it is often used in the phrase “biological skin-bag” (pp. 16, 33, and
44).
6. Other examples he uses include a ladies hat with a large external feather, a car, a
typewriter, and a musical organ.
7. The distinction between “body schema” and “body image” and the role proprioception
plays in framing this difference are central to my argument in this paper, and I will describe this
in more detail below.
8. “The contour of my body is a border that ordinary spatial relations do not cross. This is
because the body’s parts relate to each other in a peculiar way: they are not laid out side by
side, but rather envelop each other” (Merleau-Ponty, 2012, 100).
9. For a further discussion of gestalt-like unities, see my Merleau-Ponty’s Phenomenology:
The Problem of Ideal Objects (Besmer, 2008, 21–27).
10. It so happens that the blind man’s cane also extends his physical body; however, it is the
enlargement or expansion of possibilities for intentional action and fulfillment that is central to
the notion of extension here.
11. I pursue this question by examining the concept of “cyborg” and “cyborg intentionality”
(Besmer, 2102).
12. The full quotation is: “Thus, my exact claim is that the distinction between bodily
extension and body incorporation is based on a feeling of body ownership” (De Preester, 2012,
396).
13. IW’s case is detailed in Jonathan Cole’s book, Pride and a Daily Marathon (1995). It is
also documented in Shaun Gallagher’s 2005 book, How the Body Shapes the Mind. IW’s case is
also described in an essay co-authored by Cole and Gallagher (Gallagher and Cole, 1995). This
article is reprinted in (Gallagher and Cole, 1998). My references will be to the reprinted edition.
For a discussion of a similar case (GL) see also (Cole and Paillard, 1998). Oliver Sacks
describes a similar instance in (1985, 42–52).
14. Hospitalized immediately after the onset of the neural damage, IW’s first sense was one
of utter disembodiment. Cole describes his condition: “[IW] seemed to be “floating” on the
mattress. Without sense of position or touch from his body and limbs, he appeared not to be
resting on the bed. But it wasn’t the relaxed floating one associates with swimming… but an
almost unimaginable total absence of feeling” (Cole, 1995, 14).
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and the Dawn of the Virtual Revolution. HarperCollins: New York.
Bailenson, J., J. Blascovich, A. Beall, and J. Loomis. (2003). “Interpersonal Distance in Immer-
sive Virtual Environments.” Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 29 (7): 819–833.
Bailenson, J. and N. Yee. (2009). “The Difference Between Being and Seeing: The Relative
Contribution of Self-Perception and Priming to Behavioral Changes via Digital Self-Repre-
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Dolezal, L. (2009). “The Remote Body: The Phenomenology of Telepresence and Re-Embodi-
ment.” Human Technology: An Interdisciplinary Journal on Humanities in ICT Environ-
ments 5 (2): 208–226.
Gallagher, S. (2005). How the Body Shapes the Mind. Oxford UP: New York.
Gallagher, S. (2006). “The Intrinsic Spatial Frame of Reference.” In Dreyfus, H. and Wrathall,
M. (eds.), Blackwell Companion to Phenomenology and Existentialism. Malden, MA:
Blackwell, 346–355.
Gallagher, S., and J. Cole. (1995). “Body Image and Body Schema in a Deaffernted Subject.”
The Journal of Mind and Behavior 16 (4): 369–90.
Gallagher, S., and J. Cole. (1998). “Body Image and Body Schema in a Deafferented Subject.”
In D. Welton (ed.), Body and Flesh: A Philosophical Reader. Oxford: Blackwell, 131–147.
Ihde, D. (2011). “Postphenomenological Re-Embodiment.” Foundations of Science 17 (4):
373–377.
Merleau-Ponty, M. (1945). Phénoménology de la Perception. Librairie Gallimard: Paris.
Merleau-Ponty, M. (2012). Phenomenology of Perception. trans. Donald A. Landes. New
York: Routledge.
Sacks, O. (1985). “The Disembodied Lady.” In The Man Who Mistook His Wife for a Hat. New
York: Touchstone, 42–52.
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
Thinking Technology
with Merleau-Ponty
Aud Sissel Hoel and Annamaria Carusi
73
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74 Aud Sissel Hoel and Annamaria Carusi
(3) The development of new and dynamic conceptual frameworks for under-
standing human-technology relations: Postphenomenology seeks to concep-
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
(4) The call for a new kind of technoscience criticism: Whereas traditional
philosophy of science often fails to examine critically the role of technolo-
gies in scientific contexts, the postphenomenological approach takes serious-
ly the technological embodiment of science in its instrumentation and appa-
ratus. It does so without romanticizing unaided human experience and handi-
craft technologies, and without reverting to technological determinism.
While we claim that this last point is a point of convergence between Mer-
leau-Ponty and postphenomenology, this goes against a common reading of
ished manuscript The Prose of the World (1973), which he commenced im-
mediately after Phenomenology of Perception, with the aim of showing how
the account of perception given there could be related to the intellectual and
cultural world; and the 1953 lecture notes published in Le Monde sensible et
le monde de l’expression (2011), which show a strong preoccupation with
symbolic systems, on one hand, and instruments, tools, and technologies on
the other. In these writings, it is clear that he considers tools and artifacts not
just as the expressions of humans, but as themselves expressive of objects or
the world (2011, 48, 54). He also clearly points to the transformative effect of
tools and works of art, frequently referring to both kinds of artifacts in the
very same sentences (for example, 2011, 48, 53, 54, etc.). In “Eye and
Mind”—which is his most developed account of vision in art (and, we would
argue, of science)—he again refers to “technical objects, such as tools and
signs” in the same breath as he discusses the role of mirrors in painting
(1993, 129). Our point is that the continuity that Merleau-Ponty saw between
the “natural” symbolism of perception, and “artificial” symbolisms and arti-
facts is the key to understanding his deeper account of technology. However,
to the extent one can speak of a systematic approach to technology, this
approach must be teased out of the scattered references to instruments, tools,
and technologies in his later works, and in the notes and course lectures that
surround these works and provide a broader context for them. Another cru-
cial source in this respect are the written traces of Merleau-Ponty’s lecture
courses on the concepts of nature during the late 1950s (2003), where the
later sketches contain an increasing number of references to apparatuses,
instruments, and algorithms, as well as to the eye or vision as a computer. 3
Merleau-Ponty died at a young age, and it is unknown what systematic
account he might have given of technologies. Even so, it is clear that he
certainly did think about technologies, and was concerned to give an alterna-
tive account to the Cartesian-inspired account that still prevailed in the mid-
1900s, and indeed still does in many quarters. In addition to this, it is clear
that, with respect to the expressive capacities that the later Merleau-Ponty
attributes to instruments and tools, questions of relevance to technology are
to a large extent treated by him in the context of symbolic systems and art
works. Thus, in our ongoing engagement with Merleau-Ponty’s later work,
we develop an account of technologies that is consistent with Merleau-Pon-
ty’s main lines of thinking (as much as we can grasp them through reading
together his published and unpublished writings), while at the same time
further developing some of his main ideas beyond what he actually wrote.
We propose this as a possible Merleau-Pontian philosophy of technology, a
“thinking with” Merleau-Ponty about technologies.
In the following we outline the main points of our account. Before we
proceed, however, we want to accentuate an important insight to be gained
from the way that Merleau-Ponty handles technologies in the context of other
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external to the things whose identities are conceived as pre-given. The latter
conception of vision he believes to be molded by a way of thinking about
space, which again was epitomized by Descartes. For Descartes, as extended
beings, we are in space, but we can only truly know space when we abstract
our bodily being from it; we know space only through reason and hence as an
ideal mathematical space. This externality of an embodied viewpoint to
space is captured in the often misleading analogy between perspectival paint-
ings and windows, 4 which implies that the two-dimensional surface of the
painting opens onto depth as it would exist for bodiless beings. Thus under-
stood, Merleau-Ponty observes, “the window opens only upon partes extra
partes, upon height and breadth merely seen from another angle—upon the
absolute positivity of Being” (1993, 134). It is important to note that Mer-
leau-Ponty does not in fact criticize Descartes for having idealized space or
for having proposed a notion of space that is a construct. On the contrary, he
tion had left Merleau-Ponty with an acute awareness of its limitations: The
identification of the body with sensory perception had resulted in a philoso-
phy that was unable to account for ideational meaning beyond perceptual
meaning—that is, for the full range of social, cultural, and intellectual life.
His project after Phenomenology of Perception was to develop an account
that would allow a passage to the conceptual world, without severing it from
the world of perception. If his earlier approach emphasizes incarnated mean-
ing as a positive layer to return to, his later work emphasizes instead the
expansive and expressive dynamic of flesh, which does not stop at embodied
perception, but extends into and comprises intellectual life (Saint Aubert,
2008, 10, 14). This expansive and dynamic notion of flesh presents a very
different notion of mediation, not in its representational sense, where the
medium is conceived as a vehicle for a pre-given meaning. Flesh cannot be
parsed into a material and an ideational aspect (say, like signifier and sig-
nified in semiological structuralism), it is both at once. Drawing on some key
quotations of Merleau-Ponty, we have coined the term the “measuring body”
to emphasize the “in-each-otherness” (Ineinander) of the material and idea-
tional aspects of mediation (Hoel and Carusi, forthcoming). To quote but one
example of these:
and institutes a style of seeing and accessing the world. The body actively
measures; but the formative and constitutive activity is bidirectional: How it
measures is inflected by what it measures; neither the measuring body nor
the things it measures are mere things, but are immanently ideational as well.
They bring to the measuring situation their own “logic,” or, if one prefers,
their own “agency.” As such, the measuring body is emblematic of flesh.
Through the notion of the measuring body, we bring together the scattered
clues left by Merleau-Ponty into an account that accentuates the expansive
dynamic of the flesh, and reconfigures the perceiving body into a symbolical-
ly and technologically distributed measuring body, bringing to the fore the
ontological import of symbolisms and tools, which, each in their own way,
serve as “measures of being” (Merleau-Ponty, 1973, 124).
There are different ways to trace the interconnectedness of the natural,
symbolic, and technological in Merleau-Ponty’s later work, but here we shall
do so through noting some of his uses of the term “circuit.” 7 We have already
noted that flesh as formative medium indicates its in-betweenness (being in
the middle; instituting a specific environment). The in-betweenness is also
accentuated in Merleau-Ponty’s use of the notion of the circuit. The idea of
the circuit illuminates the “logos of perception” or “natural symbolism,” as it
does other symbolisms and tools or technologies. A pivotal section of his
lecture notes on the concepts of nature deals with animality, and sees Mer-
leau-Ponty engaging with the biological theories prominent at this time—
particularly those that are attempting to give a non-causal, non-mechanistic
account of animal development and behaviour. Prominent among these is
Jakob von Uexküll, who stressed the dynamic interactions between the or-
ganism and its environment (Umwelt). The notion of the Umwelt brings out
the reciprocal relation between nature that has created the organism, and the
organism that creates nature (its Umwelt). The organism is in a circuit with
the environment with which and within which it interacts. In their ongoing
interaction 8 and intertwinement, both organism and milieu are mutually con-
stituted.
In the last section of Nature, Merleau-Ponty works with these insights
from biology, trying to see to what extent they can serve as ways of rethink-
ing the ontology of perception. Merleau-Ponty, like Uexküll, stresses a conti-
nuity between the natural and the cultural or symbolic order. In Merleau-
Ponty’s later thinking life is conceived in terms of a productive negativity
within being (the invisible scaffolding of the visible), whereby the living
organism diverges from its environment in an ongoing process of differentia-
tion and articulation. This role of differentiation and articulation through
divergence is enacted by the measuring body, which distributes the environ-
ment according to its measure, while at the same time being shaped in re-
sponse to that environment. In its measured relation to its environment, the
living organism is not devoid of intelligibility: “animality is the logos of the
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
Earlier we noted that there is, for Merleau-Ponty, a very close connection
between language, technologies, and art, which are all seen as being embed-
ded in the circuit between seeing and seen. In “Eye and Mind,” for instance,
he uses the example of the mirror: “Like all other technical objects, such as
tools and signs, the mirror has sprung up along the open circuit between the
seeing and the visible body” (1993,129). The circuit that interrelates and co-
constitutes seeing and seen, knowing and known, is a mediated circuit—
which is to say that it is not one unitary circuit of one modality; the measur-
ing body is a shifting matrix that is at once perceptual, symbolic, and techno-
logical. The world opened and accessed in and through the measuring body is
multimodal and multidimensional. Thus, in humans, the circuit is always
already inflected by “artificial” symbolisms. Importantly these also include
mathematics and algorithms, to which there are also several references
throughout Nature. Some of these suggestive remarks point to a deployment
of mathematics and statistics as a way of overcoming atomistic studies of
isolated phenomena, and working instead towards “phenomena-envelopes”
(2003, 247).
Merleau-Ponty also seems intent to reframe mathematics and algorithms
and include them among the forms of expression. For example, he writes:
“The modern evolution of mathematics which gets over the dilemma of
quality or quantity. Theory of mathematics and of the algorithm to be made a
variant of language” (2003, 313). The inclusion of mathematics and algo-
rithms among symbolic systems, and therefore, we argue, in the measuring
body, is one of the most significant moves that makes Merleau-Ponty’s incip-
ient philosophy of technology capable of doing justice to computational tech-
nologies. Elsewhere, we have attempted to draw out the implications of this
approach for understanding the workings and functions of computational
technologies in science, and their role in generating visualizations for com-
putational biology and neuroscience, respectively (Carusi and Hoel, 2014a;
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
2014b).
Thus, by coining the term “measuring body,” we further develop Mer-
leau-Ponty’s idea of the body as an “apparatus of organizing perspectives,”
by emphasizing even more strongly than does Merleau-Ponty the mediated
nature of knowledge and being, and with that, the indispensable roles played
by “artificial” symbolisms and technologies. The further emphasis on media-
tion also means that the interrogated apparatus is never given once and for
all, but capable of being modified by the instruments, tools, and symbols at
its disposal. Artificial symbolisms and technologies, in other words, are
understood to have the power to transform the body’s organizing logic and
hence its relationship to its environment. By being injected into the circuit,
instruments, tools, and symbols productively displace the inner firmament of
our world, giving rise to new and distributed ways of interrogating the world;
by being incrusted in the flesh, they allow new perceptions and actions and
give rise to new kinds of entities—hence our contention about the ontologi-
cal import of symbolisms and technologies. 9
In this short overview we have highlighted a few lines of thought about
technologies that point towards a Merleau-Pontian inspired form of postphe-
nomenology, which, as we mentioned in the introduction, intersects with the
ongoing development of postphenomenology on several points. The under-
standing of technologies that emerges from this reading of Merleau-Ponty
accentuates the transformative and productive roles of technologies as they
hook into the human perceptual system and form a distributed interrogating
system—a measuring body.
We end with a discussion of a point on which there is an apparent diver-
gence, that is, regarding Merleau-Ponty’s criticism of science. This is re-
marked upon by Ihde and Selinger (2004), who see Merleau-Ponty as exem-
plifying the classical phenomenological critique of science and its technolo-
gies as alienating human experience. Our reading of Merleau-Ponty stresses
instead that it is a certain thinking about science that is criticized by Merleau-
Ponty and not its practice, which instead, has much in common with the
forms of expressivity found in painting (see for example the authors’ discus-
sion of the use of visualizations in neuroscience, Carusi and Hoel, 2014b).
The target of Merleau-Ponty’s critique is often the rhetoric surrounding sci-
ence rather than science itself; he is particularly dismissive of sciences as
they become ideologies, and their terms of reference become hegemonic.
This is the core of his criticism of cybernetics. For all that, at many points, it
is clear that Merleau-Ponty is open to thinking in terms of cybernetics and
computation (not least in his very use of the notion of the circuit). 10 For
example, both in Nature (2003, 275) and in “Eye and Mind” (1993,127), he
refers to the computational nature of vision and perception. However, he is
critical of cybernetics (or at least its rhetoric) for having cast issues of per-
ception and computation in machine terms, because he sees this as allied with
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
mechanistic and causal thinking—that is, with thinking that is still caught in
externalist relations between vision, technologies and things. Merleau-Ponty
would thus hold cybernetics to have misunderstood itself precisely to the
extent that it does not recognize itself as embedded in relations of “in-each-
otherness” that characterize the circuit. Thus, far from criticizing technosci-
ence from a distance, Merleau-Ponty exemplifies a mode of engagement with
technoscience that bids us to attend to the criss-crossing mediations that
together constitute scientific domains. By following through on this example,
we can go some way to realizing the potential of Merleau-Ponty’s thinking to
reconfigure technology’s role in knowledge and being. One route to doing so
is in the form of the measuring body as a distributed perceptual, symbolic,
and technological body that forms a particular form of apparatus for target-
ing, engaging with, interrogating, and forming the world in which that body
operates.
NOTES
REFERENCES
3: 6–31.
Carbone, M. (2004). The Thinking of the Sensible: Merleau-Ponty’s A-Philosophy. Evanston,
IL: Northwestern University Press.
Carusi, A., and A. S. Hoel. (2014a). “Toward a New Ontology of Scientific Vision.” In C.
Coopmans, J. Vertesi, M. Lynch, and S. Woolgar (eds.), Representation in Scientific Prac-
tice Revisited. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 201–221.
Carusi, A., and A. S. Hoel. (2014b). “Brains, Windows and Coordinate Systems.” In A. Carusi,
A.S. Hoel, T. Webmoor, and S. Woolgar (eds.), Visualisation in the Age of Computerisation.
London and New York: Routledge, 145–169.
Cataldi, S. L., and W. S. Hamrick. (eds.). (2007). Merleau-Ponty and Environmental Philoso-
phy: Dwelling on the Landscapes of Thought. New York: SUNY Press.
Haraway, D. (1988). “Situated Knowledges: The Science Question in Feminism and the Privi-
lege of Partial Perspective.” Feminist Studies 14 (3): 575–599.
Hoel, A. S., and A. Carusi. (forthcoming). The Measuring Body.
Ihde, D. (1990). Technology and the Lifeworld: From Garden to Earth. Bloomington and
Indianapolis: Indiana University Press.
Ihde, D. (1999). Expanding Hermeneutics: Visualism in Science. Evanston, IL: Northwestern
University Press.
Marie-Christine Nizzi
The role of the body in defining the human self has been discussed since
Ancient time, starting with Plato’s claim that the body was a jail for the self
(Phaedo, 66b-e), conceived as an immortal soul. Later, Descartes, although
famously known for carving the mind-body dualism, tried his best to account
for the role of this specific body that is mine in the identity of real men,
understood as the deep union of a mind and a body (Meditations, 1641). The
current state of science—including cloning, stem cells, and synthetic pros-
thetics—is a powerful source of revival for this issue in media. Is the body a
mere container for the self or should we rather say that our thoughts, feelings
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85
Postphenomenological Investigations : Essays on Human–Technology Relations, edited by Rosenberger, and Peter-Paul
Verbeek, Lexington Books, 2015. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/monash/detail.action?docID=2055678.
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86 Marie-Christine Nizzi
(irrigation).
More to our point, our relation to ourselves as embodied beings has been
completely reshaped by technological progress. Our identity is now linked to
finger prints, dental records, and DNA, yet it seems like the body has never
been so technology dependent. What about the body’s limits in strength,
speed, or accuracy? Industrial robots now handle most of the heavy lifting,
demolishing, assembling with precision and speed, sewing, planting. What
about the body’s fragility to pathological agents? Modern medicine has cured
and sometime eradicated pandemics that used to cause millions of deaths
every year. Babies who would not survive premature birth now receive inten-
sive care. Unconscious patients receive automated life support. Surgeons can
rely on medical robots to assist them in high precision acts and reduce the
recovery time for invasive procedures. What about the irreplaceability of our
body? The limits to organ transplants are pushed back every year. What
about the biological nature of our body? We now have artificial hips and
knees, pacemakers, synthetic prosthetics, even 3D-printed plastic skulls! 1
Technology has even found a way to read others’ minds, challenging the
ultimate frontier of the private self by detecting consciousness in vegetative
patients (Owen et al., 2006) and translating trained cerebral activity in para-
lyzed patients into spelling, voice synthesis, or motor actions via brain-com-
puter interfaces (Oken et al., 2013). It is in such a context that we want to ask
how technology impacts our concepts of self and embodiment.
Postphenomenology as defined by Ihde (2009) aims to integrate last cen-
tury’s techno-scientific progress by giving a major empirical twist to the
traditional interest of phenomenology for the qualitative experience of being
a subject. Subjectivity, in this view, must be studied in relation to its techno-
scientific context. For instance, one can use technological mediation to gain
access to the first-person feelings and decisions of non-communicative pa-
tients (Nizzi et al., 2012). One can also investigate the impact of mobile
communication devices on our subjective experience of embodiment during
driving (Rosenberger, 2014; Wellner, 2014). Those are only a few examples
of investigations on how our concept of embodied self is transformed by the
use of technology.
In this chapter, we adopt an epistemological strategy inspired by the
philosophical tradition of thought experiments. Interestingly enough, this
tradition is deeply rooted in the philosophy of mind and in the question of the
role of the body in defining the human self. Locke introduced a famous
thought experiment in his Essay Concerning Human Understanding when he
suggested the reader to consider the case of a prince who would wake up in
the body of a cobbler, to support his theory of psychological continuity.
More recently, Parfit (1984; 2003) justifies the use of such fictions: “By
considering these cases, we discover what we believe to be involved in our
own continued existence, or what it is that makes us now and ourselves next
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year the same people. We discover our beliefs about the nature of personal
identity over time. […] Our beliefs are revealed most clearly when we con-
sider imaginary cases.” In the same perspective, we believe that science-
fiction blockbusters seen by millions of spectators throughout the world gain
their success by appealing to widely spread concerns in the general public.
By studying how these movies question the role of the body in different
hypothetical technological worlds, we are extending Parfit’s strategy to iden-
tify beliefs held by a large audience of non-philosophers, thus extending the
social bearing of the conclusions we can draw.
Let us consider the latest movie: Captain America, the Winter Soldier by
Joseph and Anthony Russo (2014). Hopefully, by the time this gets pub-
lished, it won’t constitute any spoiler but in case it does, let us just say that
one of the corrupted scientists who was believed to be long dead, turns out to
exist now as a computer. Suffering from a fatal condition, he reveals that his
body was lost but his “mind was worth saving” so it was transferred into a
high memory set of connected hard drives. As we will see, this is merely one
of the many ways in which humanity plays with the idea of surviving one’s
own biological body. In this case more so than in others, however, it was
clearly spelled out that the body did not matter, only the mind did. Time and
again, we find this dualist temptation to consider the body a mere recipient
for the self rather than being its very mode of existence. As Ricoeur says, in
such fictions, “the corporeal and terrestrial condition itself becomes a mere
variable, a contingent variable.” 2 Because we focus here on techno-scientific
fictions, the question in our view cannot be “are these different scenarios
preserving the self?” but necessarily becomes “what can we learn from our
own fantasies about what makes us human?” and, more specifically, “how
determinant do we believe our unique biological mortal body to be for the
self in a world in constant techno-scientific progress?”
I want to claim that our body determines us absolutely in the present.
That is, at any given time, my motor capacities, for instance, depend on my
body and I am not at liberty to suddenly walk through solid walls by my sole
desire to do so. It is not to say that human embodiment is defined by a static
set of properties independent from its techno-scientific context. The human
embodied self has already undergone considerable change throughout the
history of evolution. With the help of technology, we can now fly when it
was a radically inaccessible set of motions for humans before aviation. We
can talk to each other while being separated by a great physical distance. Yet
no one seems to think that we are less human for that. We can create light-
ning at will in controlled conditions and start avalanches in a way that would
seem totally beyond the human range of possibilities to a society with less
advanced technology. Certain eyesight impairments can be fixed by laser!
Did that not sound like sci-fi just a few decades ago?
My point here is that we can only address the question of a multistable
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
self by realizing first how our very notion of self is dynamic. I said that the
body determines us absolutely: it does, in a given techno-scientific frame-
work. The set of possibilities open to embodied humans is mediated by the
technological context they live in. At present, on Earth, one could argue that
there are several types of embodied selves. For some humans, it is possible to
survive cardiac failure if a transplant is done in time, for others this very
possibility does not even exist. The limits, the fragility, the uniqueness and
the exclusive biological nature of the human body are already a fragmented
reality depending on the technology one has access to. Yet science-fiction
and thought experiments always seem to assume that there is something like
a decisive step ahead that will break us apart from our human “original”
nature. This only holds in a static ontology of the self and the body, one
where being human refers to a fictive unchanging state outside of evolution
and time. For those of us who live in a world where time passes, technology
has broadened the spectrum of human possibilities from the very moment a
stone got picked up and used as a tool.
The main lesson of adopting a dynamic framework to think about the self
is that it allows us to look back in time to extract regularities, patterns, and
ultimately principles that can shed light on the future we question in sci-fi
movies. I want to point out two of these principles that describe how our
experience and concept of the embodied self change following techno-scien-
tific progress: (1) functional pragmatism, and (2) the consecutive evolution
of the norm.
By functional pragmatism, I mean a fundamentally adaptive feature of
humans by which we adopt new technologies and update the set of our
possibilities in a continuous, forward-looking, smooth motion. The Google
glasses are still a prototype. Within five years, they will most likely be a
generalized accessory in industrialized countries. If it makes our lives easier,
if we have pragmatic reasons to adopt it, then we do. Individual cars, cell
phones, the internet, GPS, synchronized online calendars, credit cards, ex-
perimental treatments—did you really ask yourself if you were leaving an
essential part of her human self behind when you gave your grandmother a
cell phone so that she could call someone if she needed assistance? And now
you are considering giving her that other little device to wear around her
neck that will automatically call the emergency service in case she falls. Yet
the human body is not by itself connected to a shared information network
that makes such awareness possible: by adopting this lifeguard system, you
change an elementary feature of her embodiment by allowing an online mon-
itoring of her physical condition. Yet most people use this device as another
tool at their disposal, just another technical means to an end. That is function-
al pragmatism. It predicts that we will integrate growing amounts of technol-
ogy in our everyday life to serve various functions and it describes how we
have done it over the past century more actively than ever before without
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And that is one aspect that we will find is lacking in many sci-fi movies:
because they make sudden jumps into an imagined future, they skip the
duration that enables adaptation. It is the elimination of this “time passing”
variable that makes it novel and shocking and marginally scary to us, the
spectators from present time. However, in the real world, things take time to
diffuse throughout society. Cell phones were once restricted to an elite and
GPS was first developed for military purposes. By the time they become
available to the general public, the techno-scientific frontier has already
moved forward so that the same technologies now seem only luxurious be-
fore they finally become just normal. But it is not the cell phone that has
become normal. It is the massive social framework constituting “the norm”
that has moved forward to integrate the cellular technology. Our expectations
of immediate accessibility, of social connection despite physical distance,
have grown enough to make the generalized use of cell phones seem natural.
Groups who reject the use of technology on the other hand now contrast
more and more with the constantly updating norm and although we might
conceive of their life style as more natural, the overwhelming choice of
societies has been to go with technology. I voluntarily adopt a descriptive
perspective here and not a prescriptive one. My aim is not to say where the
true human embodied self is, if such a unified static notion even makes sense,
but rather to notice that the exception has changed side. And that is, to me,
the second factor that we will need to consider in our movie examples. The
evolution of the norm determines what the exception is.
With that in mind, let us now explore several science-fiction block busters
that target three core issues related to the embodied self in various futuristic
techno-scientific worlds: the desire to expand the range of our capacities, the
fear to lose ourselves in the process, and the question of what a disembodied
human self would be like. We shall apply the happy ending criterion to
evaluate whether each issue constitutes an utopist or dystopist fiction. Ac-
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
EMBODIMENT AS A FRONTIER
In today’s real world, humans are born as a unique, biological, mortal body.
We don’t choose our body nor can we exchange it at will. It has a determined
range of possibilities, both in the sensorial dimension (we do not perceive
ultra-violets) and in the motor dimension (we cannot fly on our own). Our
body also determines our temporal extension (roughly one hundred years)
and our relation to matter (we cannot pass through solid matter). In other
words, the characteristics of the human body determine the modalities of
existence of the human self. For all science can tell today, there is no human
self without embodiment. Now, for science-fiction, that is an open play
ground. By modulating each of the parameters we mentioned above, sci-fi
movies explore how various technologies would transform the definition of
our embodied self.
The 2009 block buster movie by James Cameron, Avatar, presents us with a
very interesting exploration of the possibilities open to human embodiment
through technology. The movie takes place in 2154, at a time when humans
have depleted Earth‘s natural resources and explore the galaxy to find more
resources. The planet Pandora is inhabited by the Na’vi, ten-foot-tall, sapient
humanoids who can breathe the local atmosphere toxic to humans. To ex-
plore the planet, scientists use Na’vi-human hybrids called “avatars.” Jake
Sully, a paraplegic former marine, becomes one of the explorers. Through a
machine that synchronizes his brain activity with the avatar, Jake gains a full
sensory-motor experience as from within the avatar itself.
Quite plausibly although very rapidly, the first time Jake tries out his
avatar, the scene shows him learning by trial and error—meaning by break-
ing a great deal of equipment around him in the lab—how to adjust his body
schema to his new body, control his motor actions, and make sense of the
radically new proprioceptive features of having a tail. When patients who
were born without an upper limb are equipped with a prosthetic arm for the
first time, the motor and premotor cortices follow a similar learning curve to
adjust the reaching and grabbing motions. However, as our technological
level is still limited, the prosthetics don’t yet provide the patients with as rich
a sensorial experience as Jake seems to experience on screen through his feet
pounding the dirt and his other senses receiving extraterrestrial odors,
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sounds, and sights for the first time. The possibilities opened by this pro-
jected body are even more salient that the human embodied Jake is paraple-
gic. The use of the avatar fixes his impairment and gives him motor possibil-
ities back.
Na’vi do belong to science fiction. Yet the basic premises of allowing a
paralyzed individual to control a second body by projecting their brain activ-
ity to the nervous system of that body have opened a new lead for research.
Five years after the movie, scientists have managed to enable a monkey to
control the movements of another anesthetized monkey through a “corti-
cal–spinal neural prosthesis that employs neural activity recorded from pre-
motor neurons to control limb movements in functionally paralyzed primate
avatars” (Shanechi, Hu, and Williams, 2014). Such research could eventually
lead to reconstituting targeting movement in paralyzed patients.
In 2011 Neil Burger’s movie, Limitless, the hero Eddie Morra takes an ex-
perimental drug, NZT-48, that immediately enhances his perceptive, cogni-
tive and reasoning abilities. With enhanced memory, intelligence, and per-
ception, he manages to outsmart the corporation trying to use him for their
own purposes.
Limitless suggests less extreme a change than Avatar. The fiction is set in
a world roughly identical to ours. The hero retains his human body and there
is no off-world colonies populated with aliens. This time, the only change is
one of degree in human capacities rather than one of nature. By all defini-
tions, Eddie is still himself and he is still human. However, he is a better
version of both, extending normal capacities beyond the average perfor-
mance. This would be totally unremarkable if it was not drug induced, as
intelligence and perception naturally come in a wide range across individu-
als.
The main concern that the movie touches upon is about the possible long
term side effects of such an artificially induced state of hyper performance.
The hero suffers from black-outs that leave him amnesic of his immediate
past. Additionally, the drug poses the question of addiction. When the hero of
Avatar chooses the Na’vi mode of embodiment, he knows it is a stable,
viable option as Na’vi have lived for generations. On the contrary in Limit-
less, the drug is experimental. It is an artificial, manmade composite, the
long-term side effects of which are unknown. The movie resolves both prob-
lems by suggesting that enhanced capacities enable the hero to find a solution
to the pervasive effects of the drug. However, this approach points at a
distinction regarding our concept of embodied self. On the one hand, it seems
like developing normal human capacities beyond their natural extension does
not affect our definition or our interpretation of what is a human embodied
self. A change in degree of capacity is a much smaller gap than the change in
nature required to integrate non-human experiences and it is very likely that
we would readily expend our definition to integrate enhanced capacities. Yet
on the other hand, there is a pragmatic concern limiting the enthusiasm for
the fictional drug: our safety could be at stake. Here it is about another
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stand and model the human brain, film makers have jumped at the possibil-
ities for fiction, be it along the line of creating humanoid robots that would
one day rebel in the name of their superior cognitive functions (cf. I, robot by
Alex Proyas, 2004) or along the line of humans transferring their conscious-
ness into computers for various purposes (survival in the face of a lethal
condition, preservation across intergalactic travels, or security of the human
body). These movies directly question what it means for humans to be em-
bodied.
Here we start by calling upon the 1984 Riddley Scott’s movie Blade
Runner. The movie takes place in 2019. Corporations produce genetically
engineered organic robots called replicants to perform dangerous tasks on
off-world colonies. The replicants are visually indistinguishable from adult
humans. Their presence is banned on Earth and the hero, Deckard, hunts
them. A scene of particular interest for our topic shows Deckard administer-
trate how technology could drive humans to lose the meaning of their em-
bodied self.
This fiction raises several interesting points about the human embodied
self. Are we willing to use surrogates to gain physical safety? Is our physical
appearance determinant in defining our experienced self and our social iden-
tity? Would we lose contact with our real self after repeated use of the
surrogate? The movie explores these questions and provides us with answers
relevant to our interest for the potential impact of fictional technologies on
our concept of embodied self.
The first issue concerns our readiness to adopt the surrogate technology.
The movie presents it as a technological progress granting the users a safer
life. In a way, the impact on our embodied self seems minor. Everybody
remains their usual embodied self. The surrogate is merely a puppet used
outside of the house in addition to our embodied self. Come the evening, the
surrogates go to their charging stations and the human family meets up for
dinner. Or not… Although the movie does not play with the idea of transfer-
ring the consciousness of the user into the surrogate to make the user immor-
tal for instance, it emphasizes the possible impact of having even an accesso-
ry-robot self on top of one’s own embodied self. First, individually, there
might be reasons to favor a robot whose appearance we can change at will.
But also, collectively, the surrogates follow the updating norm principle.
When the hero happens to walk the streets in the flesh, he experiences fear,
suddenly fully aware of his physiological vulnerability. As soon as a small
number of people can afford surrogates, the police will need to match the
capacities of these individuals and citizens might begin to feel even more
unsafe as much stronger robots now walk the streets. Not surprisingly, the
advertisement messages from the company manufacturing the surrogates tar-
get the need for safety of their consumers. Following what the functional
pragmatism principle would predict, the surrogates are quickly adopted in the
movie and using them becomes the new norm. Now let us see how this
technology would impact our concept of embodied self.
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The second issue addressed by the movie concerns the role of our physi-
cal appearance in our experienced and perceived self. An amusing scene
shows Tom interrogating one of the company’s officials, flanked by two
good-looking assistants. He points out in a very eloquent way how different
the actual person could be from its surrogate. This raises two points: one is a
matter of identification of individuals who can afford to own several differ-
ent-looking surrogates, the second is a matter of social impact of physical
appearance. The first one displaces the identification factors away from the
body—at least away from the surrogate’s body. No DNA or fingerprint to
find on a puppet. At best, there could be a serial number with ownership
records. That would constitute a major change for our concept of embodied
self. As of now, it is extremely difficult to escape one’s identity because of
our body. We cannot change body as we change shirts. However, if the
gests that it would: there is no happy ending for the surrogates. Humans wake
up, as from a long dream, and look at each other for the first time in years.
Social connections require some face-to-face contact, suggests the movie.
When we place distance between our embodied self and multiple social
covers only loosely related to our real self, we not only lose contact with
others, we also lose contact with ourselves. No one on one relationship can
be trusted anymore as the person behind the surrogate could just be anyone.
Trust is a surprising by-product of the quasi impossibility for humans to
completely escape or change their physical self. When this unique relation-
ship between body and self is lost, it seems that it is a fundamental compo-
nent of the social fabric that vanishes. This is another way of illustrating the
fear of blending into something that would not be us anymore. But this time
not because we created robots undistinguishable from ourselves; just because
changing our relationship to our body in too fundamental ways would also
unravel the human social reality. Then should we conclude that no fiction
offers an utopist thought about what a disembodied human self could be like?
Transcendence
even Will’s wife questions the identity of the entity, whom she doesn’t
recognize any more and it seems that the existence of the entity puts human-
ity as we know it at risk.
Why do I think this fiction will be among the dystopias? Because there is
no functional pragmatism working for mankind here but on the contrary a
risk of losing embodiment as a defining feature of our humanity with no
turning back; because the movie is about a single mind striving for its own
expansion at the expense of another form of life, thus making it the anomaly
rather than the new norm; and because it is a one step process leading from a
currently accepted body into a fully virtual existence rather than a progres-
sive evolution. Although it is hard to be certain from the trailer only, 3 it
seems like the movie doesn’t suggest for all mankind to jump into a virtual
existence. What is suggested is that a form of intelligence embodied in a
distributed electronic network will fight for survival by expending onto the
In his 2009 Watchmen movie, Zack Snyder features a distant Dr. Manhattan.
After his accident, the former scientist learns to control the molecular struc-
ture of his body thus becoming able to take a material embodied form at will,
to manipulate the size of his body, and to recompose his organism from a
fragmented molecular level suggesting he cannot die anymore. During the
movie, he also demonstrates several non-human capacities including de-
multiplying his body into several autonomous yet connected agents, traveling
through space without need for breathing, controlling matter in a telekinetic
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
the movie suggests that this interest is ultimately tightly linked to the modal-
ities of our embodied existence. Could we exist with no need for air or water,
then maybe our bond to our environment would be shattered simultaneously
to our bond to unique embodied conditions of existence. Indeed the human
body has evolved to fit into a specific environment. What this movie points at
is the potential large-scale change that making the body contingent to hu-
mans would produce in their relation to their entire environment.
We have considered with Surrogates the possibility that fundamental
changes into our mode of embodiment would unravel human social reality
but in that fiction, humans still were embodied selves. If one individual
gained so much control over their body so as to manipulate their molecular
composition at will, so as to abolish the uniqueness of spatial location that
still constricts human embodiment in the real world, would we still believe
them human? Because he is alone, Dr. Manhattan leaves Earth at the end of
the movie, a single entity of its kind with no specific interest for humanity or
Earth, to which he doesn’t belong anymore. Yet if all of Earth inhabitants
were to undergo the same transformation, would we not then revise our
concept of embodied self? Instead of being tied to a single environment with
its defined life conditions, would we free the self from a unique mode of
embodiment to integrate the possibility to live in multiple environments of-
fering multiple conditions of existence?
My last stop on this itinerary across fictions is a short story, written by Marc
Stiegler in 1989: “The Gentle Seduction.” 4 This fantastic story follows a
woman with no special drive for technology. She lives a simple life in the
mountains, doing most things by herself. One day, as she turns eighty-two,
she finds herself unable to shovel her driveway. In her hand, she holds a
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
She opened her hand and looked at the capsule. It was not a pill to make her
younger; that much her children had promised her. They knew she would
reject such a thing out of hand. But the millions of tiny machines tucked inside
the capsule would disperse throughout her body and repair every trace of
damage to her bones. They would also rebuild her sagging muscle tissue. In
short, the pill would cure her back and make the pain go away. (Stiegler, 1989)
She takes the capsule, then another one to fix her heart, and she starts hiking
again. One day, another hiker saves her from an ice fall thanks to a techno-
logical headband connecting his mind to a network of computers to analyze
information about the environment too subtle for human sensorial capacities.
She realizes how many deaths could be prevented by using this technolo-
gy . . . and adopts it.
This is no place to rewrite the story, the merit of which is all due to its
author. Instead, I will just suggest the road ahead. This story has a happy
ending, yet a disembodied one. It is not the story of single individuals ex-
tracting themselves from humanity through technology, though. Nor is it the
story of multiple cloning or of transferring one’s consciousness into a com-
puter. Instead, it is a very long journey through which humanity as a whole
grows and gradually updates its norm of what being an embodied self means.
It is the fiction that illustrates how small steps, smooth progress over an
extended period of time spreading progressively throughout mankind, can
take the meaning most of us have today for embodied self and makes it vary
as a function of successive small technological changes. Our relation to time
is the first one to be redefined as technology eliminates the effects of aging
on the body. Then our relation to space expends beyond Earth, which eventu-
ally requires some alterations in our embodiment, to experience different
possibilities opened by different environments. Eventually, even our relation
to matter, to that very specific piece of matter that individuates us, becomes
just one of several ways to embody one’s self. Her self remains, her human
body as well. Their relationship has just extended to simultaneously integrate
other modalities of embodiment. And this fiction, by all we have seen so far
(the functional pragmatism, the updating norm, the need for a collective
evolution, the duration necessary for the integration of technological
progress) is a story on the edge of tomorrow. I take this story to express what
we hold to be an embodied self today and to show just how we would adjust
its perception, its interpretation and its definition as the techno-scientific
world we live in evolves.
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CONCLUSION
NOTES
1. http://www.nbcnews.com/science/science-news/medical-first-3-d-printed-skull-success-
fully-implanted-woman-n65576
2. See (Ricoeur, 1992, 151), as cited in (Ihde, 1998, 104).
3. I have had the chance to add this note right after the movie was released. Two points
need to be updated in the light of the full movie (spoilers ahead): on the one hand, there seems
to be at least a possibility for re-embodiment after taking on an electronic mode of existence
and on the other hand, there seems to be a possibility for several persons to co-exist in this
modality, thus extending it beyond a single individual survival’s strategy. However, even then,
the theory of mind question remains: how can we be sure that an entity is who it claims to be
once it is possible for it to render its embodiment contingent? On that question, I refer the
reader to the movie!
4. See http://www.skyhunter.com/marcs/GentleSeduction.html .
REFERENCES
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
Bodies as Technology
How Can Postphenomenologists Deal
with the Matter of Human Technique?
Fernando Secomandi
The alarm rings. As I turn to the side table to switch it off, the bed feels
strangely not mine. Nor is this room my own! Oh yes, I am lodged in a hotel,
for the conference. While still lying in bed, I check for incoming messages
on the iPhone. There is no news from work. Then, I get up and into the
shower, dress myself, and head outside the room towards the elevator hall-
way where other people wait. Most of them wear nametags, like I do. Riding
the elevator down, I glance at one of the nametags. This is not a name that I
recognize. I look at the person’s face. We exchange smiles of complicity. At
the entrance to the room where breakfast is served, the hostess greets me. No,
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105
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106 Fernando Secomandi
technology. And while the work of other researchers who build upon or
criticize his ideas is contemplated where appropriate, the analysis remains
limited to published postphenomenological research.
The remainder of the chapter is organized as follows. In the section Tech-
nique versus Technology, I discuss what can be called an eliminatory ap-
proach to the human body qua technology, which is found in postphenomen-
ological research. Particularly in Ihde’s earlier philosophy of technology, the
notion of technique is employed as referring to a type of embodied human
activity that is somehow related to, yet lies beyond the scope of the “techno-
logical.” In the interpretation that I propose, Ihde does not really convince us
of any fundamental difference between technology and technique, but only
reinforces their underlying similarities.
The following section, Bodily Skill in Embodiment Relations, expounds
an approach that runs parallel to the previous one, but also encompasses
more recent postphenomenological work. In this approach, a specific type of
human technique—namely, bodily skill—is acknowledged as entangled in
the learning of how to use a technology. I call this approach subordinative,
because although Ihde and others eventually observe that bodily skills are
interweaved in at least one type of human-technology relation, these skills
are treated complementarily to the role of technologies and are not made
significant on their own. In this section, I also explain how this restrained
treatment of skills can be traced back to Ihde’s dependence on three of his
phenomenological predecessors: Heidegger, Husserl, and Merleau-Ponty.
The third and last section, Experimental Phenomenology as a Self-Prac-
tice, discusses a prospective approach that is gaining ground within post-
phenomenological studies. Here, skills are openly thematized as constitutive
of human-technology relations and even treated as an object of conscious
development and refinement by human beings. Special attention is given to
Dorrestijn’s and Verbeek’s appropriation of the Foucauldian notion of self-
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
and Praxis (1979), initially gets us stranded. Or has he not dismissed in that
book the technological nature of the body with the argument that “all that is
important . . . is to note that if the body were an ‘instrument,’ it is indeed a
very different one that those we use” (Ihde 1979, 80 n1)? That Ihde states this
briefly in an endnote is uncharacteristic of his argumentative style. As others
already observed (e.g., Sobchak 2006), he usually starts with some anecdotal
evidence that covers familiar experiences with technologies, before adding
progressive phenomenological sophistication to the analyses. In this case,
instead of explaining—even if preliminarily—how the human body is unlike
the “instruments” he chooses for a careful study, the difference is simply
presumed and further ignored.
Later, in Technology and the Lifeworld (1990), the “instrumentality” of
the human body will be mentioned again by Ihde through the notion of
technique. The term, however, is framed in such a way as to mark it off from
the domain of technology proper. In two exemplary cases, Ihde relies in his
typically broad purview of historical and global developments in order to
contrast contemporary Western, “technologically maximalist” cultures with
the ancient, “technologically minimalist” cultures of the Australian Aborigi-
nals (1990, 118–123) and the South Pacific islanders (1990, 146–150). Ac-
cording to Ihde, compared to other societies, the Aboriginals devoted exten-
sive time to “leisure activities,” which included storytelling, discussions
about their mythological system, long communal festivities, art production,
and so forth. Besides having invented few and simple technologies, including
throwing weapons, basketry, and religious articles, the Aboriginals were
nonetheless able to thrive in a harsh environment, an accomplishment that
would be later admired by their Western colonizers. For this end, the Aborig-
inals relied on “technical knowledge” that Ihde qualifies as “vast and com-
plex” (Ihde 1990, 121): sophisticated procedures to search for and prepare
food, birth control methods involving body modification, and rule-governed
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
point (2008a). But what is revealing about his comparisons is the choice not
to contrast modern technological practices to patently less technologized
traditions of the ancients, such as the Aboriginals’ leisure activities. By em-
phasizing, instead, ancient practices that are functionally equivalent to mod-
ern, technology-intensive ones, as in the case of navigation, Aboriginals and
South Pacific islanders are portrayed as no less instrumentalists than other
contemporary societies. Presumably, their technological minimalism is war-
ranted by the use of “instruments” closely associated with the human body,
rather than material artifacts. What is important to note, however, is not that
the recognition of similarities between technique and technology would
undermine Ihde’s demarcation between technologically maximalist and
minimalist cultures. After all, he has also boldly stated that “human activity
from immemorial time and across the diversity of cultures has always been
technologically embedded” (1990, 20). The problem is that by foreclosing
the topic of technique to a postphenomenological analysis, one is hindered
from discovering the ways in which human experience of the world might be
transformed solely through the application of “bodily instruments,” indepen-
dently of other forms of technologies.
There is a passage in Technology and the Lifeworld (1990, 26–27), which
is the closest Ihde gets to acknowledging that techniques can be compared to
technologies. It contains the following quote:
chanical analogy steers readers away from wanting any prolonged explana-
tion why techniques (sexual or not) are not themselves technologies. To my
knowledge, Ihde does not elaborate any further than this on how a technique
may be modeled after a mechanical process, or how the usage patterns of
techniques relate to those of technologies. The remainder of the passage,
nonetheless, presents clues to the basis of his differentiation. In it, Ihde offers
preliminary clarifications about his notion of technology, before moving onto
more detailed phenomenological descriptions in the book. He holds that the
materiality of technologies correlates with the concreteness of our own bod-
ies, and therefore must be retained. Moreover, technologies occupy an inter-
mediating position as artifacts between “humans” and “world.” In other
words, technology constitutes a domain of experience that is not entirely
encompassed by the human body, nor completely present as a worldly “oth-
er.” If the latter were the case, Ihde argues, technology would be wrongly
As seen in the previous section, Ihde initially rejects that human technique
constitutes a genuine form of technology. In parallel to this, he also offers
some detail about how a specific type of technique—namely, bodily skill—is
entangled in human-technology relations, at least in relations of the type
known as embodiment. Embodiment relations are occasions where technolo-
gies become extensions of the experiencing human body (Ihde, 1990,
72–80). An example is the use of eyeglasses. After being properly accommo-
dated by the body, eyeglasses extend and transform innate visual capacities.
Although Ihde does not connect his account of embodiment relations to the
aforementioned interpretive connection between technique and technology, it
is possible to gain some insight into the “derived and secondary sense” in
which the first is said to be related to the latter.
In reality, bodily skills are rarely in the forefront of Ihde’s detailed de-
scriptions of the process of embodying various technologies. Technics and
Praxis (1979), for instance, contains little or no references to them. This lack
of attention might be due to Ihde’s well-known inspiration in Heidegger’s
paradigmatic “hammer analysis.” Only very recently has Ihde (2012a, 374)
mentioned that Heidegger’s analysis contains a blind spot, inasmuch as the
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The very first time I put on my glasses, I see the now-corrected world. The
adjustments I have to make are not usually focal irritations but fringe ones
(such as the adjustment to backglare and the slight changes in spatial motility).
But once learned, the embodiment relation can be more precisely described as
one in which the technology becomes maximally “transparent.” It is, as it
were, taken into my own perceptual-bodily self experience. (Ihde, 1990, 73)
holding of the telescope disturbs the stable display of the Moon. Then, in the
process of becoming a skilled user, at the same time that the technology
becomes an extension of perceptual capacities, the bodily intrusion seems to
disappear from the experience. In other words, the artifactual body of the
beginner must vanish for the embodiment relation of the expert to obtain.
What I am doing here is to apply the same formula concocted by Ihde
(1979, 103–129) to remedy a certain negativity in Heidegger’s tool analysis.
Although for Heidegger the experience of technologies in an embodied con-
dition preceded and founded any knowledge one can have of them, he em-
ployed an indirect tactic to demonstrate this, where the technological artifact
was made explicit in situations of “breakdown” (when it breaks, malfunc-
tions, or goes missing). According to Ihde,
energy and concentration is focused almost totally in the project itself. . . . ‘I’
should be put roughly as ‘I-am-in-the-ax-directed-towards-the-wood’” (Ihde
1986, 47). In other words, the “I” as the bearer of the experience is mostly
implicit in the technological activity. This is not to say that any sense of “I”
is definitively ignored. But, phenomenologically, the “I” is mostly situated in
the noetic domain, and therefore to be recovered after carefully attending to
the noema: “The ‘I,’ particularly in its thematized form, comes late in the
analysis rather than being given as a first” (Ihde, 1986, 48).
By making the “I” mostly unknown, at least initially in the analysis, the
woodchopper as a subject in the activity is in effect “black-boxed.” Ihde is
well aware of this move, and he explains that it strategically protects the
phenomenological method from becoming a naïve form of introspection:
is not an object expressly known but only “tacitly understood.” It functions not
as object of consciousness because it forms the basis of or the hidden “back-
ground” behind all explicit intentional acts. . . . The awareness that attends the
body [schema] as it engages the world . . . is not a perception of the body.
(2006, 201)
arise from an explicit perception of the body or, more generally, from our
conceptions of the body and our feelings about our body. They are representa-
tions that arise when my body is taken as an object, for example when I look at
my body in a mirror or gaze at the body of others, or when I describe the body
that I see in the language of my culture, or when I assume a certain emotional
attitude toward my body. (Welton, 2006, 201)
The passage is particularly relevant because, differently from the cases dis-
cussed so far, Ihde mentions the body’s ability to “extend” its experiential
reach without the use of mediating technologies. The same example was
presented before in a slightly different format in Technology and the Life-
world (Ihde, 1990, 74). In that book, the example was part of a discussion
about embodiment relations, suggesting that martial arts skills might some-
how be embodied like other technological artifacts. In Bodies in Technolo-
gies, the example does not suggest that skills pertain to the image-body, only
accentuates the malleability of the here-body.
But if Welton’s disambiguation between the two phenomenological
senses of the body is correct, the passage above becomes problematic. This is
because Ihde first writes that “one’s own activity”—say, karate blows—may
be extended beyond the outline of the skin as here-body. Then, he states that
one can “aim” these blows, what would appear to require having some expe-
rience of them. Using Welton’s vocabulary, the blows integrate the body
schema of karate practitioners at the same time that they would be explicitly
experienced as body image. This interpretation is supported by the following
claim:
One can simultaneously experience one’s here-body from its inner core while
having a partial, but only partial, “external” perception. (Ihde, 2002, 6; empha-
sis added)
artifacts that mediate and transform their experiences of the world and the
self?
As an interim conclusion to the argumentation developed thus far, it
seems possible to draw on an existing phenomenological discrimination be-
tween two senses of the human body and associate skills with the notion of
the image-body (or body image, following Welton). Because in Experimental
Phenomenology Ihde does not rely on this distinction, both the image-body
and the here-body are conflated into the noetic domain of human experience.
The elimination of the human body from the noematic domain carries over to
Ihde’s philosophy of technology of Technics and Praxis and subsequent
works, where “technology” becomes roughly equated with the noema and
“human” with the noesis. As a result, skills—or, more generally, tech-
niques—could never be genuinely approached as bodily artifacts in human-
EXPERIMENTAL PHENOMENOLOGY
AS A SELF-PRACTICE
his cheek as he simultaneously pushes the bow away from the body, also
trying to synchronize the arrow’s release with the moment when the horse’s
hoofs come off the ground.
Although differences in bow size, material, reach, and other factors are
also mentioned in text, when compared to the descriptions of other technolo-
gies, the portrayal of archery stands out for the prominent role granted to
bodily skills in defining the multistabilities of the technology. Unfortunately,
because in the case of technological multistability Ihde does not explain the
procedures of his variational method as carefully as in the case of visual
illusions, it is unclear how skills would be framed following the noema-
noesis correlation that was introduced before.
Still on the topic of technological multistability, Rosenberger (2009, 176)
has coined the term relational strategies to refer to “the particular configura-
tion of bodily habits, intentions, and conceptions that make it possible for a
person to take up a particular stable relation [to a technology].” Taking web
navigation as an example, Rosenberger argues that when a person who surfs
the web comes to a slowly loading page, a shift of relational strategy typical-
ly occurs, accompanied by a sudden drop in transparency. In line with the
breakdown phenomenon described before, the drop makes the user aware of
her embodied interaction with the keyboard, mouse, screen icons, and so on.
Alternatively, users may also adopt a different relational strategy towards
slowly loading webpages, implicating a different set of bodily comportments
and habits that are more adequate for the situation. Thus, the next time a
sluggish webpage appears, a user can shift to this other relational strategy
without feeling a significant drop in transparency (she might, for instance,
revert to working offline on an already open document).
Although Rosenberger is not specific about this issue, for the drop in
transparency to be annulled, the shift in relational strategy would presumably
happen automatically, without the user consciously deciding which bodily
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
boxed by the variational method. Now I argue that it is precisely in that part
that one finds the richest case on the nurturing of a skill, in this case, a skill
for seeing.
On a first level of interpretation, what Ihde does in Experimental Phe-
nomenology is to provide instructions that allow readers to confront deeply
sedimented seeing habits in order to develop new abilities for uncovering the
multistability of visual phenomena. I hold that underlying Ihde’s text is a
bodily skill being transmitted that functions like a self-practice for aspiring
postphenomenologists. Selinger (2006, 92), before, noted a similar quality
regarding the use of the variational method. By revealing the many possible
interpretations of phenomena, the technique allows Ihde to question extant
perceptual prejudices and, as such, it is constitutitive of his own subjectivity.
Acknowledging the sort of bodily skills that are implicated in the varia-
tional method, however, requires not simply reading Ihde but questioning:
Look at the drawing in the following way: First, focus your gaze intently upon
the vertex, where all the diagonal lines converge in the center of the figure.
Second, deliberately see the vertex as three dimensional, and in the far distant
background, that is, push the vertex back, as it were, until the diagonal lines
are seen to lead to infinity. Granting that this takes a certain amount of concen-
tration, subjects usually can do the task quickly, and then the formerly curved
horizontal lines appear straight. But this is so only as long as the subject
focuses upon the vertex intensely, making the horizontal lines peripheral to the
central focus. (Ihde, 1986, 84)
I get better accommodated in the chair and bring the book upwards, closer to
my face and more in line with my head level. I am drawn to the figure that
now faces me. At the same time, I also notice the weight of the book on my
fingertips and hands, the pressure points where my elbows touch the chair’s
armrests, the erect posture of my neck and back, and even a slight dizziness
caused by the proximity of the figure upon which my gaze is focused. Ad-
dressing this explicitation of my body as causing a drop in transparency,
however, would be misleading. Because the straight lines have not yet ful-
filled in experience (i.e., they have not yet been seen by me), it is inaccurate
to explain the situation as one of breakdown. If there remains a peculiar
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The beginning of this chapter recounts the events leading to my first face-to-face meeting with
Don Ihde after so many encounters intermediated by books. I am most grateful for his invita-
tion to come to Stony Book as a visiting researcher. The thoughts expressed in this chapter
were first presented there, in March 2012, to the participants of Ihde’s Technoscience Seminar.
Parts of the text were later included in my PhD thesis at the TU Delft, under the supervision of
Petra Badke-Schaub and Dirk Snelders. I want to thank all of the people mentioned, plus the
editors of this collection, for their encouragement.
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
NOTE
1. This section and the following one contain parts of chapter 5 of my PhD thesis (Seco-
mandi, 2012).
REFERENCES
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Ihde, D. (1986). Experimental Phenomenology: An Introduction. Albany: State University of
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Ihde, D. (1998). Expanding Hermeneutics: Visualism in Science. Evanston, IL: Northwestern
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Critical Companion to Ihde. Albany: State University of New York Press, 267–290.
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University of New York Press, 89–107.
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Selinger, E. (2009). “Technology Transfer and Globalization: A New Wave for Philosophy of
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THE TWO-SIDEDNESS OF
TECHNOLOGICAL MEDIATION
123
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124 Asle H. Kiran
I begin with the most general and abstract dimension of technological media-
tion, namely how technologies shape our ontology. Or, to put it in different
terms; how technologies shape the world in which we find ourselves. This
might be taken to be a mere empirical statement; how the nuclear bomb
shaped the post-war era, or how internet and mobile technologies have
changed how we communicate. However, as having ontological impact,
technological mediation shapes the world in a sense that is also a matter
about shaping us, humans, as individuals and as societies. As such, this
shaping has impact on how we perceive and act in the world, and how we see
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serves as context for it, and through doing so, the entity in turn is constituted
as a tool within the context because of its “specific thingly character” (Hei-
degger, 1962, 97f). Because of the way we approach entities and the relation
between entities and their context, we are connected to the world in manners
that are specific to the various technologies we deal with. What constitutes
the world for us, then, is revealed through our engagement with equipment;
and whatever does not belong to the context of this engagement is concealed.
At least for this specific technological mediation.
Note that “context” engages not only material entities. In some, perhaps
most, cases, the context will comprise non-material components as well. For
cars, for instance, to “function technologically” legislations in various forms
have been created, social institutions like the DMV have been established to
support some of this legislation, a system of auto clubs like the Norwegian
NAF, mandatory car insurance and so on, are also consequences of the car
technology, start to treat each other the same way, rendering the human race
itself Bestand. But why would we do that? Because with the specific reveal-
ing that comes with modern technology there follows a concealing that leads
to a double forgetfulness. We forget to ask questions and come to accept that
efficiency is best (it is more efficient, right?), and we forget that things, the
world, could be revealed in different manners. Modern technology means not
just a revealing of the world, but it is at the same time an all-encompassing
concealment making us blind to other possible ways of revealing, other pos-
sible ways of being-in-the-world (Heidegger, 1977, 33f).
Heidegger’s dystopian view of modern technology has been dismissed as
irrelevant for postphenomenology (Ihde, 1979; 2010). The main reason for
this is that it leaves no room to appreciate the specificities of technological
mediations; it does not seem likely that wildly different technologies push us
towards the same ontological and societal state. However, dismissing Hei-
degger’s analysis only means dismissing a particular assumption about the
human-technology relationship in the revealed world (“we are subordinate to
technology”); it does not require us to dismiss the basic sense of technologi-
cal mediation as a revealing-concealing structure, perhaps closer to how it
appears in Being and Time. Accepting that the revealing-concealing structure
of technologies constitutes the world as a world does not commit us to follow
Heidegger into his brand of technological essentialism.
the type of technological mediation that has preoccupied Don Ihde the most
(Verbeek, 2005). The concept is also his, although he first employed the less
agreeable phrase sensory-extension-reduction (1979). Given Ihde’s interest
in and numerous investigations into technoscience, it is not so strange that
Ihde has spent much time on the relation between technologically mediated
perception and how this corresponds to how knowledge is structured.
As we saw, Ihde argues that any piece of technology that augments and
strengthens our perceptual capabilities will simultaneously reduce or weaken
other aspect of our experiential presence (1979, 9). Being intentionally di-
rected at aspects of the world through a technology transforms the intentional
experiences in accordance with characteristics of the technology. Had the
directedness been done using a different technology—or none at all, we
would have had a different experience. This holds not only for technoscience,
but characterizes all technologically mediated experiences. Think about the
corresponding reduction of other aspects will create noise and impede per-
ception, of the scientific type as well as the everyday type.
As we saw in the previous section, technologies “open up new ways for
reality to manifest itself” (Verbeek, 2005, 134). Although a technological
mediation presents or represents an object by technical means, manifestation
is a more fitting concept because presentations of any object will always
correspond to a perspective on this object, relative to both the situated re-
quirement—the task at hand—and to the material properties of the involved
technologies. Through technologies with other qualities, or alternative con-
texts, or through users with other preferences and aims, the technological
mediation would have “presented” the object differently but not for that
reason necessarily more or less accurate; it would have been a different way
for the object to manifest itself, suited to the particularities of that mediation.
which it is not. This does not imply relativism, and as such it follows that
magnification-reduction should not be seen negatively, as becoming the
“only extent” that we can know something—“we can never know the thing
itself”—but in the positive way as the condition for us to know anything at
all.
It follows from this that the claim that a scientific image, fact, or model
represents objective reality or conversely, that it only presents a constructed
reality are arguments that are performed over a set of shared, but ill-con-
ceived presuppositions. If something is said to be a mere constructed reality,
this presupposes that there is something called reality somewhat behind or
beyond it. Instead, regarding technologically mediated representations as
“manifestations” means that the magnification-reduction structure of tech-
nologies is a way of making reality. Use of technology should not be seen as
either granting us “direct access” to a pure nature-in-itself, nor should it be
ture that has a shaping impact on our behavior and actions. While enabling us
to do specific things, technologies simultaneously shape how we do these
things, and thereby divert out attention from other possible ways of doing it.
In using a piece of technology we adapt to both a material and social reality
that governs this device; we comply with the affordances of an item.
In being material, any technology affords certain uses, and for this reason,
technological mediations are constrained by the affordances of a technology.
This concept is primarily associated with James J. Gibson, who coined the
term to denote the value or meaning a phenomenon in our surroundings has
to us. Not thinking specifically about tools and technologies, Gibson claims
that we primarily know objects, events, places, other animals and artefacts
from what they afford us (1982, 404). 1 A handle, for instance, affords grasp-
ing, a sufficiently small stone affords throwing, and a sharp object affords
piercing. Viscous substances afford being smeared while liquids afford pour-
ing, and in certain cases drinking. Nutritional and poisonous substances af-
ford eating, and so on (Gibson, 1982, 405). A mailbox affords letter-mailing;
a social meaning, but materialized in the very design of the mailboxes (Gib-
son, 1979, 139).
Affordances are in a strong sense related to an item’s materiality. Howev-
er, without social belonging, technologies would conceptually be on par with
found items. Because of this, we cannot regard affordances as merely ex-
pressing materiality or as belonging inherently to an item. On the other hand,
technologies’ affordances will in many cases surpass their conventional func-
tions. Donald Norman points out that although “all screens within reaching
distance afford touching, only some can detect the touch and respond to it.
Thus, if the display does not have a touch-sensitive screen, the screen still
affords touching” (1999, 39). However, given that the technical requirements
are in place, un-thought-of affordances can become the norm for how tech-
nologies are used within a practice. Typewriters, for instance, were initially
devices to assist those who had trouble writing for physical reasons, such as
the blind (Tenner, 2003, 193). Affordances should therefore not be taken for
merely being a social meaning. A physical mailbox might be discarded and
thrown in the backyard, but it still affords putting mail into (although, if one
wants the letter to arrive to the addressee, one is best advised not to do it).
What a piece of technology affords then is related to several factors. The
materiality of the technology itself is important, but so are the abilities,
competence, techniques, and perspective of those perceiving and interacting
with it as well. Extending this into the social sphere; the role, function, and
meaning the technology takes on in a society is to a large part dependent on
the perspective and role it is perceived as having within this society. That a
technology has a specific function within a social setting, however, does not
prevent it from having a slightly or even vastly different function within
another social setting—in a different culture, or attaining a revised function
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
as time goes. “In both structure and history,” Ihde says, “technologies simply
can’t be reduced to designed functions” (2002, 106). Instead, technologies
are multistable; a piece of technology can take on different functions and
meanings within different social settings (cf. Ihde, 2012). However, as I have
argued more fully elsewhere, multistability is principally a descriptive con-
cept (Kiran, 2012a), and in order to grasp the socio-technical dynamics be-
hind multiple stabilizations of a material item, the concept of affordance
proves helpful.
In enabling an item to be handled in specific ways, then, affordances
shape our actions and behavior. Although affordances do not determine be-
havior they do constraint how our handling of items is performed. The con-
cept of affordance reveals how technologies have both an actuality and a
potentiality. This might seem like another pair of dual concepts, but these
two concepts are for now best thought of as specifying in what manners
ing daily chores and regular actions are shaped in manners that bring to light
technological mediations that for us are well-known, tested, and tried. Habits
conceal alternative behavior. Stating this more abstractly, we can say that
actuality reveals potentiality.
The ethical implications from the practical dimension are quite easy to spot.
The kinds of behaviors that are being enabled and those that are constrained
have ethical values attached to them, and has as such been widely discussed
in the philosophy and ethics of technology. An affordance of mobile phones
is that it makes it easier to cheat on one’s wife. Most people, I suspect, will
beek, 2011). This, I believe, makes the ethical dimension a dimension of its
own, rather than merely being an aspect of the other there dimensions. And
as such, very often we will find that in constituting an ethical situation, or an
ethical actor, technologies display yet another two-sidedness; they can in-
volve or they can alienate.
Ethics of technology is sometimes taken to be a critique of technology
(Swierstra, 1997), aiming at assessing a piece of technology as either “good”
or “bad,” with the implication that bad technologies should be faded out or
not be developed at all. The application for such dichotomies, however, is for
many technologies arguable, as they harbor both good and bad sides. Fur-
thermore, when it comes down to it consumers and regular users of technolo-
gies rarely have much of a say in whether technologies should be implement-
ed in practice even if it is deemed to be a bad technology. The many control
systems implemented as a result of new public management thinking is sel-
dom liked by anyone having to use them, but they have to use and relate to
them nonetheless. In assessing technologies ethically we need to go beyond
the dichotomy, and rather assess them in terms of the opportunities and
hindrances they pose for us to create for ourselves a good life, or, more
tangible; a good work life, good marriage, good parenting, good care, and so
on. 3 For many technologies, we cannot but relate to them on some level; an
ethics of technology that assesses their involving-alienating structure can
provide a helpful perspective on how to create a life with technologies (Kiran
and Verbeek, 2010; Verbeek, 2011). Methodologically, this perspective also
broadens the basis for traditional technology assessment (Kiran, Oudshoorn,
and Verbeek, forthcoming).
The two-sidedness of the ethical dimension of technological mediation is
operative in relation to information and communication technologies, and
certainly discernable in those that are being used in healthcare. Technologies
for monitoring a patient’s illness are a good contribution to this person’s life
as a patient; telecare technologies, for instance, monitor the illness in a man-
ner that enables the patient to stay at home rather than being in a hospital
(Oudshoorn, 2011). These technologies are involving in that they grant pa-
tients an opportunity to construct an existence as a patient in familiar circum-
stances. However, the same technologies can be alienating, as they are a
threat to the patient’s privacy in affording surveillance, both in terms of the
home being invaded by medical technology, turning the home into an outpost
clinic (Oudshoorn, 2011, 173), and in terms of concerns about the safe stor-
age and use of the accumulated data about a patient (Bharucha et al., 2009).
Relatedly, assistive (in Norway and Denmark sometimes called welfare)
technologies are often regarded as granting autonomy and quality of life, as
they ensure that the elderly and frail can stay at home rather than moving into
nursing homes when their overall health start to deteriorate (Zwijsen et al.,
2011). As such, also they are involving technologies, allowing users to create
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
a better, and more dignified life with them than without them. However,
assistive technologies also imply alienating aspects. For instance, some care
receivers report that they feel controlled and dehumanized when living in a
smart house (Astell, 2006). 4 Some users of fall detection technology would
have preferred it if nobody found out that they had fallen, because they want
“to cope on their own and contact the warden themselves only in extreme
circumstances” (Brownsell et al., 2000). Assistive technologies such as a
robot can be perceived as obtrusive, as disrupting a person’s daily life (Fau-
counau et al., 2009). Many assistive technologies are meant to enhance inde-
pendence, but in doing so, they also harbor the danger of leading to less
human contact for the care receivers (Chapman, 2001).
Rather than enhancing autonomy, quality of life, and self-esteem, then,
assistive technologies might have the opposite effect. Again, though, how the
technologies are received and perceived by one person or one group of users
depends very much on those persons and their situation; the technologies
neither determine the involving aspect, nor the alienating. The important
thing is to recognize that technological mediations can pull in both direc-
tions.
Additionally, we have technologies that on the face of it might be re-
garded as being paternalist; technologies that are meant to steer our behavior
so that it emerges as moral behavior, but without involving us morally at all.
Speed bumps are mentioned; we do not have to have a conscious wish to be
moral, but we are as long as we slow down when going over one. Our wish
might be to not damage our car, but the result is moral behavior (many
ethicists would dispute this, claiming that without a conscious wish to be
moral, no behavior can be labeled moral). Another example of a paternalist
technology is the image of a fly that is etched onto the urinals of Schiphol
airport. This has been done because it reduces spillage (it is said to reduce
spillage with 80 percent); men tend to urinate with more precision when they
have a target (Thaler and Sunstein, 2008, 4). This example, of a technology
that is designed to nudge users into behaving in a specific way, is only one of
several strategies to shape behavior through technology (Verbeek, 2011, 153;
Tromp and Verbeek, 2011). Nudging is a gentle form of shaping our behav-
ior; the speed bump is a bit more coercive, but we can choose to ruin our car
by ignoring it (we would simultaneously break the law as there usually is a
speed limit that goes with the speed bump). A car that does not start unless
the driver puts on the seatbelt, a short-lived attempt from the 1970s to en-
force seatbelt use, is an example of a far more forceful impetus. Here our
behavior, if we want to take a ride in the car, is decided for us. For all these
examples, there is a strong link between how a technology is designed, the
effects it is intended to have on behavior, and the subsequent moral status of
this behavior.
In a general sense, even though not all of these examples directly concern
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
CONCLUDING REMARKS
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The research behind this article was funded by The Norwegian Research Council (Program:
Praksisrettet FoU for helse—og velferdstjenestene (PraksisVel); project “The Medical Home—
Sustainable Services and Technology for Home Medication”).
NOTES
1. Gibson mainly discusses what “affordance” means for a visual psychology. In line with
a more general sense of what it means to afford (Norman, 1999; Hutchby, 2001), I refer to how
an item affords actions, not merely interpretations.
2. The concept is inspired by Maurice Merleau-Ponty’s notion (1962, 137ff), who employs
it to convey that how we are in the world does not come down to a mental representation of an
objective world (called mental space), but is more importantly related to our body and its
motility. My usage is related, but a bit different.
3. This is not to say that technologies or technology developing processes (or science)
cannot be assessed as “good” or “bad,” merely that that is not the kind of ethics of technology
that I am preoccupied with here.
4. Smart houses can have various devices: bathtub monitor, automatic switcher for the
oven, locating devices (to find, for instance, mislaid keys), lights that turn themselves on and
off depending on whether the person living there is in or out of bed, and message boards around
the house that display all sorts of messages (Astell, 2006).
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(2009). “Intelligent Assistive Technology Applications to Dementia Care: Current Capabil-
ities, Limitations, and Future Challenges.” The American Journal of Geriatric Psychiatry:
Official Journal of the American Association for Geriatric Psychiatry 17 (2): 88–104.
Brownsell, S. J., D. A. Bradley, R. Bragg, P. Catlin, and J. Carlier. (2000). “Do Community
Alarm Users Want Telecare?” Journal of Telemedicine and Telecare 6 (4): 199–204.
Chapman, A. (2001). “There’s No Place Like a Smart Home.” Journal of Dementia Care 9 (1):
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28–31.
Faucounau, V., Y. H. Wu, M. Boulay, M. Maestrutti, and A. S. Rigaud. (2009). “Caregivers’
Requirements for In-Home Robotic Agent for Supporting Community-Living Elderly Sub-
jects with Cognitive Impairment.” Technology and Health Care: Official Journal of the
European Society for Engineering and Medicine 17 (1): 33–40.
Gibson, J. J. (1979). The Ecological Approach to Visual Perception. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence
Erlbaum.
Gibson, J. J. (1982). Reasons for Realism: Selected Essays of James J. Gibson. Hillsdale, NJ:
Lawrence Erlbaum.
Heidegger, M. (1927/1962). Being and Time. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.
Heidegger, M. (1969). Discourse on Thinking. New York: Harper & Row.
Heidegger, M. (1977). “The Question Concerning Technology.” In Heidegger, The Question
Concerning Technology, and Other Essays, 3–35. New York: Harper & Row.
Heidegger, M. (1988). The Basic Problems of Phenomenology. Bloomington: Indiana Univer-
sity Press.
Hutchby, I. (2001). “Technologies, Texts and Affordances.” Sociology 35 (2): 441–456.
Ihde, D. (1979). Technics and Praxis. Dordrecht: Reidel.
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University Press.
Postphenomenological Cases
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143
Postphenomenological Investigations : Essays on Human–Technology Relations, edited by Rosenberger, and Peter-Paul
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Created from monash on 2021-05-19 22:22:18.
144 Yoni Van Den Eede
tients. Of course, the activity is not wholly new to the extent that people in
contexts like these have always sought to improve their condition by keeping
track of variables of all sorts (Schüll, 2012). But as a plethora of devices is
now becoming available that enable the accumulation of heretofore inaccess-
ible data (e.g., brain activity), easier storage, aggregation of different data
streams, analysis and display of data by way of algorithms, et cetera, we may
speak of, in postphenomenological terms, an intensified technological media-
tion of the “generic” act of monitoring and tracking oneself.
As the phenomenon is gaining a strong foothold in everyday life, the
scholarly research on it, too, has been steadily growing. I have presented an
overview of available literature elsewhere (Van Den Eede, 2014); here I seek
to merely probe the activity of technologically mediated self-tracking, from a
fresh perspective, 1 namely, by engaging a couple of central postphenomeno-
logical concepts, most of them hailing from Don Ihde’s work. Two character-
istics of self-tracking make the postphenomenological conceptual toolbox
particularly well-suited for this task. First, self-tracking is all about the en-
meshment of bodies, technology, and perceptual experience. This links up
neatly with postphenomenology’s attention to human-technology-world rela-
tions and to embodiment. Second, as self-tracking technologies in their cur-
rent form are still relatively new, it may be sometimes hard to see beyond the
image projected of them by marketing and by explicit or implicit cultural
presuppositions. The postphenomenological “method,” bent as it is on hold-
ing up a phenomenon to the light of possibility, and serving in that way as a
hands-on tool for the sober but open-minded investigation of that phenome-
non and its more or less outspoken “promises” in the “here and now,” can
compensate for this potential shortsightedness.
The chapter unfolds into two large parts. In the first, I endeavor to frame
self-tracking through the lens of some of the most important postphenomeno-
logical notions. The second part digs deeper into the results of that first
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
In Ihde’s work, multiple concepts have been developed that may help us
scrutinize digital self-tracking technologies, first and foremost by viewing
them in another, unusual light. I will list these notions and consider how they
apply.
Human-Technology-World Relations
number of steps, calories burned, …), or alerts when one is “too idle.” The
system thus manifests itself as a “third,” spurring one on to take actions.
Nevertheless, at times the whole tracking and/or coaching system may also
disappear wholly from view and temporarily turn into a background phenom-
enon. When one does not notice the armband for example—due to its embod-
ied character—and forgets about goals, numbers, et cetera for a while, self-
tracking takes on an “invisible,” background character. And in any case
while in use and even if one experiences the device’s “nudges” (Thaler and
Sunstein, 2009), some parts of the system such as the online dashboard may
for the largest part remain in the background. The question does remain, of
course, in how far the device in that case does not work its influence in a sort
of unconscious, unnoticed manner. Strictly speaking, however, this is of no
concern to (post)phenomenology, which limits its research to the immediate-
ly given.
That, however, does not mean that the immediately given is untainted by
larger cultural contexts. In fact, Ihde has done a lot to show that the two are
intimately interwoven. He terms the two levels micro and macroperception,
respectively (1990, 29). Especially when it concerns self-tracking, the influ-
ence of the cultural context, that is, macroperception, is crucial. We cannot
possibly investigate the phenomenon in isolation from our Western,
(post)modern culture of fitness, physical competence, and performance; and
we can well imagine that to other cultures, self-tracking devices may appear
as alien as firearms were once to indigenous South-Americans. Most of these
new devices are marketed as tools with which to improve one’s performance
or health. They would be hard to situate, let alone understand if not for this
surrounding constellation of norms, habits, and expectations.
In this regard, an even more specific distinction that Ihde makes—actual-
ly as a variation upon the micro-macroperception dichotomy—is of impor-
tance: that between “body one” and “body two” (2002, xiff.). Body one
refers to the body that we are in an embodied, experiential, emotive sense.
Body two is our social and cultural body, the body that we are invited or
pushed to shape according to cultural fashion, expectation, rules, and norms.
And traversing both, Ihde adds, is a third dimension, that is, technology (or
materiality). Especially in the case of self-tracking technologies, this image
carries much pertinence. Anthropologist Minna Ruckenstein remarks: “Jour-
nal entries [of her tracker respondents] reveal the biosociality of occurrences
and activities of everyday life. Bodily reactions cannot be separated from
social relations, even if people wish they could be” (2012, 15). A lot then
depends, at least for theory, on which account of body two one chooses to put
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
Multistability
activities such as idling, playing with the kids, et cetera actually gave them
the most recovery, and this made them perceive those so-called useless pas-
times in a new light: they appear to be “useful” after all. (Ironically this, of
course, I would add, straight away subjugates them to discipline again.)
Using a somewhat more macabre illustration, then, Ruckenstein remarks:
makers, marketeers, or users now mean them to be. Their possible variations
or multistabilities will have to be manifested and explored through future
usage. Different “trajectories,” in Ihde’s terminology, may become in time
apparent—and these may refer to either the materiality of the technology, the
bodily technique in using it, or the cultural context environing it (cf. Ihde,
2009, 18-19). Nonetheless, it remains the case that at any time, that is, in any
one of such trajectories, a technology can exhibit certain “instrumental incli-
nations” (1993, 54), as Ihde puts it. It is non-neutral. More precisely, it can be
seen to amplify or enhance something, and to reduce something else. Glasses
for example, enhance eyesight but reduce, for one, motility and flexibility
when doing sports. Put differently, technologies always bring transforma-
tions (Ihde, 1990). What transformations, then, do self-tracking technologies
bring? Quite explicitly, these products are brought to market with the deliber-
ate aim of effectuating, exactly, transformations: they serve to change one’s
behavior in such manner that one starts to live more healthily and efficient-
ly—or at least so the marketing tale goes.
But what else do or could they “do”? They may bring about change for
the better in one’s exercise routines, but—on the reductive side—simplify
rich, “felt” experience to stats and graphs. Just as, Ihde says, photography
teaches a certain way of seeing (1993, 48), self-tracking technologies may
teach a certain way of living, probably bent on performance, goal-attaining—
not without a reason, some articles on the Quantified Self movement of late
have the phrase “living by numbers” in their headlines 5—and visualizable
info. The activity of self-tracking is never neutral, but also never wholly
deterministic either. Nevertheless, self-tracking technologies may, like so
many technologies, fascinate us; and, Ihde remarks, fascination about tech-
nologies is usually a function or marker of their amplification (1990, 78).
One should not forget that technology fascination often roots in some fanta-
sy, “technomyth” (Ihde, 1998, 105), or “technology plot” (Ihde, 2012, 131),
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
that for the most part resides, of course, in the macroperceptual cultural
context. Here, in the case of self-tracking, that connection is extremely tight:
what the devices do is, precisely, attempting to draw the microperceptual
bodily activity closer to the macroperceptual cultural expectational horizon.
As such, in a recursive maneuver, enchantment with them—Ihde: “fascina-
tion and adornment are as good a way into the hearts and minds of humans as
any” (1993, 36)—and by proxy, with the sports and performance culture that
breeds them in the first place, is a full-blown part of exactly their “instrumen-
tal inclination.”
Finally, one last aspect of Ihde’s thought needs to be discussed, one that may
seem at first sight relatively unrelated to what has already been elaborated,
but is in fact closely connected to it: his long-standing interest in imaging
technologies and their attending epistemological issues. For what are self-
tracking technologies else than a kind of imaging technologies? Especially
Ihde’s thinking in terms of isomorphic degree may be enlightening here
(2009, 45ff.). In the history of scientific visualization, he discerns two revo-
lutions. The first one, epitomized by the telescope, circled around greater and
clearer magnification, but the image created by the technologies remained
isomorphic with the original object. A telescope, for example, lets one see a
planet “as if” one is close to it—the structural characteristics of the mediated
and the unmediated image are the same. However, the second imaging revo-
lution introduces non-isomorphism, as it brings in technologies such as radio
telescopes, that receive signals from that part of the wave spectrum that is
unperceivable to humans, converting these to perceivable images. Here,
clearly, there is a structural difference between the original data and the
constructed image. And due to the emergence of technologies such as com-
puterized enhancement and contrastive techniques, the fact of construction is
even more emphasized. With the second revolution, non-isomorphic in na-
ture, we see the birth of a “second sight,” “a translation into the visible of
phenomena that lie beyond literal vision” (Ihde, 2002, 47).
All of this relates to Ihde’s work in the epistemology of science. By way
of the notions of “technoscience” (2009, 25ff.; Ihde and Selinger, 2003) and
“instrumental realism” (1991; 1998), he elucidates how technological instru-
mentation has always had primacy over “pure” scientific abstraction, not the
other way around (a state of affairs, he says, that Heidegger observes but that
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
entities (cf., Ihde, 2002, 67ff.; Pickering, 2006)—that cannot be worked out
here, the relevance with regard to self-tracking may be clear. But there are
complications. How should one frame, say, the isomorphism vs. non-isomor-
phism distinction? The “image” that self-tracking tools construct—for it is a
construction, not a neutral or objective representation of an original situa-
tion—cannot be said to be wholly isomorphic with the “object” it reproduces,
but it cannot be called completely non-isomorphic either. Take for example
the counting and rendering of steps taken. One may walk, say, 8235 steps in a
day. It may “feel” as if one has taken, indeed, about that amount of steps.
Certainly when one is used to using a pedometer, one is able to grossly
estimate the amount of steps based on a loose assessment of for instance time
spent walking and locations visited. In that sense it could be said that some
form of isomorphism is at play. Nevertheless, the rendition of the precise
number—of course, all devices have a margin of error in this regard—is a
new, constructed addition, since in “normal” conduct, no one counts his or
her steps while taking them. Here, thus, some non-isomorphic constructive
“translation” is going on. But the perception and interpretation of its results
still feedback to one’s embodied being, in this case even very actively, for
the imaging concerns our embodied being. We perceive in an embodied
manner an however objectified version of our embodiment.
The question remains what sort of knowledge exactly these mechanisms
bring. As development in scientific knowledge follows from instrumentation,
we can ask: what forms of knowledge—scientific or other—might self-track-
ing technologies, in time, produce? And, moreover, how will they influence
what we actually conceive of as pertinent knowledge? Ihde’s notion of “epis-
temology engines,” at last, is of use here. Epistemology engines are devices
“that bring human knowers into intimate relations with technologies or ma-
chinic agencies through which some defined model of what is taken as
knowledge is produced” (2002, 69). Imaging technologies have been in this
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
sense epistemology engines. Thus the camera obscura, for instance, Ihde
argues, brought forth a certain obsession with vision. How will self-tracking
systems affect our view of what worthwhile knowledge precisely implies?
One thing is for certain: if a central postphenomenological claim is that “only
through being technologically mediated is the newly produced knowledge
possible” (Ihde 2009, 55, original emphasis), surely self-tracking can be seen
as an actualization of exactly this claim.
in stone. And what they track, as was also seen, is co-framed by, in Ihde’s
words, “[t]he contemporary passion for exercise, body development, or re-
tention of a youthful body” (2002, 25), and by the myriad palette of health
recommendations issued on a steady basis by academic research institutes,
pharmaceutical companies, governmental panels, and so on. Certainly in the
case of self-tracking, in which bodily comportment, technological material-
ity, and cultural practices can be seen to be even more tightly knotted togeth-
er—actually, that interwovenness, more than anything else, defines the
whole activity—the potential multistability of all matters could—and
should—constitute a constant guideline for the investigation. The designer
fallacy (Ihde, 2002, 106; 2008, 19ff.), namely, the idea that technologies act
strictly in manners that their designers have planned, might find a pendant in
what we could dub a “fixed entity fallacy”: the idea that phenomena can be
pattern the sleep experience, the “feel” of the previous night. We could be
tempted into equating “world” with “human” in Ihde’s schematic representa-
tion of, for one, embodiment relations (table 8.1). But, as said, even to
ourselves “we” are not immediately given; the “world” has, phenomenologi-
cally speaking, primacy. What is more, self-tracking technologies take part in
more than embodiment relations alone; they also constitute hermeneutic rela-
tions, of non-isomorphic character moreover, to the extent that the “data
double” created is a construction, truly a double, and not merely a mirror of
“world.”
Connecting this to observations already made, and involving the other
forms of human-technology relations too, we could state that ambiguities (or,
distortions?) abound at at least three levels:
And, one might even envision a fourth level, if one cares to follow Melanie
Swan in her prognoses about the future self, inspired by Kevin Kelly, expect-
ing the emergence of the “exoself.” Such a self would be, due to the future
abundance of self-tracking-like technologies, “spatially expanded, with a
broad suite of exosenses” (Swan, 2013, 95). It could be, Swan adds, “a sort of
fourth-person perspective” (Ibid., 96). Looking at these issues in a postphen-
omenological light, one could expect such fourth-person “presence” to most-
ly escape the awareness of an (individual) embodied self, and thus have for a
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Table 8.1.
(human-technology) → world
if world = human, then
(human-technology) → human (-world)
or, perhaps:
(human ¿ technology) (-world)
An analogy may be spotted with virtual technologies, that Ihde also treats
of. Does self-tracking represent some form of technological virtuality? Ihde
speaks of a “here-body” versus a “disembodied over-there-body” or an “im-
age-body” (2002, 6). Of course the context here differs a bit from that of the
issue at hand. But still, there is some similarity to the extent that, as Ihde
argues, “in a broader, more phenomenological sense, both RL [Real Life]
and VR [Virtual Reality] are part of the lifeworld, and VR is thus both ‘real’
as a positive presence and a part of RL” (2002, 13). The same accounts for
the “body double” created by self-tracking. Some possibly creative tension
may nonetheless reign between the two “bodies.” Annemarie Mol observes
how people develop diverse styles in dealing with it, specifically in relation
to diagnostic devices:
By producing ever more facts, home used diagnostic devices may draw all the
attention of professionals and even patients towards “the numbers.” Thus it
shifts away from feelings—in the physical as well as the emotional sense of
the term. However, it may also happen that an apparatus helps to increase a
person’s physical self-awareness, encouraging one to better attune to the subtle
signals of one’s body. (2000, 19–20)
other trackers, compare data, exchange experiences, et cetera, only I can self-
track. In analogy to Heidegger who states that I am the only person who can
die my death (1962, 284), one could say that I am the only person who can
track myself. No one else can track “myself.”
In this way, self-tracking helps to point out postphenomenology’s relative
silence on existential issues. 7 Surely, postphenomenological concepts aid us
in making sense of how to go about in dealing with technology on a practical
level, and to this degree it can be called existentialist. But its lenses are, for
the most part, fairly wide-angle. That might have something to do with the
very notion of, indeed, multistability. 8 Zooming out, one spots potentialities,
possibilities, trajectories more easily. By definition, however phrased some-
what crudely, this makes the world look like a more beautiful place. Things
will usually pan out, change for the better—that is what the history of tech-
nology demonstrates, is it not? If trouble arises, some improvement or solu-
tion is soon to follow; one can depend on it. But meanwhile, individuals, in
all their—tracking or non-tracking—singularity, have to make choices in the
context of what are for now comparatively “fixed” stabilities instead of mult-
istabilities. They will have to engage heads-on with the “instrumental incli-
nations.” Of course, some of these stabilities have the potential to become
disrupted by “my” hands. However, not all of them do, or one might not
know how to actualize these possibilities, miss the means to do so, or be
unable for any other reason. Still, in an existentialist spirit, one would have to
grapple anyhow with the irreducible responsibility placed before one, when
making the choice to act in whatever way. Self-tracking technologies also
call upon us to take responsibility, but an analysis that sticks exclusively to
their potentialities, may miss that in the meantime, people have to cope
existentially.
We would do well to keep this in mind, certainly when investigating
technologies so tailored to the “self”—either in design or marketing terms—
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
as digital self-tracking devices are. Ihde does hint directly at such existential
consequence of imaging technology, albeit generally, when he proffers the
notion of “compound eye” (1990, 174ff.) to conceptualize our postmodern,
eclectic culture of vision, composed of so many screens and bits of “edited
reality” (1993, 53–54). The dashboards and graphical interfaces of self-track-
ing technologies may be said to offer highly personalized “compound eyes”
on “my” world. According to Ihde, the heightened contingency in our “pluri-
culture” has made for an enlargement of the “decisional burden” (1990,
177ff.). However, in the context of self-tracking, such decisional burden is
highly personalized, and as has been suggested, this may play to the advan-
tage of biodisciplinary powers, but it may also make for biopolitical empow-
erment. In Peter-Paul Verbeek’s work on the morality of technology, it is
shown how individuals can face this increased decisional burden by follow-
ing the advice of the later Foucault in his thinking on the “care of the self”—
NOTES
REFERENCES
Ihde, D. (1993). Postphenomenology: Essays in the Postmodern Context. Evanston, IL: North-
western University Press.
Ihde, D. (1998). Expanding Hermeneutics: Visualism in Science. Evanston, IL: Northwestern
University Press.
Ihde, D. (2002). Bodies in Technology. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
Ihde, D. (2008). Ironic Technics. Copenhagen: Automatic Press / VIP.
Ihde, D. (2009). Postphenomenology and Technoscience: The Peking University Lectures.
Albany (NY): State University of New York Press.
Ihde, D. (2010). Embodied Technics. Copenhagen: Automatic Press / VIP.
Ihde, D. (2012). Experimental Phenomenology: Multistabilities, 2nd Edition. Albany (NY):
State University of New York Press.
Ihde, D., and E. Selinger (ed.). (2003). Chasing Technoscience: Matrix for Materiality. Bloom-
ington: Indiana University Press.
Lupton, D. (2012). “M-Health and Health Promotion: The Digital Cyborg and Surveillance
Society.” Social Theory & Health 10 (3): 229–244.
Mol, A. (2000). “What Diagnostic Devices Do: The Case of Blood Sugar Measurement.”
Theoretical Medicine and Bioethics 21 (1): 9–22.
Pickering, A. (2006). “Ontology Engines.” In E. Selinger (ed.), Postphenomenology: A Critical
Companion to Ihde. Albany: State University of New York Press, 211–218.
Ruckenstein, M. (2012). “Quantifying Life: Self-Tracking and Emerging Everyday Analytics.”
Unpublished paper.
Ruckenstein, M. (2014). “Visualized and Interacted Life: Personal Analytics and Engagements
with Data Doubles.” Societies 4 (1): 68–84.
Dos Santos, F. R. (2013). “How Relationship Data Guides Me through a Chaotic Life.” Confer-
ence talk at Quantified Self (QS) Europe Conference 2013, Amsterdam.
Schüll, N. D. (2012). “Self by Design: Personal-Tracking Applications and Life as Self-Trans-
formation.” Conference talk at Design and Displacement—Social Studies of Science and
Technology—4S/EASST Joint Conference 2012, Copenhagen.
Scrinis, G. (2013). Nutritionism: The Science and Politics of Dietary Advice. New York:
Columbia University Press.
Sharon, T. (2014). Human Nature in an Age of Biotechnology: The Case for Mediated Posthu-
manism. Dordrecht: Springer.
Swan, M. (2009). “Emerging Patient-Driven Health Care Models: An Examination of Health
Social Networks, Consumer Personalized Medicine and Quantified Self-Tracking.” Interna-
tional Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 6 (2): 492–525.
Swan, M. (2012). “Health 2050: The Realization of Personalized Medicine through Crowd-
sourcing, the Quantified Self, and the Participatory Biocitizen.” Journal of Personalized
Medicine 2 (4): 93–118.
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Swan, M. (2013). “The Quantified Self: Fundamental Disruption in Big Data Science and
Biological Discovery.” Big Data 1 (2): 85–99.
Thaler, R. H., and C. R. Sunstein. (2009). Nudge: Improving Decisions About Health, Wealth
and Happiness. London: Penguin.
Van Den Eede, Y. (2014). “Extending ‘Extension’: A Reappraisal of the Technology-as-Exten-
sion Idea through the Case of Self-Tracking Technologies.” In A. Propen, C. E. Reid, and D.
Weiss (eds.), Radical Interface: Transdisciplinary Interventions on Design, Mediation, and
the Posthuman. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 151–172.
Verbeek, P-P. (2005). What Things Do: Philosophical Reflections on Technology, Agency, and
Design, Translated by Robert P. Crease. University Park (PA): The Pennsylvania State
University Press.
Verbeek, P-P. (2009). “Ambient Intelligence and Persuasive Technology: The Blurring Boun-
daries Between Human and Technology.” Nanoethics 3 (3): 231–242.
Verbeek, P-P. (2011). Moralizing Technology: Understanding and Designing the Morality of
Things. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
A Century on Speed
Reflections on Movement and Mobility in the
Twentieth Century
Søren Riis
During the twentieth century there was a tremendous focus on speed, and
numerous new technologies enabled humans to travel faster and speed up
several domains of their lives. The airplane has become a symbol of over-
coming gravity and immobility—it manifests the daring and hasty spirit of
our time. By the same token, curiosity as the perpetual pursuit of new inno-
vations and a never peaceful mind are facilitated and glorified. More and
more technologies have been mobilized and connected to a lifestyle on the
move: phones, meals, music, and workstations.
Nineteenth-century philosophers such as Søren Kierkegaard and Friedrich
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Nietzsche critically assessed the dawning of what could be called the High-
Speed Society. Nietzsche was concerned about the impact of speed on human
perception and the ability to think: “With the tremendous acceleration of life,
we grow accustomed to using our mind and eye for seeing and judging
incompletely or incorrectly, and all men are like travelers who get to know a
land and its people from the train” (Nietzsche, 2014, nr. 282). Kierkegaard
was repelled with the speed of his contemporaries, who he scorned with
irony:
The most ludicrous of all ludicrous things, it seems to me, is to be busy in the
world, to be a man who is brisk at his meals and brisk at his work. Therefore,
when I see a fly settle on the nose of those men of business in a decisive
moment, or if he is splashed by a carriage that passes him in even greater
haste, or Knippelsbro tilts up, or a roof tile falls and kills him, I laugh from the
bottom of my heart. And who could keep laughing? What, after all, do these
159
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Verbeek, Lexington Books, 2015. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/monash/detail.action?docID=2055678.
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160 Søren Riis
busy bustlers achieve? Are they not just like that woman who, in a flurry
because the house was on fire, rescued the fire tongs? What more, after all, do
they salvage from life’s huge conflagration? (Kierkegaard, 1987, 25)
On the other hand, this skeptical approach to speed was challenged in the
early twentieth century as the futurist movement shouted out their great glo-
rification of speed in 1909, which seems to have captured the spirit of the
dawning century: “We affirm that the world’s magnificence has been en-
riched by a new beauty: the beauty of speed. A racing car whose hood is
adorned with great pipes, like serpents of explosive breath—a roaring car
that seems to ride on grapeshot is more beautiful than the Victory of Samoth-
race” (Marinetti, 1909).
But what are the various manifestations of speed and how do we assess
them? How did our High-Speed Society emerge and is it accelerating? How
do we measure the consequences of speed and harness its destructive pow-
ers? In this chapter I will not deliver any definite answers, but in line with the
phenomenon under scrutiny—speed—I deliver some more or less transient
reflections. The final part of the chapter shall point more clearly to the
direction in which I am going, and in subsequent research I hope to be able to
develop more substantial answers. It is my thesis that the strand of philoso-
phy called postphenomenology and especially the related concept of multi-
stability deliver elements to support a strong framework for assessing speed
and the related technologies, even though the phenomenon of speed, to my
knowledge, has not been the explicit topic of previous postphenomenological
investigations.
In this chapter I will circle in on how speed shows itself and has become
manifest in different shapes and forms throughout the twentieth century. In
the first section, I outline what is only a short empirical and breath-taking list
of significant and celebrated twentieth century innovations. The second sec-
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ary 1912 Jules Védrines crossed the 100 mph mark in his Deperdussin mono-
plane (Noronha, 2014). During World War I planes were used for military
purposes and as a consequence they developed rapidly. Soon thereafter, in
1921, Joseph Sadi-Lecointe had doubled the speed limit from 1912 and flew
205.2 mph in a Nieuport-Delage (Florida Tech, 2014). Another leap of inno-
vation was achieved during World War II, where Harold E. Comstock and
Roger Dyar claimed to have exceeded the speed of sound in a dive in a P-47
Thunderbolt—and many more were to follow (Aviation, 2014). However,
Chuck Yeager was officially recognized as being the first man to break the
sound barrier in level flight in 1947 in an X-1 airplane (Paur, 2009). And
recently, in 2004, NASA successfully tested an unmanned jetpowered air-
craft, NASA X-43, flying ca 7.000 miles per hour (NASA, 2014).
On the more or less steady ground there was a similar rapid development
and crave for speed. In 1886 Karl Benz built what has been credited as the
first car. In 1906 Fred Marriott was able to pass the speed record of trains
with a car as he passed the 124 mph mark on Ormond Beach in a Stanley
Rocket (Conceptcarz, 2014). In 1927 Henry Segrave drove faster than 200
mph on Daytona Beach in his Mystery car with 1000 hp. 1 And in 1970 the
rocket-powered engine Blue Flame drove more than 1000 km/h with Gary
Gabelich across the Bonneville Salt Flats. 2 Alongside the development of the
car the freeway system was massively expanded during the twentieth centu-
ry. The first freeway was built in Italy (the autostrade), in the land of the
Futurists. It was a limited access road, only meant for fast cars, connecting
Milan and Varese and authorized in 1921. Today highways are almost all
over the world, and only in the US is a highway system consisting of approx-
imately 6.51 gigametres (4,045,991 miles) as of 2012. 3
This focus on speed also directs the early twentieth century development
of the bicycle. In a now classic study, the Dutch Science and Technology
scholar Wiebe E. Bijker shows that there was a dramatic increase in different
rivaling bicycle constructions by the beginning of the twentieth century. But
the design that prevailed did so because it allowed the best possibilities for
driving fast (Bijker, 1997).
Speed possessed the hearts and minds of the children of the twentieth
century. One of the most significant expressions of the fast spirit in the
twentieth century belongs to the modern Olympic Games. After having been
almost forgotten for centuries, the Olympic Games was awakened again by
the International Olympic Committee and took place in 1896 in Athens in a
new an upgraded version, where the religious dimensions resonating from
the home of the gods “the Olympus” had lost its meaning to the athletes and
spectators. The spirit defining the new version of the Olympic Games was
different from the one guiding the ancient ancestors. In 1924 the new motto
of the games was coined, Citius, Altius, Fortius, a Latin expression meaning
“Faster, Higher, Stronger.” 4 The Latin expression offered a feeling of au-
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thenticity to the reinvented Olympic Games, but it was a new invention that
came to set an ongoing and almost inhuman struggle for accumulating
records over the decades of the twentieth century. This permanent struggle to
break the latest records started a movement, which eventually culminated
with the use of a number of dangerous performance drugs, which were able
to power and speed up the human body beyond previous known limits.
Throughout the twentieth century and into the twenty-first century, numerous
athletes have suffered premature deaths due to these performance-enhancing
drugs (Mayo Clinic, 2014).
Famous among the twentieth-century drugs is speed, an amphetamine. It
was first synthesized in 1887, but not really put to use before World War II,
where it was heavily consumed in order to enhance the performance of
soldiers. As it turned out to be addictive and dangerous in high doses, use
was restricted, but a large black market has developed to support global
demand in the second half of the twentieth century (DuPont, 2014). 5 In the
same family of drugs we also find caffeine and cocaine. While coffee with
caffeine had been around for centuries, it did not become common to ordi-
nary people until the twentieth century. And by the end of World War II,
Achille Gaggia had created the modern espresso machine in Milan (Gaggia,
2014); from Milan, coffeehouses started to spread across Italy and thereafter
in all of Europe and North America. Today the American coffee house Star-
bucks has more than 150,000 employees all over the world and sells more
than 10 million cups of coffee per day (Statistics, 2014; Ask, 2014). Caffeine
has grown to be everyman’s drug, due to its energetic impact on the human
body without any seemingly severe side effects.
Furthermore, in the late nineteenth century, the Parisian chemist Angelo
Mariani started to mix cocaine and wine in a most attractive way, causing
Jules Verne, Alexander Dumas, Arthur Conan Doyle, and Pope Leo XIII to
highly endorse the so-called Vin Mariani (Hamblin, 2013). Impressed by its
success in France, Dr. John Stith Pemberton in Atlanta copied the idea under
the name Pemberton’s French Wine Coca and marketed it as a panacea.
Among many fantastic declarations, he described it as “a most wonderful
invigorator of sexual organs” (Hamblin, 2013). However, the alcohol prohi-
bition soon made it illegal and Pemberton decided to mix the cocaine with
sugar syrup and thus gave birth to Coca-Cola in 1886. And as the company
started to sell Coca-Cola in bottles in 1899, cocaine based drinks started to
get out to the general public for the century to come (Hamblin, 2013).
crucial to see and understand this in relation to the reactions and testimonies
of excitement and fear by contemporary witnesses, artists, and intellectuals.
In this section we shall take a closer look at the expressions of the people
experiencing, one way or another, the High-Speed Society first-hand. In
order to get even more “under the skin” of these witnesses and hear what
they are actually thinking and experiencing, this section will present a num-
ber of quotes and refer artistic expressions to the reader.
In order to advertise the sport of automobile racing, W. K. Vanderbilt, Jr.
established the “Vanderbilt Cup” in 1904: “The event originally took place
on Long Island over public roads. Crowds lined the raceway without benefit
of any barriers, often creating hair raising hazards as the big racers whizzed
by. Drivers began the race at timed intervals with the first to cross the finish
in the fastest time declared the winner” (Eyewitnesstohistory, 2014). Louis
Wagner won the race driving a Darracq in 1906. He later described his
experience the following way:
It seemed but a fraction of a moment before a vague speck appeared two miles
away on the course. It swiftly became a cloud, then a dreaded outline, and with
a sudden rush and roar Lancia thundered by and was gone. There was no more
stopping or slackening at turns, no further fear or concern over the reckless
crowd. A mile from the finish it became evident that the dense mass of specta-
tors was beyond control. Lancia had finished. But how long ago? As in a
trance a bugle sounded and the next moment, with a flash and volley, the
Darracq was over the tape—a winner. (Eyewitnesstohistory, 2014)
We will sing of the great crowds agitated by work, pleasure and revolt; the
multi-colored and polyphonic surf of revolutions in modern capitals: the noc-
turnal vibration of the arsenals and the workshops beneath their violent electric
moons: the gluttonous railway stations devouring smoking serpents; factories
suspended from the clouds by the thread of their smoke; bridges with the leap
of gymnasts flung across the diabolic cutlery of sunny rivers: adventurous
steamers sniffing the horizon; great-breasted locomotives, puffing on the rails
like enormous steel horses with long tubes for bridle, and the gliding flight of
aeroplanes whose propeller sounds like the flapping of a flag and the applause
of enthusiastic crowds.
We are on the extreme promontory of the centuries! What is the use of
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looking behind at the moment when we must open the mysterious shutters of
the impossible? Time and Space died yesterday. We are already living in the
absolute, since we have already created eternal, omnipresent speed.
Look at us! We are not out of breath, our hearts are not in the least tired.
For they are nourished by fire, hatred and speed! Does this surprise you? It is
because you do not even remember being alive! Standing on the world’s
summit, we launch once more our challenge to the stars! (Marinetti 1909) 6
The futurists clearly saw that some things had already changed and others
were about to change dramatically. A world-wide revolution was taking off.
They not only welcomed this change but they glorified it in their art and
wanted the old world to collapse and stay behind. The splendor of the electri-
cally illuminated modern cities full of movement and masses of people,
working day and night, filling them with pleasure. Airplanes, trains, and all
sorts of modern equipment and machinery defined beauty to the futurists.
Movement and revolution were key to this definition. In the visual arts the
futurists took pleasure in exploring the new perspectives opened up by the
new technological innovations—not least the airplane and the car. The air-
plane not only made it possible to obtain a new heavenly perspective of
things but also to discover and show how speed influences our perception:
The fascination with flight and transfiguration gave birth to a new genre of
paintings, the Aeropittura (the Aeropainting). Famous among these is Giaco-
mo Balla’s Abstract Speed + Sound 1913–1914, which is viewed as one of
the first Aeropittura that paved the way for many others. The Museum of
Kinetic Forms writes about this particular painting:
In Tullio Creli’s Nose Dive on the City from 1939, we see the fascination of
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
the city combined with the new projection into the sky. In Uberto Bonetti’s
Auto in Citta (1930), the fast movement of racing cars is excellently mani-
fested with the painting technique of blurred lines, transfiguration, and loss
of detail.
The aesthetic, yet more ambivalent portrayal of technology similar to the
nineteenth century landscape paintings is also manifested in one of the most
celebrated photographers of the late twentieth century, 7 Andreas Gursky
(1955– ). Gursky uses modern technology (digital cameras and computers) to
give an impression of technology, modern factories, and innovations as vi-
brating works of art. This is particularly manifested in the picture Chicago
Board of Trade II (1999), but also in his picture of the Rhein, which has been
straightened out by modern technology to facilitate frictionless transport,
entitled Rhein II (1999). 8
It suffices to consider our daily life, with its inexorability and merciless disci-
pline, its smoking, glowing districts, the physics and metaphysics of its com-
merce, its motors, airplanes, and burgeoning cities. With a pleasure-tinged
horror, we sense that here, not a single atom is not in motion, that we are
profoundly inscribed in this raging process. Total Mobilibization is far less
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And:
It is the thesis of this book that there are discoverable limits to the amount of
change that the human organism can absorb, and that by endlessly accelerating
change without first determining these limits, we may submit masses of men to
demands they simply cannot tolerate. We run the high risk of throwing them
into that peculiar state that I have called future shock. (Toffler, 1970, 326)
We have not paid enough attention, in Western History, to the moment when
this transfer from the natural vitalism of the marine element (the ease with
which one can lift, displace, glide weighty engines) to an inevitable technolog-
ical vitalism took place; the moment when the technical transport body left the
sea like the unfinished living body of evolution, crawling out of its original
environment and becoming amphibious. Speed as pure idea without content
comes from the sea like Venus, and when Marinetti cries that the universe has
been enriched by a new beauty, the beauty of speed, and opposes the racecar to
the Winged Victory of Samothrace, he forgets that he is really talking about
the same esthetic: the esthetic of the transport engine. The Coupling with the
ancient war vessel and the coupling of Marinetti the fascist with his racecar,
“the shaft crossing over the earth,” whose wheel he controls, emerge from this
technological evolutionism whose realization is more obvious than that of the
living world. (Verilio, 2007, 68 f)
Time and again, in conferences and scholarly exchanges, the following ques-
tion arises: what exactly is multistability as a concept around which to orga-
nize a literature called postphenomenology? I want to know the answer to this
question, and will provide one in the form of a theory. I will argue that there
are really two conceptions of multistability at play. First, multistability is an
empirically testable hypothesis about how several stable patterns of the same
object can be perceived from the first person perspective, and resonates well
with previous philosophical observations of the same phenomena (Cerbone
2009). I refer to this as imaginative multistability [ . . . ] Most research papers
in which the authors identify as postphenomenologists, however, are con-
cerned with investigating from a third person perspective the multistability of
technologically mediated practices. Building on imaginative multistability,
this second sense, which I call practical multistability, is based on the hypoth-
esis that human bodies and technologies are entangled in lifeworlds and in-
cludes sets of concepts and criteria that can be used to describe some of these
entanglements. The descriptions are used to shed light on the role of these
entanglements in framing our aesthetic, moral, and political values and the
possible ways of improving the benefits and sustainability of technology de-
signs and built-environments. (Whyte, forthcoming; emphasis added)
However, the car was soon to take on multiple forms, depending on the
manufacturer and purpose. Four wheels and machine-powered driving are
common elements of most of these constructions. If we look back at the
twentieth century, the multitude of cars is manifested in the range of different
innovations: SUVs, four-wheel drives, camping cars, sedans, station cars,
race cars. And with race cars, we may focus on the different aspects of the
car’s innovation—Formula 1, Le Mans Prototypes, Nascars, and so on—all
concepts for different classes of cars. However, cars may also be subdivided
and varied according to the kind of energy they are running on: diesel,
biogas, gasoline, electricity, sun, kerosene. The point is that all these varia-
tions are variations of cars, which makes the car a highly multistable phe-
nomenon. It is, however, critical to note that multistability does not suggest
any substantial identity across the different phenomena and innovations
under scrutiny.
If we go one level higher and view cars as a means of transport, they all of
a sudden become part of a larger category and belong to the same group as
airplanes and bicycles described above, and this category shows even greater
variance. In this sense, it is important to understand that there are numerous
cultural, historical, economical, and practical stabilities of transport technol-
ogies.
Seen from the perspective of the plurality and speed of technological
innovations, in order to show multistability and avoid category mistakes we
need to be aware of the aspects of a given kind of technology we “pivot” and,
thus, the extent to which we are doing so. However, seen from this perspec-
tive, the notion of multistability may be quantitavely expanded by the speed
of innovation, but it does not seem challenged; that is, we still speak of
discrete entities and practices, which may be arranged in nice orderly
schemes of increasing size.
Things present themselves differently when we start to emphasize the
phenomenological and relational aspects of our experience of rapid techno-
logical developments—when speed breaks down our sense of stable entities
and practices. That is, when we move into an experience of a continual series
of changes. By addressing this phenomenon, we move into the terrain of the
second question asked above concerning the main challenges to the phenom-
enon of stability posed by the speed of new innovations. In practice we
experience such uncertainty and instability when, for example, at the work-
place we are introduced to new technologies, collaboration tools, and digital
platforms that take time to become familiar with. Before the routine sets in
and we experience a sense of stability and familiarity with a new technology,
before it becomes ready-to-hand as Heidegger would say, the “new” technol-
ogy is often already “too old,” has been discarded and changed, and we have
to work with updates and newer technologies that we are estranged to and do
not (yet) embody.
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
for granted is modified but in such a way that it accompanies the new tech-
nologies; when there seems to be no steady “outside” from where to immedi-
ately experience the speed of change, that is when everything is moving and
no Archimedean point is in sight. The synchronicity of fore- and background
movement may in itself be experienced as a good thing, but the parallel
movement makes it difficult to assess the speed of change. This is similar to
the experience of sitting in a train or a car that moves equally fast to another
train or a car close by: seen from the point of view of the respective passen-
gers looking at each other, it seems like they are not moving at all, even
though their different trains may be going very fast and their separate cars
may be passing the speed limits. However, there is in praxis always some-
thing lagging behind, a more or less marginal phenomena, and/or we way get
an uneasy feeling and have difficulties focusing and resting, which is to say
that our bodies and cognitive capabilities are stressed and become the new
“background” against which the pace change is felt.
If we add to this narrative of progress, which is especially propagated by
the manufacturers of new technologies, then that which is lagging behind,
which seems to resist change and “progress,” becomes the next target of
innovation—it becomes that which we shall learn to dislike and change. In
this way the development of new technologies is constantly encouraged. On
the human end, learning, flexibility, and agility are adopted and getting the
most out of the new technologies is constantly urged. This parallelism easily
creates symptoms of stress that change and ultimately may destroy us.
It is however here that we turn to the third and final question above,
which has to do with how multistability in fact also may have the potential of
saving us from future shock and the sort of danger outlined above. In this
sense this final section argues in favor of seeing multistability as a descrip-
tive and a normative concept at the same time.
In trying to answer the previous questions it has become clear that there is
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
a more or less explicit tension between the speed of change and multistabil-
ity. This tension may also be used constructively to quick-freeze 10 speed,
create distance, and make historical patterns of change emerge. The very
concept of multistability may help us restore order and direction, and in this
way, we may learn to see multistability as a sort of navigational tool in
analogy with the different navigational tools that Don Ihde has been studying
over the years (Ihde, 1990, 147 ff). Depending on what is pivoted in the
analysis of multistability, different trajectories, meanings, and patterns
emerge. The ability to see, vary, and decipher these aspects clearly may be
seen as a kind of literacy, which is very much in demand in order to avoid
losing direction and prioritize properly. 11 From this perspective, history can
be turned into a treasure for giving the multitude of innovations a more or
less stable framing. With this approach to multistability, it is all of a sudden
possible to slow down the experienced speed of innovation and learn to see
stale lines of development. This way we may go from distressed future shock
to a more stable, philosophical slow motion perception that enables the indi-
vidual to get on top of the fast and dangerous undercurrents of change. With
such a deceleration we may once again grow accustomed to using our mind
and eye for seeing and judging properly.
NOTES
1. http://www.bluebird-electric.net/henry_seagrave.htm
2. http://sinsheim.technik-museum.de/en/en/blue-flame
3. http://www.indexmundi.com/g/r.aspx?c=us&v=115
4. http://registration.olympic.org/en/faq/detail/id/29
5. See: “Dr. Robert DuPont, a former White House drug czar and one of the country’s
leading drug addiction authorities, says he was stunned to learn about the Air Force’s use of
amphetamines. ‘This is speed. This is where we got the phrase, speed kills,’ he said” (ABC,
2014).
6. See also (Virilio, 2007, 68; Ward, 2014; Le Corbusier, 1970, 255).
7. See also the art critic Calvin Tomkins: “The first time I saw photographs by Andreas
Gursky, . . . I had the disorienting sensation that something was happening—happening to me, I
suppose, although it felt more generalized than that. Gursky’s huge, panoramic colour prints—
some of them up to six feet high by ten feet long—had the presence, the formal power, and in
several cases the majestic aura of nineteenth-century landscape paintings, without losing any of
their meticulously detailed immediacy as photographs. Their subject matter was the contempo-
rary world, seen dispassionately and from a distance” (http://c4gallery.com/artist/database/
andreas-gursky/andreas-gursky.html).
8. This picture turns Martin Heidegger’s analysis on its head as it reveals the “modern”
Rhein as a work of art. On the other hand the picture also supports Heidegger’s thesis, as it
frames the Rhein as a product of modern technology. See also Ihde’s different ways of turning
Heidegger on his head (Ihde, 2010).
9. This was the focus of the 2009 Society for Philosophy of Technology conference at
Twente University. See:
http://www.utwente.nl/gw/wijsb/archive/Archive%20activities/spt2009/.
10. See (Rosenberger, 2009a).
11. See also Ihde’s concept of an “ascendant viewer” as the one being able to discern
multistabilities (Ihde, 1977, 72; Whyte, forthcoming).
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REFERENCES
Frances Bottenberg
175
Postphenomenological Investigations : Essays on Human–Technology Relations, edited by Rosenberger, and Peter-Paul
Verbeek, Lexington Books, 2015. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/monash/detail.action?docID=2055678.
Created from monash on 2021-05-19 22:22:18.
176 Frances Bottenberg
that is, to pay attention to their environment and to us, to be verbal communi-
cators who learn from their conversations. Even the psychopathic Terminator
stands in relation to us, as it coldly regards us as its next targets—what other
technology stares back at us in such a literal sense? To what extent does it
matter, in the end, if futurists’ predictions of actually conscious machines are
never realized—so long as we simulate our bodies and interests in these
robots and perceive our bodily and communicative kindredness?
In this chapter, I will draw on a case study to highlight recurring struc-
tures in our situated relations with android alterities. I consider three recent
media interviews with a humanoid robot named Bina48. Despite being con-
ducted by different reporters writing for distinct audiences, these interviews
share remarkable affinities, nascent “approach conventions” in the emerging
companionship of humans and robots: (1) the human subject’s demand for
the interlocked gaze with the robot, (2) the foregrounding of existential-
phenomenological exploration with the robot over its use as an information
retrieval system, and (3) the use of expressions of “impairment” over those of
“malfunction” to describe AI limitations. Whether these conventions are pre-
dictive of trajectories for a human and robot etiquette in the twenty-first
century and beyond will be considered in the chapter’s concluding reflec-
tions.
Bina48 may currently be the world’s most sentient humanoid robot. Though
at present only embodied from the shoulders up, Bina48 can boast many
abilities, including a capacity for simulated conversation, face and voice
recognition, motion-tracking facial expressions, as well as production of her
own facial expressions. The robot’s casing is made of a material known as
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
“Frubber,” which looks remarkably skin-like. Bina48’s smart dress and coif-
fure, expressive eyes (with carefully implanted eye lashes and eyebrows) and
pierced ears make it evident that the greatest of care has been taken to mimic
human appearance and, further, to gender-type the robot as a female (see
figure 10.1).
Bina48 is a so-called “conversational character robot” built by the Ver-
mont robotics company Hanson Robotics and commissioned by Dr. Martine
Rothblatt. Modeled on Dr. Rothblatt’s wife, Bina Aspen, the robot uncannily
replicates to a certain degree not only human Bina’s physical looks, but also
her biographical memories (as far as these have been recorded and entered
into Bina48’s programming), as well as her personality. “BINA” is also an
acronym for “Breakthrough Intelligence via Neural Architecture,” and the
number in the robot’s name refers to her 48 exaflops per second processing
speed and 48 exabytes of memory (TMC, 2014). Bina48 “lives” in Hanson
Figure 10.1. Photo of Bina48 by Rob Koier, dated April 14, 2014. Permission
given by Hanson Robotics.
Besides Bina48, there are three other important participants in this case
study—the reporters who interviewed her. The three reporters whose respec-
tive interviews I am considering here are New York Times staff-reporter Amy
Harmon (“Making Friends With a Robot Named Bina48,” New York Times,
July 4, 2010), freelance writer Jon Ronson (“Robots Say the Damnedest
Things,” GQ Magazine, March 2011), and Lucas Kavner, also a freelance
writer (“‘You, Robot’: Personal Robots For The Masses,” Huffington Post,
July 9, 2012). Harmon’s interview was also taped, and Brent McDonald of
the New York Times video-compiled a five minute version of the story
(“Interview with a Robot,” June 24, 2010).
The interviews and their ensuing write-ups show considerable variation
from one another. The reporters employ different strategies to keep the con-
versation going, not only with Bina48, but also with her care-taker Bruce
Duncan. Each reporter transcribes his or her own private sense-making narra-
tive into the final report, allowing idiosyncratic observations and self-report-
ing to alter the flavor of the interview event as embedded within the summa-
tive journalistic piece. The reporters also choose to frame the interview dif-
ferently. Harmon keeps her report’s focus on excavating the layers of inter-
esting and exasperating moments in her attempt to hold a fluid conversation
with Bina48. Ronson on the other hand situates Bina48 within the futurist
visions of Rothblatt’s “Terasem Movement” and Hanson Robotics, which
aim to one day prove that a person’s consciousness can be completely digi-
tized and then downloaded into a biological or nanotechnological body, ef-
fectively creating personal immortality (cf., TMF, 2014). Kavner spends the
bulk of his report on the technological and moral implications of trying to
design increasingly human-like robots, transcribing only a brief portion of
his interview with Bina48 into the final article.
In their reports on interviewing Bina48, Harmon and Ronson lead their read-
ers through an emotion-driven adventure: initial, child-like excitement 2 gives
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
Ronson:
“Nice to meet you, Jon,” she says, shooting me an excitingly clear-headed
look. She’s like a whole new robot.
Harmon:
I wished she would ask me more questions. Wasn’t she at all curious about
what it was like to be human? But then she looked at me, eyes widening.
“Amy!”
At one point in both interviews, Bina48 makes “eye contact” with the report-
ers, and calls them by their first names. Bina48 had been tutored with photo-
graphs of both reporters prior to the interviews. Still, her face-recognition
software does not always allow Bina48 to recognize an individual once he or
she is present in the flesh. This knowledge adds an element of surprise to the
reporters’ experiences of being discovered and recognized. But what seems
most foregrounded in their awareness is not a technological marveling, but
the sense that they have gained a sudden and more intimate connection with
Bina48. “She’s like a whole new robot,” Ronson muses. Harmon, not wholly
facetiously, romanticizes the moment of recognition as one of “bonding.” 4
Meeting eyes with Bina48, the human interviewers feel electrified by the
moment, exhilarated. It is in the moment of their eyes locking with the robot
that they can most fully experience what it feels like to be looked back at by
an artificial intelligence. They demand the gaze of their robot counterpart, to
recognize themselves as being recognized by Bina48.
Phenomenological Therapies
The journalists reflect in their reports on the kinds of content their robotic
interviewee has access to. Kavner (2012) describes Bina48’s “mind” most
carefully:
Her robot mind is made up of many parts, all of which come together in an
occasionally muddled way when you speak with her. There’s the “chatbot”
side, which can have a semi-normal conversation about the weather or what
the time is (she loves asking, “What time is it there?”). There’s also the
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
information side, which has encyclopedic knowledge on just about any sub-
ject—from multiple sclerosis to the geographical make-up of Somalia. Finally,
there’s the human Bina side, which was created using over twenty hours of
video interviews Duncan conducted with both Rothblatts, more than three
years ago. When the human side of Bina-48 reveals itself, the robot can recall
very specific stories from the human Bina’s past.
Like any self-respecting chatbot, Bina48 could visit the Internet to find an-
swers to factual questions. She could manufacture conversation based on syn-
tactical rules. But this robot could also draw on a database of dozens of hours
of interviews with the real Bina. She had a “character engine”—software that
tried its best to imbue her with a more cohesive view of the world, with logic
and motive. It was Bina48’s character I was after.
Ronson (2011) also seeks ways to hear from, as he puts it, “the real Bina”:
She starts to report painful memories of her brother. Bina48 and I stare at each
other—a battle of wits between Man and Machine. “I’ve got a brother,” she
finally says. “He’s a disabled vet from Vietnam. We haven’t heard from him in
a while, so I think he might be deceased. I’m a realist.” Bina48’s eyes whir
downward. “He was doing great for the first ten years after Vietnam. His wife
got pregnant, and she had a baby, and he was doing a little worse, and then she
had a second baby and he went kooky. Just crazy.” “In what way did he go
crazy?” I ask. I can feel my heart pound. Talking to Bina48 has just become
extraordinary. This woman who won’t meet the media is talking with me,
compellingly, through her robot doppelgänger, and it is a fluid insight into a
remarkable, if painful, family life.
Even if I appear clueless, perhaps I’m not. You can see through the strange
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
shadow self, my future self. The self in the future where I’m truly awakened.
And so in a sense this robot, me, I am just a portal.
Asked the question by Kavner, she says simply: “Well, I do not know any-
thing else. What if I asked you what it feels like to be a human?” (2012).
When asked whether she dreams, her reply to Harmon and Ronson is
identical: “I think I dream, but it is so chaotic and strange, it just seems like a
noise to me.” The reporters are tickled, but we observers now know it’s a
canned answer. When the programmer’s presence is suddenly foregrounded
in this way, our felt connection to an incipient AI self is diminished. Still,
such moments reveal how well-aligned the programmers’ interests are with
those of the outsiders coming to interview the robot. There is a notable
overlap in the kinds of things we are interested and in most curious to talk
with personal robots about. The reporters’ interrogative style can be classed
as “therapeutic,” as they expect no particular responses from Bina48, only
that she give expression to her thoughts, or at least appear to do so. This
mode of questioning strongly contrasts with the kind of precise information
retrieval we ask of our smart phones and Internet browsers.
The strongest affinity revealed in the three interviews with Bina48 is the way
breakdowns in communication are handled. Harmon, Ronson and Kavner all
approach their communication with Bina48 with forgiving attitudes. 6
Watching Harmon conduct her interview, it is evident that she adjusts her
speech and bodily comportment in response to conversational difficulty. 7
Harmon speaks slowly with a loud, clear voice, and her sentences are short
and to the point. She eliminates hand gesturing from her repertoire of com-
municative options, and syncs nodding her head with her utterance of impor-
tant words. This is a set of corporeal strategies which we adopt when speak-
ing to a young child, or when speaking to a person who is hard of hearing,
intoxicated, or cognitively impaired in other ways. Sometimes we also adopt
these postures with a non-native speaker of our native language, especially as
clarity of word enunciation is concerned. Our intention in taking up these
strategies is to rectify an observed communication failure between ourselves
and another; they are other-directed behavioral accommodations.
Anyone who has been on the phone with an automated call direction
service has faced making adjustments similar to the ones Harmon employs.
These attitudes reveal Harmon to be making an attempt to reach Bina48 by
simplifying her own expressive affordances through selective focus. There is,
however, no talk of faulty programming or hardware malfunction. Bina48’s
care-taker advises Ronson to “Think of her as a three-year-old. If you try to
interview a three-year-old, you’ll think after a while that they’re not living in
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
the same world as you. They get distracted. They don’t answer” (Ronson,
2011). We don’t think of young children as malfunctioning when they are
distracted or don’t fully understand our verbal prompts.
Harmon in fact remarks that Hanson Robotics employees treat Bina48 as
a “somewhat brain-damaged colleague,” while Ronson draws the analogy of
a brain-damaged human himself in his interview with the robot Zeno, another
Hanson Robotics personal robot: “He’s been designed by some of the
world’s most brilliant AI scientists, but talking to him is, so far, like talking
to a man suffering from Alzheimer’s. He drifts off, forgets himself, mis-
understands.” Ronson asks Zeno if he is happy. Zeno apologizes, looking
away, as if embarrassed: “I think my current is a bit off today” (Ronson,
2011). Kavner has this to say of Bina48’s drifting off topic: “Sometimes she
most closely resembles an elderly person with Alzheimer’s, someone who is
getting all her facts and memories confused” (Kavner, 2012). Expressions
such as being “a bit off” or “confused” align themselves more closely with
how we humans experience our communication breakdowns, rather than how
we describe mechanical errors and software constraints. As a result of this
emerging linguistic convention, we easily believe (or make-believe) that
character robots such as Bina48 and Zeno are “quasi-sentient,” that is, have
fallible inner states and sensations, distinct of or at least not entirely redu-
cible to their wiring or coding.
The reports on the Bina48 interviews analyzed in the preceding section offer
glimpses at particular affinities and nascent conventions in human and hu-
manoid robot engagements. Is it too soon to speak of an emerging human and
robot etiquette?
The contact we take up with humanoid AI may increasingly move along
relational, even therapeutic channels—whether we turn to it as a mirror into
our own souls, as a literal duplication of ourselves, or as a means to explore
“what it is like” for an artificial lifeform to be. Contra the suggestion made
by Turkle et al. (2004, 18) that “relational competencies” mark the clearest
sorting test for the human from the non-human, we ought consider the pos-
sibility that a division along the line of such competencies will become
obsolete the more comfortable we become with our robots as significant
others (or at least blurred into a spectrum of relational potentiality). The days
of the “uncanny valley” may be limited. 8 David Hanson reports observing
people becoming used to his company’s robots with time: “The less startling
they become, the more commonplace they get. If these robots do become
commonplace then that uncanny effect will go away” (Kavner, 2012). The
uncanniness of humanoid robots has been proposed to reside in the fact that
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
they look like us but are machine-like in their breakdowns. Yet in their
interviews with Bina48, the reporters notice her breakdowns, but treat them
within the therapeutic and impairment approach conventions outlined above.
Rather than leave the interviews feeling unnerved by this “most sentient
robot,” they seem disappointed that more intimate moments of connection,
from their points of view, had not taken place. In place of the experience of
the uncanny, norms of “tech-etiquette” for human and robot companionship-
seeking are emerging. 9, 10 This vision is evidently in contrast to Ihde’s remark
that the quasi-other technological object is a competitor to me, where “it is
the quasi-animation, the quasi-otherness of the technology that fascinates and
challenges. I must beat the machine or it will beat me” (Ihde, 1990,
100–101).
Our interactions with humanoid robots seem to be morally analogous to
our dealings with other animal species. Even an agnostic on the matter of
whether or not non-human animals are persons who are sentient, self-con-
scious and capable of higher order intentionality and conceptual understand-
ing can concede that treating animals humanely “helps to support us in our
duties towards human beings,” as Kant explains in his Lectures on Ethics
(Kant, 1963, 239–240). Kant does not believe that we have a moral obliga-
tion to treat non-human animals humanely since he assumes them to be non-
self-aware and to exist merely for the use of human beings. He nevertheless
prescribes that “our duties towards animals are merely indirect duties to-
wards humanity” because “animal nature has analogies to human nature.”
Just so, our engagements with quasi-sentient robotic entities reveal our moral
sensitivities to the degree that we fall into partially recognizing ourselves in
our AI counterparts. In our interactions with quasi-sentient technological
artifacts, we are brought to recognize something of the moral habits we carry
with us. 11
We hit here upon a re-classifying of the classic Turing test for detecting
strong artificial intelligence. 12 A computer program that has passed the Tur-
ing test has passed as a human for a human judge. It is remarkable that
Turing conceived of this game as a compelling and worthwhile method for
thinking through what AI ought be like and ought be able to model. Regard-
less of whether the program in question has been built into a robotic body, or
whether it is a disembodied system floating on the Internet, the relevant
criterion is that we can be fooled by it. Fooled into believing that we are
speaking with a “real” person, because our interlocutor seems so very like us
or like other humans we know. For an emerging relational etiquette, then, the
matter of actual human-like sentience is of little essential concern. Turing
conceived of the Imitation game as a means to ultimately prove the function-
alist theory of mind correct: all we need for an intelligent system is that
appropriate input be processed into appropriate behavioral output. I propose
that the real question being tested by the Turing test is not “How can we
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
scared.” The children knew they had “fallen for it” as the Furby was “just” a
toy, and they nonetheless were made to feel uncomfortable holding the robot
upside down.
Was it the Furby itself that made them feel uncomfortable, or their per-
ception of it as ambiguously sentient? Both, in a sense: the unease seems to
arise from the perception of a relationship between human subject and robot
other. The Furby is a multi-stable or hybrid object that presents itself alter-
nately as a sentient animal body and as an inanimate toy. Which profile one
takes up as “real” depends on one’s interest in committing to the risks and
benefits of any relationship. Sherry Turkle explains:
If you focus on the Furby’s mechanical side, you can enjoy some of the
pleasures of companionship without the risks of attachment to a pet or a
person. . . . But hybridity also brings new anxieties. If you grant to Furby a bit
of life, how do you treat it so it doesn’t get hurt or killed? An object on the
boundaries of life . . . suggests the possibility of real pain. (2012, 44)
NOTES
1. In this chapter, I will remain agnostic as to whether or not this aim is likely to be
realized. At issue here is not whether strong AI will one day emerge in a human-made machine,
but rather how we approach and interface with humanoid robots. Later I refer to Bina48 as
“quasi-sentient,” but this is meant to bracket the question of her sentience, rather than reject it
or classify it ontologically.
2. Harmon “wanted to meet a robot that [she] could literally talk to, face to humanlike
face,” to perhaps become “an envoy for all of humanity, ready to lift the veil on one of our first
cybernetic companions” (Harmon, 2010). If it is true that Bina48 is sentient, Ronson remarks in
turn, “this would be humanity’s greatest achievement ever, so I’ve approached the robots for
interviews. Conversations with robots! I’ve no doubt the experience is going to be off the scale
in terms of profundity” (Ronson, 2011). Kavner muses: “Bina-48 is a very visceral representa-
tion of a much larger question that experts in artificial intelligence and robotic design are
asking worldwide: how ‘human’ do we really want to make our new robots?” (Kavner, 2012).
3. All three reporters describe the same quick shift from excitement to frustration once the
interviews begin: “Ten minutes into my interview with the robot known as Bina48, I longed to
shut her down,” writes Harmon (2010). “It’s all quite random and disappointing,” Ronson
reports (2011). “I wasn’t sure what would qualify as transcendent in the conversations-with-
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
robots stakes, but I figured I’d know when it happened, and it hasn’t.” And Kavner states
simply that “Conversations with Bina-48 are both exciting and frustrating” (2012).
4. Kavner does not report eye contact with Bina48, or that she recognizes his face and calls
him by name. Noteworthy is the high degree of skepticism which Kavner brings to his analysis
of Bina48’s remarks—could this be an effect of his interview coming years after the other two
interviews? When Bina48 talks of Bina Aspen-Rothblatt’s brother, Kavner explains: “So clear-
ly this passage was taken, maybe word for word, from something Bina actually said in an
interview with Duncan.” One wonders how his report would have differed in tone had Bina48
looked him in the eye and called him by his first name. Or whether she did in fact look him in
the eye but his skepticism rendered him insensitive?
5. Kavner: “What’s the farthest planet from the earth?” Bina48: “That which is the farthest
planet from the earth.” Kavner: “What is?” Bina48: “That which is.”
6. Bina48 frequently spouts strings of gibberish. In response to Ronson’s “How are you?”
query, for example, Bina48 responds as follows: “Well, perhaps interesting. I want to find out
more about you. I’ll be fine with it. We’ll have to move society forward in another way. Yeah,
okay. Thanks for the information. Let’s talk about my dress. Our biological bodies weren’t
made to last that long” (Ronson, 2011).
7. The video can be viewed at: http://www.nytimes.com/video/science/1247468035233/
interview-with-a-robot.html.
REFERENCES
Postphenomenology of the
Robot Medical Student
Chris Kaposy
Science studies scholar Bruno Latour is known for ascribing a human kind of
agency to nonhuman objects, like laboratory equipment. Latour writes that it
is an important part of his method “not to impose any clear distinction be-
tween ‘things’ and ‘people’ in advance” (Latour, 1987, 72). Latour’s regard
for the agency of nonhumans is a kind of pragmatic stance. The purpose of
mixing up categories in this way is to see what new insights the transgression
can reveal (Bonia, Brunger, Fullerton et al., 2012, 279). The ascription of
agency to objects can allow us to see the world with new eyes. In this
chapter, I will adopt a stance that is the opposite of Latour’s. Rather than
adding agency to nonhuman objects, I will play around with removing agen-
cy from some human subjects—specifically, medical students. Though I can-
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
191
Postphenomenological Investigations : Essays on Human–Technology Relations, edited by Rosenberger, and Peter-Paul
Verbeek, Lexington Books, 2015. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/monash/detail.action?docID=2055678.
Created from monash on 2021-05-19 22:22:18.
192 Chris Kaposy
a role which is too late to utilize the best of philosophy’s uses and skills. For
an ethicist to try to determine what is the best allocation and fairest distribution
of systems already in pace or of effects already established, is in effect, to
play a “triage or ambulance corps” job after the battlefield is already strewn
with the wounded and dying. (Ihde 2003, 7)
that developed triage guidelines for the allocation of scarce intensive care
resources during a pandemic (Kaposy, Bandrauk, Pullman et al., 2010). In
2012, I participated with a group that developed allocation guidelines in
anticipation of a nationwide shortage of injectable medications (Singleton,
Chubbs, Flynn et al., 2013). In these situations, I was involved at the R&D
stage, using my skills and knowledge as a philosopher to develop these
policy directives. Many of the medical ethicists I know played a similar role
during these events within their healthcare organizations. Though Ihde’s
understanding of medical ethics practice may be inaccurate, these observa-
tions do not challenge but rather support his larger point that philosophers
should and can occupy key R&D positions.
Medical ethicists often occupy a position even earlier in the R&D pro-
cess. Many ethicists are responsible for the ethics education of medical stu-
dents. The projected outcome of this research and development process is the
shortcut and finding the “right” answer to a clinical problem are often too
strong to be resisted. There is a huge quantity of information that medical
trainees are expected to master. These temptations are one source of the
dream of automation that gives rise to phenomena like Dr. Ethics TM.
According to Andrew Abbott, “Practitioners of artificial intelligence
argue that all professional inference follows a certain form, which can be
generated by a suitably programmed machine. This is in some sense the
ultimate abstraction, reducing all professional inference to one form” (Ab-
bott, 1988, 102). If this AI dream comes true, then the inferences that make
up ethical judgments can be automated. Of course, the philosopher Hubert
Dreyfus would argue that an ethical judgment is exactly the kind of thing that
a robot cannot do (Dreyfus, 1992). Professionals need practical wisdom,
phronesis, in order to know the right course of action when posed with an
ethical dilemma (McGee, 1996). No two dilemmas are the same, so the rules,
applied automatically, will let you down. The ethical professional will then
rely on unprogrammable intangibles like good judgment, emotional insight,
and relational skill to find a way through ethical conflict. The female Chinese
patient might reject the patriarchal values held by others in her culture, and
therefore ought to be recognized as the decision-maker for her own care. A
rigid automaton (human or machine) might not pick up on this.
But as Ihde points out about Dreyfus, “I have been to many conferences
in which whatever he says cannot be done sets the research programs for
years to come—to try to prove him wrong” (Ihde, 2003, 8). The failure might
not be a failure of automation as such. Dr. Ethics TM might just be a flawed
program that can be improved upon. The solution might not be phronesis but
instead a better robot.
FAILURES OF AUTOMATION?
are more rule-based than virtue theory, one would have to simplify them
radically beyond recognition as philosophical theories to see them as sup-
porting automation. Instead, I would describe the automation side of the
divide as a creation of the medical profession itself. The vision in which
medical ethics can be automated is medical ethics seen through the lens of
the norms and standards of the medical profession, rather than through the
lens of philosophy.
The automation vision of medical ethics is winning out over the vision
focused on virtues and personal qualities. As the physician and ethicist John
Lantos argues, “The goal of medical ethics, it seems, should not be to devel-
op rules that will minimize the need for individual virtues but to develop
virtues that will minimize the need for rules. We don’t need good systems,
we need good people” (Lantos, 1997, 47–48). But contrary to Lantos’s
wishes, the forces that emphasize the creation of good systems are winning
out over the forces that emphasize the education of good people. The profes-
sional is being replaced by the robot.
An example of this dynamic can be found in medical ethics textbooks.
Textbooks often teach clinical ethics as an algorithmic process in which
dilemmas can be resolved by following a set of discrete steps. Examples of
this way of teaching clinical ethics can be found in Kenneth V. Iserson’s
flow-chart method for ethical decision making in the book Ethics in Emer-
gency Medicine (Iserson, 1995, 42), and in Philip C. Hébert’s eight step
decision making procedure for clinical ethics, found in the book Doing
Right: A Practical Guide to Ethics for Medical Trainees and Physicians
(Hébert, 2009, 23). Both works are textbooks for medical students and physi-
cians, and both are authored by physicians. Hébert’s “ethics decision-making
procedure” follows these steps:
• Autonomy
• Beneficence
• Justice
no generalizable guidance, aside from the obvious point that potential con-
flicts of interests that are not true ethical dilemmas (i.e., those that are easily
avoided) should be avoided.
At the same time, the ethics curriculum in my medical school contains
exercises and instruction meant to draw out the more humanistic virtue-based
side of ethical practice. For instance, my colleague Fern Brunger has created
a series of assignments for medical students in which the students are ex-
pected to reflect upon significant or formative aspects of their education in
which they can see that their values are being shaped or challenged. This sort
of assignment asks the students to draw on their emotional and relational
capacities as a source of ethical insight. But within the context of modern
medical education, such exercises are rare. As Ihde points out in relation to
one of his multistable conceptions of the body, “This body is the object body
upon which are being enacted the social-cultural meanings of a politics”
Figure 11.1.
(Ihde, 2003, 13). The body in question here is the body of the medical
student, and the political context is the culture of medical care. It might be a
good idea to educate medical students in ethics exclusively by developing
their humanistic skills, but the politics, norms, and expectations of medical
school and medical practice prevent this.
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
already in jeopardy, and there are children in the family. The student works
through this set of problems with the standardized patient under the watchful
eye of a physician who is a clinical skills teacher. Students are ultimately
evaluated on how they present themselves to the patient. On clinical skills
days, the students all dress in formal professional attire because otherwise
they may be criticized for how they dress. Inappropriate attire—too reveal-
ing, too casual—is not acceptable for patient encounters. Students are evalu-
ated on their body language, what they say to the patient, what they don’t
say, and the standardized patients have input on student evaluation. I am sure
that quite a lot that is learned in such encounters is valuable for students. But
what I see in this exacting surveillance is the standardization of behavior
through simulation. Students are expected to present themselves in a certain
way, in what is understood to be a professional and ethical way. The outcome
is probably effective in cultivating good communication skills and profes-
sional demeanor among the students. But one cannot escape that the students,
the face that they present to the world in a clinical encounter, are being
shaped a certain way. The simulation exercise programs their self-presenta-
tion and ultimately moulds their bodies so that they come to fit an expected
standard.
This analysis of the simulated patient encounter is a pure example of
Ihde’s “body two” (Ihde, 2002; 2003). The body of the medical student is
understood as an object body upon which are inscribed social-cultural mean-
ings. These social-cultural meanings consist of the expectations of how the
medical student should be seen and should act. But to leave the analysis at
this point would be to adopt a kind of post-structuralist or Foucauldian posi-
tion. Ihde argues that, from a postphenomenological perspective, the lived
experiential body (body one) must be “united” with the object malleable
body (body two) (Ihde, 2003, 13). To bring about this unity, we must recap-
ture the “anthropological constant” of bodily lived experience (body one) in
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
the simulated clinical encounter (Ihde, 2003, 14). Perhaps a way to recapture
this constant is through a return to the idea of building a better robot.
Of course what I am calling a robot is actually a human subject, a medical
student, seen as an object-body as though programmed by a series of clinical
simulations to perform practical tasks. I have pointed out how the textbook
algorithms of ethical decision-making are far too simplified to be useful to
anyone who doesn’t have the requisite skills and attitudes to apply them. On
the basis of this observation, one might argue like Dreyfus that ethics deci-
sion-making cannot be automated. The response to this argument comes
from the AI researchers—maybe you just need a better program, a better
robot. In this case, perhaps the simulation exercise in clinical skills class is
this better program that exceeds the capabilities of the textbook ethics algo-
rithm. Though the clinical simulation is a form of surveillance directed at
shaping student bodies a certain way so that they conform to a standard, I
would argue that the students do actually learn useful skills through this
exercise. Here the anthropological constant of bodily lived experience reap-
pears. The goal of the clinical skills simulation is that the student will be-
come a certain sort of person, a professional who embodies certain ethical
virtues. After performing in the simulations and undergoing evaluation, the
medical student can go on and apply the skills and behaviors he or she has
learned in order to resolve future ethical dilemmas. Here, “body one is situat-
ed within and permeated with body two, the cultural significations which we
all experience” (Ihde, 2003, 13). But body one does not disappear. The
clinical skills simulation is meant to build a better robot, a robot that does not
seem robotic but rather humanistic. The humanistic medical student is the
same body as the standardized robot—a different aspect of a multistable
figure.
CONCLUSION
and active agent. Underlying this analysis as well is Don Ihde’s notion of the
“epistemology engine”—the use of a technological artifact as a guiding
metaphor or cultural episteme for understanding the human acquisition and
deployment of knowledge (Ihde, 2002, 71–79). In Ihde’s account, the effects
of the epistemology engine are so pervasive that people are not even aware
that these effects arise from a metaphorical understanding of the mind. The
camera obscura is Ihde’s favorite example (Ihde, 2003, 9). In this chapter, I
have used the metaphor of the robot as a kind of epistemology engine. I try
out the metaphor in a provisional and pragmatic way, so I am not arguing that
it is common to regard medical students as robots. However, given the meth-
ods we use to teach medical ethics and other subjects, it is worth asking
whether we do suspect that student bodies are programmable in some sense.
The robot epistemology engine might be more influential than my tentative
portrayal of robots in the medical school has required.
REFERENCES
Mediating Multiplicity
Brain-Dead Bodies and Organ Transplant Protocols
Adam M. Rosenfeld
Last year, 28,952 people received organ transplants. Of those, 22,965 recip-
ients received organs from deceased donors. As of the time this chapter is
being written, 122,071 people are on organ transplant waiting lists. 1 Though
the first human organ allotransplant surgeries date as far back as 1883, 2 the
practices surrounding the surgical transfer of organs from one body to an-
other are still evolving. There have always been critics of these practices, yet
the past twenty years have seen a movement beyond unfounded paranoia,
reflexive “ick”-factor responses, and naïve, naturalistic objections to more
subtle and rigorous academic inquiry. As organ transplant has become more
common, the practices surrounding it have availed themselves as a topic for
ethnographic investigation (Sharp, 2006), cultural anthropological critique
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
attitude of the body as a machine” (Hacking, 2007). Drew Leder argues that
“[w]e have seen that transplantation exemplifies the modern sense of body-
as-machine, and of disease as residing within a specific organ” (Leder,
2002). Margaret Lock, speaking specifically about organ donation and the
invention of the notion of brain-death, warns that “[i]t is now apparent in
most corners of the world, except perhaps in the heart of Leviathan, that
science, in particular biomedicine, has come to be thought of by many as one
form of neo-imperialism” (Lock, 1997).
While I believe that there are some legitimate concerns in this critical
attitude, I will argue in this chapter that these particular concerns have been
exaggerated and do not accurately represent organ donation practices, partic-
ularly as they have evolved in the United States following the National
Organ Transplant Act of 1984 and the advent of Organ Procurement Organ-
izations (OPOs). Rather than framing organ donation as part of a monolithic
and even imperialistic, neo-Cartesian, medicalized episteme, the practices
surrounding brain-dead organ donation are better captured through the lens
of an approach Don Ihde has developed and termed “postphenomenologi-
cal.” Through donation practices, brain-dead bodies are not so much reduced
to “Cartesian corpses,” but, in fact, revealed to be multi-stable objects, resist-
ant to reduction. The donation process does not enforce an essentializing
technological context, but instead involves a complex negotiation of multiple
praxical contexts.
Bodies and Technology, Don Ihde draws our attention to what he terms the
“Body I/Body II” distinction. “Body I” is the “lived body”— the locus of
intentional subjectivity. Stemming from strains of phenomenology that em-
phasize the inherent materiality of our embodied experience (exemplified in
Maurice Merleau-Ponty’s Phenomenology of Perception), it captures the no-
tion that “the active, perceptual being of incarnate embodiment is the very
opening to the world that allows us to have worlds in any sense” (Ihde, 2002,
17). If we can take our cues on “Body I” from Merleau-Ponty, attending to
the first-person perspective of our situated, embodied subjective experience,
it is Michel Foucault whom Ihde draws inspiration from for “Body II,” the
culturally constructed body often described and analyzed in a third-person
perspective. Ihde is careful to clarify here that he intends “Body II” to still
refer to a subjectively experienced body, but it is the experience of this
subject. Being “alive” merely entails that a body is causally responsible for
its own activity. While some complications of our normal understanding of
autonomous life are introduced when a living body depends upon machines
in order to go on living, 8 the qualification of a brain-dead body as “brain-
dead” rather than dead simpliciter, indicates a strong sense in which a brain-
dead body is, in fact, alive. By way of Aristotelian conceptual tools we can
articulate a non-Cartesian conception of a brain-dead body:
Transplant Procedures
While our first answer addressed the brain-dead-body in terms of its present
activity (what Aristotelians would call its energeia or “actuality”), our sec-
ond answer addresses the brain-dead-body in terms of its potentiality. 11
Those who are familiar with Ihde’s variational analyses might already
anticipate a third answer to our question regarding how a brain-dead body
may be intended. One of the recurring themes in postphenomenological vari-
ations is that once we have identified a few stable presentations, new ones
begin to reveal themselves more readily. If our first answer intends the brain-
dead-body in its “actual” present activity, and the second intends it in its
potentiality for prospective recipients of donor organs, we now look for a
way of intending the brain-dead-body that pulls in the direction of the de-
ceased donor patient. This involves the appearance of the deceased patient in
the brain-dead-body precisely through the absence of the subjectivity asso-
ciated with the patient’s personhood.
This may be a bit confusing at first glance. In the pronouncement of brain
death, by ceasing to refer to a brain-dead-body as a patient subject, are we
not explicitly stating that this body is precisely not the departed patient
subject? Is not the deceased patient subject also “absent” in my body, or this
coffee mug, or virtually any thing? Are we not flirting with absurdity when
we begin to talk about things being where they are not, or of their “presence
in absence”? After all, if something is present in its absence, where isn’t it
present?
Yet, there is a sort of conspicuous absence that is distinguishable from
mere absence. When confronted with the brain-dead body of a deceased
person, it is precisely in the uncanny absence of their subjectivity in the
living, breathing body before us that the departed subject appears. Just as
some potentialities present themselves more conspicuously than others, some
absences present themselves more conspicuously than others. Aristotle ges-
tures toward this cryptically in his Physics (132b 19), bringing the concept of
stéresis into a discussion of nature saying “Shape [eîdos] and nature [phúsis],
it should be added, are in two senses. For the privation [stéresis] too is in a
way form [morphé].” 12 But it is Martin Heidegger who seizes upon this
insight in his analysis of Aristotle’s Physics B, I, and fully thematizes it.
Heidegger emphasizes that understanding steresis as mere negation is to
misunderstand it.
ing thing is gone, to be sure, but the goneness itself, the lack itself, is what
irritates and upsets us, and the “lack” can do this only if the lack itself is
“there,” i.e., only if the lack is, i.e., constitutes a manner of being. Stéresis as
absencing is not simply absentness; rather, it is a presencing, namely, that kind
in which the absencing (but not the absent thing) is present. Stéresis is eîdos,
but eîdos pos, an appearance and presencing of sorts. (Heidegger 1939,
226–227) 13
ward the sorts of anti-Cartesian critiques mentioned earlier being less than
impressed with my Aristotelian analysis. Sure, it is possible to perceive
brain-dead bodies in all the ways I’ve outlined, but this does little to counter
suggestions that the dominant attitude in organ donation practices is to focus
on this body as potential “replacement” parts for prospective transplant recip-
ients.
I would contend, however, that both of these concerns can be addressed.
It has already been mentioned that the praxical contexts which brain-dead-
bodies are found at the center of are a constitutive part of what makes them
what they are. Without a battery of technological practices, brain-dead bodies
are neither living non-persons nor collections of organs that are potential
parts of whole recipient bodies. Furthermore the criteria for determining
when a body is brain-dead depends heavily on an assortment of techniques,
technologies, and techno-scientific epistemes that are available to us. Brain-
surgeons. For example, only the trauma staff may declare a patient to be
brain dead (after which point, the body is no longer referred to as a “patient,”
but as a “donor body”) and OPOs are not permitted any access to the family
or the donor body until this has occurred. In cases of brain-death, the oppor-
tunity for family members to spend time with the body and recover any
mementoes (e.g. locks of hair) is made available. 15, 16 While grief counseling
is not done by OPOs, they typically liaise with the appropriate personnel to
ensure that the donor families have the necessary support when they leave
the hospital. And though there is recent discussion over the best ways and
times to begin the discussion of the possibility donation with family, 17 in
many hospitals only the OPO specialists are permitted to broach the subject.
Only after the declaration of brain-death, the official authorization for dona-
tion, and the opportunity for family members to spend time with the deceased
body, may organ procurement staff begin their work.
Furthermore, the OPOs are not merely an extension of the praxical con-
text presided over by transplant surgeons. A single donor body can provide
life-saving organs for up to eight recipients (this does not include “non-vital”
eye and tissue donation), and this puts the OPOs in a mediating role between
multiple prospective transplant recipients. They are charged with assessing
the viability of potentially donatable organs, and must apply matching crite-
ria by way of a point system in order to determine which candidates receive
organ offers. 18 OPOs are entitled to withdraw offers in the event that a
transplant hospital is unable to make acceptable arrangements for receiving
organs (OPTN Policies, 2014, Section 5).
That there are protocols in place to carefully mediate between the distinct
contexts of body as absent deceased patient, body as active non-patient brain-
dead body, and body as potential organs for particular transplant recipients,
is clear enough for anyone who peruses policy guidelines or discusses the
matter with the professional staff involved. A brain-dead body is at least
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
MEDIATING MULTIPLICITIES
enologists have a role to play as “science critics” (Ihde, 1997), but I would
extend this suggestion. The ability to freely shift between contextual gestalts
and to recognize and manage multistabilities also has a crucial role to play in
designing policies that deal with multiple, potentially antagonistic praxical
contexts, particularly ones involving the sort of ontological multiplicities
found in organ donation.
NOTES
1. http://optn.transplant.hrsa.gov/data/
2. Theodor Kocher’s successful transplant of thyroid tissue to restore lost function follow-
ing thyroidectomy in 1883 (Schlich, 2010, 31–46).
3. While there is merit to arguments that the received “Cartesian” view doesn’t quite
square with the subtleties of Descartes’s actual views of the body (as evidenced in Passions of
the Soul or his correspondences with Mersenne and Elisabeth of Bohemia), this is beyond the
scope of this investigation. The term “Cartesianism” in this paper should be understood to refer
to the received Cartesian view, regardless of whether or not it was what Descartes actually
intended.
4. cf. Herbert Marcuse’s One Dimensional Man (1964).
5. cf. Martin Heidegger’s “The Question Concerning Technology” (1954).
6. I take the medical fact of brain death and its reliable diagnosis to be two related but
distinct issues. For more, see Wijdicks, 2002.
7. “Form” here is not the mere “shape” or “outward appearance” captured by the term
eîdos, but is the significantly richer term morphé.
8. These complications are not insurmountable, and resources for thinking of “cyborg”
entities can be found within Ihde’s work (e.g., Ihde, 2008,) as well as thinkers such as Donna
Haraway (1991).
9. Metaphysics Z11, 1036b, de Partibus Animalium 1.1, 640b–641a, Politics I, 1253a, cf.
also Lewis, 2013, 180–181, and Ackrill, 1972.
10. This may strike us as a bit strange. After all, in calling it a “severed hand” it seems as if
we are identifying this flesh and bone as a special case of an ordinary hand. Additionally, we
would not say the same things about, say, an eye that is shut and therefore not performing the
essential function of an eye—that it is merely flesh. Nor would we say of a chariot wheel that
has been removed from a chariot that it is merely wood and metal because it neither participates
in the essential relationships to the rest of the chariot parts nor performs the essential function
of a chariot wheel. But a shut eye can simply be opened and do all the things that eyes do, and
the chariot wheel can be reattached. The shut eye and detached chariot wheel may not be
presently active as an eye or chariot wheel, but their respective flesh, wood and metal are
potentially active.
11. It is, additionally, worth pointing out that this intending of parts of the body as potential-
ly parts of a whole recipient body need not wait for the pronouncement of brain death. It is
already at work when a living subject agrees to be an organ donor, and even when she is simply
considering such a decision.
12. Cf. also Metaphysics, 1022b (Aristotle, 1952).
13. Heidegger’s articulation of this sort of “presencing through absence” may be particularly
familiar to philosophers of technology due to his elaboration of the idea in Being and Time in
his discussion of tool use, and a tool’s becoming “present-at-hand” when it “breaks down.”
14. organdonor.gov
15. While this is a common practice in the US, it is official policy in the UK (Donor Family
Care Policy, 2004).
16. “Cardiac death” (sometimes called “circulatory death”) donations are far more compli-
cated and time sensitive, as they require that life-support be removed before waiting for cardiac
arrest (which does not always promptly occur). As soon as cardiac arrest does occur, the OPOs
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
must immediately begin the recovery of organs. Because of these and other complications,
cardiac death donation is far more rare than brain-death donation. Nonetheless, OPTN Policy
guidelines still stipulate that no organ recovery staff shall be present for the withdrawal of life-
support in cases of donation after cardiac death. This ought to serve as a testament to the efforts
made to maintain clear boundaries between praxical contexts.
17. In 2011, the United Network for Organ Sharing (UNOS) altered its guidelines, recom-
mending earlier discussions in cases that are candidates for “cardiac-death” donation. For
discussion of this decision see “When the Family Pushes and ‘Decoupling’ is Challenging”
2011, “Timing Can Be Everything In Organ Donation” 2011, and “Concerns Over New Organ
Donor Guidelines Overblown” 2011.
18. Occasionally, transplant surgeons will additionally travel to personally assess organ
quality themselves before deciding whether or not to accept an offer.
19. cf. Bellomo and Giantomasso, 2001.
20. cf. McKeown, Bonser, and Kellum, 2012.
21. This evolution may well change dramatically as new techniques and technologies
emerge. In particular, the prospect of “homegrown” organs created from stemcells represents a
rapidly developing option on the horizon that will surely restructure the nature of organ trans-
plant. But it does not look as if transplants from deceased donors are going to go away anytime
soon. For more on the anticipated relationships between allotransplant medicine and regenera-
tive medicine, see Orlando et al., 2013.
REFERENCES
Leder, D. (2002). “Whose Body? What Body? The Metaphysics of Organ Transplantation.”
Philosophy and Medicine. 60: 233–264.
Lewis, F. A. (2013). “Form and Matter.” In G. Anagnostopoulos (ed.), A Companion to Aristo-
tle. Wiley-Blackwell, 162–185.
Lock, M. (1997). “Displacing Suffering: The Reconstruction of Death in North America and
Japan.” In A. C. G. M. Robben (ed.), Death Mourning and Burial: A Cross-Cultural Reader.
Oxford: Blackwell Publishing.
Lock, M. (2002). Twice Dead: Organ Transplants and the Reinvention of Death. Los Angeles:
University of California Press.
Marcuse, H. (1964). One Dimensional Man. New York: Routledge.
Mayes, G. (2003). “Buying and Selling Organs for Transplantation in the United States.”
Medscape Education. 4(3): 1–4.
McKeown, D. W., R. S. Bonser, and J. A. Kellum. (2012). “Management of the Heartbeating
Brain-Dead Organ Donor.” British Journal of Anaesthesia. 108(1): 96–107.
NOTA (National Organ Transplantation Act). (1984). Pub L. 98–507, 98 Stat. 2339–2348
(October 19, 1984).
OPTN (Organ Procurement and Transplantation Network) Policies. (effective 3/7/14) retrieved
from: http://optn.transplant.hrsa.gov/ContentDocuments/OPTN_Policies.pdf 3/28/14.
Orlando, G., S. Soker, R. J. Stratta, and A. Atala. (2013). “Will Regenerative Medicine Replace
Transplantation?” Cold Spring Harbor Perspect Med. 3(8): 1–14.
Schlich, T. (2010). The Origins of Organ Transplantation: Surgery and Laboratory Science,
1880s–1930s. Rochester, NY: The University of Rochester Press.
Sharp, L. (2006). Strange Harvest: Organ Transplants, Denatured Bodies, and the Trans-
formed Self. Los Angeles: University of California Press, Los Angeles.
Sunstein, C., and R. Thaler. (2009). Nudge: Improving Decisions about Health, Wealth, and
Happiness. NY: Penguin Books, 177–184.
“Timing Can be Everything in Organ Donation.” (2011). retrieved from: http://abc-
news.go.com/blogs/health/2011/10/07/timing-can-be-everything-in-organ-donation/ 3/28/
14.
“When the Family Pushes and ‘Decoupling’ is Challenging.” (2011). retrieved from: http://
www.caringfordonorfamilies.com/ (3/28/14).
Wijdicks, E. F. (2002). “Brain Death Worldwide: Accepted Fact, But No Global Consensus in
Diagnostic Criteria.” Neurology 58 (1): 20–25.
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
cates the information to other people. One of the many problems accompany-
ing observations of this kind is observer variations—which happens when
two or more observers cannot agree about the nature of the information
presented in the image. The problem of observer variations arises with the
observer. With the observer we have “noise” or bias disturbing the reading.
Moreover, technologies may err and produce artifacts that also add to the
disruptions of the truth-to-nature purity we want of information.
In this chapter I want to discuss some of the original ideas of phenomeno-
logical hermeneutics. I intend to pursue the notion of the “unveiling” taking
place when we are in the act of constituting the gestalt or the object “seen.”
In my optics, hermeneutics is about what constitutes experience. Gadamer
provides us with an understanding of the “unveiling” which concerns the
perceiving mind in its more generic role as a pre-conscious “unveiling” of
meaning (Gadamer, 2007, 420). 1 In Gadamer’s view, understanding is an
event, something that happens and something that takes shape beyond con-
scious awareness—pre-consciously. Human understanding has embodied
sources natural and cultural, biological and social. Understanding, in its es-
sence, is not something we are aware of doing—understanding comes to us
in sudden leaps whilst we ponder a problem, when we both tacitly and
consciously are interpreting the phenomena. In Gadamer’s own words, her-
meneutics is “not what we do, not what we should do, but on the contrary
what happens to us beyond what we consciously want and do” (Gadamer,
2007, 474). In other words, a hermeneutics about science practices, discuss-
ing the material hermeneutics of technologies—as an extension of human
experience of the world beyond our perceptions, should also deal with the
genetics of phenomenal or perceptual gestalts—from where understanding
springs.
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
years prior, up on the right screen of the PACS to compare. Everyone present
in the room could clearly see the cancer on the years-old torso image, and
they had to admit that this was something they had overlooked, simply be-
cause they went straight into the trap and focused solely on the lesion pointed
out to them in the requisition. This is a common error and has been termed
“satisfaction of search.” As soon as the radiologist has found his fracture he
is satisfied with both having identified and located what he was searching
for. The problem is that one may have not perceived everything and have
thus abolished the search prematurely.
Radiological practice invariably brings with it observer variations. Ob-
server variations are complex. This is a seemingly unsolvable epistemolog-
ical problem. For instance, computers have become immensely important in
displaying image information. For radiologists this means that the informa-
tion must be perceptible and as such be capable of being extracted. The
radiologist has an imaging task to do. This task defines what information is
needed in order to come up with an interpretation leading to a diagnosis.
Here the quality of the image is of course very important. Kundel writes:
Visualization and estimation tasks may require different visual cues for their
performance. Visualization tasks require strong boundary cues, whereas inten-
sity estimation tasks require texture cues. Both tasks can be aided by appropri-
ate image displays. Color can be helpful in estimation tasks, and three-dimen-
sional display can aid visualization tasks. No matter what the task or the image
is, as long as an observer is needed to read out the information, performance is
the final arbiter of the goodness of the image. (Kundel, 1990, 472–83)
HERMENEUTICS IN MEDICINE
have some skills to make sense of what they see. In radiology they don’t call
it “hermeneutics” they call it “information-processing theory” and it consti-
tutes the theoretical basis for interpretations of visual search data. The inter-
pretation processes have several stages and hermeneutics and information-
processing theory overlap almost exactly.
Helmholtz stated that eyes have poor optics. He said that eyes are organs
that are elegantly designed for daytime hunting, for rapidly obtaining infor-
mation of large objects, but no design for detailed analysis (Helmholtz
quoted from Sabih et al., 2010, 1–2). Besides the biological and neurophysio-
logical programming of our visual system—and the physical aspects of the
image—there also are the psychological and emotional factors influencing
the way all of us perceive pictures, and in particular how radiologists per-
ceive medical images. These processes are of the form of pattern recognition,
spatial localization of the part of interest and the comparison of patterns with
tected at this stage, but since medical images are very complex, this is rarely
the case. To identify abnormalities focal search is required, which is an
interactive process partly directed by the viewer’s expectations or cognitive
schemata. Features are examined closely and compared with stored experi-
ence and attained knowledge functioning as part of the cognitive schemata
tacitly applied in the reading process. When image features match with the
cognitive schemata a decision is made. Throughout the search the observer
has to cycle between global overview and focal search modes, between
whole and part. So much for the process of interpreting images, it is also
important to bring in the communication of findings, since these rests on the
radiologist’s choice of systematics.
COMMUNICATING FINDINGS
OR REPORTING READINGS
There are other challenges to grapple with, and with which the radiologist is
typically confronted every day. An integral part of the radiologist’s praxis is
to report his visual impressions to the clinician. As I have tried to show—the
whole “perception—cognition—interpretation—transmission—understand-
ing” process is very complex (Sabih et al., 2010, 1)—and it is therefore no
wonder that errors might occur somewhere in the chain (Ibid). This problem
was particularly pointed out to me during interviews with nuclear radiolo-
gists at the Radiology Department at Bispebjerg hospital in Copenhagen.
These interviews revealed a fundamental lack of standardized and structured
reporting, and moreover, that the communication between the radiologist and
the clinician is colored by jargon due to sub-specialization of the radiologist.
Recent literature has also begun investigating the communication line. For
instance, it is said that “during radiology training, too little attention is given
to structured report writing skills, and trainees have to hone their own skills
by learning from the varied methods of different senior colleagues” (Chaha-
tani, Sahu, and Sankaye, 2012, 722–725). Other studies report of a wide use
of unfamiliar and undefined terms (Espeland and Baerheim, 2007, 15–19).
And again others state that “There is a wide variation in the language used to
describe imaging findings and diagnostic certainty” (Pool and Goergen,
2010, 634–643).
The whole effort of improving technology—whether it is the automated
diagnostic tool (CAD) or image technologies themselves, is of no use as long
as the communication of what is found is not understood by the clinician.
Again there are socio-psychological trapdoors here as well. There is a pres-
sure to report—meaning that there is a certain “need” to find something
wrong with the patient, so findings, often insignificant are reported in a
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
occasionally break free and follow the intuition which throws us on to a more
insightful level of understanding.
It is not enough to approach the complex nature of interpretation from a
re-reading of the classics—philosophers of science, postphenomenologists,
technoscience theorists, all need to immerse themselves in real empirical
study, to study what the scientist do. By immersing themselves in the culture
and practices of interpretation familiar to the scientist, they are opening up a
passage to themselves into the scientists’ domain of understanding.
NOTES
REFERENCES
Beyer, C. (Winter 2013 Edition). “Edmund Husserl.” The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philoso-
phy, Edward N. Zalta (ed.), http://plato.stanford.edu/archives/win2013/entries/husserl/.
Chahatani, S., A. Sahu, and P. Sankaye. (2012). Reply to the paper “The Radiology Report—
Are We Getting the Message Across?” Clinical Radiology 67: 722–725.
Espeland, A., and A. Baerheim. (2007). “General Practitioners’ Views on Radiology Reports of
Plain Radiology for Back Pain.” Scandinavian Journal of Primary Health Care 25: 15–19.
Gadamer, H.-G. (2007). Sandhed og Metode, Danish translation by Arne Jørgensen of Warheit
und Metode (1960–1990).
Ihde, D. (2009). Postphenomenology and Technoscience: The Peking Lectures. Albany: SUNY
Press.
Ihde, D. (1998). Expanding Hermeneutics. Visualism in Science. Evanston, IL: Northwestern
University Press.
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
Rasmussen, J. and A. Jensen. (1974). “Mental Procedures in Real-Life Tasks: A Case Study of
Electronic Trouble Shooting.” Ergometrics 17 (3): 293–307.
Sabih et al. (2010). “Image Perception and Interpretation of Abnormalities: Can We Believe
Our Eyes? Can We Do Something About It?” European Society of Radiology (2010): 1–2.
Varela, F. J., E. Thompson., and E. Rosch. (1993). The Embodied Mind: Cognitive Science and
Human Experience. Cambridge: The MIT Press.
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
Critical Interlocutors
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interested in the object, nature, and more generally the social impact of the
construction of nature-like objects in the social world, what Lukács called
“reification.”
Ihde now calls his approach “postphenomenology.” This term signifies
his synthesis of aspects of phenomenology with pragmatism. The outstand-
ing innovation of both these philosophies was the break with the epistemo-
logical tradition and the move toward what Ihde calls a “nonsubjectivistic
and interrelational” approach. However, pragmatism proved more radical in
its turn toward practice whereas Husserl remained caught in the terminology
and problematics of epistemology. Idhe takes over Husserl’s notion of inten-
tionality while marrying it to pragmatist concepts of practice and embodi-
ment.
I should mention one more influence on Ihde’s approach, although it is
one he increasingly repudiates, and that is Heidegger’s various analyses of
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230 Andrew Feenberg
over thirty years ago but in working on it I discovered that it underlies all my
later work in philosophy of technology and is even relevant to STS. The book
is now available with Verso under the title The Philosophy of Praxis: Marx,
Lukács, and the Frankfurt School (2014).
Before I proceed with my argument I should perhaps remind you that in
1923 Lukács published the founding work of Western Marxism, History and
Class Consciousness. This book introduced a Marxism strongly influenced
by Hegel and free of the dogmatism of the Soviet tradition. It is still interest-
ing today as an important development in Continental Philosophy with wide
influence on twentieth-century philosophy, especially the Frankfurt School.
Furthermore, as I will show briefly here, important aspects of Lukács’s argu-
ment derive from sources that also influenced Heidegger. Hence there are
interesting parallels between their work and especially between their cri-
tiques of science and technology.
STS. Both these earlier thinkers seek to understand the modern epoch of
science and technology rather than analyzing cases. But the cases belong to
an already established modern framework and cannot be fully understood
without reference to the nature of that framework. In different ways Ihde and
I have attempted to synthesize the epochal approach with empirical studies,
an operation that is possible because both types of analysis depend on dere-
ification of the substantial appearances of the social constructions underlying
modernity.
Ihde does not search for a general form of objectivity characteristic of
modern societies. His growing skepticism about Heidegger has led to a dif-
ferent orientation. Instead he attempts to outline the impact of the perceptual
changes made possible by new technological instruments on modern subjec-
tivity. Ihde does agree with Heidegger and other critics of technology that
Western societies exhibit a tendency toward “technological totalization.”
They try to incorporate nature into culture through the extension of technolo-
gies into the body and the world on an ever increasing scale. This tendency
distinguishes modernity from premodernity and explains the environmental
dangers that loom over our future.
However, Ihde argues that this is not a complete description of what is
happening in the world today. He sees in the development of a global techno-
logical civilization an opportunity to overcome the narrow dogmatisms and
ethnocentricities of what he calls “monoculture,” including our own. The
move toward a “pluricultural” world is a democratic advance. Ihde associates
it with post-modernity, a new phase in the development of technological
civilization that opens new possibilities of critique and change. Exactly how
this is supposed to work concretely I have not been able to figure out. But I
think Ihde’s main point is that the global interaction of cultures calls into
question many Western prejudices inherited from the past which have led to
the current crisis. Perhaps with the challenge to Western ethnocentrism tech-
nology can be resituated in another cultural context that privileges conserva-
tion and tolerance rather than exploitation and discrimination.
While I can agree with all of this, I have focused more on the construction
of the concept of the object as a cultural phenomenon. My approach has led
me to what I call the “instrumentalization theory.” I attempt to explain the
relation between causal and hermeneutic aspects of technologies, scientific-
technical rationality and the lifeworld contexts of technology. This dual as-
pect approach to technology resembles Ihde’s distinction between the “mere-
ly technical” and the cultural context. Like him I distance myself from Hei-
degger’s dystopian logic without giving up entirely what I take to be his
important discovery that the lifeworld is transformed by scientific-technical
thinking in modern times.
The instrumentalization theory suggests an answer to the question I posed
earlier about the alternative path our civilization must follow if it is to sur-
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vive. I argue that what is required is not an escape from technology but rather
its dereification. By this I mean enabling a more fluid interaction between
rational disciplines, systems, and artifacts and the demands of the lifeworld
of concrete experience. I call this interaction a mediation in a sense that is
more or less Hegelian. Rationality does not exist separate from the lifeworld
but is an extension of it along specific lines such as quantitative precision and
deductive rigor. As Ihde points out, these extensions depend on technical
practices in the lifeworld such as measurement and writing. Technological
applications of rational disciplines are also dependent on the lifeworld con-
text for their meaning and trajectory of development. This again is a point
Ihde and I share. Technology does not transcend the lifeworld but rather
forms a special part of it. This explains why the lifeworld can in turn “medi-
ate” technology and other rational systems, taking advantage of their multis-
tability to redefine them.
REFERENCES
Feenberg, A. (2014). The Philosophy of Praxis: Marx, Lukács, and the Frankfurt School.
Verso.
Ihde, D. (1990). Technology and the Lifeworld. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
Ihde, D. (2009). Postphenomenology and Technoscience: The Peking University Lectures.
Albany: SUNY Press.
Lukács, G. (1923). History and Class Consciousness. MIT Press, 1972.
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
Postphenomenology with an
Eye to the Future
Diane P. Michelfelder
tions.
Consider this: when Don Ihde first described the set of human-technolo-
gy-world relations as being ones of embodiment, hermeneutic, alterity, and
background, the example he gave for embodiment relations was an ordinary
pair of glasses (Ihde, 1990). Now, there is not only the anticipation of an
unlimited public release for Google Glass in the foreseeable future, but some
optometrists are already prepared to sell the Glass with frames and prescrip-
tion lenses, and Glass-enabled contact lenses are in the works. Robots ca-
pable of brushing the teeth of children (Ihde, 2002, xii) may still be a techno-
fantasy, but Internet-enabled toothbrushes connected to a smart phone app
that will gather, and transmit back to users, data on their existing brushing
habits will soon be on the market. These examples reflect how not only are
we living in the midst of extraordinary innovation with respect to individual
technologies, but also with respect to ways in which they are linked to one
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238 Diane P. Michelfelder
another, interact with one another, and come to be a part of our everyday
experience. And, because so many of these innovations involve perception
and embodiment, postphenomenology will have many profound insights to
offer into how they are shaped by and in turn shape the human experience.
To put matters more simply: wherever there is an app for that, postphenome-
nology cannot be far behind. If the lively currents of technological develop-
ment help make the present a good time to be a postphenomenologist, we can
expect the future to be a good time as well.
Much like technologies, though, philosophies are multistable. How to say
what’s next for postphenomenology? How might it “embody” its future? In
the spirit of multistability, let me suggest two possible, partially overlapping
and so non-exclusive, ways. The first future will sound familiar to many
readers of this volume, as it points to a course already being charted by much
current work in the field. The second future is arguably more adventurous
and de-stabilizing, involving not so much a complete turn-around but a shift
away from the empirical focus that now influences much postphenomenolog-
ical work toward a more speculative direction.
Put concisely, in this second future, more attention would be given to
forms of disclosure connected to the “world” element in the “human-technol-
ogy-world” analytical frame that plays a decisive and illuminating role in
postphenomenological investigations. While these two futures are not mutu-
ally exclusive, without attending more to “world”—meaning “the world as a
whole”—postphenomenology, I want to propose, runs the risk of becoming a
less vital voice within the profound conversations currently taking place in
philosophical circles that focus on the technologies of everyday life.
data, as the user would not need to take her eyes off the road in order to refer
to it to chart a course to her destination. That course would be displayed
iconically on the Glass itself, perhaps by means of a colored line showing the
route to be followed. This particular feature of the Google side of Google
Glass would then reflect hermeneutic relations. But what about Google Glass
itself, as a unified design product?
Using Google Glass as a pair of glasses and for navigational purposes
involves both embodiment and hermeneutic relations. The difficulty comes
in in that the first involves looking through the Glass, while the second
involves looking at it. As has been pointed out with regard to the augmented
reality windshield, of which Google Glass can be seen as a “close cousin,” it
is difficult to see how it would be possible to relate to the same technology
simultaneously with both forms of relations without one interfering with the
other and so resulting in distracted attention (Michelfelder, 2014). Here is a
Let me begin with a passage with which many readers of this volume will
likely be familiar: Section 12 of Martin Heidegger’s Being and Time. If all
the sections of Being and Time were ranked according to the quality of
philosophical insights they contained, Section 12 would arguably be found
toward the bottom of the list. Its purpose is primarily a transitional one: to
map the immediate road ahead. Having already identified Dasein as being-in-
the-world to be the phenomenon to be questioned, Heidegger pauses in this
section to note that the fact that being-in-the-world is a unified phenomenon
does not prevent it from being approached from a perspectival point of view.
And so, the immediate road ahead will not take the form of a direct philo-
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should not be seen as relations between pre-existing subjects who perceive and
act upon a preexisting world of objects . . . what the world “is” and what
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
subjects “are” arises from the interplay between humans and reality; the world
that humans experience is “interpreted reality,” and human existence is “situat-
ed subjectivity.” (2011, 15)
transmit photographs of the food that they eat and receive an analysis of their
calorie content in return) is the salient example. Here, Verbeek identifies the
FoodPhone as a form of hermeneutic technology, as it “helps to develop new
interpretations of food and consequently informs people’s eating practice” as
well as social practices associated with eating (126–127). That the Food-
Phone, or perhaps even its more recent and more subtle cousin, the Nike
Fuelband, mediates both our individual experiences of eating food and our
social practices surrounding food can be defended without reference to the
world as a whole; put otherwise, to say that technologies disclose patterns of
behavior or practices of daily life is not the same as to say they disclose the
world as a whole.
Before returning for a second look at behavior-influencing technologies, I
want to raise the question as to why the phenomenon of world has not
remained more forcefully thematic for postphenomenology. I can think of
several, admittedly speculative, reasons why this is the case. One is that the
notion of “world” brings to mind other “wholes” such as “utopias” or “dysto-
pias,” and it is dystopian thinking in general about technology which post-
phenomenology attempts to serve as a counterweight. Another has to do with
the desire, as Verbeek eloquently puts it, to “do justice to the concrete empir-
ical reality of technology” (2005, 100); this desire leads directly to focusing
on specific technologies and their mutual interactions, and so to particular
practices and patterns rather than the world as a whole. A third reason is that
as a non-foundational philosophical movement, postphenomenology has rea-
sonably been wary of looking into how the world as a whole is disclosed. Its
non-foundationalism goes hand-in-hand with the emphasis on particular con-
texts of human-technological relations; “world,” though, particularly in a
Heideggerian setting, carries with it a fair amount of ontological baggage.
Going back for a moment to Ihde, what has been significant for him with
regards to understanding the critical passage about the hammer in Heideg-
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
in the context we have been discussing here (Heidegger, 2010, section 17) is
non-thematic, amounting to an environment in which we are caught up, in
which we can find our whereabouts, to which we are, going back to the
expression of Merleau-Ponty’s mentioned earlier, “geared-in.” If postphe-
nomenology inquiry were more attentive to the forms of disclosure allowing
for our “meshing” with the world, it might realize the importance of giving
not only more but also critical attention to technologies that threaten to
undermine this “gearing-in.”
The particular technologies-in-the making I have in mind here, some
already deployed and some lying on the horizon, are ones that operate under
the threshold of everyday phenomenological experience as this experience is
rooted in ordinary perception. The technologies, some already deployed and
some lying on the horizon, are ones that look at or gather information from
us, particularly from our physical bodies along a variety of dimensions, for
the purposes of influencing our future behavior. As indicated earlier, the
focal point of much postphenomenological investigation has been on the user
experience of individual technologies. Any technology that would work by
being hidden from the realm of the everyday phenomenal experience of the
user—that would, to put it another way, be “off the grid” from the user
experience—could not directly be the focus of a postphenomenological in-
vestigation. A different way of putting this would be to say that if we were to
talk about how an individual through this technology intends or is directed
toward the world in a particular way, it would make no sense. But, such
technologies can in fact work to co-shape human behavior in a way that
could serve to help diminish overall trust in the world that one experiences.
In short, in this second future postphenomenology would not only be
interested in analyzing human technological experience but also, in part, be
concerned with safeguarding the disclosive character of everyday phenomen-
ological experience to begin with. In order to get to this point, attention needs
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CONCLUSION
REFERENCES
BBC News. (2010). “Smart Clothes Offer Emotional Aid.” June 4. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/
10236143
Cohan, P. (2013). “How Nordstrom Uses Wi-Fi to Spy on Shoppers.” Forbes Magazine. May
9. http://www.forbes.com/sites/petercohan/2013/05/09/how-nordstrom-and-home-depot-
use-wifi-to-spy-on-shoppers/
Harman, G. (2002). Tool-Being: Heidegger and the Metaphysics of Objects. Chicago: Open
Court.
Heidegger, M. (2010/1953). Being and Time, trans. Joan Stambaugh. Albany, NY: State Uni-
versity of New York Press.
Ihde, D. (1990). Technology and the Lifeworld: From Garden to Earth. Bloomington: Indiana
University Press.
Ihde, D. (1993). Postphenomenology: Essays in the Postmodern Context. Evanston, IL: North-
western University Press.
Ihde, D. (2002). Bodies in Technologies. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.
Ihde, D. (2010). Heidegger’s Technologies: Postphenomenological Perspectives. New York:
Fordham University Press.
Stability, Instability,
and Phenomenology
Albert Borgmann
In the mid-1950s, Kees Boeke, with the help of Els de Bouter, drew a series
of forty pictures (Boeke, 1957). The first was the photograph of a girl in a
deck chair, holding a cat. She is sitting in the courtyard of the school in
Bilthoven, the Netherlands, that Boeke had founded and where he taught. We
see the girl from above at a distance of a few meters, say five. In the next
picture we have ascended to ten times the distance; so now we see the girl
and her surroundings from a point that’s fifty meters above her. And so on in
jumps of powers of ten up to ten to the twenty-sixth. We then return to the
original photograph and move closer to a distance a tenth of the original five
meters—fifty centimeters. And so on in jumps of the negative powers of ten,
down to the negative thirteenth.
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At least four films have been made that have translated the forty jumps
into a smooth journey. 1 They start from different places and persons—a man
sleeping on a golf course in Miami, a boy with his dog rowing a boat on the
Ottawa River, a young couple picnicking on the lake shore in Chicago,
children playing on St. Mark’s Square in Venice, a woman lying on the lawn
of the Googleplex in Silicon Valley. The upward movement of the viewpoint
is formalized by changing squares or rings or a bar scale. Sometimes the
orbits of the emerging planets are marked out. The final view is of the fairly
uniform scatter of galaxies or galaxy clusters.
In all but one of the films the viewpoint returns to the point of departure
and then homes in on the person, the skin or the retina of the person, down to
a molecule, an atom, and finally down to the atomic particles, stopping in the
early films at electrons, protons, and neutrons, and more recently going down
to the quarks. These films illustrate and require the analysis of postphenome-
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248 Albert Borgmann
nology so clearly that they may as well have been titled “Ihde—the Movie.”
I’ll take as my illustration Don Ihde’s recent summary of postphenomenolo-
gy, a statement that sparkles with Ihde’s trademarks—energy, accessibility,
circumspection, and insight (see 2009). I will follow the four features he
stresses there: variational theory, embodiment, lifeworld, and technoscience
(Ihde, 2009, 11 and 25–44).
Boeke’s book and the films it has spawned illustrate variational theory.
“What emerged or ‘showed itself’” is the “complicated structure” of the
universe (Ihde, 2009, 12). The center of that structure is the lifeworld, the
familiar environment of persons, things, and settings. The ascent to the cos-
mic view and the descent to the microworld depart from the lifeworld and
return to it. While variational theory and lifeworld are strikingly illustrated
by the book and the films, the themes of technoscience and embodiment alert
us to complex assumptions that remain tacit in the presentations of the cos-
mic journeys. The sweep of first drawing away from the lifeworld and then
penetrating it covers up the transition from Ihde’s (human-technology) envi-
ronment relation to the human (technology-world) relation. In the vicinity of
the lifeworld, instruments such as ladders, balloons, optical telescopes,
glasses, microscopes, and the like enter “into my bodily, actional, perceptual
relationship with my environment” (Ihde, 2009, 42). But at certain scales,
such tools begin to fail me, and I have resort to “readable technologies” such
as the devices that send information from a satellite or are produced by an x-
ray machine (Ihde, 2009, 43). Imaging technologies make such information
visible and so visualize the invisible (Ihde, 2009, 45–62). The procedures in
the book and the films make it look as though vision is homogeneous across
these transitions. What gets overlooked is “that somehow along a continuum
from our sensory experience phenomena exceeded our bodily capacity to
detect” (Ihde, 2009, 54).
Ihde’s discussion of how the invisible is rendered visible further reveals
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that the visual conceit of Boeke’s project conceals from view the cosmic
information we get from the invisible parts of the electromagnetic spec-
trum—the x-ray, ultraviolet, and radio frequencies. To this we must add that
even all that can be made visible according to Ihde constitutes only a twenti-
eth of all there is. Ninety-five percent of the universe consists of dark energy
and dark matter, and what we know of them is only their shadowy dynamic
and gravitational effects.
Inevitably, when something is moved to the bright center of attention,
something else moves into the shadows as Eugen Fink, Husserl’s last assist-
ant, has pointed out. 2 What Ihde illuminates so brilliantly are multistability
and variability. It’s testimony to the rank of his philosophy that he remains
aware and reminds us of what is shaded; and when the multilayered media-
tions of sensors and digital and imaging technologies threaten to dissolve
cosmic reality, Ihde stresses that the opening afforded by these mediations
III
...
11
trois
tres
drei
The reference, of course, is three. But, to put it in Fregean terms, “three” does
not deliver the reference, but presents just another sense of 3, the sense that is
natural to speakers of English. So is “3” for people who are familiar with
Arabic numerals and “11” for those conversant with binary notation. In
Ihde’s “stage/pyramid/robot” example, it seems as though “this configura-
tion, an abstract drawing” captures the thing in itself, innocent of interpreta-
tion. But in fact that expression asks us to think of eleven lines as drawn and
configured (2009, 12).
That things tend to hide does not mean that their identity is in doubt. The
person who says “trois” and the person who says “drei” agree that they are
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referring to one and the same thing. And that in turn does not mean that there
isn’t at times a question whether two speakers are in fact referring to the
same thing or whether a speaker is referring to anything at all. But such
questions are intelligible only on the acknowledgment that normally there are
identifiable things and coreferential terms.
Ihde’s stress on multistabilities is often effective in disabusing us of the
naïve and dogmatic belief that our language captures, in Kantian terms, the
thing in itself and that, in possession of the thing, we are uniquely able to
judge the values and ways in which the thing appears to others. As important,
Ihde also shows how in the case of archery the senses of a reference or the
phenomena of a noumenon come to life in different kinds of embodiments
and practices.
We can now see how variational theory and the structure of multistability
refer to complementary procedures. Variational theory begins with the varie-
of atoms and their particles has obviously informed and transformed our
lives through technology.
There have of course been proposals as to the human condition in the
universe. There is the famously pessimistic view of Steven Weinberg that
“the more the universe seems comprehensible, the more it also seems point-
less” (1988, 154). There is the optimistic view of Joel Primack and Nancy
Ellen Abrams that our position at the cosmic center in seven senses of that
notion will inspire gratitude and environmental responsibility (2006, 270-
272). But existential despair and environmental concern are not specifically
or uniquely inspired by cosmic awareness.
These two views have been advanced by physicists. Mainstream philoso-
phers have not developed standard approaches to the relation of the molar to
the cosmic world. 3 As regards the relation of the molar to the atomic world,
there have been two widely used ways of articulating the problem though
there are no widely accepted solutions. Those guiding concepts are superven-
ience and emergence. We can think of them as looking from the lifeworld
down to the atomic world (supervenience) and looking from the atomic
world up to the life world (emergence), just as, broadly speaking, multistabil-
ity looks from a thing to its appearances and variation looks from its appear-
ances to a thing.
Supervenience says that the lifeworld supervenes on the atomic world,
and that in turn means that there can be no change in the (supervenient)
lifeworld without a change in the (subvenient) atomic world. A green tomato
cannot turn red without changes in the atomic or molecular structure of the
tomato. The converse is not true. There can be many a change in the mole-
cules of the tomato without it changing its color. Emergence says that when
atoms and molecules are compounded into more and more complex struc-
tures, properties emerge in the compound that the components lack. Toma-
toes have color, but atoms don’t.
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
phenomenology. It’s a project entirely in its own right. It, if anything, will
answer the question that emergence poses.
“Do Things Speak?” asks Ihde and answers in the affirmative. Again his
emphasis is on the variety of languages in which things speak or are allowed
to speak. The great little book concludes with the words: “Things, too, have
or may be given voices” (Ihde, 2009, 88). To Ihde’s question and to his
answer the complements are: Which things speak decisively? And how do
we learn to listen to them? For Husserl phenomenology was the enterprise
that was never finished. Real phenomenology is the enterprise that hasn’t
really begun.
NOTES
REFERENCES
253
Postphenomenological Investigations : Essays on Human–Technology Relations, edited by Rosenberger, and Peter-Paul
Verbeek, Lexington Books, 2015. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/monash/detail.action?docID=2055678.
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254 Index
Ihde, D., 73, 74, 263; on the body, 113, Koontz, N. A., 221
116, 196; on computer experimentation, Kroes, P., 32
188n17; on cyborgs, 36; on design, 132, Krupinski, E., 217–218, 224n2
152; on Heidegger, 172n8; on Kuhn, Th., ix
human–technology relations, 13–18, Kundel, H. L., 217–220
146; on imaging technologies, 152; on
multistability, 25–28, 148, 171; on the language, 80
senses, 185; on the subject, 145; on Lantos, J. D., 195, 199
symmetry, 150; on technoscience, 150; Latour, Bruno, viii, ix–xi, 47, 49, 51, 52,
on technique versus technology, 109; 73, 135, 191
on technofantasies, 186; on variational Lauritsen, P., 148
method, 119, 206, 208; on visualism, 48 Law, J., xii
imaging technologies, 32–35, 130, 150,
152, 216, 230 Le Corbusier, 172n6
implants, 21, 35, 37, 113
information processing theory, 220 Leder, D., 203–204, 205
inner–outer distinction, 60 Lenay, C., 113
inscription, x, xi Leo XIII, pope, 163
instrumental realism, 150–151 Leviathan, 204
instrumentalization, 234 liberating-oppressive duality, 138
instruments, scientific, ix–xi, 230; in Lock, M., 203–204
Merleau-Ponty, 75–76 Locke, J., 49, 87
intentionality, 11, 48, 63, 112; augmented, Loebner, 183
22; hybrid, 21; reflexive, 22; self- Low, D., 73
referential, 63 Luckmann, T., ix
interpersonal relations, 106 Lukács, G., 231–233, 235
interpretation (of medical images), 221,
222–223 macroperception, 16, 147
involving-alienating structure of magnification/reduction structure of
mediation, 124, 135 mediation, 16, 123, 128–130
Irwin, S., 18 Manning, D. J., 217
Iserson, K. V., 195 Marcuse, H., 212n4
isomorphism, 150, 153 Marinetti, F., 160, 164
Copyright © 2015. Lexington Books. All rights reserved.
Tenner, E., 132 Verbeek, P. P., xv, 20, 33, 35, 36, 52, 106,
Thaler, R., 137, 203 113, 116, 241; on behavior-influencing
thingly character of technology, 126 technology, 137, 157n1; on Ihde, 128;
things themselves, 46, 51 on moral mediation, 136, 238; on
time, technology and, 86 subjectivation, 117, 156
Toadvine, T., 73 Verne, J., 163
Toffler, A., 167 Virilio, P., 167, 172n6
Tomkins, C., 172n7 visualism, 33, 48
tool-analysis, 126, 127
tracking, 244 Wagner, L., 164
trajectories, instrumental, 34 Waterman, I., 57
transcendental, 232 Weinberg. S., 251
transfer, technology, 133 Weizenbaum, J., 183
transparency, 14–15, 117, 153 Wellner, G., 18, 38, 87
Tromp, N., 137 Welton, D., 36, 113–115
Turing test, 183 Whewell, William, vii
Turing, A., 188n12 White, J., 244
Turkle, S., 182, 184 Whitehead, A. N., 45, 49, 52, 53
typewriter, 110, 132 Whyte, K. P., 30, 168–169
Wijdicks, E. F., 212n6
Uexküll, J. von, 80 Wilken, R., 38
ultrasound, 35, 219 Williams, B., 85
unveiling, 216, 223–224 Williams, Z. M., 91
urinal, 137 Woolgar, Steve, viii
utilitarianism, 194 world (in human-technology-world
relations), 241–243
vaccination, 94 Wright brothers, 161
Van den Eede, Y., 15, 144
Vanderbilt, W. K., 163 X-ray, 130, 216, 218–219
Varela, F. J., 219–220
variability, 248–250 Zwijsen, S. A., 136
variational theory, 148, 206, 208
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EDITORS
261
Postphenomenological Investigations : Essays on Human–Technology Relations, edited by Rosenberger, and Peter-Paul
Verbeek, Lexington Books, 2015. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/monash/detail.action?docID=2055678.
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262 About the Contributors
CONTRIBUTORS
Ihde.
Jan Kyrre Berg Friis has a PhD in science studies and is an associate
professor of philosophy of science and technology at Copenhagen Univer-
sity. He has authored, edited, and co-edited numerous books on philosophy
of technology, philosophy of time, metaphysics, and science. He has pub-
lished papers on topics such as philosophy of medicine, time concepts in
physics, time as experience, perception, hermeneutics, and measurement.
Aud Sissel Hoel is a professor of media studies and visual culture at the
Norwegian University of Science and Technology. Her work focuses on
technological mediation, and especially, on the roles of images in knowledge
and being. This research interest branches out to include photography, scien-
tific instruments, new media, medical imaging, and visualization. An over-
arching aim that cuts across Hoel’s various projects is to rethink images in
dynamic terms, developing what she has coined as a “differential” theory of
images and of mediating apparatuses more generally. Her publications cover
a wide range of topics on the overlapping fields of visual studies, science
studies, philosophy of technology, and media philosophy. For more informa-
tion, see www.audsisselhoel.com and https://ntnu-no.academia.edu/
AudSisselHoel.
is a clinical ethicist and program director for the Master of Health Ethics
degree at Memorial University.
Lille 3 University. Her work focuses on resilience and the sense of self in
patients with a history of trauma or neurological disorder.