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The Thin Ideal and Body Positivity - How Do Influencers Affect Fem

This thesis examines how social media influencers on Instagram affect the body image perceptions and Instagram practices of female users. The study employed three focus groups with 15 female participants. The qualitative data revealed three main themes: 1) Participants admired thin-ideal influencers but did not want to emulate their lifestyles or photos, 2) Participants had certain criteria for the types of photos they would post on their own Instagram accounts, aiming for a "three is a sweet spot" of photos, and 3) Participants felt societal beauty standards promoted by influencers destroyed their self-image and confidence. The analysis showed participants experienced a paradox between disliking the thin ideal but wanting to attain it, and supporting body positivity but feeling uncomfortable posting

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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
43 views82 pages

The Thin Ideal and Body Positivity - How Do Influencers Affect Fem

This thesis examines how social media influencers on Instagram affect the body image perceptions and Instagram practices of female users. The study employed three focus groups with 15 female participants. The qualitative data revealed three main themes: 1) Participants admired thin-ideal influencers but did not want to emulate their lifestyles or photos, 2) Participants had certain criteria for the types of photos they would post on their own Instagram accounts, aiming for a "three is a sweet spot" of photos, and 3) Participants felt societal beauty standards promoted by influencers destroyed their self-image and confidence. The analysis showed participants experienced a paradox between disliking the thin ideal but wanting to attain it, and supporting body positivity but feeling uncomfortable posting

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The University of Southern Mississippi

The Aquila Digital Community

Master's Theses

Spring 3-11-2022

The Thin Ideal and Body Positivity: How Do Influencers Affect


Female Instagram Users?
Jeralynn Servos

Follow this and additional works at: https://aquila.usm.edu/masters_theses

Part of the Social Media Commons

Recommended Citation
Servos, Jeralynn, "The Thin Ideal and Body Positivity: How Do Influencers Affect Female Instagram
Users?" (2022). Master's Theses. 887.
https://aquila.usm.edu/masters_theses/887

This Masters Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by The Aquila Digital Community. It has been
accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of The Aquila Digital Community. For
more information, please contact [email protected].
THE THIN IDEAL AND BODY POSITIVITY: HOW DO INFLUENCERS AFFECT
FEMALE INSTAGRAM USERS?

by

Jeralynn Servos

A Thesis
Submitted to the Graduate School,
the College of Arts and Sciences
and the School of Communication
at The University of Southern Mississippi
in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
for the Degree of Master of Arts

Approved by:

Dr. John Meyer, Committee Chair


Dr. David Davies
Dr. Brent Hale

May 2022
COPYRIGHT BY

Jeralynn Servos

2022

Published by the Graduate School


ABSTRACT

With the vast increase in social media use, there has also been an increase of

exposure to body image ideals via photos shared online. Accordingly, it has become more

important to understand the association between social media and how its users view

their body image, as well as how social media users’ practices are affected by posted

pictures. Therefore, this study employed three focus groups to explore young women’s

perceptions of potential ideal images, how they compare themselves to these images, and

how these ideas affect the practices used within their own Instagram accounts. An

analysis of the qualitative data from 15 participants revealed three themes and one

subtheme: admiration, but not participation; panel for posting with the subtheme "three is

a sweet spot"; and societal standards destroy self-image. The themes and subtheme

represent the participants’ thoughts and actions surrounding social media images and

practices carried out within their own Instagram accounts. Further, the analysis revealed a

dual and paradoxical pattern related to the thin ideal as participants do not like the thin

ideal, but want to fit into it, while also understanding that they should not model

themselves after thin-ideal influencers. They also support the body positivity movement

but are not comfortable posting body positive content. To manage the paradox,

participants took actions to create an idealized Instagram account while also taking steps

to avoid the thin ideal.

ii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to acknowledge the faculty members who played an important role

throughout the thesis process. First, I want to thank Dr. John Meyer, my advisor, for his

continuous guidance and encouragement. I am grateful for all his advice, helpful

feedback, and fast responses to my questions. Next, I want to thank Dr. David Davies and

Dr. Brent Hale for serving on my committee and helping me develop my ideas into this

research project. I also want to thank Dr. Kathryn Anthony for her guidance throughout

my time at USM.

iii
DEDICATION

I want to thank the important people who have supported me during my time in

graduate school and throughout the research and writing processes. First, I want to thank

my family for their continuous support. Whether it was through phone calls or during

trips home, I could always feel them cheering me on.

Next, I want to thank some of the friends I made during my time at USM. I am

grateful that Southern Miss gave me these friends that were there for me through both the

exciting and stressful times.

Finally, I want to thank some of my School of Communication colleagues. I am

thankful that they were always willing to answer my questions, give me advice, and

encourage me during the past two years.

iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT........................................................................................................................ ii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................................................................................. iii

DEDICATION ................................................................................................................... iv

CHAPTER I – INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................... 1

CHAPTER II – LITERATURE REVIEW ......................................................................... 3

Social Comparison Theory ............................................................................................. 3

Social Media and Instagram............................................................................................ 6

Social Media Influencers ................................................................................................ 7

Thin-Ideal Images ......................................................................................................... 10

Thin-Ideal Influencer .................................................................................................... 12

Body Positivity Movement ........................................................................................... 13

Body Positivity Influencers........................................................................................... 17

Instagram Practices ....................................................................................................... 19

CHAPTER III - METHODOLOGY ................................................................................. 21

Participants .................................................................................................................... 21

Data Collection ............................................................................................................. 22

Data Analysis ................................................................................................................ 23

CHAPTER IV – RESULTS .............................................................................................. 25

Admiration, but not participation .............................................................................. 25


v
Panel for posting ....................................................................................................... 28

Societal standards destroy self-image ....................................................................... 31

CHAPTER V – DISCUSSION ......................................................................................... 34

CHAPTER VI – LIMITATIONS AND FUTURE RESEARCH ..................................... 50

CHAPTER VII – CONCLUSION .................................................................................... 52

APPENDIX A – FOCUS GROUP QUESTIONS ............................................................ 55

APPENDIX B – PICTURES ............................................................................................ 57

APPENDIX C – IRB APPROVAL LETTER ................................................................... 59

REFERENCES ................................................................................................................. 60

vi
CHAPTER I – INTRODUCTION

Social networking platforms have seen a vast increase in recent years (Sokolova

& Perez, 2021). Accordingly, social media have become a regular and major form of

media consumption for young adults. As of April 2021, 84 percent of young adults

between the ages of 18 and 29 reported being users who are active on social media every

day (Auxier & Anderson, 2021). Social media platforms, such as Instagram, allow for

photo sharing, but they can come with a downfall. Images found on Instagram can be

carefully selected, edited, and enhanced. This means that they can contain idealized and

unrealistic depictions of one’s physical appearance (Fardouly et al., 2017). These photos

can become idealized by other users and lead individuals to compare their body and

appearance to the person in the photos (Cohen et al., 2017). With the extensive growth of

photo sharing, literature has reported negative physical and mental health effects of social

media consumption (Vartanian & Dey, 2013).

In an attempt to reduce the negative health effects that come from idealizing thin

bodies found in images, a movement known as the body positivity movement began on

social media in 2012 (Sastre, 2014; Gelsinger, 2021). This movement challenges the

dominant body image and feminine beauty ideals while criticizing the societal influences

and construction of body norms (Cwynar-Horta, 2016). It promotes self-love, acceptance

of a variety of body types, and helps people learn to appreciate the functionality of their

bodies (Cwynar-Horta, 2016; Sastre, 2014). Research has found that social networking

websites can be beneficial as they can be used to promote healthy behaviors and serve as

a place for people to share their health habits (Vaterlaus et al., 2015). Because of the

rapid growth in social media use (Perrin, 2015), different body image ideas are being

1
shared and viewed by users. It has become more important to understand not only the

association between social media and how its users view their body image, but also how

social media users’ practices are affected by posted pictures. Therefore, this study

examines young women’s perceptions of potential ideal images, how they compare

themselves to these images, and how these concepts work together to affect the practices

used within their own Instagram accounts.

2
CHAPTER II – LITERATURE REVIEW

Social Comparison Theory

For the theoretical framework, this topic lends itself to explanation using social

comparison theory. Festinger’s social comparison theory explains that people process

social information by comparing themselves to recognized similarities and differences

with others (Festinger, 1954). The theory emphasizes an individual’s judgments,

experiences, and behaviors (Corcoran et al., 2011). The major processes of social

comparison involve gathering social information, thinking about the information in terms

of how it relates to oneself, and reacting to the comparisons (Wood, 1996; Thompson et

al., 2021). Buunk and Gibbins (2007) described social comparison as “a central feature of

human social life” (p. 3). The phrase ‘social comparison’ refers to the process in which

people decide their social and personal worth based off how they compare to others in

certain categories, such as attractiveness (Thompson et al., 2021).

In order to compare, one must choose a target to assess (Gerber, 2020). A

comparison target that is perceived to be similar or relevant, such as in sex, age, and

achievements, can also have more of an impact on the results of the comparison than

when comparing oneself to a dissimilar target (Miller et al., 1988; Lockwood & Kunda,

1997). This type of comparison is known as lateral comparison, which helps the

individual evaluate themselves on a focal attribute (Thompson et al., 2021). Gerber

(2020) further explained that there are three motives for comparison: self-evaluation, self-

improvement, and self-enhancement. Self-evaluation comparisons are used to collect

information about attributes and social expectations to evaluate where one stands when

compared to others (Krayer et al., 2008; Thompson et al., 2021). While explaining self-

3
evaluation, Krayer, Ingledew and Iphofen (2008) used the example of “How do my

muscles compare to my peers?” (p. 893). Next, self-improvement comparisons are used

to learn how to improve specific characteristics about oneself (Thompson et al., 2021).

For example, one might say, “How could I learn from her to be more attractive?” (Krayer

et al., 2008, p. 893). Self-enhancement comparison takes place when one compares

themselves in a way that creates a positive evaluation of oneself (Thompson, et al., 2021).

To explain this concept, Krayer et al. (2008) shared the example of how an individual

could think “He might be muscular, but he has no sense of humor” (p. 893).

High levels of social appearance comparison have been linked to having lower

levels of both self-esteem and mood (Convertino et al., 2016). Individuals who are

greatly involved in social media, especially emotionally, are likely to face forms of

depression and anxiety (Woods & Scott, 2016). However, self-enhancement and self-

improvement comparisons can have positive effects (Martin & Gentry, 1997), but Clay,

Vignoles, and Dittmar (2005) suggested that improvement comparisons can have

damaging effects because many of these comparisons can be based on idealized images.

Wood (1989) expressed that social comparisons can produce self-enhancement concerns,

but also shared that people do not always accept the comparative information and will

instead make comparisons that will improve their self-esteem.

Influencers are defined by Abidin (2015) as “ordinary Internet users” who gather

a large following on social media “through textual and visual narration of their personal

lifestyles, engage with their following in digital and physical spaces, and monetize their

following by integrating advertorials” into their posts (p. 1). Because influencers have

more similarities with their followers than traditional celebrities, conditions for envy are

4
fitting for the context of influencers (Chae, 2018). For example, many influencers are

young adults, but they might have beauty that a regular women might wish to have but

finds hard to obtain. Chae (2018) discussed how in order to feel envious towards the

influencers’ lives or other people’s advantages, one must take part in the social

comparison process. This context commonly results in an upward comparison. Upward

comparison with superior individuals can influence self-improvement because people

who are motivated by superior models tend to try to make progress (Chae, 2018).

However, upward comparisons can be damaging as they can threaten one’s positive self-

image (Corcoran et al., 2011). Smith and Kim (2007) explained that when social

comparison leads to poor self-image, individuals feel envious towards those who have the

quality that they are lacking. Therefore, upward comparison makes the individual feel

envy towards the target they compare themselves to. On the other hand, downward

comparison with people who are perceived to be inferior can help individuals sustain a

positive self-image (Chae, 2018).

Thompson et al. (2021) explained that social comparison has been associated with

a variety of consequences. In the original formulation of the theory, Festinger predicted

that individuals would feel a pressure towards uniformity (Thompson et al. 2021). For

example, when a woman is not pleased with her body image and chooses to learn from

her favorite Instagram model, she might choose a workout or diet that is not best for her

overall health. In a case like this, the comparison could cause a change in the person’s

characteristics and lead to similarities between the person and the standard (Thompson et

al. 2021). Later studies have also concluded that individuals are likely to feel better or

worse after an upward or downward comparison, so the whole process can lead to either a

5
positive or negative contrast (Corcoran et al., 2011; Thompson et al., 2021). For example,

if a CrossFit trainee has a good performance, it can help boost their self-confidence, but if

the trainee is not as successful as others, it can make them feel quite frustrated or it can

encourage them to work harder to reach the level of the upward target (Thompson et al.,

2021).

Social Media and Instagram

Social media is defined as a collection of online platforms used for social

connection (Lisitsa et al., 2020). Users can create, share, and exchange information

online (Tufts, 2021). Pew Research Center’s 2021 social media report shared that young

adults were the first age group to adopt social media and continue to be the group that

uses social media sites at the highest level. Instagram, a photo-sharing social networking

site, allows users to take, edit, and post pictures that can be shared with followers who are

also on the social network (Statista Research Department, 2021a). A 2021 report shared

that Instagram has approximately one billion monthly active users with 170 million

Instagram users in the United States (Statista Research Department, 2021b). However,

Instagram is dominated by users below the age of 35. Many of these users utilize

Instagram to follow friends and peers, but also as a way to follow celebrities’ personal

accounts, since many have an interest in gaining a look into celebrities’ lives (Statista

Research Department, 2021a). With the ever-growing use of social media, there has been

a rise of ‘bedroom culture,’ which is “a set of performative practices and identity

representation induced from the confines of the bedroom” (Aziz, 2017, p. 5). Current

generations are becoming more invested in the virtual world, spending time on social

6
media, and creating idealized online personas that they can display as an extension of

themselves (Gonzales & Hancock, 2011; Aziz, 2017).

Social Media Influencers

Within this age of social media, a new type of celebrity has emerged. This type of

celebrity, known as a microcelebrity, is characterized by a person who regularly presents

themselves on social media (Chae, 2018) and creates an online image to attract attention

and followers (Khamis et al., 2017; Marwick, 2015). Senft (2013) described

microcelebrity as a mind-set and a set of self-presentation practices that are prevalent on

social media. Microcelebrities strategically craft a profile and disclose personal

information to increase attention in order to improve their online status (Senft, 2013).

Through the Internet, microcelebrities are able to accumulate a large enough fan base to

support themselves through their online activities, yet also be disregarded by the

mainstream media (Marwick, 2015). These microcelebrities, often referred to as social

media influencers, are people who both textually and visually display their personal lives

to a large number of followers (Abidin, 2016).

Many influencers become famous solely through social media (Brown &

Tiggemann, 2021) and can range from models, fitness trainers, wealthy people, and even

pretty high school girls (Abidin, 2016; Marwick, 2015; Saul, 2016). However, this

study’s definition of influencers also includes celebrities who gained their fame through

other mediums, but also have a large following on social media and post regular textual

and visual narrations of their lifestyle and daily personal lives (Abidin, 2016). Traditional

celebrities, such as actors and singers, have also embraced social media platforms to

7
develop direct yet unmediated relationships (or at least the illusion of relationships) with

fans and followers (Marwick, 2015).

Research has shown that female celebrities in contemporary media often represent

the essence of cultural beauty ideals (Brown & Tiggemann, 2021). Hund (2017)

explained that female influencers regularly adhere to the conventional Western beauty

norms, such as being trim and feminine. These current beauty ideals put an emphasis on a

thinness for women; therefore, scholars have argued that constantly presenting celebrities

with thin-ideal qualities reinforces the unachievable thin ideal, which leads to more body

dissatisfaction (Brown & Tiggemann, 2016; Maltby et al., 2005). Brown and Tiggemann

(2021) shared that the thin and attractive online celebrities are commonly described as

being a source for “thinspiration” and “fitspiration” (combinations of ‘thin’ and ‘fit’ with

‘inspiration’) that individuals use as motivation to achieve an idealized body type (Brown

& Tiggemann, 2021). These fitspiration type posts might have the intention of motivating

others to live a healthier lifestyle, but they can also have unintended negative

consequences on an individual’s body image (Tiggemann & Zaccardo, 2015) and can

promote unhealthy behaviors (DiBisceglie & Arigo, 2021).

Research has confirmed that girls and women commonly used celebrities as

appearance comparison targets (Chae, 2017, Fardouly et al., 2015). Women compare

themselves to models and celebrities because they are believed to set the standard for

cultural norms of thinness that women often think is the standard that they will be judged

against (Strahan et al., 2006). Further, Marwick (2015) described influencers’ postings as

a “catalog” filled with what numerous young people “dream of having” (p. 155).

However, the cultural norms and standards for thinness continue to become more

8
unrealistic because a widely accepted practice within the Instagram influencer industry is

the use of image-enhancing apps, editing apps, and Adobe Photoshop to alter one’s

photos (Abidin, 2015). The perceived pressure to conform to the culturally defined body

and beauty ideals that people observe in the media has been identified as a significant

source of negative body image (Levine & Murnen, 2009; Shroff & Thompson, 2006).

Brown and Tiggeman’s 2021 research added further support as they found that for some

females, having access to private information about celebrities and their lives (Maltby et

al., 2005), was related to image concerns (Utami, 2019) and eating disorder attitudes

(Aruguete, 2014). Further, Abanina and Baqri (2021) shared that the use of retouched

images in the media can lead to mental illnesses, such as dysmorphophobia, and physical

health problems, such as eating disorders.

Cotter (2018) explained that engagement is strategically maximized and necessary

for influencers to measure their levels of success, while Abidin (2015) and Duffy (2018)

explained that influencers often cling to an ideal of authenticity in order to gain strategic

advantage. Influencers are described as giving off the impression of realness, which

fosters a sense of intimacy and relatability. This helps create the foundation of affective

relationships with their followers (Abidin, 2015; Duffy, 2018; Marwick, 2015). These

practices are pursued for attention and marketing purposes to attract people’s attention in

a media-saturated world (Fairchild, 2007). Marwick (2013) explained that attention-

getting techniques used by consumer brands have flowed down to individual users that

are increasingly using them to grow their online popularity. Instagram provides users and

influencers with a relatively open-ended social media tool, which suggests that they get to

choose how to represent themselves by utilizing a variety of techniques (Marwick, 2015).

9
Because of this social media and influencer related information, this study asked the

following question:

RQ1: How do young women perceive posted pictures of individuals in terms of bodily

appearance?

Thin-Ideal Images

The thin ideal is defined by Harrison (2000) as the portrayal of thinness as a

desirable trait and one that is accompanied by other desirable traits, such as being

beautiful and successful. Paeratakul et al. (2002) provided an accompanying view that

explained that there are strong messages in America that portray having body fat as a sign

of having poor self-control. Consequently, women who do not attain this thin ideal, even

those who are an average weight, will experience negative attitudes towards their bodies

(Cafri et al., 2005). Cafri et al. (2005) described that past research shows a woman’s body

image, which is defined as a set of evaluations about oneself regarding the physical

appearance of their body (Cash, 2004), can be negatively affected by how they think

about the thin ideal.

Media is commonly deemed a main contributor to “the dominant standard of body

ideals” that have “power to generate healthy body-positive messages as well as negative

ones” (Aziz, 2017, p. 8). The thin ideal is a concept which can be viewed as an extension

branching from objectification theory that posits that the female body is something to be

gazed at (Fitzsimmons-Crafts et al., 2012). Thus, many women internalized this idea and

started viewing themselves from this perspective. The thin ideal has been reinforced

through television shows and magazines, further perpetuating an idealized body that has

no imperfections (Aziz, 2017). The thin-ideal images that commonly appear in the media

10
today are often idealized and can be challenging, even sometimes impossible, for many

women to achieve (Cafri et al., 2005). Tiggemann and Slater (2013) found that young

Australian female Facebook users reported more concerns about their appearance and

their dieting behaviors than those who did not use Facebook. Manago et al. (2008)

explained that people tend to show a more idealized version of themselves on social

media. This can be a cause for concern as the tendency to make appearance-related

comparisons is a significant factor that can contribute to a person having a negative body

image. This means that users are likely to upwardly compare themselves to the bodies in

the shared images (Fardouly & Vartanian, 2015).

An individual’s belief about their own level of physical attractiveness also likely

comes from assessing themselves, comparing their appearance-related qualities to other

people, and then learning how others react to their appearance (Richins, 1991). Women

commonly assess their appearance against other females that they view as superior to

themselves (Leahey et al., 2007). Kruglanksi and Mayseless’s (1990) research can add

support to this idea as they stated that people often choose to compare themselves to

those who are not similar to them but could potentially provide valuable information,

even if the evaluation is hurtful. Lin and Kulik’s 2002 study investigated social

comparison processes by looking into the effects of upward and downward comparisons

on body satisfaction and affect. The study showed pictures of thin peers and overweight

peers to female undergraduates. The students were then asked to decide their own level of

attractiveness and the level of attractiveness of the individual in the picture. They found

that the upward comparisons led to reduced body satisfaction and an increased negative

affect, while the downward comparison had no effect on the students’ body satisfaction

11
and affect (Lin & Kulik, 2002). Social comparison has been found to be a major

contributor to women’s body dissatisfaction and negative affect (Leahey, 2007).

Therefore, media exposure is linked to feeling dissatisfied about one’s body because of

the inclination for appearance comparison to take place (Fardouly & Vartanian, 2015).

Mask and Blanchard (2011) discussed how literature also suggested that not all

women respond in the same way to the thin ideal displayed in media. Past findings

indicate that some women are negatively affected by being exposed to portrayals of the

thin ideal in the media, while others are not affected (Mask & Blanchard, 2011). For

example, samples of women with preexisting concerns about their appearance led to

larger effect sizes when compared to samples of women that did not have concerns

(Want, 2009). Further, studies pointed towards thin-ideal media leading to self-

enhancement responses among restrained eaters that were characterized by increases in

self-esteem and self-image, as well as perceiving oneself as having a smaller body size

(Joshi et al., 2004; Mills et al., 2002).

Thin-Ideal Influencer

Groesz et al. (2002) found that women who viewed images of thin models

consistently reported having poorer body image-based outcomes than those who viewed

images of models that were of an average weight or plus-sized. In the context of social

media, influencers who post pictures of their body tend to fit the thin-ideal category

(Grabe et al., 2008). Therefore, this study used 26-year-old model and influencer,

Kendall Jenner, as an example of the thin-ideal body type. Jenner, who was ranked as the

number one Instagram model as of April 2021 (Shubham, 2021), has 223 million

followers (Jenner, 2021). By the end of 2019, Jenner earned $15.9 million on Instagram

12
and was at the top of Buzz Bingo’s list of the most paid female Instagram influencers

(Randolph, 2019). During the Keeping Up with the Kardashians reunion, Jenner

explained that her family prioritizes staying healthy and hopes that this is what her fans

take away from their posts on social media (Frey, 2021). However, Fizzy Mag, an online

magazine that covers fashion and beauty, shared how some fans claimed that Jenner has

set unrealistic standards and beauty ideals, and consequently triggered body issues

(Ahern, 2021). The Instagram account Problematic Fame spoke out about a post that

showed Jenner posed in undergarments. It pointed out that while “Kendall is obviously

very gorgeous…these are not her real proportions, nor are they anybody’s” (Schaffstall,

2021). The account also included a message for people to not compare themselves to

edited images and stated that even Jenner does not look like the images of herself in real

life (Schaffstall, 2021). While celebrities can have a particular responsibility as role

models to their fans and followers, Ahern (2021) expressed the idea that being

comfortable in one’s own skin should be something people look up to, instead of a

quality used to tear someone down. She stated that it’s a hard argument to make that

celebrities are responsible for others’ ideas about their own self-image (Ahern, 2021).

Therefore, this study asked the following question:

RQ2: How do young women compare themselves to influencers within the thin ideal?

Body Positivity Movement

The body positive movement was created to counteract the continuous stream of

media images that fostered unrealistic and unattainable appearance ideals (Cohen et al.,

2020). The body positivity movement is defined as a movement that rejects narrowly

defined beauty ideals that are often considered unattainable (Cohen et al., 2019b). Its goal

13
is to inspire people to not focus on how their body appears to others. Therefore, the

movement uses images to encourage people to be accepting of various body sizes, to see

these body sizes as attractive, and to appreciate the functionality of their body (Cohen et

al., 2019b). To further encourage body acceptance, the images also attempt to normalize

a variety of body types that have been underrepresented in the media. Individuals can join

the movement by simply posting images of themselves that make them feel empowered

or by confronting those who shame individuals for their physical appearance (Chiat,

2021). Posts within the movement also commonly feature inspiring captions about self-

acceptance (Cohen et al., 2019b).

Cohen et al. (2019a) pointed towards progress in the movement’s goal of

normalizing diverse body types as they explained the results of a content analysis that

contained 640 Instagram posts that were shared from popular body-positive accounts.

These posts included images of several body sizes and appearance aspects that are not

commonly shown in mainstream accounts, such as cellulite, stomach rolls, and skin

imperfections. Overall, the study found that body positive posts by popular Instagram

accounts did contain a larger variety of body types and more underrepresented body types

than mainstream accounts (Cohen et al., 2019a). Webb et al.’s (2017) content analysis

found that images with the hashtag “#fatspiration” frequently showed messages of

accepting body fat through beauty-related activism. Images with the hashtag

“#HealthAtEverySize” encouraged physical activity, health, and wellbeing (Webb et al.,

2017). Webb et al. (2019) explained that Instagram posts with body positive hashtags,

such as “#CurvyYoga,” included messages that spread a holistic approach to health,

showed portrayals of health and fitness by people of many sizes, and individuals taking

14
pride in the functionality of their bodies. Messages with hashtags, such as “#CurvyYoga”

and “#HealthAtEverySize,” (Webb et al., 2017) were consistent with the Health At Every

Size (HAES) principles (Cohen et al., 2020). The HAES approach promotes a weight-

neutral approach to health with a focus on prioritizing wellness, instead of focusing on

weight loss. It encourages balanced eating, physical activity, and respect for many

different body shapes and sizes (The Association for Size Diversity and Health, 2020.)

Overall, Cohen et al. (2020) explained that these posts seek to promote the idea that all

bodies are worthy of respect.

Having a positive body image can be connected to an increase in social,

psychological, and emotional health (Swami et al., 2018) and has also been associated

with health promoting behaviors, such as exercise and mindful eating (Andrew et al.,

2016). Cohen et al. (2019) explained that the content shared on leading body-positive

Instagram accounts is notably consistent with theoretical tenets of positive body image.

Therefore, the researchers concluded that interacting with body-positive content may be

linked with both psychological and protective benefits for women. Characteristics of

positive body images include: “appreciating the unique features of one’s body, accepting

aspects of the body that are inconsistent with idealized media images, broadly defining

beauty, inner positivity, tending to the body’s needs, and filtering information in a body-

protective manner” (Cohen et al., 2020, p. 3). Therefore, positive body image is described

by Andrew et al. (2015) as protective against the idea of the thin ideal that individuals

frequently come across in media.

While social media and body positivity’s popularity continues to grow, negative

reactions have risen from the movement. One of the most widespread arguments is that

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some body positive supporters glamorize obesity (Chiat, 2021) and thus, do not

encourage people to live a proper healthy lifestyle, but instead provide a convenient

excuse for individuals who are already living an unhealthy lifestyle (Haye, 2019). A

headline from The Sydney Morning Herald stated, “The body positivity movement is

admirable, but it isn’t liberating women” (Reilly, 2017). Oltuski (2017) argued that body

positivity produces a new pressure on women to love their bodies and consequently,

might make women feel worse about themselves if they do not love their body for what it

is. Another criticism is that even though the messages about one’s body are positive, this

type of content still focuses on appearance and can continue the underlying issue of

having a focus on the body (Oltuski, 2017).

A 2019 study’s findings noted that participants who viewed body-positive posts

said more positive statements about their appearance when compared to participants who

viewed thin-ideal posts (Cohen et al., 2019b). These findings add support for body-

positive content still existing and growing on Instagram, but point out that the movement

includes appearance-focused images that show women in revealing clothing (Cohen et

al., 2019b). Cohen et al. (2020) said viewing body positive content may be associated

with negative outcomes that are in line with the objectification theory, which describes

several negative psychological consequences of self-objectification that are experienced

by women. Examples include disordered eating, appearance anxiety, and body shame

(Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). Further, Haye (2019) argued that spreading body positive

content can be harmful to one’s health and praise unhealthy standards.

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Body Positivity Influencers

An additional aspect of body positivity is the use of influencers to reach a large

audience to share the ideals of the movement. Pop star Lizzo has been described as a

pioneer in the body positivity movement (Rosa, 2019). Christopher Rosa of the online

women’s magazine, Glamour, stated that the 31-year-old rapper gives “unapologetic

interviews about being a plus-size woman” and that she has problems with the way

culture views larger, confident women (Rosa, 2019). A result of Lizzo’s popularity was

becoming a face of the body positivity movement. She embraces this role, but wants

people to stop finding it surprising that a plus size woman can have confidence. In the

interview with Glamour, Lizzo shared that she thinks there is a double standard for

women (Rosa, 2019). She also explained that she does not like when people think it is

hard for her to see herself as beautiful.

Lizzo works to normalize the image of a confident plus-sized woman. She

remains an advocate for making space for women of all sizes (Rosa, 2019). She gives

partial credit to social media for helping change the narrative about body size and

providing visibility to women of all sizes. In April 2021, Lizzo shared on her Instagram

account, @lizzobeeating, that she was excited to be partnering with Dove for their Dove

Self Esteem Project that strives to reverse the negative effects of social media and change

the conversation about beauty standards. In one of her Instagram captions she said, “I

wanted to show u how I do it au natural” and ended by saying “Let’s get real y’all.”

(Lizzo, 2021).

A 2019 controversy about celebrity trainer Jillian Michael’s comments towards

Lizzo can serve as an example of how critics and professionals are concerned that the

17
body positivity movement has gone too far with body acceptance. While on BuzzFeed

News’s AM2DM show, Michaels questioned why everyone was celebrating Lizzo’s body

and not her music. She continued her statement by saying “Cause it isn’t going to be

awesome if she gets diabetes” (Esmonde, 2020). Later, in an interview with People, she

stood by her comments and said, “there’s nothing beautiful about clogged arteries”

(Esmonde, 2020). Prior to the controversy, Michaels stated in Women’s Health UK that

“obesity in itself is not something that should be glamorized,” but people have tried to

become so politically correct that no one wants to be the one to say it (Esmonde, 2020).

Critics, along with Michaels, said that the movement had made it to the point where some

people were ignoring the risks of unhealthy body weights (Esmonde, 2020).

While Lizzo, who has 12 million followers on Instagram, is a celebrity that

remains a prominent figure in the body positivity movement, Bree Lenehan is a

microcelebrity in the movement who is also working to promote confidence in those who

have various body sizes. Lenehan, who has 548 thousand followers on Instagram, told

Daily Mail in 2020 that she used to be obsessed with being skinny (Stathis, 2020).

However, in 2019 she decided to focus on educating herself about health. She now uses

her social media to promote confidence and encourage the appreciation of one’s body

(Stathis, 2020). She stated that “learning to appreciate your body as it is and what it can

do is really important no matter what your personal goals are.” (Stathis, 2020).

In October 2021, she posted a series of side-by-side photos as part of her “Real

Me Monday” series. The photos on the left show posed, edited pictures of herself, while

the photos on the right show relaxed, unedited photos of herself. In September 2021,

Lenehan wrote that up to that point, she had shared 245 posed versus real photos side-by-

18
side. Through her caption, she told her followers that she posts this type of content

because she decided she did not want to spend her life feeling like she needed to delete

any pictures that were not “Insta-worthy” or not a “perfected, filtered, aesthetic, version”

of herself (Lenehan, 2021b). So, she decided to encourage her followers to appreciate

their body by choosing to post pictures of her own body that go against society’s body

standards. Posting these body positive pictures help her point out that people tend to only

post the ‘perfected’ pictures of themselves, when in reality, they too likely have a

‘normal’ body. Because of conflicting attitudes about the body positivity movement, the

following question was asked:

RQ3: How do young women compare themselves to influencers within the body

positivity movement?

Instagram Practices

While there are numerous studies on both the thin ideal and the body positivity

movement, social media users’ practices in terms of selecting and editing photos to post

are understudied. By ‘practices,’ this study refers to the way users incorporate ideas from

body image ideals into their own Instagram accounts. Instagram users regularly come in

contact with differing body image ideas as its one billion monthly users share images to

the networking site (Statista Research Department, 2021b). Because individuals can edit

images of themselves using Instagram’s editing features or using other apps before

posting them, they can present an idealized version of themselves (Fardouly et al., 2017).

This can be concerning as individuals process social information by comparing

themselves with others to determine similarities and differences, either purposefully or by

being confronted with them in social information (Wood, 1989; Krayer et al., 2008).

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Social comparison theory proposes that people have an inherent drive to compare

themselves to others to decide where they stand on certain aspects of their lives, such as

physical attractiveness (Festinger, 1954). However, it should be noted that the majority of

people are aware of societal beauty standards, yet not everyone adopts the standards to

the same extent (Fardouly et al., 2018) and therefore, might not compare themselves at

the same extent. Because of this gap in literature, this study sought to answer the

following research question:

RQ4: In what ways are ideas from the thin ideal and/or body positivity movement carried

out in the Instagram accounts of young women in 2022?

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CHAPTER III - METHODOLOGY

To explore how young women perceive and compare themselves to influencers in

relation to bodily appearance and how these ideals may be reflected in their own personal

Instagram accounts, this study utilized focus groups. Kennedy, Kools and Krueger (2001)

explained that when compared to interviews with an adolescent and an adult expert, focus

groups that include peers can help decrease one’s self-consciousness. Further, including

peers who are known to one another or who have a similar culture or background can

increase one’s comfort and promote group discussion (Hughes & DuMont, 1993;

Kennedy et al., 2001). Burnette, Kwitoswki, and Mazzeo (2017) said that because social

media networks are interactive, the interactive nature of focus groups would assist the

expression of both individual and shared experiences among participants (Hughes &

DuMont, 1993; Kitzinger, 1995). Finally, focus groups can be beneficial over other

methods when exploring topics, such as body image, that might be embarrassing for

participants to talk about because more outgoing participants can help break the ice for

more reserved group members (Kitzinger, 1995; Tiggemann et al., 2000).

Participants

A 2019 study found that approximately 90% of people ages 18 through 29

reported being active social media users who were regularly exposed to different images

(Aparicio-Martinez et al., 2019). Chae (2018) shared that women could be more

interested in female influencers than men. Additionally, Duffy and Hund (2015) shared

that influencers’ posts may embody traditional femininity, such as beauty and fashion,

but present themselves in more self-empowering ways. Therefore, females between the

ages of 18 and 29 who use the Instagram app at least once a day were recruited for this

21
study. The three focus groups resulted in a total of 15 participants. The 15 individuals

were females that ranged in age from 18 to 26 years old. Nine (60%) participants

identified themselves as white, five (33.33%) identified as black or African American,

and one (6.67%) identified as both white and black or African American.

Participants were recruited from a midsized southern university via email. The

email contained a link to a two-part online survey that was used prior to the focus groups

to ensure that the participants met the desired criteria and to collect demographic

information. The survey also provided the qualified participants with a link to sign up for

one of the three focus group sessions. The participants received a free meal upon arrival

to the focus group session and were entered into a raffle containing two $25 gift cards.

Data Collection

Focus groups were conducted face-to-face on the university’s campus. The first

focus group had two participants, the second had five participants, and the third had eight

participants. Each focus group was recorded for transcription purposes. To collect data on

participants’ thoughts surrounding pictures posted on Instagram, each group viewed four

pictures (see Appendix B) with discussion occurring between each. The same set of 17

questions were asked to each group with varying follow-up questions. The focus group

started with two questions (see Appendix A) to get participants thinking about pictures

they see online. Then, a ‘thin’ picture of Bree Lenehan was shown, and questions were

asked to gather responses on how women perceive posted pictures of individuals in terms

of bodily appearance. Next, participants were shown a picture of Kendall Jenner and

asked questions about how they compare themselves to the person in the photo in order

for the researcher to collect information on the thin ideal. Then, they were shown a

22
picture of Lizzo and asked the same comparison-based questions to gather data on the

body positivity movement. Finally, participants viewed the ‘body positive’ picture of

Bree Lenehan and discussion was shifted to investigate how any of these ideal-body type

thoughts flow into the participants’ own Instagram accounts. It should be noted that the

first two focus groups viewed and discussed the thin-ideal images first and the body

positive images second. The third focus group viewed and discussed the body positive

images first and the thin-ideal images second.

Data Analysis

Upon completion of the focus group sessions, the recordings were transcribed and

then analyzed for themes. Using an inductive approach, the researcher started with the

primary coding cycle to examine all responses and assigned words or phrases that

captured the main ideas within the data. The constant comparative method that Tracy

(2013) described as comparing and modifying code definitions and/or splitting them up to

fit new data was used throughout the coding process. Using a computer, codes were

organized into categories based on similarity. Next, the researcher re-examined the codes

identified in the primary coding cycle to find second-level codes that identified “patterns,

rules, or cause-effect progressions” (Tracy, 2013, p. 194). The second level codes were

reviewed to find main themes. Because the primary researcher performed the analysis

and created the codes, samples of the data, along with the created codes, were given to

two of the researcher’s colleagues to test for reliability. They were asked to match the

data samples to the codes to see if any codes needed to be reevaluated. The colleagues

were able to successfully match the majority of the sample data with the codes and

23
helped the researcher make minor adjustments to the names of a few codes in order to

better summarize the ideas within the data.

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CHAPTER IV – RESULTS

This study aimed to better understand young women’s perceptions, comparisons,

and practices within the context of Instagram. An analysis of the responses revealed three

main themes and one subtheme. The first theme admiration, but not participation explains

how the participants admire body positive influencers, but are not comfortable posting

pictures of themselves that could be considered body positive content. The second theme

panel for posting describes the participants’ desire to get others’ opinions on their

pictures before posting to social media. The subtheme “three is a sweet spot” represents

some of the participants’ belief that the ideal post consists of three pictures. The third

theme societal standards destroy self-image explains the negative attitudes the

participants expressed about the societal pressures to look a certain way, as well as the

existence of a double standard and stigmas about having fat on one’s body. Each of the

themes represent commonalities within the thoughts and experiences of the participants.

The subtheme provides additional insight into the practices performed in the participants’

own Instagram accounts. All 15 participants used the Instagram app at least once a day

and therefore shared experiences about the images they see when viewing content and the

processes that take place when posting to the app.

Admiration, but not participation

During the focus groups, the majority of participants made references to admiring

people in the body positivity movement and feeling inspired by them to be confident in

themselves. However, when discussing what types of pictures they would post to their

own accounts, many of the participants shared that they would not post content that

would be considered body positive or did not match the thin ideal. Therefore, admiration,

25
but not participation was a theme that emerged from the data. Examples of this theme

were found in several statements from multiple participants. Participant 4 shared her

admiration towards Lizzo as she told the group about how Lizzo makes her “try to be

confident” and have “self-love within her life.” She explained that she likes her body now

and that Lizzo gives her the confidence to love herself. She also shared that body positive

content is “like showing appreciation for your body.” However, she later explained that

she will not post a picture if part of her body does not look how she hoped it would.

While sharing examples of when she will not post a picture, she said that it does not

matter how her face looks, but that “if my stomach is sticking out...no ma’am.” Further

into the session, she explained that she chooses to have her account fit into the thin ideal

and that “nothing on my profile is body positivity. It’s just that I want to look good to

simply look good.”

While viewing the body positive picture of Bree Lenehan, participant 12 told the

group that she would not be brave enough and does not have the confidence to wear the

same tight dress that Lenehan was wearing in the picture. Shortly after, she referred back

to the picture Lenehan posted on Instagram and stated,

I could not do anything like that. I saw that picture and was thinking back to a

picture I took fairly recently. It was a horrible angle. Good picture, but just

horrible angle. I was like I will never post this. This is a cute picture for me to

have, but it will never go anywhere. So, I admire her (Lenehan) greatly for that.

Through this quote, participant 12 expressed her admiration surrounding

Lenehan’s confidence and for posting the picture. Regardless, she still expressed not

being comfortable partaking in sharing pictures that do not match the thin ideal and said,

26
“if it doesn’t fit what I think I should portray to others, it just does not get posted.” This

same concept can be seen through participant 14’s views as well. Participant 14 made

several comments about admiring Lizzo and how she makes her feel powerful. She

pointed out that Lizzo has a stomach and said, “If Lizzo tried something on and she looks

good in it, I’d wear it too. She's really inspirational.” However, she later mentioned that

she personally does not like when her own stomach is visible in pictures and said that she

does not wear revealing clothing in pictures that she posts, but because of her larger size,

her stomach will still be visible in them. She feels that her stomach is what people pay

attention to, so she will try to pose for pictures in a way where it does not look as big.

Even though she admired Lizzo’s confidence to post in an outfit that revealed her

stomach, participant 14 did not feel comfortable doing the same. Participant 10 served as

a final strong example of this theme. She explained that she wants the world to perceive

her in a certain way, but when she looked at the photo of Lizzo, her thought was “Oh my

gosh. She looks so beautiful. Like I want people to look at me that same way.” Similar to

the other participants, she later explained that she would not post a picture that does not

match the thin ideal.

I would feel very scared and anxious, which is why it's something I don't do;

which makes me feel kind of bad because I want to contribute to something like

that (referring to body positivity content). I constantly speak it in my words to my

friends, but I don't really show it in my actions towards myself. I'll do it towards

others, but I think I would feel way too scared.

Multiple of the other participants made similar comments about having “a bit of a

belly” and having a smaller body type that does not receive hate, but still expressed

27
admiration, as well as positive feelings about themselves after viewing Lizzo’s picture.

However, their thoughts also fit in this theme as they too agreed they would not post

pictures that do not fit into the thin ideal. Participant 8 said it would even “hurt her

feelings so much” if someone was to say they saw her picture and felt better about

themselves because they viewed her post as body positive content. Because of the

commonality among the participants’ views and statements, the researcher found that

even though the participants expressed admiration and feeling inspired by body positive

influencers, the majority of the participants expressed that they would either not post

body positive content or if they were to post content that was considered more body

positive, they would feel insecure and most likely delete the post shortly after uploading

it.

Panel for posting

Panel for posting is another main theme that contained the subtheme: “three is a

sweet spot.” The majority of the participants explained that they prefer to get outside

opinions when selecting which pictures to post on Instagram. The subtheme shares

additional findings about the number of pictures participants feel they should post.

Several participants explained that they send their pictures to their friends, group chats,

and boyfriends to get their input on which pictures they think should be posted. For

example, participants 2 and 6 explained that they pick their favorite pictures and then

send those pictures to their friends. They ask their friends to pick their favorites in order

to narrow down the number of pictures that will be posted. Participant 2 explained that

she sends her pictures to her friends because she is too used to her face and sometimes

cannot tell if a picture of herself looks good or bad. She said that she knows that her

28
friends will be honest with her about which ones look best. Participant 6 shared that it

makes her feel better if her friends pick the same ones that she chose because then she

knows those pictures look good. While discussing how she chooses which pictures of

herself to post, participant 12 said, “I get a panel. This sounds horrible, but we all have

group chats and send pictures to our friends.” Participant 12 sends her pictures to friends

to have them help narrow down which they think are best; however, participant 1 sends

her pictures to friends for a different reason. Participant 1 shared,

I show every photo that I took to my boyfriend, then my best friend, and then my

other really good friend. I give them all the photos and say, ‘you choose which

photos I look best in and I’m just going to post those.’ I don’t even look at them

first… I know I can be extremely overly critical of myself, so I take all of the

negativity and power away from myself to judge myself.

She also expressed that she does not like the way she thinks about herself, so in

order to gain confidence, she prefers to see the pictures that her friends think she looks

prettiest in. While participant 1 wants help selecting pictures to post because of how

overly critical she is of herself, participant 3 seeks the opinions of friends because she is

“looking for attention.” She will send her pictures to her friends and say, “which one of

these do you think is going to really get me the most likes from people because I’m

craving it right now.” Whether the participants sent their pictures to their friends because

they simply could not decide which ones to post or because they knew they would feel

insecure without getting more opinions, most of the participants admitted that they have a

select group of people that help them narrow down their pictures to the few that will be

posted. Therefore, panel for posting was a prominent theme among the group.

29
The subtheme “three is a sweet spot” represents the information collected about

how many pictures participants think should be posted at a single time. Multiple

participants voiced that they prefer to post three pictures as opposed to the ten that can be

posted in a single upload on Instagram. For example, participant 12 explained that

Instagram is where the better pictures are posted, so if she has ten pictures, she will send

them in her group chat and ask her friends to pick their top five. From there, they will

vote on them to narrow it down to their three favorites, which will be the only pictures

that get posted. Participant 6 also shared that “I pick out the pictures that I like, and it

might be a lot of pictures. You know like ten, but I can’t post all of those on social

media.” She explained that because she cannot post all ten, she gets her friends to choose

three or four and will keep the rest of the pictures to post at a later date. Participant 10

shared that instead of spending time editing several of her pictures, she will choose three

to edit and post. Participant 11 asked the group where three being the ideal number came

from and explained that her cousins and sisters often remind her that she should only post

three pictures. Participant 10 answered by saying “the three is important. It’s like a sweet

spot.” Participant 11 explained that she thinks posting one picture only works if its “one

really good, long picture” and that two is “just an awkward number,” but three pictures is

just right. A consensus among the participants was that only their best pictures get posted

on Instagram; however, some of them felt that the post should still be limited to three

pictures. Therefore, “three is a sweet spot” for how many pictures to upload emerged as a

pattern.

30
Societal standards destroy self-image

There were no specific questions asked about societal beauty standards for

women, yet multiple participants in each focus group brought the topic into the

discussion. Accordingly, the theme societal standards destroy self-image emerged from

the data. This theme represents the negative attitudes participants expressed about feeling

pressured by society to look a certain way, as well as the existence of a double standard

and stigmas. Participant 2 captured these thoughts as she spoke about big corporations

gearing products towards women and perpetuating societal beauty standards.

I’m like that’s ridiculous. Are you kidding me? How did you manage to gender

this product in another way? It feels almost hopeless because there are so many

hundreds of thousands of people perpetuating the issue that the body positivity

movement is trying to solve. And like you (referring to participant 1) said how

you know men in a lot of cases get so angry. It’s that double standard of like your

body needs to be this way, but my body can be as gross as I want. I don’t know, it

feels hopeless because there are so many big people and big corporations working

against it, along with all of the smaller individuals posting like ‘look at how

skinny I am.’

The double standard was described as being an issue among females, but hardly

an issue with males. Participant 11 said, “It makes it even harder on girls. It’s not fair.”

Participant 10 followed this by sharing her views that men tend to feel entitled to

comment on a woman’s body, even if the man’s appearance is not put together or what

society would consider attractive. When asked at the end of the session if there was

anything else anyone wanted to share, participant 1 used the opportunity to share similar

31
views and discuss the double standard. She shared that it amazes her how mad some

people get about the body positivity movement and mentioned that “it’s interesting to

think about the fact that our ideas of beauty and how we should view ourselves are based

off of what men want and not what we want.” She expressed that she wants to be

beautiful in her own eyes and not “for some guy walking next to me.” Because of her

strong feelings on the matter, she believes that “our self-confidence and our image of

ourselves are completely destroyed for money basically and that’s gross. It’s really

gross.”

Multiple other participants expressed the negative ways they have been affected

by society’s beauty standards, which led participant 6 to question how people would feel

if society was different. She asked, “What if everybody was fat and everyone loved all

the big people?” However, she seemed to second guess her question to the group as she

answered it herself by explaining that everyone wants to look like everybody and that in

society people tend to feel like there is a standard to be compared to. “We just feel like

you need to look like this instead of that.”

While referring to the picture of Lizzo, participant 9 explained that society has a

stigma about how “fat equals unhealthy.” She said that even though she is smaller than

Lizzo, she believes Lizzo is healthier. Both participants 10 and 11 also took Lizzo’s

defense and explained that contrary to societal views, Lizzo is healthy even if she is plus-

sized. Participant 10 shared that she personally struggles to eat properly, but “Lizzo is

such a good advocate for eating well.” Participant 11 referred to Lizzo as an important

role model that encourages a healthier mindset and shares the message that you do not

have to be the “best acceptable body type. You just need to be the best version of you.”

32
She ended this statement by asking, “Why not just be the best version of you? Why is that

not acceptable?”

Further, participant 10 shared a story about her plus-sized aunt that portrays the

stigma that if you have fat on your body, you are not viewed as attractive.

She would say stuff like ‘I'm fat’ and people would be like ‘no, you’re so pretty.’

She'd be like ‘I didn't say I wasn't pretty. I said I'm fat.’ That doesn't instantly

mean ugly. You have just made that connection.

Participant 9 told a similar story about her mother who is plus-sized. She

explained how upsetting it is as a more average-sized person to watch her plus-sized

mother struggle with body image issues that come from the media. She said that her

mother listens to society’s standards and has become so insecure because of the way

media talks about people, such as Lizzo. Participant 11 pointed out that in society, the

standards are on women twenty-four seven and that nobody talks about it in the same

way in which the focus group was able to share their thoughts and feelings. “Nobody

talks about it like this ever. It’s just kind of like, you know deep down, but nobody talks

about it.” She then explained that until its more common to talk about the thin-ideal

standards being a “not good thing,” she is not comfortable posting pictures that could be

categorized as body positivity. Overall, all participants who spoke on societal beauty

standard topics had strong feelings and both willingly and passionately shared their

thoughts with the group. The data revealed that the participants’ attitudes towards the

standards were overwhelmingly negative and provided several examples of how the

standards can negatively impact a woman’s self-image.

33
CHAPTER V – DISCUSSION

This study collected data about young women’s thoughts and experiences

surrounding the thin ideal, the body positivity movement, and practices carried out on

Instagram. To address the four research questions, all participants were asked the same

set of questions. The first research question asked: How do young women perceive

posted pictures of individuals in terms of bodily appearance? Brown and Tiggemann’s

2016 research, along with Maltby et al.’s 2005 research, suggested that constantly

viewing celebrities with thin-ideal qualities reinforces the unachievable thin ideal that

consequently leads to more body dissatisfaction. The majority of participants would agree

with this research as they shared that they believe thin celebrities do perpetuate the

unachievable thin ideal and that it makes them feel that they should not post pictures if

their bodies do not match the thin-ideal standards. Participant 14 said, “We’re just set to a

certain standard that's so unrealistic, but influencers make it look realistic.” Several

others shared that they perceive social media as often being fake, whether it is because

the individuals have a fake smile, look ungenuine, or have been photoshopped. These

responses add support for Abidin’s (2015) research that explains how Instagram

influencers commonly use image-enhancing apps, such as Photoshop, to alter their

images. While discussing pictures of people they see online, participant 14 said they

seem standardized, while multiple others said they feel as though people are often trying

to brag about their lifestyle, an award, or their own bodies. Accordingly, they perceived

these types of pictures as showing off.

Despite the existence of the body positivity movement, the thin ideal still

dominates the participants’ perceptions of bodies they see online and what they perceive

34
as the ideal body. The participants’ responses suggest that the thin ideal is strong on

Instagram and that many influencers have the same look as they attempt to post content

that matches the dominant thin ideal. Senft’s (2013) research explained that social media

influencers have a set of self-presentation practices that are prevalent on social media,

which could help explain why participants reported seeing a substantial amount of

standardized content that fits in the thin ideal. Because thin-ideal content is constantly

being spread by influencers and users, the thin ideal continues to overpower the body

positivity movement; thus, leading participants to perceive these bodies as the ideal body

type.

Chae (2017) and Fardouly et al. (2015) stated that females commonly use

celebrities as appearance comparison targets. Interestingly, several of the participants

mentioned that because they perceive images of celebrities as unrealistic or fake, they do

not always use them as appearance comparison targets. For example, when shown the

thin-ideal picture of Lenehan, participants 4, 6, and 7 said if they saw the same picture in

their feed, they would not be affected by it and would instead simply skip it and continue

scrolling. Further, Brown and Tiggemann (2021) explained that it is common for thin and

attractive online celebrities to be viewed as a source for “thinspiration” and “fitspiration”

that can motivate people to work towards achieving a body type that matches the thin

ideal. However, several participants stated that because they often view these pictures as

unrealistic and will even choose to scroll past it, these types of pictures can have the

opposite effect. Participant 3 mentioned that Jenner does not motivate her to be fit, but a

fitness influencer who explains their workouts might be able to motivate her more.

Several participants once again agreed that it is “too unrealistic” so “why even bother.”

35
Participant 8 explained that “It's just one of those things you have to look at it and be like

good for her that she looks like that, but don't set yourself to that standard. I'm never

going to reach it.” Because of this understanding that comparing yourself to the thin ideal

can be unhealthy, several of the participants’ thoughts on how they perceive these images

did not lead them to participate in unhealthy behaviors that were discussed by

DiBisceglie and Arigo (2021). Instead, some participants said they try to avoid looking at

“fake” or “photoshopped” content that could be harmful to their mental health. They

shared that they unfollow certain people to change their feed or create ‘spam accounts.’

These spam accounts are secret accounts that only close friends know about. The

participants said they are used to follow only their friends and for them to view content

and post any pictures they want without feeling pressured to have an ideal Instagram

account or fit into their idealized persona.

These actions suggest a rebellion against the thin ideal. The thin ideal clearly

influences the participants, but they take steps to either ignore the thin-ideal content or to

create an alternative place to avoid it. Vartanian and Dey (2013) reported that social

media consumption can have a negative effect on physical and mental health. The

participants were aware of these negative health effects that could occur from viewing

influencers’ thin-ideal content and therefore, they resisted looking at it and rebelled

against it in their own ways. While some participants would continue scrolling and not

stop to get a further look at thin-ideal pictures, others would unfollow accounts that

posted thin-ideal content. Clearing one’s feed of thin-ideal content can be viewed as a

rebellious act as they are doing away with what society would consider popular content.

However, unfollowing accounts is not always enough. Some rebel further by creating

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spam accounts that help them avoid more of the content because spam accounts typically

follow other spam accounts that are also avoiding the social rules and norms of

Instagram. These spam accounts can be viewed as a way for users to rebel, as well as a

community that turns away from the thin ideal that is commonly found on users’ regular

accounts.

Several scholars say influencers give off the impression of realness to cultivate a

sense of intimacy and relatability in order to create affective relationships with their

followers (Abidin, 2015; Duffy, 2018; Marwick, 2015). The analysis of the data showed

that participants tend to perceive thin-ideal influencers as “fake,” “typical,”

“standardized,” or portraying unrealistic standards, but perceived body positivity

influencers as more “genuine” and “inspirational.” Participant 2 served as an example of

perceiving influencers’ content differently. She explained that while on Instagram, she

notices “a ton of super tan skin, super blonde hair, and super white teeth,” but one thing

that really bothers her is the fake smile that is “not a genuine smile.” She continued this

thought by explaining that she does not think everyone she sees online will look the same

in person and that it feels like a lot of the influencer content is the same. Therefore, she

often perceives people online as being fake. However, after she viewed the picture of

Lizzo, she shared that when she sees a heavier or more body positive influencer or model

on her feed, she does not “feel anything negative.” Instead, she perceives them as

“gorgeous and just confident more than anything.” She also added that this type of

content is much better for her to see when she is feeling down about her body. This

example once again reflects a resistance to the thin ideal. She expressed that she

perceives thin-ideal content as fake or presentational and therefore, does not idolize the

37
thin-ideal bodies she sees online. Rather, she has a negative view of the thin-ideal bodies,

but takes a positive stance on the body positive content found online. Because she is

looking for more genuine content as opposed to fake content, she rebels against the

concept of the thin ideal.

The second research question asked: How do young women compare themselves

to influencers within the thin ideal? Research shows that women commonly assess their

appearance against other females that they view as superior to themselves (Leahey et al.,

2007) and will also choose to compare themselves to people who are not similar to them,

but could provide them with information, such as the thin ideal (Kruglanksi & Mayseless,

1990). Participant 10 was very vocal about how she tends to compare herself to images

online and how it “definitely has an effect. Like it's kind of undeniable.” Participant 11

said her rate of comparison was so unhealthy that she had to deactivate her own

Instagram account. While several of the participants admitted to comparing themselves to

thin influencers, the majority who were vocal about it had an understanding that they

should try not to compare themselves. These results support Fardouly et al.’s (2018)

research about how people are aware of societal beauty standards, but the standards are

not adopted to the same extent, so people might not compare themselves at the same

extent. Participants 8, 9, and 11 reported that they understand they should not compare

themselves to thin influencers. Participant 11 said, “I feel like it's harmful to compare

yourself to that. Not saying that she's like edited or anything, but her job is to look good.”

She explained that she does not have the same amount of time or resources to be able to

look the same way as influencers and asked, “So why set that as a standard?” Further,

when presented with the picture of Jenner, participants 1, 3, 5, 6, and 13 expressed that

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they do not want to look like the influencers or have the same body as the ones in the

thin-ideal images. This data adds support to Mask and Blanchard’s (2011) view that not

all women respond in the same way to the thin ideal that is found in media. Accordingly,

more than half of the participants were not motivated to make changes to their bodies

based off their comparison to the thin-ideal pictures. The feeling of indifference, rather

than feeling motivated, does not align with literature about upwardly comparing oneself

to models and the idea that models are an influence for self-improvement (Chae, 2018).

However, a few of the participants did report feeling insecure when they

compared themselves to the thin ideal. For example, participant 1 decided to post a

picture that she felt did not match the thin ideal but felt scared of how others would react

as she believes that there are mean people in the world who judge people’s bodies.

Because she felt insecure, she turned her account to business mode, which allowed her to

see if anybody sent her post to another user. If somebody shared her post, she said she

would have become more insecure and deleted it. Participant 15 asked the third focus

group participants if they would delete a negative body related comment off their post.

Some of the participants responded by saying they would not just delete the comment,

but delete the whole post, “probably have a meltdown,” and “would probably cry.”

Richins (1991) would explain that the participants in these two examples assessed

themselves by comparing their appearance related qualities to others and then learned

from the way others reacted to their appearance. While the participants articulated that

they do not typically use celebrities as appearance comparison targets, they expressed

that it is natural for people to compare themselves to posted pictures and feel negatively

towards their own body image. These results add support to past findings about how

39
women compare themselves to celebrities because they believe that models and

celebrities set the standard that they will be judged against (Strahan et al., 2006).

However, the majority of the participants had a strong awareness of their own bodies and

noted multiple reasons, such as genetics and it being impossible for everyone to look the

same, that led them to gain an understanding that they should not compare themselves to

the thin ideal. Though they try their best not to compare, many explained that because

they feel they will be judged, they will only post their best pictures and not post content

that others might view as body positive content. This pattern reflects Thompson et al.’s

(2021) definition of ‘social comparison’ that explains that people decide both their social

and personal worth based off how they compare to others in certain categories, such as

attractiveness.

Through these examples, a dual and paradoxical pattern was observed. The

participants are subject to the thin ideal as it is a strong norm and expectation within

society. As a result, they seem to be embarrassed by their own pictures that are not

flawless and will try to avoid viewing and comparing themselves to thin-ideal content.

However, they understand that it can be impossible to model themselves after influencers

within the thin ideal and take the mindset that they should not bother trying to change

their physical body. These results are self-contradictory because several participants seek

to avoid the thin ideal yet want their own pictures to fit into thin-ideal content.

It is also important to mention that because of the thin ideal, multiple participants

expressed that they feel as though society has made the female body into something to be

gazed at, which directly aligns with Fitzsimmons-Crafts et al.’s (2012) research on how

the thin ideal can be viewed as an extension that branches from objectification theory.

40
Several participants shared stories and experiences that expressed this idea of feeling that

their body is something people look at. Accordingly, a couple of participants remembered

specific comments other people made towards their bodily appearance and shared that

they will think about the comments when they are deciding which pictures to post online.

Participant 1 articulated that for years she has been struggling with the concept that her

body is something to be gazed at. She said she wants to recreate what she views as beauty

and not continue to fall into the idea that she should look a certain way to please others.

Because of these responses, the researcher concluded that the growth of social media and

emergence of influencers have exacerbated and perpetuated the idea that the female body

is something to be gazed at. Multiple participants shared that they think social media

posts have turned into a way for people to show off their body features that match the

thin ideal. When this information is combined with past research about how influencers

create an online image to attract followers (Khamis et al., 2017; Marwick, 2015), one can

infer that thin-ideal influencers understand that their bodies are gazed at and intentionally

pose certain ways or carry out actions, such as dieting and working out, to have a body

that will please others. While influencers might use the objectification to gain more likes

and followers, the researcher concluded that the participants view it as another negative

aspect of the thin ideal that they often wish to avoid.

Research question three asked: How do young women compare themselves to

influencers within the body positivity movement? Cohen et al. (2019b) explained that the

movement uses images to encourage people to accept various body sizes, to see them as

attractive, and to learn to appreciate their bodies. These ideas are reflected through

participant 2’s response when discussing body positive influencers. “I’m just like oh my

41
gosh she’s gorgeous and just confident more than anything. That makes me feel so good

and makes me feel happy for the person.” She then explained that body positive content

is “a much better thing to see when I’m feeling down about my body.” More than half of

the participants had positive reactions and expressed feelings of admiration,

encouragement, and inspiration after viewing the body positive images. These positive

feelings represent progress within the body positivity movement. Similar to how Webb et

al.’s 2017 study found that body positive content encouraged physical activity, health,

and wellbeing, the participants in this study noted feeling as if they can accept their body

and treat themselves kinder, as well as feeling inspired to be healthier. Additionally, after

viewing the picture of Lizzo, one participant who pointed out that she has a smaller body

type noted that she appreciates that there is an option to have varying body types. She

said, “It's one of those things where you don't think about it until somebody else is

putting it out there and then you're like, ‘oh, I have it pretty good.’” The researcher

concluded that the participant was comparing herself using self-enhancement that

Thompson et al. (2021) explained as comparing in a way that creates a positive

evaluation of oneself. Multiple participants talked about their stomachs and seemed to

compare themselves to the body positive influencers using self-evaluation comparisons,

which are used to evaluate where one stands compared to others (Krayer et al., 2008;

Thompson et al., 2021). Through these comparisons, participants reported feeling better

about themselves as they discussed that they are not as large as Lizzo and do not want to

reach the point of being as plus-sized as her. For example, participant 4 said the picture

makes her want to appreciate how her body currently looks, but also makes her realize

42
that she needs to change her eating habits because she does not want to eventually look

like Lizzo.

While the majority of the participants had positive reactions to both the body

positive pictures that were presented, there were conversations among a couple of

participants that matched the criticisms discussed by Oltuski (2017) about how body

positive content still puts a focus on appearance and perpetuates the underlying issue of

the body being the focus of attention. The participants explained that because of Lizzo’s

weight, she needs to understand what she should and should not wear. Participant 4

described Lizzo as “going overboard” with her choice of outfits and participant 6 stated

that people need to lose some weight to wear the outfit Lizzo had on. However, she then

pointed out that this idea is also what society tells us and that it is not healthy to think that

way. Further, participant 14 explained that people in the body positivity movement are

negatively compared to thinner celebrities in the way they dress and act, but that Lizzo

still inspires her to work out and show herself more love. There were some negative

attitudes about comparing oneself to body positive content, but overall, the attitudes from

the comparisons were positive. The participants further reported that body positive

content is typically more likely to motivate them to be healthier than thin-ideal content.

The positive attitudes and motivations go against the argument that body positive

supporters can glamorize obesity and therefore do not encourage people to live a proper

lifestyle (Chiat, 2021). These responses can lead one to see that the body positive

movement is appreciated, but does not fully win in terms of the participants’ expectations

and perceptions.

43
Additionally, Oltuski (2017) argued that body positivity might make women feel

worse about themselves if they do not love their body for what it is. However, through

the experiences that the 15 participants shared about comparing themselves to different

content found online, it can be concluded that they want to love their body and that the

body positive movement inspires them to feel confident or to work towards feeling

confident with their body image. Nevertheless, they passionately expressed that society’s

thin ideal has the potential to make them feel worse about themselves and because they

feel pressured to match the thin ideal, it slows their progress of joining the body positivity

movement. The thin ideal still dominates and wins in their minds. To manage this

paradox, participants will do just enough to fit into the online societal standards. They

will post unedited content that still matches the ideas of the thin ideal, such as choosing

only their best pictures and adding filters to change the colors. However, they do not let

the ideas from the thin ideal consume too much of their time or thoughts due to its ability

to cause negative feelings. If they want to share pictures that do not match the thin ideal

or match their idealized persona, they will utilize their spam accounts. Posting on their

spam accounts allows them to share pictures with people they know will not be critical of

the posts.

Research question four asked: In what ways are ideas from the thin ideal and/or

body positivity movement carried out in the Instagram accounts of young women in

2022? Fardouly et al. (2017) explained that individuals can edit their images before

posting them in order to present an idealized version of themselves. This phenomenon is

something participants believe thin-ideal influencers partake in, but is not something that

all the participants choose to participate in. Five of the participants said they do not edit

44
their pictures in any way. Seven said that they only edit their pictures by adding filters

that change the overall color to enhance the appearance or by adding doodles and/or

stickers to the pictures. A few participants shared stories of people they know who edit

their bodies in pictures, but only one participant disclosed that she will use an editing app

to change parts of her appearance, along with using filters to change the overall color.

The remaining two participants stated that they do not post often, but did not make it

clear if they edit their pictures in any way before posting them. Participant 10, who edits

herself in pictures, explained that she will typically only edit out her acne, fix her

clothing if needed, and remove objects in the background using an app called Retouch.

However, she mentioned that she tries not to majorly edit her body or face because she

knows it will make her feel bad. Several participants mentioned that they tend to look for

if people edit themselves in their pictures and shared stories of Photoshop fails that made

it obvious that the users edited their bodies. Interestingly, the majority of the participants

had negative views about editing pictures and expressed their belief that many influencers

use Photoshop to obtain the unrealistic beauty standard within the thin ideal. Yet, most of

the participants shared that they still want their Instagram accounts to match the thin ideal

even though they personally do not use editing apps to enhance their bodies.

Only two participants reported that they would happily and willingly post body

positive content. Both participants explained that they do not care what others think about

them. However, participant 13 explained that she will wear tight clothes that show her

stomach because she has accepted her body, believes that she looks good, and believes

that “you can be your own person and like yourself.” Her ideas and the content that she

posts to her Instagram account are consistent with the characteristics of positive body

45
image described by Cohen et al. (2020), such as appreciating features of one’s body,

accepting aspects of the body that do not align with thin-ideal images in the media, and

broadly defining beauty. A few other participants admitted that they would try to spread

these positive body image ideas to others. They said they reluctantly would post body

positive content if it would “make a difference for somebody possibly” or because they

might be viewed as a role model and would want to show younger children that they

should not have an issue with their bodies. Their ideas that they could help someone else

have a better body image are consistent with Andrew et al.’s (2015) view that having a

positive image is protective against the thin ideal that people typically see in media.

Nevertheless, it can be concluded that because the thin ideal is so instilled in society,

many of the participants feel it is better to not post at all if their pictures will not be

viewed as the thin ideal. Participant 1 explained that after posting a picture she knew she

was bloated in, she felt negative feelings because it did not fit the ideal of what she

wanted her body to look like and described posting it as “definitely hard.” She also

shared that she prefers to only post content that would match the thin ideal, but is not

willing to edit herself in order to obtain the societal beauty standards within the thin ideal

that she feels negatively about. However, because she still wants to fit into the thin ideal,

only her best pictures get posted. This phenomenon is a common practice among several

of the participants and once again highlights the dual paradoxical pattern of not liking the

thin-ideal standards, but wanting to fit into it, while also understanding that they should

not model themselves after influencers or bother changing their overall bodily

appearance. They also appreciated the body positivity movement, but did not want to

fully show support for it through their own pictures. Because of this dual paradox, most

46
of the participants will partake in the thin ideal just enough by posting pictures that their

bodies look best in, but will also remain cautious of getting too wrapped up in comparing

and using editing apps that they believe would negatively affect their mental health. They

also verbally support the body positivity movement, but most of them admit to not being

comfortable posting body positive content to their accounts. The researcher concluded

that they find ways to participate in both of the ideal body type categories. By having a

regular Instagram account, participants see and post thin-ideal related content, but the use

of spam accounts and viewing body positive content provides an outlet for them to

support ideas from the body positive movement. Overall, because the thin ideal is the

dominant ideal body type, their regular accounts tend to match the thin ideal.

Marwick (2015) described influencers’ posts as a “catalog” that presents a

lifestyle that many young people “dream of having.” (p. 155). The theme panel for

posting, along with the subtheme “three is a sweet spot” add support to this “catalog”

idea as participants choose only their best pictures to post to Instagram. Furthermore, it

supports research that says current generations are more invested in the virtual world and

creating idealized online personas that they can present as an extension of themselves

(Gonzales & Hancock, 2011; Aziz, 2017). Participants will take numerous pictures,

narrow them down to their favorites, receive help from friends to further narrow them

down, and potentially add a filter in order to help create their desired online personas.

When they do not want to feel the pressure to uphold their idealized online persona, but

still want to upload pictures for their friends to see, they will use their spam accounts.

Participant 14 explained that her spam account does not match the thin ideal or body

positivity movement because it is just content that she shares with close friends, so she

47
can post any content she feels like sharing. Participant 10 explained that with spam

accounts, there are not really any social rules. She said, “The good thing about a spam is

that you don’t have to keep up with it. You can post 30 times a day or you cannot post at

all.” Participant 11 explained that her spam account allows her to keep her feed to content

from her friends, jokes, and items she might want to buy. She shared that she made the

spam account so that when she is bored, she can scroll though her desired feed instead of

“scrolling through all of these filtered girls that just made me feel bleh inside.”

Past research has found that many Instagram users utilize the social media

platform to follow friends and peers, but also as a way to follow celebrities’ personal

accounts, since users may also have an interest in celebrities’ lives (Statista Research

Department, 2021a). While many of the participants reported that they use their spam

accounts to connect with friends, they also reported that they use their regular Instagram

account to connect with friends, family, and acquaintances, as well as to view lifestyle

content, memes, or to help pass the time when they are bored. However, several

participants mentioned unfollowing celebrities, and as previously stated, some turned to

spam accounts to avoid viewing content from people who are not their friends or part of

their interests. Therefore, the majority of participants in this study expressed having little

interest in celebrities’ lives. Overall, participants shared stories, experiences, and ideas

that led the researcher to conclude that the majority of the participants carry out practices

that align their regular Instagram accounts with the ideas within the thin ideal. The

actions they carry out in order to have the most ideal Instagram account include: taking

numerous pictures, gathering friends’ opinions to evaluate how others react to certain

48
pictures, selecting a few of the best, adding filters to improve the colors or make their

skin look warmer, and potentially adding designs and stickers for aesthetic purposes.

49
CHAPTER VI – LIMITATIONS AND FUTURE RESEARCH

This study aimed to add information to social media, thin ideal, and body

positivity literature. However, there are limitations that should be mentioned. The first

limitation is that several of the participants recognized Lizzo and because of her fame,

had prior knowledge of her participation in the body positivity movement, as well as

praise and backlash she has received for being body positive. Yet, several of the

participants did not initially recognize Kendall Jenner. There did not seem to be any

strong bias that affected the responses, but some of the responses could have been biased

depending on how the participants felt about the celebrities. Therefore, if this study is

conducted again, researchers could use lesser-known people to help limit the chance of

biased responses. Another limitation was having varied numbers of participants in each

focus group. The study ran into both recruitment and attendance problems with the in-

person focus groups due to the Covid-19 pandemic. People may have been cautious of in-

person events with others that they are not familiar with and decided not to participate.

Attendance was also a limitation as the study had between eight and ten participants

signed up for each focus group, but Covid exposures and illnesses caused multiple people

to be unable to attend at the last minute. Consequently, the researcher had trouble filling

the open spots as it was hard to find people who were willing to participate with such

short notice. Lastly, the qualifying survey should have included a question about how

often participants post pictures of themselves. Through discussion, some of the

participants mentioned that they had not posted a picture of themselves in quite a while.

The researcher believes that additional valuable information could have been collected if

more participants who actively post on their accounts were included in the focus groups.

50
Because of the sensitive nature of the topics discussed, the researcher would suggest

having smaller focus groups of approximately five participants if the study was to be

conducted again. The smaller focus groups allowed for more time to be spent on each

question and for the researcher to gather deeper information. The focus group of eight

participants began to get fatigued as the session neared the end. Therefore, holding more

focus groups with less participants would allow time for more insightful answers and

limit participant fatigue.

The study’s qualifying survey collected information about how many years

participants have had their Instagram accounts. Future research could take this

information into consideration to see if any themes emerged among participants who

have had Instagram accounts for longer when compared to participants who are relatively

new users. Several participants also shared experiences about how they have grown to be

more confident with their body image but mentioned that the thin-ideal images viewed

during the focus groups would have likely affected them when they were in high school.

Future research could explore high school aged females’ thoughts surrounding the

discussed topics. It would also be interesting to repeat this study or carry out a similar

one with male participants to collect their perceptions and experiences, as well as to see if

there are any similarities between how females and males react to body image ideals.

51
CHAPTER VII – CONCLUSION

Because of social media’s popularity, different body image ideas are constantly

being shared and viewed by users (Perrin, 2015). When viewed through the lens of social

comparison theory, one can see how social media platforms, such as Instagram, can have

an effect on an individual's body image. This study provided insight into young women’s

perceptions of potential ideal images, how they compare themselves to the images, and

how these ideas affect the practices used within their own Instagram accounts. Through

three focus groups and an analysis of the data, three themes and one subtheme emerged.

The researcher also found that the participants support the body positive movement and

feel strong negative emotions towards the thin ideal and societal beauty standards that

make the majority of them feel insecure about their body image. Because of the pressure

to fit into the thin ideal, participants prefer to post only a limited number of their best

pictures to Instagram. These pictures are typically selected with help from friends and

might have a filter added to enhance the appearance. If participants want to post, but do

not want to feel pressured to fit into their idealized online persona, some will turn to their

spam accounts that are only followed by close friends.

The findings suggest several implications about the body positivity movement and

the thin ideal. The data points towards progress in the body positivity movement as the

participants expressed support for both its message and the influencers who are involved.

Unfortunately, the results of this study led the researcher to believe that it will take many

more years of influencers, everyday users, and companies sharing body positive content

for significant progress to be made and for the majority of young females to feel

comfortable with their body image. Therefore, the movement does not seem to have

52
made enough progress to overpower the deeply rooted societal belief that thinness equals

beauty and success. A larger implication from the thin ideal still being the dominant ideal

body type is that young females will continue to develop mental and physical health

problems from feeling pressured to look a certain way in order to receive approval from

society. Participants mentioned that because of the wide use of editing apps by

influencers, they find themselves questioning if some of the people they see online look

the same in person. If the thin ideal continues to be perpetuated, this concept of looking

like an idealized version of oneself online and looking different in person could become

normalized, which would likely lead to further health problems and body dissatisfaction.

This could also lead to an increase in both the number and use of spam accounts by users

who are trying to avoid thin-ideal content and seeking a place with fewer social rules.

Based on the study’s findings that show young women are rebelling against the

thin ideal in order to save their mental health, the researcher believes that society needs to

work towards normalizing bodies, rather than focusing on what is and is not considered a

desirable body. The body positivity movement has made strides since its start in 2012,

but more needs to be done for young females to become comfortable showing their

support through their own pictures, rather than supporting it from the sidelines. It can be

suggested that society needs to relearn what a healthy body looks like. The researcher

believes this relearning can begin by users being exposed to more body positive content,

such as Lenehan’s “Real Me Monday” posts, as well as seeing thin-ideal influencers post

unedited content. Until the body positivity movement gains more strength, one can

conclude that young females will continue to feel pressured to post thin-ideal content and

feel insecure about their body image.

53
However, the findings in this study can be used by family members, friends,

doctors, psychologists, companies, and anyone who has an influence on the lives of

young females to gain a better understanding of the pressure they feel from society, why

they carry out certain practices on social media, and why they might have a desire to

change their bodily appearance. In conclusion, this research adds up-to-date qualitative

information to existing literature on body image ideals and social media. It also helps fill

in the gaps in the understudied areas of literature related to how body image ideals affect

social media practices. Overall, this study revealed the substantial effects that images on

social media can have on a female’s body image, social media use, and everyday life.

54
APPENDIX A – FOCUS GROUP QUESTIONS

RQ1: How do young women perceive posted pictures of individuals in terms of bodily

appearance?

1. What do you think of pictures of people you see online?

2. What are things you notice about those pictures?

3. Who influences you to look at posts online?

4. What are your initial thoughts about the person in this picture?

5. What do you notice about her?

6. How do you feel after viewing this image of her?

RQ2: How do young women compare themselves to influencers within the thin ideal?

7. How do these pictures make you feel towards your own body?

8. In what ways does this relate to the treatment of your own body?

RQ3: How do young women compare themselves to influencers within the body

positivity movement?

9. How do these pictures make you feel towards your own body?

10. In what ways does this relate to the treatment of your own body?

RQ4: In what ways are ideas from the thin ideal and/or body positivity movement carried

out in the Instagram accounts of young women in 2022?

11. Who influences you to post pictures online?

12. How do you decide which pictures of yourself to post?

13. When you are getting ready to post pictures, in what ways (if any) do you edit

them?

55
14. How do you feel when you post pictures that may not match a thin ideal?

15. How do you feel when you post pictures that may match a body positivity

movement ideal?

16. In what ways do you feel that your Instagram account reflects either of these body

image categories?

17. Is there anything else you would like to share about these topics?

56
APPENDIX B – PICTURES

Kendall Jenner

Lizzo

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Thin-Ideal Bree Lenehan

Body Positive Bree Lenehan

58
APPENDIX C – IRB APPROVAL LETTER

59
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