The SAGE andbook of

Handbook Advisory Panel

·Id ntities
M. Jacqui Alexander, Women's Studies and Gender Studies, University of Toronto
Tony Bennett, Social Sciences, Open University
Bronwyn Davies, Australian Youth Research Centre, University of Melbourne
Kevin Durrheim, School of Psychology, University of KwaZulu-Natal
Anthony Elliott, Sociology, Flinders University
Michael Hames-Garcia, Ethnic Studies, University of Oregon
Dorothy Holland, Anthropology, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill
Kim Knott, Theology and Religious Studies, University of Leeds
Gail Lewis, Social Sciences, Open University
Paula Rothenberg, The Murphy Institute, City University of New York

Edited by
Margaret Wetherell and
Chandra Talpade Mohanty

($)SAGE
Los Angeles I London I New Delhi
Singapore I Washington DC
Editorial arrangement© Margaret Wetherell and Chandra Talpade Mohanty
Introduction© Margaret Wetherell 2010
Chapter 1© Stephen Frosh 2010 Chapter 16© Lynne Segal 2010
Chapter 17© Beverley Skeggs 2010

Contents
Chapter 2© Stephen Reicher, Russell Spears and
S. Alexander Haslam 2010 Chapter 18© Cindy Patton 2010
Chapter 3© Toon van Meiji 2010 Chapter 19© R. Aida Hernandez Castillo 2010
Chapter 4© Bethan Benwell and Elizabeth Stokoe 2010 Chapter 20© Rosemarie Garland-Thomson and Moya
Chapter 5© Sarah E. Chinn 2010 Bailey 2010
Chapter 6© Saurabh Dube 2010 Chapter 21© Manisha Desai 2010
Chapter 7© Linda Martin Alcoff 2010 Chapter 22© Carole Boyce Davies and Monica Jardine
Chapter 8© Anne Fausto-Sterling 2010 2010
Chapter 9© Harry J. Elam, Jr and Michele Elam 2010 Chapter 23© Katharina Schmid, Miles Hewstone,
Chapter 10© Rolland Munro 2010 Nicole Tausch, Richard Jenkins, Joanne Hughes and
Chapter 11©Wendy Hollway 2010 Ed Cairns 2010
Chapter 12© Pnina Werbner 2010 Chapter 24© Helen Lucey 2010
Chapter 13© Helen Wood 2010 Chapter 25©Valerie Walkerdine and Peter Banse! 2010 Acknowledgements viii
Chapter 14© Diane Reay 2010 Chapter 26© Bonita Lawrence 2010
Notes on Contributors ix
Chapter 15© Ann Phoenix 2010 Reflections© Chandra Talpade Mohanty 2010
First published 2010 INTRODUCTION 1
Apart from any fair dealing for the purposes of research or private study,
or criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright, Designs and The Field ofldentity Studies 3
Patents Act, 1988, this publication may be reproduced, stored or transmitted Margaret Wetherell
in any form, or by any means, only with the prior permission in writing of the
publishers, or in the case of reprographic reproduction, in accordance with the
terms of licences issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency. Enquiries concerning PART 1 FRAMEWORKS 27
reproduction outside those terms should be sent to the publishers.
SAGE Publications Ltd 1 Psychoanalytic Perspectives on Identity: From Ego to Ethics 29
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SAGE Publications Inc. Stephen Reiche,; Russell Spears and S. Alexander Haslam
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Sarah E. Chinn
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REFERENCES Smith, E.R. (1993) 'Social identity and social emotions:

Toward a new conceptualization of prejudice', in
Asch, S.E. (1952) Social psychology. Engelwood Cliffs, D.M. Mackie and D.L. Hamilton (eds), Affect,
NJ: Prentice Hall. Cognition and Stereotyping, pp. 297-315. San
Drury, J. and Reicher, S.D. (in press) 'Collective psycho­ Diego, CA: Academic Press.
logical empowerment as a model of social change: Spears, R. and Lea, M. (1994) 'Panacea or panopticon?
The hidden power in computer-mediated communi­

Anthropological Perspectives
Researching crowds and power', Journal of Social
Issues. cation', Communication Research, 21: 427-59.
Emerson, R. (1960) From Empire to Nation. Boston, Tajfel, H. (1972) 'Experiments in a vacuum', in J. Israel
and H. Tajfel (eds), The Context of Social Psychology.

on Identity: From Sameness

MA: Beacon Press.
Haslam, S.A., Jetten, J., Postmes, T. and Haslam, C. London: Academic Press.
(2009) 'Social identity, health and well-being: An Tajfel, H. (ed.) (1978) Differentiation Between Social
emerging agenda for applied psychology', Applied Groups: Studies in the Social Psychology of Inter­
Psychology: An International Review, 58: 1-23.
Haslam, S.A., Turner, J.C., Oakes, P.J., McGarty, C. and
Reynolds, K.J. (1998) 'The group as a basis for emer­
group Relations. London: Academic Press.
Tajfel, H. and Turner, J. (1979) 'An integrative theory of
inter-group conflict', in W.G. Austin and S. Worchel
to Difference
gent stereotype consensus', European Review of (eds), The Social Psychology of Inter-group Relations,
Social Psychology, 8: 203-39. pp. 33-47. Monterey, CA: Brooks/Cole.
Judt, T. (2008) 'The "problem of evil" in postwar Europe', Tajfel, H., Flament, C., Billig, M.G. and Bundy, R.F. Toon van Meiji
The New York Review of Books, 14 (2): 33-5. (1971) 'Social categorization and inter-group
Lewin, K. (1952) Field theory in social science. London: behaviour', European Journal of Social Psychology,
Tavistock. 1: 149-7.
Moscovici, S. (1972) Society and theory in social psy­ Turner, J.C. (1982) 'Towards a cognitive redefinition of
chology. In J. Israel and H. Tajfel (Eds.). The context the social group', in H. Tajfel (ed.), Social Identity
of social psychology: A critical assessment and Inter-group Relations. Cambridge: Cambridge For a long time the concept of identity did individuals and groups as well as between
(pp. 17-68). London: Academic Press. University Press. not belong in the toolbox of anthropologists. the psychological and sociological dimen­
Turner, J.C. (1991) Social Influence. Milton Keynes: Traditionally identity was assumed to exist
Oakes, P.J., Haslam, S.A. and Turner, J.C. (1994) sions of socio-cultural relations.
Stereotyping and Social Reality. Oxford: Blackwell. Open University Press. within individuals, whereas anthropology
Turner, J.C. (1999) Some current issues in research on
The different dimensions of identity have
Reicher, S.D. and Haslam, S.A. (in press) 'Beyond help: focused on the interpretation of socio-cultural becoll!e particularly prominent in anthropol­
social identity and self-categorization theories, in
A social psychology of collective solidarity and social relations between people. Identity was con­ ogy since the meaning of 'culture' has shifted.
cohesion', in M. Snyder and S. Sturmer (eds), The N. Ellemers, R. Spears and B. Doosje (eds), Social
sidered a psychological concept and there­ In the past culture referred principally to a
Psychology of Helping. Oxford: Blackwell. identity: Context, commitment, content (pp. 6-34).
Oxford: Blackwell. fore the study of identity was largely neglected reified essence binding a group of people
Reicher, S.D., Haslam, S.A. and Hopkins, N. {2005) by anthropologists. Over the past few decades
'Social identity and the dynamics of leadership: Turner, J.C., Hogg, M.A., Oakes, P.J., Reicher, S.D. and together in a coherent way, but nowadays
Wetherell, M.S. (1987) Rediscovering the Social the interest in identity has changed in anthro­ culture is more associated with heterogeneity
Leaders and followers as collaborative agents in the
Group: A Self-Categorization Theory. Oxford and pology, which is connected to changes in and multivocality, with due implications for a
transformation of social reality', Leadership Quarterly,
16: 547-68. New York: Blackwell. anthropology's understanding of culture, the more dynamic relationship between individual
Reicher, S.D., Spears, R. and Postmes, T. (1995) Turner, J.C., Oakes, P.J., Haslam, S.A. and McGa�, discipline's key concept. These, in tum, and community. A wide range of anthropo­
C.A. (1994) 'Self and collective: Cognition and soC1al follow a rather fundamental transformation
'A social identity model of deindividuation phenom­ _ logical studies has demonstrated that aspects
ena', European Review of Social Psychology, context', Personality and Social Psychology Bulletm, of socio-cultural relations that are inter­ of persons, which were conventionally held as
6: 161-98. 20: 454-63. twined with the end of colonization and the
van Knippenberg, D. and Hogg, M.A. (ed�) (2003) unchangeable character traits, may be con­
Sherif, M. (1967) Group Conflict and Co-operation: beginning of globalization, and therefore sidered as dynamic dimensions of symbolic,
Their Social Psychology. London: Routledge and Leadership and Power: identity Processes m Groups
also reflect on the meaning of identity. socio-cultural and political processes. Indeed,
Kegan Paul. and Organizations. London: Sage.
Originally identity signified a similar under­ that which was formerly understood as pri­
standing of a person by other and self, but vate and fixed is now increasingly held to be
currently identity is basically premised on public and variable. Even cross-cultural stud­
the understanding that any agreement on the ies of emotions have shown that somehow
identity of a person is preceded by an aware­ emotions are cultural, if not political, con­
ness of cultural differences. As a corollary, structions. In view of the major role that
the study of identity is rather ambiguous. anthropological research has played in these
It swings between the differences and simi­ debates it could be argued that the main contri­
larities in socio-cultural relations connecting bution of anthropology to the study of identity
64 THE SAGE HANDBOOK OF IDENTITIES ANTHROPOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES ON IDENTITY: FROM SAMENESS TO DIFFERENCE 65

has been to situate different senses of identity conception of culture and also of identity. This circular view of culture and personal­ by others. Identity in this view referred pri­
in a broader perspective by showing their cul­ Identity was gradually replaced by the notion ity is characteristic of the culture and person­ marily to a coherent sense of self or the feel­
tural positioning and cultural diversity. of identifications, which never occur singu­ ality school, which generated a wealth of ing on the part of the individual of being the
The debate about cultural differences in larly but only in multiple form. The last part anthropological studies in which a new empha­ same as how s/he is viewed and identified by
identity constructions is still one of the most of this chapter is focussed on the new ques­ sis emerged on the individual, thus linking other(s). Identity was also believed to pro­
dynamic fields of study in contemporary tions that are raised by the focus on multiple anthropology and psychology (Honigmann, vide a sense of continuity and sameness
anthropology. It follows the rise of multicul­ identifications, both in theory and in practice, 1954). These analyses were innovative to the through the individual lifecycle, in spite of
tural societies in the era of globalization and illustrated with a number of case-studies extent that they focused on the education of developmental changes taking place.
its associated processes of large-scale migra­ from the Pacific region. socio-cultural behaviour in a range of differ­ In this view identification is the most
tion, which all lead to a growing complexity ent societies, which illustrated that every­ important aspect of identity formation as
of cultural relationships and cultural identi­ where culture had to be learned and acquired identity refers to a well-adjusted personality
ties. In order to grasp the increasingly in the course of children's development that emerges from the same, or identical,
dynamic nature of cultural processes and the CULTURE AND PERSONALITY: FROM (Harris, 1969: 393-463). identification of self by self and other. As a
manner in which they reflect the multiplica­ MEAD TO ERIKSON The dichotomy between culture and per­ corollary, sameness and continuity are the
tion and hybridization of cultural identities of sonality, however, left advocates of the most important characteristics of the concept
groups and individuals alike, anthropology Long before the concept of identity was school's theory also open to criticism. The of identity used by Erikson. This meaning of
and the social sciences generally are badly in introduced into the discipline, anthropolo­ acquisition of culture and the development of identity proceeds directly from the etymol­
need of a multidimensional concept of iden­ gists were discussing different cultural con­ personality are obviously not only one and ogy of the concept, which is derived from the
tity. Although some argue that the concept of ceptions of the person, and in many ways the same process, and the important assump­ Latin identitat and/or identitas, which, in
identity is inadequate for the analysis of these discussions foreshadowed the more tions that a basic personality gave rise to a tum, was derived from identidem, a contrac­
complex cultural relationships, over the years recent identity debate. In American anthro­ particular cultural institution and that a single tion of idem et idem, meaning 'repeatedly'
it has become part and parcel of political pology these interests were addressed in personality type characterized each society (literally 'same and same'; Mackenzie, 1978:
discourses based on, inter alia, non-western what was labelled the culture and personality were difficult to substantiate empirically 19; see also Sokefeld, 1999).
marginality, indigenousness, regional loca­ school, which began in the 1920s. This (Toren, 1996). And did personality not also In the 1960s, Erikson became almost a cult
tion and immigrant status. For that reason, movement proposed studying the develop­ vary as much or more within society as it figure with his popular explanations of the
too, the concept of identity is unlikely to ment of personality to resolve the problems does across societies? identity crisis of troubled youth in his cele­
disappear from popular discourses even if posed by functionalist assumptions of culture A detailed examination of this importarit brated _Identity, Youth and Crisis (1968).
social scientists decide to substitute, for as a relatively closed system of behaviour. tradition of research in the history of anthro­ Thus, he also laid the foundation for the
example, a multidimensional concept of Thereby it fostered a notion of culture in pology is beyond the scope of this chapter, modern anthropological concept of identity,
'self' for the allegedly outdated concept of which certain aspects belong only to certain but the culture and personality school has which is at once subjective and objective,
identity. Hence it is important to scrutinize individuals or categories of people. been important in anthropology since it individual and social, psychological and
different dimensions of identity and separate Early analyses of the relationship between extended the focus of the discipline from the sociological. At the same time, however, it is
analytically their shifting meanings in aca- culture and personality were based on a con­ group to the individual. In addition, the study not unfair to conclude that Erikson's notion
. demic and popular discourses. figurational approach of culture, arguing that of the relationship between culture and per­ of identity, with its universalist · pretensions
Before doing so, however, it is essential the cultural whole determined the nature.of its sonality made many anthropologists familiar and devaluing of socio-cultural factors, later
to provide a brief history of identity in parts and the relations between them. Margaret with the work of psychiatrists such as Sigmund proved to be of minor relevance for compara­
anthropology, beginning with the culture and Mead (1928) and Ruth Benedict (1934), for Freud and Erik Erikson. The influence of the tive studies of identity in anthropology.
personality school. Subsequently, Erikson's example, contended that coherent patterns of latter's work on the so-called 'ego-identity' of
notion of ego-identity will be discussed in thought and action informed and integrated children and youngsters introduced the con­
order to understand its later extension to the all daily practices of individual persons. Later cept of identity to anthropology.
social and cultural identity of groups. This research was increasingly influenced by Erikson (1956) used the concept of ego­ SOCIAL AND CULTURAL IDENTITY:
shift was paralleled by the emergence of Freud's psychoanalysis, which resulted in the identity to describe the process of adjustment FROM GOODENOUGH TO GEERTZ
symbolic anthropology, which generated an idea of a basic personality structure as devel­ between the psychobiological drives of an
ethnopsychological debate about intercul­ oped by Abram Kardiner and Ralph Linton individual's inner self with those influences It is always difficult to establish who coined
tural notions of the self. In the 1970s, con­ (1939). They argued that a causal relationship on the self originating from society. It was a term or introduced a new concept into
structions of gender, ethnicity and national existed between culture and personality: per­ based on the assumption that an individual an established discipline, but Ward Good­
identity also dominated the anthropological sonality was thought to result from the inter­ always struggles to attain consistency enough was probably the first who used the
agenda, before the rise of postmodernism nalization of culture, while culture was between the self s/he would like to be and the concept of identity in an analytical manner
and globalization led to a more dynamic regarded as the projection of personality. self s/he believes is attributed to her or him in his anthropological work. Goodenough's
66 THE SAGE HANDBOOK OF IDENTITIES ANTHROPOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES ON IDENTITY: FROM SAMENESS TO DIFFERENCE 67

conception of identity must be understood Although Goodenough did not yet high­ worldview, value, ethos and, last but not identity, which was consistent with anthropo­
against the background of Goffman's percep­ light the potential conflicts between a per­ least, culture, all of which suggested a certain logical theories about the relation between
tion of society as a complex social situation son's different identities, he did discuss the kind of homogeneity among members .of a person and group or community, such as in
in which individuals are linked through inter­ need to manage identity in order to make it community. the culture and personality moyement
dependent involvement (Goffman, 1959). work. Identity management entails special When in the 1960s, the usefulness of the (Wallace, 1968; see also Strathern, 1994).
Society and culture were consequently behaviour on the part of the individual culture concept was debated again in anthro­ Another important aspect of this view of
approached through the individual. designed to elicit information confirming a pology, Clifford Geertz became an influential identity concerned the presupposition of sta­
Goodenough (1963: 178-9) made a sharp certain status belonging to a specific identity. proponent of a new trend focusing more on bility and permanence. People were regarded
distinction between personal and social iden­ This manipulation of identity relationships is the symbolic dimension of culture instead of as sharing the same identity because they
tity. Those features of identity that are inde­ necessary to permit or support an individual's its cognitive aspects. Geertz (1973a (1966]) also shared the same history and culture. The
pendent of someone's social or occupational attempts to attain consistency between a per­ argued that culture is not locked inside peo­ community or society to which they belonged
status he saw as personal, whereas features sonal and a social identity. ple's heads, but is rather embedded in socio­ was consequently considered to be solid and
deriving from a person's membership of a In sum, it might be argued that, in contrast cultural relationships and embodied in public immutable.
group he considered as social. A personal to Erikson, Goodenough emphasized the symbols. He argued that members of a cer­
identity, then, represents the unique way an social aspects of identity, although his focus tain society communicated mainly through
individual identifies him/herself, or the style on individual strategies to achieve harmony symbols about their culture and identity.
with which someone engages in interaction between her/his own self-understanding and Thus, Geertz imbued the hitherto elusive THE EMERGENCE OF SELF
with others. A person's social identity, on the image of her/him held by the surrounding concept of culture with a relatively fixed
the other hand, is an aspect of self that makes group revealed the psychological influences locus, which has had an important impact on In the 1970s, identity gradually became a key
a difference in how someone's rights and on his work. In his perspective, however, the operationalization of culture in recent concept in anthropology. This also sparked
duties relate to other members of a group or individual identities were rooted primarily in decades. Symbols are widely considered as off a discussion about the theoretical terms of
society. the social order of the community. The important vehicles of cultural meaning and, identity and the conditions of its use in eth­
Goodenough's distinction between per­ assumption of sameness in the representation accordingly, symbolic anthropology brought nographic analyses. Before long it was dis­
sonal and social identity was influential in of self by both the individual and the group about an epistemological shift from a focus puted that individual identity could be
anthropology for a long time. It was devel­ was complemented by the assumption of on the function and structure of culture to the considered a microcosm of collective iden­
oped on the basis of ethnographic field continuity in the individual's sense of iden­ empirical question regarding the meaning of tity. The incongruence between the identity
research in Micronesia, especially on Chuuk tity. In this conception change did take place, culture, of cultural symbols and of cultural of indi'.'iduals and cultural groups was rather
(formerly Truk), which he began in 1947. but chiefly in. situations of unstable under­ identity (Ortner, 1984). obvious, which also generated a debate about
Using network analysis he mapped the dif­ standings of a person's identity which neces­ Geertz himself never elaborated the ana­ the use of an analytical concept developed
ferent social identities of each individual in sitated a new image of a person that would lytical advantage of the identity concept as for studying individuals in the study of
his research community by scaling and clus­ restore the balance in exchanges between he concentrated more on the ethos of culture groups. It was argued that ethnographic evi­
tering the distribution of their rights and individual and other's representations of self. than on the worldview of a society, more on dence for the construction of collective iden­
duties among their identity relationships Thus, identities were believed to change the affective rather than the cognitive dimen­ tities should be sought less from individuals
(Goodenough, 1969). The term identity in largely according to predictable cultural pat­ sions of a people's way of life. His new style and more from analyses of symbolic expres­
this project was reserved for those aspects of terns that were grounded in the stability of of doing anthropology, however, parallels a sions of cultural groups (e.g. Fogelson, 1982).
the self that make a difference in social rela­ the community. new approach of identity in anthropology Methodologically, this implied the emergence
tionships. Accordingly, every individual has The connotations of sameness and stabil­ that emerged in the 1960s, and in which the of ethnographic field research by means of
a number of different social identities. ity in this early conception of identity are concept was extended from the individual participant observation as the trademark of
Interestingly, he discussed the simultaneous also apparent in the more sociological mean­ to the level of groups. This notion of identity anthropology.
occurrence of several identities in certain ing of identity that was developed in the new was understood -in analogy with world­ Although the ethnographic method became
interactions, when individuals would select paradigm of symbolic anthropology that view and emphasized culturally constituted central in a variety of different trends in
more than one identity to deal with the situa­ emerged in the 1960s. In this tradition iden° meanings and values. It corresponded not anthropology, the debate about the terms and
tion. The composite of several identities he tity came to be understood mainly as the only with the assumption of homogeneity in conditions of identity led to two different
defined as an individual's social persona historically and culturally rooted self-image Goodenough's conception of social identity, types of thematic responses in the 1970s.
(Goodenough, 1969: 316). With this notion of a group of people that is predominantly but also with the prevailing view that the First, following the culture and personality
of a social persona Goodenough in fact shaped in contact with other groups of peo­ identity of individuals reflected the identity school and the early stream of cognitive
anticipated the later development of the con.: ples. This meaning of identity was related to of their cultural group. Individual persons anthropology, many anthropologists continued
cept of hybrid or multiple identities. other anthropological concepts, such as were regarded as having a pre-existing to pursue the study of the cultural constitution
 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES ON IDENTITY: FROM SAMENESS TO DIFFERENCE 71
70 THE SAGE HANDBOOK OF IDENTITIES

values that were believed to bind a group of representations of identity will necessarily reconstitution of local identities in an increas­
explanation of nationalism has been criti­ have to pay attention to the cultural complex­
people together (Abu-Lughod, 1991). In ingly global context. A paradoxical conse­
cized on empirical grounds, his focus on the
recent decades, however, the meaning of the ity and inherent ambiguity of identity quence of these socio-cultural and political
subjectivist dimension of nationalism as a (Hannerz, 1992). In the global era identity
concept of culture has shifted to include the changes associated with globalization and
cultural and political construction is frequently implies no longer only sameness and unique­
diversity and derivations of a variety of con­ migration is that identities can no Ion oer be
cited, partly also since only this view explains ness, since these features cannot be defined
structions, representations and interpreta­ seen as exclusive, as individual (literally
the passions that nationalism may generate in isolation of other - cultural - identities. In
tions of culture by individuals and/or 'indivisible'). Instead, it has become appar�
(see also Hobsbawm, 1990; Smith, 1991). increasingly multicultural contexts, identity
subgroups in a certain society (Kuper, 1999). ent that the local and the global are inher­
The conclusion of the debates about cul­ obtains its meaning primarily from the iden­
The differentiation of culture was first ently connected, which causes cultural
tural identity, gender, ethnic identity and tity of the other with whom the self is con­
brought to light through the emergence of identities to be multiply constructed across
national identity in the anthropology of the trasted. People only know who they are by
feminist anthropology. Later it was rein­ different, often intersecting and antagonistic,
1970s and 1980s is again difficult to sum­ knowing who they are not. Indeed, any con­
forced by the globalization process and its discourses, practices and positions. As a
marize, but in this context the study of iden­ struction of identity is preceded by recogni­
associated flows of transnational migration, result, the attention in anthropology and
tity clearly built on the new awareness in tion of difference and an awareness of what
which together have provoked the rise of other social sciences has shifted from singu­
anthropology that dimensions of culture have self is not, but this psychological process is
multicultural societies. This, in turn, has lar identity to multiple identities, although
not only form and function, but also mean­ particularly prominent in intercultural situa­ this emphasis is literally contradictory to the
ing. Thus, the concept of identity (re-)intro­ incited a large-scale revival of cultural tradi­
tions at local levels and a growing complex­ tions (e.g. Woodward, 1997). Not until the original, etymological meaning of identity in
duced, at least to some extent, a psychological difference with other individuals with a dif­
ity of cultural relationships. For that reason, terms of sameness of self (Sokefeld, 1999:
dimension into anthropology. And since the ferent cultural background has become appar­
too, a 'culture' can no longer be considered 417, 2001). Nevertheless, the idea of plural,
meaning of identity is significant for indi­ ent will the sameness and uniqueness of the
to speak with one voice, but is now under­ even competing constructions of identity or
viduals and groups alike, the focus on iden­ cultural identity of self come to the surface.
stood as multi-vocal. This also entails that conceptions of self has become rather common
tity also made it imperative to distinguish Thus, the new conception of identity refers
culture is no longer regarded as unchanging in social psychology and cognitive anthropol­
between individual and group motivation in
and identical for all individuals, but as an simultaneously to the difference and same­ ogy, in which it is linked to the notion of a
ethnographic analyses, with all due conse­
inherently dynamic process of domination ness of self and other, both with psychologi­ person as a composite of many, often contra­
quences for anthropological interpretations
and marginalization in which individuals are cal and sociological connotations. dictory, self-understandings and identities
of culture. Finally, it is important to conclude
positioned differently. Thus, different people The problem with this multidimensional (e.g. Battaglia, 1995; Holland and Lave,
that the identity concept reconfirmed the view of identity, however, is "its elusiveness
attempt to use the economic, political and 2001; Holland et al., 1998; Quinn 2006;
importance of a historical dimension in since the precedence of difference over' same­
symbolic resources that are available to them Strauss, 1997; Strauss and Quinn, 1997).
anthropological analyses (Spicer, 1971), ness makes it logically impossible to provide
in order to try and impose their interpretation In this context it is also relevant to refer to
which became particularly evident through a positive perspective on what identity actu­
and understanding of situations on others, Stuart Hall's definition of identity as 'the
the rise of ethnic and national identities in the ally is. The absence of a 'self' -generated
while at the same time attempting to prevent point of suture between, on the one hand, the
wake of the decolonization process. The end
others from making their definition of the foundation of identity, however, seems discourses and practices which attempt to
of the colonial era also constituted an impor­
situation hegemonic (Wright, 1998). Finally, unavoidable in the current condition of post­ "interpellate", to speak to us or hail us into
tant reason why culture became the subject modernity that denies the possibility to define
it is important to note that these contempo­ place as the social subjects of particular dis­
of reflection in anthropology in the 1980s in positive terms the contemporary condi­
rary struggles about culture and identity are courses, and, on the other hand, the processes
(Clifford, 1988; Clifford and Marcus, 1986;
taking place in situations that are character­ tions of knowledge and representation, or of which produce subjectivities, which con­
Marcus and Fischer, 1986). This debate
ized by unboundedness. Local, national and the subject of self and her/his identity struct us as subjects which can be "spoken"'
about culture in anthropology resulted in a (Jameson, 1991; Lyotard, 1984). The charac­
global networks often meet in them, and (1996: 5-6). Identity, in other words, is
new understanding of the discipline's key
therefore the links between the various terization of identity as resulting from the increasingly regarded as a kind of nexus at
concept, which, in turn, was related to a new
aspects of culture and identity are always awareness of difference instead of sameness which different constructions of self coin­
understanding of the meaning of identity in
historically specific and never form a closed is to some extent also interwoven with cide, and sometimes also collide. Since in
contemporary, postcolonial circumstances. Foucault's (1966: 398) vigorous critique of
or coherent whole. this view the construction of identity, or
A clarification of the new meaning of cul­ the sovereign subject that was so characteris­ rather identities, is a never-ending process,
ture not only sheds light on the contemporary tic of the period of modernity. always incomplete, unfinished and open­
TOWARDS A NEW UNDERSTANDING context in which identities are being recon­ As the aspect of sameness has been ended, Hall (1996: 6) also preferred the term
stituted, but it also clarifies the need to situ­ eclipsed by difference, so has the aspect of identification to the essentialist concept of
OF CULTURE AND IDENTITY
ate the analysis of identity in different uniqueness been substituted by plurality in identity, � idea that has meanwhile been cor­
dimensions of social and cultural situations. the contemporary perspective on identity. roborated by the influential sociologist and
In the past culture referred principally to a
Any contextual analysis of contemporary This process is likewise intertwined with the philosopher Zygmunt Bauman (2001: 129).
coherent system of shared meanings and
72 THE SAGE HANDBOOK OF IDENTITIES ANTHROPOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES ON IDENTITY: FROM SAMENESS TO DIFFERENCE 73

Rather than being characterized by a singular How are individuals constituted in and the ambiguity of identity is also compounded area often leads to small island depopulation.
and stable identity, in the contemporary through multiple different identities, or rather by the reification of identity in popular dis­ The impact of transnational movements and
global world the subject is constantly 'sutur­ identifications? How do multiple identifica­ courses, in which frequently the focus is shifting constructions of identity is thus mag­
ing' itself to different articulations between tions come about in individual lives? And exclusively on aspects of sameness, homoge­ nified in small populations. In some coun­
discourse and practice, which process, in how do multiple identifications of an indi­ neity and historical continuity. The confusion tries, such as Niue and the Cook Islands for
turn, leads to multiple identifications at vidual relate to the identifications of other about the essentialization of identity in popu­ example, three-quarters or more of the total
different moments in time. people in a dynamic socio-cultural context? lar discourses versus the ambivalence sur­ population now resides in New Zealand from
In addition to these questions regarding rounding the concept of identity in academic where many have moved on to Australia.
the sociological implications of changing discourses has caused some to argue that Large numbers of Tongans and Fijians are
cultures and changing identities, it is impor­ identity has been charged with so many also living on the Pacific Rim. Altogether, at
CONTEMPORARY ISSUES tant to examine the psychological implica­ meanings that it has ceased to be a meaning­ least half a million Polynesians are living
tions of contemporary cultural developments. ful concept (Brubaker and Cooper, 2000). abroad today, which is about 25 per cent of
The increasing recognition that identities are The main question in this respect concerns In contrast, the German anthropologist the total population.
never singular, but always multiply con­ the relationship between multiple identifica­ Martin Si:ikefeld (2001) has argued that the Contemporary migration is fundamentally
structed in different contexts, which, in tum, tions within individual constructions of per­ ambivalence caused by the co-existence of different from migration in the past. A search
is intertwined with the prevalence of differ­ sons (rather than between or among constructivist conceptions of identity within for employment no longer seems to be the
ence over sameness in their meaning, raises individuals). More specifically, how do mul­ academia and the reification of identity in main reason to cross national borders, but
important questions that will determine the tiple forms of difference, such as culture, pppular discourse is an essential aspect in the people migrate more and more for a whole
agenda of identity studies in anthropology in space, ethnicity, class and gender intersect usefulness of identity as an analytical cate­ range of other reasons, including cultural
coming years. Formulating the parameters of within individual actors? How are multiple gory. He argues that the dual semantic mean­ reasons associated with differences in life­
the context in which the study of identity and identifications mediated within individual ing of identity can, if fully realized, offer an style as disseminated by multiple global
multiple identifications is to be situated in consciousness? And how do individuals insurance against the conflation of categories media. Transnational migration is conse­
the future, it is essential to consider recent relate different representations of their of practice and analysis. It will remind the quently not only complicating cultural rela­
historical changes that have had a relatively identifications within their experiences of academy that identities, although posed by tionships within the nation-state, but the rise
revolutionary impact on almost all societies themselves? actors as singular, continuous, bounded and of the multicultural society is simultaneously
and which have brought about a global quest These questions were first formulated in more or less integrated, can at the same time having far-reaching implications for the cul­
for identity (Featherstone, 1995; Friedman, feminist anthropology examining the dilem­ be considered as subject to the postmodern tural identity of individual migrants and all
1994). The paradox in the contemporary con­ mas faced by women broadening their hori­ conditions of plurality, intersectionality and their relations at home and abroad.
struction of identities, however, is the focus zon beyond the traditional household (e.g. difference. Indeed, the only option may be to Contemporary identity issues are also inti­
on continuity with a historical past, while Moore, 1993, 1994). A structural difference address identity in all its varying representa­ mately connected with the consequences of
identities are re-constituted in order to in cultural circumstances in someone's life, tions in contemporary practices. A brief eth­ globalization. Contrary to earlier expecta­
re-articulate the self to rapidly changing cir­ however, makes the original dilemmas of nographic excursion into identity issues in one tions globalization has led to a growing
cumstances. History has, in other words, women even more complicated since they highly dynamic region may exemplify this. cultural heterogeneity since it has incited a
become a resource in the articulation of iden­ add a sociological dimension to a psycho­ large-scale revival of cultural traditions at
. tifications in the present and the future: 'the logical issue (Linger, 2005). They raise not local levels. This so-called paradox of glo­
so-called return to roots' is not of prime only the question how people relate different balization is particularly evident in small­
importance, argues Hall, but has been representations of their identity within the CHANGING IDENTIFICATIONS IN THE scale societies, such as those found in the
replaced by 'a coming-to-terms-with our self, but also the issue how in multicultural PACIFIC: SOME ILLUSTRATIVE CASES Pacific, where people often believe them­
"routes"' (1996: 4, see also Clifford, 1997). societies multiple identifications within the selves to be in danger of losing their cultural
Furthermore, it is important to establish self may be acknowledged without represent­ Transnational migration has never been as uniqueness under the impact of global influ­
a more intimate link between the social and ing individual subjects as negative, damaged pervasive as it is today, with unprecedented ences. As a corollary, the role of tradition
the psychological in the anthropological or in crisis (Bammer, 1994). consequences for the transformation and in contemporary discourses of culture and
study of identity. The new view of identity as These questions provoke the methodo­ differentiation of culture and identity. One of identity has been a topical issue in anthropol­
an intersection of temporary attachments logical problem of whether the concept of the most interesting regions in this context is ogy over the past two decades (e.g. Jolly and
to different subject positions in various identity, or identification, is the best term the Asia-Pacific region since it accounts for Thomas, 1992; Keesing, 1989).
discourses and practices raises new questions available to address these issues. Some not almost 40 per cent of the millions of people The distinctive features of the intricate
for anthropology: to what extent is the dif­ · only consider the analytical value of the con­ who cross national borders each year (Goss relationship between tradition, culture and
ferentiation of cultural conditions reflected cept of identity insufficient to address its and Lindquist, 2000). The Pacific region is identity in the contemporary Pacific are that
in the emergence of multiple identifications? entanglement with cultural complexity, but particularly fascinating as migration in the culture is increasingly represented in terms
76 THE SAGE HANDBOOK OF IDENTITIES ANTHROPOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES ON IDENTITY: FROM SAMENESS TO DIFFERENCE 77

Negotiations, tensions, conflicts, agreements relationships are established (Hermans et al., The absence of the other in dialogue is above, a great deal of confusion has emerged
and disagreements not only take place 1992). The concept of the dialogical self is closely connected with the second distinctive among young people growing up in multicul­
between different cultural groupings, but also inspired not only by Bakhtin's (1984 [1929]) feature of dialogical relationships, namely tural situations. Many young people feel
within the selves of multicultural individuals. metaphor of the polyphonic novel, which relative dominance, which Hermans and often alienated both from their old home and
As mentioned above, this raises the topic of allows for a multiplicity of positions among Kempen (1993: 73) exemplify with reference their new home. Indeed, home seems to have
how multiple forms of difference intersect which dialogical relationships may emerge, to the relationship between self and commu­ been lost for many, which raises the question
within individual actors. but also by William James' (1890) classic nity. If the self is defined as a multiplicity of how young people cope with the dynamics of
In this context, two different theoretical distinction between I and me. The I he different identities, it may be argued that the the contemporary era.
positions come to the fore. For a long time described as 'the self as knower', as the community is not only able to address the The notion of dialogue is a main feature of
the prevailing perspective was offered by observing agent. The me, conversely, was self in a variety of identities, but also to contemporary constructions of the multipli­
cognitive dissonance theory as developed by portrayed as 'the self as known', as the object let the self know how these identities, and the cation of identifications in multicultural cir­
Leon Festinger (1957). The central hypothesis of self-observation and self-evaluation. On the way the self functions in them, are approved. cumstances, but the debate about the
of this approach is that any person experiences interface between these traditions, Hermans An important implication of this form of dialogical self itself raises some important
the existence of dissonance between cognitive and Kempen (1993) have argued that the I has cultural dominance is that some identities are questions that will determine the anthropo­
elements as uncomfortable and therefore the possibility to move from one spatial posi­ strongly developed, whereas others are sup­ logical agenda of identity issues in the years
everyone will always try to reduce a discrep­ tion to another in accordance with changes in pressed or even disunited from self. Indeed to come. First, it is important to examine
ancy between conflicting cognitions and situation and time. The I fluctuates among the prevalence of one identity implies the how a dialogue among a variety of different
attempt to achieve consonance, consistency different and even opposed positions, and has necessary neglect or suppression of another I-positions relates to the modern notion of
and coherence. In addition, people are sup­ the capacity imaginatively to endow each identity. Specific experiences, particularly unity as characteristic of the self. At first sight,
posed to actively avoid situations and informa­ position with a voice so that dialogical rela­ negative experiences, may lead to the active a dialogical perspective on the self seems to
tion that might increase cognitive dissonance tions between positions can be established. suppression or even splitting of unwanted contradict the idea that the self is united, but at
since these entail a form of psychological ten­ In a sense the dialogical self is a 'society identities, which slow down the dialogical the same time a sense of integration of the
sion that any individual wishes to diminish. of the mind' (Hermans, 2002), because there movements between different identities. But dialogical self is commonly assumed to be
In multicultural or other dynamic situa­ is no essential difference between the posi­ dominance of one identity over another rarely necessary in order to maintain a balanced per­
tions this notion of self implies that people tions a person takes as part of the self and the excludes dialogical exchange. sonality as distinct from dissociative identity
have no choice but to accommodate diverg­ positions people take as members of a het­
disorders. In this context, however, a remain­
ing cultural identifications within a relatively erogeneous society. Both self and society
ing qqestion concerns the experience and the
stable and coherent self. In order to maintain function as a polyphony of consonant and
portrayal of the integration of I-positions
a cohesive whole the self is therefore sup­ dissonant voices. As such, the dialogical self CHALLENGES AND CONCLUSIONS within the self. How do young Tongans born
posed to reject or suppress identifications is characterized by two main features that are
overseas and Maori youngsters not familiar
that may conflict with other types of cogni­ necessary for understanding its dynamics. Over the past few decades the construction of with marae protocol experience their travers­
tive information and self-representations. First, in a multivoiced self, there is constant identities has changed under the impact of als across different cultural contact zones (see
Currently, it is widely accepted that this theo­ dialogical interchange, while, second, the globalization, which has transformed the also Ibrahim, 2008; Nilan and Feixa, 2006)?
retical approach of the self is inadequate to relationships between the several positions core of modern society into a contact zone To what extent are 'unity' and 'integration'
explain the dilemmas faced by multicultural are characterized by relative dominance. The (Appadurai, 1991) or a network society still appropriate labels to characterize the dia­
citizens in . globalized circumstances (e.g. most important characteristic of the dialogi­ (Castells, 1996). As a corollary, many people, logue among their multiple identifications?
Quinn, 2006; van Meijl, 2008). cal perspective is that the self is seen as a adolescents in particular, now develop mul­ These questions, in turn, are related to a
In cognitive anthropology (e.g. Holland relational phenomenon that transcends the tiple, often multicultural identifications. Part second question regarding the assumption in
and Lave, 2001; Holland et al., 1998) and boundaries between the inside and the out­ of their identity is rooted in the culture in the theory of the dialogical self, namely that
in social psychology (e.g. Hermans and side, between self and other. Methodologically which they were born and raised, but another the process of globalization arouses a great
Kempen, 1993) the idea of plural, competing the dialogical self has been elaborated by part is influenced by and oriented towards deal of uncertainty. Leading exponents of the
conceptions of identity or the self is currently relating the spatialization of dialogical rela­ the more global situation. Some may manage theory of the dialogical self have recently
related to the notion of a person as a compos­ tions to the simultaneity of voices within a to develop a hybrid identity, relatively suc­ argued that uncertainty is a sign of the
ite of multiple, often contradictory, self­ self's discourse. In Bakhtin's view individual cessfully combining aspects of both local and present since more and more people partici­
understandings and identities. This strand of speakers are not simply talking as individu­ global circumstances. Others will be involved pate simultaneously in different cultural net­
analysis has been inspired mainly by the als, but in the utterances of individual people in a never-ending struggle to work out in works which are largely disjunctive. The
Russian literary critic Mikhael Bakhtin, and · the voices of their surrounding groups and which situation they ideally belong. In any contradictions, ambiguities and contrasting
has resulted in a view of the self as a multi­ institutions are heard, even though they may case, the cultural identifications of most will interests that accompany the rise of the mul­
plicity of I-positions among which dialogical be physically absent. no longer be obvious and, as illustrated ticultural network society are assumed not