8 Socioemotional Development in

Middle and Late Childhood

CHAPTER OUTLINE © damircudic/E+/Getty Images RF

EMOTIONAL AND Parents as Managers SCHOOLS

PERSONALITY Attachment Contemporary Approaches to Student
DEVELOPMENT Learning
Stepfamilies
The Self Socioeconomic Status, Ethnicity,
Emotional Development PEERS and Culture
Moral Development Developmental Changes
Gender Peer Status
Social Cognition
FAMILIES
Bullying
Developmental Changes in Parent-
Friends
Child Relationships

Stories of Life-Span Development: Learning in Troubled Schools

In The Shame of the Nation, Jonathan Kozol (2005) described his visits to 60 U.S.
schools in urban low-income areas in 11 states. He saw many schools in
which the minority population was 80 to 90 percent. Kozol observed
numerous inequities—unkempt classrooms, hallways, and restrooms;
inadequate textbooks and supplies; and lack of resources. He also
saw teachers mainly instructing students to memorize material by
rote, especially as preparation for mandated tests, rather than
stimulating them to engage in higher-level thinking. Kozol also
frequently observed teachers using threatening disciplinary tactics
to control the classroom.
However, some teachers Kozol observed were effective in educating
children in these undesirable conditions. At P.S. 30 in the South Bronx,
Mr. Bedrock teaches fifth grade. One student in his class, Serafina, recently
lost her mother to AIDS. When Kozol visited the class, he was told
that two other children had taken the role of “allies in the child’s
What are some of the challenges faced by
struggle for emotional survival” (Kozol, 2005, p. 291). Textbooks are children growing up in the South Bronx?
in short supply for the class, and the social studies text is so out of © Andy Levin/Science Source

222
 date it claims that Ronald Reagan is the country’s president. But Mr. Bedrock told Kozol
that it’s a “wonderful” class this year. About their teacher, 56-year-old Mr. Bedrock, one stu-
dent said, “He’s getting old . . . but we love him anyway” (p. 292). Kozol found the students
orderly, interested, and engaged.
The years of middle and late childhood bring many changes to children’s social and emo-
tional lives. The development of their self-conceptions, moral reasoning, and gendered behav-
ior is significant. Transformations in their relationships with parents and peers occur, and
schooling takes on a more academic flavor. ■

Emotional and Personality Development

In this section, we explore how the self continues to develop during middle and late
childhood and the emotional changes that take place during these years. We also
discuss children’s moral development and many aspects of the role that gender plays
in their development in middle and late childhood.

The Self
What is the nature of the child’s self-understanding, understanding of others, and
self-esteem during the elementary school years? What roles do self-efficacy and self-
regulation play in children’s achievement?

The Development of Self-Understanding

In middle and late childhood, especially from 8 to 11 years of age, children increasingly
describe themselves with psychological characteristics and traits rather than the more
concrete self-descriptions of younger children. Older children are more likely to describe
themselves as “popular, nice, helpful, mean, smart, and dumb” (Harter, 2006, p. 526).
In addition, during the elementary school years, children become more likely to
recognize social aspects of the self (Harter, 2012, 2013, 2016). They include references
to social groups in their self-descriptions, such as referring to themselves as a Girl Scout,
a Catholic, or someone who has two close friends (Livesly & Bromley, 1973).
Children’s self-understanding in the elementary school years also includes increas-
ing reference to social comparison (Harter, 2012, 2013, 2016). At this point in devel-
opment, children are more likely to distinguish themselves from others in comparative
rather than in absolute terms. That is, elementary-school-age children are no longer
as likely to think about what they do or do not do, but are more likely to think about
what they can do in comparison with others.
Consider a series of studies in which Diane Ruble
(1983) investigated children’s use of social comparison in
How Would You...? their self-evaluations. Children were given a difficult task
As a psychologist, how would and then offered feedback on their performance as well
you explain the role of social as information about the performances of other children
comparison for the development their age. The children were then asked for self-
of a child’s sense of self? evaluations. Children younger than 7 made virtually no
reference to the information about other children’s per-
formances. However, many children older than 7 included socially comparative infor-
mation in their self-descriptions.

Understanding Others
Earlier we described the advances and limitations of young children’s social
understanding. In middle and late childhood, perspective taking, the social
perspective taking The social cog-
cognitive process involved in assuming the perspective of others and under- nitive process involved in assuming
standing their thoughts and feelings, improves. Executive function is at work the perspective of others and under-
in perspective taking. Among the executive functions called on when standing their thoughts and feelings.

EMOTIONAL AND PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT 223

 children engage in perspective taking are cognitive inhibition
(controlling one’s own thoughts to consider the perspective of
others) and cognitive flexibility (seeing situations in different
ways).
In middle and late childhood, children also become more
skeptical of others’ claims (Heyman, Fu, & Lee, 2013). They
become increasingly skeptical of some sources of information
about psychological traits. A recent study of 6- to 9-year-olds
revealed that older children were less trusting and more skep-
tical of others’ distorted claims than were younger children
(Mills & Elashi, 2014).

Self-Esteem and Self-Concept

High self-esteem and a positive self-concept are important
What are some
characteristics of children’s well-being (Marsh, Martin, & Xu,
changes in chil-
2012). Investigators sometimes use the terms self-esteem and self-concept interchange-
dren’s understand-
ably or do not precisely define them, but there is a meaningful difference between them
ing of others in
(Harter, 2013, 2016). Self-esteem refers to global evaluations of the self; it is also
middle and late
called self-worth or self-image. For example, a child may perceive that she is not
childhood?
merely a person but a good person. Self-concept refers to domain-specific evaluations
©Monkey Business
of the self. Children can make self-evaluations in many domains of their lives— Images/Shutterstock
academic, athletic, appearance, and so on. In sum, self-esteem refers to global self-
evaluations, self-concept to domain-specific evaluations.
The foundations of self-esteem and self-concept emerge from the quality of parent-
child interaction in infancy and early childhood. Thus, if children have low self-esteem
in middle and late childhood, they may have experienced neglect or abuse in relation-
ships with their parents earlier in development. Children with high self-esteem are
more likely to be securely attached to their parents and have parents who engage in
sensitive caregiving (Thompson, 2015, 2016).
Self-esteem reflects perceptions that do not always match reality (Miller &
others, 2015). A child’s self-esteem might reflect a belief about whether he or she
is intelligent and attractive, for example, but that belief is not necessarily accurate.
Thus, high self-esteem may refer to accurate, justified perceptions of one’s worth
as a person and one’s successes and accomplishments, but it can also refer to an
arrogant, grandiose, unwarranted sense of superiority over others (Lavner & oth-
ers, 2016). In the same manner, low self-esteem may reflect either an accurate
perception of one’s shortcomings or a distorted, even pathological insecurity and
inferiority.
Variations in self-esteem have been linked with many aspects of children’s devel-
opment. However, much of the research is correlational rather than experimental.
Recall that correlation does not equal causation. Thus, if a correlational study finds
an association between children’s low self-esteem and low academic achievement, low
academic achievement could cause the low self-esteem as much as low self-esteem
could cause low academic achievement. A recent longitudinal study explored whether
self-esteem is a cause or consequence of social support in youth (Marshall & others,
2014). In this study, self-esteem predicted subsequent changes in social support but
social support did not predict subsequent changes in self-esteem.
What are the consequences of low self-esteem? Low self-esteem has been impli-
cated in overweight and obesity, anxiety, depression, suicide, drug use, and delin-
quency (Blanco & others, 2014; Hill, 2016; Orth & others, 2016; Park & Park, 2015;
Rieger & others, 2016; Sanders & others, 2015). One study revealed that youth with
low self-esteem had lower life satisfaction at 30 years of age (Birkeland & others,
2012). Another recent study found that low and decreasing self-esteem
self-esteem The global evaluative
dimension of the self. Self-esteem is
in adolescence was linked to adult depression two decades later (Steiger
also referred to as self-worth or self- & others, 2014).
image. Researchers have found only moderate correlations between school
self-concept Domain-specific eval- performance and self-esteem, and these correlations do not suggest that
uations of the self. high self-esteem produces better school performance (Baumeister, 2013).
224 CHAPTER 8 SOCIOEMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE AND LATE CHILDHOOD
 How Would You...? In fact, efforts to increase students’ self-esteem have not
As an educator, how would you always led to improved school performance (Davies &
work with children to improve
Brember, 1999).
Children with high self-esteem have greater initia-
their self-esteem in relation to
tive, but this can produce positive or negative outcomes.
their academic ability?
For example, children with high self-esteem are prone to
both prosocial and antisocial actions (Krueger, Vohs, &
Baumeister, 2008).
In addition, a current concern is that too many of today’s children grow up receiving
praise for mediocre or even poor performance and as a consequence have inflated self-
esteem (Stipek, 2005). They may have difficulty handling competition and criticism. This
theme is vividly captured by the title of a book, Dumbing Down Our Kids: Why American
Children Feel Good About Themselves But Can’t Read, Write, or Add (Sykes, 1995). In
a series of studies, researchers found that inflated praise, although well intended, may cause
children with low self-esteem to avoid important learning experiences such as tackling
challenging tasks (Brummelman & others, 2014). And a recent study found that narcis-
sistic parents especially overvalue their children’s talents (Brummelman & others, 2015).

Increasing Children’s Self-Esteem

Teachers, social workers, health-care professionals, and others are often concerned
about low self-esteem in the children they serve. Researchers have suggested several
strategies to improve self-esteem in at-risk children (Bednar, Wells, & Peterson, 1995;
Harter, 2006, 2012, 2016).
̭
Identify the causes of low self-esteem. Intervention should target the causes of
low self-esteem. Children have the highest self-esteem when they perform com-
petently in domains that are important to them. Therefore, it is helpful to encour-
age children to identify and value their areas of competence, such as academic
skills, athletic skills, physical attractiveness, and social acceptance.
̭
Provide emotional support and social approval. Some children with low self-
esteem come from conflictual families or conditions of abuse or neglect—
situations in which emotional support is unavailable.
In some cases, alternative sources of support can be
arranged either informally through the encourage-
ment of a teacher, a coach, or another significant
adult, or more formally through programs such as Big
Brothers and Big Sisters.
̭
Help children achieve. Achievement also can improve
children’s self-esteem. For example, the straightfor-
ward teaching of real skills to children often results in
increased achievement and thus in enhanced self-
esteem. Children develop higher self-esteem when they
know which tasks will achieve their goals and when
they have successfully performed them or similar tasks. How can parents
̭
Help children cope. Self-esteem can be built when a child faces a problem and help children
develop higher
tries to cope with it, rather than avoiding it. If coping rather than avoidance pre-
self-esteem?
vails, children often face problems realistically, honestly, and nondefensively. This
© Roy Mehta/Taxi/Getty
produces favorable self-evaluative thoughts, which lead to the self-generated Images
approval that raises self-esteem.

Self-Efficacy
Self-efficacy is the belief that one can master a situation and produce favorable out-
comes. Albert Bandura (2001, 2006, 2010, 2012, 2016), whose social cognitive theory
self-efficacy The belief that one
was described earlier, states that self-efficacy is a critical factor in
can master a situation and produce whether or not students achieve. Self-efficacy is the belief that “I can”;
favorable outcomes. helplessness is the belief that “I cannot.” Students with high self-efficacy
EMOTIONAL AND PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT 225
 How Would You...? endorse such statements as “I know that I will be able to
As an educator, how would you learn the material in this class” and “I expect to be able
encourage enhanced self-efficacy
to do well at this activity.”
Dale Schunk (2008, 2012, 2016) has applied the con-
in a student who says, “I can’t do
cept of self-efficacy to many aspects of students’ achieve-
this work”?
ment. In his view, self-efficacy influences a student’s
choice of activities. Students with low self-efficacy for learning may avoid many
learning tasks, especially those that are challenging. By contrast, children with high
self-efficacy eagerly work at learning tasks (Schunk, 2012, 2016). Students with high
self-efficacy are more likely to expend effort and persist longer at a learning task than
students with low self-efficacy.

Self-Regulation
One of the most important aspects of the self in middle and late childhood is the
increased capacity for self-regulation (Blair, 2016; Eisenberg, Smith, & Spinrad, 2016;
Muller & Kerns, 2015; Wang & Cai, 2016). This increased capacity is characterized by
deliberate efforts to manage one’s behavior, emotions, and thoughts that lead to increased
social competence and achievement (Blair, Raver, & Finegood, 2016; Eisenberg,
Spinrad, & Valiente, 2016; Schunk, 2016). In a recent study, higher levels of self-control
assessed at 4 years of age were linked to improvements in the math and reading achieve-
ment of early elementary school children living in predominantly rural and low-income
contexts (Blair & others, 2015). Also, study of almost 17,000 3- to 7-year-old children
revealed that self-regulation was a protective factor for children growing up in low-
socioeconomic-status (SES) conditions (Flouri, Midouhas, & Joshi, 2014).
The increased capacity for self-regulation is linked to developmental advances in
the brain’s prefrontal cortex, which was discussed in the chapter on physical and
cognitive development in middle and late childhood (Wendelken & others, 2016). In
that discussion, increased focal activation in the prefrontal cortex was linked to
improved cognitive control. Such cognitive control includes self-regulation.

Industry Versus Inferiority

Earlier we described Erik Erikson’s (1968) eight stages of human development. His
fourth stage, industry versus inferiority, appears during middle and late childhood. The
term industry expresses a dominant theme of this period: Children become interested in
how things are made and how they work. When children are encouraged in their efforts
to make, build, and work—whether building a model airplane, constructing a tree house,
fixing a bicycle, solving an addition problem, or cooking—their sense of industry
increases. Conversely, parents who see their children’s efforts at making things as “mis-
chief” or “making a mess” will tend to foster a sense of inferiority in their children.

Emotional Development
Preschoolers become more adept at talking about their own and others’ emotions.
They also show a growing awareness of the need to control and manage their emotions
to meet social standards. In middle and late childhood, children further develop their
understanding and self-regulation of emotion (Calkins & Perry, 2016).

Developmental Changes
Developmental changes in emotions during middle and late childhood include the
following (Denham, Bassett, & Wyatt, 2015; Goodvin, Thompson, & Winer, 2015;
Kuebli, 1994):
̭
Improved emotional understanding. Children in elementary school develop an increased
ability to understand such complex emotions as pride and shame. These emotions
become less tied to the reactions of other people; they become more self-generated
and integrated with a sense of personal responsibility. Also, during middle and late
childhood as part of their understanding of emotions, children can engage in “mental
226 CHAPTER 8 SOCIOEMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE AND LATE CHILDHOOD
 time travel,” in which they anticipate and recall the cognitive and emotional aspects
of events (Lagattuta, 2014a, b; Lagattuta & others, 2015).
̭
Increased understanding that more than one emotion can be experienced in a par-
ticular situation. A third-grader, for example, may realize that achieving something
might involve both anxiety and joy.
̭
Increased tendency to be aware of the events leading to emotional reactions. A
fourth-grader may become aware that her sadness today is influenced by her friend
moving to another town last week.
̭
Ability to suppress or conceal negative emotional reactions. A fifth-grader has
learned to tone down his anger better than he used to when one of his classmates
irritates him.
̭
The use of self-initiated strategies for redirecting feelings. In the elementary school
years, children become more reflective about their emotional lives and increasingly
use strategies to control their emotions. They become more effective at cognitively
managing their emotions, such as soothing themselves after an upset.
̭
A capacity for genuine empathy. A fourth-grader, for example, feels sympathy for
a distressed person and experiences vicariously the sadness the distressed person
is feeling.

Coping with Stress

An important aspect of children’s emotional lives is learning how to cope with
stress. As children get older, they more accurately appraise a stressful situation and
determine how much control they have over it (Brenner, 2016; Lieberman & Chu,
2016; Masten, 2015). Older children generate more coping alternatives to stressful
conditions and use more cognitive coping strategies (Saarni & others, 2006). They
are better than younger children at intentionally shifting their thoughts to something
that is less stressful; and at reframing, or changing their perception of a stressful
situation. For example, a younger child may be very disappointed that a teacher did
not say hello when the child arrived in the classroom. An older child may reframe
the situation and think, “My teacher may have been busy with
other things and just forgot to say hello.”
By 10 years of age, most children are able to use cognitive
strategies to cope with stress (Saarni, 1999). However, in fami-
lies that have not been supportive and are characterized by tur-
moil or trauma, children may be so overwhelmed by stress that
they do not use such strategies (Klingman, 2006).
Disasters, such as the bombing of the World Trade
Center in New York City in September 2001 or Hurricane
Sandy in 2012, can especially harm children’s development
and produce adjustment problems (Scheeringa, Cobham, &
McDermott, 2014). Among the outcomes for children who
experience disasters are acute stress reactions, depression,
panic disorder, and post-traumatic stress disorder
(Pfefferbaum, Newman, & Nelson, 2014). The likelihood
that a child will face these problems following a disaster
depends on factors such as the nature and severity of the
disaster and the type of support available to the child (Masten
& others, 2015). Also, children who have developed a num-
Children grieve at a memorial near the Sandy ber of coping techniques have the best chance of adapting
Hook Elementary School in Newtown, Con- and functioning competently in the face of disasters and
necticut, following the shooting in December trauma (Ungar, 2015).
2012 that left 26 people dead, 20 of them In research on disasters and trauma, the term dose-response
young children. What are some effective effects is often used. A widely supported finding in this research
strategies that adults can use to help children area is that the more severe the disaster or trauma (dose), the
cope with traumatic events? worse the adaptation and adjustment (response) following the
© Justin Lane/EPA/Corbis event (Masten, 2015).
EMOTIONAL AND PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT 227
 Researchers have offered some recommendations for parents, teachers, and other
adults caring for children after a disaster (Gurwitch & others, 2001):
̭
R
eassure children (numerous times, if necessary) of their safety and security.
̭
Allow children to retell events and be patient in listening to them.
̭
Encourage children to talk about any disturbing or con-
fusing feelings, reassuring them that such feelings are How Would You...?
normal after a stressful event. As a social worker, how would
̭
Protect children from re-exposure to frightening situa- you counsel a child who has been
tions and reminders of the trauma—for example, by lim- exposed to a traumatic event?
iting discussion of the event in front of the children.
̭
Help children make sense of what happened, keeping in mind that children may
misunderstand what took place. For example, young children “may blame them-
selves, believe things happened that did not happen, believe that terrorists are in
the school, etc. Gently help children develop a realistic understanding of the
event” (p. 10).

Moral Development
Recall that Piaget proposed that younger children are characterized by heteronomous
morality but that by 10 years of age they have moved into a higher stage called
autonomous morality. According to Piaget, older children consider the intentions of
the individual, believe that rules are subject to change, and are aware that punishment
does not always follow wrongdoing.
A second major perspective on moral development was proposed by Lawrence
Kohlberg (1958, 1986). Piaget’s cognitive stages of development serve as the under-
pinnings for Kohlberg’s theory, but Kohlberg proposed six stages of moral develop-
ment, which he believed are universal. Development from one stage to another, said
Kohlberg, is fostered by opportunities to take the perspective of others and to experi-
ence conflict between one’s current stage of moral thinking and the reasoning of
someone at a higher stage.

The Kohlberg Stages

Kohlberg’s stages fall into three levels of moral thinking, each of which is character-
ized by two stages (see Figure 1).

LEVEL 1 LEVEL 2 LEVEL 3

Preconventional Level Conventional Level Postconventional Level

Stage 1 Stage 3 Stage 5

Heteronomous Morality Mutual Interpersonal Social Contract or Utility
Children obey because adults tell them to Expectations, Relationships, and Individual Rights
obey. People base their moral decisions and Interpersonal Conformity
Individuals reason that values, rights, and
on fear of punishment. Individuals value trust, caring, and loyalty principles undergird or transcend the law.
to others as a basis for moral judgments.
Stage 2 Stage 6
Individualism, Instrumental purpose, Stage 4 Universal Ethical Principles
and Exchange Social System Morality The person has developed moral
judgments that are based on universal
Individuals pursue their own interests but Moral judgments are based on
human rights. When faced with a dilemma
let others do the same. What is right understanding of the social order, law,
between law and conscience, a personal,
involves equal exchange. justice, and duty.
individualized conscience is followed.

Figure 1 Kohlberg’s Three Levels and Six Stages of Moral Development

Kohlberg argued that people everywhere develop their moral reasoning by passing through these age-based stages. Where does Kohlberg’s the-
ory stand on the nature-nurture and continuity-discontinuity issues?

228 CHAPTER 8 SOCIOEMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE AND LATE CHILDHOOD

 Preconventional reasoning is Kohlberg’s lowest level of moral reasoning. At this
level, children interpret good and bad in terms of external rewards and punishments.
̭
Stage 1. Heteronomous morality is the first stage in preconventional reasoning.
At this stage, moral thinking is tied to punishment. For example, children think
that they must obey because they fear punishment for disobedience.
̭
Stage 2. Individualism, instrumental purpose, and exchange is the second
stage of preconventional reasoning. At this stage, children reason that pursuing
their own interests is the right thing to do, but they let others do the same. Thus,
they think that what is right involves an equal exchange. They reason that if they
are nice to others, others will be nice to them in return.
Conventional reasoning is the second, or intermediate, level in
Kohlberg’s theory of moral development. At this level, individuals apply preconventional reasoning The
lowest level in Kohlberg’s theory of
certain standards, but they are the standards set by others, such as parents
moral development. The individual’s
or the government. moral reasoning is controlled primarily
̭
Stage 3. Mutual interpersonal expectations, relationships, and by external rewards and punishment.
interpersonal conformity is Kohlberg’s third stage of moral devel- heteronomous morality Kohlberg’s
opment. At this stage, individuals value trust, caring, and loyalty to first stage in preconventional reason-
ing, in which moral thinking is tied
others as a basis of moral judgments. Children and adolescents often
to punishment.
adopt their parents’ moral standards at this stage, seeking parental
individualism, instrumental pur-
approval as a “good girl” or a “good boy.”
pose, and exchange The second
̭
Stage 4. Social systems morality is the fourth stage in Kohlberg’s Kohlberg stage of moral develop-
theory of moral development. At this stage, moral judgments are based ment. At this stage, individuals pur-
on understanding the social order, law, justice, and duty. For example, sue their own interests but also let
others do the same.
adolescents may reason that in order for a community to work effec-
tively, it needs to be protected by laws that community members obey. conventional reasoning The sec-
ond, or intermediate, level in Kohl-
Postconventional reasoning is the highest level in Kohlberg’s the- berg’s theory of moral development.
ory of moral development. At this level, the individual recognizes alter- At this level, individuals abide by
certain standards, but they are the
native moral courses, explores the options, and then decides on a personal
standards of others, such as parents
moral code. or the laws of society.
̭
Stage 5. Social contract or utility and individual rights is the fifth mutual interpersonal expecta-
Kohlberg stage. At this stage, individuals reason that values, rights, tions, relationships, and interper-
and principles undergird or transcend the law. A person evaluates sonal conformity Kohlberg’s third
stage of moral development. At this
the validity of actual laws and may examine social systems in terms
stage, individuals value trust, caring,
of the degree to which they preserve and protect fundamental human and loyalty to others as a basis of
rights and values. moral judgments.
̭
Stage 6. Universal ethical principles is the sixth and highest stage social systems morality The
in Kohlberg’s theory of moral development. At this stage, the person fourth stage in Kohlberg’s theory of
has developed a moral standard based on universal human rights. moral development. Moral judg-
ments are based on understanding
When faced with a conflict between law and conscience, the person the social order, law, justice, and
reasons that conscience should be followed, even though the deci- duty.
sion might bring risk. postconventional reasoning The
Kohlberg believed that these levels and stages occur in a sequence highest level in Kohlberg’s theory of
moral development. At this level, the
and are age related: Before age 9, most children use level 1, preconven-
individual recognizes alternative
tional reasoning based on external rewards and punishments. By early moral courses, explores the options,
adolescence, moral reasoning is increasingly based on level 2, the appli- and then decides on a personal
cation of standards set by others. Most adolescents reason at the higher moral code.
part of level 2 (stage 3), with some signs of stages 2 and 4. Not everyone social contract or utility and
progresses beyond level 2, even in adulthood, but by early adulthood a individual rights The fifth Kohlberg
small number of individuals reason in postconventional ways (level 3). stage. At this stage, individuals rea-
son that values, rights, and principles
What evidence supports this description of development? A 20-year
undergird or transcend the law.
longitudinal investigation found that use of stages 1 and 2 decreased with
universal ethical principles The
age (Colby & others, 1983) (see Figure 2). Stage 4, which did not appear
sixth and highest stage in Kohlberg’s
at all in the moral reasoning of 10-year-olds, was reflected in the moral theory of moral development. Indi-
thinking of 62 percent of the 36-year-olds. Stage 5 did not appear in any viduals develop a moral standard
individuals until age 20 to 22, and even later in adulthood it never based on universal human rights.

EMOTIONAL AND PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT 229