The Lost World of Old Europe

The Danube Valley, 5000-3500 BC

The Lost World of Old Europe
The Danube Valley, 5000-3500 BC

Edited by David W. Anthony

W ith Jennifer Y. Chi

Including contributions by Douglass W. Bailey, Catalin Bern, Veaceslav Bicbaev,

John Chapman, Cornelia-Magda Lazarovici, loan O pri§, Ernst Pernicka,
Dragomir Nico lae Popovici, Michel Louis Seferiades, and Vladimir Slavchev

The Institute for the Study of the Ancient World

at New York Unive rsity

Princeton University Press

Princeton and Oxford
Published by the Institute for the Study of the Ancient World (ISAW)
at New York University and Princeton University Pre;;;;

Institute for the Study of the Ancient \\/odd

15 E. 84th Street
New York, New York 10028
nyu.eduiisaw

Princeton University Press

41 William Street
Princeton, New Jersey 08540
press.princeton.edu

'T'he exhibition 'T'he Lost World of Old Europe: 'T'he Danube Valley,
5000---3500 HC (November 11, 2009·--April 25, 2010) has been organized by
the Institute for the Study of the Ancient World at New York University
in collaboration with the National History M:useum of Romania,
Bucharest, and with the participation of the Varna Regional Museum
of History, Bulgaria, and the National Museum of Archaeology and
liistory of Moldova, Chi~inau.

The exhibition and its accompanying catalogue were made possible

through the generous support of the Leon Levy Foundation.

Managing Editor: Julienne Kim

Copy Editor: Mary Cason
Designer: Co De. New York Inc., Jenny 8 Del Corte Hirschfeld,
.1vlischa Leiner, Franck Doussot, Raul Bortolotti
Color Separations and Production: Colorfast, New York, NY
Printer: L.E.G.O., EuroGrafica, SpA, Vicenza, Italy

Copyright rfi 2010 by the Institute for the Study of the Ancient World
at New YOrk University and Princeton University Press

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form
or by any electronic or mechanical means, including information storage
and retrieval systems, without permission in writing from the Institute fr•r
the Study of the Ancient World and Princeton University Press, except by
a reviewer, who may quote brief passages in a review.

Library of Congress Control Number: 2009933358

ISBN: 978--0-691.-14388--0

The book was typeset in Sabon MT Pro and Helvetica Neue LT WIG
and printed on Condat Silk 150gsm.

Printed and bound in Vicenza, Italy

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2
 Contents

6 Letter from Hoger S. Bagnall 90 4. Copper Age Traditions North

Director, Institute for the Study of the Ancient of the Danube River
\'('orld, New York University Dragomir Nicolae Popovici
8 Letter from Crk;;an Mu9eteanu 112 5. The Figurines of Old Europe
Director, The National History Museum Douglass W. Bailey
of Romania, Bucharest 128 6. Cucuteni Ceramics: Technology, Typology,
10 Lotter from Cheorghe Dumitroaia Evolution, and Aesthetics
Director, Neamr County Ivluseurn Complex, Cornelia-l\!lagda Lazarovici
Piatra Neamr 162 7. The Invention of Copper Metallurgy and
12 Letter from Lacramioara Stratulat the Copper Age of Old Europe
Director, 1vloldova National 1vlusenm Complex, Li~i Ernst Pernicka and David \I/. Anthony
14 Letter from Valentin Plelnyov 178 8. Spondylus and long-Distance Trade
Director, Varna Regional l'vlnseu rn of History, Va rm in Prehistoric Europe
16 Lotter from Eugen Sava Michel Louis Seferiades
National Ivluseum of Archaeology and History 192 9. The Varna Eneolithic Cemetery in
of Moldova, Chi~inau the Context of the late Copper Age
18 Foreword, Jennifer Y. Chi in the East Balkans
Associate Director for Exhibitions and Public Vladimir Slavchcv
Prograrns, Institute for the Study of the Ancient 212 10. The Copper Age Cemetery of Giurgiule~ti
\Vorld, New York University Veaceslav Bicbaev
22 Acknowlod~Jrnents
226 Museum Abbreviations
26 Map of the Hegion and Selected Sites 228 Exhibition Checklist
240 Bibliography
28 1. The Rise and Fall of Old Europe
254 Photography and Drawing Credits
David W. Anthony
58 2. A History of Archaeology and
Museography in Romania
loan Opri~ and Catalin Bern
74 3. Houses, Households, Villages, and
Proto-Cities in Southeastern Europe
John Chapman
Letter from
Roger S. Bagnall
Director, Institute for the Study of the Ancient World, New York University

It is an honor to introduce the second international loan exhibition at the Institute for
the Study of the Ancient World, at New York University, a center for advanced research
and doctoral education in all disciplines concerned with the antiquity of the entire Old
World. It has its roots in the passion that Shelby White and Leon Levy had for the art
and history of the ancient world, which led them to envision an institute that would offer
a panoptic view of antiquity across vast stretches of time and place. The Institute for
the Study of the Ancient World aims to encourage particularly the study of economic,
religious, political, and cultural connections between ancient civilizations. It presents
the results of the research carried out by its faculty, visiting researchers , and students,
not only through scholarly publications and lectures but also through public exhibitions
in the galleries in its home at 15 East 84th Street in New York City. It is our intention
that these exhibitions should reflect the Institute's commitment to studying cross-cultural
connections and significant areas of the ancient world often neglected in research,
teaching, and public presentations.

Th e Lost World of Old Europe takes us in a direction that I could not have envisioned
when the Institute began in 2007 but which is profoundly true to our mission. As a
student I was taught about the Greek Neolithic, but with no sense of its connections to
a larger cultural canvas to the north. And when the transition to metal working in
Anatolia and the Near East was taught, Europe was never mentioned; we had no sense
of how advanced metallurgy was in that region, nor how rich the Chalcolithic societies
were. That is a great and exciting revelation, as I believe it will be for most whose back-
ground is Classical or Near Eastern. But equally remarkable is the sense that emerges
from these finds of the connectedness of Old Europe to Asia and to the Aegean, as well
as to points further north.

6
The Institute is profoundly grateful to Professor David Anthony of Hartwick College,
who functioned as our guest curator for this exhibition, and ensured the timely com-
pletion of a scholarly catalogue that reflects the high standards of research conducted at
15 East 84th Street. His multidisciplinary approach to the prehistoric steppe region,
particularly that in modern Russia and Ukraine, has much furthered our understanding
of the spread of Indo-European languages and the archaeological data that support
his argument. Old Europe may retain its enigmatic place within the large dialogue of
prehistoric Europe, but we hope that this catalogue will provide scholars, students,
and interested persons with a publication that presents the many and varied questions
surrounding this discipline.

7
Letter from
Cri~an Mu~e1eanu
Director, National History Museum of Romania, Bucharest

Situated in the southeastern part of Europe, Romania is a country with a remarkable

cultural diversity as well as an outstanding and varied natural landscape. The major
geographic landmarks are represented by the Carpathians, in effect the vertebral spine
of the Romanian territory and at the same time an area rich with natural resources;
the Danube, which forms the greater part of Romania's southern border; and the Black
Sea, situated to the southeast. From early times these features determined a densely
populated human habitation, resulting in the archaeological vestiges found on Romania's
territory and dating to the Paleolithic. Almost without a doubt, from the historical and
archaeological points of view, the most representative epochs are the prehistoric-the
Neo-Eneolithic and the Bronze and Iron Ages-as well as that of Greek and Roman
classical antiquity.

It is well-known to scholars and the broad public interested in ancient history that a large
part of what is now Romania, the kingdom of Dacia, was part of the Roman Empire
as early as the second century AD. Less widely known, however, is a more distant epoch
of the history of this land, namely, the Neo-Eneolithic period. Thus, the National
History Museum of Romania is honored to present , in partnership with other Romanian
museums and research institutes, the exhibition The Lost World of Old Europe, which
had its origins in a very ambitious initiative launched by the Institute for the Study of
the Ancient World at New York University in 2008. The first exhibition devoted to the
archaeological history of Romania that has been organized as an American-Romanian
partnership, it presents objects of exceptional value drawn from the national cultural
heritage of Romania.

The cultural artifacts selected to be part of this exhibition offer the public the possibil-
ity to reflect upon the amazing, avant la lettre modernity of the prehistor ic civilizations
that existed in the Carpatho-Danubian area more than seven millennia ago. Among

8
these cultures, the Cuc uteni civilization is distinguished by its particular expression of
prehistoric art and spirituality, as are the discoveries belonging to the Boian, Gumelnira,
Hamangia, Vadastra, and Vinea cultures, to name just a few of the names that resonate
within the Neo-Eneolithic in the Lower Danube area.

The organ ization of this exhibition created the premise for excellent cooperation between
the Institute for the Study of the Ancient World and the National History Museum of
Romania, and the results of such an endeavor are now on display for assessment by the
public and scholars. We wish to express our deep gratitude for the generous effort under-
taken by our partners from the Institute for the Study of the Ancient World, as well as to
the Romanian museographers who contributed to the development of this project. Also
our great t hanks are directed to the Romanian Ministry of Culture, Religious Affairs
and National Heritage and the U.S. Embassy in Bucharest , together with other Romanian
and American institutions that continually supported and contributed to the positive
achievements of this major cultural project. At the same time, we would like to thank the
Museum of Cycladic Art in Athens for its interest in presenting this exhibition.

We hope that in the future the national cultural heritage of Romania and the valuable
archaeological objects found in the collections of Romanian museums will represent
significant arguments for undertaking similar cultural initiatives that aim to offer a dedi-
cated framework for prestigious international activities of cultural diplomacy.

9
Letter from
Gheorghe Dumitroaia
Director, Neamt County Museum Complex, Piatra Neamt

Certainly, within no other museum located in the area once occupied by the tribes of
the Cucuteni-Tripol'ye cultural complex, can one better observe the beginnings of their
painted ceramics than at Piatra Neami. The discoveries from Izvoare and Bode~ti­
Frumu~ica, which bear a particularly important relationship to the development of the
early stages of the Cucuteni A phase, are well represented within the museum's main
collection, as are ceramics from Tarpe~ti, Calu, Rauce~ti Ghelaie~ti, and Poduri, which
outline the later stages of evolution. The collection's anthropomorphic objects, together
with the data regarding copper metallurgy, stand as proof that this culture reached the
highest levels of both civilization and spirituality.

To those unfamiliar with the History and Archaeology Museum in Piatra Neami, one
might note that its foundation, development , and growth were closely intertwined with
the discovery and investigation of the settlements belonging to the Precucuteni-Cucuteni
cultural complex from Moldavia's Peri-Carpathian zone. In addition, the contributions
of our institution and its foreign collaborators toward expanding knowledge of the
exceptional east Romanian prehistoric heritage are well recognized for the quality of
their scholarship.

It has been acknowledged without exaggeration that our museum was the first in
Romania devoted exclusively to the Cucuteni civilization, and the institution's inesti-
mable value was acknowledged in 1948 by Prof. Dr. Radu Vulpe: "Nowhere else than
here can one better study the numerous and complicated problems of the Cucuteni-
Tripol'ye civilization complex, which characterized throughout the Neolithic period
the geographical area of Moldavia and Ukraine, thus representing, from the most
ancient and anonymous times, Europe's unique artistic glow. Nowhere else, inside no
other museum, are these successive and related civilizations so variously and complexly

10
illustrated, for there are few regions where the Cucutenian Neolithic settlements are
so well represented as in Neamr."

The activities carried out during the more than seventy-five years since the museum's
foundation, the international recognition of its professionals, and its well-organized
administration made possible in 1984 our role as coorganizer of the international
conference La civilisation de Cu cuteni en contexte europeene. At that time a number
of well-known scholars gathered to discuss research related to Cucuteni, including
M. Gimbutas, L. Ellis (both from the United States), 0. Hockman (Germany),]. Nandri$
(United Kingdom), M. Petrescu-D:lmbovira, E. Com$a. Z. Szekely, A. Niru, Al. Bolomey,
and D. Monah (all from Romania).

To first exhibit this heritage abroad, in 1997 the Romanian scholars C.-M. Mantu,
D. Monah, and I together with A. Tsaravopoulos of Greece produced (within two and
half monthsl) an outstanding catalogue and exhibition at the Archaeological Museum
of Thessaloniki, 0 TEAEYTAim::: MEfAAm::: XAAKOAI@Km:: ITOAITIZ:Mm:: THI
EYPQITHZ:!The Last Great Chalcolithic Civilization of Europe. Their efforts in orga-
nizing the first Cuc uteni-related exhibition outside Romania were well repaid by the
public response in Europe's cultural capital.

During 2004 the History and Archaeology Museum in Piatra Neamr hosted two other
major events: the international colloquia Cucuteni: 120 Years of Research; Time to Sum
Up and The Pre- and Protohistori c Archaeology of Salt, which brought together inter-
ested researchers not only from Romania but also from Austria, Bulgaria, Colombia,
France, Hungary, the Republic of Moldavia, Russia, Spain, Turkey, Ukraine, the United
Kingdom, and the United States.

The goal of the Cucuteni Culture International Research Center is to unite researchers
with relevant archaeological material and financial resources, and to introduce visitors
from Romania and abroad to the Cucuteni civilization. The present exhibition, The
Lost World of Old Europe, allows us to reinforce our ongoing scientific relationships
and earlier collaborations with academic institutions and museums interested in the
Romanian Chalcolithic, and to extend knowledge of our research to a broader public,
thus facilitating a better understanding of the Cucuteni culture.

11
Letter from
L8cr8mioara Stratulat
Director, Moldova National Museum Complex, la~i

Thousands of years ago, one of the greatest civilizations of prehistoric Europe covered
a surface of 350,000 square kilometers between the Carpathian Mountains and the
Dniester. Known as the Cucuteni-Tripol'ye civilization, it produced closely related cultural
manifestations that together formed a wide archaeological complex, one that includes
two main cultural zones. The civilization was named after the two places where the first
objects of this civilization were discovered: Cucuteni, a village near Ia~i, Romania,
the site where the first such archaeological discoveries were made in 1884 and that refers
to the territories of Romania and the Republic of Moldova; and Tripol'ye, near Kiev,
Ukraine, for discoveries there in 1893 . The organizers of this unique exhibition have
successfully brought together objects and research that will enrich visitors' understanding
of the Cucuteni culture . In this context we would like to express our special thanks to
the prestigious Institute for the Study of the Ancient World at New York University,
which fulfilled the dream of presenting in the United States an exhibition that highlights
Cucuteni culture.

What is it that makes the Cucuteni culture so special? Beautiful painted ceramic ware,
displaying an exuberance of spiral motifs and symmetrical and complex compositions,
created by specialized craftsmen who were true artists; thousands of small statuettes
revealing the effervescence of an extraordinary spiritual life; sanctuaries and altars at
each site; large dwellings with massive clay platforms that are even now difficult to
interpret- all of these elements have rendered the ancient Cucuteni-Tripol'ye cultural
complex one of the most fascinating civilizations of prehistory.

The exceptional achievements of this culture prove the existence of a population

with a prosperous and stable way of life, allowing a higher level of organization both
within each community and, on a broader scale, within tribal unions. This hierarchy
made possible the coordinated collective effort necessary to carry out vast works of site

12
fortification, entailed the specialization of individuals who carried out particular activi-
ties, and explains the existence of organized plans at each site. The prosperity of this
population was due primarily to agricultural practices- with specialized tools highly
efficient for those times- that not only helped create the surplus of food items necessary
to a continuously growing population but also made possible exchanges with communities
outside the area.

Beyond this broad understanding of the Cucuteni culture, there remain numerous ques-
tions whose answers can only be imagined. Why did these people paint, transforming the
vessel walls of enduring supports to illustrate their cosmogonic model? What symbols did
they want to express by the painted motifs? Why did they cover vessels with apotropaic
motifs, asking protection against unknown forces of evil, and with fantastic animals and
strange human beings? Why do the body parts of their clay idols clearly point to a belief
in the perpetuation of life while their eyes are empty and vaguely sketched, as are the
features of their faces in general? How would the people choose places for founding their
sites, and their houses , and what rituals would they practice to mark these events? Beyond
everything there remains the greatest mystery: What did they do with their dead, and
what was their view on the afterlife?

Despite such questions, we are left admiring the achievements of the Cucutenian world:
its stability, creative force, originality, and special aesthetic sense. Before the birth of
the great civilization of the Ancient Near East in Mesopotamia and Egypt, while the
"Lost Old Europe" was still searching for a means of expression, the Cucuteni-Tripol'ye
civilization reached a stage of exceptional accomplishments.

13
Letter from
Valentin Pletnyov
Director, Varna Regional Museum of History

It was a great honor for the Varna Regional Museum of Histor y to receive an invitation
from the Institute for the Study of the Ancient World at New York University to par-
ticipate in the exhibition The Lost World of Old Europe. Ten years ago, in 1998- 99, a
selection from our collection toured seven major U.S. cities- St . Louis, Fort Worth, San
Francisco, New Orleans, Memphis, Boston, and Detroit- in the exhibition Ancient Gold:
The Wealth of the Thracians. Representatives from o ur museum were impressed by
the American public's keen interest in and appreciation of Bulgaria's prehistoric treasures,
and it will be a genuine pleasure for us to visit your great country and stay once more as
welcome guests in the nation's largest city, New York.

While the number of objects on view from the Varna Eneolithic necropolis is small,
they represent a magnificent illustration of a unique and significant moment in human
history- the earliest stage in the hierarchal structure of prehistoric society on the
Balkan Peninsula. This newly established social organization appears to have been a
direct o utcome of the economic evolution that characterized the period, and one that
ensued from intensified commercial exchange related to technological innovations
introduced in the areas of mining and metallurgy. The differentiation of crafts and
proto -commerce from agriculture and stock breeding created favorable prerequisites
for shifts in the configuration of society, and towa rd the end of the fifth millennium B.C.
led to a concentration of power and authority in the hands of a rather limited group
of people representing a newly formed "elite." Some of this group's most prominent
members were buried in Varna's Eneolithic necropolis along with attributes and regalia
revealing their high rank in the social hierarchy. Examples of the region's earliest gold-
crafted jewelry were uncovered here, as well as a great number of objects made of
copper, stone and flint, various minerals, bone, horn, and clay.

14
Knowledge of the cultural traditions of a particular society has always been a crucial
factor for successful dialogue with its members. However, the cultural and historical
legacy presented by the findings from the Varna necropolis are not the monopoly of
a single nation. This heritage reflects commonly shared human values, and our mission
as archaeologists and curators is to explore it and present the results of our research to
the public. The present exhibition is an important step toward enhancing awareness of
this global legacy, and we hope that it will generate the interest it deserves, bringing the
past of "Old Europe" to life before the eyes of visitors in the "New World."

15
Letter from
Eugen Sava
Director, National Museum of Archaeology and History of Moldova, Chi9inau

The Republic of Moldova is a country with a rich and expressive history. Located between
the Carpathian-Balkans, Central Europe, and Eurasia- regions with varied historical
models- it has harmonio usly integrated a multimillennial history of numerous cultural
traditions with local customs displaying specific and unique traits. At present about eight
thousand historical and archaeological monuments are registered in the territory of the
Republic of Moldova, with cultural and historical features that can be viewed within the
context of European values.

A plethora of archaeological evidence confirms the existence of humankind in this region

from Paleolithic to Mesolithic times. One of the most representative archaeological
periods was the Neo-Eneolithic, which in the Prut-Dniester region lasted for five thou-
sand years (seventh- third millennia BC). The Cucuteni-Tripol'ye culture existed for
roughly fifteen hundred years on a wide territory extending from the Carpathians to the
Dnieper River (late fifth- early third millennia BC), and is remarkable for its high level
of material artifacts and the spiritual life reflected through them. The region's archaeo-
logical monuments combine elements of the Cucuteni culture with those typical of the
cultures of the North Pantie nomads (identified with the Proto -Inda -Europeans), and
the populations represented played an important role in the history of the Eneolithic
communities. The Giurgiule~ti collection included in this exhibition and its catalogue
demonstrates the cultural symbiosis within the region.

The subsequent periods of the Bronze Age, the Iron Age, and the Classical era are
characterized by the sequential emergence and spread of bronze o bjects, burial mounds,
the prevalence of a pastoral economy, and the " Hallstattization" process. Significantly,
it was during the Hallstattian period that the Getae-Dacian culture was formed and
developed, during the sixth through first centuries BC. Beginning aro und 500 BC, local

16
inhabitants had established cultural and economic contacts with the population of the
North Pontic Greek colonies.

The armed confrontation between the free Dacians (led by their king, Decebal) and
the Roman Empire ended in 106 AD, resulting in the creation of the Roman province of
Dacia and the acceleration of local Romanization. Following evacuation of the Roman
legions from these lands in 271 AD, during the reign of Emperor Aurelian, began "the
migration of peoples"- Goths, Huns, Avars, Slavs, Hungarians, Pechenegs, Cumans,
and Mongols.

Throughout Europe the Middle Ages coincided with the rise of different ethnic groups
to the stage of history, and consequently the appearance of independent states. In the
fourteenth century, the present territory of the Republic of Moldova became part of the
Principality of Moldova, situated between the Eastern Carpathians and the Dniester
River, with Khotyn to the north and the Lower Danube and the Black Sea to the south.

The National Museum of Archaeology and History of Moldova is the principal museum
of the Republic of Moldova, known for the importance of its unique collection and its
scholarly reputation. The museum's holdings include approximately 303,000 objects
organized in separate collections, including archaeology; numismatics; historical docu-
ments, photographs, books, and periodicals; arms and armor; textiles; objects of daily
life and industrial tools; art objects; and philately. One of the most representative
collections contains archaeological artifacts that have been exhibited internationally in
Germany (Historisches Museum der Pfalz, Speyer), Italy (Palazzo della Cancelleria,
Vatican), and Romania (museums in the cities of Blrlad, Tecuci, Boto~ani, and Ia~i)­
and that now are on view in the United States.

Our participation in the important and prestigious venue of The Lost World of
Old Europe, organized by the Institute for the Study of the Ancient World at New York
University, provides a significant opportunity to present the Moldova cultural
heritage to the international community. With great pleasure, I would like to thank
Roger S. Bagnall, Director of the Institute, and Jennifer Chi, Associate Director
for Exhibitions and Public Programs, for this collaboration and the efforts that made
possible the participation of our museum.

17
Foreword
Jennifer Y Chi
Associate Director for Exhibitions and Public Programs, Institute for the Study
of the Ancient World, New York University

For many visitors to The Lost World of Old Europe: The Danube Valley 5,000- 3,500
B.c.-the second international loan exhibition organized by the Institute for the Study of
the Ancient World at New York University- the region and its historical context, as well
as its material culture, may be largely unfamiliar. Discussions of Western civilization
often move from the Venus of Willendorf to the Lascaux cave paintings and then on to
Egypt and Mesopotamia, without ever mentioning the art and culture of what is known
as Old Europe, an area corresponding geographically to modern-day southeastern Europe
and defined by a series of distinct cultural groups that attained an astonishing level
of sophistication in the fifth and fourth millennia B.c. The Lost World of Old Europe
attempts to redefine commonly held notions of the development of Western civilization by
presenting the astonishing and little-known artistic and technological achievements
made by these still enigmatic peoples- from their extraordinary figurines, to their vast
variety of copper and gold objects, to their stunning pottery types.

Perhaps the most widely known category of objects from Old Europe is the "mother-
goddess" figurine. Fashioned by virtually every Old European cultural group, these
striking miniaturized representations of females are frequently characterized by abstrac-
tion, with truncated, elongated, or emphasized body parts, and a surface decorated with
incised or painted geometric and abstract patterns. The figurines ' heightened sense of
female corporeality has led some scholars to identify them as representations of a pow-
erful mother goddess, whose relationship to earthly and human fertility is demonstrated
in her remarkable, almost sexualized forms. The great variety of contexts in which the
figurines are found, however, has led more recently to individualized readings rather
than to a single, overarching interpretation . The set of twenty-one female figurines and
their little chairs from Poduri-Dealul Ghindaru that is central to the exhibition's instal-
lation of this category of objects, for example, was found near a hearth in an edifice that
has been interpreted as a sanctuary. One widely accepted interpretation based upon its

18
context, then, is that the figures represent the Council of Goddesses, with the more -
senior divinities seated on thrones. Others take a more conservative approach suggesting
that the figurines formed part of a ritualistic activity-the specific type of ritual, however,
remains open to interpretation.

As The Lost World of Old Europe illustrates, the refinement of the visual and material
language of these organized communities went far beyond their spectacular terracotta
figurines . The technological advances made during this 1,500-year period are manifest
in the copper and gold objects that comprise a significant component of this exhibition.
The earliest major assemblage of go ld artifacts to be unearthed anywhere in the world
comes from the Varna cemetery, located in what is now Bulgaria, and dates to the
first half of the fifth millennium B.C. Interred in the graves are the bodies of individuals
who may have been chieftains, adorned with as much as five kilograms of gold objects,
including exquisitely crafted headdresses, necklaces, appliques, and ceremonial axes.
Indeed, it is in Old Europe that one sees the first large-scale mining of precious metals,
the development of advanced metallurgical practices such as smelting, and the trade of
objects made from these materials.

It is also important to note that these cultures did not live in isolation from one an-
other, but instead formed direct contacts, most clearly through networks of trade. Gold
and copper objects were circulated among these cultural groups, for example. The most
striking material traded throughout much of southeastern Europe, however, is the
Spondylus shell. Found in the Aegean Sea, Spondylus was carved into objects of personal
adornment in Greece from at least the early Neolithic period forward. The creamy-
white colored shell is known to have been traded as far as the modern United Kingdom
by the fifth millennium B.c. Many of the most-common forms are on display in this
exhibition and include elaborate beaded necklaces, tubular bracelets, and pendants or
amulets. The shells can perhaps be read as markers of a common origin or as indicators
of the owner's elite position within society.

Another thought-provoking group of objects included in The Lost World are the "archi-
tect ural" models. Made of terracotta, with the surface enlivened by both incision and
paint, these models reveal an amazing variety of form, ranging from realistically rendered
models depicting multiple houses to strongly stylized structures that include equally
abstract figurines, sometimes interpreted as representations of a temple and its wor -
shipers. While the precise meaning of these objects is still a matter of debate, their very
existence clearly indicates a complex relationship between Old European cultures and
both the built and unbuilt spaces that surrounded them.

Within their homes Old Europeans stored an impressive array of pottery that has
been methodically studied over the last hundred years by many southeast-European
archaeologists. The diverse typologies and complex styles suggest that this pottery
was used in household and dining rituals. Bold geometric designs-including concen-
tric circles, diagonal lines, and checkerboard patterns-distinguish the pottery made
by the Cucuteni culture, examples of which are featured in this exhibition. Part of the

19
por.t:ery's allure is the resonance of its composition and design t:o a niodern aesthetic.
Indeed, one could easily envision a Cucuteni vessel displayed in a contemporary home.

Exhibitions at the Institute are not only meant to illustrate the connections among
ancient cultures, but also to question preexisting and sometimes static notions of the
ancient: world. \'Cirh The Lost World of Old Eurof7e, it is our desire to show that: a
rich and complex world can be found when looking beyond traditional and narrow
definitions of antiquity, and indeed beyond standard depictions of the development
of Western civilization .

20
Acknowledgments

'The Lost W/or!d of Old Europe has been a collaborative project involving the exhibition
department of the Institute for the Study of the Ancient \'{lorld at New York University
and over twenty museums from Romania, the Republic of Bulgaria, and the Republic
of Moldova. In organizing this project, my staff and I received warmth and professional
courtesy from all the museums and research institutes with which we collaborated, and
we would like to gratefully acknowledge their participation in this exciting project.

In Romania, I extend our warmest thanks to His Excellency Dr. Theodor Paleologu, the
Minister of Culture, Religious Affairs, and Cultural Heritage, for his Patronage of this
exhibition. His staff rnernbers Ms. Mircea Staicu, General Secretary, and Ms. lvlihaela
Simion, personal counselor of the n1inister, also provided constant support. The National
History lvluseum of Romania was our organizing partner, and we owe a special debt
of gratitude to its Steering Committee: Dr. Cri~an Museteanu, the Ivluseum's General
Director, provided us vvith great wisdom and advice; Corina Boq; functioned as the
project's coordinator and ably handled a myriad of administrative requests; Dr. Dragomir
Popovici was the head of the museum's scientific committee and provided us with a
wealth of historical inforrnation; Dr. Joan Opri~, a senior researcher and advisor, offered
us keen insight into organizational issues. Finally, Marius Amarie photographed in an
efficient manner the n1ajority of objects borrowed from Romanian institutions.

During my first trip to Romania, I was able to visit the cities of Piatra Neamt and Ia~i,
both in the Romanian region of Moldavia, where the richest Cucuteni sites can be found .
Gheorge Dumitroia, Director, and Dorin Nicola, Deputy Director, of Neamt County
Museun1 Complex, Piatra Neanit, welcon1ed me to vie·w the museum's breathtaking col-
lection and were open to lending us key Cucuteni pieces. I was also honored to .m eet
Dr. Lacramioara Stratulat, General Director of the Moldova National Museum Complex
in la~i , who advised and agreed to many Cucuteni loans from Ia~i's spectacular collection.
Our thanks is extended to other members of the Rornanian Honorary Cornmittee, co1.n-
prised. of all those museums who lent to the exhibition: Cristian-Drago~ Cald.araru,
Director, Galati County Museum, Galari; Dr. Ionel C\nd.ea, Director, Braila Museum,
Braila; Dan Leopold Ciubotaru, Director, Ivluseum of Banat, Timi~oara; Dr. Gabriel
Custurea, Director, l\!luseum of Natio nal History and Archaeology, Constanp; Ioan
Manca~, Director, "Stefan eel Marc" Co unty Museum, Vaslui; Dr. Alexandru Matci,
Director, County Museum of History and Art, Zalau; Mircea i\!Ltmalauc1, Director
"Vasile Parvan" Museum, Bfrrlad; Dr. l'vla ria n Neagu, Director, Lrn,ver Danube Museum,
Calara~i; Lucica Parvan, Director, Boto;;ani County Museum, Boto~ani ; Traian Popa,
Director "Teohari Antonescu" County Museum, Giurgiu; Florin Ridiche, Director,
Museum of Oltenia, Craiova; Dr. Victor Spinei, Director, Institute of Archaeology, la~i ;
Radu ?tefanescu, Director, Bra~ov County liistory Museum, Bra;;ov; Dr. Ecaterina
Tanp.reanu, Director, Teleorman County History Mnseun1, Alexandria; and Dr. Dumitrn
Teicu, Director, Museum of Ivlountain Banat, Re~ira. The Romanian Scientific Committee
provided important curatorial support and included: Maria Diaconescu, Boto~ani
County Museum, Boto~ani; Dr. Catalin Dobrinescu, Museun1 of NationaJ History and
Archaeology, Constanta; Dr. Florin Dra~ovean; ~'v1useum of Banat, 'Timi~oara; Ciprian
Lazanu, "?tefan eel ~\fare" County Museum, Vaslui; Pavel Mirea, 'Teleorman County
History ~'V1useum, Alexandria; Dr. Stiinicii Pandrea, Braila Museum, Braila; Valentin
Parnic, Lower Danube i\ 1useurn, Calira~i; Constantin Preoteasa, Nearnt County
1

lvluseurn Complex, Piatra Nearnr; and Dr. Senica Turcanu, lvloldova National Museum
Complex, Ia~i.

In the Republic of Bulgaria, His Excellency Dr. Vezhdi Rashidov, Minister of Culture,
showed his initial and continuous support. l >vas warmly received at the Varna Regional
History Museum twice by Dr. Valentin Pletynov, General Director, Dr. Valeri Yotov,
Director, i\i[useum of Archaeology, and Dr. Alexander Minchev, Curator, Museum of
Archaeology. All three were always responsive to the rnany administrative and cura-
torial questions n1y staff and I posed throughout the planning stages of the exhibition.
Dr. Vladimir Slavchev, Curator, Museun1 of Archaeology, took time out: of his busy
schedule to meet with me in Berlin, where he was on a Humboldt fellmvship, and agreed
to ;vrite a thought-provoking essay on the Varna material ;vithin a very short time frame.
Rumyana Kostadinova lvanova photographed the objects for this article.

\"V.fe extend our grat itude to His Excellency Dr. Artur Cozma, the Minister of Culture
and Tourisn1, Republic of l'vloldova. The National l'vluseum of Archaeology and History
of Moldova provided ISAW with the rnajority of loans from the later period of Old
Europe, allowing us to pose important questions regarding the fall of this grand civiliza-
tion . Dr. Eugene Sava, the .IV1useum's Director, \Varmly welcomed me and allowed me
several fruitful days studying the Ivfuseum's fascinating collection. Dr. Vaeceslav Bicbaev
spent many hours discussing the collection with me and also graciously agreed to write
an article for this catalogue on very short: notice. Iulia Postica functioned as the
Museum's translator, ensuring a fluid line of con1nmnication concerning adrninistrative
issues. Jurie Foca and Valery Hembaruc photographed the J\!1 useurn's material.

23
This exhibition would not, however, have come to fruition without the dedication and
professionalism of ISA\V's exhibition team. Irene Gelbord, Exhibitions Administrator,
assisted me on a myriad of administrative and programmatic issues and ensured easy
communication >vithin our department;] ulienne Kim, ~'vlanaging Editor of Exhibition
Publications and Didactics, employed her admirable organizational and aesthetic skills
to ensure the production of an exquisite exhibition catalogue; Robert a-Casagrande Kirn,
Senior Researcher, always responded promptly to a great variety of research questions;
and Linda Stubbs, Exhibition Registrar, worked extensively with me on contractual
and logistical issues throughout the exhibition 's planning phase. David Anthony, of
IIartwick College, was invited as our guest curator and spent a semester at ISA\'(!', where
he dedicated much of his time to creating a first-rate exhibition catalogue. Dorcas
Brown helped produce the catalogue's insightful maps. Exhibition and catalogue design
\Vas ably handled by Mischa Leiner, Franck Doussot, and Raul Bortolotti of CoDe
Cornrnunication and Design. Timely production of special exhibition cases is owed to
Scott Hoeffer of Insight: Group. Mary Cason was our able copy editor for both the
catalogue and exhibition didactics. My department and n1yself also had the enriching
experience of working with Corina Suteu, Director, and Oana Radu, Deputy Director,
of the New York branch of the Romanian Cultural Institute, on many aspects of
this exhibition's public programming; we would like to thank them for sharing their
expertise on modern and contemporary Romanian culture.

The Lost World of Old Europe, therefore, is the product of fruitful international and
national collaborations; it is greatly rewarding for me to know that these connections
and the many professional relationships formed will continue beyond this show.

Jennifer Y. Chi
Associate Director for Exhibitions and Public Programs
Institute for the Study of the Ancient \Vorld at New York University

24
Note: To facilitate understanding of the material presented, all objects from the
Exhibition Checklist that: are illustrated in the following essays are reproduced at
a scale of 1:2 with the exception of chapter-opening irnages and illustrations for
Chapter 6, where the scale is 1:3. All comparative material in the essays is illustrated
in black and white.

25
 1110

O H•
1110 0 111

1'110

Bu

0 •

l!I •

26
 MEO LITHI CCU LTURES 43. ~tr~tj 100. Br~meni
44. F1001ik 104. \@'v~·eu::a
G rssk Msolith ic 46. Seevac 105. PutEni~tj
1. ~sl4o 1C6. Tru~~
Gum sin i~a/Kara novo 107. Sdca
Mace.don ian Msolith ic 46. Sutrna 10$. Flpiceni
2. .4nza 47. S~cuia 100. Cr~~eni
3. Sltagrci 4B . Gumeriia 110. Pdivano.i Yar
4. CikiliTash 49. ~ioarele 111 . Scb<llino.1ka
f:f). A.Jse 112. Maidantetsl<e
Sta r5svo-Cri~ 51 . Fletrele 113. Cl::bro1·00
5. Sta-ce\·o 52 . Tanga-u 114. Tal'i«iky

t•
•'·
A•"''
6.
7.
Civostjn
Cite ea
53.
54.
Fl:dgoitsa
18rgC11·i§hte
115.
116.
Tripd'ye
\lariceni
S. Zailln 55. 01"Ch3r0.•0 117. Bod.;J «ie~
56. F\:4 y«iitsa 11S. Pciere~i

,... Boian
9.
10.
11.
Bcian
Giule~
\•ldra
57.
53 .
59.
60.
1-btriJa
Gal<llin
l<Jivodd
Slalina
119.
120.
S~ata
Ari~d

S re.dn i Stog
MonteO'U

12. Lis:coteanca 61 . '11.Jn<llSite 121 . Srechi Stog

62. Yagodina 122. IWi¥1na
Hamangia 63. Azmak 123. Mdiukha Suga
13. Saia Ham«igia 64. K8rano,o 124. Cl=revka
14. Cernavoda 65. Veselino,o 125. Maiol<a
66. Cram a 126. Strilcha Skelya
Early Vini;:a Cultu rs 67. Sc:Eepd
15. \la::lastra 6$. Bdgrad S uv orovo
69. Br~liJa 127. K8ina-
70. lunCa\·iJa 12S. Kopchak
71 . carcaliu 129. Ar~za
COPPER AGE CULTURES 72 . H3r~1'8. 130. K8menka
73. BadJ~ni 131 . Giurgiul~tj
Ti szapolga r 74. Medgida 132. UtkonOS01ol<a
16. Tiszapdga- 75. T~I 133. Nerustiai
76. Buc~ni 134. SuvO"Cll·O
8 odrogksrssztu r 11. \ildra 135. Casim9'!a
17. 8o::t'ogkeresz1Ur 136. Facui
1S. Oleile Turzii Varna 187. C\2\nya
19. Mcigrad 77. Vcma 133. Cl=cea Mure~Jlui
~CK SEA C\2\niya
20. Tisz:aszd Os 7S . 139. Osongrad
79. Gdyamo Cl=lche\·O 140. gren
Bubanj Hum SO. Proiacirya 141. Olapi
21. 8ub3rlj Hum S1. D..Jrankulak 142. Petro-Svisturo,o
S2 . Strashim i ro1·0 143. t-b,odanil O•Ka
Lats Vin ~a Cu lturs 144. l<riVCty' Rog
22. \iln9a Cu cutsn i/Tripol'ys
23. Gcmea S3. M~~ Csrnavoda I
24. Uubco.'8. $4. ~leni 146. 010.l<a
25. Ostro;ul Cab.Jlui 35. Targu C\'.:na- P~i 14. Cerna:1·oda
26. Rast S6. Fl:duti 57. H:itniJa
27. Padea S7. Calu-Piatra $cimului S1. D..Jrankulak
c......~-- 2S . Leu SS . Traian
•-tr~
Nacmc 29.
30.
Uvar
ParJa
S9. Brad
00. Scinteia

• Bad1D11kilwdl1r
0 BLblnj Hi.m
.A \'Inga
31. Oli~oda \leche
32 . Gcmdava
33. S8nandrei
91.
92.
93.
D..Jme~
M~gineni
lzvoare
0~ 34. Hodoni 94. B~~i-R'umu~ca
<>
*
D Vllra
Qalri'Dlpcl~
35.
36.
Za1enJa Maru
C:3ransete~
!)5_
00.
Ghe~e~i
AJginoasa

• ~NCM>d9n_.. 37. Bran~a 97. Cucuteni

•
6 SIWllS!og 3$ . A:mos 9$ . ~~~
C&mMldal 39. TI!rtru-ia 00. Thrpe~
40. Albali.Jia 100. Lune a
41 . S§ntjmbtu 101 . Be re~
42 . Fl anu de J.::is 102. K8rb.Jna

27
The Rise and Fall of Old Europe
David W. Anthony
Hartwc k Collage

In 4500 BC, before the invention of the wheel or writing, of copper, and over 6 kilograms (13. 2 pounds) of gold,
before the first cities were built in lviesopotamia and more metal by far than has been found in any other part of
Egypt, Old Europe was among the most sophisticated and the ancient world dated before3500 Bc. 1 The demand fo r
technologically advanced places in the world. The term copper, gold, Aegean shells, and other valuables created
"Old Europe" refers to a cycle of cultures that thrived in networks of negotiation that reached hundreds of kilome-
southeastern Europe principally between about 6200 and ters. Pottery, figurines, and even houses were decorated
4300 BC , then suffered what seems to have been a sudden with striking designs. Female "goddess" figurines , found
collapse. Old European rust oms continued in some in almost every settlement, have triggered intense debates
regions until about 3500-3300 BC , when there was a final , about the ritua 1and political power of women. Signs
smaller collapse. At its peak, about 5000-3500 BC , Old inscribed on clay suggest a system of primitive notation,
Europe was developing many of the political, techno- if not writing.
logical, and ideologica 1signs of "civilization," Some Old
European villages grew to city like sizes, larger than the Old Europe achieved a precocious peak of creativity
earliest cities of Mesopotamia. Some Old European chiefs between 5000 and3500 BC , but sucrumbed to a series
wore stunning costumes gleaming with gold, copper, and of crises. Later prehistoric European cultures developed
shell ornaments-displays of opulence that still surprise in a different direction, with more widely dispersed
and puzzle archaeologists, because there was no equivalent populations, greater reliance on stockbreeding, and less
distinction in private houses. Old European metalsmiths investment in houses, pottery, and female symbols. Old
were, in their day, among the most advanced metal Europe was utterly forgotten until it began to be redis-
artisans in the world, and certainly the most active. The covered by archaeologists in the decades a round World
metal artifa cts recovered by archaeologists from Old \'</ar L In that sense it truly was "lost." The details of its
Europe total about 4,700 kilograms (more than five tons) way of life are only now beginning to be clearly recog-
nized. For that reason, although much progress has been
made, the humanity of Old Europe-its everyday social
and political life-remains elusive. Different modern
AEriaJ i m~e d 1he ~ajlo1• valley, Pl:mania. a rB.M~ hal~itat rld'l in observers have projected quite different visions of the past
Gum e ri ~ ixelistoic set1lem ents.
on the remains of Old Europe. 2 Some of those competing

29
interpretations can be found in this catalogue, But new controlled conditions, often decorated with complex incised
radiocarbon dates , new discoveries, and new studies of and painted designs (although the shapes and designs
old collections hold out hope for a clearer understanding varied from region to region); third , figurines that portrayed
of Old Europe, Europe's first protocivilization, in the females , frequently found in houses, occasionally clustered
not-too-distant future, in groups, or deposited broken in rubbish pits connected
with houses (although again the shapes and styles varied,
The Mea ning of Old Europe and there were also many animal and some male figurines);
"Old Europe" has a variety of meanings in popular and fourth , participation in a cycle of long-distance trade
cu !tu re, most of them not archaeologicaL The term was that began with the exchange of Aegean.Spondyltls shells
used to refer to the Europe of the pre-European Union, and grew to include copper and gold ornaments and cast
and it was used in the nineteenth century for countries copper tools and weapons,
that clung to monarchy and the ancien regime after the
revoh.itions of 184 8, These references share the essential Three of these traits-substantial ho1lses often with room
meaning of a segment of Europe that resisted change. In for visitors; dozens of differer1t types of pottery (bow ls,
archaeology, however, "Old Europe" has a very different ~1gs , pots, pot stands, storage jars, and so on) made for
history and meaning, elaborate service and display at social events; and fig1lrines
connected with domestic rituals-emphasized the impor-
In thi s voh.i me "Old Europe" is used as it was by Marija tance of the home as a center of family, social, and ritual
Gimbutas in her 1974 book , Gods arid Goddesses of 01 d life. The house and its household were so important that
Europe (revised and reissued in 19 82 as the best-selling some houses contained small clay models of houses,
Goddesses ar1 d Gods of Old Europe, with the genders and some contained decorated clay panels that could have
reversed). Gimbutas' conception of Old European gods and represented interior room dividers or the gabled ends of
goddesses has been both effusively praised and severely houses decorated with animal horns (fig. 1-1, page 90),
criticized, 1 the latter not least by Douglass Bailey in this Tw o of the listed traits-well fired p ottery and the copper
volume, but her geographic and cultural concept of Old trade-resulted fr om the same sophisticated pyrotech-
Europe is u seful as a convenient labeL It refers to the nology, One trait-long-distance trade-was greatly
cultures of southeastern Europe, centered in Bulgaria and stimulated by the invention and elaboration of metallurgy
Romania, during the Neolithic and Copper Age, beginning and mining, Old Europe really was different from other
about 6200 BC and ending in two stages between 4300 and parts of Europe in the persistent recombination and inter-
3300 BC. The Copper Age, which began about 5000 BC , relationship of these four customs, and it was the part of
is called the Eneolithicin southeastern European archaeol- temperate Europe where the farming economy began, so
ogy, but "Eneolithic" is a term that has multiple meanings. the farming way of life truly was "old" there, If we did
"Copper Age" is simple, conveys a clear meaning, and r1ot use a simplifying label like Old Europe, then we
is comparable to the terms "Bronze Age" and " Iron Age," would have to use strings of culture names like Gumelnit a-
the other two ages of meta L4 S:ilcuta-Petre~i-A riu~d-Cucuteni-Tripol'ye (an actua I
group of related Old European regional archaeologica I
The material traits that defined Old Europe at its peak in cultures; see table 1-1) to indicate which specific segment of
the Late Neolithic and Copper Age, about 5200-4300 BC , Old Europe we were talking about, a strategy that, while
were: first, substantial, heavi~r built homes framed in comprehensible to specialists, would make di scussion 1/llith
timber, roofed with thatch, with walls usually made of most people a !most impossible,
mud plaster packed on a core of woven twigs , arranged in
nucleated villages (although specific house and settlement "Old Europe" is r1ot used in this volume as it was used
types varied , and sun-dried mud brick was used for walls by Carl Schuchhardt in his 1919 book, A lteuropa , s This
in the southern part of Old Europe); second, technically early archaeologica 1survey of prehistoric Europe was
sophisticated pottery made of fine clays, fired under well influenced by the idea that European civilization was

30
derived from prehistoric northern Europe, an interpre-
tation that had disastrous political consequences and was
proved mistaken before World Wa rI U Old Europe, for
Schuchhardt, referred to all of prehistoric Europe, includ-
ing Ice Age hunter-gatherers, so it was synonymous with
"prehistoric Europe." Gimbutas used the term with a more
specific cultural and geographic meaning, and in this we
follow her lead.

The Ori gin of Old Eu rope , 6200-55 00 sc

Old Europe was different from other parts of Neolithic
Europe probab~r because of how and when the Neolithic
farming way of life began in Europe-an accident of
history and geography that had substantial consequences.
The deeper roots and longer development of Neolithic
farming in southeastern Europe affected the role that the
latter played in later trade and communication networks.

Pioneer farmers first plunged into the forests of temperate

Europe in the Balkans and the Carpathian Basin about
6200 B c (possibly a little earlier), folU1ding the sett le-
ments that would eventually evolve into Old Europe (see
inside cover map). These farmers came from Greece and
Macedonia , and before that, from Anatolia (Turkey). 7 They
brought with them seeds of emmer and einkorn wheat,
peas, barley, and domesticated sheep and cattle, all
intrusive plants and animals that had been domesticated
millennia earlier in the Near East and were now imported
into the wilderness of Europe. Genetic research shows
that the domesticated cows of the Neolithic pioneers were
descended purely from long-domesticated mothers that
had come from Anatolia,8 They mated occasionally with
wild bulls (traced on the Y-chromosome) of the native
European aurochs, huge beasts with horns like today's
Texas longhorns, but only the male calves from such unions
were retained, perhaps to increase the size of the herd or
its resistance to European diseases. Neolithic cows, already
kept for their milk (see below), had no wild aurochs-cow
genes in their Mt DNA (inherited from mother to daughter).
Their Mt DNA came entirely from domesticated Anatolian
cows-perhaps because wild cows were inferior milkers.
Wild bulls were a powerful symbol in the art of Neolithic
Anatolia , and bulls remained a subject of art and ritual in
Neolithic Greece and later in Old Europe, where they were 1 -1. F\:issitl e rep-ssEfltatjcn of a hcuse w!lh an m~ hem gatles. Rred cle<y.
\~ cultLre. \~a_ 5500-0000ec. tvO.
represented in gold at the Varna cemetery (figs. 1-2, 9-8) ,

31
CHRONOLOGY OF NEOLITHIC AND COPPER AGE CULTURES BY REGION cultural break 111 111
cultural group D

sesv'l0
Greece Thessaly 11 11

s\\0.gro\ I
Northern Aegean 1111 _ _ _ __
Coast

Central Balkans early classic late

East Balkans

Danube Valley

Dobruja Black Sea

Transylvania

Eastern Carpathians
and Ukraine

Lower Tisza

\i\esol\tn\c
Steppe 1111

Ca librated
Radiocarbon Dates B.C. 6500 6000 5500 5000 4500 4000 3500

Table 1-1. Chronology of Neolithic and Copper Age cultures by region.

Chronological phases are named after the archaeological sites where
they were defined.

32
The first Neolithic settlements in Greece were founded
abo ut 6700 BC in Thessaly, the richest agricultural land in
Greece, probably by colonists who island-hopped across
the Aegean Sea from western Anatolia in open boats,
carrying seeds, farming tools, and live calves and lambs
trussed for transport. Katherine Perles has convincingly
argued that the material culture and economy of the first
farmers in Greece were transplanted from Anatoli a, and
recent archaeological research in western Anatolia has
identified Neolithic settlements that probably played a role
in the colonizing movement. 9 Material traits and cus-
toms carried into Greece from western Anatoli a included
(in addition to the basic farming plants and animals)
Anatolian -like pottery, flint tools, ornaments, bone belt
hooks, large-hipped and rod-he aded female figurines
made of clay, stamps (known as pintadera ) used to press
geometric designs on a variety of media (perhaps including
textiles, bread, and human skin), and lip labrets (small ,
stone, barbell-shaped ornaments pushed t hrough pierced
openings in the lower lip, or perhaps in the earlobe).
Many of these customs were maintained in Greece and
later were carried into Old Europe.

By 6200 BC at least 120 Early Neolithic settlements stood

in Thessaly, and a few farming communities had spread
up the Aegean coast to Macedonia. But expansion north-
ward stopped at the frontier between the Mediterranean
climate and flora of Greece and Macedonia and the colder,
wetter, temperate climate and flora of southeastern Europe.
About 6200 BC, or perhaps a little earlier, a second wave
of pioneers crossed that frontier.

T he colonizing farmers bro ught domesticated sheep and

cattle , wheat and barley, female-centered domestic rituals,
pintadera stamps (figs. 1-3- 1-5), lip labrets, and orna-
ments made of Aegean Spondylu s shell into the co lder,
damper climate of temperate Europe for the first time.
T hey leapfrogged from favorable place to favorable place,
q uickly advancing through the forests from Greece and 1-2. Bull statuette. Fired clay, Vinca , Padea, 5000-4500 BC (Late Vinca), MO.
Macedonia to t he middle Dan ube valley. Their small
1-3. Pintadera. Fired clay, Cucuteni, Ruginoasa, 4500-3900 BC (Cucteni A),
farming settlements in the middle Dan ube, in modern CMNM.
northern Serbia and so ut hwestern Romania, are assigned
1-4. Pintadera. Fired clay, Starcevo-Cri$, Poiene$ti, 6200-5500 BC, MJSMVS.
to the Early Neolithic Starcevo and Cri~ cultures. This
central Dan ubian riverine settlement node produced two 1-5. Pintadera in the shape of a left leg. Fired clay, Starcevo-Cri$, Zauan,
6200-5500 BC, MJIAZ.
streams of migrants that flowed in one direction down

33
the Danube, eastward into Romania and Bulgaria, and in Once established, the Neolithic fanning conHnunities of
the other up the Mure~ and Koros rivers, northeastward the middle and lower Danube valley diversified and
into Transylvania. Both migration streams created similar developed into distinct regional cultures. South of the
pottery and tool types, assigned today to the Cri~ culture. Danube River, on the elevated plain of the lvlaritsa River
Their ancestors in Greece had depended largely on sheep in the Balkan Mountains, a settlement was established
for their meat diet, and the .Starcevo and Cri~ pioneers at Karanovo. This farming village, founded amid a cluster
maintained that preference for sheep even though the of neighboring Neolithic corr11T1unities, was almost con-
forests of southeastern Europe were more suitable for pig tinuously occupied through the Balkan Neolithic and
and cattle keeping. These farmers did, however, consume Copper Age, 6200---4300 BC , and its stratigraphy provides
cow milk, indicated by molecules of milk fat, probably a yardstick for the chronology of Old Europe. Karanovo l
from cows, that were recovered from Starcevo and Cri~ was established about 6200···6100 BC, and Karanovo VI,
clay pots .10 representing the peak of Old European culture, ended
about 4300-4200 BC. At the beginning of this sequence,
Archaeologisr.s have long debated the role played by the Neolithic settlements of the Karanovo I-III periods in
local indigenous population of hunter-gatherers in the the Balkan Mountains shmved son1e analogies in pottery
establishment of the first farming cornrnunities in south- types with Neolithic communities of northwestern
eastern Europe. But only a few places in southeastern Anatolia (Ilipinar VI and Hoca <;e:;;me II), so there seems
Europe contained clusters of Late ~'v1esolithic hunter- to have been occasional contact betv-7een the Balkans and
gatherer archaeological sites dated after 7000 BC, so the northwestern Anatolia between 6200 and 5500 BCY
region seems to have been occupied only in patches. One
of those patches vvas located at the transition from As had happened earlier in Greece, the expansion of
the middle to the lower Danube valley, defined by the farming communities into southeastern Europe went
gorges known as the Iron Gates, where the Danube only so far and then stopped. The initial phase of rapid,
twisted through steep canyons between the Balkans and long-distance colonizing movements was followed by
Carpathians and the river currents pulled nutrients up from consolidation . A frontier was established in H.ungary
the bottom, feeding large stocks of fish. The indigenous south of Lake Balaton that persisted for at least five
fisher-hunter-gatherers around the Iron Gates, known hundred years, about 6100-5600 p,c.13 The settling-in
from famous sites such as Lepenski Vir in Serbia and process that occurred behind this frontier probably was
Schela Cladovei in Romania, interacted with the Neolithic one of the historical processes that later vvas responsible
immigrants-Starcevo pottery is found at Lepenski Vir for the cultural distinctiveness of Old Europe. \Vhen
through the entire sequence of hunter-gatherer occupation another vvave of colonizing migrations began about
at the site but in the end the 1v1esolithic hunter-fisher- 5600 5500 BC, carrying the farming and stock breeding
gatherer material culture was replaced by the intrusive way of life over the Carpathians and into Poland,
economies and material cultures of the Starcevo and Cri~ Germany, and France, the villages of southeastern
immigrants. In the Dobrogea (the peninsula of rocky Europe were already old and well established, and had
hills skirted by the Danube delta at its mouth), many a history of interconnection. The new pioneers who
Late Mesolithic hunter-gatherer sites have been found colonized northern Europe, the Linear Pottery culture
near Tukea south of the Danube River in Romania, and (or Linearbandkeramik., often reduced to LBK in archae-
others on the northern side of the estuary at Mirnoe in ologists' shorthand) continued to value Spondylus
Ukraine. There is no archaeological evidence of contact shell ornaments, fueling a shell trade that extended from
between these hunters and the Cri~ farmers, but the Greece to northern France and Germany between 5500
Neolithic Hamangia culture, which emerged later in and .5000 BC (see the essay by .Michel Seforiades in this
the Dobrogea, had flint tools that looked like those of volume), but in many other ways they grew n1ore and
the Mesolithic, and its funeral customs might have been more distinct front the cultures of southeastern Europe.
influenced by hunter-gatherer burial traditions. 11

34
Old Europe at Its Peak 1:vasre slag. The slag was dun1ped, a sure sign for archae-
By 5000 BC the scattered. farming hamlets of Bulgaria ologists that smelting occurred at that location. T"he
and southern Romania had blossomed into increasingly copper was reheated, hammered into sheets, forged,
large and solidly built agricultural villages of multiroomed welded, annealed, and made into a wide variety of tools
houses, some of them two storied, set in cleared and (hooks, awls, and blades) and ornaments (beads, rings,
cultivated landscapes surrounded by herds of cattle, pigs, and other pendants). Orrnunents of gold (probably rnined
and sheep. Cattle might: have been used to pull primitive in the eastern Ba.lkan Mountains and Sakar Mountain
scratch-plows across the fields (although the evidence near the Turkish border) began to circulate in the sa.rnc
for this is contradictory) . 14 fragments of painted plaster trade networks. The early phase of copper working began
suggest that house walls 1,vere decorated with the same before 5000 Bc .17
swirling, curvilinear designs that appeared on pottery. In
the Balkans and the lower Danube valley, villages were Before 5000 BC, Balkan smiths learned that if they heated
rebuilt on the san1e spor generation after generation, copper to 1083" Cit: would turn into a viscous liquid
creating stratified tells that grew to heights of thirty to and could be poured into molds, or cast. Attaining this
fifty feet, lifting the village above its surrounding fields. 15 temperature required a bellows-aided kiln, but such kilns
In other regions, for example at Vania on the Black Sea were already being used by Old European pottersY
coast, settlement locations were customarily changed Working with molten copper was tricky, not only because
after a few generations, creating thinner archaeological it required very high temperatures but also because it
deposits, referred to as "flat" settlements. ~"viarija Gimbutas had to be stirred, skimmed, and poured correctly or it
made Old Europe famous for the ubiquity and variety of cooled into a brittle object foll of imperfections. \'{fell
its goddesses. Household cults symbolized by broad- made cast copper tools were used and exchanged across
hipped female figurines (figs. 1-6, 1-7) were practiced southeastern Europe between about 4800 and 4300 .BC in
throughout Old Europe, although male figurines also were eastern Hungary with the Tiszapolgar culture; in Serbia
made and used, occasionally grouped with female figurines and western Romania with the Vinea C and D culture; in
(fig. 5-4a), and animal figurines ;.vere made in a variety Bulgaria at Varna and in the Karanovo V----V l tell settle-
of shapes and sizes (figs. 1-2, 1-8, 1-9). lvlarks incised on ments; in Romania with the Gumelni~a culture; and in
figurines and pots suggest the appearance of a notation Moldova a.nd eastern Romania with the Pre-Cucuteni III/
syste.rn, although the frequency of inscribed signs peaked Tripol'ye A through the Cucuteni A3/ Tripol'ye B1
in the Late Neolithic and declined through the Copper cultures. This period (the Eneolithic in southeastern
Age, 16 so there is scant evidence for an evolution toward European archaeology) is referred to as the Copper Age
writing. Potters invented two-level kilns that reached in this volume.
temperatures of 800 1100° C. A low-oxygen-reducing
atmosphere created black ceramic surfaces that were Metallurgy was a new and different kind of craft . Even
painted with graphite to make silver designs; alternatively, after being told that a shiny copper ring was made from a
a bellows-aided high-oxygen atrnosphere n1ade a red green-stained rock, it was difficult to see how. The rnagical
or orange surface, sometimes painted in white, black, aspect of copperworking set metalworkers apart, and
and red. the dernand for copper objects increased trade. Prospecting,
mining, and long-distance trade for ore and finished
Pottery kilns led to metallurgy. Copper was extracted from products introduced a new era in interregional politics
stone, or smelted, by mixing powdered green -blue azurite and interdependence that quickly reached across Old
or malachite minerals (possibly used for pigments) with Europe and even into the steppe grasslands north of the
powdered charcoal and baking the mixture in a reducing Black and Caspian Seas, probably through gift exchanges
atmosphere, perhaps accidentally at first. At: 800 " C the between local elites. 19
copper separated frorn the n1ineral ore in tiny shining
beads. 'These could be tapped out and separated from the

35
 Kilns and smelters for pottery and copper consumed the
forests, as did two-storied timber houses and the bristling
palisade walls that protected many Old European settle-
ments, particularly in northeast em Bulgaria. It seems likely
that many houses were intentionally filled with wood
and burned, possibly as a ritual of purification after the
death of someone important, then were rebuilt in almost
the same place, a cultura 1practice that added to defores-
tation, 20 At Durankulak and Sabia Ezerec in northeastern
Bulgaria and at Tirpe~i in Romania, pollen cores taken
near settlements show significant reductions in local forest
cover. 21 The earth's climate reached its postglacial thermal
maximum, the Atlantic period, about 6000-4000 BC,
and was at its warmest during the late Atlantic {pa leoch-
matic zone A3), beginning about 520 0 BC , In the uplands
majestic forests of elm, oak, and hme trees spread from
the Carpathians to the Urals by 5000 Bc , 22 But while the
chmate was mi Id, farming, mining, and tree felhng might
have slowly degraded the environments around long-settled
villages, leading to increased soil erosion and lo ca Ii zed
dechnes in agricultural producti on ,B

Trade and Power

A sh ort article published by the anthropologist Mary
Helms in 1992 had a profound effect on the archaeological
study of long-distance trade, 24 Before this, archaeologists
tended to use trade as an indicato r of different kind s
of political organization: Trade conducted as a se ries of
personal, face-to-face gift exchanges indicated an egah-
ta ri an society; trade organized to accumulate va babies
for the purpose of enhancing prestige through large-sea le
gift giving indicated a redistributive chiefdom; and trade
that filled locked and labeled storerooms in warehouses
to enrich and embellish kings and palaces indicated a
centralized state, Helms reminded archaeologists that
objects obtained from far away were not just artifacts,
but might be tangible symbols of a personal connection
1-6 (q+osite: left). Fem~e 1igurine. Rre:I day. Haman.;iia. Baa. 1,vith powers and even magic from beyond the known and

5000-46:0EC . MNIR.
famihar world, Exotic items suggested not merely wealth,
1-7 (q+osite: right,). Female 1igurine. Fired day. Hanangia. Cema\o::la but the owner's power over and intercourse with st range
5(X))-4600ec. MNIR .
places and beings, possibly including the ghosts of dead
1-S. Bear statuette. Fired cle<y, Cucuteni. Flj::iceni. 4500-3.0CO EC ancestors, Engaging in long-distance travel, warfare, and
(Cucuteni A). MJBT.
trade gave the participant an aura of the extraordinary,
1-9. H'agm entary ZoomO'p-iic Staruette . Rred day, Cucuteni. Ep.ireni Long-distance trade in N eohthic and Copper Age Europe
4500-3.0CO EC, MJSMVS.
probably was motivated partly by these ideological and

37
imaginative aspects of value, making the trade goods not ancestry seem w have faded away, and the demand for
"commodities" in a modern sense but rather "valuables," Spondylus ceased in central and northern Europe at the
symbols of status and recognition.ZS transition from Linear Pottery to Lengyel-type commu-
nities, about 5000 4900 nc. 27 The Spondylus trade
The oldest long-distance trade in the European Neolithic contracted to southeastern Europe, but at the same time
vvas the exchange of obsidian, a volcanic glass that it began to supply the networks of emulation and compe-
was worked into beautiful and razor-sharp stone tools. tition that defined Old Europe at its peak. In Old Europe
Obsidian fron1 the Aegean island of Mclos was carried Sfmndylus was accumulated and hoarded in unprecedented
across the Aegean Sea on boats. 26 The voyages that distrib- quantities with new, spectacular kinds of prestige goods
uted Melos obsidian, probably organized as fishing trips, made of copper and gold.
also would have established a pool of knrn.vledge about
distances and island crossings that could have facilitated Copper metallurgy was invented in southeastern Europe
the cross-Aegean colonization of Greece. But obsidian at abour. the san1e time that the Spondylus trade into
seerns to have been just a useful and attractive niaterial, central Europe stopped. Sn1elted copper was a new mate-
not a symbol of status or power. Another Aegean prize, the rial and strongly stimulated long-distance trade. But trade
shell of the mollusk Sfmndylus gaederopus (fig. 8-1), was connections were no longer very active in the direction
traded over even longer distances and carried a significant of central Europe, where the metal age really began a
symbolic weight. thousand years later, around 4000 BC; nor was much
copper traded into Greece or Anatolia. Metal ornaments
StJOndylus shells grew in the Aegean and the Adriatic were quickly included in trade networks that extended
Seas, and perhaps in other parts of the Mediterranean eastward into the steppes north of the Black and Caspian
Sea, but not in the Bia.ck Sea. Divers had to pull the spiny seas as far as the Volga-Ural region, a distance of more
shells from submerged rocks at depths of more than four than eighteen hundred kilometers from the copper mines
meters . In Greek Neolithic villages, the shells were in Bulgaria that were the source of the traded copper. At
broken in specific ways and used to make various kinds the cemetery of Khvalynsk on the middle Volga, dated
of ornaments: beads, bracelets, and rings (see the essay by about 4700 BC, 320 copper ornaments were found in 201
Seferiades). SfJondylus ornaments were carried from graves. Sonic objects were made or repaired locally, but
Greece into southeastern Europe when the first farn1ers n1ost were made of Bulgarian copper, and a handful
migrated to the Danube valley. Sporadic trade supplied (rings and spiral bracelets) were made in the sani.e vvay as
Danubian farmers with these symbols of their Aegean the copper ornaments found at Varna, and probably were
ancestry throughout the Early Neolithic, 6200 5500 BC. imported from Bulgaria.2'
The trade in Spondylus grevv significantly betvveen 5500
and 5000 BC, when a second vvave of migration carried The trade route from Bulgaria to the Volga probably passed.
the farming economy from the middle Danube valley through the Old European frontier towns and. villages of
over the Carpathians into Poland, Germany, and France. the Cucuteni-Tripol'ye culture. At the Cucuteni-Tripol'ye
North of the Carpathians, the shells took on greater settlement of Karbuna, occupied about. 4500-4400 BC, a
symbolic significance, appearing principally in the graves hoard of 444 copper objects was placed in a Tripol'ye A
of mature males, probably as indicators of status in pot vvith 254 beads, plaques, and bracelets made of
Linear Pottery (or LBK) communities. During this half- Spondylu.s shell, and hidden in a pit under a house floor.
millennium, many thousands of shells per year were Balkan copper like that in the Kar bun a hoard was traded
processed in Aegean workshops at Dikili-Tash, Dimini, eastward into steppe communities, but Spondylus shell
and Sitagroi and ·were traded up the Danube valley, over was not-it: remained in Old Europe. Curiously, around
the Carpathians, and into Linear Pottery farming vil- 5000 BC steppe chiefs started to wear ornani.ents made
lages, a distance of rnore than three thousand kilometers. of small boar-tusk plaques about the san1e size and shape
But after about five hundred years, the stories of Aegean as plaques made of Spondy!us in Old European hoards.

38
The boar-msk plaques could be seen as enrnlations of gold cosrnrnes for public events while they were alive
Spondylus ornaments. we nt home to fairly ordinary houses .

Copper and Spondylus were frequently combined in Old The Lure of the Figurines
European hoards. They occurred. together not just at One of the most famous aspects of Old Europe, certainly
Karbuna, but also in a hoard of more than 450 objects the aspect that Marija Gimbutas made the center of
discovered at the Cucuteni-culture settlen1ent of Brad her extensive research, is the abundance of figurines, the
(fig. 1-10) and in another large hoard at Ariu~d in majority of them apparently fcmaJes. The enigmatic
Transylvania (2,034 objects).2 9 The hoards seem to have female-centered cults of Old Europe have generated sharp
been accumulations of prestige objects ------Spondylus disagreement among archaeologists, historians, and
ornaments, copper and gold ornaments, cast copper ham- feminists. The exhibition that accompanied this catalogue
mer-axes, and polished-stone hammer-axes -----acquired included dozens of elaborately painted and decorated
through long-distance networks of exchange. Sirnilar se ts female figures of many kinds and styles, some found in
of objects were included in the rich graves at Varna in groups sitting on hornback chairs as if in council (figs. 5-l,
Bulgaria. A gold-covered S/J<mdylus bracelet was worn 5-2), others placed inside ceramic models of houses (fig.
by the n1ature male buried vvith 990 gold objects in Grave 5-5 ), and others discovered scattered among the ruins of
43 at the Varna cemetery, the richest single grave from ordinary homes. A strikingly modern male figure from
Old. Europe, dated about 4600---4500 BC !'.fig. 9-11). But no Hamangia, Romania, widely known as "T'he 'Thinker," is
Spondy!us 'vas included. in the Varna cenotaphs (symbolic among the best-known art objects from all of prehistoric
graves containing no body), which make up about one- Europe (fig. 5-9). But what did they mean?
sixth of the graves in the cemetery, including four of the
five richest graves. Girnbutas argued that individual figurine forms and
styles could be identified with individual deities in an Old
'The Varna cemetery was discovered in 1972 on the European pantheon. A female figurine might represent
western outskirts of Varna, Bulgaria, by workers digging the generative Mistress of Nature, or the agricultural,
a trench for an electric cable, precipitating a multiyear pregnant Goddess of Fertility; the Bird and Snake God-
excavation campaign led by Igor Ivanov (fig_ 9-1). The desses might represent incarnations of the life force; or
gold-filled graves of Varna (see the essays by Vladimir the old crone the Goddess of Death (sometimes also
Slavchev and John Chapma.n in this volume) are the best represented by poisonous snakes and vultures or birds of
evidence for the existence of a clearly distinct and distinc- prey, fig _ l-1 l ). Each of these could take ma.ny subsidiary
tive upper social and political rank, probably chiefs and. forms. A male figurine might represent the vigorous
their families, in the Varna culture about 4600 4400 BC . yo ung partner and Consort of the Goddess; or the old
The hoards of similar objects found in other settlements dying Vegetation God (the interpretation Cimbutas
document the extension of this chiefly prestige-trading assigned to the sorrowful-seeming "T'hinker"); or the
system to other parts of Old Europe. OccasionaJ weaJthy Master of Animals, the wild Hunter god. Moreover, the
graves, not as rich as those at Varna, probably indicate prevalence of fernaJe images among the anthropornorphic
the burials of lower-level chiefs_ Old European society figurines of Old Europe suggested to her that they mir-
was divided between powerful individuals who possessed rored a matrilineal and matrifocal Old European social
metals and Aegean shell (the exotic insignia of long- structure, in which women were the dominant figures in
distance trade) and wore these valuables on their bodies social and political life. 31
in public events--- -and those who did not. -' 0 But the ethos
of inequality did not extend to the home. Although a Girnbutas followed the theories of James i'Vfdlaart, the
few unusually large houses can be found in a few settle- archaeologist who in the 1960s described the rnother-
rnents, they were not significantly different in design goddesses of Neolithic (:atal Hc)ylik in Anatolia (Turkey)
or contents from other houses. 'The people who donned as evidence for an ancient and widespread tradition of

39
40
 1-10. Bra::! h03rd d:jects indooing an Askos. stag-too1!1 necklace.
o:pi;:er and gad disi<s, cq+er axe. o:pi;:er tracElets, cq+er necklace.
Cfld cq+er and \~tre:os - bead nockl~e . Cucuteni. Brad. 4200-4050e:
(C~uteri A3), MIR.

1-11. 'G~ss of Ceath" fffrlale 1~urine . Bene. Q.imelniJa, ~t~e~

40C0-30CO e:. MJITR.

41
multifaceted mother-worshipY For Gimbutas, this tradi- tion of two almost identical sets of figurines-twenty -one
tion was rooted in the Pa !eolithic Ice Age, continued broad-hipped females, twelve large and nine small, accom-
through the Neolithic, and survived into the Bronze Age panied by twelve horn-back chairs in one set and thirteen
and the Classic.a 1 era, although much suppressed at horn-back chairs in the other-found in two different
that date by the later cults built around Indo- European pots at two settlement sites of the Cucuteni culture about
male gods (Zeus, Poseidon, A res, and so on) , According two hundred kilometers apart in Romania (figs, 5-1, 5-2),
to Gi mbutas, it was patria rcha 1Indo-European people It strains the imagination to believe that these almost
who, in a war of the genders, destroyed and replaced identica 1sets represent a random coincidence, But what,
the goddess-centered societies of Old Europe, Eastern exactly, was the significance of twenty-one, divided into
European scholars have tended to interpret Old European groups of twelve and nine? If the chairs are for the twelve
figurines in similar ways, assuming that they are somehow bigger figurines (which, as Bailey notes, are still small
connected with the worship of a Great Mother Goddess enough to fit in your hand), why didn't the nine smaller
and assigning specific cult activities or identities to specific figurines get chairs?
figurines (for a different approach see the essay by Bailey
in this volume), 2l In the Tripol'ye settlement of Sabatinovka in western
Ukraine, a building identified as a "shrine" yielded six-
Most of these identifications of specific gods and god- teen similar figurines found sitting in similar horn-back
desses depended on analogies with much later rituals chairs, set up on a clay bench next to the remains of
and religious traditions derived from Classical Greece or a full-size clay horn-back chair, presumably for a rea 1
Rome, or even from modern folklore. Mircea Anghelinu person. The entire structure was found to contain sixteen
criticized her colleagues who depended on what she called more of these rod-headed, round-hipped figurines, for
the "folk premise"-the assumption that contemporary a total of thirty-two, From other evidence it appears to
Romanian peasant traditions about female spirits and have been perhaps a communal bakery, or perhaps a
witches could be understood as substrate survivals of storehouse for flour making (there were many grinding
Copper Age belief s--but she made this criticism precisely stones) and bread -making equipment. Baking could have
because the practice was so widespread. 34 Gimbutas, who been an act heavy with ritual significance-baking is
grew up in Lithuania, explicitly cited Baltic folkloric incorporated even today into many holiday rituals-but
parallels for the "goddess" figurines of Old Europe, The to call the Sabatinovka structure a shrine is to impose
problem, of course, is that modern or even medieval our own imagined meaningY In any case, the great
folk traditions are separated from Old Europe by at least majority of Old European figurines have been found in
five thousand years of intervening history, and in the domestic contexts in and around houses. Ordinarily they
case of Lithuania, by a significant distance, (G imbuta s do not seem to have been separated from the flow of daily
bridged the distance by appealing to the prehistoric activities or segregated in shrines, so looking for shrines
origins of the Balts among Indo-European tribes that is perhaps the wrong way to understand them,
interacted with the societies of Old Europe,) Similarly,
Gimbutas' attempt to link speci fie Copper Age goddesses One key to interpreting the figurines is to know their
with lY1inoan or Greek deities must overcome the prob- exact archaeologica 1contexts more precisely than has
lem that Classica 1Greece and Bronze Age Crete were often been possible in the past, If they are regarded as
quite far from Romania or Moldova geographically, and art objects or self-contained symbols whose meaning lay
even Minoan Crete flourished at least two thousand years entirely in their shapes and decoration, then their exact
after Old Europe, archaeological context could be deemed less important.
But the Berkeley archaeologist Ruth Tringham has shown
\\"fithout any question, codes of meaning are contained that it makes a great deal of difference whether figurines
in Old European figurines, but it is difficult to decipher the were found above or below house floors, and this can be
codes. Bailey's essay in this volume opens with a descrip- tricky to determine in the burned and collapsed ruins of a

42
hou se made of fired clay, plaster, and timber, frequently
found on top of the remains of an older h ouse. At Opovo ,
a Vine a culture site in Serbia dated about 440 0 B C, careful
ex cavation showed that many female figurines found "in"
one house actually were placed in foundation deposits as
some sort of blessing or protection for a house ab out to be
built, and then were covered by the wall s, fl oors, and even
the wall post s of the house a s it was built, Most of the
figurines at Opovo were found broken and discarded in
rubbi sh pit s near the house with broken fragment s of
st one axes, obsidian chips, bone tool s, and miniature clay
objects co mmonly called " amulets," 26 A few were found
on a h ou se fl oor; one of these wa s an alaba ster figurine
found with a clu ster of perf orated shell beads that possibly
deco rated it. These three very different contexts (buried
under floor s, broken and di scarded in pits, or decorated
and pla ced on the floor) certainly indi cate very different
way s of u sing figurines, and perhaps indicate three differ-
ent kind s of domestic hou sehold rituals.

The shape, deco ration , and even the clay of the figurine s
is, of cour se, an other valuable source of meanings. At the
Tripol'ye settlement of Luka Vrublevetskaya , dated ab out
4 60 0 B C , the clay of the figurines wa s th oroughly mixed
with all three kind s of grain (tw o kind s of wheat and
millet) cultivated by the farmer s of the village, and fl our
wa s added as welL In this ca se, where fat-hipped female
images were made of clay tempered with cultivated grain
and flour, we might rea sonably accept the interpretation
of an agricultural invocati on off ertility. The designs on
the surfa ces of the figurines might contain other kinds
of clues (fig. 1-1 2, page 112), and certainly have inspired
many interpretative efforts, Gimbutas th ought that M
and V si gns identified the Godde ss, and she interpreted
anthrop omorphi c sculptures decorated with these symb ols
as invocati ons of the Goddess (fig. 1-13). Peter Biehl and
A. P. Pogo zheva conducted statistical analy ses of the di st ri -
bution of particular decorative motifs with body parts,
establishing that designs like the lozenge or diamond were
associated with the belly and particularly with pregnant-
looking bellies . ~7 Many of the figurine s seem to be wearing
masks, or at lea st their fa ces are rendered in a ver,• unre-
ah sti c, masklike way (fig. 1-14) , while others, parti cularly
later Cu cuteni-Tripol'ye figurines, have very realisticfaces. 1 ·12 . Figurine. Fired clay, Cucuteni. S~u9'li, 4200-4050 oc
(Cucuteni .l\.3). MJBT.
Even ve ssels were made in the shape of human figures,

43
44
some of them with appended ears, pierced as if for the
attachment of ornaments (figs, 1-15, 1-16) ,

The roles of the genders in Old European society are

not accurately reflected in figurines , At the settlement of
Golya mo Dekhevo in eastern Bulgaria, not far from
Va ma and connected with the Varna culture, there were
n o identifiably male figurine s in the house s of the exca-
vated town; all of the figurine s that could be assigned a
gender were female , Yet all of the high-prestige graves in
the nearby cemetery, marked by exotic trade goods and
meta 1, belonged t o men, The same wa s true at Varna
it self-Grave 43, the richest single grave in Old Europe,
was that of a mature male, A !though in most sites more
than ninety percent of the identifiable human figurines
were female , ma le figurines were als o made, and were
grouped with females in some cases (fig. 5-4a). Men seem
t o have controlled external relations involving trade and
negotiati on s with neighboring chiefs, while the rituals
repre sented by female figurines seem to have emphasized
the dominant role of women insidethe house, and perhaps
were conne cted with ancest or cult s centered on their
mother s and aunt s.

One a spect of Gimbuta s' analysis that probably does

refle ct O ld European reality is her re cognition that a
great many different varieties and kinds of ritual behavior
and religious symboli sm are represented in the figurines
of Old Europe, Figurines had a variety of different cultic
u ses, and the se varied from region to region and changed
over time, In spite of the diffi culty that this variability
rai ses in interpretation , figurines remain one of the most
evocative and compelling aspects of Old Europe,

The Decline of Old Eu rope

Ab out 43 00-41 0 0 BC, more than six hundred tell settle-
ment s of the Gumelnita, Karan ovo VI, and Varna cultures
were burned and abandoned in the lower Danube valley

1-13. An1tircpcmO'~ic vesse wlth "M" sign at ne:k. Fired cl«1. B8rB.t.
Pa'~. 5300-0000 oc. MN IR.

1-14 . Female 1i:;iurine. Fired cl«1. Cucuteni. V'd"l~tai -PlJP-ni. 2700-3500 oc

(Cucuteni 81). MNIR.

45
46
1-15. An1tirq:omo-P,ic \essel wlth lid . Fired clay. Gum elni~a, SultBna,
4&.0-3.0CO oc. MJITA.GR.

1-16. An1tirq:an o-P,ic veSS€1. Fired clay, Gum elni~a, Sultefla.

4&.0-3.0CO oc. MNIR.

47
and eastern Bulgaria , In a recent compilation of forty dechned sharply in both volume and technical skilL
radiocarbon date s from the Karanovo VI-pha se tell Ceramics and meta 1 objects changed markedly in sty le,
settlement s of the se three cultures in Bulgaria , the dates "'\'//ea re faced with the complete replacement of a cul-
are densely du stered between 4800 and 4300 BC, indi- ture," Evgeni Chernykh, the foremo st expert on Copper
cating the peak of the Middle and Late Copper Ages, but Age metallurgy, said. It wa s "a catastrophe of colossal
only a handful of dates fall into the period 4300-4100 BC, scope ... a complete cultural caesura," according to the
and no tell settlement yielded a single dat e after thi s, Bulgarian archaeologi st, Henrietta Todorova. 44
The sudden end of the tell settlement s is indicated dearly
by the sudden end of the radiocarbon date s. :!2 Some of Exactly what happened to Old Europe is the subject of
their resident s dispersed temporarily into smaller village s a long and vigorou s debate. One possibility is that Old
like the Gumelni!a Bl hamlet of Ji lava, south west of Europe collapsed in a period o f intensified raiding and
Bucharest , 1.vith just five to six hou ses and a single-level 1.varfare caused by the migration into the lower Danube
cultural depo sit, But Ji lava was burned, apparently valley of people who were mobile herder s, possibly
suddenly, leaving whole pots and many other artifact s mounted on hor seback , from the steppe grasslands of
behind.'l9 People scattered and became much more mobile, Ukraine, A migration from the steppes does se em to
depending fur their food on herd s of sheep and cattle have happened about the same time as the collapse, but
rather than fields of grain, Pollen cores show that the 1.vhether it caused the collapse is debated.
countryside became even more open and deforested .40
The intrusive group of grave s is usually called the
Remarkably, archaeological survey s sho'IV a blank in Suvorovo culture by Western ard1aeologists, after a grave
the Balkan upland s after thi s: No permanent settlements of thi s period at Suvorovo, Ukraine, north of the Danube
can be dated in the Balkan s between 3900 and 3300 BC. 41 delta, where a male wa s buried with a stone mace head
At Hotnit sa in north-central Bulgaria, the burned hou ses in the shape of a horse, 45 The steppe intrusion is marked
of the final Copper Age occupation contained human only by graves, as no settlement s can be asc ribed to the
skeletons interpreted as ma ssacred inhabitants. The final Suvorovo immigrants. One of the richest of these intru-
Copper Age destruction level at Yunat site, 'Nest of sive cemeteries, a du ster of five 1.vell outfitted burials, was
Karanovo , contained forty-six human skeletons, also discovered at Giurgiule~i , at the southern tip of Moldova,
42
interpreted as a massacre. Balkan copper mine s abruptly north of the Danube delta (see the artide by Veaceslav
cea sed production-copper-using cultures in centra 1 Bicbaev in thi s volume). A hor se wa s sacrificed above the
Europe and the Carpathians switched to Serbian ores grave of an adult male at Giurgiule~i. A human bone gave
about 4 0 0 0 BC, at the beginning of the Bodrogkeresztur a date range of 449 0-433 0 BC (Ki-7037, 5560 ±80 BP).
culture in Hungary (fig. 1-17). 13 lvietal objects no1.v 1.vere Another grave 'Nith a horse -head mace v.ia s found at
made u sing new a rsenical bronz e alloys, and were of Casimi;-ea in the Dobrogea , south of the delta (fig. 1-18).
nei,v types, indudingnew weapons, importantly dagger s. The gra ssy plain north of the delta and the rocky Dobrogea
People probably still lived in the Balkans, but herd s of south of it seem to have contained the majority of the
sheep grazed on the abandoned tells. intrusive graves, but there 1.va s another group of intrusive
st eppe-derived graves at De cea M uresului in Transylvania,
In the lovver Danube Valley, in contrast, there are many dated 4330-4050 BC (KIA-368, 5380±40 BP), and a third
post-Gumelni!a sites, but the people of the Cernavoda I du ster appeared near a group of Cucuteni settlement s
culture that appeared after about 40 0 0-380 0 Bc left only in the Prut-Dniester watershed, including the grave at
a few female figurines, no longer u sed copper spira 1 Kainar, dated4455-4355Bc (Kr-36si, 5580±50 BP). TI1ere
bracelets or Spondylus-shell ornaments, made relatively wa s a period of several generations, at least, of interaction
plain pottery in a hmited number of shapes, did not live behveen Old European cultures and the intruders. During
on tell s, and depended as much on stockbreeding as on these centuries (perhaps 44 00-4 20 0 Bc), a significant
agriculture. lvietallurgy, mining, and ceramic technology quantity of Old European copper ornaments and weapon s,

48
made from copper mined in the Balkans, i,va s funneled
back into the Ukrainian st eppes around the lower Dnieper
River, where a du st er of copper-rich grave s is called the
Novodanilovka group (after the grave at Novodanilovka)
or the Skel}'a group (after the settlement at Stril'cha
Skel}'a).46 Hor ses were important in the economies of
the se steppe settlements, particula rl}' at th e settlement
of Dereivka , 'Nhich ha s b e en the focu s of argument s
about the domesti cation of the hor se for man}' }'ears; but
imported copper from the Balkan s al so pla}'ed a brief but
important role in st eppe pr estige competition.

Another possible cause for the collapse cited b}' archaeolo-

gi sts is dimate chan ge, and a resultin g crisi s in agriculture.
About 4200-4 000 Bc the climate began to cooL Solar
in solation decrea sed, glacier s advanced in the Alp s, and
i.vinter s be c ame much colder. 47 Accordin g to changes in the
annual gro1.vth rings in oak s pre served in bogs in German}'
and in annual ice la}' er s in ice cores from Greenland , the
cold period peaked between 41 00 and 38 00 BC , with
temperatures colder than at an}' time in the previou s tiivo
thou sand }'ears. Investigation s led b}' Dougla ss Baile}'
in the lov,•er Danube valle}' showed that flood s probably
occurred more frequentl}' and erosion degraded the
riverine floodplains where crop s were grown. Agriculture
in the lower Danube valle}' shifted to more-cold-tolerant
r}'e in some sett lements,43 But thi s change in winter
temperatures seem s to have p eaked after the collapse of
Old Europe , and even then it did not make agriculture or
village life impo ssible; both continu ed in mo st parts of
south eastern Europe , except in the lov.ier Danube valley,
the agricultural plain around Karanovo in the Balkan s,
and the coast around Varna-wh ere tell settlements were
most common.

Another possible explan ation, taken up by man}' in the

199 Os, wa s that a sudden ri se in the level of the Black Sea
could have drovvn ed the fertile plain s on the coast and
caused an agricultural crisi s.49 But thi s would n ot have
affected the Balkan uplands at all, and even on the Black
Sea coast the entire area inundated since the middle
Hol o cene (extending sixteen to eighteen meters belo1.v
modern sea level) wa s only about five to ten kilomet ers
wide in most places, up to a maximum of eighteen kilo - 1-17..OJ11hrqxmcq;hic 8Wique. Gdd . Booro;ike'ssz1Ur culture. Mcigrad .
4000-38:>0e:. MNIR.
meter s mea sured from inside today's wid est, shallowest

49
1-1S. Stene hcrse -head scepter. 11int Cfro,v pcints. and 11nt leflces.
lndo-8.Jrq:ean. Casim ~a. 4000 EC, M NI R.

so
bays. Sea-level curves dated by calibrated radiocarbon degraded the environments around them, leading to eco-
dates show that the Black Sea rose very rapidly, swallowing logical ruin and a change in economy from settled,
the coast , about 5200-4500 BC (the Late Neolithic and village-based agriculture to mobile stockbreeding, ~ But
Early and Middle Copper Ages in Bulgaria, the early phase the evidence for ecological degradation is slight, and the
of Old Europe), then briefly leveled off or fell back about proposed massive shift in economy seems an extreme
4500-4300 BC (the Late Copper Age, the peak of Old solution to a problem of localized ecological degradation
Europe in Bulgaria), and rose again about 4 20 0-3 60 0 BC near settlements, Hundreds of sites were abandoned,
(the Final Copper Age, after the collapse), so The earlier and many long-standing traditions were terminated, in
rise, the fall, and the subsequent rise had no apparent era fts, domestic rituals, decorative customs, body orna-
negative effect on societies of the Late Neolithic and Early ments, housing styles, living arrangements, mortuary
and Middle Copper Ages, None of these sea-level rises customs, mining, and metallurgy. The conjunction of so
reached as high as today's coastline, many terminations suggests a catastrophic event, not a
gradual evoh.ltion,
A late Karanovo VI settlement was found at a depth of
five to six meters beneath modern sea level during renova- Region-wide abandonments of large settlements have
tions of the S ozopol harbor, Tree rings from oak pilings been documented archaeologically in other areas, notably
used to build the Late Copper Age houses at Sozopol in the North American southwest (1100-1400 AD) and in
covered a 224-year-long period from the yoilllgest growth Late Classic Maya sites (70 0-9 00 AD) in Mesoamerica. n
ring to the last felled oak, and part of that interval was In both regions the abandonments were associated with
taken up by the growth of the trees to a ha rvestable size, intense war fa re , The kind of climate shift that struck the
suggesting that the settlement was occupied for substan- lower Danube valley about 4200-3800 BC would not have
tially less time, perhaps only a century. Radiocarbon made tell settlements uninhabitable. But it might have
dates ranged between 454 0 and 4240 B c. In spite of the intensified conflict and warfare.
Atlantis-liked iscovery of this settlement beneath the
modem waves, a moment's reflection reveals that Sozopol Settlements of the Cemavoda I type appea red just after
does not illustrate the drowning of Old Europe, The the abandonment of the tells in the lower Darrube valley.
Sozopol settlement was located on what was in the Late They contain ceramics that exh ibit a mixture of steppe
Copper Age dry land surrounded by oak forest. If Sozopol technology and indigenous Darrubian shapes, and are
was on dry land at six meters below modern sea level, ascribed to a mixed population of steppe immigrants and
the Late Copper Age coastline at the time of the collapse people from the tells, It looks like the tell towns of Old
probably was even lower, perhaps eight meters below Europe fell to warfare, and immigrants from the steppes
modern sea leveL The S ozopol radiocarbon dates a re were involved-somehow, But the primary causes of the
compatible with an occupation at the end of the Karanovo crisis could have included climate change and related
VI phase, and the Karanovo VI phase III ceramic types agricultural failures, or soil erosion and environmenta 1
suggest an occupation after the abandonment of most of degradation aco.imulated from centuries of intensive
the Karanovo VI tells, perhaps even by refugees from farming, or internecine warfare over declining timber and
the tells. If refugees were moving to coastal Sozopol after copper resources, or some combination of a 11 of these,
the collapse, the cause of the collapse was not danger
from the sea , The Sozopol settlement ended in a large The Final Flowering of Old Europe
fire, the ashes from which still form a thick layer over the The crisis, however it was constituted, did not immedi-
settlement in sediments six meters beneath the sea, Fire, ately affect all of Old Europe, Widespread settlement
not water, destroyed the Sozopol settlement 51 abandonments occurred about 4300-4100 BC in the lower
Danube valley (Gumelnita, northeastern Bulgaria and
Fina Uy, an explanation for the collapse often invoked the Bolgrad group), eastern Bulgaria (Varna and related
in Ukraine is that the large settlements of Old Eu rope o.iltures), and in the mountain valleys of the Balkans

51
(Karanovo VI), east of the Yantra River in Bulgaria and contained hundreds of houses and seern to have been
the Olt in Romania. The region abandoned \'vas precisely preeminent places in a new settlement hierarchy. These
where many hundreds of tell settlements, fixed perma- kinds of changes usually are interpreted as signs of an
nently in an equally stable, fixed agricultural landscape, emerging political hierarchy and increasing centraliza-
were concentrated. The focused pattern of land use and tion of power an important stage in a process that
communal living that produced tells disappeared. could have led to the evolution of cities. But: that is not
what: happened.
The traditions of Old Europe survived longer, until about
3500 BC or a little later, in western Bulgaria and western Almost all of the Tripol'ye settlements located between
Romania (Krivodol-Salcu1a IV-Bubani IIum lb). llere the the Dnieper and South Bug rivers were oval in plan with
settlement system had always been a little more flexible the houses arranged radially, their long axes pointing
and less rooted·······the sites of western Bulgaria usually did toward a central plaza . Benveen about 3700 and 3400 BC,
not form high tells. Old European ceramic types, house a group of Tripol'ye Cl towns in this region reached
types, and figurine types were abandoned gradually during sizes of 250 to 450 hectares, two to four times larger
Sakup IV, 4000-3500 BC. Settlernents that \Vere occupied than the first cities of .Mesopotamia, evolving at the same
during this Final Copper Age, places like Telish-Redutite t:in1e. These rnegatowns were located in the hills east: of
III and Galatin, moved to high, steep-sided promontories, the South Bug River, near the steppe frontier in the
but they retained mud-brick architecture, two-story southern forest-steppe ecological zone. 'T'hey were the
houses, and cult and temple buildings. 51 Many caves in the largest communities not just in Europe, but anywhere
region were ne\vly occupied, and since herders often use in the world. 56
upland caves for shelter, this might suggest an increase in
upland-lowfand seasonal migrations by herders. None of the three best-documented megatuwns, Dobrovodi
(250 hectares), !vlaidanets'ke (250 hectares), and T~d'yanki
The Old European traditions of the Cucuteni-Tripol'ye (450 hectares), contained an obvious administrative
culture also survived between 4000 and 3500 BC. In fact center, palace, storehouse, or central temple. Consequently,
they seemed curiously reinvigorated. After 4000 BC, in they are not called cities. They had no surrounding forti-
its Tripol'ye B2 phase, the Tripol'ye culture expanded fication wall or moat, although at Maidanets'ke the
eastward toward the Dnieper valley, creating ever larger excavators .Mikahil Videiko and lvL.M. Shrnagli described
agricultural towns. New relationships were established the houses in the outer ring as joined in a way that pre-
with the copper-using cultures of eastern Hungary sented an unbroken tvvo-story-high wall pierced only by
and Transylvania (Borogkeresztlir) in the west and with easily defended radial streets. The most thoroughly inves-
the tribes of the steppes in the east. Domestic cults still tigated megatown, .Maidanets'ke, covered. 250 hectares
used female figurines, and potters still made fine , brightly (fig. 3-5) . .Magnetometer testing revealed 1,575 structures.
painted lidded pots and storage jars one meter high. Most were inhabited simultaneously (there \Nas almost
In Tripol'ye Cl communities, specialized craft centers no overbuilding of newer houses on older ones) by a
appeared for flint tool making, weaving, and ceramic population estimated at 5,500-7,700 people. 57 The houses
manufacture. Painted fine ceran1ics were mass-produced were built close to each other in six concentric oval rings,
by specialist potters in the largest towns (Varvarovka on a common plan, radially oriented toward a central
VIII), and flint tools were mass-produced at flint-mining plaza. The excavated houses were large, five to eight
villages like Polivanov Yar on the Dniester. 55 A hierarchy meters wide and tvventy to thirty meters long, and many
appeared in settlement sizes, with two and perhaps three were two storied.
tiers: small sites of less than 10 hectares, medium-sized
sites of less than 50 hectares, and large sites of up to 450 Tmvns this large were difficult to manage and administer
hectares. Cucuteni AB/ Tripol'ye B2 settlements such as (see Chapman in this volume). Videiko and Shrnagli
Veseli Kut (150 hectares), occupied about 4200 ---3800 BC, detected in the archaeological remains of Maidanets'ke
localized subgroupings of eight: ro ten houses thar they true end of Old Europe. ;vrobile pastoral herders of the
interpreted as kinship groups such as clan segments. If a Yamnaya culture, practicing a new and revolutionary pas-
segment leader represented ten houses, a council of 120 toral economy that was based on wagons and horseback
to 150 segment leaders would have made decisions. Since riding, 59 spread into the South Bug valley and built kurgans
no known building seems to have been built to host and. on the grassy sites where the megatowns had been; their
feed town council meetings of 150 or rnore, the wint:er- cousins rnigrated up the Danube valley into Bulgaria and
tin1e administrative schedule n1usr have been a socially even Hungary, creating a bigger mid more visible archaeo-
cornplicated house-to-house affair more suited to life in logical footprint than the smaller-scale Suvorovo migration
smaller villages . It is not clear why they took the trouble from the steppes a thousand years earlier.
to live this way. The megatowns lack obvious temples or
palaces and have yielded only a fevv artifacts that might The Legacy of Old Europe
be seen as record-keeping tokens or counters, \vhich Old Europe has left us an impressive body of surprisingly
makes it look like they were not religious and adn1inis- n1odern -looking ceramic art, an astonishing amount of
trative centers that taxed and controlled the surrounding inventive metallurgy, and an enigmatic series of ritual
agricultural population, unlike the conternpornry early figurines that helped to inspire a modern spiritual re vi val
cities of the Near East:. These megat:owns are therefore of reverence for goddesses. Marija Gimbutas, following
interpreted by most investigators as defensive concen- the studies of Jane Harrison on the evolution of Greek
trations of population at a time of increased conflict . religion, supposed that Old European beliefs survived into
Excavation of sample sections in several megatowns has the Classical and even Christian eras as substrate bodies
shown that all of the houses were burned simultaneously of ritual and custom, not confined only to mothers and
when each megatcnvn was abandoned. 58 T he excavators daughters but as the common cults of the majority of the
acknowledge that the evolution and expansion of a new rural population, designed to propitiate a va.riety of
kind of pastoral economy in the neighboring steppe "vague, irrational, and mainly malevolent spirit-things,
region was connected in some way \Vith increasing conflict ghosts, and bogeys . . . .''" 0 If Harrison and Gimbutas were
and the end of the megasites, but there is no consensus right, then some small ritual acts conducted today, per-
on the crucial detai ls of who was doing vvhat to whom, haps even those wrapped in the cloth of Christianity, were
and why. born long before they were baptized, in .Jane Hanison's
apt phrase.
After Maidanest:s'ke and Tal'yanki were abandoned,
the largest town in the South Bug hills was Kasenovka The significance of Old Europe is much greater than those
(120 hectares, with seven to nine concentric rings of small fragments of custom suggest . Bronze Age Greece is
houses), dated to the Tripol'ye Cl/C2 transition, perhaps generally understood as the first European civilization,
3400 3300 BC. \Xlhen Kasenovka was burned and. aban- but by the time the first foundation for the first citadel at
doned, Tripol'ye towns and the customs associated with Troy was dug, the gold-filled graves at Varna had been in
them simply disappeared from rnost of the South Bug the ground for fifteen hundred years . Much earlier than is
River valley, a large region that had been densely occu- generally recognized, southeastern Europe achieved a level
pied by Tripol 'ye farmers for rnore than a thousand years. of technologicaJ skill, artistic creativity, and sociaJ com-
In Romania and Moldova the Cucuteni archaeological plexity that defies our standard categories and is just
typology, with all of its varied styles and substyles, finally beginning to be understood in a systematic way. The end
comes to an end at about this time or even a little earlier of Old Europe is another problem that has not produced
in most of the eastern Carpathian piedmont. The deco- an agreed-upon explanation, but that is rapidly becoming
rated pottery on which it is based was no longer nude. clearer because new radiocarbon dates have sharpened
Although some painted-pottery craft traditions survived the basic framework of when and how rapidly things hap-
for a few more centuries in the Dniester valley and pened. In a little more than a century, we have gone from
around Kiev in the middle Dnieper valley, this was the puzzled wonder at the age and origins of the painted
pottery found on hilltops in eastern Europe to a broad
understanding of >vhen it originated, how many varieties
were made, how they were made, the kinds of houses
the pots were used in, the sizes and organization of fami-
lies and villages, the nature of the subsistence economy,
the domestic rituals that the pottery makers conducted
at home, the methods of metallurgy they invented in
the san1e kilns, and something of their participation
in networks of interregional trade, exchange, and con-
flict . That is a great accomplishment, but it leaves much
more to do.

54
Note; 10 For the oldest Cri~ site in the lower Danube valley, see Nica, lYL, "Clrcea,
cea mai veche a$eZare neolitJ. de la sud de carpa\i," Studii $i Cercetari de
l Pernicka, E., et al., "Prehistoric Copper in Bulgaria,'·' Eurasia Antiqua 3 !store Veche $i Arheologie 27, no. 4 (1977): 435-63. For a recent C-'<cavation
(1997): 41. at a Starcevo settlement in the plains north of Belgrade, see Greenfield, I-!.,
"Preliminary Report on the 1992 Excavations at Foeni-Sala~: An Early
2 For so me of the major shifts in interpretation, see Barford, P., "East Is Neolithic Starcevo-Cri~ Settlement in the Romanian Banat," Analele Banatului
East and West Is West? Power a nd Paradigm in European Archaeology," 3 (1994 ) : 45 .. 93. for residue evi dence that Starcevo and Cri$ cattle were
in Archaeoiogies of Europe: History, Alethods, and Theories, ed. P.F. Biehl, milked, see Craig, O.E., et al., "Did tbe First Farmer; of Central and .E a;tern
A. Gramsch, and A. Marciniak (Tii bingen: Tiibinger Archllologische Europe Produce Dairy foods?" Antiquity 79 (2005): 882. - 94.
Tasdienbiicher, 2002): 78-97.
11 On Lepenski Vir, see Radovanic, I., "Further Notes on Mesolithic-
3 Gimbutas, M., The God;; and Goddesses o( Old Europe, 6500-35()1) BC: Neolithic Contact; in the Iron Gates Region and tbe Central Balkan;,"
.Myths and Cult Image;., (Lo ndon: Thames and Hudso n, 1974); a.nd Gimbutas, Doamienta Praehistori,;a Tl (2006):107-24; on the Dobrogean Mesolithic,
TfJe Godde~.:~:.~:: and e:.~od:: o( Old Europe_, 6500---3500 re (London: Than1es and see Paunescu, A .. "Tardenoasianul din Dobrogea," Studii ;;i Cerc.etari de
Hudson, 1982). For critics see .Meskell, L., '"T\vin Peaks: 'fhe Archaeologie; lstorie Veche ,,i Arheologie 38, no. 1 (1987) : 3-22. For :zoological analyse;
of <;atal lkiyiik ," in Ancient Goddesses: The lvfyths and the Evidence, ed. see Benecke, N., "Ard1aeozoological Studies on the Transition from the
L. Goodison and C. Morris (Ma dison: University of \Visconsin Press, 1998): J\frsolithic to tbe Neolithic in the North Pontic Region," Ar:thmpozooiogica
46···62; Anthon:;-~ D.W., "Nazi and Ecofeminist Prehistories: Ideolo>,>y and 25··26 (1997): 63l--4 1. For Jl,frsolithic traits in lfamangia, see Todorova. H.,
E.mpiricism in In do-European Archaeology,~~ in N'ationah.c;m; Politics. asd the "The Neolithic , Eneolithic, and Tran;itional in Bulgarian Prehistor)'," in
Practice of Ari:ha,wiogy, ed. P. Kohl and C. Fawcett (Ca mbridge: Cambrid ge PrehistO!'ic Bu!ga!·ia , ed. D.W. Bailey and I. Panayotov, Monographs in World
University Press, 1995): 82.. -·96; and D.W. Bailey in this volume. for praise Archaeolo>,>y 22 (Madison WI: Prehistory Press, 1995): 86.
;ee Marler, J., ed ., The Danube Sc,-ipt: Neo-Eneolithic w,·fting in South-
eastern Europe (Sebastopol, CA: Institute of Archaeomythology with the 12 Sagona and Zimansky, Ancient Titrkey (2009): 13639.
Bn1kenthal National ;'vJuseum, Sibiu, Romania, 2008).
13 Binfi)\ E., "The Late Starcevo and the Earliest Linear Pottery Groups in
4 For good overviews of the history of definitions of the European Copper \Ve; tern 'Transdanubiana," Documenta l'raehistorica 27 (2000): 173-85.
Age, see Li cha rdus, .J., and R. F.cht, eds., Die Kupferzeit als historische
Epoche, Saarbriicker Beitrage zur Altermmskunde 55 (Bo nn : Dr. Rudolf 14 For the pathologies on cattle bones indicating that they were used
Hebelt ·verlag, 1991 ); and Lichter~ C.~ Unter.:;uchung,en zu d,~n Be.:;tattung,ssitten regularly for heavy draft, see Ghetie, B., and C.N . .Mateescu, "L'utilisation
des Sudosteutopaei~·chen Neolithikum~· und Chalko!ithikums (lvfainz: Philip des bc>vines it la tracation clans le Neolithique Moyen," Internationai
von Zabern, 2001). Conference of Prehistoric and Prntohistoric Sdences (Belgrade) 10 (1973) :
454··61; and Marinescu-Bilcu, S., A. Bolomey, M. Carciumaru, and A.
5 Schuchhardt, C.~ .Aiteurot•tl.~ in seinet Kuftu.r- und Stiienu;icktiung .'vforaru, "Ecological, Economic and Behavioral Aspects of the C:ucuteni A4
(Strasburg: Triibner, 1919). Community at Dragu~eni," Dacia 28, no;. 1-2 (1984): 41-46. For a study
that failed w find such pathologies, see Bila$escu, A., D. Moise, and V.
6 See Sherratt, A., "V. Gordon Childe: Archaeology and Intellectual History," Radu, "U;e of Bovine Traction in tbe Eneolitbic of Romania: A Preliminary
Past and Pm·ent 12.5 (1989): 176. Approach,~~ in Cucuten.i. 120 ans de rechen:hes.; Le tenips du bi/an I
Cuwteni: 120 Years of Reseanh; Time to Sum Up, ed. J. Chap man et al.
7 Bogucki, P., "The Spread of Early Farming in Europe," American Scientist (Piatra-Neam\, 2005): 277··83.
84, no. 3 (1996): 2.42 53.
15 For a recent excavation at a tdl settlement see Echt, R., Drama ..
8 For Y-d1romosome data on early European cattle, see Gotherstrom, A., et 1\1.erdiume~ja: A Southeast Bulgarian lvionument of the Eu1'oj}ean Cu.lture
al., "Cattle Domestication in the Near Ea;t Was Followed by Hybridization Hei'itage and. Its Publication, in .E·-Leai·ning J\llethodologies and Cornputer
Vl•ith Aurochs Bulls in Europe ," Proceeding~· of Biological Sciences 272, A[J[Jlications in Archaeoiogy, ed. D. Politis (Hershey, PA: IGI Global, 2008):
no. 1579 (2005): 2337-44. For MtDNA see Bradley, D.G., D.E. J\1acHugh, 229-51.
P. Cunningham, and R.T. Loftus, "Mitochondrial Diversity and the Origins
of African and European Cattle," Proceedings of the National Academy 16 For the chronological shift in frequency, see Merlini, M., "Evidence of
of Scienas 93, no. 10 (1996): 5131-35; and ']roy, C.S., et al., "Genetic Evidence the Danube Script in Neighboring Areas: Serbia, Bulp;aria, Greece, Hungary,
for Near-Eastern Origins of European Cattle," Nature 410, no . 6832 (2001): and the Czech Republic," in The Danube Script: Neo-Eneo!ithic Writing in
1088-91. Southea.~t Europe (Sebastopol, CA: Institute of Archaeomytbology, 2008):
5360; see also Gimbutas, M., The Language cf the Goddess (London:
9 Perles, C., The Eariy Neolithic in c;,·eece (Ca mbrid ge: Cambridge Thames & Hudson , 1989); and Winn, S.M .M., Pre-Writing in Southeaste1·n
University Press~ 2001); see also Sagona~ A.~ and P. Zimansky, Ancient Tur.key Eurot e: The Sign System af the Vin/:a Culture> r.a. 4000 BC (Calgary: \Xfestern
1

(London : Routledge, 2009): 11517, 12123, 13639, for the expansion of Publishers, 1981).
farming into Eurnpe. For the initial spread into the Balkans, see Fiedd, S.,
and D.\Y.1• Anthony, " Deerslayers, Pathfinders, and Icemen: Origins of the 17 Cop per tools were found in Early Eneolithic Slatina in southwestern
European Neolithic as Seen from the Frontier," in The Coionization of Bulgaria, and copper ornament; and pieces of copper ore (malachite) were
Un{cimiliar Land>·«1pes, ed. NL Rockman and J. Steele (London: Routledge, found in Late Neolithic Hamangia IIB on the Black Sea coast in the Dobrogea
2003): 144-68. Abo see Zvelebil, M., and !'vf. Lillie, "Tra n; ition to Agricul hills so uth of the Danube delta, both probably dated 5200-5000 F.C. For Old
ttH'e in Eastern Europe," in Eumpe\ First Fanne1''·, ed. 'ID. Price (Ca mbridge: European metals in Bulgaria, ;ee Pernicka et al., "Prehistoric Copper in
Cambridge University Press, 2000): 57··92. The logistics of a n open-boat Bulgaria" (1997) . For the middle Danube, see Glumac, P.D., and _T.A. Todd,
cro;;ing of the Aegean are discus;ed in Brnodbank, C ., and T F. Strasser, "Eneolitbic Copper Smelting Slag; from the Middle Danube Ba;in,·· in
"Migrant Farmers and the Colonization of Crete," Antiquiiy 65 (1991): ;i;·chaeometry '90, ed. E. Pernicka and G.A. Wagner (Basel: Birkhauser. 1991):
233-45. 155-64. For general overviews .see Chernykh, E.N·., Ancient lvfetallu1gy in the
USSR (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); and Ryndina. N.V.,
Dr.evneishe.e A'fetallo-·obrahatyvaiushch.ee Proizvodstvo Iugo-·Vo.'i'tochnoi
Evropy (Moskva: Editorial, 1998).

55
18 Ellis, L., The Curnteni--'Tripol'ye Culture : A Study in 'Technology and 33 Burdo, N.B., Sakral'nyi svit Trypil'skoi tsivilizatsii (Kiev: Nash Chas,
the Origins of Complex Society, British Archaeological Reports, International 2008); Monah, D., Plastica antropomorfa a culturii Cucuteni-Tripolie,
Series 217 (Oxford: Archaeopress, 1984). Bibliotheca Memoriae Antiquitatis 3 (Piatra Neamt, 1997).

19 Anthony, D.\V'., The Hor8e, the \"K!heel and Language: How Brnnze A.ge 34 Anghelinu, 1v1., "The Magic of the Painted Pottery: The Cucutenian
Ridets front the Euta~;ian Stef.Jf.Jes.· Shap~d the lv1odern 117orld (Princelon~ NJ:
¥ and the Romanian Prehistoric Archaeology," in Curntmi, ed. Chapman et
Princeton University Press, 2007): 182---87. al. (2005): 29---38.

20 On house burnings see Stevanovic, M ., "The Age of Clay: The Social 35 For Sabatinovka, see Gimbutas, The Languag<' o/ the Goddess (1989):
Dynamics of House Destl'uction," Journal of Anthrnpologicai A rchaeoiogy 1.32-33.
16 (1997): 33'1---95; for house destruction in Neolithic Anatolia, see Sagona
and Zimansky, Ancient Turkey (2009): 63-64. 36 Tringham , R., and M. Conkey, "Rethinking Figurines: A Critical View
from .Archaeology of Gimbutas, the ' Goddess' and Popular Culture," in
21 For vegetation changes during the Eneolithic, see Willis, K.J., "The Ancient Goddesses, ed. Goodison and Morris (1998): 22--45.
Vegetational History of the Balkans/~ Q ·uat21'1WJ'Y Scieuce Reuiew:; 13 (1994):
769---88; Marinesu-Btku, S., M. Carciumaru, and A. Muraru, "Contributions 37 Pogozheva, A. P., Antropomor/naya plastika Tripol'ya (Novosibirsk:
to the Ecology of Pre and Proto historic Habitations at T\rpqti ," Dacia 25 Akademiia Nauk, Sibirskoe Otdelenie, 1983); and Biehl, P.F., "Symbols on
(1981): 7---3L and Bailey, D.W., et al., "Alluvial Landscapes in the Temperate Anthropomorphic Figurines in Neolithic and Chakolithic Southeast Europe,"
Balkan Neolithic: Transitions to Tells," Antiquity 76 (2002): 349-55. ]ournai o/ European Archaeology 4 (1996): 153-76. See also Hansen, S.,
Bilder votrJ 1\.1.enschen der Steinzeit: Unter8uchungen zur anthropotnorph~nl
22 Kremenetskii , C.V., "l·Iuman Impact on the lfolocene Vegetation of Plastik der ]ungstein:.:eit und Kutferzeit in St'Jdosteurof)a> Archaologie in
the South Russian Plain~'' in .Land.<:capes: in Flux: Central and Easie1'n E."ufope Eurasien 20 (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 2007).
in Antiquity, ed. J. Chapman and P. Dolukhanov (London: Oxbow, 1997):
275-87. 38 Boyadzhiev, Y., "Synchronization of the Stages of the Cucuteni Culture
with the Eneolithic Cultures of the Territory of Bulgaria According to C14
23 Dennell, R.W., and D. Webley, "Prehistoric Settlement and Land Use in Dates," in Cucuteni, ed . Chapman et al. (2005): 65-74.
Southern Bulgaria," in Palaeo economy, ed. E.S. Higgs (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1975): 97---110. 39 Comsa, E., "Quelques considerations sur la culture Gumelnitsa," Dacia 20
(1976): 105-27.
24 Helms, M ., "Long-Distance Contacts, Elite Aspirations, and the Age
Resource.~ Pou.Jet";. and fnter . regional Interaction, ed. E ..M:.
of Discovery," in 40 Marinova, E., "'foe New Pollen Core Lake Durankulak3: The Vegetation
Schortman and P.A. Urban (New York: Plenum, 1992): 157---74. l-!istory and l·Iuman Impact in Northeastern Bulgaria," in Aspects ol
Paiynoiogy and Paleontoiogy, ed. S. Tonkov (Sofia: Pensoft, 2003): 279---88.
25 Appadurai, A., "Introduction: Commodities and the Politics of Value," in
The Social Li(e of' Things.' Co mmodities in CMltural P<3-rst1 ec tiue~ ed. Appadurai 41 Nikolova , L., "Social Transformations and Evolution in the Balkans in the
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986): 3-63. Fourth and Third Millennia BC," in Anaiyzing the Bronze Age, ed. Nikolova
(Sofia: Prehistory Foundation 2000): 18.
26 Brnodbank, C., "The Ol'igins and Eady Development of Mediterrnnean
Maritirr1e Activity/' journal of lv'Iediterranean Archaeology 19, no. 2. (2006): 42 For the destruction of Eneolithic Yunatsite, see Merpert, N.J::, "Bulgaro-
199 230. Russian Archaeological Investigations in the Balkans," Ancient Ciuili.~ ation s
from Scythia to Siberia 2, no. 3 (1995} 364-83.
27 Chapn1an~ J., and B. Caydarska, ".Spondylus gaederopus!Glycynieris
Exchange Networks in the European Neolithic and Chalcolithic," in 43 'This was when metallurgy really began in western Hungary and nearby
Handbook of the European Neolithic, ed. D. Hoffman, C. Fowler, and in Austria and central Europe. Cast copper objects began to appear regularly
J. Harding (London : Routledge, forthcoming). in western Hungary with the Lasinja -Balaton cu lture about 4000 BC; see
Banffy, E., "South-west Ti·ansdanubia as a Mediating Area: On the Cultural
28 Anthony, The Horse, the '.'Vheel and Language (2007): 184---85. History of the Early and Middle Chakolithic," in Archaeology and Settlement
History in the Hah6t Ba.dn> South·· Wes·t .Hungary, ed. B.~\1. SzOke, Antaeus 22
29 Sztancsuj, S.J., "The Early Copper Age lfoard from Ariu$ (Erosd):" in (Budapest: Archaeological Institute of the lfongarian Academy of Science,
Cuwteni, ed. Chapman et al. (2005): 85-105; Dergachev, VA., Karbun8kii 1995): 157-96; see also Parzinger, H., "Hornstaad--Hlinskoe--Stollhof: Zur
Klad (Kishinev: Academiei Stiin~e, 1998). absoluten datierung eines vor-Baden-zeitlichen Horizontes," Germania 70
(1992): 241-50.
30 For social hierarchy at Varna, see Renfrew, C., "Varna and the Emergence
of \'V'ealth in Prehistoric Europe," in The Social U(B of Things, ed. Appadurai 44 Chernykh, E.N., Ancient lvietallmg-y in the USSR (Cambridge: Cambridge
(1986): 141-67; for doubts about the extent of hierat'chy at Varna, see Biehl, University Pre;;, 1992): 52; 'fodorova, H., "The Neolithic, Eneolithic, and
P.F. and A. Marciniak, "The Construction of Hierarchy: Rethinking the Transitional in Bulgarian Prehistory" (1995): 90.
Copper .Age in Southeast Europe/~ in Hierai'chies in A,:tion: Cui Bono? ed.
lvf.W'. Diehl, Occasional Paper 27 (Carbondale, IL: Center for Archaeological 45 The original report on the Suvorovo grave and related graves north
Investigations, 2000): 181-209. of the Danube delta is: Alekseeva, LL.,"() drevneishhikh Eneoliticheskikh
pogrebeniyakh severo··Zapadnogo prichernomor'ya ~ '' ll.fate1'ialy po .A 1·k.heologii
31 Girnbutas, i\.'f., The Civilization of the Godde55: The V7orld of CJld Severnogo Prichernomor')1a (Kiev) 8 (1976): 176-·.S6.
Eurnpe (San Francisco: HarperCollins, 1991): 223-50, .342-44.
46 Anthony, The Horse, the Whee! and Language (2007): 249 --58; for a
32 .lv!eskdl, "TiA•in Peaks" (1998): 46-62. radiocarbon date list, see Kotova, Nadezhda S., Early Eneoiithic in the
Poniic Sieppes, trans. N.S. Makhortykh, British Archaeological Reports,
International Series 1735 (Oxford: Archaeopress, 2008}: 69.

56
47 Perry, C.A., and K.J. Hw, "Geophysical, Archaeological, and Hi;torical 57 Emmer and ;pelt wheats were the most common cereals recovered; barley
Evidence Support a Solar-Output Model for Climate Change," Proceedings and peas were found in one house. Cattle (35 percent of domesticated
of the Natio nal Academy of Sc ience; 7, no. 23 ( 2000): 12433-38; and Bond, animals), pig (27 percent), and sheep (26 percent) were tbe principle sources
G., et aL, "Persistent Solar Influence on North Atlantic Climate During the of meat-----the remaining 11 percent being equally divided between dogs and
Holocene," Science 294 (2001): 2130-36. For Alpine glaciers readvanced in horses. About 15 percent of the animal bone; were from wild animal;,
Switzerland, see Z6ller, l-L, "Alter und Ausmass postglllzialer Klimaschwan- including red deer, wild boar, bison, hare, and birds. The importance of
kungen in der Sch-.veizer Alpen," in Dendrochronologie und Postglaziale domesticated pigs and wild game indicate forested environments near the
Klimaschwangungen in Europa, ed. B. Frenzel (Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1977): settlement. A hardwood forest of only about twenty square kilometers would
27181- For indicators of cooling about 4000 be in the Greenland ice cores_, have provided sustainable firewood for the town . Its abandonment was not
;ee O'Br ien, S.R., et aL, "Complexity of Hohxene C limate as Recon ; tructed dearly related to ecological degradation. See Chernyakhov, LT, ed.,
from a Greenland Ice Core," Science 270 (1995): 1962--64. For climate change Rannezemledel'cheskie poseleniya-gigamy Tripol'skoi kul'mry na Ukraine
in Central Europe in the German oak--tree rings, see Leuschner, H .H ., et aL, ('Tal'yanki: Vinnitskii Pedagogicheskii Institut, 1990).
"Subfo;;il European Bog Oa.ks: Population Dynamic; a.nd Long-Term Grnwth
Depressions as Indicators of Changes in the Holocene Hydro-Regime and 58 Videiko, MJu., "Looking for Trypillya Culture Proto-Cities," illus.
Climate," The Holocene 12, no. 6 (2002): 695-706. pamphlet (2005): 15.

48 For the flooding and agricultural shift;, ;ee Bailey, D.\X'., et al, "Expanding 59 Anthony, The Horse, the \Y/heel and Language (2007): chap, LL
the Dimensions of Early Agricultural Tells: The Podgoritsa Archaeological
Project, Bulgaria," Journal of Field Archaeology 25 (1998): 373-96. For 60 See Harrison , J..E., Pmlegomena to the Study of Greek Religion (1903;
overgrazing and soil ero;ion, see Dennell, R.W., and D. \Xlebley, "Prehistoric Princeton: Princeton Un iversity Press, 199"1): 7.
Settlement and Land Use in Southern Bulgaria," in Palaeoeconomy, ed. E.S.
Higgs (Cambridge: Cambridge Univer;ity Pres;, 1975) : 97-110.

49 'fodornva, H., "The Neol ithic, Eneolithic, and Transit ional in Bulgarian
Prehistory" (1995) : 89.

50 Dates taken from fig_ 3 in Balabanov, LP. , "Holocene Sea-Levd Changes

of the Black Sea," in The Black Sea Flood Question.- Changes in Coastline,
Climate, and Human Settlnnent, ed. V. Yanko-Hombach , AS Gilbert,
N. Panin, and P.M. Dolukhanov (Dordred1t: Springer, 2007): 711--30, esp, 718,
722; for a general sea-level curve, ;ee Siddall, ;'-,1., et al., "Sea-Level Fluctua
tions During the Last Glacial Cycle, Nature 423 (2003): 853---58.

51 Draganov, V, "S ubmerged Coastal Settleme nt; from the Final Eneolithic
and the Early Bronze Age in the Sea around Sozopol and Urdoviza Bay near
Kiten,'' in Prnhistoric Bulgaria, ed. D.\V. Bailey, L Panayatov, and S_ Alexandrov
(1995): 22541; Filipova-Marinova, M., "Archaeological and Paleontological
Evidence of C limate Dynamics, Sea--Levd Change, and Coa;tline ;'vfigrntfon
in the Bulgarian Sector of the Circum-Pont ic Region," in Yanko-Holmbach
et a l. , The Black Sea Flood Question (2007 ): 45381.

52 Rassamakin, Y., "The Eneolithic of the Black Sea Steppe: Dynamics of

Cultural and Economic Development, 4500-2300 BC," in Late !'i·ehistoric
Exploitation of the Eurasian StefJ[Je, ed. _M, Levine, Y. Rassamakin,
A. Ki:ilenko, and N. Tatarinbeva (Cambrid ge: McDo nald Institute for
Archaeological Research, 1999): 59---182; Manzura, L, "Steps to the Steppe,
or How the Nonh Pontic Region Was Colonized," Oxford journal of
Ai·chaeology 24, no. 4 (2005): 313-38; Ko hl , P.L. , The Making o( Bronze Age
Eurasia (C ambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007): 132---37,

53 Cameron, C., and S.A. Tomka, eds., Abandonmeni of Setilements and

.Regions: .Ethnoarchaeologicai and A rcha.eoiogic.'1l
. Approaches (Can1 bridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1993) .

54 'fodornva, H., "The Neo li thic, Eneolithic, and Transitio nal in Bulgarian
Prehistory" (1995): 90.

55 Ell is, The Curnieni-Tri pol'ye Culture; and Tsvek, E.v:, "On the Problem
of Distinguishing Manufacturing Cult; among Tr ipolyan Populations,'' in
Cucuteni, ed. Chapman et aL (2005): 145-56.

56 For the megasites, see Chapman, tbis volume; Videiko, MJu., T,.ypii'.s'ki
proiomista. Istoriia doslid2:hen' (Kiev: Tov. Kolo-Ra, 2002); and Videiko,
.M Ju., "D ie Grossiedlungen der 'fripol'e Kultur in der Ukraine, Eurasia
Antiqua 1 (1996):45 80.

57
A History of Archaeology and
Museography in Romania
loan Opri~ and C8.t8.lin Bern
Natbnal History Museum of Pom9.nia, Buct1arest

Archaeology is among the oldest and most respected of Cucuteni in northeastern Romania, not far from the
academic disciplines in Romania. Since 1864, when the city of Ia~. the archaeological site was discovered in
National Museum of Antiquities was founded in Bucharest, 1884 by Theodor Burada, and the first trial trenches were
both it and the provincial museums have been dedicated to excavated one year later by Nicolae Beldiceanu, Dimit ri e
archaeological research. The first archaeology course was Butculescu, and Gheorghe Butureanu. Public interest
taught by Alexandru Odobescu at Bucharest University in in the site inspi red the founding of the Society of Medics
1874, and each subsequent generation of historians has and Natura lists as well as the Scientific and Literary
incorporated archaeology as a central component in his- Society in Ia~i in 1886, attracting memberships that in -
torical studies. The first state regulation of archaeological cluded numerous educated people interested in Romania's
excavations, promulgated in 1892, stabilized excavation prehistory, Research of the last two decades of the nine-
procedures and increased their importance, At the dawn teenth century was still dominated by romanticism, as
of the twentieth century, the Romanian school of archae- was evident in the studies of Grigore Toci lescu (188 0),
ology coalesced around specialized university chairs in Nicolae Beldiceanu (1885), and Alexandru Odobescu
Cluj, Bucharest, and Ia~i. Today Romania contains a wide (18 89-19 00) , In 188 9 at the Intemationa 1 Congress
diversity of remains from quite different ages and varied of Anthropology and Prehistoric Archaeology in Paris,
histories, and therefore presents a challenge to exhibiting Odobescu and Butu reanu presented for the first ti me to
and interpreting the past, the European scientific world the results of their trial
excavations at Cucuteni,
The Formative Pe riod in Romanian Arch aeology
In many ways the history of archaeolo~' in Romania is Hubert Schmidt (fig. 2-1), an archaeologist from Berlin,
connected with the Cucuteni archaeological site and the was interested in these finds and eventually visited
Copper Age culture a ft er which it is named , Located Cucuteni to assess the site, In 190 9 and 1910 Schmidt
on Cetatuia Cucutenilor, an elevated bluff near the village conducted the first systematic archaeological excavations
at Cucuteni (figs, 2-2, 2-3), This excavation is usually
accepted as the beginning of systematic archaeological
research in Romania, although Laszlo Ferenc had
Faltier Ccnstantin h£~ (1S7S -1971) \'!siting an a-d1aed~iC8l excav81icn.
begun excavations at A riu~d, a Cucuteni settlement in

59
Transylvania, r.wo years earlier (fig. 2-4). Schmidt pub- Consrnnra, Craiova, Deva, Piatra Neami, Tecuci,
lished his results at Cucuteni in a preliminary report Timi$oara, and Turnu Severin).
in 1911, but his complete excavation report >Vas published
many years later in a volume that defined and described During this era, interaction with archaeologists from
the most spectacular prehistoric culture of southeastern other countries was facilitated by the establishment of the
Europe. 1 Schmidt returned to Romania during \'{Torld Accadeniia di Ron1ania (Rome) and L'F.cole Roumain
\var I, overseeing additional archaeological excavations (Fontenay aux Roses, Paris), while students and disciples
in \Valachia •vhilc it was occupied by German troops. of P ~i rvan developed ne'w strategies that benefited fron1
the favorable situation of an entirely unified country and
Before the beginning of the war, three important archae- two decades of progress and stability after 1918. Among
ological works were published 2 in addition to Schmidt's the archaeologists who followed Parvan were Constantin
1911 preliminary report from Cucuteni, stirring the Daicoviciu in Cluj, Vladimir Dumitrescu in Bucharest,
public's desire for more knowledge about the prehistoric and Chest Tafrali in Ia~i, all of \Vhorn brought innovative
civilizations of Romania. Irnrnediately after the war concepts and established regional schools. At the same
ended in 1918, and Transylvania, Banat, and Bessarabia time, the renowned English archaeologist V. Gordon
became part of modern Romania, systematic excavations Childe brought Rornanian archaeology to the forefront
began at Neolithic sites across the country, in Banat, of European prehistory, arguing forcefully in his widely
~'vfoldavi a, Oltenia, ·rransylvania , and Walachia, largely read books that the Danube Valley was Europe's oldest
under the direction of Vasile Parvan, who set the direc- highway of migration, trade, and communication.·1
tion for his successors and emulators, and whose books
helped to define Romanian archaeology in the first half Archaeology in Romania between
of the tvventieth century. 3 Also in these postwar years, the World Wars
a series of large-scale excavations commenced a.t the Dumitrescu's excavations at Sultana (1923), and then at
Neolithic and Copper Age sites of Cascioarele, Sultana, Gumelnip (1925), revealed the exceptional interest and
and Vadastra (in the lmver Danube valley), as well as at importance of tell sites north of the lower Danube, in
the Cucuteni sites of Ruginoasa and Traian (in the eastern Walachia and i\foldavia. Analyzing the geography of
Carpathian piedmont). Neolithic and Copper Age sites, he suggested they were
to be found at specific locations that were rich in wild
Parvan was the founder of the modern school of game and fish and offered copper and gold ore deposits,
Romanian archaeology and archaeological museography, natural salt deposits, and natural communication paths.
and in 1912 became the director of the National Museum He collaborated >vith his wife, Hortensia Dumitrescu
of Antiquities, which in the second half of the twentieth (fig. 2-5), and a series of devoted partners, including
century was the foundation for the Institute of Archaeology Father Constantin l\!latasa (figs. 2-6, 2-7, page 58), the
(1956) and the National History Museum of Romania founder of the archaeological museum in Piatra Neamt
in Bucharest (1972). \vhen he began as director, Parvan (1934). Their efforts brought to light the great prehistoric
was a young professor at Bucharest University and a mem- settlen1ents of Bistrip., the Prut valley, and Siret. At the
ber of the Commission of Historic i\.:!onuments. He not end of the 1920s and the beginning of the 1930s, archaeo-
only introduced a systematic approach to archaeological logical excavations by the Dumitrescus at Ruginoasa and
excavations in Romania, but also created new site muse- Traian (fig. 2-8), as well as joint projects at Cascioarele
ums to protect archaeological sites and the collections (started by Gheorghe Stefan), Sultana (begun by Ion
of objects found there (for example, at Ilistria in 1915). Andrie~escu), Tangaru and Petru Rare~, Vadastra, and
Before \'{!orld \Var I, there were only four local museums Vidra and Sarnlqti, defined the Ronianian Neolithic
with archaeology collections (in Bucharest, Cluj, Ia~i, and Copper Age (Eneolithic).
and Sfantu Gheorghe), but in the following decades
many others \Vere added (including those at Alba lulia,

60
In Bucharest Ion Nestor (1905-1 974) pulled rogether were able w defy the standard dogma, and promoted
much of this new Copper Age material in his doctoral interacademic relations and developed professional
thesis,5 which he expanded during a Rockefeller fellow- relationships on a solid scientific foundation that was
ship (1935/36) in Berlin, where he dedicated himself to resistant to political obstruction .
studying the Cucuteni finds excavated by Schmidt and
stored at the Museum fur Vor- und Friihgeschichte. Archaeological excavations now resumed at important
Nestor 's excavations at Ariu~d and s~1rata Monteoru Copper Age sites that had first been explored before the
led to irnportant new discoveries and established a true war, including Cascioarcle, Gurnclnita, and Sultana
"archaeological school." During the 1930s a number of (of the Gumelnip culture), and Ariu§d , Cucuteni, and
other Romanian archaeologists became members of Traian (of the Cucuteni culture). Entire Copper Age
international scientific bodies, thus contributing to settlements were excavated and revealed at llabJ§e§ti
broader dissemination of their archaeological finds. This and 'Tru§e§ti. Excavations also resumed in Bulgaria (at
also \Vas the period of the first large-sea le research in the Karanovo and Ruse), in the Republic of Moldova
eastern area of the Cucuteni culture in Ukra.ine, where (Darabani a.nd Petreni), in Ukraine (Kolomi§cina and
V.V. Hvoiko had defined a new eastern variant of the Tripol'ye), and Serbia (Starcevo and Vine a) . Industrial
painted-pottery cultures ·with his excavations at Tripol'ye development in all regions of Romania caused rnajor
in 1893. In the 1930s, \vhen Tatiana Passek systematically landscape changes after 1950, and discoveries were made
organized and interpreted 'fripol'ye archaeological sites as bulldozers stood by (fig. 2-9) . Exceptional objects
and artifact types, 6 it became clear that the Cucuteni-type were uncovered and entered into museum collections,
sites nea.r Ia~i and in Transylvania were western expres- contributing to the development of a.rchaeologica.I nrn-
sions of a widespread culture with painted pottery; seography, and more than fifty regional archaeologica.l
eastern va.riants were narned after the site of Tripol'ye, museums opened. Fabulous finds fascinated the larger
on the west bank of the Dnieper River, forty kilometers public and were disseminated throughout the world.
south of Kiev. These cultures were themselves but one
aspect of a broad family of interacting Copper Age cul- After the 1956 revolution in Hungary, the effects of a
tures that also included the region south of the Danube, certain liberalization vvere visible in respect to Romanian
where Bulgaria.n archaeologist R. Popov excavated large archaeologists and rnuseographers. Romania reaffinned
tell sett:lenients (Salnianovo, or Kodja-Dermen). The it:s adherence to the standards of the International
interwar yea.rs were a prosperous period for archaeology Cornrnitt:ee of Historic Studies (1956), and Ron1anian
and archaeological museography in Romania, leading to archaeologists began to travel more frequently abroad,
genuine improvements in understanding the prehistoric starting with the congresses of history at Lund (1958)
and ancient civilizations of this part of Europe. and Stockholm (1960). Friendships and scientific com-
munications with foreign archaeologists and historians
Archaeology after World War II contributed to the growth of Romanian archaeology.
The years after \'{lorld Wa.r II brought radical tra.nsfor- In 1956, after a visit to Romania, Childe proposed the
rnations to Romania, but: also witnessed axchaeological first exchanges of students between Rornania and the
discoveries of great significance. Archaeologists belonging United Kingdom. Following this proposal, the archaeolo-
to the older generation remained dedicated to their gists Lucian Ro§U (later an eminent scholar at Western
goals ······-in spite of ideological restrictions and even in ivlichigan University in Kalamazoo and the Universit y of
some cases punishment by the communist regime ·····-and ivlichigan in Ann Arbor) and Aurelian Petre were the first
Vladimir Dumitrescu became the academic authority to benefit from the program.
·who defined research regarding the Neolithic and Copper
Age. Archaeology was less visibly affected than n1ost The first postwar international congress held in Rornania
other professions by the ideological detours that turned took place in l.960 at a conference of classical studies
Romanian society from its proper course. Archaeologists in Constanp, and marked the resumption of bilateral

61
 • ~7(A~n. 'l'"/'Jrku
·?u fi
d.- II.: 6ou ~u.-?Uj uz,
l lubcrt bmid1 m~/"'1,,.,.. f1/{! tF
18 bib 1933

A l~ dre7tf<., 't'/<"n
r/ 7
l" ~-< 1"4'- ( ,,,,., ~

62
2-1 (q:posite). Archaedogist Hl.bert Sclimdt(1S64-1003).

2-2 (cpposite). The excavalicn campagn underta<Efl by Schmidt at

Cucuteri . 1910.

2-3 (q:posite). Frcnt ~e of ares88rch repcn fran 1910 fo:using en

the excavaiicns made by Schmidt at Cucute'li .

2-4. Excavalicn le:! by La.s:zf6 FB'Eflc al Ariu~. ca. 1910.

2-5. Left to right: \lla:fmir CUmitrescu. 1-brtensia CUmitrescu. ~Ma

Marlnescu -Bilcu . and M. Cfu'dumaiu al Dragu~ni.

63
64
2-6(q:posite). Fa1her Coostan1ln M~(1S7S-1971) . tun~rof1he
PP-gicnaJ kcha.eciogica Museum in Piatra ~an~ .

2 -7 (o~ite). O'l-si te ceramic restcration super11ised by Fa1her

Constantin M~~

2-S. The a-cha.eciogicaJ team from Tra.ice'l, induding specialists CC'ld local
\\Otl<ers.

2-9. The exc«<<aticns at T8Jpe~i. ca. 1~~00.

65
scientific relations with Western countries. Two months in Ro mania , In 1969 Keith Hit chins created the journal
earlier Marija Gimbutas, of the American School of of Romar1i.ar1 Studies, which offered a new basis for better
Prehistoric Research at Harvard University, visited knowledge of Romanian historiography,
Romani a to study Copper Age collections. In the same
year a series of British archaeologi sts-incruding J-D , The publication of major archaeological volumes during
Cowen (University of London), W.E Grimes, George the 1970 s and 198 0 s7 was accompanied by archaeologi ca l
TE, Powell (Liverpool University), and M .C , Sanders- exhibitions presented abroad during a period of political
visited archaeologica 1sites in Romania , focusing on the relaxation: The Romans in Romani.a (1968-69, in Italy and
settlement of Sarata Monteoru, a stratified site seen as key Germany) , The Historic Treasure of Romar1i.a (1969-70,
to understanding the Early and Middle Bronze ages in Sweden, France, and Great Britain), The Daci.ar1s ar1d the
the lower Danube valley, The year 19 60 also witnessed Illyriar1s (1973, Albania) , Archaeological Trea sures of the
the first R omanian postwar exhibition in the United Iror1 Gates (1978, Yugoslavia), and The Ciuili.zatior1 of
States, entitled Fol.le. Art of the Romar1i.a r1s, which was the Geto-Daciar1s ir1 the Classical Period (1979-81, which
on view at the American Museum of Natural Hi story in toured eleven European countries). In 1981 an exhibition
New York and the Smithsonian Institution in Washington entitled The Historical Trea sures of Romar1i.a was sched-
D.C ,, a s well as in Philadelphia and Zanesville, Ohio, uled to be exhibited at the National Gallery of A rt in
In 1961 the photographic exhibition Archaeological \\"/ashingt on, D.C,, but was banned at the last moment by
Discoveries from Dobrouja was presented in the United the Ceau~escu couple,
State s in respon se to the interest triggered by spectacular
di scove rie s in that region on the western shore of the Academic exchanges continued, h owever, through the
Black Sea. In 1962 Hugh Hencken at Harvard University 1980s-the last decade of the commlmist regime in
visited a series of archaeologica l sites in Romania and Romania-when numerous pro jects and co llabo rations
published an enthusia sti c account. were suppo rted by Ameri can scholars of Romanian his-
to ry, archaeology, ethnography, and folklore. The names
During the 196 Os the value of Romanian archaeology of many remain impo rtant t oday, among them , Linda
began t o be re cognized in lvioscow, where Passek pro- Ellis, Gail Kligman , Joe Marrant, Paul Mikelson, J ob by
moted its importan ce, as well as in New York . Romanian Peterson, Katherine Verdery, and Glee Wilson. Through
archaeologists were invited to address several symposia their energy Romanian culture and history, and the inter-
at Brooklyn College in 19 64 , in connection with the pretations of Romanian historians and archaeologists,
International Congress of Prehistory and Protohistory, received wider recognition by American scholars, The
The following year Constantin Daicoviciu attended the 1990s witnessed the creation of new research centers at
Seventh International Conference of the Internationa 1 the National History lviuseum of Romania in Bucharest,
Counci 1of Mu seums at the Metr opolitan lviuseum of at the Piatra Neamt County Museum Complex, in Alba
Art , leading t o sci en ti fie exchanges with North American Iulia, and in Ta rgovi~te ,
universities. Archaeologist Robert W. Ehrich at Brooklyn
College expressed particular interest in the dis coveries Cucuteni and related Copper Age artifacts were included
and contributi on s of Dumitrescu and Nestor and invited in an exhibition entitled 7,000 Years of History, o rga-
them to a 1968 symposium on "Method and Theory in nized in 1993-94 in Germany and the Netherlands, and
Archaeol ogi cal Interpretati on ." Many other institutions- also were at the center of a 1998 exhibition in Greece,
Bamard C ollege, Boston University, Columbia University, Cucuter1i, the Last Great Er1eoli.thic C iuili.zatior1 of
Cornell University, Indiana University at Bloomington, the Euro pe , Meanwhile exceptiona 1di scoveries were made
University of California, Berkeley, "\Y/esleyan University, during new excavations at the Copper Age sites of Ariu~d ,
and others-invited Romanian archaeologists, anthro- Bordu~ani , Buqani, Garcea, Gradinile, Gura Baciului,
p ologists, historians, ethnographers, and art historians Har~ova , Luncavita, Parta, Poduri, Scanteia, Uivar, and
for an exchange of ideas and discussion of developments Vitane~ti (figs, 2-10-2-12) , These projects provided the

66
2-10. Aerial im~e of 1he excavaricns ofa tel senlement in 1he Necjlo\I ~le1.

2-11. A p-ehistcric dW;!lling under excavaticn at 1he Buc~ni site.

Giurgiu county.

67
68
basis for a new appreciation of the Copper Age societies
of southeastern Europe and inspired renewed public inter-
est, The importance of salt and its trade, for example,
were documented as major factors in the development of
prehistoric communities (figs, 2-13, 2-14) through new
projects coordinated by V, Cavruc, john Chapman,
Gheorghe Dumitroaia, and A. Harding. Today it is widely
recognized that the natural salt springs of Moldavia were
a critically important resource beginning in the Neolithic
era (Sta rcevo culture) and notably during the Cucuteni
period, when there existed specialized facilities for the
extractions of salt, an important natural resource in trade
and exchange,

Over the last century, three generations of archaeologists

and museum professionals have built a foundation for
investigating, preserving, and exhibiting the past (Table
2-1) , Each generation has added to the base of knowledge
and reinterpreted history through new discoveries, In the
future multidisciplinary investigations pursued in coor-
dination with museum exhibitions promise to add further
subtleties to the multiple meanings of the prehistoric
civilizations of Romania .

Translated by Corina Bor~

2-12 (cpp:;isite) . The p-enistcric tell settlement trcm Sult8na ~J~i ca.mty.

2 -13. A. salty sJ:Xi ~ currE!"l1ly in cperatioo al Cucuie~ -Slatina Vee he. Scioo~
ccm mune. B~mi coonty.

69
70
 A Selected Chronology of Excavations
at Major Neolithic a nd Eneolith ic Sites
Now Located in Roma nian Territory
Y~rs Excavated Site N<lme Exc~tcr

1007-9. 1911-13. Al1u~ Las:zlo Fe-enc

1~5

1~-10 Cucuteri HL.tert Schmidt

1~3 Sult8na loo .4rrlie~u
1~3 Gumelri~ \llocf mr Cl.Jn itrescu
1~4 C~icerae Ghea-ghe $te18n
1~4 Boan \18sile Chistescu
1~6 PLJgiooasa Ha-tensia Cl.Jm itrescu
1~6 Glina loo N;!StCf
1~6 \l~ra \18sile Chistescu
1006. 193$, 1940 Traffi \llocf mr Cl.Jn itrescu
1943 Glina Mircea Petrsocu- D3rntov1~
1949-60 H~ \llocf mr Cl.Jn itrescu
1949-61 Ca11l.teri loo N;!StCf
1951-00 Traffi \llocf mr Cl.Jn itrescu
1953-64, 100J-61 Hanffigia D. Berciu
195~ Tfu~ SiMa M8rlnescu-Bi1cu
1~ Gumelri~ \llocf mr Cl.Jn itrescu
1~1-74 Cucuteri Mircea Petrsocu- D3rnro.~~
1~1--0S C~iceree \llocf mr Cl.Jn itrescu
1~SS1t Pod.ri Dffi Met18h
1970-;:fese"lt D~U§'S"li Sil\~a M8rlnescu- Bilcu
1979...p-ese"lt Pa-~ Ghea-ghe l...8za'cN1ci
1995;:t-ese1t Ba-dJ~i Dr8Qom r Pqxt.~ci

1995;..'fese"lt Sc8ntea Carelia-M8Qda

Mantu - 1..azao,~ci

1996;:t-ese1t H~o.<a Dr8Qoml' ~ci

1993..µese"lt \/ital~ P'3.d8n kld"eescu

1999..µese"lt Bu~ C~JinBen

1999;..'fese"lt Lune~~ Crlsti8n Micu

2001..µese"lt Sult8na P'3.d8n kld"eescu
2002;:t-ese1t Uivar RorlnD~n

2-14 . Archced~icaJ exccc.<atioos aqa::ent tocootempcte1ry q:eratioos ot

salty sp-in.gs a1 Tdi ci · HllJ~utoaia. Petricani commune. Nean ~ county.

Tatle 2-1. A. selected ch'ood~y otexc<«<atioos at maja- Nedithic 8nd

Eneciithic sites now located in Ponanian terrltCfy.

71
Acknowledgments

We would like to e,"'<press our gratitude to Dr. l'vfircea Bahe~ (Bucharest),

Dr. Gheorghe Dumitroaia (Piatra Neam\) , Catalin Lazar (Bucharest) ,
Dr. Silvia .Marinescu .. Bilcu (Bucharest), and Dr. Vargha Mihaly
(Sfantu Gheorghe) for permission to reproduce archival photographs in
their possession.

Notes

1 Schmidt, H., Cuc:uteni in der obe"en IVioldrm (Berlin-Leipzig:

Gruyter, 1.932).

2 l\far\ian , I., "Archaologisch-prahistorisches Repertorium for Siebenburgen,"

.A.·iitteilungen de'i' Anthi'opologischen Gesellschaft in \V'ien 39 (1909):
321-··58; Andrie~escu , I., "Contriburii la Dacia inainte de romani" (Ph.D. diss.,
Institutul de Arheologie la~i, 1912); Laszlo, F., A..>atasok az .Erosdi ostelepen
(Sfantu Gheorghe, 1914).

3 Pa.rvan, V., Getit:..."1. lnc8puturile vie.tii la gurile Dunifrii (Bucure;?til 192J);

Pirvan, V.~ Dacia: iln Outline of" Early Civilization of" the c~zrp~ztho­
Danubian Countries (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1928).

4 Childe, VG., The Daum of European Civilization (1925; Oxford:

Taylor and Francis, 2005); Childe, V.G., The Danube in Prehiston• (Oxford:
Clarendon , 1929).

5 Nestor, I., "Der Stand der Vorgeschichtforschung in Rumanien" (PhD diss.,

Philipps· Universitat Afarburg, 1933).

6 Passek, T.S., La cera;-nique tripolienrrn (.M:oscov1: AcadCn1ie de l ~Histoire

de la Culture Materielle, 1935).

7 Condurachi, :E., Arch~blogie rournaine au X.Xe si8,-;le (Bucharest: .Acaden1ie

de la Republique Populaire Roumaine, 1963); Marinescu-Bilcu, S., Cultura
Precucuteni pe teritoriul Ronulniei (Bucure$ti: Academiei RPR, 1974).
Houses, Households, Villages, and
Proto-Cities in Southeastern Europe
John Chapman
Durham University

ln trodu ct ion miniatures, These three regions not only provide an

A mu seum exhibition necessarily removes the objects on excellent example of the regional diversity that so typified
di splay fr om the context s of their production and use , In Ne olithic and Copper Age Europe but als o challenge u s
thi s essay, I seek to reestablish a pa rt of that context by to explain such profound differen ces,
characterizing the pattern of settlement in selected regi on s
of southeastern Europe during tw o millennia of often It is important at the outset t o highlight two strong contrasts
dramati c change, 5000t o 3000 B C. I shall concentrate on in the lifeways of the inhabitants of O ld Europe, The first
three remarkable but contra sting social domains: first , concerns areas where the archaeologi cal evidence ha s
the unexpe ctedly varied range of settlements associated been provided primarily by cemeteries, in opposition to
with the spectacular cemetery of Varna and its preceding areas where most of the evidence is fr o m settlements,
Neolithi c cemeteries near the west coast of the Black Sea; Cemeteries formed a focus of ancestral veneration materi-
second, the enduring but small-scale tell settlements from alized through grave goods, usually in small number s but
a geographi cally intermediate region , the Lower Danube occasionally in massive concentrations as, for example,
valley; and third , the surprisingly massive settlements of at Varna. The second contrast, which cuts across the first ,
the Cucuteni-Trip ol'ye culture, distributed north of the relates to area s dominated by tell settlements as against
Danube valley and northeast of the Carpathian Mountains area s dominated by flat sites. Tells were settlements where
in M oldavia, M oldova , and Ukraine, The region s covered people lived in the same place as their ancesto rs, slowly
here formed part of what Ma rija Gimbutas termed "Old creating visually impressive mound s with the remains of
Europe" 1-a di stinctive area where people often lived in their rebuilt h ou ses and di scarded h ouseh old go ods in
relatively large, densely occupied, nucleated settlements accumulations that eventually elevated a settlement ab ove
and produ ced an abundan ce of material culture, including its surrounding plain, 2 H owever, densely packed h ou ses
spectacular densitie s of painted pottery , figurines, and built on top of a tell left no space for gardens, animal
keeping, outdoor rituals, or pyrotechnic activities such as
copper smelting and pottery firing, Flat sites, in contrast,
were often divided into "house-and-garden" grouping s, ~
ArchitectLraJ mo::lel . Rre::l clay, Gum elni~ . CasciCQ'ele. where the greater space between structures permitted a
49:):)...~ oc. MNIR .
much wider range of social practices, alth ough the latter

75
Range of Site Sizes in Old Eu rope did not necessarily place the same emphasis on occupying
Culture Dales T'JPe Minimum M8X!mum the site of the ancestral dwelling ,
hectcres hectcres
Vhea 53004&0oc Rax 0.1 100
The main cultural distributions and geographical regions
\~nea 5300-4&0 oc Tel 7
are indicated on the map on page 26, and the size range
Haneflgia 5000.4SOOoc Rax 0.1 2.5
of both settlements and cemeteries in tables 3-1 and 3-2,
\Ian a 4S00.4300oc Rax 0.1 4
We now tum to the principal area in Old Europe where
\lama 4S00.4300oc Tel 1 5
the mortuatj' domain is dominant-the western coast of
GumehiJa 4S00.4000oc Tel s
the Black Sea, It is impossible to understand the Va ma
Ka'Cflet10 \II 4S00.4000oc Tel 1 10
cemetery without grasping the significance of the long-
Ttii::d'ye 4S00.2SOOoc Rat 0.5 450
Cu: uteri 400J.3500oc Rat 0.5 so lasting tradition of cemetery burial in the western Black
Bo:Yo;ike'esznjr 4000.3500oc Rat 0.1 Sea region, a tradition that started in the Neolithic,

The We.st Black Sea Coast

Range of Grave Numbers in Old Europe
Neolithic and Copper Age settlements in the western Black
Culture Dales Minimum M8X!mum
Sea region (the western shore of the Black Sea, including
'vlnea 5300-4&0 oc 7 32
parts of modern Bulgaria and Romania) were estabhshed
Bciefl 5200-4 700 oc 40 350
Hamangia 5000-4$00 EC
later than those in much of the rest of southeastern Europe,
30 400
\lama 4S00.4300oc 100 oco Early farmers in present-day European Turkey, Greece,
GumeltiJa 4S00.4000oc 10 100
the former R epubhc of lv1acedonia in former Yugoslavia
Trli::d'ye 4S00.2S00oc ncoe ncoe (FYROM), and Bulgaria settled in small flat sites or larger
Cu: uteri 400J.3500oc ncoe ncoe tells (fig, 3-1),4 Domestic plants and animals provided
Bocl'o;ike'esznjr 4000.3500oc 10 100 almost all food and drink ;s inhabitants depended on a
combination of wheats, barleys, and pulses such as lentils
and peas, as well as most commonly cap rines (sheep
and/or goats) rather than cattle or pigs, One of the most
significant changes in sixth-millennium settlement in the
Balkans was the extension of sedentary agricultural
settlements beyond the core areas of early tell dwelhng in
Bulgaria, through the establishment of flat settlements in
the western Black Sea region and northward into Serbia,
Hungary, and Romania ,

As the western coastline of the Black Sea was then much

lower than at present day, some of these western Black
Sea Neohthic settlements might now be under water at a
substantial distance offshore. Pollen retrieved from sedi-
ment cores drilled into the sea floor thirty-five kilometers
from the present southeastern Bulgarian coast, as well as
pollen identified in the Shabla-Ezerets pollen diagram for
the modern land surface near the coast, indicate forest
clearance and the estabhshment of open cultivated fields
Ta!)e 3-1. P>ange of site sizes for ea::h culture listed. from 550 0 BC6 Thus the "first" farmers on the present-day
western Black Sea coast were part of an inland-oriented
Ta!)e 3-2 . F«lge of gm.re n.im l::ers tr each culture listed.
settlement shift-perhaps moving to the interior from

76
drowned sites now offshore into a dry, often windy earth-centred lifeways to a symbolic system based on
continental ecozone with occasionally fertile areas such stone differentiated Durankulak from all other known
as Varna. These early western Black Sea farmers (5200- Hamangia settlements, and led to the construction of the
50 0 0 BC) have been termed the Hamangia culture, 7 after largest stone buildings in the Balkans (fig. 3-3). Although
a Late Neolithic cemetery in Romani a, Their settlements the interpretation of the largest structures as "temples"
were generally modest in size, with small structures that and "palaces" may be exaggerated, 12 there can be no doubt
rarely la sted more than one generation , 8 that these were the homes of social elites rather than of
"poor" fishermen living on other Hamangia sites, as
The key features in Hamangia landscapes were large evidence for era ft production and the accumulation of
cemeteries u sed over long periods, as at Durankulak prestige goods was found in these hou ses,
(fig, 3-2),9 The dead of severa 1settlements must have been
buried in the cemeteries of their ancestors, whose own Similar impressively large stone houses continued to be
burials helped to create and reinforce rules of age and built in the Late Copper Age, after 4600 BC , The complex
gender differentiation . The fixity of these ancestral places Durankulak strnctures, some of which were two storied,
was in tension with community mobility in the Early combined everyday activities (flint knapping, grinding,
Hamangia period , food preparation, and storage), metallurgical production ,
and sacred or ritual acts (life-size clay figures, pillar altars,
The Late Hamangia phase (5000-4800Bc) witnessed and painted wall plastet? concentrated in the largest
remarkable settlement differentiation, as exemplified at structures.U Opposite the elite residence s on the island,
the settlement adjacent to the cemetery at Durankulak, burials continued at the cemetery near the lake shore
Here an Early Hamangia settlement on the lake-side muds, until, by the end of the Copper Age, more than 1, 200
with wattle-and-daub huts, 10 was abandoned in favor of bodies had been interred-resulting in the largest known
dwelling on a rocky island, where local stone was used cemetery in Old Europe,14
to construct dry-stone-built houses , 11 This shift from
just one hundred kilometers south of Durankulak,
Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Age pottery has been
dredged up since the early twentieth century from
3-1. Tell site of KaranoYQ central Bulge<ia.
now flooded sites under the Varna Lakes. 15 Typological

77
 I I Test exccwatj01s

' •
~ Nedi11ic set11anent
!~:,•,•:~I Cc::asta hi~\'f"c<i'
§
--.I
1---
MEt'stiaS
EstLEJy
[ZJ 61;,Je d 1he shcrelire terace
1---I L.cca P3-1h to site
lrrml Exc~oo gid

dating of Varna Lakes pottery shows that the lake-side Suvorovo (Varna culture) 18 contrasted with smaller,
zonewas colonized and settlements were constructed on timber-framed houses on the tells along the western Black
then dry land~ at the same time as the start of burials at Sea coast Interestingly, the tell settlement at Provadia,
the Varna cemetery (4750/4700 Bc17), One of these small in a region of rolling hills and valleys just forty kilometers
settlements stood just four hundred meters southeast of west of Varna, was located next to one of the richest salt
the Varna cemetery, This "fresh start" may have helped sources in Bulgaria 19-a resource surely implicated in
create the conditions for loca 1cultural innovations, Varna exchange networks, The splendor of the Varna
cemetery has prompted much hyperbole over the nature of
The overall context for the Varna cemetery as a Late the Varna lake-side settlements, which were the residential
Copper Age settlement is poorly documented because of communities closest to the cemetery, They have been
the paucity of large-scale excavations. None of the known described as economic, social, and metallurgical centers
sites, whether tells, flat sites, or lake-side sites, was large; for the region-in effect, proto-citiesi!l-and as ritua !-
they rarely covered more than a few hectares, The large administrative cente rs for Varna and the entire region west
stone houses at Durankulak (H amangia culture) and of the Black Sea ,21 In fact, none of the criteria for proto-
urban settlements has been met at the lake-side sites:
They have neither the size nor the internal complexity to
qualify as proto-urban centers, nor do they exhibit the
3-2. Plan of Curcnku ak cemetery (after To:b'cNa 200'2. Karte 4).
required hierarchy of site sizes (village, town, and city) ,

78
The groups responsible for the creation of Va ma cem-
etery could have received elite and nonelite burials from
communities across the west em Black Sea region, if not
from the whole of eastern Bulgaria and perhaps even
farther afield , actively differentiating their spectacular
mortuary riches from the mundane objects of the domestic
domain deposited by the Varna lake-side communities.
(Note, however, that the article by Vladimir S lavchev in
this volume presents a different point of view,) The key
question remains: On which dwelling sites were the Varna
grave goods produced? Only intensive, systematic field-
walking projects in the Varna Lakes area will provide a
full answer to the local settlement context for Varna,

The remarkably early 14 radiocarbon dates for Varna, at

4750-4450 Bc2 2 (tables 3-3, 3-4), highlight the western Black
Sea region not as a mature proto-urban center but as a Rich Grave Goods
leading innovator that stimulated the early expansion of Bulla no. Lcbno. RadocCC'b:n Cait:rated to 95.4%
~e BP p-cb8l::Clity
trade and exchange networks linking the western Black Sea
11 13696 5639:!: 32 4543-4370 caJBC
zone to communities on the northern shores and further
43 13695 57'20 :!: 29 4623-4422 caJBC
north, into Moldova, as documented by the Karbuna
112 13251 5702 :!: 32 4653-4457 cal BC
hoard . n Those distinctive features of the Va ma elite burial
143 (rum an) 13699 500'.) :!: 32 4612-4454 cal BC
package-shiny, colo rful gold and copper, very large flint
143 (811ima) 13€!00 5700 :!: 30 4650-4457 cal BC
blades, rin gs and beads made of i rnported Aegean shells,
152 13692 5727 :!: 30 4711-4550 cal BC
painted pottery, beaded necklaces made of pierced red-
2:55 13254 5732 :!: '.?,'.?, 4626-4496 cal BC
deer canines, and miniature polished stone axes-began
to appear east of the Danube delta after 470 0 BC.24 It was
Poor Grave Goods
the materialization of social differentiation , the expression
Bulla no. Lcbno. RacfOCCC'OCn Cait:rated to 95.4%
of hierarchy and pow er in material form, that linked ~e BP p-cbatility
Va ma to other Late Copper Age cultures of Old Europe, 10 13697 5500 :!: 32 4457-4350 cal BC
including the eastern part of the Cucuteni-Tripol'ye culture, 44 1~ 5657 :!: 30 4551-4374 cal BC
A defining characteristic in both regions, in what has 94 13250 5633 :!: 31 45264366 cal BC
been termed the Climax Chalcolithic, 2 s was the diversifi- 121 13252 5672 :!: 34 4004 .4403 cal BC
cation of material culture in a wider range of media than 125 13253 5625 :!: '.?,'.?, 4612.4451 cal BC
ever before and according to aesthetic principles based 215 13Efl1 5662 :!: 32 4591-4402 cal BC
upon color and brilliance, 2 ~ 22:5 1'.?,e;)'.?, 5El00:!: 29 4552-4375 cal BC

Climax Copper Age Settlement in the Lower

Da nu be Va lleY27
For a millennium (580 0-4 80 0 Be), communities in the
3·3. Hoose 2. Late Cq+er Age, HcfiZCfl \/, Dur811kulal<.
Lower Danube valley lived in small, mostly dispersed
settlements la sting one or two generations, 28 Some Tatle 3. 3. Ca it:rated d3le r8J'lge fO' tl'E 1irst fa.JrteEf1 dates b'
1he \18m9. cemetEry, rich gra\fe goods.
hamlets consolidated their kinship links by burying their
dead in large corporate cemeteries, such as Cemica, near Tatle 3·4. Cai crated d3le r8J'lge fO' 1he 1irst fa.JrteEf1 dates fO'
1he Varro. cemetEry, pc.a grave goods .
modern Bucharest .~ 9 Settlement expansion out of the

79
main river valleys required the utilization of a more entrances and several ovens. Other characteristics of
diverse range of soil resources for farming, from alluvial highly ordered tell settlements included very high ratios
soils in the Early Neolithic to alluvial and brown soils of built to unbuilt space that increased over time, cyclical
and black earths in the Copper Age, leading to variations patterns through time in house dimensions (length and
in productive capacity. One response to the challenges width), and markedly similar minimum interhouse spacing.
posed by new soils for cultivation was the development of It was inferred that the practices producing this Pattern
the simple ard-plough, as attested at Vadastra on the B were indicative of both spatial and social complexity
basis of cattle long-bone terminals worn by the stress of of a kind not normally found on tells, based upon the
animal traction. 30 differentiation of house space, with larger families more
carefully controlling access to rooms and developing
The beginning of a very stable settlement pattern that specialized uses for them-as sites for hospitality, domes-
eventually would result in the creation of tells can be tic ritual, food preparation, food storage, tool making,
dated to the early fifth millennium BC in the lower Danube and sleeping. But even the Pattern A social practices of
valley. A key area for the study of tells is northeastern more loosely structured tells betoken a more developed
Bulgaria, where six tells have been completely excavated, sense of spatial coherence and continuity over time than
providing an unparalleled opportunity for understanding is apparent on many flat sites.
these highly structured village communities of some 120
to 150 people. 31 There is no consensus on why people The regularities in the lengths and widths of houses at
settled on tells, but a number of explanations have been these tells indicate the time and effort spent on the careful
advanced: These settlements may have represented a way reproduction of traditional design, based upon ancestral
to avoid floods in periods of increased precipitation; the practices materialized in the successive phases of dwelling
desire for a highly visual settlement from which the on the tell. 35 These regularities and the details of house
territory could be seen and on which dwellers could be construction suggest a long-term continuity in fundamental
recognized; a means of marking the center of a territory principles of geometric order that must have exerted a
of especially rich arable resources; or a form of settlement strong influence on the persons living in these houses.
that venerated the ancestors who had lived there. The
initial size restrictions of tells and, with vertical growth, However, we should not overemphasize the degree of
the progressive reduction in livable area might lead us to standardization in houses, any more than in objects:
expect that the layout of houses and open spaces within a Diachronic differences in size, shape, building techniques,
tell settlement was strictly planned. While this did seem and construction materials are well attested. 36 Nonetheless,
to occur on some tells, producing settlement plans of houses in many different social contexts shared much at
remarkable geometric order (fig. 3-4), 32 many other tell the level of overall design principles. On certain tells the
communities rejected the geometric option in favor of a combination of ordered village space, carefully observed
loose ordering of space that resembled the spatial structur- regularities in both the location of houses and their
ing found on nearby horizontal sites. 33 In addition, the dimensions, and the division between what was possible
contrasting spatial orders of totally excavated tells yielded and impossible on the tell itself placed strong constraints
two different kinds of houses with contrasting implications upon social practices, leading to a well developed sense of
for the social use of domestic space. 34 Pattern A, found the forms of appropriate and inappropriate behavior. The
at the loosely ordered tell settlements of Radingrad and perception of geometric order in the built environment
Targovishte, revealed simple one- to three-room houses, might imply a similarly structured approach to the produc-
with a single entrance and one oven and concomitantly tion of objects. Traditional practices were built into the
simple access pathways throughout the domestic space. fabric of tell villages, producing certain kinds of persons
In the contrasting Pattern B, found at the geometrically who probably would have found living in a less ordered
planned tell settlements of Poljanitsa and Ovcharovo, horizontal settlement disorienting and bewildering.
houses had as many as eleven rooms, often with multiple However, social relations between neighbors in densely

80
packed villages must have been subject to negative con-
straints on potential "polluting" behavior, such as loud
music, smelly refuse, and violence. One easily could
have found "neighbors from hell" in tightly packed tell
communities! 37 How did the settlements in the Cucuteni-
Tripol'ye culture compare to such high-density living?

Cucuteni-Tripol'ye Settlement Networks

and Tripol'ye Megasettlements
The eastward expansion of the Cucuteni-Tripol'ye set-
tlement network 38 marked a vital social change in the
lowlands east of the Carpathians. This expansion brought
the farming way of life to large parts of the so-called
Forest Neolithic zone, characterized by pottery and a low
reliance on domestic animals. 39 The Tripol'ye expansion
enabled the emergence of fully sedentary life and the first
local exploitation of highly fertile black earths. 40

Settlement information for the two millennia of the

Cucuteni-Tripol'ye culture is much richer than that
available for western Black Sea cultures such as those
at Varna.41 A comparison of gazetteer results shows a
decline in site numbers during Cucuteni A-B, but a
recovery during Cucuteni B. While many Cucuteni A-B
o 15m
•
~
Hearths

Mud and timber walls

and B sites covered an area of ten to fifteen hectares,

there was considerable divergence in the size of sites in
all phases, with an early fourth-millennium population
•
B
Trench with palisade

Post holes

peak in site sizes and a settlement hierarchy whose top

level was constituted by settlements covering more than
one hundred hectares. 42

While a small number of special-purpose seasonal sites

is known, the vast majority of sites were permanent open
settlements. Although many settlements were built on
commanding heights, very few, barely three percent,
had artificial boundaries such as boundary ditches. The
few enclosed/defended sites probably embodied a largely
symbolic closure, occasionally overlaid by defensive
structures too complex to represent an attempt to ward
off any conceivable military attack. 43 They also decreased
in frequency with time, as did the proportion of Cucuteni
settlements built on steep promontories. There is only
one tell settlement known from the entire culture, at
Poduri-Dealul Ghindaru, near Moine~ti,44 a local center
3-4. Plan of Polyanitsa Phase IV (after Todorova, 1982).
for salt production and export, supported by seasonal

81
satellite sites 45 close to the salt springs that are so plentiful always more common than rows or clusters of houses,
in Moldavia .46 there is a greater dominan ce of the concentric principle in
the eastern part of the Cucuteni-Tripol'ye di stribution,~
The principles of cultural order were expressed in a suggesting that those eastern communities used it actively
variety of ways at the community level in terms of settle- to create a coherent, familiar living space acros s the full
ment coherence. The vast majority of settlements betrayed range of site sizes,
few signs of deliberate planning, They grew through
multiple copies of the same house-and-garden complex, Another way of creating a comfortable and secure dwell-
which brought persons, plants, and animals together in ing space was the design of similar houses with comparable
an intimate way-47 The most obvious exception was the ways of ordering the interiors. From the early fifth millen-
concentric principle used to structure many Tripol'ye nium, there was a strong Cucuteni-Tripol'ye tradition
sites in ova 1or circular fashion , with houses built a round of erecting the walls of rectangular, one- or two-roo med
an open central space that might contain one or more houses around a thick, clay-covered log platform, as
stru cture s, 4 *These sites seem to have grown by adding excavated at Sd.nteia (fig. 3-6), Many everyday household
further rings of h ouse s, While early forms of the concen- practices, such as sleeping, food storage, grinding, and
tri c principle were already present in Tripol'ye A sites, cooking, were embedded in domesti c ritua 1, as indicated
an extreme form was reached at the Tripol'ye C site of by the figurines often deposited nearby each practi ce,s 1 In
Maidanets'ke (fig. 3-5) ,49 While concentric plans were the absence of cemeteries, which the Cucuteni-Tripol'ye
people did not use, houses may have played an irq:.ortant
role in mortuary practices, Bern has interpreted House 9
at the settlement of Sd.nteia as an ossuary (a place where
3-5. Ren of Maidmets\<e Tripd'ye C set1lemem (ciftEr .6n1hcny, 2007. the bones of the dead were stored), since amid the rich
1ig. 12.7).

82
3-6. PP-C01structicn ofa Cucuterii hoose intencr (scu~ : Mefinsscu -Bncu.
1~1. 1ig. 14).

83
 material culture were 111 human bonesiteeth, deriving
from a minimum of thirty-three individuals. 52

Some scholars have maintained. that a group of structures

containing altars, plinths, or concentrations of figurines
indicates not just domestic ritual, but rather formal public
"shrines." A large cluster of figurines had been laid on a
fired-clay platform at the end of a house at Sabatinovka,
Ukraine. 53 Similarly, complete figurines had been regularly
placed in large vessels at sites such as Dume~ti, 54 Buznea,
and Ghelae~ti 55 as if to sign ify cardinal points of the
Cucutenian \vorld (see fig. 5-5). lfowever, the deposition of
standard household materials (anin1al bones, sherds, and
lithics) in these structures suggests that these are instances
of unusually intensive ritual practices focused on the
ho use hold rather than Near Eastern-like pub! ic buildings.

'There might have been man y other uses of Cucuteni-

'Tripol'ye structures. Smaller buildings have been
interpreted as granaries with attached grinding areas,
as at Vesely Kut.-'" Larger, perhaps tvvo-storied buildings
have been viewed as ceramic workshops for the large-
scale production of painted wares, a notion supported
by the discovery of raw kneaded clay, kick-\vheels,
interior kilns, and numerous stacked vessels at sites such
as Petreny and Varvarovka VIll.'7

The megasites of the Tripol'ye culture have been well

characterised by lvLY. Videiko as elliptical towns corn-
posed of hundreds or even thousands of houses built in
concentric ovals around central vacant areas, vvith regular
streets and residential quarters based upon standard
planning schemes (fig. 3-7). 58 'The earliest megasite
currently recognized is Vesely Kut, covering 150 hectares
and dating to the Tripol'ye BI/II transition;59 but the
n1ajority of rnegasites date to the CI phase (3800-3500 BC).
At Talljanky n1ore than 2,000 structures are docun1ented
by geophysical prospection and limited excavation, 00
while more-intensive excavations at l\!1ajdanetskoe led
Videiko to reconstruct a three-stage development, with
almost all of the 1,575 houses occupied concurrently in
Phase 3. " It is not surprising to find size-based settlement
1

hierachies in several Tripol'ye phases. The important

:3-l. Plan o"f the Tr!pcl'ye Cl rnegas! te o"f Talljanky (source: \/icleiko, point to note is that:, although megasites were sustained
2007, fig. 4).
in Phases BI, Bll, and CI, there was a decline in site sizes

84
ro only ten to sixty hectares in the transitional BII-CI megasite of ;vrajdanetskoe- at bet.ween 36,000 and
Phase, suggesting that these extreme populations had a 100,000 kilograms per year -- implies a massive investment
severe effect on local environments. Nonetheless, the in the salt trade, whether from the eastern Carpathian
renewed growth of megasites in Phase Cl, the time of the salt springs or from the lirnans (shallmv saltwater bays) of
largest settlements, showed that these problems had been the northern Black Sea coast. 67 The logic of hierarchical
temporarily overcome . order is that the elites who coordinated the trade and
supply systems rnust have relied upon subsidiary communi-
The largest known settlements in fourth-millenniurn ties in the settlement hiera.rchy for significant amounts
Europe, these "proto-cities" we re greater in area than the of resources, whether food, salt, raw materials, or finished
earliest cities of Mesopotamia······ which ·were being estab- objects. The strategies that could have been used by an
lished at about the same time·······and they constitute the elite to coordinate and promote such cooperation, indud-
on ly exception to the global model of settlement limits ing low-level coercion, the distribution of prestige goods,6 8
established by Fletcher.62 His rnodel defined two behavioral or a cornbination of t he two, would have intensified and
li n1its to the size of settlements under premodern tribal exacerbated rnajor social inequalities- but inequalities a.re
conditions: 63 first, li n1its to the quantity of interaction (in barely hinted at in the Tripol'ye settlements. No palaces,
his terms, the I-limit) of 300 to 600 people per hecta_re, large central temples, large cen tra.I storage facilities, or
implying that residential densities had to remain at this even particularly sumptuous houses have been found in
level or lower to decrease potentially spiralling interaction the megasites. The absence of a highly evolved set of
rates; and second, limits to the size of compact settlement public mortuary rituals tied to cemeteries is most puzzling,
(Fletcher's C-limit) of one hundred hectares, across which and it would be in Tripol 'ye cemeteries coeval with
communication could function adequately. Not only did megasites that Vania-style elite funera.I rituals might be
the megasites clearly surpass the C-lirnit, bnt they appear found to provide evidence for the existence of a social
to have lacked internal settlement divisions, writing, hiera_rchy. \\Thile the absence of cemeteries in the Tripol'ye
information-storage systems, and other signals of central and the Cucuteni cultures denies us any such evidence, it
administration t hat could have made such problems less can hardly be doubted that the concentration of social
intractable. fletcher considered the megasites as poten- power in elite families or clans must have gone hand in
tially threatening to his global hypothesis of limitations hand with the creation and maintenance of the megasites,
to settlement growth. 64 until it reached a level of centralized control that was
extraordinary, and perhaps eventually deemed simply
The size of the megasites raises logistical issues of provi- unacceptable, for fourth-n1illennium Europe.
sioning for each resource, whether potting day (tens of
thousands of new vessels were produced. each year, rapidly Conclusions
exhausting local day sources), lithic raw materials for \Xfhether they lived in densely packed, highly regulated.
tools (an estimated. tvvo tons of flint per year, brought tell settlements or in more-open, spacious flat settlements,
from the Dniester valley, one hundred kilorneters to the the occupants of Old European villages and towns seem
west 65 ), firewood, water, food, and salt. Gaydarska h as to h ave avoided displays of social inequality in their
used con1puterized geographic information systerns (GIS ) residential architecture. Although sorne houses were larger
to model the area of arable land required for growing than others, few structures stood out as different in style,
grain. 6" Iler analysis suggests that cultivated fields would setting, or architectural elaboration. Wherever the chiefs
have extended seven kilometers from most of the mega- and elites lived, their homes cannot easily be identified by
settlements, a distance too great to move grain efficiently, archaeologists. This suggests that houses were not viewed
even with ox-carts, and that subsidiary agricultura.1 as appropriate media for the display of social differences.
settlements would have been needed to produce grain for There are two key conundrums of the Copper Age of
the largest megasites. Chaprnan and Gaydarska's estimate southeastern Europe: The first concerns the absence of
of the annual salt demand for people and animals at the settlement hierachies , or inequalities in settlement size

85
and function, at the time of the Varna cem.etery, with their
institutionalized inequalities between people; and the
second, the absence of any kind of cemetery evidence, not
to mention a highly differentiated form, at the time of the
Tripol'ye megasettlements. In each case, the presence of
one highly differentiated social arena implies the presence
of the other, but evidence that might support the implica-
tion is missing. At Varna the production and concentration
of spectacular grave gifts indicates not only that the elite
controlled considerable craft skills and raw material
resources, but also that they had places (but where?) to
accumulate and store vast stocks of prestige goods 69 as
well as the political and economic means to attract them.
With regard to the Tripol'ye rnegasites, it is irnpossible to
talk of 250- or 450-hectare settlements without invoking
the extrerne social inequalities that would seern to be
required to control effectively the communications and
logistics of such centers. It is equally difficult to accept that
such inequalities were not materialized through craft and/
or ritual specialization. \V'hile it is important to celebrate
the achievements of the comnrnnities that created Varna
and the megasettlements, a more complete understanding
of the emergence of these puzzling phenomena is surely a
higher priority.

86
Acknowledgments 10 ·n-,dorova, H. , and T Dimov, "Ausgrabungcn in Durankulak, 1974-1. 987,''
Varia Ard1aeologica Hungarica 2 (1989): 291--306.
I am ve ry gratefu l to David Anthony for his kind invitati on to contribute
to this exhibition catalogue, since it allowed me to join two areas of long- 11 Boyadzhiev, Y., "Stone Architecture from the Chakolithic Mound on
standing interest, as well as for his highly ski lled editing of successive drafts Golemija Ostrov near Durankulak, Dobrich .Re~Jon ," Starini (2000--5): 63-74.
of this chapter. I should like w thank frie nds and colleagues in these research
areas, ;vithout ;vhom it would not have been possible to develop these 12 Todorova, 1-L , The Eneolithic. Period in Bulgltria in the Fifth lviilien-
ideas: in coastal Bulga ria , Henrieta Todorova, Todor Dimov, and Vladimir niwn BC, British Archaeological Reports, International Series49 (Oxford:
Slavchev; in Moldavia, Dan and Felicia Monah , Dragomir Popovici, Catalin Archaeopress, 1978): 53.
Bern, Gheorghe Dumitro.1ia , and ;'vlagda .M.mtll··La.zarnvici; in Moldova ,
Valentin Dergachev; a nd in Ukraine, Mikhail Videiko, Natalia Burdo, Aleksey 13 Tc)dorova , H., "Tellsiedlung von Durankulak," Fritz Thiessen Stifiung
Korvin··l'iotrovsky, a nd Yuri Ra ssamakin. My greatest thanks are, as eve r, to ]almsbei-i.:ht 199Si96 (1997): 81-84; C hapman, J., H. Gaydarska, and
Bis;erka for iirnpirntio n and cri tic.al appreciation. K. Hardy, "Doe; Endosure .Make a Diffel'ence? .A View from the Balkans,''
in Enc.losing the I'..'15t: In.side and Outside in Ptehistoty >ed . A. I--Iarding,
Notes S. Sievers, and N. Varnadova, Sheffield Archaeological l\:fonographs 1.5
(Lo ndon: Equinox, 2006): 20---43.
l G imbuta s, M., The Goddesses and Gods of Old \'(!o ,.fd Europe,
6500--3500 BC (London: Thames a nd liudson, 1983). 14 Todorova. Durankufak (2002): 24.

2 Chapma n, J., "The Early Balkan Villa ge," in Neolithic of Southeastern 15 lvanov, L, "A la question de la local isation et des etudes des sites
Europe and Its Near Eastern Connections, Varia Ai-chaeologica l·Iungarica submerges dans les lacs de Varna." Poniica 26 (1993): 19···26.
2 (Budapest: Archaeological Institute of the Hungarian Academy of
Sciences; Cardiff: School o f History and Archaeology, University of Cardiff, 16 Ibid ,
1989): 33-53.
17 Higham, T., et aL. "New Perspectives on the Varna Cemetery (Bulgaria)··
3 Ibid. AMS Dates and Social Implications," Antiquity 81 (2007): 640--54.

4 Kotsakis, K., "Across the Border: Unstable Dwellings a nd Fluid Landscapes 18 Ivanov, I., "Spasitdni razkopki na rannoeneolitnioto selishte pri s.
in the :Earliest :Neolithic of Greece/~ in (Un)settling the Neolithic, ed . D.W. Suvorovo/~ Archeologi.:heski Otk.t'itia i Razkopk.i Pn~z .1 983 29: (1984) : 21-22.
Bailey, A. Whit tle, a nd v: Cummins (Oxford: Oxbow, 2005): 8···16.
19 Gayda rska, B., " Preliminary Research on Prehistoric Salt Exploitation
5 Colledge, S., and J. Conoll:; "The Neolithisa tion of the Balkans: A Revie;v in Bulgaria,'' in "Tc)dorova Festschrift,'' ed . V. Slavchev, Dobrudzha 21
of the Archaeobotani cal Evidence,'' in A Short Walk th,.ough the Baik.ems: (2004): 110 ··2L
The First Farrners of the Carpathian .Basin and A1~fac~~nt Regions, ed.
M. Spa taro a nd P. Biagi (Trieste: Societa per la Preistoria e Protostoria della 20 Todorova . Eneolithic. Period in Bulgaria (1978): 55.
Regione Friuli -·Venezia Giulia Q ua derno 12, 2007): 25-38; Bartosiewicz, L,
"lvia1nn1alian Bone~~~ in The Early Neolithic on the Great 1-fungarian Phtin: 21 Raduntcheva, A., "ObshtestVarnao-ikonomicheskiyat zhivot na
investigation.s of the Koros Culture Site of Ecsegfal11a l'.?J County Bekes, ed . Dobmdzha i Zapadnoto Chernomorye prez eneolita,'' Vel~oue 1 (1986): 16-20.
A. Whittle, Varia Archaeologica H ungarica 21 (Budapest: Archaeological
Institute of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences; Cardiff: School of History 22 Higham et al., "New Perspectives on the Varna Cemetery" (2007): 647
and Archaeo logy, Unive1·:iity of Cardiff, 2007): vol. 1, 287-326. and fi g. 3.

6 Evidence for anthropogenic activities (both arable and pastoral indicators) 2.~ Chapman, .J.. "Domesticating the Exotic: 'fhe Context of Cucuteni-
from Zone FAZ BS-8 of the marine core, with a start dating to 4930 ·1-/- 260 Tripol'ye Exchange w ith Steppe a nd Forest-Steppe Communit ies,'' in
uncal. EC (ca . 5500 cal. BC); Filipova Marinova, M., "Postglacia l Vegetation Ancfant Inte,.actions: h"'....'?st and \Xlest in Eu,.asia, ed. K. Boyle, C . Renfre\v,
Dynamics in the Coastal Part of the Strandza 1fountains, Southeas tern and M. Levine, McDonald Institute Monongraphs (Cambridge: McDonald
Bulgaria/' in A..st)ect.s of Palynolol;_y' and Paif1eoecolo5y·" Fe~t.sc.hrift. in !-lonoMr Institute fr>r Archaeological Research , 2003): 75--92.
of Elissaueta Boziloua, ed . S. 'fonkov (Sofia !\foscow: Pensoft , 2003): 213-31.
The presence of cereal grains and weeds of cultivation in Zone Sh-E, is dated 24 Haheu , V., and S. Kurciato~; "Cimitirul plan eneolitic de l1nga satul
between 4850 +/. 11 0 uncaL BC and 4040 + /.. 100 uncal. BC at Shabl a··.Eze rets Ci urgiul qti,'' R.evi.~td A?'heolagidf l (1993): 101-14; Dergachev, V.,
(ca. 55004700 cal. BC); Filipova, M., "Palaeoeco logical Investi gations of Karbunskii k!ad (C hi~inau: Tipografia Academiei de Stinre, 1998).
Lake Shabla -Ezet't:tz in NO!'th-eastern Bulgaria,'' Ecologica i'v!edite?·ranea 1,
no. 1(1985):147-58. 25 Chapman, J. , Fragmentation in .A1chaeology: Peot le) Places and Broken
1

CJbjects in ihe Prehisio'!'y o/ .Souih Eastern Eurof)e (London: Routledge,

7 Berciu, D., Cu!tura Hainangia. Noi contrihutii (Bucurqti: Institutul de 2000): 3.
Arheologia al Academiei RPR, 1966).
26 Chapman, .J., "Dark Burnished Ware as Sign: Ethnicity, Aesthetics and
S Hasotti, P., Epodi neoliiiod i'n Dobrogea, Biblio theca Tomitana 1 Categories in the Later Neolithic of the Central Balkans," in Homage io
(Co nstanta: Mm.cul de Istorie Nat iona la si Arheo logie, 1997); Dimov, T, 1Viilutin GaraS"anin, ed. :N. ·~L1.sl C and C. Grozdanov (Bdgt'ade: Serbische
"Neolithic and Copper Age Sites in the North East Balkans (w ith Special Akademie d er Wissenschaften und Kiinste, 2006): 295-308; Chapman, J.,
Reference to Hamangia Cult ure), in Early Symbolic Sysiems for Communi- "The Ela boration of a n Aesthetic of Brilliance a nd Colour in the C limax
cation in Southeast Eumpe, ed. L. Nikolova, British Archaeological Reports, Copper Age/~ ln Stephanos Aristeios. .Archaoiogische Forschungen zioischen
International Series 1339 (Oxford: Archaeopress, 2003): vol. 2, 459···68. Nil und frtros, ed, E Lang, C. Reinholdt, and J. Weilhartner (Vienna: Phoibos,
2007): 65-74; Chapman, J., "Engaging with the .E xotic The Production of
9 Todorova, H., ed ., DuMnkubk, vol. 2, Die priihistorisohen Graberfe!der Ea rly Farming Communities in South-East and Central Europe,'' in Short
van Durankulak (Sofi a..Bedin: Deutsches Al'chii.ologisches Institut, 2002). \Y/alk through the Balkan8, ed. Spatarn and Biagi (2007): 207-22.

87
27 'The tv,ro west Balkan cul tu res represented in the exhibit ion reveal 42 Vid eiko, M.Y., "Contours and Content of the Ghost: lrypitlia C ulture
contrasting settlement characteristics. The most common settlement form Proto-Cities," Memoria Antiquitatis 24 (2007): 251---76.
in the earlier (Middle-Late Neolithic) Vinea culture was the flat site, with
wide fluctuations in size, together with a small number of tells and a very 43 Chapman, J., "The Origins of Warfare in the Prehistory of Central and
small number of known cemeteries; Chapman, J., The Vinca Culture of Eastern Europe," in Ancient '.Var(<1re, ed . .J- Carman and A. Harding (Stroud:
South East Europe: Studies in Chronology, Economy and Society, British Sutton, 1999): 10142.
Archaeological Reports, International Series 117 (Oxford: Archaeopress,
1981}. The later, .l\.'fiddle Copper Age Bodrogkeresztt!r culture was typified 44 Monah, D., et al., Poduri-Dealul Ghindaru. 0 Troie fn Suhcarpa{ii
by large cemeteries whose burials must have come from a large number of Moldm·ei, Bibliotheca Memoriae Antiquitatis 8 (Piatra Neamr, 2.003).
dispersed homesteads; Patay, P., "Die hochkupfr:rzeitliche Bodrngkeresztlu-
Kultur," Bericht der Romisch-Germanisch Kommission 55 (1974): 1--71. 45 Chapman, J., and D. Monah, "A Seasonal Cucuteni Occupation a t
SiH~te-Prohoze~ti~" in L/e.xploitation du .::el atravers le temps, ed . D. ]\..1onah~
28 Bailey, D.W., et al., "A lluvial Landscapes in the Temperate Balkan G, Dumitrnaia, 0. Well el', and .J, Chapman, Hibliotheca Memol'iae
Neolithic: Transitions to Tells," Antiquity 76 (2002): 349---55. Antiquitatis 18 (Piatra Neamr, 2007): 71---88.

29 Corn~ai E. ~ and C. Cantacurin(\ Nectopo!a neoliticd de la Cernic.a 46 'weller, 0., R. Brigand, and M. Alexianu, "Cercetari sistematice asupra
(Burnre~ti: Editura Academei Romane, 2001). izvoarelo r de ap;l sarata din Moldova," A·1emoria Antiquitatis 24 (2007):
121---90.
30 .l\.fateescu, C.N., "Remarks on Cattle Breeding and Agriculture in the
Middle and Late Neolithic on the Lower Danube," Dacia, n.s., 19 (1981): 47 For example, at Tru~e~ti; PetrescuD\mbovira, M., M. F!orescu, and A.C.
13--18. Florescu, Tri-i;;e;;ti . Ivfonogra.ft'e a't'fJeol.ogic~r (Buchai-est-Ia~i: Editura Acaden1iei
Romane, 1999).
31 Chapman, "Early Balkan Village" ( 1989).
48 Videiko , Entsik!opediya Tripii'.~koi t.sivili.:atsii (2004).
32 Especially Polyanitsa and Ovcharovo; Todorova, H., Kupferzeitlic:he
Sied!ungen in j\J.01.,dostbu!ga1'ien, .lvlateriatien zur A11ge1ndnen und Verglei-· 49 Ellis, Curnteni-'Ji·ipol'ye Culture (1984): 192 and fig. 69.
chenden Archaologie 1J (l\fonich: Beck, 1982).
50 Sorokin, V., "Modalitile de organizare a aezrilor complexului cultural
33 Chapman, "Early Balkan Village" (1989) . Cucuteni-l'ripol'ye," Ai-chaeo!agia .Moldovei 16 (1993): 69-86.

34 Chapman, J., "Soc ial Inequality on Bulgarian Tells and the Varna 51 Monah, D., and Monah, F., "Cucuteni: The Last Great Chalcolithic
Problerr1," in The Social Archaeology of" I-IoMses~ ed. R. Sarnson (Edinburgh: Civilisation of Old Europe~~~ in Cucuteni: The Lasi Great Chalcoliihic
Edinburgh University Press, 1990): 49---98. Civilisaiion of Old Europe, ed . C .-M. Mantu, G. Dumitroaia, and
A. Tsaravopoulos (Bucha rest: Athena, 1997) : 15-95.
35 Chapman, "Early Balkan Village" (1989).
52 Bern~ 'f,.aian-Dealul F!tntdnilor (2007): 252-53.
36 Bailey, D.W., Bal!wn Prehistory: Exdusion, lnwrporaiion and Identity
(London: Routledge, 2000). 53 Gimbutas, Goddes8e.s and God~ o( Old \'VoridEurope (1983).

37 For such neighbors on Greek Neolithic tells, see Halstead, P., "Neighbours 54 Maxim-Alaiba, R ., "Le complexe de culte de la phase Cucuteni A3 de
from Hell? The Household in Neolithic Greece," in .Neolithi1: Society in Dun1e:;;ti (Dep. de ·va~lui)/' in .La civiii.sation d.e Cucuteni en contexte
Greece, ed. Halstead, Sheffield Studies in Aegean Archaeology 2 (Sheffield: europeen, ed. M. Petrescu-Dimbovip, N. Ursulescu, D. Monah, and
Sheffield Academic Press, 1999), 77-95. V. Ch irica , Bibliotheca Archaeologica lassensis 1 (la~i: Universitatea
Alexandru loan C:uza, 1987): 269---86; d. Burnea "scene": Boghian, D., and
38 Ellis, L., The Cucuteni·· Trif:1ol'ye Culture: A Study in 'I~!!chnolog'y and the C . l\·fihai, "Le complexe de culte et le vase a decor ornithomorphe peint
Origins of Complex Society, British Archaeological Reports, International decouverts a Buznea (Dep. de Ia~i)," in ibid.: 313--23.
Series 217 (Oxford: Archaeopress, 1984),
55 Cuco~, St., "Un complex ritual descoperit la Ghelaiqti (jud. Neamr),"
39 Although Kotova cites small samples of allegedly domestic animal bones, Studii si certerai de istorie veche si arheologie 24, no . 2 ( 197 3): 207--·15.
she produces no evidence for their domestic status; Kotova, N.S., Neoli-
ihization in Ukraine, British Archaeological Reports, International Series 56 Tsvek, E., "Structure of the Eastern Tripol'ye Culture," in Cucuteni
1109 (O.xfot'd: Archaeopress, 2003). Similarly, the only evidence fot' domestic aujour1:f hui. 1.10 ans depuis la dt?.couuerte en .1884 du site eponyrr1e > ed.
plants derives from plant impressions on ceramics, not a valid criterion for G. Dumitroaia and D. Monah, Bibliotheca Memoriae Antiquitatis 2 (Piatra
local cultivation. Neamr, 1996): 89113,

40 Videiko, M., ed ., Entsiklopediya Tripil='skoi isivilizatsii (Kiev: 57 Ellis, Cucuteni-Tripol'ye Culture (1984): 134--35, 162--64.
\Jkrpoligrafmedia , 2004.)
58 Videiko, ((Conto urs and Content of the Ghost" (2007): 267.
41 For regional gazetteers, see Monah, D., and $. Cuco~, A.$ezdrile culturii
Cucuteni din R..on1dnia {la;? i: Junimea~ 1985); Popovici, D.N. ~ Cultum Cucuteni 5 9 Tsvek, "Structllt'e of the Eastern l'ripol'ye Cultllt'e" (1996).
Fa:uz A . Re{Jertoriul a;;e.zii.rilor (1)~ Bibliotheca lv1en1oriae Antiquitatis 7
(Piatra :Nea1n~, 2000); Bodean! S.! .A _$ eziirile culturli Precucuteni-· Tripolie A. 60 Kruts, V.A., "Planirovka poseleniya u s. Tal'yanki i nekotorye voprosy
din Republic.a lvioldova (Kishinev: Pornos, 2001); Bern~ C., Tfflian-Dealul Tripol~skogo <lon1ostroitel~stva,~~ in Ranne.c.:emledefskie f.Joseleniya-gig(.tnty
Fdntdnilor. Fenomerml Cucuteni A-B (B ucure~ti: Muzeul National de Istorie Tripo/'skoi kul'tury na Ukraine (Kiev: Institut Arkheologii AN USSR,
a Romaniei, 2007): chap. 3. 1990): 4347.

88
61 Videiko, M.Y., "Die Grossiedlungen der Tripol'e-Kultur in der Ukraine,"
Eurasia Antiqua 1(1996):45.. so.

62 Fletcher, R., The Limits to Settlement Growth (Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press, 1996).

63 Ibid. n .. 90.
M Ibid. 198 2.00.

65 Mikhail Videiko, conversation ;vith the author, 5 August 2008.

66 Gaydarska, B., "Applirntion of GIS in Settlement Archaeology: An

Integrated Approach to Prehistoric Subsistence Strategies,'' in Tripol'ye
Settleinents-Giant.£, ed. A. Korvin-Piotorvsky, V. Kruts, and S..M.. R izhov
(Kiev: Institute of Archaeology, 2003): 212..·16.

67 Chapman, J., and B. Gaydarska, "The Provision of Salt to Tripol'ye

.Mega··sites," in 'Tripo/'ye Settlernents- Giants, ed. Korvin-Piotorvsky, Kruts,
and Rizhov (2003) : 203-11.

68 Cf. the model proposed by Frankenstein and Rowlands for the Early Iron
Age of southwest Germany; Frankenstein, S., and M. Rowlands, "The Internal
Structme and Regional Context of Eady Irnn Age Society in Soutli- western
Gern1any," Bulletin of the University o{ London Institute o{ Archaeology 15
(1978): 73-11.2.

69 Cf. Olivier's discussion for the Early Iron Age princely grave of Hochdorf;
Olivier, L., "The Hochdorf ':Princely Grave' and the Question of the Nature
of Archaeological Funerary Assemblage," in Time and Ard:aeoiogy, ed.
'[ Murray, One World Archaeology 37 (Lo ndo n: Routledge, 1999): 109-38.

89
Copper Age Traditions North
of the Danube River
Oragomir Nicolae Popovici
Natbnal History Museum of Pom9.nia, Buct1arest

The artifacts in the exhibition that accompanied this equal, creating disparities in our knowledge of Neolithic
catalogue were made and used in Neolithic and Copper and Copper Age settlements and dwellings. The most
Age sites that are today located principally in Romania, complete data are derived from the Cucuteni culture,
north of the Danube River. lviy object is to describe in a particularly from the three monographic studies dedi-
summary fashion the contexts where these objects were cated to the sites of Haba~e~ti, Tarpe~ti, and Tru~e~ti,
found and to outline the new aspects of everyday and which belong to the Cucuteni A phase and have been
spiritual life created by different archaeologica 1cultures excavated completely,~
starting from a set of common, genera 1features of the
Neolithic Age. Below I will analyze the main constitutive Copper Age settlements usually were situated near water, 4
elements, including the settlements, houses, workshops, in places with a good view over the surrounding environ-
fortifications , and cemeteries of these cultures, ment, or in mountains, at sites close to important passes.
Some settlements were placed near minera 1 resources
T he Settle me nt.s (flint, obsidian, salt, and copper)s or productive agricul-
Prehistoric societies thought of their living space as a mate- tural land, or took advantage of opportunities for fishing
rialization of a specific vision of the world and its corre- and hunting,
sponding socia 1structure, 1 the dwelling being ultimately
a symbolic modeL The symbolic content of built space The first Copper Age culture of western Romania was
wa s expressed in various rituals 2 that once had a particular the Tiszapolga r, which was distributed in western
meaning but today present difficulties in interpretation. Romania , on the plains that extend into Hungary, about
4500-4000 Be , About 130 Tiszapolgar settlements are
Archaeologi cal excavations have not been distributed uni- known , A few are tell sites, but most a re single-level
formly across Romania's territory, nor are all excavations open settlements, and a few camps have been found in
caves.6 Ti szapolga r houses were rectangular and small,
with floors that were either semisunken or on the sur-
face, Tiszapolgar was followed by the Bodrogkeresztu r
Anth'cpcmO'~ic vessel. Rred d<Jif. \l~aculaire. \~astra. 01ltu re, dated 4 000-3 600 B c, both being genetically
5500-6000oc . MNIR.
related, A decade ago 53 Bod rogkeresztu r settlements

91
i.vere known.7 Most i.vere occupied briefly and contained Of great importance for the Gumelni!a A2 stage are the
small dwellings erected mostly of i.vood . These short- re searches from Har~ova and Bordu~ani (a s well as the
term settlements v;ere related to an economy ba sed mainly ones from Pietrele), i.vhich indicate that the dwellings were
on cattle breeding, i.vhich increased in importance after disposed in parallel rows (fig. 4-3). 17
4000 BC , as did copper metallurgy (fig. 4-1).s
Information concerning the last stage of the Gumelni!a
The Boian i.vas a Late Neolithic culture of the lower culture (phase B) is provided only by the tell sites of
Danube valley in southeastern Romania. Currently nine- Buc~ani , Cascioarele, and M ariu!a (fig. 4-4).18 The data
ty- six Boian settlement s are known. 9 Only the late phase are few and demonstrate the persistence of the same two
of thi s culture (the Giule ~i) is well known from settlement spatial patterns, with some dwellings at M ariu!a set in
evidence , thought to be an indication of an increasingly row s, while at C ascioarele and Buc~ani there are clusters
establi shed way of life.10 In these settlement s, hou ses are or .. nests" of hou ses.
arranged either in rows (Piatra Sat-Vadul Codrii and
Radovanu) or grouped in clusters called «nests" (Sili~ea­ Zoologjcal studie s of the animal s consumed in Gumelni!a
Conac and Isaccea-Suhat). The only Boian settlement settlements north of the Danube sho1.v that hunting re-
with a large area expo sed by ar chaeologj cal excavation is mained surprisingly important. 19 At Vitane~i (Gumelni!a
Radovanu, i.vith four occupation layers.11 In level s 2 and A2 phase) and Cascioarele (Gumelni!a Bl pha se), wild
3 the d i.vellings i,vere set in row s. 12 These two models animals accounted for most of the bones in garbage area s,
for structuring settlement space persisted during the next •vhile domesticated cattle 'Nere preponderant at Tangaru
pha se of the Boian culture (the Vidra phase) , at Boian, (Gumelni!a A2 pha se) and Vladiceasca (Gumelni!a Bl
Glina, and Tangaru. n Some tell settlement s started dur- phase). as i.vell as at Gumelni!a sites lo cated south of the
ing the Vidra phase of th e Boian culture, indicating a °
Danube. 2 For the communities from Bordu~ani , Haqova ,
rapidly accelerating process of sedentarization about Luncavi!a , and Navodari, fishing and shell gathering were
5000 BC. One aspect of thi s sedentarization wa s the prolif- important activitie s. This economic variability seem s to
eration of cult object s, particularly figurine s and offering have had no corresponding effect on dwellings, pottery,
table s (fig. 4-2).14 or arti stic objects made of bone or clay, in i.vhich i,ve can
observe a high level of standardization across different
The Gumelni!a wa s the principal Copper Age culture of kind s of economie s.
the lower Danube valley behveen 46 00 and 3950 BC ,
and its typical settlement type wa s the tell. About 250 The Pre-Cucuteni wa s the Late Neolithic and early
Gumelni!a tell sites are known. Several were constructed Copper Age culture of eastern Romania. To date , 167 Pre-
on top of earlier Boian tell s. These communitie s preferred Cucuteni settlements are knoi.vn, of which 51 are located
location s near river s, on terraces, and on top of levees. in Romania, 74 in Moldova, and 42 in Ukraine. 21 Most
They were able to practice cattle breeding, hunting or Pre- Cucuteni settlement s are small, with a surface cover -
fishing, and agriculture, as at the tell site from Bordu~ani, ing about one hectare. The settlement of Tarpe~i might
located on the floodplain of the Danube, on Ialomi!a be considered repre sentative, with only ten structures. 22
island. On such tell settlements, the thickne ss of archae o-
logjcal deposits is three to six meter s, while the diameter s The Cucuteni culture is one of the best-known prehi storic
vary bet1.veen forty and sixty meters, measurement s that civilization s in Romania. A s of 1985, an amazing 1,311
indicate a small village inhabited for a relatively short
period of time. Some tell s were surrounded by defensive
structure s of the ditch and bank type , sometime s vvith a
pali sade. 15 Detailed field investigation s along the N eajlov 4 -1. •t..>e . Co~. Bcdrog<ere2turrul1!.Jre, SfunC19. 4000-3500 i;,:, MNIR.
valley led to the di scovery of small tell sites, located
4 ·2 . Offering tat~e. Fired cla,.-. Bcian· Vidra, Li~tea.rca. 4900-4700 ~. MB .
two to three kilometers from one another in dusters. 16

92
93
4-:l PP-coostr~tioo d'211Jing ottl'E n0'1t,.vest SEctioo ottl'E Gumelni~a tell
site at BO'dJ~ri .

4-4 (q+osite). General \lle.v ot 1he GumElriJa tell site al ~iuJa.

4-5 (~ite) . General \lle:w ot 1he C~uteri settjemB"lt at Bo::E~ .

94
95
 the extraordinary wea Ith of salt sources , ~ Some places
might have been attractive only because there were cult
centers or temples in those a re as, as was the case at
Cascioarele, Parta, Poduri, Targu Frumos, and Tru~e~ti, 20
where particular constructions with cult places or cult
buildings have been discovered,

One way of understanding the quality of hfe in different

Old European settlements is to quantify their degree of
crowding, l Chapman did this by comparing the ratio of
built space to unbuilt space. In most cities, for example,
there is very little unbuilt space as compared to built space,
and the ratio of built to unbuilt space inside a settlement
can be used as a standard comparative measure of open
space. Chapman observed that, in single-level settlements
in western Bulgaria that did not form tells, this ratio
sites were assigned to the Cucuteni in RomaniaY,Today varied between 1: 3 and 1: 13, while at the deeply stratified
that count has increased to 1,84 8, The zone of most in- tell sites of Ovcarovo and Poljanitsa in eastern Bulgaria
tense habitation was in the area between the Carpathian the ratio was between 6:1 and l:l , even 8:1 in some phases
Mount a ins and the Siret River (fig, 4-5), Settlements of the telL :?.l
assigned to phase A represent some forty percent of the
total number of sites known. Zoological studies show that Cucuteni settlements can also be examined this way, ~i At
cattle herds supplied most of the meat diet at Poduri, the stratified settlement of Tarpe~ti, the Pre-Cucuteni III
Scinteia, and Tarpe~ti, 04 as was the case at most of the phase was protected by a defensive ditch, inside which the
communities of this culture, Only a few settlements- built-to-unbuilt ratio was 6:L Later, in the Cucuteni A
such as Bod , Dragu~eni , and Tru~e~i 25 -showed hunted phase, the settlement was occupied twice. The ratio was
wild animals equal to domestic animals. Archaeobotanical 1: 9 during the first phase-A occupation-much more open
studies demonstrate that cultivation was a significant and spread out than in the defended Pre-Cucuteni settle-
activity for these communities , 2 ~The average distance ment-and 1:28 in the second phase-A occupation, A
between Cucuteni A settlements was about ten kilometers, similar expansion occurred at the settlement of Haba~e~i
but this space increased in later phases (A-B and B), i 1 (fig. 4-6), where the three occupation levels had built-to-
Possibly, the high number of phase A sites was caused by unbuilt ratios of 1:8 , 1:12,5, and 1:25, showing a change
shorter occupations and more frequent settlement moves, to a more open settlement plan over time,'.!,'.!, All these data
which would have created a larger number of a rchaeo- strongly suggest a different model of structuring space.
logical sites without any increase in population,
Open settlements, with more unbuilt space, had houses
Tiszapolgar and Bo drogkeresztu r communities might arranged in clusters, or «nests," with each housing
have been attracted by access to mineral resources, like nestH separated from the others by open space, which
salt and copper, 28 A similar density of settlement in the perhaps was used for house gardens, These nests might
eastern Carpathian piedmont undoubtedly relates to have represented the houses of the related members of
an extended family. This housing pattern is encountered
in many Copper Age sites, 15 the major exception being
the tell settlements of the Boian, Gumelnita, Sa lcuta,
and Vinca cultures,
4-6. Gerera i::ian oftre Cucute'li ~ttlemental H~~~tl. ~~I.

96
The Cucuteni settlement of Dragu~eni is a good example meters, making a more comfortable dwelling, one that
of the "nested" form of house planning. The site is char- is known to exist for the Vinca, Boian (Vidra and Spantov
acterized by groups of two to three structures considered phases) , Tisza, Pre-Cucuteni, Petre~ti, Cucuteni, and
to be dwellings , located a distance of one to four meters Cotofeni cultures,
from one another, and these nests are placed ten to fifteen
meters apart , ~ Four or five nests of houses a re exca- In the Late Neolithic and Early Copper Age Dude~ti­
vated , In the case of each nest, only one dwelling has a Vinea culture, the average dwelling had a single room
pit-foundation, suggesting that this was the first built, containing between ten and fifty square meters, larger
or in other word s that this structure represents the first interiors being rare."° Houses of the Tiszapolgar culture at
occupational moment of the site. Zooarchaeological study Parta had foundation ditches with holes for large vertical
of the animal bones demonstrated that skeletal parts wall posts. 41 The interior space in Tiszapolgar dwellings
of the same roebuck were discovered inside two different varied between twenty and thirty square meters (fig. 4-7). 42
dwellings, presumably indicating that the same game or The dwellings of the Cotofeni culture similarly had one
animal was shared by members of the two households,17 or two rooms, a rectangular plan, large timber framing
Stratigraphic analyses showed that the houses in this group posts, and clay floors , The communities of the Gumelnita
were built in a sequence, suggesting that the occupants culture built rectangular, two-roomed dwellings, with
of these structures probably were successive generations interiors ranging between forty and sixty square meters ,
of an extended family, :is The most important dwelling of In the tell sites of Bordu~ani and Har~ova , the entrances
this group was probably the first to be built, a two-roomed were at the ends of each building, and the two rooms
structure containing a workshop for making flint tools , partitioning the interior space were unequal in size, The
Another structure in the group probably also contained smaller chamber was used for storage, and contained
a flint tool-making workshop, It is possible that a multi- large vessels for provisions and various tools, while the
generational family lived here, one that specialized in larger chamber wa s for cooking and sleeping,
making flint t ools, a craft passed from one generation to
the next. Pre-Cucuteni houses usual~' were one-room dwellings
built on the ground surface with a so lid timber and log
House Architecture and Con.st ruction structure, clay plaster being rarely used , The average
The construction of house s during the Neolithic was interior space was thirty to fifty square meters. 41 During
relatively simple, Some houses had floors dug partially the first phase of this culture, the floors were made only
into the ground, while others had floors of packed earth of beaten clay, while later a more substantia 1floor was
on the ground surface. Houses were framed with wood, generally made of wood covered with a layer of clay,44
and had walls made of clay plaster mixed with chopped
vegetation and sand. Roofs probably were made of thatch. The Cucuteni-cultu re communities made rectangular
The Late Ne olithic Boian culture in the lower Danube surface dwellings with one or two rooms, probably inher-
valley exhibited these kinds of houses, rectangular in iting construction techniques from the Pre-Cucuteni
shape, with both dug-out and surface floors and wood- phase, The average interior was between thirty and fifty
f rame and plaster walls and interiors that measured up square meters,45 with some smaller (ten to twenty square
t o thirty square meters; most of the houses consisted of meters) and some much larger (up to one hundred square
a single room, :l9 meters). 4' Cucuteni houses at Haba~e~ti, Scanteia, Tru~e~i ,
and Poduri were made with floors of logs covered by a
In the Copper Age the same materials were used, but the thick layer of plastered clay, like the late Pre-Cucuteni
sizes of the dwellings increased and the timber frame floors , which created a very dry and comfortable interior.
was much stronger, sometimes using whole tree trunks set A fundamentally opposite option seems to characterize
firmly in foundation ditches, In addition, the thickness the settlements from Dragu~eni and Ta rpe~ti.47
of the walls increased to as much as twenty to thirty centi-

97
 -
-- -~

--

4 -7. PP-CO"lstructicn cta.wfng of a Tisz:apcigar cluster of h:uses at Par~

(after L..azaro..tci aJY.l L..azaro..tci. 20C6).

98
For the Gumelnita culture, at Bordu~ani and Har~ova equipped with a large quantity of ceramic vessels and
houses with simple clay floors are the most common objects made of wood, bone, antler, and copper, many
dwelling structure, while those with floors made of logs placed along the walls, It is possible that the archaeo-
covered by a layer of plastered clay are rare. Stone was logical record is skewed toward the preservation only of
used to cover house floors only at a few sites, including burned houses, because it can be difficult to observe the
the settlements at Cucuteni-Cet atuia and Da mbu 1 vestiges of the houses not set on fire in the areas where
Morii ,48 This type of floor construction is documented chernozem soils are predominant. s4 But even in that case,
also forthe Horodi~tea-Erbiceni culture, probably re- the number of bu med houses is very large,
flecting a Cucuteni tradition,49
The majority of these structures set on fire were fully
Some scholars have reconstructed two-story buildings equipped with the artifacts of daily life. My statistical
based on their analysis of the collapsed remains of analysis of a series of Gumelnit a dwellings set on fire
Cucuteni houses, while others disagree with such pro- demonstrates that most of them contained a large number
posals. Possible examples of two-storied structures might of ceramic vessels, often more than eighty. The house was
be found at Poduri and Tru~e~ Lso sacrificed with its entire inventory of equipment. At Uivar
some of the intentionally burned houses were emptied by
T he Pu rity in g Fire inventory, ss In careful and attentive archaeologica 1exca-
One of the most puzzling traditions of Copper Age Old vations of burned Cucuteni houses, I have noticed that,
Europe apparently was the intentional burning of houses after they were set on fire, pits were dug down through
after a period of use as a dwelling, It is not clear why the debris to the hearth or the oven-places where fire
some houses were bu med, but possibly homes ofimpor- had been used in normal daily life-causing its deliberate
tant people, perhaps of clan elders or lineage founders, destruction, Probably only after that fina 1act was the
were burned after their death, Fire in general is seen as dwelling considered definitively sacrificed. In a few cases
a form of purification, The a rchaeologica 1evidence these combustion structures (the hearths or ovens) were
for intentional house burnings, as opposed to accidenta 1 found preserved entirely, and in these situations one might
bu min gs or hostile acts of war, is one of the new areas of believe that the house burned accidentally (fig. 4-13).
research in Old European archaeology,s 1
Research on burned houses has been greatly aided by
Archaeological research undertaken at the Gumelnita tell the experimental construction and intentional burning of
settlements of Bordu~ani and Har~ova (fig. 4-8), together Neolithic-type houses under controlled conditions, in
with data gathered since 2000 at the Cucuteni site of an attempt to re-create the kind of burned remains found
Poduri and experiments carried out at Cucuteni in 2004,s 2 in archaeological sites. One such experiment took place
provided a series of arguments that house fires could have at Cucuteni, the type site for the Cucuteni culture as
been deliberate, Based on very fine stratigraphic exca- noted above; another took place in Calabria, in ItalyS6;
vation and analysis of the house remains, at the two tell and another was made during excavations at the Vinca
settlements of the Gumelnita culture it was possible to site of Opovo, >1 In each case the conclusions were the
observe that only some of the dwellings that were in the same: The kind of intense burning seen in many Neolithic
same contemporary occupation level had been set on fire archaeological sites could only be produced by filling
(fig, 4-9) , A similar situation exists at Uivar,-2 where the house with fuel and intentionally setting it on fire,
only five percent of the dwellings were burned (fig. 4-10). actions that must have been performed "as purifying
An unusual case was dwelling SL 19 from Har~ova, where rituals."~ Thus, the conclusion of the 19 84 campaign at
a deliberate fire was indicated by the placement of large Opovo was that "... it is clear that at Opovo there were
quantities of combustible materials in the central part no houses that were not burned, , , and most likely
of the structure, which was marked by an area of intense were burned deliberately," and "such an act might have
burning (figs, 4-11, 4-12), The house was burned fully

99
4-S (tcp. left). Stratigrgp,ic saqJence sl'lOl'Jing dwellings sat 01 lire and not
sat 01 lire . \\E!stern cross-sacti 01 of 1he Gum elni!,a tell site at H3r~

4-9(tcp. tlght) . Fcundaticn dtcl'Es of ad\velling net set 01 lire , Gumelni!,a

tel site at Bo-du~i - Pq:in~ .

4-10 (oottcm). Gerer~ \~ew oftl'E Nao-Ereditli c tell site d Uiva-.

4-11 (q+osite: tcp. left). GB'leral ~ew d 1he 100' of a d\veling intenticnaJly
sat 01 lire , Gumelni!,a tell site at Ha-~

4-12 (q:posite: tcp, right). ~tail ofa \..ell of ad\velling intentiO'lally sat en
fre. Gum elri !a tell site at H3~0fa .

4-13 (q:posite: bottcm). Hoosahdd hear1h O' 01•l;!n during exce<1·-ation.

Gumelni!a tel site at Ha-~

100
101
marked symbolically the end of a domestic cycle with at Targu Frumos"'; in many Cucuteni sites (at Copalau, 09
the death of the household head." 59 Dragu~eni,7° Scanteia,7 1 and Tlrpe9ti72 in Romania, and
at labloan a I, Putine~ti II, and Putine9ti IIF 3 in Moldova);
The early Halaf settlement at Sabi Abyad, in Syria, was in the Salcu~a culture at Orlea74 ; and in Gumelnita sites
probably intentionally burned, yet the hypothesis of at Cascioarele. 75
a conflict might also be also plausible. 60 In Sweden, at:
the Skun1parberget 2 site, which belongs to the Early Workshops for processing deer antler were found in the
Neolithic TRB culture, a minute study of one dwelling Cucuteni area at Dragu~eni and s~1rata l'vfonteoru,7" while
61
indicated a deliberate burning of the structure. workshops for polishing stone axes were investigated in
a series of Cucuteni settlements (at Preute?ti- Ifaltil77) and
The situations presented above were not identical, and Cotofeni settlements (at Sincai-Cetatea paganului78 ).
it is possible that house burnings were conducted for a
variety of reasons. But: ir. is reasonable to assume that Relatively few workshops for n1etal (copper and gold)
purification was one shared aspect of these acts. In some processing have been found. One such structure was un-
cases the building was emptied, while in others house covered in a Bodrogkeresztlir B settlement in Transylvania
equipment was kept inside and destroyed \Vith the house. at Cheile Tu rzii-Pe~tera UngureascaiPe~tera Caprelor;
In spite of regional variability of the specific ritual, which another was found in a settlement of the Salcuta C culture
indeed is characteristic of Old Europe, the intentional at Cuptoare-Sfogea; and a third was found in a Cotofeni
burning of houses is becoming more frequently identified C settlement at Cuptoare-Piatra Ili9ovei.79
as part of the recognized traditions of the Copper Age.
Grinding stones for making flour are often found inside
The Workshops dwellings, but it seems that occasionally this activity was
Quite a few specialized workshops have been found performed in a special structure, perhaps a communal
for the conduct of different crafts and activities. Whether granary. At the tell site of Poduri -Dealul Ghindaru (the
or not the crafts workers were specialists, at least they Precucuteni II I level), inside building no. 44, there were
had in many cases attained the benchmark of providing five grinding stones-------three of which were fixed on a clay
a special place for crafts to be performed. Such finds base painted white, surrounded by a clay box for evacu-
are not identified in every settlement:, or even in n1ost ating the flour. 80 Near this installation four clay-lined
settlements, perhaps because these structures were often silos having the shape of a cone's trunk were discovered,
outside or at t he margin ofthe settlement. forty-five centimeters deep, and inside them were charred
cereals . Silo 1 contained barley (Hordeum z;ulgare 68.3%
Interesting discoveries of pottery \Vorkshops are the ones and Hordeum uulgare nuduin 30.6%); silo 2 contained
from Zorlen~u Mare (Vinca Bl) and Dume~ti (Cucuteni wheat (Tritic.um aestivurn 91.3%); silo 3 contained wheat
A).61 The finds from Ghelaie§ti (Cucuteni B), 63 l ·Ilape~ti," 4 (Triticurn 1nonoc.occu1n 63.8% and Tritic.uin dic.occu1n
65
and Varvareuca VIII and Varvareuca X\! also suggest the 25.2 %); and silo 4 contained barley (Hordeum uulgare
existence inside the settlements of workshops for modeling nudum 92.2%,). 81 Similar granaries were found in the
vessels and outside the settlen1ents for pottery kilns. Kilns Gumelnip culture at i\i[ed.gidia and in the Cclei cultura.1
for ceramics have been found occasionally inside settle- group at Celei. 82
ments as well, at Ariu§d, Frumu§ica, Glavane§tii Vechi,
1Iab;1§e§ti, Tru~e~ti, and Valea Lupului.6 6 Settlement Fortifications
When ditches are found surrounding settlements, or inter-
Flint-processing workshops inside dwellings were rupting the approach to settlements located on steep-sided
discovered widely in many Neolithic and Copper Age promontories, they are interpreted as defensive in purpose,
cultures of southeastern Europe, including in the Early and indicative of warfare. If they were dug deeply and
Neolithic Starcevo-Cri? sites 67 ; in a Pre-Cucuteni site 'vVere long and wide enough to have required the collective

102
labor of an entire village, one can presume that their role (phase A), Malna~ Ba i, and Sd.nteia. 8 ~ The fortification
would. have been defensive. Secondarily they might also ditch from Cucuteni had stone veneer, 89 as did the ditches
have protected the community from predatory wild ani- at lvfalna~ and Ruginoasa. At Habii.?e~ti two V-shaped.
mals. The existence or absence of defensive constructions ditches were found, built at different times .90 At Ariu?d
is a key factor in assessing and understanding the character in Transylvania, there were also a ditch, earthen bank,
of a settlement and con1paring it to othersY and palisade that were enlarged over time. 91 The inner,
srr1a.ller ditch required the excavation of some 970 cubic
The first known fortifications a_re attested at the end of meters, \Nhile the outer, larger ditch required 1,40 0 cubic
the early Neolithic, namely for the Starcevo-Cri~ IV- meters. 91 It is estimated that about sixty men wo uld have
Vinca A (Gornea-Ca unira de Sus) horizon, dated before worked for forty days to excavate the ditch.
5000 BC. Other similar sites are those from Vadastra and
Paqa:rell I. 84 At Foeni, a Neolithic settlement in 1vestern The Gumelnita settlements of Geangoe~ti, 93 Pietrele ,9''
Romania, excavation uncovered a defensive ditch with and Vidra 95 were fortified by defensive ditches. Other
a V profile, 5.2 meters wide and 2.3 meters deep. This defensive structures consisting of ditch and earthen bank
structure protected the settlement from three sides (eas t, were discovered at Jilava, 96 Magurele, 97 Teiu (tell no. 1),9 8
north, and south), while toward the west: the site was Ziduri, 99 and Vidra.100 The maxirnurn width of the
bordered. by a steep edge of t he creek nearby. At Pana ditches was 6··-7 meters, and the maximum depth of 3 .4
the 'T'iszapolgar h abitation was protected by a defensive meters. 'The palisades were made of rows of partially
system consisting of a ditch and. a palisade.SS No other buried logs, with branches and boards placed between
Tiszapolgar or Bodrogkereszt(ir culture sites are knmvn the logs. At Magurele101 and Teiu (tell no. 1)/ 02 the
to have been fortified. defensive systems were rebuilt and maintained through-
out multiple occupations. There were archaeological
Sorne Pre- Cucuten i settlernents were protected by defen- suggestions of elaborate defensive systems, consisting of
sive ditches . At Traian-Dealul Viei, the Pre-Cucuteni an inner "acropolis" and a "civil" settlement at the
settlement was protected by a V-shaped ditch about 300 Cucuteni-culture settlements of Calu, Kazarovici III,1°''
meters long, 4···5 meters vvide, and 1.40···1.85 meters deep . Poduri, and Vladeni, at the Gumelni1a settlement of
This ditch required the removal of about 1,.500 cubic Pietrele. More precise archaeological data are needed
meters of earth. At Tarpe~ti a defensive ditch was n1ain- to verify this interpretation.
tained for both occupational phases. The ditch built
during the Pre-Cucuteni II phase was 98 rneters long and Fortification works in1ply a certa.in level of community
had a \!-shaped profile, enclosing an occupation area organization as well as a hierarchical political structure.
of about 630 square meters, while the Pre-Cucuteni III The number of fortifications increased from the Neolithic
phase ditch was 129 meters long, about 3 meters wide to the Copper Age. It is possible that defensive structures
and. 1.50 1.90 meters deep, protecting an occupation area were not built as a planned part of any settlement, but
of about 1,200 square meters. The first ditch required the were constructed only for a period of host ilities.
rernoval of 160 cubic meters, while the second, larger
ditch required the excavation of about 440 cubic meters . 86 The Funerary Space
ln the area of the Tiszapolgar culture in western Romania,
Of about 1,200 known Cucuteni settlements, only 40 were 4500··-4000 BC , eight cemeteries are know n. 104 The char-
documented as having defensive structures, but they were acteristic burial rite is inhumation (in a contracted or
serious defenses.37 Ditches with a funnel-shaped profile extended position ), the body being oriented west···east,
2-4 ni.eters deep were investigated at Cucuteni-Dambul more rarely east-west, north-south, or south-north, t he
i'vlorii, Sfant:u Gheorghe-Cet:at:ea Cocorului, Traian- males to the right and the women to t he left. The funer -
Dealul Fantanilor, and Tru~qti-Tuguieta. A ditch and ary inventory consisted of pottery, weapons, tools, a.nd
earthen bank was also uncovered at Cucuteni···Ceti\ uia bracelets made of copper, gold, stone, shells, and bone.

103
The situation is not very different in the case of the of pottery and shell o rnament s, but shell oma ments
Bodrogkeresztur culture, 4000-3600 Be, which is geneti- appeared only in children's graves. 109 Fou r of the deceased
cally linked to the previous Tiszapolgar culture, Two were females who died while giving birth. 110 Other Boian
cemeteries a re known at Ca min- Po dul Crasnei and cemeteries are known at Pope~i (16 graves)m and Sultana-
Ostrovul Corbului-Botul Cliciului, The deceased were Valea Orbului (more than two hundred graves). 112
inhumed, sometimes with rich inventories of ceramics,
ornaments of gold or shells, and food offerings, 105 The Human burials are also found inside Boian settlements
Bodrogkeresztur culture is known for its exploitation or on their edges, Graves were discovered inside Boian
of copper and gold, and in addition to rich graves has settlements at Andolina (seven graves, with six adults and
yielded a number of hoards of copper or golden objects, a child), m Galatui (three graves), n4 Glina (eight graves), us
including the famous hoard of gold idols and ornaments and Vara~ti (fourteen graves). 1 ~This custom was observed
found at Moigrad (figs. 1-17, 7-9, 7-10, page 162). also in the Gumelnita-culture tell sett lements, where
graves are found between or even beneath the dwellings.
In the lower Danube valley, the o..tstom of creating spe-
cial cemeteries for burying the dead had a long history, The Gumelnita culture also practiced cemetery buriaL
extending before the Copper Age, Mesolithic hunter- In Romania three Gumelnita cemeteries have been inves-
gatherers created cemeterie s near the Iron Gates, as at tigated and published completely: Radovanu (Gumelnita
Sch el a Cladovei, thousands of years before the arrival of Al' 17 graves), m Dridu (Gumelnita A 2 or Bl' 9 graves), us
Neolithic farmers , The Ha mangia culture, centered in and Vara~ti (Gumelnita Al' A2.and Bl' 123 graves).U9
the Dobrogea peninsula between the Danube River and Other Gumelnita cemeteries, only partially published, are
the Black Sea, inherited some Mesolithic customs in flint known at Cascioarele-D'aia Parte (28 inhumation graves,
working, and its cemetery burial customs could also have Gumelnita A 1 phase), 120 Chimogi-$uvita Iorgu leso..t
been in some sense influenced by those of the Mesolithic. (62 skeletons), 121 Chirnogi-Terasa Rudarilor (16 graves), 122
There a re Hamangia cemeteries in both Bulgaria (south- and Gu melnita (8 graves), lB At Vara~ti the body was
ern Dobrogea) and Romania (most of the Dobrogea) , placed in a cont racted position, usua Uy on its left side,
At Cemavoda in Romania , more than four hundred A very small number were deposited on the right side,
Hamangia inhumation graves were investigated ,1 The°' The graves were generally arranged in rows. Some graves
bodies were oriented southea st-northwest, There were contained multiple burials, lM The graves at Dridu con-
clear differences in the richness of the funerary inven- tained no grave gifts, Artifacts were deposited in the
tory, which included anthropomorphic figurines made of grave only in3 graves at Radovanu and 27 graves at
clay and marble, pottery, stone tools , stone ornaments, Vara~ti , Most of the gifts were pottery, flint and stone
and bracelets and beads, some made of copper, tools , copper pins (only at Va ra~ti) , and shell ornaments.
Grave 54 from Vara~ti had a very rich inventory com-
The Boian , a very important Late Neolithic culture of the prising beads and an earring made of gold, and a pendant
lower Danube valley that influenced the origin of both and two beads made of amber, perhaps indicating the
the Gumelnita and Cucuteni, also practiced cemetery elevated social status of the woman buried in the grave,
burial. The necropolis from Cemica, 107 with 378 inhuma- In 4 graves at Va ra~ti , there was a large or small quantity
tion graves, is the largest known from the north-Danubian of red ochre,12 s
area of the Boian culture. The prevailing orientation of
the deceased is west-east. In the early phase the body was At the tell settlements of Bordu~ani and Har~ova, human
placed in an extended position, but the last pha se of the skeletal parts were placed sepa rately in secondary con-
cemetery from Cerni ca was characterized by an increase texts associated with garbage areas (fig, 4-14), Ritual
in burials in a contracted or slightly flexed position, lo& deposits of isolated human skeletal parts were common
About two-thirds of the graves did not contain any fu- not only for the Gumelnita culture, but also for a series of
nerary inventory. Grave gifts in the other graves consisted other Copper Age cultures in Romania and beyond, 126

104
A World without Graves
No cemeteries are known for the Petre~ti culture of
Transylvania, the Pre-Olcuteni culture, or the Cucuteni
culture. In the eastern part of Olcuteni-Tripol'ye, some
cemeteries a re known but they are assigned to the final
phase of this culture. 127 Evidently the dead normally were
not buried in these cultures,

In a few settlements isolated inhumation graves have been

found, especially of children and adolescents: Cucuteni-
Cetatuia, Scanteia, and Traian-Dealul Fantanilor,128 At
Traian chopped and incomplete skeletons with rich offer-
ings were assigned to rituals of sacrifice, ~ 9 Disparate
human bones and skulls were uncovered in a series of settle-
ments, in various habitation complexes, pits, and levels; This brief review has traced the evolution of the concepts
most of the bones belonged to women, children, and and behaviors of various Neolithic and Copper Age
adolescents, no The presence of skulls or skull fragments communities. One trend was a gradual shift from placing
might suggest a skull cult related to veneration of the an- burials inside the settlements, between or beneath dif-
cestors. Anthropological analysis documented that most ferent structures-a habit that characterizes the early
of these remains belonged to females. m The discovery of Neolithic-to placing burials in special cemeterie s. The
cremated human bones in the debris of an intentionally development of permanent, sedenta ry settlements and a
burned dwelling from Scantei a suggests that cremation more intensive agricultural and stockbreeding economy
might have been employed by Cucuteni communities.rn probably explain the evolution toward the definition
of funerary spaces as a new and specia lized catego ry of
A cemetery of more than a hundred cremation graves social space during the lYliddle and Late Neolithic and
was discovered at Su ceava-Parcul Cetatii, Dl finally inter- then in the Copper Age. Yet the absence of cemeteries in
preted as belonging to the Gorodsk culture, a very late the areas occupied by the Foeni cultural group and the
and greatly transformed phase of the Tripol'ye cultu re Petre~ti, Pre-Cucuteni, and Cucuteni cultures is a puzzling
dated about 3000Bc, Cremated human remains were exception to this tendency,
placed in pits together with pottery fragments , pieces of
charcoal, and stone artifacts, all burned in a secondary The first period discussed here, the Neolithic, is charac-
postcremation rituaL terized by genesis, diffusion , and contact between a series
of cultures, At the initial stage human communities
After the final phase of the Cucuteni culture, about 3300- passed through a serie s of majorphases, marked by
30 00 Be, small communities belonging to the Globular sedenta riza tion , cattle breeding, and land cultivation,
Amphorae culture, with a pastora 1economy, infiltrated During this period in southeastern Europe, one can ob-
the Olcuteni region from the north, from Poland, espe- serve the intensification of the rhythm of evolution within
cia lly between the Carpathians and Si ret rivers ,1* The these societies, the main features being, on the one hand,
cemeteries belonging to this culture are small, often with the diversification of local cultural entities separated
multiple bodies placed in stone cist . In the funerary inven- by vast distances and, on the other, intense contacts and
tory were polished flint axes and chisels, and buckles
and daggers made of bone. The grave from Mastacan had
a rich inventory that suggests the existence of social differ-
ences in Globular Amphorae communities.ns 4-14. Gra...e ofa d'lild dioco.rered unoor 1he 11ca d a d.vellin.;i. GumelriJa tell
site at Ha-~..-a.

105
exchanges, generating a sort of cultural standardization.
It is important to note that the direction of such relations
is not only from the south to the north, but also that
these interactions included influences and exchanges that
spread from north to south, west to east, and east to >Vest.
The existence of such exchange systc.rns contributed not
only to the circulation of certain objects and raw mate-
rials but, in the case of those that were intercultural, to
maintaining cultural "unity" by disseminating certain
ideas and concepts.

'The next period, the Copper Age, was characterized

especially by local evolutionary strands, although south-
ern influences continued to exist, as did exchange systems
that linked north to south. The splendid civilizations
of the Copper Age emerged gradually, still preserving
certain fundamental features of the Neolithic. 'The shared
Neolithic heritage is shown in settlements and their
locations, the structuring of inhabited space, and the
management of resources. But some activities and crafts
also shmved absolutely new development, like the "mills"
from Medgidia and Poduri, the specialization of certain
communities in cattle breeding or hunting (as seen in
the discoveries from Vitanqti), and the emergence of
craft specialization in workshops for processing stone and
flint (as in the discoveries from Dragu~eni, where we have
evidence for a family that specialized in such activities
over multiple generations).

The spiritual world was also strnctured, preserving a

series of defining elements deriving from Neolithic prac-
tices and beliefs, evolving in the Copper Age into more
varied customs. 'The spiral was the central decorative
element through the entire Neolithic, yet differences in the
frequency of its use and the variety of its representations
defined the main ceramic styles. The divine couple domi-
nated the world of deities venerated by these con1n1unities,
but various representations marked an individual approach
for each culture. 1V1ajor examples in this sense are the
"small basket" vessel from Vadastra, the monumental
statue from Paqa (Vinca culture), the cult building from
Targu Frumos (Pre-Cucuteni culture), and the "temple"
fac,:ade frorn Tru~e~ti (Cucuteni culture).

'Translated by Corina Bor~

106
Note; 11 Com~a , E., :btoria comuniUtilor culturii Boian (Bucurc§ti: Editura
Academiei, 1974).
l Hodder, I. , The Do1nesti.:ation of Europe: Structure and Contingency in
Neoliihic Socieiies (Oxford: Blackwell, 1990): 18, 12 Ibid .: 72.

2 Broa1berger~ C.~ ''Locuin~a/' in Dictionar de etnologie ;,·i anitof.Jofogie, 13 Ibid.: 156.

ed. P. Bonte and M. Izard (Ia~i : Polirom, 1999).
14 Lar.arovici and Lazarovici, Neoliticu! (2006): 518.
3 Dumitrescu, Vl., el al., Hdba;,!.':;ti. !Yfonogmfi!.' m·heologic,1 (Bucure§ti:
Academiei RPR, 1954); ;'vlarinescu--Blk.u S., Ti'rpefti: Fram P1·ehistory to 15 Morintr., S., "Tipuri de a§eZ;lri ~i sisteme de for6licape ~i de lmprejmuin:
History in Eastern P.Dmania, British Archaeological Reports, International Jn cultura Gumelnira," Studii ;i Cercetiiri de lstorie Veche 13, no. 2 (1962):
Series, suppl. 107 (1981) ; Petrescu-Dimbovip, M., M. Floresrn, and 273-84; .Marine;cu, FL, "A$ezJri fortificate neolitice In Romania," Studii
.A.C. Florescu, Tru_$P.,.:,-ti . lvfonografi.r.? a4;~wlo.f.iCc.~ (.Bi.Kure~ti and Ia~i : Edltura fi Cornuni.:1tri (M ur.eul Rrukenthal Sibiu) 1.4 (1969): 14-17; Com$a, E.,
Academiei Romane, 1999) . Neoliticul pe teritoriu! Romdniei (Bucure;:ti: C:onsidera~ii, 1987): 133---35;
Ha$Otti, P., Epo.:a neolitica tn Dobrogea, Tomitana 1(Con;tanF,1997):
4 Matine~_~cu-Bllcu~ S.~ Cu.ltura Frecucut.~:m: pe t.erit.oriul Romd.ni:rd (Bucure§ti: 76--85,
Academiei RPR ~ 1974); l\..-fonah, D. , "A~ezari/~ in A.~-ez"~1'ile culturii Cucuteni
din Romania, ed. D. Monah and 5t. Cuco~ (Ia~ i: Junimea, 1985): 41---51; 16 Bem, C., et aL, "Cercet:iri arheologice pe valea Neajlovului. Considerarii
Dra;mvean , Fl.~ C:ultura VinCa tdrzie (fizza C) if1 Banat (Timi~oara: Mlrton, generale asupra n1icrozonei Buc~ani;'"' Studii d2 P-reistoFie 1 (2002): LH-45.
1996); !vfa.xln1~ Z., N~w -- eneoliticul din Transilvania. Date arh~~ofogice
f>i niaternatic.o-statistice) Bibliotheca lvfusei Napocensis 19 (C luj Napoca) 17 Popovici, D., B. Randoin, and Y. Rialland, "Le tdl neolithique et chal-
1999); Luca~ S.A., Sfilr?itul eneoliticului pe teritoriu! intraca,·patic al coHthique d~Harsova (Rounrn.nleL ·'-' in Cotnn-zunauti..:; villageoise.o; du
FJJmdniei ·········C1.~ ltu"J'a
BodtogkeresztU.r~ Bibliotheca lviusei Apulensis 11 (Alba a
?roche-Crient f'Atlantiq1.~e (8000···-2000 avant not1e .::'~re), ed. Jean Guilaine,
Julia ~ 1999); Popovid ~ D., Cultura Cucuteni f<"'a . ~:a A. Repertoriul U?e"?..:t"irilor Seminaire du Collt':ge de France (Paris: Errance, 2001): 119-52; Hansen, S.,
(1), Bibliod1eca Memoriae Antiquitatis 7 (Piatra Neam\, 2000); Lazarovici, et al., "Der kupferzeidiche Siedlungshiigel Pietrele an der Unteren Donau.
C .--.lvl. , and c;h. Lazarovi ci, ~··eoliticul~ vol. 1 ~ Ai'hitectura neoliticului .$i Bercht uber die Ausgrabungen in Sommer 2004," Eumsia Antiqua l1 (2005):
Epocii Cupruiui din Romania, ed. 'v'. Spinei and V. Mihaibcu-Bldiba (Li~i : 341-93; Hansen , S., et al., "Pietrde---£,ine kupferzeitliche Siedlungan der
Trinicas) 2006). Umeren Donau. Bericht iiber die Ausgrabungen in Sommer 2005," Eurasia
Antiqua 12 (2006) : 1-62.
5 Circiumaru, NI., D. Popovici, M, C:osac, and R . Dinca, "Spectrogra.phic
Analysis of Neo Eneolithic Obsidian Samples and Several Considerations 18 Dumitrescu, VI., "A Late Neolithic Settlement on the Lower Danube,"
about the Obsidian Supply Sources," A.nalles d'Universite Va!achia, A1.,c:haeology (New York) 18, no. 1(1965):34---40; Dumitrescu, VL, "Principalele
Targoui~»t.e.; Section cFArc.hrf:ologie et lfl-frstoire 2-·.J (2000): 116··26; Popovici, rezullate ale primelor doua campanii de saparnra din a~ezarea neolitica tirzie
D., "Exchange;; during the Eneolithic Period: Ca:ie Study of the Cucuteni de la Ca.scioarele;'"' Studii _$i Cercetifri de istorie Veche 16, no. 2 (1965): 215-38;
Culture)" Ana/1es d'rJni.ve?sit.~ VaLtc.hta~ T!trgot,.i~te) Section d'A?cheologie et Bem et aL, "Cercetari arheologice pe valea Neajlovului" (2002).
d'Histoir2 2-3 (2000): 87-99; Mare~, I.~ lvfetalurgia ararnei tn neo--eneoliticul
?,;Jmaniei (Suceava: Bucovina Istorica, 2002); Weller, 0., and Gh. Dumitroaia, 19 B:il:i~escu, A,, V. Radu, and D. Moise, Omul ;i mediul animal inire
"The Eadiest Salt Pmduction in the ·world: An Eady Neolithic Exploita6on n,zileniile Vlf-IV i.e.n. la J)unarea de Jo::; (Targoviste: Cetatea de Sca.un,
in Poiana Slacinei-Lunca~ Ron1ania,~~ .A.ntiquity 79) no. 306 (200.5): 2005): 211--25.
hup://amiquity.ac.uk/projgall/weller; Weller, 0., et al., "Premiere exploita-
tion de sel en Europe. T'echniques et gestion de ]'exploitation de la source 20 Ibid.: 220-21.
a
salee de Poiana Slatinei Lunca (Neamt , Roumanie)," in Se!, eau et foret .
Hier et aujow-d'hui, ed. Weller, A. Dufraisse, and P. Pf:trequin, Actes du 21 Bodean, S., A:~e:::;irile culturii Precucuteni· Tripolie A din RepuhUca
C:olloque International, Saline Royale cl ' Arc-et-Senans, 3--5 October 2006, Jv1oldoua (Kishinev : Pontos, 2001): 3; ZbenoviC, V.G.~ S.iedlungen der ffi-t'. hen
Cahiers de la MSH Ledoux 12 (coll. Homme et environnement 1) (Besa nvJll: T,.ipof'e·· ·.Kultur z;.vischen l)ne.o;tr und SUdlichem Bug~ .Archaologle in
Presses Universitaires de Franche-Comte, 2008): 205---30. Eurasien 1 (Espelkamp: Marie Leidorf, 1996); Lazarovici and Lazarovici,
Neoliticui (2006): 546 .
6 Lazarnvici, Gh., "P rincipalde prob le me ale culturii Ti:izapolgar Jn
Ron1ftnia) " .A.ct~i lv1u~:e.i Napocensis 20 (1983): .3··20; f..1fa. .xirn, Neo-eneolith:Ml 22 Marinescu-B1ku, Tfrpe;;ti (1981): 24.
din T·mn.c;iluania (1999); .Tt::rco:1an~ N ., Cultura Tis2:apolgd1' tn uestul Rorndniei
(Cluj Napoca: Nereamia Napocae, 2002), 23 Monah and C:uco~, A;;ezdrile cu!iurii Cucuteni (1985): 178 85.

7 Luca~ Sf"dr_~itul eneoliticului pe teritoriul intracarpatic al R.otnilniei (1999): 24 Necrasov, 0., and M . Stirbu, "The Chalcolithic Paleo fauna from the
1314, 49 59. Settlement of Tirpe;:ti (PrecucUleni and Cucuteni Al-A2 Cultures),"
in Marinesrn--Rilcu, Tfrpe,~ti (1981): 174-87; .M.antu, C .. M., et a.I., "Un
8 Ibid.: 48; Ierco~an, Cultura Tisza[1olg!tr (2002): 184--86. mormlnt dublu de "lnhuma\ie din a;:ezarea cucuteniana de la Sdmeia (jud.
la~l),') .Ac.ta i\1.usei l-.Japo,:ensis 31~ no. 1 (1995): 87-103; information kindly
9 Pandrea, S,, "Cilteva observa\ii referitoare la periodizarea culturii Boian," provided by A, Ba!J.~escu.
lstms 10 (2000): 36---57.
25 Eolorne;; .Al., and c;. EJ Susi~ ~~.Ani mals Ren1ains/' in l>i·dgu?eni.
10 Corn~a~ E.~ "A~ezarea neolitica de la Izvoarde (jud. Giurgiu),,, Bufet.inul A Cw:i.<ienian Community, ed, S, Marinescu-B1ku and Bolomey (Bucure~ti:
Muzeuiui "Tiwhari Antonesw" 5-6 (1999-2000): 103--4; Neagu, M., Tu bingen, 2000): 159-78; Haimovici, S., "Qudques problem es d 'archeo
"Comunita\ile Bolintineanu in Cimpia Dun:irii," Istros 8 ( 1997): 22; Neagu, zoolo1:,>1e concernant la culture de Cucuteni, ~~ in La ciuili~xitio n de Cucut'eni
.°Cv'L, i\leoliticul rnijlociu la Dundrea de Jos (Ca.Llra ~i : i'.v1uzeu1 Dunarii deJos en contexte europeen, ed. D. Afonah, Bibliotheca Archaeologica la:isiensis l
Calara;:i, 2003): 91. (Ia;:i, 1987): 157 66; information kindly provided by D. Moise .

107
26 Ca.rciumaru, M., Paleobotanica. Studii in preistoria ~i protoistoria 40 Nica, M ., and NWi A., "Les i:tablissements neolithiques de Leu et Padea
Romimiei (Ia~i , 1996); Monah, F., and D. Monah, Cercetari arheobotanice de la zone d'interfi:rence des cultures Dude~ti et Vinea. Un rwuvel aspect
!n tellul calcolitic Poduri-Dealul Ghindaru (Piatra Neamr, 2008). du Neolithique moyen d'Oltenie," Dacia, n.s. , 2J (1979): 35-41; Nica, l'vf.,
"Cateva date despre a~ezarea neo-eneolitica de la Garle~ti (com. Mischi, jud.
27 l\.fonah and Cuco~, A,,eziiri!e culturii Cucuterii (1985): 49. Dolj)," Arhivele Olteniei, n.s., 9 (1994): 4.

28 Ierco~an, Cultu ·;·a T is:.:~:at'olgd.·;' (2002): 17---18; Luca~ Sfd-r~itid eneol.iticuhd 41 Lazarovici, Gh., Fl. Dra~ovean, and Z. Maxim, I'arp. Monografie
pe teritorir-fi intraccnpatic al Romdniei (1999): 11~ ~\·iare~;. J\!f.eta!u1'gia afarnei arheo!ogic,l, Bibliotheca Historica et Archaeologica Banatica 12 (Timi~oara:
tn neo-~neoliticul Ron1!i.niei (2.002): 345··· -46. Mirton, 2001): 182 90, figs. 4148.

29 Ursulescu, N ., "Exploatarea sarii din saramura 1n neoliticul timpuriu, 42 Ibid .: 182···90; Iercopn, Cultura Tis<~1polg.~1· (2002): 121.
!n lumina desrnperirilor de la Soka (.iud. Suceava) ," Studii ,-i Ceiutiiri de
Istorie Veche .~i Arheo!ogie 28, no. 3 (1977): .307-18; Ursulescu, N., 43 l\Jarinescu·B1ku , Cultura I'recucuteni pe teritoriul R.oinaniei (1974).
"L'urilisation des sources salees dans le Neolithique de la Moldavie
(Roumanie)," Nature et Culture 1, ed . M. Otte, Collogue de Lii:ge, 13-17 44 Ibid.: 25-34; Ursu lescu , N., D. Boghian, and V. Cotiuga, "Locuinre de
December 1993, ER.AUL (Liege) 68 (1995): 487···95; Monah, D., suprafara cu platforma din a$eiarea precucuzeniana de la Titrgu Frumos···
"I,' exploitation du sel dans Jes Carpates orientales et ses rapports avec Baza Patule," Codru! Cosrninului, n.s., 12 (2006): 22.
la Culture de Cucuteni-Tripol ~ye," in Le Paleolithique et le Neolithique de
la Roumanie en wntexte eumpeen, ed. V. Chirica and .M onah, Bibliotheca 45 Monah and Curn~, A,,ez,friie cuiturii Cucuteni (1985) : 49; Petrescu··
Archaeologica Iassiensis 4 (Ia~i, 1991): 387-400; Dumitroaia, Gh., Dimbovita, Florescu, and Florescu, Tru~e~ti (1999) : 186; Sorochi n, V.,
"La station archeologique de Lunca······Poiana Slatinii," in La c:hiilisation de i\.spectul cucutenian Drdgu;;eni-]ura (Piatra Nea1n~, 2002): 62; Dinu~ I\L)
Cuwteni en rnnte:xte europeen, ed. l\.fonah (1987): 253-58; Dumitroaia, "Principalele rezultate ale cercetarilor arheologice de la Ba.iceni·Dambul
Gh., "Depunerile neo-eneolitice de la Lunca ~i Oglinzi, jude\ul Neamr," Morii, com. Cucuteni (19611966)," in Cuc:uteni 120 Valori universale.
A1erno1'iu Aritiquitati.~ 19 (1994): 7-82; Weller and Dumitroaia, "The Earliest Lur.:rilrile .~i:i-npozionului national) Ia,c::i 30 s-eptemb-rie 20(H; ed. :N. Ursulescu
Salt Production in the W"orld" (2005); \V"eller et al., "Premiere exploitation and c.... M . Lazarovici (Ia~i, 2006): 34.
de sd en Europe" (2008).
46 Dumitrescu, VJ., Hdbd~e,'di. Satui neo!itic de pe Hohn (Buctue~ti:
30 Lazarovici and Lazarovici, Neoliticul (2006) : 300···57; Dumitrescu, Meridiane, 1967): 17; Petrescu-Dimbovip, Florescu, a nd Florescu, Tni}e}ti
"Principalclc rezultate ale primelor doua campanii de sJpa.tura." (1965): (1999): 189.
215··38; Ursulescu, N ., D. Boghian, and V. Cotiuga, "L'autd peint de
l'habitat de Targu Frumos (dep. de la~i ) appartenant i la civilisation 47 Popovici, "Area Organization, Arrangement and Use in the Cucuteni
Prtcucuteni (Enkolithique Ancien)~~~ Studia Aniiqu(J et Archaeologica 9 Phase A Culture (I)" (2003).
(2003): 27··AO; Petrescu-Dlmbovi\a, Florescu, and Florescu, Tr11;:e}ii (1999):
528-30, fig. 372J6. 48 PetrescuDimbovira, Florescu, and Florescu, Tm~e$ii (1999) : 195;
and lv1. Valeanu, CMcuteni-Cet~rtMie. Si2t1 ~UMrile din
Petrescu-D'itnbovi~a, M.~
3 l Chapman, J., "The Early Balkan Village," in "Neolithic of Southeastern anii J96J-1966; Monog,.afie arheologidt, Biblioteca .M emoria Antiquitatis
Europe and Its Near Eastern Connections," Varia Archaeologica Hungarica 14 (Piatra Neamr, 2004): 10215.
2 (1989): 3.3-53; Chapman, J., "Social Inequality on Bulgarian Tells and
the Varna Problem," in The Social Anhaeology of Houses, ed. R. Samson 49 Dinu, M . , "Quelques remarques sur la conrinuite de la ceramique peinre
(Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1990): 4998; Bailey, D.\V., F!alk,;n du type Cucuteni durant la civilisation Horodi~tea-Erbiceni et Gorodsk," in
Prehis.iory: Excius-ion_, Incorporation and Id.eutit)'' (London: Routledge~ 2000). La dtJili8ation de Cucuteni, ed. ;"lonah (1987): 1.38; Levirki, 0., R. Alaiba,
and V. Bubulici, "Raporr asupra investigaj:iilor arheologice efectuate in anii
32 l'opovid, D., "Area Organization, Arrangement and Use in the Cucuteni, 1997-1998 la lhnca.Izvorul lui Luca, r. EdineL R. Moldova," Cercetiii·i
Phase A Culture (I)," Cerc:etliri Arheoiogic:e 12 (2003): 307, 317. Arheologice fn A.rz'a ~'ord-Dacd (B u cure~ti) 3 (1999) : 21.

33 Chapman, "The Early Balkan Village" (1989): 34ff. 50 Petrescu-Dimbovij:a, Florescu, and Florescu, Tru}e~ti (1999): 188;
Monah, D., "Poduri-Dealul Ghindaru (com . Poduri, jud. Bacau)," in
34 Jvfarinescu--- B"ilcu, S., '; Di.~1e1Hngs, Pits," in Drdgu_$eni: A.. Cucutenian Cucuten(, un univer.r; rnereu irrndit (Ia;?i : Docun1entis)' 2006): 13.
Community, ed. Marinescu-BHcu and Al. Bolomey (Bucure~ti: Tu bingen,
2000): 25-48. 51 Passek, TS, !'eriodizatsiya T,.ipol'.;;kikh poselenii (lll-11 tysyacheti!etie
do n .e.), Materialy i issledovanija po arkheologii SSSR 10 (Moscow:
35 l..azarovici and LaZ:at'ovici, Neoliticul (2006) . Izdatel'stvo Akademii Nauk SSSR, 1949); Laszl<'>, A., "A~ezal'i 1nta.l'ite ale
culturi i Ariu~d·Cucuteni in sud.estul Transilvaniei. Fortificarea a?eZarii de
36 l\1arinescu-BHcu~ "Dwellings, Pits" (2000) . la Malna$-Bai," Arheologia JYfoidovei 16 (1993) : 3350; Laszlb, A., "Some
Data on House.Building Techniques and Foundation Rites in the Ariu~d.
37 Bolomey and El Susi, "Animals Remains" (2000): 160. Cucuteni Culture,~~ Sti-~di Ant.iqNa et Archaeologic~i (Ia~i) 7: 245---52; Petrescu-
Dlmbovip, Florescu, and Florescu, 'fru,~e?ti (1999); Mar inesCU·· Bilcu and
38 Marinescu-BHcu, "Dwellings, Pits" (2000): 37··38, 46, fig. 5. Bolomey, eds., Dragu}·eni (2000); Bailey, Baik.an Prehistory (2000): 164··65.

39 Neagu, "Comunita~ile Bolintineanu 1n Campia DunJrii" (1997): 13, pl. 52 Cotiuga, V., and 0 . Cotoi, "Parm] arheologic experimental de la
IV; Corn~a, E., ''Cornplexul neolitic de la Radovanu, " Culiura ;;i Civiliz,:Jtie Cucuteni," in Cucuteni-Cetli.J.uie, ed. Petrescu-Di1nbovita and Valeanu
ia Dimi:irea d.e ]os 8 (1990): 81, fig. 4. (2004): 337-50.

53 Schier, W., "Neolithic House Building and Ritual in the Late Vinca Tell
Site of Uivar, Romania," in Homage io lv!iiutin Carasanin, ed. N. Tasic
and C. Grnzdanov (Belvade: Set'bische Akademie der Wissenschaften und
Kiinste, 2006): 325-39.

108
54 In thi; rc;pect sec the observation made at 'Tl·u$C~ti by Pctrescu- 70 l'vfarinescu-Biku, S., et al., "CcrcetJ.ri arhcologice la Bordu$ani-PopinJ
Dimbovira, Florescu, and Florescu, Tru~e~ti (1999): 186--97. (jud. Ialomi\a) . Raport preliminar 1993---1994," Cercetari Arheologice 10
(1997): 35-.39; Marine;cuB\lcu and Bolomey, Dragu$eni (2000).
55 Schier, "Neolithic Jfouse Building and Ritual" (2006).
71 Mantu, C.-i'VL, .M. 5tirbu, and N. Buzgar, "Con;idera{ii privind obiectele
5(~Schaeffer, G.D., "An Archaeomagnetic Study of a \'7attle and Daub din piatra, os ~i corn de cerb din a$eZarea cucuteniana de la Sd.nteia (1985--
Building Collapse," Iounia! of Field Archaeology 20. no. 1(Spring1993): 1990)," Arheo!ogia Moldovei 18 (1995) : 115---32.
59-75.
72 Marinescu-Biku, S., "Un 'atelier' neolithique pour la taille de haches en
57 'fringham , .R., B. Brnkner, <llld .B. Voytek, "The Opovo Projea: A Study silex,'' A,.heologia .Moldouei 17 (1965): 1.
of Socioeconomic Change in the Balkan Neolithic,"]ournal of Fil!ld
A.1·chaeolog~v 1.2 (1985): 425-35; "Tringham~ R., et al.~ ((Excavatio ns at ()povo, 73 Sorochin, V., "Culturil e encolitice din l'vfoldova," Thraco·-Dacica 1.5,
1985-1987: Socioeconomic C hange in the R1lkan Neolithic," .Journal of nos. 1-2 (1994): 67-92; Soro.chin, V., "Lorni nrele a§er.ii.rilor aspectului
Field Archaeology 19 (1992) : 351--86. regional Dragu~eni-Jura~ ~~in Cu.cuteni aujot.t.1'£f'hui~ ed. Gh. Durnitroaia
and D. Monah (Piatra-Ncam\, 1996): 201.-31.
58 Schaeffer, "An Ard1aeomagnetic Study of a Wattle and Daub Building
Collap;e" (1993). 74 Nicolaescu· Plop~or, C., "Un atelier neolitic pentru confeqionarea
varfurilor de sageata. Gringul lui Iannt .Mu~at-Orlea," Studii $i Cercetdri
59 Tringham et al., "Excavations at Opovo" (1992): 382. de hto,.ie Veche 11, no. 2 (1960): 370.

60 Akkermans, P.M.M.G., and .M. Verhoeven, 'An Image of Complexity: 75 Marinescu-BHcu, S., "A Few Observations on the Internal Organization
The Burnt Village at Late Neolithic Sabi Abyad, Siria," American ]oun1al of Gumdnira Comm unities on Lake Cita lui Isler,·· in "In memoriam
of Archaeology 99 (1995): 532.. Vladi1nir Dun1itrescu,.'' Cuitura ?'i Civiii.zat-ie la Dun.area de ]os 19 (2002) :
149-50.
61 Apel, J. , C. Hadevik, and L. Sundstrom, "Burning Down the House:
The 'Ihmformation \J;e of Fire, and Oth er A;pccts of an Early Neolithic 76 Dragomir, LT:, "Principalele rezultate ale siipaturilor arhcologice de la
TRB Site in Eastern Ce ntral Sweden," Tor (Uppsala) 29 (1997): 5-47. Bere~ti 'Dealul Bulgarului' (1981), judqul Galati,'' lvfernoria Antiquitatis
9--11 (1985): 95; Marinescu-Bilcu and Bolomey. Dragi•}eni (2000). 183, fig. 35;
62 Lar.arovici and Lazarovici, Neoliticul (2006): 185; .Maxim-Alaiba, R., Nestor, I. , and E. 7..aharia, "5antierul arheolopjc SJrata .Montcoru," Studii
"Lornin~a nr.1 din faza Cucmeni A3 de la Dume§ti (Vaslui)," A::ia i\foidauiae # Cercetari de [,-torie Veche 6, nos. 3---4 (1955): 499.
Me,.idionaiis S-6 (198.3-84): 99; Alaiba, R., "Ola ritul in cultura Cucuteni ,"
Arheotogia Moldovei 28 (2005): 59. 77 Ursulescu, N., and S. Ignatescu , Preute;;ti-11altd. (j a;;e::.:ate cucutenian,z
de pe vaiea !-;Ontuz1.ilui lvfa.re (Ia~i , 2003).
63 Cuco;?, $t., Faza Cucuteni B fn zona suhc.arpaticd a .lvfoldouei, Bibliotheca
Memoria Antiquitatis 6 (Piatra Neamr, 1999): 42---43, fig. 27/1. 78 Lazar, V., "A~ezarea Co\(_,feni de la Sincai (jud. Mure$),'' lvfarisia 7
(1977): 35.

79 Lazarovici, Gh., et al., "Balta Sa.rata.. Campaniile 1992-2003

65 Marchevici, v:I., Po.?.: dnie Tripotskie plemena severnoi i.\.'iold.avii (I. Arhitectura)," Tibiscum 11 (2003)143--98; Radu, A., CulturaSdlcuta
(Chi$ina u, 1981): 12.8, fig. 95; Ellis, L., The Cucuteni-T!-ipo!'ye Culture: A in Banat (Re$ira, 2.002): 37.
Study in Tedmology and the (),·igin.s of Complex Society, Bl'itish Archaeo--
logical Reports, Imernational Series 217 (Oxford: Archaeopress, 1984). 80 IVIonah , D., et al., Poduri-Dealul Ghindatu. (j Troie fn Subcar{Jatii
Afoldovei, Bibliotheca }\.iemoriae Antiquitati; 8 (Piatra Ncamt, 2003):
M~ Zaharia, E., D. Galbenu , and Z. Szekely. "Sapaturile arheologice de la 35, 47--48.
Ariu~d, .iud. Covasna," Ce,·cetdri Arhiwiogice 5 (l981): 3-4; Dumitrescu
et al. , Hdbii~e;ti (1954): 58, 192, pl. XIX, fig. 9; Com~a, E., "Caracteristicile 81 Carciumaru, Paleobotanica (1996): 103--4.
~i insemnatatea cuptoarelor dears oale din aria culturii Cucuteni-Ariu~d,"
Studii ?i Ce1·,:et&'11·i de frto1·ie ~~c,he .~·i Arheologie 27, no. 1 (1976): 23-26; Ellis, 81 Har~uche, N ., and 0 . Bounegru, "Sapaturile arheolo?Jce de salvare de
The Cucuteni-Tripol'ye Culture (1984): 147; Petrescu-D1mbovira, Florescu, la Medgidia, _iud. Constanp, 1957--1958,'' Ponti;:;,1 (Constanp) 30 (1997):
and Florescu, Tru,~efti (1999): 196. 17-104; Nica, ;vL, "Locuirea preistorica de la Sucidava-Celei din perioada
de trecere de la neolitic la epoca bronzului," Oitenia 4 (1982.): 16.
67 .lv1antu) C ....M:., and A. Scorp1nu ~ ((Date ln lega.tul':-1 cu a~ezarea Stal'~~evo·­
Cri~ de la Poienqti, jud. Va;lui," Studii fi Ceratdri de frto,.ie Veche fi 83 Florescu, A.C., and M. Florescu, "5anrul de aparare," in Tntfe,~ti, ed.
Arheologie 43, no. 2 (1992.): 149 60. Petrescu-D1mbovira, Florescu. and Florescu (1999): 22.2 30.

68 Ursulescu, N., et al., "Targu Frumos, Baza Patule," in Crom:ca cercetiiri:!or 84 Dra$OVean, Fl., Cultura Vinca tlt.rzie (faza C) tn Banal (Titni?oara:
ai·heologice din .Romania. Campania 2000, ed . .M..V. Angelcscu, C. Bors, Mirton , 1996): 40; Lazarovici and l.azarovici, Neolitiwl (2006): 113-14.
and I. Oberlander-Tilrnoveanu (Bucure~t i : CIMEC- Institutul de lvfemorie
Culturala, 2001 ): 2S:l; Boghian, D., et al., "Targu Frumos, Baza hitule," 85 Lazarovici, Gh. , and C. M. Lazarovici, "The Neo Eneolithic Architecture
in Cronica cercetiiriloi' arheologice din RoniJnia, Ca1npania 2000, ed. in Banat, Transylvania and Moldova ," in Recent Re8ea,-ch in Prehi8tory
lVL \c Angelescu, C. Bem, 1: Vasilescu, and B. Tanasescu (B ucure~ti : CIMeC-- of the Baikans, ed. D.V. Grammenos, Publications of the Archaeological
Institutul de Memorie Culturala, 2002): .323. Institute of Northern Greece 3 (Thessaloniki, 200.3): 425.

69 Diaconescu, .M ., '~.\$eZarea cucutenian;l de la Razima .Copaliiu din 86 .Marine;cu.Biku, Cultura Precucuteni pe teritoriul .R.oin!iniei (1974):
_iuderul Boto~ani," Hierasus (Boto,ani) 9 (1994): 127. 2.1 22.; Marinescu-Biku, Ti'r[;e:;ti (1981): 2.425.

109
87 Monah, D., "Istoricul cercetaritor," in A$eZa.rile cutturii Cucuteni din 107 Com~a, E., and Gh. Cantacuzino, Necropola neolitic>l de la Cern ica
Romania, ed. Monah and C:uco~ (1985): 15---24. (Bucure~ti: Academiei Romane, 2001); Cantacurirw, Gh., "Un ritual
fun era ire exceptionnel de l'epoque neolithique en Europe et en Afrique
88 Lazarovici, Gh., "Uber <las neo-bis aneolithischer Befestigungen aus Septentrionale," Dacia, n.s., 19 (1975): 27---4.3; Cantacuzino, Gh., "Morminte
Ruma.nien ," ]ahrMittDeutsdJ Vorgeschi chte 73 (1990): 93-117. cu scheletele a$eZate pe torace din necropola neolitica de la Cernica $L
semnifica\ia acestui ritual preistork" Muzeul Narional 2 (1975): 22435;
89 Florescu, A.C., "Observa;ii asupra sistemului de fortiiicare al a~ezarilor Camacuzino, Gh., and C:. Fedorovici, "Morminte de femei decedate in
cucuteniene din l\.foldova," Arheologia .Moldovei 4 (1966): 23-38. ti mpul na$terii din necropola neolitica de la Cernica," Bucure$ti 8 (1971):
37 53; Kogalniceanu, R., "Utilizarea testului X2 "Iii arheologie. Studiu de caz-
90 Petrescu--Dlmbovi~a, l\-f., "Sanp.Jrile de aparare," in Htlha,~eFii, ed. necrnpola neolitid de la Cem ica," Arheolo)')a .Moldovei 28 (2005): 2S8-95.
Dumitrescu et al. (1954): 203--33 .
108 Kogalniceanu, "Utili zarea testului X 2 1n arheologie" (2005): 265-302.
91 L:l.szl<'i, F., "Asat:l.sok az eri'>sdi bstelepen (1907-1912). Fouilles a station
primitive deEro[;d (1907--1912), " DolgCh'J 5 (1914): 279---386; U.szl6, "A~ezari 109 Ibid.: 276--78 .
1ntarite ale culturii Ariu~d-Cucuteni" ( 1993).
110 Cantacuzino and Fedorovici, "Morminte de femei decedate" (1971):
92 Petrescu Dimbovira, M., "San;urile de aparare," in Hahdfe~ti, by 37-53.
Dumitrescu et al. (1954): 203---23.
111 Serbanescu, D., "Necropola neolitica de la Pope~ti, comuna Vasilari,
93 Jvfihaiescu, G., and A. Ilie, wrellul gumdnir.ean de la Geangoe$ti .iud. Cala.ra~i," in Ciuiliza_tia Boian pe t~~ritcriul Romaniei~ ed. lvf. Neagu
(com . Dragomire~ti, jud. Dambovi;a)," Ialomita 4 (2003--4): 73. (Caliira$i: Ministry of Culture, 1999): 14; Neagu, Neoliiicul mijlociu la
Dundrea de ]08 (2003): 1.7.
94 Hansen et al., "Der kupferzeitliche Siedlungshugel Pietrele (2005);
Hansen et al., "Pietrde" (2006): Abb. 2, 5-9. 112 Serbanescu, D., "O bservarii prd imina re asupra necrnpolei neolitice
de la Sultana, jude\ul C:alara~i," Cu!tura ?i C:i11i!izatie la Dundrea de ]os 19
95 Rosetti, D. V., and S. Morintz, "SJpaturile de la Vidra," Matei·iale 7 (2002): 69-86; SerbJnescu, D., Al. Com$a, and L Mecu, "Sultana, com.
(1960): 75-76. Mana.st irea , jud. Cilara~i. Punct: Valea Orbului," in Cronica arcetdrilo,·
arheologice din Rom.dnia. Camp.ania 2006 (Calara~i : CUvfEC, 2007):
96 Com$a, E., "Quelques considerations sur la culture Gumdnir.a 351-52, 473.
(l'agglomeration de Magura Jilavei)," Dacia, n.s., 10 (1976): 105--27.
1 B Com$a, E., "Ritul ~i r itualuril e funerare din epoca neolitica din
97 Roman, P., "O a~ezareneolitic:i la Magurele," Studii fol C:ercetdri 1\.1untenia~~~ Isiorie $i traditie fn S/)(J,fiul roni!t.nesc 4 (1998): 21.
de Istorie Veche 13, no. 2 (1962): 259---71; Marinescu, "A~erari fortificate
neolitice" (1969): 7-32. 114 Neagu, Neoliticu! rnijiodu la Duridrea d,? ]os (2003): 118-19.

98 Nania, I., "Lornitorii gumelnireni 1n lumina cercetarilor de la Teiu," 115 Ibid.: 20-21.
Studii si Articote de Istorie 9 (1967): 7-·· · 23.
116 Com~a ~ Istoria con-iuniitltiior ~:ulturii Boian (1974): 206-11; Com~a~
99 Mandescu, D., "Tellul gumelni;ean de la Ziduri (com. Mozaceni, jud. "Ritul ~i rimalurile funerare" (1998): 21--22.
Arge~),» Argessi~· 10 (2.001): 7-·· · 2.0.
117 Com~a, E., "Mormintele neolitice de la Radovanu," Studii ,~i Cercetdri
100 Rosetti and Morintz, "Sapamrile de la Vidra" (1960). de Istorie Veche ;;i Arheo!ogie 49, nos. 3---4 (1998): 265--76.

101 Roman, "O a~ezare neolitica la Magurele" (1962) . 118 Com~a, E., "Contribu\ii la cunoa~terea rimlui funerar al purtatorilor
culturii Gumelnip (Grupul de morminte de la Dridu)," Aluta 10-11 (1980) :
102 Nania, "Locuitorii gumelni\eni 1n lurnina cercetarilor de la Teiu" (1967) . 23--32.

103 J\farinescu Biku, Cultum Precucuteni (1974); l\farinescu Bilcu, S., 119 Co1n;?a, E., "N.ecropola gumelnireana de la \/;lra;?ti," A:nalele Banatului
et al., "Cercetari arheologice la Bordu$ani-Popina (jud. Ialornira). Raport 4, no . 1 (1995): 55---189.
preliminar 1993-1994," Ce,-cetilri Arheologice 10 (1997): 35-39; Cuco?,
Pa.~a Cucuteni B (1999); Monah~ D., ''i\~ezari/' inA,?'eZ/lrile culturii C1.~c.uteni~ 120 Serbanescu~ D.~ ''Cascioarele· ···· D'aia parte/' in Croni{.:a cen:ei/frilor
ed. ;'v!onah and Cuco~ (1985): 41-51. arheologice din Romania, Campania .1997 (Ca l i\ra~i: CIMEC, 1998): 14.

104 Maxim, Neo-eneoliiicul (1999): 124; Ierco;;an, Cuitura Tis2:apo!gar 121 Balteanu, C., and P. Canternir, "Contriburii la cunoa;;terea unor aspecte
(2002): 158--61. paleo--demografice la popularia neolitid de la Chirnogi-Suvira IOl'gulescu,"
Studii fi C:ercetdri Antropologice 28 (1991): 3.
105 Luca, Sfai'.~itul eneoliticului pe teritoriul int1-acai'patic al R.offtitniei
(1999): 15-··16, 36··39 . 122 -Serbanescu, D., "C:hirnogi-Terasa Rudarilor," in Situri arheoiogice
Cercetate f"n perioada_, .1983-J992 (Bra.Ha: Con1isia Narionabi de Arheologie,
106 Berciu~ D., Cultura ~r:-;{a·mangi,a. ~"'k;i cont1·ibufii (Hucure~ti : Institutul Muzeul Bra.ilei, 1996): 33.
de Arheologia al Academiei RPR, 1966); Necrasov, 0., "Cercetari
paleoantrnpologice privitoare la popula rii te de pe teritoriul Romaniei," 123 Lazar, C., "Date noi privind unele morminte gumelnirene," Cultur.l fi
Arheologia Moldo11ei 13 (1990): 182··-85; lfa$otti, Epoca neoliticd i"n Civilizatie la Duntlrea dR jos 16--17 (2001): 173--83.
[)obrogea (1997}: 28-29.
124 Com~a, "Necropola gurnelni\eana de la Viril$ti" (1995): 10910.

110
125 Ibid.: 101.

126 Bolomey, Al., "Noi descoperiri de oase uman e intr··O a~ezare

cucuteniana," Cercetari Arheologia; (B ucure~ti) 8 (1983): 159--73; Lazarovici
and Lazarovici~ ~~eoiitir::ul (2006); Pandrea, S., ~~necouve rtes d~ossen1ents
humains clans Jes etablissement Cumelnitsa simes au nord-est de la Plaine
Roumaine," Acta Terrae Septemmstrensis 5, no. 1 (2006): 29---43.

127 Bolomey, "Noi descoperiri de oase umane 1ntr-o a~ezare

cucuteniana." (1983).

128 Necrasov, 0., "Donnees anthropologiques concernant la population

du complexe culture! C urnteni ·-Ariu~d ..'fripolie," in La ci11iiization de
Cucuteni en wntexte europien, ed. Monah (1987): 145--S6; Bolomey, "Noi
de::scoperiri de oase umane 'i'ntr-o a~ezare cucuteniana ~~ (1.983); Lazarovid~
C:.-M ., D. Botezatu, L. Ellis, and S. Turcanu, "Noi resturi de oase umane h1
a~ezarea cucuteniana. de la Sdnteia ( 1994-2003)," Arheo!ogia lvlofdovei 26
(2003): 297--306; Lazarovici, C.-M., D. Botezatu, L. Ellis. and S. Tt1rcanu,
"New Human Remains in the Cucutenian Settlement from Scanteia (1994-
2003) /~ in Tripof.;koe pos~~fonie --gigant TaZ:iank.i. l ssfodovaniia 200.'l g., ed.
v~, Kruts , A. Korvin-PiotrovskiL and S. Ryzhov (Kiiv: In-t arkheologii
NANU, 2001); Popovici, D., "O bservations about the Cucutenian (Phase A)
Communities Behavior Regarding the Human Body," Ana!ies d'Uniuer;-ite
Vaiachia~ 'T'drgovi?tej Section d"'.Archeoiogie et d'.Histoire 1(1999):27-35.

129 Dumitrescu, H., "O descoperire In legatura cu ritul de\nmormantare

l'n cuprinsul culturH cera.n1icii plcta.te Cucuten l--THpolie," Studii ri Cer(:etr:hi
de Istorie Ved,e 5, nos. 3--4 (1954): 399--429; Dumitrescu, H., "Decouvertes
concernant un rite funeraire magique dans l'aire de la civilisation de la
ceramique peinte du type Cucuteni-Tripolie," Dacia, n.s., 1 (1957): 97--·116;
Dumitrescu, H., "Deux nouvelles tom bes cucuteniennes a rite magique
decouvertes i Traian," Dacia, 11.s., 2 (1958): 407·--23.

130 Bolomey, "Noi descoperiri de oase umane Intro a$eZare cucutenian;i"

(1983); Popovici, "Observations about the C:ucutenian (Phase A)
Communities Behavior" (1999) _

131 Ibid.

132 Lazarovici, Botezam, Ellis, and Turcanu, "Noi resturi de oase umane"
(200.3): 299--302-

133 \Jrsulescu, N., "Mor mintde Cri~ de la Suceava-·Platoul Cimitirului, "

.Anuarui 1VIuzeului ]udetean .Suceava .5 (1978): 81---88; Ursulescu, N.,
"Apariria lnmorma.ntarilor tumulare $i a incinernriei la est de Carpari,"
l.;Iemoria Antiquitatis 19 (1994): 193--99; Ursulescu, N., "Les commence-
ments de !'utilisation du rite de !'incineration dans le monde proto-thrace
du nord de la Moldavie," in The Thracian Vio?-idat the Crossroads of
Cit!ilizations, ed. P. Roman , Proceedings of the Seventh International
Congress of Thracology, Constanra··Mangalia-Tulcea, 20-26 May 1996
(Bu cure~ti: Institut Roman de Thracologie, 1997): 447 64.

134 Dinu, .M ., "Contriburii la problema Culturii Amforelor Sferice pe

teritoriul Moldovei," i\t'heologia 1Vfoldo1Jei 1 (196 1):43 59; Cuco~, St.,
"Culturn amfOl'dor :ifel'ice din depresiunea subcarpatjca a Ivloldovei,"
1'"-.,'1..::: mori~i A.ntiquitati~ 9--·11 (1977---79): 141--61; Durnitroaia, Gh.~ Comuniti.i:;i
preistorice. din nord-2~-tul k.otnltniei. De la cultura Cucuteni panr:~ f'n bronzul
miilociu, Biblioteca lvfemoria Antiquitatis 7 (Piatra-Neam\, 2000);
Mihailescu Blrliba, V., "Mormantul unei tinere dpetenii !'vformantul unei
tinere capetenii de la inceputul Epocii Bronzului (Mastacan , jud. Neamt-
<Cult ura A1nforelor Sferice')," lvfemoria A.ntiquiiatis 20 (200 1): 157·--217.

135 lvfihailescu-Birliba, "Mormantul unei tinere dpetenii."

111
The Figurines of Old Europe
Douglass W. Bailey
San Francisco State University

At the beginning of the fifth millennium BC, in a village Faces are marked simply with short horizontal incisions
in what is now northeastern Romania, near the modern for the eyes, a pinch of clay for the nose, and a small
town of Poduri-Dealul Ghindaru, a woman (or a man, it horizontal incision for the mouth. Sets of incised lines
is impossible to tell which) worked balls and slabs of soft delineate to es, and single incised lines separate the legs
clay into a series of small human shapes and tiny chairs, and mark the tops of the hips, The nine smaller figurines
The resulting set of anthropomorphic figurines and have little, if any, surface decoration: a few incisions to
furniture is one of the world's most extraordinary assem- mark features on the face or to delineate the legs from each
blages of prehistoric artifacts (fig, 5-1), 1 There are more other. On all but one figurine, there are no arms modeled;
than twenty figurines and more than a dozen chairs in the the exception has its left a rm raised against the body
group. Twelve large and nine smaller figurines are included, with the hand held against the side of the face, while the
though the term large is perhaps confusing as none of other arm is modeled horizontally across the throat and
the objects is taller than 8. 6 centimeters, and thus each of the hand supports the left elbow,
them sits very comfortably in one's hand ,
Cutting across all of this variation in size and surface
The larger figures have both painted and incised decora- treatment (with reference to which one could, if one
tion, The painted decoration is red and forms a range of wanted, suggest individual identities) is an overwhelming
different patterns covering each figure from its ankles similarity in form. All of the figurines share a common
up to the shoulders, On some the painted patterns form body position and shape: Heads and necks are very thin;
triangles on the thighs; on others they make up sets of hips and thighs a re wide and deep; bodies a re bent at
parallel horizontal lines, On a few there is a band of the waist (at less than ninety degrees) so that they can sit
parallel, diagonal lines running around the chest, leaving upright , but as a result they appear to be leaning backward .
the rest of the torso err.pty; on others the entire upper The inclusion of chairs in the Poduri-Dealul Ghindaru
body is covered with parallel lines and curvilinear forms , set is important, They a re very plain, have no legs or
surface decoration, and are made in two or maybe three
variations (that is, with a square-shaped, open back, or
with a two-pronged back), Under the broad backsides of
Figl.J'ine. Rre:l day, CuOJte'li, crag~"J;!ni, 4~0-::900 EC (CLr-Ute'li A4), MJBT.
the larger figurines, the chairs fit well but their sizes

113
114
 suggest that they were not intended for the smaller figurines
in the set, It is not difficult to imagine the Pre-Olcuteni
people of Poduri-D ealu l Ghindaru placing these larger
figurines onto the chairs, and perhaps arranging sets of
seated figurines into one or several groups of miniature
activities, perhaps with the smaller figurines at the feet or
even on the laps of the larger, seated ones, There is a
similar set of figurines from the site of Isaiia-Balta Popii,
comprising twenty-one figurines (twelve large, eight small ,
and one tiny), thirteen chairs, and forty-two cylindrical
or round day beads (fig. 5-2). 2

The Poduri-Dealul Ghindaru figurine set has been inter-

preted as a cult complex, and the most accessible English-
language account calls it "The Council of the Goddess." 1
Similar terms and explanations are offered in the original
Romanian reports, Within that primary interpretation,
the two-pronged chair is described as a "horned throne
of the fertility cult" (its prongs interpreted as symbols of
the bull and thus the cult of fertility) , This homed throne
is assigned to the figurine with hands held to the face,
who is designated as the "main goddess," representing a

5 -1. (cpp:isite). Set ot twenty -ooe 1igun res and 1hirteen chairs . Rred clay,
CUcutEni, F\:xlun-~aul Gl"indaiu. 4900-47500: (Fre-CUcuteti IQ, CMJMPN .

5-2 . (al:xNe) . 92t ot t\venty -ooe 1igunnes. 1hirteEn ch3irs. cnd asl<os. Fired
day, CUcuteti. lsciia-Bata F\:+ii. 4700-4&:>0 oc (Fre -CUcuteni Ill). U4JC.

115
 woman who is "dignified," who has borne many children,
and whose appearance suggests a "magic, ritual func-
tion.'' Other figurines have been given identities based
on particular features of their faces or bodies: One with
protruding "firm" breasts, a small head, and a wide open
mouth suggests "evil"; another, slimmer than the rest ,
also with "firm" breasts but with a round mouth, is ca lled
the "orant" (because its pose recalls gestures made during
prayer). The argument runs that the other chairs are thrones
as well, and their varying forms are linked to the particular
characters represented by the specific figurines for whom
the chairs were made, The excavators contend that the
Poduri-Dealul Ghindaru set of figurines and chairs is part
of the religious pantheon of the Pre-Cucuteni population.

Both the Poduri-Dealul Ghindaru and the Isa iia-Ba lta

Pop ii sets of figurines were discovered inside pottery
vessels, At Poduri-Dealul Ghinda ru, the container was
left in a building that the archaeologists have identified
as a sanctuary destroyed by fire. In addition to the remark-
ably similar sets of figurines from these tw o sites, there
are groups of similar figurines from other sites in the region.
A house from the village site of Scanteia contained seventy -
five figurines (fig. 5-3); a pit from the same site held twenty-
four4; a b owl fro m Dume~i held twelve (figs. 5-4a-b); a
model house fr om Ghelaie~ti held seven (fig. 5-5); and one
house, called a "temple," fro m the site of Sabatinovka in
Ukraine, produced thirty-two figurines . In addition there
are other sites across southeastern Europe, such as at
Ovcharovo in northeastern Bulgaria or Platia Magoula
Zarkou in northern Greece, where sets of figurines, furni-
ture , or buildings have been uncovered.

I am drawn to these figurines, those from Poduri-Dealul

Ghindaru as well as the others, and feel a deep conne ction
with them, but I am not convinced that those long-a ccepted
interpretations, so easi ~' couched in ritual and ceremony,
religion and divinity, are legitimate or acceptable in a
modern archaeology of the prehistoric past. At a most basic
level, these objects challenge me: I want to know what
they were used for and what they meant to the people who
saw them, who held them, who sat the little bodies on the
little chairs, I want to know what roles the objects may
have played in the particular day-to-day lives of the people
5 -3. Rguri re. Firoo clcif. Cucut01i. Sca-tteia 4500-3900 oc (Cucuteni ~. IAJ .
who lived in the community (Poduri-Dealul Ghindaru,

116
for example) in which they were used. Finally, I want to Over the past decade or so, intense research carried out
know how they fit into the broader level of regional and by a number of scholars working independently has
transregional patterns of behavior, transformed the way in which figurines are studied and
interpreted. 7 Even before Gimbutas began to publish books
Interpreting the Figurines on goddess rituals in Old Europe, some investigators
Drafting these questions is easier than providing any questioned the reality of mother-goddess interpretations. 8
immediate and worthwhile an swers. One could, of course, Some of the most important more recent advances have
join the excavators of Poduri-Dealul Ghindaru and quickly resulted from highly detailed analyses of individual figur-
find answers in the conventional understanding of pre- ines and the patterns with which their body surfaces
historic anthropomorphic figurines as goddesses and were decorated (fig. 5-7), such as the work on Bulgarian
gods of cults and religions, or of ceremonies of fertility examples by Peter Biehl. 9 His painstaking study suggested
and fecundity, This indeed is how the late and widely that figurines from the Salcuta-Krividol culture were
followed scholar Marija Gimbutas scripted her responses part of communities' transformative acts, thr ough which
t o very similar questions, In a series ofin fluentia 1books, people transcended the experience and capabilities of
she laid out sweeping interpretations on a level that being human. In a recent publication, I have examined the
encompassed not only countries and continents, but even broader cognitive frame within which figurines operated,
the very essence of being human,s For G imbutas the including the role that visual culture (such as representa-
answers were clear: Figurines were representations of tions of the body) plays in societies,10
divinities or were objects used in special ceremonies of
ritual significance, most likely focused on cults of repro- At yet another level, new excavations and approaches
duction and death (of plants, animals, and people) , For have transformed our understanding of the prehistoric
example, flat white female figurines made of bone, with societies in which these types of objects were made, used,
perfo rated ea rs perhaps for the attachment of copper and disca rded , 11 Rigorous syntheses and interpretive
rings, are frequently found in the remains of settlements work have made i ITq) Ortant contributi ons based on multi-
of the Gumelnit a culture in southern Romania (fig. 5-6); disciplina ry excavation s of key sites such as Selevac and
Gimbutas designated these figures as the \Y/hite Goddess Opovo in Serbia 12 and Sitagroi in G reeceY At Opovo, a
of Death." But there is no independent evidence suggest- settlement of the Vin ca culture, a detailed analysis of the
ing that the figurines were involved in death rituals, precise locations of figurines and figurine fragment s under
house foundations, on house floors, and in trash pits raised
In large pa rt , Gimbuta s' arguments were influential new questions about how figurines were used (fig. 5-8) ,14
because they were appealing and easy to understand, The amount and quality of work over the past two decades
because she held a significant position at a major research are significant, and the consequences to our understanding
university (the University of California, Los Angeles), of figurines a re important,
and because they appeared in large, glossy vohlmes pro-
du ced by mainstream publishers. But as the basis for her \'</ithout question, it is no longer acceptable for us to
arguments, Gimbutas offered little more than anecdotal reconstruct life in these early agricultura 1villages as a
stories of presumed Copper Age beliefs, based on broad life-threatening struggle to survive and wrest an un certain
analogies with the documented beliefs and rituals of quite living from the soil and the farmyard , Indeed there is n o
different people who lived thousands of years after the longer any support for the idea that the Neolithic settled
Copper Age, To support her identification of the \Y;hite agricultural life, in which people planted wheat and barley
Goddess of Death, for exaITq)le, she invoked analogies and bred cattle, pigs, sheep, and goats, was easier than a
with a death goddess from Lithuanian folklore, There lifestyle based on hunting, gathering, fishing, and foraging,
was little logical, rational , or scientific reasoning for her As there was no need for these Neolithic farmers to appeal
conclusions, and independent evidence from the archaeo- for divine assistance in gaining their livelihood from
logica 1contexts of discovery did not in fact confirm them, cultivation and animal breeding, we have recognized that

117
 5-4a Set of twElve 1igLrines. Fi red day, Cu:uteri, Dume~i. 4200-4050 oc
(Cu:uteri AZ). M.EM\IS .

5-4b. Figurine frcm 1he set.

119
120
5-5. Ard1itecairal mo::EI wlth S€M~n fi.;ltrines. Rred clay. Cu:uteni.
Ghel1lie~. 3700-2-500 oc (Cucuteni B1). CMJMPN.

5-6. Femcle figurine. Bcne. GumElri ~ . Vit~e~. 4600-39::() oc. MJTrR .

5 -7. Femcle figurine. Rred clay, Cucuteni. Tr~~ti. 4200-4050 oc

(Cucuterli A3), MNIR.

5-S . Figunne . Fire:l cl«i. Vinea. Lllb::o1ia. 5000-4500 oc (Late VinC:a.\. MBM .

121
there is no scientific support for the assumption that objects that were miniature, I wa s intrigued to lea m that
Neolithic and Copper Age religion wa s centered on cults contemporary p sychological studies have shown that
of agricultural fertility. One of the mo st famou s human something very odd happen s to the human mind v;hen
images in European archaeology, a sitting ceramic figurine one handles or plays with miniature object s. lviost simply
from the Hamangia culture popularly knovm a s "The put, when we focu s our attention on miniature object s,
Thinker" (fig. 5-9), wa s dubbed a Vegetation God, but we we enter another world, one in ·.vhich our perception of
have no independent archaeological evidence that this time is altered and in i,vhich our abilities of concentration
designation is even close to being accurate. In fact the are affected . In a well-known set of experiment s, the
figurine wa s found in a cemetery. As in any di scipline, the psychologi st Alton Delong showed that 'Nhen human
more 1.vork that is carried out in a rigorou s manner, the subjects were asked to imagine them selves in a world where
le ss persuasive are traditional ideals and interpretations. everything wa s on a much smaller scale than everyday
The study of Neolithic and Copper Age figurine s is a reality, or when they engaged in activities in smaller than
prime example of thi s type of academic progress. normal environments, they thought that time had pass ed
more quickly thanin fact it had and they performed
A New Unde rsta ndi ng better in task s requiring mental agility.~ Importantly, the
It i s one thing (and not an entirely brave or singularly subjects of these studies 1,vere not con sciou s of their altered
worthwhile undertaking) to reveal the error s in traditional experience of tim e or concentration.
interpretation s of Neohthic southeastern European
figurine s. It is quite another to produce a better under- By following thi s line of argument-in other 1,vord s, that
standing of tho se same object s. In a longer di scu ssion things made miniature affect the i,vay s in which people
presented els8'111here, I have offered one possibi hty. 15 At experience the world-I began to see Neolithic figurines,
the core of this new understanding, I redefined figurine s like tho se from Poduri-Dealul Ghindaru, in a new light.
in term s of 1.vhat I recognize a s their fundamental charac- When the people of that Pre-Cucuteni community looked
teristics: They a re miniature, they are repre sentational, at their figurines, and when they placed the little bodies
and they depict the human form. In thi s sen se , I made onto the little chairs, arranging (and r earranging) them
no distinction among prehist oric, ancient, or modern into different scenes and settings, they were entering other
miniature, anthropomorphic repre sentations. I a ssumed world s. It is entirely possible that these other world s were
(a s is justified by our knowledge of human evolution) that spiritual, though I am not convinced that they were of the
the ability to make, u se, and understand symbolic objects type that either Gimbuta s or the excavators of Poduri-
such as figurines is an ability that is shared by all modern Dealul Ghindaru imagined. It is much more probable that
humans and thu s is a capability that connects you, me, the people who held these object s in their hands, who
Neolithic men, women, and children, and the Paleolithic touched and saw them in their daily activitie s, 1.vere affected
painters of caves. in other ways, most likely at a deeper, subconscious level.
To understand these interaction s and the stimulations
In my work on the figurine s of southeastern Europe from effected by the miniature representations of bodies, we
the Neohthic and Copper Age (6500-3500 cal. BC), I need to understand the world in which these people lived.
sought to understand what it wa s about these object s that
'Nould have made them succeed in their past functions Life and Deat h in Old Eu rope
(regardless of ·whether they were u sed as votives, toy s, \;<"/hat do we know of how the people of Old Europe lived
portraits, or the representation of divinitie s). In addition, their lives? One dear inference that seems 1.vell supported
I tried to under stand 'Nhat made them attractive to u s by the evidence is that people had particular and strong
in the present as objects for sale at auction, as material ideas about community membership. It is apparent from
appropriate for exhibition in a mu seum, or as subjects for the excavations of their sites that the inhabitants perceived
an academic ess ay such a s the one that you are reading. di screte private and public area s, and identified 'Nho
Investigating a wide range of modem and historical belonged where and with whom, and who did not belong.

122
5-9 . "Th;i Thirker" tcm Cern<MXJ~and fen ale 1igurlne. Rred daf.
Hanangia. Cemavo:l~ 5C00-4€1:0 oc. MNIR.

123
Ditches and banks marked out settlernent spaces, villages identity that an archaeologist often can gain from analyses
\Vere placed on terrace edges, and features of the natural of burials. Thus we are forced to search further for the
topography were used to define places of the living. The role that might have been played. by figurines in their
intentional arrangement of houses and buildings into (ne>vly recognized.) status as the main representations of
unambiguously bounded villages reinforced social divisions human bodies \Vithin Pre-Cucuteni and. Cucuteni society.
across the landscape that would have contributed to the The ways in which people perceive and depict the human
en1ergence of distinctions among groups of people, to the form within different prehistoric cultures is of vital
reinforcernent of a sense of group membership, and to an irnport:ance because the human body is one of the n1ost
equivalent sense of social exclusion . potent components within a community's creation and
manipulation of identit y. Especially important are the
In some villages, buildings \Vere constructed along obvious ways in which the body (or more often, its representation,
patterns, with structures aligned in ro\vs or in circles; as in the form of a figurine) is part of the everyday activi-
in others there was less concern for order or planning. ties of peoples' lives, front the special and ceremonial to
Regardless of the details of building arrangem.ent, one the more frequent and n1ore nrnndane. The repeated use of
infers a sense of residential coherence at: these sites, of body representations is a central part of those subconscious
living, working, sleeping, and eating within the physically processes through which a group establishes, slowly and
bounded settlement in a shared place that was delineated over time, shared. ideals of who belongs to one's group
from the surrounding natural and social worlds. At a and who does not. 'The classic example from our modern
reduced scale, within these settlements smaller groups of western world is the way in which dolls such as Barbie
people lived and \;vorked together and may well have have had an unintentional effect on how young women
associated more regularly with some groups (for example, have understood their bodies and their positions within
\Vithin households) than with others. industrialized western societies.

While the record of Cucuteni settlement is manifest, there The Meaning of Figurines
is little evidence for funeral rituals. Articulated skeletons But how does any of this help us to understand objects
are rarely found: Less than a dozen Cucuteni sites have like the figurines from Poduri-Dealul Ghind.aru, lsaiia,
produced foll skeletons. Occasionally, individual crania and Durne~ti, or the thousands of other figurines from
and fragments of skulls were buried under house floors, this period? To begin, let: us recognize that these figures
but these finds are fe\;v in number and probably represent were everyday objects that people saw, handled, played
special rituals. The majority of human remains are iso- with, worshipped, or cursed in their daily existence. Fron1
lated, disarticulated bones found scattered in villages, this perspective, it does not matter precisely hmv each
and even these cannot account for anything but a tiny figure (or an entire set) was used. Rather, the function of
proportion of the population . In other contemporary these objects is to be found at a deeper level of reality,
Neolithic and Copper Age communities in southeastern upon >vhich the community constructed and maintained
Europe, funerals and graves were much more in evidence, a sense of who one was, what one should look: like, and
and differences in grave wealth allow archaeologists to how one was distinct from others.
draw· inferences about social struct ure and status (see the
article by Vladimir Slavchev in this volume), but in the When we look again at the almost identical sets of figurines
Pre-Cucuteni and Cucuteni communities there simply is from Isaiia and Poduri-Dealul Ghindaru, what do we
not enough material to support similar conclusions. see and what do we think? If we lived at these sites in Pre-
Cucuteni times, and if we handled the figurines, touched
The absence of burials in the Cucuteni tradition is per- then1, and walked past them every day, how would their
plexing. One is left without a clear picture of social shape and decoration have affected our understanding
structure, information about relationships an1ong people, of the world around us and our place within it? j\.Jost
evidence of social hierarchies, or other aspects of social observers would accept that the roles played by figurines

124
in these societies were extraordinarily important. The
objects were part of a \Vorld. in ·which there were no special
social performances centered on the burial of the deceased,
and thus a world ·where there were none of the loud public
statements of individual identities and group cohesion
that funerals amplified in Neolithic southeastern Europe.
How would these figurines and the _m any others like thern
have affected the ways that people perceived themselves
and their relationships 1,vith the people with whom they
lived, spoke, ate , and slept? What roles might figurines have
played as base lines against which perceptions of others
emerged and 1vere consolidated? I contend that none of the
thinking that was stirnulated by these figurines and these
little chairs six thousand years ago (and which is stimu-
lated today) can be contained in the reconstruction of a
specific cult or religion or pantheon or deity. Instead,
the effects that these objects had. were much more subtle,
the result of long accumulations of visual and tactile
stimulations -----accumulations of experiences through which
people perceived their appropriate appearance within
their communities.

The importance of these objects, therefore, is the way

in which they contributed to a shared understanding of
group identity; they stated without vwrds, but in always
present visual and tactile expression, "this is us." While
these figurines were powerful objects, that power rested
not in any specific reference to the divine, but rather in
their condition as rniniature objects, and the ways that
miniature objects open up the rninds of the people who
hold and see them, facilitating deep-seated understandings
of what is appropriate in terms of body appearance and
membership within a group. Played out across the wider
contemporary cultural landscapes of other regions in
southeastern and central Europe, one of the most striking
irnpressions created by the figurines of this period is the
diversity of representations of the body-the ways in which
bodies appear differently in each distinct regional (or
chronologically successive) group. Each group maintained
an internal coherence in body shape or decoration; each
group was distinct from the others.
126
Notes B Renfrew, C., M . Gimb.itas, and E. Elster, eds., E.xca\oa.tions at Sitagroi,
a Prehistoric Village in Northeast Greee>;! , vol. 1 (Los Angeles: Institute of
1 Mantu, C.-M ., and G. Dumitroa.ia, " Catalogue ," in Cucuteni: The Laa Archaeology, University of California, 1986); Elster, E., and C. Renfrew,
Great Chakolith$ Civili'<P.ti.oll- of Purof>e, ed. Mantu, Dumitroaia, and eds., The Final Report, vol. 2 , Prehistoric Sitagroi: E.l"Cavations in Northeast
A. Tsa.ravopoulos (Thess:aloniki: Athena, 1997): 179-Sl. Greece , 1%~1970 (Los Atlgeles : Cotten Institute of Archaeology, University
of California , 2003) .
2 Ursulei:u, N ., V. Merlan , and F. Tencariu, ''Isa.iia, com. Raducine.n.i,
jud. Ia~ , " in Oo ~ ~~eta1ilo r A. ~heclo ~e, Ca tr. f>atW:l 2.,'YJO (Bucure]ti: 14 Tringham and Conkey, "Redtinking Figurines" (193 8).
OMe~Institutul de Memorie Cuhurala, 2001) : 110-11 ; Ursule9:u, N .,
"Dovezi ale unei simbol..istici a numerelor 1ncultura Pre-Cucuteni," Memolia 15 Bailey, Prehi..<torn Fizurin.es (2005 ).
•~11-tiqi,itatis 22 (2001 ): 51-69; Ursule9:u, N. , V. Merlan, F. Tencariu, and
M . v.ileanu,''Isa.iia, com. Raduci.reni, jud. Ia~ ," in Croni£a C~anlor 16 D:long, A.J., "Pheromenological Space-Time : Towo:a.rd an Experiential
A.meclo~e, Catr.patW:z 2'J02 (Bucure:?ti : OMe~nstiturul. de Memorie Relativity," &i.en.ce 213, no. 4508 (August? , 1981 ): 681-82; D:long , A.J. ,
Culturala, 2003) : 15 S-59. "Spatial Scale, Temporal Exp:rienceand In.formation Processing: A.n
Empirical E."\-amination of EA-periential Reality," Man.-.&wi~o 11-tt1en.t Sy..<tems
a Mantu and Dumitroa.ia, " Catalogue" (1997). B (1983) : 77-86 .

4 Mantu , C .-M ., "Plastica antropxnorf:ii a a~:iirii Cucute.n.i A3 de la

Sc1nteia," A.mecloz<.o Moldcv&: 16 (19~): 51-67.

5 Gimbutas, M ., The Goddes.se.s and Gods of 01.d'Emope: M)Chs and Cull

1tt1ages (Lo~n : Thamesard Hu:lson, 1982); Gimbutas, M ., The Civili$ti.on.
of the Goddes.s : The Wo~ of OU '&rof>e (SanFranci9:o: Harp:rCollins,
1991 ); Gimbutas, M ., and M .R . Dexter, The Livin.z Goddes.ses (Berkeley :
Uni\Hsity of California Press, 2001 ).

6 Gimb.itas, Civilkai.on.of the Goddess (1991 ): 240.

7 Tri.ngham, R ., and M. Conkey, ''Rethinking Figurines : A Critical View

from Archaeology of Gimbutas, the ' Goddess' and fbpular Culture, " in
A.net.et-a God4esSJ>--S: The Myths and the Pvi.dence, ed. L . Go=dison and
C. Morris (London: British Museum Press, 1938): 22-45; Bailey, D .W ,
Pre his rt> rn Fiz;i rities: Represet~ta ti.on and Cc rpo re.al.il:j in the N co lith$
(Nevi' York : Roudedge , 2005).

8 Ucko , P., A.n.thropott10rph$ Fi$,rin.esof Pre:l.yn.a~ Pefpt and Neolith$

Crete with Cc tr. pa ro.tive Material fro tr. the Prehistoric Ne.ar East and
Main.land Graece (London: S:unidla , 1%8).

9 Biehl, P. , "Symbolic Communication SystEms: Symbols on A.nthropJ-

morphic Figurines inNeolidUc and O\alcolidtic Soulheast' Europe," Journal
of Eu rope.an. A. ;v:;hacolo zt 4 (19%) : 153--76 ; Biehl, P., Sta di.en. zu ttl Sy mfulgt,t
des Ncolithilwtt1s undder Kt.''f>fer;tfiit in Siidoaeuro'{>a (Saarbrucken: Rudolf
Habelt, 2003).

11 Whittle, A ., &rof>eit~the Neclith<...c : The Cre.ati.ot~of New \Y/o~

(Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 19%); Bailey, D.W., A . \{lh.ittle ,
and V. Cummings, eds., (Un.).se:tl.in.zthe Neolith$ (Oxford: Oxbow, 2005);
Bailey, D.W., A . \Xlh.ittle , and D. Hofmann , eds., Livin.z Well To zether:
5PA.en.tistt1 and Wiobi.lity in the &llum Neclith$ (Oxford: Oxoo•N, 2008) .

12 Tri.ngham, R , andD. Krstic, ed;.,Selelac : A. Nc.olithit; 1/illazei.n. Yui!>dall':.0

(Los Angeles: Imtitute of Archaeology, University of California, lm).

5 -10. Back view of 1igurine frcm ~e 112.

127
Cucuteni Ceramics: Technology,
Typology, Evolution, and Aesthetics
Corne Iia-Magda Lazarovici
n1e Institute of Archaeology, 18.$i.

The Olcuteni culture, one of the most important cultures on its pottery, Vulpe named this earlier culture Pre-
of Old Europe, is named after an archaeological site in Olcuteni to indicate the close relationship between the
north ea stern Romania, fifty kilometers northwest of Ia~i, two and to mark the evolutionary origin of the Olcuteni
first explored by enthusiastic dilettante archaeologists culture. The Pre-Olcuteni (in Romanian, Precucutem)
from 18 85 to 18 90. On a hilltop outside the small village culture is divided into phases: I (the oldest), II, and III,
of Olcuteni, at a site called Olcuteni Cetatuia, they found the end of which marks the transition to the Olcuteni
rich accumulations of beautifully painted pottery-appa r- culture. Olrrent chronological phasing and periodization
ently the oldest painted pottery yet discovered in their for the Pre-Cucuteni and Olcuteni cultures reflect as
country-and in 1889 brought the site to the attention of well the contributions of numerous Romanian researchers,
European archaeologists, incruding the German Hubert especially VL Dumitrescu, ~ M . Petrescu-Dlmbovita,
Schmidt , at the International Congress of Anthropology L Nestor, A. Nitu, 4 S. Marinesru-Bilcu, LT Dragomir,
and Prehistoric Archaeology in Paris, Schmidt organized St Oleo~ , and D. Monah ,
systematic archaeological excavations in 190 9 and 1910,
with spectacular results, 1 discovering a stratified series of The Pre-Cucuteni (about 5050-4750/4600 Be) and
superimposed settlements belonging to a new prehistoric Olcuteni (about 4 600-3500 B c)s cultures comprise the
culture, which he named Olcuteni, Schmidt assumed that central part of a vast cultural complex of shared traditions
the oldest occupation layer at Olcuteni represented the that extended from the forested valleys of Transylvania
beginning of the culture, and gave the designation Cucuteni in the eastern Carpathian Mountains, southwest of the
A to ceramic styles from that leveL Field researchers central Olcuteni region, to the rolling plains of western
from Izvoare (Neami: county), led by Radu Vulpe, 2 later Ukraine as far as the Dnieper River, northeast of the
showed that Cucuteni A was preceded by an earlier culture centra 1Cucuteni region , The Tran SJ' lvanian variant is
distinguished by different shapes and ornamental motifs named after a site located there, Ariu~d, and the variants
in Ukraine are named Tripol'ye (in Ukrainian, Trypillia)
after a site excavated near the Dnieper River in 1896,
Russian and Ukrainian archaeologists describe Tripol'ye
Glcb..Jlar vessel wi1h lid. Rre::l cle<f. Cucuterii. ScintEia·De'dlul B~~. as one culture with several phases. In contrast, Romanian
4200-4~0oc (Cucuteri /J.2), CMNM .
archaeologists describe P re-Curuteni, Olcuteni, and

129
Horodi~ea- Erbiceni (the archaeological culture that fol- The Boian and Pre-CU.cuteni cultures shared many customs
lowed after CU.cuteni) as three different civilizations that in house architecture and construction (probably derived
can be equated with Tri pol 'ye phases in the following way: ultimately from the Vinca culture), female figurine styles,
Pre-CU.cuteni is equivalent to Tripol'ye A; Cucuteni (A, and shapes and design motifs in pottery, During this
A-B, and B) to Tripol'ye BI-CI; and Horodi~tea-Erbiceni period, populations in the central pa rt of the Balkans
to Tripol'ye CIL This essay focuses on the Pre-CU.cuteni likely began to create closer social relationships, perhaps
and Cucuteni cultures in Romania, but it should be remem- through migration, with populations to the north and
bered that closely related prehistoric communities hved south, In Bulgaria this was the era when the famous
in Ukraine, and the designation CU.cuteni-Tripol'ye often settlement of Karanovo was beginning its fifth phase, the
is used to refer to the entire cultura 1tradition, Karanovo V period, and there are even some similarities
between Karanovo V and Pre-Cucuteni a rtifacts,7
The CU.cuteni-Tripol'ye era covers two periods, the Late
Neohthic and the Copper Age, The Pre-CU.cuteni culture The evoh.ition of the Pre-Cucuteni culture in three phases
appeared during the Late N eohthic in Romania, 6 The was described in detail by S, Marinescu-Bilcu,8 Recent
Late Neolithic was the last time in human history when research at the a re.ha eological sites of Poduri, 9 Targu
people depended entirely on tools made ofnaturally Frumos,10 and Isaiia 11 suggested refinements to her scheme,
occurring materials, principally stone (for cutting, pierc- but the pubhcation of these sites is not yet sufficient to
ing, and pounding irr:plements) and bone (for needles, fully define the suggested changes, The three phases of the
weaving tools, handles, points, and a variety of other Pre- Cucuteni culture were not of equal length, nor were
tools). But starting with the Pre-Cucuteni III phase, copper they equally expressed geographically, In Transylvania ,
items are more common, made of naturally occurring for example, different cultures appeared after the Pre-
native copper, The true Copper Age began during the CU.cuteni I phase, In central and southern Transylvania the
early Cucuteni culture, when artisans working with high- Pet re~ti rulture emerged, and in eastern Transylvania
temperatu re kilns (intended for pottery manufacture) the distinctive A riu ~d group of the Cucuteni culture made
learned how to smelt natural mineral ores (malachite and its app ea ranee, The origin of both cultures is related to
azu rite) in order to extract pure copper metal from these southern influences that traveled through the middle
green and blue rocks, The Pre-Cucuteni and Cucuteni Danube region (called the Banat) in southwestern Romania
rultures together lasted for 1,500 years (5000-3500 Be), and from there into Transylvania , The southern influences
from the Late Neohthic through the Copper Age, originated in Greece, The Foeni group of the Petre~ti
culture (in what is now Banat and Transylvania) can be
The origin of the Pre-Curuteni culture is connected compared with the Dimini culture in central Greece; and
with the evolution of other cultures in the Danube valley from this source came distinctive types of painted decora-
and the Balkans, It formed at the same time as and was tion on pottery, with white on black, red on white, black
related in some way to the Boian culture (late Giule~ti on red, channeled, and pohshed p ottery , 1 ~
phase) in the lower Danube valley, and was contempo-
rary as well with Karanovo I VIV and the lviarica culture, Technical and Stylist ic As pects of the Cera mies
located in the Balkans, The Pre- Cucuteni culture also of the Pre -C ucuteni Culture
retained some decorative techniques derived from a phase The potters of the Cucuteni tradition created the most
of the preceding Linear Pottery culture (called the '<music- challenging ceramic vessel shapes and the most elaborate
note" phase, after a decorative motif on pottery that painted designs in the ceramic art of Old Europe, These
resembles a musical score) in the eastern Carpathian sophisticated forms and designs evolved slowly, however,
piedmont; and Pre-Cucuteni figurine styles were influ- from relatively sirr:ple beginnings, L Ellis studied the
enced by the Hamangia-culture figurine tradition on the nature of the days used to make the pottery of the Pre-
Black Sea coast , Cucuteni period, as well as the tempering materials
introduced into the clays and the firing of the finished

130
vessels.U She folU1d that the clay naturally contained a
variety of minerals (quartz, feldspar, mu scovite, mica,
magnetite, and hematite) , The tempering agents were
broken and pounded ceramic sherds, a material called
grog, 14 Elli s's results have been verified by new analyses,1 5
The firing of the vessels was mostly in a reducing or
low-oxygen atmosphere, which produced surface colors
in nuances of gray, black-gray, and brown, although in
the Pre-CUcuteni II and III phases there also were vessels
made in an oxidizing atmosphere, which produced a
reddi sh or orange surface,

The de co ration of pottery vessels in the Pre-Cucuteni I

phase was executed without colored paints, probably
becau se the potters had not yet discovered red and black
pigments that could survive the firing process without
turning brown (figs, 6-1-6-3), Motifs were produced by
incisions, excisions (removal of clay from the surface to
produce a design in relief), stroked lines made with a
bone or wo od to ol, and flutes (long, shallow furrow s made
with an instrument that ended in a curve) , Pot s of semi-
fine category were de corated with excisi ons.16 The repertory
of shapes included goblets, globular vessels, biconica 1
vessels, bowls, jars, pear-shaped (pyriform) vessels, tureens,
vessel s and cups on pedestals, pedestaled support vessels,
handled lids, and others, 17 Many shapes were similar to
and perhaps derived from the Boian culture,

The motifs made with the excision technique (t riangles,

excised and reserved squares, and rhombs) and fluted
motifs were similar to the de co rative styles of the Boian
(Giule~ti phase) and Marica cultures, Fluted designs were
combined with incised de corations. Each overall design had
a geometric character, sometimes organized in garlands
and spirals. 18 The excised motifs sometimes were filled with
white paint made of calcium ca rbonate , The incised motifs
included a few very schematic human representations, 19

During the following phase, Pre-Cucuteni II, the shapes

created by p otters continued in the same pattern with a 6·1 (top, left) . OJp. Rre:! clay, Curuteni. Tracin-Dealul Viei. E0~47EO e:
(Pre-Curuteni I).
variety of goblets of various shapes (fig, 6-4), vessels with
bodies that curved out, short cup s, small bowls (fig, 6-5), 6-2 (top. right). TaJI cup. Fired de<y, OJcutEni. Traian-DeclLJ Viei.
~-47EOe:(Pre-OJcuteni Q.
jars, pear-shaped (pyriform) vessels, bowls and tureens,
vessel s with high pedestals, vessels with lids (fig. 6-6), «fruit 6-3 tbottcm ). Vess El wlth '\vcif·tooth" incisions. Rre:! clay, Cucuteni.
Traian-Deel LI Viei. £0~47EO e: (Pre-Curuteni Q.
dish" vessels, and more, 20 The great variety of shapes

131
 implies that pottery was used not just to contain or to cook,
but also to express the mastery of skills and the attainment
of status, and the small lidded bowls imply that the serving
of food was not merely for nutrition, but inch.ided an
element of social theater, an unveiling,

Stamped decorative motifs now appeared beside the

excised and fluted decoration of the first phase. The flutes
were disposed variously (fig, 6-4), in conjunction with
other elements of decoration, The strips of incised lines
were combined with vertical strokes, stamped designs
(fig. 6-6), small prominences, and even protomes (animal
and human heads protruding from a vessel), The motifs
included spirals and circles, in some cases created
through " reserved" decoration (motifs created in the
"blank" space between applied decorations; fig , 6-5) ,
Most of the incised and excised patterns were filled with
white paint, but a few vessels were painted in red after
firing, thus creating multicolored patterns in white, red ,
and the brown-gray color of the vessels-21

Duringthe Pre-Cucuteni III phase, there was an increase

in the variety of shapes and fonns, almost as if competition
between potters was now pushing innovation to new
heights, This large variety of ceramic shapes included
goblets, cups, globular vessels, small bow ls, pyriform
vessels (fig, 6-7), biconica l bow ls, "fruit dish" vessels,
pedestaled vessels that seem to have functioned only as
supports or presentation stands for other vessels, tureens ,
lids, strainer vessels, vessels with cylindrical necks
(fig. 6-8), storage vessels, and ladles. There also a re other
forms, including square or rectangular "box" vessels,
double "binocular" vessels (in the shape of two connected
cylinders), 22 as well as some unusual shapes that resemble
a crown, ceramic models of sanctuaries (fig, 6-9) , and
6-4 (tcp, left,'r. Be~B' . Rred claf. Cucuteni. lsaii-Balta Pc:Pi. 5050-4750 e: even miniature clay models of dugout boats,n
(Fte-Cucuteni 10.

6-5 (tcp. light,). Bcw1. Rred clay. Cucuteni . tsai -Balta Pq:ii, 5050-4750 e: Fluted and incised decoration maintained its importance,
(Fte-Cucute1i 10.
Irr4>ressed, excised, and stamped de corations disappeared
6-6(center. left,'r . Pot with lid. Rred claf. Cucuteni, tsai- Bel ta Pq:ii, at the end of the phase, Potters of this period combined
5050-4 750 e: (Fte -Cucuteni II).
incised and starr.q:>ed decorations (fig, 6-7), while on some
6-7 (center. right,). Fo:ited \essel . Rred claf. Cucuteni. Fl:l::lLTi-Dealul pots they used flutes and incisions (organized in curves,
Ghindatu. 47 50-4600 e: (Fte-Cucuteni II O.
circles, and spirals), attached prominences, and applied
6-8 (oottom) . Pot decorated with indsicns and P=inting . Fired claf. Cucuteni. white paint before firing , Red pa int was applied after
Targu Fi'umos- Baza P~u e. 47 50-4600 e: (Pre -Cucuteni 110.
firing (fig, 6-8) because at this early date Pre-Cucuteni

132
potters had not yet discovered mineral pigments that
would retain their red color during firing, particularly in
the uncontrolled gaseous atmosphere of the still primitive
kilns , However, during this phase potters did begin to use
painted shps (a hquid wash containing a fine clay or
colored pigment in suspension), which fixed the color to
the unfired surf ace before firing. This method was trans-
mitted to the CUcuteni A 1 period , Decorative motifs were
more varied and elaborate than during the previous phases.

The ceramic arts of the Pre- CUcuteni phase are notable

for the abundance of different shapes and forms, as well
as the exuberance of surface decoration, particularly
in the final Pre-Cucuteni III phase, Decorative motifs
included both geometric and curving spiral designs, with
circular and flowing spiral forms predominating. Fluted
surfaces were common features of the decoration during
all three phases, particularly on the neck of the vessel,
and were retained during the first period of the CUcuteni
culture, reappearing again in some local groups starting
with the CUcuteni A4 period, Potters also occasionally
portrayed certain stylized anthropomorphic and zoomor-
phic beings on their pots, as at Traian-Deahll Viei and
Isaiia. In most cases decoration occupied the entire surface
of a vessel. One of the most striking effects in Pre-Cucuteni
decoration was produced by the doubling or reduplicating
of motifs, particularly effective with spirals and later used
frequently in the Cucuteni culture. Positiv e and negative
ornament , used in the Pre- Cucuteni II phase, was employed
on a larger scale during the Pre-0.icuteni III phase, special
attention being given to incised "reserved" ornament. 24

Technical a nd Styli.st ic Aspects of the Cera mies

oft he Cu cu ten i C ultu re
Hubert Schmidt defined three principal phases for the
CUcuteni culture at the CUcuteni settlement, and each
major phase now has its own subphases, defined principally
by variations in the decoration of pottery found at many
other settlements, The major phases are designated A
(with subphases AcA 4 ), A-B (with subphases A-B1 and
A-B 2), and B (with subphases B1 and B), Some subphases
are still debated or appeared only in certain regions , The
principa 1innovations that set the CUcuteni period apart
from that of the Pre-Cucuteni were improvements in 6-9. kd'lit~b.Jral m<::d;!I. Fired day, Cocuteti. PooJn -Ceau Ghind3tu .
4750-4500 oc (Pre-Cocuteti Ill). CMJMPN .
kilns, permitting better control over the evenness of firing

133
and the gaseous atmosphere during firing; the discovery in ;\.Jost of the poUery was now decorared with various
nature of manganese minerals that could make a pigment kinds of colorful painted designs . In Romania and
that retained a strong black color during firing; and the Moldova more than seventy-five percent of the ceramic
development of various kinds of colored slips that could material found in the Cucuteni area was painted, while
provide a base color of varied hues before firing. These in the Tripol'ye area in Ukraine the unpainted incised.
innovations elevated Cucuteni ceramic production from pottery of the Pre-Cucuteni tradition was retained up to
an attractive craft to a specialized skill that: produced the end of the Tripol'ye period.1 "
objects of consummate beauty.
Potters of the Cucuteni culture used clays that had a high
Improvements in the technology and construction of the concentration of iron and mica, permitting them to pro-
kilns used for Cucuteni ceramic production probably duce ceramics with different variants of red (in oxidizing
were connected in some way with the development of an combustion) or black (in reducing combustion). 27 Such
effective metallurgy. Copper metallurgy, the first kind deposits of clay are cornrnon both in the area of Moldavia's
of metal working discovered by humans, also depended sub-Carpathians and on the Moldavian Plateau. The
on improvernents in kilns used to smelt pure copper frorn presence of the minerals in the clay provided elasticity
malachite and azurite rnineral ores (wh ich require a that niade a good rnaterial for vessel construction. Ellis
temperature of at least 800')C), and even greater improve- noticed that Cucuteni potters used clay that naturally
ments in kilns used to liquefy copper so that it could contained mineral inclusions of very small sizes; in other
be poured into molds (which require a temperature of words, minerals \Vere not added. as temper but \Vere part
1083"C). Metal working also witnessed a significant of the natural day, and only clays with very fine mineral
advance about 4700-4600 BC, at the time of the transition inclusions were chosenY During the Cucuteni B phase,
from the Pre-Cucutcni to the Cucuteni, initiating the first clays became even finer, as mineral inclusions became
\Vidcspread use of metal tools and weapons in the ancient smaller and potters began to use clay with a lighter color,
world. The two technological advances in kilns for copper exhibiting a kaolin-like aspect that was preferred. for its
smelting and for ceramic firing proceeded side by side, fine quality and also for providing a lighter background
perhaps divided by gender, with men probably doing most for painting. 29 Utilitarian wares, as well as semifine wares,
of the mining, smelting, and trading of metal and women were tempered with crushed pottery sherds or grog;
probably doing most of the ceramic decoration and semifine wares sornetirnes contained small fragn1ents
production. 25 In more than a dozen sites of the Cucuteni- of calcium carbonates as well. The clay used to make
Tripol'ye culture, archaeologists have found the remains of Cucuteni B fine-painted wares was so pure and the
kilns used for ceramic firing vvith one or nvo superposed. mineral inclusions were so small that it is probable the
chambers, called updraft kilns because the heat rose from clay was intentionally levigated., or kneaded in vvater,
the fuel in the lower chamber up to the pots in the top to remove the coarser fragments.
chamber. In these closed kilns, Cucuteni potters could
achieve a consistent oxidizing atmosphere that produced Cucuteni vessels were built up from bands (coils) of clay,
a red or yellow-red ceramic body. Reduced-atmosphere, a systen1 used by the majority of prehistoric civilizations.
black-bodied pots, typical for the Pre-Cucuteni phase, Starting with the Cucuteni A-B phase, a slow wheel (a
were almost abandoned. The new kilns produced tem- simple rotating system) probably was introduced, resulting
peratures ranging from 700····1000°C. Control of the in the standardization of vessel shapes during the Cucuteni
temperature and the firing atmosphere were important B phase . The employment of a slow wheel beginning in
for obtaining products of good quality, and this is Cucuteni A-Bis indicated by horizontal parallel striations
obvious in comparisons of Cucuteni pottery to that of on the interior of vessel walls, the strong alignment of
the Prc-Cucuteni culture. natural micaceous inclusions in the clay (noticed by Ellis),
and archaeological discoveries. Some settlements, notably

134
Varvareuca VIII and Varvareuca XV, contained fragments vessels, small basketlike vessels (fig. 6-17), small altars
of turntables and/or parts of rotation devices. "· 0 (fig. 6-18), spoons and ladles (fig. 6-19) anthropomorphic
vessels (some shaped like a human body, fig. 6-20); others
Some Cucuteni vessels were covered with slip, a technique taking stylized forms that suggest a hora dance (fig. 6-13),
of surface treatment that had been used since the beginning binocular vessels, and pyriform vessels (figs. 6-21, 6-22).
of the Neolithic. It produced a smooth surface with various Son1e vessels were decorated with anthropomorphic bas-
nuances of color, on which painted or other decoration reliefs representing the di vine couple (the Great Goddess
was n1ade after drying. In other cases paint was applied and a n1alc or androgyne character), couples of goddesses,
directly to the vessel. The pigments used for paint ;,vere "dancing" females, and mating representations. All of
derived from minerals: Iron oxides (hematite, goethite, these motifs reflected and continued images that had
and limonite) could produce red shades, brown, or even appeared earlier in Pre-Cucuteni traditions . 33 Certain cult
black, depending on the firing atmosphere; manganese vessels had zoomorphic protomes, some very suggestive
and ferrornanganese oxide produced a black-brown color (fig. 6-15), that were well integrated with the vessel body
that was stable even after firing; and cakiun1 carbonate by molding.
was used to n1ake white paint. Iron oxides could be found
on the Moldavian Plateau, where .m any Cucuteni settle- Decorative styles and methods evolved considerably during
ments were located; manganese could. have been obtained the five to six hundred years of the Cucuteni A phase.
in the eastern Carpathians or perhaps even from marsh During subphase A,, in addition to fluted and incised
deposits 31; and. calcium carbonate was widely available as decoration man y motifs were painted before firing, with
a local mineral. Collections of painting materials have white paint (fig. 6-23) or on occasion with red. The Stlr-
been found in certain settlements. The most irnportant faces of vessels were brown or red. The decorative rnotifs
discovery was at Dume~ti-lntre P8.raie, where two "paint- were composed of narro\v lines and dots. Vessels painted in
ing kit" vessels were discovered in the pottery workshop two colors were rare. During the A2 subphase, decoration
(d·welling no. 3). Each vessel contained a considerable was sometimes excised and bichrome painted (fig. 6-24),
quantity of all three categories of pigments used for but trichrome-painted designs also first appeared. During
painting, as well as day tools for pottery decoration .'2 the A 3 subphase, trichrome painting quickly spread and
Painted decoration first appeared during the Pre-Cucuteni became the predomina.nt style.
III phase, as was n1entioned above, but it was at that time
limited to red and white designs. The inspiration for The main decorative n1otifs were spira.ls of various fonns,
using painted decorative n1otifs probably ca_rne frorn the placed variously (figs. 6-11, 6-12, 6-14-6-17, 6-21, 6-22,
GumelniFl or Petre~ti cultures. 6-25, 6-26 and page 128 ) and more rarely, meanders
(re presented by simplified spirals: figs. 6-10, 6-14, 6-19,
Cucuteni A 6-22, 6-27). The spiral as well as the chess board (fig. 6-15)
The variety of different ceramic shapes and forms made and the meander had been common Pre-Cucuteni motifs.
for different: aspects of storage, presentation, group meaJ Space between motifs was filled \Nith seconda.ry motifs:
service, and individual portion service during Cucuteni ends of spirals (figs. 6-16, 6-25 and page 128), oviform
A-was truly impressive. Public feasts, rituals , and family decorations (figs. 6-11, 6-12, 6-16, 6-26), straight and
celebrations must have been elaborately scripted and arched lines, and dots (figs . 6-16, 6-24). Motifs usually
colorful occasions, surrounded by social expectations were painted with white color and outlined with brown or
concerning what kind of serving or presentation vessel black (figs. 6-10· ·6-12, 6-14, 6-15, 6-19··6 -21 , 6-25----6-27)
was expected and appropriate for each phase of the event. to take the place of incisions, used earlier to outline motifs.
The predon1inant forrns were cups (figs. 6-10, 6-11) Space between rnotifs ·was filled with red (or sometirnes
pedestaled vessels (pro bably just to support or present with narrow lines). The two colors used, white and red,
other vessels; figs. 6-12, 6-13), "fruit dish" vessels (fig. 6-14), had an equal or similar tonal va.lue. The disposition of
spherical vessels, tureens (figs . 6-15, 6-16), bowls, biconical motifs was tectonic, the vessels having many decorative

135
registers (figs. 6-11, 6-14, 6-15, 6-21, 6-24, 6-26, 6-27),
on occasion delimited by bands. The precise manner in
which decorative motifs were made and joined gave a
sensation of movement (figs. 6-11, 6-12, 6-21 , 6-26 and
page 128). Painters repeated motifs in various decorative
registers , sometimes with small changes (figs. 6-12, 6-16,
6-21). Toward the end of the A1 subphase, some potters
began to confine the spiral or meander painted motifs to
the upper two-thirds of the vessel (fig. 6-26), leaving an
undecorated band on the lower third . The harmony
of colors and the balanced flow of motifs made some of
these vessels true works of art.

The Cucuteni A4 subphase (largely confined to the north-

eastern part of the Cucuteni area) represents a local aspect
of development in the Dragu~eni-jura (on both sides of
the Prut river), where characteristic vessels had fluted,
incised , and painted decorations (similar to Pre-Cucuteni
traditions; figs . 6-13 , 6-16, 6-17) in addition to vessels
decorated with paint alone (figs. 6-18, 6-22) . Painted
decoration was applied in bichrome (figs. 6-13, 6-16 , 6-17),
sometimes with red paint applied after firing, as well as
trichrome (fig. 6-22) . The use of flutes and incisions pro-
vided an elegant outline for decorative motifs. Decoration
was arranged in horizontal registers, sometimes di~lided
into sections or metopes, with a harmonious combination
of motifs (lines, spirals, and meanders; fig. 6-22). The
Cucuteni A4 subphase introduced several new ceramic
shapes and decorative styles that mark the transition to
the Cucuteni A-B phase. 14

6-10(ti:p) . OJp. Rre:!clay. Cucuteni . Broa~i-Cet~ia Ftumu~ca.

4200-4050EC (Cucuteri A.3). CMJMPN.

6-11 (center'). Cup. Rredclay, OJcuteni. Dume~-intre F'arae.

4200-4050EC (Cucuteri A.3). M.BM\•S .

6-12 tbottcm). FOt stcod. Rre:! clccf, OJcuteni. Sc8nt€ia-DeaJul Broa~.

4360-4150 EC (OJcuteni A.3).

6-13 (q+osite: ti:p). Pot stand. Rred dccf. Cucuteni . Dragu~ri .Q,"11'01
B~i. 4050-30CO EC (OJcuteni M). MJBT.

6-14 (q+osite: oottcm) . "ffuit dsn" vessel. Rre:! clay, OJcuteni. Sca-iteia-
DeaJul Broa~. 4360-4150EC (Cucuteri A.3).

136
137
138
6-15 (q+osite: t:p). Bo,,~ with hC11dle in the shcpe of a bJll 's hea:l. Rred
day, CUcuteti, Pden~ti-Ceaul Taler. 4200-4050EC (CUcuteti A3). lll.I.

6-16 (q+osite : oottan). Crate'. Rred day, Cu:ut!ni. IX~u~i - Ostrov

Boto§:ati, 4050-3900 EC (Cixuteni A4). MJBT.

6-17 (t:p). Vessel. Rred clct)'. Cixuteni. MQu,<mi -Ostrcw. 4500-4100 EC

(Cixuteni A4). MJBT.

6-19 (cents', left,). OttEring tatleMta'. Rred Ciel)', Cixuteni. Mg~ni­

Ostro.r. 4050-3900 EC (Cixuteni A4). MJBT.

6 -19 ('oottcm). La:lle. Rred clct)'. Cixuteni. Tru~ti . 4450-42:):) EC

(CUcuteni /l2). CMJMPN.

6-20 (center, ri!tlt,l. An1h'qxmcn:tlic vesse. Rred clct)'. Cixuteni. Sca-iteia-

Cl:!alul Bo:l~i. 4500-4050EC (Cucute1i /l.2J. IAI.

139
6-21. Bio:niC8J vssse . Fired day, CUruteni. Tru~tj-Tugueta . 4200-4050e::
(Curuteni A2). CMNM .

6-22 (q+osite) . Bitrcflo:nic~ vessel. Fired CIC<)'. Cu:utErli. cragu~i - Ostr01'

Bo~<.lni. 4050-3900 oc (CUOJteni A.4). MJBT.

140
141
142
6 -23 (q:poote: left. tcp). A...tj(os dao::r<lf.ed wilh ind sens a-id white ~t"rting.
Fired cle<f . OJcuteni. Flxltri -Dealul Ghin<±fu. 4600-4550 EC (Curuteni A1).

6-24 (q:posite: left. center'). Pot dao::rated wilh incisicns am white 1)3in1lng.
Fired cle<f . OJcuteni. lzvoare. 4550-4170 EC (Curuteni A2J.

6-25 (q:posite: left. ootton) . Re:tangula- ~nted vessel. Fired de<f.

Cu:uteti . lzvo:fe, 4550-4170 EC (OJcuteni A2).

6 -26 (q:posite : tcp) . Bi trono:riica vessel. Fired d «f. OJcuteni. Dume~ . int re
Pa-aie. 4200-4050 EC (Curuteni A3) . MJSM\IS.

6-27 (aooYe). Stemmed cup. Rred day, Cu:uteti. PcdJti -Deaul Ghind31u .
4450-4200EC (Cu:uteri A2). CMJMPN.

143
C ucu te n i A-B in different registers, demonstrating the contemporaneity
Potters of the Cucuteni A-B pha se introduced novel vess el of the styles (fig, 6-3 6, a and f-> styles; fig , 6-35, y2 and f->1
shapes and new roles for color and decoration , Innovative styles), The A Ba sty le (v11hite and red stripe s with equal
sh apes included numerous vess els 'Nith bulging and value, limited by a wider brown line) and the a style (black
flattened bodies, crater- shaped tureens with 'Nide-open accent s on the vess el's neck; fig, 6-36) were the oldest, 17
mouth s (fig, 6-28) , and goblets, Pedestaled support vess els
vvere m ade more rarely, lids w ere made in nevv forms TI1e f3 group is repre sented by brovm and black stripe s,
("Swedish helmet" type; fig . 6-29), and "binocular" vess els spirals, and meanders on a •.,vhite background (figs, 6-28,
v;ere more numerou s (fig. 6-30) , The shape s of certain 6-33) , The i5 group (which survived into the Cucuteni B
vess els refl ected influences from tradition s and designs of phase) had the same preference for black colors (fig. 6-34),
other cultures. For example, figure 6-31 exhibit s a lobe- combined 'Nith red and white hnes (fig, 6-31) , Between
hke rim copied from pot s of the Bodrogkeresztur culture de si gn elements the red background •Nas reserved in spaces
in Hungary and western Romania , but it wa s painted in of variou s shapes (round , square , and elongated) that
the Cucuteni mann er, 'Nere cross ed by linear motifs o r linear b and s (fig. 6-31),
creating trichrome patterns,
Black and chocolate-brown color s (in variou s shades)
'Nere nov1• u sed m o re freely, in some ca ses covering large The y group s are defined by th e u se of linear bands as vvell
decorative zones, a preference that continued into the as meander s and spirals, Trichrome motifs 'Nere redupli-
Cucuteni B phase. Ve ss els that featured black painting cated acro ss the ve ss eL Black hnear bands were combined
created a di stinctive arti stic effect in which white paint with white bands, as in figure 6-35, 13 which al so repre sents
wa s u sed as a border for decorative motifs, The inversion a type of ve ss el 'Nith small handle s in serted like metopes,
of the roles of the se two colors created more possibilities thus interrupting th e decorative r egi st er. Ro•;v s of X s (which
for decoration and, consequently, additional stylistic had appe ared since the A4 subphase) were common in
variant s. Motifs still were doubled and redoubled as during thi s group of styles, placed on the vessel shoulder. Stylized
the previou s pha se (figs, 6-28, 6-32), Spiral bands v'1ere horns also appe a red , pointing upward or do'Nnw a rd ,
combined v;ith other motifs (fig s, 6-33 , 6-34,) such as repre senting a reproce ssing of motifs from the Cucuteni
pills and cells (leaflike figures) that increa sed the variety A phase (fig, 6-14),
of decoration . The meander •.vas frequently u sed (figs. 6-31 ,
6-35) , Straight and diagonal hne s were combined with The first painted anthropomorphic repre sentations
rounded motif s. Individual motif s alternated rhythmically, appear ed in thi s phase, replacing figures made in bas-relief
creating balanced regi ster s of decoration that wa s orga- during the previous period. The human silhouette 'Na s
nized geometri cally or in spiral form s. Space was measured rendered geometrically, consisting of t>ivo triangles joined at
carefully and planned on the ve ss el surf ace before painting the waist , with the head depicted as a cirde (fig. 6-35). The
to permit a balanced repetition of complex motifs, body wa s painted with obhque black bands, Sometimes
the hands were rendered 'N ith three fingers. 39 Huma n
During the Cucuteni A-B period, a variety of different silhouette s occ asionally wer e framed in metopes (fig. 6 -3 5) .
decorative style s prohferated , designated A Ba, a , f->, y The layout of the spira 1 decoration on cert a in vess els
15
(each 'Nith t'IVO variants), and i5 , The painting styles of gives the sensation of an anthropomorphic repre sentation
Cucuteni A-B1 began to appear in the Cucuteni A4 sub- (fig. 6-34), Human images seem to have h ad a symbohc
pha se (ABa , al , a 2, i51 , i51a, and early y2), but during the and cultic role , and were shown in most cases engaged in
A-B 2 pha se, they evohed into specific styh stic groups a perhaps magical dance ,
(A Ba rarely , al , a2 , ~ , i51 , i51a , i52a , y group s, and i52
element s) that were adopted by potters in other region s to Cucuteni B
the east , south ea st, south, and southvvest ,16 Sometimes During the Cucuteni B phase, some settlements gr ew
the same ve ss el contained motifs madein different style s to enormou s size, particularly in Ukraine, wh ere a few

144
6-2B . Bo.1i1/turee'l. Rred cl2y-. Curuteni. Vanice'li-Poo ltX..-ieasa
4050-3S50ec (Curuteni A.-B1). MJBT.

145
146
6-29 (q+>osite). Bic01ical vessel end lid. Fired clay, Cucute"li . Ghel~e~i ­
Nedeia. 3700-3500EC (Cucuteri B1). CMJMPN.

6-30. Binocular VSSss;!I. Fired clay, Cucuteri . Ghel~~ti-t>P-doia .

3700-3.&00EC (Cucuteri B1). CMJMPN.

147
148
6-31 (q+>oote: left) . l.s:.bate vessEl . Rred claf. OJcuteni. CaJu-Pialra
~im LI Li. 39f:x>-'J100 oc (Cucuteni A· B~. C MJM PN.

6-32 (cpp:;isite : right,) . .4mp-iet"a Rred claf. OJcuteni. Vcmiceri -F\x:l

ltx-<ieasa. 4050-3700 oc (Cucuteni A-B1). MJBT.

6-2.3 (tq:j. D::U::.le stand . Fired claf. Cu:uteni . Vcmiceni . Fl:l:l. 4050-3700 oc
(OJcuteni A-B1). MJBT.

6-34 (al right,). Amp-icra wiln lid. Rred daf. Cucuteni. ~Jlenii Vectii.
4100-3$00 oc (Cucuteni A-B1) .

149
6-35 . Cl'8ler. Fired day. C~uteri. TraiCfl -Dealul F9nt8nilcr. 4050-~00 EC
(Curuteni A-B2). MNIR.

6-36 (q:posite) . Biccnical vessel . Fi red day. C~uteri . \lcrniceni. Poo

~neasa. 4050-3.350 oc (Curuteni A- B 1). MJ BT.

150
151
Tripol'ye settlements grew to more than two hundred The decorative motifs used in the Cucuteni B phase showed
hectares, perhaps as defensive protection against increasing many changes, The spira 1 (figs, 6-43, 6-45) and the
watf are. At the same time there were transfonnations in meander (fig. 6-43) declined, to be replaced by new motifs
the organization of ceramic manufacture, Ceramic shapes like crosses, concentric circles, circles with crosses inside
became more standardized, a change often associated with (figs, 6-38 , 6-43), and small stair motifs. Zoomorphic and
a shift to production by specialists, Ellis has argued that aviform motifs were a new decorative element, painted
specialist ceramic workshops began to operate during this in black (fig. 6-41) or with the body depicted in red but
phase, replacing household production in larger settlements outlined in black (fig. 6-42) , Anthropomorphic represen-
such as Petreni and Varvareuca VIII, where a ceramic tations were numerous, but their rendering continued to
manufacturing workshop was found. 40 The standardization be schematic and geometric (figs, 6-37, 6-38, 6-40, 6-44),
of forms was accompanied by a reduction of the decorated Such images appeared in various ensembles, accorr:panied
zone, which was restricted to the rim, the neck, and the by vegetal decorative elements (figs. 6-4 0, 6-44) as well as
upper part of the vessel's body (figs, 6-37-6-41), Painted zoomorphic (fig. 6-38), natural, and geometric motifs
ornaments also became simpler and used fewer colors, (figs, 6-37, 6-38), Animal motifs seem dynamic, the images
Perhaps it was too ti me consuming to paint the entire appearing in motion within larger friezes or met opes
surface of every pot in three colors when each specialist (figs, 6-42, 6-41) , These combinations of decorative
potter was producing so many vessels, There was an elements might be interpreted as graphic transmissions
increase in the number of bi conical vessels, while the plates, of genuine myths, 45 including the "tree of life," which was
kraters, and a rr:phora s showed changes in shapes and rendered both schematically and realistically (figs. 6-40,
proportions, Short pedestaled vessels were more elegantly 6-44), and representations of snakes (figs, 6-42, 6-43),
designed , and bowls showed a different profile than those which were linked to fertility and fecundity and expressed
of the previous period . One of the new features was a the cyclic renewal, regeneration, and protection of
wide outward flaring rim that appeared on some vessels.41 harvests and households, The representation of bulls,
dogs, and stags (figs. 6-42, 6-41) has been interpreted
Decoration was arranged on the vessel body much as as the expression of fighting groups, also t o be found in
it had been ear lier, in friezes and met opes (figs, 6-3 7, Mesopotamian glyptics . 4 ~
6-39-6-44), The background color usually was a light
shade of beige, yellow, or white (figs, 6-3 7- 6-43, 6-45) lviost of the human representations on ceramic vessels
but occasionally was a darker reddish tone (fig, 6-30). are women (fig 6-37), sometimes in dancing positions
The reddish tone appeared mainly in combination (fig. 6-4 0), at other times symbolizing the Great Goddess
with black painted decoration, but also was used with (Fete~i-La Schit and Sofia VIII) .47 Men's silhouettes were
bi chrome and trichrome painted designs-42 Decorative painted infrequently, perhaps representing the Black G od 48
styles specific for this phase are the polychrome 6 wearing a mask,49 Feminine silhouettes depicted on the
s
(fig. 6-37), the polychrome (figs, 6-42-6-44), and the vessel from Poduri (fig. 6-37)-divided in two groups
bichrome s (figs, 6-38-6-41), Colors were used in new (2+ 2 on the handles' zone and 3+3 on the vessel's body)-
ways, In certain subgroups white was used as a back- as well as six circles on the rim probably were images of
ground color, while in the s group it was replaced by a a pantheon of goddesses,so but also might have encoded
beige background or the color of the vessel's clay, with concepts of numerology or sacred numbers that some
linear motifs being painted on~' with black (figs, 6-38- observers have perceived in decorative motifs as early as
s
6-41). In the group, polychrome designs were retained the Pre-Cucuteni age,
(fig. 6-43)Y-The transition from the Cucuteni A-B 2
phase (pottery of y and 6 styles) to the B1 (y, 6, and s Cucuteni C Wa re
styles) seems now to be expressed best in Moldavia's In addition to the painted pottery for which they a re
Subcarpathian zone, with some sites of A-B 6 and B1 famous, Cucuteni communities also used coarse unpainted
appearing contemporary, 44 pottery for different household activities, Most coarse

152
6-37. Ampraa with anltircpcmo-phic de:o-atioo . Fired cla1. Curuteni.
PooJri · Declul Ghind3Ju. 'P00-3500 oc (Cucutefli B1). C MJM PN.

153
6-3.S (at left). AmP,cra w11h ai1hrqx:maP,ic d2ccraticn Rred clay.
OJcuteni. So1B. \/Ill, 3.S00-3600 EC (Cucuteni 8~ .

6-39 (tcp) . 8itrcnconica vessel. Rred d e<f. Cucuteni . \laea Lup.1lui -l~i.
2700-3600 EC (0Jcut01i 82). CMNM .

6-40 (q+o:site: b:ltcm. left). Glct1Jlar i:ot w11h vegetal aid an1hrcpanCfP,ic
decefation . Fired cle<f. Cu::u101i. 8ram:eni 3. 3800-3500 EC (0Jcu101i 8~ .

6-41 (q:pcsite: oottcm. rightj. 8iconica i:ot with zocmCfP,ic d2cefation .

Fi red day, Cucuteni. \/clr\IC(eu::a S. 3.S00-3&00 EC (Cucuteni 8 ~ .

6-42 (q+o:site : tcp). Crater w11h zocmaP,ic d2ccration. Rred clay,

OJcuteni. \laea Lupt.Jui. 3700-3600 EC (Cucuteni 8~. CMNM.

154
155
156
6-43 (q:pcsite). 8iccniccl vesse . Fire:! cla1<. OJcuteri . Sip;ni!. ':r/00-3f!X) oc
(OJcuteni 82). MNIR.

6-44 (at right). Ampicra. Rred clay. Curuteni . a3miceri . 3900-3500 oc

(OJcuteni 82).

6-45 (tcp). Crater. Rred clay. Curuteni . Targu O:na-Poo:i. 3700-3500 oc

(OJcuteni 82). MNIR.

157
wares \Vere made in a manner similar to painted wares, Conclusion
with grog-tempered clay paste, in recognizable Cucuteni Cucuteni pottery was brilliantly made in a technical
forms, and featuring incised or fluted decoration . But sense, but its outstanding attraction >Vas then and contin-
a subcategory of coarse ware, noticeably distinct from ues to be its elaborate decoration and variety of forms.
ordinary coarse wares, was designated type C by Schmidt. 51 Improvements in kiln technology and increased. control
This ware was made quite differently from standard over firing made the Cucuteni ceramic tradition possible,
Cucuteni pottery. First, the clay was tempered ·with crushed but these developments in pyrotechnology were rapidly
mussel shells or snail shells , and with coarse sand, some- shared among most of the pottery traditions across Old
times in large quantity. Second, the firing of C ware was Europe, perhaps because they also were connected with
semioxidizing, not evenly controlled . In the beginning advances in the ability to make and work metals. Cucuteni
(Cucuteni A,, subphase), surface decoration on C \Vare \Nas pottery \Vas truly distinctive because of the liveliness
made with short incised lines, but later (Cucuteni A-B and of its surface decoration and the ambitious, inventive
B phases) there also was a kind of stab-and-drag decoration approach to shapes. The cornbinar.ion of profuse decora-
made \Vith a toothed sta.mp, together with cord-in1pressed tion and irnaginative shapes nude Cucuteni potters the
decoration. Shapes usually were similar to standard rnost aesthetically sophisticated ceramic artists of the
Cucuteni types, such as cups and craters. Chronologically, Copper Age. Cucuteni pots were given as gifts or exported
the C ware appeared during the Cucuteni A 3 period and in other ways to surrounding cultures, particularly to
persisted until the end of the Cucuteni culture. It was Gumelni\a communities in the lower Danube valley.
used in many although not all sites, but never represented
more than five percent of the ceramics. I'vlost of the pots The proliferation of shapes, many of them quite difficult
had no artistic or aesthetic value, but through time the to produce, implies that social events where Cucuteni
quality, shape, and decoration of C ware improved. For pottery was used were equally complicated, with different
example, during Cucuteni B some C vessels had clay kinds of vessels expected and required for the variety
pro tomes and bull heads rendered in relief. of foods, guests, rituals, and phases of events, much as
nineteenth-century Victorian table settings became more
Type C ware is important because it was similar in its shell- complicated when meals provided a stage for the display
and sand-tempered clays, its firing, and in some aspects of prestige, wealth, and knowledge of cultural codes rather
of its decoration to the pottery of the cultures that inhab- than just for sharing food. Some Cucuteni vessels, such as
ited the steppe zone of Ukraine and Russia, particularly highly decorated, pedestaled stands, served only to elevate
in the lower Dnieper and Azov steppes north of the Black and display other, equally highly decorated vessels. Bowls
Sea. The communities that inhabited this region after that were an appropriate size for individual servings of
4400 4300 BC and until about 3300 BC are knmvn archae- food frequently were provided with highly decorated. lids,
ologically as the Sredni Stog, Skelya, and Novodanilovka suggesting that the contents were meant to be revealed,
cultures. As these cultures bordered the Tripol'ye culture, not just eaten. Ladles \Vere elaborately painted so that
the appearance of C ware in Ti·ipol'ye and Curnteni settle- the decoration appeared just as the food was served.
ments is generally thought to indicate a rise in contacts and Ubiquitous and distinctive pyriform jars (figs. 6-21, 6-22,
exchanges vvith the Sredni Stog or Skelya communities, 52 6-39) were so top-heavy that they were difficult to fashion
perhaps through intermarriage. The increasing intensity out of a medium as soft as clay, yet their proportions
of such relations through time seems to indicate the great were so perfect that they look light and balanced even
interest and attraction of the wealth of Old Europe during when the vessels are large. Such complex shapes and
Karanovo VI and the Cucuteni era, and perhaps specifically forms suggest a rich and perhaps socially competitive
suggests the povverfol attraction of innovative copper metal- world of household and family feasts and rituals that
lurgical centers in the Balkans·53 as well as in the Danube drew potters from different comrnunities together into
valley, the Carpathians (Transylvania), and the eastern a web of interaction and emulation.
Carpathian piedmont (eastern Romania and Moldova). 54

158
In decoration a development can be traced from the incised, vessels that were used to serve feasts or to n1ediate rituals.
stamped, and fluted surface designs of the Pre-Cucuteni Power shifted to other kinds of activities. It was only
phase to the complex painted designs of Cucuteni A, A-B, archaeology that recovered the evidence of this lost tradi-
and B. The flovving spirals and meanders that prevailed. in tion. Cucuteni pottery, through its technical expertise in
many Cucuteni decorative styles demonstrated a precise vessel construction and firing and aesthetic inventiveness
calculation of the space to be decorated. V. Dumitrescu in the harmonious combination of decorative rnotifs and
has noted the syrnrnetrical disposition of motifs around all colors with vessel shapes, demonstrated the degree of
parts of the vessel, a goal difficult to achieve in the case development reached by potters in a dynamic society, one
of polychrome painted decoration, where the potter had that also achieved significant accomplishments in archi-
to take into account the development and reduplication tecture, metallurgy, and religious life.
of the motif, its symmetric composition in the designated
space, and the chromatic harmony of the design. ss Translated by Corina Bor~

Cucuteni A was the peak period for production of highly

decorated trichrorne wares;' 6 \Nhile Cucuteni B was dorni-
nated by black painted wares, and Cucuteni A-B refers to
the transition from one to the other. Similarly, Cucuteni
A-B ;,vas divided into three decorative styles and Cucuteni
B into three more styles, each designated with a Greek
character, but as ma.ny as four of the styles can occur on
the same vessel. Although clusters of these styles do define
regional or chronological groups, the styles as character-
ized serve best as a gramma.r of decorative elements, some
of which were used together on one pot and some of which
were used in different times or places.

In spite of its exuberant va.riety, ma.ny aspects of Cucuteni

pottery were similar across a large number of settlen1ents
and an enormous territory, den1onstrating the existence of
powerful loca.1 workshops that established traditions that:
were repeated and follo;,ved through many generations .
The unity of complex decorative styles over vast spaces
emphasized as ;,vell an enduring social connection between
these innovative centers. When specialized potters began
to produce pottery in large qua.ntities during the Cucuteni
B phase, sorne of the rnost elegant and demanding shapes
were produced using highly refined clays and complex
kilns , but decorative motifs became simpler and covered
only the upper part of the vessel.

At the end of the sequence, the crisis that brought an end

to Cucuteni axchitecture, towns, female figurines, and
domestic rituals also brought an end to Cucuteni pottery
traditions. Social prestige and power no longer depended
on the beauty, inventiveness, and expertise exhibited by

159
Acknowledgments 17 Ibid.: 56, 58-62, figs. 26-34, 38-39, 41, 43, 45, 47.

I would like to e,"'<press my gratitude to Dr. R. Dumitrescu, president of the 18 Ibid.: 56-57.
Cucuteni for the Third Millennium Foundation, Dr. Gh. Dumitroaia
(Piatra Neamr), and Prof. Dr. N. U rsulescu (Ia~ i ) for allowing me to study 19 Ibid.: 57, fig. 30/lb.
the illustrations in their possession to write this essay.
20 Ibid.:72-·75,figs.JS ..39,43,45,47.
Notes
21 Ibid.: 66.
l Schmidt, H., Cucuieni in de,- ohe,-en 1\fol.:fau (Bedin--Leipzig, 19.32).
22 Ibid.: 78.. 84.
2 Vulpe, R., lzvoare. Si:tpi:tturile din 1936-1948 (Hucurqti: Acadcmiei
RPR, 1957). 23 l\fonah, D., et al., Poduri·Dealui Ghin,farn. 0 Troie i'n Sub.:ai·pa;ii
Moldovei. Bibliotheca Memoriae Antiquitatis 8 (Piatra Neam~, 2003):
3 Dumitrescu, VL , "Originea ~i evoluria culturii Cucuteni-· lfipolie," Stu.iii 153-55 , nos. 76, 79, 80, 83 , 93.
;;i Cerc.q.t":h·£ de.I~:r.or£e Vq.che;:iArheulog£e.14, no. 1 (1963): 51--74; no. 2 (1963):
285-305; Dumitrescu, VJ. , "in legatura cu periodizarea fazei Cucuteni AB," 24 MarinesrnBiku, Cultura Precucuteni (1974) : 85-87.
Studii ;i Cercetiiri de lstotie Veche $L4theologie 23, no. 3 (1972): 441---47.
25 ·wright, R .P., "Women's Labor and Pottery Production in Prehistory," in
4 Nip1 , A., "Criterii actuale pentru clasificarea complexelor ceramicii ~i Engenduing Archaeology: Women and Prehi.>tory, ed. J.M. Gero a nd M.W.
periodizarea etapelor culturii cucureniene," Cercetari Istorice, n.s., 9....10 Cokey (Oxford: Blackwell, 1991): 194.. 223.
(1979): 93-162; 11(1980):135-222; Nip1, A., Fonnarea $i c!asifi.:a,-ea
grHpelor de S'til AB ;;i Bale ceM.micii pictate CucHteni-Tripolie (Ia~i: Anuarul 26 Sorochin, \!., "Culturile eneolitice din Moldova," Th•aw-Dadca 15, nos.
Institutului de Istorie ~i Arheologie "A.D. Xenopol," 1984), ;uppL 5. 1-2 (1994): 79; Mantu, Culiura Cucuieni (1998): 123, 126.

5 ~'V[antu~ C . -· ~'V.L, Cu!tum Cucuteni. Huo!u.t ie .. ,-;1·011olo2ie;. legdturi~ Bibliotheca 27 D11n1itresc11~ Vl., et a l.~ Haha~~e?ti. J\1.onografie ai·heologicd (Buc ure ~ti:
l\.frmoriae Antiquitatis 5 (Piatra NeamL 1998): 111-.32. Academiei RPR, 1954): 595-600.

6 Lazarovici~ C . -.t\1 . ~ and Gh. Lazarovici~ l\{eoliticul, vol. 1~ Arhitectura 28 Ellis, Curnteni·'fripol'ye Culture (1984): 83, 93-108, 114-119.
Neo!iticului ;;i Epocii Cuprului din Romilnia, edited by V. Spinei and
V. l\.fihailesrn Birliba, Bibliotheca .A.rchaeologica Moldaviae 4 (la~i: Thnitas, 29 Ibid.: 93.
2006): 544.. 66.
30 !v1archevici~ v:I.~ Po.r,dn.£e Tri:pol'skie. ple.rnena seuerncn: }'vfoldauii (Chi~inau ~
7 ·11..1dorova, :H., T~l,ie Eneolithic, Pe1·iod in Bulgaria itt the Fifth }Vlillennium BC;. 1981): 127, 129, 130, fig. 39/1-3, 5-7; Ellis, Cucuteni Tripoi'ye Cuitui·e (1984):
British Archaeological Reports, International Series 49 (1978): 2.8..·.31, pls. 115, fig. 39; Cuco~, St.~ Hzz;.z Cucuieni Bin .2:on4z subcarp.atic.d a i\1oldovei,
1!2-3, 5, pl. II. Bibliotheca Memoria Antiquitatis 6 (Piatra Neamr, 1999) : 43.

8 1\Jarinescu .. Btlcu S., Cuituffl Precur.:uteni pe ta·itoriul R.on·1dniei (Bunu·e~ti:

1
31 Ellis, Curnteni·'I'ripol'ye Culture (1984): 84, 120, fig. 11; Mantu C ...M.,
Academiei RPR, 1974). A.M . Vlad, and G. Niculescu, "Painting Pigments for Ceramic Decoration
in the Cucuteni-Tripol'ye Cultural Complex," in Festschrifi fur Gheorghe
9 Monah D., et al., "S~_patmile arheologice din tdl -·ul cucutenian Dealul Lazarovi~:i ·J..:;.u-n 60. Gehurstag> ed. F. Dra~ovean (Tin1i~oa ra: 1'v1lt'ton, 2001):
Ghindaru, com. Poduri, j ud. Bacau," Cercetari Arheologice 5 (1982) : 9-.. 18; 191.. 210.
l\.fonah, D., et al. , "Cercetarile arheologicc de la Poduri -·Dcal ul Ghindaru,"
Cerce!t~ri .Arheologice 6 (1983): 3---22. 32 Maxim-Alaiba, R .E ., "Locuinra nr. 1 din a~ezarea Cucuteni A"' de la
Dume~ti (Vaslui) ,"Acta Nloidaviae .Meridiona!is 5-6 (1983-84): 99-148;
10 Ursulescu, N., D. Boghian, and V: Cotiuga, "Problemes de la culture Pantea, C., "Noi date privind tehnica picturala ln cultura Cucuteni," Acta
Precucuteni i la lumii:re des recherches de Targu Frumos, Romania," in !Vioidtwiae lvieridionalis 5.. 6 (1983..·84): 413 ...28.
"Miscellanea in honorem nonagenarii magistri Mircea Petresrn---Dimbovira
oblata/' ed. V. Spinei~ C.-1\1. Lazarovici, and D. Monah~ Scrit ta Praehi~;toric.a
1
33 !v1onah~ D., P1<1-Stica antropomo;'f;i <1- cul.tu;# Cucu.teni-Tripofre, Bibliotheca
(Ia?i: Trinitas, 2005): 217-60. Memoriae Antiquitatis 3, (Piatra Neamr, 1997): 173-77, figs. 2.39, 241/1, 238.

ll Ursulescu, N., and F.A. Tencariu, Reiigie !'i rnagie ia e.st de Carpafi acum 34 1'v1ar lnescn.B tk:u , S.~ and A. Bolomey~ f)rdgu§;eniJ a Cucutenian
7000 de an!. Tezaurul cu ohiecte de wlt de la lsaiia ( Ia~i: Demiurg, 2006). Community (Bucharest: Enciclopedica, 2000); Marinescu.J:\tlcu, S., and
C. Bem, "Unde ;;i cums-a putut realiza trecerea de la faza Cucuteni A la
12 Lazarovici and Lazarnvici Neoliticul (2006): 545. Cucuteni A·B/~ in Sr.: rip ta fnaehi.~torica (2005L ed. Spinel, Lazarovici, and
Monah: 299.. 307, 314, figs. l ..3.
13 Ellis, L., The Cuwteni.'fripol'ye Culture: A Study in Tedniology and the
Origins of Complex Society. British Archaeological Reports, International 35 Schmidt, Cucuteni in der oberen Alf.old<<u (1932): 30-··36; Dumitrescu, VJ.,
Ser ies 217 (Oxford: Archaeopress, 1984); Ellis, L., "Analysis of Pre Cucuteni Ai·ta w!turii Cucuteni (Bucme~ti: Meridiane, 1979): 41-44.
Ceran1ics from 'T'a.rgu Frmnos~ Romania,~~ in Sc1·ipta Praehistorica~ ed. Spinei~
Lazarov ici, and Monah (2005): 262··70. 36 Marinescu-Btlcu and Bern, "Unde $i cums-a putut realiza trecerea de la
faza C ucuteni A la Cucuteni A B" (2005): 314 .
14 Ellis, Cucuteni-Tripol'ye Culture (1984): 9, tables 6 ..7.
37 Dumitrescu, Arta cultu,-ii Cuwteni (1979): 43, figs. 35, 37-39.
15 Ellis, "Analysis of Pre-Cucuteni Ceramics" (2005): 264 65.
38 Ibid.: 52-5.3, figs. 129-.31, 134-.35.
1.6 .lvfarinescu-.B"Hcu, C'ultura Precucuteni (1974): SS.

160
39 Ibid.: 54, fig. 44.

40 E lli s, Cucuteni Tripoi'ye Culture (1984) : 207.

41 Dumitrescu,Arta cu!turii Cucuteni (1979): 55-56.

4 2 Dumitrescu, Vl., Arta preistorica i'n Rom.1nia (Bucure~ti: Meridiane.

1974): 44--145.

43 Dumitre;cu , A i·ta cu!turii Cucutmi (1979): 56.

44 C u co~. Faza Curnteni B (1999) : 147.

45 Lazarovici, C.-M., "Semne ~i simboluri in culrnra Cucuteni-Tripo lie," in

Cucuteni 120. Valori univei'sa!e~ Luc.rd.rile sirnpoz:ionului na;ional la;ij 30
sepiendn,:e 2004, ed. N. Ursulescu and Lazarovid ( Ia~i: Sedwm, 2006): 57···100.

46 N i~u , A., "Decorul zoomorf pictat pe ceramica Cucuteni- Tbpo lie,"

A..rheologia 1Vfoldovei 8 (1975): 66 .

47 Boghian, D., a nd S. Ignitescu, "Quelques considerations sur un vase

C ucuteni B a ux representations anth ropomorphes peintes, decouvert a
Fete~ti -La Schit (Dep. de Suceava)," Codr,:i Cosm1:nuh11: 13, no. 23 (2007): 312;
Bicbaev, v.;'vl., "Lit;e;ye amfory ku l'tury Kukuteni--'fripol'e-eneolitidieskie
Modd'M ira," Tezisy dokladov VIII m ezhdunarodn oj konferentsii ,
1\tlezd.unarodnye otnoshen1~ja v bas.r;,enye Chyornogo 1\t1oi')ya v drevnosti
i .m!dnie veka (1996): 16-21 .

4 8 c;o lan, A., Prehistoric Religion: _t.\,iythologyJ Syn-tholi8n-t (Jerusalem ,

2003): 391··502.

49 Lazarovici , "Sem ne ~ i simbo luri tn cultura Cucuteni-Tripolie" (2006):

71·-72, fig. 15.

50 lvfonah , Plasti(a ant-rot'omo rf;i c~ cu.ltulii C:Mcuteni-T"rit olie (1997): 182~

1

figs. 252-53.

5:1 Schmidt, Cucuteni in der oheren i'v!oidau (1932): 42, 77, 81.

52 Rassamakin, _T._T ., Die nMdpontisc:he Steppe in der Kupferuit. Graber

aus Mitte des S ..fts. bi.s des 4 ..fts. v. Cln; Archiiologie in Eurasien 17 (Mainr.:
Zabern, 2004): 216.

53 Videiko, 1'1.J., " Tripo l'ye-Pastoral Contacts: Facts and Character of the
Interactions, 4800-3200 BC, " in "Nomad ism a nd Pastoralism in the Circle of
Baltic-Pontic Early Agrarian C ultures, 5000..·1650 sc," Baltic F'ontic Studies
2 (1994): 29.. ·71; Manzura I., a nd E. Sava, " Interaqiuni 'est-vest' reflectate 1n
culturile eneolitice $i ale epocii bronzulu i din zona de nord vest a lvfarii Negre
(schi ra cultural -istorica)," i\1emoria Antiquitatis 19 (1994): 151; Mantu,
C.-M., "C ucuteni-Tripol'ye Cultur al Co mplex: Relations and Synchronisms
w ith Other Contempora neous Cultures from the Black Sea Area," in "In
honorem Mircea Petrescu .. Dambovira et .M arin Dinu ," Studia Antiqua d
Archaeologica (Universitatea Akxandru Ioan Cm.a) 7 ( 2000) : 267-84.

54 .lv1are~, I., lVJ.etalurgia a,·atnei fn neo-.eneoliticul .R.on,idniei (Suceava:

Bucovina Istorica, 2002); Lazarovici, C.-lvI. , and G h. Lazarovici , Epoca
Cuprului, vol. 2~ .A.rhitectura neoliticului :i;;;i epocii cuprului din .Ronulnia
(2007) : 17··24.

55 Dumitrescu , Ai·ta rnlturii Curnteni (1979): 90.

56 T his observation is based on the fact that more sites belong to C ucuteni
A (552 in Romania; 95 in Moldova; 45 in Ukraine), as compared with those
of Cucuteni A·B (124 in Rom ania; 78 in \fol dova; .50-70 in Ukraine) and
Cucuteni B (3 08 in Romania; 108 in Moldova; 13 1 350 in Ukraine).

161
The Invention of Copper Metallurgy
and the Copper Age of Old Europe
Ernst Pernicka
Institute for Prehistoric Archaeology, University of Tubingen I cun-Engelhom-Center for Arc t1aeometry, rvtannheim

David W. Anthony
Hartwc k Col~ge

The first meta 1used by humans was copper, From the humans first used native copper, Several archaeological
development of the first tools two million years ago until sites are now known where copper was already used for
copper began to be employed, all cutting and piercing beads and sma ll objects by the end of the ninth mi llen-
tools had been made of naturally occurring materials- nium BC (fig. 7-1). Although it was largely native copper
stone, antler, or bone. Copper also occurs naturally in the that was first utilized , there is evidence that it was exposed
form of metallic nugget s, or native copper, and it was to some so rt of heat treatment (fig, 7-2), 1 presumably to
apparently native copper that was used first by experi- make it malleable again a ft er co ld working (hamme ring),
menters , who heated it and pounded it into sheets with which makes the copper hard and brittle, In later periods
stone hammers as if it were an odd, malleable kind of this effect was certain ly kn own and utilized to harden
stone, From a copper sheet it was possible to make , by the edges of tools, 2 but in the beginning of metal working
cutting, bending, hammering, and welding, a wide variety there is no evidence for intentional hardening through
of simple tools (hooks , awls, and blades) and ornaments co ld hammering of edges, Nevertheless, although metal
(beads, rings , and other pendants). But eventually humans was collected like any other stone material, its peculiar
discovered that metallic copper was "hidden" inside a properties were recognized and, accordingly, it was formed
variety of bluish and greenish mineral rocks , from which into awls , fish hooks, rolled beads, and the like by simple
it could be separated and extracted through a process cold hammering ,
known as smelting that must have seemed almost magical.
When that discovery happened true metallurg}' began. Stone-working techniques like drilling were not useful for
working copper, Copper was so malleable that a hole
The First Experiments: The Use of Native Copper could not be drilled through a nugget of native copper in
Present evidence shows that it was in the Near East, the normal way that beads were usually made in prehis-
particularly in eastern Anatolia and northern Iraq, that tory, with a natural abrasive like sand and a tubular drill
made of reed or a fine flint drill point. Copper beads never
were drilled, but instead were made by cutting and rolling
a thin sheet of copper, This characteristic of copper
.4n1tlrcpcm etphic 1igure. Gci d. Bo::to;ikeresz:ttJr culture. Mcigra.d, is important, because the object long conside red to rep-
40::0-3600 EC, MNIR.
resent the earliest meta 1 find, a co rroded pendant from

163
 .
0

-
------
.. ,. -
·------
_
- -

--
1/1fRl!ln

7-1. L.ocaticns of meta o-es and sites wilh impo-tant oo~r finds.
BOOJ-3500 oc.

164
the Shanida r cave in northern Iraq dated to the Upper
Pala eolithic,~ had a rolU1d hole resembling the holes
drilled in stone beads. Although this object appears to
consist of metal that has corroded, it is most likely
that the pendant was made from stone, namely, the
green copper mineral malachite. It is interesting to note
that this seems to be the earliest use of a green mineral
for ornamentation . The dominant color for ornament
and ritual in the Palaeolithic was red, mostly in the form
of red ochre. Even if the find from Shanidar cave does
not represent the earliest use of metal, it could yet be an
indication of a fundamental change in color symbolism,
represented by the choice of green-colored ornaments.
Indeed, green stones of all kinds became quite common have been drilled or cast, 4 dated to around 60 00 BC, and
as ornaments during the first era of agriculture, the pre- made of very pure copper typica 1of native copper, It was
pottery Neolithic in the Near East . suggested that this object was cast from native copper-
in other words, native copper was melted and poured into
The Invention ot Metallurgy: Gast or Smelted? a mace-shaped mold, s At the time this suggestion was
The smelting of minera 1 copper-bearing ores to extract made, the oldest finds of copper slag-the best evidence
copper was the decisive step in the invention of metal- for the smelting of copper ores-were dated to the late
lurgy . But how was it discovered? Was the first step the sixth and early fifth millennium B c, later than Can
discovery that native metallic copper would liquify Hasan. However, detailed analysis proved this hypothesis
and could be poured into molds if raised to a very high wrong, 6 The mace head from Can Hasan was made of
(1083°C) temperature? O rd id the first metallurgists native copper, but it was riot cast. Instead the Can Hasan
accidentally mix powdered azurite or malachite minerals mace head was hammered around a handle, probably
(perhaps granulated to make pigments) with charcoal made of wood,
grains in a reducing atmosphere in a kiln? If they did this,
the copper could have smelted out of the minera 1grains Roughly contemporary with the mace head from Can
at about 10 00-120 0°C (depending on the nature of the Hasan is a lead bracelet from Ya rim Tepe I in northern
ore), producing small but visible prills of metallic copper Iraq ,7 Unlike copper, lead is extremely rare as a native
that could be tapped out of the reduced waste material, metalin nature, Therefore, the appearance of lead metal
called slag, from the ore. It cannot be overemphasized that might indicate that a lead ore was smelted to produce
both phenomena must have made an enormous impression lead, perhaps providing the idea for eventua 1copper-ore
on Neolithic craft workers. In one case a metallic "stone" smelting, ·while most researchers agree that it is very
would turn into a liquid and harden back into a metal; unlikely copper was ever smelted accidentally in a fire
and in the other a more rocklike "stone" would be trans- (the so-called campfire theory) because the temperature
formed into a metal with totally different properties. in an open fire is not high enough, the accidental smelt-
ing of lead is certainly possible.8 The melting point of
Unfortunately, we have as yet no hard evidence about the lead also is much lower than that of copper, so one might
chronologica 1order of these discoveries, but the hypoth- speculate that, indeed, lead ores were cooked in an open
esis that melting was discovered before smelting has
become rather unlikely. The crucial evidence in favor of
melting as a doorway toward smelting was a copper mace
head found at the Neolithic settlement of Can Hasan in 7 -2 . Met:3Jh:):;Jrcptic sectioo of a bead mo.'l!ng crystali ne strucaires \'l!th
so.ca le=l twlnne=l cryst:3Js. which fa'm after oofcml atjoo a-id annealing .
Anatolia , with a thick central hole that looked like it must

165
fire and a small amount: of lead metal might have been a bubble-filled slag. The slag would have been crushed
produced accidentally and it was liquid! Such an observa- to extract the copper pr ills. In a complete smelt, which
tion must have aroused the curiosity if not the fascination required a consistently higher temperature, the copper
of Neolithic craftworkers and could have initiated more metal would have flowed out of the slag and formed a layer
experimentation not only with lead ores but also with of copper in the crucible. In both cases the slag and the
copper ores. clay crucible would have been discarded, probably near the
place where smelting happened. The best archaeological
Such a scenario is not at all far fetched. At the Neolithic evidence for sn1elting is the discovery of the discarded slag,
settlement of Cayonl.i in southeastern Anatolia, where crucibles, and ore fragments together in one site. 9
some of the earliest copper artifacts were found, pieces
of galena (lead sulphide, the most abundant lead ore, Unfortunately, the time and place of the earliest smelting
black and shiny) were also recorded. Because early stone operation is not clear. In the Near East, the earliest evi-
tool makers often improved the working qualities of dence for srnelting seenis to have been found in Anatolia.
stone materials by heating them in fire, it: is not unlikely However, the origin of slaglike niat:erial front (~ at:al
that they also tested copper and lead ores in a similar Hiiyi.ik, level VIA (seventh millennium Bc), located in
way. Even if copper ores did not yield a molten metal, south-central Anatolia and frequently identified as the
they would change colors from green to black and/or red oldest copper-smelting slag, is disputed. 10 Indications of
depending on the reduction conditions in the fire . 'This copper smelting are dated firmly to the late Ubaid
could have given rise to curiosity and further experi- period !)ate fifth millennium BC) in the settlement of
mentation. All of these factors might eventually have Norsuntepe in southeastern AnatoliaLL and also to the
resulted in the melting of copper or even the smelting of late fifth rnillenium BC in the settlement of Abu Matar
its ores. in the northern Negev, Israel, dated 4200-4000 BC by
radiocarbon. 12 At Abu Matar excavators found arsenic-
The Origins of Metallurgy in the Near East rich copper pr ills still embedded in slag, indicating that
Smelting permitted craftworkers to make implements not arsenic-rich copper was smelted at this site.
just from occasional stray finds of native copper but
also from the much more abundant copper ores, minerals This brings us to the invention of alloying, or the inten-
such as azurite and malachite. While these minerals are tional mixing oft wo or more minerals to produce a nieta 1
themselves somewhat restricted in their geographic distri- not found or quite rare in nature, in order to obtain par-
bution, in regions where they are found, as in eastern ticular qualities of color or workability. The earliest
Anatolia west of the upper Euphrates River or in the evidence for this invention probably is at the settlement
Balkan ~\/fountains in Bulgaria, they often occur in great of Mersin, near Adana in southeastern Anatolia, >vhere in
quantities (fig. 7-1). The discovery of smelting opened the the Middle Chalcolithic levels (XVII-XV I), dated to the
possibility of extracting many tons of copper metal from early fifth millennium BC, metalworkers began to make
such sources, which provided the impetus for the actual simple copper tools-chisels and axes-by pouring molten
mining of malachite and azurite mineral veins. As noted, copper into molds, or by casting, using copper that now
in a primitive smelting operation the n1ineral ore probably can be identified by its chemical properties as having been
was first powdered, or pounded into small grains vvith obtained through the smelting of ores. By the middle of
a stone hammer; then it was mixed with charcoal grains the fifth millennium BC, about the same date as Varna in
in a small, thick-walled clay vessel or crucible; next the Bulgaria, metalworkers at Mersin XVI ··XIV were pro-
crucible was inserted in a kiln in a reducing (oxygen- ducing some cast metal tools made of copper with arsenic
reduced) atmosphere; finally the temperature was raised at levels of 1.1.5-4.25 percent, 13 a new metallic material
to 1000-1200°C, which can be achieved with blowpipes. that was harder than pure copper and easier t:o cast:.
In a partial smelt, the copper would have "sweated" \Vhen molten, pure copper absorbs oxygen from the air,
out of the ore 1vhile the ore matrix was transformed into which is released on cooling, thus producing cavities in

166
rhe rner.al. Arsenic in copper can bind the oxygen so rhar surface details. This very fine first layer was encased in a
casts of better quality can be produced. Ivloreover, the rougher second layer of iron-rich clay mixed with quartz
presence of several-percent arsenic also reduces the melt- sand and vegetal material, and that layer was encased in a
ing point of the mixture and reduces the viscosity of the third layer of lime plaster or clay mixed with quartz sand
melt. Since copper ores are often associated with minerals and dried manure.15 Holes were made to allow the wax-
of arsenic, it: is possible that this new material was dis- and-resin original to flow out when the mold was fired
covered accidentally. Its new qualities may have been and the wax-and-resin rnodel melted. After the clay mold
recognized and, accordingly, certain ores n1ay have been was fired, molten meta_! was poured into the void evacu-
preferred to others. It >Vas certainly not possible to pro- ated by the resin and beeswax, and the metal cooled in the
duce this alloy by adding arsenic to molten copper, form of the lost-wax model. Seven sites west of the Jordan
because the boiling point of arsenic is much 101ver (617°C valley have produced arsenical copper artifacts made by
versus 1083°C, the melting point of copper). The arsenic the lost-wax process, dated broadly to 4500----3700 BC ,
concentration could not be controlled as it varies between the oldest: examples of the use of this method. The most
0.5 and 5 percent in arsenic al coppers of the fifth and fan1ous site is the cave at Na_hal Mishrnar, where in 1961
fourth millennia. Nevertheless, alloying, even if it vvas only a hoard of 442 copper objects was found. Most were made
by selection of ores or sn1elted products, was an enorn1ous by the lost-wax process and consisted of a curious alloy
advance in human control over the qualities of metal. of copper, antimony, and some arsenic. 1" Other sites with
objects cast by the lost-wax process, such as the mace
By the late fifth millennium BC, there were at least four head and standard. at Pequi'in cave, are more securely
centers of metallurgy in the Near East and Iran. Starting dated by radiocarbon to the two centuries before 4000 BC.
from the east, the first was in highland Iran, west and
south of Tehran, where many small tools of copper (prob- By the last quarter of the fifth rnillenniurn BC, perhaps
ably native copper) were found at Zageh in an occupation earlier, metalworkers in Anatolia, Iran, and the Levant
spanning 5500---4600 BC, and slag containing copper prills had invented smelting, casting in simple molds, alloying
was found at Chcshmcsh-Ali in an occupation dated through the selection of ores, and lost-wax casting.
4600----4000 BC. 14 The second center 'vas in the mountain- By the early fourth millennium BC, ample and widespread
ous part of southeastern Anatolia drained by the rniddle evidence of copper sn1elting and casting at an advanced
Euphrates River, fron1 JV1alatya to Ergani, including level occurred at niany different: sit.cs in eastern
Norsuntepe; the third was in southeastern Anatolia nearer Anatolia-Degirn1entepe, Nor~untepe, Tlilintepe, and
the coast:, including Mersin; and the fourth was in the Tepecik-and on a considerable scale.17 These sites
Levant, ;vest of the Jordan valley. It vvas in the latter played an important role in the provision of copper to
region that lost-\vax casting appeared earliest, again in the first cities in the lower Tigris and Euphrates valleys
the late fifth millennium BC. in the middle and late fourth millennium BC .

Lost-wax casting n1ade it possible to create rnetal objects Interconnections between Early
in almost unlimited shapes, including sculptural pieces Metal-Working Centers
with intricate surface detail. In lost-wax casting, the Not so rnany years ago, it was generally assumed that
original model of the object that the craft person wanted European metallurgy was derived from the Near East,
to make out of metal was sculpted out of a mixture of whence it spread first to the Aegean and then into the
beeswax and resin, possibly with fine surface details of Balkan peninsula. But the initial widespread application
hair and facial features, or with loops and garlands im- of radiocarbon dating in the 1950s and 1960s produced
possible to create by ha_rnmering and bending. Fragments a chronology for the Balkan Copper Age that was rnuch
of the clay molds still adhering to cast n1etaJ objects in older and began rnuch earlier than had been thought
Israel indicate that the original wax-and-resin rnodel was possible. In 1969 C. Renfrew drew together radiocarbon
enclosed in a very fine day or marl that picked up all the dates showing that the Balkan Copper Age was almost

167
as old as the oldest copper metallurgy in the Near East, Bulgaria, 2-2- H. Todorova followed with a comparative
and suggested that the production and use of copper study of Copper Age axes and adzes. 2 i Later S. CochadZiev
in the Balkans was an indigenous, independent, or nearly published new and further finds at Slatino and identified
independent development. J.S Strong support for this hy- new presumed sources of copper minerals in the Struma
pothesis was provided by the discovery of the prehistoric Valley ,24 Since the 198 Os there have been many studies of
copper mines at Rudna Glava 19 and several other sites in the copper artifacts and mines of southeastern Europe.
Serbia as well as at Ai Bunar in Bulgari a.20 Exploitation
of some of these mines dates back to the middle of the The Russian metallurgist N ,V, Ryndina observed that
fifth millennium BC, roughly the same time as, or even the oldest use of native copper in southeastern Europe, to
earlier than, the beginnings of copper smelting in the make small beads and other simple ornaments, occurred
Near East , not in the southern regions, where Near Eastern influence
would be expected to appear first, but at the northern
As the data stands now, it would not be unreasonable edge of the Starcevo-Cri~ geographic distribution, where
to suggest that copper smelting began during the late natural copper minerals occurred and pieces of native
sixth millennium B c in southeastern Europe and, some- copper could be picked up from the earth's surface,~
what later, in the first half of the fifth millennium BC, in Copper aw ls, fishhooks, and rolled wire beads were the
Anatolia. But this conditional European priority depends first things made of native copper, examples having been
on the resolution of the question of the nature of the found in nine Starcevo and Cri~ settlements dated to the
slaglike materia 1from <;:at al H6yuk, level VIA, which final phase of the Early Neolithic period in south ea stern
would give the priority back to Anatolia if it is confirmed Europe, A good example is Seli~te, a Late Cri~ farming
as slag; and in any case rapidly changing archaeological hamlet dated 5800-5600 B c (6 830±100 BP), where
discoveri es make any claim of priority questionable, It three small beads made of native copper ·were found in
is not at all clear whether the early metal-working centers two separate trash deposits in an otherwise ordinary
in Anatolia , the Levant , I ran , and south ea stern Europe farming settlement in the forested valleys of the eastern
had any influence on each other in the fifth millennium BC. Carpathian piedmonU6 Copper was by no means com-
A rsenica 1 copper objects were made in southeastern mon in Stareevo-Cri~ settlements. It remained a local
Anatolia and the Levant , but were very unusua 1in Iran novelty largely limited to areas within easy trading
and southeastern Europe, where alloying appears to have distance of a few major copper mineral outcrops, those
been almost unknown. Lost-wax casting remained con- that probably had al ready been found by Early Neolithic
fined to the Levant until later in the fourth millennium BC. explorers in northeastern Serbia and perhaps those in the
Smelting and casting, the only operations shared across middle Mure~ River valley in western Transylvania ,
all of these emerging metallurgical craft centers in the
late fifth millennium B c , could have been invented inde- During the last two decades, it has become increasingly
pendently in connection with high-temperature ceramic clear that the earliest smelting operations did not take
firing in kilns , place near the source of the raw materia 1, at the mine or
the outcrop, but in living areas or settlements, Copper
The Ea r1y Use of Copper in Southeastern Europe slag was recently found at Belovode in Serbia , a settle-
The rich metal finds discovered in 1972 at the cemetery ment of the early Vinca period dated about 5400 BC. This
of Varna in Bulgaria, while excavations were still being seems to be the earliest copper-smelting slag presently
conducted at the copper mines of Rudna Glava in known in southeastern Europe. 27 Belovode also contained
Serbia, 2-l inevitably directed international attention to several large collections or concentrations of malachite
the metal resources of southeastern Europe, \'</hile h.lmps, probably the ore that produced the slag; and the
L Ivanov was excavating at Varna, E,N , Chernykh pro- lead isotopes in some samples matched those from the
duced the first extensive summary study of Copper Age deposit at Rudna Glava, where there was a Vinca-era
metal finds and an evaluation of the mining sites in mine, The sixth-millennium BC discoveries at Belovode

168
are consistent with the discovery of a cast copper chisel in
the oldest occupation phase at the early Vinca settlement
of Ploenik, 28 dated 5500-4700 B c, and with the presence of
many lumps of malachite at Vinca throughout the stratig-
raphy of the settlement, from the earliest occupation phase
to the latest. At Ploenik a feature •,vas uncovered that could
be the remains of a smelting oven, although without any
identified copper slag, Four hoards of uncertain date,
possibly later than the settlement, were found at Ploenik
containing forty-five cast copper axe-hammers and chisels.
These hoards introduce another aspect of southeastern
European copper metallurgy: its abundance ,

Southeastern Europe was one of a handful of places in

the ancient world where era ftworkers were making cast
tools of smelted copper during the fifth millennium Be ,
But it is distinguished from any other early copper-
working region by the sheer number and volume of early
copper and gold artifacts that have been found, which
far exceed the known production of all contemporaneous
inventories in any other region, Altogether, the metal
finds kn own today from southeastern Europe, including
Hungary, add up to about 4 ,70 0 kilograms of copper
and more than 6 kilograms of gold. lviost of these objects
(figs, 7-3, 7-4) date to a 700-yea r period between 4500
and 3800 Bc. 29

The immense abundance of copper artifacts in south-

eastern Europe from periods "before the Bronze Age"
was evident already in the nineteenth century, lea ding
to the suggestion that a separate period be introduced
between the Neolithic and the Bronze Age, namely the
Chalcolithic, or Copper Age, 30 Due to the lack of equiv-
alent copper finds in western and northern Europe, this
concept never received full acceptance, however, and
indeed is disputed even today.l1 Possibly, this is the reason
why Eneolithicis nowadays the much more common term
in the archaeolo~r of southeastern Europe, It would
appear, however, that En eolithic and Cha !eolithic (or
Copper Age) are used in the same way and can thus be
considered synonymous, They simply denote a chrono-
logical stage between the Neolithic and the Bronze Age
that is characterized by the more or less regular use of 7-3. S~rnl b'acelet. O:pi;:er. Cu:uteti , Ariu~. 4500-30CO oc. MJIB\I.
copper ,n There seems to be a growing consensus, how-
7-4. /J.:xP- . O:pi;:er. GumEltiJa, Glina. 4~30CO oc. MNIR.
ever, that this period in southeastern Eu rope actually

169
represented a specific era of cultural history between the Bunar is in reality a collection of mines that were exca-
Neolithic and the Bronze Age, with specific modes of vated at eleven different places into a rich vein of malachite
food production, 3 '· social structure as indicated by settle- contained. in limestone, marl, and diorite. The mines were
ment patterns, burial customs, and the exchange systems open trenches cut into the rock, ten to eighty meters long
of material goods. and three to ten meters wide. Most of them were t>vo to
three n1eters deep, but in son1e places they reached twenty
Copper Mines in Southeastern Europe or even thirty meters (more than ninety feet) in depth.
Significant Copper Age copper mines have been exca- Abandoned mine trenches were filled by the miners with
vated by archaeologists B. Jovanovic at Rudna Glava in material dumped from new trenches , as well as a variety
northeastern Serbia and E.N . Chernykh at Ai Bunar in of tools, pottery, and even the bodies of three individuals.
central Bulgaria. 34 But at many other places in south- Tools discarded in the trenches included more than
eastern Europe, archaeologists have discovered malachite twenty fragmented picks made from red-deer antler, very
or azurite mineral outcrops with surface indicar.ions of large hammer stones, and two heavily used cast copper
prehistoric mining, particularly in eastern and central tools, a hamnicr-axe and an axe-adze. Ceramic sherds
Serbia, Transylvania, and southeastern Bulgaria. Copper from the excavated trenches were all from the Karanovo
mineral deposits of different geological ages and origins VI pots, dated about 4800-4300 BC, but copper objects
contain different clusters of lead isotopes, so the study of that probably were made from Ai Bunar copper ore have
lead isotopes contained in the copper in Copper Age been found in Karanovo V contexts, so the mines likely
artifacts can identify and distinguish their geological were operating by about 5000 BC . 36
sou.recs. Studies of lead isotopes conducted by this author
(Pernicka) and colleagues showed that 95 percent of the It is tempting to relate the En eolithic copper artifa.cts
tested artifacts from the Copper Age in Bulgaria and in the Balkans to one of these mines, and this is in fact
Serbia fell into nine distinct lead-isotope groups, presum- common practice. Chernykh, for instance, distinguished
ably from nine different geological sources. ''5 Oddly, none three metallurgical provinces in southeastern Europe
of the Serbian metal obiects in the original study could and related them to the production centers of Ai Bunar,
be ascribed to the archaeologically excavated Copper Age Rudna Glava, and an unknown center in the Carpathian
mine at Rudna Glava, although many could be ascribed n1ountains. 37 From her typological study of Eneolithic
to a nearby, actually much larger copper deposit in the axes and chisels, H. Tc)dorova came to similar conclu-
same region, around l\/lajdanpek. Recent studies of san1- sions but assumed that the geographically nearest niineral
ples from the very early Vinca copper-working settlement sources would have been utilized to make objects of a
at Belovode finally did produce a lead-isotope match similar form in a particular region. 38 This basic model
with Rudna Glava. It is likely that much of the copper can be tested relatively easily >vith scientific methods by
used in late Vinca and Bodrogkeresztlir settlements in comparing the chemical and/or lead-isotopic composition
the central Balkans was supplied by ore deposits from of the artifacts with those of the supposed source mate-
eastern Serbia. rials. So far this approach has resulted more often in a
rejection than a confirmation of the simple geographical-
The Ai Bunar mines were located near Stara Zagora in proximit:y assumption. A typical exan1ple, although
the Balkan Mountains, about thirty-two kilometers west from a later period, was the finding that the majority of
of the well-known tell settlement of Karanovo, in a low northeast Aegean Early Bronze Age copper and bronze
knot of hills overlooking the elevated agricultural plain objects do not derive from presently known Aegean ore
of the 1V1aritsa River, an area where many tell villages sources. 39 This conclusion made much less convincing the
were occupied during the Copper Age. The total an1ount suggestion that the remarkable cultural development of
of ore extracted from Ai Bunar in the Copper Age has the Aegean during the early third millennium BC was due
been estimated to range between 2,000 and 3,000 terns, to the invention of tin bronze in this region. 40 Actually,
which might have yielded ab out 500 tons of copper. Ai for some bronze obiects there was, and still is, no ore

170
deposit known in Anatolia or southeastern Europe that and country where we find the majority of rnetaJ artifacts
could possibly have yielded their copper. The metal that from the Copper Age. One of these was a bracelet from
defined the northern Aegean Early Bronze Age may well Grave 253 at Varna; the same grave also contained a pure
derive from very distant regions. copper bracelet. Copper with elevated arsenic (1.9 and 1.2
percent) was reportedly used to make a bracelet and a
The results of lead-isotope studies have led to similar ring in the steppe-related graves at Giurgiule~ti , but this
conclusions in Copper Age contexts in Bulgaria and was unusual; the other six objects tested from these
Serbia. 41 For example, it is clear nmv that copper ore ·was graves were said to be rnade of relatively pure copper with
carried from the mines to settlements for smelting, rather trace elements thought to be typical of Bulgarian ores.45
than being processed at the mine. This practice of trans-
porting ore means that ore from different mines could The period defined in Bulgarian archaeology as the Late
have been dispersed through trade. Small fragments of Copper Age (Late Eneolithic) was the peak period of
malachite ore are frequently found in Copper Age settle- copper production in somheastern Europe, including
rnents, both in the Vinca culture, as at Selevac, where Ron1ania (fig. 7-5 ). Radiocarbon dates suggest r.hat it
more than t\vo hundred small lumps \Vere recorded,42 and began about 4700-4600 BC and ended about 4300-4200
in Bulgaria. Lead-isotope analysis shcrws that a portion BC. Subsequently, during the Final Copper Age, there

of the copper artifacts excavated from sites in Bulgaria was a hiatus in settlements on the ~"v1aritsa plain in the
could be convincingly related to the ore mined at Ai Bunar, Balkans, near the Ai Bunar mines , and these mines
but other Bulgarian objects were made from ores mined seem to have ceased production. 'T'he y might have been
near Majdanpek in Serbia and others probably were made declining already during the Late Copper Age, as many
from ore mined at or near Medni Rud in southeastern artifacts from Varna and other sites have lead-isotope
Bulgaria, near Burgas. At the cemetery of Durankulak, signatures that could indicate an ore source in south-
on the Black Sea coast of Bulgaria, a.rtifacts made from eastern Bulgaria near the coast, around Rosen, Burgas,
copper derived from completely different ore sources were and Med.ni Rud.46 South of Burgas, occupation contin-
found together in the same grave. Surprisingly, no Copper ued during the Final Copper Age at the now submerged
Age artifact in the original study \Vas found to match coastal settlement of Sozopol. Among copper artifacts
the Rudna Glava ores, not even those frorr1 settlen1ents made during the Final Copper Age (4000-3600 p,c;) and
very near Rudna Glava, so the proximity assun1ption is the following Proto-Bronze Age (3600-3300 Be), more
shown to be invalid. Unfortunately, no archaeological than haJf exhibit lead-isotope signatures consistent with
excavation has yet uncovered a production site vvith ore, an ore from nea_r ?vlajdanpek in northeastern Serbia,47
a smelting oven, and slag. In fact, very little slag has been which seems to have been the most important source of
found anyvvhere in southeastern Europe, and it is thus not this period (figs. 7-6, 7-7).
possible to identify exactly where smelting occurred.,
or where the copper tools and ornaments \Vere made. Only Although these developments mark the end of the peak
the mining sites and the finished objects are well studied; period of copper production, it was not the end of the
the production process is hrgely undocun1ented. Copper Age. In western Romania and eastern Hungary,
including the territory near the copper-ore sources in
Almost all of the metal artifacts produced in southeastern vvestern Transylvania , the Bodrogkereszt(1r culture evolved
Europe during the Copper Age were made from rather around 4000 BC . Bodrogkereszti:ir settlement sites were
pure and rich ores, as a rule more than 99 percent copper, smaller and more ephemeral than the settlements of the
as determined by the Wlirttembergisches Landesmuseum preceding Tiszapolgar culture in the Tisza-middle-Danube
in Stuttgart 43 and at the Academy of Sciences in Moscow.4 4 region, and the Bodrogkeresztur economy seerns to have
Copper with more than 1 percent arsenic has been identi- depended more on cattle breeding; but Bodrogkeresztur
fied in only 2 out of 190 objects studied that derived graves and settlernent areas were relatively rich in metal
from Late Copper Age contexts in Bulgaria, the period finds, including large cast copper tools (fig. 7-8) . One of

171
7-5 (tcp. lett). Si::ir~ cracalet. Cq:p0', 0Jcut0'li . Ha:.asesti. 4500-3900 oc
(Cu=uteri A). MNIR.

7-6 (tcp, tlght) . .4.>':P- . Ccpi::er. Cucuteri. Bog~ne~ . 3700-3.500 oc

(Cucuteni 8). CMNM .

7-7 (oottan. left). D~g0'. Cq+er. OJcuteni , Mere~ . 4600-39Xl ec

(Cucuteni A). MJIBV.

7.g ~bottcm. right) . !J.:>@. Cqcper. Bcd'ogkereszb:Jr culture. Poana.

4C00-3500 oc. MNIR.

172
the most interesting Bodrogkereszt(u finds, the Moigrad
hoard , contained several unique large gold pieces (figs,
7-9, 7-10, 1-17, page 162) , The hoard has a complicated
history, having been originally described as a combina-
tion of two hoards, one found in Tisza zolO sin Hungary
and the other in lvioigrad , western Romania , mixed with
obviously more recent golden objects from a medieval
Sa rmatian grave that might have disturbed the Copper
Age deposit at TiszazolOs, l Chapman provided a good
review of the recent arguments about the origins of the
hoard and concluded that most of it might have come
from a single Bod rogkeresztu r deposit, perhaps a grave,
at Tiszazolos. 48 This would make the gold objects later in
date than Varna, which might explain the dissimilarities
between the Moigrad and Varna gold objects, but a large
golden pendant at Moigrad (page 162) does resemble simi-
lar " ring-idols" from the peak Late Copper Age ,

The Coppe r and Gold ot Varna

The Late Copper Age cemetery of Varna I was acciden-
tally di scovered in 1972 during excavation of a cable
trench in an industrial area west of the city of Varna , 49
The keeper of the prehistoric collection of the museum in
Varna , Ivan Ivanov, wa s called in immediately and exca -
vations were conducted under hi s directorship until 198 6.
Only thirty-six graves, about 12 percent of all excavated
graves at Varna , have been entirely published to date
in various articles,,;, It is obvious from the plan of the
cemetery that the site has not yet been investigated com-
pletely but continues most likely on both the southwest
and the northwest 51

Archaeologically the cemetery belongs to the so-called

Kodfadermen-Gumelnita-Karanovo VI complex (KGK VI) ,
which covers most of Bulgaria and southern Romani a
between the delta of the Danube River on the north and the
Rhodope M ountain s on the south. Varna has aroused great
interest because of the exceptional wealth of gold finds ,52
but the graves also contained many copper finds that seem
to derive from different ore deposits in various regionsY'
This diversity suggests that the socia 1 elite buried there
might have drawn on the resources of a larger region , 7-9. An1hrq::omo-f:hic Cf:PliqJe. Gad. BOO'ogkeresZll.'.Jr cuaire . Mo grad,
40C0-:2-000 EC, MNIR.

The gold articles from Va ma were studied first by 7-10. Ant~rcp::mo-f:hic ~iqi..E . Gad. Broo.gkeresZll.'.Jr rulaire. Mogrcd.
40C0-:2-000 EC, MNIR.
A , Hartmann, who analyzed 137 objects by means of

173
atomic-emission spectrometry. 54 The Varna gold can be
assigned to essentially t>vo gold sources. One, designated
gold source B, had no impurities of platinum, and the
other, designated gold source BP, had considerable plati-
mun impurities . Both sources were tin-free and had a
moderate silver content of approxirna1cly 11 percent.
Gold derived froni source BP, from which about half of
the examined gold articles at Varna were manufactured,
is limited to sites located in the coastal zone of the Black
Sea . Gold derived from source B, according to llartmann ,
is found in the entire region of the lower Danube valley
and along the coast of the Black Sea. Ile assumed that the
platinum-rich BP source \Vas located east or southeast
of the Black Sea, in the South Caucasus, where the gold
of Colchis was famous in the later Greek world; and he
assigned the platinum-free B source broadly to the eastern
~'viediterranean area . But recent research has concentrated
on much doser sources, particularly on the possibility of
gold in the eastern Balkans, not far west of Varna, and in
the southern Balkans, near Mount Sakar on the Turkish
border. From the Bulgarian side, the alluvial gold depos-
its of Bulgaria have been investigated by Z. Tsintsov. ss
Ancient gold mining in Bulgarian and Turkish Thrace,
which was famous in the ancient world for its gold, has
been investigated by A. ] ockenhovel and X. Popov. 56
Some of the technological aspects of gold processing and
manufacture at Varna were studied further by R. Echt
and colleagues. s7

]. Lichardus and M. Lichardus-Itten proposed a model for

the formation of the Copper Age cultures of the Balkans
and lower Danube valley that assumed an exchange and
mutual influence between indigenous Old European farm-
ers and nomadic stock breeders from the steppes, resulting
in a specific type of burial rite. 58 The seemingly rather
abrupt end to this prosperous era has long been discussed,
but as yet no generally accepted explanation is at hand.
Earlier hypotheses of an invasion of nomadic people from
the steppe59 have been widely criticized. Presently the most
broadly accepted explanation for this sharp decline, one
that includes also the Aegean cultures , is that the envi-
ronrnent altered-due to a climatic change-in a way that
was unsuitable for the economy of tell settlements. 60

174
Note; B Ycner, K.A., The Domestication of i\1etals: The Rise of Con;plex
A1t:tal Industrie~ in f"°'in af.oiia (Leiden: Brill, 2000); see also Sagona, A., and
l Technically thi s is called annealing. Clear evidence for annealing I'. Zimansky, Ancient Turkey (London: Routledge, 2009): 139, 205.
has been identified at A~1kh Hoytik and ~ay6nti, both in Turkey;
see \fohly, .f.D., "\:ayc"inH Tepesi and the Be~jnnings of ivlctallurgy in the 14 Matthews, R., and H. Fazeli, "Copper and Complexity: Iran and
Ancient World," in Old Wio1'ld Archaeometalit11•gy, ed. A. Hauptmann, Mesopotamia in the Fourth Millennium be," Iran 42 (2004): 61 -75.
E. Pernicka, and G.A. Wagner, Der Anschnitt, suppl. 7 (Bochum:
Deutsches Bergbaidv!useum, 1989): 1- 11 ; see also Yalqn, U. , and 15 Goren, "The Location of Specialized Copper Production'' (2008): 383-86.
E. Pernicka, "Frilhneolid1ische Metallbearbeitung am A~1k h H6ytik,
Tiirkei," in The Beginnings of .Mdaliurgy, ed. A. Hauptm.rnn , Pemicka, 16 Tadmor, .M ., et al., "The Nahal .Mishmal' Hoard from thejudean DeBert:
T. Rehren, and Yal<;m , Der Anschnitl, suppl. 9 (Bodrnm: Deutsches Technology, Composition, Provenance," Atiqot 27 (1995): 93 .. 146.
Bergbau-Museum, 1999): 45-54.
17 Lutz, J., "GeochemiBche und mineralogiBdie Aspekte der friihen
2 Kienlin, T.L., and E. Pernicka, "1\spects of the Production of Copper Kupferverhtitmng in Murgul/Nordost-Tlirkei" (Ph .d. diss., Universitiit
Age J:\szladfoy 'I}pe Axes," in .Metal.> and Societies, ed. T:L. Ki en Ii n Heidelberg, 1990).
and B.W. Roberts, "Studies in Honour of Barbara S. Ottaway,"
Universitiitsforschungen zur prahistorischen Archaologie 169 (Bonn: 18 Renfrew, C., "The Autonomy of South· east European Coppel' Age,''
lfabelt, 2009): 258---76. Proceedings of' the Prehistoric. Society 35 (1969): 12---47 .

3 Solecki, R.S., "A Copper Mineral Pendant from Northern Iraq," 19 .Jovanovic, B., R.udna Gia ua . "t-Jajstafije rud.arstuo ba.k.ra na Centralnom
Antiquity 43 (1969): 311···14. Ba!kanu (Bor: Museum for Bergbau- und Htiltenwesen; Beograd:
Archiiologisches Institut, 1982) .
4 French, D.H., "Excavations at Can Hasan: First Preliminary Report,
1961," Anatolian Studies 12 (1962): 27-40. 20 Chernykh, .N.E., Gorr:oje delo i rnstalluP;~ija u drevnejsej Boigarii (Sofia:
Arkheologicheskii Institut i Muzei Bolgarskoi Akademii Nauk, 1978).
5 ·wertime, 'T:A., ";\Ian's First Encounter with Metallurgy," Science 1.46
(1964): 1257 ; We1time , TA., "The Beginning of Metallurgy: A New Look.'' 21 Ivanov, L, "Les fouilles archf:ologiques de la necropole chakolithique
Science 182 (1973): 875 .. 86. a Varna," Studia Praehistorica 1..2 (1978): 13ff.; Jovanovic. B., "Rudna
Glava-ein Kupferbergwerk des friihen En eo lithikums in Ostserbicn," Der
(' Yalpn, 0.,"Der Keulenkopf von Canhasan (TR). Naturwissenschaftliche Am·dmitt 28 (1978): 150..·57; Jovanovi<'.-, Rudna Gla11a (1982).
Untersuchung und neue Interpretation," in ivfetailurgica Antiqua, ed. A.
lfauptmann, J. Muhly, and Th. Rehren , Der Anschniu, suppl. 8 (Bochum: 22 Chernykh, Gornofe delo i metatlutgifa. v drevnefsef Bolgarii (1978).
Deutsches Bergbau-Museum: 1998): 279 ..·89.
23 Tbdorova , H:., Kupferzeitliche Axt~~ und Beile in Bulgari~~n)
7 Merpert , N.Y., and R.M. lvfunchaev, "The Earliest Metalluq,•y of Priihistorische Bronzefunde 9 (14) (Munich: C.H. Beck. 1981) .
.lYfesopotamia~" Souietskaya Arkheologiya (1977): 154-63.
24 ('.':ochadziev. S.,"lJmersuchungen des fruhen Aneolithikums im
8 ·rylecote, R.F., lvfetallurgy in A.rchaeology (London: .Edwal'd .Al'nold >1.962). siidwestHchen Bulgaden ," in !nte1'naticmales Syrn·pc;sium iib:::,1' die Ler:gyel--
Ku!tur (Nitra: Archaolo>,>isches Institut der Slowakischen Akademie der
9 Ottaway, B.S., Prahi;·tori»che A1'ch!Jometallurgie (Espelkamp: lVIarie Wissenschaften in Nitra. 1986): 45 52.
Leido1f, 1994).
25 For Early Neoli thic copper artifacts, see Ryndina, N.V., Drevneishee
lO Neuninger, H., R. Pittioni, and \V. Sieg], "Friihkeramikr.eitliche n1etallo-·obrabatyuaiushchee pfoiz:./odstvo iugo--uostochnoi Eu1'opy (lvioskva:
Kupfergewinnung in Anatolien," Arch. A.u;·triaca 26 (1964): 52..·66; Editorial, 1998): 2& ..32.
Tylecote, R.F., A Histo?')' of Metallurgy (London: 1vfetals Society, 1976).
26 Dergachev, V., A. Sherratt, and 0. Larina, "Recent Results of Neolithic
11 Zwicker, U., "Investigations on the Extractive Metallurgy of Cu/Sb/As Research in Moldavia (USSR) ," Oxford journal of Prehisiory 10, no. 1
Ore and Excavated Smelting Products from Norsun li:pe (Keban) on the (1991): 1-16.
Upper Euphrates (3500·--·2800 BC)," in /isper::ts o/ E,1-rly Jv1et~illuigy, ed. \Ii A.
Oddy, Occasional Paper 17 (London: Bl'itish Museum, 1980): 13-26; 27 Radivojevic, .M., et al., "The Beginnings of Metallurgy in Europe-
Hauptmann, A., J. Lutz, E. Pernicka, and 0. Yal<;in, "Zur Technologie der Early Smelting Activities in the Vinea Culture," paper presented at "Ancient
friihesten Kupfrrverhiittung im o;tlichen .Mittelmeel'l'aum ," in Between the and l'vfedieval Metalworks: A1·d1aeology-Numismatics-Nudear Analyses,"
Rivers and Over the lv!ountain~, ed . .M . Frangipane et al., Archaeologica Second International Symposium, Bucharest, May 2008; Antonovic,
Anatolica et l\-fesopotamica Alba Palmieri dedicata (Dip. Scienze Srnriche D., "Copper Processing in Vinea: New Comributions to the Thesis about
Archeologiche e Antrnpologiche dd l'A ntichit:l ) (Rome: Unive1·;ita di Roma Metallurgical Character of Vinca Cultul'e,'' Starinar 52 (2002): 27-45.
La Sapienza, 1993): 541 .. /2.
28 Sljivar, D., "T'he Eastern Settlement of the Vin ca Culture at Ploenik: A
12 Goren, Y., "The Location of Specialized Copper Production by the Lost Relationship of Ils Stratigraphy lO the Hoards of Copper Objects," Siarinar
Wax li:chnique in the Chalco li th ic Southern Levant," Geoa,·chaeology 23 , 47 (1996): 85-97.
no. 3 (2008) : 374-97, see 376 for the Abu .M.atar slag; and Burton, .M.. , and
T.E. Levy, "The Chakolithic Radiocarbon Record and Its Use in Southern 29 All dates are calendar dates, i.e., radiocarbon dates are dendrochrono-
Levantine Al'chaeology Radiocarbon 43, no. 3 (2001): 1223-46, see 1231 for logically corrected.
the Abu Matar radiocarbon dates.
30 Von Pulszk)', E , Die Kupfe,·zeit in Ungarn (Budapest, 1884); Much, M.,
Die Kupfer.zeit in. Eurof)(J. und ihr l/erhiiltnis zur Cultur di!r Indogermane.n.
(Wien, 1886).
31 Licha rd us, J., "Die Kupfrrzeit als historische Epoche. Einc forschungsge-- 44 .Junghans, S., E. Sangmeister, and M. Schroder, Kupfer und Bronze in
schichtliche Einleitung," in Dfr Ku[Jferzeit als historische E[Joche, ed. der friihen Metallreit Europas 1···3 (Berlin, 1968).
Lichardus, Saarbriicker Beitrage rnr Altertumskunde 55 (Bonn: Habel t.
1991): 13··32. 4 5 Ryndina~ Drevneishee nieiallo-obnibatyvaiushchee f.Jtoi.<.:vodstvo iugo-
vostochnoi Evropy (1998): 165.
32 There exist, however, considerable differences as to which cultures
should be summarized under this term . In this article we largely follow the 46 Pernicka, "Prehistoric Copper in Bulgaria" (1997): 13l·J3.
usage in Bulgaria, where the £neolithic is considered to begin with the first
appearance of heavy copper implements, while researchers in former 47 Ibid .: 136.
11.igoslavia prefer to speak of the :Eneolithic only when copper objects
become abundant (e.g., see Tasic, N., Eneolithic Cultures of Central and 48 Chapn1an, ]., Fragmentation in ilrc.haeology: People_. Pl.aces and Broken
West Balkans '.Belgrade: Draganic, 1995]). Ohject8 in the Prehistory of Southeastern Europe (London: Routledge,
2000): 118-20.
33 Sherrat, A., "Plough and Pastoralism: Aspects of the Secondary Products
Revolution," in Pattei·n8 of the Past, ed. G. de G. Sieveking, I.H. Longworth, 49 Ivanov, I., "Razkopki na varnenskija eneo liten nekropol prez 1972
and K.E. Wilson (Cambridge, 1983): 261··305. godina," Izvestija na Narodnifa muuf Varna 11 (1975): 1··17.

34 Jovanovic, B., "Rudna Glava" (1976); Jovanovic, Rudna Claw. (1982); 50 Ivanov. I., "Les fouilles ard1eologiques de la necropole chalcolithique
Chernykh, E.N. "Ai Bunar, a Balkan Copper mine of the IVth Millennium a Varna," Studia !'raehistorica 1-2 (1978): 13ff.; Ivanov, I., "Das Graberfeld
BC," Pmcudings or the I'r8historic Society 44 (1978): 203-18; Chernykh, von Varna/~ in hfacht~ Herrschaft und Gold. Da8 Griiberfa?ld von Varna
E.N.) Ancient 1'i-1et~illurgy in the USSR: The Early 1'.,,1et(J[ Age (Ca111bridge: (Bulgarien) und die Anfange einet neuen eutof)iiischen Zivitisation~ ed. A.
Cambridge University Press, 1992}. Fol and J. Lichardus (Saarbriicken: }vfoderne Galerie des Saarland--.M useums,
1988) : 49ff. ; Ivanov, I. "Der Bestatmngsrims in der chalkolitischen Nekropole
35 Pernicka, F.., F. Hegemann, S. Schmitt--Strecker, and G.A. \Xlagner, in Varna ," in Die .Kupfei·zeit a!.s hi.stori8che Epo1:he, ed. Lichardus (1.991.):
"Eneolithic and Early Bronze Age Copper Artefacts from the Balkans and 125ff.; Ivanov, I., and M. Avramova, Vania Necmpolis: The Daum of
'T'heir Relation to Serbian Copper Ores," Prif.historische Zeit.cchrift 68 (1993): European Ciui!ization (Sofia: Agatho, 2000).
1-54; Pemicka, E., et al, "Prehistoric Copper in Bulgaria: Its Composition
and Provenance> Eurasia ~4ntiqua 3 ( 1997): 41·--·180. 51 The untimely death of Ivan Ivanov in 2001 prohibited a complete pub-
lication of the cemetery for some time. Presently the nev,; keeper of prehis-·
36 Gale, N.H . , et al., "Recent Studies of Eneolithic Copper Ores and toric archaeology in the museum of Varna, Vladimir Slavcev, is working on
Artefacts in Bulgaria," in Decouuerte du rneta!, ed . .J.P. Mohen (Paris: the final publication.
Picard, 1991): 49···76.
52 Todorova, H., "Die Nekropole bei Varna und die sozialbkonomischen
37 Chernykh, E.N., "() jugo vostochnoj zone Balkano Karpatskoj Probleme am Ende,;,, Aneolithikums Bulgariens," Zeit£chrift fii r .A rchdo!ogie
rnetallurgicheskoj provintsii epokhi eneolita," Studia Praehistorica (Sofia) 12 ( 1978): 87ff.; Renfrew, C ., "Varna and the Social Context of Early
1-2 (1978} : 170-81. Metallurgy," in Problems of European l'rehi8tory, ed . Renfrew (Edinburgh:
Edinburgh University Press, 1979): 37888; Chapman, J., "The Creation of
38 'Todornva, H., "Die ku pferzeitlichen Axte und Beile in Bulgal'ien ," Social Al'enas in the Neolithic and Copper Age of South East Eurnpe: The
Prahistorische Bronzefunde 9 (14) (Miinchen: Beck, 1981). Case of Varna," in Sacred and Profane: Proceedings ol a Conference on
Archaeology_) Ritur1l and Religion> Oxf,Jrd; 1989, ed. P. Garwood~ R. Skeates~
39 Pernicka, F.., et al. "Archaometallmgische Untersuchungen in and .J. 'foms (Oxfol'd: Oxford Committee fol' Archaeology, 1991): 152ff.;
Nord\vestanatolien, ~~]ahrbuch Romisch-Germanische Zentralmus 31 (1984): Marazov, I., "Grave No 36 from the Chakolithic Cemetery in Varna······Myth,
533-99; Pernicka, E., R Begemann, S. Schmitt-Strecker, and A.E Grimanis, Ritual and ()b_jects," in .Die Kupf2fzeit als historische Epoche~ ed. Lichardus
"On the Composition and Provenance of Metal Artefacts from Poliodmi on (1991): 151···55.
Le1nnos/~ Oxfo1·d ]ou1·nai of A.rchaeolog'y 9 (1990): 263-98; Bege1nann, E, S.
Schmitt-Strecker, and E. Pernicka, "The Metal Finds from Thermi III··V A 53 Gale ~ N.l-L~ et al.~ «Early !v1etallurgy in Bulgaria," in i\1ining ~ind i\1etal
Chemical and Lead Isotope Study," Studit; Troic<1 2 (1992): 219···39. Production Th-ro1.1gh the Ages, ed. P. Craddock and J. Lang (London: British
l\foseum Press, 2003): 122-73; Marazov, "G rave No 36" (1991).
40 Renfrew, C., "Cycladic Metallurgy and the Aegean Early Bronze Age,"
American Journal of Archaeology 71 (1967): 2-26; Branigan, K., Aegean 54 Hartmann, A., Prahi8torische Go/dfimde aus Europa II, Studien zu den
A-feta/t,,:.;ork cf the Early and Middle Bron.ze Age (Oxford: Clarendon, 1974). Anfa.ngen der Metallurgie 5 (Berlin: Mann, 1982): 5.

41. Pernicka, Begemann, Schmitt-Strecker, and \'.Vagner, "£neolithic and 55 Tsintsov, Z., "Unique Finds of Golden Articles in Alluvial Placers," C.R.
Early Bronze Age Copper Artefacts" (1993); Pernicka, "Prehistoric Copper A cad. Bu!g. Science 45, no. 6 (1992) : 59 61; Tsintsov, Z., and Z. Damyanov.
in Bulgaria" (1997). «Sperrylite fron1 Stn1n1a Rivet' Placers, Blagoevgrad Graben, S\Xl Bugaria,"
N. jb. Miner, Mh. Hll (2001): 528··28.
42 Glumac, P., and R. l'ringham, "'T'he Exploitation of Copper Minerals,"
in .Selevac: A Neoliihic ·village in Yugoslavia~ ed. Tringharn and D. KrStiC 56 Jockenh(\vel, A., and Kh. Popov, "B'lgaro-Nemski arkheometalurgichen
(Los Angeles: Institute of Archaeology, University of California, Los Angeles, proekt, ' Zhe!yazo i Zlato'-A. po sledite na metalurr)yata ne drevna trakiya,"
1990): 549-66; for malachite in other Vini'a sites, see also Antonovic, in fYlgar8ka arkheologiya 2008. Katalog k.,:trt iz:loz:hba, ed. Z. Dimitrov
"Copper Processing in Vin Ca,, (2.002.), (Sofia): 31··33 .

43 Chernykh, E.N., Isior~j(J dreunejsej nieiallurgii Vostocnoj Evropy, 57 Echt, R., \V'.-R. Thiele, and I. Ivanov, "Varna· ···Untersuchungen zur
1vfaterialy i issledovanija po arkheologii 132 (Moskva and Leningrad: kupferzeitlichen Goldverarbeitung,~~ in Die .Kupff:.rz:eit al.<; hi~·torische Epoche~
Akademii Nauk, 1966). ed. Lichardus (1991): 63J 91.

176
58 Lichardus, .Land M. l.ichardu;--Ittcn, "Nordpontischc Bcr.ichungcn
wahrend der friihen Vorgeschidue Bulgariens," Thra'cia (Sofia) 11
(1995): 31ff.

59 Gimbutas, .M ., "The First Wave of Eura;ian Steppe l'astorali sts into

Copper Age Europe," Journal o/ lndo-Eu1·opea11 Studfr;· 5, no. 4 (1977):
277--338.

(~0 Todorova, H., "Probleme <ler Umwell der prahistorischen Kulturen

zw ischen 7000 und JOO v. Chr.," in Das Karpatenbe.:ken und die
osteuropJische Steppe. No11i~1denbet.vegungen und Kultutau5tausch in
den vor.:hrist!i.:hen Metallzeiten (4000-500 v.Chr.), ed. B. Ha.nsel a nd
J. ;'vfachnik, Prii.historische Ardiiiologie in Siid osteurnpa 12 (Rahden: Marie
Leidorf, 1998): 65ff.

177
Spondylus and Long-Distance Trade
in Prehistoric Europe
Michel Louis Seferiades
Centre Natbnal de la P.echerc he Scientifique (CNRS)

Long-distance trade routes have always been an object Age, about 5500-3000 BC. Researching books and archae-
of fascination for geographers and historians, exciting ologica I reports, 1 I rea hzed that this shell, which grows
the imagination and stimulating inquiries, for the simple only in lvlediterranean waters, was exported far into
reason that trade routes combine universa 1concepts of Eu rope and in fact represented the oldest long-distance
space and time-thus making sense of the human condi- trade of a speci fie, identifiable resou rce on the continent.
tion in an indehble way. Linking diverse cultures and I also perceived an analogy to much-later trade in other
civilizations, these routes depended upon economic, precious natural resources, characterized by a complicated
socia l, pohtica 1, cultural, and religious conditions, and mixture of economic, social, and rehgious associations,
reflected the entire array of in stituti ons and ideologies such as the la pis lazuh trade that brought this brilhant
embraced by the individuals who interacted along the way. blue stone from Afghanistan to Mesopotamia (actually
As a microcosm of the essential problems of the social Iraq), i or the ·well-known jade trade that crossed centra I
sciences, trade routes can help to frame the questions we and ea st Asia ,1 Simila r socioeconomic and rehgious i m-
ask in seeking to understand the meaning of social life ph cations perhaps held for other historically attested
in the ancient world, as well as the possible answers that exchange systems, such as the circulation of Cowrie shells
we might expect , (Cypraeidae) from India to Africa 4 and, at a smaller scale,
that of the Dentalium shell in North America. 5 I asked
I have been interested for a long time in ancient shells, why a shell that is, in simple terms, just an oyster would
and particularly in the Sp on dylus gaederopus , I dis- have been traded from the Mediterranean a !most to the
covered a Spondylus shell during my first excavation at British Channel, but I was dissatisfied with the answer
the archaeological site of Dikili-Tash in Greek eastern repeatedly offered, that it was for "prestige," What hap-
Macedonia, not far from the Aegean Sea , The site was pened across Europe with the Sp on dylus shell seems
occupied from the Neolithic through the Early Bronze to me a much more comp heated affair and one that, we
shall see, remains surrounded by many mysteries,

Twolc.-ge l::f~elets. Spondy/l./s, Hamangia. a.ma~ 500~4&0 E>:,

MINA.Cam MNIR.

179
 The Origin a nd Distribution of Spondylus
gaecteropu s Shells
Bivalves of the genus,Spondylus (Latin spondylus, Greek
sphondulos, spon dulos, vertebra) a re mollusks (phylum
mollusca) of the class Biva lvia (biva Ives), The anima 1
lacks filaments (byssu~ with which to attach itself to the
sea floor, but instead cements itself to rocks like the true
oyster, The shell is more or less round but with two
unequal va Ives, and on the outside it is brightly colored
and furnished with spines and foliaceous blades (fig. 8-1).
The two valves are connected with a ball-and-socket
type hinge, thick enough to provide the raw materia 1
for beads and other ornaments, while the shell itself is
a highly colored, very attractive purplish crimson,

There are many species of ,Spondy /us around the globe,

but all live only in warm seas, at depths from two to thirty
meters, The shells are found relatively isolated and
strongly attached to rock. As beautiful curiosities they are
relatively rare: They lose some of their color if exposed
on a beach, so the best specimens for ornaments must be
obtained by diving, but they a re difficult to find and
detach. In ancient Europe the shells were valued both on
the Mediterranean coasts and far inland, where they were
worked, venerated, and exchanged in many different
periods, In Pre-Columbian America they nourished the
gods, ~ and in the western islands of the Pacific 0 cean they
were until recently symbols of institutional power, 7

The species,S, gaederopus lives in the waters of the

Mediterranean Sea and extends down the northwestern
African coast, but does not occur in the Black Sea, pri-
marily due to the temperature and the salinity of its water.
Analyses of the oxygen and strontium isotopes in ancient
,Spondyltls shells found in Neolithic archaeological sites
in Europe have sho··Nn that they came from the Mediter-
ranean , and not from old fossil deposits on land or from
the Black Sea, s As the microstructure of the shell is
formed from calcite and aragonite, 9 the large valves of
,S, gaederop1ls offer an ideal material for working, sculpt-
ing, and fine polishing, to produce objects for the
adornment of clothing and the body (fig, 8-2) , Neolithic
ornaments made from,Spondyl1lS are superbly executed
and include pendants made of the whole shell with single
S-1. Spondj/us gaederop:JS (so.rce: O'\enu. 1S42).
or multiple perforations, and the whole shell cut by a

180
deep notch or V-shaped incision; thin as well as very large
bracelets that are round or flattened in section, made from
the outer circumference of the shell; beads in the shape of
discs and ovoid or rhomboidal cylinders; and occasionally
pend ants sculpted in the form of anthropomorphic or
zoomorphic figures.

In Europe the appearance of Spondylus as a valuable

item in long-distance trade coincided with the creation of
new regiona 1exchange networks that accompanied the
introduction of farming economies, precipitating the new
economic order that began the Neolithic era. The earliest
farming economies in Europe evolved, I believe, as the
result of a large~' independent process, which took place
first in the modem territory of Greece about 7500-6500
BC, whereby local foragers adopted domesticated plants
and animals from the Near Ea st , 10 Within this Aegean
environment theSpondylus was a native shell. In spite of
the absence of texts and oral traditions, we can follow
the Spo ndylus trade archaeologically over nearly three
thousand kilometers-mirroring the trajectory of the
spread of domesticated wheat, barley, legumes, cattle, and
sheep northward out of Greece extending from the Aegean
and the Adriatic Seas, where the shells were harvested,
to France, Germany, and Poland, where they are found in
the archaeological remains of settlements and cemeteries,
in graves, and as isolated finds (fig, 8-3) .11

In the Mediterranean , the southernmost Spondylus beads

are found in the Neolithic of Sicily and the archipelago
of Malta. 12 In the Aegean region during the Neolithic, as
during the Copper Age, worked Sp on dylus ornaments
are commonly found in Greece and Thessaly and in Greek
Ma cedonia and Thrace, n. They also occur south to the
Peloponnese in Greece, in contexts related to sites of
worship or sacred places such as caves, A small cut-out
and contour-perforated pendant representing a bear,
possibly pregnant, was found in the cave of Kitsos (Attica)
and may be related to neighboring Brauron, the site of a
sanctuary of Artemis and a bear cult (fig, 8-4),

To the north, in Bulgaria, the large Neolithic and Copper S-2 . Sponcylus shell a'ld rEP'eSEntatjve l:racElet fr~ments. 1. SponcJ;lus.
innEI' si~ d 1he left vave. a sixkEt. b . cardtl3J toolh. c. spne, d. a:±lu::to-
Age cemeteries (dated about 4500-4200 Bc) of Varna SCCC', e. ventral mce'gin: 2-10. cr~elet fr~ments: 1he arro.v p:ints to 1he

and Durankulak on the edge of the Black Sea have pro- p-eserved bottcm of the umboo~ cal'lty (rotrce : ~mitrije\~C andTri~l'lc.
2006. 1ig. 2).
duced many objects fabricated from Spondyl1~s with other

181
B-3. The pattern of ~ditri c dlfusim of Sponcylus 8J'tifacts fran the
~ean and Mtiatic S>2as to 1he English a-iannel.

182
shells, including Glycym eris, 14 as well as with various
objects of cut and polished stone and bone, copper, and
gold (figs. 8-5, 8- 6). In northeastern Bulgaria the "trea-
sure" of the tell of Omurtag, preserved in a vase from the
Copper Age culture of Ka ranovo VI, includes fragments
of Sp on dylu.s bracelets, cut and polished stone tools, bone
artifacts, the incisors of a pig, and a grindstone. 15

North of Bulgaria, Spondylus artifacts are found in

great numbers in Romania, the territory of the former
Yugoslavia, 16 Hungary, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic
(Bohemia and Moravia). The tombs of old men-the
richest graves-have yieldedSpondylu.s artifacts in
Slovakia and the necropolis of N itra ( Bandkera mik
Neolithic culture, about 5500-5000 Be), and in southern
Poland, where artifacts are found that combineSpondy!l-!s
with cut and polished stone.17 During the Neolithic
and Copper Age periods in Romania,Spondyll-!s artifacts
are present not only in the south of the country-in
the Danubian areas corresponding with the cultures of
Cri~, Dude~i,Hamangia, Boian, Gumelnitsa, Cernavoda
I, and Cemavoda II-but also in the Carpathian Basin,
Transylvania, and Banat (figs. 8-7-8-10).

In northeastern Romania, however, in the region of the

Cucuteni-Tripol,ye culture, Spondylu.s artifacts appear
absent, with no obvious explanation. The single known
exception is the unique hoard of Ka rbuna, found in
Moldova, south of Chisinau.18 The Karbuna hoard con-
tained 444 copper objects as well as 270 ornaments and
unfinished pieces of Spondy!l-!s shell hidden in a Tripol,ye
A pot probably dated about 4500 B c-an exceptiona 1
indication that Spondylus wast raded into Cucuteni-
Tripol,ye societies.

Even farther north, in Austria, Bavaria, the Rhenish

regions, and northwestern France, Spondylus artifacts
also are found, usually in Neolithic graves. The farthest 2-4. Smal Sponciy/us i:end3nt r€presentatjve of a tear fran 1he cave of
Kitros. Attic. Greece (after D. \liaoo. Musee Na!icm.le d'Hstcire Naturelle).
northwestern find was a large cylindricalSpondy/us
bead serendipitously discovered at Epone, northwest of 2-5 . Ned<lace aid tead cracElets made fran Sponciylus. and otffir cbjects
ma:le tan 1he carine tee1h of deer. fran 1he cemete'y of1he later H3maigia
Paris. Further west the acid nature of the soil probably culture at Durankula<. Bulga1ia(after H. Tooao.raand M. Atfamo.ra, Na1ima
did not favor the preservation of the shells, but one may MuseJm of Hista'y, So1ia) .

wonder whether Spondyltls artifacts could have reached 2 -6 . Cia:lem and tead cra::elet made fran Sponciylus. and o1her cbjects
Brittany and consequent~· the Atlantic coast. CUriously, made ofco1+9'. tom 1he cemete'y at Durarl<uak. Bugaria (after H. Todoro\Q
aid M. Al"f3Jno.ra, Natima Museum of Hstay, So1B).
the farther one moves away from the Adriatic-Aegean,

183
the native habitat of the Spondyl us, the more frequently
,Spondylus artifact s appear to abound 1• This apparent
p a radox stimulates a number of question s concerning the
underlying rea sons for the astonishing diffusion.

The Organization and Meaning

of the Spondylus Trade
lvio st of the Spondylu.s artifacts found in Europe were
initially proce ssed and then fini shed on the Aegean
and Adriatic coast s or in farming communities not far
from the sea, principally in modern Greece, A Ilnnia ,
lviontenegro, and Croatia. Spondylus shell s usually •vere
not traded in a fresh or growth state or as separate un-
worked valve s.Nevertheless, abrad ed valves apparently
collected on beache s are found in some of the area s far-
thest away from the Aegean , as illustrated by di scoveries
at Vada stra in Romania. In fact there is more e\~dence for
the circulation of umvorked or minimally v;orked shells
in a natural st ate than ha s been r ealized . Evidence of
the circulation and exchange of these shells in a natural
state is of hvo types: first , from the limited ex cavations
of settlements, and second, fr om workshops often located
far from their native marine habitat. In the latter category
are sites like A sagi Pinar (Turki sh Thrace) , Orlovo
(south east Bulgaria), 0 br e (Bo snia) , Sopot (the Middl e
Danube), Battonya (southea st ern Hungary), and H1rsova
(Romania ; fig . 8-11), all dated about 5500-40 00 BC.
Unfini shed obj act s occur to a small extent almost every-
where from the Carpathians to Bavaria. In addition , the
typology of Sp ondylct.s obj acts reveal s a great variety
of forms, subtypes, and alternatives that vary from place
to place, and often are specific to particular culture s and
"faci es" of the Neolithic and Copper Age over nearly
three thou sand years, 650 0-3500 BC. 19 Thi s lo cal vari-
ability in time and space suggests that the shell s often
'Ne re modified and reworked lo cally as they followed
trade route s.
S-7(tcp). Ned<laoa . Spond;lusard o:;we-. Gumari µ, Braili~a.
4~3000oc. MBR.
The pattern of diffusion of Sp ondylct.s artifacts through
much of Europe along a southea stern to northwestern 8 -8 (bottcm ). t>ed<laoa . Spono'ylus a1d cq+er. Fates~ . \Mui Oata.;iatei.
4000-3900 oc. MB R.
a xi s probably reflect s di stribution at the mo st densely
inhabited places during the Neolithi c and Copper Age s. S-9 (q+osite: tcp) . t>ecklace. Sponcylus. Hamffigia, Limanu.
5000.-4&0 oc. MIN4.C.
The trade among these places presuppo ses a netv,•ork
of acce ss routes and a social framework of elaborate 8 -10 (q::posite: bottcm) . Ned<loce. Spono'ylus. Hanan.;iia. Limffiu .
5000-4&0 oc. MINAC.
exchange systems-including bartering, gift exchange,

184
185
0 a J
and reciprocity-such that these shells even reached some-
what isolated places, including high mountain valleys
in the Carpathians, In the absence of any texts or oral
0s histories and in spite of a growing number of extensive
excavations, it still is not possible to identify particular
localities as centers of concentration or redistribution,

\'</hy was there such a desire for these shells that, once
deeply transformed (the red color seldom being preserved)
and after having traveled, must have lost much of their
original beauty? Sporidylus artifacts are associated in
- - ES
most archaeological reports with concepts of wealth and
prestige, ill The creation of chiefs, figures of authority,
small potentates, "princes," and revered elders at the top
11
of the social hierarchy (depending upon the form of social
stratification), and their accumulation of these shells,
- • C> reinforced the capacity to aggregate possessions of a
variety of objects ranging from rare raw materials (honey-
colored flint from Madara in Dobrogea, obsidian from the
0 --~ Carpathians and perhaps the Aegean Islands, marble,
• ·O malachite, jadeite, rock crystal, and carnelian) to valuable
• •0 artifacts (polished stone axes, adzes, and mace heads)
I~ and metal(copperand gold),•nwhenSporidy/u.s shells
are found in graves, they a re often together with these
kinds of valuables in accumulations that suggest they were
regarded as a kind of wealth or a sign of prestige.

However, these simple concepts of wealth and prestige

appear inadequate to explain the deep interest in
Sporidylus artifacts exhibited by Neolithic and Copper
Age Europeans. More-fundamental reasons for such
a passion cannot be understood without recourse to the
comparative ethnographic literature. For example, in
a similar manner and until relatively recently, the Yurok
Indians and the Salish of western NorthAmerica
were unaware of the maritime source of shells such as
Dentalitlm , which they obtained via the Chilcotin Indians
of the Pacific coast. Likewise, in the European Neolithic
and Copper Age, people living far from the Mediterranean
coastline also may have been unaware of the maritime
source of Spori dy!u.s artifacts;ii perhaps the objects
were part of a halo of mysteries, an ensemble of beliefs
and myths aimed mainly at providing an account of the
8-11. Fi'C\;lments of Spono'y/us tracelets. beoos in 1l'e o:urse ofm8rufacalre. supernatural origins of the shells.
alY.l CC!+€f tcds 1rcm tre wokshcµ of Hirso.<a. Romaria(after Ccmsa. 197~ .

186
Such beliefs also might help explain the omnipresence of varied miscellany of objects often associated with
objects made from Spondylu.s across Europe beginning in Spondylus artifacts-recovered from sites such as Dikili
the oldest Neolithic (seventh-sixth millenia BC). Trade and Tash in Greece, Omurtag in Bulgaria, Sultana "Malu
interest in these objects was still gro 1Ning in the Copper Rosu" in Romania, Giurgiulesti and Karbuna in Moldavia,
Age, only to disappear suddenly at the beginning of the and Csoka-Kremenjak in Hungary-are variously called
Bronze Age, when in the middle of the fourth millennium by archaeologists "treasures," "deposits," "magic-kits,"
BC there was apparently a total social discontinuity with and even "tool-kits"(!) and are probably the many accou-
the preceding millennia as other cultures appeared-the trements or ritual accessories of shamans, 2 ~ The "trea-
new civilizations originating mainly in the Pontic steppes. sure" of Ariusd in Romania is composed of Spondylus
Spondylus shells were linked to the traditions and customs artifacts, bone, objects made from copper and gold, and
of the European Neolithic and Copper Age in such a canine teeth of red deer (cervids) ,27 ·~1hich were used as
strong way that, after the end of Neolithic traditions and beads and ornaments at the close of the Paleolithic period
the inception of the Bronze Age, Spondyltls was no longer and during the Mesolithic, These hunting and gathering
desired or valuable, 01ltures form a cultu ra 1subcontext of the European
processes of Neolithization, to which in the Neolithic
The great archaeologist V. Gordon Childe noted, "The are added SpondyltlS artifacts that represent a new reality
Danubians seem to have brought with them from the south layered on top of old myths,
a superstitious attachment to the shells of a Mediterranean
mussel , Spondylusgaederopu.s, which they imported even TheSpondy/us-decorated plate of Popina II (southeastern
into central Germany and the Rhineland for ornaments Romania), the multiperforated valves of Battonya (Tisza
and amulets." 21 Childehere referred to the fact , borne out culture, Hungal)'; fig, 8-12), and the complex pectoral
by recent archaeological research, that the first farming pendant reconstructed from the Vert-la-Gravelle tomb
cultures of southeastern Europe ('the Danubians") came (Mame, France; fig , 8-13) can be regarded as elements
originally from Greece and the Aegean, so that the desire of the costume of the shaman, However, the V-shaped
for Spondyltls was in one sense "brought with them" from notched Spondylus shells present on~· in Central Europe
their Aegean homeland , But Spondylus artifacts 'Ne re (fig, 8-14) and in the Paris Basin could be interpreted
much more important in interior Europe than they ever as representations of vulva, as has been postulated for
were in Greece, so there must have been another element some motifs of the Paleolithic period in both parietal and
that made Sp on dylus attractive, which Childe labeled a mobiliary art in Russia and in France,28
"superstitious attachment."
Shamanism remains the best explanation for why certain
In connection with possible beliefs of the prehistoric objects made of Spondylus were transmitted from gen-
European people discussed here, it is difficult not to evoke eration to generation while others, including anthropo-
shamanism, "one of the great systems imagined by the morphic and zoomorphic figurines, were intentionally
human spirit, in various areas of the world, to give a broken and/or burned, 29 The multiperforated pendant of
direction to events and to act on them," a concept to be the Gumelnitsa at Popina I I ( Bralia, Romania) is deeply
understood as "a social fact that relates to the totality worn, as are the pendants and beads found in the tomb
of society and its institutions, a fact that at the same time of Cys-la-Commune (Aisne, France), which also are asso-
can mark the symbolic system, the economic, the political, ciated with the bone of a crane-a migratory bird that
and the aesthetic:' 24 may symbolize the concept of eternal return. 2.0 In contrast
to these worn and used examples, a broken bracelet sized
Prehistory is endowed with representations of shamans2s- for a child in the richest burial of the necropolis of Varna
at least we attribute this interpretation to rare silhouettes was repaired by means of two gold fasteners , Thus we
of characters with their arms raised to the sky, dancing have "the inversion of the two Worlds," a component of
or masked, painted or carved onto the walls of vases. The ancient beliefs, behaviors, and religious rites characteristic

187
188
of shamanic thought and , consequently , of the Neolithic
and Chalcolithic people, who were engaged in an eter-
nal dialectic between man and nature: What is good here
is bad up there, and vice versa , Perhaps if the bracelet
had remained intact , the individual buried at Varna ,
whether a child or an adult, could not have carried it to
the other World .~ 1

Patterns incised on a valve of a Spondylus pendant

found in the Neolithic burial of a woman in Mostanga in
Vo1vodine (Se rbia ; fig, 8-15), 22 although difficult to inter-
pret, appear to represent a boat and stars-expressions
of the symbolic system encompassing this shell, They
reflect the synergy that related this woman to both the t
Earth and the universe through the ever present dialogue
between nature and culture that is an eternal expression
of life's joys and anguishes,

Translated by A.G . Brown, PhD

S-12 (q+osite: tcp, left). Multiparfcrate:::I Sponcylw st-ell from Battcnya.

Tisz:a culaJre. H.mga-y (after Kalicz. 1989).

S-13(q+osite: right) . Peo:.nstructicn of a necklace an:l pectcral ma:le of

Sponcy/us and an opan.wea:1<e sha:.'11 t<ased upon dioco1eries al Vert-la-
Gra:velle 1:1.Jrial. Marre. Ffan:e (after Chertier. 198&?.

S-14 (q+osite: bottcm. left). Notched Sponcy/us shell from me cemetery

of Ntra. ~o.<al<ia(after Pa:~U<. 197'2).

S-15. Mytli cal toms engraved cnto a Sponcylus pand3nt t:und in me 1:1.Jrial
of me woman of Mostanga IV. \lo'VO::ine. 9'!rl:::ia(after Kct'mct'lski. 1977).

189
Notes 15 Gaydarska, B., et al., "Breaking, Making and lrading: The Omurtag
Eneolithic Spondylus Hoard," Arc:haelogia Bu!gariw 8 (2004): 11---34.
1 Vend, S., "Spondylove $perky v poduna.iskem neolitu," Archeoiogicke
rozhledy 11, no . 5 (1959): 699---741; Willms, C ., "Neolithischer Spondylus 16 DimitrijeviC, V., and C. Ti"ipkovic, "Spondylus and G lycymeris Bracelets:
schmuck. Hundert .Jahre Forschung," Germania 65, no. 2 (1985): 331--43. Trade Reflections at Neolithic Vinea-Belo Brdo," Documenta !'raehistorica
33 (2.006): 116.
2 l!ermann, G., " Lapis-Lazuli: The Early Phase of Its Trade," Iraq 30 (1968):
21-57; Sarianidi, V., "The Lapis Lazuli Route in the Ancient Near East," 17 Pavuk,]., "Neolithisches Graberfeld in Nitra," S!ouensk.a Archeo!ogia 20
Archaeology 24 (1971): 12 15; Deshayes, J., ' -A propos des terrasses hautes (1972): 5105; Miiller, J., A. Herrera, and N. Knossalla, "Spondyius und
de la fin du Ilk mill(:naire en Iran et en A;ie Centrale," in Le plateau ircmien Dech8ei. Zwei gegensii.tzl iche Hinweise auf Prestige in der mittdeuropaischen
a
et tAsie Centrale des origines la Conqu.ite !slanzique~ ed . Deshayes (Patis: Linearbandketan1ik?~~ in Pre::tige·----.Pre::tigegUter· ----.So:.:~iafrtn~kturen. Beispiele
Centre National de la Recherche Scientifiqu e, 1977): 95-111. au8 de;n europiiischen und vordera8iatischen Neolithikvun~ ed . .J. .t\.1i.iller and
R. Bernbeck, Archiiologische Berichte 6 (Bonn: Habelt, 1996): 81-96.
3 Chen-d1iu, W., jades c:J,ir.ois (Taipei: Hilit, 199L France: Ars Mun<li, 1994).
18 Dergachev, V.A., Kei-bunskii /dad (Chi~inau: Tipografia Academiei de
4 Le Fevre, J.-Y., and G. Cheikh , La magie africaine. Les cauris.- paroles des 5tii)\e,l998) .
di1nix (Paris: Rocher, 1995).
19 Com~a, E., "Parures neolithiques en coquillages marins decouvertes en
5 Levi-Strauss, C., Histoire de lynx (Paris: Plon, 1991). territoire roumain," Dacia 17 (1973): 61-76; Sl:feriades, M., "Note sur
l'origine et la signification des objets en spondy le de Hongrie dans le cadre
6 Paulsen, A.C., "The Thorny Oyster and the Voice of God: Spondylus du Neolithique et de l'Eneolithique europeens," in J'vforgenroi der Kulturen.
and Strornbus in Andean Prehistory~'' A.rnerican Antiquity 39 (1974): 597-607; fri.ihe Etappen der Mensi:hheiisge8chichte in .Mittei- undSi.ido8teuropa;
Bussy, M., "Le spondyhis au Perou et en Equateur a l'Epoque prehispanique" Festschrift fi:ir Nandor Kalic.z zum 75 Geburisiag, ed. N. Kalicz, E . Jerem,
(master's thesis, Universiti: de Paris I Pantheon--Sorbonne, 1.996-97); and P. Raczyy (Budapest: Archaeolingua, 2003): 35.3-73.
SHeria<les, M., "Spondylus gaede1'opus: Some Observations on rhe Earliest
European Long Distance Exchange System," in Karnnovo Ill. Beiti·iige zwn 20 M iiller, Herrera, and Knossalla, "Spondylus und Dechsel" (1996); Sikt6si,
!\Teolithi.kun·1 in Siidos:teu-ropa> ed. S. Hiller and"\.-~ Nikolov (Vienna: Phoibo:'.'» Z., "Prestige Goods in the Neolithic of the Carpath ian Basin: Material
2000): 423--37. Manifestations of Social Differentiation," Acta ~1nhteologic:a Academite
Scientiarurn Hungarica~ 55 (2004) : 1-62.
7 Malinowski, B., Argonauts of the Western Pacific (London: Routledge,
1922); Damon, F.H., "Modes of Production and the Circulation of Value 21 Seforiades, M., " Pierre taillee et metallurgic," in Dfrouve,-te du metal,
on the Other Side of the Kuta Ring, Woodlark Islands, Muyuw" (Ph.D. diss., ed. J.-P. Mohen and C. Eluere (Paris: Picard, 1991): 325--30; Ivanov, I.S., "Les
Princeton University, 1978). objets metaltiques de la necropote chakolithique de Varna," in Dfrouverte
du rnitai (1991), ed. Mohen and Eluere: 9-11.
8 Shackleton, N.J., and C . Renfrew, "Neolithic Trade Routes Realigned
by Oxygen Isotope Analyses," Nature 228 (12 December 1970): 1062-65; 22 Levi-Strauss, Histofre de lynx (1991).
Shackleton, J .C:., and H . Elderfield, "Strontium Isotope Dating of the
Source of Neolithic European Spondy!u.s Shell Artifacts," Antiquity 64 23 Childe, \i'.G., W!hat Happened in Hi8tory (1942; Hannondsworth:
(1990) : 312--15. Penguin, 1976): 61.

9 Zavat'ei> A» .~IIonogJaphie de.:; Spondylidae actuels.· et fo.:;.:.ile.~ (()rsay: Centre 24 Penin, .M . , Le chmnani8rne (Pal'is: Presses Universitait't:s de Frnnce,
d'Em<les et de Recherches de Paleontologie Biostrarigraphique, 1973). 2001); my translation .

10 SHeriades, M. , "Complexity of the Processes of Neolithization: Tradition 25 Clones, J., and D. Lewis-\Villiams, Les cha manes de la i'rehistoire (Paris:
and Modernity of the Aegean World at the Dawn of the Holocene Period Roches, 2001).
(11---9 kyr)," in "IGCP 521: Black Sea--Mediterranean Corridor during the Last
30 KA; Sea Level Change and Human Adaptation," ed. N. Catto, V. Yanko- 26 Lot Falk, E., Les rites de chasse chez !es peup!es siberiens (Paris: NRF
Hombach, and Y. Yilmaz, Quaternary internationai 167-68 (2007): 177-85. Gallimard, 1953).

ll Sl:feriades, .Iv!., "Spondylus gaederopus: The Earliest European Long 27 Sztancsuj, S.J., "The Early Copper Age Hoard from Ariusd (Erosd)," in
Distance Exchange System; A Symbolic and Structural Archaeological Cucuteni. 120 an~· de recherches_; Le iemps du bilan / Cucuteni: 120 Years of
.Approach to Neolithic Societies/~ Porodlo o ra2:i8k.ovanju paleolitika;> Re.seai-1:h; Time to Sum Up, ed. J. Chapman, et a l. , Bibliotheca .M emol'iae
neolitika in eneolitika v Slovenia 22 (1995): 233-56. Antiquitatis 16 (l'iatra- Neamr, 2005): 85-105.

12 Chihudi, S., L. Guzzardi, l\LR. Iovino, and A. Rivoli, "The Evidence of 28 Kozlowski, J_, L'ari de ia I'rehistoire en Europe Orientale (Paris: Centre
Spon<lytus Ornamental Objects in the Central Mediterranean Sea: Two Case National de la Recherche Scienrifique, 1992): 59, fig . 58 (from Kostienki 1,
Studies, Sicily and ~'Vlalta~ in Ai'chaeon·zalacology: .tviolluscs in For;-nei' after P.P. Efimienko) .
Environments of Human Behaviour, ed. D. Bar-Yosef Mayer, Proceedings of
the Ninth ICAZ Conference, Durham, 2002 (Oxford: Oxbow, 2002): 82-90. 29 Chapman, _J., and J. Gaydai-ska, Parts and. W'holes: fragmentation in
Prehistoric Context (()xford : ()xbow~ 2007).
13 Tsuneki, A., "A Reconsideration of Spondylus Shell Rings from Agia
Sofia Magula, Greece," Ruiietin of the Ancient Orient Museum Cr<·1kyo) 30 Walter, P., Arthur. I/ours et le roi (Pai-is: Imago, Diffusion PU~~ 2002).
(1987): 1---15; Karali, L., Shells in Aegean Prehisiory, British Archaeological
Reports, International Series 761 (Oxford: Archaeopress, 1999). 31 Kharitidi, 0., Entering the Circle (San Francisco: Harper, 1996).

14 Tbdorova, H., Durankutak, vol. 2, Die priihistol'ischen Gra berfdder von 32 Karmanski~ S., Katalog antropot-norfne i J..:o on·iorfne plastike iz ok.oline
Durankulak (Sofia-Berlin: Deutsches Archaologisches Institut in Berlin, 2002). Odza/w (Odzaci: Arheoloska Zbirka, 1977).

190
The Varna Eneolithic Cemetery in
the Context of the Late Copper Age
in the East Balkans
Vladimir Slavchev
Va ma Regional tv1 useurn of History

The Varna Eneolithic (or Copper Age) cemetery wa s which were exhibited at the In stitut e for the Study of
found by accident in the autumn of 1972 during excava- the Ancient '\;<lorld in New York in 2009-10.
tion i,vor kin the 1,vestern industrial zone of the coastal city
of Varna, Bulgaria. The cemetery wa s situ ated approxi- The Discovery of Grave 36
mately 40 0 meter s north of modern Varna Lake, vvhich After the fir st rich grave s were di scovered in 1972, the
during the Copper Age wa s a bay connected to the Black second excavation se ason at the Varna cemetery, in
Sea. The burial ground occupied a te rr ace that sloped 1973, did n ot provide any special finds, and the numb er
gently south•vard toward the water's edge, at an eleva- of excavated graves wa s comparatively small-twenty
tion of hvelve to eighteen meter s above modern sea level. graves in eleven month s of intensive 'Nork with few
Archa eological excavation s we re conducted under the breaks. The third excavation season began on June 19,
direction of Ivan Ivanov, to 1.vhom we owe the preci se 1974. The efforts of Ivanov, the project's leader, 1,vere
excavation, documentation , and explanation of thi s ex- focused on investigating the territory to t h e south and
ceptional site. 1 The cemetery 1.vas created about 440 0 B C we st of the area already explored. Still not kno1.ving the
by a society, today known a s the Va ma culture, that si ze of the cemetery, he tried to define its boundaries.
buried its leader s with m any i,veapon s and ornament s, He wo rked i,vith seventeen prisoners from the Di strict
induding stunning quantitie s of gold. Varna is the olde st Prison of Varna 1.vho were serving sentences of fifteen
cemetery yet found 1.vhere human s were buried 1Nith to twenty-five years. They 1,vere supervised by pri son
abundant golden ornament s. The richn ess and variety guard s and by offic er s of the Mini stry of Inter nal Affair s,
of the Varna grave gifts in a cemetery of such an early who guarded the area because it had been declared a
date wa s a surpri se to the global archaeological commu- monument of national cultural importance.
nity, in duding Iv anov. \Xfhat follo1Ns is a brief account
of the discovery of Grave 3 6 at Varna, the objects from By the end of July 1974, nine Copper Age grave s had
be en found and excavated, but only six additional graves
were di scovered in Augu st and September, The la st
grave 1.va s reburied by the collapse of the excavation fol-
1-ed<la:oe w11h pa1dant. Gdd end qU31'tz. V<rna wlture. Varna Gra\e W. lowing heavy rain , and it s re -excavati on required an
4400-42CO EC, V<rna M.Jseun .
additional 1,veek. Discouraged and trying to turn hi s bad

193
 situ, Meanwhile rich burials in Graves 41 and 43 were
dis covered, and the team turned its attention to exca-
vating and documenting them before cold weather set in,
For this reason the burial objects were not removed from
Grave 36 until October 26 , a full month after their dis-
cover)'. Only then did it become clear that the gold
artifacts in the central group had been deposited in four
stratigraphic layers, which yielded a miniature diadem,
a gold scepter (fig, 9-3), a gold sick le (fig, 9-4), a gold
sheep knuckle-bone (or astragal, commonly used in the
ancient world as dice; fig. 9-5), and two gold bull figurines
together 1Nith gold bracelets (fig. 9-6), rings, and appliques
(fig, 9-7) and strings of gold beads,

Grave 36 presented several features that made its inter-

pretation difficult, It contained a greater number and a
greater variety of gold artifacts than Grave 4, the richest
that had been found before the discovery of Grave 36,
although the total weight of gold artifacts in Grave 4
exceeded the weight of those in Grave 36 because there
luck , Ivanov started to explore the southeastern pa rt of were more solid-gold objects in Grave 4, The gold bull
the cemetery , On September 23, at a depth of 0.93 meter, figurines of Grave 36 were particularly interesting-their
the workers di scovered a small copper axe. \.'<fork stopped, horns being curved back in a manner similar t o those of
the excavated soil was sieved , and forty-four golden a water buffalo (Buba/us bubalis) (fig. 9-8) , Only one
bead s were found , The grave was given the number 36, other bull figurine was found in the Va ma cemetery (in
and w ork resumed very carefully (fig. 9-1), After three Grave 26), and it ·was smaller and not so finely made, To
day s of slow and assiduous excavation , it became clear date no parallels have been found outside the Va ma
that the grave pit was a cenotaph , or symbolic grave, and cemetery, 2 The small size of the gold objects, such as the
contained no human bones, Three groups of artifacts miniature diadem, also was unusual (fig, 9-9) , Although
were clearly discerned on the grave floor, The northern miniature ceramic vessels were not uncommon in the
and the southern groups yielded copper and flint tools , a Late Copper Age graves at Va ma, other kinds of artifa cts
bone figurine (fig. 9-2), ceramic vessels, and Dentalium placed in the grave pits usually were not miniaturized,
shell bead s, The central group comprised a multitude of leading Ivanov to suggest that Grave 36 was the cen otaph
gold artifact s, or symboli c grave of a child, Sub sequently, an other inter-
pretation suggested that the objects in Grave 3 6 were
Bulgarian Nat ion al Television and a crew from the insignia of power that were buried when new ones were
Popular Science Film Studio arrived on September 26 and made for a new chieftain, Acco rding t o this theo ry, a
filmed the sensational dis covery, which was featured that chieftain was chosen for a certain period of ti me, and
evening on the central new s broadcast , A timber shed after exhausting hi s vigor he wa s no longer able t o pro-
was erected above Grave 36 to protect it from the weather vide fertility and abundan ce for the community, Thus in
until all of the finds were planned and photographed in a ritual partly preserved in Grave 3 6, the old chieftain
was deprived of the symbolic attributes of his p ower, a s
it was these and not his physical body that were socially
meaningfuL Stripped of his attributes, the ruler no lon-
9·1 . Ivan lv--cflo.r exce<1<a.ting Grave 36 oftre \la-nacemetery, 1974.
ger existed, The old insignia that represented his past are

194
9-2. ld:.l 1igur1ne similar to a pco1y i:reserved ooe frcm Gra,<e 36. Booe.
\lama rultJJre. \lama. Gra.re 41 , 4400-4200 EC. \lama Museum .

9-3. S~pter. G:lld, \larna cli1JJre. \lama. Gra\<e 36. 4400-4200 EC.
\lama Musrum .

195
9.4 (tcp. left). lmpements. Gdd. \la'nacultU'e. Varna Grave 36.
4400-4200 e:. \lama MJseum .

9.5 (tcp. right). Astrag~ . Gold. \lama culture. \la'na. Grave 36,
4400-4200 oc. \lama MJseum .

9-6 (center? . Bracelets. Gdd. Varna culture. \/arm. Gra1·'e 36.

4400-4200 oc. \lama MJseum .

9-7 (cpp:t;ite : l:::cttcm. left). Anim~ -tead '1=PliqJes. Gdd. \la'naculture.

\la'na Gra..-e 36. 4400-4200 oc. \lama Museum .

9-S (cpp:t;ite: tcp) . Zocma-i::hic 'b.Jll" 1igurines. Gad. Varna culture.

\la'na Gra..-e 36. 4400- 4200 oc. Varna Museum .

9-9 (q:posite: OOttcm . right). C!cdErn . Gdd. \la'na cultU'e. \lama

Gra\e 36. 4400-42'.:>0oc. Varna Museum .

196
197
interpreted to have died in his stead and were buried the soil, usually at 1.40-LSO meters from the modern
in Grave 36. New insignia were then made for the subse- surface, although there a re even deeper graves,
quent , young ruler.~
The graves can be divided into two main groups: graves
The Varna Cemetery containing human remains and cenotaphs, or graves
Excavations were conducted at Varna over a period of containing no such remains. The bottom of the grave pit
twenty years (1972-91) and exposed an area of 7, SOO of each cenotaph was covered with some organic mat-
square meters containing 310 graves of the Late Copper ter-fur, fabric, or matting-decorated with red paint.
Age Va ma culture. The area of the cemetery also con- Similar floor deposits also were found in the very rich
tained seven Early Bronze Age garbage pits, one Roman graves with bodies.
garbage pit , three other nonmortuary archaeological
deposit s, and seventy-six isolated artifacts (fig. 9-10).4 Graves containing human remains are divided into two
Among the Late Copper Age graves, 105 were disturbed subgroups depending on the position of the skeleton-
and the skeleton and/or the grave goods damaged to extended position and contracted position, Because of
some extent . The disturbances were of different kinds- disturbances it is not always possible to reconstruct the
resulting from animal holes, tree roots, later graves (dat- origina 1 position of the body, but in 16 0 of the cases
ing to a subsequent phase of the Late Copper Age and at Varna it can be defined , Among these, ninety-three
the Early Bronze Age) , agricultural activity, modern exca- skeletons were in extended position and sixty-seven in a
vation work, and so forth. Human bones were poorly contracted position. In the extended burials, the legs were
prese rved due to high soil acidity , sometimes crossed at the ankles. The arms were most
often tightly folded at the elbows, and the hands placed
Only S graves contained no grave goods at alL The at the upper chest.
most common finds were ceramic ves sels; only 11 of the
undisturbed graves yielded no p ottery. Flint tools or In graves where the skeleton wa s preserved well en ough to
weapons were found in 14 0 graves; p olished stone axes , determine gender, three-fourths of the extended graves
chisel s, adzes , or polishers were found in 58; copper tools 1/\lere those of males. The bodies in extended position usu-
and weapons were placed in 78; and bone or antler tools ally were provided with a battle-ax or a small clay ves seL
and implements occurred in 76 graves. More than eighty Grave 43, the burial of a forty- to forty-five-year-old male,
percent of the graves yielded ornaments made from non- with gold artifacts weighing more than 1.5 kilograms,
local , imported materials: gold, copper, various minerals, is especially remarkable (fig. 9-11). The exceptional abun-
and the Aegean Spondylus and Dentalium shells. dance of grave goods included ritual attire ornamented
with gold appliques; gold and carnelian beads; a hat deco-
Some kind s of objects tended to be placed near particular rated with gold lamellae; earrings, necklace, and bracelets
part s of the body. Ceramic vessels were placed around the made from gold rings;Spondylus shell bracelets; spears
skull or on the upper part of the chest. Tools and weapons with copper and flint points; a bow and a quiver lined with
were found in this area or beside the arms. Ornaments gold; stone and copper axes; and a scepter-a stone axe
were placed on those parts of the body where they would whose shaft was lined with gold-suggesting that the grave
have been worn by the deceased during his or her life- belonged to the chieftain of this community, Apparently,
for example, the diadem was on the head , bracelets on the he had religious as well as military p owe r.
arms, and rings on the fingers .

N o surface monuments, mounds , or markers were pre-

9-10. Plan of 1he \lama cemetery: a= extencP-d inhunatjCfls; b = CCfltracted
served over the Varna graves. The grave pits were rectan- inhun atjCfls of 1he right sicP-: c = ccntracted inhum 81iCfls of 1he left sicP-:
gular with rounded corners. The graves in the central d = S)<moolic gra1tes(cerotal'ffi): e = destro\edfd<m~ed bun els. 1= cdlectj\e
cP-l'Osits (gait.age pits a groups ofartitactsj .
and southern part of the cemetery were found deeper in

198
 N

f!..
I X
x x q,, ,.
"'• ...

x,,, .
·,
...xx ~
o o.•:· e. q,.

x ..
x.
x..~
x...
x..,x.. ,. ~ ..
x.. x .. <>:-
o, e.
0..
t. x... x~
Q II
~ o,.. x.., "Ir-- - -
~ P,..?,\ O,
J!
x.. .f q q
x 0. 0,
x. 0, ~
>s..
7f
~. q.
f. 0,. •
~ ~.f q.
'So.~.
x .. !?.
0:~·

. b
x.... x 0.. 1'.
~
~
. ~~ q, 0 d
0,...
Q x
Q

Q.
e,

199
 At this stage of the research, the sex and the age of on ly
sixty-two individuals have been defined .~ Simi lar to
the rest of the cemeteries of the Varna culture, males in
most cases were buried in extended position on the back
and females in a contracted position on the right side.
However, deviations from this rule were more common
in the Varna cemetery than in contemporary cemeteries
excavated in the western Black Sea region. Among
extended burials, 26.47 percent at Varna were female.
Equally unexpectedly, 4 6.15 percent of the burials in a
contracted position at Va ma were ma le. Outside of the
Varna culture, no male contra cted burials on the right
side have been discovered in contemporary buria 1sites
on adjacent territories.

The deceased were buried with the head pointing to the

northeast. The deviations from this mortuary practice
were few-only eleven cases-and it was confirmed that
the two east-oriented burials contained remains of people
of the Gumelnita culture, from the Danube valley. Graves
oriented to the southwest and at least two o riented to the
northwest a re dated to the Early Bronze Age. 7

A surprising aspect of the Va ma cemetery was the high

number of graves, forty-seven (including Grave 36),
that yielded no human remains. Cenotaphs usually are
interpreted as symbo li c graves of community members
who perished far away. It seems probable that religiou s
Individuals buried in a contracted position were usually beliefs in the Copper Age demanded a ritual burial in
on the right side. Only three of sixty-seven contracted the community cemetery strictly observing all funerary
burials were on the left side, and eleven more displayed rituals aimed at sending the soul of the deceased to the
different variants. s The contracted burials generally con- underworld , where it would meet the members of its
tained fewer grave goods than the extended ones, and family. Three cenotaphs (Graves 2, 3, and 15), situated
metal artifacts were rare. In most cases, in addition to about one meter from each other, contained life-size
ceramic vessels these graves contained various elements images (masks) of human faces made of unbaked clay and
of dress and ornaments, including necklaces made from located where the head of the deceased would have been.
beads of different materials (gold, minerals, and shells) , Gold objects mark some of the features-a rectangular
amulets, bra celets, and appliques. strip at the location of the mouth, round dots at the loca-
tion of the eyes. Each of these «people" wore numerous
Because of the poor preservation of bones, information ornaments: a gold tiara at the forehead, tiny gold «nails"
about the sex and the age of the deceased is incomplete. piercing the lips, several gold-ring earrings on the ears,
and a bead necklace madefrom.Spondylus and Dentalittm
shell or various minerals (lignite, ultrabasite, and carne-
lian) with gold pendants shaped as highly styli zed female
9-11. PP-ccnstrocticn of \la'na Grave 43.
bodies. No battle-axes or large copper artifacts were

200
found in these th ree cenotaphs, although each yielded a
copper pin, a flint knife , and a spindle whorl, a tool for
spinning thread , suggesting that the three graves were
those of females, real or deified; it has been proposed that
images of the deities worshiped by the local population
were buried in these symbolic graves, 8

The size of the grave pit and the location of the grave
goods of the forty-four other cenotaphs were the same as
those of "standard" graves, but they yielded no clay masks
or human remains. This group of symbolic graves is quite
diverse, Some contained few grave goods and no orna-
ments, while others contained an abtmdance of grave
goods. Three(Graves 1,4, and36) contained gold objects
that together accounted for more than half of the total the presence of a number of artifact types 12 not found at
weight of all gold grave goods yielded by the cemetery, A other sites, indicates that a center for the manufacture
scepter, symbol of a supreme secular or religious authority, and distribution of gold objects must have been located
was discovered in each of these three graves (fig, 9-3), in the Varna region, DA large-scale project carried out
by the Varna Regional lvfuseum of History, the Eberhard
The Role ot Va rna Cemetery in Our Kn ow ledge Karls University of TO.bingen with the Olrt Engelhorn
ot the Late Copper Age in the Balkans Center for A rchaeometry, and Sofia University was
Numerous Late Copper Age cemeteries have been investi- designed to establish the probable sources of the gold and
gated in the western Black Sea region south of the Danube copper. Preliminary data suggest that the gold dust was
River, the northeastern area of the Balkans. 9 Varna was extracted from the beds of rivers rising from the ea stern
richer than the other cemeteries affiliated with the Varna spurs of the Stara Planina Mountains and, probably, from
culture, such as Devnya 10 and Durankulak-11 For that Sakar lYiountain near the Turkish border. After extrac-
reason , thirty years after it was discovered the Varna cem- tion, the gold dust was delivered to Varna and smelted,
etery still attracts the attention of researchers who seek an
explanation for the "Varna phenomenon." The large number of copper artifacts, more than 16 0 pieces
(fig, 9-12), is also evidence for the existence of a metal
Interest in this unique burial site is due , of course, to the production center. 14 just as the Varna cemetery yielded an
abundance and the variety of grave gifts, especially the unsurpassed weight and number of gold artifacts, no other
gold artifacts, which number more than 3 ,000 and whose site of the same age has yielded such a concentration of
total weight exceeds six kilograms, Their allocation in copper objects (figs, 9-13-9-16), 15 Some a re unique types ,
the graves is remarkedly unequal: Sixty-two graves yielded found only in the Varna region. lb Analysis of the propor-
some gold objects, but the weight of gold in just four tion of lead isotopes in the copper proves that 55.1 percent
graves (1, 4, 36, and 43) accounted for more than five of the copper in the Varna cemetery came from ore sources
kilograms, Three of these (1, 4, and 36) were cenotaphs, in the southern part of the west Pontic coast, in the vicinity
Such a concentration of gold artifacts has not been record- of Burgas, about 120 kilometers south of Varna; 38. 8 per-
ed elsewhere in the fifth millennium B c, The weight and cent of the copper came from mines such as Ai Bunar that
the number of gold finds in the Varna cemetery exceeds have been explored by archaeologists near Stara Zagora in
by several times the combined weight and number of all
of the gold artifacts found in all excavated sites of the
same millennium, 5000-4000 BC, from all over the world,
9.12 . CqcpEI' a-tjfacts fo..nd in 1he Varna cenetery.
including Mesopotamia and Efil•pt , This fact, as well as

201
 . -.
(. -.,.,'.\"

202
the Balkans, about 200 kilometers southwest of Varna; and material status of the deceased, 22 is proof of socia 1strati-
only 6.1 percent of the copper came from other sources.17 fication in the Late Copper Age in the Balkans, a result
of the emergence of new elements in social and economic
More than 230 flint artifacts were found in the Varna development-mining metallurgy, and the related increase
cemetery. The most impressive are long blades (fig. 9-17) , in long-distance trade and exchange. The separation of
some more than thirty centimeters long, with a few crafts and proto-tra de from farming and agriculture
extending to forty centimeters, They were made of provided conditions for the concentration of power in the
high-quality flint quarried in the Ludogorie region not hands of a restricted group of community members-
far from the town of Razgrad on the Beli Lorn River, 18 those buried with abundant and numerous grave goods,
The graphite used for decorating pottery probably came From this point of view the Varna cemetery illustrates the
from mineral deposits in the same region, ear~· stage of the emergence of a class-segregated society,
a kind of social and political structure properly named
The graves yielded more than ninety polished stone arti- a "chiefdom" by Renfrew-21 As attributes designating the
facts, predominantly axes and adzes (fig. 9-18), as well as social status of their owners, gold objects were sacred
over 6 50 ceramic vessels. Approximately 1,10 0 Spor1dylu.s and symbolic rather than indicators of wea 1th, This con-
shell ornaments, bracelets, beads, and appliques (figs, clusion is applicable to the rest of the finds as welL For
9-19, 9-20), and morethan 12,200 Der1talium shells also example, most of the long flint blades and copper battle-
were found. Both of these shell species came to the Varna axes were not actively used weapons but instead prestige
region from the northern Aegean coast or the Aegean objects, symbols of power that indicated the social sig-
islands (see the essay by Michel S eferiades in this volume). nificance of their owners, 24 The gold-decorated handles
of copper shaft-hole axes in Graves 4 and 43 suggest that
Many more ornaments made of different minerals also these objects served as scepters, The ornaments made
were found, The most probable source of red carnelian of rare minerals and Aegean mollusk shells can be inter-
used for making beads was the area of the Akheloy preted from the same perspective, Although some of the
(Achelous) River estuary about seventy kilometers south ornaments (or similar ones) might have been part of
of Varna (fig, 9-21), 19 The source of the serpentinite, everyday attire, their placement in buria 1pits suggests
frequently used for beads in the Varna cemetery, is still that they were indicators of the social status and not the
undetermined. Sources of serpentinite rock are located wealth of their owners,
on the southern slopes of the Sta ra Planina Mountains in
southeastern Bulgaria and on the northern slopes of the The assumption that these artifacts were luxury goods
Rhodopes, as well as in adjacent regions ,20 that could be acquired only by a newly emerging aristoc-
racy is a tempting idea, but excavated Late Copper Age
The clear distinction in the type and the quality of the settlements in the Eastern Balkans have yielded no archae-
grave goods, i.i determined by the socia 1 rather than the ological evidence of essential differences either in the sizes
of the houses or the types of objects in them, suggesting
that the newly surfacing hierarchical social relations did
not have a strong impact on everyday life in this period ,
9-13 (tcp. left). Spe8!' head. O:::pper. \lc.-naculture. \18ma Gree,-.. 97. This conclusion contradicts current opinion that burial
4400-4200 oc. \18rna Museum .
rituals tend to be more conservative and thus are a delayed
9.14 (tcp. center'). Chisel. Cq:per, \18ma cL.fture. \18ma. Gra\·-..151. reflection of the real processes taking place in society , In
4400-4200 EC, \18rna Museum.
the Varna cemetery and again at the related Durankulak
9-15 (tcp. right). H3ir pn . Cq.~r. \18ma culture. \lc.-na Grav-..167. cemetery not far a way, rapid changes in funeral customs
4400-4200 EC, \18rna Museum.
were instead leading indicators of change, while the struc-
9·16 (bottom) . Three 8XeS . O:::pper. \18maculture. \18ma Gra.-..s 227. ture of daily life in the settlements seems to have changed
36. and 229. 4 400- 4200 oc. \lama Museum .
little, if at alL

203
204
9-17 (q.i:osite: left). Two l8melae. Rint. \18ma culture. \18ma. Gr~M;!S 63
and 200. 4400-4200 EC, \18ma MuSEum .

9-1B (q::p::;isite: right). AXE he8d . Stcfle. \18ma culu.re. \18ma. Gra\res 236.
44~4200 EC, \/a'na MUSEi.Jn .

9-19(tcp). Three traceets. Spondylus. \18maculture. \/a'na. Gra..-es W

and 15B. 44~4200 EC, \/a'na MUSEi.Jn .

9-20 (baton. left). ~ck!ace. Spondf/us 800 cqcper. \/a'naculture. \/a'na.

Gra..-e 154. 4400-4200 EC, \'8ma MuSEum .

9-21 (bottan. right). Stra1d of b€9.ds. Ca-nelia1 . \'8maculture. \/a'na.

Grave 41 . 44~4:;:.x)OEC, \'8rna MUSEi.Jn.

205
Son1e researchers have attempted to explain the extraordi- Analysis of the relationship between the shapes of copper
nary >vealth of the Varna cemetery by supposing that it was artifacts and. the metal sources from which they were made
a cult place for burying the chiefs of different tribes or reveals that tool types found only in the Varna culture
groups united by a large intertribal alliance whose territory region were cast from copper that came from mines in
covered the entire eastern part of the Balkan Peninsula.2 5 the west Pontic region, near Burgas, suggesting that the
Hcnvever, it seems more probable that the cemetery was entire production chain-from ore deposit to rnining
one of the burial sites of the local community then inhabit- to artifact n1anufacturing-was cont.rolled locally. Ore
ing the shore of the Varna Bay, which later turned into the extraction, smelting, and metal rnanufact.uring were
present-day Varna Lake. 2 6 This community is represented accomplished by a limited number of people organized
by eight synchronous settlements situated today at the in a manufacturing group, a workshop that specialized in
bottom of the lake. 27 The distance between the settlements ore and metal extracting and artifact manufacturing.
is 2.5 to 3 kilometers, and each of them measures at least These studies also suggest that the Varna production
350 by 80 meters. This represents a high density of farn1ing center completely controlled the west Pontic sources and
communities; no cornparable concentration of popula- used them preferentially. The Varna workshop also nian-
tion has been recorded elsewhere in the Balkans during ufactured copper artifacts made of rnetal front the Ai
the period. The dredging activities at the lake bottom Bunar rnines in the Balkans that was acquired in the forn1
brought to light numerous artifacts, among which were of copper ingots. 28
copper tools as well as pieces of copper slag, a waste prod-
uct from copper smelting, indicating that copper was It seems that high social status and power in Late Copper
vvorked in these communities. The Varn a cemetery is Age communities inhabiting the Varna region were based
located approximately 400 to 450 meters northeast of on control by leading members of society not only over
one of these submerged settlements. The same orientation external trade and exchange relations, but also over the
is recorded for the Devnya cemetery, also ofthe Varna local distribution of traded goods. It is worth repeating
culture, which is similarly located about 400 meters north- that in addition to numerous ornaments, the rich graves
west of another settlement. contained various weapons--------bows, arrows, spears, and
battle-axes-------an indication of how control \Vas maintained
The territorial range of the Varna culture was limited, by the elite and a direct testament to the connection be-
on the one hand, by the geographic conditions of this tween power and n1ilitary leadership. There is a clearly
part of the Balkan Peninsula-where agricultural land is expressed tendency toward increased militarism in the
constricted between mountains and the sea-and on eastern part of the Balkans: The nun1ber of weapons
the other by its neighbors, who experienced. a consider- deposited in cemeteries increases from >vest to east the
able demographic increase . This compelled the farming further east the cemetery is situated, the greater the num-
communities of the west Pontic region to seek the most ber of weapons found in graves. The number of artifacts
effective strategies for using available resources as well as that were acquired through long-distance trade those
new avenues for further development. It seen1s that the n1ade of n1etal, Aegean mollusk shells, rare rninerals, and
community that created the Varna cemetery used a wide so forth-increases proportiona1ly as well.
range of raw materials imported from almost the entire
Balkan region. Beyond any doubt, the community exer- Although the Varna community played an important
cised strong control over the processes of extraction, role in trade and exchange relations, the relatively small
delivery, and manufacturing as \Nell as control over the number of rare and luxurious goods found as imports
network of transport and distribution. The existence and outside the Varna culture area (they are very rare even
functioning of such a developed network is indicated in the Gumdnip culture sites) also supports the hy-
by the locations of the copper sources that provided raw pothesis that the bearers of the Varna culture were
materials for the rnanufacture of copper objects. the final consumers. ·rhe manufacturing of these goods
vvas in fact aimed at meeting the community's ovvn

206
needs. 'fhe inhabitam.s of Varna were self-supplying In spite of differences in settlement structures, architec-
clients rather than mediators involved in buying and ture, and mortuary practices, the three cultures belonged
reselling goods. From this perspective the exchange in their early stages to one cultural complex, during the
cannot be defined as a standard type of trade . The first phase of the Late Copper Age.
development of technologies and the accumulation
of goods aimed at: exchanging probably had not yet The Varna and the Gun1elnita cultures displayed quite
reached the critical point: of satisfying Varna's own different features in spite of their sirnilar economies
needs, and consequently the re w as little surplus to based on farming and stock breeding. The rnost signifi-
trade to neighbors . 29 It remains difficult to confirm this cant distinction between Varna and other cultures was
hypothesis since the Varna system did not survive. in mortuary practices. The people of the Gumelnira cul-
Instead the northeastern part of the Balkan Peninsula ture buried the deceased in a crouched position to the left
became an arena of significant changes in the late fifth side, the head pointing to the east. In the Varna-culture
rnillennium BC. cemeteries, males usually were buried in an extended
position on the back, and females in a crouched position
The Rise and Fall of the Late Copper Age on the right side; in both cases the head pointed to the
Community of the Northeastern Balkans north or northeast. The grave goods in the graves of the
In the mid-fifth millennium BC, the communities inhab- GumelniFl culture usually were placed near the lower
iting the coastal regions west of the Black Sea ·····the west part of the body, while in the graves of the Varna culture
Pontic coast and Dobrnja ·····became the leading societies gifts were placed around the head. i'Viost of the clay vessels
not only in the northeastern Balkans , but in all of Europe in the ce meteries of the west Pontic coast were poorly
(see map on page 26). The Varna culture emerged in the fired and usually represented copies that were three tirnes
southern part of the Dobrudja, the plateau of limestone smaller than norrnaJ household vessels. This type of
and sandstone rocks and coastal marshes tucked betvveen pottery was made especia1ly for funerals. 33 In contrast,
the Danube River on the west and north and the Black ceramic vessels analogous to the ones used in everyday
Sea coast on the east, the northern part of which lies in life were used for the funerals in the Gumelnira culture.
Romania (Dobrogea in Romanian). 20 On the adjacent
territories to the west, north, and northwest , in the broad At the end of the fifth millenniurn BC, the Late Copper
valley of the lower Danube River, the Gumelnip culture Age comrnunity inhabiting the northeastern Balkans
emerged. A variant of the latter, found between the Stara started to disintegrate. The reasons that led to the disap-
Planina Mountains and the Danube in northwestern pearance of permanent agricultural con1nmnities from
Bulgaria, is known as the Kodzhadermen culture, and this territory, as well as from the lower Danube valley
another Gumelni~a variant, the Bolgrad group, occupied (Cmnelnira) and northern Thrace (Karanovo) , are still
the lake region to the north of the Danube estuary. 31 These debatable. The explanation suggested by Gimbutas, that
three communities Gumelni~sa, Cucuteni-Tripol'ye, and the development of these Copper Age cultures was inter-
Varna-sh a.red a common genesis. Their development rupted by an invasion of nomadic t ribes fron1 the north
was based on the earlier Boian, Pre-Cucuteni- Tripol'ye Pontic steppes, 34 recently has been criticized. There is an
A, and Hamangia cultures. The Boian culture was the ongoing debate related to reconside ring the evidence for
principal Late Neolithic/Early Copper Age culture of the or against a migration of people from the steppes. 35
lower Danube valley and inland Dobrudja, and had a
strong influence on the formation of the Cumelni1sa cul- The concept of an invasion of tribes coming from the
ture; the Ifamangia culture strongly influenced cultural steppes into the Balkans at the end of the Late Copper
development along the Black Sea coast in coastal Dobruja Age is based on several pieces of evidence. One is the
and along the coast to the so uth, leading to the Varna stratigraphic and chronological rupture between the
culture; and both the Danube valley and Dobruja were Late Copper Age and the Early Bronze Age in the eastern
influenced by the Pre-Cucuteni···T'ripol'ye A culture. '· 2 Balkans, 36 reflected in the abandonment of settlements

207
without reoccupar.ion abom 4200-4000 p,c, which in unrivaled elsewhere. It: disappeared fron1 r.he historical
some regions continued for up to 800 years. 37 'T he num- stage and remained unknmvn until it was discovered by
ber of settlements in the eastern part of this territory archaeologists six thousand. years later.
gradually decreased, and they ceased functioning and
were abandoned,3 8 while the number of settlements in Translated by Tatiana Stefanova
the western Balkans increased and continued to functi on
during one more phase, which is variously labeled the
Transitional Period or the Final Copper Age. 39 The latest
Copper Age building levels of tell settlements testify to
the violent death of their inhabitants. 40 llowever, concrete
evidence for an external military invasion into the terri-
tory of present-day Romania and Bulgaria is scarce and
rather uncertain, consisting of secondary evidence rather
than direct proof. In the eastern part of the Balkan
Peninsula in the Early Bronze Age (3200-2500 p,c), the
presence of a steppe population is undeniable, but the
evidence at the end of the Late Copper Age is less clear. 41
In either period, however, the steppe element might not
have appeared as the result of an "invasion." In recent
years there has been an increase in the number of re-
searchers considering the idea of a peaceful penetration
of groups of people from the steppes and their gradual
cultural infiltration. 42 New data are available about sig-
nificant climatic changes in the entire territory of Europe
in the late fifth to the first half of the fourth millennium
BC . Global warming during that period increased the
world sea level, and settlements situated along the coast
of the Varna Bay at that time were flooded, the water
table increased, and large areas of arable land turned into
marshes and s\;v amps.43 Most probably a combination of
factors such as hostile neighbors and climatic changes
were the principal causes that forced inhabitants of the
northeastern Balkans to abandon their homes. They
migrated. at first to the southern Balkans, vvhere settle-
ments dated about 4000 p,c, slightly later than the Varna
cemetery, were found at Kableshkovo 44 and Sozopol 45
near Burgas, and at Starozagorski mincralni bani 4 " and
Yunatsite in the Upper Thrace lowland, 47 as well as at
other sites. These sites witnessed the last attempts of the
bearers of this bright culture to retain their old customs
on the peninsula. But ongoing climate deterioration
forced them either to migrate or to change their way of
life completely. The beginning of the fourth millennium
p,c brought an end to a sophisticated society that had
briefly achieved. a level of political and aesthetic brilliance

208
Note; 16 T<-,dorova, H., Die Kupfcrzcitliche Axte und Beile in Bulgarien,
Prahistorische Bwnzefunde 9 (14) (Munich: Beck, 1981): 39---42, 50---52.,
l Ivanov, LS., Sakrouishtata na \iarnenskiya haik.oliten nek.ropo! (Sofia: and Taf. 9-10, 18.
Septen1vri~1978); Ivanov~ I.~ and lvf. Avran1ova) Vc1rna f{ecrot olis: The Dawn
1

of European Civilization (Sofia: Agatho , 2000). 17 Dimitrnv, K., Afrdnata rnetalurgiya po Zapadnia briag na Chana nwre
(sredata na Vnacha!oio na lV hi!. pi: Hr.} (Sofia: Autoreferat, 2007): 46- 49.
2 The objects have become (>ymbols not only of the cemetery, during numerom
presentations at dozens of e.xhibitions~ but of the VarHen.<:k.i Ad;eok,giche~J<:.i '18 Manolakakis, 1..) Les industries lithiques l?n€olithiques de .Bulgarie,
Mu2:ey as well, and for the past twenty years representative objects have been Internationale Archilologie 88 (Rahdeni\Yfestf.: Marie Leidorf, 2.005): 263- 83.
reprnduced on the covet' of each i;;m: of the m1.rneum'; annual.
19 Kosto;; R.I., and 0. Pelevina, "Complex Faceted and Other Carnelian
3 Marazov, I. , "Grave No 36 from the Chakolithic Cemetery in Varna- Beads from the Varna Chalcolithic Necropolis: Archaeogernmological
Myth, Ritual and Objects," in Die Kupte,.zeit ais historische Epoche, ed . Analysi~» '' in Geoarchaeoiogy and Ar,;haeornineralogy, ed. R .L Kostov~
J. Li chard us , Saarbrlicker Beitrage zur Altertumskunde 55 (Bonn: Ha belt, B. Gaydarska, and M. Gurova (Sofia: St. Ivan Rilski, 2.008): 67---72..
1991): vol. 1, 1.51-55; Marar.ov, I., lv1itologiya na z/atoto (Sofia: Hristo Rote';
1994): 2+--37. 20 Kostov, R .I., "Mineralogidrni osobenosti na antigoritoviya serpentinit
kato surovina sred neolitnite I halkolitnite artefakti ot teritoriata na .Balgaria,"
4 The excavations have not yet been completed, as approximately one-fourth in The Vctt'na Eneolithi( Necropolis and Problems o( ?re.history in SoMt·hecgt·
of the tel'ritory pt'esumed to belong to the cemetery has not been excavated. Europe, ed. V. Slavchev, Acta Musei Varnaensis 6 (Varna: Abagar, 2008): 75-84.
Damaged and destroyed graves are also included in the total numbet' of graves.
21 Ivanov; "Varnenskiyat nekropol i negovoto myasto" (1979): 99.
5 Most of the burials are dated back to the .E arly Bronze Age and are !'elated
to the sy nchronous settlement situated nearby. 22 Renfrew, C., "Varna and the Emergence of Wealth in Prehistoric Europe."
in The So,;ial Life of Things: Conunodities in Cuitural Perspective, ed.
6 Preliminary results were published in Yordanov, r:A., "Anthropologic Study A. Appadurai (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press , 1986): 141---68;
of Bone Remains from Persons Buried in tbe Varna Eneolithic Necropolis," Chapman, J.. "Social Inequality on Bulgarian 'Tdls and the Varna Problem,"
Studia Praehistorica 1-2 (1978): 50-59, and in ;'vLu inov, G., and Y. Yordanov, in The Soda! A.?'i:haeology of Houses, ed. R. Sam;on (Edinburgh: Edinburgh
"Preliminary Data from Studies of Bone Material from the Varna C hakolithic University Press, 1990): 49---98.
Necropolis during the 1972-1975 Period," Studia Pmehistorica l-2 (1978) :
60---67. 23 Renfrew, C., "Monuments, 1\-fobilization and Social Organization in
Neol ithic Wessex," in The Explanation of Culture Change, ed. Renfrew
7 Two other burials did not yield grave goods. (Gloucester: Duckworth, 1973): 539---58; Renfrew, C., "Varna and the Social
Context of Early Metallurgy," in Problems of" Eurof;ean Prehistory, ed .
8 Todorova, H ., "Zur Frage der :i. g. 'Sy mbolischen Graber' des kupferzeit Renfrew (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1979): 382-83.
lichen Gr3.berfeldes 1/arna I," in IIomrnage lt. "i'-likola TasiC (; l'oc.casion de
.>es .rnixante an~, ed . .M. Gat'afanin and D. Srejov ic, Bakanica 23 (.Belg rade: 24 Manolakakis, Les industries lithiques eneo!ithiques de Eulgarie (200.5): 279 .
Academie Serbe des Sciences et des Arts, 1992): 255 70.
25 Ivanov, L, "Le chakolithique en Bulgarie et dans la ni:cropole de Varna,"
9 Com~a, E. , "Considerations sur le rite funeraire de la civilisation de in Ancient Bulgaria, ed. A.G. Poulter (Nottingham: Nottingham University
Gumeln i~ a," Dada 4 (1960): 5 30; Ovcharov, D. , "Eneoliten nekropol do Press, 1983): vol. 1, 163; Raduntcheva, A., "ObshtestVarnao-ikonomicheski)'at
s. Lilyak, Targovi;hko" Arkheoiogia S, no. 1 (1963): S.3~56; Todorova -- zhivot na Dobn1dza i Zapadnoto Cher nomorye prez eneol ita," Vek.ove 1.
Simeonova, H. , "Kasnoeneolitniyat nekropol krai gr. Devnya ," lwestiya rh1 no. 1 (1986): 15---19.
Namdniya hluzei-Varna 7 (1971): 3-40; T<-,dorova, H., et a l. , Selishtnata
.rnogi.Ja pri Golyamo Delcheuo, Razkopki i prouchvaniya 5 (Sofia: Izdatelstvo 26 The present-day sea level is approximately six meters higher than that of
na BAN, 1975); Raduntcheva , A. , Vinitsa ..En~~olitno selishte i n~~kropoi~ the Late Chalcolithic.
Razkopki i prouchvaniya 6 (Sofia: Izdatelstvo na BAN, 1976); Ivanov, T. ,
Radingrad . .Selh:.ht.na mo5·da 1~ ne.b·opol (Sofia: Septernvri, n .d .); Angelova~ I. ~ 27 Ivanov, I., "A la question de la localisation et des etudes des sites submerges
"A Chalcolithic Cemetery Near the 'fown of 'Lirgovi ste," in Dii1 Kupferzeit dans !es lac; de Varna," Pontfr:.a 26 (1993): 19-26.
als historische E[Joche, ed. Lichardus (1991): vol. 1, 101---5; Todorova, IL,
ed.~ I)urankulak ~ vol. 2, Die p1'iihi8torischen Griiberfelder von Du,.ankulak. 28 Dimitrov~ lvfednata tnetalurgiya po Zapadnia brt"ag (2007): 51-52.
(Sofia: Anubis, 2.002.).
29 The ;ituation in the .Middle Copper Age (4600-4400 BC) wa; distinctly
10 'Iodornva-Simeonova, "Kasnoeneolitniyat ndcropol krai gt'. Devnya" (1971). different. The role of the coastal communities at that time was to suppl y
Spond_y!us and copper to their neighbors (see Todorova, H., "Bemerkungen
:1:1 'fodornva, Durankuiak (2002). rnm friihen Handdsverkehr wii.hrend des Neolithikum; und de; Chalkolitlii-
kums im westlichen Schwarzmeerraum," in Handel, Tausch und Verkehr im
l2 'Thirty-eight types of gold artifacts are defined. hi'onze·· und. f1·iihet"senzeitlichen St".idosteuropa~ ed. B. Hansel ~ Prii.historische
Archaologie in Siidosteuropa 11 [lvfunich : Siidosteuropa-Gesellschaft, Seminar
l3 Ivanov, I., "Varnenskiyat ndcrop o l i negovoto myasto v praistoriyata na for Ur und Frilhge;chichte der Freien Univer;itii.t, 199Sj: 53-66). A good
lztochnoto Sredizemnon1orie/~ in Balga1'ia u ~-u2ta ot dr2unostta do 11a~·hi dni~ proof of this is the famous Karbuna hoard that was hidden in a Ti:ipol'ye A
ed. D. Kosev (Sofia: Nauka i izkustvo, 1979): vol. 1, 97. settlement located more than 120 miles from Dobruja during the last phase
of the Pre C ucuteni-']ripol'ye A culture. In addition to tbe other artifacts, it
14 Ivanov and Avram ova, Varna Necropolis (2000): 6 --7. included 444 copper objects and 2.70 S{Jondylus shell ornaments. See Serge.ev.
G.P., "Rannetripol 'skii kl ad us. Karbuna," SotJet.~kaia arkheologiya 7,
15 The weight of the copper artifacts discovered in Grave 43 alone exceeds no. 1 (1963): 135 51; Dergachev, V.A., Kerbtmskii k!ad (Chi~inau: Tipografia
the total weight of all copper objects yidded by tlie Durankulak cemetery, Academ iei de$ti n~e, 1998): 29-43,45-47.
whet'e 1,204 graves have been excavated.

209
30 'T'odorova, H., "Das Spataneolithikum an der 'Nestichen Schwarzmeer-- 41 Panayotov, I., Yamnata kultura v balgarskite zemi, Razkopki i prouchva-
ki.iste," Studia Praehistorica 1--2 (1978): 136--A5. niya 21 (Sofia: Bulgarian Academy of Sciences Press, 1989); Georgieva, P.,
"Nadgrobna mogila krai gr. Shabla (problemi na hronologiyata i kulturnata
31 Subbotin, L.V., "O sinkhronizatsii pamyatnibv kultury Gumdnitsa v prinadlezhnost) ,"Arkheologia 33, no. 1(1991):1 -- 10.
Nizhnem Podunavie," in Arkheologicheskie issledouania Severo-Zapadnogo
Pric:himomoi'ia, ed. V.N. Stanko (Kiev: Naukova Dumka, 1978): 3641; 42 Manzura, "Vladeyushie skipetrami" (2000); Georgieva, P., "Za
Subbotin) L.''v:) Pamyainiki kultury Gunielnitsa Iugo-Zapada Uktainy (Kiev: zoomorfnite skiptri i poslednite etapi na kasnoeneolitnite kulturi Varna,
Naukova Dumka, 1983}: 36--41- Different researchers give various names to Kodzhadermen -G umelnitsa --Karanovo VI i Krivodol--Salkutsa ," in
the latter: Cumelnitsa-Ariusd aspect (Dumitrescu, Vl., "Consideration el .St~~phano~· Atchaeologit.:os-·· · · ··!n 1-Ionorem Ptofissoris Ludn1ili Getov~ ed.
donnees nouvelles s1u le probleme du synchronism<: des civilisations de K. Rabadjiev (Sofia: Sofia University Press, 2005: 156).
Cucuteni et de Cumelni\a," Dacia 8 [1964] : 53)~ Stoicanj-Aldeni cultural
group (Dragomir, I.~ Eneoliticul din sud-e.'itul .Ro;ndniei. Aspectu! cultural 43 Todornva, H., "Die geographische Lage der Graberfelder. Paliioklima,
Stoicani-A.ldeni, Biblioteca de Arheologie 42 [Bucharest: Academiei RSR , Strandverschiebungen und Umwdt der Dobrudscha im 6.--4. Jahrtausend v.
1983]: 9---15) ; Bolgrad-Aldeni culture (Chernysh, E.K., "Eneolit Pravoberezhnoi Chr.," in Duranku!ak, ed. Todorova (2002): 20---22.
Ukrainy i Moldavii," in Eneolit SSSR., ed.V.M_ Masson and N.Y~ Merpert,
Arkheologia SSSR 3 [Moscow: Nauka, 1982]: 253---56). 44 Ceorgieva, P. , "Za kraiya na eneolita v Zapadnoto Chernomorie," in
Festschrift (Ur Dr.habil. Henri~~ta ·nJa.\Jrova, ed. V. Slavchev) Sbornlk Dohrudja
32 Slavchev, V, "Precucureni Influences on Pottery of the Final Phase of 21 (Varna: Sitronik, 2004): 215---24.
Hamangia Culture," in Cucuteni. 120 ans de recherches; Le temps du bilani
Cucuteni: 120 Year.> of Re.>earch; Time to Sum Up, ed. J. Chapman et al., 45 Draganov, V., "Submerged Coastal Settlements from the Final Eneolithic
Bibliotheca Memoriae Antiquitatis 16 (Piatra- Neam\, 2005): 53--54. and the Early Bronze Age in the Sea around Sozopol and Urdoviza Bay
near Kiten," in Prehi8toric Bulga,-fa, ed. Bailey, Panayotov, and Alexandrov
33 Todorova calls them "funeral ponery"; Todorova, I--I., "Die Sepulkral- (1995): 23336.
keramik a.us den Grabern von Durankulak," in Durankulak, ed. 'J(,dorova
(2002) : 81---116. 46 Georgieva, "Za zoomorfnite skiptri" (2005): 152.

34 Gimbutas, M., "The First ·wave of Eurasian Steppe Pastoralists into 47 Georgjeva, "Za kraiya na eneolita" (2005): 221.
Copper Age Europe,~~ journal of lndo-European Studies 5, no. 4 (1977):
277-338.

35 Dergachev, V., "The Jvfigration Theory of Marija Gimbutas," Journal

of Inda-Eu ropean Studies 28, nos. 3--4 (2000): 257---339; Manzura , I.V. ,
"Vladeyushie skipetrami," Stratum plus, no . 2 (2000) : 237---95.

36 Todorova, IL, "Der Ubergang vorn Aneoli thikum zur Bronzezeit in

Bulgarien_ Die Ethnogenese der Thraker," in Dritte,- Jnte,-nationaler
Thrakologischer Kongn.~ss .zu Ehren 1)~: Ton1a':J·cheks~ ed. A. Peschew et
al. (Sofia: Swiat, 1984): vol. 1, 117.

37 For further details on problems related lO chronology, see Boyadziev,

Y., "Chronology of Prehistoric Cultures in Bulgaria," in Prehistoric
Bulgaria, ed. D,\:V. Bailey, L Panayotov, and S, Ale.xandrov, Monographs in
World Archaeology 22 (Madison , WI: Prehistory Press, 1995): 173-74.

38 Tl-:idorova, :H. , Kamenno - rnednata epoi<ha u Balgaria. Peto K.hil'yadoletie

predi Novata Era (Sofia: Nauka i Izkustvo, 1986): 87--89 and fig. 16,

39 Georgieva, P., "Ethnocultural and Social-- Economic Changes during the

Transitional Period from Eneolithic to Bronze Age in the Region of Lower
Danube~~~ GodiSnjak na Ak.aderntj"a nauka i urnetnosti Bosne I Hercegovine.
Centar 2:a balkanoloska ispiiivanja 28, no. 26 (1990): 241; Boyadziev,
"Chronology of Prehistol'ic Cultmes" (1995): 173_

40 See the data on tell I--Iotni tsa: Angelov, N., "Selishtnata rnogila pri s.
Hotnitsa," in fzsledvania v che.st na akad. l)irnitar l)echev po .sluchai
80-godishninaia n1u, ed.\~ Beshevliev and V Georgiev (Sofia: Bulgarian
Academy of Sciences Press, 1958): 393; Angelov, N., "Zlatnoto sakrovishte
ot Hornitsa," Arkheo!ogia 1, nos. 1--2 (1959): 39--40. On tell Yunatsite:
Matsanova, V., "Intramirnlni 'pogrebenia' ot kasnia halkolit v selishtnata
mogila pri Yunatsite, Pazardzhishko," in ~frak.ia i sa8ednite i-aioni prez:
neoiita i ha!kolita, ed. V. Nikolov (Sofia: Agatho, 2000): 121---23. On tell
Ruse and tell Ku brat: 'Il1dorova, Ka11zenno - 11zednata epok.ha v Ralgaria
(1986): 74--75; Matsanova, "Intramiralni 'pogrebenia' ot kasnia halkolit"
(2000) : 124_

210
The Copper Age Cemetery
of Giurgiule~ti
Veaceslav Bicbaev
The Natbnal tv1useu m of Ji.rchaeology and History of lvlol:Jova, Ch ~inau

The Copper Age cemetery of Giur giule§ti 1.va s di scovered valley 1.vith the settled agricultural landscape s of the region
in 1991 during the re scue ex cavation of a pair of kur gans bet>.veen the Carpathians and the Dniester River, where
(burial mound s) at the edge of the village of Giurgiule~ti rainfall agriculture •.va s much more reliable than in the
by the Institute of Archaeology and Ancient Hi story of coa st al steppe s, and where many agricultural Cucuteni
the Academy of Sciences, Republic of Moldova . Giurgiule~ti settlements exi sted during the Copper Age. The cemetery
is located in the Cahul di strict in the Lo1Ner Prut region site was 130 kilometer s i,vest of the Black Sea coast.
of Moldova . The excavations 1Nere directed by V. H aheu
and S. I. Kurciatov, 1Nho al so authored the re search report The coa st al 101.vlands north1.ve st of the Black Sea receive
and the fir st publication of the cemetery. 1 insufficient rainfall for the gro1.vth of trees except in
river valleys, 1.vhere the elevated 1.vater table near the river
TI1e cemetery is situated on a high plateau on the left support s ribbon s of gallery for est. Outside of the river
(ea st ern) bank of the Prut River at the southernmost point valleys the vegetation is steppe gra ssland. The Bugeac
of Moldova, close to where the Prut flows into the Danube steppes, as they are named in thi s part of the Black Sea
River . The plateau ha s a commanding view over the flat 101.vland, form the western end of a steppe corridor that
marshe s and plains of the 101.ver Danube River valley and extends across the Eurasian continent to Mongolia. Thi s
across it to the distant rocky hill s of the Dobrogea to the 1.vas the environment through which tribe s of nomad
south (fig. 10-1 ). The region on the north si de of the Danube shepherd s, assumed to have been the bearer s of the Proto-
is an extension of the steppe gra sslands to the north and lndo-European language , began to move from the
east , characterized by flat-bottomed vall eys and rolling Pontic-Caspian steppes into the Danubian t errito ry at
gra ssy ridge s that in thi s region rarely surpa ss elevations the end of the early Copper Age 2 (the second half of the
of one hundred meter s. The Prut River was an important fifth millennium B C) from the steppe s east of the Black
avenue of communication that connected the Danube and Caspian sea s. At that time the lower Danube valley
1.vas inhabited by the sedentary agricultural communities
of the Gumelni!a culture and it s lo cal variant s, including
the Bolgrad group. The fir st phase of the intercultural
Ned<la::e. C aldium edu'e am Mact t<J. caro~'na sh;!ll, StNOrovo- dialogue between the sedentary population and the
Novooari lcfl'i~. Giurgit.Je~ . Gra\e 2. 4600-4300 oc. MNAIM.
nomadi c peoples o ccurred during the chronological phase

213
Karanovo VI-Gumelnita-Varna, when the mining and thirty-five to forty cemeteries are assigned to the Suvo rovo-
production of copper and gold flourished in Old Europe, Novodanilovka culture as a whole,
as can be seen particularly at the rich cemetery of Varna
(see Vladimir Slavchev's essay in this volume)_:?. It was also One regional group, the most important for the purposes
a time when the Cucuteni-Tripol)re culture flourished, a of this volume, was centered in the lake-studded steppes
cu lture perhaps best known for its elaborate and sophis- north of the Danube delta (incbding the sites of Suvorovo
ticated pottery. Contact with the steppe nomads began and Giurgiule~ti), with a few additional graves that filtered
during the Pre-Cucuteni III phase and continued through southward down the coast of the Black Sea to Va ma
Cucuteni A4 , or about 4500-4000 BC. (Casimcea, Devnya), and a few more that followed the
steppe river valleys upstream toward the Cucuteni settle -
What appears to have been at first peaceful interactions ments (Kainar, Kopchak). The type site for this group is
changed in a relatively short period of time. Steppe nomads the Suvorovo tumulus, o r kurgan (Suvo rovo cemetery II
appear to have invaded from the north into the Carpathian- kurgan 1), It was thirteen meters in diameter and covered
Balkan region about 43 0 0-410 0 BC. The first real invasion four Copper Age graves.~ Stones measuring a meter tall
occurred at the chronological level of the Cucuteni A3 formed a retaining wall or cromlech around the base of
and A4 phases, with a catastrophic outcome for many of the mound, Grave 7 was the double grave of an adult
the Balkan cultures, 4 male and female buried supine with raised knees, heads
to the east, The floor of the grave was covered with red
The Suvorovo -N ovodan ilovka Culture ochre, white chalk, and black fragments of charcoaL A
The steppe culture that migrated into the lower Danube magnificent polished stone mace shaped like a horse head
valley is known as the Novodanilovka culture or as the lay on the pelvis of the male. Belts of Ui'lio-shell disc beads
Suvorovo-N ovodanilovka culture, s It can be divided into draped the female's hips, The grave also contained two
three regional groups of graves. No settlements are known, copper aw ls made of Balkan copper, three lamellar flint
perhaps because the people were mobile pastoralists who blades, and a flint end-scraper,
left very little in the way of settlement remains, About
South of the Danube River in the Dobrogea at Casimcea,
an adult male was buried in an ochre-stained grave on his
back with raised knees, accompanied by a polished stone
10-1. Vie..v frcm nea- the Cq:+ier Age cemetery at Giurgiule~i sho.'Jing the horse-head mace, five triangular flint axes, fifteen triangu-
ccn11Jence of the Danut:ce and the Plver Prut. 200S .
lar flint points, and three lamellar flint blades (see fig. 1-18).

214
Farther south down the Black Sea coast, another Suvorovo- were a small kurgan o r stone cairn, often surrounded by a
Novodanilovka grave was placed in the Varna-culture stone circle or cromlech,
cemetery at Devnya , near Varna . This single, ochre-stained
grave contained an adult male on his back with raised The main characteristics of the Suvorovo-Novodanilovka
knees , accompanied by thirty-two golden rings; a copper culture are: a lack of settlements; the use of flat graves
axe; a copper decorative pin; a copper square-sectioned without a covering tumulus as well as kurgan graves with
penetrating instrument twenty-seven centimeters long, a single covering tumuhls; grave pits of rectangular shape,
perhaps a poniard-like dagger or the point of a javelin; in some cases with stone slab walls or with the pits covered
a bent copper wire L64 meters long, perhaps a trade with stone slabs; and finally a standard burial position on
ingot; thirty-six flint lamella r blades; and five triangular the back with the head oriented to the east, knees raised ,
flint points, arms stretched a long the body, and hands, in most cases,
on the ground. The body and the base of the pit are usually
The second group of intrusive graves appeared in abundantly covered with red och re , Grave inventories
Transylvania. The migrants there left cemeteries at Decea almost always include flint objects, predominantly triangu-
Mure~ului in the Mure~ valley and at Csongrad in the lar spear or arrow points and blades, of a high quality,
plains of eastern Hungary, At Decea Mure~ului, near Frequently, the right or left hand holds a large flint blade,
important copper deposits, there were fifteen to twenty often retouched on the edges, A specific element is the
graves, the bodies on their backs with the knees probably deposit of large quantities of unfinished o r semifabricated
originally raised but fallen to the left or right, colored flint pieces. Some burials contain a large number of simple
with red ochre, with Ur1io-shell beads, long flint blades or spira 1bracelets made of copper, copper pendants,
(up to twenty-two centimeters long) , copper awls, a strands of Unio-shell o r seashell beads, and crescent-shaped
copper rod "torque," and two four-knobbed mace heads pendants made of boar tusks , Stone chisels, flint blades,
made of black polished stone, A radi oca rbon date from and weapons are also occasionally present in the graves,
Grave 12 at Decea Mure~lui (KIA-368: 5380 ± 40 BP) Stone clubs and maces, notably maces with a stone head
gave a ca librated true age of 4330-4170 Bc-7 shaped like a h o rse head, also form part of many invento-
rie s. It is interesting to note that cerami cs are rarely found ,
The third regional group was located more than 550 and when they do occu r, they frequently were borrowed
kilometers to the east , in the steppes around the lower from another culture, as in Grave 2 at Giurgiule~i, which
Dnieper River, perhaps the region of origin for the contained a pot of the local Gumelnita culture, Similarly,
immigrants, In this arid steppe region, Novodanilovka a Tripol'ye Bl beaker was found in the Kainar kurgan,
graves are distributed across the same territory as graves between the Prut and the Dniester; 10 and a late Gumelnita
and settlements designated as belonging to theSredni vessel in the Kopchak kurgan, situated forty-four kilo me-
Stog I I culture, and many aspects of grave ritual and lithics ters northeast of the Giurgiule~i cemetery, Gold objects,
are identicaL Y R assamakin has designated the copper- while not frequent , were found in some of the richest
rich graves of the Novodanilovka type as belonging Novodanilovka graves, such as those at Devnya in Bulgaria,
to a new entity that he designated the Skelya cultu re ,8 Krivoj Rog in Ukraine, and Giurgiule~i in Moldova , 11
The Novodanilovka elite were buried with copper spiral
bra celets, rings, and bangles, copper beads of several The copper from Suvorovo-Novodanilovka graves helps to
types, and copper awls, all of which contained Balkan date them, Trace elements in the copper from Giurgiule~i
trace elements and were made technologically, likethe and Suvorovo in the lower Danube, and from Chapli and
objects at Giurgiule~i and Suvorovo,9 The grave floors N ovodanilovka in the Dnieper steppes, a re typical of the
were strewn with red ochre or with a chunk of red ochre. mines in the Bulgarian Balkans (Ai Bunar and/or Medni
The bodies were positioned on the back with raised knees Rud) that abruptly ceased production when Old Europe
and the head oriented east ornortheast. Surface markers collapsed, The eastern- European copper trade shifted to
chemically distinctive Serbian ores that probably came

215
from mines near Majdanpek during Tripol'ye B2, a ft er
4 00 0 B c.12 The ref ore, the Suvorovo-N ovodanilovka graves
must be dated before that, The earliest side of the chrono-
logica 1frame is defined by the fact that the Suvorovo
Cult structure 1
kurgans replaced the settlements of the Bolgrad group
north of the Danube delta, which were still occupied
during early Tripol'ye Bl, or after about 440 0-430 0 BC ,
These two bookends (after the abandonment of Bolgrad,
before the wider Old European collapse) restrict Suvorovo-
N ovodanilovka to a period between 4300 and 4000 BC ,

The Giu rgiule{'ti Graves

The Copper Age cemetel)' at Giurgiule~ti was discovered
in the process of investigating kurgan 2, a large buria 1
I.
I
I
a--,
Grave4
~
'

'
I

0
Cult pit 1

mound built by people of the Early Yamnaya culture,

probably about 3000 BC , The Yamnaya kurgan mound
covered and preserved, apparently by accident, the much
older Copper Age cemetery,

The cemetery was created between 4490 and 4330 BC ,

~Graves
according to a single radiocarbon date on human bone
from one of the graves (Ki-7037, 5560±80 BP). Radiocarbon ~
dates from related sites agree generally with the date
from G iurgiule~ti: The steppe-related grave at Kaina r,
Romania , is dated to about 4455-4355 BC (Ki-369,
558 0± 50 BP); and the steppe-related graves at Decea
Mure~urui in Transylvania are dated a little later, 433 0-
4050 BC (KIA-368 , 5380±40 BP),u

The Giurgiule~ti cemetery contained five graves distrib-

uted over roughly 200 square meters(figs, 10-2-10-6),
Graves 1-3 contained the remains of children , while Grave
10-2. G01eral j:lan d 1he GiU'giule~ cenete1y (afte' H3heJ and
4 was an adult male, and Grave 5 an adult individual 11.Jrciatc:N. 1~ .
without age or sex determination, In four of the five
10-3 (q+osite: tcp). Grave 3. j:lan aid siacti01 (after Ha.heu and
graves, the bodies were positioned on the back with raised 11.lrcialctl<, 1~ .
knees (Grave 2, containing disarticulated bones, had
10-4 (q+osite: l:ottcm . left). Gr~<e 4. a . j:lan ot 1he ui::pe- ~tot 1he gr~
been robbed) , The grave floors were painted with red r:et (shaf~ wl1h b:nes ofsactl1k:ed cattle and hcrse : b. general j:lan of 1he
ochre. Two children (Graves l and 3) and the adult (Grave grave (after Hatf.!u aid Kurciato.<, 1993).

5) together wore nineteen copper spiral bracelets and 10-5 (q+osite: l:ottcm. cents'). Gra..-e 4. Se::ti01 . a= 1illing ot 1he gra\e shaft.
five boar-tusk pendants, one of which was decorated with with cha-coal. small calcined booes and aiimal ~lls in its ui::per part:
b = 1illing of tl"E 1:1..Jtl ~ chanter w11h a cup:l a-sh~d ccnst1ucti01 d r:ure
copper beads, Grave 2 contained a late Gumelnita pot, yello.v day: c =niches fO' \\COdB'l cEiling ot 1:1..Jtlal chanter: d = ootlaJ
cnam ter w11h 1illing ot clay, e = layg d silt 01 tl"E cnam ter bottcm. co1<ered
with red ochre (after Ha.heu and 11.lrciato«. 1~) .
Between the graves was a cult place, with special
arrangements for performing complex funerary ceremo- 10-6(q+osite: bottcm. righ~ . Grave 5. j:lan aid siacti01 (afte' H3heJ and
11.lrciaio«. 1~ .
nies, preparation of the funeral)' structures, and animal

216
 •

217
sacrificial rites. The sacrificia 1place was defined by a Grave 3 was a pit of catacomb type with an oval shaft
rectangular platform surrounded by ditches (Ollt struc- and an oval-rectangular mortuary chamber with a niche
ture 1) with a round fireplace altar within , and a pit to (fig. 10-3). The deceased was a child, two to three yea rs
the south of the plat form (Pit 1) which, in the upper pa rt old, laid on the back with knees bent, head oriented south-
of its filling, contained the remains of five animal skulls, east, right hand stretched along the body, and left hand
including cattle and goats. 14 Above Grave 4 was a second with the palm on the pelvis. The grave inventory included:
sacrificial deposit that contained the skulls of five animals, one conical flint nucleus beside the head (fig. 10-8 , top),
including an unspecified number of cattle and at least one two flint scrapers; one flint blade (knife); one polished
horse skulL Graves 1-4 and the sacrificia 1pit formed a stone axe; two boar-tusk pendants (fig. 10-7, top); one
compact semicircular group in the southern and south- strand of two cylindrical marble beads and nine fossil
eastern part of the Cult structure, while Grave Shad an shells; one st rand of ten deciduous deer teeth; one neck-
isolated position ten meters south of the structure. Around lace of fossil shells; two copper temple rings; one necklace
two thousand objects were discovered in the five graves. of two strands of beads (one strand containing 106
copper and 3 marble beads, the other 100 copper and 3
Grave 1 was an oval pit with a small side-niche, or semi- marble beads, fig. 10-9); one strand of 158 copper beads
catacomb. The deceased was a child, approximately three (fig. 10-10) and six copper bracelets.
years old, laid on the back with knees bent, the head
oriented southeast. The grave inventory included: six Uriio Grave 4 was a very deep shaft grave, five meters deep ,
shells without perforation s; nine flint blades made from roundish in the upper part and rectangular at the bottom
Dobrogea flint , one of them-a knife-introduced in the (figs. 10-4, 10-5). The deceased was an adult male , twenty
palm of the right hand ; one (incomplete) strand of three to twenty-five years old, laid on the back with knees bent,
white beads (unidentified materia ~ and an uncounted head oriented southeast, and hands stretched along the
number of black bead s (unidentified material), all found body. The grave invent o ry inc hlded eight o rnamental
in the zone of the neck ; two boar-tusk pendants (one circlets, about five to seven centimeters in diameter, placed
perforated for the attachment of copper beads, fig. 10-7, on each side of the head (sixteen t ota l); each circlet was
bottom), found on the chest; two fossil shells (Cardium made of white coral beads (422 beads on one side and 41 S
edule Reeve) , used as pendants;15 one strand of 75 copper beads on the other). These might have been pa rt of some
bead s found on the chest ; a second strand of 420 copper kind of ornamented headband or cap (fig. 10-11). In
beads; and eight copper spira 1bracelets. addition, the grave contained a unique spear fore sha ft
(a detachable point), more than fifty centimeters long,
Grave 2 was an oval pit with a small side-niche, or semi- with a point made of deer antler, a shaft made of wood,
catacomb, with a child burial, destroyed by robbing. The twenty-eight inset flint blades on the edges (fourteen
skeleton was unarticulated, placed in a pile, and the age on each side), and an ant !er attachment for the handle
wa s undetermined. The grave inventory included a ceramic (fig. 10-12) ; one spear point made of deer antler with
vessel of Gumelnit a type; one stone axe; nine rectangular three gold tubular fittings for the shaft, about forty centi-
plaques made of Margaritifera (freshwater pearl) shells; meters long (fig. 10-13); a third deer-antler spear point;
the remain s of a strand of twenty-six cylindrical beads of one flint blade (fig. 10-8 , bottom); one cylindrical p olished
white marble; thirty-fivefossil shell beads (twenty-four of
Cardium Edule, eleven of Mactra caroliria), that probably
composed a single neck lace (see page 212); one Uriio-
shell with no trace of processing; the remains of small 10-7. T\\O tmr-bJsk i:enoonts. ooe i:erorated fO' tl'E attachment d cq+er
roundish unidentified shells; one copper hook; and four rings. Boor tusk. SuvacNo-l>b'rod3nilo"1<a. Giurgi u ~i . GreM•s 3 (tcp) and 1
tbeltan). 4500-4300 oc. MNAJM .
copper beads.
10·3. Cooic~ cae a nudeus Cfld tlcd;! . Rint. Su\fQ'010-No1<od3rilo1'1<:a,
Giurgiule~. Gr211es 3(tcp) and 4 (bottcm). 4500-4300 oc. MNAIM .

218
219
10-9 (tcp, left,). Bea:l reck!ace. ~er ammcrl::le. Suvcro\ro-N:NoocnilcNka. 10-12 (cEfltel? . Spear fa'emaft. IJ\b:d. an1ler. bore. aid 11int. SlNO'OVO·
Giurgi u ~i. Grave 3, 4500-4300 oc. M N4-I M. l\l:No:i:3nil0\lka. Giurgiule~ . Grave 4. 4500-4300oc. MNAIM .

10 -10 (tcp. center). Bea::! necklace. O:pper. Suvcrovo-Norodaiilo~1<a. 10-13 (batcm. left). Spea- p:int aid tub.liar sh3.ft 1ittjngs. Antler aid gad,
Giurgi u ~i, Grave 3, 4500-4300 oc. M N4-I M. SUVO'OIO· NCNOd:3nilcM<a. Giurgiule~. Grave 4. 45@-4300 oc. M NAIM .

10 -11 (tcp, right). Ordets of wnite beads. Cctal. SUvcroro- t>O~nilo,iK:a. 10-14 (bottcm. right). Si::ira crnanents. Gad. Su\fO'Clvo-Norodaiilo"1<a,
Giurgiu~i . Grnve 4, 4500-4300oc. MN4-IM . Giurgiule~. Grave4. [email protected]. MNAIM .

220
221
shell bead ; one small bone plate; one deer -antler inlay ; female figurines show a mixture of Gumelnita (Aldeni II
one deer-antler "phalh.is"; one small unworked piece of type) and Tripol'ye A traits, The villages were occupied
deer antler; one ovicaprine scapula with forty notches mainly during Tripol'ye A , then were abandoned and
along one edge; two gold spiral ornaments (fig, 10-14); burned during early Tripol'ye Bl, probably about 4300-
and a massive copper dagger, 4200 BC , Most of the abandonments seem to have been
planned, since almost everything was picked up , But at
Grave S was a deep pit of rectangular shape with round- Vulcane~ti II, radiocarbon dated 4200-4100 BC (5300 ± 60
ish corners (fig, 10-6), The deceased was an adult , sex BP), abandonment was quick , leaving many whole pots to
undetermined, laid on the back with knees bent, head bum, This might date the arrival of the Suvorovo mi-
oriented southeast, and hands stretched a long the body, grants, and the beginning of the end of Old Europe.17 After
The grave inventory included one boar-tusk pendant; this date, the new occupants of this region , including the
one shell pendant; four strands of copper beads con- chief buried at Suvorovo, left graves, but no settlements,
taining 58 2 beads total (fig. 10-1 S); six strands of copper
beads containing 506 beads total; and five copper Translated by Iulia Postica
bracelets (fig, 10-16),

The Ca uses and Ta rgets ot the Mig rations

\Y/inters began to get colder in the interior steppes after
about 43 00-4 200 BC ,16 The marshlands of the Danube
delta a re the largest in Europe west of the Volga , lviarshes
of Phragmites reeds were the preferred winter refuge for
nomadic pa stora lists in the Black Sea steppes during
recorded hi story be cause they offered goo d winter forage
and cover for cattle. The Danube delta was richerin marsh
resources than any other pla ce on the Black Sea. The first
Suvorovo-Novodanilovka herders who appeared on the
northern edge of the Danube delta about 4300 BC might
have brought some of their cattle south from the Dnieper
steppes du ring a period of particularly cold winters,

Another attraction was the abundant copper that came

from Old European towns, Copper was traded or gifted
back into the steppes around the lower Dnieper River,
probably by the migrants who were at the " front " of the
contact with Tripol'ye Bl , Cu01teni A3-A4, and late
Gumelnita settlements, Probably the first effect of the
migration wa s the abandonment of the lake country
north of the Danube delta by the agricultural communi-
ties wh o had lived there , The thirty settlements of the
Bolgrad culture north of the Danube delta were aban-
doned and burned soon after the Suvorovo immigrants
arrived. These small agricultural villages were composed 10-15. Bead n~kl~e . Cq+er. &!VO'OJO· N:t..-.:d3nilo"1<:a. Giurgiule~.
Gra\e 5, 4£00.4300 EC, Mf\14.IM .
of eight to ten semisubterranean houses with fired-clay
hearths, benches, and large storage pots set in pits in 10·16. spiral cr~Eiets. Cq+er. &!VO'oro-~ilo1'1<:a, Giurgiule~.
Gra\e 5, 4£00-4300 EC, Mf\14.IM.
the floor, Graphite-painted fine pottery and numerous

222
223
Notes 12 The metal of the Suvorovo.Novodani lovka complex is described in
Ryndina, Drevneishee metallo-obrabatyvaiushd1ee proirvodstvo Iugo-
1 Haheu V., and S. Kurciatov, "Otchet o polevych issledovanyach Pruto Vostochno i evropy (1998); see esp. 159-70 for the metallurgy of the
Dunayskoy novostroedmoy ekspedicii v 1991 godu," Arhiva Arheologici "Novodanilovka tribe," as she called this complex. Ryndina examined
a MNAL'v1 (Kishinev}, no. 336, 1992: 5.5; Haheu, V, and S. Kurciatov, copper objects from graves at Chapli , Giugiurle~ti, Novodanilovka, Petro·
"Cirnitirul plan eneolitic de linga sarnl Giugiule~ti," Rei·isia Arkheo!ogicii 1 Svistunovo, and Suvorovo. The copper of Varna and Gumelnitsa, but
(1993): 101---14. particularly Varna, is discussed in a long article by a ;veil-known German
metallurgical team: l'ernicka, E.F., et al., "Prehistoric Copper in Bulgaria:
2 In Romania and Moldova, the late fifth millennium BC is the end of the Its Composition and Provenance," Eurasia Antiqua 3 (1997): 4 1 179.
Early Copper .Age, as a hove; but in the Hulgari an chronological system The authors document the end of the Balkan mines and the switch to
(Karanovo VI and Varna), this period was the end of the Late Copper Age. Serbian ores about 4000 be.

3 Ivanov, LS., Sokrovisl:yata na varnenskya neoliten nek.ropolju (Sofia: 13 Radiocarbon dates from Kotova~ F.."ariy .Eneolithic in the Pontic
Septen1vri~ 1978); Chernykh> E.N., Gornof~ delo i metallurgija ~_,. dreunej::ej Steppes (2008): 69.
Bolgarii (Sofia: Arkheologicheskii Institut i Muzei Bolgarskoi Akademii
Nauk, 1978); Todorova, H ., Eneolit Bolgcirii (Sofia, 1979): 116. 14 Archaeoroological analysis by G. Cemyrtan and anatomical determi-
nation of human bones by I.D. Potekhina; see l\fanzura, I. V., "Arkheo logia
4 Chernykh, E.K. , "Eneolit pravoberezhnoi ukrainy i rnoldavii," in Enwlit osnovnogo 1nifa/' Stratum. Structu-ry i katast-ro(v [Sbo-rnik simuol.iches:koi
SSSR, ed. V.M. Masson and N.Y. lv!erpert: 166-320, Arkheologia SSSR 3 indoevropeislwi istorii] (Sankt-l'eterburg, 1997): 26-36.
(Moskva: Nauka, 1982).
15 After Dergachev> \~>Die dneo/.itishe.n 11,nd b-ron;.;~:e.zeitlichen ]'.;[etal.l/unde.
5 Gin1butas~ .lvf.~
C'iviliza(ie ji l:ulturii. \lestigii preistort"ce fn sud-estul aus .Moldauien (Stuttgart: Steiner, 2002): 1.9-21, Taffel n 1()-15.
(Bucure~ti: Meridiane, 1989); see also Kotova, N.S., Eariy Eneoiithic in the
Pantie Steppe8, trans. N.S. Makhortykh, British Archaeological Reports, 16 Leuschner, H.H., et al., "Subfossil Eurnpean Hog Oaks: Population
International Series 1735 (Oxford: Archaeopress, 2008) . Dynamics and Long-Term Growth Depressions as Indicators of Changes
in the Holocene Hydro·· regime and C lim ate," 'The Holocene 1.2, no. 6
6 Alekseeva, LL., "0 drevneishhikh eneol iticheskikh pogrebeniyakh (2002): 695-706.
severo-zapadnogo prichernornor'ya," in lAaterialy t 0 ~:.itkheologii Seuernogo
1

l'ri,:hernomor'ya (Kiev) 8 (1976): 176-86. 'T'he Kopchak kurgan is described 17 Subbotin, L V. , "0 sinkhronizatsii pamyatnikov kul'tury Gumelnitsa v
in: Beilekchi, V.S., "Raskopki kurgana 3 us. Kopchak," Arkheo!ogicheskie nizhnern Podunav'e~~~ in Arkheologiche~·kie i~·sledovaniya severo-.<.:at•thinogo
is.>!dovaniya v .Mo!d.avii v :19!!5 g.: .34-49 (Kishinev: Shtiintsa, 1985). prichernomo?"ya, ed. VN. Stanko (Kiev: Naukova Dumka, 1978): 29-41;
and Subbotin, L.V., "Uglubennye zhilishcha kul'rnry Gurnelnitsa v nizhnem
7 For the dating of these graves, see Tsvek, E.'I., and Y. Rassamakin, "The podunav'e/' in Ra.nne.zemle.deJ.>ches:ki poseleniya-gigant.y Tripol's:koi kuft.uty
Interactions between the Eastern 'Ii:ipol'ye Culture and the Pontic Steppe na Ub-aine, ed. LT~ Chenyakov ('fal'yanki: Institut Arkheologii AN USSR,
Area: Sorne Aspects of the Problern~~~ in C.11,cuteni. 120 <~n~; de lec.he·;·ches:, Le 1990): 177--82.) .
temp.<: du bilan.!Cucuteni: 120 ~iea1'.<: of Research_; Time to Sutn Up: 173-92,
Bibliotheca Mernoriae Antiquitatis 16 (Piatra-Neamr, 2005).

S Rassamakin, r:, "The Eneolithic of the Black Sea Steppe: Dynamics of

Cultural and Economic Development, 45002300 sc," in Late Prehistoric
.Exploitation of the Eurasian Stette, ed . .M:. :Levine, Rassan1akin~ A.. Kislenk.o,
and N. Tatarintseva: 59---182, McDonald Institute Monographs (Cambridge:
.lvlcDonald Institute for Archaeological Research, 1999).

9 For the metals of the Novodanilovka group, see Ryndina, N.V., Dr.wnei~hee
rnetallo-obrabatyuaiushchee t1 roL~:uodst.vo Iugo-J..'~Jstochnoi Europy (Moscow:
Editorial, 1998): 166···67. The Novodanilovka grave, which was isolated rather
than being in a cemetery, is described in: Telegin, D.Y., SerednoStogivs'ka
kul'tura epokha midi (Kiev: Dumka, 1927): 113 . For descriptions of the
graves at Petro-Svistunovo and Chapli, see Bodyans'kii, O.V., "Eneolitichnii
rnogil'nik bilya s. Petyro-Svistunovo," Arkheologiya (Kiev) 21 (1968): 117 25;
and Dobrnvol'skii, A.V, "Mogil'nik vs. Chapli," Arkheologiya (Kiev) 9
(1958): 106-18.

10 Located 150 kilometers northeast of Gimgiule~ti, in the floodplain of

the Dniestr affluentBotna, at the southern border of the forest-steppe zone,
thirteen kilometers east of the Precucuteni III settlement Carbuna, with its
famous hoard of numerous copper and other objects.

11 Telegin , D.Y., A.N. Nechitailo, I.D. Potekhina, and Y.V. Panchenko,

Srednestogovskaya i novodanilovskaya ku.l'tury eneolita azovo-
dernomoi·skogo i·egiona (Lugansk: Shlyakh.Dergachev, 2001); Manzura,
I., "Culturi eneolitice tn zona de step:i," Thraco-Dada 15, nos. l--2.
(1994): 93-101.

224
\;1useu rn .A.bbre\iiations

Republic of Bulgaria b,Ju zeul Jud erean de Istorif: Brn~ov , Bra$OV

Varna Museum Regionalen Isroricheski Muzey, Varna Bra$OV County History Museum, Bra$OV
Varna Regional Museum of History
;•vijl'I'AGR Muzeul Jud erean de Istorie '"T'eoha ri Antonesrn,"
Republic of Moldova Giurgiu
MNAll\.f Muzeul National de Arheologie ~i Istorie a Moldovei, "Teohari Antonescu" History County .Museum,
Ch i ~ iniu Giurgiu
The National Museum of Archaeology a nd History of
Moldova, Chi~ in au
MJITR Muzeul Judetea n de lstorie Teleorman, Alexandria
Teleorman County History Museum, Alexandri a
Romania
CMJMPN Complexul Muzeal Juderean N eamr, Piatra N eamr
MJSl\J VS ;'vlu zeul Jud erean "Stefan eel .M are" Vaslui, Vaslu i
Neamt County Museum Complex, Piatra Neamt
"Stefan eel Mare" Vaslui County Museum, Vaslui

CMNM Complexul Muzeal National Moldova, Ia~i

MNIR Muzeul National de Istorie a Romaniei , Burnre~ti
Moldova National Museum Complex, Ia~i
National History Museum of Romania , Bucharest

IAI Institutul de Arheologie , Ia~i

MO Muzeul Olteniei, Craiova
The Institute of Archaeology, Ia~i
Museum of Oltenia, Craiova

MB Muzeul Banamlui, Tirni;;oara

MVPB Muzeul "Vasile l'a. rvan," Barlad
Museum ofBanat, Timi~ oa ra
"Vasi le Parvan " Muse um, Bilrlad

MBM Muzeul Banarului Montan, Re$ira

UAIC U nivet'sitatea "A lexa ndn1 Ioa n Cuza," la~i
Museum of Mountain Ban at, Re~ip
The Alexandru loan Cuza University of la$i

MER Muzeul Brailei, Braila

Braila Museum, Braila

MDJ Muzeul Dunarii de Jos, Cala ra~i

Lower Danube Museum, Calara$i

MIG Muzeul de Istorie Galati, Galari

Galati l!istory Museum, Galari

MIN AC Muzeul de Istori e Nationala ~ i Arheologie, Constanp

National History and Archaeology Museum, Constanta

MIR De Istorie Roman

Roman History Museum

.1vluzeul Juderean Boto~ani, Boto~ani

Boto~ani County i\:fuseum, Botopni

MJIAZ Muzeu l Juderean de Istorie ~i A.ru, Za lau

County Museum of l!istory and Art, Zalau

226
Exhibitbn Checklist

5. Fenale FigLrine
Fired Clay
H. 1S cm: W. 3.6cm
Cucuteni. Gl'El~ie~-Nec:F.ia
3700-3500 oc (Cucuteni B1)
CMJMPN: 4421

6. Female FigLrine
Fired Clay
H. 24 cm : W. 3.6 cm
Cucuteni . Gl'El~ie~ -Nec:F.i a
3700-3500 oc (Cucuteni B1)
1. Anll'lrcp:mai:flic Vesse C MJMPN: 4420 12. Figurine
Fired CIC<)' Fired Clay
H. 24.2 cm: W. 17.5 cm 7. Fenale Figurine H. 23.5 cm : W. 6.1 cm
Cu::uteti . Tru~~ Fired Clay Cucuteni . Po::IJtl-DeaJul Ghind3Ju
4200-4050 oc (Cucuteni A3) H. 22cm : W.5 .2 cm 2700-3000 oc (Cucuteni B1)
CMNM: El::x2 Cucuteni. Gl'El~e~-Nec:F.ia CMJMPN: 1S344
3700-3500 oc (Cucuteni B1)
2. Anll'lrcp:map-iic Ve=I C MJMPN: 441S 13. SetofTweve Rgurlnes
RredCIC<f RredClay
H. 12.2 cm: D. 5.2 cm S. Female FigLrine H. max. 21.5 cm: W. max. 6cm
Cu::uteti . Scaiteia Rred Clay Cucuteni. Dume~
4200-4050 oc (Cucuteni A3) H. 11.5 cm: W. 4 cm 4200-4050 oc (Cu::uteti A3)
IAJ: 3CE7 (Hg . 6 -20) Cucuteni. liu~~ MJSM\.S: 15S44-15S55 (1igs. 5 -4a. b)
4200-4050 oc (Cucuteni .ll3)
3. Female Figurine MNIR: S1374 (fig . 5-7) 14. 9'!t of Twmty-rne Fi gLrines aid Thirtem
RredClgy Chairs
H. 23 cm: W. 7 cm 9. Fenale Figurine RredClay
Cu::uteti. Dragu~i Rred Clay H. max. S.6cm : W. max. 4.7 cm
4050-30CO oc (Cucuteni A4) H. 17.5 cm: W. 3 cm Cucuteni. Po::IJt1-DeaJul Ghind31u
MJBT: 755S (p. 112. 1ig. 5-10) Cucuteni . \/ffili.tal -Rufeni 4900-4750 oc (F\'e-Cucutmi II)
3700-3500 oc (Cucuteni B1) CMJMPN: 10095-1012$, 10703(1ig. 5 -1)
MNIR: S1375 (1g . 1-14)

10. Rgurine
RredClay
H. S.5cm : W. 2.5 cm
Cucuteni. ~vmi
rl
,. -~"/..
It

~ , I/
4200-4050 oc (Cucuteni .ll3)

,, "
MJBT: 1?26S (1ig . 1-12'
}
11. Rgurine
RredClay
H. 13cm : W. 4.5cm
Cucuteni. Sc~tea
~I 'I ,_
4. Female Rgurlre 4500-30CO oc (Cucuteni A)
Rred Clgy IAI: 3039 (1ig . 5-3) 15. The 'Thinker of rari:e~" Rgurlne
H. 21 cm: W. 4.S cm RredClay
Cu::uteti. Ghel~~ti-Nec:Eia H. 7.5 cm : W. 4cm
3700-3500oc (Cu::uteni B1) Cucuteni. Ta-i:e~
C MJMPN: 4419 4750-4500 oc (F\'e-Cucuteni 110
CMJMPN: 661S

228
16. Female Rgl.J'ine 21. The ''Tliri<er frcrn Cerna~". 25. An1hrq:x:;mc:;ri:fiic Vesse with Ud
RredClaf Male Rgurine Rredaay
H. 22 cm: W. 9 .B cm Rred Clay H. 30cm : D. 30cm
Hanangia Baia H. 11.5 cm: W. 7.5 cm Gumelni~a Sultana
5oo::>-4000 oc Hamet'lgia. Cerna\~ 4000-:3900 oc
MNIR: 11662 ~ig . 1-6') 5000-4000 oc MJfrAGR: 2667-2€6$ (lg . 1-15)
MNIR: 15906(1ig. 5-9)
17. Female Rgutine
Rred Claf
H. 15.5 cm: W. 5 .5 cm
Hanangia Cema.00~
5oo::>-4000 oc
MNIR: 11663 (1ig . 1-7)

26. Bo.'11 with Pair o1 Rgurines

Rredaay
22 . At1th'q:x:m c:;ri:fiic Vessel H. 9 .4 cm: D. 22 .B cm
RredClay Gumelni~a Sultana
H. 16.5: D. 22 cm 4000-:3900 oc
Gumelni~. Gumelni~ MJfrAGR: ff5!I)
4000-:3900 oc
MNIR: 13B12 27. Female Rgurine
Bene
23. An1hrq:x:;mc:;ri:fiic Vessel H. 10.3 cm : W. 3 cm
1B. Female Rgl.J'ine Rred Clay Gumelni~a \ol~~
Rred Claf H. 32.3 cm: D. 1B cm 4000-:3900 oc
H. 19cm: W. Bern Gumelni~. SUltet'la MJfrR 24217 (fg. 1-11)
Hanangia Baia 4000-:3900 oc
5oo::>-4000 oc MNIR: 1Cl2326 (fig . 1-16') 2B . Femae Rgutine
MNIR: 11655 Bene
H. 10.6cm: W. 2.6cm
Gumelni~a \~ ~~
4000-:3900 oc
MJfrR 24216 (fig. 5-6')

24 . An1hropcm Ct}:f1ic Vessel

19. Female Rgurine RredClay
Rred Claf H. 22.5 cm: D. 2Cl:m
H. 10.7 cm: W. 7.4 cm Gumelni~. Gumelni~
Hanangia Cemavod~ 4000-:3900 oc
5oo::>-4000 oc MNIR: 1Cl2312 29. Femae Rgutine
MNIR: 11600 Bene
H. 9 .5 cm : W. 3cm
20. Femae Rgutire Gumelni~a Sili~a
Rred Claf 4000-:3900 oc
H. 11.5 cm: W. 5 .4 cm MJfrR 6349
Hanangia Cemavod~
5oo::>-4000 oc
MNIR: 15907 (fig . 5-9)

229
 36. 1-ea:l of Statuette
Rredaay
H. 4.5 cm : W. 15 cm
Gumelni~a. Vidra
4000-39X> EC
30. Female Rgurine 33. Rgutlt'P-
MNIR: 322C6
Bene Rre:::IClay
H. 7 cm: W. 2.4 cm H. 5.4 cm : W. 4.3 cm
Gumeti~a. \litm~1i Gumelni~. Braili~a
49:0....__o;,ooo EC 4000-39X> EC
MJrTR: 252€\2 MNIR: 73522

':fl. Head of Statuette

Rredaay
H. 9.2 cm : W. 2 cm
Gumelni~a. \'idra
4000-39X> EC
MNIR: 32449

31. Female Rgurire 34 . Rgutlne

RredCl:;<f Rre:::IClay
H. 2.5 cm: W. 4 cm H.2 cm: W. 6cm
GumElti~a. C~d08fele Gumelni~. Cerna~
49:0-3000 EC 4000-39X> EC
MNIR: 13726 MNIR: 32456

32 . Lid in 1he Shapa d a HJman Head

Rredaay
H. 5 cm : D. 9cm
Gumelni~a. Sultana
4000-39X> EC
MJfrAGR: 2766

35 . Head ofStalUette
Rre:::IClay
H. 4.6cm
Gumelni~. G~~~
32. Femae Rgurine 4000-39X> EC
H. 2.3cm: W. 3cm MNIR: 1700€\2
GumElti~a. \litm~1i
49:0....__o;,ooo EC
MJrTR: 25234

39. An1hrcpoma):tlic Vessel

Rredaay
H. 12.3 cm : D. 10.4 cm
Vinca. P~a
50C0-4500 EC (l.2le \'ioc~
MB : 26427

230
 50. Bo.\Jl with Handle in 1he Shape
ofa Bull's Head
Rredaay
H. 19.5 cm : D. 34 .5 cm
Cucuteni. PciEne~
4200-4050oc (Cucuteti A3)
l4.I: 3000(1ig . 6 -15)

51. FrafjmEntary Zo::mctptic Statuette

Rredaay
H. 4 .5 cm : W. 4cm
Cucuteni, EpurEni
4500-3000 oc (Cucuteni .4.)
40. An1l1rcpcm ctpti c Vessel 44 . Rgurine ofa \1\1::.m an Nuro n.;i a Child
MJ3M\oS: 71(1ig . 1-9)
Rred Cla:f RredClay
H. 11 cm: D. S cm H. 12.4 cm: W. 7.6 cm
\ilri:a. \ldvo::lna Vinea. R3.st
5C00-4500oc (Late \linCa) 5000-4500 oc (l...ale \'inca)
MB : 36Q21 MNIR: 12104

45 . An1hrcpcmor~ic Awlicpe
RredClay
H. 12: W. 16.S cm
\l~a,\~tra
5500-5(00 oc
MO: 4994 (1ig . 1-1)
~ . Goat StalUette
46. An1hrcpcmor~ic \lesse Rredaay
RredClay H. 6 .5 cm: W. 4.5 cm
H. 43cm: w. 41 cm Cucuteni. PlJginoasa
\l~a,\l~a 4500-3000 oc (Cucuteni .4.)
5500-5(00 oc CMNM : 21S76
MNIR: 1500S (p. 00)
41. Dool:le-1-eaded Rgurine
RredCl:;(f
H. 6.9 cm: W. 7.4 cm
\ii ri:a. Rast
5C00-4500oc (Late \linCa)
MNIR: 12100

42. Rgurire
Rred Cla:f
H. 11.S cm: W. 9 cm
\ii r'Ca. Li t.bo:A<a
5C00-4500oc (Late \linCa) 53. Ran Statuette
MBM: 3-.'?.9(1ig . 5 -S) aay
L 7.5 cm : H. 4 .5 cm : W. 3 .5cm
47. Dool:le-1-eaded Zo::mct):hic Vessel Cucuteni. Ftumu~ca
RredClay 3700-3600 oc (Cucuteni B)
H. 15.7 cm: W. 15.3 cm CMJMPN: 12SYS6
\l~a.\l~a
5500-5(00 oc
MNIR: 15S5S

4S . An1hrcpcmor~ic \esse
RredClay
H. 21.5 cm: D. rim 13.2 cm: D. baSE 7.2 cm
Ba-iat. Paria
5300-5COO oc (Eai1y Banal)
MNIR: 5474S (1ig. 1-13)
43. Rgurine
49. Bea- Staxuette
RredClay 54. Zo::mor~ic StalUette
RredClay
H. 12cm:W. 6 .5 cm aay
H. 6cm: W. 4cm
\ilri:a. Chi~a \lecne L 9cm : H. 5cm : W. 4.5 cm
Cucuteni. Pli::lceti
5C00-4500oc (Late \linCa) Cucuteni. Ta-pe~
4500-3000 oc (Cucuteni A)
MB : S192 4750-4500 oc (Fre-Cucuteni llQ
MJBT: 17'216 (1tJ . 1-~
CMJMPN: €65Y1

231
55 . Bull Statuatte 63. hchitectural Mo:EI
RredCl21 Rredaay
H. 10cm: L 14 cm H. 27 cm : L 51cm : W. 13cm
Vin3a. Padaa Gumelni~a ~ioorele
5()):)-4500 oc (Late VinC:a,l 40C0...3.0CO oc
MO: S:?.E9 (1ig. 1-2) MNIR: 12156(p. 74)

64 . Architectural Mo:EI
Rredaay
59. 1-ecigeho:;i Vessel
H.15 .2 cm: W. 161 cm: L. 19.1 cm
Rre:!Clay
CucutB'li. PodJM-Dealul Ghind31u
D. 10.5 cm: W. 5.6 cm
4750-4500 oc (R'e-Cucuteni 110
Gumelni~. \Wta'ii Mid
CMJMPN: 131S4 (1ig . 6-9)
4000-3.0CO oc
MNIR: 2911€1;)
65 . Architectural Mo:EI w11n SeVEn RguMnas
Rredaay
M:del: H.14.5 cm: D. max. 24.5 cm: D.ba.se 11 cm
CucutB'li. Ghe~e~i
56. Ffa,;im enwy Zocm O'~ic Statuette
3700-3500 oc (CucutB'li B1)
RredCl21
CMJMPN: 12550-12552, 13200-13213 (1ig . 5-5)
H. S cm: W. 5.5 cm
Vin3a. Par~
66. OlfeMng Tal:le
5<X:0-4500 oc (Late VinC:a,l
Rredaay
MB : 21203
H. 4.7 cm: L. 20.7 cm: W. 10.2 cm
CucutB'li, Cr~M:eni
00. ZocmO'~ic Vessel 4050-3.0CO oc (Cucuteni A.4)
Rre:!Clay MJBT: 17322 (1ig. 6-1S)
H. 12.3cm: L.1S.4 cm
Gumelni~. Gumelni~ & . Offering Teele
4000-3.0CO oc RredClay
MNIR: 13771 H. S cm: L. 33cm : W. 26cm
Beian-Vicra. Li§Coteanca
4000-4 700 oc
MBR: 13371 ~ig . 4-2)

57. Bird Statuette

RredCl21
H. 7.S cm: W. 5 cm
Gumeti~a M~u~a
4600-3000 oc
61. ZocmO'~ic Vessel
MDJ: 53167
Rre:!Clay
H. 9.5 cm : L. 22.5
Gumelni~. CalO'l11ire~ 6S . OlfeMng Tal:le
4000-3.0CO oc Rredaay
MNIR: 13770 H. 5.5 cm: D. 16cm
S1a!c€NO-CM~. Cil'cea
6200-5500 oc
MO 47473

5S . Fox Statuette
RredCl21
L. 5.3 crn: W. 3.S cm
Gumeti~a Pietrele
62 . Zocm cipli c Wli S1le
4600....__o;ooo oc
Rre:!Clay
MNIR: 137'24
H. 4.1 cm: L. S.9 cm
Gumelni~. H}~Na
4000-3.0CO oc a;). OtfeMng
Tal:le
MIN4.C: 394S7 Rredaay
H. 9cm: D. 12 cm
Vinca GO'nea
5000-4500 oc (Lale Vin3~
MBM : 412

232
 S6. Crater
Rredaay
H. 4S cm : D. max. 35 cm
Cucuteni. Traan
4050-3700 oc (Cucuteni A·B2)
MNIR: 137S7 (jig . 6·35)

S?. COJl:le stand

Rredaay
70. Pot Stlnd
H. 22 cm: L.27 cm
RredClgy
Cucuteni. Va-riceni
H. 22 cm: L. 30 cm
4050-3700 oc (Cucuteni A·B1)
Boan .viera. Viera 7S . Ladle
MJBT: 17225 (1g . 6·33)
40C0-4 700 El: RredClay
MNIR: :1..9433 L. 23.5 cm: D. 10 cm
Cucuteni. F\:dJri -C\;!aJul Gtinda-u
ss. l.J:bate \essEl
Rredaay
71 . Biconic al Vessel 4450-4200 oc (Cucuteni A2)
H. 16cm: D. 1S.5 cm
RredClgy CMJMPN: 17935
Cucuteni. Calu · Piatra $0 mului
H. 34 cm: D. 44 cm
3900-3700oc (Cucuteri A·B2)
Cucuteri . Tru~~ 79. La:le
CMJMPN: 4450 (1ig. 6·31)
4200-4050 oc (Cucuteni .'13) RredClay
C MNM : 547 (1ig . 6·21) L. 23.5 cm: D. 10 cm
S9. Ami::tia-a
Cucuteni. Tru~~
Rredaay
72. Bi trcncori cal Vessel 4450-4200 oc (Cucuteni A2)
H. 47cm : D. max. 3S cm
Rred C I~ CMJMPN: 17006(1ig. 6 ·19)
Cucuteni. Po::bi·Dealul Ghind3Ju
H. 32 .3 cm : D. max.36.7 cm
8700-3600 oc (Cucuteni B1)
Cucuteri. Dume~ SO. Potstand
CMJMPN: 16422 (1ig. 6 ·37)
4200-4050 oc (Cucuteni .'13) RredClay
M£MVS : 13$02 (1ig . 6·a3) H. 36cm: D. 25 cm
00. BicoricaJ Vessel
Cucuteni. ~u~ni. Boto:;:gni
RredClay
73. BitrcnconicaJ Vessel 4050-3.900 oc (Cucuteni A4)
H. 36 cm: D. max. 3S cm
RredClgf MJBT: S32 (1ig. 6 ·13)
Cucuteni. $iiceni~
H. 51 cm: D. max. 52.4 cm
8700-3600 oc (Cucuteni B2)
Cucuteri. Dragu~i·B~ani S1. Stemmed Ct.p
MNIR: 15S94 ~ig. 6-43)
4050-39:0 oc (Cucuteni A4) RredClay
MJBT: 700(1ig. 6 ·22J H. 35.3 cm: D. 15 cm
91. BicoricaJ Vessel with Lid
Cucuteni. Fl:dJri. C\;!alul Gti n::la-u
Rredaay
74 . Crater 4450 -4200 oc (Cucuteni A2)
H. (with Ii~ &\ cm: D. max. 47.5 cm
Rred Clgy C MJMPN: 17473 (1ig. 6·27)
Cucuteni. GhEl~e~i
H. 29cm: D. max. 30cm
8700-3600 oc (Cucuteni B1)
Cucuteri. Dragu~i·B~ani S2 . Vessel
CMJMPN: 42S2/1-2 (1g . 6 ·29)
4050-39:0 oc (Cucuteni A4) RredClay
MJBT: 7S1 (1ig. 6·16) H. 20cm: D. max. 25 cm
£12. Binocular Vessel
Cucuteni. ~u~ni
Rredaay
75. Cup 4050-3.900 oc (Cucuteni .0.4)
H.1S cm: \l\I. 40cm
RredClgy MJBT: 1?_<25 (jig . 6·17)
CucutB'li. GhEl~e~i
H. 11 cm: D. max. 13 cm
8700-3600 oc (Cucuteni B1)
Cucuteri. Bod~ti. Fi'um u§ica S3. Ami::tia-a
CMJMPN: 12173 (1ig . 6 ·30)
4200-4050 oc (Cucuteni .'13) RredClay
C MJMPN: OOS(1ig . 6 ·10) H. 30 cm : D. max. 2S cm
93. Bitrcnconica Vessel
Cucuteni. Vcmic01i
Rredaay
76. Cup 4050-3700 oc (Cucuteni A-B1)
H. 33.3 cm: D. max. 45.2 cm
Rred Clgy MJBT: 1?.311 (1ig . 6·32J
Cucuteni. \lalea Lt.puh..I
H. 10 cm: D. max. 11 cm
8700-3600 oc (Cucuteni B2)
Cucuteri. Dume~ S4 . Biconica Vessel
CMNM : 7C6 (1g . 6·39)
4200-4050 oc (Cucuteni .'13) RredClay
M£MVS : 1635S (1ig . 6·11) H. 5Scm : D. max. 64 cm
94. Crater
Cucuteni. Vcmic01i
Rredaay
77. Glcb.Jla- Vessel with Lid 4050-3350 oc (CucutB'li A·B1)
H. 34 cm: D. max. 50cm
Rred Clgy MJBT: 1?.300 (1ig. 6·36)
CucutB'li. \laJea Lt.puh..I
H. max. 97.2 cm: D. max. 25 cm
8700-3600 oc (CucutB'li B2)
Cucuteri. Sca-iteia S5 . Bo,'Jl
CMMM : 704 (1ig . 6-42)
4200-4050 oc (Cucuteni .'13) RredClay
C MNM : 17'266. 1£1266 (p. 12S) H. 20.5 cm: D. max. 44 cm
Cucuteni. Vcmic01i
4050-3350 oc (CucutB'li A-B1)
MJBT: 17365 (1g . 6·2S)

233
95 . 0'81.er
RredCl21
H. 20cm: D. 25.2cm
Cu::uteti. Ta-gu O;na
3700-3500oc (Cu::uteni B:;i
MNIR: ro53S (1ig . 6-45)
105. AXE
M<t'l:le
L 15.5 cm: H. 7 cm
Glci:ular cu ture. Schea
99. Stemmed Betw1 3900-3600 oc
RredClay CMNM : 7001
H. 27.4 an: D. 22.4 cm
B O:a'l. Vidra, Vidra- M~ura T;'.l.tarilcr 100. D8flger
4900-4700 oc Ccp~
MNIR: 32435 L 15cm: W. 3cm
~. Lld Cucute'li. Mere~
RredCl21 100. AXE 4500-3900 oc (Cucute'li .~
H. 13.5 cm: D. 30.5 cm Cq:per MJIBV: 7000 (1~ . 7-7)
Gum El ti~a. Sul1ana L. 35 .2 cm: W. 6cm
4600~0oc B~kereszn'.Jr Cuture. Sram~
MJITAGR: 3074 4000-3500 oc
MNIR: 15917 (1ig . 4-1)

101 . AXE
Cq:per
L. 20.5 cm: w.4.7 cm
B~kereszn'.Jr Ct.Jture. Pciana
4000-3500 oc
107. Pintac:Era
MNIR: 15SS7 (1i.;J . 7-S)
RredClay
H. 4.9cm : L 5 .9cm
102. AXE
Cucute'li. Calu . Piatra $:i mului
Cq:per
97. Vessel wilh Lld 4450-42'.>0 oc (Cu::uteti A2)
L. 25cm: W. 6.1 cm
RredClgy CMJMPN: 5646
Cucuteni. Bog~n~i
H. 22 cm: D. rim 21.6 cm : D. base 10.1 cm :
3700-3500 oc (Cucuteni B)
D. max. 35.9cm
CMNM: 740 (tig. 7-6)
Gum El ti~a. Sul1ana
4600~0oc
103. AXE
MJITAGR: 3063. 3072
Cq:per
L. 16.5 cm: H. 2 cm : W. 4 cm
Gumelni~. Glina
4600-3900 oc
MNIR: 14051 (tig . 7-4)
100. PintadB"a
RredClay
H. 4 .1cm : L4.5 cm
Cucute'li. Bocf.!~ -Fi'um~ica
4450-42'.>0 oc (Cu::uteti .4.2)
CMJMPN: 1227
92. Stemmed Betw1
RredCl21 100. PintadB'a
H. 23 cm: D. 2S.7 cm RredClay
\~a. Rfcar§Se-at H. 2 .3cm : D. 4.2 cm
104 . Axe
5500-4SOO oc Cucute'li, PIJginoasa
Stene
MO: l.S27S 4500-3900 oc (Cucute'li ~
L. 1S cm: H. 10cm: W. 7 cm
CMNM : 21S5S (1ig. 1-~
Cucuteni. aurea
3700-3500 oc (Cucuteni B)
CMNM : 643

234
 123. Bracelet
SponcJ;lw
D. 9.2 cm
H3mangia. UmanJ
5000-46:0 El:
MIN/JC: 4275 (p. 17$)

110. Pinta:!era 115. Pintadara

RredClgy Rre:lClay
H. 3.5 cm: D. 4.3cm H. 6.7 cm: D. 12 cm
Cu:uteri. lg~tl Gumelni~. Gradstea Ulmilcr
4500-3000EC (Cu:uteti A) 4600-300:) EC
MJSMVS: 1752 MDJ: 24SC6

111. Pinta:Era 116. Pintadara

RredClgy Rre:lClay
H. 5 cm: L. 7 cm H. 4cm : D. 6.2 cm 124. Bra::elet
Starcevo- Cri~. Pciene~ Gumelni~. Braili~a Booe
E\200-5500 EC 4600-300:) EC Beed: L. 2.9-3.1 cm
MJSMVS: 17479(1ig. 1-4) MIG: 2S47 H3man.gia. Cerng~
5000-46:0 EC
117. Pintederain 1he Sh~ ota Lett Leg MNIR: 11~11673
Rre:JClay
H. 6.6cm: D. 3-0cm
Stareevo-Cri~. ~a-i
E\200-0500EC
MJl42: 25/1977 (1ig. 1-5)

11S. An1hrcpcmaf'hic Af+licµe

112. Antadara
Gcid
Rred Clgy
H. 9.7 cm : W. 7.3cm
H. 4.7cm : L 5.2 cm
Bcdogkeresz:tUr Cuture. Mcigrad
StarC€NO· C ri~. Burruci 125. Bracelet
4000-3500 EC
E\200-5500 EC O:pper
MNIR: 545?2 (1ig. 7-9)
MJSM\oS: Q23 D. max. 5.1 cm : D.1hread 0.35 cm: H. 1.S cm
Cucuteni. ~~~
119. An1hrcpcmcr!'hic /lpi:liqJe
4500-300:) EC (Cucuteni A)
Gcid
MNIR: 12171
H. 9.7cm: W. 7.3 cm
Bcdogkeresz:tUr Cuture. Mcigrad
126. spiral Bracelet
4000-3500 EC
O:pper
MNIR: 54573 (1ig. 7-10)
D. max. 6.4 cm . D. 1hread 0.4 cm : H. 4.6 cm
Cucuteni. ~~~
1:;x:.. An1hrcpcmcr!'hic ·"Pi:liqJe
4500-300:) EC (Cucuteni A)
113. Pinta:!era Gcid
MNIR: 121€6 ~ig . 7-5)
RredClgy H. S.5cm : W. Scm
H. 2.6cm: L 5.3cm Bcdogkeresz:tUr Cuture. Mcigrad
Starc€NO-Cri~. Petieni 4000-3500 EC
E\200-5500 EC MNIR: 54571(1g . 1-17)
CMNM:2S6
121. An1hrcpcmaf'hic RgLre
Gcid
H. 31.4 cm : W. 24.1 cm
Bcdogkeresz:tUr Cuture. Mcigrad
4000-3500 EC
MNIR: 54570 (p. 162)

122. Bra::elet 127. Bracelet 126 Beacls)

SponcJj/CIS Sl'Ell
D. 11.5 cm: Thicmess O.S cm Beed: H. max. 1-1.5 cm: D. max . 1-1.4 cm
Hama-igia. Cemav~ Cerra~ I. \lcdul Catagatei
114 . Anta:Era
5000-46:0 EC 4000-3200 EC
RredClgy
MNIR: 11€156 (p. 17~ MBR: 1052S
H. 5 cm: D. 7.3 cm
Gumelri~a. \la.c:IJI Catagatei
46:0-3000 EC
MBR: 6019

235
 132. Neck!a::e (156 Beads)
Sponcylw
H. 0.4-0.6 cm: W. O.S cm: Thickness 0.3 cm
Fdtesti, \lad.JI Catagatei
4000-3900 EC
MBR: 10...~5 (1i.;I . s.s)

133. Necklace C234 Beocls)

SponcJ;lw
Bead: L 0.2-0.5 cm: D. 0.3-0.6 cm
12S. Brace et (63 Beads) 13S. Pend3nt
Hama-igia. Llma-iu
Cq:par, Glass Bene
5000-4600 EC
Bea::!: max. H. 0.4 cm: D. 0.6cm L 6cm: H. 3.5 cm
MIN'-.C: 54Efl (fig . S·9)
Cerna~ I. \la:::ful Ca1aJatei \'infa Chi§'Oda \leche
4000...,,,.'<200 EC 5000-4500 EC (Late \olrfa)
MBR: 10533 MB : S200

134. Necklace c.24 Beads)

129. Clsk
Malachite
Rint
D. 0.5-0.6 cm: Thickness 0.3cm
D. 10.5 cm 139. Pend3nt
Baa-i.\oldra. a<X~~i
Fdtesti. \la:::fu Cata:;iatei Gcid
4000-4700 EC
4000-8.900 BC L 2.6cm: W. 1.5 cm
MDJ: 1277-1300
MBR: 10536 Cucuteni, Traan
4050-3700 EC (Cucuteni A.·B)
136. Necklace c.263 Beocls)
MNIR: 0025
SponcJ;lw
Bead: max. L 0.7 : D. 0.6 cm
140. spiral Bracelet
Hama-igia, Llma-iu
O:.pper
5000-4600 EC
L 12.5 cm : D. 7 cm
MIN'-.C: 546S (fig. S·10)
Cucuteni, Arh.~d
4500-3900 EC (Cucuteni A)
MJIB\I: 550(1i.;I. 7·3)

130. Neck! a::e

Booe
Bea::!: H. 2-2.4 cm: W. 0.5-1 cm
Baan. And::lina
5000-4500EC
MDJ: 9165~1SS
136. Necklace C2S Beocls)
Shell
L. 0.1-0.3 cm : D. 0.3-0.5 cm
141. A.m ulets (7)
Baa-i. \oldra. Gradstea Ulm ilCf
Gcid
4000-4700 EC
D. 1.7-2.0cm: H. 1.S-2.2 cm
MDJ: 2672S-26755
Varna \lama. Grave 36
4400-4200 EC
137. Neck!a::e (93 Beads)
\la-na Museum : 1650-1656 (1irst and
SponcJ;lw and O:.pper
seccnd ro.vs)
Bead: max. L 0.5 cm: D. 0.5 cm
131. Neck! a::e Gumelni~. B~ili~a
142. fl.Wiq.ies (2)
Ankle Bene 4600-3900 EC
Gcid
L. 2.4-3.3 cm: W. 1.4 cm: H. 1.75-2.1 cm MBR: 10...~4 (1ig . S·7)
H. O.S-1.6cm: D. 3.3-3.5cm
Gum El ti~a, Hit§O..a
\la-na, \lama. Grave 36
4600...,,,.~0EC
4400-4200 EC
MINAC : 39491
Varna Museum : 1639. 1640(seccnd
rem. center)

236
143. Aj:piques (10)
Gdd
D. 2.1-2.3 cm
\lama. Varna Grave 36
4400-4200 EB
Va-na Muse.Jm : 1687. 1688.1€?;37, 1700.1700. 1710.
1712. 1713. 1716.1719 (trird an:! fo.Jrth rows)

150. AXE 156. Cog Stat.Jette

144 . Arima -Heoo Aj:piqJes (10)
Cq+er aay
Gdd
L. 12.9cm : W. 3.1 cm H. S cm: L. 19.2 cm: W. 6 .1 c m
L. 2.S-4.1 cm : H. 1.2-2.1 cm
\lclma. \lclma Gra1re 55 \lclrna \/. Gdyamo Dechevo
\lama. Varna Grave 36
4400-4200 EB 4400-4200 EB
4400-4200 EB
\lclma Muse.Jm : 2434 \la'na Museum : 3632
\/aJnaMuseum : 165S.1659. 1664.166S. 1~.
1673. 1677, 1679. 16SO, 16S2 (fig . 9-7)

145. Astragal
Gdd
L. 1.9 cm : H. 0 .9cm
\lama. V<lrna Grave 36
4400-4200 EB
\lama Museum : 1636 (fig . 9-5)

146. AXE
Cq+er 151. Beads c,2.110)
L. 15.5cm : W. 3.1 cm Shell
\lama. \lclma Grave 36 L. 0 .5-1.7 cm
4400-4200 EB \lclrm. \lclma Gra1<e 36 157. Femae Rgu~ne
\/aJna Museum : 1746 (fig. 9-16) 4400-4200 EB aay
V<lrm Muse.Jm : 1751 H. 11.3cm: W. 6 .3cm
147. AXE \lclrna P.S. Strasrimirovo
Cq+er 1~ . Bracelets 4400-4200 EB
L. 15.5 cm: W. 2.3 cm Sponcijlw \lclrna Museum : 123S .5
\lama, \lclma Grave 229 H. 0.7 cm. 1.0 cm. 2.1 cm : D. 6.3 cm . 6.S cm .
4400-4200 EB S.1 cm
15S. l:ld Figurine
\lama Museum: 2422 (fig. 9 -16) V<lrm. \lclma Graves 97 and 15S
Bcne
4400-4200 EB
H. 21.2 cm : W. S.5cm
14S. AXE V<lrm Muse.Jm: 2965. 2967. 3...~ (fig. 9 -19)
Va-na \lama. Grave 41
Cq+er
4400-4200 EB
L. 11.2 cm : W. 2.1 cm 153. Bracelets c,2)
\la'na Museum : 2903 (fi.;l. 9-2)
\/aJna. \lama Grave 227 Gdd
4400-4200 EB D. 6 .S-6.9 cm: H. 2 .7 cm
159. mJ:lements \'2)
\/aJna Museum : 24:<.0 (fig. 9-16) V<lrm. \lclma Grai.re 36
Gdd
4400-4200 EB
Small : L. 5.5 cm : W. S.S cm .
\l<lrm Muse.Jm : 1631. 1632 (fig . 9-6)
La'ge: L. 17.1 cm : W. 14.2 cm
\la'na \/aJna. Grave 36
154. Chisel
4400-4200 EB
Cq+er
\la'na Museum : 1W. 163S (fi.;l . 9-4)
L. 23.5cm: W. 1 cm
Vwm. \lclma Grave 151
100. Lamella
4400-4200 EB
Rint
Vwm Muse.Jm : 2674 (fi.;l . 9 -14)
149. AXE L 37.7 cm : W. 3 .S cm
Stene \lclrna \/aJna. Grave 63
155. Diaden
L. 15.6cm : W . 3 .9cm 4400-4200 EB
Gdd
\/aJna. V<lrna Grave 236 \lclrna Museum : 2740 (fig . 9-17)
H. 3 .4 cm: D. 4 .3cm
4400-4200 EB
\lclrm. \lclma Grave 36
\/aJna Museum : 24S7 161. L<lm ella
4400-4200 EB
Rint
\lclrm Muse.Jm : 1635 (fi.;l . 9-9)
L 22 .6cm: W. 3.1 cm
Va-na \/aJna. Gra\<e 200
4400-4200 EB
\la'na Museum : 23?2 (fi.;l . 9 -17)

237
1€\2. ~cklace wilh Pe"lclmt 16B. Strand d beads (66) 176. Neckloce ( 129 Beads)
a.iartz. Q::ild Camelian Copper
Amulet: H. 3.6 cm : D. 3.2 cm . Bead: L 0.7-0.9 cm : D. 0.5-0.7 cm Bea::!: D. 1 cm
Bea::!: D. O.B-2.0 cm Varna. \lama. Gr~ 41 Suror010 -N;;tl'Odanilo<'ka. Giurgiule$li . Gr~ 3
\lama. \lama. Grave 97 4400-4200 oc 4500-4300 oc
4400-4200 oc Varna Musaim : 3111 (tig . 9-21) MNt\.I M: FB -275 71 -10 (1ig . 10 -7)
\lama Museum : 2271 (p. 1~)
177. Neckloce (154 Beads)
Copper a-id Maible
Bea::!: D. 0.5-0.7 cm
Suvor010 -N;;tl'Ocianilo"1<a. Giurgiule$li . Gr~ 3
4500-4300 oc
MNL\.IM: FB-27571-22 (1ig . 10-6)

17B. Neckloce 1'36 Sha ls . 26 Bea::ls)

1&:). \less a
Shell (Cardi'-171 edule. Mactra c<JEolina)
Mar~e
Shell : 1.7-3cm . Bea::!: O.B-1.2 cm
H. 4cm : D. 12.2 cm
Suror-0\o -Novo::13nil0\'1<:a, Giurgiule$li. Gra,re 2
\larna, \lama. Gra,re ::.09
4500-4300 oc
163. Neckloces C3 lcng, 1 shcrt) 4400-4200 oc
MNL\.IM: FB-27571-9(p. 21~
Gdd \larna Musaim : 2374
Bea::!: D. 0.3-1 .1 cm
179. Neckloce (420 Beads)
\lama. \lama. Grave 36 170. Zo:mapfic "Bull " Rgurlr-Es (~
Copper
4400-4200 oc Gdd
Bea::!: D. 0.5-0.7 cm
\lama Museum : 1737-1739. 1741 H. 3.7-5 .B cm: L. 3.9-0.5 cm
Suror-010 -1-0l'Od3rlilo<'ka, Giurgiule$li. Gra,re 5
\larna. \lama, Gr~ 36
4500-4300 oc
164 . Heir Fln 4400-4200 oc
MNL\.IM: FB-27571-7 ~ig . 10-15)
Cq+er \larna Musaim: 1633, 1634 (1ig. 9 -B)
L. 16.9 cm : W. 4.5 cm
\lama. \lama, Grave 157 171. Blade
mo. Spea- Ftint
Antler
4400-4200 oc Rint
D. 0.4-1.B cm: L. 14.6 cm
\lama Museum: 2679(1ig . 9-15) L. 24 cm: W. 1.B-3.2 cm
Suroro10 -l-b-1'0d3nil0\'1<:a, Giurgiule$li . Gra,re 4
Suva·cNO· Nooxmil o.<ka, Gi urgiule$li. Grave 4
4500-4300 oc
4500-4300 oc
MNt\.I M: FB-275 71 -29 (1ig. 10 -13)
MNAIM : FB-27571-2 (tig . 10 -B, oottcm)

0 172. Bo.?Tusk PEr1d3J1t

Bo.? tusk
1B1. Spear Faeslnft
\l\tod, antjer. tale , a-id 11int
L 59 cm: W. 2.1-2.5 cm
L. 13 cm : W. 2.2 cm
Suror-010 -N;;l1'0clmilo1'1<:a, Giurgiule$li . Gra.re 4
SUV'Ct"CNO· NcN'IX91il o.<ka, Gi urgiule$li' Gra\<e 3
4500-4300 oc
4500-4300 oc
MNt\.I M: FB-275 71 -17 (1ig. 10-1 ~
MNAIM : FB-27571 -40 (1ig . 10-7, tcp)
1B2. SpraJ Bracaets (3)
173. Boar Tusk Pen:la-it wl1h Perfet'atlcns
165. Flngs (2 la-ge, 4 small) Copper
Bo.? tusk
Gdd D. 9.2-9.9cm : W. 2.4-3.2 cm
L. 16.6 cm : W. 2.7 ccm
D. 1.B-32.5cm SuvorO\o-l~ilo<'ka. Giurgiule$li . Gr~ 5
Suvcrovo-Novo::B"lilo.<ka, Giurgiule$li. Gra\<e 1
\lama. \lama. Grave 36 4500-4300 oc
4500-4300 oc
4400-4200 oc MNt\.I M: FB -275 71 -12/13.f14 ~ig . 10 -16)
MNAIM : FB-27571 -4 (1ig . 10-7. oottcm)
\lama Museum : 1722. 1?24. 1726. 1?.31. 1732.
1735 1B3. Spral Onaments \2)
174 . Cai cal O:fe or NJCla..JS
Gdd
Rint
166. Scepter (9 aements) D. max. 1.7 cm
H. 11.1 cm
Gdd Suror-010 -N;;tl'Ocianilo"1<a. Giurgiule$li. Gr~ 4
SuvorcNo-Novo±..-iilo,1ka, Giurgiule$li. Grave 3
L. 22 .5 cm: W. 5.3 cm 4500-4300 oc
4500-4300 oc
\lama. \lama. Grave 36 MNt\.I M: FB-262591 FB-2€\200 (1ig . 10-14)
MNAIM : FB-27571-42 (tig . 10-B, tcp)
4400-4200 oc
\lama Museum : 1641-1649(1ig. 9-3) 1B4. ardets of Bea::ls (422 and 413 Beads)
175. Tub.Jla- Slnft Rttlngs C3)
Shell (O:f~)
Gdd
167. spear Hea::I Bea::!: D. 2.5-4 cm
L. 2.B-3.5 cm: D. 1.5-1.B cm
Cq+er Suroro,o -N;::trod3nilo<'ka. Giurgiule$li. Gra.re 4
Suvcro\ro-Noo/01:()ilo.<ka, Giurgiule$li . Grave 4
L. 25 .B cm: W. 3.1 cm 4500-4300 oc
4500-4300 oc
\lama. \lama, Grave 97 MNL\.IM: FB-27571-E\2/ FB-27571 -63 ~ig . 10-11)
MNAIM : FB-2E\256-~5B (1ig . 10-13)
4400-4200 oc
\lama Museum: 2652 (1ig . 9 -13)

2~8
1S5. A...<:kos 203. Horse-Hea:l Scepter
Rred paste a-id s;::linte-s Stena
H. 12cm: D. 21 cm L 17 cm : W. 7.5 cm
Cu::uteri. Bra:! hcb-Elrq:ea-i. C~mcea
42~4050 oc (Cucuteni P3) 4000oc
MIR: 20276(1g . 1-10) MNIR: 11650 (1ig . 1-1S)

1S6. A:xe. 201 . .fJ.rrr:m Pdnts (3)

Cq:par Rint
L. 16cm: W. 4 cm H. 3.5-4 .5cm: L 5.5-7.5 cm
Cu::uteri. Bra:! hcb-Eu-q:ea-i . C~mcea
42~4050 oc (Cucuteni P3) 4000oc
MIR: 17575 (1g . 1-10) MNIR: 11652-11654 (1ig. 1-1S)
1M. Lance
Rint (cneck)
1S7. Bracelet 204. Lances(~
H. 5cm: L 11.7 cm
Cq:par Rint
lncb- 8.Jror::ean. Rilciu
D. 10 cm: W. 1.3 cm L 12-12-5 cm: H. 6.5-6.S cm
4000oc
Cu::uteri. Bra:! hcb-Eu-q:ea-i, C~mcea
M\IPB : 7993
42~4050 oc (Cucuteni .03) 4000oc
MIR: 17576 (1g . 1-10) MNIR: 11647-1164S (1ig . 1-1S)
195. AXP.
Rint
1SS. Broce let
H. 3cm: L 7.3cm
Cq:par
lncb-8.Jror::ean. ~Jciu
D. 9cm: W. 1.3 cm
4000oc
Cu::uteri. Bra:!
M\IPB : 7995
42~4050 oc (Cucuteni P3)
MIR: 17577 (1ig. 1-10)
196. /Jrrcm Pont
Rint
1S9. Clsl<:s (~
H. 3cm : L ?cm
Gdd
lncb-8.Jror::ean. ~Jciu
D. 4.S-6.3cm: 1lid<ness 0.5 cm
4000oc
Cu::uteri. Bra:!
M\IPB: 79$6
42~4050 oc (Cucuteni P3)
MIR: 17573-17574 (1ig. 1-10)
1W. /JJrow Pont
Rint
190. Disks (3)
H. 3cm: L 4.7 cm
Cq:par
lncb-8.Jror::ean. ~Jciu
D. 2.9-5.2 cm
4000oc
Cu::uteri. Bra:!
M\IPB : 79$7
42~4050 oc (Cucuteni P3)
MIR: 1757S-175SO (1ig. 1-10)
19$ . .tJ.:xE
Cq:par
191. Neckloce (1S2 Beads)
H. 5cm: L 14 cm
Stag teelh
lncb-8.Jror::ean. ~Jciu
Toolh L. 1-1.5 cm
4000oc
Cu::uteri. Bra:!
M\IPB : 79$4
42~4050 oc (Cucuteni P3)
MIR: 2247 5-22656 ~ig . 1-10)

1~. ~ck!ace (C}52 Beads)

Cq:par
Bea:!: D. 0.3 cm: W. 0.1-0.2 cm:
Thickness 0.1 cm
Cu::uteri . Bra:!
42~4050 oc (Cucuteni P3)
MIR: 22215-22474 (1g. 1-10)

193. Neckloce (27 Beads)

12 Cq:par and 15 vitreous teads
Bea:!: D. 0.2-0.4 cm : L. 0.4-0.6 cm 199. Beads (7)
Cu::uteri . Bra:! Shell
42~4050 oc (Cucuteni P3) Bead: D. 0.9-1 .1 cm
MIR: 221S1-22207 ~ig . 1-10) lncb-8.Jror::ean. ~Jciu
4000oc
M\IPB : 7977-79$3

239
E3iblio~~ r:::1ph y

Akkerma ns, P,, and i\:1. Verhoeven. "An Image Antonovic , D. "Copper Processing in Vinfa: New Balabanov, I. "Holocene Sea-Level Changes of
of Complexity: The Burnt Village at Late Contributions to the Thesis a bout Metallurgical the Black Sea." In The Black Sea Hood Question,
Neolithic Sabi Abyad , Siria. " A.meri.:an journal Character of Vinea Culture." Starinar 52 (2002): edited by Yanko--Hombach, Gilbert, Panin, and
o f Archaeology 99 (1995): 5---32. 27--45. Dolukhanov (2007): 711---30.

Alaiba, R . "Olaritul i'n cultura Cucureni." Antosyak, G., ed. Atlas Moldavskoy SSR. ·-------------·, D. Moise, and \~ Radu. "Use of Bovine
A.rheologia .Mo!dovei 28 (2005): 57-71. Mosco'N, 1978. 'fraction in the £neolithic of Romania: A Pre-
liminary Approach." In Cuc:uteni, edited by
Alekseeva , L "0 drevneishhikh eneoliticheskikh Apel, J., C. Hadevik, and L. Sundstrom_ "Burning Chapman et al. (2005): 277-83_
pogrebeniyakh severo-- zapadnogo Down the House: The Transformation Use of Fire,
prichernornor ya ." lv1aterialy po Arkheologii
1
and Other Aspects of an Early Neolithic TRB Site , V. Radu, and D. Moise. Omul ff mdiui
Severnogo Pri,;hernomoi··'ya (Kiev) 8 (1976): in Eastern Central Sweden_ Tor (Uppsala) 29 anfrnal intre rnileniile VII-IV i.e.n. la 1.)unarea
176--86. (1997): 5--47. de Jos. Targovi~te: Cetatea de Scaun, 2005.

Andrie~escu, I. "Contribu\ii la Dacia inainte Appadurai, A., ed. The Soda! Life o( Things: B:ilteanu, C ., and P. C:antemir. "C:ontribu\ii
de romani." Ph.D. diss., Institutul de Arheologie Comrnoditier; itt Cultu1'al Pe1·stectilie. Cambridge: la cunoa~terea unor aspecte paleo - demografice
Ia~i, 1912- Cambridge University Press, 1986. la popularia neolitica. de la Chirnogi-Suvip
Iorgulescu." Studii ;;i Cerc et. ari Antropolog£ce 28
Angelov, N. "Selishtnata mogila pri s. Hotnitsa." Babe~, M. "Marile etape ale dezvolurii arheo!ogiei (1991): 3-7.
In Izsledv(Jnia v chest na ak(Jd. Dimitar Dechev in Ro111ania." Stud ii ;,·i C:ercetCi.ri de I~:t o rie Veche j i
po .duchai 80--godishninata mu, edited by Arheologie 32, no_ J (1981): 319-30_ Binffy, E. "The Late Starcevo and the Earliest
1,: Beshevliev and V. Ceorgiev: 389403. Sofia: Linear Pottery Groups in '1/estern Transdanubiana."
Bulgarian Academy of Sciences Press, 1958. Bailey, D. B(Jlkan Prehistory: Exclusion, Incorpo- Docurnenta Praehistorica 27 (2000):173---·85 .
ration and Identity. London: Routledge, 2000_
· · · · · · · · · · · · · · . "Zlatnoto sakrovishte ot Hotnitsa." · · · · · · · · · · · · · · . "South-west Transdanubia as a Mediating
Arkheologia 1, nos. 1-2 (1959): 38-46. - - - . Prehi8to1'i~: Figurine.s: .R.epre8entation Area: On the Cultmal History of the Early
and Corporeality in the Neolithic . London: and Middle Chalcolithic." In Archaeology and
Angelova, I. "A Chakolithic Cemetery Near the Routledge, 2005. Settlen·zent H istoi'Y in the H ah6t Basiny South-
Ti)Wn of T:irgoviste." In Die Kup-(er.z.eit als west Hungary, edited by B. Sz6ke: 157---96.
his-torische Epoche, edited by J. Lichardus: vol. 1, ·-------------·, I. Panayotov, and S. Alexandrov, eds. Antaeus 22. Budapest: Archaeological Institute
101-5. Saarbriicker Beitrage zur Altertumskunde Pi·ehistoric Bulgaria. Monographs in World of the Hungarian Academy of Science, 1995.
55.Bonn: Habdt, 1991. Archaeology 22. Madison, \1V'I: Prehistory
Press, 1995. Barford, p_ "East Is East and West Is West? Power
Anghelinu, M. "The Magic of the Painted Pottery: and Paradigm in European Archaeology." In
The Cucutenian and the Romanian Prehistoric ---,A. Whittle, and V. Cummings, eds_ (Un) Archaeologies of Europe: Histo1')i 1\t1ethod8y
Archaeology." In Cucuieni, edited by Chapman settling the Neoliihic . Oxford: Oxbow, 2005. and Theories, edited by P. Biehl, A. Cramsch,
et al. (2005): 29---38. and A. Marciniak: 78---97. Tlibingen: Tiibinger
---,A. Whittle, and D. Hofmann, eds_ Uuing Archiioloejsche Taschenbiicher, 2002.
Anthony, D. The 1-Iorse; the \17heel.) {1nd Lr1ngu{1ge" V?ell Togeiher: .Sedeniism and l'vfobiliiy in ihe
.Hou.1 Bron .~:e .A.ge R.ider8 fro·rn the .Eura8ian Balkan Neoiithic. Oxford: Oxbow, 2008 . Bartosiewicz: L. ".lv1ammalian Bone." In The .Early
1

Steppes Shaped the lviodern W'or!d. Princeton, }\leolit.h ic on the Great llunga ri ~i n Plain: In vesti-
NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007. - - - , et al. "Alluvial Landscapes in the 'Temperate gatio n~· of the .Koros Culture ,Site of Ecsegf(rlua 2.3_,
Balkan Neolithic: Trnnsitions to Tells." Antiquity County Beke8, edited by .A. Whittle: 287-326.
---------------. "Nazi and Ecofeminist Prehistories: 76 (2002): 349--55 . Varia Archaeologica Hungarica 21. Budapest:
Ideology and Empiricism in Indo-European Archaeological Institute of the Hungarian
i\.rchaeolog}~" In Nationalismj Poliiics.~ and the --------------·,et al. "Expanding the Dimensions of Early Academy of Sciences; Cardiff: School of History
Practia of Archaeoiogy, edited by P. Kohl and Agricultmal Tells: The Podgoritsa Archaeological and Archaeology, University of Cardiff, 2007.
C. Fawcett: 82---96. Cambridge: Cambridge Project~ Bulgaria." ]ourn(.d o( Field .Archaeology
University Press, 1995_ 25 (1998): 373-96. Begemann, F., S_ Schmitt-Strecker, and E. Pernicka_
"The Metal Finds from Thermi III-V: A Chemical
and Lead Isotope Stud}'" Studia Troica 2 (1992):
219-39_

240
Beilekchi, \I. "Ra ; kopki kurgana 3 u s. Kopchak ." - - -, and C. M ihai. "Le complexe de culte Burdo, N. Sakral'nyi svit "frypil';koi tsivilizatsii.
In Arkheologicheskie Issledovaniya v Moldavii v a
et le vase decor ornithomorphe peint decou- Kiev: Nash Chas, 2008.
1985 g.: 34-49. Kishinev: Shti intsa, 1985. verts a Buznea (De p. de la~i)." In La civibation
de Cucuteni , edi ted by Petrescu-Dirnbovi~a, Burton, M., and T. Levy. "The Chakolithic
Beldiceanu, N. "Antichiurile de la C ucuteni. " Ia~i: Ur;ubcu, tlfonah, and Chirica (1987): 313-23. Radiocarbon Record and Its \J;e in Southern
Institutul de Arheologie Ia~i , 1885. .Levantine .A rchaeolop;y. ·-.· R.adic.1ca1'bt1n 43, no. 3
·--------------, et al. "Targu Frumos, Baza Patule." In (2001): 1223--46.
Bern, C . Traian-Dealul Fantdniior. Fenon·1enui Cronica cerceidrilo1· arhea!ogi ce din R.rnndnia.
Cucuteni A.-B. Bucure~t i: Muzeul National de Campania 2001: 31416. Bucure~ti: CIMEC, 2002. Bussy, M . "Le spondyius au Perou et en Equateur
ls to de a RomJ.niei, 2.007. a l'E.poque prehispanique." Master 's thesis,
Bogucki, P. "The Spread of Early Farming in Universite de Paris I Pantheon-Sorbonne, 1996---97.
- - - , et al. "Cerceta ri arheo logice pe valea Europe.)) .A.1;·zerican Scientist 84, no. 3 (1996):
Neajlovului. Considernr ii generate awpra 242-53 . Cameron, C ., and S. 'fomka, ed& Abandonn%nt
microzonei Buqani." Studii di! P1•1Jistoril! 1 of Settlenients and Regions: Ethnoarch,ieologfc.{d
(2002): 131-45. Bolomq', Al. "Noi descoperiri de oase umane and Archaeological Approaches. Cambridge:
lntr-o a~ezare cucutenian:i. )) Ce1c.-::.t::'i1i A.rheologic.~ Cambridge University Press, 1993 .
Benecke, N. "Archaeozoological Studies on the (Hucurqti) 8 (1983) : 159--73 .
Ti'a nsition from the l\1esolithic w the Neolithic in Cantacuzino, G. "Morminte cu scheletele a$eZate
the No rth Pontic Region." Anthropazoologica - - -,and G . .El Sus i. "Animals Remains." pe torace din necropola neoliticii. de la Cernica ~i
25-26 (1997) : 631-41. In D1'dgu~eni, ed ited by 1\1arine;cu . BtJcu and semnificapa acestui ri tual preistor ic.'' A-f.uzeul
Bolomey (2000): 159--78 . National 2 (1975) : 224---35.
.Berciu, D. Cultura Htunangia . .Noi contrihu.tii.
Bucure~ti: Instimtul de Arheologia al Academiei Bond, G., et al. "Persistent Solar Influence on --------------. "Un rimal funeraire exceptionnel de
RPR , 1966. No rth Atlantic Climate During the Holocene." l'epoque neolithique en Europe et en Afrique
Sdence 294 (2001): 2130--36. Septentriona le." Dacia, ri.s., 19 (1975): 27---43.
- - - . L~evolution de la civilisation de Cucuteni
a ia lun-lil!.re des nouveiles fouiiles archeologiques. Boyadzhiev, Y "Chakolithic Stone Architecture - - -,and C. Fedorovici. "Morminte de femei
Florence, 1968 . frorn Bulgaria.~~ Arc:haeologia Bulgatica 8, no. 1 decedate 'ln timpul na~terii din necropola neolitica
(2004): 1- 12. de la Cern ica." Bw:ure?ti 8 (1971): 37-53.
Bicbaev, V. "Litsevye a mfory kul'mry Kukuteni -
'fi:ipo!'e eneo liticheskie Model' Mira." Tezisy ---- "C hronology of Prehistoric C ultures in C:i rci un1aru , .M:. Pal8ob otar:ica. Studii fr: ·preistoria
dokladov VIII mezhdunarodnoj konferentsii. Bulgaria." In Pre.historic. BMlgcHic1, edited by Bailey, # protoistoria Romaniei. Ia$i, 1996 .
s.\!Iezdunatodnye otno~·he1u~fa v bassenye Panayotov, and Alexandrov (1995): 149---91.
Chyornogo i'Vlor') a v
1
dr~wno.r;ti i 8rednie veka - - - , D. Popovici, M. Cosac, and R. Dine:\.
(1996): 16---21. --------------."Stone Architecture from the Chakolithic "Spectrographic Analysis of Neo-Eneolithic
Mound on Golemija O;trov near Durankulak, Obsidian Samples and Several Considerations
Biehl~P. Studier:. :turn Symbolgut des i\leolit.hikung Dobrich Region. " Starini (2000 5 ): 6374. about the Obsidian Supply Sources." Analies
und der K.upf.?1?_:dt in SUdos-teu}'Of.'U. Saarbri.i cken: d'Unive,.sit€ V..'1lachiaJ Tdrgovi_~teJ Section
H abelt , 2003. --------------. "Synchronization of the Stages o f the d'Arc.hiologie et d'IIistoire 2--J (2000): 116---26.
C ucuteni C ulture with the Eneolithic Cultures
---- "Sy mboli c Co mmuni catio n Syste ms: of the Territory of Bulgaria Accmding to C l4 Chapman, _J. '":Il1e Creation of Social Arenas in tbe
Sym bo ls on Anthropomorphic Figurines in Dates." In Cucuteni, edited by C hapma n et al. Neolithic and Copper Age of South East Europe:
Neolithic a nd Chakolithic Southeast Europe." (2005): 65-74. The Ca;e of Varna." In Sac1·ed and Profane:
Journal of European Archaeology 4 (1996) : Prol:eedings of' a Conference on lin:haeology,
153-76. Bradley, D., D. MacHugh , P. C unn ingham , and Riiual and Reiigion, O.xford, 1989, edited by
R. Loftus. "Mitochondrial Diversity and the P. Garwood , R. Skeates, a nd J. 'Toms: 152-71.
--------------,and A. Marciniak. "The Cons truction of Origins of African and European Cattle." Pro- Oxford: Oxford Committee for Archaeology, 1991.
H ierarchy : Rethinking tbe Copper Age in South ceeding.~ of the National Acadmny of Sciences
east Europe.~~ In I1iel(1lchie~; in Ar::tio n: Cui Bo no':? 93, no. 10 (1996): 5131--35. --------------. "Dark Burnished Ware as Sign: Ethnicity,
edited by .M . Diehl: 181-209. Occasional Paper Zi . Aesthetics and Categories in the Later Neolithic
Carbondale, IL: Center for Archaeo logical Branigan, K. Aegean }\:fetah.1"'°ork. oft.he Early and of the Central Balkans." In Homage to lvfiiu!in
Investigations, 2000. Middie Brome Age. Oxford: C la rendo n, 1974. Gara.fanin, edited by Tasic and Grozdanov (2006):
295-308.
Bodean~ S. Aieztirile c.uiturii Precuc.uieni-Tripolie Brornberger, C. "Locuinfa." In Dictionm· de
A. din Republica i\r1.oidoua. Kishinev: Ponto$ ~ 2001. etnologie .$f antropoiogie> edited by P. Bonte and ---."Domesticating the Exotic: The Context
M. Izard. h$i: Polirom, 1999. of C ucuteni-Tripolye Exchange with Steppe and
l\odyans'kii, 0 . "Eneolitichnii mogil'nik bi lya Forest--Steppe Com munities.'' In Andent Jntera,:-
s. Petyro-Svistunovo ." .Arkheologiya (Ki ev) 21 --------------. "The Origins and Early Development hons: East and West in Eun;sir.;, edited by K. Boyle,
(1968): 117-2.5. of !\-fediterranean Mar iti me Activity." _Journal C . Renfrew, and M. Levine: 75-92. McDona ld
of Meditermnean Archaeology 19, no. 2 (2006): Institute ll·ionongraphs. Cambridge: .M.cDonald
Boghian, D., a nd S. Ignitescu. "Q uelques conside- 199---230. Instimte fo r Archaeological Research, 2003.
rations sur un vase Cucuteni B aux reprCsentations
a nthropornorp hes peintes, decouvert a Fete ~ti- La -- --- -----,and T. Strasser. "Migran t Farm ers and -------------. "The Early Balkan Village." "Neolithic
Schit (Dep. de Suceava) ." Cadrii Cosrninuiui 13, tbe Colo ni zation of Crete. " Aniiquity 65 (1991): of Southeastern Europe and Its Near Eastern
no. 23 (2007 ): 3 12. 23345. Con nect ion s~~~ VtJ.ria Archa.eo!ogica 1-lung(trica. 2
(1989): 33 --53 .

241
- -. "The Elaboration of an Aesthetic of Bril-- - - -,et al., eds. Cucuteni. 120 ans de recherches; (:ochadZ:iev, S. "Untersuchungen des friihen
liance and Colour in the Climax Copper Age. •• In Le temps du bilan f Cucuteni: 120 Years of Re- Aneoli thikums im siidwest lichen Bulgarien." In
Stephano; A.risteios. Archiiologische Forschungen search; Time to Sum Up. Bibliotheca Memoriae Internationales Sympos ium iiber die Lengyel -
zwischen Nil und Istros, edited by F. Lang, Antiquitatis 16. Piatra Neam\, 2005. Kultur: 45---52.. Nitra: Ard1iiologisches Institm der
C . Reinholdt , and J. Weilhartner: 65-74 . Vienna: Slowakischen Akademie der Wissenschaften in
Phoibos, 2007. Chenu~ J.-C. Illust1·atio11s .::onchyliologiques, ou Nitra, 1986.
Description et figures de tout.es les coquilles
- - - . "Engaging with the Exotic: The Produc- connut:s· uivante.<: et f._0.<:.<:£les .... Paris: Franck, 1.842. Colledge, S., and J. Conolly. "The Neolithisation
tion of Early Farming Comm uni ties in Somh- of the Balkans: A Review of the Archaeobotanical
East and Central :Euro pe." In A Short Walk Chernyakhov> L ~ ed. R.anneze-;-nledefche.sk.ie Ev idence.') In A Shoft Walk. Through the Balk.a:ns·.
Th1·ough the Balkans: The First Fa1·mers of the posel.~niya-giganty Tr£t ol"s.koi kul"tt·!'I)! na U.kra£ne.
1 The Fitst E1rnz.ers of the Cart}athian Basin and
Carpathian Basin and Adjacent Region8, edited Tal'yanki: Vinn itskii Pedagogicheskii Institut, 1990. Adjacent Regions, ed ited by .M . Spataro and
by AL Spataro and P. Biagi: 207-22. Trieste: P. Biagi: 25-.38 . Trieste: Socied per la Preistori a
Socied per la Preistoria e Prorostoria della Chernykh , E. "Ai Bunar, a Balkan Copper Mine e Protostoria della Regione Friuli-Venezia Giulia
Regione Friuli-Vener.ia Giulia Quaderno 12, 2007. of the IVth Millennium BC." Proceedings o( the Quaderno 12, 2007.
Prehistoric Society 44 (1978): 203--18.
- --. Frag11zentation inA.rl:htrno!ogy: PeopleJ Com~a, E. "A~ezarea neoliticil. de la Izvoarele
Places and Broken Obfects in the Prehistory of" --------------. Ancient lvietallurgy in the USSR.- TfJe. Earl.y (j ud. Giurgiu)." Bul.eiinul 1'. .iuz:.eului "Teohati
South Ea.<::tern Eu1'ope. London: Routledge ~ 2000. Afrtal Age. Cambridge: Cambridge University A.ntonescu'' 5-6 (1999--2000): 103--4.
Press, 1992.
--------------. "The Origins of Warfare in the Prehistory ·-------------·. "Caracteristicile ~i lnsemn:Hatea cuptoa-
of Central and Eastern Europe." In An<'.ient - - -- "Eneolit pravoberezhnoi ukrainy i molda- relor de ars oale din aria culturii Cucuteni--Ariu)d."
'liar/are, edited by J. Carman and A. Harding: vii." In Eneolit SSSR, edited by V. Masson and Studii ;;i Cerceti:i.ti de I~·torie Veche ;,·i Arheologfr
101-42. Stroud: Sutton, 1999. N. Merpett: 166-320. Arkheologia SSSR 3..Moskva: 27, no. 1. (1.976): 23-26.
Nauka, 1982.
- - -. "The Provision of Salt to li:ipolye Mega-- - - - . Comple.xul neolitfr de la .R.adovanu.
sites.)) In 'Tripoiye Settlernents··Giants~ edited - - -. Gornofe deio i rnetaliurgija v drevnej.sej Cultura. ~iCivilizarie la Du n;irea de Jos 8.
by Korvin-Piotorvsky, Kruts, and Rizhov (2003): Bolgarii. Sofia: Arkheologicheskii Instimt i Muzei Cilara~i , 1990.
203-11. Bolgarskoi Akademii Nauk, 1978.
--------------. "Considerations sur le rite funeraire de la
---."Social Inequality on Bulgarian 'fells and - - - . 1.storija drevn~~jsej r-netallurgii vostocnoj civi lisation de Gumeln iTa." Dacia 4 (1960): 5-.30.
the Varna Problern. ~~In The Socic'i.l Archaeology of" Evropy . Materialy i issledovanija po arkheologii
Ho uses, edited by R . Samson: 49--98. Edinburgh: 132. Moskva and Leningrad: Akademii Nauk, 1966. --------------. "Contriburii la cunoa~terea rit ului funerar
Edinburgh University Press, 1990. al purtatorilor culturii G umelni p (G rnpul de
--------------. "O jugo-vostochnoj zone Balkano- morminte de la Dridu)." Aluia 10---11 (1980):
- - - . "Spondylus bracelets: Fragmentation and Karpa tskoi metallurgicheskoj provi ntsii l:pokhi 23-32.
Enchainment in the East Balkan Neolithic and eneolita." Studia Praehi~torica (Sofia ) 1 · 2 (1978 ):
Copper Age." Dobrudja 21 (2003): 63-87. 170-81. - - - . fstoria con-zunitlifilo'' ~:ulturii .Boian.
Bucure~ti: Editura Academiei, 1974.
··· · · · · · · · · · · · ··, "Spondylus gaederopu~·/Glycymeris Chertier, B. "La sepulture danubienne de Vert-
Exchange Netwmks in the Ern·opean Neolithic la -GraveHe Uv!arne), Heu -di t Le Bas des Vignes." - - - . ".M ormintele neolitice de la Radovanu."
and Chalcolithic. ~~ In }land.book of t.he.Eurot)ean Prihistoire et prohi~:toite en Chamt agne-.Ard.enne
1 Stt-!dU ;:i Cercet,~rt~ de Jstorie Ve.ch.~: ;;t~ i-irheologie 49>
Neolithic, edited by D. Hoffman , C. Fowler, and 12 (1988): 31-69. nos. 3--4 (1998): 265-76 .
J. Harding. London: Routledge, forthcoming.
Chilardi, S., L. Guzzardi, M. Iovino, and A. Rivoli. - - -. ":Necropola gun1elnireana de la VJ.r;l~ti. "
--------------. The. VinZa Cul.tu-re o/ South Rist Eu-rope.: "The Evidence of Spondylus Ornamental Objects Analele B(Jnatului 4~ no. 1(199.5):55---189 .
Studies in Chronoiogy, Economy and Society . in the Central Mediterranean Sea: Two Case
British Archaeological Reports, International Studies; Sicily and l\falta." In Aid;aeornaiaco!ogy. - - - . f-.Jeoliticui pe terito1·iul Romdnid. Bucure~ti :
Series 117. Oxford: Archaeopress, 1981. .L\1olluscs in Fonner Environments of" Tluman Considerarii, 1987.
Behaviour, edited by D. Bar--YOsef Mayer: 82-90.
, and B. Gaydarska. Paris and Wholes: Proceedings of the 9th Conference of the Interna- ···················· . "Parures neolithiques en coquillages marim
Fragn·zentation in Prehi.stori~: Context. ()xford: tional Council of Archaeozoology, Durham, decouvertes en territolt'e roun1ain." f)acia 1.7
Oxbow, 2007. August 2002. Oxford: Oxbow, 2005. (1973): 61-76.

- - , B. Gaydarska, and K. Hardy. "Does Childe, V.G. The Danube in l'rehi8tory. OxfOl'd: - - - . "(2uelques consideration s sur la cu lture
Enclosure Make a Difference? A View from the Clarendon, 1929. Gumelnira (]'agglomeration de M:igura Jilavei) ."
Balkans. ~~ In Enclosing the Pas:t: Inside and Out~:ide Dacia, n.s., 10 (1976): 105-27.
in Prehistory, edited by A. Harding, S. Sievers, ol Eu.ropean Ciuil.i.?.ahon. 1925.
·-------------·, The Dawn
and N. Varnaclova.: 20-43. Sheffield Archaeological Oxford: Taylor and Francis, 2005. - - -. "Ritul ~i r itualurile funerare din epoca
11-fonographs 15. London: Equinox, 2006. neolitici din Muntenia." Jstorie Ji ti'aditie tn
·-------------·. \"'(!'hat J.Iaj)j)en.ed in }listory . 1942. spafiui romdnesc 4 (1998): 18--35.
---,and D. i\fonah. "A Seasonal Cucuteni Harmondsworth: Penguin , 1976.
Occupation at Sili$te-Prohoze;;ti.~~ In L"exf1loita- ···············~
and G. Cantacuzino. Necropoht n.eoliticd
tion du sel ,} trauers le temps·, edited by D. .Cv'fonah, Clottes, J., and D. I..ewis--Williams. Les ,:hamanes de la Cernica . Bucurq:ti: Editura Academei
G. Dumitroaia, 0. Weller, and J. Chapman: de la prehistoire. Paris: Roches, 2001. Romilne, 2001.
71-88. Bibliotheca l'vfemo riae Antiquitatis 18.
Piatra ..Neam[, 2007.

242
Condurachi, E. Archi:ologie roumaine a u XXc Dimitri jevic, V., a nd C. Tripkovic. "Spondylus - - -. "Deux nouvelles tombcs cucuteniennes a
siede. Bucharest: Academie RPR, 1963 . and Glycymeris Bracelets: Trade Reflections a
rite magique decouvertes Traian." Dacia, 1i.s., 2
at Neolithic Vi nea-Belo Brd o." Documenta (1958): 407-23.
Cotiuga, V., and 0. Cotoi. "Parcul arheologic Praehistorica 33 (2006) : 1--·16.
experimental d e la C ucuteni." In Cuwteni-- Dumitrescu~ VL A.1'tti culturii C:ucu teni . .Bucure$ti:
Ceid[ttie, edited by Petrescu-D1m bovi~a and Dimitrov, K. Mednaia meta/urgiya po Zapadnia Meridiane. 1979.
V:ileanu (2004): 337---50. [Hi~tg na Ch.~rno mor.~ (sredat~i na V---na(h~tloto 1M
IV hi/. pr. Hr.). Sofia: Autoreferat, 2007. - - -. .A.rta preistorict"1. tn R.onidnia. Buciire$ti:
Craig, 0 ., et al. "Did the First Farmers of Cemral l\-feridiane. 1974.
<lnd :Eastern Eu rope Produ ce D.1iry Foods?" - - -. "Die Metallfunde aus den Griibcrfrld crn.''
Antiquity 79 (2005): 882--94. In fo,ran.h,!a.~, edited by Tc,dorova (2002): 127---58. ............... "Consideration et donnees nouvdles sur
le prob!Cme du synchronisme des civilisations de
Cuco~. $. "U n complex ri tu al descoperit la Dimov, T. "Neolithic and Copper Age Sites in Cucuteni et de Gu melnipi." Dacia 8 (1964): 53-66.
Ghel:iie~li(jud. Nea1nr). S.tt·!dii si r::ertr:.rai de istorie the Nor th East Balkans (wi th Special Reference
veche si a~heclogie 24~ no. 2 (1973): 207-15. to H:amangia Culture). ln Ea1'ly Symbolic Sy5tem:; - - - . H,rbaJe$ti. Satul neo!itic de pe Hohn.
fot Communh.:ation in Southeast EutofJe >edited Bucure§ti: Meri di ane, 1967 .
- - -. "Cultura amforelor sferi ce din depresiunea by L Nikolova: vol. 2, 459--68. British Archaeolog ·
su bcarpaticil a Moldovei." Memoria Antiquitatis ical Reports, International Series 1339. Oxford: ............... "In leg:ituril cu periodizarea fazei Cucuteni
9-11 (1977-79): 1.41-61. Archacopress, 2003. A--B." Stud ii ~i Cercet!ZJ'i de IstGJ'ie Vee he $i A.d;e.
ologie 23, no. 3 (1972): 441-47.
--------------. Fa2:.a Cuc.uterii B tn :.:on.a subC4U'f){JticJ a Dinu, M. "Contriburii la problema Culmrii
.Moldovei. Bibliotheca ivle moria Antiquitatis 6. Amforel or Sferice pc teritoriul Moldovei." - -- . "A Late Neolithic Settlement on the Lower
Piatra Nea m~ , 1999 . A1'heologia Afoldouei 1 (1961) :4359. Danube." Archaeology (New York) 18, no. 1
(1965): 34-40.
Daicov iciu, C. Dacica. Studii" ;t" artic.ole privind ............... " Principalele rezul tate ale cercet:irilo r
i8toria veche a pdnidntului i'onu.inesc . CluL 1969. arheolopjce de la Baiceni-Dambul Morii, com. - - -. "Origin ea ~i evol u~i a culturii Cucuteni-
Cucu te ni (1961-1966)." In Cuwteni, edited by 'Iripolie. '' Studii 5i Cercetdri de Istarie Ve1:he 5i
..............,and E . Condurachi. Roumanie. Archaeo- Ursulescu and Lazarovici (2006). Arheo!ogie 14, no. 1 (1963): 51--74; no. 2 (1963):
logia Mundi . .Munich: Nagel, 1972. 285-308 .
............... "Quelques remarques sur la w n tinuite de
Delong, A. " Phenomenological Space-T ime: la ceramique peinte du type Cucuteni du rant la - - - . " Principalele rezultate ale primelor doua
Tc)ward an Experiential Relativit:.~" Science 213 , civilisatio n Horodi~tea-Erbiceni et Gorodsk. " In campanii de s:ipiltura din a~ezarea neolitica tarzie
no. 4508 (7 August 1981): 681--82. La civilisation de Cucuteni, edited by Petrescu- de la Cascioarele." Studii :;! Cerce!iiri de lstorie
Dlmbovira, l!rsulescu, 1\1onah, and Chirica (1987): Ve,;he ~i A1'heologie 16, no. 2 (1965) : 215-38.
............... "Spatial Scale, Temporal Experience and 133--40.
Information Proet:ss ing: An Empirical Examina- -;;e$fi. lvfonograf.e arheo!ogit~L
- - - , et al. Hiibii._
1

tion of Experiential Realit}~ " lvfan-Environmeni Dobrovol'skii, V. " M ogil'ni k vs. Chapli." Bucure~ti: Academiei RPR, 1954.
Systef'ns 13 (1983): 77-86. Arkheolagiya (Kiev) 9 (1958): 106-18.
Dmnitroaia, G. Comun,:ta;i prei~todce d1:n nord-
Dennell , R., and D. Webl e}~ "Prehisto ric Settlement Draganov, V. "Submerged Coastal Settlements estul Ro11i!Jniei. De ia c.u!tura Cucuteni pdnli. fn
and Land Use in Southern Bulgaria." In l'alaea- from the Final Encolithic and the Eady P,rome Age b1't"1n-.~:ul rnijlociu. Biblioteca lv1en1orla .A n6qulta6s
ec:onomy, edited by E. Higgs : 97--·110. Cambridge: in the Sea around Sozopol a nd Urdoviza Bay near 7. Piatra Neamr, 2000.
Cambridge University Press, 1975. Ki ten." In Prehi8toi·ic Bulgai·ia, edited by Bailey,
Panayotov, and Alexandwv (1995): 225--41. ............... "Depunerile neo-eneoli tice de la Lunca $i
Dergachev) V. Die ii.neoiitish~?n und hronz.:ezeitli <)glinzi, juder.ul N'ean1f." i'vlemoria Antiquitatis 19
chen lv1eiallfUnde aus lvloldavien . Stuttgart: Dragomir, I. " Principalele rezultate ale sap:iturilor (1994): 7--82.
Steiner, 2002. arheologice de la Bere~ ti 'Dealul Bulgarului'
(1981 ) , judep1I Galati." Memoria Antiquitatis - - - . "La station archeologique de Lunca Poiana
............... Kerbunskii klad. C hi ~ in au: Tipografia 9---11 (1985): 95. Slatinii." In La ciuilis{J.l'fon de Cucuten.i, edited
Acadcmiei de Stinre , 1998. by Petrescu-D1mbovip , Ursulescu, Monah, and
Eneoliticu! din sud-estu! RD1n!Jniei . Chirica (1987): 25358.
- - - . "The Migration Theory of Marija A.r;pectul cuiturai Stokanf. ..Aldeni. Blblioteca de
G imbutas. " journal of Indo-Eumpean Studies Arhcologie 42. Bucure~ti: Academiei RSR , 1983 . - - - , and D. Monah, eds. Cucuteni aujourd'hui.
28, nos. J4 (2000) : 257 339. 110 ans depuis la diicouuerte en 1884 du site
Dra~ovea n , Fl. Cuitura Vinla tJrzie (faza C) tn epanyme. I\ibliotheca Memoriae .An tiquitati:i 2.
..............,A. Sherratt , and 0. Larina. "Recem Banat . Tirni~oa ra: Mirton , 1996. Piatra-Neamf, 1996.
Results of Neolithic Research in Moldavi a
(USSR) ." CJx(ord Journal of Prehistory 10, Dumi trescu, H . "Decouvertes concernan t un ri te Echt, R. Dnuna-lvferdium.ekja: li Southeast
no. 1 (1991) : 1-16. funerai re magique dans Faire de la civilisation de Bulgarian lVIonun-1ent of the .European Cultu,-e
la ceram ique peinte du type Cucuteni-'fripolie." Heritage and !t.i; Puhhcation. In E-·Leai'nfrzg
Diaconesc u, !YI. "A~eza rea cuc utenian a de la Dacia, 11.s., 1 (1957): 97---103. lvf.ethodologies and Computer ilpplictJ.iions in
Razirna Copalii u din judecul B oto~an i." Hiemsus· An:haeology, edited by D. Politis: 229-51. Hershey,
(Boto~ani) 9 (1994). .. ... ...... "0 descoperi re in legiltur:i cu ritul de PA: IG I G!obal,2008 .
tnmormantare in cuprinsul culturii cern micii
pictate Cucuteni-Tripolie." Siudii }'i Cenetari
de i~torie Veche S, nos. 3-4 (1954): 399-429.

243
- - -, W.--R. T'hiele, and L Ivanov. "Varna- - - -,et al. "Recent Studies of Eneolithic Copper - -. "'The Fi rst Wave of Eurasian Steppe
Untersuchungen zur kupferzeitlichen Goldverar- Ores and Artefacts in Bulgaria." In Decouverte Pastoralists into Copper Age Europe. " Journal of
beitung." In Die Kupferzeit als historische Epoche, du metal, ed ited by .J . .Mohen: 49-76 . Paris: Indo Europea n Studies 5, no. 4 (1977): 277-.338.
edited by Li chard us and Echt (1991): 633---91. Picard, 1991.
---- The Goddesses and Gods of Old Europe:
Ellis, L. "Analysis of Precucuteni Ceramics from Gaydarska, B. "Application of GIS in Settlement Myths and Cult Images . London: Thames and
T<lrgu Frutnos) Rorr1ania." In Scn~t1 ta p;~u:.hi:s:to n~c,1) Archaeology: An Integrated Approach to Pre- liudson, 1982.
edited by Spinei, Lazarovici, and Monah (2005}: historic Subsiste nce Strategies." In Tripolye
26270 . .Settlements:-Giants\ edited by Korvin-Piolorvsky~ . The Goddesses and Cods o/ Old World
Kruts, and Rizhov (200.3): 212-16. Eurnpe, 6500-3500 BC. London: Thames and
--------------·.The C:u.cuteni-Tripolye Cult1.~te: A Study in Hudson, 1983.
Te,:hnolog,y and the Origins of Cornp!ex Society. ---."Preliminary Research on Prehistoric
P,ritish Archaeological Reports, International Series Salt Exploitation in Bulgaria." In "'fodorova - - - . The Gods and Goddesses of Old Europe,
217. Oxford : Archaeopress, 1984. Fesrschrift," edited by V. Slavchev. Dobridzha 21 6500--3500 BC: Myths and Cult Images. London:
(2004) : 110-22. 'Thames and Hudson, 1974.
El st er, E., and C. Renfrew, eds. Prehistoric
Sitagroi: Excavations in North8ast Gr8 ece~ - - -, et al. "Breaking, Making and Trading: - --.The Language o/ the Goddess. London:
1968---1970. ·i/ol. 2) The Fin,:;.t &port. Los Angeles: The Omurtag En eolithi c Spondylus Hoard." Thames and lludson, 1989.
Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, University of Ari:haelogia Bulgarica 8 (2004): 11-34.
California, 2003. - - -,and l\LR. Dexter. The Living Godde.>ses.
Georgieva, P. "Ethnocultural and Social-economic Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001.
Fiedel, S., and D.W. Anthony. " Deerslayers, Changes during the Transitional Period from
Pathfinders, and Icemen: O rigins of the European Eneolithic to Bronze Age in the Region of Lower Glumac, P., and J. Todd. "Eneolithic Copper
Neolithic as Seen from the Frontier." In The Danube.» Godilnjak na Akade;-nija nauka i Smelting Slags from the .M iddle Danube Rasi n."
Colonization of Unfaniiliar Lt.tndscapes> edited umetnosti Bosne i l-Iercegovine . Centar za In An:haeometry '90, edited by E. Pernicka and
by AL Rodeman and .J. Steele: 144-68. l.ondon: balk.ano!o.tk.a ispitiuanja 28, no. 26 (1990): 239--45. G. Wagner: 155-64. Basel: Birkhii.user, 1991.
Routledge, 2003.
-------------·. "Nadgrobna mogila krai gr. Shabla --------------,and R. Tringham. "The Exploitation of
Filipova, M. "Palaeoecological Investigations of (prob lemi na h ronologiyata i kulturnata Copper ~'Vlinera l s." In ,Seleuat;: A "l'Jeolithic Village
Lake Shabla-Ezeretz in North-eastern Bulgaria." prinadlezhnost)." A.rkheologia 33, no. 1 (1991 ): in Yugoslavia , edited by Tringham and D. Krstic:
Ecologica NJediter,-anea 1, no. 1 (1985): 147-58. 1-10. 549-66. Los Angeles: Institute of Archaeology,
Universi ty of California, 1990.
Filipova-Marinova, M . "Archaeological and ·-------------·. "Za kraiya na eneoli ta v Zapadnoto
Paleontological Evidence of Climate Dynamics, Chernon1orie .» In Festschrift fiir Dr.habit. C~o lan , A. p,.ehistoric Religion: i'vl'y tholog'y;
Sea-Level Change, and Coastline Migration in the Henrieta fodom ua, edited by V. Slavchev: 214---38. Symbolism . Jerusalem , 2003.
Bulgarian Sector of the Circum-Pontic Region." Sbornik Dobrudja 21. Varna: Sitronik, 2004.
In The Black Sea Flood Question, edited by Goren, Y. "The Location of Specialized Copper
Ya.nko--Holmbach , Gilbert, Panin, and Dolukhanov - - - . " Za zoomorfnite skiptri i poslednite etapi Prnduction by the Lost \Vax Technique in the
(2007): 453--81. na kasnoeneolimite kulturi Varna, Kodzhadermen- Chalcolithi c Southern Levant." Geoarchaeology
Gumelnitsa-Karanovo VI i Krivodol-Salkutsa ." In 23, no.3 (2008): 37497.
- - - . "Postglacial Vegetation Dynamics in the Stephanos A rchaeologicos-!n .Honorern Profes··
Coastal Part of the Strandza Mountains, South- soris Ludmili Getov, edited by K. Rabadjievm: Gotherstrom, A., et al. "Cattle Domestication in
eastern Bulgaria." In Aspect.> of !'alynology and 144-67. Sofia: Sofia University Press, 2005 . the Near East Was Followed by Hybridization
Palaeoecology.' Fest~chnft £n 1-Ionour ol Eli~~;aueta with Aurochs Bulls in Europe." Proceedings o(
Bozilov , edited by S. Tonkov: 213-31. Sofia-- Gheorgiu, D., and C. Schuste. "The Avatars of Biological Sciences 272, no. 1579 (2005): 2337-44.
Moscow: Pensoft, 2003. a Paradigm: A Short History of Romanian
Archaeology." In P.E Biehl, A. Cramsch, and Greenfield, H . "Preliminary Report on the 1992
Fletch er, R. The Limits to Settlement Growth . A. 1'v1arcini ak, eds. A.rchiiologien .Euro pas. Excavations at Foeni Sa l a~: An Early Neolithic
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996. Geschichte.~ }\;Ietod.en und Theo rienf~.ti-rcha eologie~; Starcevo-Cri~ Settlement in the Romanian Banat."
of Europe: H isto'')j lviethod.~ and Theorie.>: A.nalele Banatului 3 (1994): 45-93.
Florescu, A. "Observa\ii asupra sistemului de 289.301. TUbinger Archaologische Taschenblicher
fortificat'e al a~ezilt'ilot' cucuteniene din .Moldova." 3. 1\-f unstet': '\Xlaxn1ann, 2002. Haheu, V., and S. Kmciatov. "C im itiru l plan
Arheologia lvfoldovei 4 (1966): 23-38. eneolitic de linga satul (~ iu rgiule~ti ." Revt"stif
Chetie, B., and C. Mateescu . "L'utilisation des Arheo!ogicd 1 (1993):10114.
- - - , and l'vf. Florescu. "$an~ul de ap;irue." In bovines ,J_ la tracation dans le Neolithique
Trufiefti, edited by Petrescu-Dimbovira, Florescu, 1V1oyen. ~~ Int.ern ~it.io nal. Co nft.re.nee of Prehistoric --------------. "Otchet o polevych issledovanyach Pruto-
and Ftorescu (1999): 222-30 . and Protohistoric Sdences {Be1grade) 10 (1973): Dunayskoy novostroechnoy ekspedicii v 1991
454··61. godu." Arhiva Arheologid a l\!fNAIM (Kishinev),
French, D. "Excavations at Can Hasan: First no . .336. 1992.
Preliminary Report, 1961." Anatolian Studies Gin1butas, ~'Vt . Civiliza,_tie ?i cultui£'i. Vestigii
12 (1962): 27··40. pre1:s-iort:u : In sud-e>iul. Bucure~ti: Meridiane, 1989. Haimovici, S. "Qudques problemes d'archeo-
zoologie concernant la cu lture de C ucuteni." In
Gale, N., et al. "Early Metallurgy in Bulgaria." ·············· .The Civilization ol the Goddess: The La civilisation de Cucuieni, edited by Petrescu-
In lviining and lvietal Produl:iion Through the W!orld o( Old Europe. San Francisco: Harper. Dlmbovira, lJrsulescu, Monah, and Chi rica (1987):
Ages, edited by P. Craddock and J. Lang: 12273. Collins, 1991. 157 66.
London: British l'vfuseum Press, 2003.

244
Halstead, P. "Neighbours from Hell? The House-· - - -."Der l\estattungsritus in der chalkoliti- Jovanovic, B. "Rudna Glava- ein Kupferbergwerk
hold in Neolithic Greece." In Neolithic Society in sd1en Nekwpole in Varna." In Die Kupferzeit als des friihen Eneolithikums in Ostserbien." Der
Greece, edited by Halstead: 77-95. Sheffield Stud-- historische Epoche, edited by Lichardus and Echt Anschnitt 28 (1978): 150-57.
ies in Aegean Archaeoloi,>y 2. Sheffield: Sheffield (1991): 125--50.
Academic Press, 1999. - - - . Rudna Glava. :"!ajstartje rudarstvo bakra
. "Le chakolithique en Bulgarie et Jans na Cmtrainom Bafkanu. Bor: Museum fiir
f-Iansen~
S. Bilder vom fvfensc:hen der Steinzeii: la n&cropole de Varna." In ;1ncient Bulgaria . Bergbau- und Hiittenwesen; Beograd: Archaolo-
Untersuchungen zur anthropornoi·phen P!astil;:. edited by A. Poulter: vol. 1, 154-63. Notting-)lam: gisches lnstitut, 1982.
der ]ungsteinzeif. und KM[J/t.r.r..•..:-:it in SiAdos't'euto{ a.
1
NOltingham University Press, 1983.
Archaologie in Eurasien 20. Mainz: Philipp von Junghan;, S., E. Sangmei;ter, and M. Sdiri:'ider.
Zabern, 2007. ............... "Les fouilles archeologiques de la necro- Kupf"er un.d Bron.ze in der frjjhen l'1/Ietallzelt
pole chakolithiquc aVarna.~~ Studia !-'raehi5tori.':.a Europa;; 1-3. Berlin, 1968.
- - , et al. " Der kupferzeitliche Siedlungshugel 1-2 (1978): 13-26.
Pietrele an der Unteren Donau. Bercht uber die Karn1anski~ S. I<atal.og antropomorf"ne i zoomor(nr:.
Ausgrabungen in Son1mer 2004." Eum.c;ia Antiqua ---."Das Graberfeld von Varna." In A1acht, plastike iz oko!ine Odzalw. Odzaci: Arheolosb
11 (2005): 34193 . Fiettscha(t. und Cold. Das Grdber/"eld uon Vanu: Zbirka, 1977.
(Bu!garfrn) und dfr .A.nfdnge einer neuen
.............. ,el al. "Pietrde ----Eine kupferzeidiche europaischen Zivilisation, edited by A. Fol and Kharitidi, 0. La chamane bfam:he. L'initiation
Sied lun g an der Unteren Donau. l\ericht iiber J. Licha rdus: 49-66 . Saarbriicken: lvioderne d'un psychiatre a la n-iedecine traditionne!ie des
die Au;grnbungen in Sommer 2005." Ew·asia Galerie des Saarland J\1useums, 1988. drnes. Paris: Lattes, 1997.
Anti qua 12 (2006): 1---62.
- - - . "Nakolnite selishta- rezultati i problemi." Kienlin, T, and .E. Pernicka. "Aspects of the
1-{artrnann, A. Priihistotische Goidfi.f.nde au~· f'.AR (1981): 268 91. Production of Copper Age J:bzladany Type ll.Y.. e'.;."
Europa [[. Stu di en zu den Anfangen der Me tall In Metals and Societies, edited by T. Kienlin
urgie 5. Berlin: Mann, 1982. ............... "Razkopki na varnenskija eneoliten and B. Roberts: 258---76. "Studies in Honour of
nekropol prez 1972 godina. ~~ lzv1;stija na f'.J a rod nija Barbara S. Ottaway," Universitiitsforschungen
Haquche, N., and 0. Bounegru. "SapHurile Muz.v,j Vania 11(1975): 1-17. zur prahi;torischen Archaologie 169. Bonn:
arheologice de sal vare de la !viedgidia, jud. Habdt, 2009.
Constanra, 1957-1.958." Fontica (Constanp) 30 - - - . Sok.roviscyata na ?Jarne;·isk~va neoliten
(1997): 1711}1. nekropo!;u. Sc>fia: Septemvri, 1978. Kogalniceanu, R. "Utilizarea tesmlui X 2 in
arheolopje. Studiu de caz necropola neolitica de la
Hasoni , P. Epoc!i neoliticd in Dobrogea. Bib- ................ "Spasitelni razkopki na rannoeneolitnioto Cernica. ~~ Arheologia lvfoldouei 28 (2005): 288···95 .
liotheca TrJmitana 1. Constama: Muzeul de :>elishte pri s. Suvorovo." i'!..t~::heo/05'7.c.heski ot.k1itia
Istol'ie Nationa la si Arheologie, 1997. i razkopki prez 1983 29 (1984) : 21-22. Kohl, P. 'The J\1aking of Rronz~~ .A.ge Eu,.asia.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007 .
Hauptmann, A., .J. Lutz, E. Pernicka, and C. Yal~in. - - - . "Varnenskiyat nekropol i negovoto myasto
"Zur Technologie der friihesten Kupferverhlittung v praiswriyata na Izwchnoto Sredizemnomorie." Korvin-Piotorvsky. A., V. Kruts, and S. Rizhov,
im iistlichen Mittelmeerrnum." In Between In Balgaria v .weta ot drevno8tta do na::;hi dni»
1
eds. Tripo!ye Settiernents-Giants. Kiev: ln;titute
the Rivets and Over the i\1ountains, edited by edited by D. Kosev: vol. 1, 94---101. Sofia: Nauka i of Archaeology, 2003.
]Vf. Frani,>:ipane el al.: 541---72. Archaeologica izkustvo, 1979.
Anatolica et Mesopotamica Alba Palmieri dedicata Kotova , N. f<.qr[y Eneo!ithic in the Pontic Steppes.
(Dip. Scienze Storiche Archeoloi,>:iche e Antropolo- .............. ,and lvI. Avramova. Varna Nec.rof,>olis: Translated by N. Makhortykh. British Archaeo-
giche dell'Antichit:l.). Rome: Universita di Roma Jhe Dau.rn of Eui'opean Civilization. Sofia: logical Reports, International Series 1735. Oxford:
La Sapienza, 1993 . Agatho, 2000. Archaeopress, 2008.

Helms, M. "Long-Distance Contact;, Elite Aspira-- Ivanov, T. [{~idinglad . .Seli~.htnc1 mogila i nekropol. ··············. Neolithizc1t'ion in Ukraine. British Archaeo-
tions, and the Age of Discovery." In Re»ource>~ Sofia: Septemvri, n .d. logical Reports, International Series 1109. Oxford:
Pou,re1~ and Inter- regional !nte,-action, edited by Archaeopress, 2003.
E. Schortman and P. Urban: 157---74. New York: Jockenh6vel, A., and H. Popo;~ "Archaeometallur-
Plenum, 1992. gical Surveys in the Eastern Rhodopes, 2004-2006: Kotsakis, K. "Across the Border: Unstable Dwell-
Results and Perspectives for Development." In ings and Fluid Land'.;cape'.; in the Earlien Neolithic
Hig-)lam, 'I, et al. "New Perspectives on the Varna A ndent .~/lining in Tu rl~ey and the .Eagten1 }\/1edi·· of Gt'eece." In (Un).<:ettlin.~ the ."i\reolithic, edited by
Cemetery (Bulgaria )-AMS Dates and Social terraneau: International Con,ference .A lvf!TElvf Bailey, Whittle, and Cummins: 8-16.
Implications." Antiquiiy 81 (2007): 640---54 . 2008, Tune 15 22, edited by 0. Yal,in, H. Ozbal,
and A. Pa~amehmetoglu: 251-70. 'Iiukey Hfatori - Kremenetskii, C. "Human Impact on t11e Holo-
liodder~I. The Domestication o/ Eulof-ie: StnActure cal Research Applications and Research Cemer cene Vegetation of the South Russian Plain."
and Contingency in Neolithic Societies. Oxford: Publications 2. Ankara: At1hm University, 2008. fn Landscapes in Flux: Central and.Eastei'n
Blackwell, 1990. E".f:rot1e in Antiquity, edited by J. Chap1nan and
- - - . " B'lgaroNemski arkheometalurgichen E Dolukhanov: 275-87. London: Oxbow, 1997.
Ierco~an,N. Cultura Tiszapolgtlr tn vestul proekt, 'Zhelyazo i Zlato'-A. po sledite na
Romdm:et. Cluj Napoca: Nereamia Napocae, 2002. 1netalurgiyata ne drevna trakiya.~~ In B>/garskc; Kruts, V. "Planirovka poseleniya us. T~tl'yanki
a1'k.heologiya 200S . .Kata log k.·'m izlozhba, edited i nekotorye voprosy 'fripol 'skogo
Ivanov, I. "A la question de la localisation et des by Z. Dimitrov: 31--33 . Sofia. dornostroitel>stva. " In Ran.n.e::.:eniledel'skie
etudes des sites submerges dans Jes lacs de Varna." poseleniya-giganty Tripol'.~koi kui'tw·y na
Pon!ica 26 (1993) : 19 --26. Uk.mine: 43 47. Kiev : Institut Arkheologii
AN USSR, 1990.

245
Laszlo, A. "A~ezari in ta rite ale culturii Ariu~d­ - - -,and C.-M. l.azarovici. "The Neo--Eneolithic Manolakakis, L. Les indu str ies lithiques eni:o li-
Cucuteni l'n sud-estul Transilvaniei. Fortificarea Architecwre in Banat, Tra nsylvania and Moldova." thiques de Bulgarie. Internationale Archaologie
a~eziirii de la M alna~Bai." Arheologia l'vfoldovei In Recent Research in Prehistory of the Balkans, 88. Rahden/Westf.: l\farie Leidorf. 2005.
16 (1993): 33 --50. edited by D. Gramrnenos: 369---486. Publications
of the Archaeological In stitute of North ern .M antu, C .-}v1. "Cucuteni -'fripolye Cultural Com-
. "Som e Data on House-Building Techniques Creece 3. Thessaloniki, 2003 . plex: Relations and Syn chroni srns with Other
a nd Foundation Rites in the Ariu~d - Cucuteni Contemporaneous Cultures from the Black Sea
C ulture. " Studi A.ntiqua et Archaeoiogi.:a (Ia~ i ) 7: ---,et al. "Balta Sarati. Campaniile 1992-2003 Area ." "In honorem 1v1ircea Petrescu--Dambovip
24552. (I. Arhi tectura) ." Tibisrnm 11(2003):14398. et Marin Dinu/> Studia Antiqua et Archaeolc5"'ica
(Universitatea Alexandm foan Cuza) 7 ( 2000):
Liszl6, F. Asat.?sok az Erbsdi ostelepen. Sfantu Leuschner, H ., et al. "Subfossil European Bog 267--84 .
G heorghe, 1914. Oaks: Population Dynamic; and Long-Term
Growth Depressions as Indica to rs of Cha nges in - - - . Cultura Cucut.eni . Evolu;.ie.. cronologie,
-------------- . "Asatasok az erosdi ostelepen (1907--1912.) . the H olocene Hydro-Regime and C limate ." The legdtw'i. Bibliotheca Memoriae Antiquitatis 5.
Fouilles a station primitive de Erosd (1907-1912)." Holocene 1.2, no. 6 (2002): 695-706. Pi atra Neamr, 1998.
DolgC!uj 5 (1914): 279---386.
Levi - Strauss, C. Histoire de lynx. Paris: Plon , 1991. - --. ((Plastka antropomo rfa. a a:?eZilrii Cucuteni
Lazar, C . "Date noi privind unele morminte A3 de la Sdnteia." Ai'heologia Nloidcvei 16 (1993):
gun1elni~ene. '' Cultu-rd Fi Ciui!iz:a;.ie !a Dto1ifrea Levirki, 0., R. Alaiba, and V. Bubulici. "Raport 51-67.
de ]os 16-17 (2001): 17.3-8.3. asupra investigaiiil or arheologice efectuate
in anii 1997---1998 la Trinca- Izvorul lui Luca, --------------·, and C . Durnitroaia. "Catalogue ." In
Lazar, V. "A~ezarea Corofeni de la $i ncai (j ud. r. Edine~~ R. lv1oldova. ~~ Cercetari A.rheologice tn Curnteni: The La8t Great Cha/eolithic Civiliza-
Mure~) . " Marisia 7 (1977): 17 56. Aria Nord-Dacii (Bucure$ ti) 3 (1999): 16 116. tion of Eumpe, edited by M a ntu , Durnitroaia,
and A. Tsa ravopoulos: 101-241. Thessaloniki:
Lazarovici, C.-M. "Semne $i simboluri in culmra Lichardus, J. " Die Kupferzeit als historische Athena , 1997 .
C ucuteni-Tripolie." In Cuwteni, edited by Epoche. Eine forschungsgeschichtliche Einleitung."
Ursulescu and La zarov ici (2006): 57-100. in Die Kup(r.?1?_:eit al.:. hi.:.toris·d·,-e; .Epoche> edited - -- ,and .A. Scorra nu. "Date fn legatura. cu
by Li chardus and Edu: 13---32. a~ezarea Starcevo-Cri~ de la Po iene~ti , jud. Vaslui."
- - - , D. Botezatu, L. Ellis, and S. Turcanu. "New Stu.iii ji Cer,:etii.i'i de l storie Veche ji .A rheologie
Huma n Remains in the Cucutenian Settlement -------------,and R. Echt, eds . Die Kupferuit ais 43 , no . 2 (1992): 149---60.
from Sdnteia (1994-2003) ." In TripoP>koe historische Epoche. Saa rbri.ick.er Be itrJ.ge zur
poselenie-gigant Tal'ianki. Issledov(Jnifrl 2001 g. ~ Alterturnskunde 55. Bonn: Dr. Rudolf l!abelt --------------, M. Stirbu, and N. Buzgar "Considera \ii
edited by V. Kruts, A. Korvin-Piotrovskil, and Verlag, 199 1. privind obiectele din piatra, os ~ i corn de cerb din
S. Ryzhov. Kiev: In t arkheologii Nil.NU, 2001. a~ezarea cucuteni a nil. de la Scinteia (1985-1990)."
--------------,and M. Lichardus- Itten. "Nordpontische Arheologia ;\foldovei 18 (1995): 115--3 2 .
- - - , D. Botezatu, L. Ellis, and S. 'furcanu. "Noi Beziehungen wii.hrend der friihen Vorgeschichte
resturi de oase urnane in a~ezarea cucuteniana de Bulgariens." Thrada (Sofia) 11 (1995): 3162. · · · · · · · · · · · · · · ,A . Vlad, a nd G. Niculescu. " Painting
la Scfi.nteia (1994-2003) . '' A rheologia i\11."oidovei 26 Pigments for Cernmic Decoration in the Cucuteni--
(2.00.3): 25'7·--.306. Lichter, C. Untersuchungen zu den Bestattungs- Tripolye Cultural Complex." In Festschrift fi4r
S'itten des' Sudos'teuropaei~chen l'Jeolithikums und Gheorghe La.Z(Jrovid 2:on 60.Ceburstag, edited by
---,and G. I..azarnvici. Neoiiticui. Vol. 1, Chai.kolithik.um.~- .Mainz: Philip von Zabern, 2001. E Dra~ovean: 191-210. Timi ~oara: .M irton, 2001.
Arhitectura neoliticului # epocii Cup 1,ului din
.Romania, ed ited by V. Spinei and V. .Mihailescu- Luca, S. Sf(~1-;itul eneoliticului pe terito1·iul intm·· ---,et al. "Un mormant dublu de 1nhum a~ie
B"lrliba. Bibliotheca Archaeologica M oldav iae 4. carpatic al Rorndniei------Cultura Bodrogkeres:d14.r, din a~ezarea cucuteniana de la Sd.nteia (jud. Ia~i)."
Ia~i: Trinitas, 2006. Bibliotheca M usei .A.pulensis 11. Alba Iulia, 1999. A.eta !v1usei .f\r atocem~i.~ 31, no. l (1995): 87-103.

--------------·,and G. Lazarovici. Et1oca Cuprului. Vol. Lut z, J. "Ceochemi sche und minera logische lYfanzura, I. "Arkheologi a osnovnogo mifa ."
2, A.rhitectura neoliticului .# epocii Cupruiui din Aspekte der friihen Kupferverhiittun g in In Sfratunt . Structury i katast ,.of>' /Shornik
.Romania. Edit ed by V. Spinei and V. Mihailescu- Murgul/Nordost-Ttirkei." Ph.D. diss., Universitat sirnuo/.ic.heskoi indoeurope.iskoi istorii]. Sankt-
Birliba. Ia~i: Trinitas, 2007. Heidelberg, 1990. Peterburg, 1997.

I..azarovici, G. "hincipalele probleme ale culturii ~'1-facKendrkk> E The Dacian Stones· S'pr.~a l<. . Chapel - - - . "Culturi eneolitice fn zona de stepa.. "
Tisz:apolgtir ·tn Rom3.nia. ~~.Acta lv1.usei !'1 apocensis Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1975. Thraco Dacia 15, nos . 1-2 (1994): 93-101.
20 (1983) : 320.
;'vial inowski , B. Argonaut.s of the "\Xie.stern Padfi.: . - - - . "Steps to the Steppe, 01· How the North
··-·-·-·-----· . "Ober das neo-bis aneolithischer Befesti- London: Routledge, 1922. Pon tic Region \\'las Colonized . ~~ (Jx.ford ]ournal
gungen aus RumJ.nien." ]ahrJ\.1ittDeutsch of l\i'chaeology 24, no. 4 (2005): 313-38.
Vorgeschichte 73 (1990): 9J--· 117. Mallory, J., and D. Adams. The Ox;ford In!rodw:-
tion to l'roto -l ndo -European and the Prnto-ind.o - - - - . "Vladeyu s hie skipetrami." Stmturn plus,
- - - , E Dra~ovean, and Z. Maxim. Parfa. European Woi·ld. Oxford : Oxford University no. 2 (2000) : 237-95.
lvfonogra/ie arheologicd . Biblio theca Historica Press, 1997.
et Archaeologica Banatica 12. Timi~oara: ---,and E. Sava . " lnteraqiuni 'est vest'
Mirton, 2001. Mandescu, D. "Tdlul gurnelniiean de la Ziduri reflectate i"n culturile eneolitice ~i ale epocii
(com. Mozaceni, iud. Arge~)." Argessis 10 (2001): bron zului din zona de nord.vest a M>irii Negre
7·· · 20. (schita cultural-istorica)." lv1emoria A.ntiquitatis
19 (1994): 143-92.

246
Marazov, I. "Grave No 36 from the Chak:olithic Marler, .J., ed. 'fhe Danube Script: Neo-Encolithic - - - - "L'exploitation du scl dans !cs Carpates
Cemetery in Varna------Myth , Ritual and Objects." Writing in Southeastern Europe. Sebastopol, CA: orientales et ses rapports avec la Culture de
In Die Kupferzeit als histori;che Epoche, ed ited Institute of Archaeomythology with the Brukenthal Cucuteni Thpolye. '' ln Le Paleolithique et le Nfo-
by Lichardus and Echt (1991): 151--55. National Museum, Sibiu, Romania, 2008. lithique de la Roumanie en contexte europeen,
edited by V. Chirica and D. ;\fonah: 387-400.
l\1archevicL V. Po2:dnie Trif.Jof>~·k.ie [.:femen~1 Mar~ian, I. "Archaologisch-priihistorisches Bibliotheca Archaeologica Iassiensis 4. Ia~i, 1991.
seven10i Moldavii. C hi ~inau, 1981. Repertorium fiir Siebenbiirgen." Mitteihmgen
der Anthropoiogi$:chen Ge.<:eff$:,:/;af°f in \Vien 39 - - - . ~~ Istoricui cerceta.riior/' In .A~e:6~rile cuiturd
l\1are$~
I. A1etaiurgfrJ {Jran1ei f'n neo-eneolitir..:ul (1909): 321-58 . Cucuteni din Romi!nia, edited by Monah and
.Ramaniei. Suu:ava: Bucovina IstOl'icl , 2002. Cum~ (1985): 15-24.
Ma leescu, C. "Remarks on Callie Breeding and
Marine;cu. E "A~ezari fortificatc neolitice din Agricu lture in the tviiddle and Late Neolithic on - - - . Pfostica ant1'opomo1'~'i a culttn"ii Cucuteni·
Romil.nia." Studii ,,i Cmmmicd,·i Sibiu 14 (1969): the Lower Danube." Dacia, n.s., 19 (1981): 13-18. Tripalie. Hibliotheca lvlemoriae Antiquitatis 3.
7--32. Piatra Neam~, 1997.
;~,1.atsanova, V "lntramiralni 'pogrebenia' ot
Marinescu-Blku, S. "Un 'atelier' neolithique kasnia halkolit v selishtnata mogila pri Yunatsite, ·-------------. "Poduri-Dealul Ghindaru (com. Poduri,
pour la taille de h aches en silex." A,-heologia Pazardzhishko. '' In Trak.ia i sa:;ednite raioni pre~: jud. Bacau) ..... ln Cucuteni; un uniuer:: mer~~u in~~dit:
Afoldouei 17 (1965): 48---53. neo!ita i halkolita, edited by V. N ikolov: 121--31. 12---17 . Ia$i: Documentis, 2006.
Sofia: Agatho, 2000 _
- - - . Cuitura Pret;uctiteni p.:; terdcriul Romlir:iei . - - -,and S. Cuco§ . .A.~e~irile cu!turii Cucuteni
Bucure~ti: Academiei RPR, 1974. Matthews, R., and H. Fazeli. "Copper and din Romdnia . Ia~i: Junimea, 1985.
Complexity: Iran and llfrsopotamia in the Fourth
· ···· · · ··· ··· ··· ··· ."Dwellings, Pits." In Dn1gufo·eni, edited by Millennium BC. " fran 42 (2004) : 6175. ··- , and F. Monah, eds. "Cucuteni: The Last
Marinesrn--B1ku and Bolomey (2000): 2S-4S_ Great ChakolitJiic Civili:iation of Old Europe."
Maxim-Alaibi, R. "Le complexe de culte de la In Cu.c.uteni: The Last Great Chalc.oliihic. Civili-
- - - . "A Few Observation; on the Internal phase Cucuteni A3 de Dumqti (Dep. de Va~fo i )." sation of Old Europe, edited by C.-M. Mantu,
()rga niz:atlon of C~ un1elnira Con1111unitie:-; on In La duilisation de Cucuteni, edited by .Petrescu· G_ Dumitroaia, and .A. ·faaravopoulo:i: 15-95.
Lake Catalui Islet." "In memoriam Vladimir Dtmbovip, Ursulescu, .tvionah, and Chirica Bucharest: Athena, 1997.
Dumltrescu~'~ Cultura ?i Civilizatie la i)undrea (1%7): 269-86.
de ]os 19 (2002) : 149---50. ·-------------, et al. "Cercetirile arheologice de la Poduri-
- - - . "Locuinra nr_ 1 din a~ezarea Cucuteni A3 de Dealul Ghindaru." Cercetiiri A rheologice 6 (1983) :
--------------. Tfrpe;;ti: F1-·om Prehistory to I1istory in la Durne~ti (Vaslui) ." Acta lvfoldauLte i.\1.efidionc'.;lts 3--22.
Ea5:teni Romania. British Archaeoloi,>:ical Reports, 5--6 (198.3---84): 99--148.
International Series 107 (1981). ---,et al. Podu,.j . . ])ealu! Ghindaru. () Troie
!v'Ia..xirn, Z. l.'·l.~o-eneolitir::ul din Transilc,.;ania . Dc1te fn SubaJrpa.fii lvfoldouei. Bi bliotheca Ivfenioriae
---,and C _Bem_ "Linde ~i cum s--a putut arheologice ?i nu;,.tetnatico··Statistice. Bibliotheca Antiquitati; 8_ Piatra Neamr, 2003_
realiza trecerea de la faza Cucuteni A la Cucuteni Musei Napocensis 19. Cluj Napoca, 1999.
A-B." In Scripta pmehistorica, edited by Spind, ---,et al. "Sapaturile arheologice din tdl-ul
Lazarovici , and Nionah (2005): 295---328. Merpert, N.r: "Bulgaro-Russian Archaeological cucutenian Dealul Ghindaru, com. Poduri, jud .
Investigations in the Balkans." Ancieni Civiliza- Bacau." Cercetari arheoiogice 5 (1982): 9 18.
---)and A. Bolon1e)~ Dnl.gu)c::eni: A Cucutenian tions fron,z Scythia to Siberia 2, no . .3 (1995):
Community. Bucharest: Encidopedica, 2000. 364---83. Monah, R, and D. Monah. CercetiJ.ri arheobotam:ce
tn telf.ul ca!r.olitic Poduri.Dealul Ghi11da1'u. Piatra
·-------------,A. Bolomey, l'vI. Carciumaru, and --------------,and R.M. Niunchaev. "The Sovietskaya Nearn\, 2008.
A. Muraru. "Ecological, Economic and P,ehavioral Arkheologiya or Sovietska ia Arkheologiia.''
Aspects of the Cucuteni A4 Community at So11ietskaja Arch. (1977): 154---63. Morintz, S. "Tipuri de a~e-zari ~i sisteme de fortifi-
Dragu~eni ." Dacia 28, nos. 1---2 (1984): 41---46. carie ~i de irnprejmuire in cultura Curnelnip."
M.eskdl, L. " 'f\.vin Peab: The Archaeologies Studii _;;i Cercetdri de istorie Veche 13, no. 2 (1962):
·-···-···-···-, M. Carciumaru, and A. Muraru. "Contri- of ~atal H6ytik." In Ancient Goddesses: The 273--84.
bution; to the .Ecology of Pre- and Proto-hi;toric lvfyth~· and the Euidence~ edited by L. Goodison
H abitations at Tirpe~ti." Dada 25 (1981): 7 31. and C. Morris: 46 62. lvfadison: University of lvfuch, 1v1. Die Kupferzeit in Europa u.nd ihr
Wisconsin l'l'e:i:i, 1998_ Verhiiitni8 zw· Cultur der lndogerrnanen.
- - - , et aL "CerceUri arheologice la Bordusani-- \Xilen, 1886.
Popin a (j ud. Ialomira). Ra port preliminar Mihaiescu , C., and A. Ilie. "Tdlul gumelni}ean
1993-1994." Cer.::etifri Arheolagice 10 (1997): de la c;eangoe~tl (com. Dragomire;=;ti, jud. Muhly, J. "(;ay,)nfi Tepe:ii and the Beginninp;:i of
35--39. Dirnbovita) ." lalonii;a 4 (2003·-4) . Metallurgy in the Ancient World." In Old World
A.i-chaearneta!lurg_1', edited by A. Hauptmann,
l'Vfarinov, G., and Y. Yordano\\ "Preliminary Data Niihailescu-BMiba, V. "Mormantul unei tinere E. Pernicka, and G. Wagner: 1---11. Der Ansdmitt
from Studies of Bone Material from the Varna cipetenii Mormantu l unei tinere capetenii de la 7 _Boch um: Deut;ches Eergbau Museum, 1989.
Chakolithic Necropolis during the 1972-1975 inceputul Epocii Bronzului (Mastacan, jud_
Period." Siudia Praehisiori«1 l·-2 (1978): 60---67 . Neamt--'C ulmra Amforelor Sferice'). " Memoria Nania, I. "Locuitorii gumelnireni tn lumina
Antiquitatis 20 (2001): '1.57-217. cerceurilor de la Teiu.'' Studii :;i Artiwie de
Marinova, E. "The New Pollen Core Lake Istorie 9 (1967): 7··23.
Durankulak -3: The Vegetation History and Human Monah, D. "A$eziri." In A,~ezdrile wltu?'ii
Impact in Northeastern Bulgaria." In Aspects of Cucuieni din Romania, edited by l\fonah and Neagu, M. "Comunitarile Bolintineanu 1n Campia
Palynology and Paleontology, edited by S. 'fonkov: Cuco~ (1985): 41-51. Duna.l'ii." frtro~ 8 (1997): 9-23.
279--88. Sofia : Pensoft, 2003.

247
- -. Neoliticul mijlociu ta Dunfrea de Jos. - - -. Formarea ~i dasificarea grupdor de stit Pavuk, .J. "Neolithisches Graberfdd in Nitra."
Calara~i: Muzeul Dunarii de Jos Calara~i, 2003. AE ~i Bale ceramicii pictate Cucuteni-Tripolie. Slovenska Archeol6gia 20 (1972): 5--105.
A.nuarul Institutului de Istorie ~i Arheologie A. D.
Necrasov, 0. "Cercet:iri pateoantropologice Xenopol 5. Ia~i, 1984. Perles) C. The Eirly Neoliihic in Greece.
privitoare la populaiiile de pe teritoriul Rominiei." Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001 .
Arheologia lYfoidovii 13 (1990): 182. 85. Obobescu, A. L.i tresor de Petmssa. 1-IistMique;
descrif.Jtion; Etude sut l"orf€vrerie aniique. 2. vols. Pernicka, E., F. Begemann, S. Schmitt-Strecker,
- - - . "Donnees anthropologiques concernant in 3 bks. Paris: Rothschild, 1889--1900. and A.I'. Grimanis . "On the Composition and
la population du complexe culturel Cucuteni- Provenance of Metal Artefacts from Poliochni
.Ariu~d·-'Tripolie.~~ In La (:ivili4:ation de Cucuteni, O'Brien, S.R., et al. "Complexity of Holocene on Lemnos.)) ()xford journal of Archaeology 9
edited by Petrescu-Dimbovip, Ursulescu, Monah, Climate as Reconstructed from a Greenland Ice (1990): 263---98.
and Chirica (1987): 145-56. Core." Science 270 (1995): 1962-64.
---, F. Begemann, S. Schmitt-Strecker, and
--------------,and M. Stirbu. "The Chakolithic Paleo- Opri~, I. "Storia degli studi delle richerche archeo- G.A. Wagner. "Eneolithic and Early Bronze Age
fauna from the Settlement of l'irpe~ti (I'recucuteni logiche sutla rnltura e civi lta dei daci." In 1 Daci, Copper Artefacts from the Balkans and 'T'heir
and Cucuteni A1---A2. Cultures) ." In Marinescu- mo~·tra delta c:ivili~J dar..:o-getica in ef.Jor..:a classic.a: Relation to Serbian Coppet Ores." Ftdh£storische
BHcu, Tfrpefti ( 1981): 174-87. 19-22. Exh. cat. Rome: De Luca, 1979. Zeit.>chrift 68 (1993): 1-54.

Nestor, L "Der Stand der Vorgeschichtforschung ()ttaway, B.S. f>riihistorische .Archiiornetallurgie. - , et al. "Archaometallurgische Untersuchungen
in Rumii.nien." Ph.D. diss., Philipps Universitiit Espelkamp: Marie Leidorf, 1994. in Nordwestanatolien. " ]ahrbuch Romisch--
Marburg, 1933. Germrmische Zentralmus 31 (1984): 533---99.
Ovcharov, D. "Eneoliten nekropol do s. Lilyak,
, and E. Zaharia. "Santierul arheologic Targovishko." Al'kheoiogia 5, no. 1 (1963) : 5356. , et al. "Prehistoric Copper in Bulgaria: Its
Sara.ta .lvf.onteoru. » Studii fi Cercetari de f.storie Con1posltion and Provenance.~~ .F:·u1'asia A ntiq.ua 3
Veche 6, nos. 3---4 (1955): 497--513. Panayotov~I. Yamnata kultt-!ra t,. bal.gat~:kite .2 :emi. (1997): 41--179.
Razkopki i prouchvaniya 21. Sofia: Bulgarian
Neuninger, H., R. Pittioni, and W. Siegl. " Fri.ih- Academy of Sciences Press, 1.989. Peny, C., and K. Hsu. "Geophysical, Archaeo-
keramikzeitliche Kupfergewinnung in Anatolien." logical, and Historical Evidence Support a Solar-
A.rch. A.usti'iaca 26 (1964): 52-66. Pandrea, S. "Citeva observa~ii refrritoare la peri-- Output Model for C limate Change." Pmceedings
odizarea culturii Boian." lsttos 10 (2000): 36--57 . of ihe National 1"1caderny of Science~· 7 ~ no. 2.3
Nica, l\.f. "Citeva date despre a~ezarea neo - (2000): 12433-38
eneolitica de la Garle~ti (com. Mischi, jud. Dolj)." -------------- . "Decouvertes d'ossements humains dans
A.rhii:ele Olteniei, n.s., 9 (1994): J---24. les erablissement Gumelnitsa situes au nord-est de Petrescu-Dlmbovi~a, M . "-San~urile de aparare ."
la Plaine Romnaine.» Acta 'I~~rrae Septemcastr.:;nsis· In Haba~qti, by Dumitrescu et aL (1954): 203-23.
--------------. "Circea, cea mai veche a~ezare neoliti 5, no. 1 (2006): 29--43.
de la sud de carpa~i." Studii .$·i Ce1'cet!lri de !store - - - , M. Florescu, a nd A. Florescu. Tru,,ejti.
Vee.he fi Arheologie 27, no. 4 (1977): 435·· · 63. Pantea, C. "Noi date privind tehnica picturata h1 l-.,.1onog-r(;.ft'e arheologic:1. Bucure~ti-Ia~i : Editura
cultura Cucuteni." A..:ta lvfo!daviae .l'v!el'idionaiis Academ iei Romil.ne, 1999.
--------------·. "Locuirea preistoric:l de ta Sucidava-Celei 5--6 (1983--84): 413--28.
din perioada de trecere de ta neolitic ta epoca , N. Ursulescu, D. Monah, and V. C:hirica,
bronzului." Oitenia 4 (1982): 1S-37. Pa.rvan> V Dada: An Outline of Ea1'iy Ciuilization eds. La civilization de Cucuteni en ~:ontexte
of the Carpatho-Danubian Cowntrt~es. Carnbridge: eiiro/>een. Bibliotheca Archaeologica Iassiensis 1.
---,and Ni~J A." Les etablissements nl:otitbi- Cambridge University Press, 1928. la~i : Universitatea Alexandru loan Cuza, 1987.
ques de Leu et Pad ea de ta zone d 'interference
des cultures Dudqti et Vinea. Un nouvd aspect - - - . G.:;t-ica .1 nceputu r-ifo uietii la gurde Du ndr-ii. ---,and 1'\'f. v,1leanu. Cucuteni-·C~?tdtuie.
du Neolithique moyen d'Oltenie." Dacia, n.s., 2J Bucure~ti, 1923. SdpCi.tMriie din anii 1961···1966_: 1V1onograf~e ~irheo ­
(1979): 35---41. iog1:ci1. I»ibtioteca Memoria Antiquitatis 14. Piatra
Parzinger, H. "Hornstaad Hlinskoe - StoHhof. Neami, 2004.
Nicol:iescu-Plop$Or, C. "Un atelier neolitic pentru Zur absoluten datierung eines vor-Baden-zeitlichen
confeqionarea varfurilor de sageatA. Gringul Jui Horizontes." Germania 70 (1992): 241-50. Pogozheva, A.I'. Antropomorfnaya Piastika
Iancu 1\:iu~at-Orlea. Studii ;,i Ce-rcet&-ri de Istorie
11
Tripol"ya (Novosibirsk: Akaderniia Nauk,
Vedie 11, no. 2 (1960). Passek, ·~[La ceramique tri-poiiennr.~. 1\-foscow: .A.ca. Si birskoe Otdelenie, 1983.
demie de l'Histoire de la Culture .Ma tf:rielle, 1935.
Nikolova, L. "Social Transformations and Popov, V. "The Ruse Tell Site Since Jam es Gaul
Evolution in the Balkans in the Fomth and ---. Periodizat.~iya Tripol"~--;k:i.kh
pos.·elenii (J1I-J1 (Stratigl'aphy and Chronology)." In ]arnes.· Ha1'uey
Third Millennia BC . " In Anaiy<:ing the Bronze ty~·yachetiletie do n .e.). lv1aterialy i issledovanija Gaul-····-ln Aiiemoriam, edited by M . Stefanovich,
Age, edited by Nikolova: 1-8. Sofia: Prehistory po arkheologii SSSR 10. Moskva: Izdatel'stvo H. Todorova, and H. Hauptman. Steps of James
Foundation 2000. Akademii Nauk SSSR, 1949. Harvey Gaul I. Sofia: The James Harvey Gaul
Foundation , 1998.
Ni tu, A. "C riterii actuale pentru dasificarea Patay, P. "Die hochkupferzeitliche !lodrogke.
cornplexelor cerarnicii ~i periodizarea etapdor resztlLr-Kultur." Bericht cler RDmisch-Germani~;r..:h Popovici, D. <~Area Organization) Arrangernent
cuhurii cucuteniene." Cercetdri lstorice n.s., 1 Kommission 55 (1974) : 1-71. and Use in the Cucuteni, Phase A Culture (I) ."
9·-10 (1979): 93--162; 11 (1980): 135··222. Cerc.et,~ri ~4rheologic.e 12 (2.003).
Paunescu, A. "'Iardenoasianul din Dobrogea."
· · · · · · · · · · · · · · , "Decorul zoomorf pictat pe cerarnica .Siudii }i Cerceiiiri de I5torie Ve{.:he }i Arheologie Cultura Cucuteni Faza A. Reperioriul
Cucuteni.Tripolie." Arheologia Afoldovei 8 38> no. 1 (1987): .3-22. arezarilor (1). Bibliotheca ;'v!emOl' iae Antiquitatis
(1975) : 15-119. 7. l'iatra NeamL 2000.

248
- -. "Exchanges during the Eneolithic Period: - - -. "t'vfonuments, Mobilization and Social ---- "Spondylu; gaedernpus: T'he Earliest
Case Study of the Cucllleni Culture." Analles Organization in Neolithic Wessex." In The Ex- European Long Distance Exchange System; A
d'Llniversite Valachia, ·:rnrgovi~te, Section plantation of Culture Change, edited by Renfrew: Symbolic and Structural Archaeological Approach
d'Archeologie et d'Histoire 2---3 (2.000) : 87---99. 539--58. Gloucester: Duckworth, 1973. to Neolithic Societies." Porocilo o raziskovan_iu
paleol itika, m:olitika in em:olitika v Slovenia 22
······················. "Observations about the Cucutenian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . "Varna and the Emergence of \'7eallh in (1995): 23356.
(Phase A) Communities Behavior Regarding the Prehistoric Europe." In The Social Life of" Things~
Human Bodiz" Anai!es d'Universite Vaiachia, edited by Appadurai (1986): 141-68. Serba.nescu, D. "Cascioarele--D 'aia parte.'' In
Tdrgoui~te; Section d'/d·chtologie et d~I-Iistoire 1 Ctonica r.:etcetifriior atheologice din RomJ.nia.
(1999) : 27-35. ----"Varna <llld the Socia.I Context of :Eady Campania 1997: 14. Calara§i: CIMEC, 1998.
Ivietallurgy:~~ In Problems of" Eutop .-ean Ptehh:tory>
- - . B. Randoi n, and Y. Rialland. "Le tell neo-- edited by Renfrew: 378-88. Edinburgh: Edinburgh ---- "C hirnogi--'T'erasa Rudari !or." In Situri
lithique et chakolithique d'Hanova (Roumanie)." University Press, 1979. A.sheologi,;e Cer,;etate tn Perioada> 1983-.1.992.
In CommNnat·!tes i·illag.~oi~.;e[; du ProdJe-C>rient a Braila: Comisia Na\ionala de Arheologie, Muzeul
j'A.tlantique (8000-2000 ac.:aut nctre ,~re)~ edited - - - , M. Gimbutas, and E.. Elster, eds. Excava- Brailei, 1996.
by J. Guilaine: 119---52. Seminaire du Coll ege de tions' at. .Sitagroij a Prehist.otic Village in l'.Jort.heast
France. Paris: Errance, 2001. Greece. Vol. 1. Lo; Angeles: Institute of Archaeol -- ---. "Necropola neolitici de la Pope~ti, comuna
ogy, University of California, Los Angeles, 1986. Vasila\i, jud. Calara$i." In Civiliwtfa Bolan pe
Radivojevic, M., et al. "The Beginnings of teritoriui Romaniei, edited by .M . Neagu: 14-16.
Metallurgy in Europe--Early Smelting Activ iti es Roman, P. "() a~ezare neoliti ca la Magurele." Cilara~i: Mini;try of Culture, 1999.
in the Vinea Culture." Paper presented at Studii $i Cercetari de Istorie Veche 13, no. 2
'~4.ncient and .Medieval Metalworks: Archaeology- (1962): 259-71. - - - . "Observa\ii preliminare asupra necropolei
Numismatics-Nudear Analyses," Second neolitice de la Sultana, jude\ul Caliira$i." Cult1na
International Symposium, .Bucharest, May 2008. Rosetti, D.V., and S. I'vlorintz. "S,1pa.tu rile de la ,~i Civilh.:a;ie la J)unifrea de ]os 1.9 (2002): 69-86.
Vidra." Materiale 7 (1960): 7 5---76.
Radovanic, I. "Further Notes on Mesolithic- - - -, A. Com~a. and L. .Mecu. "Sultana,
Neolithic Contacts in the Irnn Gates Region and Ryndi na > N·. 1.),.evneishee 1'netalio ·obrahatyvai-· com. Ma.nastirea, jud. Ca.Llrn§i. Punct: Valea
the Central Balkans." Docurnenta Pt'ae.hi[;toticci ushc.hee {Jtoh.:vodstuo lugo-Vostochnoi Evropy. Orbului. ~~In Cronh:a cer~::etttrilor at.heologice
33 (2006):107-24. Moscow: Editorial. 1998. din Romania. Campania 2006: 351-52, 473.
Calara$i: Cil'vfeC, 2007.
Radu, A. Cultura S!ilcu_ra i'n Banat. Re~ip1: Sagona, A., and P. Zimansky. Ancient Tud1ey.
Banatica, 2002. London: Routledge, 2009. Sergeev, G.P. "Rannetripol'skii klad us. Karbuna."
Soveiskaia arkheoiogiya 7, no . 1 (1963): 135--51.
Raduntcheva, A. "O bshtestvenno ikonomicheskiyat Schaeffer, G. "An Archaeomap]letic Study of a
zhivot na Dobrudza i Zapadnoto Chernomorie Wattle and Daub Building Collapse." journal of Sherratt, A. "Plough and Pastoralism: Aspects of
prez Eneolita." 1/ek.ove 15, no. l (1986). Field AJ'chaeology 20, no. 1 (Spring 1993) : 59-75. the Secondary Products Revolution.,_. In Patterns
o/ the Past, edited by G. Sieveking, I. Longworth,
- - - . Vinitsa . .Eneoiitno selishte i nek.ropol. Schier, \V. "Neolithic House Building and Ritual and K. Wilson: 261-.305. Cam bridge, 1983.
Razkopki i prouchvaniya 6. Sofia: Izdatelstvo na in the Late Vinca Tell Site of Uivar, Romania."
BAN, 1976. In J.Iomage to lt1ilutin GataS~1nin~ edited by Tasi<: "V. Cordon Childe: Archaeology and
and Grozdano (2006): .325-39. Intellectual History.'· Past and f'?egent 12.'i (1989):
Ra1nbu> N. Geografie fizic'~ ~i Republicii. lvloldoua. 151--86.
Manual pentrn dasa a V!ll-a. Chi~inau, 2001. Schmidt, H. Cucuteni in der oberen J\1.oldau.
Berlin-Leipzig: Gruyter, 1932. Siddall, i'VL, el al. "Sea-Level Flucrnarions During
Rassamakin, J. Die nordpontis·che Steppe in d.e1· the Last Glacial Cycle."Nature 423 (2003): 853-58.
Kupferzeit. Graber aus i\1itte des 5.]ts. bis des 4. Schuchhardt, C. Alteuropa, in seiner Kultur- und
}!>-. l'. Chr. 2 vols. Archiiologie in Eurasien 17 . Siilenwickthmg . Strasburg: Triibner, 1919. Slavchev, V. "Precucuteni Influences on Pottery
Mainz: Zabem, 2004. of the Final Phase o f Hamangia Culture." In
Seferiades, NI. "Note sur l'origine el la significa- Curnteni, edited by Dumitroaia et al. (2005):
Rassamakin , Y. "The .En eolithic of the Black Sea tion des objets en spondyle de Hongrie clans le .39-54.
Steppe: Dynamics of Cultural and Economic cadre du Neolithique el de l'Eneolithique euro-
Devdopment, 4500-2.300 BC. " In Late Prehistoric peens." In 1\r1orgenrot der Kulturet1. .FfiJ,he Bta·ppen ---. "Prnuchvane na sdishtna mogila Kaleto v
Exploitation of the Eurasian Steppe~ edited by der hfen.schhe£ts-g,e:.:ch£chte £n lv1ittef.. und SUdo:.:t·· zemlishteto na .>. Levski, obshtina Suvornvo, oblast
M. Levine, Rassamakin, A. Kislenko, and eu'!'opa_; FestschTift fi".ir Na.ndo'!' Kaiicz .zum 7 5 \~rna prez 2005 g. ~~ In Arkheologic.he.sk:: ot kritiya
N. Tatarintseva: 59-182 . .McDonald Institute Gehurtstag, edited by N. Kalicz, E. Jerem , and i m2:k.opk.i pre . ~: 2005 .~ · X.LV .l\ratsionalna ar.k.heofo.
lvfonographs. Cambridge: lvkDonald Instirnte P. Raczky: 353--73. Budape(;l: Archaeolingua, 2003. gi.che.ska konferenfo:i,1, edited by H. Popov. Sofia:
for Archaeological Research, 1999. Faber, 2006.
-------------·. ".Spona'.ylus gaederof)US: Sorne Observa-
Renfrew, C. "The Autonomy of South east Eurn tions on the Earliest European Long Distance Sljivar, D. "The Eastern Settlement of the Vinea
pean Copper .Age." P1·oc2edings of the Pffhisto1'ic Exchange System." In Xaranoi-'o III . Bdtrage zum Culture at Ploenik: A Relationship of Its Stratig-
Socieiy 35 ( 1969): 12---47. Neoiiihikum in SiJdosteuropa, edited by S. Hiller raphy lo the Hoards of Copper Objects." S!arinar
and V. Nikolov: 423-37. Vienna: Phoibos, 2000. 47 (1996): 85-97.
------·---· . "Cycladic Metallurgy and the Aegean Early
Bronze Age.'' Atner£can jou.1'nal o,f A1';.);aeology 71 Solecki, R. '~.\Coppe r .Mi neral Pendant from
(1967): 226. Northern Iraq." Antiquity 43 (1969): 31114.

249
Sorochin , V. Aspectul cucutenian Dragu$eni-Jura. 'Todorova, H . "Be merkungen mm friihen Han-- - -. "Der Obergang vom Aneo lithikum zur
Piatra Neam\, 2002. delsverkehr wahrend des Neolithikums und des Bronzezeit in Bulgarien . Die Ethnogenese
C halkolithikums im westlichen Schwarzmeer der T'hraker. " In Dritter Internationaler Thra--
--------------. "Culturile eneolitice din Iv1oldova." raum. " In Handel, Tausch und Verkehr im bronze- kologischer Kongress zu Ehren '7!. Tomascheks,
Thraco-Dacica 15, nos. 1-2 (1994 ): 67-92. und friihei senzeitli ch en Siidosteuropa, edited edited by A. !'eschew et al.: vol. 1, 117-20. Sofia:
by B. Hansel: 53 66. Prahistorische Archaologie Swjat, 1984.
--------------. "Locuin\ele a~ezari l or aspectului regional in Siidosteuropa 11. 1'v1unich: Siidosteuropa-
Dr ;igu~eni - Jura . " In Cucu teni aujou!"d'hui , edited Gesellschaft, Seminar for Ur- und Friihgeschichte - - -. "Zur Frage der s.g. 'Sy mbolischen Graber'
by Dumitroaia and Monah (1996): 20131. der Freien Universitat, 1995. des kupferzeitlichen C raberfeldes Varna I. "
In .Hornrnage a N"ikola Tasi<.: a roccasion d.e s.e8
--------------, V. "Modalitile de organizare a aezri lor --------------,ed . Duranku!ak . Vol. 2, Die prahistori- soixante ans, edited by M. Carafanin a nd
complexu lui cultural Curnteni -'Ifipo lye." A.i"Chae- scheu G rii};erfeldef :,,'en Du fan k:ula k.. Sofia--Ber1in: D. Srejovic: 255-70. Balcanica 23. Belgrade:
ologia .l:vfoldovei 16 (1993): 69-86. Deutsches A.rdiii.ologisches Institut , 2002. Academie Serbe des Sciences et des Ar ts, 1992.

Spi nei , V., C .-M . Lazarovici , and D. Monah, ---.The .Eneolithic Period in Bulgaria in - - - . and '[ Dimov. "Ausgrabungen in
eds . 1V1i~·c:eltanea in honotem nonagenarii the Fi/!.h lvfitlenniurn BC. Btitish Archaeological Durankulak , 1974--1987." In Neolithic o;f So1.,!h-
rnagistri .A·iirc8a P8trescu - l)i'rnbovira ob!ata . Rep orts, International Series 49. Oxford: east.srn Europe and Its }\foar Ea.~t ern Ccnn.sction~.
Saipta praehistorica. Ia~i: Trinitas, 2005. Archaeopress, 1978. Varia Archaeologica llungarica 2: 291---306.
Budapest: Archaeological Institute of the
Stevanovic, JvL "The Age of Clay: The Social - -. "Die geographische Lage der Graberfdder. Hungarian Academy of Sciences ; Cardiff:
Dynamics of lfouse Destruction ." ]ourr.al ol Palaoklima, Strandverschiebungen und Umwelt School of 1-Iistory and Archaeology, University
A.nth1'opologicaI .A1'chaeology 1.6 (1997): 334-95. der Dodrudscha im 6.-4. Jahrtausend v.Chr." In of Cardiff, 1989.
Durankulak, edited by Todorova (2002): 18 23.
Subbotin , L. Pamyatnik.i l<.ultury Gurnelnit.~a !u~s.o ·­ - - -,et al. Selishtnata ntogila pri Golyarno
Za/>ada Ukrainy. Kiev: Naukova Dumka, 1983 . ·-------------·. Kam enno-mednata epokha v Baig.aria. De!chevo. Razkopki i prouchvaniya 5. Sofia:
Peto hilyadoletie pre.ii notJata era. Sofia: Nauka Izdatelstvo na BAN, 1975.
- - - . "O si nkhroni za tsii pamyatnikov kul'tury i izkustvo, 1986.
G umelnitsa v nizhnem Podunav 'e. " In Arkheo- Todorova-Simeonova , H. "Kasnoeneolimiyat
logicheskie issledovaniya sevei'o--za padnogo - - -. Die Kupferz·eitliche )i.xte und Beile in nekropol krai p..r. Devnya. '' Izvesti'ya na l~ a rodn£ya
prichernomor'ya, edited by '.'.Stanko: 29--41. Kiev: Buigarien. Prahistorische Bronzefunde 9 (14) . 1viu<ei-----Varna 7 (1971): 3---40.
Naukova Dumka, 1978. l\fonich : Beck, 1981.
Tringham, R., E. Brukner, and B. Voytek. "The
--------------. "Uglubennye zhilishcha kul 'mr y ·-------------·. Kr,~t1 f.:;.rzeit.liche Siedh.~ngen
in ]'.lordostbMl- Opovo Proj ect : A Study of Socioeconomic
Gumdnitsa v nizhnem podunav'e." In garien . .Materialien Zur Allgemein en und Verglei - Change in the Balkan Neolith ic." ]ouma! of
Ranne:t.emledel'cheski poseleniy(J-giganty chenden Archaologie 13. Muni ch: Beck, 1982. Field Archaeology 12 (1985): 425---35.
Tl·ipol'skoi lw!'tury na Ukraine, edited by
I. Chenyakov: 17782. Tal'yanki: Institut . "Die Nekropole bei Varna un<l die sozial- , and M. Conkey. "Rethinking Figurines:
Arkheologii AN USSR, 1990. ,)konomischen Probleme am Ende des _,i\neolithi-- .A C!'i tical View from Archaeology of Gimbutas,
kurr1s Bulgariens." Zeit~;ch-rift fi.i.r A. rc.hd1.~logie. 12 the 'Goddess' and Popular Culture." In Ancient
Sztancsuj, S. "The Early Copper Age Hoard (1978) : 87 97. Goddesses: The Myths and ihe Evidence, edited
from Ariusd (F. rnsd)." In Cucuteni, edited by by L. Goodison and C . Mon·is: 22-45. London:
Chapman (2005): 85---106. Piatra Neam~, 2005. -------------." The Neolithic, Eneolithic, and Transitional British Museum Press, 1998.
in Bulgarian Prehistory. " In f>1·ehisto1·ic Bulgai'ia ~
T~tdrnor,M., et al. "The Nahal Mishrnar Hoard edited by D. Bailey and I. Panayoto\\ Monographs --------------, and D. Krstic, eds. SeieMc: A Neolithic
from the.Judean Desert: 'Iechnology, Composition, in World Archaeology 22- Madison Wl: Prehistory Village in Yugo.r;favia . Los Angeles: Institute
Provenance." Aiiqot 27 (1995): 93---146. Press, 1995. of Archaeology, University of California, Los
Angeles, 1990.
TasiC, N., and C. c;roz:dano, eds. Hon-zage to - - . "Probleme der Umwdt der priihisto rischen
lv1ilutin c:,~laSanin . Belgrade: Serbische Akadernie Kulturen zwischen 7000 und 100" Chr." In Das ··········-··-, et al. "Excavations at Opovo, 1985 --1987:
der '\JVissenschaften und Kiinste, 2006. Karpatenbe<:ken und die Mteuropaische Steppe. Socioeconomic Change in the Balkan Neolithic. "
Nonk1denbeweg1.~ ngen und Kulturau~taus,'ch in den Journal of Field Archaeology 19 (1992.): 35186.
Ti.=::legin >D.Y Seredno-. Stogiu.~'Ju1 kul"'tuta epo.kha vorchristlichen .1.'vfetailzeiten (4000-SOO v.Chr.),
midi. Kiev: Dumka, 1927. edited by l\_ Hansel and .J. Machnik: 65-70 . 'froy, C., et al. "Genetic Evidence for Near-.E.astern
P6lhistorische Archaologie in Stidosteuropa 12.. Origins of Europea n Cattle." N at11re 410, no. 6832
---,A. Nechitailo, L Potekhina, and Rahden: Ma!'ie Leidmf, 1998. (2001 ): 1088-91.
Y. Panchenko. Srednestogovskaya i
novod.anilovskaya kuftury eneolita azovo- - - -. "Die Sepulkralkeramik aus den Grabern lsintsov, Z. "Unique Finds of Golden Articles in
che.tno mors;ko)}J region a. Lugansk: Shlyakh. von Durankulak. " In Durankuiak, edited by Alluvial Placers. " C.R. lrn1d . Buig. Science 45,
Dergachev, 2001. Todorova (2002): 81-116. no . 6 (1992) : 59-61.

T<)cilescu, G . Dacia i'nainie de romani . ··············-. "Das Spafaneolithikum an der westichen Tsvek, E . "On the Problem of Dist ingui shing
Bucure~ti , 1880. Sch\va rzmeerkiiste . ~~ Studia praehistorica 1-2 Manufacturing Cults among 'Iripolyan Popula -
(1978): 136 --45 . tions." In Cucuteni, edited by Chapman et al.
(2005): 145-56.
"Tellsiedlung von Durankulak." Fritz
Thiessen Stiftimg ]ahresberi.:ht .1995/96 (1997):
81-84.

250
- - -. "Structure of the Eastern Tripolye - - -, D. Boghian, and V Cotiuga. "Problcmcs - - -,and G. Dumitroaia. "The Earlie;t
Culture." In Cuc:ut:mi aujourd'hui, edited by a
de la culture Precucmeni la lumiere des red1er- Salt Production in the World: An Early Neolithic
Dumitroaia and Monah (1996): 89-113. ches de ·:rnrgu Frumos, Romania." In Scrip ta Exploitation in Poiana Slatinei . Lunca, Romania. "
praehistorica, edited by Spinei, Lazarovici, and Antiquity 79, no. 306 (2005):
---,and Y. Rassamakin. "The Interactions tlfonah (2005): 217-60. http:/i antiquity.ac .uk/ projgall!wdl er.
between the Eastern Tripolye Culmre and the
Pontic Steppe Area: Some Aspects of the Prob- .............., and S. Ignatescu. Preute$ti-Ha!ta. 0 ..............,et al. "Premiere exploitation de sel en
lem." In Cucuteni, edited by Chapman (2005): C!$ezare cucutenianS de pe vaiea $ontuzului Europe. '.Techniques et gestion de !'exploitation
17392. Al.are. Ia~i, 2003. de la source salee de Poiana Slatinei <t Lunca
(Nearnt, Roumanie)." In SeiJ eau et forJt. Hier
Tylecote) R. A. l-listory of lvfetallurgy. London: ..............,and C.-M. Lazarnvici, eds. Cuuiteni et aujourd'hui, edited by Weller, A. Dufraisse,
Metals Society, 1976. 120-Valori universale. Lucn'irile sfrnpozianului and P. Petrcquin: 205-30. Actes du Colloque
na_tionaiJ Ia.# 30 septmnhrie 20()4. Ja~i> 2006. International, Saline Roya.le d'.Arcet-.Senans, 3-5
------------. .l'i1ietallutgy in Archaeology. London: October 2006, Cahiers de la MSH Ledoux 12
Edward Arnold, 1962. - - - , V. t'vierlan, and F. Tencariu. "Isaiia, com. (coll. Homme ct environnement 1). Hcsan~on:
Raducaneni, jud. Ia~i ." In Cronica Cercehlrilor Presses Universitaires de Franche-C:omte, 2008.
Ucko, P. Anthropomo,.phic Figurines of Pred)' Arheolagia. Carnpania 2000: 110-11. Bucure$ti:
nastic Egypt and Neolithic Crete u;ith Compar{J- CIMEC:, 2001. Wertime, T. "The Beginning of Metallurgy: A
tive 1Vfaterial fro11't the Prehistoric j'>Jear FA.st and New Look." Science 182 (1973): 875-86.
Mainland Greea. London: Szmidla_ 1968. - -- , V. Merlan, F. 'Ii:ncariu, and M. Vii.lean.
"Isaiia, com. com. Raducineni, jud. la$i." In .. ............. "Man's First Encounter with Metallurg;z"
Ursulescu, N. "Apariiia 1nmormanta.rilor tumulare Cronica Ce1·cetiirilor A1'heologice. Can·zpania Science 146 (1964): 1257.
~i a incinera~iei la est de Carpa~i." Memoria 2002: 158 59. Bucure~ti: CIMEC, 2003.
Antquitati.s 19 (1994): 193-99. WhittJe, A. .Europe in the ?...Jeolithic. The Cr8ation
..............,and F. Tencariu. Re!igie ~i magie la est de of" i'-i.-::w W'odd~. Canibi-idge: Carr1bridge Univer~;ity
- - -. "Les commencements de ] 'utilisation du Cat·pa_ti acum 7000 de ani. 'T~~zaut·u! cu obiede de Press, 1996.
rite de l'incinf:ra ti on darn; le monde proto- thrnce cult de ia [saiia. Ia~i: Demiurg, 2006.
du nord de la Moldavie ." In The Thracian World Willis, K. "The Vegetational History of the
at the Crossroads of Civilizations~ edited by ---,et al. '"T'argu Frumos, Baza bitulc." In "Balkans.~~ (~uaternary Science Revieu..s 13
P. Roman: 447---64. Proceedings of the Seventh Croni<:.:a Cetcetdrilor A.rheologice din Rornf.t.nia. (1994): 769--88.
International Congress of Thracology, Constanra· Carnpania 2000: 314-316. Bucurqti: CIMEC, 2001.
Mangalia-Tulcea, 20--26 May 1996. Bucharest: Winn, S. Pre-Wtit'ing in Southeastetn Eiu·ope.- The
Institut Roman de Thracologie, 1997. Videiko, M. "Conwurs and Content of the Sign System ol the Vin.C{.t Culture, ca. 4000 BC.
Ghost: 'frypillia Culture Proto Cities.'' !vfornoi·ia Calgary: Western Publishers, 1981.
............... "Dovezi ale unei simbolistici a numerelor Antiquitatis 24 (2007): 251--76.
in cultura Pre-·Cucuteni." !v1t~n1oria A.nt£quitatis 22 \Xi'right, R. "Women's Labor and Pottery Produc-
(2001): 5169. ed. Entsiklopediya Tripii'skoi tsivifiz,atsii. tion in Prehistory.» In Engendering Archaeology:
Kiev: Ukrpoligrnfmedia, 2004. Women and Pre/Ji.story, edited by J. Gero and
............... "Exploatarea sarii din saramuri in neo- M. Cokey: 194---223. Oxford: Blackwell, 1991.
liticul timpuriu, l'n lumina descoperirilor de la "Die Grossiedlungen der Tripol'e-Kultur
Soka (jud. Suceava)." S~tudii .~·i Cerr.:etr:hi de I.~torie in de!' Ukraine.'' Eurasia A ntiqua 1 (1996): 45-80. Ya.11.in , 0. "Der Keulenkopf von Canhasan (TR).
Veche ~i Arheologie 28, no. 3 (1977): 307·--18. Naturwissenschaftliche Untersuchung und neue
- - . "Looking for Trypillya Culture Proto- Interpretation. " In !'detallw·gi<:a Antiqua, edited
............... "Mormintele Cri~ de la Suceava-Platoul Cities." Illustrated pamphlet. 2005. by A. Hauptmann, J. Muhly, and T. Rehren:
Clmltirulul. ~~ .A nua rul ?i.-fu2:euiui ]udetean Sur:eaua 279-89. Der Anschnitt 8. Bochum: Deutsches
5 (1978): 81---88. -------------·. Trypi/>~>ki proto.rnista. Istoriia dodid.zhen'. Bergbau-Museum: 1998.
Kiev: Ti)V. Kolo-Ra, 2002.
- - - . "L'utilisation des sources sa lees clans le - - , and E. Pernicka. "Friihneolithische
Neolithique de la :tvfoldavie (Roumanie) ." Nature ............... "Tripolye-Pastoral Contacts: Facts and Metallbearbeimng am A~1kh Hoyiik, Tiirkei."
et Culture 1, edited by M. Otte. Colloque de Liege, Character of tbe Interactions, 4800-3200 BC." In The Beginnings of ;vletallw·gy, edited by
1317 December 1993. ERA UL (Liege) 68 (1995): "Nomadism and Pastor'.J.lism in the Circle of Baltic- A. Hauptmann, Pernicka, T. Rehren, and Yal~m:
487-95. Pontic Early Agral'ian Cultun:s, 5000-1650 BC ," 45-54. Der Anschnitt 9. Hochum: Deutsches
Baltic Pantie Studie~ 2 (1994): 5-28. Bergbau-lviuseum.
D. Boghian, and V. Cotiuga. "L'autel peim
de !'habitat de Targu Frumos (dep. de Ia~i) appat'- Von Pulszky, F. f)ie .Kupfe,-zeit in Ungarn_ )anko-Hombad1 , V., A. Gilbert, N. Panin, and
tenant a la civilisation Precucuteni (Eneolithique Budapest, 1884. P. Dolukhanov, eds. The Black Sea Flood Ques-
Ancien)." Studt"a .A.ntiqua et Archaeologica 9 tion: Changes in Coa~·tline.. Climate; and Huntan
(2003): 27--40. Vulpe, R. Izvoare. Siipiituri!e din 1936--·1948. Settiemmt. Dordrecht: Springer, 2007.
Bticrn·qti: Academiei RPR, 1957.
- - - , D. Hoghian, and \I. Cotiuga. "Lorninte Yener, K. The Domestication of Metais: The Rise
de suprafa(i cu platforma din a~ezarea Weller, 0., R. Brigand, and M . Alexianu. of Comt1/.q.x 1\tfeta.l fndust ·rie~ in Ana.t-olia. Leiden:
precucuzeniana de la Targu Frumos-Baza Patule." «Cercetari ::;isten1atice asupra izvoarelor de a.pa Brill, 2000.
Codru.l CosminulMi~ n.s., 12 (2006): J--24. sarata din Moldova." i\1emoria Antiquitatis 24
(2007 ): 121-90.

251
Yordanov, Y. "Anthropologic Study of Hone
Remains from Persons Buried in the Varna
Eneol ithic Necropolis." Studia praehistorica
1--2 (1978): 50---59.

Zaharia, E., D. Calbenu, and Z. Szekely.

"Sipiturile arheologice de la Ariu~d, jud.
Covasna.)) Cercetif.ri A.rheo!ogice 5 {1.981.): 3--4.

Zavarei~ A.. .lv1ono~;;;rar.·hi ..;;; de.~ Spondylidae aduels:

et fossiles· . Orsay: Centre d 'Etudes et de Recher-
ches de Paleontologie Biostratigraphique, 1973_

Zbenovi(\ V. .Siedlungen der f1'iihen Tripol'e-

Kultt.ff zu;ischen L)nesti' undSiidliche:m Bug.
Archaologie in Eurasien 1. Espelkamp: Marie
Leidorf, 1996.

Zwicker, U. "Investigations on the Extractive

Metallurgy of Cu/SbiAs Ore and Excavated
Smelting Products from Norsun-Tepe (Keban)
on the Upper Euphrates (3500-2800 BC)." In
Aspects cf E<:rly Meiallurgy, edited by w: Oddy:
13-26. Occasional Paper 17. London: British
Museum, 1980.

252
PrKltcg:aphy dnd Dravving C:redits

Unless noted below, photography has been Chapter4 Chapter9

provided by the National History Museum of Fig. 4-3: M . Cernau Fig. 9-10: VJ. Slavchev
Romania, photographer Marius Amarie, the Fig. 4-4: V. Parnic Fig. 9-12: K. Dimitrov
Varna Regional Museum of History, photog- Fig. 4-5: E.-R . Munteanu
rapher Rumyana Kostadinova Iva.nova, and the Figs. 4 6, 4 8-4 9, 411-414: D. Popovici Chapter 10
National Museum of Archaeology and l!istory Fig. 4-7: After C .-M. Lazarovici and Fig. 10-1. V. Bicbaev, The National Museum
of .lv!oldova, photographers .Jurie Foca and Gh_ Lazarovici (2006) of Archaeology and History of Moldova
Valery Hembaruc. fig_ 410: Fl. Dra~oveanu Fig. 102-104, 106: after Haheu and
Kurciatov, 1993
Maps: Inside cover, pages 26-27, figs. 7- 1, 8-.J Chapters Fig. 10--5: after Haheu and Kurciatov, 1992
Fig. 5-1: E-R . Munteanu, CMJMPN
All base maps have been supplied by the Ancient Fig. 5-2: S. Odenie, Interdisciplinary Center of
\'forld Mapping Center, University of North Archaeo-Historical Studies (CISA), UAIC
Carolina, Chapel Hill. 'Terrain depiction calculat-- Fig. 5-4a: lvlJSCMV
ed from: "SR'L'v! Shaded Relief," on ESRI Data
and Maps, 2006 (DVD-ROM, Redlands, CA: Chapter 6
Environmental Systems Research Institute, 2006). Figs. 6-1-6-3: C .-M. Lazarovici
Ancient physical data derived from: R . Talbert, Figs. 6-4---6-6, 6-34, 6-38, 6-40, 6-41, 6-44: I. Serban
ed., Barrington Atlas of th8 Gr8ei<. and Roman and V. Popescu e Romeo Dumitrescu in
World (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University N. Ursulescu, e<l» Cucuteni-Trypillia: A Great
Press, 2000). All other map information and final Civilization of Old Europe (Bucuresti: Cucuteni
design: Dorcas Brown, David W. Anthony, and pentru l\-fi leniul III Foundation and Hers
CoDe Communications and Design, New York. Consulting Group, 2008).
Figs. 6-7, 6-23-625 : S. Odenie ~j CM.JMl'N,
Chapter 1 museum collections
Page 28: C. Bern Fig. 6-8: V Spinei , C.-M. Lazarovici, and
Table 1-1: D. Brown, D. Anthony, and CoDe D. Monah (2005), fig. 16 © UAIC
Communications and Design © ISAW Fig. 6-12, 6-14. S. Odenie © C. M . Lazarovici
collection
Chapter 2 Fig. 6-42: CNMN, museum collections
Figs. 2-1-2-3: Archivs, Museum for Vor- und
Fruehgeschichte, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin Chapter 7
Fig_ 24: l'vf. Vargha, Archiva Istorica, Muzeul fig_ 7 2: 0. Yal~m, Deutsches Bergbau Museum,
Na\ional Secuiesc Boch um
Figs. 2-5, 2-9: S. Marinescu-B"llcu
Figs_ 2 6-2 8, 2 13, page 58 : Gh. Dumitroaia Chapters
Figs. 2-10--2-11: C. Bern Fig. 8-1: Free Software Foundation, after
Fig. 2-·12: C. Laz~.r l c_ Chenu (1842)
Fig. 2-14: Gh. Durnitroaia and R. Munteanu Fig. 8-2: V: Dimitrijevic and C. Tripkovic
"fable 2--1: I. Opt'if and C. Bern (2006), fig. 2
Fig. 8-4: D. Vialou, Musee Nationale d'Hisroire
Chapter 3 N aturelle, Paris
"fables 3--1-3--3: J)_ Brown based on data from Figs_ 8-5, 8--6: after H. ·nxlorova and _M_ Abramova,
]. Chapman r1' ISAW National Museum of History, Sofia
Figs. 3-1, 3-3: J. Chapman Fig. 8-11: after E. Com~a (1973)
Fig. 3-2. After H. T(ldorova (2002), Karte 4 Fig. 8-12: Tibor Kadas, Archaeological Institute of
Fig_ .34_ After H. Todorova (1982) the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Archives
Fig. 3 -5. D. P,rown from D. Anthony (2007), fig. 12.7 Fig. 8-13: after B. Chertier (1988)
Fig. 3-6 . S. Marinescu-BHcu (1981) , fig. 1'1 Fig. 8-14: J. Pa vuk, after J. Pavuk ( 1972)
Fig_ .37_ l'vf. Videiko (2007), fig_ 4 fig_ 815: P. Biagi, after S. Karmanski (1977)

254