Papers and Monographs from the

Norwegian Institute at Athens, Volume 5

Local and Global Perspectives

on Mobility in the Eastern
Mediterranean

Edited by Ole Christian Aslaksen

the Norwegian Institute at Athens

2016
© 2016 The Norwegian Institute at Athens

Typeset by Rich Potter.

ISBN: 978-960-85145-5-3
ISSN: 2459-3230
 Contents

Introduction 1
Ole Christian Aslaksen

Revisiting Late Bronze Age oxhide ingots: Meanings, questions 15

and perspectives
Serena Sabatini

The Mycenaeans and Europe: Long-distance networks and 63

cross-cultural communication
Paulina Suchowska-Ducke

Engraving the ships. Shared ideas and practices 83

Katarina Streiffert Eikeland

Pottery as sign of cultural encounters: The case of Handmade 111

Burnished and Grey Ware in Khania
Madelaine Miller

Communication and Trade at Tegea in the Bronze Age 135

Hege Agathe Bakke-Alisøy

Identities and ‛precious’ commodities at Midea and Dendra in 159

the Mycenaean Argolid
Ann-Louise Schallin

Color, materiality, sensory experience and Late Bronze Age 191

burials in the Argolid
Carole Gillis
Weaving Identities - Local and global customs between Early 231
Iron Age Italy and Greece
Christoph Kremer

Adoring the past: Anthropomorphic art and body language 253

in the Iron Age Mediterranean
Christian Mühlenbock

Greeks and the East in the Iron Age: Interpreting interaction 281
in the Eastern Mediterranean
Kristoffer Momrak
 Introduction
Ole Christian Aslaksen

Lately there has been an increased focus on mobility as an outcome of new

theoretical and technological approaches, as well as the larger projects aimed at
mobility, such as “Forging Identities”,1 a development recently discussed in detail
by Kristiansen.2 The volume is the result of a workshop held at the Norwegian
Institute at Athens 11th-13th of November 2011. It addressed the different layers of
mobility in the Bronze and Early Iron Age of the Eastern Mediterranean. It also
concerns the intensity and scale of interaction and its role as a motor of change
which represent key discourses in archaeology.3
The chapters in this volume deal with a great variety of materials in order to
capture the multitude of connections and their impacts within and between the
regions surrounding the Mediterranean. Frameworks used to explore the dynamics
include Network Theory and World System Theory,4 materiality theory5 and
theories of embodiment6 to mention some. As such, it is a hope that this volume
will inspire researchers whether they address mobility in what, in Meyer’s words,
could be described as a ‘satellite perspective’ or a ‘microscope perspective’.7 In
addition to the chapters based on papers presented by Ann-Louise Schallin, Carole
Gillis, Serena Sabatini, Paulina Suchowska-Ducke, Kristoffer Momrak, Hege

1. A joint project pursued by the University of Gothenburg, University of Aarhus, University of

Cambridge, University of Southampton, University of Kiel, Free University of Berlin and the
University of Thessaloniki 2009-2013, financed through EU FP 7
2. Kristiansen 2014, 13-14.
3. See Burmeister 2000; Harding 2013, 386; Kristiansen and Larsson 2005, Morris 2003; Schier
2013, 1-2.
4. E.g. Suchowska Ducke 2016.
5. E.g. Gillis 2016; Miller 2016; Kremer 2016.
6. Mühlenbock 2016.
7. Meyer 2008.
2 OLE CHRISTIAN ASLAKSEN

Bakke-Alisøy and Madelaine Miller at the workshop, additional contributions by

Katharina Streiffert Eikeland, Christian Mühlenbock and Christoph Kremer were
graciously provided for this volume.
The ten chapters could be divided into three sections along the main
geographic scale addressed (‘global’ or ‘local’) and period (Bronze or Iron
Age) by the authors. This would be a heuristic device as these scales are not
exclusive but rather seek to investigate different aspects of mobility and may
be regarded as complementary to each other.8 For instance, a global scale gives
the benefit of overarching perspectives, while the local provides a detailed
view. Both need to be grasped in order to examine the extent and impact of
Bronze Age networks.9 Furthermore, the ‘global’ and the ‘local’ are not likely
to have been separated analytically by the dwellers of the ancient societies of
the Mediterranean hinterlands, whose everyday lives may have been tied to both
spheres even if a ‘global consciousness’ may not always have been omnipresent
or equally distributed.10 The chapters of this volume cover a large geographic
area, providing in a glimpse into how mobility was dealt with in Central Europe,
Mycenaean Greece, the Levant, Cyprus and Southern Italy. The Iron Age is dealt
with by Momrak, Mühlenbock and Kremer, adding a long-term temporal depth to
the overarching theme mobility.

Global Perspectives
Sabatini presents a detailed study of the extensive geographical and temporal
distribution of oxhide ingots, an object which circulated in different Bronze Age
exchange and trade systems.11 According to the author, the practical shape of the
ingot made it suitable for transporting mainly copper but also tin. Sabatini divides
the history of the oxhide ingot into three phases: 1600-1400 BC, 1400-1200 BC
and 1200-1000 BC. In a long-term perspective, Sabatini discusses overarching
trends; after an initial invention and a trans-European and trans-Mediterranean
increase of metallurgic activities, in the “international period” (1400-1200 BC),12
a centralising trend led to the rise of Cyprus as a main source of copper whereas
in earlier periods there had been several. Later, there was a gradual shift towards
the Central Mediterranean. In the last period the oxhide ingot was revived by

8. Meyer 2008, 57; see Kardulias and Hall 2008, 575.

9. See Meyer 2008.
10. See Harding 2013, 394.
11. Sabatini 2016.
12. See also Feldman 2004.
 INTRODUCTION 3

the Nuraghi culture of Sardinia, perhaps attempting a “brand-takeover”.13 Fringe

areas like Northern Europe are also discussed, as well as representations of the
ingots.
Suchowska-Ducke outlines the communication between the Eastern
Mediterranean and Central Europe in light of a combination of Network Theory
and World Systems. Communication is evinced by the co-presence of objects
such as rapiers and Naue II Swords, and raw materials like amber, copper and
tin.14 Suchowska-Ducke identifies a series of developments of importance to
the formation of inter-regional networks; in the period 2400/2300-2000 BC,
Eastern Mediterranean and Central European pottery forms, prestige objects
and metals appeared in inter-regional flows. Between 2000 to 1700/1600 BC,
an intensification of production and mobility of precious and bulk materials (tin,
copper and amber) that took place parallel to an increase of social stratification.
Later, in the period 1700/1600-1300/1200 BC, the author defines extensive
networks connecting, for example, Central Europe and Mycenaean Greece.
The period was hallmarked by a consolidation of networks and development in
Central Europe, and the cultural and economic expansion in Mycenaean Greece.
After 1200 BC, the Late Mycenaean and the Urnfield cultures were formed as
the Eastern Mediterranean powers declined and collapsed (e.g. the Hittite and
the Mycenaean palatial cultures). According to Suchowska-Ducke, increased
connectivity led to a spread of materials, objects, knowledge and ideas but also
an unequal distribution of these between different regions.
Seafaring, a key component in Bronze Age trade, is further explored by
Streiffert Eikeland in a study of sites with traces of maritime cults, for example
rock art sites and sanctuaries.15 In the temples of Kition, stone anchors with no
signs of wear due to use were found.16 In addition, ship graffiti was discovered.
Houses in Hala Sultan Tekke also contained graffiti, with parallels found at
Enkomi-Alasia. Ships carved in stone have been found in several contexts as far
north as Scandinavia and east along the Caramel Ridge in northern Israel, often
in a coastal setting, for instance, at Nami. Streiffert Eikeland provides a glimpse
into the world of the travellers involved in the Eastern Mediterranean networks
from an agent perspective.

13. Sabatini 2016; see also Kremer 2016; Sherratt and Sherratt 1993, 363, 367.
14. Suchowska-Ducke 2016. See also Kristiansen and Rowlands, eds., 1998.
15. Streiffert Eikeland 2016.
16. Streiffert Eikeland 2016.
4 OLE CHRISTIAN ASLAKSEN

Miller’s chapter explores the significance of foreign objects, in this case

the Handmade Burnished Ware found in Chania.17 Prior to the LH IIIB period,
Chania was a secondary centre which may have served, amongst other things,
as a collection point for wool. In the LH IIIB period, several large architectural
projects were initiated and international contacts were established. Chania became
a maritime centre in a period of decline at Crete, a development that was parallel
to the expansion of networks in mainland Greece to the Mediterranean. Towards
the end of the period, an Italic connection gained importance. Thus, Chania was
a place signified by cross-cultural encounters and, according to the author, was a
site where people of different origins could have interacted. This is mirrored in
the palimpsest assemblages of objects and influences from different parts of the
Bronze Age World, as well as the appearance of hybrids.

Local Perspectives
Bakke-Alisøy seeks to highlight the role of overland journeys in the Tegean
territory in a study that emphasises the remains of road structures, settlement
patterns, means of transport, and imports which may have been brought to the
Peloponnesian interior.18 As Bakke-Alisøy shows, the inland networks of the
Tegea plain were influenced by shifts in larger networks.19 Compared to the Early
Helladic period, the numbers of settlements in the Middle Helladic period was
dwindling. In the Late Helladic period, the number rose again, and monumental
graves were also built. The societies of the Tegean plain may have joined together
in the undertaking of large-scale infrastructure projects such as dams; these types
of constructions could also serve as roadways and enhance the Tegean capability
of participating in the Bronze Age.
In her article, Schallin focuses on objects made of precious materials from the
fortified site of Midea, comparing a key material to what has been uncovered in the
graves of Dendra and other sites in the Argolid.20 While raw materials like ivory
were imported from afar, they could have been utilised in local identity strategies.
Carved ivories depicting people and papyri motifs could conform to an ‘Argolid
style’. At one level, relief beads have been interpreted as an identity marker for the
Mycenaeans at large. However, the carved demon motif, for example, displayed a
slight difference in the manner of representations compared to similar specimens

17. Miller 2016.

18. Bakke-Alisøy 2016, 5.
19. Discussed in e.g. Suchowska-Ducke 2016 and Sabatini 2016.
20. Schallin 2016.
 INTRODUCTION 5

in Mycenae: the demon’s features were more similar to an insect’s rather than
those of a beast. Simple glass beads were used across the Mycenaean sphere and
were found at Midea as well. Schallin defines a Midean identity cross-cut by a
larger Argolid and Mycenaean identity. Thus, a local production of such ornaments
at Midea may be considered even if some were produced and circulated from
Mycenae. An interesting dynamic may be noted as such objects were shared and
yet also combined into local assemblages and included in identity strategies.
With the materiality of colours as a vantage point, Gillis examines grave goods
in the Argolid. Factors such as shine and combinations of particular hues were
utilised in the staging of burial rituals in which shared social experiences were
produced amongst the onlookers.21 Gillis notes that, while it may be impossible
to grasp the original meaning behind the choice of colours, the ‘affordability’ of
objects and the effect they have upon people may be investigated. Mycenaean
crafters used advanced techniques such as the tinning of ceramic vessels to produce
particular looks. Slight differences could have been a part of identity strategies of
a local character. However, the overarching character of the assemblages and the
look of the objects make them identifiable as ‘Mycenaean’.

Iron Age Perspectives

Kremer directs the reader’s attention towards the role of women in emergent
networks in the early 1st millennium BC.22 He notes that, even if some of the richest
graves are female and contain precious items (like faience bead-disk necklaces and
textile tools of precious materials), researchers rarely ascribe the buried an active
role. In elite guest networks, providing gifts produced by the household may have
been of essence – a field in which elite women could have had a strong impact. The
supra-regional role women played in the emergent networks is approached by the
author in a case study of Attic and Italian faience bead-disk necklaces and textile
tools. The former reflected a shared taste of jewellery, the latter displayed localism
in the choice of material. Kremer also notes that the practice of burying textile
tools with the dead was common in both Italy and the Eastern Mediterranean.
Locally, the “global”, ‘shared’ items played a role in the creation of hierarchies.
In his chapter, Mühlenbock discusses the body language of figurines with
upright raised arms in comparative study of objects from Cyprus and Crete.23
These figurines have been dated to before the 2nd and 1st millennium BC, and are

21. Gillis 2016.

22. Kremer 2016.
23. Mühlenbock 2016.
6 OLE CHRISTIAN ASLAKSEN

an important part of the assemblages. This fact is exemplified by the 150 figurines
from Enkomi dating to the 12th century BC. Sicilian sculpted, anthropomorphic
cup handles have been dated to the 9th century BC by the author. Later figurines
from Monte Polizzo date to the 6th century BC. Cypriote figurines with raised arms
date to the Iron Age. While vastly different, both in terms of figural representation
and context, both the Sicilian and Cypriote figurines use the same iconic gesture.
While rooted in local traditions that went back to preceding periods, the trans-
Mediterranean cohesion of figurine gestures may, according to the author, reflect
an existence of a common koiné manifest in for example gestures.
Momrak discusses interaction theories in light of cases from both the Orient
and Greece, drawing on both archaeological and written sources from Lefkandi,
Naukratis, and Al-Mina.24 Momrak maintains that previous research has had a
tendency to describe either the Greeks or the Levantines as the active party in
trans-regional interaction. In light of the presented material, Momrak discusses the
strengths and weaknesses of different interaction models, such as World Systems
Theory and Globalisation, and provides a critical view.

Reflections
A series of recent titles emphasises long-distance ‘global’ perspectives, for
example, Interweaving Worlds: Systemic Interactions in Eurasia, 7th to 1st
Millennia BC, Exchange Networks and Local Transformations. Interaction and
local change in Europe and the Mediterranean from the Bronze Age to the Iron
Age,25 and A Companion to Ethnicity in the Ancient Mediterranean.26 As early
as 2003, Morris noted a move towards adopting trans-regional perspectives in
Mediterranean archaeology.27 Mobility has been highlighted by Kristiansen in a
recent article in Current Swedish Archaeology as a cornerstone to what may be
deemed a new paradigm in archaeology. According to Kristiansen, this paradigm
will be characterised by factors like quantitative and science-based methods, the
exploitation of ‘big data’ sets and large trans-national projects funded by the EU.28
Models emphasising short-distance mobility as a prime factor in past societies
have increasingly been supplemented by long distance models.29 Since the 1960s,
models emphasising long-distance mobility received criticism from processual

24. Momrak 2016.

25. Wilkinson, Sherratt and Bennet 2011.
26. McInerney, ed., 2014.
27. Morris 2003.
28. Kristiansen 2014, 14, 17-19.
29. Kristiansen and Larsson 2005; Morris 2003; Momrak 2016.
 INTRODUCTION 7

archaeologists, and sweeping culture historical narratives of migrations were

largely abandoned.30 By the late 1970s, however, long-distance connections
were reintroduced with World Systems Theory, an approach that has since
been adopted in Mediterranean archaeology.31 The discourse on World Systems
Theory has developed significantly since it was first adapted by archaeologists,
and it is recognised that several World Systems may have coexisted with unique
and overlapping cycles and sub-cycles of trade and cultural exchange.32 Network
Theory has recently been adapted and represents an approach which allows
researchers to move between the local and the global.33 Post-colonial theory
has provided archaeologists with tools to deal with the impacts of increased
interaction as the proponents of this approach seek to understand subjects like the
outcome of cross-cultural encounters.34
A minimalist view on economy and interaction, and a focus on the ‘local’,
is often prevalent in the archaeologies of the Mediterranean.35 However, the
Mediterranean region contains a large archaeological material suited for studies
of mobility and, thus, it could yield relevant cases for a future mobility-focused
paradigm such as proposed by Kristiansen.36 In the 2000s, the Mediterranean Sea
has been discussed as an interconnected unit tied together by trade and power
struggles over lines of communication between culturally different areas.37 Several
cases exemplify the connectivity implied by this model even if their geographic
scopes vary: the Old Assyrian networks attested at Kanesh,38 Swedish bronzes
(which copper often originated in the Mediterranean),39 blue glass beads,40 and
the trans-Mediterranean distribution of Mycenaean pottery in the Late Helladic
period.41 The widespread use of the oxhide ingot,42 the distribution of similar
ornaments in Iron Age female graves,43 similar body languages represented in

30. See Schier 2013.

31. Harding 2013.
32. Sherratt 1993, 363; Kardulias and Hall 2008, 374-375; Beaujard 2011.
33. See Knappett 2011.
34. E.g. Knapp and Van Dommelen, eds., 2010
35. Morris 2003 provides a discussion on the minimalist views on interaction.
36. For a discussion of a new paradigm, see Kristiansen 2014, 14.
37. Horden and Purcell 2000, 24-25, 522; Morris 2003; Osborne 2007; van Dommelen 2005, 111.
See Braudel 1975.
38. Larsen 1976.
39. Ling et al. 2013.
40. Varberg, Gratuze and Kaul 2014.
41. Wijngaarden 2002, 279-280.
42. Sabatini 2016.
43. Kremer 2016.
8 OLE CHRISTIAN ASLAKSEN

the figurine material,44 and the spread of weapons and thus fighting styles also
provide examples for the paradigm.45 Network analysis,46 political economy,47
and World Systems,48 represent approaches that have received renewed interest.49
At the same time, the diversity in the archaeological materials encountered tells
unique local stories, as shown in the localised use of colours, and the highly
selective use of jewellery in the Mycenaean sphere.50 Small differences in design
languages could signify local, independent identities situated within larger
identity complexes such as the ‘Mycenaean’.51
In archaeology, scholars such as Susan and Andrew Sherratt have noted that
formation like World Systems, developed continuously, for example resulting in
an inclusion of the Western Mediterranean in the Early Iron Age in an Eastern
Mediterranean system.52 This development is mirrored in both Mühlenbock
and Kremer’s articles.53 In Kremer’s study, connections are studied by means
of the grave goods included with Iron Age females, emphasising the movement
of individuals, a topic also touched upon by Momrak.54 In his article, Momrak
notes that the mobile elite warriors would have travelled in groups which could
have consisted of, for example, retainers and rowers. This is perhaps mirrored
in the assemblage of the Uluburun wreck.55 The traveller of the Bronze Age is
also, for example, discussed in the works of Kristiansen and Larsson,56 Hänsel,57
Baines,58 Moorey59 and Monroe.60 Travels would have generated multi-ethnicity,
as noted by Miller and Burns.61 Such environments could perhaps also have been

44. Mühlenbock 2016.

45. Suchowska Ducke 2016; Molloy 2008; Molloy 2010.
46. Suchowska Ducke 2016; see also Broodbank 2000; Knappett 2011; Malakin 2007; Tartaron
2013.
47. Pullen 2010; Christakis 2011; Andreou 2002; Privitera 2014; Earle and Kristiansen,eds., 2010.
48. Wilkinson, Sherratt and Bennet 2011; Parkinson and Galaty 2007; Kardulias and Hall 2008.
49. See e.g. Momrak 2016.
50. Schallin 2016
51. Gillis 2016; Scahllin 2016.
52. Sherratt and Sherratt 1993.
53. Kremer 2016; Mühlenbock 2016.
54. Momrak 2016.
55. Pulak 2008; Miller 2016.
56. Kristiansen and Larsson 2005.
57. Hänsel 2002.
58. Baines 2007.
59. Moorey 2001.
60. Monroe 2011.
61. Burns 2010; Miller 2016; see also Sherratt and Sherratt 1998, 336-337.
 INTRODUCTION 9

found in areas through which trade and exchange were channelled, for example,
Macedonia,62 Troy,63 and Middle Bronze Age Kanesh.64 As with ships like the
Uluburun, these were places where ideas, taste, techniques, and technology were
mediated and were the cosmopolite knowledge of the “foreign” was produced.65
This may be shown by “material multi-culture” assemblages such as that of the
Uluburun which contained objects from several different cultures. Although it
should be stressed that the presence of a particular set of objects not necessarily
reflect the presence of specific people with certaint identities, material culture
can give a hint. Swords, for example mycenaean rapiers, has a specialized use
and production that would require skills and knowledge.66 As noted by Sandars,
the distribution of weapons also reflects a distribution of fighting styles and
tactics.67 The shape of a sword demands a particular skill set and reflects a certain
preference, the latter more easily transferred than the first, which would require a
transfer of bodily knowledge from one agent (“teacher”) to another (“student”).68
The cosmopolite knowledge needed to partake in such exchanges may have been
a resource in itself of limited distribution amongst the people of the Bronze Age,
just like access to the various networks must have varied regionally.69
Of key importance in the research on Bronze Age World Systems is that they
may have been manifold, intertwined, and contained different sub-cycles – within
which objects, knowledge and skills could have flowed.70 The imprint of these can
be found in material culture, to varying degrees, in Bronze Age communities. The
Mycenaean rapier has a distribution that includes FYRO Macedonia, Bulgaria,
and Albania, as well as the Uluburun ship off the coast of modern-day Turkey.71
The rapier would have demanded a specific skill set to be wielded, judging from
the distribution of the object type mostly prevalent in modern-day Greece.72 The
metals, the copper and tin, could have been imported, perhaps first in the shape

62. See esp. Kiriatzi et al. 1997 for a discussion on Mycenaean pottery production in Central
Macedonia, which was distinct from the local types to the extent that they must have been made
by other potters than those making the local wares.
63. Cline 2008, 13.
64. For a discussion on Kanesh, see Larsen 1976.
65. See Rowlands and Ling 2013; for a discussion on the ship as a middle ground, see Monroe 2011.
66. See Molloy 2008; Sandars 1983, 44.
67. Sandars 1983, 44.
68. For discussions on skills and weapons see Kristiansen 2002; Molloy 2008, 2010.
69. See Sherratt and Sherratt 1993; Morris 2003.
70. Sherratt and Sherratt 1993.
71. See Kilian-Dirlmeier 1993, fig.62; Harding 1995, fig. 48.
72. See Molloy 2008.
10 OLE CHRISTIAN ASLAKSEN

of oxhide ingots before being melted into a weapon. It could be said that such
objects had what scholars of modern globalisation term complex geographies as
it contains different layers, for example material, design, and production, each
possibly connected to different regions.73 It should be noted that the user of such
an object would not necessarily be aware of all of these layers ‘stored’ within
the artefact. In the case of the sword, it may have mostly played a very local
role as a means to fend off enemies and help the user to maintain a position of
power. On the other hand, the ‘local’ could be said to propel the ‘global’, the
existence of such swords was contingent upon the existence of stable networks
of exchange that involved metals, as well as other goods such as textiles, amber,
woods, dye, salt, gold, finished objects, resins, and rare materials like iron (in the
Bronze Age).74 With trade and exchange come impulses,75 something which may
be reflected in a Bronze Age constituted by cultures hallmarked by distinctive
local elements and regional variations, and, at the same time, shared forms co-
present in very different communities.

Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Prof. Panos Dimas, Dr. Zarko Tankosic, and Patrick Talatas
at the Norwegian Institute in Athens for hosting and financing this workshop,
and for publishing this volume. I would also like to thank the Department of
Historical Studies at the University of Gothenburg for additional funding. My
own travel was made possible by a Marie Curie grant (Forging Identities, EU FP
7). Neither the workshop nor this volume would have been possible without the
participants, to whom I am indebted. This is also the case with the anonymous
peer reviewers whom in pairs provided each author with thoughtful comments. I
would also like to thank Dr. Lene Os Johannessen for encouraging me to take on
this project and for supporting me. Rich Potter of the University of Gothenburg
did the layout work and this volume would not have existed without his diligent
work. Warm thanks to Sara Ellis Nilsson for her proofreading efforts.

73. Dicken 2007.

74. See Kristiansen and Larsson 2005; Kristiansen 1998, 287-288.
75. Burns 2010.
 INTRODUCTION 11

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 Revisiting Late Bronze Age oxhide ingots: Meanings,
questions and perspectives
Serena Sabatini

The so called oxhide ingots from the Late Bronze Age are an intriguing class of
objects from the Mediterranean. Their amazing number, spread, distribution and
puzzling characteristics have long attracted scholars’ attention. They provide a glimpse
into the extraordinary complexity of the Mediterranean world during the 2nd half of
the 2nd millennium BC as they were subjected to practices of production, exchange,
transformation and use spreading from the Levantine coast to Sardinia. The Turkish
shipwrecks from Uluburun and Cape Gelidonya leave no doubt about their use as
means of transportation of copper and tin, but can we consider them to just be ingots?
A review of their distribution pattern paired up with critical attention to the chronology
of the phenomenon invites a reflection on the meaning of these objects.

Introduction
Oxhide ingots are well known in archaeological literature. They were used
throughout the 2nd half of the 2nd millennium BC over a vast area stretching
from Southern France and Sardinia to the west, Mesopotamia and Egypt to
the east and extending as far north as Scandinavia (Fig. 1). This paper aims to
provide a renewed overview of the known finds, in particular their chronology,
while attempting to offer ‘food for thought’ to a long and lively debate.
Oxhide ingots were potentially not contemporaneously in use throughout
their distribution area; analysis of the existing evidence offers a valuable insight
into the process of the emergence, development and transformation of this class
of material. The ingots inhabited the Mediterranean for about six centuries;
while their significance as metal ingots (a means of transportation of copper or
tin) might be considered unaltered throughout the whole period, considerable
historical and political changes took place during their period of use. The fact
that they were parts of different cargoes, like those on the Uluburun and Cape
Gelidonya ships, shows how this class of material could be adapted to a variety
of trade systems. Their origin, role and significance are matters of debate; it is
clear, however, that oxhide ingots were accepted in geographically and culturally
16 SERENA SABATINI

Fig. 1: Distribution map of the oxhide ingots. Black squares: find spots of full sized and miniature
oxhide ingots. Grey squares: find spots of oxhide ingot images. Images have been reproduced
in several different ways such as on rock panels from Sweden, ceramics from Sardinia, various
artefacts from Cyprus and paintings/reliefs in Egypt.

separated environments. In other words they seem to be a prominent expression

of networking and connectivity between people from different cultural and
economic backgrounds. Their characteristics give additional potential to the
possibility that they were a sort of brand commodity.

A few notes about oxhide ingots

It is not the aim of this paper to thoroughly discuss the class of material itself.
Oxhide ingots can be described as copper and tin ingots in the form of rectangular
slabs featuring more or less elongated corners which form a handle of sorts (Fig.
2a). The resemblance to the shape of a stretched ox-hide has led to their most
commonly used name; however, it is generally acknowledged that their shape was
 REVISITING LATE BRONZE AGE OXHIDE INGOTS 17

Fig. 2 A: Oxhide ingots from cape Gelidonya (courtesy of the Institute of Nautical Archaeology).
B: The oxhide ingot carved on the rock panel Kville 156:1, Torsbo, Bohuslän, Sweden (photo A.
Mederos, courtesy of Prof. J. Ling, Gothenburg University).

instead determined by the need to carry them easily.1 Copper oxhide ingots weigh
between c. 20 kg and c. 40 kg. A large number of them have a weight of around
29/30 kg which has led to the suggestion that one oxhide ingot might have been
the equivalent of the Aegean talent weight unit.2 Although debated, the association
between any such ingots and a talent unit appears possible when considering that
they may have been the object of a double counting.3 Quick loading and unloading
procedures could have been carried out by counting each piece as a talent, while
their real weights would have been used for the final transaction/payment.
Early studies have also attempted to classify and provide chronological records
with regards to shape variations within the class;4 however, archaeological
evidence shows that different types/shapes were used contemporarily. Only the
first Buchholz’s type (Bass type 1a and 1b), which features less protruding
handles, appears to have an archaic character within the whole class.

1. E.g. Bass 1967, 69; Jones 2007, 85; Kassianidou 2012, 12.
2. E.g. Jones 2007, 84; Kassianidou 2012, 12; Muhly 2009, 18; Parise 1986, 308.
3. E.g. Parise 1968, 128, Zaccagnini 1986; Pulak 1988, 8.
4. Bass 1967; Buchholz 1959.
18 SERENA SABATINI

Oxhide ingots are indeed archaeologically documented in several forms.

They are initially described as copper and tin ingots. Secondly they were also
manufactured in miniature forms.5 Thirdly they are known from representations
on paintings and reliefs in Egypt, on bronze stands and cultic statuettes from
Cyprus and rock art in Scandinavia.6 Other oxhide representations, although
some are highly questionable, have been recognized on cylinder seals, Linear
B tablets and ceramics.7 This manifold evidence communicates the complex
narratives of this long lived class of material. In this work, attention will
primarily be paid to the oxhide ingots in strict relation to the geographical
and chronological information they provide as an understanding of the whole
phenomenon.8

Distribution and chronology of the finds

Useful and detailed reviews/catalogues of the known finds have been published
in earlier and more recent times with accurate lists of previous references;9
these will generally not be repeated here. The main aim of this paper is to
provide renewed insights into the whole phenomenon using a chronological
perspective. In doing so items which can be accurately dated will primarily be
taken into consideration. They offer a picture of the phenomenon’s movement
in space, which is worth extra attention. The large number of finds which cannot
be precisely dated will also be considered as it provides an insight into the
scale and significance of this class of material and the network patterns through
which it circulated.
The proposed chronological journey is divided in three main periods (c.
1600-1400 BC; c. 1400-1200 BC; c. 1200-1000 BC). This simple model is
based on several relevant observable changes regarding production, trade and
the use of oxhide ingots. At the end of the 15th and the beginning of the 14th

5. E.g. Giumlia-Mair et al. 2011; Hadijsavvas 2011.

6. See respectively Papasavvas 2009 and Ling and Stos-Gale 2015.
7. E.g. Bass 1967; Knapp 1986; Manunza and Defrassu 2009; Papasavvas 2009.
8. Both full size and miniature ingots will be taken into consideration. It is worth highlighting,
however, that a considerable number of oxhide ingots have been found in a fragmentary state.
There is no possibility in this article to propose a thorough study of such evidence. Nonetheless it
seems that while fragments of various shape and size can be connected to metalworking activities,
quarters or halves of oxhide ingots are generally related to cultic contexts (cf. Caloi 2006).
9. Bass 1967; Bucholz 1959, 1988; Doncheva 2012; Gale 1991; Jones 2007; Kassianidou 2009;
Kassianidou and Papasavvas, eds., 2012; Liard 2010; Lo Schiavo et. al., eds., 2005; Lo Schiavo
et al., eds., 2009.
 REVISITING LATE BRONZE AGE OXHIDE INGOTS 19

Fig. 3: Distribution map of the oxhide ingots dated to the 16th and 15th century BC.

century BC, as discussed below, the sources of copper, which were previously
from multiple locations, shrank to being almost exclusively from the Cypriot
lead isotopic field, in particular to the ore of Apliki in the Solea mining district.10
Subsequently, at the passage between the end of the 13th and the beginning of
the 12th century BC, datable evidence from Cyprus becomes less consistent
while the oxhide ingot distribution appears slightly more significant in the
Central Western Mediterranean. It therefore appears, particularly according to
the scope of this paper, appropriate to propose such a temporal division for a
fruitful discussion.

c. 1600-1400 BC
The earliest oxhide ingots are mainly found in the eastern part of the
Mediterranean region including the island of Crete (Fig. 3). Evidence from
this early stage already shows the multifaceted presence of such ingots both

10. E.g. Kassianidou 2013.

20 SERENA SABATINI

in their full form as well as miniaturized. Their representations in Egyptian

tomb paintings from the 15th century onwards,11 along with recently discovered
evidence from Scandinavia, suggests that oxhide ingots were already part of a
wide metal supply distribution network.

Aegean and Crete

The oldest full size copper oxhide ingots which have been securely dated by
their archaeological contexts are found on the island of Crete; an island which
lacks its own copper ores.12 The finds from the sites of Chania, Gournia, Haghia
Triada, Mochlos, Tylissos and Zakros can be dated to the Late Minoan (LM)
IB (c. 1500-1450 BC), if not even earlier to the end of the LM IA.13 They come
from a complex set of contexts of both utilitarian and non-utilitarian nature.14
The oldest Cretan ingots are probably the most interesting as far as their
provenance is concerned. Several of the early ingots (from Chania, Gournia
Mochlos and Zakros) appear to have been produced with copper from Cypriot
ores including Apliki.15 For the significant remaining number of ingots it has
not been possible to identify the source of their copper, yet they seemingly
must come from at least two different non Cypriot copper ores.16 Still unknown
sources, somewhere beyond Mesopotamia, have recently been suggested,

11. It ought to be mentioned that it has been attempted (Nibbi 1987) to emphasize a series of
representations of oxhide ingots on Egyptian Middle Kingdom sarcophagi (dated between
approximately 2000 and 1600 BC). These images appear next to the term NMS which connects
them to practices of wrapping. Largely due to chronological discrepancies these representations
are generally not considered as images of oxhide ingots. Their recurrent association with
specific elongated objects, arrows and bows (see Nibbi 1987) also suggests that they are not
oxhide ingots. Nevertheless the similarity of the shape is striking. Given that there are currently
no clues regarding the origin of the oxhide ingots, these representations together with Nibbi’s
(1987, 85-86) suggestion that oxhide-shaped ingots were in use during the Middle Kingdom for
the transportation of salt, might actually warrant further investigation.
12. E.g. Liard 2010, 49; Stos 2011.
13. E.g. Liard 2010; Soles 2004.
14. The terms utilitarian and non-utilitarian contexts are used several times in this paper. With such
definitions it is intended to roughly distinguish between contexts connected to metallurgical
activity/workshops and thus containing material that was most likely waiting to be used
(utilitarian) and contexts where material was probably deposited for ritual purposes (non-
utilitarian) and not to be melted or further used later on. See also Liard 2010, 61, pl. 2; Lo
Schiavo et al. 2013; Soles 2004.
15. Gale 2011; Liard 2010; Stos 2009, 173.
16. Liard 2010; Stos 2009; Stos-Gale 2011.
 REVISITING LATE BRONZE AGE OXHIDE INGOTS 21

possibly in the area controlled by the powerful Mitanni Kingdom between the
15th and the 13th century BC. They surely suggest, however, that the production
of oxhide ingots involved articulated systems of international copper supply, at
least during the 15th century BC.17
Early oxhide ingots have been found in the Aegean, in particular at Ayia
Irini on the island of Keos (from a context – House A - where metallurgical
activity was taking place), and outside the coast of Kyme on Euboea.18 They
have been dated to the Late Helladic (LH) I and II (c. 1500-1400 BC); however
Kyme’s pieces were not from a completely reliable context as far as chronology
is concerned.19 Opposed to the Cretan oxhide ingots they appear to have been
produced with metal from the Cypriot source of Apliki.20
At least one of the small ingot fragments found in a hoard in the West House
at Kastri on Kythera, has tentatively been proposed as a possible part of an
oxhide ingot.21 The find dates to around the transition between the LMIA and
LMIB period.

Egypt
A large amount of evidence comes from Egypt. The earliest representations of
oxhide ingots in Egypt are generally in the form of paintings which have been
found on the walls of several Theban tombs as well as in reliefs carved onto
Karnak temples. The chronology of the former corresponds relatively well to
the reign of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III (c. 1479-1400 BC), while the Karnak
reliefs are dated to the reign of Amenhotep II and Thutmose IV (c. 1400-
1390 BC).22 Such representations are clear evidence of the ubiquity of using
oxhide ingots in Egypt. They also speak in favour of the character of ‘gifts’
to the Pharaohs from foreign kingdoms. They appear as valuable goods to the
Egyptians, suggesting that the Egyptians were most likely not casting the ingots
themselves.23 In the case of the Theban tomb of Rekhmire, dated to the time of

17. Stos-Gale 2011.

18. Cummer and Schofield 1984; Mangou and Ioannou 2000; Jones 2007, 419.
19. Stos-Gale et al. 1997, 112.
20. Gale 2011; Stos Gale et al. 1997.
21. Broodbank et al. 2007.
22. The chronology given in parenthesis in the text is taken from Hornung et al. 2006, 490-495.
Such information is partly different from that given by Bass (1967, 62). He placed the reign
of Hatshepsut and/or Thutmose III between 1490 and 1436 BC. Bass (1967, 65) also places
Amenotep’s reign between 1436 and 1411 followed by Thutmose IV between 1411 and 1397.
23. Stos 2011.
22 SERENA SABATINI

Fig. 4: Distribution map of the oxhide ingots dated to the 14th and 13th century BC.

Thutmose III – Amenhotep II, Shelley Wachsmann observed that the oxhide
ingots clearly seemed to have been brought by the Aegeans.24 In the tomb of
Amenemopet, which dates to the reign of Thutmose IV, the bearers appear to be
hybrids, in the sense that they are depicted with features which partly belong to
the iconography of the Aegean people and partly to that of the Syrians. Oxhide
ingot bearers are identified as Syrians in all the other Theban tombs.25

Levant
The oldest oxhide ingot currently known is half of a miniature sized example
excavated at the beginning of the 20th century from the West Bank site of Tell

24. Wachsmann 1987, 50. It might be worth to recall here that one interesting detail from
Rekhmire’s tomb which matches the archaeological record is that the Aegean bearers carry
several luxurious goods including an elephant tusk. Oxhide ingots, precious goods and elephant
tusks have actually been found in association in a deposit from Zakros on Crete (Platon 1985;
Liard 2010), dated to the final LM IA-LM IB.
25. Wachsmann 1987: 50.
 REVISITING LATE BRONZE AGE OXHIDE INGOTS 23

Beit Mirsim. From the excavation report it appears to have been recovered from
a workshop area of the so called stratum D which is dated to the 16th century
BC.26 If the reliability of the stratigraphy could be proven this miniature oxhide
ingot would not only confirm the early emergence of this class of material, but
also, due to its miniature shape and treatment (only half was found so it was
probably cut into two parts), it infers that they held multiple meanings even at
an early stage of their use and production.27

Northern Europe
Very recent and intriguing discoveries on rock art panels from Western Sweden
imply an even larger vision of metal trade and networking patterns.28 In particular
the representation of a Buchholz type 1 oxhide ingot on the rock carving Kville
156:1, Torsbo in Northern Bohuslän (Fig. 2b), datable by association with the
nearby carved boats to the 16th century BC shed light on the possible width
of networking patterns which already existed during the 16th century BC.29
Another conceivable representation appears ‘on board’ a ship (Fig. 4) carved on
a panel from Östra Eneby 1:1.30 The ship, which is dated between 1500 and 1300
BC31, seems to have a stern-mounted steering oar, which is rather unknown in
Swedish rock art,32 while, interestingly, it is reminiscent of Mediterranean boat

26. Albright 1938, 54, pl. 41:13 and 58-60. However it has to be kept in mind that Albright’s
methods and influence have been questioned (e.g. Dessel and Joffe 2000).
27. The debate about the use and meaning of the miniature oxhide ingots is open. A recent
contribution (see e.g. Giumlia-Mair et al. 2011 with previous bibliography) showed among
other things that there is no need to cut them in order to melt them. Therefore it is suggested
that there was some sort of ritual act behind such a practice. It is also suggested that, at least in
terms of the finds from Cyprus, they were not used as weights.
28. The urge for collaboration between European and Mediterranean studies for better understanding
and contextualisation of several phenomena has been rising in recent years (e.g. Alberti and
Sabatini 2012; Maran and Stokhammer, eds., 2012; Wilkinson et al., eds., 2011). An enlightening
example is the conference ‘Italy, Mediterranean and Europe in the Bronze Age’ which took
place in Göteborg, April 2013, where scholars of both the Mediterranean and European Bronze
Age were invited. It is thanks to this mixed scholarship that, during the conference excursion,
the importance of the Kville oxhide ingot (Fig. 2b) became evident.
29. Ling and Stos-Gale 2015.
30. Ling and Stos-Gale 2015.
31. Given its chronology between 1500 and1300 BC, the panel could also be the evidence of
contacts taking place not at this early stage, but during next period (1400-1200 BC).
32. E.g. Kaul 1998; Ling 2008.
24 SERENA SABATINI

representations.33 Additional potential representations of oxhide ingots, dated

between 1600-1100, have also been detected on other rock art panels from
different parts of Sweden.34

1600-1400 BC: Comments

A few brief comments should be made about this initial phase. In the first place
it is interesting to stress the peculiarity of the Cretan oxhide ingots. They not
only show the existence of a system of copper supply using manifold sources,
but they also provide evidence of early use of Cypriot copper. Some of the
Cretan oxhide ingots were made of metal matching the Cypriot ore of Apliki,
whose copper had apparently been used for the manufacture of a large majority
of copper oxhide ingots from the 14th century BC onwards.35 This evidence,
which seems difficult to question from the scientific point of view, has been
challenged.36 Kassianidou questions the feasibility of such evidence from
a practical point of view, however, knowing very little about the political
organisation of Bronze Age Cyprus it seems difficult to propose alternative
interpretations. Muhly observed that although oxhide ingots generally seem
to bear an Apliki signature and were a means of transportation of copper,
which in turn must have been used to cast bronze objects, none of the analysed
Mediterranean bronze objects seem to match Apliki signature. Where is the
gap? Are bronze objects always the result of mixed copper sources? Indeed
the fragmentary conditions of many of the oxhide ingots which were found in
contexts where metallurgical activities were obviously taking place, along with
the general presence of other material which was to be melted, seems to support
the idea that casting was seldom carried out exclusively using ingots. In this
respect it has been argued that given the necessity of mixing copper with tin in
order to get bronze, the small amount of lead which is contained in pure copper
oxhide ingots is changed during bronze production and thus the Cypriot origin
of the copper basically becomes impossible to detect unless it is on Cyprus
itself.37 However recent analyses of Scandinavian metal artefacts have given
the possibility to confirm the validity of lead isotope analysis (LIA) for the
identification of the copper ores used in the manufacture of bronze objects.38

33. Wachsmann 1998 and 2013.

34. Ling and Stos-Gale 2015.
35. E.g. Gale 2011; Stos Gale et al. 1997, see also the considerations of Hauptmann 2009.
36. Kassianidou 2009, 63-4; Muhly 2009, 29-30.
37. Begemann et al. 2001.
38. See Ling et al. 2014, 117-118.
 REVISITING LATE BRONZE AGE OXHIDE INGOTS 25

The second comment regards the Egyptian representations. Shelley

Wachsmann illustrated how in most of the cases, oxhide ingots were brought
to Egypt by the Syrians.39 However he also admits that Egyptian paintings
or reliefs are not photographs of real events. The rules that the artists were
expected to follow and the circumstances in which they were working might
have biased reality to an extent which is difficult to establish. Did the Theban
tomb painters know about production and exchange practices which were
primarily managed by Syrian merchants or were the Syrians just managing
traffic with Egypt? Archaeological evidence from Crete, Keos and Kyme
suggests that the Aegeans and Minoans were involved in practices of exchange
and use of oxhide ingots. Could it be that the Egyptians, being more acquainted
with Syrian merchants than Aegean people preferred to represent the former?
In my opinion it is highly significant that Rekhmire’s tomb - which shows the
most detailed images of oxhide ingots and metalworking - is also the only one
which undoubtedly shows the Aegeans as oxhide ingot bearers. Could it be
that particular realism was applied to Rekhmire’s tomb paintings? If so, why
is that? Might these particularly accurate tomb paintings tell us more than the
others do? Alternatively is Egyptian evidence just witnessing a various degree
of care brought about by the complex management of copper trade during the
16th and the 15th century BC? According to a recent study,40 our understanding
of the representations of Aegean/Minoan people in Theban tombs has generally
been biased by a sort of orientalist approach to the issue. It is instead proposed
that Aegean/Syrian hybrids are not the outcome of ignorance or inaccuracy
but are instead due to the way Egyptians perceived those people. Both texts
and pictures suggest that they were considered to have belonged to a similar
cultural sphere. In other words they were both regarded as people from Asia (or
the ‘north’) and therefore liable to be hybridized with each other.
Egyptian paintings showing a silver or grey coloured oxhide ingot side by
side with red ingots (copper ingots) also offer early evidence for the use of
those ingots as a means of transportation of metal other than copper. George
Bass proposed that the bluish oxhide ingots were made of lead or tin.41 Later
finds, particularly those from the Uluburun shipwreck, confirmed that tin
oxhide ingots were actually manufactured and shipped together with the copper
ones.42 A practice that probably continued until at least the beginning of the 12th

39. Wachsmann 1987.

40. Matič 2012.
41. Bass 1967, 62-67.
42. E.g. Pulak 1997, 239.
26 SERENA SABATINI

century BC since, despite its poor conditions on the sea bed, the tin discovered
on the Cape Gelidonya shipwreck was probably also cast into oxhide ingots.43
The most striking evidence as far as this early period is concerned is the
recently discovered images from Scandinavian rock art. We probably should not
assume that the presence corresponds with a full acquaintance to the underlying
networks that this class of material represented in the Mediterranean, however,
we cannot deny it either. From about 1600 BC in southern Scandinavian, we
not only see an increased use and production of metal objects, but also of
contact with the rest of the continent.44 In addition, recent studies on the copper
provenance of bronze objects found in Scandinavia suggest a complex picture
for copper supply networks during the 2nd millennium BC;45 this includes the
presence of Cypriot copper in artefacts contemporary to the early oxhide ingot
representations on rock panels. Such networks stretch all over the continent
connecting the Mediterranean and the whole European continent in various
ways.46
To conclude, early oxhide ingots demonstrate the manifold use and
consumption of the class and its broad distribution even during its early stage.
According to the archaeological evidence (regarding whether they are real ingots
or representations of them), oxhide ingots have been found both in utilitarian
(metal workshops) and non-utilitarian contexts (treasures/deposits). They were
definitely used to carry copper as well as tin. Miniature oxhide ingots were also
already in circulation.

c. 1400-1200 BC
Archaeological evidence dating from the beginning of the 14th to the end of the
13th century BC suggests a broadening of geographical and cultural horizons
(Fig. 4) for oxhide ingots inasmuch as there was a sharp increase in the number
of known pieces.47 It currently shows a considerable reduction of sources used
and the striking dominance of copper from the Cypriot mine of Apliki.48

43. Bass 1967, 82-3.

44. E.g. Vandkilde 1996, 2010; Kristiansen 1998.
45. Ling et al. 2014.
46. See also Rowland and Ling 2013.
47. As far as numbers are concerned this is due to the recovery of the Uluburun relict and its
incredibly rich cargo containing, among other things, 354 copper oxhide ingots (e.g. Pulak
1997, 1998, 2008).
48. Gale 1999, 2006, 2011; Gale and Stos-Gale 2005, 2012.
 REVISITING LATE BRONZE AGE OXHIDE INGOTS 27

Aegean and Crete

In the Aegean area, the ingots from Mycenae including those from the so called
Poros Wall Hoard date to LH IIIB-C which may still be within the 13th century
BC.49
Oxhide ingots from Kommos, Crete, were found in LMIIIB contexts.50 Also
at Haghia Triada, not far from the deposit of the vano 7 from which the LMIB
ingots where recovered, two fragmentary oxhide ingots were retrieved together
with votive equipment from the Piazzale dei Sacelli dating to LMIIIC.51
Opposed to the earlier ingots, whose source is still unknown, LIA on these
LMIIIC fragments from Haghia Triada shows that they were made with copper
from Apliki ore.

Anatolia and Uluburun

The Uluburn shipwreck excavated outside the southern coast of Turkey near
the village of Kaş is currently dated to the very end of the 14th century BC. It
is unrealistic to even attempt to provide a brief description of this impressive
underwater find.52 The ship contained a cargo of huge dimensions (probably of
about 20 tons) and variety (including metal, ceramics, resins, glass, ivory, timber
and a multitude of various objects and goods). The bulk of the cargo consisted
of c. 10 tons of copper, transported in the form of 354 oxhide ingots of Cypriote
copper and over 150 other smaller ingots (bun and oval). It also shipped c. 1
ton of tin, in the form of variously shaped ingots, including oxhide ingots.53 The
ship was most likely sailing westwards towards the Aegean or Crete,54 maybe
Kommos,55 from somewhere along the Levantine coast or Cyprus.56
From the Anatolian mainland, one oxhide ingot fragment was found at
Boğazköy, dated to the 14th-13th century BC.57
A quarter of an oxide ingot was found at İğdebağlari in the so called
Sarköy/Tekirdaǧ hoard on the north-western shore of the Marmara Sea. The
hoard is a very interesting assemblage of items from both the Balkans and the

49. See Gale 1991, 221; Mangou and Ioannou 2000.

50. Shaw 2006, 725-726.
51. Lo Schiavo et al. 2013, 51.
52. E.g. Pulak 1997, 1998, 2008.
53. E.g. Pulak 1997, 239.
54. E.g. Pulak 2005a and 2008.
55. E.g. Bachhuber 2006; Muhly 2009.
56. E.g. Muhly 2009; Pulak 1997, 1998 and 2008.
57. Jones 2007, 56 and 420 with previous bibliography.
28 SERENA SABATINI

Mediterranean area.58 From a chronological point of view it can be dated to the

end of the 14th and the beginning of the 13th century BC.59

Cyprus
Cyprus undoubtedly had a primary role as far as oxhide ingot production and,
most likely, distribution are concerned. Not only do the results of the LIA give
evidence of Cypriot provenance for most of the known ingots so far,60 but also
the manifold local iconographic reproductions (e.g. miniature oxhide ingots,
ingot bearers on bronze stands, the so called Ingot God or the Bomfort statuette,
both standing on a miniature ingot, as well as, several representations on seals61)
confirm the important role that oxhide ingots must have had for the island.62
A recent catalogue of the oxhide ingot finds from Cyprus by Vasiliki
Kassianidou clearly demonstrates how, despite the undoubtedly large
production of oxhide ingots or at least of copper used to manufacture them, the
ingot finds from Cyprus are scarce.63 Only 9 sites produced evidence for oxhide
ingots, most of which are in a fragmentary condition.64 Several were found in
the city of Enkomi. Due to the history of the excavations at the site they are
unfortunately also the most difficult to date, however, the oldest find appears
to be an oxhide ingot fragment, which is likely lost, found in Quartier 5W by
the French mission of 1949, which was dated to the Late Cypriot (LC) II or 14th
century BC.65
At least one other Cypriot oxhide ingot which ought to be dated to the 14th
century is the example originating from the ‘basin building’ at the Maroni-
Vournes site. Other fragments known from the same site might have a similar

58. Hansen 2005 with previous bibliography.

59. The hoard has been generally considered (e.g. Doncheva 2012, 686; Jones 2007, 421 and Pulak
2011, 299 with previous bibliography) to belong to the 12th-11th century BC. However a careful
study by Svend Hansen (2005) seems to leave no doubt about the higher chronology of the context.
60. E.g. Gale 1999, 2006, 2011; Gale and Stos-Gale 2005, 2012.
61. A recent study (Papasavvas 2011) emerging from the Ingot God statuette’s technological
characteristics provides interesting insights in the complex relationship between copper
production and the political organisation of Cyprus when sanctuaries and ritual symbols might
have played relevant roles in the attempt to establish the authority of competing social groups
dealing with metalworking after the 14th century BC.
62. E.g. Knapp 1986; Kassianidou 2009, 2012; Papasavvas 2009, 2011
63. Kassianidou 2009.
64. Kassianidou 2009, 41.
65. See Kassianidou 2009, 44 with previous bibliography.
 REVISITING LATE BRONZE AGE OXHIDE INGOTS 29

early chronology. They appear to have been found in association with other
material demonstrating the existence of metallurgical activities which predate
the construction of the local ‘Ashlar building’ which is generally placed during
the 13th century BC.66 Most of the oxhide ingots from Maroni-Vournes contain
copper which matches the Apliki ore, although at least one sample could
actually be from the mines of Skouriotissa and Mavrovouni.67
Vasiliki Kassianidou argues convincingly to suggest that the finds from the
so called ‘foundry hoard’, excavated by the British Museum at the beginning
of the 19th century, should be dated to LCIIC and therefore to the 13th century
BC.68 The other finds from Enkomi are difficult to date; nevertheless they all
illustrate intense metallurgical activities at the site.69 On top of that, all of the
analysed copper from Enkomi seems to match the Apliki ore,70 which is one of
the furthest away from it and thus creates an interesting question regarding the
organisation of copper production on the island.71
Most of the recent discoveries from Maroni-Tsaroukkas, Aghios Dhimitrios-
Kalavasos, Maa-Paleokastro and Pyla-Kokkinokrenos can be dated to the
LCIIC.72 These finds generally come from contexts where metallurgical
activities of various intensity were taking place. The still unpublished fragment
from Maroni-Tsaroukkas appears to have been associated with other industrial
activities. The site is apparently the harbour of the Maroni-Vournes settlement
which lay just a few hundred meters away.73 At Aghios Dhimitrios-Kalavasos
the three local fragments of oxhide ingots were recovered in room A50 of
building IX.74 The whole building has been interpreted as a possible copper
smith residence.75 Contrary to what one might expect, the LI of the fragments
shows similarities to the Apliki ore and not with the nearby mines of Kalavasos.76
The fragmentary ingots at Pyla-Kokkinnokrenos came from a founder’s hoard
which was probably deposited at the end of the short life of the site at the very

66. Kassianidou 2009, 46-48.

67. Gale 1999: 116; Stos-Gale et al. 1997, 110.
68. Kassianidou 2009, 43-44 with previous bibliography. The absolute chronology of the LCIIC
has recently been radiocarbon-dated to c. 1340-1200 BC (see Manning et al. 2001).
69. E.g. Kassianidou 2009, 42-45 with previous bibliography.
70. Stos-Gale et al. 1997, 110.
71. Kassianidou 2009, 45.
72. E.g. Kassianidou 2009; Knapp 1990; Stos-Gale et al. 1997, 108.
73. Kassianidou 2009, 47-48 with previous bibliography.
74. South 1983, 104.
75. South et al. 1989, 320.
76. Kassianidou 2009, 49 with previous bibliography.
30 SERENA SABATINI

end of the 13th century BC.77 Possibly contemporary to this example are the two
fragments from the Mathiati hoard,78 which appear difficult to date.79 On the
basis of the objects found in it, Hector W. Catling considered it to belong to the
12th century BC.80 Such a chronology has been challenged and a possible dating
to the 13th century BC is also proposed.81 What is interesting, as far as Mathiati
is concerned, is that it seems to be a founder hoard containing several fragments
of full-size oxhide ingots as well as miniature ones. Despite being located close
to a copper-rich district, Mathiati’s finds match the Apliki copper ore which is
some 60 km away from the site.82

Egypt
There are still representations of oxhide ingots in Theban tombs, generally
carried by people which are generally interpreted as Syrian merchants
during the 14th and the 13th century BC.83 During the 14th century BC, other
representations appear in the El Amarna tombs of Meryra, Meryra II and Huya.
Again, the ingots were brought here by Syrians. The only known fragment from
a full sized oxhide ingot found on Egyptian territory is not dated before the
13th century. Excavated at Qantir in the north-eastern part of Nile Delta, it also
seems to have been produced with copper from Apliki on Cyprus.84 At Qantir,
which is identified with the city of Pi-Ramesse or Ramesse II’s (c. 1279-1213
BC) capital, the excavations brought to light what could be considered a 13th
century BC bronze factory with melting batteries and a series of large furnaces
where enormous quantities of material must have been manufactured.85 The
presence of half an oxhide ingot confirms the utilitarian consumption of these
ingots, as already shown in the Rekhmires tomb.86 Given the size of the site,
however, it also confirms that oxhide ingots do not represent the only source of
copper within the extended Egyptian production.

77. Kassianidou 2009, 50 with previous bibliography.

78. Giumlia-Mair et al. 2011.
79. Kassianidou 2009, 52-54; Stos-Gale et al. 1997, 107-108.
80. Catling 1964, 283.
81. Knapp et al. 1988, 244-246.
82. See Kassianidou 2009, 54 with previous bibliography.
83. Bass 1967, 64, fig. 70-71.
84. Gale and Stos-Gale 1999, 272.
85. Push 1990; Rademakers et al. forthcoming.
86. E.g. Bass 1967, 63-65.
 REVISITING LATE BRONZE AGE OXHIDE INGOTS 31

Germany
Significant non-Mediterranean evidence brings Continental Europe, with
its social and economic changes relating to copper and metal circulation,
into the picture. It also shed light on the complexity and far ranging copper
supply networks in general, particularly those relating to oxhide ingots. Four
fragments of oxhide ingots made from Cypriot copper were found in a hoard at
Oberwilflingen in Baden-Wüttenberg, Germany. They are dated, at latest, to the
end of the 14th/beginning of the 13th century BC.87

Levant
A complete oxhide mould carved in limestone was found at the Syrian site of Ras
Ibn Hani,88 deposited in a workshop of the North Palace of the centre and dated
to the 13th century BC.89 Despite the extraordinary nature of the discovery, Ras
Ibn Hani’s mould seems to provide more questions than answers. First of all there
are no copper ores within easy range of the site. At the same time, the analysis
of the copper drops found around the mould show that Cypriot copper matching
the Apliki ore had been cast in it.90 The evidence suggests that raw copper was
shipped to Syria and that at least part of the oxhide ingot production might have
taken place outside the island.91 There is lively debate concerning how oxhide
ingots were actually cast;92 interestingly enough the Ras Ibn Hani’s mould does
not provide much help. First of all its material (limestone) does not seem to be the
greatest choice for such production, and secondly because no furnace installations
were found in its vicinity.93 Was the mould really there to be used?
The recently re-published finds from Hishuley Carmel, off the coast of
Israel in the region of Haifa are most likely dated to the 13th century BC.94

87. Primas 1997; Primas and Pernicka 1998.

88. E.g. Gale 1991, 203; Lagarce et al. 1983, 276-290.
89. E.g. Knapp 1990, 55-63.
90. Gale 2006, 5.
91. E.g. Artzy 2006, 20.
92. The list is very long. A more or less accurate discussion about the issue can be found among
others in: Ben-Yosef 2012; Budd et al. 1995a, 1995b; Gale 2006; Hauptmann et al. 2002;
Larson 2009; Merkel 1986; Jones 2007; Tylecote et al. 1984; Tylekote and Merkel 1985. For
discussion about casting and LIA see: Begemann et al. 2001; Gale1991; Gale and Stos Gale
1986, 1988, 1994 and 1995; Hauptmann 2009; Stos Gale 1988; Stos Gale and Gale 1992; Stos
Gale and Macdonald 1991; Ling et al. 2014, 117-118.
93. Lagarce et al. 1983, 276-290; Larson 2009, 12.
94. Galili et al. 2012.
32 SERENA SABATINI

They belong to a shipwreck which was preliminarily investigated in 1980.95

According to the authors, the wreck was probably already plundered in ancient
times; nevertheless it revealed a cargo containing 14 variously shaped tin
ingots and two copper oxhide ingots. The two full copper oxhide ingots were
manufactured with copper matching that from Apliki on Cyprus, while the tin
ingots excavated at the site seem to belong to different sources.96 The ship has
been estimated to have been similar in size to that of the Uluburun, but it is
difficult to assess its character due to the lack of the majority of its content.
There is another wreck close by which also contained oxhide ingots; it was
discovered at Kfar Samir and may date to the 14th-13th century BC.97

Sardinia
Recent discoveries and a review of the Sardinian material provide evidence for the
appearance of oxhide ingots on the island much earlier than previously considered.98
The earliest known attestation of an oxhide ingot from the island is actually a
clay representation of it, which was recently discovered on a fragmentary cylindrical
vase from the nuraghe Coi Casu – S. Anna Arresi (CA).99 The piece is dated to
a mature phase of the local Middle Bronze Age which in absolute chronological
terms relates at latest to the 14th century BC.100 The oxhide ingot fragments from
Albucciu’s nuraghe, Arzachena (SS) are now dated to the Italian Recent Bronze Age
(c. 2nd half of the 14th-13th century BC) largely corresponding to the LH IIIA-IIIB.101
Several oxhide ingot fragments dated to the Recent Bronze Age (13th century
BC) have recently been reported as having originating from the Funtana
Coberta-Ballao hoard. The hoard was contained within a Nuragic jar of the
type found in Kommos (locally dated to the LMIIIC) and deposited in a room
next to the external wall of a Nuragic well temple.102 The oxhide ingot fragment
from under the floor of the Serrucci-Gonnesa (CA) Nuragic tower A is dated to
a period towards the end of the local Recent Bronze Age/beginning of the Final
Bronze Age and is therefore still within the 13th century BC.103

95. Galili et al. 1986.

96. Galili et al. 2012, 13.
97. Galili et al. 2012, 1 with previous bibliography.
98. Lo Schiavo et al., eds., 2009.
99. Manunza and Defrassu 2009.
100. Depalmas 2009.
101. E.g. Ialongo 2010, 318-320; Lo Schiavo 2009a, 229-230 with previous bibliography.
102. Manunza 2008.
103. Santoni et al. 2012.
 REVISITING LATE BRONZE AGE OXHIDE INGOTS 33

Sicily
Two finds from Sicily, from Cannatello and Thapsos, could be dated to sometime
between the end of the 15th and the 13th century BC (LH IIIA-B).104 Both finds
are just fragments and there is no documentation about their specific context.
There is manifold evidence at Cannatello which shows a connection with the
Aegean. Interestingly enough there is also evidence of contact with Sardinia.
Relations with the Aegean are also clear at Thapsos, although the unfortunately
scarcely published material from the site does not yet suggest the otherwise
likely connections with Sardinia. Both have a strategic position as far as trade
and maritime networks are concerned. At this point it is worth repeating that
the western sword found on the Uluburun shipwreck which was identified as a
Thapsos-Pertosa sword seems to have belonged to the Thapsos variety of the
type and therefore to a fighting tradition connected to Sicily since the local
Middle Bronze Age.105 Trace elements from several of the oxhide ingots from
Sicily are available, but no LIA has been carried out on any of the samples.106

1400-1200 BC: Comments

This is the time when Cypriot copper, in particular that from the mine of Apliki,
appears to become the main source of production for oxhide ingots.107 It has been
underlined how the presence of Cypriot material in the Aegean, not just the copper,
becomes so consistent that by the mid-13th century the island actually managed
to ‘dominate’ the market and exchange patterns.108 In this sense, this goes some
way to explaining the presence of oxhide ingots on Cypriot cylinder seals, a class
closely related to trade, dated to the end of the 14th century and the beginning of
the 13th century BC.109 The ingots on these seals are not central representations, but
parts of them,110 and are generally associated with other elements (predominantly
human figures, trees and buchrania, but also various animals), which recur in
other contexts or evidence in association with oxhide ingots (as for example the
tree on the famous London bronze stand or the numerous buchrania found at
Enkomi together with the Ingot and the Horned god111). The political organisation

104. Lo Schiavo et al. 2009 with previous bibliography.

105. Bettelli 2006; Vagnetti and Lo Schiavo 1989, 222-224.
106. Lo Schiavo et al. 2009.
107. Gale and Stos-Gale 2012.
108. Muhly 2009, 33; Sherratt 2000, 89.
109. E.g. Graziadio 2003; Knapp 1986; Papasavvas 2009, 90-93.
110. Papasavvas 2009, 129.
111. Papasavvas 2009, 118; Webb 2001.
34 SERENA SABATINI

of Cyprus during the Late Bronze Age is a matter for debate and it does not help
in the search for an explanation of the striking utilisation of Apliki copper all over
the island when other ores much closer to several of the named sites could have
been used instead.112 As discussed later, possible branding necessities or political
factors must have played a relevant role.
Oxhide ingots and related finds from the 14th and the 13th century BC
have been found in different contexts showing a utilitarian as much as a non-
utilitarian character of these objects. Many (particularly in what is today known
as Greece, Germany, Sicily and Sardinia) have been found in hoards whose
function is difficult to determine.113 Oxhide ingots were definitely used as
frequently as they had been during the previous two centuries in large scale
sea-based copper trade, clearly shown by the Uluburun cargo, the finds along
the Anatolian and Israeli coast and/or the geographical position, particularly
of the Sicilian sites. Considering the size of the Uluburun cargo, it is broadly
accepted that to a certain extent such trade must have been managed by large
political entities according to a fashion that very much seems to correspond to
documented exchanges by the Amarna tablets;114 however other possibilities
should not be ruled out and would actually be of greater help in order to
understand the presence of oxhide ingots outside palace structures.115
As in the previous period the oxhide ingot phenomenon does not appear to
be an exclusively Mediterranean question. The fragments from Germany also
show how circulation of oxhide ingots had overcome Mediterranean frontiers116
during the 14th century BC, maybe seeking a continuous expansion?
Finally, the presence of Sardinia in the picture of oxhide ingot trade had
been changing considerably throughout the last decades, as demonstrated in
recent research.117 It now seems clear that oxhide ingots were already known on
the island during the 14th century BC.

112. E.g. Kassianidou 2005, 2009, 2012; Knapp 2013; Lo Schiavo 2012; Papasavvas 2012.
113. Lo Schiavo (2012, 146) shows the numerous oxhide ingot fragments from Sardinia are
generally retrieved in non-utilitarian contexts, unlike those found on Cyprus. In other words
those fragments were hoarded in contexts where no metallurgical activity was found. Lo
Schiavo (ibid.) suggests that what we find are just a few spare (for ritual purpose?) fragments
out of a very large number of copper ingots which were all used.
114. Pulak 1998.
115. E.g. Monroe 2011.
116. As mentioned above, some of the Swedish rock art images depicting possible oxhide ingots
could be dated between 1500 and 1300 BC (Ling & Stos-Gale 2015: 201-203); hence they
could fall within this period rather than the earlier one.
117. Lo Schiavo 2009a, 2012.
 REVISITING LATE BRONZE AGE OXHIDE INGOTS 35

Fig. 5: Distribution map of the oxhide ingots dated to the 12th and 11th century BC.

c. 1200-1000BC
At the beginning of the 12th century BC oxhide ingots still had a ‘solid’ presence
(Fig. 5). Unlike the previous phases, their distribution appears very significant in
the central western part of the Mediterranean during this last period, particularly
in Sardinia. Interesting finds from the Levant, however, suggest that the oxhide
ingots were probably long-lived all over the Mediterranean and beyond.

Cape Gelidonya
Another fundamental underwater discovery is the Cape Gelidonya shipwreck
which is dated to the end of the 13th century BC or the very beginning of the
12th century BC.118 The Cape Gelidonya boat was found some 25 years earlier
than the Uluburun along the same stretch of Turkish coast. The two finds are
generally compared with each other due to their similarities, but also because

118. E.g. Bass 1967 and 2005; Muhly 2009.

36 SERENA SABATINI

of their differences. The cargo was not as impressive in terms of luxurious

goods and quantities, but comparable in terms of variety to that of the Uluburun
wreck.119 The Cape Gelidonya ship was also transporting a considerable amount
of metal including copper and tin ingots (at least 34 full copper oxhide ingots
were recovered during excavation, while the softened nature of the tin on
the seabed made it very difficult to recognize their ingot shape). Unlike the
Uluburun, the Cape Gelidonya contained a significant amount of scrap material
(e.g. broken bronze objects/tools, slags and so on) which would certainly have
been reused and re-melted. According to George Bass, the Cape Gelidonya ship
was sailing westwards, probably from Cyprus,120 and was most likely not on the
same sort of mission as the Uluburun, but instead following a circular trading
route and stopping on its way to buy and sell goods. In other words it was
probably a private enterprise apparently focused on the trade and exchange of
metal.

Cyprus
It is possible to date the few fragments found at Maa-Paleokastro, whose LI
also matches the Apliki copper ore field on Cyprus to the 1st half of the 12th
century BC.121 The fragmentary oxhide ingots from Alassa-Pano Mandilaris
and Alassa-Palaiotaverna are also likely dated to the 12th century BC, although
their chronology is not clear and they could instead belong to the LCIIC (13th
century BC). They are two fragmentary miniature ingots, one of which comes
from a likely cultic unit of domestic nature,122 while the other is the corner of a
full sized example.123

Egypt
Four artefacts from Egypt are dated to the very end of the 13th century and the
very beginning of the 12th century BC (c. 1209-1185 BC).124 They are miniature
oxhide ingots or ‘model ingots’, as the author calls them. The ingots were
probably found in four different foundation deposits from the funerary temples
of Siptah and Tworse at Thebe by W.M. Flinders Petrie in 1896; their copper

119. Bass 1967 and 2005; Pulak 2005b; Wachsmann 1998, 303-313.
120. Bass 2013, 70; Muhly 2009.
121. Gale 1999, 116; Kassianidou 2009, 50-51 with previous bibliography.
122. Hadjisavvas 1986, 66.
123. Hadjisavvas 2011, 22-23.
124. O’Connor 1967.
 REVISITING LATE BRONZE AGE OXHIDE INGOTS 37

has not yet been analysed. At least one of them shows two incised Egyptian
cartouches on its surface providing relevant information about their chronology
and maybe suggesting a local production.125 The meaning of the miniature
oxhide ingots is still debatable, however, their use in foundation deposits seems
to confirm the multiplicity of meaning and uses of oxhide ingots in territories,
like Egypt, where there is no evidence suggesting that production was actually
taking place.126

Levant and Mesopotamia

The oxhide ingot found at Hahotrim, one of the several shipwrecks outside the
coast of Haifa, Israel, could potentially be dated to the beginning of the 12th
century BC.127
A partly preserved oxhide ingot clay mould dated to the 11th century BC was
recently recorded at the Timna Valley site 30, Israel.128 As suggested the item
fuels a twofold hypothesis: it could be late evidence of the phenomenon in the
Levant or of the production of analogously shaped ingots due the efficiency
of the shape when used for the transportation of heavy ingots.129 It definitely
opens up for new research as far as casting moulds are concerned; as the author
discusses, clay is very difficult to detect in the field but it is indeed a good
material for such mould.
The oxhide ingot fragment from Dūr-Kurigalzu, Iraq is dated to the 12th
century BC.130

Sardinia
Differing from Cyprus in that none of the pieces seem to have been manufactured
with local copper, the evidence from Sardinia is manifold. Oxhide ingots,
or fragments of them, are found on about 36 sites throughout the island;
unfortunately, not many can be dated.
The oxhide ingot fragments from the hoard found in the Baccus Simeone
area, Villanovaforru (Ca), were in a jar with an x-shaped handle which is

125. O’Connor 1967, fig. 162.

126. E.g. Giumlia-Mair et al. 2011 with previous bibliography.
127. Galili et al. 2012,1-2; Jones 2007, 429; Wachsmann and Raveh 1984.
128. Ben-Yosef 2012.
129. Ben-Yosef 2012, 193.
130. Brinkman 1974, 401; Jones 2007, 72 and 425.
38 SERENA SABATINI

typical of the local Recent and Final Bronze Age 1-2 (1350-1050 BC).131 The
finds could therefore be earlier than the 12th century BC.
A recently excavated hoard with oxide ingot fragments from the Nuragic
village of Serra Elveghes, Olbia, can most likely be dated to an early phase
(the beginning of the 12th century BC) of the Italian Final Bronze Age (c. 1200-
975/950 BC).132
The hoard from Pattada (SS) is dated to the Final Bronze Age 1-2 (c. 1200-
1050 BC) and no later than the 11th century BC through parallels with LCII-III
material from Cyprus.133
The finds from the two hoards found at Sa Carcaredda, Villagrande Strisàili
(NU) seem to belong to the beginning of the Final Bronze Age (approximately
12th century BC).134
Based on the contextual information and the associated material, it seems
possible to date the fragments of oxhide ingot from the nuraghe Nastasi,
Tertenia (NU), to the LH IIIC, which largely corresponds to the Italian Final
Bronze Age.135
While the oxhide ingot fragments from the two Ittireddu (SS) hoards cannot
be precisely dated, they are estimated to have originated in the 12th-10th century
BC. They were found in a Recent Bronze Age nuraghe. Despite the chronology
of the monument itself, however, the excavations at the site have so far only
provided material from the Final Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age.136
The hoard from the capanna delle canalette at S. Anastasia village, Sardara
(CA) was contained in a typical Final Bronze Age/Early Iron Age vessel,
covered by another.137 The bowl which served as a lid is dated to the Final
Bronze Age and suggests that the Sardara finds could be from the 12th or 11th
century BC.138
The oxhide ingot fragments found at nuraghe Bau Nuraxi, Triei (NU), are
difficult to date as only partial excavations were carried out at the site. The
context possibly belonged to the end of the Final Bronze Age/beginning of the
Iron Age and therefore potentially to the 11th-10th century BC.

131. Campus and Leonelli 1999.

132. Ialongo 2010, 318; Lo Schiavo 2009a, 236-238 with previous bibliography.
133. Lo Schiavo 2009a, 296-301.
134. Lo Schiavo 2009a, 336-337
135. Peroni 1996, 264.
136. Lo Schiavo 2009a, 287-295.
137. Lo Schiavo 2009a, 362-363.
138. Campus and Leonelli 1999.
 REVISITING LATE BRONZE AGE OXHIDE INGOTS 39

Oxhide ingot fragments were recovered together with numerous other metal
fragments in the temple structure of S’Arcu ‘e is Forros, Villagrande Strisàili,
(NU), which although partly investigated, has also been damaged by illicit and
subsequently undocumented exploitation. The fragments cannot be precisely
dated, but the site shows a great degree of continuity from the Middle to the
Final Bronze Age (e.g. 14th-10th century BC) and its peak between the Recent
Bronze Age and the Final Bronze Age (13th-10th century BC). It also provides
striking evidence of contact with Cyprus.139

Sicily
The hoard from Lipari was most likely deposited at the end of the 12th century
BC. The hoard contained a large number of oxhide ingot fragments together
with objects which are dated to the Ausonio I period (13th and the 12th century
BC). The hoard was found under the wall of an Ausonio II hut and most likely
belonged to the end of the Ausonio I period.140
Lipari is the 3rd site from Sicily with oxhide ingots. It appears to be slightly
more recent than the other two, Cannatello and Thapsos, and has a different
(in the Tyrrhenian Sea), but equally strategic position in terms of maritime
connections and trade. It also presents evidence of contacts with both the
Aegean and Sardinia, as seen in Cannatello.

1200-1000BC: Comments
The lack of precise chronological information about a large number of finds
makes generalisation difficult, however it can be argued that oxhide ingots
were probably disentangled from the character of gifts in Amarna’s sense by the
beginning of the 12th century BC. Evidence such as that provided by the Cape
Gelidonya ship shows that they were used in trade of what was likely a private
character. A large part of the known fragments from this period come from
hoards such as those from Sardinia and Sicily. This does not mean that private
trade did not take place in earlier periods, rather that the available evidence
suggests that some sort of shift away from royal expedition and gift exchanges
must have taken place as far as the circulation of oxhide ingots was concerned.
The last known Egyptian representations of oxhide ingots also belong to this
period. They are found among the votive offerings on the relief of Ramesse III

139. Lo Schiavo 2009a, 332-335; Vagnetti and Lo Schiavo 1989.

140. Bernabò Brea and Cavalier 1980; Lo Schiavo et al. 2009 with previous bibliography.
40 SERENA SABATINI

(c. 1187-1157 BC) at Medinet Habu, which is generally dated to the 1st half of
the 12th century BC.141
The 12th century was a time of great changes in international relations and
trade; networking most definitely underwent different types of adjustments.142
The complex archaeological evidence from Sardinia and the Central
Mediterranean suggests that oxhide ingots adjusted to changes and continued
to be used during the 12th and the 11th century BC.
A consistent part of the Italian archaeological evidence for oxhide ingots
from Sicily and Sardinia, following an exchange tradition well rooted in the
previous centuries, seems to be datable to this later phase of the phenomenon.143
It also appears clear that exchanges were east to west and vice versa, as proven
by the presence of Nuragic pottery in Crete and Cyprus.144 Interestingly enough,
recent discoveries show that between approximately 1500 and 900BC Sardinian
copper, among other, was probably used in the production of bronzes as far
away as Scandinavia.145 Thus the island must have been part of a vast network
of copper supply which was not limited to the significant internal use,146 nor
to the Mediterranean, but able to fulfil the needs and demands coming from
different directions including regions in the far north like Scandinavia.

Non datable and debated finds

There are a lamentably large amount of non-datable finds from key areas,
including many which were not discussed above. The contextual information
is completely lost for most of these finds and there is no hope of dating them
in the future. Their geographical position (Fig. 6), however, provides important
information about the distribution of oxhide ingots and in many cases shows
trade patterns and ways of communication whose relevance are still not fully
understood.

141. Bass 1967, 67.

142. E.g. Kassianidou 2003; Kassianidou and Knapp 2005; Sherratt 2000.
143. E.g. Campus et al. 2008; Lo Schiavo et al.,eds., 2005; Lo Schiavo et al., eds., 2009.
144. E.g. Campus et al. 2008: 72; Lo Schiavo 2012; Watrous 1989.
145. Ling et al. 2014.
146. Lo Schiavo (2009b, 404) highlights how there must have been a very high internal demand
for copper/bronze in Sardinia during the Bronze Age. She suggests that it was high enough
to justify the use of local sources as well as foreign sources while involving the island in
international copper trade.
 REVISITING LATE BRONZE AGE OXHIDE INGOTS 41

Fig. 6: Distribution map of the oxhide ingots with chronological information about each find.

Aegean and Crete

Fragmentary and full oxhide ingots which do not come from sufficiently
reliable chronological contexts in the Aegean area include finds from Aegina,
Athens, Thebes and Tiryns.147 The finds on Crete from Poros, Sitia, Syme, and
Palaikastro have also not been precisely dated.148

Anatolia, the Levant and Mesopotamia

Oxhide ingots from archaeologically not clearly datable contexts have been
recovered in Syria, at Ras Shamra and in Anatolia along the coast in the area
of Antalya.149
Due to the similarity of their shape, marks and isotopic composition to those
found at Cape Gelidonya, it has been argued that the oxhide ingots found along

147. E.g. Bucholz 1959; Gale 1991; Mangou and Ioannou 2000; Jones 2007.
148. E.g. Liard 2010; Jones 2007, 417-418.
149. Bass 1967, 57-61; Gale 1991, 201; Jones 2007, 420.
42 SERENA SABATINI

Göksu Creek, in South-eastern Turkey, are probably dated to the end of the
13th-early 12th century BC.150 Their inland position is very interesting as far
as the movement of copper supply is concerned. It shows that Cypriot copper
most likely also travelled terrestrially through Anatolia, potentially towards
Mesopotamia, and through a region that is not far away (c. 170 km) from local
large copper ores including the Ergani-Maden deposits.151
The scene uncovered at Nimrud in Mesopotamia is a dubious find. In the throne
room of Shalmeneser III and on the so called Rassam or Black Obelisk, also from
the Shalmaneser building, there are images which have been interpreted as possible
ingots bearers.152 The context dates to the mid-9th century BC. It is here considered
remarkable that the bearers do not carry the ingots in the same way as the Egyptian
or Cypriot representations. The shape of the ingots is also rather ambiguous
and they might very well be sacks instead. Should they actually be oxhide ingot
representations, then the chronology of the finds would suggest a relatively isolated
persistence of the shape eight centuries after the first oxhide ingots appeared.

Bulgaria
Regrettably, none of the finds from Bulgaria can be precisely dated. Nevertheless,
the geographical position of their discovery provides some important insights in
the ongoing debate regarding contact between the Aegean and the Black Sea.153
Full size oxhide ingots, or fragments of them, have been found at Kirilovo,
Čerkovo and Černozem while a miniature example, maybe originally two, appears
to have been recovered from Yabalkovo.154 All of them are in the inland part of
South-eastern Bulgaria along river valleys which must have played a key-role
in local communication systems. It has been propose that it was more profitable
to use land routes offered by the south-eastern part of the Balkan Peninsula
rather than to sail through the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles straits to reach the
Black Sea.155 The Bulgarian oxhide ingots therefore make perfect sense when
considering the possible direction of this land route. A couple of oxhide ingots
have recently been reported from Kamenovo, which is also an inland site, this
time from the north-eastern part of Bulgaria and not far from the Danube basin.156

150. Pulak 2011, 299.

151. Pulak 2011, 302.
152. Jones 2007, 77, fig. 8; Mallowan 1966, fig. 371a; Reade 1980, pl. III.
153. Doncheva 2012 with previous bibliography.
154. Doncheva 2012, 692-5; Leshtakov 2007, 451.
155. Kolb 2004, 592-593.
156. Doncheva 2012, 694-695.
 REVISITING LATE BRONZE AGE OXHIDE INGOTS 43

As far as provenance is concerned, the find from Čerkovo and Černozem were
analysed and their copper lead isotope falls into the Cypriot field.157
Besides these inland finds there is one ingot which was reported as an
underwater find from Cape Kaliakra, near Sozopol, which has a peculiar oxhide-
like shape. Due to its weight and content the piece has been recently interpreted
as an ingot datable to the 1300-1450AD.158

Croatia
A miniature oxhide ingot, which was probably from a hoard, seems to have
come from somewhere close to Makarska in Croatia. Its provenance, although
likely, has been a matter of debate over the years.159 If the composition of the
hoard, currently found at the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford, could be confirmed
it would most likely be dated to the 13th-12th century BC.160
A second miniature ingot comes from a hoard discovered at Kloštar Ivanić,
in north eastern Croatia, which is dated to Hallstatt A2 period or 12th-11th
century BC.161

Cyprus
On Cyprus there are finds from the bay of Soli and Skouriotissa which do not
have reliable contextual information.162
This list also includes the full-sized oxhide ingots which are currently
found in the Metropolitan, Nauphlion and Cyprus Museums, along with the
miniature example in Cyprus’ museum, whose possible place of origin has been
tentatively reconstructed.163

Egypt
A miniature ingot in the Ashmolean museum in Oxford is said to have come from
what is today known as El Manshah, close to Abydos. It has no archaeological
context and therefore no reliable chronology. Its shape is also peculiar; one of

157. Respectively Stos-Gale et al. 1997, tab. 6 and Lichardus et al. 2002, 173-176.
158. E.g. Doncheva 2012, 683 with previous bibliography.
159. See Sherratt 2012; Vagnetti 1971.
160. Sherratt 2012.
161. Forenbaher 1995 with previous bibliography.
162. E.g. Kassianidou 2009, 55-56; Stos-Gale et al. 1997, 107-108.
163. Kassianidou 2009, 54-56.
44 SERENA SABATINI

the long sides is longer than the other and it is convex rather than concave. It
has been suggested that it is a pedestal for a statuette.164

France
Regrettably, the oxhide ingots from France have no datable context. One ingot
was found in deep water close to Sète in Southern France and another was
found during agricultural works in North-eastern Corsica.165 The ingot from
Sète is very interesting due to its peculiar compact form. It has been interpreted
as a possible Sardinian imitation of the well-known Cypriot oxhide ingots.166
LIA for these French ingots are not yet available.

Hungary and Romania

A relatively large ingot fragment was found in the hoard of Pălatca, Transylvania,
Romania, dated to the Bronze Age D/Hallstatt A or between the 13th and 11th
century BC.167 While it certainly appears to be an oxhide ingot fragment, it
seems that the percentage of arsenic (3.39%) contained in the piece is very
high compared to that of ‘traditional’ oxhide ingots;168 further investigations are
required in order to fully understand the meaning of this find.
There are also six oxhide-like miniature ingots from Cluj-Mănăstur,
Transylvania, Romania, which may relate to the larger phenomenon.169 They
are dated to the Hallstatt A2 or the 12th-11th century BC.
Five miniature oxhide-like ingots have been found in metal hoards from
Hungary. 170 They have been also considered as a manifestation of the connection

164. Nibbi 1987, 72-77.

165. D’Oriano 2013; Lo Schiavo 2009c, 2013.
166. Lo Schiavo 2009d, 2013.
167. Rotea et al. 2011. For a discussion about the local chronology see also Ciugudean 2010, fig. 4.
168. Giumlia-Mair 2011.
169. Wittenberg 2008, pl. 12; Schuster 2005.
170. At least one of them from the Birján hoard appears to be a ‘genuine’ piece (Moszolics 1985, pl.
62.6). It is dated to the local Kurd Horizon which corresponds approximately to the Hallstatt
A1 or the 12th century BC (Ciugudean 2010, fig. 4). A second one comes from the hoard of
Szentgáloskér (Moszolics 1985, pl. 114.1) which is also dated to the Kurd horizon (Ilon 1992,
253), while the pieces from the hoards of Beremend and Lovasberény (Moszolics 1985, pl.
245.10, 252.1) belong to the Gyermely horizon approximately corresponding to the Hallstatt
A2 and thus to the 12th-11th century BC (Ciugudean 2010, fig. 4).
 REVISITING LATE BRONZE AGE OXHIDE INGOTS 45

between the Mediterranean and the Hungarian plain.171 Also from Hungary is
a sandstone mould for a miniature oxhide-like ingot which was found in a pit
in Gór-Kápolnadomb settlement.172 The material associated to the mould dates
the pit to the Hallstatt B2 period; a hypothesis which has been corroborated
with the carbon dates from the same context suggesting a date between 1032
and 928 BC. The whole of this corpus has not yet been thoroughly studied or
chemically analysed. Whether they are ‘authentic’ oxhide ingots, imitations of
the Mediterranean ingots or they belong to a different system is a problematic
and interesting issue worthy of further investigation.173

Sardinia
A total of 36 sites, which are spread all over the island, are currently known
to have oxhide ingots.174 Variously sized fragments of oxhide ingots have been
recovered in 29 cases; a total of 7 complete ingots, respectively 5 and 2, were
found at two sites (Serra Ilixi, Nuragus and Bisarcio, Ozieri). Aside from the
sites discussed in the previous paragraphs, all the other ingots known so far do
not have a reliable chronology.175

Final Comments
It has been argued that the archaeological evidence for oxhide ingots and
Cypriot copper production seems to be relatively small in scale.176 In fact just
by looking at the aforementioned contexts which oxhide ingots were recovered
from, it seems obvious how copper circulated in different forms.177 It also came

171. Ilon 1992.

172. Ilon 1992, fig. 6.2.
173. It is worth noting that the Hungarian miniature ingots in question are considered to have
probably been weights (Pare 1999, 493-498). Interestingly enough such a possibility appears
in contrast with recent conclusions about the weights of the miniature oxhide ingots from
Cyprus (Giumlia-Mair et al. 2009). See also Sabatini, in press.
174. Lo Schiavo 2009a with previous bibliography and 2009b, 394-395.
175. Updated lists of the known oxhide ingots from Sardinia are to be found in Lo Schiavo 2009a
and Miletti, eds., 2013.
176. Kolb 2004: 592.
177. E.g. Kassianidou and Knapp 2005; Mangou and Ioannou 2000. C. 1 ton of copper on the
Uluburun ship was transported in the form of so called plano-convex or bun ingots (Pulak
1998). Most of the contexts mentioned in this work contained other types of ingots alongside
the oxhide ingots (e.g. Bass 1967; Doncheva 2012; Kassianidou 2009; Leshtakov 2007; Lo
Schiavo 2009a and 2012; Primas and Pernicka 1998).
46 SERENA SABATINI

from different sources.178 In other words we clearly have more than one system
of production and distribution in operation during the LBA in the Mediterranean
and beyond. Metallurgy and the circulation of copper must have been complex
and large scale;179 oxhide ingots only represented a peculiar, yet impressive
expression of it.
This paper does not have the scope to discuss in any detail the historical
and political changes which occurred in the Mediterranean and beyond during
the LBA,180 but it must be kept in mind that in several cases such changes were
in remarkable proportions and must have had considerable effects on markets,
exchange patterns and trade routes. The limited, but significant results of recent
LIA from Scandinavian BA bronze items provide an unexpected yet relevant
idea of the variation in the channelling of the copper supply throughout Bronze
Age Europe.181
Oxhide ingots can be defined as the most remarkable class of ingot in terms
of shape, weight, purity and the technological and material efforts they required
to be produced. Their distribution and chronology show a complex circulation
involving multiple lands, cultures and therefore also political and economic
systems. Consequently we also have to imagine a number of different methods
of contributing to their circulation patterns (see Tab. 1), not least through time.
From an economic and pragmatic point of view, either as integrated
components of the so called gift exchange economy or as commodities or
goods, oxhide ingots were undoubtedly suitable for the transportation of large
quantities of copper. We ought to assume that their peculiar, yet difficult to
obtain shape was probably familiar to a variety of receivers/markets. It most
likely embodied a message either connected to their weight, their content and
purity, maybe the provenance of their copper and/or the skilled labour necessary
for their production, which was not only recognized over a wide landscape,
but also over an extremely long period of time. As it has been proposed they
seem very much to embody all the characteristics of a brand commodity.182
The multifarious archaeological evidence does make the branding hypothesis
intriguing.183 Yet more, would the idea of considering oxhide ingots to be a

178. Bergemann et al. 2001; Donceva 2012; Gale 2006; Hauptmann et al. 2002; Lo Schiavo et al.,
eds., 2009; Ling et al. 2014; Stos-Gale 2011.
179. Kassianidou and Knapp 2005; Ling et al. 2014; Lo Schiavo 2012; Pare, ed., 2000; Rowlands
and Ling 2013; Sherratt 2000.
180. See Kassianidou and Knapp 2005 and Sherratt 2000, although both with focus on metal trade.
181. Ling et al. 2014.
182. Bevan 2010. Sabatini, in press.
183. Wengrow 2008.
 REVISITING LATE BRONZE AGE OXHIDE INGOTS 47

brand commodity shed light on the reason why tin on board of the Uluburun
ship was also transported in the form of oxhide ingots?184 Silver coloured oxhide
ingots represented in Egyptian tombs were most likely also tin ingots.185 Was
this done in order to make this indispensable component of bronze production
as familiar as copper was to any market? Maybe tin sources will one day shed
light on the origin of the oxhide ingot shape? The debate about which sources of
tin were used and how they were exploited is ongoing.186 We lack secure data,
but as demonstrated in recent works, none of the possible candidates (Iberian
peninsula, Brittany, Great Britain, Central European sources, sites further east
than Mesopotamia) seem extraneous to the LBA Mediterranean world.187
The known finds leave no doubt about the production and consumption of
oxhide ingots being connected to systems of international distribution, exchange
and trade. Most of the analysed ingots which are datable to the 14th century BC
and onwards seem to not only have been made of Cypriot copper, but out of just
one particular ore from Apliki.188 We know little about the political organisation
of Cyprus during the 2nd millennium BC, nonetheless the manifold evidence from
the island confirms the important local role of those ingots.189 We are not yet able
to localize the copper source used for some of the oldest known oxhide ingots
from Crete, but it seems clear that after the 14th century, they become very much
a sort of Cypriot branded good throughout nearly three centuries.190 What came
before them? Did Cyprus made its own or was it someone else’s brand? If the
recent interpretation of the French oxhide ingot from Sète could be confirmed to
the end of the 12th or the beginning of the 11th century BC then the Nuragic people
most likely attempted a new translation.191 Although without apparent success, it
seems that they tried to take over (for the second time in the history of oxhide
ingots?) the oxhide ingot ‘label’ for a further (market?) expansion.
To conclude, oxhide ingots have primarily been a means of transporting
copper throughout their long history; however, in doing so they must have
embodied meanings. Their distribution, chronology, miniature manufacture,
presence in ritual/funerary and cultic contexts or in association to metallurgical
activities creates a multifarious picture.

184. Pulak 1997, 239.

185. Bass 1967, 63-67.
186. E.g. Giumlia-Mair and Lo Schiavo, eds., 2003.
187. Rowlands and Ling 2013.
188. E.g. Gale 2006, 2011; Gale and Stos-Gale 2012.
189. E.g. Kassianidou 2009; Papasavvas 2009.
190. E.g. Stos 2011.
191. Lo Schiavo 2009d, 2012, 2013.
48 SERENA SABATINI

When considering the increasingly complex spread of oxhide ingots, the

chronology and distribution pattern of their representations should also be taken
into account. Besides miniature ingots, which could also be considered as three-
dimensional representations, there are oxhide ingot images in tomb paintings,
temple reliefs, cylinder seals, Linear B tablets, pottery and rock panels.192 No
such evidence has been discussed in detail in this paper, but it is interesting
to note that several of the sources appear to predate any local appearance of
‘real’ copper oxhide ingots. How should we interpret this data? The sources
rather pragmatically suggest that the oxhide ingot distribution patterns must
have been significantly larger than what the archaeological record currently
tells us and that most of the copper which was transported has been used. The
Uluburun shipwreck provides a fairly impressive idea of the very large amount
of metal that must have been in circulation during the LBA. The complex and
largely debated case of Sardinia, which seems to have produced copper at the
same time as receiving a supply from Cyprus, speaks in favour of the intense
movement of ingots, where the origin or purity of the copper had significant and
specific values; these worth to be guaranteed through branding practices, and
oxhide ingots embodying one such brand.193
One topic which has not been covered in this brief work is the existence of
symbols both impressed during the cooling stage of the ingot, and/or incised at
any time once the oxhide ingots were in circulation. Several signs have been
considered as Cypro-Minoan marks, but this is highly debated.194 Most of the
incised symbols on the ingots from the Uluburun suggest, for example, that the
people who made them were living and working in close contacts to the sea.195
However it is likely that they provided clarification about the items themselves,
possibly about their content, origin or maybe their destination.
All in all, the discussed evidence suggests that oxhide ingots could be
considered as a symbol of networking and connectivity beyond cultural,
political and economic differences. They seem to very much embody the
characteristics of Bronze Age Europe and the Mediterranean as arenas where
exchanges played a major role in the emergence, development and maintenance
of the local/global systems.

192. Bass 1967; Ling and Stos-Gale 2015; Papasavvas 2009; Wachsmann 1987.
193. Bevan 2010; Wengrow 2008, 2010.
194. Amadasi Guzzo 2009; Buchholz 1988; Hirschfeld 1999; Jones 2007; Kaiser 2013; Pulak
1998; Sibella 1996.
195. Pulak 1998, 195.
When? Where? How? What? And?

There are already both Oxhide ingots are found in both utilitarian
full and miniature and non-utilitarian contexts. Thus they ought
sized oxhide ingots. to have already at this early stage multiple
Aegean (Keos,
meanings/functions.
Euboea, possibly
In Egypt oxhide ingots
Kythera); Crete
1600-1400 BC are images on tomb Cyprus copper and Egyptian evidence suggests they are part of
(several sites); Egypt
paintings and temple other sources not all the so called “gift exchange economy” in the
(Thebe, Karnak);
reliefs. known eastern Mediterranean world.
Palestina (Tell Beit
Mirsim); Sweden
The oxhide ingots The recent finds from Sweden support
(Torsbo, Östra Eneby)
from Sweden are the hypothesis of copper supply networks
carved images on rock stretching between northern Europe and the
panels Mediterranean.

Aegean(Mycenae); By the end of the 14th century BC the

Crete (Kommos, To this period belong distribution area gets wider. The evidence is
Haghia Triada); most of the finds from manifold. We cannot exclude that the newly
Cyprus (several Cyprus. They come involved territories were not so in earlier
sites); Egypt from all over the times, however no finds can confirm that yet.
(Thebe, El Amarna, island.
Quantir); Germany Evidence from the Eastern Mediterranean
(Oberwilflingen); The piece from Cyprus copper, seems to imply the existence of palace-like
1400-1200 BC
Levant (Hishuley Quantir is so far the mostly Apliki ore entrepreneurship.
REVISITING LATE BRONZE AGE OXHIDE INGOTS

Carmel, Kfar Samir, only full sized copper

Ras Ibn Hani); oxhide ingot known Evidence from Cyprus, Sardinia and north
Sardinia (several sites); from Egypt; local of the Alps provides an impressive picture
Sicily (Cannatello, tomb paintings and of the possible networks beyond production,
Thapsos); Turkey relief representations distribution and consumption of copper/
(Boǧazköy, Uluburun, continue. bronze in general and oxhide ingots in
Sarköy/Tekirdaǧ) particular.
49
 50

Cape Gelidonya; By the end of the 13th/beginning of the 12th

Cyprus (Maa- century BC, Cape Gelidonya and the wrecks
Paleokastro, Alassa); Tomb and temple from the Israeli coast show the continuing
Cyprus copper,
Egypt (Thebe); Levant representations from combination of maritime copper trade and
1200-1000 BC mostly Apliki copper
(Dūr-Kurigalzu; Egypt have come to oxhide ingots.
ore
Hahotrim, Timna end.
30); Sardinia (several Evidences from Sardinia, becomes
sites); Sicily (Lipari) predominant.

The non-datable
These finds widen up the scope of the
oxhide ingots are
Cyprus copper, phenomenon. They suggest the existence
Several site from : miscellanea of finds
mostly Apliki copper of networks whose relevance is much to
Aegean, Anatolia, (full size or miniature
ore, when analyzed. be understood, particularly as to metal
Bulgaria, Crete, ingots) from both
No certain date and/or None of the ‘debated’ circulation between the Mediterranean, the
Croatia, Cyprus, inland and underwater
debated finds finds has yet Balkans and the rest of Europe.
France, Greece, contexts.
undergone complete
Hungary, Levant,
SERENA SABATINI

archaeometallurgical The Sète ingot might be a Sardinian attempt

Romania, Sardinia The ‘debated’ finds
analyses to take over (?) the international the copper
have in some cases
trade embodied by oxhide ingots.
precise dating.

Table 1: Synoptic table of archaeological evidence for oxhide ingots discussed in this work (chronology, context, formal characteristics, content and
additional information).
 REVISITING LATE BRONZE AGE OXHIDE INGOTS 51

Acknowledgement
I would like to warmly thank Ole Christian Aslaksen for giving me the
opportunity to participate in this volume and to the excellent seminar ‘Global
and Local. Perspectives on mobility in the Eastern Mediterranean’ held in
Athens in November 2011 of which this book is an outcome. I must also deeply
thank all the participants of the seminar for their comments and interesting
discussions on the issue I proposed. I owe many thanks to Dr Fulvia Lo Schiavo
for all the encouragement, useful comments and invaluable information she
provided. I am also gratefully indebted to the two anonymous peer-reviewers
of this article for their significant comments. Finally many thanks to Rich Potter
for his invaluable help with English proofreading. All eventual inaccuracies are
of course mine.

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 The Mycenaeans and Europe: Long-distance networks
and cross-cultural communication
Paulina Suchowska-Ducke

In the 2nd millennium BC cultural, social and political entities of a new kind and scale
came into existence and transformed Europe into a distinct cultural zone, where intense
and dynamic interactions between local, regional and ‘global’ processes of change
intersected with increased social connectivity and mobility. The presence of artefacts
made of non-local raw materials in archaeological contexts indicates that mechanisms
for the import of essential goods and other forms of cross-cultural exchange have existed
throughout prehistory. Therefore the archaeological evidence provides an excellent
proxy for studying questions related to socio-political organisation, cultural boundaries,
communication networks and mobility of people, goods, technologies, and ideas. This
contribution discusses relations between the Mycenaeans and the societies of temperate
Europe in the mid 2nd millennium BC. Although long-distance interactions may have often
been indirect, societies across Europe, from the Mediterranean all the way to Scandinavia,
were incorporated into vast communication networks that linked them together.

An introduction to chronological and theoretical frameworks

Cross-cultural communication, trade and exchange in its various manifestations
(local, interregional and long-distance) are fundamental and ubiquitous forms of
social organisation and interaction. The main reason for this may be seen in the
unequal geographic distribution of desirable raw materials like obsidian, flint or
metal. Securing access to such goods by creating social networks via interpersonal
relations and diplomatic alliances, which are in turn maintained through the
exchange of gifts, has always been a fundamental motivation for forming social
ties. Investigating how these relations and their material manifestations changed in
time and space offers tremendous opportunities for the study of human interaction
across cultural boundaries. Several scholars have previously investigated contacts
between the Mycenaean world and temperate Europe.1 However, new evidence

1. Harding 1984; Bouzek 1985; Lewartowski 1989.

64 PAULINA SUCHOWSKA-DUCKE

has recently been unearthed. The following discussion will concentrate on direct
archaeological evidence. Aspects touching the religious and ceremonial or
symbolic spheres – which may contain as much ambiguity and interpretational
doubt as potential information – are not explored in depth.
The chronological framework for the phenomenon under study encompasses
the Mycenaean period, i.e. the 17th to 11th centuries BC (see Table 1). Cross-
cultural contacts and long-distance communication between Greece and
temperate Europe already existed in the early Mycenaean period, as is evidenced
by the Baltic amber and the Carpathian and eastern European horse harnesses
that appeared in the Shaft Graves of Mycenae.2 There are also many examples
of Mycenaean rapiers and swords that have been found in the Balkans and in
the Carpathian Basin.3 Most of them date to the Early Mycenaean period. Some
Mycenaean influences might also be visible in several swords from northern and
Central Europe, generally dating from the 14th to 11th century BC.4 Nevertheless,
communication between Mycenaean Greece and temperate Europe was
particularly intense at the end of the 13th and throughout the 12th century BC, when
numerous artefacts of so-called ‘northern origin‘ appeared in the South. Among
them were different types of weaponry, dress fasteners, jewellery and ornaments,
as well as Handmade Burnished Ware.5 At that time, significant political, social
and economic transformations occurred on the European continent, generally
attributed to large scale migrations and changes in warfare.6
The problem that immediately becomes apparent when trying to understand
European and Mycenaean relations is the complexity that would result from
trying to examine every archaeological source on its own. The main danger
here lies in over-interpreting the meaning of individual items and neglecting the
bigger picture. To overcome this issue, different scales of analysis need to be
chosen and carefully linked with each other. For the purposes of this study, a
suitable approach is to investigate the evidence on an interregional (‘global’)
scale to reveal general patterns and processes, complemented by regional scale
case studies to verify local effects (it is generally thought that communication
networks exhibit interesting properties on many scales).7

2. Karo 1930, 1933; Harding and Hughes-Brock 1974; Harding 2005; Hughes-Brock 2005.
3. Alexandrescu 1966; Panayotov 1980; Bouzek 1985; Kilian-Dirlmeier 1993; Wardle 1993.
4. Randsborg 1967; Bouzek 1985, 120, 221; Thrane 1990.
5. Harding 1984; Bouzek 1985; Lewartowski 1989.
6. Drews 1993.
7. Barabasi 2003 or Christakis and Fowler 2009 for a general introduction to social network
theory.
 THE MYCENAEANS AND EUROPE 65

Table 1. The chronology of the Bronze Age Aegean and Central Europe.

Central Europe Greece

Period Date Period Date
Br A1 2400/2300-2000 EH III 2400/2300-2100
MH IA 2100-2000
Br A2 2000-1600 MH IB 2000-1900
MH II 1900-1800
MH III 1800-1700
LH I 1700-1600
Br B 1600-1500 LH IIA 1600-1490
Br C1 1500-1400 LH IIB 1490-1430
LH III A1 1430-1390
Br C2 1400-1300 LH III A2 1390-1300
Br D 1300-1200 LH III B 1300-1200
Ha A1 1200-1100 LH III C 1200-1100
Ha A2 1100-1000 Submycenaean 1100-1050/1020

This study assumes that cross-cultural communication between the

Mycenaeans and the societies of temperate Europe occurred within different
types of established networks. In some cases, contacts were indirect, as systems
of connected ‘networks of networks‘ allowed objects and ideas to travel via
middlemen. In other cases, they were direct and occurred within smaller
networks that provided particularly efficient links. Once established, these
connections inevitably became catalysts of cultural exchange in many forms that
eventually led to profound social change throughout the European continent.8
In the Bronze Age, networks for the supply of raw materials, and later more
refined commodities, created incentives for individuals to move across the
mainland, taking on many different roles, such as those of travelling craftsmen
and traders, warriors and mercenaries, emissaries and perhaps explorers. It is
at this point that we can truly speak of ‘travelling cultures‘9 and connected
societies.
The idea that no society can exist in isolation and that even remote
‘neighbours’ depend on each other as part of a connected system is expressed
by Wallerstein’s classic World System Theory.10 A recent review of both World
System Theory and network analysis by Harding suggests that the two represent

8. Kristiansen and Larsson 2005; Vandkilde 2007.

9. Kristiansen and Larsson 2005; Vandkilde 2007.
10. Wallerstein 1974.
66 PAULINA SUCHOWSKA-DUCKE

opposed perspectives on social processes.11 However, the concepts of network

analysis transcend scales and are fully compatible with the systemic approach
of World Systems Theory, both in regards to their general focus on interactions
and in specific notions such as ‘cores’ and ‘peripheries’.12 This is because
even though the reconstruction of networks is usually performed in a bottom-
up manner (by establishing links between individuals of interest) the tools of
network analysis are capable of finding relationships on a higher (group) level.
Indeed, one may state that Wallerstein’s theory can give sociological meaning
to the properties revealed by network analysis, that both models complement
each other, and that they both support a top-down and bottom-up perspective.
Hall, Kardulias and Chase-Dunn provide profound insight into these theoretical
issues while also giving an overview of archaeological case studies that employ
a systemic world view approach.13

The Mycenaeans and Europe: the evidence

The evidence for Mycenaean contacts with temperate Europe in the mid 2nd
millennium BC is rich and diverse. Of the items that speak of cross-cultural
communication, one may find amber, bone and antler horse harnesses, dress
fasteners, personal ornaments and jewellery, weaponry and tools, as well as
Handmade Burnished Ware made of local clay. Most of the artefacts, and the
sites where they were found, are well covered in the available literature.14 The
published data clearly indicates that long-distance communication between
the societies of Central Europe, northern Italy and the Aegean had already
taken shape at the beginning of the Mycenaean Culture, dated to 1700 BC.
Nonetheless, it was the transition from the 13th to the 12th century BC when
these relations became particularly intense. According to Bouzek, at that time
one might speak of a koine (common market) in material culture between the
Aegean, the Balkans, northern Italy and Central Europe.15 This discussion will
focus on a selection of types of artefacts which are clearly recognisable as
foreign in the places were they occurred: amber, horse harnesses, dress fasteners
and weaponry.

11. Harding 2013, 14.

12. Kristiansen and Larsson 2005, 20-25.
13. Hall, Kardulias and Chase-Dunn 2010.
14. Harding 1984; Bouzek 1985; Lewartowski 1989; Sherratt 2000 with further references.
15. Bouzek 1985, 241.
 THE MYCENAEANS AND EUROPE 67

One of the most recognisable items of so-called ‘northern origin’, found

in the Aegean, is Baltic amber. The earliest known fragments appeared in
mainland Greece in MM III B.16 In the Aegean, amber is mostly known from
wealthy graves, where it occurs with gold and electron. Most amber fragments
date to MM III B/LH I-LH II and were found in the graves of Mycenae, Pylos,
Peristeria, Kakovatos, Thebes and Orchomenos.17 However, amber was also
found in later periods – in LH III on the Peloponnese, in Thessaly, on Crete and
Euboea and during the Submycenaean period in Elis and on Salamis. In total,
nearly 4000 amber fragments have been found in the Aegean; in shaft grave no.
IV of Mycenae alone, 1290 beads were recorded.18 One needs to keep in mind
that amber is an organic substance that disintegrates when exposed to oxygen,
and that most of the rich Mycenaean burials have been plundered; thus the
number of known objects certainly falls short of the original amount.
Another important class of artefacts are horse harnesses made of bone and
antler. The specimens found in the Shaft Graves at Mycenae bear morphological
similarities to cheek pieces from the Carpathian Basin and Eastern Europe.19
In relation to horse harness, it is important to consider the so-called ‘running
spiral’ and ‘wave band’ ornaments that were very popular in the Aegean and
in Central Europe, mainly in the Carpathian Basin, as well as in Scandinavia.20
Around the 17th-16th centuries BC, in the North and in the South, many
items, including bone cheek pieces, discs, cylinders, bronze axes, swords,
daggers, jewellery and pottery, were decorated with these motifs. Although in
these regions the running spiral and wave band ornaments had already been
applied since the Neolithic, some researchers claim that ‘there are too many
resemblances between the Carpathian Basin and the Aegean to consider them as
merely accidental’.21 Moreover, as David notes, ‘ornamental and morphological
characteristics of some Danubian objects and Mycenaean or Anatolian examples
are so closely related that they would not be imaginable without the existence
of direct contacts between these regions’.22
Dress fasteners (pins and fibulae) are a group of artefacts that testifies to a
different aspect of relations between the Mycenaean Culture and the societies
of temperate Europe. They appeared in the Aegean at the end of LH III B and

16. Dietz 1991, 263.

17. Harding and Hughes-Brock 1974; Hughes-Brock 2005.
18. Harding and Hughes-Brock 1974, 147.
19. Hüttel 1981; Penner 1998; Harding 2005.
20. Randsborg 1967; Thrane 1990; David 1997.
21. Bouzek 1985, 60.
22. David 2007, 414.
68 PAULINA SUCHOWSKA-DUCKE

Fig. 1 Distribution of pins and fibulae.

throughout LH III C (Fig. 1). Because they are personal items, some authors
associate their occurrence in Mycenaean Greece with the arrival of new groups
of people, presumably members of the Protovillanova, Tumulus and Urnfield
Culture groups.23 Three main pin types have been recorded in the Aegean: (A)
with elongated swelling and a series of ring-mouldings or with shallow incised
rings and flatter swelling; (B) with a disc at the head and a globular swelling
a little way down the shaft; and (C) with spatulate tip or roll-topped pin.24 The
majority of them was found in Attica, Argolid, Elis, on Crete and Euboea.25
These long pins were very popular in Central Europe, Italy and in the Balkans
during the 14th and 13th centuries BC, and also in the Near East and in Anatolia.
Unlike pins, fibulae were not known in the Aegean before the 13th century
BC. Of this type of dress fasteners two main forms were found: (A) violin-
bow and (B) arc fibulae.26 Violin-bow fibulae appeared in LH III B, mostly in
the Argolid and on Crete, as well as in Achaea, Attica, Beotia, Laconia and
Corinthia.27 Around LH III C they were gradually replaced by arc fibulae, most
of which are known from the Kerameikos cemetery in Attica.28
Another significant group of objects to be considered here are weapons of
both Mycenaean and European origin. For instance, at least 23 rapiers and 42
swords of Mycenaean type have been found in the Balkans and in the Carpathian

23. Bouzek 1985, 159, 167.

24. Kilian-Dirlmeier 1984.
25. Bouzek 1985.
26. Kilian 1975, 1985.
27. Bouzek 1985, 159.
28. Harding 1984, 179, n. 81.
 THE MYCENAEANS AND EUROPE 69

Fig. 2 Distribution of Naue II type swords.

Basin, mostly dated to the Early Mycenaean period.29 There are also some
(disputed) examples which possibly indicate analogies with Mycenaean forms
and technologies from Central, Northern and Western Europe.30 These include
the finds from Nürnberg-Hammer (Germany), Ajak (Hungary), Dollerup and
Ørskovhede (Denmark), Adliswill (Switzerland), Saône (France), Surbo (Italy),
Pelynt (Britain) and Spišský Štvrtok (Slovakia), most of which date from the
14th (Br C2) to 11th (Ha A1) century BC.31
A different group of weapons is represented by the Central European
cut-and-thrust flange-hilted swords of the Naue II type that appeared in the
Aegean at the end of LH III B and throughout LH III C (Fig. 2). The earliest
specimen come from Mycenae,32 Langada on Kos33 and Enkomi on Cyprus.34 In

29. Alexandrescu 1966; Panayotov 1980; Kilian-Dirlmeier 1993; Warlde 1993.

30. Randsborg 1967; Mozsolics 1973, 29-3; Bouzek 1985, 120, 221; Thrane 1990.
31. Bouzek 1985.
32. Krzyszkowska 1997, 147.
33. Morricone 1966, 137-139.
34. Schaeffer 1952, 337-338.
70 PAULINA SUCHOWSKA-DUCKE

the beginning, Naue II swords occurred with Mycenaean counterpart swords.

However, since Central European swords were more efficient in combat, they
quickly replaced the Mycenaean types.35 Aegean craftsmen rapidly adopted
Central European types of swords and began manufacturing them locally in
modified forms.36 Naue II turned out to be so versatile that in the 12th and 11th
centuries BC it become the only type of sword used in temperate Europe, the
Aegean and the Near East. In total at least 50 swords of Naue II type have been
found in the Aegean and around 29 in the Near East.
During the 13th and 12th centuries BC, several flange-hilted Peschiera
type daggers appeared in Mycenaean Greece as well, mostly on Crete. They
originated in northern Italy and it seems that they were imitations of Mycenaean
models.37 Peschiera daggers spread all over Europe, from the Carpathians to
France and from Italy and the Balkans to Denmark.38 Their distribution can
therefore be interpreted as an indication of a wider bronze working tradition
embracing Central Europe, northern Italy and the Aegean. While none of the
Aegean Peschiera daggers are datable by context, their European parallels
belong to the 13th (Br D) and 12th (early Ha A1) centuries BC.
Alongside swords and daggers, new spearheads of so-called ‘northern
origin‘ appeared in the Aegean during the 13th and 12th centuries BC. They were
mostly found in the Argolid, Achaea, Attica, Epirus, on Crete, Kephalonia and
Ithaca as well as in Beotia, Corinthia, Phocis and Elis39. In terms of shape, three
main types of spearheads can be distinguished: (A) lanceolate (geflammte), (B)
with a midrib (being a hybrid between lanceolate and leaf-shaped forms), and
(C) small leaf-shaped variants.40 Many of these spearheads came from burials
and were associated with Naue II swords as well as with Mycenaean spears,
which suggests that they belonged to the standardized equipment of the Late
Bronze Age warriors.
Another intriguing example of cross-cultural contacts is the Handmade
Burnished Ware, which is handmade pottery that is coarse with large grits, and
that is of a fabric that can be both micaceous and sandy. The ware’s surface
treatment is very uniform and the burnish colour always dark. A characteristic
feature is the plastic decoration that includes finger-impressed ornaments, ledges
and rims. Handmade Burnished Ware appeared in LH III B and was produced

35. Kristiansen 2002.

36. Catling 1961, 118-121.
37. Daniel and Evans 1975, 719.
38. Sherratt 2000, 96-98.
39. Bouzek 1985.
40. Snodgrass 1964, 116-119, 134-136.
 THE MYCENAEANS AND EUROPE 71

well into the Submycenaean and Protogeometric periods.41 Pottery of this type
has been recorded on many Mycenaean sites and there is no doubt that it was
foreign to Mycenaean ware manufacturing. Originally, the number of sites
with Handmade Burnished Ware was probably much higher then the published
examples suggest. However, its resemblance in terms of technology and fabric
to Greek Neolithic or Middle Bronze Age products caused a general lack of
scholarly interest in it. Handmade Burnished Ware found in the Aegean shows
parallels to the pottery traditions of Troy, Italy, the Balkans and also Central
Europe. Therefore, one possible explanation of its appearance in the Aegean
may be sought in the arrival of new groups of people that might have originated
in temperate Europe.42 Integration of these newcomers into Mycenaean society
is suggested by the coexistence of Handmade Burnished Ware and Late Helladic
pottery as well as handmade vessels imitating Aegean shapes.43

The Development of cross-cultural communication in the European Bronze Age

Examination of the archaeological data makes it possible to distinguish four
principal development phases of cross-cultural communication between the
Eastern Mediterranean, the Aegean and temperate Europe in the Bronze Age.
The beginning of these contacts actually pre-dates the Mycenaean Culture, as
they occurred as far back as the end of the 3rd millennium BC. Therefore, it
makes sense to broaden the scale of the analysis to include some earlier aspects
of connectivity between the regions. This allows for a better understanding of
the background of Mycenaean and European relations. The first distinguishable
phase is dated from 2400/2300 BC to 2000 BC and its end marks the complete
establishment of tin bronzes in Central Europe. The second phase, dated from
2000 BC to 1700/1600 BC, falls into the classical stage of the Central European
Unetice Culture’s development and the pinnacle of the Minoan Culture on
Crete. The third phase is critical for the perspectives discussed here, because it
encompasses the early and middle stages of the Mycenaean Culture. It spanned
the period between 1700/1600 BC and 1300/1200 BC. In Central Europe,
societies of the Carpathian Basin underwent a period of revival between
1700/1600 and 1500 BC, and the Tumulus Culture emerged. The fourth and
last phase of interest here occurred after 1200 BC. It coincided with the late
Mycenaean Culture in Greece and the Urnfield Culture in Central Europe.

41. Pilides 1994, 107.

42. Deger-Jalkotzy 1977, 64-80; Rutter 1990; Bankoff et al. 1996, 199-200.
43. Rutter 1975, 32; Jacob-Felsch 1987, 31; Kilian et al. 1981, 180-181.
72 PAULINA SUCHOWSKA-DUCKE

The existence of cross-cultural communication between the Mediterranean,

the Balkans and temperate Europe in the first phase is evidenced by the common
occurrence of artefacts such as wound-wire pins (Schleifennadeln), riveted
daggers, rings (Lockenringe), and ring ingots (Ösenhalsringbarren), such as
recorded in Moravia and the Levant.44 Furthermore, ceramic vessels resembling
the iconic Aegean kantharoi have been recorded in the Carpathian Basin; a
striking example of a cut-off rim vessel akin to MM I-II ceramic types was
found in Hungary in a context dated to 2000 BC.45 According to Kadrow, a
Mediterranean influence is also visible in pottery (mostly bowls) with diagonally
cut rims, recorded for example in southeastern Poland.46 This type of ceramic
has its closest analogy with specimens known from the southeastern Balkans
and Anatolia.47 In this case, however, the evidence suggests more indirect
connections, because of the selective character of the elements being imitated.
According to Gerloff, the period between 2400/2300 BC and 2000 BC
represents the opening of Near Eastern societies towards more systematic
exchange and communication with Central Europe. Maran sees the roots of
these events in the Balkans, demonstrating the existence of trade networks
linking Early Helladic societies in Greece, the Adriatic and the Carpathian
regions as early as the middle of the 3rd millennium BC.48 This is evidenced in
pottery forms and some prestige goods, the exchange of which was most likely
linked to early metal trade. Moreover, large fortified settlements that appeared
in the Balkans and in the Carpathian region show similarities to Anatolian and
Aegean architecture, such as a division into acropolis and suburbium and the
use of stone walls.49
In the second phase, dated to 2000-1700/1600 BC, cross-cultural
communication intensified and encompassed the entire area under discussion.50
The goods that were exchanged within this long-distance network included
tin, copper, gold, amber and other perishable products. During this period,
social stratification intensified in the Aegean and in temperate Europe. In both
regions, rich burials appeared (e.g. in Mycenae, Pylos and on Aegina as well
as in Leubingen, Helmsdorf, Łęki Małe, Tiszafüred and Thun-Renzenbühl), in

44. Gerloff 1993; Maran 2007.

45. Bouzek 1996, 180.
46. Kadrow 2007, 324-325.
47. Némejková-Pavúková 1999.
48. Maran 2007.
49. Gogâltan 2008.
50. Sherratt 1993, 24-29.
 THE MYCENAEANS AND EUROPE 73

which large numbers of imports were found.51 At the same time, metallurgical
production intensified in Central and Western Europe as a result of the widespread
use of tin bronze.52 The development of new metallurgical technology led to the
rise of powerful centres on the continent, where bronze and precious metals
were worked. To secure access to new raw material deposits, it was often
necessary to establish and maintain further cultural and trade contacts.
Between 1700/1600 BC and 1300/1200 BC, societies in the north and
south of Europe entered a third phase in the development of cross-cultural
communication; the most intense one yet. During this phase the Mycenaean
Culture (LH III A-B) underwent great cultural and economic expansion after
taking over long-distance trade routes in the Mediterranean Basin from the
collapsing Minoan civilisation. Temperate Europe was characterized by the
consolidation of regular cross-cultural communication and exchange. The
opening of new Transylvanian copper deposits and access to Czech tin led to a
revival of the Carpathian metallurgical centres, which in turn resulted in intense
development in that region around 1700/1600 BC -1500 BC.53 In other parts of
Central Europe, the Tumulus Culture emerged and evolved.54
There is no doubt that during the third phase an extensive European
communications and exchange network existed. At that time, the Balkans,
on the periphery of the Aegean world, became a destination for political and
economic expansion of the Mycenaeans.55 Connections were also established
with the highly developed Terramare Culture of northern Italy,56 as well as first
contacts between the Carpathian and the Mycenaean societies.57 In addition,
prestige chain exchange between rulers of individual groups allowed for, albeit
indirect, communication with southern Scandinavia, especially Jutland.58 It
seems that it was predominantly the cultures of the Carpathian Basin that linked
the Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean with eastern and northern European
societies. Initially, these contacts were rather indirect and are evidenced by
Carpathian (oblong) and Caucasian (round) horse harnesses as well as Baltic

51. Karo 1930, 1933; Kowiańska-Piaszykowa 1957, 1968; Strahm 1966; Iakovidis 1981; Zich
2004.
52. Krause 1998.
53. Sherratt 1993, 29.
54. Jockenhövel 1991.
55. Wardle 1993.
56. Jung 2006.
57. Gancarski, eds., 2002; Palincaş 2007.
58. Kristiansen 1987.
74 PAULINA SUCHOWSKA-DUCKE

amber that appeared in mainland Greece.59 In temperate Europe on the other

hand, several metal vessels with analogies to Mediterranean specimens60 and
Cypriot daggers have been found,61 as well as a number of rapiers and bronzes
decorated with running spiral motifs, considered by some scholars to be either
Mycenaean imports or their local imitations.62 The relations between the north
and the south of Europe at the end of the third phase, i.e. 1300/1200 BC, were
direct and can be linked to migrations, during which numerous items of so-
called ‘northern origin‘ appeared in Mycenaean Greece, such as: weapons,
dress fasteners, personal ornaments and jewellery.63
The fourth and final phase in the development of cross-cultural communi-
cation is dated to the period after 1200 BC. In the Aegean, this overlaps with
the final period of the Mycenaean civilisation and its later decline. In temperate
Europe, it coincides with the emergence of the Urnfield Culture, known for its
expansionism that resulted in significant cultural unification of an area stretching
from modern day Hungary to France and from the Alps to the North Sea.64
In the 12th century BC, significant political, social and economic changes
occurred in the Mediterranean which are generally attributed to the migrations
of the Sea Peoples.65 These events had serious consequences, causing a partial
collapse of exchange and communication networks and a decline of political
and economic entities like the Mycenaean Culture, the Hittite Empire and cities
of the Levant (e.g. Ugarit). Event Egypt and Mesopotamia were significantly
affected. In the following period of the Post-palatial economy, a majority of
cultural and trade contacts of the Mycenaean societies weakened; however,
connections to southern and northern Italy were maintained.66 European bronze
items, as well as decorations and symbols (such as birds protomae and solar
discs) continued to appear in Mycenaean Greece as a result of the expansion of
the Urnfield Culture.67

59. Harding and Hughes-Brock 1974; Harding 2005; Hughes-Brock 2005.

60. Sherratt and Taylor 1989.
61. Catling 1964.
62. David 1997.
63. Harding 1984; Bouzek 1985; Lewartowski 1989; Sherratt 2000.
64. Plesl and Hrala 1987.
65. Popham 1994.
66. Jung 2006.
67. Harding 1984; Bouzek 1985; Lewartowski 1989.
 THE MYCENAEANS AND EUROPE 75

Conclusion
Cross-cultural communication as a form of human interaction is a universal and
fundamental driver of any society’s development. Its study, through the proxy
of material archaeological evidence, sheds light on a large variety of social
processes and historical epochs. The European Bronze Age is an illustrative
example of this. Increased connectivity, driven by migrations and exchange, led
to the growth of diversity and dissemination of technological skills, innovation
and wealth. But it also resulted in a more unequal distribution of goods, as only
some people controlled important resources or critical parts of the networks.
This caused stronger social stratification and the emergence of new hierarchies.
In turn, the need to control resources created more potential for aggression and
hostilities. The wide dissemination of different types of weaponry, presented
in this article, reflects the highly interactive nature of warfare.68 Weapons and
methods of combat are shaped by constant competition between warring factions
and any successful novelty is very likely to be rapidly adopted and spread over
vast regions by ‘warriors on the move‘. At the same time, raising, organising and
training armies to be proficient within a fighting system is an expensive effort
in terms of resources, which leads to the arranged and standardized nature of
weapons and fighting techniques. All of this is reflected in a booming weapons
technology, the rise of warrior aristocracies and the luxurious lifestyles of Bronze
Age elites – Europe’s ‘first Golden Age‘.
The archaeological evidence for socio-political organisation, cultural
boundaries, communication networks and the mobility of people, goods,
technologies, and ideas provides a material base for rich interpretational
frameworks. The following are some suggested hypotheses. (A) The artefact
distribution patterns can best be explained by different spheres of interaction
(trade and exchange, warfare, migrations, individual travelling, etc.), with
different scales and different intensities. (B) The evidence indicates that flow
from temperate Europe to Mycenaean Greece was stronger than the other way
around. This suggests a significant socio-economic gradient. (C) The nature of the
relations changed over time. Exchange and communication networks eventually
allowed individual travels and direct contact. There seems no doubt that the
motivations for travelling diversified, as did the strongly connected societies
themselves.

68. Carman and Harding, eds., 1999; Otto et al., eds., 2000.
76 PAULINA SUCHOWSKA-DUCKE

Fig. 3: Reconstruction of approximate communication networks, based on occurrences of Naue II

type swords.

Fig. 3 presents a generalized and approximate reconstruction of the

communication networks as supported by the distribution of the European swords
of type Naue II, but also by finds of other metal weaponry, dress fasteners and
jewellery. This reconstruction does not include all possible sites and connections;
it shows only the most important routes between those centres with archaeological
evidence of cross-cultural communication dated generally to 1300-1100 BC. It
should be noted that geographical networks, such as road networks, have specific
properties. They are physical networks that existed in the landscape and consisted
of sites such as villages, towns and settlements, and the connections between
them, such as roads, pathways or shipping routes. Objects, ideas and people
moved (“flowed”) through these networks.
In contrast to social networks sensu stricto, the nodes (places) in such
a topographically constrained network (i.e. its “configuration”) are largely
stationary and their flow capacity (e.g. the number of travellers that can use a
single road at the same time) fixed. This means that the role and importance of
any place within such a network is determined (at least to a significant degree)
by its geographic potential. Although the connectivity of places can be modified
 THE MYCENAEANS AND EUROPE 77

(e.g. by constructing new roads), such changes require considerable investment of

resources and with the ultimate limitation that a bad geographic location cannot
be turned into a good one. It is important to keep this in mind when applying
methods and perspectives of social network analysis that often assume “soft”,
immaterial links between actors that are easily reconfigured.
In this respect, the structure of the network in Fig. 3 is largely determined
by natural pathways such as rivers and navigable coasts, as well as barriers like
mountain ranges and rugged coastlines. It appears that the flow of communication
between temperate Europe and the Aegean went primarily via Italy and the
western Adriatic or the Carpathian Basin and Black Sea region. Within mainland
Europe, the river network favours North-South connections, but the Danube
and its tributaries form the single most dominant link that crosses large parts of
Europe from east to west.

Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Ole Christian Aslaksen and the Norwegian Institute at
Athens for inviting me to Athens for a very inspiring meeting on the perspectives
on mobility in the Eastern Mediterranean. Furthermore, I would like to thank
Benjamin Ducke and two anonymous reviewers for providing useful comments
on the earlier drafts of this paper, as well as Samantha Reiter for proof-reading
the English text. My research was funded by the European Commission, FP7
People, Marie Curie Actions, Forging Identities.

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Context of Vulchetrun”. In Thracians and Mycenaeans, edited by Jan P.P. Best and Nanny M.
W. de Vries, 106-131. Leiden: Brill and Terra Antiqua Balcanica.
Sherratt, Susan. (2000) “Circulation of Metals and the End of the Bronze Age in the Eastern
Mediterranean”. In Metals Make the World Go Round. The Supply and Circulation of Metals in
Bronze Age Europe, edited by Christopher F. E. Pare, 82-95. Oxford: Oxbow Books.
Snodgrass, Anthony M. (1964) Early Greek Armour and Weapons from the End of the Bronze Age
to 600 B.C. Edinburgh: University of Edinburgh.
Strahm, Christian. (1966) “Renzenbühl und Ringoldswil. Die Fundgeschichte zweier
frühbronzezeitlicher Komplexe”. Jahrbuch des Bernischen Historischen Museums in Bern
45/46: 321-371.
Thrane, Henrik. (1990) “The Mycenaean Fascination: a Northerner’s View”. In Orientalisch-
ägäische Einflüsse in der europäischen Bronzezeit, edited by Tiberiu Bader, 165-179. Bonn:
R. Habelt.
Vandkilde, Helle. (2007) Culture and change in Central European prehistory. 6th to 1st millennium
BC. Aarhus: Aarhus University Press.
Wallerstein, Immanuel (1974). The Modern World-system. I, Capitalist Agriculture and the Origins
of the European World-Economy in the Sixteenth Century. New York-London: Academic Press.
Wardle, Ken. A. (1993) “Mycenaean Trade and Influence in Northern Macedonia”. In Wace and
Blegen. Pottery as Evidence for Trade in the Aegean Bronze Age 1939-1989, edited by Zerner,
Zerner and Winder, 117-141. Amsterdam: Brill Academic Publication.
Zich, Bernd. (2004) “Die Fürstengräber von Leubingen und Helmsdorf”. In Der geschmiedete
Himmel. Die weite Welt im Herzen Europas vor 3600 Jahren, edited by Harald Meller, 156-
157. Saale: Landesmuseum für Vorgeschichte.
 Engraving the ships. Shared ideas and practices
Katarina Streiffert Eikeland

Traces of ships can be seen on rock engravings, i.e. carvings or graffiti, along the coasts
of Cyprus and the Levant. These engravings are frequently interpreted on religious
grounds, however, the interpretation of these maritime images must be distinguished
from different perspectives and reconsidered as a more complex phenomenon. Trans-
maritime navigation was one of the prime mechanisms behind the complexity of Bronze
Age society and it is therefore likely that the seafarers themselves had a great impact
on the iconography. What we see is a shared local practice that mediates intrinsic ideas
involving images of ships and mariners. This type of maritime image is represented in
many parts of the coastal area of the Eastern Mediterranean, yet the images show a clear
variety in contextual placement and are found in opened landscapes, sanctuaries, as well
as within the household. The contextual variety of the maritime engravings has hitherto
not been discussed and, furthermore, the reason(s) for the variety are unclear and need
to be elucidated. Above all, the important and neglected issue of whether these maritime
images were restricted to specific groups or accessible for all members of a society will be
taken into account and reconsidered. In terms of global perspectives, contextual variety
will also be highlighted from a Southern Scandinavian point of view.

Maritime practice – the setting

Trans-maritime navigation was one of the prime mechanisms behind the
complexity of Bronze Age society. It gave rise to a highly complex network of
trade as well as cultural connectivity on a whole. Nautical ventures, however, had
a down-side. Every route was a dangerous undertaking for the crew as well as
the ship and its cargo. It was not just the construction of the ship that was crucial
for the security of those on board, the anchors were of just as much importance.
According to Honor Frost:
84 KATARINA STREIFFERT EIKELAND

“…the security of any sailing ship, ancient or modern, when storm-driven towards
shore, depends on its anchors. Only their hold stands between a ship and destruction
coupled with the possible death of the crew, hence the retention throughout recorded
history of the anchor’s sacred significance.”1

The archaeological record from Canaanite and Phoenician contexts let us

understand that maritime votives are noticeable in the dedicatory anchors and
model ships from the temples of Byblos. The offering of anchors can also be found
in the Temple of Ba`l in Ugarit, and the temples at Kition-Bamboula (Cyprus) and
Tell Sukas, today’s Syria.2 Whether you were a fisherman, a merchant at sea or a
sailor, the maritime lifestyle at sea was a dangerous venture and gave rise to a set
of preventative practices. Consequently, the uncertain lifestyle at sea generated a
specialised maritime religion.3
How can we study maritime culture, frequently associated with religious
practice, in archaeological terms? One way is to look at stone anchors from
adequate contexts, but ship engravings, i.e. graffiti or carvings, are an additional
aspect of utmost importance. They are suggested to have been a form of worship,
or ex-voto, and some kind of cultic offering devoted by mariners in order to show
gratitude for past successes as well as safe journeys in future endeavours.4 Ships
are considered to have been imbued with a protective spirit and also contained
sacred spaces.5 Following this line of thought, it is not difficult to picture the need
to manifest and integrate the ship as a maritime symbol in the surroundings of the
ancient seafarers.
Ancient ships have been conveyed with multiple representations through
time. In the Mediterranean area ships are frequently depicted on painted vases,
as small clay models, and as carved images on stone. Since this study focuses on
the specific subject of ship-carvings/graffiti and its accessibility, it is necessary to
reconsider the notion of whether the engravings were only for mariners.
Aaron Brody states that: “The dangers of navigating on the Mediterranean and
the seeming whimsy of its winds and tides generated religious needs of seafarers
that were not shared by members of society who never left dry land”6 However, the
question is whether the archaeological record can offer us another picture than that
of a purely mariner cult. By looking at the contextual placement of the images, is

1. Frost 1985, 281.

2. Brody 1998.
3. For seafarers´ religion see Brody 2008.
4. Bash and Artzy 1983, 322; Artzy 2003, 244.
5. Brody 2008, 444.
6. Brody 2008, 444.
 ENGRAVING THE SHIPS. SHARED IDEAS AND PRACTICES 85

it possible to discuss whether the images were accessible to non-mariners within

the society? Ships in the form of carvings can be seen in prehistoric sanctuaries as
well as in much later periods. A plethora of these images are also seen on Christian
churches.7 The sacred value of the ship is thus rooted to what seems to be a sacral
tradition. From this point of view, is the idea that the maritime carvings were
only associated with mariners’ religious practice due to this long-lived tradition,
and consequently, our preconceived notions? Furthermore, do we have evidence
to outline alternative settings concerning accessibility to the maritime images? In
order to elucidate these issues, a number of sites showing maritime engravings
from Cyprus, the Levantine area, and Scandinavia will be dealt with.

Fig. 1: Map over the sites with maritime engravings mentioned in the text (map revised by
Gülbin Kulbay).

7. Basch and Artzy 1985, 322.

86 KATARINA STREIFFERT EIKELAND

Cyprus
Kition
Kition was one of eight major coastal towns on Cyprus during the Late Bronze
Age. Today one finds the remains of ancient Kition below the modern town
structure of Larnaca (c. 2-4m). The town was fortified and may have had an inner
harbour.8 The archaeological data presents a settlement filled with workshops
(copper workshops for instance) and temples. Particularly noteworthy is the
relationship between copper production and religion on Cyprus, a hypothesis
based on the close spatial relationship between bronze-working facilities and
religious structures.9

The anchors at Kition

There are two temenos and five temples at Kition. Temples 2 and 3 belong to the
LCII period: temple 2 was reused in LCIII forming one unit with temple 1, while
temple 4 and 5 constitute another sanctuary unit.10 It is noticeable that all of the
temples (with the exception of temple 3 which was small and damaged), as well
as the temenos, contained a number of stone-anchors that were used as part of the
building construction; a fact of great interest to this study.
The walls of temple 4 (in area II) contained anchors with incisions: find no.
5130, 5131 and 5140. This was also evident in temple 2: find no. 2618. Some of
these incisions have been interpreted as arrows, but the marks seem to display
the part where the oars were placed in the vessels. It is interesting that these
anchors all lack use-marks which tells us that they were never used at sea.11
Following Honor Frost, no temple anchor shows signs of wear12 which suggests
their votive significance.13 The temple-anchors have had cupules cut into their
top surface, rendering rough-hewn backs (i.e. the downwards facing side was not
intended to be seen) as well as fresh chisel cuts and unfinished piercing sets. All
this suggests that these temple anchors had been made ex-votos.14 The intrinsic
religious meaning of placing stone anchors in temple-walls should perhaps be put
in relation to the fact that they were also deposited in tombs.15 Since the anchors

8. Demas 1985.
9. Knapp 1986.
10. Karageorghis 1985, 253.
11. Frost 1985, 282.
12. Frost 1985, 282.
13. Frost 1985, 290.
14. Frost 1985, 284.
15. Frost 1985, 281.
 ENGRAVING THE SHIPS. SHARED IDEAS AND PRACTICES 87

lack use-marks, it is possible that they were placed in a ritual environment in

order to integrate a maritime feature as a complement to the religious contexts.

Ship graffiti at Kition

There are additional examples of maritime practice associated with a seafaring
cult at Kition. Ashlar blocks, rendering numerous graffiti of ships, were found in
the southern wall of a temple with two or three additional inscriptions found on
blocks from the altar of temple 4. Since the blocks are found within structures
of religious association, the temples are suggested to have been dedicated to a
deity who protected navigation.16 The contextual placement of these images,
in relation to the site´s geographical position in the bay, is an additional factor
strengthening the possibility of finding “mariners’ influence on the cult”.17 Their
sacral association located in a temple area is hard to question.

Ship graffiti in Temple 1, Area II and Temple 4

Nineteen engraved ships are depicted on the orthostat of the southern wall of
temple 1.18 The wall consists of eight ashlar blocks, each of which measure
approximately 1.5 x 3m.19 The wall has been exposed to severe weathering which
has unfortunately given rise to a range of interpretations when it comes to reading
the images.20
One of the images in temple 1 is ship no. 13 (see Fig. 2a-c) which is currently
interpreted as a long boat21 or perhaps a ram carrier long ship.22 Looking at the
picture there seems to be a circular cavity within the carvings (see Fig. 2a). There
are examples in Scandinavia of ram carrier long ships which contain a cup mark
that has been interpreted as an eye. Following Aaron Brody, the eye, placed at the
ship´s prow, could guide the vessel and ward off harm.23

16. Basch and Artzy 1985, 323.

17. Basch and Artzy 1985, 323.
18. Basch and Artzy 1985, 324; Wachmann 2009, 147.
19. Westerberg 1983, 17.
20. Basch and Artzy 1985, 324.
21. Artzy 2003, 238.
22. Basch and Artzy 1985, 328.
23. Brody 2008, 448.
88 KATARINA STREIFFERT EIKELAND

Fig. 2a, b and c: From the left ship graffiti no. 13, temple 1, drawing of ship and alternative
“reading” of the motif (after Artzy and Basch1985).

The maritime engravings in temple 4 are found on the two vertical limestone
slabs which make up the altar or table of offerings (see Fig. 3). A seafaring cult
is suggested due to the numerous finds of anchors in the same area, possibly with
the temple dedicated, as mentioned, to a deity who protected navigation.24 Some
of the ships, or more precisely the “round ship” from Kition, are linked to the Tel
Akko graffiti in Northern Israel which is suggested to be of Sea People origin.25
The same type can also be labelled as a “fan type” boat.26

Fig. 3: Ship on altar (after Artzy and Basch 1985).

24. Basch and Artzy 1985, 323.

25. Wachsmann 2009, 148.
26. Artzy 2003, 232.
 ENGRAVING THE SHIPS. SHARED IDEAS AND PRACTICES 89

Miscellaneous traces of cult activity

In the temple area at Kition, among anchors and engraved ashlar blocks, there
is material evidence associated with opium. For instance, one ivory pipe, no.
4267, found in and associated with temple 4, is suggested to have been smoked
in temple 5. The last suggestion is strengthened by the presence of a cylindrical
vase, no. 4219,27 which has parallels with the sanctuary of the goddess of Gazi
in Crete.28 It is also believed that the twin temples 4 and 5 were dedicated to
divinities connected with fertility. One ivory plaque, no. 4252, found in temple 4,
also has an association to fertility since it depicts Bes – the god who helps women
in pregnancy. Vassos Karageorghis raises the question of whether the drug was
only used as a tranquiliser or if it was used in combination in order to “create a
mood of euphoria.” 29 The association between opium and pregnant women is an
unpleasant thought in my opinion, and hopefully wrong since there is no need
to make this association given that pregnant women seldom need drugs during
pregnancy, but they can of course be useful when a woman is in labour. In this
case a temple is most probably, but conclusively, the wrong arena for drug use.
Bearing in mind that although the god Bes was mainly the protector of households
and in particular mothers and children, he was also a symbol for music, dance
and sexual pleasure. These activities are perhaps more naturally connected with
opium use due to its relaxing quality. The temple area was accordingly probably
not only for mariners as the artefacts imply it was also open to others – perhaps
also women.

Hala Sultan Tekke

The closest neighbouring settlement to Kition is Hala Sultan Tekke. The
geographical proximity of Hala Sultan Tekke (about three kilometres), as well
as to the many harbour towns which prospered around the Larnaca Bay during
the Late Bronze Age e.g. Pyla, Arpera and Livadhi, might indicate some kind of
commercial team-work between these sites. This hypothesis is based on a second
possibility; that they shared the natural resources of the region, e.g. copper, salt
and access to land. This in turn supports the idea of organized trade in the area.30

27. Demas 1985, 131.

28. A figure of a “goddess of narcotic” (c. 1300 BC) was found in the sanctuary of Gazi. Source:
Wikipedia. Another name for this Minoan goddess is “goddess of poppies, patronage of
healing.” She wears a crown (or hairpins) displaying three standing poppy capsules. This was
found in connection with a simple smoking apparatus, i.e. a cylindrical vessel.
29. Karageorghis 1985, 329-333; Karageorghis and Demas 1975, 259.
30. Karageorghis and Demas 1985, 3.
90 KATARINA STREIFFERT EIKELAND

The town shows strong evidence for commercial links with many other regions
in the Mediterranean area. Hala Sultan Tekke was a wealthy harbour town during
the Bronze Age – a prosperity that may be related to its location. The Salt Lake
we can see from the site today was once a lagoon that opened out to the sea giving
the adjacent settlement the benefit of the largest natural harbour in the Eastern
Mediterranean.
Focusing on the topic of engravings, or graffiti for that matter, there are also
examples at Hala Sultan Tekke, however, these are not represented in the temple
areas at the site; they are instead located in contexts interpreted as living-areas.

Ship graffiti in Room 4, Area 22

Area 22 is located in the most southern part of the excavated area of the site.
One ashlar block with maritime connotations was found in room 4, N4014 (see
Fig. 4). The ashlar block depicts a man with a pointed cap and a spear in his
outstretched hand who is standing in a boat with a high prow.
The slab was lying on its narrow, incised long
side when it was found and was not in situ.31 The
incised ashlar block was found close to another
block, F6079 (without incisions), which was also
resting on one of its narrow long sides; this block
was in situ however. It seems reasonable to suggest
that the position of N4014 may have had a similar
position to F6079. The blocks could have served as
pillars or aniconic stones near the entrance or gate,
as suggested by Ulla Öbrink.32 If they were, then
they consequently constitute markers of an entrance
into an area of perhaps maritime importance.
The original position of the two ashlar blocks in the
room is not self-sufficient; they were surrounded by
Fig. 4: Detail of graffiti on
N 4014. The image is a part
a wall-structure. It has not been determined whether
of a larger block, see Fig. 4 they were vertically or horizontally integrated. The
(courtesy of Öbrink 1979). image on N 4014 is best seen from a horizontal
orientation which may also indicate the original
horizontal positioning of the slab (see Fig. 5).

31. Öbrink 1979, 5.

32. Öbrink 1979, IV.
 ENGRAVING THE SHIPS. SHARED IDEAS AND PRACTICES 91

Fig. 5: Ashlar block N 4014. The man with a spear in his hand who is standing in a boat (detail
on Fig.3) can be seen in the first left quarter of the block (courtesy of Öbrink 1979).

It is also possible that the block was deposited in the way it was found in
order to hide the incisions that perhaps gave a divine or cultural status. If this is
in fact the case, then it is the hidden presence of a maritime image that is the most
interesting fact - not its actual physical position. In the following text a similar
hidden motif will be discussed. It was rendered on another slab, F 1093 in area 8,
and may provide evidence towards this ritual practice.
There are some researchers within the Scandinavian archaeology of rock
carvings who frequently connect the images to ideological and cosmological
aspects.33 Following Kristian Kristiansen “…the placing of settlement, barrows,
cemeteries, sanctuaries or rock art can be understood as meaningful in relation
to the cosmological and religious order of life.”34 The images on N 4014 may
connect to ideological or cosmological considerations, but it could just as well
connect to more specific, practical aspects like maritime trade or the fishing
industry. Both are reckless enterprises that require a great deal of care – before
and after an excursion. The presence of a maritime image within a household
may offer a closer relation between the members of the household(s) in area 22,
and perhaps the sharing of a social practice that some of the household members
may have been a part of. The possibility that room 4 accommodated fishermen
may be strengthened by the 34 drilled net-weights found in the same room. From
this point of view the consideration made by Aaron Brody about the protective
spirit the ships were imbued with, as well as the sacred space procured by its very
presence, seems to be a reasonable assumption for room 4.
The images on N4014 (see Fig. 4) are paralleled by Enkomi-Alasia (see
Fig. 6). This specific image is discussed by Lionel Casson who considers it to
reproduce “every feature of the Syros ships down to the projection at the stern. It
also includes a sail – presumably the mast was stepped and sail stowed away in

33. Kristiansen and Larsson 2005; Fredell 2003.

34. Kristiansen and Larsson 2005, 135.
92 KATARINA STREIFFERT EIKELAND

all the other representations – which is shown bellying toward the high end.”35
The graffiti is damaged, particularly on the upper part of the image. It is hard
to tell whether the ship was a warship under sail in the Helladic tradition, or an
Aegean long ship – which has never been seen with a mast before.36

Fig. 6: Graffiti from Enkomi 1200-1100 BC (after Schaeffer 1952, fig 38).

The scene depicted on slab N4014 (Fig. 4), may have a second parallel on
another stone slab from a Late Bronze Age building in the Canaanite city Lachish,
in the southern part of modern Israel.37 Like in Kition, a temple has also been
located in Lachish which belonged to the Late Bronze Age period.38 In 1975 two
large hewn slabs were found showing a series of ancient interwoven graffiti. The
central image rendered the head and upper torso of a deity armed with a lance.
Similar to the man with the pointed cap found on the block from Tekke (N 4014),
the god is depicted with a long beard and large eyes. However, it is the conical

35. Casson 1995, 31.

36. Wachsmann 2009, 143.
37. Öbrink (1979, 17) referring to the parallel in C. Schaeffer, Enkomi-Alasia , Paris 1952: 102,
fig. 38, pl. X. (cf. D. Ussishkin, Lachish renewed archaeological excavations, Expedition 20:4,
1978: 20.22).
38. Christa Clamer and David Ussishkin 1977, in The American School of Oriental Research.
Source Biblical Archaeologist vol. 40:2, May 1977. A Canaanite temple in Tell Lachish, 71-77.
 ENGRAVING THE SHIPS. SHARED IDEAS AND PRACTICES 93

cap he is wearing39 that may be comparable with the graffiti from Hala Sultan
Tekke.40 Lachish, like many other sites, was destroyed at the end of the Late
Bronze Age41– just like Hala Sultan Tekke.
Parallels within the site are difficult to find, but one other ashlar slab F1291,
in the nearby area 8, has chiselled marks on its narrow side.42 The marks may
represent the wavy lines of the sea. Perhaps the most important aspect for making
the maritime association is the contextual circumstances; the slab was found close
to a stone anchor (F1254). A second parallel from Tekke is F 1093, also found
in area 8.43 This block has a number of circular cavities and regular undulating
chiselled grooves. According to Gunnel Hult the marks are “…difficult to explain
[…] purely as the marks of quarrying tools. If they were made for some ritual
purpose, this must be in connection with a secondary use of the stone, since the
other sides, except one long narrow side, are well dressed and very smooth and
would rather have been meant to be visible.”44 It was found with the cavities
turned downwards – they were hidden just like the slab in room 4, area 22. There
are parallels for this practice in Scandinavian contexts. Some burials contain
stones with cup-marks, deposited with the cup-marks upside down. There are
also examples of burials with figurative motifs hidden inside the grave. This
phenomenon is also detectable in the Israeli grave context of burial cave 557
at Maresha. The ships found here are of later date e.g. the Hellenistic period.45
Hidden maritime associations are probably an important aspect to highlight. In
Scandinavian contexts there are ship-burials from the Early Bronze Age c. 1300-
1100 BC which were constructed underground, hence avoiding exposure. In later
periods the monuments were instead much more available in open terrain. The
function of the ship as a symbol is thus expressed in two different social contexts46
where the social expression seems to be linked to a specific period.
Other parallels can be traced to Enkomi- Alasia and to Lachish47 but also to
Kition.48 At Kition, however, the ashlar blocks rendering numerous graffiti of
ships were found in the south wall of temple 1 with some two or three additional

39. Clamer and Ussishkin 1977, 76.

40. See also Öbrink 1979, 17.
41. Clamer and Ussishkin 1977, 71.
42. Hult 1981, 16, and fig. 134.
43. Hult 1978, 4, fig 24.
44. Hult 1978, 4.
45. Artzy 2011.
46. Cf. Artelius in Streiffert Eikeland and Miller 2013.
47. Öbrink 1979, 17.
48. Begg 2004; Karageorghis and Demas 1985.
94 KATARINA STREIFFERT EIKELAND

found on blocks of the altar in temple 4. The religious or ceremonial contexts

for this maritime type of images connected to Kition may also give the incised
ashlar block in room 4 another intrinsic meaning than the ordinary household
perspective. Although room 4 seems to constitute a higher level of social
complexity compared to many other rooms in area 22 due to the variability of
the material culture, it may still be interpreted as a household unit. The maritime
incisions in this specific area connect with the maritime activity within the harbour
site. The incised image N4014, interpreted by Öbrink as a man with a pointed cap
and a spear in his outstretched hand who is standing in a boat with a high prow,
may here be given associations to maritime religious or ceremonial practices. In
a recent article Aaron Brody discussed the protective spirit the ships were imbued
with as well as the sacredness they procured by their very presence.49 Öbrink
also speculates on the meaning of the blocks. She raises the possibility of them
to being stelae (since N 4014 has a rounded top) or aniconic representations of
divinities.50

Ship graffiti in Room 10, Area 22

Room 10 is an additional room within area 22 in which ashlar blocks, depicting
maritime images, were found. The graffiti motif, rendered on the intact long side
of the ashlar block N 4007 (see Fig. 7), shows part of a roughly drawn ship.51
The best preserved part of the image depicts the upper part of the prow. Just
like the block in room 4 and the block in area 8, the image on N 4007 (Fig. 7) was
found with the motif turned upside down.
At the edge of one narrow long side, a semi-circular depression surrounded by
a worn area, could be seen. The block also had four cavities which were irregularly
placed, yet represented on all four long sides. They have been interpreted as
mortises (?)52
Parallels for the prow on N4007 can be found on a relief in Babylonian that
depicts the Phoenicians delivering cedar from Lebanon. Important circumstances
in this room are the high representation of Canaanite pottery and the ashlar block
with an image that may be connected to Canaanite identity. The question raised
is whether this is material evidence of a Canaanite household? Without any
connection to the many examples of Canaanite pottery, but simply looking at the

49. Brody 2008.

50. Öbrink 1979, IV.
51. Öbrink 1979, 16.
52. Öbrink 1979, 16f.
 ENGRAVING THE SHIPS. SHARED IDEAS AND PRACTICES 95

Fig. 7: Ashlar block N 4007. At the right side of the block the upper part of the prow is rendered
(after Öbrink 1979).

iconography, Shelley Wachsmann suggests the graffiti on the ashlar block N4007
displays a Syro-Canaanite ship.53
Room 10 was also the only room that contained sherds of the highly unusual
ware of Late Minoan oat meal fabric. Of the 111 sherds found in area 22, 100
were found in room 10 and formed a stirrup (?) jug of LC III1A date.54

The Carmel Ridge, Northern Israel

The Late Bronze Age Canaanite settlement of Lachish, modern Israel, was
previously shown to as a link between the maritime symbols at Hala Sultan
Tekke and the Levantine area. The following text will exemplify the existence
and location of maritime rock carvings among some coastal sites at the Carmel
Mountain in Northern Israel.

53. Wachsmann 2009, 49f.

54. Öbrink 1979, 42.
96 KATARINA STREIFFERT EIKELAND

Tel Akko
Tel Akko is situated in the northern part of the Israeli coast. The site was situated
in a considerably sized fertile agricultural hinterland, but above all it was a
prospering harbour town. Geological data shows that the site was surrounded by
water on the north-west, west and south. An estuary could easily reach the site
from the sea.
Tel Akko had an advantageous location since it lay at the intersection of
maritime and terrestrial routes that encouraged trade and traders to the site which
functioned as the administrative and trading centre for Southern Syria, Poenicia
and Eretz-Israel.55 Its importance is demonstrated in the Amarna letters in which
Akko is mentioned at least 13 times.56 From the Middle Bronze II, Tel Akko was
continuously inhabited until the Hellenistic period.57 The ancient structures of
Akko were situated 10-12 meters above the present shoreline.58

Area H
Within the settlement, on the northern rampart (Area H), a unique cultic area
was detected.59 A small altar with carvings (ca 24 x 26 x 30cm) was discovered
(see Fig. 8) that depicts a scene representing four ships. It is suggested that
it would have been portable and initially used on board a ship but eventually
ended up at the site of Tel Akko where it was later unearthed. The engraving
– composed of a mixture of techniques including grooving and drilling along
plain incisions - depicts four boats of the so called “fan type” similar to the
example that was visible on the outer wall of temple 1 and 4 at Kition.60 The
fan type boat has a prow which bends inwards. The Akko graffiti is linked to
Aegean ship representations.61 According to Artzy, the fan on the altar, was “...
possibly exaggerated to accentuate its ritual importance. It served as a way of
identifying the group that built the ships and those who engraved them on this
altar and on the altar and wall at Kition.”62
On the altar, mixed with ash, three quartz stones (about the size of an orange)
were deposited. Two of them were engraved: on one of the stones a boat engraving

55. Beeri 2008.

56. Artzy 2006, 50.
57. Artzy 2006, 60; Artzy and Beeri 2010.
58. Raban 1991, 138.
59. Artzy and Beeri 2010, 18.
60. Artzy 2003, 232; Artzy 1987, 76f.
61. Wachsmann 2009, 203.
62. Artzy 1987, 77f.
 ENGRAVING THE SHIPS. SHARED IDEAS AND PRACTICES 97

Fig. 8: The engraved ships on the Akko altar (courtesy of Artzy).

was found. The image is less than 2 cm in width, showing a boat with everted
stempost.63 Three figures can be seen on board the boat with a dolphin (or a tuna)
swimming below it.64 A dolphin is depicted on the other stone.65

63. Artzy 2003, 239.

64. Artzy and Beeri 2010, 18; lecture given by Michal Artzy 2010.02.11.
65. Artzy 2007, 185; Artzy and Beeri 2010, 18.
98 KATARINA STREIFFERT EIKELAND

Fig. 9: Tel Akko, Area H. Pottery in situ, associated with the altar (courtesy of Artzy).

The altar was found on the tell itself within the occupation-area designated
as area H, Square L-7, and dated to the end of the 13th early 12th century BC.66
In the earliest habitation-area, a pit filled with an abundance of imported pottery,
especially from Cyprus, was found. The altar, which was connected by a row
of stones to a partially lined bothros, was found approximately 5 meters from
the pit (see Fig. 9). There are no architectural elements that associate with the
altar, but it is possible that the altar may have been covered with some type of
temporary construction.67 It is also likely that the bothros was once roofed.68 The
ceramic material confirms that Tel Akko was an active maritime trading partner,
particularly with Cyprus.69

66. Artzy 1987, 75.

67. Artzy 2007, 184f.
68. Artzy 2006, 117; Artzy and Beeri 2010, 18.
69. Artzy and Beeri 2010, 18.
 ENGRAVING THE SHIPS. SHARED IDEAS AND PRACTICES 99

Tel Nami and Nahal Ha-Meàrot

The anchorage settlement Tel Nami is located on the southern coast of Carmel.
Nami, an international maritime trading center, was initially occupied in the Middle
Bronze Age IIA period (c. 13th century BC), as well as in the final part of the Late
Bronze IIb period.70 The site is located ca 3-4 km west from where Nahal Me’arot -
the river on which Nami was dependent – leaves the Carmel Ridge. Despite the lack
of evidence of an anchorage, Nami should somehow be connected to the outlet of
the river.71 Nahal ha-Mearot is also the area where most of the engravings have been
found (see Fig. 10 and Fig. 11).72 Numerous boat representations were discovered
here during a regional survey by Michal Artzy and her team.
When approaching Nami from the sea, ancient mariners must have used
navigational landmarks to be able to accomplish a safe anchorage. One of the
landmarks in the area was most probably the cavity in the Carmel Mountain carved
out by the Mearot River rising from the limestone rock. The location of Nahal ha-
Me`arot must have stood out to travellers at sea and it is likely that the site once
served as a landfall. The environment of the site is described as “(t)he southern
cliff drops sharply in an almost straight edge while in the northern area, there is a
triangular form which can best be described as a pyramid-shaped rock. The complete
composition, which from afar looks much like a crevice, might have lent the name
mgr (Mugar), a Semitic word meaning ‘cave’, to Nami.”73 Graffiti of boats are cut
onto the cliffs. Looking at the contextual placement of the engraved ships, one finds
one on the outcrop of rocks in Nahal ha-Me`arot north of the ‘pyramid’. This carving
is of particular interest due to its size and the depth of the carving.74 The image
rendering of an Aegean longboat finds parallels in a number of 1200 BC contexts.75
An additional carving is found on the pyramid-shaped rock on the northern
bank of the Nahal ha-Me`arot crevice (see Fig. 12). The carving, only 6 cm in
length, shows a mast, a yard and a rolled sail. The prow may render the head of a
bird or an animal. This, and many other carvings on this rock, face the sea. One
boat-carving depicts a mast, yard and a furled sail.76 On the rock of the exit of
the Mearot River, there are ex voto incisions of a boat. These are interpreted as
bench-marks for approaching mariners.77

70. Artzy 1997, 7; Artzy 2003, 244; Artzy 2007, 13.

71. Artzy personal comment.
72. Artzy 2003, 244.
73. Artzy 2003, 234.
74. Artzy 2003, 234.
75. Artzy 2003, 237.
76. Artzy 2003, 241.
77. Artzy 2010.
100 KATARINA STREIFFERT EIKELAND

Fig. 10: Entrance to the Nahal Me’arot. The circle encloses the concentration of the ship
engravings (courtesy of Artzy).

Fig. 11: Nahal Me’arot the area of ship graffiti. The circle encloses the concentration of the ship
engravings (courtesy of Artzy).
 ENGRAVING THE SHIPS. SHARED IDEAS AND PRACTICES 101

The fan type boat is also found in other areas like Nahal ha-Me`arot, located
on the western side of the Carmel Ridge. Next to Nahal ha-Me`arot are the Carmel
Caves, which have been inhabited in various prehistoric and historic periods.
Engravings from Epipaleolithic and Neolithic periods are frequent, however, few
figurative engravings have been distinguished from these early periods.78
In 1967 E. Wreschner and M. W. Prausnitz discovered one ship graffiti near
the top of the valley´s northern bluff.79 According to Artzy:

“it is likely that these engravings were made by mariners, familiar with other parts of
the eastern Mediterranean who inscribed the images of their trade on the landmark
to which they owed their safe arrival, a form of ex-voto practice, or a terrestrial
bench mark by the mariners to indicate a proposed route used as a supplementary
path connecting the Carmel coast and the hinterland.”80

Fig. 12: Fan type boat on cliff in open terrain, Nahal Me’arot (photo M. Artzy).

Nahal Oren
Nahal Oren is a large valley located less than 4 kilometres west of Nahal ha-
Me’arot. On the lowest slopes of the Carmal Ridge, on the northern bank of
Nahal Oren, there is a carving depicting a boat. The image finds parallels in the
carving from Nahal ha- Meárot depicting a prow with an animal or bird.81 Like
the carving at Nahal ha- Mearot, this example also faces the western sea.82

78. Wreschner 1971.

79. Wachsmann 2009, 202.
80. Artzy 1997, 8f.
81. Artzy 2003, 241.
82. Artzy 2003, 242.
102 KATARINA STREIFFERT EIKELAND

Bohuslän, The Swedish West Coast

Tanum
The tradition of engraving boats can be traced back to the Mesolithic period.
Maritime carvings on blocks are evident in a Norwegian context as early as
8000-4000 BC and are consequently the oldest in the world.83 Although we
have some early examples of this tradition, it does not advance in number until
the later periods. Looking at the Nordic status it is clear that Bohuslän, on the
Swedish west coast, is the richest rock carving area: 10 000 ship engravings have
been located.84 In a European perspective only the Italian site Valca Monica is
comparable in number. This alpine location matches every Nordic figurative
carving, with the exception of ship graffiti. The lack of ship representations may
naturally question the cosmological meaning of the ship as a global phenomenon,
or for that matter, a transformer of knowledge.
The ship, often in combination with other figurative images, is a central
motive on the rock panels in Bohuslän. A discussion concerning the maritime
significance of the area could therefore be of relevance. A great amount of research
has been invested in these depictions, mainly focusing on the symbolism. An
alternative approach has been outlined by Johan Ling who studies Bronze Age
shore displacement. By examining the shorelines of the Bronze Age in relation to
the ship motifs, he has concluded that 65-70% of the carvings in Tanum, Northern
Bohuslän, were situated close to the Bronze Age shoreline.85 Independent of
their geographical placement in the landscape, the areas with rock carvings in
Bohuslän are the most concentrated in Europe, but furthermore, they are also the
areas with the most complex iconography. The carvings on the rocks of Bohuslän
are additionally considered to be the most eminent for drawing parallels to
iconographic comparisons and the symbology of the Eastern Mediterranean86 due
to the many similar features in the iconography, chronological correspondence,
and the interaction and trade of metals 87 – directly or indirectly – between
these areas. Due to these factors, maritime engravings from Bohuslän, and the
discussions of these engravings, will be adopted in the following discussion as
an analytical tool and a door opener to see the ship engravings from the Eastern
Mediterranean in another perspective.

83. Persson 2013, 166.

84. Hygen and Bengtsson1999, 92.
85. Ling 2008, 4.
86. Olsson 1999, 146f.
87. According to Johan Ling (et al. 2014), the lead isotopic analyses of metal items from
Scandinavian contexts disclose Cyprus as one of the major areas that delivered copper to the
Scandinavian area during the Bronze Age.
 ENGRAVING THE SHIPS. SHARED IDEAS AND PRACTICES 103

Mediterranean and Bohuslän

Accessibility to the maritime carvings – global contextual variety
It can therefore be established that the Mediterranean and Scandinavian ship-
carvings are depicted in a plethora of contextual environments. In order to
highlight the circumstances concerning the location of the Mediterranean
carvings it is important to view them in a broad perspective. In this case they
will be discussed and compared in relation to the contextual accessibility the
Scandinavian carvings seem to have had.
The range of motifs on rock carvings is considerable in Scandinavia, but
the most frequent figurative motives are the ship-representations. According
to Kristiansen and Larsson, Scandinavian ship-images from the early Nordic
Bronze Age correlate in form and construction with the Mediterranean ships. The
maritime resemblances suggest that they are the result of direct long distance
contact in which the Nordic chiefs were personally involved.88 Most of the ships
have a coastal position that may indicate the emergence of maritime chiefdoms.89
The ships demonstrate the sea voyagers – the members of the coastal network and,
following Kristiansen, “visiting chiefs would often carve a ship in their local style
(which thus became a foreign ship type) to mark their visit, and by marking these
“foreign” ship types and their area of origin on a map a network of long distance
sea journeys can be reconstructed.” Through an expanding maritime network, a
new ideology, cosmology and skilled craft were spread and adopted throughout
Southern Scandinavia. The new cosmological approach included the ship as a
symbol, as a transmitter and a transformer of knowledge.90 Consequently, we are
talking about a cosmological space or room.
A central question to consider is who had access to the carvings, made by either
visiting chiefs or mobile mariners, and the possible intrinsic cosmological space
they form a part of? Nordic rock art may be considered to be more profound than,
for instance, the Minoan frescos, since the northern images have been cut in the
rock in open terrain, and not placed on the interior walls of temples, sanctuaries
or palaces,91 but is it a fact that the Swedish rock art panels were meant to be
accessible, or at least visible, for the public? Take for instance the monumental
panels in the heritage area at Vitlycke in Bohuslän, or the Himmelstalund in
Östergötland. These are places where thousands of people could have viewed
the varied nature of the figurative carvings as well as participated in the religious

88. Kristiansen and Larsson 2005, 208.

89. Kristiansen and Larsson 2005, 198; Ling et al. 2014.
90. Kristiansen and Larsson 2005, 198f.
91. Kristiansen and Larsson 2005, 335.
104 KATARINA STREIFFERT EIKELAND

performances executed by priests or chieftains. Since many of the images are

interpreted as gods, a worship of the deities could also have been accomplished.92
Although the rock panels seem to be easily assessable in the landscape of today,
it is not necessarily the case that members of Bronze Age society were unimpeded
or given free access to the cosmological space. Whether the rock panels were
exposed in opened or closed areas is not yet certain. There may be evidence of
fencing around one of the rock panels in Norway with a line of stones. A large
number of sherds have been found between the line and the panel indicating
ritual activity inside the “fenced area”. This quite unique example indicates that
the area might have been closed to the public.93 In general, further evidence of
restrictions in relation to the Nordic carvings, are not established.
Looking at the Mediterranean area, there seems to have been a quite restricted
process associated with deities rendered on wall paintings or rock reliefs. Only
kings, queens, priests, priestesses, nobles or other elite persons were involved in
these ceremonies.94 Looking at the general picture of the rock art in Bohuslän,
most of the panels have:

“...an open, communicative, coastal location. Moreover, the general, innovative

and mobile conduct of the rock art does not agree with the normative ideologies
connected with Bronze Age elites (cf. Kristiansen & Larsson 2005). In this respect
the rock art panels do not seem to provide the spatial, expressive or social conduct
or criteria of control or privacy that chiefly agency demands. They seem to reflect
‘public’ rather than ‘private’ or restricted affairs.”95

Fenced areas for carvings are hardly the general picture in the Nordic area and
must be treated as an exception; carvings in general cannot be associated with
fencing, on the contrary, many ship representations were easy to detect from the
sea and guided the seafarers, mentally and geographically, on their journey.
What about the maritime engravings in the Eastern Mediterranean region; is
this genre filled with restrictions when it comes to accessibility? Looking at the
examples presented here, the answer is complex. The obvious sacral contexts are
evident in the case of Kition as well as in Tel Akko. Yet, Cyprus, as well as the
Carmel coast, possesses maritime images that are represented in open air terrain

92. Kristiansen and Larsson 2005, 335.

93. Kristiansen and Larsson 2005, 336.
94. Kristiansen and Larsson 2005, 336.
95. Cornell and Ling 2013, 262.
 ENGRAVING THE SHIPS. SHARED IDEAS AND PRACTICES 105

as well as in households. The notion of Nordic rock-art being more profound,

since they are not placed on the interior walls of temples, may thus be valid
for many of the maritime images in the Eastern Mediterranean as well. With
knowledge of the contextual placement of the maritime images, is it therefore
possible to measure accessibility or inaccessibility in temples and the landscape?
In order to highlight this issue, interpretations concerning accessibility and
inaccessibility at rock art sites becomes a useful tool. One interpretation is outlined
by Richard Bradley who has considered accessibility and inaccessibility at rock
art sites in relation to their location and content in a study on British islands.96
His criteria for accessible sites are defined by their communicative location in
the landscape, meaning visible vantage points, trails and paths, but furthermore
the complexity of their design and the composition of the carvings. Inaccessible
sites are defined on the basis of their inaccessible location in the landscape, close
to a settlement and distant from collective communicative spaces, but also by
the less complex composition and content of the images.97 Applying the criteria
of Bradley, Johan Ling concludes that in Tanum, Bohuslän, the majority of the
sites displaying ship carvings seem to have been located in accessible places
in this seascape, but sites with an inaccessible location and content also exist.98
Ling emphasizes the importance of taking the transformation of the sea level into
account, pointing to the fact that the much higher sea level during the Bronze
Age connected and united several panels, and consequently, most likely made
some panels more accessible. With the sea in mind, Ling develops the criteria of
accessible sites being possible to reach from the sea as well as land while at the
same time being visible from both the sea and the land. Inaccessible sites “could
then only have been reached, made and perceived from the sea.”99 Looking at the
slopes and orientation of the carvings, however, only a minority of the panels in
Tanum could have functioned as communicative signs over a wide area. To be
visible from the sea the carvings must be placed vertically, or at least placed on
panels with a 45 degree incline.100
Among the open air ship carvings at Carmel ridge, there are examples of
images visible from land as well as the sea. In the area of Nahal Mearot, Tell Nami
and Nahal Oren the ship carvings are accessible from the sea due to their vertical
placement on rocks which have an incline of over 45 degrees. Furthermore, some

96. Bradley 1997, 6.

97. Bradley 1997, 6.
98. Ling 2008, 157.
99. Ling 2008, 157.
100. Ling 2008, 156.
106 KATARINA STREIFFERT EIKELAND

of the ships are rendered on important bench-marks, like that on the exit of the
Mearot River.
The shore displacement process, indicating the maritime location of ship-
carvings in Tanum, is naturally not an isolated phenomenon for the Scandinavian
area, but includes the Mediterranean as well. The now dried-out inlet to the
harbour town at Hala Sultan Tekke, as well as the ancient dock in Kition, which
is today far away from the coastline, are only two of many examples showing
the existence of change in the sea levels during the period between the Bronze
Age and present day. An accurate shore displacement process in Cyprus or the
Levant Bronze Age landscape is, to my knowledge, not fully accomplished,101 but
it would naturally be highly interesting to discuss these ship-carvings in relation
the varied sea levels. Although the curve of the shore displacement process in
the Eastern Mediterranean area is therefore excluded in this study, a study of the
accessibility of the ship-carvings is still possible through other aspects.
According to Artzy it was probably the mariners who were the artists behind
the ships,102 but it is not their artistry that is of interest here, it is the maritime cult
that they practiced. Looking at the contextual placement of the ship graffiti at
Hala Sultan Tekke, it is not farfetched to suggest that the rest of the society, or at
least the relatives of the mariners, were given access to the maritime images just
by being members of the same household. In this case it is perhaps appropriate to
consider accessibility as well as inaccessibility since the images were probably
seen by people other than mariners, but not by all members of the society. The
archaeological record also does not reveal any evidence of a pure maritime cult
in the rooms at Hala Sultan Tekke.
The notion of a pure masculine maritime cult can also be questioned. In the
case of the temple area at Kition, a female presence can be linked to the maritime
structures by the material remains. One ivory plaque, depicting Bes, was located
within the area and associated with fertility. Is this an indication that men and
women shared the same sanctuary? Were women allowed to participate in cult
activities on a general base, or were they given access to the shrine solely because
they were linked to a mariner? However possible, this is not necessarily the
case. Perhaps the mariners had other concerns or other ways of expressing their
concerns here than seen at other sites.
In the case of Tell Akko, area H, it is suggested that the bothros, as well as the
adjacent altar, may have been roofed. Was the altar a part of a restricted cultic

101. Holocene sea level changes have been discussed for the Israel coast in Sivan et al. 2001,
indicating a process of another nature than for Northern Europe.
102. Artzy 2003, 233.
 ENGRAVING THE SHIPS. SHARED IDEAS AND PRACTICES 107

area in which the ship representations were hidden? Was it a restricted area for
mariners only or did it include others? Could women be defined as mariners and
subsequently included in the maritime sphere?
Including the altar from Akko, the obvious variety in contextual placement
and accessibility of the maritime images may consequently be discussed in terms
of local tradition. Within each locale a maritime iconography is manifested in
different contexts, perhaps due to religious need, navigation, social tradition,
professional identity or gender belonging. A blend of these factors in any specific
area is naturally not excluded.
Following Michal Artzy “It should be kept in mind that the mariners who
created the carvings of the boats, whether on altars, walls or rocks, might not
have been great artists, but very fully cognizant of the shapes of their own vessels
and presented them and their most important elements as they intimately knew
them.”103 The obvious consciousness that the mariners seem to express in the
design of the maritime images opens up for the idea of a similar consciousness
when it comes to finding a suitable place to carve. The variety of find spots of
maritime engravings – in public and intimate environments - is obvious. Due
to the contextual variety it is not far-fetched to propose that the placement of
the engravings depends on multiple variables. Maritime religious practices of a
varied nature, along with the visualization of important symbols of connectivity
and mobility within the seascape, can be seen as motives for choosing different
places for the engravings. It may also be relevant to include the requirement to
express the different group identities of people such as chiefs, seafarers, men and
women as participants of a society, as the motivation for the maritime carvings
contextual variety - perhaps in combination with a time aspect.

103. Artzy 2003, 233.

108 KATARINA STREIFFERT EIKELAND

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 Pottery as sign of cultural encounters: The case of
Handmade Burnished and Grey Ware in Khania
Madelaine Miller

The Late Bronze Age was a world of interaction in which people and things moved around,
particularly in the Eastern Mediterranean basin. As people encountered one another, ideas,
thoughts and values were occasionally exchanged followed by cultural changes and the
creation of new material expressions.1 The Minoan harbour town of Khania serves as a
good example of cultural encounters at the end of the Aegean Bronze Age. Its location
on the northwest coast of Crete was favourable for seagoing travels.2A number of objects
discovered in the city bear witness to overseas connections with the mainland as well as
with Egypt, Italy, Cyprus, and the Levant.3

In this article I will explore cultural meetings and external impacts/influences on

this harbour city by examining two pottery types which have often been associated
with the last and tumultuous phases of the Late Bronze Age and the movements
of people of western origin; Handmade Burnished Ware and Grey Ware.4 I will
question how these items were used in their new cultural contexts and whether
they were primarily used in everyday household activities, or in what could be
identified as non-domestic contexts like ritual ones. Did their presence have any
impact on the local pottery production?
After providing a short background including historical and theoretical
frameworks for these questions and an introduction to the HMB and GW
pottery, this paper will focus on a case study followed by a discussion. Most of
the HBW and GW pottery from Khania dates to the LM IIIB: 2 period; I will
therefore focus on this phase.5

1. Gosden 2004, 2012, 13.

2. Andreadaki-Vlasaki 2010, 519, points out that as Khania is located opposite the Peloponnese,
sailors could only travel from the mainland to Khania by following the currents.
3. Hallager and Hallager 2003; Andreadaki-Vlazaki 2010.
4. Deger-Jalkotzy 2008, 385.
5. Only a few HMBW sherds comes from the previous LM IIIB:1 layer, 26 sherds were found in
the LM IIIC. Hallager 2003, 254.
112 MADELAINE MILLER

Maritime contacts in the Late Bronze Age

The Eastern Mediterranean experienced a period of intense contact in the Late
Bronze Age, largely conducted through maritime enterprises. The capability to
construct ships that were capable of open-water voyages as well as the ability to
sail them partly explains why seaborne activity increased during this phase.6 In
practice, this meant being able to sail for several days out of sight of land as in the
case of the route from Crete to Egypt, a journey that would have lasted about five
days. These open sea travels may also have involved sailing at night.7
Large quantities of different wares were now circulating in the Mediterranean
through far-reaching networks. Long distance commerce included trading of raw
materials as well as manufactured objects.8 Two examples of sea borne trade
in the Late Bronze Age are the famous ship wrecks of the Uluburun and the
Cape Gelidonya which were discovered off the coast of Turkey. The wrecks
date from around 1300 BC and 1200 BC respectively and contain the remains
of their cargoes which give a close picture of what was traded at the time. The
smaller ship, the Cape Gelidonya, contained mostly bun ingots, bronze tools and
copper oxhide ingots – it appears to have been collecting metal junk for reuse.
The Uluburun ship contained at least fifteen tons of cargo, the main part of which
seems to have been metal including ten tons of raw copper. Other items included
ivory and wooden works, personal items, ship equipment, weapons, tools, and
jewellery to name but a few. Although much is still uncertain in terms of ports of
call, final destinations and the ownership of the boat, there are several indicators
which suggest that the ship sailed to the Aegean from the east.9
Excavation reports from a large number of sites throughout the Mediterranean
record objects that bear witness to these travels and meetings. The Aegean-style
frescoes discovered at Tell el-Dab’a (ancient Avaris) in Egypt and the depictions

6. Berg 2007, 403; Casson 1995; Kristiansen 2013; Manning & Huhlin 2005; Mee 2008;
Wachsmann 1998. For Minoans in the Central, Eastern and Northern Aegean as well as different
aspects like trade, thalassocracy and so forth, see Macdonald, Hallager and Niemeier 2009. See
also Mediterranean Crossroads 2007, Antoniadou and Pace (eds.) for different topics related
to maritime interaction in the Mediterranean during the Bronze Age with a special focus on
movement and change. See Broodbank 2000 for maritime communication in the EBA and
Alberti 2013, 22-43, for the MBA. On harbors of the Bronze Age see Oleson and Hohlfelder
2011, 809-812.
7. Berg 2007, 387-415.
8. van Wijngaarden 2012, 61-62. See Leriou 2011, 262-263, on Aegean and Cypriot trade in the
Late Bronze Age.
9. Another ship wreck, the so-called Iria wreck discovered in the Gulf of Argos, also dates from
the 13th century. Wachsmann 1998; Burns 2010, 291-304; Cline 2014.
 POTTERY AS SIGN OF CULTURAL ENCOUNTERS 113

in Theban tombs of Cretan envoys carrying merchandise are examples of close

contact between Crete and the Eastern Mediterranean.10 Knowledge about how
trade was organised is still limited, particularly concerning private tradesmen
versus state organised trade, although scholars generally agree that there was low
volume trading of luxury goods which moved between elites as well as larger
scale bulk trade directed at “larger communities”. Objects that do not fit in either
of these categories might indicate, as suggested by Steel, that sailors procured
personal items on their voyages.11
One of the major changes regarding Aegean trade appears to have started in the
LM IIIA period when trade with Italy, Sardinia and Sicily increased. According
to Betancourt, discoveries of the Aegean weight system on these sites indicates
the importance of trade between the regions.12 Pottery from Crete and from the
Peloponnese has been found at the subsequent LM IIIB period sites in Northern
Calabria and on Sardinia.13 According to Watrous this development was related
to the on-going insecure political situation in the Eastern Mediterranean which
saw the Hittite kingdom and Egypt fighting over the Levant and culminating in
the battle of Quadesh c. 1275 BC.14
Perhaps most significantly, the end of the Late Bronze Age is characterized by a
great instability which included the movements of different groups of people, most

10. Beside the Aegean style frescoes in Egypt, discoveries of frescoes have been made at sites in the
Near East at the palace of Tell Kabri, Quatna and at Alalakh; Chapin 2010, 229; Bietak 1995,
49-89; Wachsmann 2011, 202-204.
11. In contrast to the Aegean, Cyprus and the Southern Levant, textual documents from Syria and
Mesopotamia show that an intricate trading system existed in which both private traders as
well as the state were involved during the 2nd millennium, Steel 2012, 122, 138-142. For an
overview on LBA trade see Steel 2012. From the so-called Amarna Letters found in Egypt,
dating to the reign of Amenhotep III and Akhenaten it appears that Egyptian traders were much
more limited compared to the tradesmen in the Near East, and that the Pharaohs had control
over trade to a greater extent, Mee 2008, 378-379.
12. Betancourt 2008, 222. The major part of the Aegean style pottery discovered in Italy was
locally made, Mee 2008; 380. See Hallager 1985a on the relations between Crete and Italy in
the LBA.
13. Betancourt 2008, 222; Mee 2008, 380; Watrous 1992, 182-183. Metal artefacts from Italy have
been found in Crete, although most of these appear to have come from the central part of the
island. The earliest finds, daggers and fibulae, date to the 13th century, Hallager 1985, 296.
14. Watrous 1992, 182-183. Mee 2008, 377, nevertheless states that trade continued to thrive for
a while.
114 MADELAINE MILLER

often referred to as the “Sea Peoples”, around the coasts of the Mediterranean.15
Little evidence of habitation exists on Crete from the LM IIIB2 period in some
of the large coastal settlements. Several sites were already established that would
subsequently be used as “refuge” locations in the following LM IIIC period.16 As
for the mainland, this marks the end of the Mycenaean palatial period when the
palace system, including the palaces, were destroyed.17

Intercultural contacts and its material expression

The use of pottery as a point of departure for examining cultural encounters in
Khania will be based on the discussion of materiality which has taken place in
recent years. Material culture is no longer understood as a collection of lifeless
objects, their active role in people’s lives is instead acknowledged. As objects
have their own agency that can affect the construction of the social world as well
as interfaces between people to differing degrees. Yet, the relationship between
people and things is all but simple and straightforward, and as objects can move
around during their lifecycle they can also change and/or be given additional
meanings depending on the context.18
The harbour town Khania appears to have functioned as a node of long-distance
trade during the Late Bronze Age, as such it worked as a mediator for encounters.
People from various social and ethnic backgrounds would have met each other
here; sailors, merchants, and artisans as well as curious locals in circumstances
that most likely involved constant mediation between different groups regarding
identity, ideas and values.19 The outcome of these intercultural meetings may
have had an effect on the economy but also on socio-political and cultural life.
This could have involved functional innovations and technologies such as new
architectural features, improvements in ship construction or different pottery

15. The so-called Sea Peoples consisted of several ethnic groups of which some appear to have
been seaborne. Ramses III claimed that he had managed to hold them back in two major battles
that were later depicted on the walls of his grave temple at Medinet Habu, near modern Luxor.
Wachsmann 1998, 163; Deger-Jalkotzy 2008, 387-415; Leriou 2011, 251-253. See Artzy 1997,
1-16, for further discussion. See also Dickinson 2010, 483-490, for a general discussion on the
Late Bronze Age collapse. See Cline 2014 for a thorough discussion on the theme.
16. Several sites that were to be used as “refuge” locations in the following LM IIIC period were
already established. Hallager 2010, 157.
17. Deger-Jalkotzy 2008, 387.
18. Meskell 2005; Maran and Stockhammer 2012; Steel 2012.
19. Hallager and McGeorge 1992; Maran 2012, 121; Panagiotopoulos 2012, 54. See also Falck
2003, for discussions on harbours and hybridity.
 POTTERY AS SIGN OF CULTURAL ENCOUNTERS 115

shapes as well as the exchange of ideas, beliefs and knowledge that may well
have led to the amalgamation of new and traditional social practices. However, as
Maran points out, even though port-cities could serve as melting pots for people
of different origins, both of local and non-local, there is the danger of interpreting
harbour towns too simplistically and giving the so-called “foreigners” too much
credit by not acknowledging the heterogeneity that exists in societies in general.
Moreover, the degree to which certain aspects were taken on board could vary
between various groups for a number of reasons. There would certainly have
been a difference between those coming to a new place for the first time and the
non-locals who had lived there for a while. There could be countless reactions
to an unfamiliar culture, some individuals and/or groups might have been more
prone to assimilate new material culture, ideas and values, whether they belonged
to the foreigners or indigenous peoples.20 Either way, meetings would have had
an effect on people some way or other, irrespective of reactions.21
How these processes could have worked and in what different ways they could
have been reflected in the material world has gained attention among scholars
over the last decade.22 Societies in which intense cultural contact was conducted,
like harbour towns, should be understood as “dynamic” and changeable but also
as heterogenic 23 with the birth of new material expressions.24
A number of factors like personal preferences and local traditions are involved
and come into play when considering how and why people assimilate aspects of a
new culture. By looking at objects as types of a material connected with various
social meaning that, besides the practical, can be used to reinforce identities and/
or be used for symbolic reasons, we may understand these changes and how they
operated. The meaning of the objects is linked to social relationships and practices as
we use them to express identity, materialize symbolic values and build relationships.
Objects can also form the conduct of people collectively. Through the material
world people can express their place in the social world and objects can therefore
act as an intermediate. In other words, things, as well as people, have agency.25
With regard to prehistoric societies, like the Minoan, we know that some parts
had direct or indirect contact with the world outside Crete. Why certain objects
and ideas seem to have been accepted is interesting. As pointed out by Philips,

20. Maran 2012, 121.

21. Steel 2012.
22. Gosden 2004; Steel 2012; Maran and Stockhammer 2012.
23. Maran and Stockhammer 2012. For examples in the Argolid in the 13th and 12th century BC,
see Maran 2004, 11-30.
24. Hodder 2012; Jung 2012; Knapp 2012.
25. Steel 2012, 6-7; van Winjgaarden 2012, 61; see also Meskell 2005.
116 MADELAINE MILLER

“the recipient culture must have been exposed to far more potential influences
than it actually embraced”.26 Moreover, influences and transformations did not
involve the whole society simultaneously, but instead operated in various ways
and at various levels and varied over time and according to context. There were
probably a number of reasons why some objects were integrated and some were
not.27 The same type of object might have had a variety of meanings depending
on the recipient and therefore may have departed from its original meaning. The
intrinsic value, moreover, could have been lost on the way or for some reason
rejected. Misunderstandings of the original significance may have taken place, or,
it may well be that the receiver was aware of the original meaning but nevertheless
chose to accept only those aspects that were of interest. The choice and liking
of the individual must also be taken into consideration – not all foreign features
were adopted or even open for adoption by everyone: local tradition as well as the
intrinsic conservatism of people could at times have been too strong. Just as people
are selective today, people in ancient times probably were too, and the remains we
find may be the results of individual preferences in at least some of the instances.28

Handmade Burnished Ware and Grey Ware

The so-called Handmade Burnished Ware (HMBW), sometimes also referred to as
Barbarian Ware, appears in the Eastern Mediterranean in the 13th - 12th centuries
BC, particularly in the Aegean area.29 The earliest occurrence in the Aegean is
at Khania and Tiryns and dates to the 13th century BC. Thus the introduction of
the ware in the LM/H IIIB:2 is limited to Western Crete and the Argolid.30 In the
following LH IIIC period the amount of handmade pottery increases, and it is
found in almost all early LH IIIC settlements on the Greek mainland, at several
sites in Crete, in Cyprus as well on the Anatolian and Levantine coasts. At the same
time, the number of HMBW at Khania is reduced. Several areas have been put
forward as the provenance of the pottery; the Northern Balkans, Northwest Greece,
Southeast Europe and both sides of the Adriatic Sea. Whether the makers of this
pottery had something to do with the demise of the Mycenaean palaces has also

26. Philips 2005, 39.

27. Clarke 2005, 137-139. For a discussion on the impact of trade on Late Cypriote society see
Antoniadou 2005, 66-77.
28. Philips 2005, 39-45.
29. French 1998,39-51; Lis 2009, Iacono 2013, 60-79.
30. Deger-Jalkotzy 2008, 395; Iacono 2013, 63; Rutter 2012, 82. According to Iacono 2013, 63,
however, one sherd has been found in Nichoria and one vessel in Athens from the LM IIIB:2
period.
 POTTERY AS SIGN OF CULTURAL ENCOUNTERS 117

been a matter of discussion. Other finds that originated in the west (Italy, the north-
western Balkan and Central Europe) and appear in the Aegean in the postpalatial
period are the flange-hilted sword of the Naue II type, and the violin-bow-shaped
fibula.31 The Naue II sword became the standard in the Mediterranean at the end of
the Bronze Age. Due to their western origin, in combination with the appearance
in postpalatial contexts, scholars have dedicated much attention to these finds.32
Although the hand-made pottery has gained a high degree of attention, the actual
amount retrieved from each site is generally low. Usually it does not surpass 1% of
the total amount of sherds found in the settlements.33 Given the fact that it most likely
did not meet the demands of an Aegean population who were used to Minoan and
Mycenaean pottery it has often come to be associated with foreigners.34 The pottery
comes in a variety of shapes including cooking pots, bowls, cups and jars. Open
shapes are the most common types in Khania and Lefkandi whereas closed vessels
for cooking and storage, are found alongside open vessels, like carinated cups, in
the rest of the Aegean. The pottery is usually burnished and most often of poor
craftsmanship. Typical for the ware is its “momentary character”, and that when
it lasted for a longer period, the quantity quickly drops off.35 According to Jung,
the HMBW is of South Italian Recent Bronze Age type, and features typological
similarities between the handmade so-called impasto pottery.36 Nevertheless, even
if an Italian origin is plausible for the HMBW, most pottery of this type is locally
made at the sites where it has been found.37
Another ware with affinities to pottery from the south of Italy is Grey Ware, a
pottery type that is often found together with Handmade Burnished Ware. The former
is, however, found in much smaller numbers than the latter.38 Grey Ware appears to
have been rather uncommon in Italy as a type of a handmade pottery. According to
Hallager, Grey Ware is restricted to Lipari and the Gulf of Taranto. It was discovered
together with Minoan and Mycenaean sherds at Broglio di Trebisacce.39

31. Deger-Jalkotzy 2008, 389, 395.

32. Iacono 2013, 61-62.
33. There are a few sites at which the sherds exceed 1 %, such as Troy and Mitrou which instead
have 2,5 % handmade pottery, Lis 2009, 152-153. There are three distinctive groups of
handmade pottery according to Lis; Handmade Burnished Ware, West Anatolian Handmade
Pottery and Handmade Domestic pottery.
34. Hallager, 1985a, 304; Deger-Jalkotzy 2008, 395.
35. Lis 2009, 152.
36. Jung 2012, 109.
37. Lis 2009, 154.
38. Jung 2012, 109.
39. Hallager 1985, 303.
118 MADELAINE MILLER

The settlement of Khania in the Late Bronze Age

As initially mentioned, the settlement of Khania-Kydonia lies on the northwest
coast of Crete. On the Kastelli hill, east of the Old Harbour, excavations have
revealed an area of 550m2 in which five buildings, parts of two streets and an
open area have been discovered. Amongst the particularly interesting finds is
the unique Master Impression, discovered during excavations in 1985 in a pit in
Building 1.40 Other finds of importance include the Linear B tablets, found in a
LM IIIB context. On one of these tablets the handwriting closely resembles that
of “scribe 115” from Knossos, which is very interesting since it could suggest that
the same scribe might have worked at both Khania and Knossos.41
Khania was occupied throughout the Bronze Age. A number of conspicuous
features in the architecture are dated to the Neopalatial period such as ashlar
facades, fresco paintings, columns, pillars, pier-and-door partitions which were
found in what at first appeared to be private buildings attributed to the elite.
More finds of this character, together with discoveries of cult and ceremonial
places have caused the excavators to suggest that some of the extensive building
complex in the settlement could in fact have been part of a palace structure.42
In the LM II-IIIA2 period Khania probably functioned as one of the so-called
“second-order centres” on the island where a local elite known as “Collectors”
administered herds of sheep for the palace at Knossos. The centralized
administration at Knossos at this time used the Linear B script written on
clay tablets, thousands of which have been discovered in the Knossos palace
as records. These tablets tell us about an economy where sheep breeding and
textile production seem to have been the main concern. Kydonia (ku-do-ni-ja),
i.e. Minoan Khania, was probably one of these six centres mentioned in the texts.
It is interesting that Khania seems to have benefitted from a fairly high degree of
independence in relation to the Knossian administration.43
In the LM IIIB period, Khania had grown into a maritime centre with an
extensive overseas trading network reflected in the ceramic goods which were
imported and exported.44 The town, which reached its highest level of urban
development at this time and became one of the most important centres on the
island, was characterized by large-scale architectural structures and elite tomb

40. Hallager 1985b; Andreadaki-Vlasaki 2002.

41. Hallager, Vlasaki, and Hallager, 1992; Hallager and Vlasaki 1997.
42. Andreadaki-Vlasaki 2010; Hallager 2010,151-153.
43. Preston 2008, 313-314. For a general overview of the LM II-IIIA see Hallager 2010, 153-155.
For further discussion on how the administration was managed in the Mycenaean Late Bronze
Age, see Shelmerdine and Bennet 2008, 289-309.
44. Preston 2008, 318.
 POTTERY AS SIGN OF CULTURAL ENCOUNTERS 119

constructions.45 This development is interesting since the island in general

experienced a declining climate with a decreasing level of trade with the Eastern
Mediterranean, a change most likely connected to the growth of Mycenaean
contact with the Levant and Egypt.46 The local fine ware production from the
“Kydonian” workshop was exported to other sites on the island as well as to the
Greek mainland, Cyprus, the Cyclades, Italy and Sardinia.47 Finds of Handmade
Burnished Ware in the settlement indicate additional connections with the latter
areas. Relations with the Greek mainland, in particular the Argolid and Boeotia,
seem to have been especially close at this time and there are several indications of
a Mycenaean presence in the LM IIIB period according to the excavators.48 The
Linear B tablets, as mentioned above, were discovered in Building 1. Circular
hearths with strong parallels to the mainland counterpart were found in the same
building along with six figurines. At least five of the figurines were imports from
the mainland or made in the Mycenaean style. The excavators believe that this,
together with the placement of them i.e. close to a door or to a hearth, strongly
speaks for a Mycenaean presence in the building.49 According to Andreadaki-
Vlasaki50 the evidence given by the archaeological material, together with the
skeletal remains, appears to imply a mixture of a native and non-native population
co-existing in the city.
Khania was characterized by decline in terms of outside contact in the LM IIIC
period. There is no evidence of an administration or that large buildings would
have been in use. Sometime during this phase the town was abandoned like many
other coastal sites on the island. However, there are no signs of destruction and
many of the rooms were found empty.51

45. Andreadaki-Vlasaki 2010, 518-528.

46. Wallace 2010.
47. Hallager and Hallager 2003.
48. Hallager and Hallager 2003; Andreadaki-Vlasaki 2010.
49. Hallager 2003, 191, 287.
50. Andreadaki-Vlasaki 2010, 524-525. The settlement of Khania covers the whole of the Bronze
Age, however, the discovered tombs date mostly to the LM IIIA and B periods. See also
Hallager and McGeorge 1992 for the examination of the LM III burials in Khania.
51. Hallager and Hallager 2003. From this period, threats have been detected towards coastal
settlements, many of which were trading centres. As a result, villagers abandoned their homes
and moved further inland to the hilly or mountainous regions, where defence was easier. In this
turbulent phase at least 109 new settlements were established in the remote uplands (McEnroe
2010).
120 MADELAINE MILLER

The context of Handmade Burnished Ware and Grey Ware in Khania

Let us now take a look at the LM IIIB:2 settlement in the Agia Aikaterini Square.
After its destruction by fire in LM IIIB:1, the settlement was rebuilt in LM IIIB:2.
The rebuilding seems to have started immediately although only parts of the
settlement were rebuilt while others were left in ruins. The site, which was extended
towards the north and northwest, consisted of two or three buildings. Some of the
rooms were abandoned while the so-called Rubbish Area North was extended.
Overall, small modifications were made in the architecture.52 From the remains
of the building, together with the large amount of pottery (nearly two and a half
tons) and small finds, the excavators came to the conclusion that the settlement
consisted of large and roomy buildings. The one-storey Building 1 measured at
least 150m2 with three larger rooms enclosed by smaller ones and a courtyard.
Large-scale storage and/or handicraft in the settlement seems to have taken place
outside the buildings, as shown by the finds of leather and woodworking. Traces
of the metal industry were found in Courtyard A. Basketry as well as carpentry
may also have been present. The buildings were more or less entirely constructed
of stone and the interiors had walls coated with clay lining and plaster. Cooking
activities only seem to have taken place in Room E where complete cooking vessels
were discovered. The fact that there was only one place for cooking supports the
possibility suggested by the excavators that Building 1 functioned as a single
unit.53 Various activities could have taken place in the courtyard. There is little
evidence, in contrast to the following LM IIIC period, for textile production or that
any kind of handicraft was conducted inside the buildings. The chief industry in
the settlement seems to have been the production of the Local Kydonian pottery.
Besides the large amount of misfired Kydonian Ware fragments, a potter’s wheel
and two fragmentary examples together with a potter’s rubbing tool denote the
significance of the production. The Local Kydonian ware was exported to sites all
over Crete, the mainland, the Cyclades, Cyprus and Sardinia.54
There is little evidence from the LM IIIB:2 period of a functioning
administration. The worn fragment of a Linear B tablet (KH X 3) probably
belonged to an earlier phase. However, the excavators point out that there is clear
evidence that the script was still in use as the many Linear B inscriptions have
been found on fragments of stirrups jars from securely dated LM IIIB:2 strata.55

52. Hallager and Hallager 2003, 22, 286.

53. In the following LM IIIC period, fire areas and “cooking facilities” were abundant. Hallager
and Hallager 2003, 286.
54. Hallager and Hallager 2003.
55. Hallager and Hallager 2003, 286-288.
 POTTERY AS SIGN OF CULTURAL ENCOUNTERS 121

Handmare Burnished Ware and Grey Ware in Khania

Ninety fragments of HMBW were found in the Agia Aikaterini Square in Khania.
The fabric of these fragments is dark brown or reddish brown with a thick black
core. The pottery is often fired greyish-black “to black all through”. There are
traces of burnishing tools on the surface. The fragments all come from open
vessels of the olla, scodella and ciotola careneta type. There are three varieties
of the olla type deep bowl for which clear parallels can be found in Southern
Italy; two types with horizontal handles and one handle-less hole-mouthed type.
The olla appears to have had no impact on local production. The carinated one-
handled cup ciotola careneta, sometimes equipped with elaborated handles,
was perhaps the most typical vessel of the sub-Appenine Late Bronze Age. This
drinking cup, on the other hand, inspired similar looking wheelmade cups with
high handles and linear decoration: so-called banded cups. The shallow convex
cup, named scodella, which also has parallels in South Italy, is rare.56
The main part of the Handmade Burnished Ware in Khania dates to the LM
IIIB2 period. The fragments were discovered in three areas: six fragments come
from Rooms E and A and Space D. Six fragments were found in the Courtyard
area or the southeast area. Most of the fragments, 78 sherds, were found in the
so-called Rubbish Area North, which will be discussed in detail later. Chemical
analysis showed that the pottery was made locally 57
Regarding Grey Ware, the 75 fragments found in the Agia Aikaterini Square
belong to open vessels that are thin-walled and wheel-made. The surface is
burnished and the clay dark grey. Four sherds were found in Room A, the
Courtyard Area and Space A-D. The greater part, 78 fragments, came from
the Rubbish Area North. The fragments all date to the LM IIIB:2, i.e. the same
strata as the sherds of the HMBW type. As for the shapes, one fragment, a
spout, comes from an unusual spouted cup. The fragment found in Space A-D,
from another type of cup, is unusual according to Hallagers. The two sherds
from the Courtyard Area belong to a carinated cup and a kylix. Only a few
shapes were found in the Rubbish Area North: kylikes and two types of small
cups of which the carinated cup is the most common. The Grey Ware shapes
from Khania have no close counterparts in Crete, although parallels with these
are found on the mainland and most of all in Italy.58 B. Hallager points out
that there are wheelmade Minoan /Mycenaean kylikes made in the Grey Ware

56. Rutter 2012, 83-84. For a full description of the olla types see further Hallager and Hallager
2003, 253.
57. Hallager and Hallager 2003, 253.
58. Hallager and Hallager 2003, 255-256.
122 MADELAINE MILLER

style in Khania. She believes that these were made by Italians who had learnt
about the potter’s wheel and for some reason wanted to produce a mix of their
own and local Minoan traditions. It could therefore have been produced for a
specific market.59

Rubbish Area North

It is time to take a look at the context of the HMBW and Grey Ware in Khania.
As mentioned above, the main part of the HMBW and Grey Ware fragments
were found in the Rubbish Area North (RAN) outside Buildings 1 and 2. This
was the largest open area measuring about 150m2 and consisted of dumps
and pits of various sizes dug down to earlier Middle Minoan layers.60 No
architectural remains were discovered here.61The pits and dumps were dug at
several levels and contained a number of different finds. Almost 1 ton of pottery
representing 33% of the total amount of pottery retrieved from the LM IIIB:2-
IIIC period was discovered in this area. 859 fragments of pottery were noted
from the LM IIIB:2 period. Hallager points out that practically all known types
were represented among these sherds, however, some shapes appeared in larger
numbers; pithoi, bowls, kylikes and cups. Among the closed vessels, the stirrup
jar was the only shape that was discovered in “some amounts”. The number of
small decorated stirrup jars were represented by an almost double quantity in
comparison with the remaining deposits from the LM III:2 period. With regards
to the non-local type of pottery, 91 % of the HMBW and Grey Ware were
discovered in the RAN. Imports from Knossos constituted 38%, however, the
Mycenaean ware was “only” represented by 13%.62
Besides pottery, pieces of obsidian were also discovered, although in small
amounts as was the case for raw materials in general. Bronzes and stone tools
were found in larger numbers. Small pieces of both painted and unpainted
plaster fragments were also noted. Many of the small finds were all found well
preserved; a fibula, an arrowhead and bronze fishing hooks as well as bone and
bronze needles. Moreover, four completely preserved loom weights were also
found along with Murex shells.63

59. Hallager 1985a, 303.

60. This area was also in use in the following LM IIIC period. Hallager 2001, 175-179.
61. Hallager and Hallager 2003, 128.
62. Hallager 2001, 175-180; Hallager and Hallager 2003, 132, 140-141.
63. Hallager 2001, 175-180.
 POTTERY AS SIGN OF CULTURAL ENCOUNTERS 123

In the so-called Central Dump in the RAN an important find of a large, possibly
female figure was found (80-TC 023). According to Winbladh the terracotta was
locally made in the Local Kydonian Workshop and of very high quality. The
upper part of the figure’s head appears to have been hand-made whereas the lower
part was wheel-made. The height of the head is 0.107, and if it had been complete
Winbladh estimates that its probable height would have been 0.15 or 0.16.
Compared to other Minoan and Mycenaean figures the head usually constitutes
one fifth or one sixth of the whole figure. This would mean, she concludes, that
the total height of the Kydonian figure would most likely have been at least 0.75
m.64 In addition there were fragments of figurines discovered in the RAN. Among
these there was a figurine of possible PsiB type that had been locally made (73-
TC 016),65 and an animal figurine that had been imported from Mycenae.66
Four fragments of a rython in the shape of a goat or a ram (ovicaprid)
represent a unique find. The rython was made in the local Kydonian Workshop.67
This could, according to Hallager, have been part of cult equipment.
Overall, finds that could also be identified as cult equipment included
strainers, rhyta, figurines, stands and trick vases and were numerous in the
RAN area. If they had been used as religious paraphernalia, they were most
likely the “remains from offerings” conducted in the area.68 These objects,
together with the fact that the pits and dumps in the RAN also contained animal
bones, may indicate that there had been rituals in a close by sanctuary. This
representation diverged from the average distribution in Khania.69 The caprids
were represented by 48 % in the RAN compared to 62 % in the rest of the
settlement, while deer constituted 13 % compared with 3 % in the settlement.
Deer constituted as much as 28 % in one of the pits. Another small pit contained
43% from young caprids, which is exceptional and made Hallager speculate as
to whether this could have been the remains of offerings. Pigs and cattle were
found in the same quantity as elsewhere in Khania.70
The large number of finds that were discovered in the RAN area constituted
about one-third of the total amount of material from the LM IIIB2 deposits,
but differed compared to the remaining finds from the settlement. At first it

64. Winbladh 2003, 270; Hallager and Hallager 2003,166-167; Driessen 2008, 200.
65. Hallager and Hallager 2003, 172.
66. Winbladh 2003: 270.
67. Hallager, 2001b, 315-319.
68. Hallager and Hallager 200, 287.
69. The distribution of animals in LM II and III Khania is in accordance with many other settlements
in the Bronze Age. Hallager 2001a, 176.
70. Hallager 2001a, 176; Hallager and Hallager 2003, 137, 141, 145-146, 160, 167, 170, 174, 178.
124 MADELAINE MILLER

was interpreted as a rubbish dump, but both the size and the contents made the
excavators discuss the possibility that the area could instead have been a waste
site for a sanctuary located nearby. Finds that are normally connected with cult
contexts – such as figurines, both complete and fragmentary, strainers, stands
and rhyta– were discovered here. The unusual number of deer found in the pits is
also intriguing: they might have been used as sacrificial offerings.71 In addition,
90% of the HMBW and Grey Ware pottery from Khania was discovered here
which poses the question of the significance and use of this pottery.

Discussion
If we examine the degree of influence that HMBW and Grey Ware pottery
had on the local pottery production in Khania, it is interesting to note that the
open vessel of the type called olla, which is the larger of the two principal
forms, appears to have had no influence on the native production; a fact already
pointed out by Rutter.72 On the other hand, the drinking cup, ciotola carenata,
seems to have been the inspiration for the rather similar looking wheel-made
high-handled cup, the so-called banded cup, painted with linear decoration.73
Grey Ware inspired the creation of wheelmade Minoan/Myceanean kylikes in
the Grey Ware style. Generally, it appears that drinking wares are more apt to
be duplicated/ produced in a foreign milieu than storage and transport vessels.74
The jars and bowls of Sardinian origin discovered in the 13th century Kommos,
for example, appear to have had very little impact or none at all on the local
ceramic production.75 As initially mentioned, Watrous has suggested the reason
why the Aegean became involved in Western Mediterranean trading routes in
the LM IIIA:2 period could have been because of the need for metals, as the
resources in the east were reduced. He has further pointed to the possibility
that the HMBW jars found in Kommos might have been used as containers for
bronze scrap from Sardinia. Confirmation can be seen in the fact that similar
jars found in Sardinia seem to have functioned as containers for this purpose.76
Hallager has also argued that trade with the west could have been driven by the
need for metal as Italy, particularly Sardinia, was rich in copper.77

71. Hallager 2001, 175-180; Hallager and Hallager 2003, 128, 286-287.
72. Rutter 2012.
73. Rutter 2012, 84.
74. Rutter 2012, 83-85.
75. Watrous 1992.
76. Watrous 1992.
77. Hallager 1985a, 304.
 POTTERY AS SIGN OF CULTURAL ENCOUNTERS 125

Iacono followed this line and proposed that the HMBW trade was associated
with the trade of bronze objects of the so-called the Urnfield type.78 This is a
group of various bronze items of western origin that usually go under the
name of Urnfield bronzes: spearheads, swords, fibulae and pins.79 According to
Iacono, the HMBW pottery did not have a high status in itself and it was instead
the connection with the metal that made it exotic. The increase of HMBW in
the LH IIIC period would therefore have been a “side effect” of the Urnfield
bronzes becoming popular. His suggestion that this west-oriented trade allowed
individuals of non-elite rank to work with metal trade on a smaller scale is, I
think, highly possible due to the socio-political situation at the end of the Bronze
Age. This would then have included the exchange of finished products or metal
scraps, as appears to have been the case with the Cape Gelinonya ship. Although
interesting, his discussion mainly centres on the LH IIIC period i.e. when the
HMBW had almost disappeared at Khania. Nevertheless, we know that Khania
evolved in the LM IIIA:2-IIIB:2 periods into a maritime node with extensive
overseas contacts including Italy. Could the presence of pottery of an Italian
type be the result of small-scale trade activity? In comparison with other sites
in Crete that appear to have declined during this period, Khania prospered80 and
had acquired a position that might have been favourable for different groups to
conduct maritime activity. It appears to have consisted of parallel systems that
involved both major operations, small-scale enterprises and individual efforts.81
It has already been suggested by Hallager that the HMBW and GW in
Khania could have belonged to a group of foreigners of Italian origin.82 This
is in accordance with the common opinion at the moment, i.e. that HMBW
was most likely made by immigrants (when found in the Aegaean)83 but that
these groups were either large or dominant.84 But can a foreign type of pottery
be taken as evidence for the presence of non-local people? Is it reasonable to
assume that this pottery, only 1% of the total amount retrieved, was associated
with a new group of people living here? Anthropological studies indicate that
practices connected to household activities like eating and drinking can be
sustained in a new foreign context for “some time”. Food, and all the activities
that are linked to it like cultivation, preparation and consumption, can be used

78. Icano 2013, 66.

79. Sherrat 2012, 16.
80. Preston 2008, 318.
81. Manning and Huhlin 2005, 273 see also Petrarkis 2011, 214.
82. Hallager 1985a, 293-305.
83. Deger-Jalkotzy 2008, 395.
84. Lis 2009, 155; Rutter 2012, 83-84.
126 MADELAINE MILLER

as markers of group identity.85 But at the same time this need not be the case,
and it is problematic to link an ethnic group identity with material culture.86
Could the presence of HMBW as well as GW in Khania instead be an
indication that some of the locals in the town had adopted new ideas? It must
be taken into consideration that parts of the population, living in Khania for
generations, were involved in maritime activities and that this naturally affected
them in various ways. As pointed out by Artzy87, people living in port cities
might have dedicated themselves to maritime trade activities which meant
spending several months of the year at sea. A practice that would, on a regular
basis, have entailed contact with different foreign milieus and exposure to new
objects and traditions. On their return home, these sailors and/or tradesmen
might then have introduced non-local objects and customs, perhaps initially
only to their nearest kin, but at a later stage they could have spread further
into society. Most likely a variety of goods were transmitted to different target
groups, luxury goods, for example, which were probably not available to non-
elite groups. Raw material would have been passed on to craftspeople whereas
essential wares would have been intended for farmers and non-elite groups
living in the city. It is highly possible that those engaged in different types of
maritime activity also functioned as the transmitters of new ideas and objects
in coastal communities.88 The locally produced HMBW and GW pottery might
perhaps have been the result of such an introduction.
Hallager has shown that from the LBA I/II period there was already evidence
of Minoan pottery in Italy (Lipari and Vivara).89 Minoan pottery is also found at
Broglio di Trebisacce, Scolgio del Tonno and Thapsos in the following periods.
It appears that contact between these sites and Crete was more or less constant
and was not limited to one region. In the LM IIIB and C periods, sites like
Termitio in the south of Italy and Sardinia appear to have been new trading
places. Moreover, pottery from the Kydonian workshop has also been identified
in Sardinia, at Orosei and at Antigori. Whether the HMBW and Grey Ware in
Khania had been brought in by a small group of Italians, was the outcome of
intermarriage, or the result of sailors/tradesmen from Khania bringing home
new ideas of pottery is perhaps of less importance since what it does signify is
that individuals from both areas interacted with each other and had done so for

85. Lucy 2005, 105.

86. Jung 2012, 117.
87. Artzy, 1997.
88. Knapp 2005, 10.
89. Hallager 1985a, 293-305.
 POTTERY AS SIGN OF CULTURAL ENCOUNTERS 127

many generations. The creation of a new drinking cup, inspired by the Italian
style indicates that the encounters had a wider significance.90
Here I believe that the context is important. The RAN where 90 % of the
HMBW and Grey Ware pottery was discovered could, according to Hallager91,
have functioned as a waste deposit for a sanctuary nearby due to the character
of the finds. It is highly interesting that the largest amount of HMBW and Grey
Ware from the settlements was deposited in pits in this area. However, were
these depositions “only” waste from a possible sanctuary nearby? The practice
of using pits or holes has a long tradition in the human history. The usage of pits
and holes for ceremonial purposes, often with deliberately destroyed items, can
be traced back to the Neolithic period in Crete.92 Could the remains in the pits
and dumps be deliberate depositions that were made after ceremonial or ritual
gatherings? Dietler defines ritual feasts as “forms of public ritual activity centered
around the communal consumption of food and drink”.93 He further argues that
feasts are not only intrinsically political but also work as an essential tool in
political interactions, although he makes it clear that they are not just instruments
of power or that they functioned solely as an arena for actions with political
connotations. The focal point is eating and drinking in a communal setting. Even
if a feast is defined as a ritual activity, this does not signify “highly elaborate
ceremonies”, nor do these gatherings need to be “sacred”. What is significant
is merely that they are emblematically different from every day activities. By
drawing on examples from Africa, Dietler further points out that feasts could
serve multifarious functions in societies with regard to social relations. They
may serve as an important intersectional context where associations between
individuals and groups from various levels of society meet in order to sustain
social control. Both rituals and religious activities can be seen as an important
seam in the community that bound people together and as a medium through
which cultural identity and social strategies could be conveyed.94

90. Why the GW pottery was no longer being produced in the following LM IIIC period and why the
HMBW almost disappeared in Khania is interesting given the fact that there was an increase of
HBW elsewhere in the Aegean following this period (LH IIIC early). Perhaps it was connected to
the ongoing insecure situation on the island when several of the coastal communities, in particular
those involved in trade, were abandoned due to external threats. McEnroe 2010.
91. Hallager, 2001.
92. Driessen, Farnoux and Langohr 2008, 197-205.
93. Dietler 2001, 67.
94. Adams 2004, 30; Dietler 2001, 65-74; see also Borgna 2012, 135. The practice of consuming
wine appears to have had a long tradition in Minoan Crete. On Aegean feasting activities see
Borgna 2004, 247-279; 2012, 137-151.
128 MADELAINE MILLER

Conclusion
The HMBW and GW pottery and its role in Khania have been at focus of this
article. The relevance of the investigation lies in the fact that this pottery has
often been associated with the movements of people from west to east at the
end of Late Bronze Age, and interpreted by many scholars as an indication
of a foreign, albeit small, group of people. No clear-cut answers have been
provided, instead I hope that by looking at the pottery from the viewpoint of
materiality and cultural encounters, the complexity of intercultural interactions
and its material expressions have been demonstrated.
In comparison with the remaining assemblages of pottery from Khania, a
few sherds of HMBW and GW pottery have been discovered. On the basis of
this small sample it is problematic to draw any conclusions as to whether a
foreign group of Italians lived here or not. One would perhaps expect to find
more household pottery and an overall stronger impact on the local pottery. But,
on the other hand, if we consider the fact that ongoing contact between Khania
and Italy had been taking place since the LBA I/II it is not unlikely that by now,
in the LM IIIB2 period, some people from Italy were well integrated into the
society. That the Italian ware was locally made indicates this. But the fact that
the pottery was locally made raises the question of how it was viewed during
the LM IIIB2 period? Perhaps it was not regarded as foreign anymore.
As initially suggested, the context can help us understand how the pottery
was used. The HMBW and GW pottery was almost exclusively discovered in
the RAN area and did not spread in the settlement. Due to the interpretation
of the RAN (see above) the pottery appears not to have been used in everyday
household activities. This may signify that it was important enough to be selected
and used in a context where different social interactions took place that could
have involved food and beverages. As a maritime hub in the LM IIIB:2 period,
at least parts of Khania’s population would have been engaged in different types
of seafaring activities that involved far-reaching contacts in the Mediterranean.
This was an environment where connectivity by sea was essential. Meetings
with new cultures probably took place on a regular basis. This connectivity
also meant that sailors and merchants from other cultures from time to time
stayed for longer or shorter periods in the town. In an environment of this
kind, negotiation for different social positions and the creation of new relations
between various individuals and/or groups must have been constant, but also
one in which new hybrids were created as well as new material expressions.
The consumption of food and beverages in a setting like this could have worked
as an important platform for social encounters providing individuals and groups
with the opportunity to express their identity and perhaps to form new alliances.
It is in this setting of cultural intermingling that the new drinking cup, inspired
 POTTERY AS SIGN OF CULTURAL ENCOUNTERS 129

by the ciotola carenata, was created as well as the Minoan/Mycenaean kylikes

in the Grey Ware style.

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 Communication and Trade at Tegea in the Bronze Age
Hege Agathe Bakke-Alisøy

Communication is a central part of any discussion of the Aegean Bronze Age and the
development of the Minoan and Mycenaean civilisations. Movement and communication
is always present in human society. The archaeological material from the Tegean
Mountain plain indicates the importance of inland communication on the Peloponnese
during the Bronze Age. I here look at the settlement structure at the Tegean plain in the
Bronze Age, and its relation to possible routes of communication and trade. By discussing
changes in settlement pattern, land use, and sacred space my aim is to trace possible
changes in the local and regional communication networks in this area. During the EH
communication and trade networks at Tegea seems primarily to have had a local focus,
with some connection to the more developed trade nodes in the Gulf of Argos. A strong
Minoan influenced trade network is also observed in Tegea from the MN and early LH
with Analipsis and its strong connection to Laconia. The abandonment of Analipsis
correlates with changes in the communication patterns due to a strong Mycenaean culture
in the Argolid by the end of LH. The changes observed in the communication network
suggest that Tegea, with its central location on the Peloponnese, could be seen as an
interjection for all inland communication.

Introduction
Communication and trade are characteristic features of the Bronze Age in the
Mediterranean. The material cultural record reflects contact between the various
regions in the Eastern Mediterranean in this period. Both the Minoan and the
Mycenaean civilisations very much depended on long-distance trade. As the
Minoan palaces developed during the Middle Bronze Age the amount of imported
artefacts from Egypt, Cyprus and the Middle East increased. There are also some
indications of increased contact with the western Mediterranean in the same
period. I see communication as a way to discuss the Late Bronze Age in Tegea and
how the society developed and its role in the Mycenaean world. Communication
implies contact as well as movement. A discussion of communication, and
changes over time, may provide new knowledge on how the Bronze Age societies
developed in relation to changes on the Peloponnese and the Aegean.
136 HEGE AGATHE BAKKE-ALISØY

Inland communication
In the Bronze Age discourse, and especially in the Mycenaean society,
communication usually means overseas trade. However, traces associated with
travels on land are also found. The best documented cases for Mycenaean roads are
found in the Argolid, but some sections are also known from Boeotia, Messenia,
and Phokis.1 Some of these roads are referred to as Mycenaean highways and
are taken to be evidence of major engineering work. Culverts, bridges, kerbs and
terraces were made to ensure a relatively gentle gradient on the road. The easy
gradient, great width and a smooth surface are seen as indications for wheeled
traffic. The Mycenaean highways are only found in proximity to the larger palaces,
as Mycenae, Tiryns, and Pylos.2 Especially in the Argolid there was a network of
roads connecting the important palaces, but also insuring easy communication
with the territory controlled by a palace. A network of roads links the palaces
at Mycenae with the most fertile areas of its hinterland.3 Lavery argues that
Mycenaean highways were specially constructed to facilitate heavy vehicles, as
four-wheeled carts drawn by oxen.4 One possibility here is the inland distribution
of goods arriving by ship. Access to the harbours would thus be important. One of
the Mycenaean roads in the Argolid is the highway from Tiryns to the Mycenaean
harbour at Epidauros.5 These roads were suitable for chariots, though pack animals
were probably more common. Larger building materials, as stone, would surely
imply the need of some sort of vehicle. Metals, also arriving by ships, were
shaped in ingots suitable for carriage by pack animals. The same is the case for
pottery used as containers when transporting liquids. These vessels had handles
convenient for carriage by pack animals.6 In the Argolid were we have the most
traces of Mycenaean highways there are also roads of a poorer quality, and tracks
and paths were certainly also used as part of an extensive communication network
during the LH. Smaller sections of well-built roads leading to a gate are also
found at Mycenaean palaces. At the Mycenaean citadel of Gla in Boeotia one road
leads to the south gate and another to the southeast gate.7 Spyropoulos found a
similar road construction at the Mycenaean settlement of Pellana in Laconia. It is a
monumental road and Spyropoulos sees it in relation to a possible royal residence.8

1. Crowley 2008, 268.

2. Hope Simpson & Hagel 2006, 146-175; Lavery 1990, 1995.
3. Hope Simpson & Hagel 2006, 152.
4. Lavery 1990, 165.
5. Hope Simpson & Hagel 2006, 158-159.
6. Hope Simpson & Hagel 2006, 170-172.
7. Hope Simpson & Hagel 2006, 147.
8. Spyropoulos 1998, 37.
 COMMUNICATION AND TRADE AT TEGEA IN THE BRONZE AGE 137

Fig. 1: Map of Peloponnese (after Bakke 2008).

No Bronze Age road constructions have been documented in the region

of Tegea. There was, most likely a network of tracks and paths connecting
the mountain plains in Tegea with the neighbouring areas. Hence, traces
of communication are possibly to trace in the archaeological material. The
presence of imported objects is an indication of communication as well as a
trace of foreign influence. The archaeological material collected by Howell9 as
well as the assemblage collected by the project NAS, Part II were mainly locally

9. Howell 1970.
138 HEGE AGATHE BAKKE-ALISØY

Site id Name EN MN LN/FN EH MH LH

1 Merkovounion – Ayiolas X X X X X
2 Zevgolateion – Panayia X
3 Tripolis - Ayioi Apostoloi X X
4 Agiorgitika X X X
5 Thanas – Tourkodhendri X
6 Tzivas – Goumaradhes X X
7 Thanas – Stoyia X X
8 Stringon-Agios Ilias X
9 Stadion - Ayios Konstantions X X X
10 Alea - Athena Temple X X X X X
11 Vounon X X
12 Kamarion X
13 Garea- Cherolimnes X
14 Psili Vrisi – Vationa X X
15 Psili Vrisi – Mirmingofolies X
16 Mirmingofolies X
17 Alea – Palaiochori X X
18 Manthyrea – Panayia X X
19 Pallantion X
20 Steno X X X
21 Agiorgitika – Sallou X X
22 Analipsis X X X
23 Vourvoura – Kakavouleri X
24 Karyai-Derveni X X
25 Choma - Lake Taka X
26 Agios Sostis X
27 Akra X
Fig. 2: Bronze Age settlements at the Tegean Mountain Plain.

produced. The poor condition of these sherds often complicates an identification

of the type of decoration and thus makes it difficult to obtain additional
indications of influence. The vast majority of the pottery assemblage, regardless
of chronological sequence, is locally produced. There are, however, also clear
indications of foreign influence. The local clay results in a reddish fabric, often
kept on the interior. Influenced by the fine light-coloured wares typical for the
 COMMUNICATION AND TRADE AT TEGEA IN THE BRONZE AGE 139

Fig. 3: Connectivity for the Roman Fig. 4: Connectivity for the Peloponnese in
Peloponnese based on the Peutinger Table 1822 based on a map by George Gennadius
(after Sanders & Whitbread 1990, Fig.3.4). (after Sanders & Whitbread 1990, Fig.7).

Argolid and Corinth, the pottery very often had a bright slip on the exterior. The
locally produced pottery in Tegea was also made in the same tradition, expressed
in fabric and shape, as the pottery in the Argolid and at Corinth. This strong
connection with the Argolid and Corinth is also seen in the locally produced
pottery from Asea.10
Based on this brief glance at the archaeological material from Tegea one
may conclude that inland communication did exist in the Bronze Age. From
the viewpoint of inland communication the marginality of Tegea that have been
emphasised in previous research could be questioned. In an article from 1990
Guy Sanders and Ian Whitbread discuss connectivity between ancient cities
on the Peloponnese. Using the Peutinger Table (fig. 3), a medieval manuscript
showing the main routes in the Roman Empire, and a later historical map by
George Gennadius from 1822 (fig. 4), they review the significance of distance
between the various cities that are interlinked on the maps. Distance is defined
as the time needed for moving along the roads on foot. Sanders and Whitbread
show that Tegea has a very central location in terms of inland communication.11
An interesting point here is that when combining inland communication with
travel by sea Tegea continues to have a favourable location in the Roman period

10. Schallin 2003, 178.

11. Sanders and Whitbread 1990.
140 HEGE AGATHE BAKKE-ALISØY

as well as in 1822. Caution should be made, however, when trying to stretch these
data back to the Bronze Age, but their argument emphasise that in many historical
periods the Tegean plain was as remote and isolated an area as is often expressed
in the literature about the Greek Bronze Age.

The Tegean Road Network

Having established the existence of inland communication at Tegea the challenge
is to localise possible routes used during the Bronze Age. As an enclosed mountain
plain there are certain topographical features that restrain communication, or at
least makes it less easy. This is true for the larger Tegean plain as well as the
smaller Karyai plain. One possible approach for tracing the local road network in
the Bronze Age is to start a reconstruction with the major mountain passes. Björn
Forsén applied a similar approach to the Bronze Age communication network
in the Asea Valley. Forsén has also convincingly shown how the distribution
of settlements very often did relate to such major communication lines.12 Also
information on historical roads and communication networks may give some
indications of the location of Bronze Age routes.
In the vicinity of Tegea there are traces of ancient roads as well as literary
sources that describe main roads passing through mountain passes. Sometimes the
sources also contain descriptions of how well suited they were for travelling. The
main source here is the descriptions by Pausanias in his travel guide from the 2nd
century AD. He describes the mountain passes used between mountain plains in
the centre of the Peloponnesian Peninsula. Based on Pausanias and other historic
information regarding ancient roads together with traces of ancient wheel-ruts a
reconstruction of the ancient road network in the Tegean plain is possible (fig. 5)
as have been shown by Jørgen Bakke.13 The Peutinger Table provides important
information especially for the roman period.14 The archaeological quest for ancient
roads has very much centred on identifying wheel ruts and relating them to ancient
roads described in literary sources. Roads with wheel ruts were a Persian invention
adopted in Greece in the classical period. This kind of wheel road network was
usually built for military purposes. Even in classical times, however, roads with
wheel ruts would represent a small fraction of the entire network of roads, paths
and tracks used for communication.15 In ancient as well as in prehistoric times most

12. Forsén 2003, 63-71.

13. Bakke 2008, 94-102.
14. Bakke 2008, 122; Pritchett 1980, 197-206; Sanders and Whitbread 1990.
15. Bakke 2008; Forsén, B. 2003; Pikoulas 1999; Pritchett 1980.
 COMMUNICATION AND TRADE AT TEGEA IN THE BRONZE AGE 141

Fig. 5: Tegean communication network (after Bakke 2008, Map 3).

journeys would take place on foot accompanied with pack animals, none of which
required roads with wheel ruts or paved roads as was a technique adopted by the
Romans. The distinction between carriage-roads and roads for traveling on foot
accompanied with pack animals is important because they relate quite differently
to the topography. The ancient carriage-roads tend to have a rather straight course
across an undulating topography and the gradient of these roads are often very steep.
Roads for traveling on foot on foot, however, follow the contour of the landscape
twisting and turning its way up and down the mountains.16

16. Bakke 2008, 90-94; Pritched 1980, 167ff.

142 HEGE AGATHE BAKKE-ALISØY

In the Peutinger Table there is one road that passes Tegea, the east-west
connection from Argos to Megalopolis. This is the same route Pausanias describes
as an excellent carriage road, a highway. According to Pausanias’ description
the road entered Tegea through the pass between mount Ktenias and mount
Parthenion. From the Partheni Basin in east the road entered the Tegean Plain,
most likely passing some of the ancient locations found there, and then continued
westwards over the structured Pausanias named the Choma and the over the Vigla
Mountain pass towards Asea and Megalopolis. This is not the place for a thorough
discussion and interpretation of Pausanias. I rely here on the conclusions drawn
by Bakke in Forty Rivers from 2008.17 That Pausanias describes this road as a
highway suggests that it was of a better quality than most roads in the area. It is
also significant that this was a section of the road that crossed the Peloponnese
from the Isthmus in the north to Megalopolis in the south. Ancient wheel-ruts
are found on two locations in relation to this highway; at the Vigla Pass and
near Dalia Sterna, an Ottoman guard station in the pass between Mt. Parthenion
and Mt. Ktenias. Near the ancient wheel-ruts at Dalia Sterna there are also well
preserved remains of medieval and Early Modern kaldirimia18 indicating that this
route was used long after the wheel-ruts went out of use. Some commentators
have also argued that the Peloponnesian Highway is a route that also existed
during the Bronze Age if not even earlier.19
Björn Forsén talks about the Mycenaean highway through the Asea valley.
In Asea the prehistoric settlements are located along this communication route.
Especially the location of a Late Helladic settlement indicates that this route
was used already in the Bronze Age.20 Based on the description by Pausanias as
well as remains in the Tegean landscape Bakke argues that the Peloponnesian
Highway went along the northern side of the Partheni Basin, passed the prehistoric
settlements and metallurgy sites near Ayioryitika, and continued towards Tegea
and in the vicinity of Steno. These sites are, in fact, dated from the Neolithic and
through to the EH. Leaving the Partheni Basin this route turned south towards
the modern village Lithovounio. Towards the urban centre of the ancient city of
Tegea we find the settlements Ayios Konstantinos at Stadiou and then the Ancient
Temple of Athena Alea. Both sites were inhabited throughout the Bronze Age.21
There are no archaeological traces of the Peloponnesian Highway on the Tegean

17. Bakke 2008.

18. Paved roads like this are sometimes referred to as Ottoman roads, medieval and/or Early
Modern.
19. Bakke 2008, 125-126; Forsén 2002, 83.
20. Forsén 2008, 83.
21. Bakke 2008, 119-126.
 COMMUNICATION AND TRADE AT TEGEA IN THE BRONZE AGE 143

plain itself. The only attested remains are in the mountain passes leading into
the plain. Westwards from the ancient city of Tegea the road most likely passed
the modern village Vouno before it crossed Lake Taka on the structure which
Pausanias refers to as Choma and then continued up to the Vigla Pass.22 During
the EH three settlements are known east of Alea, Manthirea, Stringon – Ayios Ilias
and Kamarion. In the later parts of the Bronze Age two settlements are known in
this area, Manthirea (LH) and Vouno (MH, LH).
As part of the ancient road Pausanias mentions a feature that he calls the
Choma, probably some kind of artificial mound of earth or a causeway.23 It
separated the Manthurian plane from the Pallantion Plane near the katavouthries.
As Jost Knauss and others have argued this suggests that its original function was
as a dam.24 In that case the Choma would create a dam on its northern side, thus
controlling the katavouthries to the southwest. The Choma might accordingly
have been a suitable tool for irrigation and cultivation of a marshy area. In recent
times Lake Taka has been a seasonal lake that is large during the winter and
dries up almost completely in summer. Presently the area has been the target of
a new attempt to log the water of the plain in a new artificial Lake Taka. This
project has obliterated any traces of the Choma. In premodern times, however,
the Choma may have provided a tool to control water in the plain both during
the rainy season in the winter and in the dry summers. An additional function,
which has been suggested, could be that the Choma also worked as a road. As
Bakke has argued Pausanias’ description can certainly be taken to be of a road.25
Accordingly the Choma might have represented a great improvement of the route
for travel in this part of the plain with rather unstable hydrological conditions.
Several other main communication routes most likely existed in Tegean
territory besides the “Peloponnesian Highway”. One such route is the ancient
road from Tegea to Thyrea, the plain of Astros, which passed through the
Doliana valley. According to Pausanias this road traversed the river Gareates
and crossed the mountain barrier at Ayios Deka.26 The river Gareates is probably
the ancient name for the present river Dolianitis.27 Faklaris argues that the road
has followed the course of the Gareates River and crossed it near the church
Panayias Koubliotissas, again an assumption made on the descriptions given by

22. Bakke 2008, 94-96.

23. Pausanias, 8.44.4-7.
24. Bakke 2008; Knauss 1988.
25. Bakke 2008, 94-96.
26. Pausanias 8.54.4.
27. Bakke 2008, 25; Faklaris 1990, 212.
144 HEGE AGATHE BAKKE-ALISØY

Pausanias rather than on the observation of actual archaeological remains.28 Near

the river as well as the church of Panayias there is also a Late Ottoman roadside
fountain that indicates this route was also used in the early modern period.29
Faklaris describes several routes leaving the Doliana valley, but only refers to
one place where the Gareates River was crossed. From this point onwards one
route described by Faklaris took off from the Doliana valley towards Dragouni.
This route also continued further southwards to the ancient crossroad at Stous
Phonemenous.30 Here, at altitude of 1200 m. was also a road side sanctuary of
Hermes. Three large cairns at the highest point of the mountain pass marked the
border between the territories of ancient cities of Tegea, Argos and Lacedaimon.
This was a place where several communication routes converged, among them
also a route from Sparta to the Argolid.31
Returning to the road crossing the mountain at Ayioi Deka I would argue that
it might have taken a different path through the Doliana Valley than the route
crossing the river near the church of Panayias. From a topographical viewpoint a
road from Tegea might also have followed the northern side of the Doliana valley,
taking a similar route as the modern road to Astros. From the village Rizes there
is still a dirt road that leads into the Doliana Valley. The modern dirt road most
likely adopts the same route as an older road. There is an ancient watch tower at
a small hillock at the entrance of the Doliana Valley. This route would pass by the
Ayioi Deka continuing eastwards to Sterna Ayias Sofias and further to Elliniko
(ancient Thyrea) on the Astros plain.32 The route through the Doliana valley is not
often referred to in the ancient literature, an indication that this was not a very
important road. Bakke sees this road as part of a local communication network.33
Another modern dirt road leaves the village Psili Vrisi for the mountains
towards the village Vervena. There is no reference to this route in ancient literature,
but there are traces of a kaldirimi near Psili Vrisi – Mirmingofolies. There are
also traces of settlements dated to Late Antiquity in this area. All documented
traces of past activity are located next to the present dirt road, also the remains
of the kaldirimi. The local place name here Skala also indicates the existence of
an early modern communication route here prior to the present dirt road. Skala
means steps and is a common toponym for steep winding tracks, or can even

28. Bakke 2008, 329-331; Faklaris 1990, 212.

29. Bakke 2008, 180.
30. Faklaris 1990, 212.
31. Bakke 2008, 302-306; Faklaris 1990, 193-195; Romaios 1905; 1950, 235-236.
32. Faklaris 1990, 212.
33. Bakke 2008, 330.
 COMMUNICATION AND TRADE AT TEGEA IN THE BRONZE AGE 145

Fig. 6: Psili Vrisi located in the entrance of the Doliana Valley. Rizes seen in the background.

Fig. 7: View of the Tegean plain and Psili Vrisi seen from Skala. The dirt road from Psili Vrisi
towards Vervena seen at Ayios Dimitrios.

indicate the actual existence of steps as part of the kaldirimi.34 That an ancient
marble quarry is also located next to this road strengthen the argument for ancient
communication route. Two prehistoric sites at Mirmingofolies are documented
along this road, one with a few sherds of EH pottery and stone cairns and the
second site is a LH settlement. This route enters the same road towards the cross
section at Stous Phonemenous as the one passing Dragouni. This scenario also
opens the possibility for communication toward the plain of Karyai and the LH
settlement Analipsis.

34. Bakke 2008, 90-91.

146 HEGE AGATHE BAKKE-ALISØY

In addition to the network of main roads discussed so far there also seems to
have been a network of various paths in the mountain area between the Tegean
plain, the Hysiai plain and southwards to the high plain of Karyai and further
down to Laconia. Passing there have been several such routes both towards east
and south probably passed through the Doliana Valley. Between the main Tegean
Plain and the Doliana Valley there is a low ridge next to the village Psili Vrisi. On
a hollow in the southeast part of this hill is the settlement Psili Vrisi – Vationa,
established during the MH and abandoned in the beginning of the LH. Most routes
departing from the Doliana Valley seem to have been for local communication,
at least during Antiquity.35 Still, these local routes probably connected with
the important route from Sparta to Argos and the major crossroad at Stous
Phonemenous. At this crossroad there was also a route westwards to Analipsis
on the small mountain plain of Karyai. Analipsis was, in fact, a highland node in
the ancient road network, since both east-west and north-south routes intersected
here.
Analipsis is located along the ancient road between Tegea and Sparta. Ancient
wheel-ruts have been observed at there as well as further northwest near the modern
village Arvanitokerasea.36 As in the Doliana Valley there was also at Analipsis
several minor intersecting routes enabling communication both east-west and
north-south. From the Western Peloponnese there are also several routes that
were used during in Antiquity. Some of those routes might also have passed by
Analipsis. From the Asea Valley there are two main connections towards Laconia
that would pass by Analipsis. The Manaris pass and a mountain pass at Mt. Agios
Konstantinos, entering the Langada basin. Both are documented both by written
sources and archaeological finds as roads suitable for wheeled traffic.37 Forsén
see the presence of a Neolithic settlement found in the Langada Basin as an
indication that this route was known and used also during the prehistoric period.38
Both the Manaris route and the Langada route would have passed Analipsis.
Ancient wheel ruts are also found at Perpori in the Sarandapotamos Gorge,
an indication that the ancient road here followed the Sarandapotamos River from
the plain of Karyai and Analipsis all the way north to the Tegean Plain. On a
small plateau above the river gorge, just before entering the Tegean Plain, the site
Palaiochora is located. There are no clear indications of exactly what track the
ancient road followed as it entered the Tegean plain. The local communication

35. Bakke 2008, 330.

36. Bakke 2008, 106-109.
37. Bakke 2008, 106-109; Forsén, B, 2003.
38. Forsén, B. 2003, 64.
 COMMUNICATION AND TRADE AT TEGEA IN THE BRONZE AGE 147

centre in the plain would, no doubt, have been the ancient city of Tegea. The city
plan of Tegea is well documented by magnetometer survey and archaeological
excavations in the urban centre.39 It is safe to assume that roads entering and
leaving the ancient city of Tegea would approach the urban site with an orientation
that related to the city plan.
One important major road from Ancient Tegea was the northwards route to the
ancient cities of Mantineia and Orchomenos.40 There is little information on the
exact location of the ancient road northwards from Tegea. Just north of the urban
site is the ridge between Ayios Sostis and Akra. This ridge was outside the urban
centre. Archaeological remains do, however, indicate human presence over a long
period. Two prehistoric sites are found here along with votive deposits of figurines
raging from Archaic to Hellenistic times.41 A road along this ridge in prehistory as
well as in Antiquity would be favourable to avoid the marshy plain. Also related
to this prehistoric route between Tegea and Mantinea is the site of Ayioi Apostoloi
just outside Tripolis, dated to the EH and MH. Following the western slope of
Mount Menalon this route would also pass the hill of Merkovounio, which was
settled throughout the Bronze Age. This hill lies in the narrow passage between
the Tegean plain and the plain of Mantineia. Other roads have most likely existed,
both during the prehistoric periods as well as in later times.
There were certainly alternative routes in the eastern part of the Tegean plain,
towards the Partheni basin.42 An archaeological investigation in the northern
part of the Tegean plain would probably result in the documentation of more
prehistoric settlements, and would supply better information for discussing
possible communication routes in this part of Tegean territory. I would, however,
argue that the main route northwards followed the western side of the Tegean
plain. This is probably a most ancient route since it passes prehistoric sites on
several locations: the hillside of Ayios Sostis, Ayioi Apostoloi and Merkovounio
before it enters the Mantineian plain. Along the western side of this part of the
Tegean plain smaller hills creates an elevated zone between the plain and the
mountain slopes of Mount Menalon. The topography of the opposite side of the
plain is very different. First of all, the slopes of Mount Ktenias are rather steep
making passage on the mountain slope very difficult. The lowland is also quite
difficult in this area. Today this part of the plain is characterised by an abundance
of water: marshes and the small lake of Pelagos. This northern part of the plain is

39. Ødegård 2011.

40. Paus. 8.10.1.
41. Bakke 2008, 155-156.
42. Paus. 8.54.5.
148 HEGE AGATHE BAKKE-ALISØY

drained through sinkholes on the plain of Mantineia. The present situation may
not represent the exact situation during the Bronze Age, but the unstable surface
water here has been a problem ever since ancient times.43
Having established the various communication routes in the Tegean landscape
that may have been used already during the Bronze Age I wish to discuss overall
changes during the Bronze Age and how to relate this to the topic of communication.

Bronze Age Communication

In the EH settlements are documented over the entire plain of Tegea but not
on the plain of Karyai. The lack of EH settlements on the plain of Karyai may
suggest that in this period there was also little contact between Tegea and
Laconia. The Palaiochora site just south of the Tegean Plain was, however,
settled in this period. The Palaiochora site is situated on what at least in later
periods will become one of the main north-south routes. Still, I would argue
that the early settlement at Palaiochora should rather be regarded in the context
of favourable local resources and soil well suited for EH agriculture. Local
interaction with the Tegean Plain should not be ruled out, but there is nothing
to indicate that Palaiochora was a station on a main route between Tegea and
Laconia in the EH.
There is a marked concentration of prehistoric settlements in the border
zone between the Partheni Basin and the Tegean Plain. Both settlements
and metallurgical activity, both mining and production of copper, have been
documented in this area.44 Little is yet known about the size of this metal
production or how, and to what extent, metal was exported from the area. The
activity appears to have been restricted to the EH before it was restarted much
later in the Early Iron Age.45
Interestingly, the so-called Peloponnesian Highway also passed through this
area.46 An important connection on the prehistoric Peloponnesian Highway was
the site at Lerna. Strategically situated in the Argolid Bay Lerna had developed
into an important local centre during the EH period, and had also become part
of the regional trade network in the Aegean in this period.47 In terms of distance
the Partheni Basin, and Tegea, are not fare from the EH settlement at Lerna.

43. Bakke 2013.

44. Spyropoulos 1989, 121; Spyropoulos and Spyropoulos 2000.
45. Spyropoulos 1989; Spyropoulos and Spyropoulos 2000.
46. Bakke 2008, 125-126; Forsén 2002, 83.
47. Alberti 2013.
 COMMUNICATION AND TRADE AT TEGEA IN THE BRONZE AGE 149

Fig. 8: The settlement pattern during the EH period.

It is accordingly more than likely that in the EH copper from the Partheni
Basin would find its way to Lerna where Melian obsidian would have been a
favourable exchange item.
Communication and trade networks at Tegea in the EH seems primarily to
have had a local focus, but the copper source in the Partheni Basin also makes it
very likely that Tegea was connected to the more developed trade nodes in the
Gulf of Argos. Through the Lerna node Tegea might also have been connected
with the large east-west trade network coined by Maria Alberti as the Cycladic
150 HEGE AGATHE BAKKE-ALISØY

Fig. 9: The settlement pattern during the MH period.

circuit.48 The route leaving the Tegean plain at the Partheni basin would thus be
a major regional route for communication and trade during the EH. The easy
access from Tegea to the Gulf of Argos may also have facilitated transportation
further east as well as north to the settlements at the plain of Asea and the plain
of Mantineia. I would here argue that the main route in the EH towards Mantineia
would pass from the settlement and production site at Steno-Sallou and over
the mountain towards the Loukas basin, along a kaldirimi still visible today. To
the west of the Tegean Plain there are several possibilities. The concentration of

48. Alberti 2013, 26-28.

 COMMUNICATION AND TRADE AT TEGEA IN THE BRONZE AGE 151

settlements in the southern part of the Tegean plain suggests that the route over
the Vigla pass near Pallantion is the most likely candidate.
The development in Minoan palatial culture on Crete by the beginning
of the 2nd millennium BC has profound influence on the Aegean trade
network.49 Innovations in ship technology in this period also had an impact
on communication and trade. Use of boats with sails opened for longer travels
overseas. The introduction of donkeys as pack animals would also have had some
impact on inland communication.50 By the Middle Bronze Age Crete was an
important station connecting the Aegean with the entire eastern Mediterranean.
The Aegean trade network is in this period also very much linked with Crete in
north-south trading circuits. The literature on this period does, however, favour
the importance of local communication networks.51
During the MH there is a marked reduction in number of settlements at
Tegea. This change is also reflected in regional communication and trade
networks. Besides from two settlements in the north-western part of the Tegean
plain there is a marked concentration in the southern part of the plain in the
MH. Settlements established during the MH would most likely have a location
which related to the current communication network. The Psili Vrisi-Vationa
site on a hill situated at the entrance to the Doliana valley was settled during the
MH period. The location is quite important in the local communication network
when the communication routes leading east which also connect with the north-
south route between Laconia and the Gulf of Argos are taken into consideration.
Laconia had a central role in the Minoanisation of the Peloponnese that can be
observed during the MH and early LH. At the settlement Agios Stephanos in
the Helos plain large quantities of Minoan and Minoanising pottery has been
found.52 During the MH in the Tegean plain I would argue that there is an
increased focus on some major communication routes connecting both north-
south as well as east-west. This can especially be observed in the marked
concentration of settlement activity in the southern part of plain.
The beginning of the LH period also marks the peak of contact with Laconia
as well as Minoanization at Tegea. For one thing the large tholos grave at
Analipsis is from the LH period. The total lack of evidence from a LH settlement
at Analipsis does, however, limit our understanding of the importance and
character of this site. The finds from the cemetery do indicate that it resembles

49. Betancourt 2008, 214.

50. Alberti 2013, 29.
51. Alberti 2913, 30-32; Burns 2010, 86-87; Wright 2008, 243.
52. Cavanagh and Crouwel 2002, 144-147; Dickinson 1994, 239-250.
152 HEGE AGATHE BAKKE-ALISØY

Fig. 10: The settlement pattern during the LH period.

the larger LH settlements found in Laconia.53 Excavations at Menelaion and

Pellana have shown that these settlements were, in fact, large administrative
centres although not on the same scale as Pylos and Mycenae. The tholos
graves do, however, show that a warrior-elite also had its place in Laconia
as well as at Analipsis. The palatial style jars found in the tholos at Analipsis
certainly indicate contact with Crete. Along with the palatial style jars in the
tholos at Analipsis a variety of other exotic goods were found. Items of gold,
silver, ten arrow heads in bronze as well as two ivory combs and tree amber

53. See Cavanagh and Crouwel 2002.

 COMMUNICATION AND TRADE AT TEGEA IN THE BRONZE AGE 153

Fig. 11: The large tholos at Analipsis.

pearls are some of the imports.54 In a group of miniature tholoi at Analipsis the
grave goods do not stand out in the same manner as that from the large tholos.
Faience pearls, bronze knifes and various imported figurines and pottery have
been uncovered here.55
The palatial style jars at Analipsis clearly indicate to contact with Laconia.
It is also reasonable to assume that Laconia was the source for other imported
goods. It would accordingly appear that the route between Analipsis and Laconia
was well established in the LH. In addition to the connection with Laconia there
are also indications of contact with the north-eastern Peloponnese. Some of the
pottery as well as arrow-heads in bronze do originate from the Argolid.56 High up
in the mountainous border zone between Laconia Arcadia the Analipsis site would
have been somewhat of a node in the LH Peloponnesian communication and trade
network.
An actual settlement at Analipsis cannot presently be documented. The
archaeological material at Analipsis does, however, provide strong indications
that there was an important settlement in its vicinity. As an intersection between

54. Kalogeropoulos 1998, 9-16.

55. Kalogeropoulos 1998, 17-20.
56. Kalogeropoulos 1998, 27-60 and 68-69.
154 HEGE AGATHE BAKKE-ALISØY

north-south and east-west routes Analipsis appears to have been especially

important for local Minoanization. The strong link between Analipsis and
Minoan civilisation is further indicated by the abandonment of Analipsis. The
palatial style jars from the large tholos at Analipsis suggests a dating preceding
the peak of the Mycenaean civilisation. However, there are finds from some of
the miniature tholoi dating to the LH IIIB. So far the documentation indicates that
the settlement at Analipsis was abandoned by the end of LH IIIB.
Analipsis is also the site where the Minoanization of this period is most
clearly expressed. There are, however, other changes that mark the shift from a
strong influence from the Minoan centres in the south towards strong Mycenaean
centres in the Argolid by late LH, LH IIIB. Another Tegean settlement that is
abandoned by LH IIIB is Psili Vrisi - Vationa. Due to limited archaeological
material there are some difficulties in distinguish the detailed chronological
sequence for all LH settlements at Tegea. It is of great interest here, however,
that the changes observed may also be linked to altered routes of communication.
Between Analipsis and Tegea, along the north-south route passing Analipsis,
there is another LH settlement, Palaiochora. The excavated material here, though
limited, do suggest a settlement later than Analipsis, LH IIIC. Both the settlement
and the tombs at Palaiochora have a strategic location in relation to the route
southwards to Laconia. This point in the direction of long-term use of this route
in the Bronze Age, but with a knot closer to the Tegean plain in the later phases
of the Bronze Age.
The changes that can be observed in the settlement pattern in the Doliana
Valley could be due to altered routes in communication. During the LH IIIB the
settlement at Mirmingofolies was interconnected to a route across the mountains
towards Vervena. This route connects with another north-south route from Laconia
and the Gulf of Argos, which would facilitate easy access both to the Mycenaean
centres in the Argolid as well as the rich mountain region of Parnon and the
lowland in Laconia. Next to a present dirt road that adopts this route a site defined
by a cluster of low cairns was dated by Roger Howell to the Early Helladic. Since
very little archaeological material has been documented around these cairns the
date for a settlement here is, at best, questionable. Alternatively they could be
interpreted a graves related to a LH settlement. An attractive interpretation of
the change in settlement pattern that can be observed in the Doliana valley is to
regard it as the impact of increased importance of Mycenaean centres in Argolid.
The shift of focus in this valley affected communication both towards north and
south. Primarily it should also be regarded as response to the abandonment of
Analipsis as a major junction in the Peloponnesian communication and trade
network.
 COMMUNICATION AND TRADE AT TEGEA IN THE BRONZE AGE 155

Fig. 12: The Manthurian Plain and Lake Taka.

Another marked change is seen on the Manthurian plain where the present
Lake Taka is situated. It has been argued that the Choma mentioned by Pausanias
initially was a hydraulic regulation project from the Bronze Age aimed at
controlling the surface water of Lake Taka.57 From Pausanias’ description it is
evident that in the days of the Roman Empire this structure also functioned as
the foundation for a road across the Manthurian Plain. The date of the Choma
has been questioned, but I would argue that the Late Helladic is the most likely
period.58 By the LH period there are two settlements in the vicinity of Lake Taka,
Vouno and Manthirea. A construction of a dam here would also have benefitted
the settlement at the site of the later sanctuary of Athena Alea. The social
organisation and possible differentiation between these settlements is not known
due to the limitations by the archaeological material. Instead of searching for one
large administrative centre with resources to organise the construction of such
a dam, I rather choose to see it as the possible result of a joint effort between
several larger LH settlements in the area. The initial purpose of this structure
may not have been to serve as a road, but we know from the description given by

57. Knauss 1988.

58. Hope Simpson 1994; Knauss 1988.
156 HEGE AGATHE BAKKE-ALISØY

Pausanias that it later also was used as a road.59 Because it would provide a stable
passage across the Manthurian Plain it is plausible that the dam was used as a
road already in the LH. Such a well-built road secured from the risk of flooding
would especially have favoured traveling with pack animals, and accordingly the
Choma may have been a most important structure for the maintenance of regional
communication and trade in the LH Peloponnese.

Changes over time – concluding remarks

Movement and communication is always present in human society. How and
where people move depend on the society they are part of. The Greek Bronze
Age is no exception. How and where people move and communicate has changed
with the various changes taking place in Greek Bronze Age society. I have here
looked at the settlement structure at the Tegean plain in the Bronze Age, and its
relation to possible routes of communication and trade. By discussing changes in
settlement pattern, land use, and sacred space my aim has been to trace possible
changes in the local and regional communication networks in this area.
During the EH there is a rather dispersed settlement pattern in the Tegan Plain
and its vicinity. The Plain of Karyai represents an interesting anomaly that is
important take into consideration. There is a marked concentration of activity
in the Partheni Basin that is probably associated with metal production as well
as important nearby settlements. The overall pattern in the EH indicate a strong
connection with Lerna in the Argolid and towards the south. The communication
network in this period seems to have had a focus on local interaction. During the
MH and early LH there is a shift of emphasis southwards. A marked reduction
in the number of settlements along with a stratification seen as can be observed
in the tholos graves at Analipsis in the early parts of LH provides a local context
for this shift of emphasis. The local settlement pattern as well as documented
archaeological material point to a strong link with the Minoan cultural sphere in
this period. No doubt the geographical mediator in this contact with Crete was
Laconia. By the end of the LH the settlement at Analipsis is abandoned. The
changes in the Peloponnesian communication network are obviously influenced by
the establishment of strong Mycenaean centres in the Argolid. During this period
the Tegean plain develops into an important node in the inland communication
network of the Peloponnese. The construction of a dam in the Manthurian Plain
where large amounts of surface water probably created challenges for travel in
the wet season was probably also used as a road, and as such would ensure easy

59. Bakke 2008, 94-96.

 COMMUNICATION AND TRADE AT TEGEA IN THE BRONZE AGE 157

access westwards throughout the year. The main influence and focus is in the LH
is clearly towards the Mycenaean centres in the Argolid.
Surrounded by high mountains in the middle of the Peloponnese the Bronze Age
society at Tegea was never completely isolated. With a focus on communication and
trade we can observe the strategic position of Bronze Age settlements in the Tegean
Plain. The changes that took place in its settlement pattern and communication
network illustrates how this area was very much in tune with the overall changes
that took place in the Aegean during the Bronze Age.

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 Identities and ‛precious’ commodities at Midea and
Dendra in the Mycenaean Argolid
Ann-Louise Schallin

The material basis for this investigation is the so-called precious finds from the LH IIIB2
destruction deposits at the Mycenaean citadel site of Midea. These finds reflect the inhabitants´
specific choices regarding the type of material and type of object. In characterizing these
and other specific Midea finds, a better understanding of the character of the site and its
inhabitants will follow. The objects, which the inhabitants chose for adornment or which
were politically or socially appropriate to produce, own and display, will serve as a starting
point in the endeavour to reconstruct Midean identity; a process which may prove useful
when tracking emulative and competitive behaviour in the Argolid.

Introduction1
The finds, which here are referred to as ‛precious’, are made of glass, gold and
ivory. These materials were used for making ornaments, beads and other jewellery.
The find categories and the precious objects themselves are presented along with
their find contexts whereupon they are compared with similar, published, precious
finds from the citadel.2 The precious objects at Midea occur somewhat unexpectedly
in the LH IIIB2 destruction debris together with a mixture of other objects, the
majority of which are pottery sherds. In most cases the objects must have originated
elsewhere and were therefore found out of context in the destruction debris which
seems to either have had fallen from upper storeys or have eroded from further
upslope. Irrespective of where the commodities came from and whether they were
the outcome of production and/or represent the remains of personal belongings,
the precious finds reflect the inhabitants´ specific choices regarding the type of

1. The initial part of writing this article was carried out as a P.M. Warren Visiting Professor in
Aegean Prehistory at the Institute of Greece, Rome and the Classical Tradition in 2012, at the
University of Bristol. I am truly grateful for having had this opportunity and I am also grateful
for the generosity and helpfulness of especially Nicoletta Momigliano and Peter Warren.
2. Schallin 2012.
160 ANN-LOUISE SCHALLIN

material and type of object. In characterizing these and other specific Midea finds,
a better understanding of the character of the site and its inhabitants will follow.
The objects, which the inhabitants chose for adornment or which were politically or
socially appropriate to produce, own and display, will serve as a starting point in the
endeavour to reconstruct Midean identity; a process which may prove useful when
tracking emulative and competitive behaviour in the Argolid.

Identity and mobility

People were mobile in the spacious sense in Mycenaean times and travelled short
or long distances within their region and beyond. Then, as well as now, a region
was composed of a mixture of inhabitants with different backgrounds; some had
lived there for generations and some were new to the locale and had either come
from outside the region or from within. The various kinds of things/objects and
material, which were brought into the region naturally also express mobility. Single
or multiple examples of the material culture functioned as agents, which led to
developments in various aspects of the Mycenaean society as the immigrants,
traders and entrepreneurs brought with them new ideas, practices and things. Thus
the collective regional identity was composed of a variety of cultural expressions
and was continuously changing, developing along the lines of ongoing ideas and
practices.3
In order to better understand the relationship and the flow of influence, ideas and
customs between the various regional Argive citadel sites in the Mycenaean period,
we first need to define each community´s individual, local identity. The region was
marked by strong competitive and emulative customs which are evident in all its
cultural expressions, most noticeably to us in the remains of art and architecture; we
may also assume that it was present in other spheres of society which are embedded
and more difficult to observe.
Apart from presenting the Midean ‛precious’ objects, this paper also aims to
compare the general character of these objects with those from the nearby cemetery
at Dendra in order to evaluate the presupposed link between the sites. The earliest
excavator at Dendra, Axel W. Persson, took it for granted that the Dendra cemetery
was used for burying the dead from Midea;4 a supposition which has not yet been
properly investigated.
I am aware of the difficulty of comparing material from a settlement with
material from cemetery tomb contexts which may vary considerably from

3. Díaz-Andreu and Lucy 2005, 1‒2.

4. Persson 1931, 3‒4.
 IDENTITIES AND ‛PRECIOUS’ COMMODITIES AT MIDEA AND DENDRA 161

settlement contexts with specific paraphernalia belong to a cemetery which would

not be used in a settlement site and vice versa. Nevertheless, certain traits may exist
which would link the sites and which would either indicate/prove or disprove a
close relationship and positively identify the Dendra cemetery as the burial place
of the Midean inhabitants. Since ‛precious’ objects and jewellery have indeed been
found at Midea, and since precious objects, especially jewellery, were used by and
worn by both the living and the dead;5 the Midea‒Dendra comparison regarding
these classes of objects is especially appropriate here.

Defining a Midean identity

The local Midean identity I seek to define and explore should not be confused
with ethnicity or the search for a geographic location of origin, or origins, of
the Midean inhabitants. The identity I want to define is a group identity,6 most
probably consisting of a number of sub identities, such as gender, age, class, etc.7
These Midean group identities were signalled by a set of material culture traits.
Hypothetically, each Late Bronze Age subgroup in the Argive region chose to
express themselves by a set of unique cultural traits, which were determined by
the specific constraints and characteristics of their habitat and their relationship
with their neighbouring subgroups. The various traits, of which the Midean local
identities were composed, were of course mixed and entangled; this is quite
natural considering the nature of the competition and emulation in the Argive
region in Mycenaean times. Nevertheless, in my view each citadel communicated
their particular modes of identity expressions and it is my aim to define such sets
of identity markers for the Midean LH IIIB2 inhabitants.
By focussing on the material evidence it will be possible to deepen our
understanding of the next level, the regional collective identity in the Argolid.
More specifically, I will examine how the Mycenaean society was structured
socially, economically and ideologically, especially in the Argolid where written
evidence is insufficient for making far-reaching conclusions in this respect.8
The Linear B evidence from the Argolid is not as informative regarding palace
organization as, for instance it is for Pylos where the Linear B documents called
the ‛Ta series’ inventory sacrificial equipment.9

5. Younger 1992; Nightingale 2000, 9.

6. Weissner 1983; Shennan 1989, 17‒22; Díaz-Andreu and Lucy 2005, 23.
7. Meskell 2002, 280.
8. Shelmerdine and Bennet 2008.
9. Bennet 2008, 154.
162 ANN-LOUISE SCHALLIN

Fig. 1. The Argolid (Copyright Mycenae Archive).

 IDENTITIES AND ‛PRECIOUS’ COMMODITIES AT MIDEA AND DENDRA 163

Fig. 2. The locations of the citadel on Midea and the cemetery at Dendra (after Walberg 2007, fig. 2).

Dendra and Midea

Dendra and Midea are located approximately 1km apart on the fringe of the
Argive plain southeast of Mycenae (Fig. 1). Dendra is a cemetery of mainly Late
Bronze Age chamber tombs, but other burial structures also exists there, most
noteworthy is perhaps the tholos which was the first of the tombs to be excavated.
Midea, on the other hand, is a settlement site within a citadel on a 270m high hill.
The close relationship between the two sites has always been maintained (Fig. 2)
and was one of the original notions of the first excavator at Dendra and Midea,
Axel W. Persson.10

10. Persson 1931, 3‒4.

164 ANN-LOUISE SCHALLIN

Fig. 3. Late Helladic tombs excavated in the cemetery at Dendra (after Åström 1977:6, fig.1).

Excavations at Dendra
The excavations at Dendra commenced in 1926 when the Swedish archaeologist
Axel W. Persson was invited by Nikolaos Bertos, the ephhor at Nauplion at that
time, to undertake the excavation of a tholos tomb.11
In 1927 chamber tombs 1, 2 and 3 (Fig. 3) were excavated by the Swedes. Bertos
excavated two more in the same year: 4 and 5.12After a hiatus of twelve years, Persson
came back to Dendra in 1939 and excavated six more chamber tombs: 6-11.13
In the 1960s new excavations at Dendra were compelled as a consequence of
looting in one of the unexcavated chamber tombs. Nikolaos Verdelis, together
with Paul Åström, discovered a precious bronze cuirass which in turn led to a
new interest in the cemetery and the excavation of chamber tombs 12-14.14 More
recently Evangelia Protonotariou-Deilaki and Evangelia Pappi have revealed
additional information concerning the cemetery.15

11. Persson 1931, 8‒9.

12. Persson 1942, 17.
13. Persson 1942, 17‒101
14. Åström 1977.
15. Protonotariou-Deilaki 1990; Pappi 2005 (pr. 2013).
 IDENTITIES AND ‛PRECIOUS’ COMMODITIES AT MIDEA AND DENDRA 165

The explorations at Midea

Persson naturally became curious about Midea while working at Dendra, and
in 1939 he also conducted explorations within its citadel walls.16 He let one of
the younger archaeologists of his team, Torgny Säve-Söderberg, create some test
trenches,17 for example at the East Gate of the citadel wall. The uppermost terrace
was also investigated. Since cuttings and some structural remains were observed,
it was concluded that buildings had stood there and in his publication from 1942
Persson wrote that the Mycenaean palace had been placed there.18
While excavating chamber tombs at Dendra in the 1960s, Åström also
undertook investigations within the citadel at Midea. He explored some areas
close to the East Gate and concluded that the deep layers of ashy soil contained
sherds which could be dated to the LH IIIB2 period at the latest.19
Systematic excavations at Midea started in 1983 as a Greek-Swedish collaboration
project. The results have preliminarily been published in Opuscula Atheniensia, and
in Opuscula. The annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome from 2008.
Moreover, two volumes of the final excavation report have hitherto appeared.20

The history of Midea

The most conspicuous feature on the slope of Midea is an impressive citadel wall.
The wall encloses an area of 24000 square meters and it is constructed of large
blocks in the Cyclopean technique, similar to the Late Bronze Age fortifications
at Mycenae and Tiryns. The wall is 450 metres long, 5‒7 meters in width and is
preserved in a number of places to a height of 7 metres.
The remains within the citadel area date mainly to the Late Bronze Age,
however, the finds give evidence of human occupation in several periods from the
Late Neolithic throughout the prehistoric period. There was also activity within
the walls in Archaic, Classical, Late Roman and Early Byzantine times.
The citadel wall was constructed in the middle of the 13th century, in LH IIIB2.
Most of the building remains that have already been excavated belong to the same
period (Fig. 4). The archaeological field work has concentrated on the two gates,
The East and the West, where rooms have been uncovered built against the inner
side of the fortification wall. Excavations have also revealed a habitation area on

16. Persson 1942, 3‒16.

17. Persson 1942, 4, fig. 1.
18. Persson 1942, 7‒12.
19. Åström 1983, 40.
20. Walberg 1998; Walberg 2007.
166 ANN-LOUISE SCHALLIN

Fig. 4. Ground plan of the Acropolis of Midea (drawing: E. Markou with additions by M.
Patapatiou and A. Kiratzis).

one of the middle terraces towards the west. Moreover, a large structure has been
uncovered to the north, on a lower terrace. This building is reminiscent in plan of
a classical Mycenaean megaron.21
Thus we can conclude that the site organisation that was revealed by
archaeological excavations is the layout from LH IIIB2 and any earlier remains
must have been more or less eliminated in the process. The imposing citadel wall
belongs to the same period. Yet, the site experienced a severe destruction at the
end of this period, which has left traces in the stratigraphy all over the citadel area.
The destruction horizon at Midea consists of deep layers of ashy soil, especially in
areas where the soil has accumulated, as for instance against the citadel wall. The
conflagration, which befell the site at the end of LH IIIB2 is most noteworthy.22 In
spite of the severe destruction, the site was not abandoned, but the data indicates
its survival on a reduced scale with the entire original citadel area probably not
being taken back into use again. Importantly enough, the megaron was rebuilt
with a similar, but slightly different outline which indicates a survival of the site´s
social organization. However, as time went by the activity in the citadel area
dwindled and the latest prehistoric remains date to LH IIIC middle.23

21. Maran 2001, 117; Walberg 2007.

22. Åström & Demakopoulou 1996; Walberg 1998, 176; Schallin 2012, 511.
23. Walberg 2007, 198; Demakopoulou et al. 2010, 11
 IDENTITIES AND ‛PRECIOUS’ COMMODITIES AT MIDEA AND DENDRA 167

Preconceived ideas
Persson had already made up his mind concerning the connection between the
sites of Dendra and Midea from the start of his exploration and wrote: ʽBeyond a
doubt the tombs in the western part of the ridge at Dendra are connected with the
citadel on the top of the hill and the adjacent town at the footʼ.24
Persson envisioned a scenario consisting of a palace at the top of Midea where
the king dwelt, and that one of the kings of Midea, his queen and his daughter
were buried in the tholos tomb of the Dendra cemetery.
No one has contradicted Persson concerning the alleged connection between
Midea and Dendra and thus the general opinion is that the cemetery belonged to
the citadel of Midea.

The ‛precious’ commodities at Midea

Here I will use the evidence of the so-called ‛precious’ commodities from Midea
in an investigation about the alleged connection between Dendra and Midea. I
will first present the nature of the finds, which have been found at Midea, as
well as my working hypothesis: i.e. that these finds constitute a part of a Midean
collective group identity.

The nature of the ‛precious’ commodities

The ‛precious’ commodities, or objects I refer to here comprise beads of
various shiny or glossy materials such as glass, faience or semi-precious stones.
Ornaments, jewellery and other objects of gold, silver or bronze also belong to
this category. Thin gold foil often covered the glass beads or was used to adorn
perishable materials such as cloth or wood. Material of this kind belonged to the
sphere of Mycenaean elite manifestations which were displayed in tombs of the
transitional phase between the Middle and Late Helladic periods, but also later.25
The objects were no doubt also worn and used before being deposited in the
tombs. They were part of the socially competitive activities in the region at the
time when the various lords on the Argive Plain were fighting for prestige and
power. The custom of amassing precious goods and putting them into the tombs
was therefore a common practice and did not die out but was maintained, at least
during the LH IIIA and B periods. However, as time went by it seems as if the
ability to procure precious objects became more common and it seems to have

24. Persson 1931, 3.

25. Eg. Bennet 2008; Jackson & Wager 2011; Whittaker 2011; Papazoglou-Manioudaki 2012.
168 ANN-LOUISE SCHALLIN

subsequently not been an exclusively elite phenomenon. At the same time, the
amount of precious objects has a tendency of abating to comprise a more limited
selection when found in tombs.

East of the East Gate

The precious finds from the recent excavations in the rooms situated along the
inner face of the citadel wall east of the East Gate (Figs. 4 and 5) constitute the
basis for this investigation.26 The area designated ʽeast of the East Gateʼ is reached
by using a narrow and awkward passage leading from the East Gate upwards in an
easterly direction to an upper terrace. In the Mycenaean destruction debris of the
late 13th century there was a large amount of finds embedded in a soft soil matrix
mixed with ash. Most of the finds consist of pottery sherds, but there are also many
other small finds of various kinds such as a variety of stone tools; implements of
antler, bone and bronze; vessels made of lead and terracotta figurines of the usual
Mycenaean kinds, such as bovines and females of the Psi type. There were also a
lot of fragments of lime plaster indicating the coated remains of floors and walls.
Faunal and botanical remains27 comprise bones, shells, charred seeds, carbonized
figs and olive pips. Furthermore, there are fragments of jewellery in precious
materials, such as gold and blue glass, as well as ornaments of ivory.
The variety of finds makes it hard to pinpoint an exact function for these
rooms. The mixed debris found in the basement rooms probably contained finds
emanating from upper storeys. The finds may also have originated from buildings
further up the slope, i.e. to the south of the basement rooms. Furthermore, there
are indications that the Late Helladic finds were mixed with material from both
earlier and later periods. The processing of the material will especially shed light
on the meaning of the possible later intrusions. One explanation may be that
masses of soil were deposited in the basement rooms at a post-Bronze Age date
and that the Mycenaean material then was mixed with both earlier and later finds.
The lack of a clear stratigraphy makes it impossible to state whether the upper
storey rooms above the basement represented living quarters, store rooms or
workshops. We cannot even be sure that the debris emanates from the rooms
in question or from other buildings, once situated upslope to the south of the
basement room area.

26. Nilsson & Schallin 2002; Alisøy, Nilsson & Schallin 2003; Nilsson & Schallin 2004; Nilsson
& Schallin 2005; Nilsson & Schallin 2006-2007; Nilsson & Schallin 2008.
27. Margaritis, Demakopoulou and Schallin 2014.
 IDENTITIES AND ‛PRECIOUS’ COMMODITIES AT MIDEA AND DENDRA 169

Fig. 5. Ground plan of the areas of the East Gate and east of the East Gate (drawing: B. Ask).

Jewellery and ornaments

Fragments and occasionally intact specimens of small ornaments and pieces of
jewellery have been found in the basement debris. These items were therefore not
necessarily found in situ, and it is not possible to state that they represent remains
of the inhabitants’ personal belongings or the outcome (however fragmentary) of
a local production.

Simple glass beads

A number of simple beads made of blue glass have been found in the basement
debris (Figs. 6 and 7). They are all oval in shape and were probably part of,
or intended for, one or several necklaces or bracelets. These kinds of beads are
common and also occur in other parts of the Mycenaean cultural sphere.28 The
same kind of simple beads have been found at other locations at Midea, for
instance from the excavations of the buildings on the Southwest slope29 and from

28. Nightingale 2000, 6; Nikita 2003, 28, fig. 3.8 with examples from the Agora Excavations.
29. Demakopoulou & Divari-Valakou 2002, 36, fig. 27.
170 ANN-LOUISE SCHALLIN

Fig. 6. Simple glass beads with rounded profile from the area east of the East Gate, Trenches 3
and 12.
 IDENTITIES AND ‛PRECIOUS’ COMMODITIES AT MIDEA AND DENDRA 171

Fig. 7. Simple glass bead

with tubular profile from the
area east of the East Gate,
Baulk T3/R9.

the area of the so-called megaron.30 This implies that glass bead necklaces or
bracelets were in use by the inhabitants, or stored or produced in several places.
The necklace composed of disk-shaped beads found in Niche 1 in the megaron
represents a more or less intact piece of jewellery of this kind.31 Ostenso remarks
that several of the simple beads recovered elsewhere in the megaron area were
found outside of their original contexts.32

Relief beads
A different kind of bead or ornament is more elaborate and is composed of a blue
glass plaque with a decoration in relief. Many beads of the same kind were often
linked together forming a necklace. However some of the relief beads were just
pinned or sewn onto garments.33
Four such beads occur in the area east of the East Gate. One of these depicts
a motif consisting of fantasy creatures set against each other in a heraldic way
(Fig. 8). An identical bead with the same motif was found in trench R, on the west
side of the Midea citadel area.34 An almost identical bead with the same motif, but
not executed in such detail, comes from one of the Mycenae chamber tombs.35
The demons are of the same kind as the ones on the famous gold signet ring from
Tiryns of the 15th century.36 The Midea examples, however, are less beastlike and
more insect-like. Another relief bead from the same Midean context consists of a
plaque at the one end of which there is a ribbed cone, or a so-called trochus shell

30. Walberg 1998, 157, pl. 111; Walberg 2007, 177, figs. 218-219.
31. Ostenso 2007, 178: G27 and G24.
32. Ostenso 2007, 178.
33. Hughes-Brock 2008, 133.
34. Demakopoulou & Divari-Valakou 2002, 32, fig. 35.
35. Xenaki-Sakellariou 1985, pl. 133, no. 4551.
36. Higgins 1980, 188, fig. 241.
172 ANN-LOUISE SCHALLIN

(Fig. 9).37 ‛Cut-out’ examples come from Midea.38 Beads of this type occur, for
example at Tiryns39 and from the Mycenae tombs.40 A third kind of relief bead is
broken with only one end of the bead remaining. It represents a curled leaf relief
ornament (Fig. 10). Intact parallels come from the Mycenae Chamber tomb 9341
and from Thisbe in Boeotia.42 A fourth example from the East Gate area at Midea
is covered with gold foil (Fig. 11). This type of bead is common in the Mycenaean
Argolid and is also represented outside the Argolid.43 The gold was formed in
a mould and details were added by a granulation technique afterwards. Other
similar beads often have small, dark blue blobs set in small hollows, but there are
no remains of such decoration here. The motif depicted on the bead represents a
well-known figure from the Mycenaean pottery repertoire, an Argonaut – a sea-
snail. Here the motif is set heraldically in pairs. Close parallels to the Midean
bead come from Chamber tombs 8 and 88 at Mycenae.44
The Midean bead is actually the only gold find to have so far come from the
material found in the citadel. Gold was most certainly considered extra precious
in Mycenaean times. This is evident from the rich grave offerings and also in the
way the metal was used to shape beautiful works of art. Even so, gold beads are
fairly plentiful, especially in undisturbed Mycenaean tombs.45

Ivory ornaments
Some ivory ornaments occur among the finds. One depicts the motif of a papyrus
plant which also derives from the pottery decoration repertoire (Fig. 12). It is
a common motif during the Mycenaean period in the Argolid. The same motif
occurs on a steatite mould from Midea46 which indicates that it was intended for
the production of glass beads with this motif in relief.
Another ivory object is of special interest. It is probably made of elephant
instead of hippopotamus ivory which Krzyzskowska considers to have been

37. Ostenso 1998, 157: G6.

38. Walberg 1998, pl. 111, G6; Walberg 2003, pl. G42.
39. Nightingale 2000, 9.
40. Xenaki-Sakellariou 1985, pl. 27, no. 2271(2); pl. 92, no. 2963.
41. Xenaki-Sakalleriou 1985, pl. 132, no. 4550 (12).
42. Hughes-Brock 2008, pl. 6.2.
43. Higgins 1980, 166,171-172, figs. 206 and 214; Nikita 2003, 29-30.
44. Xenaki-Sakalleriou 1985, pl. 6, no. 2299 and pl. 117, no. 3153, 13.
45. Hughes-Brock 1999, 282.
46. Demakopoulou & Divari-Valakou 1994, 32, fig. 37.
IDENTITIES AND ‛PRECIOUS’ COMMODITIES AT MIDEA AND DENDRA 173

Fig. 8. Glass relief bead

depicting a Mycenaean
‛demon’.

Fig. 9. Glass relief bead

with a trochus shell.

Fig. 10. Glass relief bead

in the shape of a curved
leaf.

Fig. 11. Glass bead coated

with gold leaf depicting
Argonauts.
174 ANN-LOUISE SCHALLIN

Fig. 12. Ivory ornament with

papyrus decoration.

used for more simple ornaments.47 It is a relief plaque in fragments depicting two
figures in profile (Fig. 13). It was found in a possibly mixed Mycenaean level, and
does not necessarily belong to the Mycenaean era, but possibly to a subsequent
period. The fleshy lips and chin have no parallels in the Mycenaean ivories we
know, but on the other hand, the muscular leg is reminiscent of the leg on an
ivory plaque from Mycenae, tomb Rho.48 Moreover, the vivacity and strength
immanent in the image seems to belong more to the Mycenaean way of rendering
a motif than the more stiff appearance of artistic expressions during the Archaic
times. However, a possible Archaic date to this delicate piece of art should not be
too surprising, since there is definite evidence for Archaic activity in this area at
Midea close to the East Gate.

Chronology
These ‛precious’ items are therefore typical for the Mycenaean Argolid and
especially for the palace sites since they express the connection with, or the wish
to belong to, the elite sphere of the Mycenaean society. In the Argive region the
objects were produced, or transformed from imported raw material, such as glass
paste and elephant or hippopotamus ivory, to finished objects.49 Chronologically,
the objects belong to the heyday of the Mycenaean era: LH IIIA and B periods.50

47. Krzyzskowska 1988, 233.

48. Poursat 1977, 68, no. 240 (9562), pl. 19.
49. Bennet 2008, 164.
50. Nightingale 2000, 6.
 IDENTITIES AND ‛PRECIOUS’ COMMODITIES AT MIDEA AND DENDRA 175

Fig. 13. Ivory plaque with relief motif

depicting two figures in profile.

Location
Except for the ivory inlay depicting an elaborate papyrus plant (7), all the objects
presented above derive from the area east of the East Gate (Figs. 4 and 5). The
ivory inlay was found in Trench 11 in connection with a shallow stone packing.
The precious objects from the upper level, east of the East Gate are concentrated
to the trenches following the inner side of the citadel wall. All the small blue glass
beads come from Trenches 3 and 12, which border each other. They may have
belonged to one and the same necklace. Two of the relief beads also come from
Trench 3, and more beads and an ivory plaque were found further downslope in
rooms following the inner outline of the citadel wall.

The implication of the finds

Objects have been found belonging to the category of ornaments and jewellery all
over the excavated areas within the citadel at Midea. The fact that the jewellery
and the ornaments only occur as single stray finds may indicate that the inhabitants
brought their finery with them when they left the site, regardless of whether they
fled from a catastrophe or due to political, economical or other reasons. Only the
overlooked scraps were left behind. The golden relief bead must have been dropped
from an already broken necklace, or it was torn off the person who wore it.
176 ANN-LOUISE SCHALLIN

Only fragments remain, but the objects reveal a high level of artistic skill and
sophistication.
As can be deduced from the stratigraphic evidence, the precious objects are
most often found together with other debris from the LH IIIB period, the period
which predated the destruction and the ensuing fire catastrophe that left large
parts of the site in ash and ruins. The haphazard way in which the precious finds
seem to be distributed reflects the fact that they were most often not found in situ,
but in secondary contexts, in mixed debris containing soil, which seems to have
been moved around before being deposited. The area east of the East Gate at least,
seems to consist of this kind of debris. The walls of the Mycenaean basement
rooms are deep here and there is a lot of space for soil to be packed, either through
erosion or with the help of people in later periods who were wishing to create
level ground for their activities. The fragments and scraps of the jewellery and
ornaments then become only a reflection of the richness, which may once have
been stored within the citadel. The types of objects conform to what we find at
nearby sites and also with those at the cemetery at the nearby Dendra which is
assumed to have been the burial ground for the inhabitants at Midea.
The ‛precious’ objects belong to the kind of Mycenaean valuables of exotic
connotation which were used in strategies of elite self-representation. The objects
were thus uniquely associated with the palaces.51 Such self-representation is seen
in the rituals of burial practices of the elite, which included elaborated feasting.52
Lena Papazoglou-Manioudaki discusses examples of such practices at Dendra
and Mycenae.53
The relief beads are a speciality for the Mycenaean Argolid. They must have
been manufactured there and were not imported. The motives vary and are both
abstract and representational.54 The relief beads may have been an insignia of
some kind of religious or other official or social status. According to Hughes-
Brock, they conveyed social messages, and when found outside the Mycenaean
social sphere they may be seen as a type of badge of ethnicity.55 The relief beads
were produced in the palaces by a special class of blue glass workers: ku-wa-no-
wo-ko.56 The gold bead from the area east of the East Gate at Midea, together
with other relief beads and the steatite mould from the West Gate area therefore
indicate that production of relief beads was taking place at the site as has previously

51. Bennet 2008, 160‒161.

52. E.g. Wright 2004; Whittaker, 2011.
53. Papazoglou-Manioudaki 2012.
54. Nikita 2003, 29.
55. Hughes-Brock 1999, 291.
56. Nightingale 2000, 6; Brysbaert and Vetters 2010.
 IDENTITIES AND ‛PRECIOUS’ COMMODITIES AT MIDEA AND DENDRA 177

been suggested.57 Hughes-Brock discusses the manufacturing processes of relief

beads58 while Nikita discusses the function of Mycenaean glass beads.59
Unfortunately, there is no clear evidence of a production of glass beads at
Midea, but this is unsurprising since it is difficult to identify glass-working sites
and we may not necessarily expect a single-purpose work space purely for glass
jewellery. It is possible that glass working was executed in areas, which may have
had other functions.60 However, a number of stone moulds at nearby Mycenae
more or less certify the existence of glass bead production at this site, even if
the moulds were not found in the specific work area. Tournavitou has made a
catalogue of glass moulds found in Mainland Greece, including Mycenae,61 and
Susan Lupack also discusses the Mycenaean jewellery workshop areas.62 One of
the Mycenae moulds is of particular interest for the Midean case. It was found
at Mycenae, in the Citadel House area, in a dubious workshop context. It is of
particular interest, since it was meant for the production of glass beads in the
shape of paired Argonauts, just like the gold-covered glass relief bead from
Midea which was presented above.63 The production of vitreous materials has
also been attested at Tiryns.64
It is likewise uncertain whether Midea housed an ivory workshop. A lot of
skill and technique was required to produce beautiful ivory carvings, not only due
to the delicacy of the carving, but also during the preparation of the material.65
The scant ivory evidence at Midea is not comparable to the vast remains of ivory
working in, for example the Houses of the Sphinxes and the Shields at Mycenae.66

The local identity of the Mideans

All the material traits at Midea no doubt express the site´s and the inhabitants’
unique character in comparison with their neighbours. The Midean material traits
conform to the Mycenaean culture in general, but there are individual characteristics

57. Demakopoulou and Divari-Valakou 1994, 34; Voutsaki 2001, 196; Hughes-Brock 2003, 12;
Demakopoulou 2007, 70.
58. Hughes-Brock 1999, 287-290.
59. Nikita 2003, 33-34.
60. Tournavitou 1997, 230, 232; Nikita 2003, 24; Tournavitou 1988.
61. Tournavitou 1997, 243‒253.
62. Lupack 1999, 30‒32.
63. Evely 1992, pl. 4; Tournavitou 1997, pl. 7.
64. Panagiotaki et al. 2005; Brysbaert and Wetters 2010, 34‒35.
65. Krzyszkowska 1984, 124; Krzyszkowska 1988, 214; Velsink 2003, 9.
66. Tournavitou 1995, esp. 123‒206.
178 ANN-LOUISE SCHALLIN

which can be identified when studying various aspects of the site and the finds.
The material traits mirror the inhabitants’ social status, their preferences, their
occupation, and their relations with neighbouring sites in the region.
The ‛precious’ finds from the area east of the East Gate at Midea could have
been produced at the site. It is possible that production of ivory ornaments and
glass beads of various kinds was taking place, even though we still have no real
proof of this. Another possibility is that the ‛precious’ objects had been produced
elsewhere and were kept and stored at the site, i.e. that they were the inhabitant´s
personal belongings. The ornaments may have decorated pieces of furniture, but
the beads were used for necklaces or other jewellery which may have been worn
on specific occasions by certain members of the community who were perhaps
designated various roles in a social hierarchy.
The precious objects were used as prestige items and were displayed at social
gatherings, such as feasts and funerals; they were subsequently deposited in tombs.
The presence of these finds at Midea tells us that the inhabitants conformed to the
common standards of Mycenaean elite behaviour and that they were competing
in prestige with the same sort of commodities as their powerful neighbours in
Mycenae and Tiryns.
Only further study of all kinds of Midean finds will inform us of the
specific relationships between Midea and its neighbours. A first step towards a
characterization of a specific Midea identity is presented below where the ‛precious’
finds of Midea are compared with the precious finds from Dendra: Midea´s alleged
cemetery. The aim is to deduce possible expressions of similar identities.

The ‛precious’ objects at Dendra

The following is an overview and a selection of the contexts and the nature of
the precious objects found in the Dendra tombs. The most relevant examples are
brought forward with finds comparable to the ‛precious’ ones at Midea.

The tholos
Three human skeletons were found buried in two pits under the floor of the tholos
chamber. Rich finds are connected with all three interments, such as gold drinking
vessels, necklaces, gold rings, etc.67 Human bones were also found mixed with
animal bones in another pit under the floor of the chamber. The bones were

67. Persson 1931, 13‒18, 31‒40.

 IDENTITIES AND ‛PRECIOUS’ COMMODITIES AT MIDEA AND DENDRA 179

accompanied by some round faience beads.68 In a fourth pit under the chamber
floor charcoal and fragments of gold, bronze, burnt ivory and beads of faience
and semi-precious stones were found.69
Additional human bones from at least three individuals were found
scattered in the tomb on the chamber floor. In connection with these bones,
Late Mycenaean vase fragments were found along with a number of small gold
objects, some long pierced agathe beads, a hundred or so faience beads which
were shaped like grains of wheat and an almond shaped stone engraved with a
deer.70
Furthermore, a burial was found in the dromos, close to the stomion, more
than two metres above the floor-level of the chamber. A Protogeometric amphora
accompanied the dead, but there were no precious objects connected to this burial.71

The chamber tombs

Chamber tomb 2 displays a number of peculiar constructional details. Its dromos
is 20 metres long, which is unusually long for a chamber tomb, and the chamber
was hewn in the shape of a house with a saddle roof.72 Inside the stomion, a door
opening leading from the dromos into the chamber, a pit had been dug within
which 35 bronze objects were stacked, the majority of which comprised of large
vessels.73 Pieces of cut sand stone were found in the chamber which proved to
be a bench with square depressions in the corners, or according to Persson a
slaughtering table,74 when put together. Furthermore, there were two hewn stones,
each with a small projection at one end. Along the short inner wall, there was a
low hearth or altar built of small stones and covered with plaster.
On the chamber floor, there were also quite a lot of small precious finds, such
as gold objects of various kinds and glass beads, etc.75
Since no human bones were found in connection with these finds, Persson
interpreted this tomb as a cenotaph.76 However, a burial had been inserted into
the dromos at a later date. The skeleton of a woman, according to Persson, was

68. Persson 1931, 18.

69. Persson 1931, 18.
70. Persson 1931, 12, 29-31.
71. Persson, 11, 41, fig. 24.
72. Persson 1931, 73‒75, 93, fig. 65.
73. Persson 1931, 76‒77, figs. 50 and 51.
74. Persson 1931, 77-80, figs. 52-53.
75. Persson 1981, 105, fig. 80.
76. Persson 1931, 80.
180 ANN-LOUISE SCHALLIN

not actually found in the chamber, but in the dromos. She was accompanied by a
bronze needle and some spindle whorls.77
Chamber tomb 3 contained a disarray of the bones of ca 7 individuals. Among
other finds, such as Psi figurines, there were precious objects comprising four
tweezers, rings of gold wire, a bronze knife and lead wire.78 Precious finds from
Chamber tomb 6 comprise a sealstone, an amethyst bead, glass beads and bronze
arrow heads.79 Among other finds from Chamber tombs 7 and 8 were a gold ring,
beads of gold, amethyst and glass, a sealstone of agathe, lots of pieces of boars´
tusks and arrow heads of flint and obsidian.80
Chamber tomb 10 was equipped with many precious finds of amber, faience,
gold and glass, as well as silver vessels and an ornate silver spoon.81

Similarities in ‛precious’ objects between tombs at Dendra versus citadel at Midea

The next step in this analysis is to demonstrate any possible links between the
sites of Midea and Dendra regarding the ‛precious’ objects which would indicate
a shared expression of identity.
There are of course general resemblances in the material record which both
Midea and Dendra shared with their Mycenaean neighbours, but there are no
obvious cases of similarities which we could see as direct proof of a close
relationship. However, some shared traits can be observed. The Midea and Dendra
similarities are here compared with examples from the Mycenae chamber tombs,
which were presented by Xenaki-Sakellariou.82
A sword pommel of light agate from the ‛king´s’ burial in the tholos83 is the
same kind as the stone sword pommel found in Niche 1 in the Midea megaron,84
although the materials differ. Sword pommels also occur in the Mycenae chamber
tombs. There is one ivory example which corresponds to a similar example from
the Midea megaron.85

77. Persson 1931, 74, 92, fig. 63.

78. Persson 1931, 86-90, fig. 62.
79. Persson 1942, 27, fig. 30.
80. Persson 1942, 36, fig. 36; 46, 48‒49, figs. 50‒53.
81. Persson 1942, 84‒85, 87‒89, figs. 92‒101.
82. Xenaki-Sakellariou 1985.
83. Persson, 1931, 35, no. 11, pl. 25 bottom.
84. Walberg 2007, 179, pl. C.
85. Xenaki-Sakelleriou 1985, pl. 129, no. 3212 (7).
 IDENTITIES AND ‛PRECIOUS’ COMMODITIES AT MIDEA AND DENDRA 181

The simple round glass beads that occur in the basement debris in the rooms
east of the East Gate were also found in a niche in the Midea megaron86 as well
as other places at Midea. They also occur abundantly in some of the tombs. Seal
stones of various types occur both in the tombs and at the site. In the tholos tomb,
specifically inside one of the gold cups in the king´s burial, six lentoid seal stones
of agate were found.87 The agate seal found in Trench RJ in the building complex
on the Southwest slope on Midea is made from the same material.88 Moreover,
the amygdaloid shape is similar to another seal from the Dendra tombs, which
probably also depicts bovids.89 Seals of various types are likewise commonly
found in the Argive tombs.
There is also a similarity regarding a kind of grain-shaped glass bead, which
occurs in both tombs and in the citadel area.90 The same kind of elongated glass
beads in the shape of grains are identified as being typical of Mycenae and are
common in the Argolid.91
Arrow heads of flint or obsidian can perhaps not obviously be classed as
prestige items or ‛precious’, but seem to have been used as display pieces in the
Dendra tombs.92 As grave gifts they may signify prestige linked with warfare and
hunting, suitable and fitting of elite activities, which were also emulated by less
highly ranked inhabitants in the Argive region. The same kinds of arrow heads
occur in various contexts at Midea.93 Arrow heads of flint and obsidian also occur,
for example, in the Mycenae chamber tombs.
Elaborate glass relief beads, like the fragmentary one found east of the East
Gate at Midea (No. 3 above) also occur in the Dendra tombs, in the tholos and
in Chamber tomb 2.94 However, the relief motives don´t seem to be the same and
differ as the Dendra examples are pierced in a way which suggests that they were
perhaps nailed to something, while the Midea example may represent a bead since
it had two perforations running inside the decorative borders framing the central
motif. At Mycenae there are exact parallels to the gold foil glass bead decorated
with Argonauts in pairs (as demonstrated above when discussing no. 6). From the

86. Walberg 2007, 177-178, figs. 218, 219.

87. Persson 1931, 32, no. 3, pl. 29.
88. Demakopoulou, Divari-Valakou and Schallin 2003, 15, fig. 25.
89. Persson 1931, pl. 25.
90. Persson 1931, pls. 15, 35; Walberg 2007, fig. 219: G28; Demakopoulou, Divari-Valakou &
Schallin 2003, 19, fig. 41.
91. Nightingale 2000, 8‒9, figs. 19‒20.
92. Persson 1942, 46, fig. 50.
93. E.g. Demakopoulou et al. 2004, 15, fig. 14.
94. Persson 1931, 105, fig. 80; pl. 8.
182 ANN-LOUISE SCHALLIN

Mycenae tombs, there are also exact parallels to the trochus shell glass beads.95
Furthermore, the glass relief bead with depicted demons from Midea has an exact
parallel from a chamber tomb at Mycenae.96
A similarity worth noting is the fact that four bronze tweezers were found
in Chamber tomb 397 and a very similar example was found in Room V in the
building complex of the southwest slope.98 Tweezers of various types are common
in the Mycenae chamber tombs.99
The Mycenaean iconography was wide and varied. Some motifs are more
common than others and occur both in the Dendra cemetery, on the Midea citadel
and in the rest of the Mycenaean world. One common example is the rosette,
which were used in ornaments of various materials.100
Another common recurring motif is the Argonaut ‒ FM 22 in pottery terms,101
which is the motif of the gold foil glass relief bead (no. 6 above). The motif
occurs on a gold ornament from Dendra,102 and was commonly used as a motif
for ‛precious’ objects.

Significance for a shared identity

Even if the evidence is rather slight when it comes to links and similarities between
the two sites regarding the ‛precious’ objects, they are nevertheless there. It seems
that Midea and Dendra in fact shared a common language of expression in their
way of using this kind of objects. The shared use of ‛precious’ objects, however,
is not a local phenomenon or an expression of identity exclusively for Midea
and Dendra, but is rather a shared regional, or a wider Mycenaean cultural, way
of dealing with the precious objects which mirrors shared customs and similar
ways that the elite members of the Mycenaean palace sites communicate self-
representation. For example, when comparing the precious objects from Midea
and Dendra with the same kind of material from the chamber tombs at nearby
Mycenae, there are many particular parallels.
All these similarities regarding the type of grave goods, materials and
decorative features signify shared views and traditions among the Mycenaeans.

95. Xenaki-Sakellariou 1985, pl. 27, no. 2271(2); pl. 92, no. 2963.
96. Xenaki-Sakellariou 1985, pl. 133, no. 4551.
97. Persson 1931, 89, fig. 62.
98. Demakopoulou et al. 2003, 14, fig. 19.
99. Xenaki-Sakellariou 1985, e.g. pl 9, no. 2386.
100. E.g. Persson 1931, 105, fig. 80; Walberg 2007, pl. 25:B35.
101. Furumark 1941.
102. Persson 1931, pl. 33:f.
 IDENTITIES AND ‛PRECIOUS’ COMMODITIES AT MIDEA AND DENDRA 183

It is quite possible that such similarities are strongest between closely located
sites and that they diminish as the distance grows. The similarities in ‛precious’
objects occurring in the Argive region is obvious, and close similarities in the
cultural expressions encompassed vast areas in Mycenaean times. It is possible
that the material at Dendra and Midea, when further studied, may reveal other
related links which have only been suggested as the materials and contexts have
a variety of connotations and each example can be further investigated.
The evidence indicates a specific, but complex relationship between the site
of Midea and the cemetery at Dendra. The Dendra cemetery played an important
role for the Midean inhabitants and special ceremonies connected the sites.
Dendra may possibly have served a wider region as a ceremonial area where the
cult connected with the dead was in focus.103 The original tombs at Dendra were
built in LH II with more tombs being added as time went on. At the same time the
old tombs were continuously used, some throughout the Bronze Age. In the LH
IIIB when the Midea citadel area was created, the tombs were actively in use.104
The richest and most affluent interments seem to belong to the early phase, while
the later burials, more contemporary with the actual remains from the citadel
at Midea are fewer and the accompanying grave goods are more humble. The
fact that less valuables are displayed in the tombs is in fact a regional Argive
trend. At Midea, there is also evidence of activity in the earlier Late Helladic
phases, but there is still no evidence of elite architecture befitting the king of the
tholos, who was allegedly burial in LH IIIA1. If there was such architecture at
Midea, all of it must have been demolished in the reorganization of the citadel
in LH IIIB2. There is therefore a chronological discrepancy in the material
evidence regarding tombs versus a citadel. The LH IIIB2 architecture revealed
so far in the citadel area belongs to three main categories: rooms built along
the inner face of the citadel wall, which were most probably used for storage
and/or production; buildings on the central terrace, which were the homes of
the inhabitants and the large and monumental structure called the Megaron,
which constituted the palace at Midea, and which presumably belonged to, and
was used for the activities of, the Midean elite. Persson, not knowing anything
about the Megaron,105 envisioned a palace at the summit of Midea, the remains
of which were never especially obvious.

103. Cavanagh & Mee 1998; Gallou 2005.

104. Sjöberg 2001, 156.
105. Persson 1942, 7‒12.
184 ANN-LOUISE SCHALLIN

The chronological imbalance in the material evidence between the cemetery-

and the citadel may even out if we add the evidence coming from the Midean
Lower Town: evidence which is insufficiently known, but which has been
identified in past fieldwork.106

Summary and conclusion

This article started out with the aim of presenting the precious objects found in
the recent excavations at Midea in the area of the East Gate, and to add these
finds as part of the material setup constituting a Midean identity. The ‛precious’
objects were found in mixed deposits together with a lot of debris emanating
from the severe destruction and fire at the site at the end of LH IIIB2. The amount
of ‛precious’ finds from east of the East Gate are limited to a handful, but the
published finds of this type from the rest of the citadel area give a fuller picture
of the Midean setup. Whether the Mideans themselves actually produced the
precious objects on the site is an important question when regarding how we
should conceive their identity in relation to their neighbours since Mycenaean
glass and ivory production is a potential trait for the existence of a palace
organization. The ‛precious’ objects were used by the Mycenaean elite for self-
representation and wearing, owning or displaying. For example, blue glass
relief beads demonstrated a social Mycenaean palace elite identity. In order to
strengthen the case of a Midean local identity regarding ‛precious’ objects, the
evidence from the nearby cemetery at Dendra was used with the aim of finding
the existence of a strong bond between the sites expressed in the material record.
From this analysis it was concluded that not only do Midea and Dendra share
basic similarities regarding their use of ‛precious’ objects, but there are some
basic similarities in the material which both sites share with other cemeteries and
sites in the Argive region as well as in Mycenaean contexts beyond the Argolid.
It has been argued by Voutsaki107 that Mycenae was in control of the production
and distribution of precious goods in the Argolid, especially gold, and that Midea,
together with Tiryns, was allied with Mycenae. As an ally it was possible for
the Mideans to produce sealstones and ivory, for example, but not gold and
ivory objects which were especially valuable and reserved only for Mycenae to
produce. This notion corresponds rather well with the archaeological evidence
at Midea. There are indeed strong indications of glass working at the site since
Nikita mentions semi-worked or malformed glass ornaments in conjunction with

106. Hägg 1963; Åström 1983, 17-21, 56-58.

107. Voutsaki 2010, 101-103.
 IDENTITIES AND ‛PRECIOUS’ COMMODITIES AT MIDEA AND DENDRA 185

a steatite mould for casting gold or glass jewellery,108 but no proper work-shop
area has yet been identified. Regarding the ivory- and gold objects at the site, these
could have been provided by Mycenae according to Voutsaki’s hypothesis.109
There are a few indications of production of precious commodities at Midea,
but there is no proper evidence in the form of workshop space at the site. The
small number of indications may either mean that production was going on, but
on a limited scale, or else that the few cases of fragmentary raw materials and
half-finished products in the eyes of the inhabitants also belonged to the category
of ‛precious’ objects and were kept and treated as such.
The ‛precious’ commodities at Midea and Dendra are no doubt an important
component in the emerging image of a Midean identity, but only further study of
the material remains will make this image understandable.

Catalogue
Simple glass beads
Measurements in cm.
1. (Fig. 6) Twelve spherical, perforated blue glass beads with a rounded profile.
a. Inv. no. G2002:1. Trench 3. Layer 3. Bead broken in two frgms. D. 1.2; pierced hole 0.2.
b. Inv. no. G2002:2. Trench 3. Layer 3. Two frgms. Est. D. 1.3; Pierced hole 0.4.
c. Inv. no. G2002:3. Trench 3. Layer 3S. Half of bead preserved. D. 1.1; pierced hole 0.2.
d. Inv. no. G2002:4. Trench 3. Layer 3S. Intact bead. D. 1.2; pierced hole 0.25.
e. Inv. no. G2002:5. Trench 3. Layer 3S. Intact bead. D. 1.2; pierced hole 0.2.
f. Inv. no. G2002:6. Trench 3. Layer 3S. Bead broken in three frgms. D. 1.2; pierced hole 0.4.
g. Inv. no. G2002:7. Trench 3. Layer 3S W wall. Intact bead. D. 1; pierced hole 0.15.
h. Inv. no. G2009:2. Trench 12. Layer 4a. Half of bead preserved. D. 1.2; pierced hole 0.2.
i. Inv. no. G2009:3. Trench 12. Layer 4a. One third of bead preserved. D. 1.2; pierced hole 0.2.
j. Inv. no. G2009:4. Trench 12. Layer 4a. Bead broken in three frgms. D. 1.4; pierced hole 0.2.
k. Inv. no. G2009:5. Trench 12. Layer 4a. Bead broken in three frgms: one large and two small. D.
1.5; pierced hole 0.4.
l. Inv. no. G2009:6. Trench 12. Layer 4a. One frgm representing half a bead. D. 1.3; pierced hole 0.4.

2. (Fig. 7) One spherical, perforated blue glass bead with an edged, tubular profile.
Inv. no.G2007:1. Baulk T3/R9. Layer 4. One bead in three fragments. Max D.1,3; pierced hole 0.3.

108. Nikita 2008.

109. Voutsaki 2010.
186 ANN-LOUISE SCHALLIN

Relief beads
3. (Fig. 8) Relief plaque bead of blue glass with string holes along the borders.
Inv. no. G2009:1. Trench 12. Layer 4a. D. 2.2 x 3.5. Th. 0.1-0.5. Between two raised borders, main
motif consisting of two winged demons.

4. (Fig. 9) Relief bead/plaque of blue glass with string holes at both ends.
Inv. no. G2002:8. Trench 3. Layer 3S. Intact. Max D. 1.5 x 0.8. The bead/plaque is decorated with
a raised border at one end and a trochus shell at the other.

5. (Fig. 10) Curled leaf relief ornament/bead of blue glass.

Inv. no. G2002:9. Trench 3. Layer 3S. Max D. 2 x 1.1. Broken off fragment, consisting of a ribbed,
curled leaf.

6. (Fig. 11) Gold relief bead with central string hole.

Inv. no. M2005:1 (MN 31901). Trench 14. Layer 3 N of stone packing. D. 2 x 1. Blue glass
covered with gold foil. Motif in relief: heraldically paired Argonauts in “cut-out style”;110 details in
granulation technique. Both short sides of bead are damaged.

Ivory ornaments
7. (Fig. 12) Relief plaque/inlay of ivory.
Inv. no. B2004:3. Trench 11S. Layer 2. D. 2.9 x 2.4; th. 0.5. Plaque with slanting sides and with
carved flat projections at two ends. Surface depicts an elaborately carved papyrus pattern in relief.

8. (Fig. 13) Relief plaque of ivory.

Inv. no. B2007:1. Baulk T3/R9. Layer 4. Two fragments, which belong to the same plaque, but they
don´t fit. Th. 0.5.
a. D. 5 x 3.2. The fragment depicts two pairs of cut-off legs in relief. The legs to the left ends in
hoofs, thus representing the legs of an animal, while the legs to the right are rendered as muscular
and should belong to a man.
b. D. 2.1 x 2.1. This damaged fragment depicts the lower part of a man´s face - with the hair
rendered shoulder long - and torso, and the pointed end of a possible horn of an animal.

110. Nightingale 2000, 6.

 IDENTITIES AND ‛PRECIOUS’ COMMODITIES AT MIDEA AND DENDRA 187

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 Color, materiality, sensory experience and Late
Bronze Age burials in the Argolid
Carole Gillis

One aspect of tombs and burials in the BA Aegean in general that has not received much
notice is that of color (hue and shine). Were certain hues more predominant than others?
Was this significant? Was the presence (or absence) of shine of importance? Following a
discussion of ‘what is color?’, the study and results of the colors of the finds from Late
Bronze Age tombs at three sites in the Greek Argolid, Asine, Berbati and Dendra, are
analyzed, followed by a brief review of the theoretical background used here regarding
symbolism, materiality and agency. This theoretical structure and the aspect of possible
color symbolism are then combined with the material objects and in specific with the
color analyses to determine whether this method could 1) offer broader interpretative
possibilities for understanding displays of hue and shine and 2) add other dimensions
beyond the conventional interpretations of anthropocentric shows of kinship, status and
power in LBA Argolid burial contexts. The aspect of local and global is discussed. The
study ends by presenting a scenario of a hypothetical Aegean Late Bronze Age burial
incorporating these and other sensory aspects. 1

Introduction: The background and aims of the study

My interest in color arose from my studies of tin-covered vessels2 when I realized
that many vessels, simple and complex, slipped, monochromed or painted,
found only in rich LBA III tombs on Crete and on the mainland were completely
covered with strips of tin foil.3 Further, I discovered that roughly half of the tin
coating would have had the original color (i.e., they would have been shiny and

1. My thanks to all the people who read and commented on this article for their very relevant
comments, especially Vesa-Pekka Herva, Anne-Marie Leander, Ann-Louise Schallin, Eva
Rystedt, Ole Aslaksen and the Department seminar, and very especially Fredrik Ekengren, for
suffering through several versions and making very relevant observations. I also thank the
referee for his/her useful comments and observations.
2. See, for example, Gillis 1996; 1999; 2004.
3. Gillis and Bohm 1994.
192 CAROLE GILLIS

DENDRA

Fig. 1: Map of the Peloponnese in the Bronze age, showing the principle sites mentioned in
the article: Asine, Berbati and Midea/Dendra.

silvery), and half would have had a golden hue, the result of deliberate oxidation.4
One obvious question at the time was ‘why cover a pottery vase with foil at
all’, especially since some vase forms which never appeared in solid metal were
tinned: clearly, the purpose was not to trick viewers into thinking they were solid
gold or silver - and what would be the point of changing the hue in half of them.
A combination of this initial interest in tin-coated vessels in grave contexts
and the question of why they were treated thus led to further studies of colors
in general in these graves: understanding the use of color might provide more

4. Gillis et al. 1995; Gillis 1999, 291-94.

 COLOR, MATERIALITY, SENSORY EXPERIENCE AND LATE BRONZE AGE 193
BURIALS IN THE ARGOLID

insight into its possible symbolism and significance for the Aegean Late Bronze
Age people. I decided to examine not just tin-coated vessels, or just metal objects,
but to make a study of the colors of the grave goods from LBA tombs. As a pilot
study I looked at the published chamber tombs (ChT) from Asine5 and enlarged
the study to include the ChTs from Berbati and Dendra6 (Fig. 1) to see whether
or not, and possibly how, choice/use of color in its wider meaning might add new
information to the understanding of Late Bronze Age Argolid burials.
In this present work, the results from the previous studies regarding the colors
of the grave gifts will be viewed again through the perspective of materiality
and agency. After a discussion on ‘what is color’, and different approaches to
understanding it, a review of the three sites Asine, Berbati and Dendra (the
studies mentioned above) and the results of the studies comparing the finds vis-à-
vis color are briefly presented and discussed. The next section concerns color and
materiality, with first a discussion of symbolism, continuing with materiality and
agency as theories and their applications to this study, followed by a discussion
of possible color symbolism. The matter of ‘local-global’ is taken up. Finally the
conclusions are incorporated into a hypothetical scenario of a burial in the LBA
Argolid. Let us begin with a discussion of ‘color’.

Color
Color is all around us, affecting our lives both consciously and subconsciously
and can be studied in many different ways: among them, the biology of seeing
and perceiving colors, their psychological and psycho-linguistic applications
(including their reception, a large area in marketing and PR).7 One of the more
common areas of color research in antiquity lies in the general field of linguistics,
language study, semantics, etc., based on the use of color terms in texts and
inscriptions, from Linear B through Homeric Greek to Hellenistic and Latin texts.
These terms are studied for their etymology, their ‘real’ meanings in their literary
contexts, their shifting connotations, their social implications, and so on.8
Non-linguistic aspects of actual color - its uses and possible meanings
in ancient contexts - have not received much attention in the archaeological
literature until very recently, and are still somewhat uncommon: there have been
several conferences, some volumes devoted to the subject, and some articles

5. Gillis 1996, 2012, 2013.

6. Gillis forthcoming.
7. Gillis 2013, no. 11, 12.
8. Gillis 2013, n. 12; forthcoming, n. 6.
194 CAROLE GILLIS

concerning color in antiquity, however.9 One area of contention is ‘color terms’.10

In this present study these ‘color terms’ were adapted, broadened or grouped
together to accommodate the archaeological realities of the LBA grave material.
How do we define ‘color’? One approach in understanding and working
with ‘color’ is the work done by John Gage, former Head of the Art History
Department at Cambridge University.11 He describes ‘color’ as having three
major components or aspects: hue: what is commonly called ‘color’, such as
red or blue or gray, with subdivisions (crimson, navy, charcoal) called tints or
shades -- variations of a hue; value: the brightness/shininess or dullness of a
color; and saturation: the intensity, strength, chroma – the degree of strength,
such as the range from pale pink through red to deep crimson, with pink being
the least saturated and crimson, the most. In fact, these concepts are nothing
new -- they were known and used even by the ancients in historical times, rather
than terms for hues.12 This differentiated understanding of color is more flexible
and allows a more nuanced categorization. It was seen in my previous studies
that the aspect of saturation, or intensity, of hue in the analyses was difficult to
measure but above all indeterminate, and thus did not seem applicable in the BA
context: it was therefore left out in the current study (see discussion below). In the
following, ‘color’ as consisting of components of hue and value (‘value’ here in
the Gagean sense, being the degree or lack of shininess, not to be confused with
any considerations of socio-economic worth) will be the model used.
A very different approach to color is that of Gibson, who believes that our
perception of the world and our relation to it cannot be quantified or measured
and should not be viewed ‘scientifically’.13 Instead, he applies an in his terms
‘ecological’ or environmental approach to visual perception, in which everything
is fluid and depends on the moment and means of perception, not on universal
rules. He speaks also of the properties of color, hue, brightness or the opposite,
and saturation. However, the colors are perceived through the reflectance14 of light
on the ‘terrestrial environment, consisting of surface, substance and medium’,
and understood through several modes: opacity or translucence, type of surface
(smooth, matte, etc.), degree of luminosity, homogeneous or conglomerate

9. For conferences and volumes, Gillis 2013 with n. 1-11 and a condensed version in Gillis 2012,
n. 5; for articles on color in various materials and contexts, Gillis forthcoming, n. 10-17.
10. For a discussion of color terms, see, e.g., Berlin and Kay 1969; Gillis 2013:63-64; Gillis
forthcoming, n. 6, 9.
11. Gage 1993, 1999a, 1999b.
12. Pollitt 2000.
13. Gibson 1985 (1979), 30-32, 52-53, 97-100.
14. His term: the active emanation of light, rather than merely the reflecting of it.
 COLOR, MATERIALITY, SENSORY EXPERIENCE AND LATE BRONZE AGE 195
BURIALS IN THE ARGOLID

hues, surface softness-hardness, and reflectance, to name some. This approach

is generally more difficult to apply to ancient objects in graves (indeed, ancient
objects in general); however, there is some relevance to be found here as well,
something which will be taken up below in the final analysis.
One area in the study of ‘color’ that has not been investigated in depth regarding
the objects placed in graves is the question of whether their hues and shine value
in general or in specific have any particular importance, symbolically or in any
other way? Were some of these objects and gifts placed there primarily because
of a specific hue and shine rather than for other reasons or was the selection of
gifts and their materials meant only to show socio-economic power, wealth and
position?

The study15
The wish to answer these questions about any possible role of colors of objects in
the graves led to studies of all the (non-architectural, non-osteological, and non-
tin-treated pottery) finds from all the available graves for three LBA burial sites in
the Argolid: Asine, Berbati and Dendra, as mentioned above. The detailed results
of this enlarged study will appear soon.16
At Asine,17 eight (of 26) Bronze Age Mycenaean chamber tombs from two
Mycenaean necropoleis were found and excavated on the Barbouna Hill by
the Swedish team led by O. Frödin and A.W.Persson in the 1920’s and 1930.
Three (I:3, I:4 and II:1) of these eight chamber tombs from these Mycenaean
necropoleis were more or less empty of finds, while the contents from the other
five are exceedingly rich, much more so than seems justified by the surrounding
settlement areas found and excavated so far. Judging by the pottery, these five
(probably family) tombs were in use from LHIIB/IIIA through to LHIIIC late,
a span of 250-300 years.18 The remaining tombs were excavated in the 70’s by
a Greek team but remain unpublished, as do finds from a third (probably later)
necropolis beyond necropolis II. This means that the Asine material in the first
two studies, as noted above, was limited to a small number of graves on one site:
regardless of the results, they were based on a very little sample from a single site.

15. As much of the material about the background, analyses and results has been published or is
soon to be (Gillis 2012, 2013, forthcoming), I will give only an abridged version here, with
references.
16. Gillis forthcoming.
17. Asine - Frödin and Persson 1938; Hägg, eds., 1996.
18. E.g., Mountjoy 1996; for discussion of the possibility of family or group tombs, van Wijngaarden
2012, 64, 68.
196 CAROLE GILLIS

The published Mycenaean chamber tombs excavated at Berbati included nos.

1, 2, 3, 8, 10, 11 and 12 in the so-called Western Necropolis,19 a tholos tomb20 and
an isolated chamber tomb.21 Unfortunately even though Persson excavated the
whole area of Berbati in the mid-1930’s, nothing was published until long after.
The vicissitudes of time, WWII, and the collapse of the storeroom shelves i.a.
have resulted in the loss of a lot of the finds, as both E. Holmberg and B. Santillo
Frizell noted in their publications; the paucity of finds in these latter, isolated
tombs could also indicate that these graves were plundered.
Dendra was published in two major volumes by Persson,22 including the
Mycenaean ChTs 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, and 11 in 1931, and the so-called Royal Tomb
plus ChTs 1-3 in 1942, while P. Åström23 excavated and subsequently published
ChT 12, the so-called Cuirass Tomb, plus ChTs 13 and 14.24 ChTs 4 and 5 were
excavated by a Greek archaeologist in the 1920’s and remain to my knowledge
unpublished.25
The finds from all the tombs in the study were registered by material, number
of objects in each category (following the MNI method) and hue (simplified
down to ten categories) as well as value, being shiny/reflective or matte. The
sample in Fig. 2 is an excerpt from a registration form used for the five chamber
tombs from Asine. By color-coding the entries I could also register value (=shiny
or matte) in the same tables.26 After some additions and subtractions, I resolved
on 10 hue group to be used here (rather than the eleven general hue groupings

19. Berbati - Säflund 1965.

20. Berbati - Santillo Frizell 1984.
21. Berbati - Holmberg 1983.
22. Dendra – Persson 1931; 1942.
23. Dendra – Åström 1977; 1983.
24. In the early 1960’s, three ChTs, 12, 13 and 14, were excavated by Åstrom (Dendra - Åström
1977). All three had been plundered. The famous cuirass grave (ChT 12) had also been robbed
but the actual cuirass burial with a cuirass, greaves, weapons, etc., and a boar’s tooth helmet
was evidently missed by the plunderers. In addition, apart from pottery and all the various
components of the bronze armor, 70 boars’ teeth from one helmet, three silver objects and some
few loose pieces of ivory were found. In ChT 13 apart from the pottery, 14 steatite spindle
whorls of various colors and 2 bronze items were recovered. ChT 14 contained only one find
besides the pottery, a steatite spindle whorl. Thus as with the three fairly empty ChTs from
Asine, the finds from these three were not included in the analyses.
25. Åström 1977, 4; 1983, 6.
26. See Gillis 2013, tables 2-5.
 COLOR, MATERIALITY, SENSORY EXPERIENCE AND LATE BRONZE AGE 197
BURIALS IN THE ARGOLID

variegated
bl/dark
o-r-rbr
wh/s

grn

gry
blu
y/g

r/p

br
I:1 pottery 75+5 (ca50)
tin anal-10 tin, 16 prob 28
2 decor tin
metal gold gold+bron ring 10
gold, bron, silv ring
29+ gold obj
silver 1 vase 1
bronze no mention in As I 7
many obj, incl 5 vessels
iron ? (x)
lead rivet, ?pin 2
stone agate(onyx) one ?burnt 1 1 x
agate 1
carnelian 3, one red, two r/p 1 2
steatite 32+ conoli various 1 31+
hues
amber 18 beads 13 5
pendents
ivory/bone various, frgm, obj 7
vitr. mat-fai 7 badly weathered
I:2 pottery 53 (ca 50)
tin 2 tinned 2
metal gold 21 rosettes, 22 spirals 10
19 beads, 9 filig, etc
bronze mirror, arrowheads 30
stone porphyry bowl-egypt
lapis laced lamp
alabaster frgs 3 bowls 3
steatite " x
steatite 1 button x
agate 1 bead
amber 2 beads 2
rock crystal 9, flower, with ivory 1
ivory/bone/ unique obj, many bits 8
tusk
Vitr.matglass rosettes, lg beads,etc 6+
I:5 pottery 17
?tinned
metal gold many bits and pieces 5+
3 necklaces in vessel
one necklace gold +
glass alt

Fig. 2: A sample of the registration format with the hues on the horizontal axis and the
material types on the vertical one
198 CAROLE GILLIS

used by Berlin and Kay for example or computerized color identification).27 The
materials they are found on are as follows:

Hue Material
White/light tin foil, rock crystal, silver, ivory, bone, tusk, alabaster (7)
Yellow/gold oxidized tin foil, gold, bronze, yellow flint, some agate (5)
Green glass, green steatite, jadeite, lapis lacedaemonian/ (Gillis 2012, note
36) (4)
Gray/ gray-blue, gray- lead, iron, flint, stone (4)
green
Violet vitreous material, amethyst (2)
Turquoise vitreous material (1)
Blue vitreous material, lapis lazuli (2)
Orange/red/red-brown amber, (carnelian), vitreous material, copper, red steatite(4)
Red-purple, purple porphyry, amethyst, carnelian (3)
Black/dark obsidian, steatite, pebble, painted faience, painted terracotta, vitre-
ous material, burnt agate, burnt amber, other stone (8)

After evaluating the results of the first studies (Asine) and the material from
the other two sites, certain changes and generalizations were made: in the present
study, all glass, faience, and ‘glass paste’ are included in a category entitled
‘vitreous materials’. The hue of all glass that can no longer be determined ocularly
or was not mentioned in publications is considered as cobalt -- the by far most
common hue for the Aegean -- and the value as ‘shiny’.28 This includes all such
material that has vitrified and has no visible hue today. Further, all ivory and
bone objects were considered polished and reflective (as opposed to matte) unless

27. Using color charts like Munsell or Macbeth would be counterproductive, in my opinion. They
narrow down a hue to its smallest denominator, whereas I wish to see groups, not individuals.
In my opinion, hues were more dependent on general categories (blue, red) and the realities
of supply and trade than possibilities of choice. Although this classification/division may
seem arbitrary, I believe that it reflects the archaeological realities better. Even the separation
into ‘blue’ and ‘turquoise’ is not as arbitrary as it could seem as the one (cobalt blue) is quite
common and the other (turquoise), rather rare. The 10 divisions are more dependent on the
reality of the materials available than on ideal hues in an ideal world.
28. ‘Shiny’ is opposed to ‘matte’, though it was sometimes more luminous than directly reflective.
The great predominance of shiny cobalt was indicated by Prof . G. Nightingale, Prof. R. Brill,
and Dr. A. Shortland, in independent pers. comms. My thanks to them. See also Nightingale
2006, 43; 2008, 67; Gillis 2012, n. 23-26; forthcoming, n. 17-19.
 COLOR, MATERIALITY, SENSORY EXPERIENCE AND LATE BRONZE AGE 199
BURIALS IN THE ARGOLID

otherwise stated in the publications;29 all amber was registered as orange-red-red/

brown and shiny and all steatite was considered dark/black and shiny, unless
otherwise noted. These choices may seem arbitrary, but in my opinion it was the
best approach for the material at hand.
There were also many stones which were variegated and thus could not be
registered under one or another hue category; further, steatite and quartz can
come in many hues and were not registered for hue if I did not observe them
personally or if the hue was not noted in the publication. They were registered for
‘value’, however, whenever possible. Further, many stone types do not have to
be polished although they usually are: unless these stones were seen personally
by me and could thus be registered, they were excluded from the value analysis.
As mentioned above, the aspect of saturation was perhaps of lesser importance.
In the results of the first two studies, those of the Asine material, saturation did not
seem to follow any pattern or have any significance. This became even clearer when
looking at the analyses for saturation from all three sites. Further, the assessment
of saturation had been arbitrarily decided by me in the earlier studies: white, silver,
beige, etc., were obliviously low saturation as the black/dark hues were clearly high
saturation, but the determination of degree of intensity (between high and low vis-
à-vis medium, for example, or whether a bright blue was as saturated as a deep red,
and whether these should be medium or high saturation, to give another example)
was much more difficult. The possibility of calculating the saturations digitally
through my photos was rejected due to potential differences in photo quality vs.
visual observation, as well as (as for the case of hue) because of the probability
that the objects were chosen on grounds of what was available, although there is no
way to know this for a fact. Thus, noting the difficulties and inconclusive results for
saturation in the first two studies and the difficulty for anyone else to replicate the
method, I decided to exclude saturation entirely from the analyses.30
The question of whether or not to include the non-tinned pottery was a difficult
one as well. In the first study I registered all pottery as red/red-brown and as
matte.31 This meant that statistically this category was one of the largest ones.
This seemed misleading, however, for several reasons: 1) much of the pottery
has a slip that is more brownish, or buff than red/red-brown. Is this white/light,
yellow, brown? 2) Most of the grave pottery is decorated: thus, a vase could have
at least two hues – which hue should these be registered as? For example: due
to the reduction and reoxidation firing processes and the thickness of the ‘paint’,

29. Personal observation and Prof. O. Krzyszkowska, pers. comm.

30. For more on this, Gillis 2012, n. 37.
31. Gillis 2013, n. 34, where I discuss these problems.
200 CAROLE GILLIS

the same decorated band on a vase could range in hue from red through brown
to black. Adding the base tone of the slip to this would make four or more hues,
creating a situation similar to the variegated stones – multi-hued and impossible
to assign as a single hue; 3) the question of alternatives is often absent in pottery.
Pottery was a necessity, not a choice, for containing liquids and for possible ritual
feasting in combination with the burial. Further, there is no alternative to clay
hues, except for kaolin clays (white, iron-free), which are not common; 4) the
surface of the pottery could be in part matte, in part semi-shiny, especially the
‘painted’ parts, depending on the finishing process. Thus, due to all the problems
mentioned, all non-tinned pottery will continue to be absent from the study.
On the other hand, a good bit of the pottery was tin-covered. This ceramic
surface treatment is found in grave contexts only, and must be considered a
deliberate choice exclusively for burials - definitely not made for reasons of
functionality but rather a conscious alteration and should therefore be registered.
Further, analysis of a number of random tin-covered sherds indicated that roughly
50% of these 42 sherds from a number of graves and sites had been oxidized to
a shiny yellow/gold hue, while c. 50% retained their original shiny white/silver
hue.32 Following this division, all the registered tin-coated vessels were dividing
equally between white/silver and yellow/gold.

The analysis results

Hue
Using MSExcel to process the information in the database and to represent the
results in the form of bar graphs gave the following results: for hue, looking first
at Asine for ChTs 1,2, 5-7 (Fig. 3a), the dominant hue is clearly yellow/gold (due
in part to the number of tin-covered clay vessels – see above), followed by black/
dark and only somewhat less, by white/light (also due in part to the large number
of tinned vessels, of which 50% are registered as white/light and 50% as yellow/
gold). These three hues are found in all the graves. Four other hues (gray, violet
and dark red/red-purple) are represented minimally and two others (green and
turquoise), not at all.
Looking at the results from Dendra (Fig. 3b), we see that yellow/gold is
predominant by far, followed by black/dark and in third place, by white/light for the
chamber tombs, blue for the Royal Tomb. Of the other hues, both the Royal Tomb
and the combined chamber tombs have five of the seven remaining hues: however,
only three coincide, gray plus blue and dark red/red-purple in inverse relative

32. Gillis et al. 1995.

 COLOR, MATERIALITY, SENSORY EXPERIENCE AND LATE BRONZE AGE 201
BURIALS IN THE ARGOLID

percentages. The relation of yellow/gold–black/dark-- white/light is more or less

the same for the two (Royal Tomb and all ChTs) and even as compared with Asine.
As for Berbati, as seen in Fig. 3c, the first thing that strikes one is the high
percentage of black/dark hues. Black/dark is predominant here, comprising roughly
30% of the total, due primarily to the relatively large amount of dark, conical steatite
spindle whorls/conuli: one or more shiny, black or dark steatite conical spindle
whorls were found in quite many of the registered tombs, including the tholos tomb.
Excluding untinned pottery, skeletal material, and unregistrable objects, the seven
Berbati ChTs had only 73 objects registered in total by hue (i.e., ‘Holmberg’s’ ChT
had just 33 items total and the tholos tomb, a mere 21 objects -- these two graves
were probably plundered, although this is not mentioned in the publications):
compare this to the five Asine ChTs that together had over 400 objects. The high
percentage of objects with a yellow/gold hue in Holmberg’s ChT is due largely
to the proportionately large number of tinned vessels.33 On the other hand, the
ChTs had 8 of 10 hues, and although often represented by only one or a handful of
items, all the possible hues are represented here among the three locations with the
exception of green. Of note is also that the Berbati ChTs have on average 10 objects
in each, while the Dendra ones had 20+ and the Asine tombs, an amazing 70+ items
in each, excluding pottery in all cases except for the tin-covered vessels.
Looking at the comparison of locations by hue and percent (Fig. 3d), we get
a clearer picture of both the similarities and the differences between sites and
between locations within the sites. Generally speaking, both of the Dendra contexts
and the ChTs from Asine resemble each other; as seen above, Berbati on the other
hand shows differences both intra- and intersite: the predominance of black/dark at
Berbati, for example, is greatly at variance with the other two sites, as is the relatively
large amount of (greenish, bluish) gray. The two different locations at Dendra, one
a collection of ChTs, the other an amazingly rich tholos tomb considered by the
excavator as the final resting place for three members of an elite and/or ruling
family, are still similar to each other regarding choice and relative amounts of hue.
If we look at the large aggregate of chamber tombs from the three sites, leaving out
the Royal Tomb, Holmberg’s Chamber Tomb and the Berbati tholos tomb, there is
a degree of similarity, but regarding the proportions of the most represented hues,
yellow – black – white it is clear that even here there are fairly large differences,
especially between Berbati (with its great proportion of black/dark and inversely
small percentage of yellow/gold) and the other two sites, whose predominant hue is
yellow/gold. The relatively large amount of gray in the Dendra tombs and even the
Berbati ones in proportion to the other ‘lesser’ hues’ is also of interest: at Berbati

33. Berbati – Holmberg 1983, 49.

202 CAROLE GILLIS

DISTRIBUTION OF HUES
Dendra Royal Tomb, HUE
60

50 1
160 2
40
Asine – ChT’s 1, 2, 5-7

numbers
140 3
30
4
120
20 5
100 7
10
80 8
0
60 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 10
hues
40

20

0
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Dendra ChT 1-3, 6-14, HUE
130
120
110 1

3a Asine
100
90 2
numbers

80
70 4
60 6
50
40 7
30
20 8
10
0 9

3b Dendra 1 2 3 4 5
hues
6 7 8 9 10 10

Berbati – ChTs 1, 2, 3, 8, 10-

12, HUES 8
30 7
25 6
5
numbers

20 1
numbers

2 4
15
4 3
10
6 2
5 1
7
0 0
8
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
hues 9 hues

Berbati - 'Holmberg's’ ChT,

HUES
25
20
numbers

15
10
5
0
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
hues

3c Berbati
Fig. 3: Bar graphs showing the distribution of hues: 3a for Asine, 3b for Dendra (two burial
areas), 3c for Berbati (three burial areas), 3d showing all sites/areas in the same figure, and
3e showing the distribution by site and finally, all together.
 COLOR, MATERIALITY, SENSORY EXPERIENCE AND LATE BRONZE AGE 203
BURIALS IN THE ARGOLID

160
Asine ChTs (5) Berbati - Tholos tomb
140 1=wh 8
120 6
2=y/g

numbers
100
numbers

4
80 3=grn 2
60
40 4=gry 0
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
20
0
5=viol hues

wh/s y/g grn gry bluo-r-rbrr/pbl/dark 6=tu

hues
7=bl Berbati – ChTs (7)
Dendra ChTs (12) 8=r/r-b 30
25
9=pur

numbers
20
120
100 10=blk 15
10
numbers

80 5
60 0
40 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
20 hues
0
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
A=364
hues DChT=253 Berbati - 'Holmberg's’ ChT
DRT=124 25
Dendra Royal Tomb BChT=73
20

numbers
15
60
50
BH’s=33 10
5
40 BTh=18 0
numbers

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
30
hues
20
10

3d Distribution of HUES
0
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
hues

160
140
Asine - all
120
100
80
60 400
40 ALL
20 350
0
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 300

250
200
180 Dendra - all
200
160
140
150
120
100
80 100
60
40 50
20
0 0
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

50
Berbati - all
40

30
3e Hue distribution per
site and all together
20

10

0
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
204 CAROLE GILLIS

this is due to a mixture of materials—lead, flint, and a large whetstone, while at

Dendra, several of the tombs had bluish- or greenish- or light gray, shanked, matte
spindle whorls. A composite view of the hue distribution is seen in Fig. 3e, which
shows the distribution by site and the total for the three sites all together.
Thus, although we saw above that there were variations from site to site, and even
within sites, it seems evident as well that yellow/gold is by far the most dominant
hue: of a total of 868 registered, 347 or c. 40% were yellow/gold, followed by
black/dark (22.5% or 195) and white/light (124 or 14%) (Fig. 6). The inclusion of
deliberately burnt (blackened) pieces of agate and amber reinforces the possible
importance of black/dark. The other categorized hues are all represented in modest
proportions. The occurrence of commonplace objects like black steatite spindle
whorls and local, low- or non-status objects such as flint, whetstones, pebbles, and
matte, grayish clay spindle whorls in high-status graves could have been placed
there for their hues. Even leaving leeway for missing items, subjective calls or
arbitrary judgments, the results of the analyses would seem to indicate that aspects
of shine and certain hues had significance in burials and beliefs.

Value
Regarding value, shininess or matte-ness, almost every find was shiny, or at least
reflective, glowing (Fig. 4). This is most evident at Asine, where 397 objects of
405 registered for value were shiny, reflective, polished, or glowing, as opposed
to 8 dull objects – flint, (deliberately) burnt agate and burnt amber, lead, animal
bones.34 Shiny, reflective objects must have been extremely important. At Dendra,
of 408 total registered values, 391 had high or medium value, while only 17 were
matte. The proportions of shiny:matte, c. 23-25:1, were only slightly lower than
at Asine (c. 25:1). At Berbati, ‘Holmberg’s’ ChT has c. 32:1 (in part because of
the high number of tin-covered vessels), the ChTs have c.8.5:1, and the Tholos
Tomb has a much lower percentage, 3:1.
Despite whether viewed individually by locus, by settlement or all three sites
together (Fig. 5), there can be no question that the shiny, bright or light-reflective
value component, i.e., high or positive value, would seem to be far more important
than the other, low-value, matte end. Of the 889 objects in total registered for
‘value’, only 40 – or around 4% - were not shiny or reflective. One could ask what
alternatives there were. This is a more difficult question, but some alternatives did

34. The differences in the number of objects registered by hue in relation to value is due to the fact as
discussed above that various factors made the registration of the one or the other aspect difficult:
variegation or type-variety in hue, or missing items which could have been either shiny or matte.
 COLOR, MATERIALITY, SENSORY EXPERIENCE AND LATE BRONZE AGE 205
BURIALS IN THE ARGOLID

Berbati - Holmberg's ChT

VALUE
Asine, VALUE 40

numbers
400 30
350 20
300 10
250 0
numbers

1 2
200
shiny to left, matte to right 32/1
150
100
50
0
left, shiny or reflective; right, matte. 397/8
Berbati - ChT, VALUE
70
60
50
Dendra, VALUE

numbers
40
300 30
250 20
200
numbers

10
150
0
100 shiny to left, matte to right 59/7
50
0
1 2 Berbati - Tholos Tomb VALUE
group on left, shiny, group on right, matte. ChT in
18
blue 255/11, Royal Tomb 136/6 in red
16
14
12
number

10

4. DISTRIBUTION OF 8
6
4

VALUE 2
0
Shiny
1 to left, matte to right 16/5
2

Fig. 4: Bar graphs showing the distribution of value (shine) for the sites/areas.

exist: for example, unpolished horn or bone could have been used. Steatite spindle
whorls did not have to be polished. Special burial ceramics or more decorated
(or plainware) vessels, untinned, could have served the same purpose. In fact, tin
covering of ceramics found only in burial contexts, as stated previously, must have
served a special purpose, and shine comes instantly to mind. One must conclude
that high value seems to be an extremely important factor in burials and beliefs.
Thus, looking (Fig. 5) at the two analyzed components, hue and value, it
appears clear that apart from any socio-economic aspects, there were certain
general elements important in these burials: the aspect of value (shininess,
reflectivity, glow) seems to be of prime importance, to the extent that normal
(even monochromed and decorated) pottery, normally matte or sometimes partly
shiny, was covered with glued-on, thin strips of shiny tin foil. Certain hues were
predominant, while the majority, although present, were notable by their low
numbers. Even leaving leeway for missing items, subjective calls or arbitrary
judgments, the results of the analyses show without doubt that aspects of shine
and certain hues had significance in these burials and beliefs.
206 CAROLE GILLIS

VALUE - ALL
1000
900
800
700
600
500
400
300
200
100
0
1 2
S…

400
HUE - ALL
350

300

250

200

150

100

Fig. 5 50

0
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Fig. 5: Total distribution for value (shine) and for hue.

Symbolism, materiality and color
It seems fairly clear that there was symbolic value behind the gifts chosen.35
For symbols to express something, to mean something other than the face value
of the object, a tacit and explicit understanding of the symbol and its meaning
needs to exist: thus most symbols are culturally determined.36 Even the briefest
look through some of the literature on symbolism reveals, not surprisingly, many

35. Let me give a simple definition of my use of the word here: a symbol is something (an object,
a word, a drawing, an action, etc.) that represents or stands for something else, especially a
material object representing something abstract. As an example, a red rose is a flower but is
also a symbol for love in certain cultures and times; a round, red light at an intersection means
’stop’; a dolphin on a coin in ancient Greece was symbolic for the island of Delphi.
36. ‘Human cultures use symbols as a means to express their specific ideology, social structures, and to
represent characteristics of their specific culture. Thus, symbols carry different meaning depending
upon one’s cultural background. The meaning of a symbol is not inherent in the symbol itself,
but is culturally learned.’ (thefreedictionary.com, citing Womack, M. 2005. Accessed spring 2014.
Symbols and Meaning: A Concise Introduction. California. ‘… its explicit forms [of symbolism] are
unintelligible by themselves and their study has always presupposed the existence of an underlying
tacit knowledge.’ Sperber 1974 (English version 1975), Rethinking Symbolism, Cambridge, xi.
 COLOR, MATERIALITY, SENSORY EXPERIENCE AND LATE BRONZE AGE 207
BURIALS IN THE ARGOLID

different approaches, understandings and applications. Robb has discussed,

surveyed and critiqued the various theories and collected them into three prevalent
(and opposing) directions.37 In the following analysis one of these directions is
applicable and will be used: the ‘token’ view, the meeting of idea and material, of
transmitter and receiver, and the interaction between them in an established social
context, whether it be personal, local, regional or global.
Looking at the tombs studied here, we can see many different levels of explicit
symbolism at work: the grave architecture in itself is a statement of knowledge,
power and status. Going on to the gifts, one natural question is what motivated
the choice. Perhaps much was prescribed, but it appears that families could freely
choose some of its their grave gifts (judging at least by the differences in the goods
from family tomb to family tomb at Asine38 and the differences in grave gifts between
sites like Berbati and Asine for chamber tombs. above. Assumedly religious rites
and paraphernalia were important and standardized, although I have no concrete
proof for this or for evidence of it in the grave gifts: it can perhaps be assumed that
certain specific actions, objects and acts were necessary ingredients in religious
expression. Another clear motivation must have been socio-economic: the family’s
desire to demonstrate its actual or aspired wealth, status and power. This was
done in many well-known ways: the large amounts of goods - rare stones, metals,
imported luxury goods and rare materials; the materials themselves (here would
be for example metals, especially gold, probably fine-woven textiles, imported
spices, and so on; the workmanship and technologies (e.g., making tin sheeting
and applying it to pottery); the ratio of luxury items (as opposed to practical ones,
such as spindle whorls and whetstones); the family’s means of obtaining goods
from afar through their knowledge of distant societies, technologies and products.39

37. Robb 1998. He divides the current theories on symbolism and their opponents into three large
groups, which he calls symbolism, as ‘tokens’: message-bearers, transmitter of information, material
signifiers (often socio- political messages); as ‘girders’: the supports creating and structuring the
mental and social world, thought processes, ideal meanings; and as ‘tesserae’: a shifting momentary
interaction between idea and material, completely arbitrary in the way they are put together.
38. Gillis 2013, 83-85.
39. See, for example, Mary Helms’ classic work (1988), where she says on p. 4, ‘Not only exotic
materials but also intangible knowledge of distant realms and regions can be politically valuable
“goods”…. .’ both for those traveling, and those at home ‘…who are able to acquire such
knowledge [and of course the goods] by indirect means and use it for political advantage.’ A rare
metal such as tin is one of these goods. Broodbank (1993, 324) in talking about the Early Cycladic
relation to imported metal says that its value ‘…lay not just in its properties but also in its exotic
and invisible origins; … .’ To this, I would like to add technological knowledge, or rather, the
access to those possessing such knowledge, who for example could produce tin sheeting like the
tin foil for the tin-covered vessels, ranking among the difficult and rare technologies.
208 CAROLE GILLIS

The funerary display allowed them to maintain their place in the ranks of the upper
echelons of the society through this display. Thus the tomb itself and its contents
(via amounts, materials, manufacture, import, social factors and so on) are clear
symbols of power and prestige, created, read and understood by all.

Symbolism in color
Looking above at all the socio-economic symbols, we realize that there is one
aspect of the gifts having potential symbolism that is seldom mentioned – color:
hue and shine. The first question is whether there was intentionality in their choice;
secondly, were the colors symbolic, and thirdly, was any symbolism explicit, i.e.,
conforming to certain cultural interpretations and connections. Regarding the first
question, there can be little doubt of intentionality here: deliberate, conscious
choice indicating intent, idea or purpose. Shine and certain hues in particular had
significance – or at least great precedence - in burial rituals and beliefs, as seen in
the results above, prescribed or representing personal preference. Regarding the
second and third questions - were they symbolic, and if so, can we say anything
about what they symbolized – are much more difficult to determine without
written sources to help us.40
A quick definition of color symbolism is that a hue or even shine, with its
various properties, is message bearing and transmits messages or emotions be
they explicit or subconscious, evoking a particular response, understanding
or feeling in the viewer. There is often clear intent and no ambiguity: if such
symbolism exists, the transmitter (in this study, the Perssons selecting the grave
goods or the objects themselves) sends a message through hue and value and
the receiver(s) (the viewer of these color aspects) is clear about and shares the
meaning of these direct and unequivocal symbols.41 An example – a bright, canary
yellow is usually thought of as cheerful. Some hues are considered ‘warm’,
others, ‘cold’. It is no coincidence that bedrooms and classrooms for children
now-a-days are often painted in soft, warm, light, pastel hues. These symbols are
intentional, deliberate and explicit in the society in which they are used, and the
same message is (usually) received as was sent. If we are not a part of this society,
we do not necessarily understand either the symbols or the meaning.

40. An understanding of these pan-societal messages can be gained through written sources
and critical examination of the evidence (‘exegeses’, to use Turner’s (1967, 50-52) term for
understanding the meanings of symbols.
41. Example: red roses meaning ‘I love you’, pink or blue for newborns to identify boy or girl,
black in the Western world and white in the East today for mourning. Shiny hair is good, dull
hair, less so, the shiny halo around Jesus, the saints and other holy persons
 COLOR, MATERIALITY, SENSORY EXPERIENCE AND LATE BRONZE AGE 209
BURIALS IN THE ARGOLID

Did this ‘intentional’ color system exist in the Aegean Late Bronze Age?
Possibly, but we do not have the literature to support this.42 But if we do not
have information -- first-hand communication -- but only the objects with their
colors? Can we then extrapolate or make analogies with those contemporary
or comparable societies that did have color symbolism43 as to the meaning of
these symbols in the LBA? This is doubtful. The message transmitter exists
but the receiver is down. The message can have clear intent, or be more personal
for the transmitter/user, as in expressionist art where it is not always clear what
meaning the hues had for the artist (e.g., purple sky, green skin – assuming they
had meaning for his/her).
The answers to the second and third questions above must be that at least
some of the hues and especially the shine seem to have been special (the extreme
emphasis on shine and on yellow, black and white) in the funerary setting, but
there is no way to determine today what they may have meant 3000-odd years
ago to the LBA Mycenaeans.
Another kind of meaning through color could be called something like ‘unintended
symbolism’, where the message transmitted is not deliberate or even conscious, and
the receiver may not be actively aware of having gotten it, but still reacts It is in
this sphere that materiality and agency come in, where a even non-sentient being or
object can send out a message. This will be taken up more fully below.

Materiality, agency and affordances

Materiality theory is based on the idea that the material culture takes an active
place in the world, with ‘active’ the key word.44 There is great complexity and

42. In Linear B, there are very few hue terms (e.g., Gillis 2004; Gillis 2013, n. 11; contra Blakolmer,
e.g., 2004: 63 and table 1, who finds 39) and no use more than as adjectival descriptions is
recorded.
43. Pharaonic Egypt, known through texts (e.g., Baines 1985; for more references, see Gillis1999,
289-90, and n. 5; 2004, n. 4, and n. 5 for Anatolia). In the New World, documented by
Spanish colonists and monks in the 16th c. AD: Mexico (e.g., Hosler 1994), Central Andes (e.g.,
Lechtman 1988) and Peru (e.g., Shimada 1997) – for references for them, see Gillis 1999:294-
297 and n. 24-37; 2004, 56-57 and n. 3.
44. For a deeper understanding of materiality and agency for objects, see, e.g., two volumes devoted
to materiality, DeMarrais , eds., 2004 and Maran, eds., 2012; plus many articles, for example,
Bird-Davis 1999, especially 69-71, Renfrew 2004, 23; Gosden 2004, 33; Herva 2006a and
b; Johannsen 2012; Hahn 2012; to name a few. Bouvin 2004, 64 sums it up well, ‘We need to
return to the material world. …[a] holistic approach that recognizes that material culture is not
a product of human history, but an integral part of the human story.’
210 CAROLE GILLIS

diversity in the various uses and interpretations of materiality. In the following

I will not espouse the one or the other theory or interpretation, but will try to
implement materiality and agency in aspects of color, including both human and
material agents in a two-way discourse in an attempt to understand the ‘unintended
symbolism’ mentioned above.
The theory of materiality grew as a reaction to the belief in rationality and
the thinking man as the ruler of his world, with a basic preference for mind over
matter, subject over object, rationality over emotion, culture over nature and male
over female.45 This belief that the human is rational and logical and everything
can be explained through rationality is rejected by most scholars today both for
its clear bias and for its completely anthropocentric nature: a more encompassing
theory is the concept of materiality.46 The understanding that material culture
has its own ‘life’ can range from a belief in total animism47 to a world where
non-human objects lack cognition and intentionality, but can ‘communicate’ as
agents. In this idea of the world, everything is intermingling, flowing in and out,
in flux, creating new actions and reactions in the dynamics of relationality, the
entanglement of material, agents and senses.48
If we can accept that the world is fluid, not fixed, a kind of constantly changing
meshwork, then we can also accept that all the participants in it - not only people
but even objects - can interact and cause things to happen – ‘…objects by their
very nature of connection with humans quickly shift from being mediators to
being intermediates.’49 These ‘intermediaries’ are usually called agents, or in
Latour’s term, actors.50 Agents can be primary or secondary. These agents are,
quite simply, someone/thing that leads to or causes someone/thing to happen/
change/react: they have agency.

45. Although this thinking was ‘...intellectually rooted in classical antiquity and Christianity,’
Kopytoff 1986, 84.
46. See, for example, Malafouris 2004:53, who makes, ‘The general call for non-dichotomous
thinking in archaeology… .’
47. The belief that humans are just one part of the greater realm of existence with everything
having a life force For example, Ingold 2006: in animism ‘… beings (of all types, human and
non-human) are constantly being generated, a world of becoming rather than being,’ p.13; Bird-
Davis 1999; Harvey 2006, xi-xii, 122-127.
48. Described as a state of constant interaction and constant flux, called different things but meaning
the same: meshworks (Ingold 2006); engagement (Renfrew 2004); node, conglomerate (Latour
2005, 44, 65); entanglement (of interactions) (Hodder 2005, Latour 2005, 44). The idea of
constant flux and changeability in relationality is seen also in Gibson (1986/1979).
49. Latour 2005, 79.
50. Latour 2005.
 COLOR, MATERIALITY, SENSORY EXPERIENCE AND LATE BRONZE AGE 211
BURIALS IN THE ARGOLID

Agency implies relationality, intercommunication, the ‘meshworks’ mentioned

above. Agency can be seen as a type of dialogue development (also non-verbal)
in which the objects become agents that can trigger or influence our actions51 or
vice-versa. Many scholars dealing with agency differentiate anthropocentrically
between human agents and non-human agents often speak of intentionality, while
others believe that inanimate objects as well as humans possess agency: ‘…
the proposition that agency is not simply a property of humans but equally, or
instead, something distributed across humans (and other animate beings) and,
crucially, inanimate objects, structures, substances etc. A concept … synonymous
with causation.’52 Agency contains at least two fundamental and inseparable
phenomena: materiality and social reproduction,53 or ‘being generative’, in Maran
and Stockhammar’s terms:54 thus, material objects have agency and can cause a
reaction.
An example of agent/agency: it’s cold here—I will make a fire and get warm.
I strike a match (‘I’ am the agent, the action or agency is the striking of the
match). The match ignites the paper and kindling in the fireplace and becomes
an agent (a part of the meshwork) - action and reaction, while the fire, the result
of this ‘double action’, reacts by being a fire, which subsequently gives off heat,
inducing feelings of warmth, contentment and comfort in me, and is thus also an
agent.55 Another example, Gell’s classic case of the Trobriand Islanders and their
canoes, illustrates this well—the sight of the terrifying demons carved on the
prow-boards of the war canoes pulling up on the sands of a neighboring island,
vessels full of people having access to magic which allowed them to create these
boards, and the meaning (and invasion) of these menacing monsters effected a
state of total panic in the recipients, the locals, thus making them easy prey. 56
These carvings become actors, agents with agency.
There are extremes in the concept of agency - Gibson has a theory on
‘affordances’, which may be relevant in the analysis of the grave material in the

51. Maran and Stockhammar 2012.

52. Johannsen 2012, 316.
53. Dobres and Robb 2005, 162.
54. Maran and Stockhammar 2012, 2.
55. According to Gosden (2005) objects can affect people (be agents) in four different ways:
1. through form – morphology, decoration, color 2. genealogy, also known as the cultural
biography of things 3. source of the object 4. effect, sensory. The fire example above illustrates
his fourth way, perhaps the most representative, but his first way is equally relevant to this
study.
56. Gell 1992; the theory behind his ideas, Gell 1998.
212 CAROLE GILLIS

Aegean LBA below.57 According to Gibson, an affordance is what something,

an object, affords (=gives, provides, allows, causes, creates). In other words, a
fire affords heat, light, injury, comfort, pain, burning. The objects afford things
regardless of a recipient: the match affords a way to ignite the paper (whether or
not there is any paper around), fire affords heat whether or not there is anyone
nearby getting warm. The old riddle about whether a tree falling in an empty
forest makes any noise is solved. The ‘affordances of objects’ means that function
exists in the object itself, not in our interpretation or evaluation, and that objects
can be object agents.
A modified, ‘post-Gibsonian’ view, and one more relevant here, has been
presented by Knappett who modified Gibson by adding the interaction between
affordances and cognition – an object can afford things but these affordances are
not universal or absolute: understanding is also needed.58 He calls it situational
cognition. An example – a dark, gaping hole affords a place to put things into.
However, it is human understanding which connects this whole to a death,
a grave and an interment. The human viewer adds his cultural experience and
understanding to arrive at burial, sorrow, feasting, loss: thus, the relationality of
material and cognition. The black hole affords putting something into it, but the
situational cognition – understanding the context - adds thoughts and associations,
memories, emotions – it is an active agent, but works together with the humans,
who are also active agents: they understand the affordance of the hole/tomb and
receiving this action, react/act by putting the deceased and the other objects into
the tomb, grieving, and so on. The same object can afford different behaviors
at different times and for different receivers: a cup might afford grasping and
drinking for a human and possibly an ape, but not for a new-born or a spider. The
human might pick up the cup, but the infant could lick it, or kick it over.59

Color and materiality

Was there a symbolic meaning in the use of shine and hues in the LBA Argolid
burial ritual apart from any socio-economic and political message? As discussed
above, in my opinion there can be little doubt that they had importance at the
three sites and probably had specific meanings and symbolisms, but we have
no way of knowing for certain. Was there materiality and agency, message
intercommunication between the human and the material: that is, can we determine

57. Gibson 1986/1979, mentioned above regarding color definition, and his Ch. 8.
58. Knappett 2004, 45.
59. Withagen and Chemero 2012.
 COLOR, MATERIALITY, SENSORY EXPERIENCE AND LATE BRONZE AGE 213
BURIALS IN THE ARGOLID

whether the objects through their materiality communicated a meaning of their

own apart from or in addition to any meaning intended by persons?
Let us now see whether we can tie together the analyses of hues and values with
the ideas of symbolism and of materiality and agency. In the following I shall examine
the role hue and shine may have had in burials, seen through a filter of materiality
theory, and refrain from suggestions of interpretations and color symbolism, although
tempting, in favor of concentrating on what the material evidence says.

Value
The shininess or reflection of the objects and materials seems to have been
the most important color aspect of burial gifts, with 96% of all gifts shiny or
reflective. Shine is not just a mute attribute of an object but can have agency
and affordance as well. The reflectance of a shiny surface (for example, a tinned
vase) can light up things and areas around it. It has an affordance, it can give
off light. Even in the black of the grave, the affordance of giving off light and
sparkle still exists, if one follows Gibson’s views (see above) – perhaps shining
in the next world and illuminating the way for the deceased. In a (hypothetical,
to be sure) funerary procession from the settlement to the semi-dark dromos
and finally into the very dark tomb (see below), it is tempting to see material
messages communicated to the viewers: the flash and spark of sun striking the
golden rosettes of the shroud,60 the shimmering of light reflecting from polished
stone or ivory, the dappling of the firelight in the dromos on the walls, the grave
goods and the faces of the people assembled there as the shine of life flickers and
gradually fades into the dark of death. The light becomes dulled and dampened
through the dimness in the dromos, only to disappear in the dark of the tomb –
another, but quite obvious message. This materiality and agency of the objects
– their initial shininess, their indistinct and subdued qualities in the dromos and
their imminent imperceptibility in the tomb – communicate, enable cognitive
associations (Knappett’s situational cognition), and heighten the emotions as the
burial goes on (various emotions and senses are or can be affected through some
aspects of the materiality in the burial ritual).61 To be sure, temptation is not
reality but this material message does seem to be a strong possibility. Indeed, the
thought has occurred to me that as the dromos itself can be considered an agent
with its interplay of light and dark (as befits a liminal area in a burial ritual) and

60. For example, Dendra - Persson 1942, pl. XXVII.

61. See for example Malafouris 2012,79; Morris 2004,36; Hurcombe 2007; Gosden 2004, 2005,
202; Robb 2010, 511, Herva 2006a and b.
214 CAROLE GILLIS

its narrow shape, its initial architectural conception was created expressly to suit
this purpose - a fitting setting for liminality in burial ritual.

Hue
There can be little question that certain hues were important in burial contexts,
at least as seen in this study. Despite internal differences between the sites (Figs.
3d, 3e), the hues which predominate are yellow/gold and black/dark. This is seen
not only statistically and numerically but even in the larger numbers of different
materials used for these three hue categories as compared with the other seven,
as seen in the table (see above, indicated by the numbers in parentheses for the
categories). Of further interest is that some hues are almost non-existent (see Fig.
6): for example, there are only three green objects, sealstones from the Royal
Tomb, out of almost 900.62 Thus, it would seem that certain hues (regardless
of their materials) were included in large numbers, while others are surprising
in their almost total exclusion. We must conclude that the choice of hue was
intentional and meaningful and the sensory impact of the objects seems to have
been an important aspect in the inclusion of the grave goods.
The large proportion of black/dark objects could easily represent the occasion—
the blackness of the gaping hole at the end of the dromos, the blackness of the
tomb when it is sealed. This could explain why there are so many black objects.
The black steatite spindle whorl seems almost ubiquitous in grave contexts.63
As for the yellow/gold – it obviously has great significance and most probably
symbolism, but it is not certain what that significance and symbolism were.
Other hues seem to have had other roles and other associations. Take the
example of sealstones. At some point during the burial ceremonies, perhaps
during the procession, almost certainly in the dromos, the grave gifts would
have been on view. Chapman wrote (in discussing Varna and Durankulak) that
the aim of the hues or combinations of them in grave contexts was to facilitate
non-verbal [material] communication, about green fields and brown mountains,

62. Once again we must remember that much of the faience, which comes in all the hues, is little
more than grayish crumble today, and much is missing. Green could also have been represented
by living flowers and plants, textiles, or other perishables, as even the other hues, of course.
While this could lessen the imbalance somewhat, I do not believe it would make a significant
difference.
63. Spindle whorls of steatite are also found in settlement contexts, but whorls are also of plain,
undecorated clay. This is the case for i.a. Asine, Dendra and Berbati (Eva Andersson, pers.
comm.).
 COLOR, MATERIALITY, SENSORY EXPERIENCE AND LATE BRONZE AGE 215
BURIALS IN THE ARGOLID

Hue wh/s y/g grn gry lilac turq blue o-r- r/p bl/drk
rbr
Berbati
Chamber tombs 3 8 8 1 4 11 5 2 31
Holmberg’s ChT 7 20 1 5
Tholos tomb 3 4 5 1 1 7
Total 127 13 32 14 1 5 12 5 2 43

Dendra
Chamber tombs 33 127 19 1 3 13 3 54
Royal tomb 12 54 3 13 2 16 6 18
Total 377 45 181 3 32 2 1 19 19 3 72

Asine
Total 364 66 134 5 3 35 34 7 80

All Hue 868 124 347 3 51 6 6 66 58 12 195

14% 40% 0.35% 6% 0.7% 0.7% 7.5% 6.7% 1.4% 22.5%

Fig. 6: Chart showing numeric distribution by hue and site.

for example.64 Shapland, in studying sealstones, found that clear/green/blue

sealstones have a high percentage of marine animal depictions (81%) and ‘.. seem
to be reinforcing a link with water, while other colors can be associated perhaps
with land.’65 The viewer, seeing these objects, might unconsciously associate the
deceased with the land, or with water, through cognitive association. Even if they
were put in as grave gifts by a person (acting as an agent), they were agents in
their own right, communicating the message of land, sea, ownership, marine life,
and so on by their hue.
The motifs carved into the sealstones are usually too small to see except from
very close up. These engravings in a much more literal way tell their stories
of the brave bulls, wild lions, calm agrimis and marine life that formed a part
of the world in which they all lived, reinforcing the background hues of their
natural habitats. The choice of gem hue could have been influenced by whether
the deceased and his family derived their status and power from land or sea. The
choice of motif could strengthen but also qualify this connection: thus, the land-
owning deceased could be associated with browns and greens, while the motif
could have symbolized his or her position - a ruler, a hunter, a warrior on land in
addition to the general expression of wealth and power. The blues and sea greens

64. Chapman 2002, 67.

65. Shapland 2009, especially 118 and figs. 6 and 7.
216 CAROLE GILLIS

would work in the same way, with the motifs acting as qualifiers. In this way,
both the hue and the motif (in the same hue) would be agents communicating a
message to the recipient: the general hues indicative of the deceased’s power base
and acting as a sensory, unintended agent, and the motif clarifying it, acting as an
explicit, intentional agent. The fact that these carved motifs are often very difficult
to see even holding the gemstone close to one’s eyes (personal observation) is
even more indication of their agency, being message transmitter, with or without
a receiver. Even those who did not know the deceased that well could understand
the family background and position from the message they received through the
(sensory) agency of the hues.
This connection of hue and agency can be suggested in the material studied
here. From Asine there were four sealstones, all from ChT I:1; a ‘dark agate’
(probably brown or grey?)66 engraved with two bulls; a red carnelian with a calf;
a ‘grey’ stone with two bulls and another ‘grey’ one with a bull on his hind legs
and a man behind him.67 From the Dendra ChTs there are seven: a large carnelian
carved with an antelope and another also of carnelian showing a bull from ChT II
and one from ChT III, also of carnelian, with an antelope.68 Further, from tomb VI
a ‘brownish agate’ with a sheep or goat.69 From ChT VIII a orange-brown agate,
with a bull and an attacking lion (p. 48), and two from tomb X - a ‘mottled agate’,
three-sided prism seal with two agrimis and a lion on one face and a lion and an
agrimi on the second face,70 and for the second , a ‘light agate’ probably recarved
with a boar seemingly overlying an earlier bull figure plus a lion.71 From the
Royal Tomb, there were eight in all: six in a cup by the ‘king’: a ‘dark agate’
with lion and bull plus agrimi; two of ‘light agate’ with a lion and a bull; three
of jadeite,72 showing two goats, a goat with background vegetation including a
palm tree, and a lion, respectively.73 The ‘queen’ had one stone on her wrist, a red

66. As seen in CAMEO 2013, http://cameo.mfa.org/wiki/Agate last accessed spring 2013, agate
comes in a wide variety of hues and is always banded. I believe that if these agates had been red
or blue or green, they would have noted this. I am guessing that these hues are fairly neutral—
light neutral or dark neutral.
67. Asine – Frödin and Persson, 1939, 373-4, fig. 242.
68. Dendra – Persson 1931, 80, 90,106 (52), pl. XXXIX: 4 left, for the antelope.
69. Dendra -- Persson 1942, 27(18), fig. 31.
70. Dendra -- Persson 1942, 81-83, pl. VII:2, and 83-84, pl. VII:3, respectively.
71. Dendra -- Persson 1942, 32, 57, XIX, 124.
72. http://cameo.mfa.org/wiki/Jadeite. Can be grass- or emerald-green, but also purple, blue, gray,
black, white, red, pink, and orange. Last accessed spring 2013
73. Dendra – Persson 1931, 32, 57, 124, pl. XIX.
 COLOR, MATERIALITY, SENSORY EXPERIENCE AND LATE BRONZE AGE 217
BURIALS IN THE ARGOLID

carnelian with two bulls.74 One made of lapis lazuli depicting two bulls was found
on the floor of the chamber75 for a total of 15. Of these, all except for the one lapis
lazuli and possibly the three jadeite ones had a red or red-brown, a brownish/
green or gray-green hue and all had land animal motifs. Of interest of course are
the lions and bulls associated with the ‘king’ and ‘queen’ as well as the majority
of domestic animals on the jadeites. No blue (except for the lapis) or sea-green
stones, no marine motifs.76 Thus, though a small sample, these sealstones seem to
corroborate Shapland’s observations and Chapman’s idea of non-verbal agency: it
seems possible that through the hue and motif, the sealstones communicated both
general/ sensory and explicit messages of land ownership (the basis of economic
wealth and power), perhaps of bravery and strength, maybe hunting. We can only
guess at the connections to the deceased’s family, background, position in life,
activities, but it was surely a message received by all the viewers.
As for white/light, black/dark and yellow/gold, far and away the hues of choice,
it is easy to put a great many interpretations and guesses on their symbolism and
the material meanings, but as this would only be guesswork, it should be avoided.

Value and hue

As almost all the objects involved in the burial were shiny, not much can be said
for any specific combination of value and hue. There is one negative example,
however, which seems to transmit a message through its form, its material, its
value and its hue. This involves spindle whorls/conuli: almost every grave in all
the sites and locations studied here contained at least one shiny, dark, conical,
steatite spindle whorl. One might think that these were put into the tomb by family
members who wished the deceased (probably a woman, but not necessarily)
being buried to have them in her next life, a reasonable assumption. If that was
the case, they would communicate womanly virtues such as spinning (and by
association, weaving), providing for the family, possibly the shine of light but the
black of the tomb: thus, a perfect grave gift — the right hue, the right value and
the right message. However, in several ChTs from Dendra, there also appears in
addition to the default dark steatite spindle whorls, another type, shanked, matte,
light bluish- or greenish-gray stone spindle whorls: ChT I, 4 or 5 gray matte,

74. Dendra – Persson 1931, 38, 58, pl. XIX.

75. Dendra – Persson 1931, 29 (10), pl.-XXV:2.
76. Although in my opinion, green could as easily represent land occupations such as farming
or land ownership. This seems to be the case as the motifs are all land animals, contrary to
Shapland.
218 CAROLE GILLIS

7 dark shiny;77 ChT III, 2 and 7;78 ChT VIII, 2 and 5 and ChT XIII, 5 and 10.79
What to make of these? To be sure, they might have had no special significance
and simply had been used to spin a much thinner thread by the same fine spinner-
weavers –a sign of the deceased’s status as expert spinners and perhaps weavers,
as this type of whorl produces a much finer thread for very high quality cloth.80
However, the fact that they are not shiny in a world of shine, and not yellow or
black or white in a sea of yellow-black-white must have significance.
In two articles about buildings as persons, V-P. Herva says, ‘The incorporation
of artefacts into architecture transformed parts of the people associated with
those artefacts into parts of building themselves, ….’81 and ‘The incorporation
of objects into the structure of buildings would have infused architecture with
whatever (relationally constituted) special properties the deposited things were
considered to possess. … Houses … as a nexus of social life, deeply immersed in
social relations. [They are] parts or extensions of the people who build and inhabit
them.’82 While the stones and buildings did not become people, obviously, they
became infused with, or represented people. Although only a guess, the thought
arose that these atypical spindle whorls (as understood by the viewers exactly
because of their atypicality) were meant not to accompany dead expert female
spinners and weavers into the next life but could represent real, living women —
the (living) wife, mother or daughter of the deceased, buried symbolically with
him/her to accompany him on his journey. Their oppositeness –instead of high
value, low value (matte); instead of yellow-black, blue- or green-gray, a unique
hue; instead of the usual conical form, just the inverse, a shanked, small-holed
one - could have transmitted a message all its own - that these are different.

Global-local
This small study of burials in three settlements in a limited part of the Mycenaean
region in the LBA shows, if not globalism, at least regional similarity in the manner
of elite burials. The physical tomb architecture is the same (as it is for most elite
Mycenaean burials): chamber tombs dug into a hill or a slope with a dromos and a
stomion and the occasional tholos tomb, also with a dromos and a stomion.83

77. Dendra – Persson 1942, fig. 58.

78. Dendra – Persson 1942, fig. 62.
79. Åström 1977.
80. Andersson 2003.
81. Herva 2005, 224.
82. Herva 2010, 448.
83. RT Dendra c. 17 m. in length, Persson 1931, 19 and figs. 16, 20.
 COLOR, MATERIALITY, SENSORY EXPERIENCE AND LATE BRONZE AGE 219
BURIALS IN THE ARGOLID

Regarding color, we find again certain trends in common – far more finds have
medium-high than matte value. However, as is seen in Fig. 4, Asine and Dendra
(both ChTs and the RT) are similar in having only 2% (Asine) – 4% (Dendra) low
value, while the ChTs at Berbati have almost 12%. Regarding the hues, there is
similarity in the top three hues, but differences in the placement of yellow/gold
and black/dark between Berbati and the other two villages in the distribution,
and in the Berbati ChTs, blue is as important as gold, with black three times
as recurrent (see above, The analysis results and Fig. 3d). One could draw the
conclusion that Berbati was a poorer village (less metals, gray whetstones and
pebbles, far fewer objects per grave) but still following the main conventions of
the culture as well as they could. At Asine, as mentioned above, it appears that
there were differences in the types/categories of gifts from ChT to ChT, probably
family graves with different profiles.84 While there was somewhat more variety in
the hues found at Berbati, there were many fewer objects in the graves and they
seemed to be poorer.
The sample in this study is far too small to say anything about global
(=Mycenaean) or local, but if I were to choose, I would say that signs point to
globality rather than localness: a matter of variations on a theme, well larded with
similarities in physical burial form — elites buried in costly chamber or tholos
tombs – and in grave gift color. Berbati varies somewhat, but it is a question only
of degree. The differences in color are more likely due to less metals in the graves
(yellow and white) in Berbati, perhaps for socio-economic reasons, and the burial
rituals were probably similar.

The burial as a drama of death in three acts

The drama of death and burial85 – the procession from the settlement to the
necropolis,86 the ceremonies and actions in the liminal area (the dromos) between
the settlement (this world) and the grave (the next), and the entrance via the
stomion into the tomb which is then sealed can be seen as a drama in three

84. Gillis 2013, 83-85.

85. The following hypothetical scenario in three acts is based on three Argolid LBA sites, Asine,
Berbati and Dendra, but is undoubtedly applicable to many others.
86. To see the relation between the settlement and the cemetery, see Asine – Frödin and Persson
1938, 295, 298ff; Styrenius 1998, 57,67, fig. 2, pls 1-3. Berbati – Säflund 1965,fig. 1; Schallin
1996,123-4, fig. 1, 125. Dendra – Persson 1942: 17, Figs. 18, 19; Åström 1977, Fig. 1 for
topographical maps and photos.
220 CAROLE GILLIS

acts.87 Each act has its own plot, its own characters, its own associations, its own
dynamics. The first act starts with a procession from the settlement or repository
for the deceased to the burial ground. The deceased is most likely borne on a litter
or transported in a cart together with the burial gifts and is wrapped in a white
shroud (apart from any other reasons, linen is difficult to dye), with small, applied,
stamped gold decorations - rosettes or other forms88 - gleaming and flashing in the
sunlight. The dancing lights from the reflections of the sun on the shiny objects
on and next to the deceased seem almost alive and give the deceased’s body the
illusion of life in the sparkling light: life and light in death. All the dark objects
(which were plentiful but usually small) accompanying the deceased on the litter
perhaps also indicate that the ultimate goal of this procession is the dark grave
and the eternal life after this one. Behind the deceased are the family, the friends,
the village people. They are perhaps singing or chanting, accompanied by musical
instruments as they temporarily leave their normal lives to enter into a liminal
state, a transition between states.
The second act starts when the deceased, the other participants, the gifts
and most likely ritual paraphernalia arrive at the dromos of the tomb. In this
transitional area, partly in sun, partly in shade, some forms, details and colors are
naturally subdued at times, in keeping with the passage from life to death (Fig.
7). Assumedly the participants are well aware of the liminality of the area, of
being between two worlds, but the subtle shifts of light and dark, of hues, shine
and even intensity as brightness fades and returns again enhance this awareness,
as does the feeling of confinement in this narrow, coffin-like space. The gaping
black hole at the end of the dromos serves as a constant reminder of the setting
and the reason behind it. Subtle messages are thus transmitted and/or afforded by
the material objects, the natural lighting and the setting. It is assumed that rituals

87. This tripartite division was first taken up in a book entitled Les rites de passage by Arnold van
Gennep 1909 (first in English in 1960). He talks about ‘… rites of separation from a previous
world, preliminal rites, those executed during the transitional stage liminal (or threshold) rites,
and the ceremonies of incorporation into the new world postliminal rites,’ from the English
translation of 1977, 21. While these rites of passage are of course important for the deceased,
going from this life to another state, they would also apply to the other participants in the rites,
who go from an existence with a Persson to one without him/her. I thank Fredrik Ekengren for
pointing out this source to me.
88. See, e.g., Dendra - Persson 1942, pl. XXVII.
 COLOR, MATERIALITY, SENSORY EXPERIENCE AND LATE BRONZE AGE 221
BURIALS IN THE ARGOLID

Fig. 7: Dromos of a chamber tomb from Asine, Necropolis I (photo: author)

222 CAROLE GILLIS

and ceremonies are held here, including eating and drinking.89 Funerary feasting
and ceremonies heighten ‘…bodily senses, feelings and emotions … In these
sensory episodes bodily memory is generated…’ involving sensory and bodily
memory, ‘…important for identity formation.’90 They are important factors in
burials, reinforcing kinships and ties, traditions and memories. Thus, this area is
a transitional phase between the present world and the coming one, guaranteed to
heighten the senses, memories and emotions in all ways. Clearly, sensory stimuli
are very important – the tastes of food from the ritual meals, the smells of cooking,
the swirling smoke and the heat of the fire. Visually, the occasional flashes of
sunlight, of shine, as the sun moves across the sky illuminating different parts of
the dromos and the grave gifts awaiting deposition in the tomb, while other parts
with their deep and narrow walls undoubtedly create an atmosphere of darkness
and mystery. Perhaps even the various hues act as stimuli, as do the sounds of
voices reverberating back and forth from the dromos walls, the reflections of
light from the shroud and all the shiny objects for the deceased, the crashing of
vessels being smashed, the presumably gaping black hole soon to be closed – all
the senses are heightened.
These spatial, sensory and material properties, the ‘scenery’ in our drama
depicted above, can be used in various contexts ‘…to facilitate perception by
directing attention and offering … cues for action. Two obvious examples are
size and colour… .’91 ‘Colour, brilliance, translucence … could have stimulated
the senses,’92 while ‘sounds, smells and appearances, sight, movement’ are
important.93 The importance of ‘flavours, colours and smell’ is discussed.94 The
total sensory experience in this, the middle act, would heighten the mystery of
being in a special state.95 An extra dimension is added by Turner, who sees ritual
composed of two opposing but interconnected poles: that of social organization,
morals, norms combining with the sensory pole of materiality, physicality,

89. E.g., ‘a large number of stemmed goblets’ in the stomion of ChT VII, Dendra (Dendra - Persson
1942, 32); ‘200 fragments of stemmed cups, or about 40 vessels’ in the stomion of ChT 13
(Dendra – Åström, 72), 387 fragments of cooking vessels in the dromos of ChT 14, (Dendra
- Åström, 112); ‘Immediately in front of the blocking wall, … there was a layer of ash and
charcoal extending for a few metres out into the dromos … obviously consists of the remains of
a sacrifice … .’ Dendra - Persson 1942: 53.
90. Hamilakis 2010 (2002): 20 in speaking of BA Crete.
91. Malafouris 2012: 79.
92. Morris 2004, 36; see also Hurcombe 2007 and her bibliography, 541-5.
93. Gosden 2005, 202, with four sensory effects, n. 18 above.
94. Robb 2010, 511.
95. See, e.g., Morris 2004; Gosden 2004; Herva 2006a and b.
 COLOR, MATERIALITY, SENSORY EXPERIENCE AND LATE BRONZE AGE 223
BURIALS IN THE ARGOLID

emotions.96 Whereas the hypothetical procession through the town would belong
to the factual, social world with its norms and comme il faut’s, this middle act
would turn more to emotions, materiality, the non-rational world of the senses.
Rituals or ceremonies that were presumably performed here also added to the
sense of other worldliness with their aura of performative and experiential
participation. People reacted to and interacted with the transmitted messages and
stimuli of light and darkness, of the natural and supernatural, and of the world
around them contrasting with the black hole of the grave and the afterlife – all
this inherent in and communicated by the occasion of the burial - the setting, the
sensory input – and the presence of the deceased, who is simultaneously subject
and object of the drama.
Having concluded the second act, it time for the passage into the third and final
part. This last one begins by bringing the deceased and the gifts accompanying
him into the tomb through the gateway separating the spheres, the stomion, and
placing him (and them) in his final earthly resting place, probably with chanting
or singing and the performance of rituals. There is evidence of fires in pits97 inside
the tombs or a hearth98, though whether for fumigation, rituals, meals, or other
purposes is not known. The gifts were arranged on and around the bodies (by
someone — family? officials?), as seen in the Royal Tomb at Dendra, the only
tomb studied here which was used within a narrow time span and contained few
(three) and relatively undisturbed burials.99 Questions concerning who entered
the still-open tomb, what they did, and why must remain unanswered. It could be
hypothesized however that officiants were the only living people involved in this
transition from the liminal to the final. Only those with a kind of divine laissez
passer could return from the world of the dead into the transitional space. In any
case, this particular metaphysical passage ends with the physical sealing up of the
stomion. It is probable that the breaking of goblets and plates occurred now: as
seen above (note 27) vessels were often found smashed at the base of the sealed
stomion. This might be perhaps to symbolize the final break with the deceased
or to insure that no one would use these liminal vessels again. It is now that the
final act begins, in which all the living participants leave the liminal area and
return back to their lives in the world of the living and the deceased begins his
new existence in the realm of the dead, whether in the tomb itself or transported
to another sphere.

96. Turner 1967, 54

97. E.g. Dendra - Persson 1931, 18.
98. Dendra – Persson 1931, 80, for ChT 2.
99. Dendra - Persson 1931, 28, fig. 22.
224 CAROLE GILLIS

This hypothetical ‘drama of death in three acts’ is based on an integration of

several aspects: the material record, the use of shine and hue, the materiality and
agency of the material objects in their contexts, and the importance of sensory
impressions.

Final words
This study revolved around the colors of objects placed as grave gifts in the
LBA chamber and tholos tombs at Asine, Berbati, and Dendra. The question was
asked earlier whether the application of a theoretical foundation of materiality
and agency could 1) offer broader interpretative possibilities for understanding
displays of hue and shine rather than merely guessing what symbolism a certain
hue might have had for the Mycenaeans and 2) add other dimensions beyond the
conventional interpretations of anthropocentric manifestations of kinship, status
and power in LBA Argolid burial contexts. The aim of the discussion of theories
of symbolism, materiality, affordances, and so on was not to debate the virtues or
flaws of the various theories, but merely to take up some theoretical frameworks
that could be applied to the results of the analyses.
The results of the empirical studies of hue and value (shine) indicated they
were important parts of the Mycenaean burial, at least in the three sites studied.
In my opinion, it seems that as far as both hue and value are concerned, there
was intentional, explicit symbolism in the choice of hue and in the overwhelming
amount of shine/glow from the materials, totally apart from any display of family
wealth, prestige and power through the gifts, their nature, their materials and
even the burial itself. It is impossible to be able to identify the specific meanings
in this symbolism, unfortunately, as one can do with literate societies: they could
be connected with the burial ritual and the customs, or perhaps shared social
beliefs. Applying aspects of materiality and agency vis-à-vis both inanimate and
animate objects, as well as sensory perceptions, memory and emotion to these
results can help us to recognize a new dimension, one of unintentional, perhaps
even subconscious, symbolism and message transmission that could very well
have heightened the intercommunication between the burial, the ritual and the
participants. Thus, an awareness of the possible roles of both intentional and
unintended color symbolism combined with the ideas of materiality and agency
as discussed above can add an extra dimension to our understanding of Late
Bronze age burials in the Argolid.
An attempt to illustrate this is seen in a hypothetical reconstruction of
a (typical) chamber tomb or tholos burial. The funeral itself was divided into
three (hypothetical) parts, the procession to the burial ground, the liminal stage
in the dromos between this world and the next, and the third and final one, the
 COLOR, MATERIALITY, SENSORY EXPERIENCE AND LATE BRONZE AGE 225
BURIALS IN THE ARGOLID

placement of the deceased and the gifts into the tomb and then sealing it. The
values (shininess) and hues of the objects decreased from the initial stage of total
brightness in the outdoors and the daylight through the intermittent, muted shine
and hues in the liminal world of the dromos to total blackness as the deceased and
the grave objects are placed in to tomb and the opening sealed off. Thus, kinship
identification and socio-political status intertwined with the symbolism of the
colors, emotions, sensory reception and memory,100 facilitating and heightening
the experiential response of the participants and implementing interactions and
engagement between the human and material agents.
While naturally three sites in a small area of the eastern Peloponnese do not
warrant any discussion of ‘globality’, the general similarities between three
somewhat different but culturally related sites might indicate a general Mycenaean
pattern of elite burial with small variations. Turned around, if one did not know
anything about these three sites, one would easily be able to connect them all to
the same culture, at least by observing the burial practices.

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 Weaving Identities - Local and global customs
between Early Iron Age Italy and Greece
Christoph Kremer1

This contribution discusses the connectivity of the Mediterranean during the Early Iron
Age. In contrast to already well explored tropes like the adoption of banquet equipment
and warrior ideology as institutionalised forms of networks based on hospitality, the focus
of will be laid upon the too looked overlooked role that women might have had in these.
In this regard will selected object categories of the funerary assemblage from early Iron
Age graves of females in Italy and the Eastern Mediterranean be discussed. Especially the
wide distribution of parts of the female attire - in this case study faience bead necklaces
- highlight the flow of objects and symbolisms connected to them in the Early Iron Age
Mediterranean. This shared sign system is furthermore explored by a study of textile
tools in part of these graves. These similarities in the funerary customs hint to a much
deeper interaction between the two study areas beyond a mere trade of ‘exotic’ goods.
In both region these objects expressed a part of a female identity. These identities are a
connecting factor between the two regions, expressed in a local way.1

Introduction
The Mediterranean is often seen as a sphere of interaction between its different
geographical regions. For the archaeology of the 1st millennium BC it is therefore
no surprise that this interaction between different elite groups is a central topic.
In particular, the spread of drinking habits and the diffusion of the banquet from
the Eastern Mediterranean to Early Iron Age Italy has drawn significant scholarly

1. First of all I would like to thank the organisers of the workshop ‘Global and Local. Perspectives
on Mobility in the Eastern Mediterranean‘ for giving me the possibility to publish this article.
It presents a short glimpse of my ongoing PhD project on textile production in Bronze Age
Italy. I am very grateful to Constance von Rüden, Stefan Riedel and Sven Neidig for all the
inspiring and encouraging discussions over the last years. Moreover I would like to thank them
for their patience and critical thoughts during this creative process. Furthermore I would like to
thank both anonymous reviewers for their thorough reading and their thoughtful and inspiring
critique. For any mistakes I am solely responsible.
232 CHRISTOPH KREMER

attention.2 The nature of these exchanges is often thought of as different networks

of hospitality, that linked diverse local communities. The deposition of drinking
vessels, as well as pottery types related to feasting activity during a banquet, in
Italian graves between the 10th and the 8th is seen as the adoption of a certain
‘Eastern way of life‘. These interconnections created something like a virtual
community between the participating parties.3 Other scholars speak of an ‘elite
ideology‘ of drinking and banqueting expressed by this specific burial custom
and moreover by the supposedly ‘richer‘ funerary assemblages during this time.4
The common underlying idea of such an approach is the existence of exchange
networks, linking various regions of the Mediterranean. Secondly, but more
implicitly, the existence of a certain form of a common interregional identity
negotiated through material culture can be drawn from this.
A certain weakness in this explanatory models is in my opinion, that they
artificially homogenise the spread of certain objects and specific customs on a
wider scale. This quite often overshadows the local component in the reception
and incorporation of novelties and creates an asymmetry between these regions,
reducing the receiving communities to mere absorbers. This cultural asymmetry
has recently been challenged by authors either drawing on transcultural studies5
or on input from postcolonial theories, including concepts of the third culture.6
These theoretical concepts allows us to question the structuralist views of
modern thinking, and to strengthen our understanding of the de-centralised local
diversity of past social collectives7 and to look at how people created their local
identities within the discourse of a global context.8 For the societies of the 10th
to the 8th century BC of Greece, Crete, Cyprus and Italy in particular, it should
not be forgotten that though there are a lot of general similarities, there is still a
significant regional diversity between them.9
Within this broader setting, the aim of this contribution is to reconsider the
character of exchange during the early 1st millennium BC between Italy and Greece,
more precisely during the 10th to the 8th centuries. This period is of special interest
as it establishes the social background for the developments of the Orientalizing
Period. This was a time of transition in which the various modes of exchange

2. E.g. Kistler 2010; Dietler 2010; Hodos 2006, 127f; Pieraccini 2000.
3. Crielaard 2001, 194.
4. Naso 2000, 122.
5. E.g. Panagiotopoulos 2011, 36.
6. E.g. Kistler 2010, 745.
7. Hodos 2010, 82.
8. van Dommelen 1997, 309.
9. Whitley 1991, 345; Lemos 2002, 221.
 WEAVING IDENTITIES 233

between Bronze Age Italy - starting already during the 3rd millennium BC10 -
and the Eastern Mediterranean11 were (re)established and probably reconfigured
in the course of the Early Iron Age. Along these networks different novelties
like olive cultivation,12 purple dye production,13 and the adoption of writing - to
mention just a few - spread to the Central Mediterranean. Moreover, this period
is of special interest for trying to understand the later Orientalizing Period in
Italy. Profound changes in the settlement pattern during the latest phase of the
Final Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age occur. The plateaus of the later large
urban centres of the 9th and 8th century are occupied and increase in size during
this period. More and more imported near eastern objects are found in graves14
as the funerary assemblage is generally getting richer and more complex.15
To refresh the discussion my arguments will emanate from the up to now less
explored female agents, to and shed light on their role in the supposed exchange
networks and how they take part in the construction of identities. Due to the
limited space of this article, the focus will rest on two selected object groups,
namely textile tools and faience bead necklaces. The aim of this paper is not to
present an exhaustive survey of female graves with textile tools, but rather to
raise some questions and discuss their potential within a limited archaeological
framework. The geographical case studies will mostly comprise Early Iron Age
Latium and Early Iron Age Attica. This selection is based on the archaeological
situation in these two regions, where publication of cemeteries are available and
form a viable empirical basis. Another advantage is that the sex of the human
remains have been determined anthropologically, so that the often problematic
archaeological definition of sex does not undermine the dataset.

Female graves of the Early Iron Age

As with most other parts of archaeological research, female role in the Early Iron
Age is to a large extent understudied. Apart from sex determination and specialist
studies on different object found in them, they have been significantly less considered
in the light of interregional communication. This situation is rooted in a modern
concept of gender roles in which women are far too often nearly completely absent

10. Maran 2007,18.

11. E.g. Cazzella and Recchia 2009; Jung 2009; Jung 2006; Eder and Jung 2005.
12. Evans and Recchia 2001, tab. 3.
13. Cazzella et al. 2005, 179.
14. Nijboer 2008, 434.
15. Riva 2006, 116.
234 CHRISTOPH KREMER

in archaeology.16 Yet a closer look at the funerary offerings from female graves
indicates directly that there is a lot of potential in such an approach.
Agneta Strömberg‘s study on gender in the Iron Age graves of Athens
recorded an average number of 2.0 objects in submycenaean male tombs in
comparison to an average of 5.3 finds from female graves.17 This means that
statistically there should be more evidence in the archaeological record to trace
interaction in female graves than in those of males. Yet, women somehow seem
less appealing for studies of interaction. Apart from numbers alone, it is more
interesting what might be symbolically expressed by these objects selected for
interment. Are possible gender roles expressed by them? Are there similarities in
parts of the funerary assemblage which might reflect inter-regional contacts? In
my view one of the crucial explanations for why female graves are less attractive
to many researchers, is the fact that modern gender roles are projected into these
concepts. It still is common in many archaeological studies to presume that the
female role is solemnly a part of the domestic sphere of society. Domestic in
this regard is somehow understood as something limiting and passive Following
this logic the potential for interaction is a rather small one. Beidelmann’s18
suggestion that the ‘heroes‘ of exchange are seen as the male persons buried
with swords and drinking vessels, who are circulating gifts among each other
still seems to be common sense. This division of a ‘producing‘ female sphere and
an ‘exchanging‘ male sphere has already been critiqued as a construct, which is
nearly entirely born out of the modern Western thought, stereotyping their results
in the observed society.19 This is still widely common because scholars (male
and female) are trained in an androcentric world, where they still learn to readily
accept unquestioned the male power they find in the archaeological record.20 To
be clear, it’s not my purpose to deny that domestic activity can form a part of the
female role, but I would rather argue that the role of women was not limited to
this sphere. Instead there are many instances and patterns whereby we can suggest
a supra-regional agency of the women. And I think that these aspects deserve a
greater emphasis. As the main category of finds we deal with in the search for
gender roles is evidence from funerals, we should not forget the specific problems
and limits we are facing when we deal with this specific type of archaeological
source. Funerary assemblages are perhaps not displaying one’s actual role in

16. McCafferty 2009, 22.

17. Strömberg 1993, 44ff.
18. Beidelman, 1989: 231.
19. Strathern, 1990, 72f; Koltsia 2007, 125; Arnold 1995; McCafferty 2009.
20. Hodder 1991, 13.
 WEAVING IDENTITIES 235

society, but rather an idealized image of status, age or gender attributed to the
deceased. It is not my purpose here to discuss this matter in detail, the concept of
‘role‘ in this article is regarded as something which has been ascribed by society,
rather than an actual individual formulation of it. Several authors have already
challenged this view of the non-active women. Susan Langdon has critiqued the
view that the wealth of rich female graves was an expression of richness of the
kin group, rather than an expression of the individual wealth of these women.21
If we now start to take a look at the archaeological evidence for roles we find
different evidence to strengthen this point. A part of the female role indeed can be
explained by the domestic. The two chests with the granary models found in the
grave of the ‘Rich Athenian Lady‘ of the Areopag22 might be a good starting point
for such a discussion. These artefacts may symbolise grain storage, and may well
be seen as referring to the domestic sphere of production and fertility.23 They are
produced using local clays and as the distribution of the so far known 27 examples
show, it seems to be a specific burial custom of Attica.24 A possible predecessor of
this rite is found in Euboea, in PG Grave 22 at Palia Perivolia. Among the grave
goods was found a small ceramic chest which is commonly regarded as being a
prototype of the chest found in the tomb of the Rich Athenian Lady, though its lid
was not decorated with a granary model.25 They can be aligned with other similarities
observed in the burial customs between these two Regions, in male and female
graves alike.The limited distribution of these granary models in the area of Attica
is to be seen as a local concept relating to the representation of women - especially
of rich women, as the examples from the Rich Athenian Lady and from the Isis
Tomb in Eleusis indicate. Langdon’s interesting reading that they could be linked
to early cults of Demeter and Kore26 might be a further argument which supports
their domestic interpretation. This specific feature might be a representation of
domestic activity, related to women, yet its limited distribution connects it rather to
a local context, than to an inter-regional. But this is just one side of the coin, as this
observation emanates only from a tiny part of the funerary assemblage. As we shall
see, other objects from the tomb of the Rich Athenian Lady point to a connection
to supra-regional exchange through their wide distribution in the Mediterranean.

21. Langdon 2005, 5.

22. Smithson 1968, 93f.
23. The critique on the interpretation as granaries has recently been rediscussed by Morris and
Papadopoulos (2004, 229), who bring good arguments in favour of their interpretation as
granaries.
24. Langdon 2005, 10.
25. Coldstream 1995, 401.
26. Langdon 2005, 15f.
236 CHRISTOPH KREMER

Fig. 1: Faience disk bead necklaces: 1) Osteria dell‘Osa tomb 117 (after Bietti Sestieri 2008: fig
4); 2) Areopag tomb of the Rich Athenian Lady (after Smithson 1968: Pl. 33); 3) Lefkandi, Toumba
cemetery tomb 40 (after Popham and Lemos 1996: Pl. 44); 4) Lefkandi, Toumba Cemetery tomb
39 (after Popham and Lemos 1996: Pl. 40); 5) Lefkandi, Toumba Cemetery tomb 38 (after Popham
and Lemos 1996: Pl. 40); 6) Lefkandi, Toumba Cemetery tomb 45 (after Popham and Lemos
1996: Pl. 51); 7) Lefkandi, Toumba Cemetery tomb 46 (after Popham and Lemos 1996: Pl. 53); 8)
Lefkandi, Toumba Cemetery tomb 63 (after Popham and Lemos 1996: Pl. 70); 9) Lefkandi, Toumba
Cemetery tomb 80 (after Popham and Lemos 1996: Pl. 85).

One of the means by which different identities can be communicated and

which are traditionally associated with women are different kinds of jewellery.27
Among the precious jewellery of the grave like the golden ear- and finger-rings,
or the ivory objects,28 especially the necklace produced of more than 1100 blue-
green faience disk-beads29 is of interest for this present discussion. This kind
of jewellery was probably produced in the Near East and has a widespread

27. Iaia 2007, 520.

28. Smithson 1968, 83.
29. Smithson 1968, pl. 33, 78.
 WEAVING IDENTITIES 237

distribution in the Mediterranean (Fig. 1)30. It is found in rich female graves, like
the tomb 21 in Amathous, dating to CG II (first half of the 9th century BC) which
contained a necklace of 924 faience beads of the same type as the one from the
grave of the Rich Athenian Lady.31 The distribution also includes Cretan graves,
where faience disk beads are commonly found in different graves of the Knossos
North cemetery32 and on other sites from the Protogeometric Period onwards.33
A dense concentration of this type of jewellery can be found in the Geometric
cemeteries of Lefkandi, Euboea where seventeen female graves yielded necklaces
of blue and green faience disk-beads.34 In Athens and Attica they are also common
from the 9th century as a marker of rich female graves. They have also been found,
for example, in the early 9th century grave of the Odos Hag. Dimitriou or the Isis
Tomb in Eleusis of the late 9th century BC35 and tomb 144 of the Kerameikos
cemetery.36 Apart from the Eastern Mediterranean, necklaces made out of faience
disk beads are also found in Italy. It is necessary to observe that they are not that
densely distributed as in the Eastern Mediterranean, but concentrated in certain
rich tombs. From the second half of 9th century onward they are found in a few
rich female graves, but are absent in male graves. Like the Tomba dei Bronzetti
Sardi of the Cavalupo necropolis in Vulci,37 tomb 1 of the Poggio delle Granate
in Populonia38 or in Grave 117 of the necropolis of Osteria del‘Osa.39 In graves
of the 8th and 7th century they are found more frequently. Sometimes the discoid
faience beads were combined together with bone beads to form the necklaces.
This wide distribution of a similar type of jewellery - although the survey of the
evidence is far from being complete - is already a first indicator that apart from
their role in local household communities, women seem to take part in the some
sort of interregional exchange, as this shared burial custom is indicating. So it
seems difficult to retain the idea of a solely domestic role for women in society, at
least if we consider the burial evidence more closely. Another interesting aspect

30. Nightingale 2009, 503.

31. Gjerstad 1935, Pl. 25, 49;50.
32. e. g. Knossos Medical Faculty Site tomb 100SW (Coldstream and Catling Vol. I, Pl 298).
33. Coldstream et al. 1996, 600.
34. S Tomb 16, P Tomb 21, P Tomb 25 B, P Tomb 42, P Tomb 47, T Tomb 1, T Tomb 12A: Popham,
Sackett and Themelis, 1980; Lefkandi Toumba Cemetery tomb 38, 39, 40, 42; 45, 46, 56; 63,
74, 80: (Popham and Lemos 1996).
35. Skias 1898, pl. 6.
36. Ruppenstein 2007, 232.
37. Fugazzola Delpino 1984, 96-106.
38. Fedeli 1983, 82ff.
39. Bietti Sestieri 2008, 145, fig. 4.
238 CHRISTOPH KREMER

is, that we see a shared way of expressing female status in certain graves between
large parts of the Eastern Mediterranean and the Central Mediterranean.
If we turn now to Italy, we can similarly observe a specific role for women
in the society expressed in their local burial customs. The use of hut urns as a
container for the cremated bones of the deceased since the 8th is seen as having
a growing importance of the household.40 It is believed that political control of
these communities was practised by men,41 whereas the distribution of food and
drink seems to be associated with female identity, as food containers and drinking
vessels in graves might indicate.42 But beside this evidence also for the Italian Iron
Age it can be argued that women had a role which was far from being exclusively
related to the household community. Quite often axes or knifes are found in female
graves of Italy often interpreted as belonging to sacrificial practices or commensal
rituals centred around food preparation. It should not be forgotten, however, that the
sharing of meat is an important activity in a lot of commensal rituals. The agency of
women can sometimes also expressed by objects that we would normally consider
to be belonging to the male sphere. Surprisingly, nearly half of the graves with
chariots are those of females, showing that the notion of power is not restricted to
men but is also something a women can acquire.43 Moreover, the first writing in
Italy for example is exclusively found in female graves of the 7th century in the form
of epigraphic graffiti on pottery and textile tools. Only in the following centuries is
some sort of representation of writing found also in rich male graves.44 Apart from
this, textile tools are seen as a status indicator for rich women, though at the same
time they are often referred as presenting a domestic role.

Textile production tools in Early Iron Age female graves

Textile production tools are quite common in female graves of the Early Iron Age
in the Eastern and Central Mediterranean. Usually they comprise different kinds
of tools for spinning, like spindle whorls, or whole spindles and distaffs. Weaving
is symbolised in the funerary assemblage by loom-weights, weights for tablet
weaving or sometimes by models of looms.
Even though most of the textile tools are found in rich female graves,
they are interpreted as symbolising a domestic role of women through textile

40. Riva 2006, 120.

41. Bietti Sestieri 2008, 155.
42. Bietti Sestieri 2008, 156.
43. Riva 2010; Metzner-Nebelsick 2009.
44. Bagnasco Gianni 1999, 85-106.
 WEAVING IDENTITIES 239

production for the household community. This interpretation is on the one

hand due to the modern conception of gender, but also a misconception of the
economic production mode of certain goods. Though textiles can be produced
in an domestic environment this does not mean that they were just produced
for it. A good comparison can be found in Post-Classical Mexico were textiles
produced in a domestic mode did provide to the local market economy.45 One the
other side is this view an oversimplification of the role textiles have in a lot of
societies. Beside their function for the distinction of differences such as gender,
class or age,46 they have an active role in numerous rituals.47 So it is no surprise
that examples of weaving equipment produced in precious materials like glass or
amber are seen as a non-functional representation of the textile craft, which were
associated with rich women.48 Though the more lavishly produced examples are
readily accepted as being status bearing objects, they still are seen in a functional
way representing a craft within the household.49 We need to note that the majority
of them are made of simple materials like impasto clay and do not receive much
attention by researchers unless they appear in great numbers. The origin of this
specific burial custom is less well studied in contrast to research on examples
coming from the Orientalizing Period. The first textile production tools are found
in the graves of the Thapsos culture of south eastern Sicily during the 14th century
BC (e. g. Tomb 7 in Thapsos).50 They become part of a funerary assemblage in
the same period as Eastern Mediterranean imports like Mycenaean pottery were
deposited in graves for the first time. Other imports like amber bead necklaces
and ivory combs from female graves have close parallels in the burial customs
of Late Helladic Greece and in Late Bronze Age Cyprus, indicating a possible
eastern influence of this specific burial custom.
In Greece spindle whorls are found already in Late Chalcolithic graves on the
Cyclades, but the peak of this rite can be found in the Late Bronze Age. During
this time, spindle whorls made out of clay or steatite are very common in female
graves. The five golden spindles from circle A, grave 3 at Mycaenae,51 as well as
the ivory spindles from tomb 152 and tomb 65 at Perati, Attica52 are rare exceptions
and underline vividly their function as prestige items. During the Early Iron Age

45. McCaffertey and McCafferty 1991, 23.

46. Gleba 2009, 70.
47. Wagner-Hasel 2007, 330.
48. Gleba 2008, 173.
49. Ammann 2000, 276.
50. Orsi 1895, 103.
51. Karo 1930, pl. 17.
52. Iakovides 1969, pl. 15 and pl. 23.
240 CHRISTOPH KREMER

Fig. 2: Bronze Spindles: 1) Torre Galli Tom 92 (after Pacciarelli 1999: Pl 69); 2-3) Le Caprine
Tomb 5 (after Damiani & Villa 2005: fig. 2); 4) Rocca Malatestiana, Verucchio Tomb 47 (after
Forte 1994: 79).

this custom is still frequently found, although it is now less common and only
found in some rich burials. The grave already discussed of the ‘Rich Athenian
Lady‘, for example, contained two clay spindle whorls53. Other examples of clay
spindle whorls have been found in 9th century graves at Athens in Areopag Grave
D 16:2,54 in tomb G 39 and G12 in the Kerameikos55 and Odos Adrianou tomb
PH II.56 Examples made of faience are known only from Keramaikos tomb 146.57
A close parallel was found in tomb 100 of the Medical Faculty site in Knossos.58
This represents a surprising find, for spindle whorls made out of other materials
than clay are normally not common anymore in Greece during this period. The
exception seems to be Crete where one spindle whorl was found in tomb 283 of

53. Smithson 1968, pl. 30, 58-59.

54. Young 1949, pl. 72, 24.
55. Kübler 1974, 216-218, 235.
56. Smithson 1974, 379ff.
57. Ruppenstein 2007, 233.
58. Coldstream et al. 1996, 133.
 WEAVING IDENTITIES 241

the medical faculty site, which was produced of serpentenite and another one made
out of chlorite.59 Whole spindles in the grave are considerable rare in the Early
Iron Age of the Eastern Mediterranean. The only examples so far known are from
Cyprus. One was found in the Cypro-Geometric I tomb 78 at Palaepaphos - Skales
and consists of an iron rod with an attached spindle whorl.60 Two other ones made
of bronze are without a secure context and came to light in the Bulwer Collection
in Cambridge, but they can be at least attributed to come from the cemetery of
Tamassos.61
Turning back to Italy we can observe a similar but different situation in the
Early Iron Age. The first textile production tools found in graves are produced
in a rather simple fashion, made of local impasto clay. The custom of burying
textile tools with rich women was not simply adopted from the East, but was
modified in a local way. Beside spindle whorls, small clay weights - the so called
rocchetti - are found frequently in richer graves.62 They may have been used
for a special weaving technique - tablet weaving - which was used to produce
special decorated borders for textiles. Sometimes these were embroidered with
different patterns or special dyes, like the purple dyed border of mantle 2 found
in Verrucchio tomb 89 is demonstrating.63 In other parts of the Mediterranean this
technique is not known from archaeological finds, but can be reconstructed for
the Eastern Mediterranean by iconography. By the turn of the 1st millennium BC.
this tradition of placing such weights in graves is distributed further north in Italy.
Alongside this widening distribution, the first metal spindles are found in graves
together with other textile production tools. Like the spindles from Pantano di
Cleto64 or Torre Galli tomb 92.65 One of the first bronze spindles in Central Italy
is found among the grave goods belonging to a young girl from Le Caprine,
tomb 5 in Latium. The tomb is dated to the latest phase of the Italian Final
Bronze Age.66 Slightly later examples dating to the Latial II B2 Period (second
half of the 9th century BC) are found in Osteria dell‘Osa. Grave 44 yielded a
wooden spindle covered by a bronze sheet.67 One other early example was found

59. Coldstream et al. 1996, 623.

60. Karageorghis 1983, 241, pl. CLI.
61. Buchholz 2010, 130, fig. 61 a and b.
62. Gleba 2008, 173.
63. von Eles 2002, 220.
64. Gleba 2011, 28.
65. Pacciarelli 1999, 69.
66. Damiani and Villa 2005, 65, fig. 2.
67. Bietti Sestieri 1992, 747.
242 CHRISTOPH KREMER

in grave 47 and was completely produced of a bronze sheet.68 Symbolic textile

tools, mostly distaffs and spindles made out of precious materials were a part of
female symbolism, especially in graves, from the 8th-7th centuries onward. Most
of them were perhaps not practically used in everyday production of textiles,
because of their costly materials but were designed to be a symbol.69 The great
variety in materials used, the kind of textile tools in the graves and their number
make it still difficult to interpret the textile tools in the current state of research
(Fig. 2). Thus it seems that this special custom was most likely adopted from the
Eastern Mediterranean during the late Middle Bronze Age of Italy and is slowly
transformed in the course of the 1st millennium to a status symbol itself.
Apart from this textile tools, a recent study on the handmade globular pyxis
from Protogeometric Greece and the Eastern Mediterranean, highlight another
case in which an object connected with textile production was distributed widely
in the Mediterranean and especially in the graves of women.

Social Networks - Hospitality in the Iron Age Mediterranean

The wide distribution of certain kinds of objects and burial customs between
Cyprus, Greece, Crete and Italy, as well as other parts of the Mediterranean now
needs to be explained. We cannot describe exotic items as just being imported from
afar and laid in the grave because of their intrinsic value, when they are regularly
incorporated in local burial customs. One possible way to describe this is the
assumption that certain objects and customs circulated by the means of networks
of hospitality.70 In many pre-state societies it is a valid way for interaction between
different geographical regions to be practised. This has already been used to describe
the diffusion of drinking habits and seems to me to be a good way to explain the
connection between these regions. As gift-giving has been widely discussed for
a long time now, I do not want to delve too deeply into general principles, but
rather highlight some aspects which are relevant to describe the role of women
and textiles in it. In order to envisage networks of hospitality in the period of study
we have to rely on written sources. Long range contacts could also be a source of
power in a local context.71 The Homeric epics illustrate vividly social interaction in
a period quite close to the 1st millennium BC. The historicity of the epics and the
society described in them are still controversial, but this goes beyond the current

68. Bietti Sestieri 1992, 755.

69. Gleba 2011, 27.
70. Kistler 2010, 744.
71. Schon 2010, 235; Helms 1988.
 WEAVING IDENTITIES 243

discussion. However this is not of central concern to my arguments, because I do

not intend to find direct matches between the written texts and the archaeological
record, but rather I seek to pinpoint broader similarities which can be found between
the epics and the archaeological record.72
At first it is important to clarify the ancient Greek terms which are used in the
written sources, in order to understand the concepts which are used by the ancient
authors. One of the Greek terms used to describe guest-friendship is xenos. It
denotes ritualised communication over a long distance between two persons, which
grants them mutual rights and responsibilities. Sometimes this relationship can be
so intense that it is even considered to be kin-like. Important expressions of this
relationship are gift-giving and feasting. Gifts are given on special occasions, mostly
rituals of status change, like weddings or funerals. They establish a connection over
a long distance by creating a reciprocal memory between the xenoi. Funerals are
of great importance as they link multiple generations by the grave offerings given
to the deceased. They are also a good example which highlights that reciprocity is
not only constructed over geographical distances, but also through time. Gifts to the
deceased represent a connection between different generations and restructure the
created bond through time. From the epics, we can observe categories of objects
that are commonly bestowed as gifts. The first are metal objects, such as drinking
vessels, weapons or armour. The second category comprises many kinds of textiles
including veils, robes, or other types of fabrics. It is important to note that it is
possible to distinguish which part of the society is donating which object. The
textiles are in general given by the basileus himself or by him and his wife. Metal
objects on the other hand are more likely to be given by the demos.73 This division
is directly related with the value that textiles and textile production had. Unlike
metallic gifts, which could have been already in gift-giving cycles for quite a time,
textiles used as gifts have a special value. They are produced by the basilissa, which
means that they are actually produced within the oikos of one xenos. By exchanging
items crafted in your own household you establish a more personal relation with
your guest-friend, than you would do with objects which are not produced locally,
but which gained their value by its former bearer.74 This observation is strengthened
by the fact that textile production is always associated with women of a high status.
They are probably not producing everyday textiles, but often textiles for a special
occasion or with a specific value. Penelope for example weaves the shroud for
Laertes, her father-in-law. Besides she and other women are described as weaving

72. Ulf 2002, 346.

73. Wagner-Hasel 2000, 134.
74. Wagner-Hasel 2003, 169.
244 CHRISTOPH KREMER

precious purple dyed textiles, which were highly in demand.75 Their production
was time consuming with all the steps necessary to produce them, especially it was
expensive to obtain the dye for them. So it is no surprise that in the epics purple
dyed textiles are only worn or even owned by individuals of high rank.76 Apart from
the role actual textiles and their craftpersons played in gift-exchange, there is some
- even though sparse - evidence for women actually exchanging goods. Moreover
the items exchanged are high prestige textile tools. In one episode of the Odyssey,77
Helen of Sparta, wife of Menelaos, gives a golden spindle and a silver basket for the
raw wool come to the wife of guest-friend of her husband. This demonstrates that
besides the role the product of their work played in gift-exchange between xenoi,
that women may have at times played an active role in gift exchange.

Creating the global and yet local

Now that the archaeological record as well as a possible model for the explanation
of this exchange has been, the question remains how this can be related to the
construction of identities. An important part of the xenie is that it is creating an
interregional social collective78 on the basis of networks of hospitality between the
involved parties. The reciprocal exchange between the xenoi is (re)defining and (re)
shaping their identity with every interaction, as well as through its very existence.79
Identity shall be seen here as a shared construction of a social collective based on
common origins, or exclusively shared characteristics. It is to be understood as an
on-going discursive delimitation, rather than a fixed status.80 It is expressed by the
habitus of a local social collective. The habitus of a social collectives can be defined
in the following manner:

Systems of durable, transposable dispositions, structured structures predisposed

to function as structuring structures, that is, as principles which generate and
organize practices and representations that can be objectively adapted to their
outcomes without presupposing a conscious aiming at ends or an express mastery
of the operations necessary in order to attain them [...]
(Bourdieu 1990, 53)

75. Blum 1998, 68.

76. Blum 1998, 68.
77. Homer, 4, 130.
78. According to Bhabha (2004: 5) social collectives are specific temporal constellations sharing a
lot of common elements with others.
79. Beidelmann 1989, 231.
80. Hall 1996, 3.
 WEAVING IDENTITIES 245

These dispositions are developed by each member of a social collective by

his/her own experiences memorised within their bodies. They define a certain
taste and lifestyle of a group, which is used as a medium of exclusion and
delimitation.81 It is suggesting a certain form of typical collective behavior.82 The
habitus is the basic cohesive force which forms a group identity, as well as all
the different identities expressed inside this collective. It is visible by material
culture, which form the result of behaviour of human beings. Burials are a good
example for this concept, as the funerary assemblage does not represent directly
the deceased but rather the society burying him or her.83 The problem with the
interpretation of the funerary assemblage is hence at first that it is difficult to
approach the symbolized meanings expressed by the objects. Often they do not
have just one meaning at the same time, but are expressing multiple purposes
at the same time.84 This is the case with the granaries in female burials of Early
Iron Age Attica, or with the weapons and chariots in female graves in Italy.
These are examples of how a special local identity, in this case of rich women,
is represented each in their local context. The identity must not be exclusively
something which is only expressed in a local way. As the glimpse at the written
sources has indicated, defined networks of hospitality and their specific group
identity may reflect shared global habitus. An individual can be part of multiple
collectives which have each their own customs. So one can act with different
habitus at the same time. Gift-giving and various rituals of commensality are
forming the ties of these networks and are important foundation points. Single
objects may also express a shared identity as they are created to serve a specific
requirement of a group. They function also as a medium to memorize and
materialize ties within a group.85
This is the case, for example, with the wide geographical distribution of
necklaces produced of faience disk beads in rich female graves. Its bearer
affiliates herself to an interregional social collective by wearing this particular
object. In this case of global interaction it should be noted that the local
habitus is modified by the incorporation of certain elements of the other group
behavior.86 It is exactly these moments of interaction which postcolonial
studies are concerned with and where their analytical strength lies, compared

81. Bourdieu 1982, 44.

82. Bourdieu 1979, 186.
83. Parker Pearson 1999, 84.
84. Sørensen 2005, 289, fig. 3.
85. Feldman 2006, 165.
86. Krais and Gebauer 2010, 43.
246 CHRISTOPH KREMER

to concepts as diffusion or acculturation.87 As the integration of a habitus is

not something happening in an instant, but rather a process of repeated social
memorisation through different fluid interaction.88 Possible encounters could
take place during feasting, which is one crucial tie of hospitality. It has been
already shown how feasting is involving the whole body in the perception
of it and to be an important factor in memorising social practices.89 Various
archaeological features underline the role of feasting in this encounter. The
interaction itself has been described as a third space by postcolonial theorists,
most notably Homi Bhabha. Something central in Bhaba’s notion of third space
is, that the different encounters are not creating an amalgam of the two elements
of the interacting collectives, but rather something substantially new in which
ones known social identities are challenged and newly negotiated.90 To this field
of theory can be added the concept of ‘glocalization‘ - emanating from social
theory - which has been applied to describe the merging of global and the local
to a new cultural entity, in which impulses from the outside are transformed by
incorporating them in the local social context.91
Regarding funerary assemblages of female graves, this may best be explained
by the textile tools. It is not a concrete object which is used to show membership
of a certain social figuration, but rather the craft, or more general the activity
which is used to express the affiliation. This means that it is not a type of object
which can be compared between different regions, but rather a custom referring
to the geographical area within which it was shared.92 As we can see by a cross-
cultural comparison between, Greece, Crete‚ Cyprus and Italy we have the
same practice expressed by different objects, every time in its respective local
interpretation. Textile tools from Italy are therefore of special interest. There
are not the only kind of tools being deposited in graves, but they are reflecting
different technological traditions. This shared interregional habitus of burying
a rich woman with textile tools is in the first instance restricted to a certain
class of society. In the course of the 8th century BC this custom became more
common and is broadly distributed in female graves and distinction of social
status is then expressed by tools - mostly spindles - made of metal or other
precious materials, and these have become a prestige item in their own right. A
possible explanation for this can be that the habitus is being desired by other

87. Fahlander 2008, 29.

88. Fahlander 2008, 22.
89. Hamilakis 1998, 117.
90. Bhabha 2004, 54.
91. Maran 2011, 283.
92. Russell 2010, 107.
 WEAVING IDENTITIES 247

groups of the society that were previously excluded from this global collective.
These groups try to adopt the signs used by the high status collective to express
their affiliation.93 This can lead to a situation, in which a former global identity
has become a local point of reference instead.

Conclusion
As this brief discussion of some of the grave assemblages of the 1st millennium
BC has shown, there is still considerable potential for understanding the various
ways that women may have contributed to different types of exchange during
the Early Iron Age in the Mediterranean. As it might have been visible, they
enable us to discuss aspects of diverse exchange networks on a different level
as it has been done for most of the time. And of course in a different manner, as
has been discussed for a long time with male burials. The study of their grave
offerings open up another sphere of these societies which has been considerably
understudied. By comparing the graves of both sexes we might be able to gain a
more complete picture than just what the dominant research tradition allows. On
the other side we have gained a rather new research subject to study the way in
which more global ideas might be adapted and transformed on a local level by the
means of networks of shared customs between certain parts of the society.
The wide distribution of jewellery like the faience disk-bead necklaces
in the Central and Eastern Mediterranean displays how networks might have
communicated some sort of shared taste between different geographical regions as
they reflect the affiliations of its bearer within this supra-regional social collective.
Furthermore, textile production tools make it possible to trace local variations
of another widely distributed aspect of the burial rites. As the archaeological
material suggests, the custom of burying women of high status with textile tools
is an influence from the Eastern Mediterranean which was adopted in Italy during
the Late Bronze Age. In the course of the 1st millennium BC these tools become
more common in graves. They are by that time made of metals and probably
other precious materials in some of the richest burials. This seems to be a local
variation of this widely distributed custom, as metal spindles are unknown in
most part of the Eastern Mediterranean apart from Cyprus. All of these customs
are part of the materialisation of shared global aspects of the habitus of these
groups, materialising a collective identity. This does not mean that the identity of
the local group is less meaningful and that there is not a strong degree of diversity
between these groups. Instead the coincidence and even the entanglement of a

93. Elias 1997, 353.

248 CHRISTOPH KREMER

global and a local identity is what we are observing if we take a detailed look at
the funerary assemblage. But as with most of the archaeological evidence we can
trace this just for certain groups of the society, supposing that the participation in
this rite might have been a source of inequality.

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 Adoring the past: Anthropomorphic art and body
language in the Iron Age Mediterranean
Christian Mühlenbock

The current article examines the role anthropomorphic representations in the Iron Age
Mediterranean. Using two case studies, one from Cyprus and one from Sicily, it is noted
that similar body gestures – the uplifted arms - on corplastic figurines was distributed
over a vast areas of time and space. Originating in Cretan Bronze Age, the gesture
regained its popularity several hundred years later in the Iron Age. The posture was
eventually integrated in a multitude of ways in many local communities in the Cyprus,
in the Aegean and in Italy and Sicily. While the local significance of the gesture no doubt
was of commanding importance it is also argued that it also became popular because it
was part of a Mediterranean body language with deep roots and a distant mythical past.
The conclusion is therefore that the gesture with the uplifted arms was part of a well-
known body language which was part of a cohesive force to bind different parts of the
Mediterranean closer together.

Introduction
Gestures and body language, along with speech, are our most fundamental vehicles
to communicate with each other. Bodily expressions, or body techniques – a term
for nonverbal communication coined by Marcel Mauss –, are fundamental in
expressing identity and cultural belonging.1 In his frequently quoted text, Mauss
offers multiple examples of how body techniques are both inherited in what he
refers to as Habitus and also adopted by individuals who mimic body languages in
order to associate themselves with a certain group.2 This is for instance highlighted
in Mauss’ own experiences from World War I when he was hospitalised in New
York and with a keen eye observed that the nurses there had an unusual way
to walk. He then came to the conclusion that they did so inspired by female
actors from Hollywood movies. Later, when he observed the same phenomenon

1. Mauss 1973 [1935].

2. Mauss 1973 [1935].
254 CHRISTIAN MÜHLENBOCK

among females in Paris he realised that the American cinema was responsible
there too.3 In a similar fashion he recognised that the French and English armies
mastered different body techniques when digging trenches during World War I;
hence, when the English were presented with tools from the French arsenal they
were unable to utilise them properly and vice versa. Therefore, all spades had
to be changed whenever one group relived the other.4 It follows that carefully
observing present as well as historical bodily practices carries the potential to not
only demonstrate how body techniques are exchanged between individuals, but
also how body techniques can be culturally restricted, thus signalling belonging
and exclusion. We can therefore expect that body language is closely related to
human identity, not only on a national and cultural level, but also on an everyday
basis between people from different classes and different genders.5
When studying humans from prehistory or historical societies without written
records, we are often able to study snapshots of human movements which are
presented and encoded by artists from the past on wall paintings, on pottery or in
the shape of figurines. Since we, most of the time, lack textual descriptions, we are
often left in the dark about what these human representations actually mean. Simply
speaking, we are trying to interpret an interpretation.6 A common method to overcome
this difficulty in past studies has been to seek more all-encompassing solutions
that try to designate specific representations to single categories. Often inspired
by psychoanalysis and structuralism, researchers have tried to find underlying and
inherited subconscious body techniques which are common to all humans.7
The most famous or perhaps infamous example of this last sort is trying to
designate all pre-historic female figurative representations to one single “mother
goddess” whose bodily traits stands for reproduction and re-birth.8 Although these
essentialist attempts promptly were heavily criticised and generally rejected,9
the “mother goddess theory” has been surprisingly long lived.10 As Morris has
observed these theories are problematic because they essentially make variety
insignificant since they privilege group uniformity.11

3. Mauss 1973 [1935], 72.

4. Mauss 1973 [1935], 71.
5. Bremmer 1991; Thomas 1991.
6. Joyce 1993, 255-257.
7. Goodison and Morris 1998.
8. Meskell 1995; Goodison and Morris 1998 for overviews of this.
9. Fleming 1969; Ucko 1968.
10. Morris 2009, 180.
11. Morris 2009, 181.
 ADORING THE PAST 255

The contextual perspective

During the past 30 years more and more researchers have acknowledged that
variety matters and that contextual analysis is of outmost importance if we are to
make sense of past human representations.12 Joyce notes that although figurative
representations from around the globe appear to be similar, these representations
often mask carefully selected and crafted attributes that are very important in the
dialectic process of creating identities. Therefore, she comes to the conclusion
that it is imperative to recognise what appears to be even to most insignificant
detail when studying figurines from the past.13
Tringham and Conkey have emphasised the need to examine the nature of
the archaeological context where the figurative representations were found.14
They argue that when trying to make sense of a figurative representation it is
of major importance if the object was found in a house or in a rubbish pit, for
example. Furthermore, we have to investigate what other objects were associated
with the object we are interested in. Hence, with more precise recognition of the
uniqueness of the object of study, combined with its contextual relationships, we
will be able to better understand its social and cultural dimensions.15

The Mediterranean perspective

However, emphasising local contexts and restricted social and symbolic meaning
in figurative studies do not exclude the possibility that we simultaneously find
shared, or at least similar, meanings among dispersed contexts located in wide
geographical areas. The “mother goddess” theory discussed above is indeed
an extreme example but during periods of intense economic and social contact
between regions, like for instance during the European Bronze Age, we also know
that material expressions as well as ideas spread over vast geographical areas.16
After the collapse of the interregional exchange networks around the 12th
century BC, the period after 900 BC witnessed a renewed contact between
particularly the coastal regions in the eastern Mediterranean.17 The contact zone
were subsequently expanded, and in the wake of Phonician and Greek colonial
endeavours the interior regions of the colonised areas were eventually more

12. E.g. Hodder 1982; Shanks and Tilley 1987.

13. Joyce 1993, 256.
14. Tringham and Conkey 1998, 27-29.
15. Morris and Peatfield 2002; Morris 2009, 180; Stig Sørensen and Rebay-Salisbury 2012.
16. Sherratt and Sherratt 1991; Sherratt and Sherratt 1993; Kristansen and Larsson 2005.
17. Sherratt and Sherratt 1993, 364-365.
256 CHRISTIAN MÜHLENBOCK

firmly integrated into a wider network of exchange.18 What emerged during the
following centuries, contradictory to the heavily centralised economy of the
previous Bronze Age, was a network of numerous independent, political and
economic entities which were more or less active in the Mediterranean arena.19
It is true that some regions still were dominant in production and trade but the
capacity of independent city-states and independent tradesmen created a process
which some scholars have compared to modern globalization.20 The more
arbitrary and random modes of interaction, similar to what we find in the modern
world of today, resulted in two major trajectories in how new products and new
ideas and institutions were appropriated by local communities. On the one hand
we find the creation of a similar Mediterranean culture, what Ian Morris refers
to as Mediteranisation. This process resulted in a more coherent line of desires
among different Mediterranean communities.21 On the other hand, the lack of
centralized authority also led to a more local translation of the shared cultural
elements, which, at least during the 7th and 6th centuries BC resulted in a more
irregular and transformative appropriation of goods and ideas.22

Goddess figurines, anthropomorphic cups and artistic traditions

In this paper, and in consideration of the above previous studies, I will deal
with four three-dimensional figurative representations from Cyprus and Sicily
(two from each island). The most obvious trait shared by these four examples
is that they all hold their arms beside their heads in an upright position. The
gesture is otherwise, at least in Mediterranean research, perhaps most well-
known from final and post-palatial (1450-1200 BC) Crete where it is associated
with so-called “goddess” figurines.23 These coroplastic figurines have mostly
been found in association with sanctuary buildings where they typically hold
prominent positions of worship.24 In this text however, I will engage with similar
representations of much later date. The aim here is trying to understand how and
why the gesture with uplifted arms observed in Bronze Age Crete was revitalised
during the archaic period, and also why the gesture with it gained in popularity
among the population in new Mediterranean territories.

18. Sherratt and Sherratt 1993, 367-369.

19. Malkin 2011, 22.
20. Morris 2003; Sherratt 2003; Hodos, 2006, 2010; Malkin 2011.
21. Morris 2003; Hodos 2010.
22. E.g. Sherratt 2012.
23. Gesell 2004.
24. Gesell 2004.
 ADORING THE PAST 257

Fig. 1: Map over the Eastern and the central Mediterranean with the two main sites mentioned in
the text (Ajia Irini, Cyprus and Monte Polizzo, Sicily) highlighted. Scale 1:1300000.

Although Sicily and Cyprus are ecologically similar, their historical

development has been quite different. Much of the difference is probably related
to geography and geology; while Cyprus is located close to the easternmost
shores of the Mediterranean, Sicily enjoys a strategic position in its very centre
(Fig. 1). The differences in history, political, economic and social relationships
are reflected in the artistic influences and developments in two islands over time.
Cypriot prehistory is replete with anthropomorphic representations from
earliest human occupation of the island until the present. Among the earliest
Cypriot figures the ones from Khirokitia (7000-5500 BC) are mostly phallic
shaped but two examples also depict sexually ambiguous figures.25 Also from

25. Christou 2006, 98.

258 CHRISTIAN MÜHLENBOCK

one of the earliest Neolithic sites in Cyprus, Petra tou Limniti, comes two oval
shaped stone idols which clearly, in a very simplistic way, combine both male
and female genitalia.26 Sicily was inhabited much earlier than Cyprus and here
the earliest traces depicting humans are rock paintings dating to around 10000
BC.27 Figurines, on the other hand exist from around 5000 BC onwards and
the first anthropomorphic representations are limited to human heads, making
gender determination difficult.28 From the Early Chalcolithic (3500-3000 BC)
tombs of Piano Vento, we do find anthropomorphic figures in Sicily representing
a male and a more sexually ambiguous figure depicting a mixed human/animal
representation nick-named the “centaur”.29 Roughly from the same time, from
Cozzo Busoné, not very far from Agrigento, come two pebble figurines of phallic
shape with pecked female attributes filled with red ochre.30
The most well-known figurines from Cypriot Chalcolithic (4000/3500-
2500/2200 BC) are the cross-shaped stone idols in various sizes, representing
what is assumed to be seated females. Although their meaning is disputed, their
physical shape, in their most stylized form; represent complete human bodies.31
Normally they have outstretched arms, legs in a squatting position, a head and
sometimes additional details such as breasts and feet.32 From the Bronze Age
(2500/2300-1050 BC) and at least into the Iron Age, terracotta became the
favourite material for Cypriote figurine craftsmen. The earliest Bronze Age
examples are the early plank figurines which were produced from the final phase
of Early Cypriote Bronze Age to sometime in the Middle Cypriote Bronze Age
(c. 2000-1800 BC). Their typical characteristics are the rectangular plank shape
fashioned out of a relatively thin piece of terracotta. The rectangular head and
face, with a moulded nose and incised eyes and sometimes incised mouth, is
attached to a long neck joining a rectangular body which is often is adorned
with incised lines in various decorative patterns.33 Some plank figurines can be
multi-faced and others carry a baby.34 Traditionally the plank figures have mostly
been interpreted as feminine.35 But there is an ever increasing awareness that

26. Åström 2003, 32.

27. Leighton 1999, 38.
28. Leighton 1999, 67.
29. Leighton 1999, 96.
30. Leighton 1999, 97.
31. Åström 2003, 31.
32. a Campo 1994, 80-82.
33. a Campo 1994, 100-104.
34. a Campo 1994, 100.
35. a Campo 1994, 100; Karageorghis 2003, 60.
 ADORING THE PAST 259

the plank figurines can benefit from not solely be interpreted in binary terms as
either male or female. Rather, as Knapp and Meskell suggests; a more nuanced
analysis might uncover a manifold or even ambiguous gender representations.36
The typical Late Bronze Age Cypriote (1450-1200 BC) type A and B figurines
representing nude female figurines with either human or animal face can also
benefit from a similar approach.
While the evidences suggests that the Cypriotes, during the Bronze Age, had a
desire for more complex and wide reaching representations of anthropomorphic
representations the Sicilian anthropomorphic material from the Bronze Age,
is much more scarce. Figurines exist, but they appear in a much more random
fashion. One of the more complex and intriguing finds stem from castelluciano
da San Giuliano, Caltanissetta, from the Sicilian Early Bronze Age (2500-1500
BC). Here the excavators found the remains of more than 40 figurines; some were
almost complete while others were very fragmented. A few of the figurines have
what appear to be male genitalia while others have breasts.37 The size difference
between the figurines is also notable with the largest figurine being almost 40 cm
while the smallest figurine is no more than 6 cm. This has led the excavators to
presume that the find represents a family with adults and children possibly related
to local religion and local ritual.38
This brief and perhaps slightly random comparison of anthropomorphic art
between Cyprus and Sicily demonstrate two important points. The first one is
that figurative representations were much more common in Cyprus than in Sicily;
at least from 4000 BC and onwards. Secondly, from the Early Bronze Age, the
Cypriote figurine production was far more standardised (in the sense that similar
types were found in numerous contexts all over the island) than it was in Sicily
where we generally find unique anthropomorphic figurines in very few places.

Cypriot “Goddess” figurines with uplifted arms – previous interpretations

A relatively advanced and long lived tradition of terracotta figurine production
was already in place when the earliest known small terracotta figurines uplifted
arms were discovered at the coastal site of Enkomi in Cyprus. These figurines
(more than 250), predominantly depicting females, were the first of their
kind excavated in a secure archaeological context in Cyprus. There is some
disagreement on their precise date, but Webb has convincingly argued that they

36. Knapp and Meskell 1997; Knapp 2008, 142.

37. Orlandini 1968.
38. Orlandini 1968, 58.
260 CHRISTIAN MÜHLENBOCK

were introduced to Cyprus around the middle of the 12th century BC.39 After the
initial introduction the “goddess” figurines with uplifted arms remained popular
in Cyprus for an extended period of time. The presence of these figurines is
attested throughout the intervening centuries and became popular again during
the Late Cypro-Archaic II (600-470 BC) and disappears entirely during the
later Cypro-Classical period.40 During this time span, of more than 500 years,
much of the original characteristics were lost although the key emblematic
feature with the uplifted arms was kept intact.41
Traditionally, these figurines have been labelled “goddesses with uplifted
arms” and most scholars agree that the source of inspiration was Cretan figurines
which typically have the same posture and share a number of other characteristics
such as the uplifted arms, almond shaped eyes, marked eyelashes, spots on their
cheeks and a high tiara.42 The appellation, “goddess” is probably also borrowed
from the term most often used for the Cretan figurines. In the Cypriot context,
however, this label is unfortunate, biased and has been justly criticised for being
murky due to the lack of definition of what the term really means.43 Another flaw
with the “goddess” terminology is that it tends to collapse the boundary between
description and interpretation.44 The terminology itself: “goddess”, can easily
obscure alternative interpretations.
The understanding of the gesture itself relies heavily on previous
interpretations of Cretan figurines. In Cypriote contexts the gesture with the
uplifted arms has been interpreted as signs of mourning (by individuals), praying
and as a manifestation of divine presence,45 but here there is no consensus.
Rather, it appears as if there are as many interpretations as there are scholars.
Bolger has noted that the interpretations of the Cypriot figurine studies
(including the “goddess with uplifted arms”) to a large extent rely on
traditional archaeological methods such as typology rather than on contextual
considerations.46 The result is that chronological and evolutional studies have
been at the forefront in the interpretation of these figurines preventing a proper
understanding of their meaning. In Cypriot research there is a gap between more
traditionalist interpretations of the figurative material based mostly on stylistic

39. Webb 1999, 215.

40. Karageorghis 1977; Nicolaou 1979, 252.
41. Nicolaou 1979, 252.
42. Karageorghis 2001, 325.
43. Smith 2010, 134.
44. Peatfield 2001, 52.
45. Webb 1999, 215.
46. Bolger 2003, 84.
 ADORING THE PAST 261

attributes and the more recent trend where social and gender aspects play a more
prominent role in determining the meaning of these figures.47
What is lacking from Cyprus, therefore, is a more contextual interpretation
similar to Peatfield and Morris’ investigation of Cretan terracotta figurines from
the peak sanctuary of Atsiphades. Here, mostly based on a careful excavation
methodology with detailed recordings of the figurine finds, they argue that the
postures envisaged by the many figurines, including the uplifted arms posture,
probably reflect the dynamic body language of the worshipers who possibly
were engaged in performances and ritual action.48 Hence, Peatfield and Morris
effectively move away from the notion that the figurines represents passive body
language of adoration or supplication arguing that instead they actually could
represent spiritual experiences such as divination, trance or altered states of
consciousness.49 In their opinion, the figurines are direct reflections of individual
bodily action and performance.

Sicilian anthropomorphic cups with uplifted arms

While the Cypriot “goddess with uplifted arms” is well-established in Cypriot
research, Sicilian anthropomorphic “cups with uplifted arms” is a relatively new
and not so well articulated phenomenon in Sicilian research. Anthropomorphic/
zoomorphic cups are relatively well known and previously discussed in various
publications, but except for one example known from the 7th century Segesta,50
most representations with uplifted arms have been discovered since 1999 as a result
of excavations in the indigenous Iron Age site of Monte Polizzo.51 Therefore, no
research, as yet, is particularly concerned with this relatively limited occurrence.
If the gesture with uplifted arms is rare in Sicily it more frequently occurs
in mainland Italy.52 There, the gesture has generally been associated with a
phenomenon inspired by Greek and Mediterranean prehistoric and historic art
based on the fact that the gesture was introduced around the 8th BC.53 Similar to
Cyprus, the interpretation of the gesture is often related to praying, lamentation
or religious ecstasy.54

47. Zeman-Wiśniewska 2012, 153.

48. Peatfield 2001, 55; Peatfield and Morris 2012.
49. Peatfield 2001, 55; Peatfield and Morris 2012, 235-237.
50. La Rosa 1989, tav. 2, fig. 66.
51. Mühlenbock 2008.
52. Leighton 1999, 266.
53. Orlandini 1971, 282.
54. Orlandini 1971, 282.
262 CHRISTIAN MÜHLENBOCK

Due to similarities between west Sicilian figurative art and the art of mainland
Italy Sebastiano Tusa has suggested that the figurative art of the capeduncola
(a cup with an anthropomorphic/zoomorphic handle) was brought to Sicily by
Italian immigrants.55 Here, particularly Francesca Spatafora has been a critical
voice pointing to the importance of local agents in the creation and adoption
of figurative elements among the inhabitants of Sicily.56 Following this path
contextual considerations have been acknowledged as fundamental in order to
understand the meaning of anthropomorphic representations in Sicily.57

Objects and contexts

Thus, in order to remedy the lack of contextualisation in earlier work, both in
Cyprus and Sicily, this study will venture into more limited, confined and well
documented territories when trying to make sense of the wide distribution of
figurative representations with uplifted arms.

Sicily
Monte Polizzo is located in western Sicily and is a proto urban settlement in the
hinterland of one of the island´s most remote parts. Here, on an altitude of more
than 700 meters we excavated five 6th century BC domestic buildings. Three houses
contained, among many other things, vessels with anthropomorphic handles. Two
of these have previously been published; those will be described further in this
text. Both capeduncole from Monte Polizzo were discovered among ordinary
household objects inside two dwellings simultaneously destroyed around the
middle of the 6th century BC. The houses were multifunctional and self-sufficient
production units with ample evidence of textile production, food processing, food
preparation, storage, and food consumption.

The capeduncola from House 1

ID. 13970. Monte Polizzo. House 1. Room VI. Height: 17.6 cm. Date: 6th century
BC. Fig. 2.
The handle of the vessel is moulded to represent an anthropomorphic figure with
a triangular head extending from a human torso. The face has two incised circular

55. Tusa 1990: 44.

56. Spatafora 1996a.
57. Mühlenbock 2008, 2013; Delgado-Ferrer 2011.
 ADORING THE PAST 263

Fig. 2: Id.13920. Anthropomorphic cup from Monte Polizzo dated to the middle of the 6th century BC.

eyes with pronounces irises. The large round nose is moulded in relief. The neck
of the figure is ornamented with two horizontal incised triangles in an hour-glass
pattern. A similar, but larger pattern is placed on the torso below the arms. It is
tempting to interpret the first decoration as a necklace based on its position. The
larger decoration is possibly two breasts. The figure has one raised arm in an
upright adorning gesture while the other arm, which originally was held in the
same position, has been broken off. The arm is well proportioned in relation to
the head. Below the torso, where we on an anthropomorphic figurine could have
expected abdomen and legs, the body is transformed to become a rounded cup.
The rim of the cup is perforated with three holes on each side of the handle. It is
possible that decorative elements were attached to these holes on occasions. At
the backside where the handle meets the rim, the two sides of the cup have loops
with perforated holes; the loops have wear marks indicating that the vessel could
be suspended, potentially in the building where it was found. One additional knob
is placed on the front of the cup; it is not perforated and probably placed there to
enhance the symmetry of the vessel.
264 CHRISTIAN MÜHLENBOCK

The capeduncola from House 3

ID. 44429, Monte Polizzo, House 3. Room III. ID. Height: 15 cm. Date: 6th
century BC. Fig. 3.
The second capeduncola is crafted differently. Most of the handle is moulded in
one piece. The head is cast as an undefined extension of the body. Two slightly
curved and substantial horns, possibly inspired by bovine animal, extend from
the head. The eyes consist of three circles with the inner circle defining the iris.
The nose is pointed and long, possibly resembling a beak rather than a human
nose. The two upraised arms are well defined but they appear tiny in comparison
to the rest of the figure. The arms are the only figurative elements which are
distinctively anthropomorphic. The upper part of the body is extensively
decorated and divided into three fields. The middle field consists of five incised
concentric circles. The two flanking fields are filled with small waves. Below the
handle the vessel becomes a carinated cup of the local tradition, adorned with
denta di lupo triangles along the rim.58 The outer part of the body is encircled by
the same wavy lines that we find on the handle. A vertical ridge on the back of the
handle probably acted as structural support and could have been used if a person,
for some reason wanted to raise the vessel holding it from behind.

Interpretation
The two anthropomorphic cups from Monte Polizzo are excellent examples of the
indigenous Iron Age iconography in western Sicily which, with few exceptions,
was highly individualized and somewhat enigmatic to the modern observer.59
The type of media displayed here (applying zoomorphic/anthropomorphic
handle attachments on ceramic vessels) had a long history in Sicily deriving at
least from the 12th century BC.60 Apart from the strong emphasis on the uplifted
arms it is not easy to find a characteristic which supports cohesion between
the representations. Within the artistic framework (the handle attachment) the
artists clearly took great pride in experimenting with the various elements in the
different representations, both concerning style and ornamentation.
The gender characteristics are obscure and so it is difficult to assess
whether the representations fit into any traditional gender category although
the decoration on the upper part of the body of the first anthropomorphic
cup indicates that this indeed could be a female representation. The second

58. Spatafora 1996, 98; Mühlenbock 2008, 110.

59. Leighton 1999, 261-268; Trombi 2003.
60. E.g Malone et al. 1994; Mühlenbock 2013.
 ADORING THE PAST 265

Fig. 3: ID. 44429. Anthropomorphic cup from Monte Polizzo dated to the middle of the 6th
century BC.

anthropomorphic cup, however, is even more obscure. The two horns possibly
allude to a male characteristics but its main message is a fusion of human
and animal. This general obscurity was most probably intentional showing
that displaying gender was not of prime importance. It also appears as if the
decoration, or lack thereof, is primarily related to age. In an earlier article I
have argued that, based on stylistic evidences, the capeduncola from house 3 is
older than the capeduncola from house 1.61
The finds of anthropomorphic cups in three out of five completely excavated
households at Monte Polizzo could indicate that most houses possessed an
anthropomorphic piece. Since, no anthropomorphic cup, at the moment, have

61. Mühlenbock 2013.

266 CHRISTIAN MÜHLENBOCK

been discovered in other excavated contexts (graves and a sanctuary) at the

site, it appears that they were possibly restricted to domestic contexts. From
this we can deduce that the prime function of the individual capeduncola
was tied to the singular house and the family living in it rather than to the
community. Therefore, I would suggest that anthropomorphic cups probably
did not depict one and the same character; rather we are dealing with objects
that were produced to serve and possibly protect households. Because we still
have a very limited dataset it is difficult to draw more far reaching conclusions
but based on the current evidence it appears as if it is justified to talk about the
individual pieces as potent protectors for the individual households. While the
raised arms, as a coherent trait, stand out as a strong symbol for cohesion and
meaning among the inhabitants on Monte Polizzo.
If we are right, assuming that the capeduncola signified the household we
can expect that they were utilised in various ceremonies related to the domestic
sphere. The capeduncola from House 1 was designed to be suspended from the
roof, from a wall or something similar inside the area of the house which was
designated for storage.62 The other capeduncola was probably displayed in a
similar fashion standing on a raised platform inside house 3, in a room which
possibly was intended as a small shrine.63 Both capeduncole were possibly
responsible for the well-being of the family members, possibly as mediator
between gods/goddesses and humans. In this role, particularly considering the
proximity to storage vessels, it is possible that the anthropomorphic cups were
intended to enhance and promote the production of food and textiles.
Assuming that these human representations partially reflected social
aspects of Sicilian society it is interesting to note how these anthropomorphic/
zoomorphic representations downplay the role of gender. Gendered aspects
were most probably important, but in this case the household members, the
family was promoted. The fact that the household was such an important entity
to render a specific representation is indicative of a society which holds the
family and the household in high regard.

62. Mühlenbock 2008, 133-135.

63. Mühlenbock 2008, 156-157.
 ADORING THE PAST 267

Cyprus
The Cypriot site, Ajia Irini, is located not very far from the island’s northern
coast. Ajia Irini was a sanctuary with evidence of cultic buildings and activities
dating back to at least the Late Bronze Age.64 Swedish archaeologists excavated
the site in 1929, here they discovered more than two thousand figurines which
were extensively published in the Swedish Cyprus Expedition (SCE) series.
Most of the figurines were deposited around the time of a reorganisation
of the sanctuary during the 8th century BC. But it is worth observing that
there is an abundance of ceramic material that dates to the earliest phases
of occupation.65 The excavators dated some of the bull figurines to the 10th
century BC. Most of the Ajia Irini figurines are male warriors, but there are
also musicians, charioteers, horsemen, figurines bearing offerings, priests,
mythological creatures such as sphinxes and centaurs.66 What is significant
with this collection of images is first of all the strong individuality expressed
among many of the larger figurines. Secondly we can discern a number of
traits that can be attributed to different areas of the Mediterranean. Warriors
wearing Egyptian headdresses can be found alongside stern looking men with
beards typical for the Assyrian kingdom in the east.67 The figurines selected for
this study are among the very few female or hermaphroditic representations
that we find from the sanctuary.

Ajia Irini ID: 2804. Height: 10,5 cm. Cypro-Geometric III to early Cypro-
Archic I. c. 8th-7th century BC. Fig. 4.
This piece is a very typical example of the traditional “goddess with uplifted
arms”.68 She is recognised primarily by her gesture, with two raised arms in
an adorning position. Furthermore, her head is often embellished with what
has been interpreted as a polos or a high tiara: head-gear typically worn by
most of the early types of the “goddess with uplifted arms”. She is constructed
in the so called snow-ball technique where individual features were crafted
separately and added in the final stage of manufacture. Her facial expression
is unusual with its two attached bulging pellet eyes and pellet eyebrows. Her
large nose (now chipped) was moulded and her mouth is marked by an incised

64. Gjerstad: 1935, 820.

65. For a detailed discussion see Gjerstad 1935, 815-820.
66. Winbladh 2003, 151-203.
67. Törnkvist 1970.
68. See Karageorghis 1977.
268 CHRISTIAN MÜHLENBOCK

Fig. 4: Front and back of A.I. 2804. The “goddess with uplifted arms” figure from the Ajia Irini
sanctuary in Cyprus dated on stylistic grounds to the 8th-7th century BC but in use until the site
was abandoned in the middle of the 6th century BC.

line. Her trumpet shaped, hollow body is partially restored. Two pellet breasts
are attached to the upper part of the torso. The figure has traces of black paint
with groups of encircling lines along the body and vertical lines along the back
of the polos. Vertical, black lines marks coiffure on back of her head.

Ajia Irini ID: A.I. 2316. Height: 36.2 cm. . Cypro-Geometric III to early Cypro-
Archic I. c. 8th-7th century BC. Fig. 5.
The second figurine is much more ambiguous but still has the typical posture
with the uplifted arms. The figure most probably represents a hermaphrodite
with a woman’s body and male characteristics such as the moulded and black
painted beard. The wheel made, hollow trumpet-shaped body is decorated with
two modest pellet breasts. The concave neck carries a square head with a broad
chin and large convex nose. The mouth, the eyes, the ridged eyebrows and
the large ears are carefully moulded. The eyes, the mouth and particularly
the beard are highlighted by black paint. The arms are uplifted in an adorning
gesture with the open hands facing the observer. The fingers are marked with
faint black paint. A snake curls along the back of the figurine projecting above
its left shoulder. Painted black lines on the back of the figure probably depict
that the figurine was clad in a girdle and a chiton.
 ADORING THE PAST 269

Fig. 5: Front and back of A.I. 2316. A hermaphroditic figure with uplifted arms from the Ajia Irini
sanctuary in Cyprus tentatively dated to the 8th-7th century BC but in use until the sanctuary was
abandoned in the middle of the 6th century BC.

(A.I 2316) can, due to the precise measurements taken by members of SCE,
be contextually pinpointed on the site. Hence, we know that the hermaphrodite
was found a few meters behind the majority of figurines from Ajia Irini.
They were standing in a semi-circle in front of the sanctuary’s main altar.
Together with the hermaphrodite there were a number of other figurines that
were distinctly recognisable among the pre-dominantly warrior figurines. For
instance we find a small number of animal (bull) statuettes, part of a throne with
a sphinx, one lyre playing musician and most importantly three hermaphroditic
minotaurs; one with braids and a raised goblet in its right hand. Additionally,
the excavators found two, smaller but otherwise similar, hermaphroditic
figures with uplifted arms.69 It therefore appears as if the distance between this
group and the majority of statues was deliberate. According to the excavators
this group was part of a waste heap.70 The members of the SCE dated the

69. Winbladh 2003, 168.

70. Gjerstad 1935, 808-809.
270 CHRISTIAN MÜHLENBOCK

hermaphrodite, mainly on stylistic observations, to the 8th or the 7th -century

BC.71
Unfortunately, we are less lucky with the second figurine (A.I 2804) which
was published almost twenty years after most of the other figurines from Ajia
Irini.72 In this process the geographical and contextual relationship got lost.

Interpretation
The artistic variability is accentuated in these two figurines. The smaller statute
is clearly more in accordance with the older and more traditional “goddess with
uplifted arms” figurines, both concerning size and style. The second figure on the
other hand, is more elaborate and naturalistic, more synchronous with many of
the other figures and figurines from Ajia Irini.
The smaller figurine is clearly a female and perfectly in accordance with the
large corpus of “goddesses with uplifted arms” found in Cyprus. Most of them,
with only three important exceptions, derive from sanctuaries.73 At Ajia Irini,
however, the figurine is an anomaly because it so clearly represents a figurative
tradition of several hundred years with deep historical roots in Cyprus. In this
respect and because we lack an exact find spot it is even possible that she perhaps
belonged to the earlier phases of the sanctuary and possibly was re-used, like
the Bronze Age bulls, in later Iron-Age ceremonies. Gjerstad believed that she
was a product of the 8th century BC, being made simultaneously with most of
the other figures from the site. In this case it is probable that “the goddess with
uplifted arms” signified a link to the past for the worshipers at Ajia Irini. Possibly,
comparable to the situation of the Iron Age sanctuary which purposefully was
constructed on top of - and in relation to - the much older Bronze Age sanctuary.
Based on its posture Vassos Karageorghis attributes the second figurine to
the same category as the aforementioned “goddess with uplifted arms”.74 Yet its
appearance and size is strikingly different. Marie Louise Winbladh refers to this
figure as the bearded goddess.75 This is indeed an apt description but in a similar
fashion as the former it is questionable if we a priori can assume that she was a
goddess. Examples of the “goddess with uplifted arms” used until the Archaic II
period often had clearly recognisable attributes such as breasts, uplifted arms, a

71. Winbladh 2003, 167.

72. Gjerstad 1963, 24-25.
73. Karageorghis 1977; 1993.
74. Karageorghis 1977, 21.
75. Winbladh 2007, 49-54.
 ADORING THE PAST 271

headdress (polos), a slightly tilted head and painted decoration on the head, face
and body. The facial expressions such as eyes, eyebrows, typical spots on the
cheeks and mouth are often highlighted with paint. Furthermore, many figurines
have either a painted or moulded pendant around their neck, our figure is without
headgear. But already from the Cypro-Geometric II there are exceptions, such as
the figurine found in a tomb at Lapithos. This figurine has most of the attributes
of earlier “goddesses with uplifted arms” but it has a ram’s head instead of the
face of a female. It is interesting to note that the figurine with the ram’s head was
found in a tomb, not in a sanctuary.76
As we move later into the century the insignia for the “goddess with uplifted
arms” became even more schematic.77 Now it is often the upraised arms which
are the most important attribute in identifying the figure as the “goddess”. Hence,
the later representations became much more individualistic, thus eluding the
earlier mould. Such is the case with the second figurine from Ajia Irini which is
considerably larger than most figures with uplifted arms from Cyprus. Similar
to the Sicilian examples, this figure evades the classical male/female dichotomy
combining female and male attributes (breast and beard). Additionally, it has a
snake coiling up its back. Hence, it is a rare hermaphroditic image with strong
animal conations. Therefore, this figurine, together with similarly hemaphroditic
minotaurs forms an interesting group which evades the usual gender stereotypes.78
It is interesting to note that among the figures with uplifted arms from Ajia Irini
(8 in total) all figures are either females or ambiguously gendered. This suggests
that the gesture was designated to non-male participants who most probably had
a specific role to play.
Katarzyna Zeman-Wiśniewska makes an interesting point claiming that these
hermaphroditic figurines reflect a socially accepted negotiation of one’s gender
role; something which possibly was an important part of the sacred space of the
sanctuary: in dancing and other ritualistic performances.79 The close relationship
between this sexually ambiguous figurine and the snake enhances the impression
of the transgression even further. Possibly, the general outline of the figurine from
Ajia Irini suggests that it was not only able to transgress gender roles but also
to communicate with and possibly transform into animal spirits. If we assume
that the figurines, at least partially, reflect social roles in Cyprus we find that we
must start thinking about what these transcending human/animal representations

76. Gjerstad 1937, 213, pl. XLIX, 5.

77. Karageorgis 1977, Nicolaou 1979.
78. Christou 2009.
79. Zeman-Wiśniewska 2012, 159.
272 CHRISTIAN MÜHLENBOCK

actually mean. We cannot automatically assume that Cypriot society and cult was
only centred on holistic and all-encompassing dualities such as male and female
or war and fertility. Rather, these images show that the inhabitants of Iron Age
Cyprus endorsed a much more complex worldview.

Beyond Sicily and Cyprus

In order to seek answers about why and how the inspiration for the gesture
of uplifted arms ended up in Cyprus and Sicily it is inevitable that we turn to
Crete. Already in the beginning of this article I mentioned that the “goddess with
uplifted arms” probably was introduced to Cyprus from Crete by the end of the 2nd
millennium BC. Before that the particular goddess had been a distinctive feature
in the cult assemblages of Late Minoan (LM) IIIC cult buildings in Crete.80 Here,
they were part of distinct community sanctuaries and were often placed on benches
accompanied by specifically designated cult paraphernalia.81 Approximately
synchronous with the adoption of “the goddess with uplifted arms” in Cyprus
around 1200-1100 BC she was subsequently abandoned in official cult in Crete
during Early Iron Age in favour of sanctuaries that were more directed towards
male terracotta representations.82
However, Mieke Prent has observed that, similar to what we find in Cyprus,
the gesture with the raised arms continued to exist in other artistic media during
the Early Iron Age and well into the 7th century BC; in terracotta- and bronze
figurines depicting females.83 These representations often mimic the gesture of
the old form without highlighting or articulating the gesture or the sacred nature
of the figure from earlier periods.84 Furthermore, these figurines are often found
in non-religious contexts; in settlements and particularly in tombs. Therefore,
Prent suggests that this phenomenon indicates a change of meaning, much the
same as Karageorghis has observed for Cyprus. She also believes that that the
revival of a traditional image occurred at a time of enhanced cultural and social
change.85
As an interesting parallel to the Cretan goddess figurines we also find terracotta
figurines with uplifted arms in Mycenean contexts. These figurines are generally
called PSI figurines alluding to the shape of the Greek letter. They appear in

80. Prent 2009, 231.

81. Gesell 2004.
82. Prent 2005, 467-469.
83. Prent 2009, 234.
84. Prent 2009, 237.
85. Prent 2009, 237.
 ADORING THE PAST 273

Late Helladic (LH) IIIB and remain popular until LH IIIC (1300-1060 BC). The
Mycenean terracotta tradition developed its own characteristic style but it is also
probable that the inspiration for its form originally came from Minoan Crete.86
Similar to the Minoan versions, the Mycenian Psi figurines often wear a headdress
(a polos or a high tiara) and have highlighted breasts, the body is often painted
in various patterns. The earliest examples are more realistic in nature but the
most common type is typically stylistic in its shape with an almost bird shaped
face. These figurines were exported, a few have been found in Sicily. French
also observes that they also were exported to Cyprus although in comparatively
low numbers.87 But contradictory to what we find in Cyprus and Crete, the
figurines with uplifted arms disappeared in the areas previously controlled by the
Mycenaeans at the end of the Bronze Age.
From the Iron Age, however, there is a renewed interest in typical figurative
representations with uplifted arms deriving from Rhodes, Samos, Lemnos,
Boeotia and Attica.88 During the same period the gesture also appears frequently on
depictions from mainland Italy.89 Here, also a Cretan origin has been suggested.90
In Calabria we also find figurines with the same gesture dated between the 7th and
the 8th century BC.91 One of the most interesting and intriguing figurines regarding
the relationship between Crete, Mainland Greece, Cyprus and Italy were found
in a grave in the cemetery of Francavilla Marittima.92 Here, together with a small
child, probably a girl, the excavators found a handmade figurine resembling the
“goddess with uplifted arms”.93 The anthropomorphic figurine wears headgear,
possibly a polos; its head is slightly tilted backwards and both arms are placed
in an upright position. Although the figure lacks specific gender attributes, the
excavators believe, based on the shape of the headgear that we are dealing with
a female.94 The figurine was placed just above the little girl’s head and was
probably a protector of the deceased. Additionally, the excavators believe that the
figurine was inspired by Cypriot “goddess with uplifted arms” figurines.95 The
important conclusion drawn from these examples is that the gesture with uplifted

86. French 1971, 106; Renfrew 1985, 436; Dickinson 1994, 177.
87. French 1971, 131.
88. Krogulska 1968; Nicholls 1970; Karageorghis 1977, 6; Szabó 1995.
89. Leighton 1999, 266.
90. Müller-Karpe 1959.
91. Orlandini 1971, 282-283.
92. Zancani-Montuoro 1977, 51-55.
93. Zancani-Montuoro 1977, 53, tav. XX:A.
94. Zancani-Montuoro 1977, 53.
95. Orlandini 1971, 277; Zancani-Montuoro 1977, 55.
274 CHRISTIAN MÜHLENBOCK

arms during had gained striking popularity not only in Cyprus, Crete and Sicily
but also over vast areas of the eastern and central Mediterranean. It therefore
appears as if the gesture, during the Iron Age, had ceased to be associated only
with one or a few geographical areas; rather it had been appropriated in many
places and in many contexts. This is part of the answer to why the gesture also
became popular in Western Sicily.

A Mediterranean body language

There is convincing evidence to support the notion that the gesture with the uplifted
arms in Cyprus was inspired by prototypes from Crete. But how exactly did the
same gesture reach Western Sicily and the indigenous groups at Monte Polizzo
during the Iron Age? This question is much more difficult to answer because beside
the gesture itself, there are few apparent similarities. A direct contact between
Cyprus and Sicily during the archaic period is not well attested archaeologically
although we know that Boetoian merchants were engaged in both islands from an
early stage during the Iron Age. Using the same logic, Phoenician merchants were
simultaneously directly engaged both in trading relations but also with permanent
settlements in both Sicily and in Cyprus.96 We may tentatively suggest that both
groups could have established an emerging cultural link between the two islands.
Another suggestion, which perhaps is even more likely, is that no direct link
between Sicily and Cyprus was responsible for the simultaneous appreciation for
the uplifted arms. Rather, as I have demonstrated above the uplifted arms was
such a widespread phenomenon during the 8th-7th century BC that the inspiration
to Sicily might have come from Italy, Crete or even from a number of places in
the Mediterranean simultaneously.
Considering the many contextual and stylistic differences between the
figurative art displayed in this text it would be farfetched to suggest an identical
meaning between the figurines from Cyprus and Sicily. On the other hand the
three-dimensional representations demonstrate that there were structures in
society which were equally important in the two islands, such as the dynamic
and fluid nature of gender. Continuity and tradition both obviously played a
crucial role in how the figurative elements of the uplifted arms were integrated
in societies. In Cyprus, the gesture moved from being an imported phenomenon
with strong foreign attachments to a gesture which eventually became integrated
and a familiar element in the local cult for hundreds of years. Later the meaning
of the gesture was expanded and came to include a more innovative and fluid

96. Aubet 2001.

 ADORING THE PAST 275

approach to the cultic performances visible in the hemaphroditic figures from Ajia
Irini. We find a similar process in Sicily. After all – both in Cyprus and Sicily the
figurative representations were probably used as vehicles to communicate with
the world beyond. Possibly with the past but also with the forces which directed
the daily lives of peoples. This transgressing nature of the gesture was probably
also one of the reasons why it became so popular. It is of course difficult to know
if the inhabitants in Cyprus and Sicily knew about the exact nature of its historical
meaning but it appears as if the gesture effectively became part of a religious
lingua franca, a mediating force between different groups in the Mediterranean.
If this is correct this is perfectly in accordance with Irad Malkin’s suggestion for
the role of religion in the ancient world.97 He describes religion as the universal
language while the distinctive names and religious practices constituted the local
dialects.98

Conclusions
In this case we might deduce that the wide distribution of the depiction of uplifted
arms was a result of a highly interconnected Mediterranean. Local history and
local practices were clearly responsible for how the goddess with uplifted arms
were integrated in the different societies in Sicily and Cyprus – the dialects. The
gesture itself on the other hand was part of a Mediterranean body language, shared
and partially understood by peoples from various parts of the Mediterranean.
Crete and Cyprus were no doubt responsible for guarding and maintaining a
long-lived tradition. The power and popularity of the gesture was related to this
historical and possibly mythical origin. The figurines from the different regions
do not only represent a transmission of art but also a common inspiration for real
body language and possible transformative action. In Sicily, the gesture became
popular much later and here we can expect that the inhabitants on Monte Polizzo
embraced the gesture with the uplifted arms partially as a sign of cohesion but
also as a desire to belong to a much wider world outside Sicily. Thus, the gesture
with the uplifted arms can be understood in relation to what Mauss described
initially in this text when young French women in Paris, inspired by Hollywood
actresses, adopted a certain way to walk precisely because they also desired to be
associated with a bigger, more international world.

97. Malkin 2004, 350; Malkin 2011, 8.

98. Malkin 2011, 8.
276 CHRISTIAN MÜHLENBOCK

Acknowledgement
First I would like to thank Ole Christian Aslaksen for inviting me to participate
in this volume. I would also like to thank the two anonymous reviewers whose
inspirational comments and suggestions were extremely helpful. This paper is the
result of my ongoing research at Medelhavsmuseet in Stockholm which is generously
funded by the Royal Academy of letters and Riksbankens Jubileumsfond.

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 Greeks and the East in the Iron Age: Interpreting
interaction in the Eastern Mediterranean
Kristoffer Momrak1

Ancient Greeks and the East, their interaction with local peoples and the impact of cultural
contacts have been studied extensively in recent years. For the most part, evidence
comes from archaeological finds. This means that the situations of interaction have to be
reconstructed from sources that give very little information about how such interaction
took place. In this article, interpretations of the sites of Lefkandi, Al Mina, and Naukratis
will be discussed, including a review of the widely diverging views held on how to explain
the findings. The article draws attention to problems regarding the interpretation of sites
with artefacts from several different cultures and discusses several models current in
archaeology today that produce mutually exclusive narratives of interaction in the past.1

Introduction
Interaction has been a popular topic in studies of the ancient world in the last
decades, in part reflecting the present state of globalisation and world-wide
interconnectivity.2 As will be discussed in this chapter, the modes and scope
of contacts between East and West are disputed. It is important to review the

1. Some of the arguments in this article were presented at the American Schools of Oriental
Research Annual Meeting 2007 in San Diego, CA, in the paper “Outside of society? Greeks in
the East and Phoenicians in the West” held at the session Eastern Mediterranean Diasporas.
They have been considerably revised for the paper held at the conference Global and Local
– Perspectives on mobility in the Eastern Mediterranean in Athens 2011. Further revisions
have been undertaken for the present article. I am grateful to the ASOR Annual Meeting and
Global and Local organisers and participants for their reactions and comments, as well as for
the comments of two anonymous reviewers for the present publication.
2. Largely due to the ground-breaking work of Martin West, Walter Burkert, and Sarah Morris, the
prevalent paradigm in archaeology and ancient history sets Greek culture in a close connection
with a wider Mediterranean environment (S. Morris 1992; Burkert 1995; ibid. 2004; West 1999
[1997]). This approach to studies of the ancient world is not without precedent. E.g. Cyrus
Gordon was convinced that much of Greek culture had its origins in the East (Gordon 1955).
282 KRISTOFFER MOMRAK

current debates, because reconstructions of Iron Age history in the Mediterranean

are coloured by how we assess processes of interaction. The picture of intense
exchange and interaction in the Eastern Mediterranean in the Iron Age and wide-
ranging influences on Greek culture has been questioned.3 It is argued that Eastern
influences on Greek culture were superficial and transient.4 In the following, some
of the key sites and archaeological evidence for interaction between Greece and
the Near East in the Iron Age will be discussed, with a review of interpretations
of the history of these sites. I will discuss three sites in the Eastern Mediterranean
that are frequently adduced as evidence for Eastern influence on the Greeks or
Greek interaction with the East in the Iron Age: Lefkandi, Al Mina, and Naukratis,
before I undertake a review of different models that have been used to describe
modes of interaction between Greeks and the East.5

Lefkandi
At Lefkandi on the island of Euboea, in the Toumba cemetery, archaeologists have
found a 10th century building and several examples of Orientalia. Scholars agree on
the unexpectedness of the contents of the graves at Toumba: imported grave goods
speaking of contacts between Greece and the Near East from the 10th century BC
onwards. The site is not yet fully published. As will be seen, interpretations vary
widely. Excavations at Lefkandi on Euboea by Mervyn Popham and Irene S. Lemos
in the 1980’s and 1990’s have revealed graves in the Toumba cemetery with rich
Oriental imports. The entirety of the site, its graves and finds cannot be reviewed
here. I will discuss the interpretations of a few graves that contain Oriental objects,
as well as a large building that was used for a burial, starting with the building.
A huge apsidal building at Lefkandi containing a male and female burial has
caused quite a stir among archaeologists. The two burials have been interpreted
as belonging to a ruling couple, and the building, 45 meters long, to have been

3. This is largely because of inconclusive evidence for Greek settlements in the East in the Archaic
period (cf. Waldbaum1994; ibid. 1997; Haider 1996; ibid. 2004).
4. The Greeks supposedly had a culture unique in the ancient world, characterised by citizen
communities that ruled their own polities (Raaflaub 1998: 31; Fantalkin 2006: 204).This view
conforms to a Classicist view of fundamental cultural differences between East and West, as
exemplified by Moses Finley, who emphasised the egregious character of Greek culture, in
particular concerning politics (Finley 1983: 53).
5. All dates in the following presentation and discussion follow the periodization of the publications
cited. Unfortunately, they tend to be rather imprecise, making chronological correlations with
historical events difficult. It is beyond the scope of the present discussion to establish precise
dates for the different sites under discussion.
 GREEKS AND THE EAST IN THE IRON AGE 283

their residence.6 The apsidal building is frequently referred to as the Heroon,

and its male inhabitant has been dubbed the Hero of Lefkandi. Further finds of
imported exotica from the Near East at Lefkandi have been used to corroborate the
picture of a wealthy community with international contacts. According to Robin
Osborne, the wealth contained in the paired burial at Lefkandi, and the sheer size
of the building itself, implies a hierarchical organisation of the community. He
claims that a small group or family must have been able to extract a surplus from
the rest of the community to afford a display like this.7
Aside from the size of the building and burial and the presumed need to
organise their construction, there is no compelling evidence at Lefkandi for a
complex hierarchic society. There is no evidence of writing or other indications
for social stratification in the form of a central organisation for the extraction of
an agricultural surplus. The possibility that an extended family or lineage could
have constructed the large building and subsequent burials as well as imported
the various foreign objects should be considered. As will be seen in the following,
the significance of the exotic grave goods is difficult to assess.
The foreign imports from Lefkandi have caused much speculation among
archaeologists as to their provenance and how they found their way to Euboea.
Among the finds is a bronze bowl, from Tomb 55, embossed and engraved with
an upper frieze of helmeted and winged sphinxes in between oriental “trees
of life”. The bowl is further decorated with a row of animals with palm trees
around a central rosette. It is Near Eastern in origin, and North Syria has been
suggested as a likely source. The burial is dated by a large Attic Early Geometric
I oenochoe, with a date c. 900 BC.8 An engraved Near Eastern bronze bowl
was found in a woman’s burial, Tomb 70.9 According to the excavators, it is
comparable to bowls found on Cyprus, and dates to Late Proto-Geometric, c. 900
BC.10 The excavators consider the bowl to be of Phoenician origin.11 In the same
cemetery was a grave, Tomb 79, with contents that include iron weaponry, what
is interpreted as weights and scales, a Syrian cylinder seal from 1800 BC, and
golden earrings. The cremated ashes of the buried man were collected in a nearly
hemispheric bronze cauldron with lid. A krater, Phoenician and Cypriote jugs and
bronze earrings were also found.12

6. Coldstream 1998, 355; Morris 2000, 218-238.

7. Osborne 1996, 43.
8. Popham et al. 1988-89, 118.
9. Popham 1995, 103.
10. Popham 1995, 106.
11. Popham 1995, 107, n. 5.
12. Popham and Lemos 1995, 151-157.
284 KRISTOFFER MOMRAK

These finds have been taken to indicate that the community at Lefkandi, or
a part thereof, was in contact with the Near East. However, it should be kept
in mind that the majority of graves did not contain foreign imports. The exotic
objects come from graves that are dated to different periods, making them
even less representative of the graves as a whole. Also, the foreign origins of
artefacts do not tell us how they arrived at Lefkandi or why they were deposited
in graves. What was the nature of contacts between the community at Lefkandi
and the Near East? The preliminary conclusion of the excavators is that Tomb
79 contains the burial of a warrior trader. They suggest that this would explain
the connection between Euboea, the Near East and Cyprus. This grave is dated
to Sub-Protogeometric II (c. 800 BC).13 The finds at Lefkandi belong to what is
considered a Dark Age in mainland Greece, with little contact between Greek
communities and the wider Mediterranean world. The international Late Bronze
Age world, where Greek communities were very much a part of the Eastern
Mediterranean world, collapsed around 1200 BC, and was followed by a more
parochial Iron Age. A warrior trader with contacts to the Near East thus does not
fit the general view of Greek interaction with the Near East in the Dark Age.
Ian Morris, assessing the finds from Lefkandi, argues that the Lefkandians
were one generation before the rest of central Greece in re-establishing contacts
with the East after the collapse at the end of the Bronze Age.14 He attributes the
Oriental objects found in the Toumba graves to Phoenician penetration of the
Aegean.15 In his interpretation, finds of Orientalia in 10th century Greek graves
are evidence for Heroic aspirations in the local élite.16 Thus, Morris interprets
the Oriental objects at Lefkandi as the result of trade initiated by Phoenicians,
eagerly welcomed by local élites. However, to interpret society at Lefkandi as
an emulation of the Homeric heroes is rather speculative. The luxury of the
households of the Homeric kings cannot be said to be matched at Lefkandi. Not
all scholars accept foreign traders as the source of imported goods at Lefkandi.
Irene S. Lemos emphasises the initiative of Greeks over Phoenicians in bringing
exotic goods to Lefkandi. In her interpretation, Euboeans went to the Phoenician
city of Tyre to trade there. Lemos argues that Proto-Geometric pottery is known
from Tyre from the 10th century, as well as other Eastern sites, such as Tell Dor,
and that they are found in settlements, not graves, indicating trade in goods rather
than in prestige items. In her view, the Tyrians were probably not very interested

13. Popham and Lemos 1995, 156.

14. Morris 2000, 239.
15. Morris 2000, 251.
16. Morris 2000, 228-238.
 GREEKS AND THE EAST IN THE IRON AGE 285

in the Central Aegean in the 10th century. Thus, in her interpretation, the Greek
pottery in Tyre and Tell Dor was brought by enterprising Greeks.17
Lemos emphasises that the Euboeans at Lefkandi constructed “the earliest
monumental building we have so far in the Aegean after the end of the palatial
period”. In her interpretation, “the building at Toumba above the burials and
its destruction is associated with an important political change that took place
at Lefkandi around 950, when the whole community decided to undertake the
task of filling in and covering the building”. An élite group, which was buried
at the Toumba cemetery around the building “was well established and was
eager to acquire imported goods to reinforce its status” by the second half of
the 10th century.18 Although Lemos places the initiative with Euboeans rather
than Phoenicians, her interpretation does not really conflict with that of Morris
referred to above. Both Lemos and Morris emphasise that an Euboean élite used
foreign goods to show their status in a local context. However, Lemos emphasises
the Euboean initiative and downplays any active role of the Phoenicians.
Both Morris and Lemos argue that there was a local élite and set the Toumba
building and the import of foreign goods in relation to efforts by this élite to
distinguish itself. This élite had contacts with Phoenicians through trade. Nicolas
Coldstream emphasises regular commercial exchange behind the finds from
Lefkandi.19 Like Lemos, he sets the finds of exotica at Lefkandi in connection
with the finds of Greek pottery in Tyre dating to the 10th century.20 He argues
that these Proto-Geometric sherds resemble the earliest finds of Greek pottery
at Amathus on Cyprus. Especially frequent in the Levant are Euboean plates
decorated with pendent concentric semi-circles, contrasting to only four found at
Lefkandi. Therefore, Coldstream assumes an Euboean export-initiative aimed at
the Phoenician market.21 Concerning the finds from the Heroon at Lefkandi, he
suggests that the grave goods, including an Old Babylonian seal found with the
woman buried in the Heroon, may point to her Near Eastern origin. He suggests
that she may have been a queen.22 Egyptianising bronze vessels found in the
Toumba cemetery and objects of faience point to trade with Egypt. According
to Coldstream, this trade probably went through Tyre, and he suggests that this
may indicate some intermarriage between an élite family in Tyre and the Hero

17. Lemos 2005, 54. The Greek Proto-Geometric pottery from Tyre is published in Bikai 1978, pls.
22 a1, 30.3.
18. Lemos 2005, 56.
19. Coldstream 1982, 265.
20. Coldstream 1998, 353.
21. Coldstream 1998, 354.
22. Coldstream 1998, 355.
286 KRISTOFFER MOMRAK

of Lefkandi.23 Coldstream’s interpretation credits the Lefkandi community with

an international élite that married the daughters of foreign élite families. This,
however, cannot be said to be more than speculation.
In Coldstream’s view, contact between Euboeans and the Near East was
frequent and regular. Rather than seeing Greece as semi-isolated on the periphery
of the Near East, he interprets the evidence at Lefkandi as indicative of a high
degree of integration between élites East and West, with an emphasis on the early
initiative and success of the Euboeans.24 It should be kept in mind that the site
of Lefkandi has offered little in terms of evidence for a complex society with an
established élite. Exotica in graves and monumental burials notwithstanding, there
is no decisive evidence for the type of internationally oriented ruling élite that
Morris, Lemos, or Coldstream assert as the driving force behind the acquisition
of foreign objects found in graves. A further problem with the interpretation of
Lefkandi as a base for an élite in command of a fleet of daring sea-farers is that it
leaves little place for interaction between Greeks and Near Easterners.25 Models

23. Coldstream 1998, 356.

24. The view of Greek initiative in relations between the East and West has been criticised by
John Papadopoulos, who attacks archaeologists for dealing in “Phantom Euboeans”. He argues
that ideology is the main reason behind the focus on Euboeans as the main agents in contacts
between East and West. More precisely, he accuses Classicist archaeologists of anti-Semitism,
because of their exclusion of Phoenician or Syrian agents in their narratives of interaction in the
Eastern Mediterranean (Papadopoulos 1997, 203-207).
25. Finds from the Cretan site of Kommos can be adduced here: a tri-pillar shrine was discovered
in the so-called Greek sanctuary or Temple B, used 800-600 BC (Shaw and Shaw 2000, 14).
The tri-pillar shrine is considered Phoenician in form and origin. Wedged between the pillars
were a bronze horse and faience figurines interpreted to represent the Egyptian goddess Sekhmet
and the god Nefertum (Shaw and Shaw 2000, 21-23). The excavators were unable to determine
which divinity or divinities were worshipped at the site, but suggest that Nefertum and Sekhmet
indicate some kind of protection offered to the worshippers (Shaw and Shaw 2000, 167-169).
At Kommos, a small number of sherds from heavy storage jars of Phoenician origin have been
found (Shaw and Shaw 2000, 302). The Phoenician origin of the form of the tri-pillar shrine is
established from the distinctly Eastern aniconic form of the central idol. Also, the sanctuary was
of an open naiskos type, from an “Eastern tradition” (Shaw and Shaw 2000, 693-693; ibid. 711-
713). What does it mean that a Phoenician shrine is erected in a Greek sanctuary? The excavators
suggest that cultic activities were undertaken at the sanctuary by visiting sea-farers on stop-overs.
It was not a permanent Phoenician or Punic settlement at the site. The sanctuary was also used by
Greeks (Shaw and Shaw 2000, 712). I find the suggestions of the excavators reasonable and do
not see Kommos as evidence of any form of Phoenician settlement on Crete. It is of interest that
seafarers appear to have shared sanctuaries and that an Eastern cultic image and architectural plan
was established in a local context. Perhaps this is an indication of the fluidity of identities in the
9th century among seafaring people, making a Phoenician sanctuary acceptable at a Cretan site.
 GREEKS AND THE EAST IN THE IRON AGE 287

for interpreting interaction between Greeks and people of the Near East will be
discussed further below. It should also be taken into consideration that although
Greek communities evidently had less contact with the East in the Dark Age
than in the Late Bronze Age, there is a high degree of continuity in the urban
history of the Levant from the Bronze Age into the Iron Age. Sites like Sarepta
appears to have been practically undisturbed by the general destruction that took
place around 1200 BC.26 Thus, the Dark Age was not equally dark everywhere.
A continuity of contacts in Greece from the Late Bronze Age through the Dark
Age should not be ruled out. I turn now to the other side of the coin, viz. an early
example of Greek visits to the East in the Iron Age.

Al Mina
Al Mina, at the mouth of the river Orontes in North Syria was excavated by
Sir Leonard Woolley in the 1930’s. Because of finds of large amounts of Greek
Geometric pottery at the site, Woolley regarded it as a Greek colony. More
precisely, it was thought to be an Euboean emporion or trading settlement in the
Levant, and the source of the Orientalising revolution in Greece.27 It has also
been suggested that Al Mina played a key role in the adaption of the alphabet
for writing Greek.28 Al Mina plays an important role in narratives of early Greek
travels abroad in the Iron Age, focussing on Greek initiative. According to John
Boardman, the proportion of Greek to local pottery at Al Mina must be said to
be exceptional for the Levant in the 9th to 7th century.29 He has calculated the
Greek part of the pottery as making out 47% of the total.30 Other sites showing
Geometric Greek pottery in the Levant include Tarsus, Tell Tainat, Ras el Bassit
and Tell Sukas, the proportion of Greek pottery never reaching over 5 % of
the total pottery.31 There have also been found some Cypriot wares as well as
Levantine or Phoenician ones (Bichrome and Red Slip ware). Other objects are
of North Syrian origin.32 Boardman suggests Euboean initiative in establishing
exchange relations with the East, and emphasises the Syrian connection to Greece
rather than Phoenician carriers to the Aegean.33 In his interpretation, Al Mina was

26. Cf. Pritchard 1978.

27. Cf. Boardman 1990, 169-170.
28. Cf. Jeffery 1990, 11-12.
29. Boardman 1990, 175.
30. Boardman 2006, 515.
31. Boardman 1990, 171-75, table 1.
32. Boardman 1990, 175-176.
33. Boardman 2006, 516.
288 KRISTOFFER MOMRAK

a trading settlement, and the Greek presence was “decidedly a limited concession
by the local power”.34 Greeks are also attested at Tell Sukas, 72 km south of Al
Mina. From the period c. 850-675 BC, the Greek sherds are similar to those at
Al Mina, i.e. Euboean and Cycladic.35 An Ionian female name is inscribed on
a spindle whorl dated c. 600 BC, found at Tell Sukas.36 The pottery found at Al
Mina has recently been re-classified regarding it provenience. On the basis of
this, Gunnar Lehman argues that there was a Phoenician presence at the site c.
850 BC.37 In this same period, the Greeks had started to arrive. There was also
found Syrian inland pottery at Al Mina, from the ‘Amuq plain.38
The interpretations of Boardman and Lehman presuppose that the origins of
the pottery tell us who carried it to Al Mina. To equal pots with people is, of
course, highly problematic. The presence of Greek pottery does not necessarily
indicate the presence of Greeks, and that also applies to the Phoenician pottery
at the site. Several hypotheses about the process behind the presence of foreign
pottery at Al Mina are possible, with neither the Greeks nor the Phoenicians
necessarily playing the role of colonists or itinerant traders. However, what
other ways are there to identify agents in the past than to follow the objects?
In lieu of texts or inscriptions, pottery is a vital source of information. Without
other finds, such as architecture, residency or trade become moot questions.
Boardman argues for Al Mina as the source of the flow of goods that “resulted
in the main Orientalising revolution in Greek culture in the 8th century”.39 This
might well have been the case. At least, Greek trade with the Levant and Syria
clearly inspired new developments in Greek art. However, there is no way of
telling what kind of interaction the Greek and local people were party to. Was the
Orientalising revolution predominantly inspired by objects, or by the observation
of the practice of arts and crafts, i.e. people? This is not easy to determine. There
are no written sources to why objects manufactured in Greece were fashioned in
an Orientalist idiom. Glenn Markoe emphasises the adaptive, rather than imitative
nature of the Orientalising of Greek art, from “imported oriental goods on foreign
soil”.40 However, there is also the possibility of the acquisition of techniques and
motives directly, abroad.

34. Boardman 1999, 155.

35. Braun 1982, 11.
36. Sørensen 1997, 288.
37. Lehman 2005, 83.
38. Lehman 2005, 86.
39. Boardman 2006, 516.
40. Markoe 1996, 50.
 GREEKS AND THE EAST IN THE IRON AGE 289

The Greeks were clearly a minority at Al Mina. Who else used this port? Gunnar
Lehman points out that the Phoenician pottery at Al Mina is similar to that of Tyre,
and argues that the port probably had ties to that Phoenician city and its trade
connections. He proposes that the population at Al Mina was a mixed community of
Greeks and Phoenicians, in addition to local Syrians.41 The importance of a Greek
presence at the site has been questioned, however. Jane C. Waldbaum states that
“given the lack of firm evidence for distinctly Greek architecture and burial types,
the sporadic inscriptions, and the limited range of imported pottery shapes used
primarily as wine-drinking apparatus and as perfume containers, we do not have
evidence for a fully Greek cultural context at any site in either Syria or Palestine”.
Waldbaum therefore questions whether the Greeks made their presence felt in any
significant way in the East, or were ignored by the sophisticated Easterners as
Western barbarians.42 David W. J. Gill points out that although Boardman interprets
the appearance of Euboean wares as firm evidence of Euboeans being active at
Al Mina, “there is an equally strong possibility that non-Euboeans (or even non-
Greeks) carried it there”.43 Wolf-Dietrich Niemeier points out that “in the absence of
other criteria, the occurrence of Greek decorated pottery, even in larger quantities,
is a rather poor indicator of the presence of Greeks in the East”.44 In Niemeier’s
opinion, the Greeks in Syria in the 8th century BC were mercenaries from Greek
élites, not settlers.45 The model of Al Mina as an encampment of mercenaries is
also suggested by R. A. Kearsley, who does not accept trade as the initial purpose
for Greek settlement at the site.46 Thus, a number of hypotheses have been offered
to explain the evidence for Greek contacts with Al Mina, from regular trade and
settlement to brief visits, agents counting traders as well as mercenaries. It should
also be pointed out that there is no mutual exclusion between mercenary ventures
and trade. Further, it must be kept in mind that élite mercenaries, if they indeed were
the source of Greek pottery at Al Mina, also had retainers. The ships had crews.
Although seldom discussed, these people have a role to play in the encounters
between Greeks and the East.
As has been seen, the evidence from Al Mina can be used to argue a number
of scenarios. One interpretation is focussed on acquisitive and inquisitive Greeks
learning new things in the East and transforming them to their own needs. Another
interpretation argues for the integration of Greeks into a diverse mercantile

41. Lehman 2005, 86.

42. Waldbaum 1997, 12.
43. Gill 1995, 106.
44. Niemeier 2001, 13.
45. Niemeier 2001, 24.
46. Kearsley 1999, 117-119.
290 KRISTOFFER MOMRAK

community. A third possibility presents itself: the Greeks were completely

peripheral to the local community or the trading community at Al Mina. The
material from Al Mina is unlikely to ever be published in full. Thus, questions
concerning Greeks in the East cannot be answered from this site alone. Before
discussing further models for interpreting interaction between Greeks and the
East in the Iron Age, I will briefly present Naukratis, a site from which there is
textual evidence for how the Greeks established themselves and why.

Naukratis
Naukratis was a famous Greek trading station on the Canopic branch of the Nile
in the Egyptian Delta. As will be seen in the following, scholars do not agree
whether Naukratis was a trading post, a proper Greek polis on Egyptian soil,
or an enclave controlled by Pharaoh. Fortunately, there are texts that mention
Naukratis, making it possible to determine the role of the Greeks at the site
with a greater degree of certainty than at Al Mina. Naukratis is discussed by
Herodotos, who claims that it was founded at the initiative of Pharaoh Amasis
by giving Greeks the opportunity to settle. Amasis allowed those who preferred
to visit with their ships without settling at Naukratis to raise altars and establish
sanctuaries.47 Herodotos further relates that Naukratis was formerly the only open
port in the Nile Delta and all foreign traders had to put to port there.48 Greek trade
with Naukratis is also known from later testimonies to a lost poem of Sappho:
her brother Kharaxos plied a trade with Egypt and used of its profits to buy the
freedom of the famous hetaera Doricha, also known as Rhodopis, who lived at
Naukratis.49 Kharaxos, Rhodopis of Naukratis and the poem of Sappho is also
mentioned by Herodotos.50
The site of Naukratis was excavated in the 19th and early 20th century and the
finds are scattered throughout several museums and collections. Scholars have
established that pottery from a wide range of Greek poleis ended up at Naukratis,
bespeaking a vigorous trade. The East Greek poleis probably provided the most
active traders. At the site, remains from several sanctuaries were found, including

47. Hdt. 2.178. Scholars agree that Herodotos’ date for the establishment of Naukratis is too late
(Whitley 2001, 67). Amasis ruled Egypt from 570 to 526 BC. Astrid Möller argues that there
has been found Greek pottery fragments at Naukratis that date to the last quarter of the 7th
century, making it more likely that the settlement was in existence in the reign of Psammetichos
I, thus, before the reign of Amasis (Möller 2000, 188).
48. Hdt. 2.179.
49. Sappho testt. 1, 15, and 16.
50. Cf. Hdt. 2.135.
 GREEKS AND THE EAST IN THE IRON AGE 291

a temple to Aphrodite and votive gifts. However, no cemetery has been found.51
6th century Naukratis should not be called a polis, since it did not control its own
territory at the onset, being a port set up at the initiative of Pharaoh. However, it
appears to have become recognised as a polis at a later stage. Astrid Möller argues
that Naukratis was no polis until the 4th century52. In her interpretation, Naukratis
was predominantly a port-of-trade under Egyptian control.53 John Boardman also
points out that Naukratis had a different status from Greek colonies elsewhere,
e.g. on Sicily: it was a settlement nominally under the authority of Pharaoh. In
his interpretation, it had a working population of Egyptians, whereas the Greeks
were a mixed lot: “Naucratis attracted the get-rich-quick merchants of East
Greece, and their Aiginetan colleagues who ran the business with central Greece.
It attracted poets, artists, statesmen, and historians […]”.54 Thus, in Boardman’s
interpretation, Naukratis was a cosmopolitan Greek port-of-trade with a native
resident element that performed manual labour, with trade or amusements as the
most important activities of the Greeks resident or visiting. The interpretations
of Möller and Boardman both emphasise the role of Naukratis as host to a
merchant community hailing from several parts of Greece. Boardman suggests
a similarity between Naukratis and modern colonies like Shanghai.55 Underlying
this interpretation is a comparable advantage for the Greeks in establishing
themselves in Egypt, being somehow more enterprising or clever than the locals
with regards to trade and commerce. Möller’s interpretation is more focused on
power and initiative lying with Pharaoh. Both interpretations emphasise the role
of the Greeks, however, as visiting entrepreneurs. The Egyptian host is either
reduced to a resident labourer or a bureaucratic overlord.
Not all scholars agree that trade was the main reason for the presence of
Greeks in Egypt in the Archaic period. Peter W. Haider emphasises the role of
the Greeks as mercenaries in Egypt and argues that their presence was regulated
by the local authorities.56 In his interpretation, Greek mercenaries who did settle
in Egypt had to become assimilated in order to make a career.57 Thus, Greeks in
Egypt are interpreted not as a cosmopolitan jet set of merchants and poets, but as
élite mercenaries who established themselves abroad. They became Egyptianised
and presumably spread this Egyptianised culture in their home communities at

51. Boardman 1980, 118-129.

52. Möller 2000, 191.
53. Möller 2000, 203-207.
54. Boardman 1980, 130-131.
55. Cf. Boardman 1980, 132.
56. Haider 1996, 114.
57. Haider 2004, 449.
292 KRISTOFFER MOMRAK

their eventual return. Indeed, this is conspicuous in the spread of the naked male
kouros in Greek communities, with its typically Egyptian stance.
As has been seen, scholars interpret Naukratis and the role of Greeks in
Egypt quite differently. It can be argued that Naukratis was a trading settlement
established by enterprising Greeks, eventually becoming a Greek polis on
Egyptian soil. This is a clearly a colonialist scenario, where permanent settlement
follows a period of prospective trading with the locals. Against this interpretation,
it can be argued that the Greek presence in Egypt was controlled by Pharaoh,
making Naukratis a regulated enclave rather than a colony. It has not been claimed
that Naukratis had its own agricultural hinterland. The lack of an independent
agricultural hinterland is relevant, since a polis that could not support itself,
would be at the mercy of the regional authorities. This is a port-of-trade scenario,
where trade is the main reason for the existence of a Greek presence in Egypt.
A third possibility is to analyse the Greek presence in Egypt as predominantly
one of élite mercenaries that made careers in the Egyptian military. This would
make Naukratis a bridgehead for Greeks coming to Egypt, without implying any
colonial status to the settlement.
In my opinion, Naukratis should be seen as a nexus for interaction between
Greeks abroad as well as between Egyptians and Greeks. However, its position
as a regulated enclave should not be ignored. Its status as a free port reveals that
the Greeks were in Egypt at the mercy of Pharaoh. The importance of learning
the Egyptian language in order to get ahead in Egypt should also not be ignored.
It is likely that the Greeks in Egypt were more influenced by Egyptian culture
than vice versa. Naukratis is a telling example of how difficult it is to establish
relations between Greeks and the East, even when there are texts available that
discuss the site in question. It seems evident that a Greek bias is underlying
several of the models used in the interpretation of the archaeological material,
resulting in unlikely scenarios for settlement that largely ignores the East. In the
following, different models of interpretation will be presented and discussed, in
order to demonstrate the differences of opinion concerning approaches to Greek
interaction with the East.

Interpreting interaction
It has been demonstrated above that Greco-centric or colonialist perspectives are
wide-spread in modern scholarship on interaction between Greeks and the East.
The East is regarded as a source of motifs in the arts that were transformed by
the Greeks. The Greeks are presented as traders going to the East for trade. Then,
they returned to their home poleis with exotic goods. Their relations with locals in
Syria or Egypt are of little interest, as the Greeks made deals with the local rulers
 GREEKS AND THE EAST IN THE IRON AGE 293

and established themselves in their own enclaves. Also, Greeks are interpreted
as taking the initiative in establishing trade relations with the East. When Near
Eastern people were personally involved with the Greeks, it was in the form of
wedding arrangements at the very top of the social hierarchy. With the advent
of post-colonial studies and the tremendous impact of the book Orientalism by
Edward Said, this perspective was challenged.58 The East cannot be regarded
as passive in interactions with the West without revealing an Orientalist bias.
However, from the above review of interpretations of the role of Greeks in the
East, it is obvious that this paradigm shift has not made much impact on Classical
archaeologists. In the following, I will discuss approaches to interaction in the
ancient world from outside the field of Classical archaeology that might contribute
to a better understanding of Greeks and the East.
A post-colonial perspective can be said to be included in the application of the
concept of a world system to the ancient world. Immanuel Wallerstein’s world
system theory concerning the development of international capitalism is reworked
in Andre Frank and Barry Gills’ thesis of a five thousand year old world system.59
In this perspective, interaction between people and its results are more important
than the isolated agents and their culture. The world system theory is akin to the
concept of globalisation and can be seen as underlying the works of Martin West,
Walter Burkert, and Sarah Morris: the Greeks are presented as being under the
influence of a constant flux of cultural influences from the East.60 Globalisation
is an ambiguous concept, implying simultaneously multiculturalism, i.e. the co-
existence of several cultures side by side, and a melting pot where cultures in
contact with each other are transformed. Thus, it is a term that is used to describe
very different things. Further, the world system becomes an imprecise term when
applied to the ancient world, because it cannot be said to have existed lines of
communication or interdependent global economies in any way comparable to
the modern world. Thus, both concepts are in danger of obfuscating rather than
elucidating the object of study, i.e. interaction in the ancient world. Attention
should rather be paid to local exchange systems and processes of interaction.
This may be seen in the work of Andrew and Susan Sherratt, who propose a
model for the Mediterranean of steadily increasing frequency and intensity of
contacts between the Near East, Greece, and the Western Mediterranean.61 In their
framework, trade played a predominant role in tying regions together in a system

58. Said 2003 [1978].

59. Wallerstein 1974; Frank and Gills 1993.
60. S. Morris 1992; Burkert 1995; ibid. 2004; West 1999 [1997].
61. Sherratt and Sherratt 1991; ibid. 1993.
294 KRISTOFFER MOMRAK

of exchange between the developed centres in the Eastern Mediterranean and an

initially underdeveloped periphery in the West, complete with complementary
zones of different types of production and regional competition.62 Ian Morris has
followed up this approach to Greek history in a Mediterranean world system
by coining the term “Mediterraneanization”, as a pun on globalisation.63 These
approaches are commendable because they take into consideration the several
local variations in interaction.
Archaeological evidence from a number of sites implies that people were
moving and bringing goods with them to foreign places. Theories about exchange
systems suggest how these objects were moved and why. However, the different
modes of interaction between agents tend to be let out in these models. Trade
is treated as a given factor, motivated by gain. However, this does not explain
how agents in exchange systems influence each other socially. Colin Renfrew
and John F. Cherry suggest that cultural developments can be explained as the
result of peer-polity interaction, the mutual competition and emulation between
separate and equal communities.64 In the framework of peer-polity interaction, the
local networks between polities were the most important in the shaping of Greek
identities.65 This is no doubt a sensible approach to the developments in Greece in
the Archaic period. However, it does place the Greeks in splendid isolation from
the rest of the Mediterranean. Renfrew’s thesis of peer-polities presupposes that
only polities that have a great deal in common will be liable to pull together and
influence each other to mutual benefit. This means that Greek culture developed
through emulation and competition between Greek polities. Any influences from
Greek experiences abroad are ignored.66 A quite different approach is that of
Peter van Dommelen and his theory of hybridisation.67 Rather than focussing
on relations between structurally similar polities within the same culture, van
Dommelen emphasises the transforming effects of meetings between different
cultures. E.g. colonists and colonised are equally changed by encounters.68 This

62. Sherrat and Sherratt 1993, 363.

63. Morris 2003.
64. Renfrew and Cherry 1986.
65. Renfrew 1996, 121-126; ibid. 130-136.
66. An approach similar to that of Renfrew is proposed by Marc van de Mieroop to Late Bronze
Age palace societies in Syria (van de Mieroop 2005, 126-131). However, different from
Renfrew, van de Mieroop’s investigation is not restricted to the Greeks, but defined by a region,
viz. the Eastern Mediterranean. In my view, this is quite telling of the differences in perspective
between scholars of Western and Eastern antiquity.
67. van Dommelen 1997; ibid. 2005.
68. van Dommelen 1997, 309.
 GREEKS AND THE EAST IN THE IRON AGE 295

approach can explain more than a peer-polity model, since it includes more
encounters as being of significance than those with people of the same language
and culture. A similar perspective to that of van Dommelen is Chris Gosden’s
middle ground theory.69 In this interpretation, the mutual effects of meetings
between cultures is emphasised.70 Encounters are studied in terms of bringing
about the mutual transformation of the cultures coming into contact, depending
on the intensity of contacts. A similar approach is advocated by Jonathan Hall,
who argues that although scholars are forced to work with a certain reification
of cultures, this does not mean that this was the experience of the people that
belonged to the cultures in question. Rather, he suggests, cultures are created
actively, through eclectic processes of learning, assimilation or rejection.71
The different models offered for interaction between East and West in antiquity
can be summarised thus:

• Colonialism (Boardman 1999; 2006)

• Globalisation (S. Morris 1992; Burkert 1995; 2004; West 1999 [1997])
• World system (Frank and Gills 1993; Sherrat and Sherrat1991; 1993)
• Multiculturalism (Waldbaum 1994; 1997; Kearlsey 1999; Niemeier 2001)
• “Mediterraneanisation” (Morrris 2003)
• Peer-polity interaction (Renfrew 1996; van de Mieroop 2005)
• Hybridisation or middle ground theory (van Dommelen 1997; 2005;
Gosden 2006 [2004]; Hall 2004)

These different models should be evaluated according to how well they explain
the available data. In my view, any perspective that attributes a passive role to
either part, West or East, is bound to fail in explaining interaction: the discussion
will deteriorate into who took the initiative, Greeks or Phoenicians, a rather
fruitless exercise, since either category represent an unwarranted generalised
reification of quite varied groups of agents.

A global history of the ancient world

Near Eastern archaeologists have a quite different interpretation of relations
between Greeks and their Eastern hosts than scholars of the Classical world.
Rather than emphasising that the Greeks lived in enclaves in Syria, Peter M.

69. Gosden 2006 [2004].

70. Gosden 2006 [2004], 24-28.
71. Hall 2004, 42-46.
296 KRISTOFFER MOMRAK

M. G. Akkermans and Glenn M. Schwartz propose that the Greeks were part
of a “world system” of the Eastern Mediterranean, “where economic, cultural,
and ideological contacts […] were frequent and intense”.72 They look at the
same material from the Syrian coast that is available to Classical archaeologists,
but conclude that “the combination of cultural elements of the coast, as well as
Aramaic, Phoenician, and Greek graffiti found at coastal sites argue […] for a
multi-ethnic population rather than discrete Greek or Phoenician communities”.73
Rather than looking at separate cultures side by side74 or a mix of all Mediterranean
cultures,75 the perspective of Akkermans and Schwartz tries to accommodate the
totality of actors and see how they contribute to a whole.
In order to analyse agency and interaction, agents must be identified. This
identification is always a question of interpretation, often of fairly ambiguous
evidence, as seen from the above reviews of Lefkandi and Al Mina. A further
problem is to determine the aims and goals of agents. The modes of interaction
between foreign arrivals and local people have to be reconstructed. The nature
of the evidence, mostly pottery, makes reconstructions of forms of interaction
difficult: pottery can be transported by different people than the ones who made the
pots. Therefore, as Jane Waldbaum points out, it is necessary to establish a more
complete archaeological context, including housing, in order to prove a permanent
presence of Greeks at Al Mina.76 However, is it likely that e.g. Greek traders or
mercenaries built their own houses? Further, providing evidence for permanence of
residence is not as much an issue as determining the relations between Greeks and
locals. How these relations are interpreted is tied to the complex of the Orientalising
revolution in Greece. Classicists tend to emphasise the adaption of the Greeks of
motifs and technology from the East. However, in this discussion, the totality of the
situations of interaction tends to become ignored.
A striking feature of scholarship regarding relations between East and West is
the concept of cultural transfer, i.e. knowledge and motifs moving from the Orient
to the Occident. Marc van de Mieroop points out a danger with this approach, viz.
that scholars regard the Orient as a prelude to Western culture: “the predilection
to see the Ancient Near East primarily as a precursor of the Judeo-Christian and
Graeco-Roman legacy, tacitly presents the European cultural development as the
superior one in the world and measures the relevance of other traditions only

72. Akkermans and Schwartz 2003, 393.

73. Akkermans and Schwartz 2003, 392.
74. Cf. Niemeier 2001.
75. Cf. S. Morris 1992.
76. Waldbaum 1997, 12.
 GREEKS AND THE EAST IN THE IRON AGE 297

in relationship to it”.77 Indeed, there is a tendency to study e.g. the transfer of

the alphabet to the Greeks with regard to a specific moment or place of transfer
rather than as a process of interaction. The Near East forms a background or
substrate from where knowledge and technology is culled for later refinement by
Europeans. Rather than regarding Greece and the Near East as parts of the same
story, the East becomes a prelude to the story of the West. This line of thinking
can be found as early as Herodotos: he regarded Egypt as one of the most ancient
cultures in the world.78 In his narrative, Egypt is the source of much of Greek
culture, including the pantheon of twelve gods and their cults.79 The idea of the
East as the source of the West was developed by Hegel into a story of the East
as the cradle of the West: Hegel claims that “die Weltgeschichte geht von Osten
nach Westen, den Europa ist schlecthin das Ende der Weltgeschichte, Asien der
Anfang”. In Hegel’s interpretation, like the physical sun rises in the East, so does
history begin there and as the sun sets in the West, so does history have its end
point there: “dafür steigt aber hier die innere Sonne des Selbtbewußtseins auf, die
eine höhere Glanz verbreitet”.80
In Hegel’s scheme, the East is the land of morning and mankind’s childhood,
whereas the West is where freedom for all is realised, through an inner sunrise
of the awareness of the self. Of course, the analogy of history and the sun only
works from the perspective of Western Europe. Seen from e.g. America, the
sun rises in Europe and sets over the Pacific. However, this kind of schematic
thinking on the history of the world’s cultures as a prelude to the West has proved
tenacious. It invites comparison between East and West, but only from a Western
perspective, as a comparison between undeveloped and developed, or immature
and mature cultures. Western culture has no real relation to the East. Technical
skills may well have been transferred and adapted by Westerners, but the East is
merely the source of this knowledge. Europeans take what they need from the
abundance of the ancient Near Eastern cultures and transform it in their own
culture. The narrative has no place for a continuous interaction between East and
West. Rather, Europe is like a Phoenician princess abducted by Greek seafarers.81
Cultural traits are envisaged as being taken aboard Greek ships like so many
abducted women.

77. van de Mieroop 1997, 288.

78. Hdt. 2.2.
79. Hdt. 2. 4; ibid. 2.50-82.
80. Hegel 1970 [1832-45], 134.
81. Cf. Hdt. 1.2.
298 KRISTOFFER MOMRAK

Conclusions
Odysseus and Kharaxos are the two archetypes of Greeks in the East, being
adventurers and traders on brief visits. The lack of written sources for alternative
scenarios contributes to the tendency for all sites with Greek artefacts to be
interpreted from Greek perspectives, as places where the Greeks went for war or
business. Interpretations of the role of Greeks abroad in the Eastern Mediterranean
can be inspired by the Homeric epics, with the warrior-pirate Odysseus as the
prototype Greek visitor, or Alkaios, with his brother the mercenary Greek in
Babylonia,82 or Solon, as the learned traveller eager to experience foreign ways,83
or Sappho, with her brother the trader going to Naukratis to buy the freedom of
a famous hetaera.84 The problem with these approaches is that they exclusively
explain Greek artefacts from the confrontational perspective of a passive East and
an aggressive, inquisitive or acquisitive West.
Finds from burials at Lefkandi on Euboea dated to around 900 BC suggest
that there was contact between Greeks and people from Syria and the Levant.
This contact has been interpreted as evidence for trade, diplomatic missions, and
even migration, but the significance of the site for Greek culture in the Archaic
period is hotly disputed. Finds of Greek pottery at Al Mina were for a long time
taken as evidence for an early Greek colony in Syria. Trade was seen as the main
activity at the site and through this trading station or colony, new motifs in the
arts as well as new technology supposedly reached Greece from the Near East.
Thus, Al Mina has been regarded as the source of the Orientalising revolution in
Greek art. Recent analyses challenge this interpretation, however. Naukratis has
played an important role in theories of cultural exchange between Greece and
Egypt, held to have had the status of a free port where artists, intellectuals and
adventurous merchants rubbed shoulders. However, recent research suggests that
Naukratis was not a Greek polis on foreign soil, but an enclave for foreign traders
established and controlled by Egypt. The sites Al Mina, Lefkandi, and Naukratis
have all been interpreted in a range of different ways over the last decades.
Scholars do not agree on the forms of interaction at these sites, the identity of
the agents involved, or the significance of the sites for cultural developments in
Greece or the East. The shifting paradigms in the interpretation of Greeks abroad
in the early Archaic period, from colonial scenarios to multiculturalism, invites a
comparison between the ancient Greeks and Western academics in post-colonial
discourse: the Greeks at Al Mina have gone from colonial explorers in an exotic

82. Alc. 48; Alc. 350.

83. Hdt. 1.29-30.
84. Sappho 202.
 GREEKS AND THE EAST IN THE IRON AGE 299

East to barbarian mercenaries at the outskirts of the cradle of civilisation, quite

analogous to the paradigm shift from a Eurocentric to a global perspective on
history. However, as has been seen from the brief review of the interpretations
of Lefkandi, Al Mina, and Naukratis, this change in perspective has brought
no new consensus on how to interpret the nature of interaction in the Eastern
Mediterranean in the Iron Age. More research is needed that takes the East and
the West into consideration together.

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