The Spirit Within Me Self and Agency in Ancient Is... - (3. Moral Agency in Israelite Perspective Three Case Studies)
The Spirit Within Me Self and Agency in Ancient Is... - (3. Moral Agency in Israelite Perspective Three Case Studies)
Israelite Perspective:
Three Case Studies
The entire arc of biblical narrative from Genesis to 2 Kings can be read
as a meditation on moral agency, its successes and its failures. Although
these narratives, especially the ones related to the Deuteronomic History,
sometimes pass moral judgments on characters or portray them as good or
bad, there are only occasional examinations of the underlying assumptions
about what leads to the exercise of good or bad moral agency. This topic
is more clearly brought into focus in the wisdom literature (notably, Prov-
erbs), the book of Deuteronomy, and the prophetic literature. Even these
texts seldom engage in any deeply reflective examination of moral agency.
Instead, the focus is typically on a problem in social behavior, which the
text engages by means of critique, exhortation, or advice. It is possible, how-
ever, to tease out implicit cultural models of the self and moral agency that
were broadly shared in ancient Israel, as well as distinctive frameworks that
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shape the resources for thinking about moral agency and its discontents.
Although the category of moral agency primarily refers to the capaci-
ties of individuals, it is also common in biblical literature to treat collective
bodies as though they were individual moral agents. This, however, is a cog-
nitive metaphor. One construes a collective body (e.g., a city, a nation) as
though it were an individual with an individual’s moral agency. This meta-
phor can have great explanatory power. A collectivity can act with inten-
tion. It seems in many respects as agential as any individual human. One
can credit it with good and evil actions, exhort it, plead with it, and so forth,
using an often-subconscious trope of personification. This personification is
so familiar to the cultural heirs of the biblical imagination that it requires
a bit of effort to recognize that the nation is not a person. It is rather a so-
48
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vocabulary and images cluster in the three areas that I have identified. A
few examples can serve to illustrate each one.
Failure of understanding broadly encompasses inadequate grasp of the
dynamics of situations as well as a failure to know God. Clearly, this is
not a narrowly cognitive failure but one that has to do broadly with the
adequate apprehension of reality. It manifests itself in the rich vocabulary
for the various categories of fools in Proverbs (e.g., petî, h.ăsar lēb, kĕsîl, lēs.,
’ĕwîl), as well as in Hosea’s references to the failure of knowledge of God
(e.g., Hos 4:1, 6), in Jeremiah’s critiques of self-deception on the part of
the leaders of Judah (e.g., Jer 5:12–13, 21, 31), in Deuteronomy’s warnings
against forgetting (Deut 4:9; 6:12; 8:11–14), and in many other contexts. As
for wrongly directed desire, David Lambert has rightly cautioned that “de-
sire” in the Hebrew Bible not be inappropriately psychologized. Instead,
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ing off the yoke bindings (2:20). The vocabulary of rebellion and resistance
is prominent in several prophetic books (e.g., Isa 30:1–2; Jer 2:9–13; Ezek
2:3–5; Hos 7:13; Zeph 3:1–2), and in Deuteronomic assessments (e.g., Judg
2:19–23; 1 Sam 8:7–8; 2 Kgs 17:13–15).
In Israelite literature the three aspects of the moral self are not under-
stood as distinct parts or even separate faculties that can be in conflict with
one another. Rather, they are deeply interconnected aspects of the whole
person. Nor is any one aspect consistently privileged over others as the key
to good moral agency. Although in Israelite literature certain texts may
identify understanding, wrongful desire, or recalcitrant will as particularly
problematic, the three are largely understood as interactive and reinforcing.
Disorder in one area generally leads to disorder in the others as well. A deep
understanding of the nature of things enables one to direct one’s desires
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appropriately and grasp the importance of obedience to God and wise el-
ders. By contrast, undisciplined desires cloud the understanding and result
in rebellious behavior, whereas rightly directed desires enhance understand-
ing of how things work and facilitate appropriate behavior. Only the one
who submits to the discipline of appropriate authorities can gain under-
standing and learn to desire what is good. These basic principles undergird
all of the discourses about moral agency in the texts of the Hebrew Bible.
In the following pages I examine selected issues of moral agency in
Proverbs, Deuteronomy, and Ezekiel. Although the book of Proverbs can-
not be simply taken as encapsulating the common moral culture of ancient
Israel, it likely comes as close as we are able to the fundamental assump-
tions that grounded the formation of children and youth. Even though the
book itself is the product of scribal culture, specific social-class perspectives
are reflected in only some sayings. More likely, it is an elite version of shared
culture. That being said, if the instructional and proverbial collections in
Proverbs served as part of the scribal curriculum, as many assume, then it
would have been part of the mental furniture of the scribes who composed
other, more specialized types of literature. The close connection between
Deuteronomy and wisdom literature has often been noted and perhaps
runs in both directions. In my discussion Deuteronomy is important first
of all because it provides a model of distributed moral agency in which
the coordinated agency of individuals is what creates the national agency.
It also self-consciously examines the ways in which agency can fail and
models a variety of strategies for strengthening agency. In its postexilic ad-
ditions it also demonstrates a strategy for recognizing and repairing a cata-
strophic failure of agency. And finally, it provides a moral vocabulary and
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ristic style and the tendency toward rhetorical hyperbole make it difficult
to determine what Proverbs assumes about innate human capacity. This
issue was more explicitly raised in a number of the Egyptian instruction
texts, and several different positions were argued. The most extreme posi-
tion was taken by Ptahhotep, who claims that the character of the fool is
determined before birth, so that no training can make a fool wise (“He
whom god hates does not listen,” l. 546; such a person is “one for whom
an impediment was assigned in the womb,” l. 217). The opposite pole is
argued in Papyrus Anastasi III, 4.1–4, which maintains that, like animals
that can be taught all kinds of behaviors contrary to their natures, humans
can similarly be trained, whatever their given natures (cf. also the Instruc-
tions of Anii, 22.17–23.7). An intermediate view, articulated by Anii’s son
Khonsuhotep, argues that different pedagogies are required for different
students (23.7–11).
It is not clear that Israelite sages ever considered the question explicitly.
Their assumptions must be deduced from the sayings. The sharp contrast
between the wise and the foolish, the righteous and the wicked, leads some
to conclude that character is largely a given, and that formation plays only a
limited role in wisdom. To be sure, many sayings emphasize the intractable
folly of certain types of fools, especially those designated as lēs. (“arrogant
scoffer,” 9:7–8; 13:1b; 14:6; 15:12) and ’ĕwîl (“morally perverse,” 15:5a; 27:22).
But were these types always thus? Or is folly the hardening of a character
that was once malleable? That possibility is suggested by the saying in Prov-
erbs 13:1b, “The lēs.? He never heard reproof.” It is certainly plausible that
the sages acknowledged differences in aptitude for wisdom (perhaps 16:21).
But to assume that character was largely fixed for all is, I think, to mistake
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fool” whose character has been irrevocably set. Anne Stewart articulates
the project of the formation of moral agency in Proverbs well:
. . . one’s moral selfhood must be disciplined into being. Proverbs implies
that moral equipment is innate, but exists in potential only. The origin of
moral selfhood is both with the external aid of discipline, which serves to
reorient one’s concept of the good toward wisdom, and with an internal
capacity to receive and profit from discipline.
Thus while it is possible that there are some individuals who are impervi-
ous to formation, the project of wisdom makes sense only if the default
assumption is that the inchoate perceptions, impulses, and desires of the
young can be shaped by wisdom.
The moral agent who is successfully formed by wisdom is a highly sta-
ble construction. As discipline is internalized, one’s very desires are molded
into appropriate channels, and inappropriate desires become abhorrent.
Cognitive training shapes the individual to perceive the logic of wisdom’s
moral world as an expression of reality itself. Each element feeds back to
strengthen the others. Though Proverbs shows considerable concern for the
dangers of those who resist or elude formation, no anxiety is expressed over
the possibility that a wise person, once formed, will go over to wickedness.
Similarly, the fool, once formed by folly, becomes one of the wicked. And,
as Sun Myung Lyu points out, “no saying or instruction is found to urge a
wicked person to change his course to become righteous.” The character of
the wicked, once formed, is as intractable as that of the righteous. Forma-
tion is forever.
Formation in wisdom takes place at the intersection among the three
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is invited to give assent to them, as the good son is asked to be attentive and
receptive to the words of the father. Nevertheless, it is clear that the goal
is not mere submission and compliance, as though the father’s authority
were like that of a military commander or overseer of laborers. The imagery
used for discipline might initially suggest such externality, since “rebuke”
(mûsār) or “correction” (tôkah.at) is sometimes figured as physical (striking,
nākāh; with the rod, šēbet), sometimes as verbal reprimand (gĕ‘ārāh, tôkah.at)
coming from an authority figure. But that the engagement of the son is
more than submission is clear from the fact that what is sought is atten-
tive listening and receptiveness (šāma‘, “heed”; hiqšîb, “pay attention”; lāqah.,
“accept”; šāmar, “keep”). These are all responses that require the full engage-
ment of the one addressed. Moreover, the purpose and function of rebuke
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close to and even placed inside the body. One of Proverbs’ privileged images
is drawn from the practice of wearing amulets. “Bind them [the father’s/
mother’s teachings] over your heart always; bind them around your throat”
(6:21; cf. 3:3a; 7:3a). That image represents teachings as an external protec-
tive power, but one that is metonymically related to the subject’s own body.
Other imagery suggests that teaching was stored in the body as a liquid was
stored in a jar. Wisdom herself uses such a metaphor when she says that
she will “pour forth my spirit to you; I will let you know my words” (1:23; cf.
Sir 16:25; Ps 19:3a). The rûah. as breath and the rûah. as cognition are part of
the same model for production of thoughts in speech. They pour forth from
the container of the body through the mouth. Learning and preserving
such wise speech is represented in inverse imagery, as in 22:17–18: “Incline
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your ear and listen to the words of the wise, and set your mind upon my
knowledge. For it is pleasant when you store them in your belly, and they
are always ready upon your lips.”
The most powerful image draws on scribal practice, where the father
commands the son concerning his teaching, “Write them on the tablet of
your heart” (3:3b; 7:3b). The tablet or scroll was an aide-mémoire, normally
an external repository for a text that the scribe learned. The “tablet of the
heart/mind” is in part an image for memorization, but it is also likely a
cultural model for the mind itself and the way in which the social norms of
teaching become naturalized within the self. If the teaching and the heart/
mind are merged, then the teaching is an indelible part of the person.
Memorization and recall of the text also bring into focus another aspect
of the subject positions offered by the book of Proverbs. If one thinks of
the text as a record of a social context involving teacher and student, then
the only subject position offered to the reader/hearer of the text is that
of the pupil or son, who is addressed. If, however, one considers the text
as a memorized object that one then recites to oneself, then the one who
has memorized it can be seen as occupying both the subject position of the
father who speaks and the subject position of the son who is spoken to.
That is to say, the externalized relationship of father and son stands in for
the “I-Me” relationship of differentiated subjectivity. To memorize the text
and to recite it to oneself is to internalize the entire relationship. In this way
discipline is internalized as self-discipline. Notably, however, no attempt is
made in the book of Proverbs to explore or exploit this space of the inte-
rior. Instead, internalized self-training and self-discipline are represented as
though they were external social relationships. The culture simply does not
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heart toward understanding,” 2:2; cf. 4:20; 5:1, 13; 22:17; 23:12). Direction of
attention is also described in relation to eyes (“Do not let [my words] es-
cape from your eyes, guard them inside your heart,” 4:21; cf. 3:21; 4:25; 23:26;
28:27). In these instances, however, the body parts seem largely to function
as synecdoches for the person as such. They are not particularly reified as
problematic aspects of a psychosomatic self. The only expression that might
suggest a mistrust of one’s self is the statement about being wise, right, or
pure “in one’s own eyes,” designating self-evaluation (3:7; 16:2; 21:2; 26:5, 12,
16; 28:11; 30:12). These expressions always represent flawed or faulty self-
judgment. They do not appear to represent a congenital problem of the
human composition, however, but simply a failure of formation in wisdom
more generally. One can conclude that the sayings that refer to mistrust of
and the need for control of various body parts are evidence for a concern
with self-monitoring, but they do not suggest a highly differentiated model
of the psychological self.
The most significant organ for self-representation in Proverbs is the
heart/mind (lēb). As the organ that retains external teaching (“Let your
mind guard my commandments,” 3:1b; cf. 2:10; 3:3; 4:4), it is key to self-
formation. Often paired with the ears, it is the organ of attentive focus and
active engagement (“An intelligent mind acquires knowledge, and the ear of
the wise seeks out knowledge,” 18:15; cf. 2:2; 7:25; 22:17; 23:19, 26; 24:32; 27:23).
Unlike the organs that negotiate the sphere of public interaction (e.g., foot,
hand, eyes, mouth, tongue, lips), it is often associated with the self as private
space, sometimes in dangerous ways (“Duplicity is in his mind—the one
who plots evil all the time,” 6:14; cf. 12:20; 14:13; 15:11; 20:5; 23:7; 24:12; 25:3;
26:23, 25), and a place of reflection (“The mind of the righteous considers
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how to answer, while the mouth of the wicked blurts out evil,” 15:28). But
its status as a place of self-privacy is limited, since the wise (20:5) and God
(24:12) are able to search it out. Moreover, its role as the executive function
of the self is constrained by the intentionality of God in directing speech
and actions (“A man may arrange his thoughts, but what he says depends
on the Lord,” 16:1; NJPS; cf. 16.9). The heart/mind appears frequently in
sayings that model self-reflexive action, the “I-Me” relationship. In those
sayings, it may be represented either as the “I” that perceives or acts (“The
heart knows the bitterness of its soul,” 14:10a; cf. 16:23) or as the “Me” that
is acted upon (“More than all that you guard, guard your mind, for from it
come the springs of life,” 4:23; cf. 8:5; 15:32; 17:16; 23:12; 24:32; 27:23; 28:14).
There are limits to one’s ability to act upon the self (20:9), and the heart/
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is possible, as Fox and Clifford suggest, that the lifebreath here is under-
stood, as in Genesis 2:7 and Ezekiel 37:9–10, as coming from God, though
there is no intertextual allusion. But in what sense is the lifebreath the
“lamp of Yhwh”? The lamp is clearly something that illuminates what is
otherwise dark and impenetrable. Perhaps nothing more is intended by the
image than the sense that the breath is what connects the exterior and the
interior of a person. Thus to follow the breath to its source is to be able to
examine what a person might think is hidden.
The internalization of discipline and the issue of internal self-action
also come into view in the relation of the person to his or her rûah.. As Tyler
Duckworth has argued, rûah. “operates as a psychosomatic ‘organ,’” and
thus it deserves examination alongside of the other bodily organs related to
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Newsom, Carol A.. The Spirit Within Me : Self and Agency in Ancient Israel and Second Temple Judaism, Yale University
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person to control his or her rûah.. As Duckworth points out, the descrip-
tion of uncontrolled rûah. (“like a city breached, without walls, is a person
who lacks control of his rûah.,” 25:28) would be meaningless unless it were
possible to exercise control. Such regulation of the rûah. figures explicitly in
a saying contrasting the fool and the wise in 29:11 (“A fool [kĕsîl ] gives full
vent to his rûah., but the wise person holds it back”). Thus an important part
of the training in wisdom is the ability to monitor and control one’s own
temperament and impulses, and indeed, it is one of the highest manifesta-
tions of internalized wisdom: “Better is the one who rules his rûah. than one
who takes a city” (16:32).
All of the sayings that speak of control of the body in its various parts
and organs are part of the system of self-monitoring and control that points
toward the “I-Me” self-differentiation necessary for all human social func-
tioning. Significantly, in Proverbs no organs of the body are seen as intrin-
sically bad or defective. Like the person as a whole, they are educable and
only become problematic when undisciplined and untrained. Those sayings
that are related to the organs that represent the temperament, emotions,
impulses, and cognition—what we take as the psychological domain—are
the most important for estimating the degree to which a sense of interior-
ity and self-differentiation was developed in Proverbs. Judging from the
evidence, one would have to say that while the potential was certainly pres-
ent, it was not developed. In part this may be because the inherited literary
forms of instruction and gnomic saying do not give much scope for the
development of discourses of introspective consciousness. Indeed, the act
of memorizing instructions, with their father/son or teacher/pupil social
relationships, and proverbial sayings, with their generalized authoritative
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the moral imaginary of early Judaism was profound, becoming, as Juha Pak-
kala recently described it, “the core document of Second Temple Judaism.”
Presenting itself as Moses’s farewell speech to the Israelites before his death
and their entry into the promised land, Deuteronomy has a strongly horta-
tory framework. But within Moses’s speech, its covenantal model of Israel’s
relationship to Yhwh is strongly shaped by the model of ancient Near East-
ern suzerain/vassal treaties. This model introduces a number of distinctive
elements into its framing of moral agency, including core assumptions about
the nature of the relationship, analysis of potential failure, and strategies for
securing the reliable exercise of good agency. It is also an excellent example
of the way in which the model of the nation as moral agent is complexly
related to individual moral agency, in that the nation’s obedience and fidel-
ity depend on the distributed acts of agency performed by each and every
Israelite. Given the political framing of the relationship between the nation
and God, however, the dire political fate of the nation raised fundamental
questions about the people’s ultimate capacity for moral agency, an issue
with which Second Temple Judaism struggled in various ways.
How to evaluate the role of Deuteronomy in shaping a model of moral
agency depends in part on establishing its original Sitz im Leben as well as
its reception and adaptation in subsequent times. Debates over Deuterono-
my’s origins have been one of the constants in biblical studies, ever since the
groundbreaking work of W.M.L. de Wette, with proposals ranging from
premonarchic to postexilic. Moreover, it is evident that Deuteronomy is a
complex document that has a complicated literary history, though the con-
tradictory proposals for reconstructing that history are likely indications
that it will never be conclusively recovered in any detail. Currently, the ma-
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tions. As Moshe Weinfeld and Frank Cross have argued, the political and
diplomatic vocabulary and conceptual apparatus of the ancient Near East
were grounded in such kinship categories and derived much of their power
from those basic bonds. If authority is recognized as legitimate, then the
appropriate response to it is respect, obedience, and submissiveness. Rejec-
tion of authority expresses itself in disrespect, disobedience, and rebellion.
That Deuteronomy frames the role of Yhwh in terms of authority is
evident simply from the repetition of words such as “command” (’āmar,
some thirty-nine times in chapters 1–11, referring both to God and to Mo-
ses) and the various lexemes for “obey,” “keep,” “observe,” “do.” Narratively,
God is presented as exercising a leadership function in bringing the people
out of Egypt and to their new land, providing for them along the way,
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protecting them from enemies, and instituting a social order to live by, thus
representing divine authority as beneficial. The failures of the people are
represented largely as failures in relation to authority—that is, disobedience
and rebellion. The people’s behavior is characterized by such expressions
as “you refused,” “flouted the command,” “behaved insolently,” “would not
listen,” “acted stubbornly,” and the like. Authority asserts itself in the face
of such opposition largely through the threat of punishment, as one sees in
the warnings so prominent in Deuteronomy and the extensive list of curses
for violation of the covenant (e.g., Deut 6:15; 7:10; 8:19–20; 9:13–14; 11:28;
28:14–68).
The moral foundation of authority is usually buttressed by other coor-
dinated foundations. Since Deuteronomy is concerned with the authority
of a deity, one might assume there would be a strong appeal to sanctity.
But while the sanctity of Yhwh is certainly assumed, sanctity plays only a
modest supporting role in Deuteronomy’s hortatory rhetoric, in contrast to
Ezekiel, who tightly binds divine authority to sanctity. Instead Deuter-
onomy mines the resources of reciprocity and also loyalty to fill out its mo-
tivational picture, as one would expect, given its indebtedness to the model
of the suzerain/vassal treaty and thus to the kinship models on which it
significantly draws.
Reciprocity. Authority on its own does not necessarily tap into strong
positive emotions. In The Righteous Mind, Jonathan Haidt identifies the
characteristic moral emotions keyed to authority as “respect” and “fear” and
the relevant virtues as “obedience” and “deference.” But because authority,
at least as it manifests itself in feudal relationships, involves the provision of
important social goods, it can pair easily with reciprocity, which brings with
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give, and as Yhwh makes clear, what is desired is obedience to the laws and
statutes—that is, recognition of God’s authority. Failure in reciprocity is
selfishness, characterized by forgetfulness (“take care that you do not forget
Yhwh your God,” 9:11), fueled by complacency (“when you have eaten and
are satisfied and built fine houses to live in . . . beware that your heart not
become arrogant and you forget Yhwh your God,” 8:11–14), resulting in
misattribution (“Do not say to yourself, ‘My own power and the strength
of my own hand have gotten me this wealth,’” 8:17). Precisely because the
moral foundation of reciprocity is so deeply ingrained in human relations,
such failures constitute repugnant behavior, as the audience knows.
The logic underlying the account of Yhwh’s graciousness and the con-
ferred benefits—and the logic’s concomitant expectation of something ren-
dered in return—is what is known in evolutionary biology as the logic of
reciprocal altruism. Although reciprocal altruism has been documented
in many species, humans are an extraordinarily cooperative species, in large
part because we have an exceptional ability to keep track of who has done
favors for us and who has not reciprocated when we have done favors for
them. Recent studies have also demonstrated the way in which gratitude
both reinforces the likelihood of further prosocial behavior on the part of
the benefactor and motivates prosocial behavior on the part of the recipi-
ent, both toward the benefactor and even toward third parties (cf. Deut
10:17–19). Some social psychologists differentiate between gratitude on
the one hand and obligation and indebtedness on the other. By closely
associating authority and reciprocity foundations, Deuteronomy blurs the
distinction so that the motivation for obedience is simultaneously grati-
tude for benefits graciously conferred and the obligation of deference to
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authority.
Loyalty. One might discuss the hortatory sections of Deuteronomy
simply in terms of authority and reciprocity. But the significant presence of
strong, emotionally charged words and scenarios suggests that loyalty is also
relevant to the moral recipe of this portion of Deuteronomy. In traditional
societies, and especially in feudal relationships, loyalty is strongly personal.
Indeed, feudal loyalty lays claim to priority even over kin and ethnic loy-
alty. Margalit cites the medieval Book of Fiefs: “Vassals must help their lord
against everyone—against their brothers, against their sons, against their
fathers.” Similarly, in Deuteronomy 13:7–19 loyalty to Yhwh explicitly su-
persedes loyalty to brother, son, daughter, wife, friend, or fellow Israelite.
Moreover, in Deuteronomy it is loyalty to Yhwh that is the basis for ethnic
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teachings, so that his formation results in his, too, becoming a “father” (Prov
4:3), stabilizing his agency as part of his identity. The formation of proper
agency is deeply tied up with the replication of the social order, which it
represents as the manifestation of reality (Wisdom) itself. The student is
directed to “see” patterns of the act-consequence relationship that he then
can confirm for himself. This prioritizing of the cognitive element also
provides a profound stability to successfully formed agency. By contrast,
Deuteronomy represents the central moral relationship as historically con-
tingent. In fact, the contingent nature of the relationship characterizes it at
every moment. The moral relationship in Deuteronomy is both powerful
and fragile. Whereas Proverbs aims to form a subject who is habituated to
good agency and whose failures are subject to correction by the community,
Deuteronomy frames agency as a series of repeated choices, any one of
which is potentially capable of destroying the relationship. Consequently, a
certain tension, even an anxiety, attends to the problem of agency in Deu-
teronomy. There, too, the emotions, both positive and negative ones, have a
more prominent role to play. Finally, Proverbs focuses on the formation of
the individual in the context of replicating the social order. Deuteronomy,
though it often addresses the people as individuals and is concerned with
individual behavior, is ultimately concerned with the formation of the na-
tion as a moral agent. The complex political context of national policy is not
the same as the context of individual decisionmaking; yet this difference is
strategically obscured because of the way in which national agency is repre-
sented as distributed individual agency in Deuteronomy.
What, then, are Deuteronomy’s strategies for forming successful moral
agency? First is solemnizing and ritualizing the act of commitment. Just
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is not zākar but šāmar, “to guard, keep,” suggesting a kind of hypervigilant
attention. What is to be remembered is above all the founding events (e.g.,
“take utmost care and watch yourselves scrupulously, so that you do not
forget the things that you saw with your own eyes and so that they do not
fade from your mind,” 4:9; NJPS) and the catalogue of benefits conferred
by God (e.g., 4:32–34, 37–38; 6:10–11, 20–23; 7:8, 13–15, 21–24; 8:3–4, 7–9, 15–16;
9:1–3; 11:2–4, 9–15). These events form the deeply emotional basis for the
gratitude, loyalty, and respect that make only one choice imaginable: the
choice for obedience. The techniques for remaining in this state of vivid
presence are exhaustive, including eternalized reminders, internalized re-
minders, use of the body as a reminder, reminders keyed to every activity of
the day, teaching one’s children, and so forth. Constant emotional arousal
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of profound gratitude ensures proper agency (4:9, 13–14; 6:6–9, 20–25; 8:2–6,
10; 11:18–21).
Fourth, a striking part of Deuteronomy’s strategy is vivid recitation of
past moral failures and the creation of scenarios of potential failure in the
future. In its present form the book opens with an extended narration of
the people’s moral failure at Kadesh-barnea, when they refused to enter the
land out of fear (1:22–45), a rebellion that resulted in the condemnation of
virtually the entire generation of those who had left Egypt. That narrative is
bookended by a similarly extended recounting of the moral failure at Horeb
when the people made the golden calf (9:6–29). In various other places past,
potential, and future failures are lifted up (4:25–28; 6:10–19; 7:1–5; 8:11–20).
Although it might seem counterintuitive to bolster agency by repeatedly
drawing attention to past and potential failure, such a strategy works by stir-
ring up anxiety that then stimulates vigilance. This rhetoric makes vivid why
scrupulous “keeping watch over” oneself (4:9) is required. To be sure, there is
as yet no cultivation of an introspective conscience in Deuteronomy in any
psychological sense, though its rhetoric of self-monitoring begins to move
in that direction, a shift that will be taken further in many Second Temple
texts. In keeping with the general social or “I-You” orientation of the rheto-
ric, Deuteronomy mostly frames the scenarios of disobedience in terms of
specific events and the actions of the people in those past or potential situa-
tions. But in the extended description of the apostasy of the people at Horeb,
the rhetoric shifts to suggest that the people are intrinsically given to willful
disobedience, being “stiff-necked” and persistently defiant (e.g., 9:6, 13, 24).
The moral problem is thus not simply what one might do but who one is by
disposition. Again, Deuteronomy does not develop this claim extensively,
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onomy’s utopian memory practices had been instituted, they would have
risked becoming routine and rote. Indeed, the final layers of redaction in
Deuteronomy have to grapple with the reality of moral failure. And yet,
it appears that this failure does not significantly alter Deuteronomy’s ap-
proach to agency. Deuteronomy 4:25–31 envisions the future from Moses’s
perspective, a future in which the people commit disloyalty and undergo
destruction, exile, and service to idols. In effect, this experience serves as
a traumatic memory practice, causing the people to turn again to Yhwh,
who redeems the people as in the foundational past. The ability to renew
a broken relationship is one of the inherent resiliencies of thick relations
based on models of kinship and/or shared history, so that failure may be
incorporated into the model itself. The destruction of Judah in 586 BCE,
however, would have appeared from the Deuteronomic perspective as a
massive failure of moral agency, one that could cast into question the ad-
equacy of the model of moral agency upon which it is based. Indeed, there
is evidence within Deuteronomy for just such a recognition of a limit to
human moral agency that makes self-repair impossible. In the postexilic
addition in 30:1–10, as in 4:25–31, the trauma of exile serves to restore the
proper emotions and dispositions that lead to obedience and fidelity, so that
Yhwh once again enacts a redemption and restoration (30:1–5). The inno-
vation is in verse 6, in which Yhwh circumcises the hearts of the people, a
deliberate alteration of 10:16, in which the people are themselves to perform
this repair. But what is the relation of 30:6 to 30:1–2, which seems to envi-
sion a prior “turning” of the people to Yhwh? Most scholars assume that
the alteration of the heart in verse 6 is an additional gift by Yhwh to make
future failure less likely.
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More radically, Marc Brettler argues that the syntax of the passage al-
lows one to understand that it is divine action itself that makes possible
the human turning to Yhwh in verses 1–2. Syntactically, the question has
to do with where the protasis ends and the apodosis begins. Most scholars
take the protasis to consist of verses 1–2, with the apodosis beginning in
verse 3 (e.g., “When all these things befall you . . . and you take them to
heart . . . and you return to the Lord your God . . . , then the Lord your God
will restore your fortunes”; NJPS). It is also syntactically possible, Brettler
argues, that the apodosis begins in verse 1. Thus the logic of the passage
would be governed by the theological perspective of verse 6.
[The passage] would be saying that once the blessing and curse are fulfilled
(1a), the following will happen: you will return (vv. 2–3); Yhwh will return
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and will return you to the land (vv. 3–5), he will then circumcise your hearts
(v. 6) and punish your enemies (v. 7); you will indeed return (v. 8), and Yhwh
will bless you (v. 9).
The shift of agency is even clearer in 4QDibHama. There the liturgist speaks
of the people dispersed in exile: “You have again placed it on their hearts to
return to You, to obey Your voice. . . . You have poured out Your holy spirit
upon us. . . . You have caused us to seek You in our time of tribulation, [that
we might po]ur out a prayer when Your chastening was upon us” (18:13–18;
DSSR).
Because the syntax in Deuteronomy is ambiguous, however, it remains
unclear whether the passage itself intends to displace the role of the people
in turning to Yhwh or if this interpretation was part of a later tendency to
displace the source of moral agency from the people themselves to God. In
support of Brettler’s reading, however, are the roughly contemporary strat-
egies of Jeremiah and Ezekiel. The Deuteronomistic tradents of Jeremiah
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as though they left a similar dangerous residue, what Yitzhaq Feder calls
the “stain of transgression.” While Moral Foundations Theory under-
stands sanctity as in many respects the mirror opposite of impurity, it has
not articulated the evolutionary bases for the positive role of the sanctity
foundation. It is not possible to address the lacunae in Moral Foundations
Theory analysis here, but it seems likely that, just as those things that elicit
disgust signify invisible vectors of disease and death, so early humans may
have posited forces that sustained life and vitality (e.g., divine blessing).
Thus, sanctity and impurity concern the ultimacies of life and death. This
dynamic might suggest why the sacred seems to have an ontological status
unlike other moral foundations, so that ordinary pragmatic considerations
do not apply—a violation of this realm is a threat to existence per se.
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The ultimacy of the sacred may help explain the extreme rhetoric and
practice that attend the role of sanctity. In the biblical tradition, the justi-
fying motivation for sanctity is tautological: it is the sacred itself (e.g., “so
that you may know that I am Yhwh”; “be holy as I am holy”). Responses
to violations of the sacred are also distinctive. Although provisions for pu-
rification for unavoidable, everyday pollutions are readily available, and the
dangers and pollution of inadvertent sins can be dispelled by sacrifice, in-
tentional sin as a violation of sanctity has no remedy other than death, kārēt
(being “cut off ”), or “bearing one’s sin.” The more socially grounded moral
concerns, such as reciprocity and loyalty, drawing on different emotional
resources, have greater flexibility for repairing even serious violations by
means of enactments of repentance and reconciliation. But unauthorized
contact with the sacred, even if unintentional and well-meaning, can evoke
a response of immediate annihilation, as in the case of Uzza in 2 Samuel
6:6–7 (see also Num 4:18–20; 1 Sam 6:19).
A concern for sanctity is evident in Ezekiel, beginning with the im-
pressive theophany in chapters 1–3 and the definitive contrast between God
and the human Ezekiel, pointedly referred to as ben-’ādām (“mortal be-
ing”). The focus continues with extensive cultic-related themes and vocabu-
lary. The violations for which the people are blamed are overwhelmingly
described in terms related to defilement, impurity, and idolatry. The im-
proper shedding of blood is also prominent in the accounts of the people’s
sins. Key passages include the temple vision of chapters 8–11, which details
defilement of the temple itself; the history of disobedience in chapter 20,
which presents the sins in almost exclusively cultic terms; chapter 24, which
highlights blood and impurity imagery; and, of course, the two allegories
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on the moral values of reciprocity and loyalty, divine anger is often couched
in emotional, relational terms and is frequently tied to a larger narrative of
potential reconciliation or to a contrast between the faithless many and the
faithful prophet (e.g., Hos 2; 4; 6; 11; Jer 4–5; 8; 15). In Ezekiel, however, the
emotional model of anger that arises from betrayal is absent. Instead, in
accounts that are often extended, focused, and graphic (e.g., 5:7–17; 7:1–27;
16:37–42; 21:1–22; 22:17–22; 23:22–34, 46–49), the rage that is expressed ex-
plicitly excludes competing emotions of compassion and pity (e.g., 7:4, 9).
“Wrath” (h.ēmāh), one of the favored terms for divine anger in the proph-
ets, occurs some thirty-three times in Ezekiel, as opposed to fourteen in
Jeremiah and thirteen in Isaiah. Ezekiel frequently uses idioms that liken
rage to a liquid that boils over or pours out (thirteen times with šāpak).
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Agency
In the grouping of authority, reciprocity, and loyalty that one finds in
Deuteronomy, it is easy to see how appeals to emotion and memory serve
to support the kind of agency that those moral values require. But what sort
of agency corresponds to sanctity, and how does one produce it? Since sanc-
tity makes an ultimate claim, good tends to be framed as “like the sacred”
and evil as “unlike the sacred.” What is pure or clean is associated with the
sacred and what is impure or unclean is excluded. Moral agency, where it is
deemed possible, is manifested in a form of imitation of the divine, a kind
of nonontological divinization. Conversely, in order to denigrate human
moral agency, negative anthropologies, such as one finds in the speeches of
Elihu and Bildad in Job 4:17–21, 15:14–16, and 25:4–6, combine an ontologi-
cal opposition between the divine and the human with divine loathing of
human pollution and sin.
To pursue the question of agency within a sanctity context, it is useful
to look, not first at Ezekiel, but at the conceptually closely linked Holiness
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Lapsley has persuasively argued, the people are seen utterly to lack moral
agency. Despite Ezekiel’s representation of the people as “heartsick,” the
option for their active participation in a process of atonement, as in Leviti-
cus 26, is excluded. Ezekiel, however, further plumbs the possibilities of the
sanctity foundation for a novel resolution. He recasts “divinization” not as
an agential imitation of the holiness of God but as an actual transformation.
Although the deep moral pollution of the people is beyond the reach of the
ordinary institutions of cultic reparation, God unilaterally cleanses the peo-
ple (36:25). Then the people are recreated. The heart of stone is removed
and a heart of flesh is given (36:26). More significant, “a new spirit,” which
is specifically God’s spirit, is placed into the people (36:26–27). Although
there are other traditions of divine breath or spirit as the vivifying element
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in humans and other animals (Gen 2:7; Ps 104:30), Ezekiel uniquely associ-
ates the implanting of the spirit with the capacity for obedience to the laws
and ordinances (36:27). The new divine element in humans is the source of
agency. The other effect of this moral transformation, however, is recogni-
tion of the gravity of the previous offenses against sanctity, which expresses
itself in the characteristic emotion of the sanctity foundation, moral dis-
gust, here directed inwardly as self-loathing (36:31; 43:7–11).
The traumatic experience of the fall of Judah to the Babylonians, the de-
struction of the temple, and the exile of significant portions of the lead-
ership classes drew into question the fundamental assumptions of the
widespread understanding of the covenant relationship with Yhwh and the
moral agency it assumed on the part of the people. While there were some
resources for incorporating the failure into a narrative that could anticipate
human repentance, divine forgiveness, and reconciliation (e.g., Jer 29:12–
14), other, more radical constructions emerge in response. Analyses of moral
failure begin to incorporate the possibility that not only the moral will but
even the moral equipment of the people are flawed. Although self-repair
is occasionally envisioned (Deut 10:16; Jer 4:4), other passages treat the in-
herent moral flaw of humans as something that requires divine agency to
enact a repair or transformation of human moral organs (Deut 30:6; Jer
31:33–34; 32:39–40; Ezek 11:19; 36:25–27). That alternative conceptions that
are logically inconsistent with one another should exist side by side is not
surprising, nor should one necessarily assume a developmental trajectory
that resolves the tensions. Multiple cognitive models are to be expected, es-
pecially in cases where new ones are emerging to cope with unprecedented
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