CHAPTER-II

WOMEN PARTICIPATION IN SWADESHI

The spirit of violent opposition which had been suppressed with British

success in 1857 had not died out; in fact, it smouldered in the hearts of many a people

waiting for an opportunity to spread out like wild fire. The presidency of Bombay was

prepared to give a lead and this province was conspicuous for its political activities in

the ensuing period. General criticism of the British rule and against its imperial

aspects occupied much more attention in western India – more particularly at Pune,

the old capital of the Peshwas.

The closing years of the century were in particular a period of grim

tribulations for the Indians. The last decade saw the passing of Indian Council Act of

1892 which was for from satisfactory for the people of the land. Laipat Rai observed:

“After more than twenty years of more or less public agitation for concessions and

redress of grievances they had received stones instead of bread.” This period also

witnessed a disastrous famine in 1896–97 attended with intense economic depression,

manifestation of bubonic plague, the sentence of death passed on Chaupekar brothers

on account of the murder of two Englishmen (Mr. Rand and Lt. Ayest). To all these

troubles was added the arrest for sedition of Lokmanya Bal Gandadhar Tilak in 1895.

At the end of an exciting trail he was convicted for 18 months which inflamed the

passions throughout the sub – continent.

These sufferings exposed not only the unpopularity of the alien rule in India

but its failure in creating or maintaining conditions of contentment or satisfaction

among the Indian people. The dissatisfied and disaffected among the educated had

60
hoped for and now demanded a share in the administration. The British Government

instead of sending a Viceroy who could reconcile the ruler and the ruled and bring

them closer to each other sent a bureaucrat par – excellence in Lord Curzon with the

ultimate consequence that the gulf between the two seriously widened and grew

almost unbridgeable.

Curzon‟s curtailment of the powers of the Calcutta Corporation and his

official Secrets Act which was condemned as a gagging measure tended to put back

hands of political progress to a great extant. His explanation was “freedom is granted

to the press provided you refrain from writing.”1 The official takeover of the

universities which made the education expensive and finally the partition of Bengal

smothered the aspirations of loyal people.

The people were further enraged by the convocation speech made by Curzon

at the Calcutta University on February 11, 1905, wherein he remarked, “Truth took

high place in the moral codes of the West before it had been similarly honoured in the

East.”2 These remarks were condemned by the nationalists both in press and on

platform. Curzon went still further and said that Indians were not fit to take up high

offices. “Even more galling to our sense of self – respect than his speech in Calcutta

regarding untruthfulness,” writes Dr. Sitaramayya, “was his sweeping charge that we

Indians by our environment, our heritage and upbringing are unequal to the

responsibities of high offices under the British rule.”3

During this period Japan‟s amazing performance in the Russo Japanese War

and China‟s successful boycott of American goods gave high hope to our people. By

and large the educated element felt that the British imperialism could be shaken off

with the will of the people of the land. The Land Alienation Act Amendment Bill and

61
the increase of water rates in the Bari Doab Canal caused visible commotion in the

Punjab. This was followed by the arrest of Lala Lajpat Rai and Sardar Ajit Singh

which in turn found expression in the extremist activities. Grady exclaimed in the

British Parliament that Lajpat Rai‟s arrest “had justified every tyranny committed by

Dublin Castle or Russian autocracy.”4

Curzon‟s parting gift – the partition of Bengal – became the focus of political

agitation and the revolutionary element which first saw the light of day in Western

India flourished in Bengal during this period. The rank and file in this Presidency

(Bengal) was one in denouncing the decision which they felt was aimed at curbing

their national unity and efforts towards progress. “The request of the people,”

observed Hardy, Member of Parliament, was that “even if you cannot give us back

Bengal give us some modification of the present position of affairs so that we may not

be a country cut in half.”5 Partition Day was a day of mourning for the people of this

region.

ROLE OF WOMEN IN SWADESHI MOVEMENT:

The swadeshi movement, part of the Indian independence movement and the

developing Indian nationalism, was an economic strategy aimed at removing the

British Empire from power and improving economic conditions in India by following

the principles of swadeshi (self-sufficiency), which had some success. Strategies of

the Swadeshi movement involved boycotting British products and the revival of

domestic products and production processes. It was strongest in Bengal and was also

called „Vande Mataram Movement‟. “The women of India should have as much share

in winning Swaraj as men. Probably in this peaceful struggle woman can outdistance

man by many a mile. We know that a woman is any day superior to man in her

62
religious devotion. Silent and dignified suffering is the badge of her sex. And now

that the government have dragged the woman into the line of fire, I hope that the

woman all over India will take up the challenge and organize themselves,”6 Mahatma

Gandhi appealed in to the Indian women to enter the struggle for India‟s freedom. “If

nonviolence is the law of our being, the future is with woman”.7 “If Indian women

arose, he said, “no one cloud prevents the country‟s march to independence”.

Swadeshi movement was a seedling for the entire freedom movement and had

spread to different parts of the country. The women though staying at home insisted

that there should be prohibition of foreign goods into their house. The other shape of

swadeshi movement, which is a starting point for freedom, is heartedness towards

foreign goods (in a small way against foreign rule). Along with foreign clothes and

goods, people also prohibited foreign medicine in this swadeshi movement.

ORIGIN OF SWADESHI MOVEMENT:

The swadeshi movement started with the partition of Bengal by the Viceroy of

India, Lord Curzon, 1905 and continued up to 1911. It was the most successful of the

pre-Gandhian movements. Its chief architects were Aurobindo Ghosh, Lokmanya Bal

Gangadhar Tilak, Bipin Chandra Pal and Lala Lajpat Rai. Swadeshi, as a strategy, was

a key focus of Mahatma Gandhi, who described it as the soul of swaraj (self rule).

Though Gandhi was aware of the fact that the swadeshi movement was to hate

the foreign goods, however, he was very much concerned with the development of the

production of goods in the village and by the villagers would help greatly in

upliftment of the masses. In order to make swadeshi more influential, he wanted that

there should be weaving of Charaka as a starting point.

63
 Similarly his ideas were to involve women in weaving clothes and increase

among the people, the desire for Swadeshi clothes. Further, this does not prevent the

women from household works. In this way he generated idea among women will help

in participating in picketing struggle for closing liquor shops and other activities.

They themselves can organize and undertake these activities. Therefore, the basic

thread was the read itself in the cause for freedom struggle.

As the Swadeshi movement was multifaced, it could attract all sections of the

society. The movement could spell its charm to attract landlords, low-caste people,

students, and women at all. Though the Swadeshi movement was a mass movement,

the fact remains that it disappeared by 1908-by and large it were a „failure‟. Inspite of

it being dubbed as a failure, the movement, nevertheless failed to make its own

contributions. It is, indeed, this movement, which mooted the „idea of nationalism‟.

Inspite of its disappearance, the impact of Swadeshi movement could be witnessed in

every stage of freedom movement like Non co-operation movement, Civil

Disobedience movement and Quit India movement.

The Anti-partition movement, or the Swadeshi movement as it came to be

called, was remarkable, in many respects and most of all in the active programme

which it placed before the nation. The program was fourfold; a) Boycott of foreign

goods, especially of British goods; b)The exclusive use of Swadeshi goods and the

promotion indigenous industries; c)National education as different from the soulless

education which was meant only to mancifacture intelligent clerks and finally; d)

Demand for Swaraj, or self-rule on the same pattern as England itself.8

The swadeshi movement had its origin in the anti-partition movement. During

1900, Bengal had become the nerve centre for Indian nationalism. At that time it was

64
the biggest province of British India and included parts of Bihar and Orissa. To

weaken it, Lord Curzon (1899–1905) the Viceroy of India, proposed partition of

Bengal. The official reason was stated as administrative convenience due to the size of

Bengal. But partition itself was based on a religious and political agenda. Bengal was

to be divided into two regions i.e. East Bengal and Assam out of the rest of Bengal.

Thus to reduce the nationalist movement in Bengal and thereby in the entire country,

Bengal partition was to take place on 16 October 1905.

H. H. Riseley, home secretary to the government of India, stated on 6

December 1904: "Bengal united is a power; Bengal divided will pull in several

different ways. That is what Congress leaders feel; their apprehensions are perfectly

correct and they form one of the great merits of the scheme... in this scheme... one of

our main objects is to split up and thereby weaken a solid body of opponents to our

rule".

So the British tried to curb Bengali influence on the nationalist movement and

also introduced a new form of division based on religion to create challenges for the

Indian National Congress, which was slowly becoming the main opponent to British

rule. But the Indian nationalists saw the design behind partition and condemned it

unanimously, starting the anti-partition and the swadeshi movements. The swadeshi

movement was also known as „Vande Mataram‟ movement.

The proposal of partition of Bengal became publicly known in 1903, followed

by immediate and spontaneous protests all over Bengal. 500 meetings were held in

East Bengal alone. 50,000 copies of a pamphlet with a detailed critique of partition

were distributed. This phase is marked by moderate techniques of protest such as

petitions, public meetings, press campaign, etc. to turn public opinion in India as well

65
as in Britain against partition. This movement also involved the boycott of British

products. Western clothes were thrown onto bonfires. To let the British know how

unhappy the Indians were at the partition of Bengal, leaders of the anti-partition

movement decided to use only Indian goods and to boycott British goods. People

gathered at the cross roads and burnt the imported clothes that they had. People

picketed the shops selling foreign goods, and imported sugar was boycotted. People

also resolved to use things made only in India and this was called the Swadeshi

movement.

The two main features of the anti- partition agitation were the swadeshi

movement and the boycott. In the word Swadeshi “swa” means own and “desh”

means country, the letter “i” being the usual adjectival termination; Swadesh therefore

means “one‟s own country”, and Swadeshi, “pertaining to one‟s own country”9. The

Swadeshi movement accordingly consisted, economically, of using goods produced in

the country in preference to those imported from abroad, and politically of making the

administration as far as possible Indian.10 The boycott was mainly the boycott of all

kinds of foreign goods, particularly those of English manufacture; and the Hindu

agitators expressed it. Swadesh and boycott were positive and negative aspects of the

same thing. Swadeshi, however, had a political side which went much further; it

aimed at a change in the Government of the country with which the use of foreign

goods had little or nothing to do, namely, self – Government or Swaraj.11 Hence

Swaraj means self Government, and the official translation of “local self–

Government” is “Sthanik Swarajya”. It was, however, new to Bengal when it was

introduced to the local leaders of Indian National Congress in Calcutta, in 1906, by

Dadabhai Naoroji, the celebrated Parsi leader from Bombay. Through these two

movements, then, Swadeshi and boycott, it was hoped to force the reversal of the

66
partition by bringing pressure to bear on the Government and on the British elector,

the assumption being that the former was very sensitive to agitation, and the latter to

anything that touched his pocket.12

The Indian national movement was a revolutionary movement in the initial

stage. Even so, the two years from 1905 to 1907 were a period of only passive

resistance, the nationalists carrying on a vigorous anti- British propaganda and

indulging in free use of tongue and pen. They did it with great sacrifice and their

protest found full expression in the celebrated swadeshi movement – the first Indian

National Movement – as Jawaharlal Nehru rightly termed it.13 There were twin

agitations, namely swadeshi and boycott of British goods. The weapon of boycott was

turned not against an individual but against British goods. To the advocacy of

swadeshi, which aimed at using goods produced in India, the advocacy of swadeshi,

which aimed at refusing British goods, was added. These activities marked the first

stage of the “coalescence” of the Indian people into a united nation.14 The watchword

of the new movement was “India for the Indians” which, after all, advocated the

boycotting of all goods not made by Indian labour. Commenting on boycott nearly a

decade after the launching of the Swadeshi movement, Annie Besant said that it “had

one admirable effect". The Bengali youths addicted to the wearing of ugly British

coats and trousers, appeared in the graceful dhoti, shirt and shawl of Bengal15. The

year 1906 was declared as the Swadeshi year. The slogan “Be Indian and buy Indian”

was chanted everywhere. The nationalists knew that India‟s one sure means of

drawing England‟s attention to partition and other wrongs of the British Indian

administration was the boycott of British goods.

67
 The cry to Bande Mataram was raised as a political slogan, for the first time at

the historic Town Hall Meeting held on 7 August 1905 for passing a resolution of

boycott and for taking the vow of Swadeshi. Since then, a multitude of voices

throughout the country rent the sky with these words and made it the battle cry of a

subject nation.16

The Swadeshi movement, which was triggered by the British decision to

partition of Bengal in 1905, saw women's entry in to the movement, and the skilful

tactics of several women leaders contributed to increase the participation of women in

public life. Mobilization also facilitated this participation. Attempts at mass

Pamphlets were written in Bengali and widely distributed. One of those was a

pamphlet by Ramendra Sundari Trivedi entitled "a vow for Bengali women", which

tried to explain the Swadeshi movement in simple language in for a village woman to

understand. The pamphlet called upon women to participate in the ritual of Rakhi

Bandhan and Arandhan (not lighting working fires) and the boycott foreign goods.17

Simple and unsophisticated rural women participated in the Borsad (1923-24)

and Bardoli (1928) Satyagrahas in Gujurat. To popularize the boycott of foreign

clothes in 1930-31, the Videsh Kapda Bahiskar Samiti (Association for the boycott of

foreign cloth) was formed in Ahmedabad with Sarla Devi as its president. It organised

processions in which women wearing saffron-coloured Khadi saris, sang patriotic

songs and marched through the streets of Ahmedabad. Mridula Sarabhai on the other

hand organized the Vanar Sena of children and also prabhat pheris which moved

around the city at dawn to the accompaniment of drums, bugles and „manjiras‟

(cymbals).18

68
 The peasants of Bardoli were compelled to abandon their land; their buffaloes

and cows were confiscated; their domestic articles were auctioned. But they still

didn‟t pay taxes. The women supported their men completely. Manibehn Patel,

Mithubehn Petit and Bhaktibehn Desai set their tents and huts on the land announced

to be sold by the government.19 Bardoli set a new example as this was the first time

that simple, unsophisticated rural women participated in the freedom movement,

though they belonged to the well -off sections, who possessed the land they

cultivated.20

Women organized themselves into groups and wanted to join processions, face

police firing and go to jail. They broke the salt law, picketed shops selling alcohol and

foreign manufactured fabric. Women joined terrorist groups and assisted in editing

and distributing banned newspapers and making bombs. Young girls in their teens and

women with children went to jails where conditions were uncomfortable. Hundreds

and thousands of Indian women dedicated their lives for obtaining freedom of their

motherland.

The Swadeshi movement had its genesis in the anti- partition Bengal. At first

the Congress in India was involved in the agitation activities against British. The

Congress changed from conservative to political extremism, from terrorism to

incipient socialism, from petitioning and public speeches to passive resistance and

boycott, and thereby affected our altitudinal change. And it was the beginning of quite

a new phase in the history of Indian Nationalism with the struggle against the partition

of Bengal21. The aggressive programme of swadeshi was the boycott of national

education, the boycott of Manchester cloth, Liver-pool salt and "Swaraj" became the

slogs of the nationalists22. People began to participate in the deliberations of the

69
Indian National Congress and introduced the word "Swaraj" into congress parlances

for the first time. The Swadeshi movement called the people of the country to

promote indigenous industries and consume Indian made goods rather than imported

commodities.23

Swadeshi movement spread to the extreme south of India during 1906-1916.

The rise of extremism completely changed the complexion of political agitation in the

Madras Presidency. The visit of Bepin Chandra Pal to Madras and his speech fired

thousands of people with the spirit of patriotism and nationalism and attracted them to

the rows of Swadeshi and Swaraj. Madras roused to a new life by the wonderful

oratory speech of Bepin Chandra Pal24.

Women became actively involved with the Swadeshi struggle protest meetings

held all over Bengal and some of these exclusively women‟s gatherings. For instance,

about five hundred women met at Jenokand village in the district of Mushidabad to

protest against the government‟s decision to partition Bengal and to urge to need for

using indigenous, country- made goods. Likewise ladies in their streets and colonies

arranged meetings and even spinning wheels were introduced in the zenana.25

Swadeshi movement also marked the formation of several women‟s

organizations. Mahila Shilpa Samithi (1906 -1918) was inspired by the Swadeshi

Movement. Earlier in 1910, Sarala Devi Chaudharani had formed the „Bharat Stri

Maha Mandal‟, after serious differences with the male leadership of the National

Social conference26. As the secretary of this organization, she worked tirelessly and

successfully and instituted branches of the Stri Maha Mandal in Allahabad and

Calcutta.27

70
 In the Madras Presidency a women‟s magazine was started by Kamala, wife of

Indian Christian social reformer Stalinthan. A Brahmin widow‟s home was founded in

1913 by Subbalakshmi Ammal and a Mahila Seva Samaj in Mysore in 1913.28

„Swaraj‟, Swadeshi‟ and National Education‟ became the slogans of the

nationalists. Women who had begun to participate in the deliberations of the Indian

National Congress now further took up the responsibility to share the national efforts

through the press and the platform. There was no mass awakening amongst the

women at this time but there was some sort of movement spreading slowly in them.

Some five hundred women met Jenokand village in the district of

Murshidabad to protest against Government‟s decision and to urge the need of using

the country – made goods. Meetings were arranged by the ladies in their streets and

spinning wheels were introduced in the zenana.

Women contributed their bangles, nose rings, and bracelets to the national

fund. In villages they had started putting away a handful of grain daily for such

purpose. During the Provincial Conference of 1906 Smt. Sarojini Bose, wife of Tara

Prasanna Bose, pledged that she would not wear gold bangles till the “Bande Matram”

circular prohibiting the use of this slogan was cancelled. Mrs. J.k. Gangauli gave her

bracelet as a contribution towards paying off the fine of Shri Durga Mohan Sen, who

was convicted for seditious activities. Women outside India also did whatever they

could to further the national cause. Prosecutions and convictions became widespread.

When Bhupendra Nath was convicted on July 24, 1907, some two hundred women

presented an address of appreciation to his mother.

71
 Kumudini Mitter, daughter of Kristo Mitter, a renowned national was very

active during this period. She organized a group of educated Brahmin ladies for

maintaining an illegal liaison between the different revolutionary leaders who were

watched by the police. This organization also helped in the circulation of

revolutionary leaflets and literature. She preached the cause of the extremists through

Suprabhat, a Bengali Magazine. It propagated the cult of revolution.

Another lady, Smt. Bhag Bati of Noakhali (Eastern Bengal), who wrote a song

describing the wretched state of Indian people. She concluded with the following

sinister prayer; “Kali! If you are under the influence of an evil planet, please save us

we will sacrifice white goats in Ganges if Bengal prospers.”29

While the women in Bengal were busy promoting the cause of freedom,

women in Punjab also stepped into the political arena. Smt. Sushila Devi of Sialkot

delivered a series of lectures in which she attacked the government and exhorted

women to rise to the occasion.

Har Devi, wife or Roshan Lal, a Barrister of Lahore, who was a great social

reformer and editor of a Hindi magazine, The Bharat Bhagni, also joined the ranks of

the political workers. During this period she arranged meetings and collected funds

for the purpose of assisting anarchists under trial.

The women workers of the Arya Samaj were also responsible for arousing

national spirit among the people. Smt. Purani, who was working for the Arya Samaj at

Hissar, was a prominent worker of the time. She toured the various districts of the

Punjab and advocated the cause of swadeshi. Speaking to the women at Hissar, Smt.

Purani criticised the caste restrictions, undue observance of which, she said,

72
“prevented women from bringing up their sons as was done by the women of old, to

be warriors and greatmen. “She exhorted them “to bring up their sons not with a view

to joining government service, but to an independent participation in trade especially

the manufacture and sale of swadeshi.”30

Agyavati in Delhi was another person who took interest in the movement. She

addressed both men and women and described the part played by the women in the

management of the affairs of their own country in former times and she urged that

until women were educated and took interest in the welfare of the country there was

little chance of Indian making any real progress. She was reported to be a “very bold

woman”, Agyavati started a Vidhawa Ashram where widows and other women,

without distinction of caste or creed, received political training and were taught to

spread the same.

SISTSER NIVEDITA

Margaret Noble, known as Sister Nivedita, the daughter of Rev. S.R. Noble,

was born at Dunganonco, Tyrone, on October 28, 1867. She was interested in

education and became a trained teacher. She opened a school at Wimbledon with a

broad and lively conception of education for girls. Nivediata was very active at this

time and was also instrumental in the establishment of Sesame Club (social centre for

women and men).

In the year, 1895, she came in contact with Swami Vivekananda. She came

under his influence and came to India at his suggestion. By 1898 Nivedita was in

India. The centre of her efforts was now shifted from London to Calcutta and India

became her adopted motherland. She took strenuous tours of the north – west region

73
along with Swami Vivekananda and three other western women. These tours were to

serve as a guide in her future activities.

The conditions prevailing at that time were painful to Nivedita. She expressed

her feeling in a letter written in 1901 which indicated the interest she had developed

in Indian affairs. The letter reads: “Only your friend is right about India‟s requiring

foreign rule. Does the history of India bear the statement out? Of course, not. Even as

written by her enemies it shows that India as large as Western Europe, never suffered

from such disorder. Think of wars between France and England alone, between

England and Spain, between Germany and France, of the French Revolution Nothing

is so extraordinary in India as the combination of intense religious conviction with

marvelous political peacefulness, when one takes a large enough view of the situation

to get facts at a true, focus. The only thing that never is written is good history, at

least about India that I do understand.”31

Sister Nivedita met Sarla Devi and acquainted herself with her work. But

somehow she found a more congenial comrade in Sri Aurobindo who was striving to

organize western India for revolutionary work. She is reported to have had affiliations

with the Irish Revolutionary party.

Her visit to Baroda in 1902 enabled her to have an insight into Sri

Aurobindo‟s work at close quarters. When she returned to Calcutta she gave away her

library of valuable books on the revolutionary and nationalist movements of different

countries to the centre of revolutionary activities in Calcutta. It was at this place that

she addressed the young men on the nationalist movements of other countries. She is

reported to have been a member of the National Revolutionary Council along with Sri

Aurobindo.

74
 Nivedita was present in the University Hall when Curzon made his

convocation speech in 1905. She took the lead in condemning Curzon‟s observations.

It was on account of her efforts that an article under the caption „Lord Curzon in

various capacities‟ appeared in the Amrita Bazar Patrika of February 13, 1905. This

article was mainly written to prove that there was no truth in the statement made by

Lord Curzon.

The leadership of the revolution which swept Bengal following the partition of

the province was assumed by Rabindranath Tagore who fostered it and kept it and up

its fire by his great literary creation of national songs, a unique poetry of patriotism.

These patriotic poems were set to music with Ajit Chakravorty every evening in the

hall of the Metropolitan Institution where the Dawn Society was located. His close

associate in this work was Hirendranth Dutta, and behind them was Sister Nivedita

than whom a more passionate patriot the country has rarely seen.

The famine and flood in East Bengal in 1906 was disastrous and Sister

Nivedita was an eyewitness to the troubles of the peasants. She went from one farm

house to another helping, healing and consoling the weak and the miserable. She

addressed women‟s meetings and preached the use of swadeshi goods. Nivedita also

emphasised the need to take to Charkha and other useful crafts. Writing about the

famine in Bengal in 1906 she observed: “Under western imperialism the methods of

exploitation are different from those of the past. The subjection had become financial

and growing exploitation proceeds along building of rail – roads, the destruction of

native industries and the creation of widespread famine – there are so many

landmarks, as it were, in a single process of subordination and exploitation”.32

75
 She believed that it was the school and not the parliament which was to be the

cradle of new social combination. Her opinion was that the schools in British India

had long stood without any morals, because there was no central ethical imperative

round which could gather the new morality of the new era. Every student of every

race and every province had caught the word of command “Arise and become a

nationa! Be the servant of your people! Be a man of your own land!”33

While referring to the peasants Nivedita observed that they had enough

commonsense to take the affairs of their country in their own hands. She further said

that those who paid the revenue also had the right to control the expenditure. This fact

could not be denied by the Englishman. “As long as India is contented to sit and argue

the question” remarks Nivedita, “he is perhaps but worldly wise to take what he can

and refuse concession. Argument is never dangerous. But if a day should come when

she ceased to argue, if she suddenly declared that she cared nothing about theory, for

three hundred millions of human beings had determined on a new arrangement? Not

our right but our will. If this cry were heard throughout the land what could be said by

the tax gatherers then? What then? What then?”34

Besides being a revolutionary of a high order Nivedita, took up the pen to

arouse the zeal for the cultivation of national art, architecture, literature and history,

education and culture. Though she did not join the political movement or any political

party she advocated the revolution. “The promotion of the cause of Indian nationality

was with her a mission and a passion, as was women‟s education.” Nivedita dreamt of

a unified India and desired that all should join together to achieve success in this great

work. Talking about the unity of India she writes; “Side by side must work bothers of

all shades of opinion, of all forms of energy, for the recreating of the Dharma, for the

building anew in the modern world, of Mahabharata, Heroic India.”35

76
 Nivedita went to the Court in 1907 to stand surety for Bhupendranath Dutta,

youngest brother of Swami Vivekananda, who was arrested for sedition as editor of

„Yugantar‟ and subsequently convicted to one year‟s rigorous imprisonment.

Hard work had its effect on Sister Nivedita‟s health and she breathed her last

in 1911. Speaking on her memorial meeting, Rashbehary Ghose said: “If the dry

bones are beginning to stir, it is because sister Nivedita breathed the breath of life into

them. If our young men are now inspired with a burning passion for a new, a higher, a

truer and noble life the credit is in no small measure due to the lady who has been so

prematurely called away from us” he further said, “If we are conscious of a budding

national life at the present day if is in no small measure due to the teaching of sister

Nivedita.”36

SARLA DEVI

Sarla Devi was one of the prominent personages of this period. She formed the

link between Punjab and Bengal revolutionaries. She was the niece of the great poet,

Rabindranath Tagore, and was born in the year 1872. Her mother, Swarn Kumari, was

an ardent worker for the swadeshi cause.

The spirit of patriotism was imbibed in Sarla Devi by her mother. Her work

from the year 1897, when she took over the editorship of „Bharati‟, which she edited

till 1899, is of great significance. Through the pages of Bharati, she advocated the

Hindu – Muslim unity as unity alone could oust the foreigners. At the seventeenth

session of the National Congress a song composed by Sarla Devi invoking the people

of different provinces of the country to join hands in the national struggle was sung in

chorus.

77
 Sarla Devi‟s impressionable years were spent in western India with her uncle,

Satyenranath Tagore, where she witnessed the revival of Ganapati Festival, Shivaji

coronation festival and the organization of the society of physical and military

training by Damodar and Balkrishan Chaupekar, who were Chitpavan Brahamins. She

felt so inspired that she wanted to introduce similar activities in Bengal to revive the

heroic spirit among the people. She established a centre for physical culture at her

home in Calcutta and suggested to the Congress to organize an exhibition of physical

feats. In the year 1903 she organized the celebration of Birastni Brata and

Pratapaditya Brata modelled on the lines of Shivaji „Utsav‟ of young Marathas, who

followed Tilak. Just as the Marathas celebrated the Puja of Bhabai, tutelary deity of

Shivaji, so Sarla Devi celebrated the Kali puja, tutelary goddess of Pratapaditya.

Referring to this move of Sarla Devi, Bipin Chandra Pal wrote in New India, “As the

necessity is the mother of invention, Sarla Devi is the mother of Pratapaditya to meet

the necessity of a hero for Bengal.”37

Sarla Devi opened „Lakshmi Bhandar‟ for popularizing swadeshi goods. In

1904 she won the gold medel for exhibiting improved varieties of textures of fabrics.

Sarla Devi was married to a popular Arya Samajst and a well known nationalist

leader, Rambhoj Dutt Chaudhery of Lahore, in 1905 and her centre of activities then

shifted from Bengal to Punjab, she continued to direct her activities from Punjab and

maintained the link between the two provinces.

Sarla Devi gave a new life to the Suhrid Samiti in 1905. The Suhrid Samiti

was started in 1901 as a benevolent institution in Mymensingh district of Bengal. It

became a political organization and its changed creed was due to the trend of the time

in general and the two special causes in particular. The first was the visit of

78
Aurobindo Ghose, Subodh Mullick and Bipinchandra Pal to Mymensingh district in

1905 and the second special cause was the predominant influence of Mrs. Rambhoj

Dutt (Sarla Devi). She attended the provincial conference and then organised Samiti

as an instrument for political work and tried to infuse a martial spirit into the members

by introducing religious rituals. The association had its headquarters in Mymensingh

and they aimed at starting new centers for propagating their ideas. In 1908 it had six

branches in Mymensingh, four in Dhaka and six in Sylhet and one each in Noakhali

and Chandanpur. The Brati Samiti and Sakti Samiti of Calcutta and Sevak Samiti of

Dhaka were also branches of the same society. It was reported in 1908 that Mrs.

Rambhoj Dutt maintains a fairly brisk correspondence with leading members of this

Samiti.

She had organized agricultural farms to propagate her work. One such farm

was started in Sylhet district under the charge of Kedar Nath. The ostensible object of

the farm was to teach the arts of agriculture to „Bhadralog Youth.‟ But in reality

agricultural aspect of the farm was if “not a mere pretext than at any rate a subsidiary

object.” It was found that the youth on the farm were in closest touch with the

authorities of the „Suhrid Samiti.‟ The members of the Suhird Samiti figured in

numerous political demonstrations.

The minds of the „Suhrid Samiti‟ members were well trained by religious

ceremonies, inflammatory speeches, songs and literature and by participation in

political meetings and demonstrations. They were subjected to physical training

designed to develop muscles and arouse martial spirit. Boxing, wrestling, drill, lathi

exercises, sword and dagger exercises, were among the items of this training. Most of

the volunteers possessed daggers and sword sticks. Many had unlicensed revolvers.

79
The members of the Samiti looked upto Sarla Devi as their leader and she continued

to exert powerful influence from Lahore.

Sarla Devi went from Lahore to preside over the New Year‟s Day 1909 and

Pratapaditya Anniversary. It was in this meeting that an attempt was made for the first

time to use the word “Bande Matram” as a national slogan. “Each member of this

Samiti after nestling to mother country mine”, exhorted Sarla Devi, “should consider

every act beneficial to the mother country as my work, my duties and try to

accomplish it without waiting for the other with the motto to accomplish by witchcraft

or to die to guide you in life, carry through whatever you feel to be my work”.

Sarla Devi toured extensively, more especially the Punjab. She opened the

Arya Samaj branches for women. Addressing a meeting at the Arya Samaj Girls

School, Saharanpur, she said that, “knowledge is the great remedy for fear. Give

knowledge to your womenfolk. Get them rid of fear and they will transmit

fearlessness to your veins. Do not let all this remain mere talk, a theme for day‟s

platform speaking, clapping only but be sincere, be alert, arise, awake and having

achieved the goal, rest”.

She also condemned the police officer of the Criminal Intelligence

Department, who had followed her to keep a watch over her activities. She said.

“Here was a stripling, a boy of my own race and blood corrupt to the core, treacherous

to a degree, trying in the meanest cowardly fashion to frighten a lady supposed to be

partial to the motherland out of wits to get lift in Criminal Intelligence Department.”38

Addressing a meeting on May 1, 1908, at Lahore, she said that it was required

of every true and loyal son of the soil to take an oath of allegiance to the country, to

80
revere the past, to preserve relics of the past, to study history and science, to have

thorough mastery of the language, to strive for their own rights and privileges and on

behalf of others.

Sarla Devi supervised the work of the Hindustan Press. She regularly attended

the office and skillfully divided the press into two parts, setting aside three machines

for jobbing and there for regular work of the paper. The object of this decision was to

save three machines if they were ever ordered to be confiscated.

To provide immediate incentive to the people to take interest in the affairs of

their country, Sarla Devi arranged competitions and her favourite subjects were: (i)

Welcome to hardship, (ii) Knowledge, and (iii) Patritotism, as also for the best essay

in Punjabi language and Hindu – Muslim unity. Meetings were also arranged by her

in whom she encouraged discussions on topics like women‟s education and

patriotism.

Sarala Devi took steps to organize women‟s movement. The nucleus of this

movement was formed at Lahore in 1910. She was the tireless Secretary of the Bharat

Stri Maha Mandal which was organized in the teeth of opposition. Branches of Stri

Maha Mandal were also instituted at Allahabad and Cakcutta. The object of this

society was to bring together the women of all castes and creeds on the basis of their

common interest in the moral and material progress of women in India. The

government could not ignore the activities and the lead given by Sarla Devi and so

she was put under surveillance. She was told that if she objected to being watched she

should restrict her activities.

81
 Sarla Devi came under the influence of Gandhiji in the year 1919. She was

one of the few women in Punjab who raised their voice against tyranny of General

Dyer. She also took part in the franchise movement set in motion by Mrs. Cousins. In

Bengal it was she who was instrumental in securing a voting right for women. Sarla

Devi remained an ardent Congress worker till her death in 1945 and participated in

the various campaigns launched to achieve freedom.

Indian women outside India also did their best to make this cause a success.

Most important of those who worked for the revolutionary activities were Mrs.

Shyamji Krishan Verma, Miss P. Nauroji, grand – daughter of Dadabhai Nauroji,

Miss M. Chattopadhya, sister of Nirendranath Chattopadhya and Madam B.K. Cama.

The last named was amongst the top ranking leaders of the revolutionary party in

Europe.

MADAM BHIKAIJI RUSTUM K. R. CAMA

She was born on 24th September, 1861. She was the daughter of Sorabji Framji

Patel. Her education was completed in Bombay at the Alexandra Parsi Girls School.

After leaving the school she devoted herself to the mastery of some foreign languages

which was useful to her in later life. She was married to the son of K. Rustum Cama,

a Parsi reformer, who made a name in the Presidency.

She went to Europe in 1902. Madam K. R. Cama spent a year in Germany,

Scotland and Paris before settling down in London in 1906. These wanderings were

perhaps a prelude to her political career. By the time she was back in London the seed

of Revolutionary Party had already been sown by patriots likes Shyamji Krishna

Verma. But it was left to Madam Cama to nourish this tender sapling into a vigorous

tree.

82
 Bhikaiji cama in contact with Shyamji Krishana Verma who inspired her to

join the revolutionary movement whole – heartedly. She had, perhaps, already made

up her mind to dedicate her life to the cause of her motherland and started the work in

a systematic manner. She took immediate steps to establish contacts with nationalists

of Ireland, Russia, Egypt and Germany. She was mindful of the handicaps of the

extremists at home and supplied them revolvers concealed in toys ostensibly sent as

Christmas presents.

When it was announced that the International Socialist Congress was to meet

in Stuttgart (Germany) in August 1907, Madam Cama was quick to grab this

opportunity to acquaint the cosmopolitan gathering with the conditions prevailing in

India. Her speech on that memorable occasion dealt with the lives of the dumb

millions of Hindustan “who are undergoing terrible tyrannies under the English

Capitalism and British Government.” She said that million pounds were taken

annually from Indian and consequently people, in India died of poverty. At the end of

speech she unfolded the Indian National Flag, a tricolour in green, yellow and red,

with the words „Bande Matram‟ on the middle band. Thus Bhikaiji Cama was the first

Indian who unfolded the Indian National Flag in a foreign country before an

international gathering. Subsequently she made it customary to unfurl the national

flag before addressing any meeting because she said “she was in the habit of speaking

under the flag.”39

Madam Cama did a yeoman‟s task for the election of Dadabhai Nauroji to the

Parliament, her being the first Indian to sit in the House of Commons. Immediately

after the conference in Germany she left for America where she was to launch a

vigorous campaign to win the sympathy of the people of that great republic for her

83
just and sacred cause. She was interviewed by the pressmen at New York. She boldly

replied that “Swaraj an Self – Government” was her goal. She told the interviewer

that “starved and uneducated as we are, the past few years have shown an increase of

millions of patriots. We shall have liberty, fraternity and equality some day. We hope

for freedom within ten years.

On October 28, 1907, Madam Cama addressed the members of the Minerva

Club at the Waldroff Astoria Hotel in New York and asked their help for political

enfranchisement of India. She said that “The people here know about the conditions in

Russia but I do not think that they know anything about the conditions in India under

the English Government. Out best men are deported or sent to prison like criminals,

and there they are flogged so that so that they have to go to the prison hospitals. We

are peaceful, we do not want a bloody revolution, but we do want to teach the people

their rights and throw off despotism.” She addressed meetings at several places. She

was the first Indian (woman) unofficial ambassador of the people of India to the

United States.

In November 1908, Madam Cama was beck in London and addressed the

gathering at India House. Her speech was printed in a leaflet, copies of which were

afterwards sent to India in large numbers. This leaflet became the manifesto of the

revolutionary creed. She justified the use of force when one was forced to use force.

She explained that tyranny is tyranny and torture is torture wherever applied and that

success justified any action. She said that the struggle for freedom called for

exceptional measures and that successful revolution against the foreign rule was

patriotism. In a message to the youth of the country she said: “March forward friend!

84
and lead our helpless, dying, down – trodden children of motherland to the goal of

Swaraj in its right sense. Let our motto be, „we are all for India for the Indians.”40

It may be mentioned of the Cama was not a born revolutionary. As she said at

a meeting of the India House in 1908. “Three years ago it was repugnant to me even

to talk of violence as a subject of discussion but owing to the heartlessness, the

hypocrisy and the rascality of the liberals that feeling is gone.”41

Madam Cama was an apostle of unity – whether she addressed the Muslims,

the Hindus or the Sikha – her watchword was that they should fasten the ties of

brotherhood – that relation between the countries men should be firm and resolute

without bringing in the question of religion.

She preached the sermon of non – cooperation in a far off land and exhorted

the Indians not to accept any office however high it might be under the British

Government. They ought to serve themselves, improve trade, industry and art and

then the country would be their own.

By now Madam Cama‟s activities were widely known and the British

Government began to look upon her as a dangerous revolutionary whose aim to

overthrow the British rule in India. The detectives were set to follow her like a

shadow. She decided to move to Pairs and left London in May 1909. Here she

associated with S. R. Rana, Shyamji Krishna Verma and other revolutionary leaders.

Madam Cama interested herself chiefly in the business of preparing and forwarding to

India seditious literature in the form of leaflets and generally in assisting with advice

and what was probably more important with her money. She was at this time the

85
recognized leader of the revolutionary movement and was said to be regarded by the

people as a reincarnation of the goddess Kali.

In 1907, when the renowned Indian journalist and revolutionary, B.C. Pal,

editor of S waraja, was prosecuted for his seditions writings, Madam Cama felt the

need of having a press of her own away from the clutches of the British Government.

This dream materialized in 1909 when she shifted to Pairs. To carry on the required

propaganda work she started the well – known monthly journal The “Bande

Matram”.42 This journal was supported by voluntary contributions and there was no

fixed subscription. The famous Press Act was imported to India by the bureaucratic

government in 1910. By virtue of this Act several editors were sent to jails and the

presses were closed down. Madam Cama was not to be defeated by this high handed

measure. She encouraged her countrymen and wrote in Vol. I , March 1910, of her

journal that Press Act was a confession of the defeat on the part of the Indian

Government and attributed to the efficiency of the revolutionary Party. It was

emphasized that the Act would not affect the future of the cause since revolutionary

journals and books were printed abroad. The writer added: “We must recognize that

importation of revolutionary literature into India from foreign countries is the sheet

anchor of the party and the centre of gravity of political work has shifted from

Calcutta, Poona and Lahore to Pairs, Geneva, Berlin, London and New York.”43

In another article in 1911, Madam Cama appealed to the Indians in Europe to

make the best of their stay in the West, by taking all kinds of physical training. Above

all she asked them to “learn to shoot straight because the day is not far when coming

into the inheritance of Swaraj and Swadeshi, you will be called upon to shoot the

English out of the land which we all love so passionately.” Copies of this journal

86
found their way to America, Egypt and many parts of Europe and India. At one time

nothing less than 426 copies were intercepted at the Oxford Post Office.

The cause of women was dear to her. She wanted the women to share, the

responsibilities, sufferings and sorrows of their countrymen. In 1912 in an open letter

to Young Orients on the subject of foreign wives, she advised them to marry oriental

girls for all their weaknesses and for all their goodness and improve them and make

them progressive. By doing so the young men would be improving the conditions of

the country and strengthening it at the same time. She said: “You should rather

everyday in your life in teaching the progressive ways to an Oriental little wife than

getting a readymade article and live an easy home – life, by marrying an Occidental

woman.”44

At the meeting of the Egyptian National Congress at Brussells in 1910 she

remarked: “I see here the representatives of only half the population of Egypt. May I

ask where is the other half ? Sons of Egypt, where are the daughters of Egypt? Where

are your mothers and sisters, your wives and daughters?”45 She further remarked that

they should “remember that the hand that rocks the cradle is the hand that moulds the

character. That soft hand is the chief factor in the national life. So do not neglect that

powerful hand.”46

It would be wrong to say that she had anything against the women of other

countries. In fact, she stressed: “I have nothing against American of English sisters.

She said that she was an internationalist in her feeling and that it will be a day of

rejoicing when she could say that “the world is my country, every human being is my

relation. But to establish internationalism in the world there must be nations first.”

87
 Madam Cama was so popular in Socialist circles in Paris that when V.D.

Sarvarkar‟s arrest and recapture became known she used her influence with such

effect that the „Affair Saverkar‟ was at once taken up in the Socialist Paper. Madam

Cama engaged Socialist avocet Jean Longueat to watch the proceedings of the Hauge

Tribunal of Savarkar‟s behalf and represent him there.

Besides contributing to the National Fund of which she was the treasurer,

Madam Cama also contributed liberally to the Adhinav Bhara Society. This society

was started by V.D. Savarkar in India and in London which was responsible for the

murder of Jackson, at Nasik and later through V.V.S. Aiyer in Pondicherry of Ashe in

the Tinnevelly District.

The British Government was alarmed and the Governor – General issued

orders for the interception of Madam Cama‟s mail. A thorough cheek was made on all

the sea ports. But Mrs. Cama was not defeated by these moves. Her leaflets and

parcels reached India via Pondicherry.

The British Government thought of another device to put a check on her

activities in 1910 by depriving her of her material resources. She was declared an

absconder from justice under Section 88 Criminal Procedure Code on non – execution

of warrants. Her property worth one lakh of rupees was attached.

The next year partition of Bengal was annulled. The year 1914 witnessed the

beginning of the First World War. Thus the activities of the revolutionaries were

circumscribed. After the outbreak of war no foreigner was allowed to remain in Pairs

without license. When she received her license in which she was described as a

British subject, she was indignant, and exclaimed that she was not so, but was a free

88
Hindu. However, when she was told that if she did not produce the license she would

be locked – up at once, she had to make use of it. The French Government also

yielded to pressure from the British and on 1st November, 1914, an undertaking was

taken from her to cease seditious activities during the war and report herself to the

police authorities once a week. She wanted to visit the war prisoners at Geneva but

was disallowed by the French government.

Madam Cama fell seriously ill in 1914, but the moment she recovered, she set

about her work again with the same old vigour and enthusiasm. At this time she

helped in distributing copies of the Gujarati Ghadar and carried on copious

correspondence with the Indian revolutionaries in all parts of the world. The Director,

Criminal Investigation Department, reported that Indian nationalism is not a wide

enough field for her energies and that her war cry was “the Orient for Orientals”.47

Even the Egyptians, the Turks, the Persians and the Chinese visited her for help and

sympathy.48

Indian ladies, at the instance of Madam Cama, introduced a lectureship of the

value of one thousand rupees for Indian women in connection with the society of

Political missionaries. The only condition was that the candidate had to be in

sympathy with the objects of the society. Madam Cama continued her work in the

face of all these difficulties till the toil of years rendered her invalid.

Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, who visited her during his European tour in 1926,

wrote in his autobiography: “We saw Madam Cama, rather fierce and terrifying, as

she came up to you and peered into your face and pointing at you asked abruptly who

you were. The answer made no difference (probably she was too deaf to hear) for she

formed her own impressions and stuck to them, despite facts to the contrary”.49

89
 She died on 13th August 1936 at Bombay. This brave lady who sacrifice her all

for the liberation of her motherland and spent practically her whole life in exile in a

far off land, was amongst the pioneers of the freedom struggle.

INDIAN WOMEN IN SOUTH AFRICA

While Indian women in India and Europe were fighting for freedom, the

women in South Africa were setting examples by exhibiting the strength of the

passive resistance movement. They were taking training in Satyagraha Army of

Mhatma Gandhi. This training proved useful for many of them who came back to

India to take their place amongst the freedom fighters.

The judgment given in a case on 14th March, 1913, by Justice Searle of the

Cape Superme Court (South Africa), whereby all the marriages were declared illegal

except those celebrated according to Christain rites and registered by the Registrar of

Marriages, was a challenge to the Indian womanhood. This decision could not be

accepted at any cost. Mahatma Gandhi rose to the occasion and took up leadership of

the Satyagraha army which included both men and women.

Mahatma Gandhi explained to women the difficulties which might follow the

observance of Satyagraha. He told them that they might have to go to jail, or starve

and do hard work. “But these sisters,” remarked Mahatma Gandhi. “Were all brave

and feared none of these things, one of them was in interesting condition while six of

them had young babies in arms. But one and all were eager to join and I simply could

not come in their way.” A batch of eleven women (all Tamilian, except one) principal

among whom were: Mrs. Tambi Naidu, Mrs. N. Pillay, Mrs. K. M. Pillay, Mrs. A.

90
Perumal Naidu and many others entered Transvaal without permits but the police did

not arrest them.

The women in the Phoenix Farm could not stay back. They joined the

struggle. Mahatma Gandhi did not tell his wife Kasturba Gandhi about this

programme, but she overheard the convetsation and came to Gandhiji and said: “I am

sorry that you are not telling me about this. What defect is there in me which

disqualifies me for the jail. I also wish to take the path to which you are inviting

others. Gandhiji replied thus: “There is no question of my distrust in you. I would be

only too glad if you went to jail but it should not appear at all as if you went at my

instance.”50 She assured her husband. “You may have nothing to do with me if being

unable to stand jail I secure my release by an apology. If you can endure hardships

and so can my boys, why can‟t I? I am bound to join the struggle.”51

Kastirba Gandhi joined the struggle and here after she was always beside her

husband and shared his responsibilities. The second batch of sixteen women, principal

among who were: Mrs. Kasturba, Gandhi, Mrs. J. K. Doctor, Mrs. Kashi Chagan Lal

Gandhi, and Mrs. S. Magan Lal Gandhi, arrested and sentenced to three months

imprisonment with hard labour.

The first batch of women form Tolstoy Farm was not arrested for entry into

Transvaal without permits. So they took the next step of influencing the laborers to

raise their voice against the indentured labour and for this went to New Castle. The

Government could not tolerate any more and arrested them.

Another famous lady who had to go to jail was, Mrs. Rambhabai Sodha, wife

of a passive resister. She was prosecuted for entry into Transvaal, was tried and

91
sentence to imprisonment. She appealed but the decision was not changed. She had a

small baby in her arms and another three years old by her side. In the jail they were

treated harshly and were not even provided with wholesome food. As a result, several

of them, on release, were found to have reduced to a skeleton. A sixteen year old girl,

Valliamma R. Munsuswami Mudaliar came out of the jail with a fatal fever and died.

Bai Fatma was another person who refused to give her finger impressions and

was arrested along with her mother and daughter. During this period women had

started taking interest in civil and political matters concerning India. There were

women‟s societies working for the uplift of their kind. One such society was in

Kanchi known as Kanchi Mahila Parishad and was started by Smt. Parvati Devi who

was the headmistress of Hindu Girls School at Kanjeevaram. The aim of this women‟s

association was “to equip the ladies of Kanchi with general information and to create

public opinion among them regarding matters national.” Another society known as

Gujarati Hindu Stri Maha Mandal was started in 1904. Mrs. Jamnabai Nagin Das

Sakki was instrumental in “infusing a new and vigorous spirit into the lives of the

women of Bombay”.52 During this period two other ladies, Annie Besant and Sarojini

Naidu, came on the political scene. They were later to rank amongst the topmost

leaders of India.

Women shouldered critical responsibilities in India‟s struggle for freedom.

They held public meetings, organized picketing of shops selling foreign alcohol and

articles, sold Khadi and actively participated in National movement. They bravely

faced the baton of the police and went behind the iron bars. The Swadeshi movement

spread all over the nation, in a short period of time. The people across the country

gave their full fledged support to the progress of this movement and they were fully

92
responsible for the growth of industries and establishment of national schools,

colleges in their respective areas. Khadi and boycott of foreign cloth had proved to be

especially potent weapon in Indian freedom struggle in the period of 1905 after the

partition of Bengal.

93
REFERENCES:

1. Hindoo Patriot, January 3, 1905.

2. University of Calcutta, Convocation Address, Vol.III, 1889-1906, Calcutta,

1914, p. 981.

3. Sitaramayya, Dr. P., History of the Indian National Congress, Vol. I, p. 67.

4. Prliamentry Debates (House of Commons), 1907, Vol. 175, p. 922.

5. Ibid.

6. Young India, 15 December 1921.

7. Young India, 10April 1930.

8. Diwakar R. R. (Ed) “Karnataka through the Ages,” pp. 891-892.

9. James Campbell Ker, Political Trouble in India 1907-1917, Calcutta, 1973, p.

6.

10. Ibid.

11. Ibid.

12. Ibid.

13. N. Mahalingam, Political Ethics in Pre-Gandhian Era, Madras, 1975, p. 35

14. Saroja Sundararajan, Madras Presidency in Pre- Gandhian Era (A Historical

Perspective 1884–1915), Pondicherry, 1997, p. 306.

15. New India, Madras, dated 15.01.1915.

16. V. Sankaran Nair, Swadeshi Movement The Beginnings of Student Unrest in

South India, Delhi, 1985, pp. 8-9.

17. Romila Thapar, The History of the Female Emancipation in Southern Asia,

UNESCO, Paris, 1963, p. 472.

18. Suruchi Thapar, Bjorkert, “Women in the Indian National Movement: unseen

faces and unheard voices”, Sage Publications, New Delhi, 2006. P. 59-60.

94
19. Manibehn V.Patel, “Borsad satyagraha”(Gujarati) (Ahmedabad,1972), p. 101.

20. Mahadev Desai, “The story of Bardoli, being a history of the bardoli

satyagraha of 1928 and its sequel”, (Ahmedabad,1957), p. 118

21. Niroj Sinha, Women in Indian Politics, New Delhi, 1994, p. 74.

22. Sukbhir Choudry, Growth of Nationalism in India 1857-1958, Vol. I, New

Delhi, 1975, p. 282.

23. Government of Madras, G.O.No.50, Judicial (Confidential) Department,

dated 9.01.1908.

24. A.G. Zaidi, Encyclopedia of the Indian National Congress 1906-1910, Vol.

V, New Delhi, 1978, p. 153.

25. Tamil Nadu Archives, History of Freedom Movement Bundle, Vol. 79,

Bundle. 5, 1905-1911, Part 1 (Strictly Confidential), p. 65.

26. Rajan Mohan, Women in Indian National Congress, Delhi, 1999, p. 49.

27. Prathima Asthana, Women‟s Movement in India, New Delhi, 1974, p. 18.

28. Rajan Mohan, op. cit., p. 49.

29. Home Political Secret, No. 48, March, 1908.

30. Ibid.

31. „Prabudha Bharata‟, November 1936, Bengali, quoted in Indian Review, Vol.

32, January, 1937, p. 58.

32. Modern Review, Vol. I, January- June, 1907, pp. 433.

33. Ibid.

34. Ibid.

35. Nivedita, Sister, Selected Essays of Sister Nivedita, 3rd Edition, Madras,

Ganesh and Co., p. 152.

36. Modern Review, April 1912, Vol. II, p. 450.

95
37. Modern Review, Article by Bagal, J. C., June 1953, p. 469.

38. Home Political Confidential Proceding, No. 63-70. November, 1908.

39. Home Political Confidential Proceding, No. 1 of July 1913.

40. Ibid.

41. Ibid.

42. Home Political Confidential Proceding, No. 1 of July 1913.

43. Ibid.

44. Home Political Confidential Proceding, No.37-39, August 1913.

45. Ibid.

46. Ibid.

47. Home Political Confidential Proceding, No227-228, December 1914.

48. Ibid, No. 623-625, 1914.

49. Nehru, Jawaharlal, An Autobiography (1935), p. 111.

50. Gandhi, M.K., Satyagraha in South Africa (1928), p. 432.

51. Gandhi, M.K., Satyagraha in South Africa (1928), p. 422.

52. Modern Review, Vol. 19, January-June, 1916, p. 581.

96