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The Impact of Social Media on the Self-Esteem of Youth 10–17

Years Old: A Review of the Literature
Jasmine M. Daniels
National Louis University

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The Impact of Social Media on the Self-Esteem of Youth 10–17 Years Old: A Review of

the Literature

Jasmine Monique Daniels

Kristen Newberry, Psy.D.

Chair

K. R. Juzwin, Psy.D.
Member

A Clinical Research Project submitted to the faculty of The Illinois School of

Professional Psychology at National Louis University in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of Doctor of Psychology in Clinical Psychology.

Chicago, Illinois
August, 2020
 ii

Table of Contents

Abstract .......................................................................................................................... 1

Introduction .................................................................................................................... 2

Review of Literature ....................................................................................................... 8

Self-Esteem ............................................................................................................... 8

Social Media and Self-Esteem ................................................................................. 13

Methodology ................................................................................................................. 26

Discussion..................................................................................................................... 28

References .................................................................................................................... 36
 iii

Acknowledgments

I would like to express my deepest appreciation to my committee, Dr. Newberry

and Dr. Juzwin, for their continuous guidance and support. Having you both on my

committee, with all the changes that have transpired over that past couple of years, gave

me the confidence to complete my clinical research project.

Additionally, the completion of my clinical research project would not have been

possible without the unyielding support and nurturing of my parents, Jacqueline and

Jimmy Daniels. I am also extremely grateful to my best friend, Margo, for her countless

words of encouragement. The unwavering support of my parents, family, and best friend

provided me with needed motivation and courage during times of uncertainty.

 1

Abstract

The world of technology has expanded quickly and vastly since its inception. The

creation of social media sites and applications has changed the ways in which youth

interact, connect, and share with one another. As the number of social media sites and

applications increases, so does their use by adolescents. During adolescence, youth are

undergoing the process of identity development and self-esteem is an important part of

this development. During this developmental period, adolescents’ self-esteem is likely to

be affected by the feedback they receive online through social media sites. There is

limited research available that specifically evaluated the impact of social media on

adolescents’ developing self-esteem. Of the articles available that investigated the

relationship between these two constructs, some were published 8 years ago or more (i.e.,

2012 or earlier) and the social media platforms adolescents use have changed. The focus

of this theoretical clinical research project was to review the research and data available

on the impact of social media use on the self-esteem of youth, present the clinical

implications of the current research, and provide suggestions for the need and direction

for future research. The chosen studies included participants between the ages of 10 and

17 years old who used various social media platforms. The existing research

demonstrated both positive and negative correlations between social media use and self-

esteem. Increases and decreases in adolescents’ levels of self-esteem are influenced by

different factors, such as feedback, their investment in social media, and reason for use.

The varying results provide support for the need for additional research on the

relationship between these two constructs as social media continues to change.

 2

Introduction

The world of technology is an ever-evolving industry, as there is always a new

website, application (app), or device that changes the way people send and receive

information or generally communicate with others. This digital world is all the current

generation of children and adolescents have grown up knowing and a large part of their

social interaction occurs online via different social media platforms.

Media becomes integrated into the everyday lives of children and adolescents

early on and provides an ongoing backdrop for their development (Calvert &

Valkenburg, 2013). Children and adolescents have the capability to use media in their

homes, in restaurants, in cars, on planes, while walking down the street––almost

anywhere. As the world of media evolves, the type of media accessible to children and

adolescents increases.

Media and technology are integrated into the lives of children and adolescents for

two reasons. The first is that they choose to use media, known as foreground or active

exposure. When children are inadvertently exposed to media because others are using it

around them, this is called background or passive exposure (Huston, Wright, Rice,

Kerkman, & St. Peters, 1990). Engaging in media is enjoyable for many adolescents,

making foreground exposure the most common among children and adolescents. The use

of different media interfaces such as mobile phones, the Internet, and online gaming

engages children and adolescents in observational learning of how to interact with others

and in actual social interactions with others (Calvert, 2015).

Different forms of media expose children to a wide variety of content, some good

and some bad. Media can serve as a platform for educational lessons, but also violent
 3

behavior and sexual expression. Both foreground media exposure and background media

exposure can be harmful to the development of children and adolescents. Media has been

shown to be distracting, an interruption to daily activities and concentration, and a

constant stream of stimulation (Calvert, 2015).

The effect of media use in its many forms, on children and adolescents, has been

evaluated from a few key theoretical perspectives. One is the social cognitive theory

(Bandura, 1997), which looks at the social relationships that influence children’s

behavior as well as how children learn through role models and friendships they develop

with media characters. The psychoanalytic theory has been used to explain the influence

of media on aggression, sexuality, and the development of identity (Calvert, 2015).

Since its inception in the 1990s, the Internet has provided the opportunity for

adolescents to get online, and changes in Internet speed and the introduction of social

networks have enabled adolescents to engage in interactions online with friends rather

than strangers (Pempek, Yermolayeva, & Calvert, 2009). Social media such as MySpace,

FaceTime, Friendster, Twitter, and Facebook enable adolescents to connect with their

friends and families rather than strangers (Calvert, 2015). Valkenburg, Peter, and Walther

(2016) made a similar point, stating that with the introduction of Web 2.0 tools such as

Twitter, Facebook, WhatsApp, and Instagram, also social media sites, adolescents are

introduced to more diversified online communication than before with more expansive

audiovisual platforms designed to encourage communication with others and maintain

existing friendships.

With the convenience and constant access provided by mobile devices,

particularly smartphones, 92% of teens ages 13 to 17 report going online daily, including
 4

56% reporting they go online several times a day and 24% stating they go online “almost

constantly” (Lenhart, 2015a). Interestingly, Internet use via smartphones or a mobile

device by teens differs racially among African American, Hispanic, and Caucasian teens

as reported by the Pew Research Center in (Lenhart, 2015a). Results showed that among

African American and Hispanic youth, 34% and 32%, respectively, reported going online

“almost constantly,” whereas 19% of Caucasian teens reported going online that often

(Lenhart, 2015a). When a similar survey was conducted just 3 years later, also by the

Pew Research Center, the results showed 95% of adolescents age 13 to 17 had a

smartphone or access to one and 45% reported being online near constantly, which was

almost double the results for constant use in 2015 (Anderson & Jiang, 2018). With the

increasing development of electronic mobile devices such as tablets, smartphones, and

musical devices, the digital media environment available to adolescents online expands to

enable them to listen to music, text, call, stream a television program, watch a movie or

video online, record and upload their videos, or play a mobile app.

With the rapid and extensive evolution of media, the type of media available to

children is vast and quickly growing and is having a dramatic effect on adolescents and

how they develop and interact with peers during a critical developmental period in their

lives. It is important to remember that even though technologies are quickly changing, the

developmental needs of children remain the same (Calvert & Wartella, 2014). Therefore,

the focus of this review was on social media sites and their influence on adolescents.

Social media sites are considered to be any websites that allow social interaction,

including the social networking sites mentioned previously, as well as video sites, such as

YouTube, gaming sites and virtual worlds, and blogs (O’Keeffe, Clarke-Pearson, &
 5

Council on Communications and Media, 2011). Social media sites enable individuals to

create personal electronic profiles. These sites allow users to leave residues of their

presence to others on the site through posts, friends lists, and being a part of specific

groups, as well as to make observations of others’ lives. This fulfills adolescents’ need to

belong, plan social events, and express their beliefs and emotions (Calvert, 2015).

Changes in the way adolescents socially interact have made face-to-face

interactions less prominent in everyday life. Present technology allows adolescents to

interact socially with one another through texting and by connecting through a variety of

social media sites. These interactions are considered to be mediated communications in

contrast to face-to-face communication (Calvert, 2015). In 2011, a total of 80% of U.S.

adolescents used at least one social media platform (Lenhart et al., 2011), and only a few

years later in 2015, only 71% of American teens reported using more than one social

media platform (Lenhart, 2015a). This indicates teens are diversifying their social media

site use, allowing them to interact with the same or different groups of people, both

known or unknown, across multiple platforms.

Adolescents use multiple social media sites daily that allow them to upload and

disseminate different types of information about themselves. Teens spend over half of

their time online using social media sites (Thompson & Lougheed, 2012). They create an

online identity and virtual presence on these sites. Facebook used to be a social media site

widely used by teens. In 2015, a total of 71% of teens used Facebook, as Instagram use

fell just above 50% and Snapchat use fell just under 50% (Lenhart, 2015a). A new survey

of American teenagers conducted by the Pew Research Center in 2018 showed only 51%

of teens age 13 to 17 use Facebook, whereas social media platforms such as YouTube
 6

(85%), Instagram (72%; a video, and photo-sharing application), and Snapchat (69%; an

application enabling users to share short-lived image and video narratives and messages)

were used by a majority of the teens surveyed (Anderson & Jiang, 2018).

When posting on social media platforms, youth have control over what they share

and can carefully choose what information to put forward while keeping more intrinsic

responses that might come out in face-to-face communication hidden (Boyd, 2008). A

large majority of teens who use social media admit that people get to show different sides

of themselves on social media that they cannot show offline (Lenhart, 2015b). Though

teens consider the ability to share parts of themselves on social media they feel

uncomfortable sharing in person as a positive aspect of social media, many of these same

teens feel people are less authentic and real on social media than they are offline

(Lenhart, 2015b).

As social media use continues to increase and shape and change peer interactions

between youth, research investigating social media’s impact on adolescents has begun to

surface. The available research has contained a focus on the relationships between social

media use and mental health issues, well-being, and self-esteem. Research has shown the

developing self-esteem of adolescents is influenced and affected by peers and they seek

their approval in various ways (Harter, 2012).

This understanding and awareness that adolescents are using social media at a

high rate makes it appropriate to explore the possible relationship between social media

and self-esteem. However, the available research on this topic is limited in number and

some studies are were published in 2012 or earlier and much advancement has been made

on social media platforms in that time.

 7

With this in mind, the specific focus of this theoretical clinical research project

was to evaluate the available research and data on the impact of social media use on the

self-esteem of youth, provide suggestions for the direction of future research as social

media expands and the age of social media users decreases, and to garner a greater

understanding of the need for programs and interventions for treating this population that

is so heavily influenced by social media.

 8

Review of Literature

Self-Esteem

Individuals undergo many different changes during the development of the “self,”

which involves several different self-processes. For this literature review, the focus is on

the developmental changes that occur during the process of developing self-esteem from

the ages of 10 to 17 years old. Self-esteem is defined as a positive or negative attitude

toward the self that endures across time and situation (J. D. Brown & Marshall, 2006;

Rosenberg, 1965). Self-esteem is important during adolescence, as individuals are

undergoing the process of identity development (Brewer & Kerslake, 2015) during a time

in which feedback on the self is likely to affect self-esteem (Erol & Orth, 2011;

Valkenburg, Koutamanis, & Vossen, 2017). Harter (2012) posited that from the

standpoint of cognitive development, emerging cognitive abilities across the course of

development enable individuals to construct “higher-order generalizations about the self”

(p. 10) and to develop a concept of worth as a person.

Interactionists such as James Baldwin, Charles Cooley, and George Mead viewed

the “self” as socially constructed and attributed the opinions of others as playing a role in

shaping the self through social interactions. The socialization experiences in which an

individual is involved have the potential to greatly affect the valence of self-attributes

leading to both positive and negative evaluations. Approval from others (e.g., peers,

caregivers) is internalized as acceptance of self, but if peers or caregivers are rejecting,

punitive, or neglectful, the opposite is internalized (Harter, 2012). Cooley presented the

concept of a looking-glass self-model of self-esteem in which the internalization of

significant others’ opinions works to inform the level of global self-esteem as it emerges
 9

in middle childhood (Harter, 2012). However, if the construction of self is highly

dependent on the internalization of the opinions of others, it can morph into the creation

of a false self that is not authentic to one’s true experience, which social media platform

provides an easy-open door for an individual to create. The following sections illustrate

the development of self-esteem from middle childhood through adolescence.

Middle to late childhood (ages 8 to 10). Research has demonstrated an

individual’s ability to verbalize a sense of his or her overall worth as a person emerges at

the age of 8 years, considered to be middle childhood (Harter, 2012). Mruk (2006)

suggested this time period is the most crucial in the development of self-esteem. His

reasoning behind this was that during this stage children begin to discover their abilities

and characteristics and begin their evolution into being known by and identifying with

what they have discovered about themselves. Children in mid to late childhood (i.e., ages

8–10) are able to understand that success in domains of personal importance promotes

high self-esteem, whereas failure in these domains not only undermines their sense of

competence, it takes a toll on self-esteem (Berzoff, 2016; Harter, 2012). Additionally, at

this age children can recognize that the approval of both peers and caregivers contributes

to their self-esteem, and adolescents at this age tend to overinterpret or misjudge the

extent to which others are evaluating them, leading to a preoccupation with how they

look in the eyes of others (Valkenburg et al., 2017).

In addition to socialization experiences, during this period, children are making

cognitive strides that affect the development of their global self-esteem. Children

between 8 and 10 years old are making a shift from domain-specific self-perceptions to a

more integrated self-perception that encompasses their overall self-esteem. There are four
 10

important cognitive skills acquired during this time that can lower a child’s self-esteem

by leading to more accurate but negative self-appraisals: appreciation for negative and

positive attributes, the ability to use social comparison for the purpose of self-evaluation,

the ability to differentiate real self-perceptions from ideal, and increases in social

perspective-taking skills (Harter, 2012).

First of these skills is an appreciation for negative and positive attributes (Harter,

2012). As children develop a greater understanding of the positive and negative attributes

they possess, their perceptions of themselves are more realistic and also have the

potential to be more negative. As children begin to employ social comparisons, many fall

short in their self-evaluations. The negative judgments these children give themselves

when compared against another in areas they deem as important will begin to tear away

at their self-esteem. A third cognitive skill developed during this period is the ability to

differentiate between one’s real and ideal self. Children begin to come to a cognitive

realization as to whether they are or are not meeting the expectations they deem as

important. A realization that they are not would lead to a lowering of their global self-

esteem. The final cognitive ability developed in middle to late childhood that affects

children’s self-esteem is an increase in perspective-taking skills. Just as gaining an

appreciation for one’s positive and negative attributes leads to a more realistic view, so

does an increase in the ability to understand the viewpoint of someone else. Children are

better able to accurately assess the opinions others have about their specific

characteristics. Additionally, because at this age children have a growing concern for how

others view them, others’ opinions tend to hold a significant level of importance toward

the development of the self. As a result, this pragmatically leads many children to lower
 11

their self-evaluations (Harter, 2012). As this stage of self-esteem development ends and

individuals prepare to move into adolescence, they have a global level of self-esteem

(Mruk, 2006).

Adolescence (ages 11–19). Between late childhood and early adolescence, Harter

(2006) stated peer support and approval increase in their ability to predict self-esteem and

parental approval continues to affect self-esteem, although it is not as influential as peer

approval. Adolescents experience a major developmental transition during this period of

their lives. In early adolescence, adolescents’ understanding of self-esteem becomes

differentiated from their own perceived self-esteem based on their relationships with

others (e.g., parents, peers, teachers).

Individuals in early adolescence (i.e., ages 11 to 13) are beginning to understand

and are trying to make meaning of the different self-characteristics they are receiving

from many sources, including themselves, as well as using these different abstract

attributes to define and describe “the self”––their “self.” During this time, self-esteem

becomes a more prominent part of adolescents’ vocabulary as they begin to understand

and explore the link between peer approval and self-esteem (Harter, 2012). Adolescents

during this period tend to be preoccupied with physical or perceived appearance and the

opinions or approval of their peers affect their levels of self-esteem. Young adolescents

who are affected by appearance and approval of peers report lower self-esteem.

As mentioned previously, during adolescence individuals become preoccupied

with the approval of peers. As they enter middle to late adolescence (i.e., ages 14 to 16),

the internalization of the opinions of peers and family becomes a major source of their

self-esteem and increases greatly at age 15 (Harter, 2012; Orth, Erol, & Luciano, 2018).
 12

Some studies have shown youth’s self-esteem as a whole decreases between early

and middle adolescence due in part to increased introspection focused on negative

attributes and physical appearance/perceived attractiveness remaining of great importance

(Harter, 2006), whereas others imply the self-esteem of individuals between the ages of

11 and 15 years old tends to stay steady (Orth et al., 2018). Self-esteem also tends to vary

by gender with the largest difference occurring during adolescence, in which girls’ self-

esteem is lower than that of adolescent boys. Research has shown that as girls continue to

progress through adolescence, their levels of self-esteem seem to progressively drop. The

self-esteem of boys remains stable, only showing a moderate decline from 14 to 16 years

old compared to the longer range of decline experienced by girls between the ages of 12

and 17 years old (Clay, Vignoles, & Dittmar, 2005).

However, as individuals start to enter late adolescence (i.e., ages 17 to 19), their

self-esteem tends to increase. They are able to recognize their weaknesses in areas in

which they do not feel adequate and still encompass higher self-esteem that is based on

their strengths (Harter, 2006). Adolescents in this stage of development have greater

freedom and autonomy to choose areas in which they are or feel competent, discover

their own realm of success and acceptance in courses and extracurricular activities, and

choose peer groups that will provide the approval and acceptance that have the potential

to enhance self-esteem. During this period, adolescents also begin to move toward

establishing self-esteem that is moderated less and less by the need to meet the

expectations of others, whether it is peers or parents and family.

 13

Social Media and Self-Esteem

Social media refers to “forms of electronic communication (such as websites for

social networking and microblogging) through which users create online communities to

share information, ideas, personal messages, and other content (such as videos)” (“Social

networking,” n.d.). Social networking sites are included under the umbrella of social

media. Both social networking sites and social media sites provide a way to connect and

share with others so these terms are often used interchangeably. The majority of sites and

apps used by adolescents, such as Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, and Snapchat, are both

social media and social networking sites.

Social media sites, such as Instagram, Snapchat, and YouTube, have undeniably

altered the landscape of teen interactions. These platforms play a critical role in

connecting teens with new friends. With 64% of teens meeting new friends online and

62% of teens sharing social media usernames as a means to keep in touch, social media

platforms have created a new way for teens to meet and get to know and learn more about

each other (Lenhart, 2015b).

As the landscape of social interaction continues to change and social media

continues to be a central part of how adolescents communicate, there are bound to be

positive and negative impacts. Research exploring the impact of social media use on

adolescents and children is still relatively new, and not much has been done specifically

to understand how the developing self-esteem of this age group is affected by their social

media use.

Studies of the relationship between youth’s self-esteem and social media use have

focused on two different types of self-esteem: global self-esteem (Apaolaza, Hartmann,

 14

Medina, Barrutia, & Echebarria, 2013; Blomfield Neira & Barber, 2014) and social self-

esteem (Blomfield Neira & Barber, 2014; Valkenburg et al., 2017). A large part of self-

esteem is informed by interactions with close friends and peers and these interactions

play an integral role in the development of both types of self-esteem (Harter, 2012).

Research conducted on social media and self-esteem has demonstrated negative and

positive associations.

Valkenburg et al. (2017) conducted a longitudinal study in which they sought to

investigate the relationship between youth’s use of social media sites and social self-

esteem. In this study, they described social self-esteem as the degree to which adolescents

“feel accepted and liked by their friends and peers and feel successful in forming and

maintaining friendships” (p. 35). Results of Valkenburg et al.’s three-wave panel survey

showed a positive relationship between adolescents’ (i.e., between 10 and 15 years old)

social self-esteem and social media use. There was no evidence that social media site use

significantly increased their social self-esteem, as contrastingly, results from the study

yielded support for the idea that higher social self-esteem among participants was

correlated with an increase in the use of social media sites. Valkenburg et al. also studied

the role of feedback from social media sites and found feedback from both close friends

and acquaintances positively affected adolescents’ social self-esteem seemingly in the

short term as opposed to the long term. Other researchers evaluated the negative and

positive impact of social media on adolescents and found the feedback received from

peers on social media, whether positive or negative, has a significant impact on their self-

esteem (Valkenburg, Peter, & Schouten, 2006). This might be explained by the nature of

social media and the ability to provide instant positive feedback (e.g., likes, favorites, re-
 15

posts), which may lead to instant or short-term increases in self-esteem (Valkenburg et

al., 2017). Additionally, adolescents’ ability to be selective in their self-presentation on

different social media platforms, such as Facebook, and the relationships developed from

this selective presentation have the potential to positively affect their evaluations of

themselves and, in turn, their self-esteem (Pantic, 2014).

Other studies (Apaolaza et al., 2013) have shown adolescents socializing on

certain social media sites demonstrated an increase in self-esteem and an enhancement in

their subjective well-being. Their study of the use of a popular Spanish social media site

among 12- to 17-year-olds provided support for the notion that connecting with peers

online to maintain and strengthen social relationships with friends and receiving the

approval and acceptance of others helps to increase self-esteem. Apaolaza et al. (2013)

further posited that the well-being of adolescents depends directly on their self-esteem

and loneliness.

Much of the research investigating social media and self-esteem among adults and

adolescents included measurements of the frequency of social media use. Blomfield

Neira and Barber (2014) differentiated between the frequency of use and investment in

social media sites. Frequency for this study was defined as how often the adolescent used

social media and investment was defined as how important social media was to

adolescents. Findings from this study illustrated frequency was not a significant predictor

of self-esteem among adolescents age 12 to 17, but on the other hand investment was a

significant negative predictor of self-esteem. Additionally, Blomfield Neira and Barber

compared the levels of self-esteem of those with and without a social media profile and
 16

found that females who had a social media site profile demonstrated lower self-esteem

when compared to females who did not have a profile on a social media site.

Verduyn, Ybarry, Résibois, Jonides, and Kross (2017) suggested passive use is

associated with lower subjective well-being and active use has a positive association with

subjective well-being, including self-esteem. Additionally, the authors found cross-

sectional studies showed varying results on the relationship between social media use and

subjective well-being, including self-esteem. Longitudinal studies provided more

concrete evidence of a negative impact on subjective well-being as a result of social

media use.

However, social media sites are not exclusively used to meet new friends, they are

also a major part of how teens interact with existing friends. Teens report feeling better

connected to their friends’ feelings and information about what is going on in their

friends’ lives through social media use, demonstrating teens have an opportunity for

emotional relief and social integration on social media platforms (Lenhart, 2015b). In line

with this sentiment, teens also report that social media provides a means for them to

extend support to their friends during challenging or troubling times with 68% of social

media using teens reporting they received support via social media during difficult times

(Lenhart, 2015b). The benefits of the social support perceived by adolescents through

social media sites are increased emotional support, self-disclosure, reduced social

anxiety, and a sense of belongingness (Best, Manktelow, & Taylor, 2014; Valkenburg &

Piotrowski, 2017).

The use of social media sites not only provides a new way to stay connected with

friends and family, make new friends, and share and exchange ideas, pictures, and
 17

information, it also creates an avenue for adolescents to explore and extend their sense of

self, community, and the world. Social media platforms afford teens various opportunities

to fundraise for charity, volunteer, and engage in individual and collective creativity and

the expression of ideas creatively through images and videos. This generates a vast array

of online connections through shared interest, creating connections with others from

diverse backgrounds, and fostering individuality and unique social skills (O’Keeffe et al.,

2011). Teens’ social capital (i.e., wider social connections outside local networks) is

extended, often creating offline gains. Many children and adolescents, with and without a

helping adult or parental figure, have been discovered or noticed for their talents (e.g.,

musical, athletic, culinary, etc.) by celebrities and featured on television programs

because of videos posted and shared on multiple social media sites.

With the growing number of adolescents identifying as sexually diverse or gender

variant, social media sites provide support for this population and for identity

experimentation among adolescents (Best et al., 2014). In an Australian study, 85% of

participants used social media sites to explore their sexual or gender identity (Robinson,

Bansel, Denson, Ovenden, & Davies, 2014). They described these sites as a place where

they could find friends they trusted or a place where they felt accepted. Many adolescents

who identify with this population use social media sites to connect with services for

young people, chat with others in this population, find support for coming out, and

engage with social and political issues (Robinson et al., 2014). The chance to feel more

connected to peers, find support, make new friends, and get discovered or noticed

presents the opportunity for positive feedback, which literature has shown has the
 18

potential to enhance self-esteem at a time when peer and family opinions are a source for

their self-esteem (Harter, 2012; Valkenburg & Piotrowski, 2017).

There are also potential liabilities associated with the construction of a self that is

so highly dependent upon social interactions with significant others (Harter, 2012).

Taking a look at the negative social outcomes that have arisen requires exploring a few

key factors that can contribute to negative social interactions for peers with peers. One is

the impact of cyberbullying. Nine percent of adolescents between the ages of 10 and 17

years report they have been affected by cyberbullying via social media sites or through

other electronic forms (B. Brown & Marin, 2009). Cyberbullying is common on social

media sites and can cause profound outcomes such as depression, anxiety, isolation, and

suicide. The availability of information, the speed at which information is shared, and the

permanence of the information that is used or created make cyberbullying very different

from traditional bullying. With the pervasiveness of social media, rather than a small

group of peers bearing witness to the teasing and ridicule to which youth can be subjected

by their peers, the entire school has a front-row seat to the shame and embarrassment the

victim experiences. This type of bullying does not stop when the victims have left school,

gotten off the bus, or left the party, it follows them home because social media unlike a

face-to-face bully is with them all the time (Brewer & Kerslake, 2015; Kersting, 2016).

Victims of cyberbullying demonstrate lower levels of self-esteem, and some studies have

revealed the same is true for perpetrators of cyberbullying (Brewer & Kerslake, 2015;

Cènat et al., 2014; Chang et al., 2013; Kowalski & Limber, 2013; Patchin & Hinduja,

2010). Cyberbullying victims tend to experience lower self-esteem when compared to

victims of other forms of bullying.

 19

Self-esteem plays a significant role in the development and maintenance of

mental health. Low self-esteem, as mentioned earlier, is associated with the pathology of

several mental illnesses such as depression and anxiety (Nima, Rosenberg, Archer, &

Garcia, 2013; Pantic, 2014; Sowislo & Orth, 2013). Social media sites have also been

found to relieve the social anxiety and isolation felt by some teens when online

interactions take place between strangers or new friends. Online social interactions using

social media sites have been shown to support introverted adolescents in learning how to

socialize behind the safety of a screen, whether it is a smartphone or laptop (Rosen,

2011).

Additionally, research studies have shown social media use is impactful on

adolescents’ risk of developing anxiety and depression. Best et al. (2014) provided

evidence from the literature of a link between a teen’s preference for online social

interaction and friendship formation and a decrease in well-being. The online profiles

adolescents create on social media sites give them the feeling they need to perform a

character. Price (2011) suggested “living on these sites” means individuals are

performing their profile, or sometimes multiple profiles, constantly, which contributes to

a state of performance anxiety.

Higher levels of anxiety and depression and lower self-esteem have been reported

among adolescents who exhibit a greater use of social media sites as well as among those

teens who demonstrate an emotional investment in social media sites (Woods & Scott,

2016). The relationship between emotional investment in social media platforms and

anxiety and depression supports that adolescents who are more emotionally invested in

these sites are at an increased risk because of the feelings of distress and isolation they
 20

experience when they are not connected to social media, as they often fall prey to the

social pressure to be constantly available. With regard to the associations found between

lower self-esteem and social media, negative feedback and social comparisons to other

profiles contribute to the diminishing of adolescents’ self-worth (Woods & Scott, 2016).

Another phenomenon being researched is “Facebook depression,” or feelings of

depression that develop when individuals spend a large amount of time on social media

sites and then begin to exhibit classic symptoms of depression (O’Keeffe et al., 2011).

Because acceptance by and contact with peers are important elements of adolescent life,

as mentioned before, acceptance from peers in the online world is just as important as

acceptance in the offline world. This acceptance or peer approval influences levels of

self-esteem. The intensity of the online world is thought to contribute to this “Facebook

depression” and puts adolescents at risk for participating in negative behaviors (O’Keeffe

et al., 2011), although findings on this phenomenon vary. Although self-esteem was not

explicitly measured by the researchers, low self-esteem is a negative attribute of

depression.

Online versus face-to-face communication. Adolescents are beginning to prefer

online communication to face-to-face communication. Adolescents receive constant and

often immediate interpersonal feedback from content they post. Whether this online

feedback is positive or negative, it is more public and visible than what is received in

face-to-face communications, which may make younger adolescents more susceptible to

online feedback (Valkenburg et al., 2017). Positive feedback from peers online is more

common on social media, as it is typically designed to elicit this type of feedback via

likes and comments and, in turn, serves to encourage self-esteem in youth. In the small
 21

percentage of online cases where negative feedback is primarily received, research has

shown adolescents’ self-esteem suffers (Koutamanis, Vossen, & Valkenburg, 2015),

making it more harmful than face-to-face feedback.

A positive relationship between a lack of social anxiety, defined as feeling

comfortable talking with others in person, and making new friends was found in a study

evaluating face-to-face communication and technological communication (Pierce, 2009).

In contrast, a positive correlation was yielded between social anxiety, being

uncomfortable talking with others face to face, and talking with others online (Pierce,

2009). In-person interaction or face-to-face communication provides an emotional

closeness that cannot be achieved through electronic communication (Sherman,

Michikyan, & Greenfield, 2013) and has been shown to protect against feelings of

loneliness.

Being a part of a social media site or multiple social media sites provides the

feeling that the individual is never and never has to be alone. The individual always has

friends with him or her with whom the individual keeps in constant communication with

a few swipes of the fingers or a few keystrokes. However, the question becomes whether

in the process of being and staying connected people are setting themselves up to be

isolated and unable to handle being alone.

In the book, Alone Together, Turkle (2011) explored the way in which social

media culture is changing how adolescents relate to friends and parents. Online social

interaction allows for situations for adolescents to be together while not really being

together. A dramatic change is the ability to be what Turkle called “elsewhere” at any

given time, avoiding a difficult or hard face-to-face or personal interaction, and going to a
 22

place where it does not have to be dealt with (Price, 2011). When things become difficult

or awkward at parties or other gatherings, instead of being present and learning to get

along, adolescents now have the option to retreat to social media sites and “leave” the

situation.

When studying in-person interaction along with social media interaction, research

has shown adolescents who spend more time interacting with friends in person also spend

more time on social media sites (Twenge, Joiner, Rogers, & Martin, 2018). Further,

adolescents who spend less time in in-person communication but spend a significant

amount of time on social media report the highest levels of depressive symptoms. In

contrast, adolescents who engaged in face-to-face communication more often were not

significantly affected (Twenge et al., 2018) but the same was not true for those who were

high in in-person social interaction.

Gender similarities and differences. With the increase in the different types and

access to social media sites, there are gender differences and similarities in the preference

and use of these sites. For example, girls on average spend more time than boys on social

media sites (Lenhart, 2015a). Another difference can be found in the reason adolescents

use social media sites. Boys more often use these platforms to meet new people and make

new friends. They are more often likely to identify with groups on social network sites

that differ from their offline peer circles. In contrast, girls generally use them to

communicate with peers and to reinforce preexisting relationships (Lenhart & Madden,

2007).

Adolescents’ motivations to visit social media sites also vary by gender. Barker

(2009) found communication with peer group members was the leading motivation factor
 23

for social network site use among females and males. In conjunction, females more often

reported high positive collective self-esteem, more overall use, and visited social media

sites to communicate with peers. In contrast, males, more often than females, reported a

negative collective self-esteem and visited social media sites for social compensation and

social identity gratification.

Past research (Clay et al., 2005), before the culture of social media was

developed, showed media in the form of magazines, TV, films, advertising, and music

videos affected the self-worth and self-esteem of adolescents. Perceived appearance

emerged as the strongest predictor of self-esteem among both male and female

adolescents in these articles establishing a link between body image and self-esteem.

Data from those studies showed adolescents, especially girls because of the images to

which they are exposed through the media, believe their appearance is the basis on which

they should evaluate themselves and be evaluated by others (Clay et al., 2005). With the

creation of social media platforms, adolescents are provided with a constant opportunity

to compare themselves to different pictures and videos of friends, celebrity figures, and

social media influencers every moment of the day at a time in their development when

their self-esteem is affected by their physical appearance or perceived attractiveness.

Selfies, likes, the pressure to post, and impact on self-esteem. Peer acceptance

and interpersonal feedback are vital components of social media sites. Social media sites

provide adolescents with the capability to post pictures and videos from anywhere at any

time. With this constant connection to peers through social media, adolescents start to

need other people to feel validated. People post “selfies” to enhance their self-esteem,

which occurs through the number of likes the picture receives (Pounders, Kowalczyk, &
 24

Stowers, 2016). Teens post pictures and videos with the intent of receiving attention in

the form of likes and comments from peers, however, what happens when they do not

receive the attention they hope for or want?

The type of feedback adolescents receive on social media profiles affects their

self-esteem negatively or positively. Positive feedback can enhance self-esteem, whereas

negative feedback can decrease self-esteem (Valkenburg & Piotrowski, 2017).

Individuals with lower self-esteem and higher self-monitoring care more about receiving

likes and view likes as a validation of their self-worth, implying their self-worth is at least

in some part moderated by others (Scissors, Burke, & Wengrovitz, 2016). This presents a

pronounced risk for adolescents who are in a developmental period in which identity

formation is a critical task and self-image is influenced by peers. In fact, boys’ and girls’

visual self-presentation on social media sites is aimed at managing the impression they

make on others, as well as to gain acceptance from their peers (Mascheroni, Vincent, &

Jimenz, 2015). Conforming to beauty standards and peer convention is rewarded by likes,

equaling peer validation and serving as a marker for popularity. Pictures that conform to

a sexualized model, whether feminine or masculine beauty, are considered attractive for

the purpose of getting attention. With 40% of teens reporting feeling pressure to post

positive and attractive content about themselves (30% report feeling “a little” pressure

10% report feeling “a lot” of pressure), children and teens decide how to present

themselves online through photos they are filtering through what is socially acceptable

and what is considered appropriate in terms of gender and sexual identities, while also

weighing what is viewed as less desirable by their peers (Lenhart, 2015b; Mascheroni et

al., 2015). In addition to the pressure some teens feel to post content that makes them
 25

look good, teens also feel pressure to post content that others will like and comment on.

Similar to the percentage of teens who feel pressure to post content that makes them look

good, 39% of teens on social media say they feel pressure to post content that will be

popular and get lots of comments or likes (Lenhart, 2015b). However, there are no

differences between boys and girls, younger and older teens, or those of different racial or

ethnic backgrounds when it comes to feeling pressure around posting content that others

will like or comment on (Lenhart, Anderson, & Smith, 2015). If the attention they are

seeking is not received, it degrades their self-esteem, possibly leading to the posting of

riskier content (e.g., pictures, videos, etc.).

Adolescents growing up in the digital age often connect feeling good about

themselves with how others perceive them. During a developmental period in their life in

which they are defining who they are, the social comparison social media enables pushes

them into a world of competition with other adolescents on who has the most likes and

pushes them away from getting to know their true selves. They grow to believe the

number of likes they receive is a reflection of who they are and a measure of their self-

worth (Kersting, 2016).

 26

Methodology

Research for this literature review involved using multiple databases and search

descriptors in an attempt to discover all research that fit within the context of the

literature review topic. The method for identifying and locating resources involved

accessing the Argosy University (before its closure) and National Louis University

library online cataloging systems. This allowed for a search of several online databases.

The online databases used to locate numerous articles and books included EBSCOHost

Academic Complete, PsycArticles, PsycInfo, ProQuest, ESBCOHost’s eBook collection,

and eBook academic collection, PsycBooks, and ProQuest’s eBook Central. Google

Scholar and Google Books were used to locate articles and books related to the topic that

were accessible through a direct link or that could be searched via the online databases

mentioned above. During the analysis of sources for this review, additional articles and

books were identified by reviewing the reference lists of relevant articles. This enabled

the researcher to conduct a search of referenced sources and additional works by experts

and leaders on the topic.

The keywords and phrases used during the search were chosen to make sure all

aspects of self-esteem as well as articles that used self-esteem and self-concept

synonymously were captured. The descriptors used during the research included social

media and self-esteem, teens and social media, adolescents and social media and self-

esteem, the impact of social media on adolescents, social media and adolescents’ self-

esteem, adolescents’ self-esteem and social concept, self-esteem and children, and

development of self-esteem.
 27

A resource was evaluated and included as a reference based on its relevance to the

topic of the development of self-esteem and social media’s impact on self-esteem, age of

participants, and date of the article. The credibility and validity of all the sources were

also considered for this literature review. The majority of the sources cited were

published prior to the year 2013. A few sources were included from previous decades to

establish foundational concepts from leaders in the topic area.

 28

Discussion

There is limited research available on the impact of social media on the

developing self-esteem of adolescents (Apaolaza et al., 2013; Blomfield Neira & Barber,

2014; O’Dea & Campbell, 2011; Valkenburg et al., 2017; Valkenburg et al., 2006). Most

have evaluated the impact on social self-esteem (Valkenburg et al., 2017; Valkenburg et

al., 2006) or global self-esteem (Apaolaza et al., 2013; Blomfield Neira & Barber, 2014;

O’Dea & Campbell, 2011). The results from these studies have shown both positive and

negative relationships between these two constructs or no correlation at all. Some

researchers found adolescents’ social media use did not increase or predict social or

global self-esteem (Blomfield Neira & Barber, 2014; Valkenburg et al., 2017), whereas

other research provided evidence for adolescents exhibiting an increase or decrease in

self-esteem with increased social media use (Apaolaza et al., 2013; O’Dea & Campbell,

2011; Valkenburg et al., 2006; Woods & Scott, 2016). Additionally, research has shown

that when youth demonstrated higher social self-esteem, their social media use increased

(Valkenburg et al., 2017).

Some researchers chose to differentiate between the way each adolescent interacts

with social media. When frequency of use and investment were separated, the results

showed the more invested in their social media adolescents were, the lower their self-

esteem (Blomfield Neira & Barber, 2014; Woods & Scott, 2016).

Studies have shown self-esteem helps with developing and maintaining mental

health, and when self-esteem is lowered it has a negative impact on mental health and has

been associated with depression and anxiety (Nima et al., 2013; Pantic, 2014; Sowislo &

Orth, 2013). This makes research studying the relationship of social media and mental
 29

health and well-being relevant, in many ways, to gaining further understanding of the

impact of social media on self-esteem. Adolescents’ online profiles on various social

media sites can contribute to anxiety as a result of them feeling the need to “perform” or

be a character while on these sites (Price, 2011). Additionally, just as social media

investment and greater use play a role in lowering the self-esteem of adolescent users,

they also have an impact on the development of anxiety and depression (Woods & Scott,

2016).

Adolescents use social media as a way to build connections and get support from

their peers. They interact with peers away from school and social media allows peers to

feel better connected and informed on what is going in the lives of their friends and

extend support when needed (Lenhart, 2015b). Youth receive support during difficult or

challenging periods in their life, for identity experimentation, or to display their skills and

talent in the hopes of being discovered (Best et al., 2014; Lenhart, 2015b; O’Keeffe et al.,

2011; Robinson et al., 2014). This support and opportunity to explore various parts of

their identities can help increase the self-esteem of adolescents or moderate the decrease

in self-esteem.

Positive feedback received online has been shown to enhance self-esteem and

negative feedback has been shown to have the reverse effect (Valkenburg & Piotrowski,

2107). Cyberbullying can be classified as negative feedback and occurs on social media

sites through posts and messaging. Studies evaluating the impact of cyberbullying and

social media have shown victims as well as perpetrators of cyberbullying demonstrate

lower levels of self-esteem (Brewer & Kerslake, 2015; Cènat et al., 2014; Chang et al.,

2013; Kowalski & Limber, 2013; Patchin & Hinduja, 2010).

 30

As the world of social media continues to evolve, individuals are afforded new

ways to engage on these different platforms. The majority of the existing research

available measuring self-esteem and social media use often included undergraduate

students or adults. However, as this literature review has shown, adolescents as young as

10 years old use social media platforms with the same frequency, if not greater

frequency, as adults, but the degree of research investigating the relationship between

these social media and self-esteem and the younger population is disproportionate to the

research available for adults.

Additionally, much of the research on the relationship between social media and

self-esteem is quickly reaching 8 years or older (i.e., published in 2012 or earlier) and

some studies have already surpassed that. Many of the social media sites previously

studied (i.e., Facebook) are not used by adolescents as much as they have migrated to

newer social media platforms (Herring & Kapidzic, 2015). Specific apps, such as

Snapchat, Instagram, Kik, Musically, TikTok, and Triller, did not exist or were still in the

infancy stages of popularity and use. The social media sites used by adolescents have

changed with the addition of new features and ways in which children and adolescents

can post content (e.g., going live, sharing stories and messages that disappear, posting

anonymous messages), thereby increasing the need to research how the creation and use

of new social media websites and apps affects today’s adolescents. Because the number

of social media sites available to youth continues to increase and the ways in which they

can interact on these platforms continue to expand, it will be beneficial to have data with

which to evaluate this relationship. The available research varies between measuring

social or global self-esteem and in some instances both. Continuity in the constructs
 31

measured could also help in the effort to use the data to develop positive ways to help

reduce the risk to self-esteem.

Based on existing research assessing the impact of social media on self-esteem,

future research with adolescents may require a multidimensional approach that weighs

frequency and investment to provide a more accurate understanding of how social media

affects self-esteem. Blomfield Neira and Barber (2014) suggested evaluating investment

would provide insight into the level of importance youth give to social media interactions

because youth who are invested in social media are suspected to place a greater

importance on frequent interactions. This difference could provide more information than

what is already available about how self-esteem is affected, and whether one has a greater

impact than the other.

As more research is conducted and more data are made available on the

relationship between social media and self-esteem, a greater understanding can be

garnered. This understanding can be used in the development of preventative or

protective programs, therapeutic interventions, and parenting programs that focus on

minimizing the impact and treating this population that is so heavily influenced by social

media.

The available research has shown adolescents’ engagement on social media can

affect their self-esteem in positive or negative ways and is tempered by peer responses.

This literature review illustrated that as a part of youth’s self-esteem development, peer

influence is monumental. With what is known about youth development of self-esteem

and the role peers play in this evolution, one can see how the added challenges of

navigating interactions on social media could complicate this for youth, for better or
 32

worse, the worse often not revealing itself until adolescents have endured negative

interactions alone or tried to overcome them without success for some time. Having

interventions that focus on bolstering self-esteem and providing a framework and place

for adolescents to normalize what they are feeling, experiencing, and thinking from

online interactions, and allow them the opportunity to learn skills to navigate online

interactions and be better prepared for negative interactions when or if they do occur

online. Interventions of this type should take into consideration how self-esteem develops

across the lifespan. As Harter (2012) illustrated, the development of self-esteem differs

from childhood to adolescence so, although children and adolescents may interact on

social media platforms in similar ways, where they are developmentally in the

development of certain self constructs, such as self-esteem, is very different. Therefore,

one-size-fits-all interventions would not be beneficial. Using Harter’s (2012) age

breakdown of how self-esteem develops could provide a solid foundation and

understanding of specific cognitive developments and influences occurring at different

stages that affect self-esteem development. This cognitive understanding of how children

and adolescents view the “self,” the opinions of others at different stages, and when

perspective taking and self-evaluation begin to occur are important factors in

understanding self-esteem and could be an essential tool in developing beneficial

interventions. Harter’s framework and timeline could be used as a guide in the creation of

interventions that would be appropriate in helping children and adolescents follow a

trajectory of positive self-esteem among social media use that mesh with their cognitive

abilities from an identity perspective.

 33

Research has shown feedback online from peers, whether positive, negative, or

not at all, has an impact on the self-esteem of adolescents and the type of user they are

(e.g., active, passive, invested) can moderate the impact of social media use on self-

esteem. Therefore, when creating and implementing interventions and programs based on

where adolescents are in their self-esteem development, social media engagement should

be a component. For older adolescents, who have already had a significant amount and

constant exposure to social media and are further along in their self-esteem development,

this could mean engaging them in interventions that create awareness and mindfulness

about themselves on social media, how feedback online or the presence of no feedback

affects how they feel about themselves, evaluating what kind of user they are, and

helping them to learn skills to positively moderate/mediate the negative. For younger

adolescents and children who may have had a limited amount or not as consistent

exposure and are in the beginning phases of self-esteem development, this could be more

preparatory for interactions on social media with others that will promote positive esteem

in themselves and others and help them learn how to manage negative feelings from

online interactions.

Interventions focused on helping to promote positive self-esteem through social

media use could be effective in school settings particularly because this is where many

peer interactions online often bleed into in-person interactions at school. Additionally,

these interventions would be beneficial in group therapy environments outside of the

school. Both settings could also create an opportunity for adolescents to learn the skills

associated with face-to-face communication and experience a sense of competency in this

personal domain that is often stunted with online communication.

 34

From a parental standpoint, it can be difficult to find a balance between mitigating

the negative risks to adolescents’ self-esteem that happen through engaging in social

media and allowing them to engage on such platforms, especially when all their children

want to do is be on these sites. This can often lead to arguments or parental guilt about

their child being the outcast or “left behind” socially because he or she is not allowed to

be on social media constantly. The research in this review provides many different

parental takeaways. One is that when children are engaged on social media platforms

positive impacts on self-esteem can occur––they feel a sense of connectedness and

support. Second, based on their child’s experiences online, a negative impact on self-

esteem is possible, and that negative impact is not always caused by cyberbullying or a

negative comment, but could be because the child does not receive the expected or

desired feedback or feels a sense of pressure to “perform” or post content, the right

content, for “friends.” This is where the research by Blomfield Neira and Barber (2014)

provides an important implication for parents regarding the need to gain awareness of

how their children are on social media and the level of importance their children place on

social media interactions; how invested they are can be a telling factor into how these

interactions are affecting their self-esteem.

Burrows and Rainone (2017), in their study of college-age students, found that a

sense of purpose (i.e., having an ongoing motivation that is self-directed, oriented toward

the future, and beneficial to others) acted as a moderator for the impact of feedback on

social media on self-esteem. The results of this research provide support for the idea that

if parents begin fostering the idea of a sense of purpose in older and younger adolescents

through volunteering, sports, creative arts, clubs, or other activities as they are developing
 35

self-esteem, this could potentially act as a moderator between self-esteem and engaging

in social media in adulthood and possibly prove to affect them as they develop through

adolescence.
 36

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