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Trends in the Use of Perfumes and Incense in the Near

East after the Muslim Conquests

AMAR ZOHAR and EFRAIM LEV

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society / Volume 23 / Issue 01 / January 2013, pp 11 - 30

DOI: 10.1017/S1356186312000673, Published online: 17 April 2013

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AMAR ZOHAR and EFRAIM LEV (2013). Trends in the Use of Perfumes and Incense in the Near
East after the Muslim Conquests. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 23, pp 11-30 doi:10.1017/
S1356186312000673

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 Trends in the Use of Perfumes and
Incense in the Near East after the

Muslim Conquests

AMAR ZOHAR AND EFRAIM LEV

Abstract

Perfumes have been known as utilizable but exclusive products since antiquity. Use of aromatic substances
was first mentioned in archaic sources of the ancient world. The origin of such fragrant substances was
mainly vegetable and animal. Throughout history, the use of subtle perfumes increased and some of
the exotic materials became expensive and valuable commodities. They were the source of wealth for
cultures and rulers. The contribution of the Arabs to the distribution of new crops, knowledge, industrial
techniques and substances is a well-known phenomenon. In our article we intend to focus on the new
perfumes that were distributed throughout the world thanks to the Arab conquests and the knowledge
of their other uses, mainly medicinal, that was handed down along with the products themselves. About
20 common perfumes are known to have been used in the medieval world, though half of them were not
mentioned in earlier sources.
These phenomena will be dealt with and presented in a profile we built up for four perfumes:
agarwood, camphor, musk and ambergris. The theoretical and practical uses of these perfumes that are
presented in detail (based on various sources including traders’ documents, medical literature and practical
Genizah fragments, dealing mainly with medicine) will serve as case studies for the understanding of
new trends in the uses of perfumes after the Muslim conquest. Arab perfumes can be divided into three
groups, according to their level of importance:

A. New perfumes, mainly from the vast region named “India”; most of which (such as camphor,
ambergris and sandalwood and a compound made out of them known as nadd and ghāliya) were not
known in the Middle East and the Mediterranean region until the Muslim conquests.
B. Perfumes that kept their popularity including: a variety of cinnamon, costus, spikenard,
frankincense, saffron and rose.
C. Perfumes that lost their worth like balsam and myrrh.

It seems that camphor was the best and most cherished perfume that substituted balsam. Like balsam,
the importance of myrrh that was imported from Arabia and East Africa also declined and it seems
that its substitute was musk. Transformations in perfume fashion were in fact only part of a wider
revolution of the Arabic material culture which the Middle East, the Mediterranean region and even
many European countries experienced due to the Arab conquests.

JRAS, Series 3, 23, 1 (2013), pp. 11–30 

C The Royal Asiatic Society 2013

doi:10.1017/S1356186312000673
12 Amar Zohar and Efraim Lev

Many scholars, including the authors of this article, have already written about the
contribution of the Arabs to the distribution of agricultural crops1 and medicinal substances.
These were transferred to the West from South and East Asia2 , namely: China,3 Tibet,4
Sind, Persia, Mesopotamia and India (The term “India” in ancient sources includes vast
geographical areas: the islands of the Indian Ocean such as Madagascar, Zanzibar, and the
Maldives, as well as in southern India, Sri Lanka [Ceylon], Indonesia).5
In the wake of political and economic changes that occurred as a result of the Arab
conquests, various ‘new’ products reached the Middle East and were redistributed along the
Mediterranean shores to Europe. Few of them, such as the agricultural crops, were first
assimilated and rooted in local agriculture in places with a similar exotic climate (the Rift
Valley in the Levant for example), and thus, their agricultural distribution was expanded.6
However, in most cases, the products were distributed along the trade routes which led
out of South and East Asia. These substances were not just used for medicinal purposes;
many of them were used as perfumes, incense, and spices, and for various industries such as
dyeing and tanning.
In this paper we aim to demonstrate this phenomenon mainly in relation to some perfumes
and incense, and to study the changes and transformation of their content and uses from the
pre-Islamic period and later.
Certain methods make it possible to determine what these ‘new’ substances are e.g. those
that came after the Islamic conquests. These are, to start with, the historical sources that

1 A. M. Watson, Agricultural Innovation in the Early Islamic World (London–New York, 1983); P. Crone, “Review”
[of A. M. Watson’s book], Journal of Semitic Studies, 30 (1985), pp. 347–350; J. Johns, “‘A Green Revolution?’ Review
of Agricultural Innovation in the Early Islamic World by Andrew Watson”, Journal of African History, 25 (1984),
pp. 343–344; C. Cahen, “Review of Agricultural Innovation in the Early Islamic World by Andrew Watson”,
Journal of the Social and Economic History of the Orient, 29 (1986), pp. 217–218; E. Ashtor, “Review of A. M. Watson,
Agricultural Innovation in the Early Islamic World”, Bibliotheca Orientalis, 42 (1985), pp. 421–423; M. Decker,
“Plants and Progress: Rethinking the Islamic Agriculture Revolution”, Journal of World History, 20 (2009), pp. 187–
206; Z. Amar and E. Lev, “Watermelon, Chate Melon and Cucumber: New Light on Traditional and Innovative
Field Crops of the Middle Ages” Journal Asiatique, 2011(299.1), pp. 193-204.
2 C. J. S. Thompson, The Mystery and Romance of Alchemy and Pharmacy (London, 1897), p. 102; D. Campbell,
Arabian Medicine and Its Influence on the Middle Ages (London, 1926), p. 55; M. Meyerhof, “The Background and
Origins of Arabian Pharmacology,” Ciba Symposia, 6 (1973), 1847–1856, p. 1848; J. M. Riddle, “The Introduction
and Use of Eastern Drugs in the Early Middle Ages,” Sudhoffs Archiv, 49 (1965), pp. 185–198; J. Stannard, Pristina
Medicamenta: Ancient and Medieval Medical Botany, Variorum Collected Studies Series no. 646, (Aldershot, 1984), p.
1560; M. Rogers, “The Arab Contribution to Botany and Pharmacology,” Arab Affairs, 6 (1988), pp. 71–86, p. 51;
M. Ali and J. S. Qadry, “Contribution of Arabs to Pharmacy,” Studies in History of Medicine, 6 (1982), pp. 43–53;
E. Savage-Smith, F. Ming, Z. Klein-Franke, “T.ibb”, Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. (eds.) P. Bearman;
Th. Bianquis; , C.E. Bosworth; E. van Donzel; and W.P. Heinrichs (Leiden, 2011, on line); Z. Amar and E. Lev,
“Arab medicine and Pharmacology: Arbitration and Distribution between the Classical and Indian Heritage”,
(forthcoming).
3 On the Chinese drugs mentioned in the Arabic medical literature see: A. M. Aziz, “Arabs’ Knowledge of
Chinese Drugs,” Studies in History of Medicine, 1 (1977), pp. 223–230; P. E. Pormann and E. Savage-Smith, Medieval
Islamic Medicine (Washington DC, 2007), pp. 22–23, 36. Chinese medicinal substances were distributed during the
early Arab period, but translated medical Chinese texts appear much later, from the 13th century. On the transfer
of medical knowledge from China to the West and vice versa (including Mongol Iran) see: P. D. Buell, “How Did
Persian and Other Western Medical Knowledge Move East, and Chinese West? A Look at the Role of Rashı̄d al
Dı̄n and Others,” Asian Medicine, 3 (2007), pp. 279–295.
4 Regarding the trade in musk see, for example, A. Akasoy and R. Yoeli-Tlalim, “Along the Musk Routes:
Exchanges between Tibet and the Islamic World,” Asian Medicine: Tradition and Modernity, 3 (2007), pp. 217–240.
5 A.C. Mayer; J. Burton-Page; K.A.Nizami; A. Ahmad; N.A. Jairazbhoy, “Hind”. Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second
Edition. (eds.) P. Bearman; Th. Bianquis; C.E. Bosworth; E. van Donzel; and W. P. Heinrichs (Leiden, 2011,
online).
6 Z. Amar, Agricultural Produce in the Land of Israel in the Middle Ages (Jerusalem, 2000) (Hebrew).
 Trends in the Use of Perfumes and Incense in the Near East after the Muslim Conquests 13

specifically mention them,7 the philological analysis of the names of substances, the analysis
of phyto-geographical origin and the distribution of medicinal plants, the archaeo-botanical
findings, etc. One of the most important ways to reconstruct and identify the array of
‘new’ drugs, for example, is to detect substances that are neither mentioned nor appear in
the writings of classical sources such as Aristotle, Theophrastus (370–287 bce), Dioscorides
(40–90 ce), Galen (130–200 ce), Isidore of Seville (560–636 ce), and more. We assume that
their absence from the classical sources and their appearance as common substances in the
Arab medical literature, teach us that they were either introduced, or that their medical use
was disseminated by the Arabs. Even contemporary physicians, mainly Andalusian, wrote
about this feature: Abū Dāwūd Sulaymān Ibn Juljul (died after 994 ce),8 Abū Abd Allāh
Muh.ammad al-Idrı̄sı̄ (1100–1166 ce),9 and Ibn Rushd (1126–1198 ce).10 According to
these authors, more than 80 medicinal substances were found in Arabic sources; mostly of
plant origin, fewer of animal origin, and some precious stones and compound drugs. These
substances were not mentioned by Dioscorides and Galen.11
This might be the point at which we will express our doubts: from a methodological
point of view, we lack an enormous amount of information about the technique of the
dissemination of substances and its pace. This restricts the quality of information we have at
hand and in many cases what we write consists primarily of assumptions.12 For example, we
have no precise data about all the trade routes and trading stations for the distribution of the
substances from India, through Sind (present day Pakistan), to Persia, Mesopotamia, and the
Middle East or alternatively from India through Arabia and East Africa to the Middle East.
Yet it is clear that various other routes existed (similar to that of the Silk Road),13 along
which different elements interacted to facilitate trade.
The speed of distribution of these substances was undoubtedly inconsistent both
chronologically and regionally.14 Waves of penetration of the “Indian” plants into the Middle
East, in which the Arabs were involved, had already existed from early times.15 Among these,
cinnamon, nard and costus were known to have been there during the Biblical era whereas
pepper, cardamom and long pepper were known from classical times.

7 For example, al-Masūdı̄ describes the trade route of the orange from India to Oman, Iraq, al-Sham and
Egypt; see: Alı̄ b. al-H
. usayn al-Masūdı̄, Kitāb Murūj al-Dhahab (Les Prairies d’Or), ed. C. Barbier de Meynard,
(Paris, 1861–1877), II, pp. 438–439.
8 A. Dietrich, Die Ergänzung Ibn ğulğul’s zur Materia Medica des Dioskurides (Göttingen, 1993).
9 Abū Abd Allāh Muhammad al-Idrı̄sı̄, Compendium of the Properties of Diverse Plants and Various Kinds of Simple
.
Drugs, (ed.) F. Sezgin (Frankfurt am Main, 1995), I, pp. 2–3, II, p. 3.
10 Abu al-Walid Muhammad Ibn Rushd, Kitāb al-Kulliyāt, (ed.) M. Belkeziz ben Abdeljalil (Casablanca, 2000).
(Arabic), pp. 268–272.
11 Z. Amar, E. Lev and Y. Serry, “On Ibn Juljul and the meaning and importance of the ∗ list of medicinal
substances not mentioned by Dioscorides∗ ,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society(forthcoming); Z. Amar, E. Lev, and
Y. Serry, “Ibn Rushd on Galen and the new drugs spread by the Arabs,” Journal Asiatique, 297 (2009), pp. 83–101.
12 Indeed the trade issue is a whole other matter, larger than described here. In this article we limit ourselves to
textual transmissions.
13 S. Whitfield, “Was There a Silk Road?” Asian Medicine: Tradition and Modernity, 3 (2007), pp. 201–213.
14 Waves of distribution of substances and plants from southern Asia in Biblical times and in the Hellenistic and
Roman periods are beyond the scope of this article; see, for example, D. Zohary, “The Diffusion of South and East
Asian and of African Crops into the Belt of Mediterranean Agriculture,” in: Plants for Food and Medicine, (eds.) N.
L. Etkin, D. R. Harris and P. J. Houghton (Kew, 1998), pp. 123–134.
15 S. S. Nadvi, “The Early Relations between Arabia and India”, Islamic Culture, 11 (1937), pp. 172–179.
14 Amar Zohar and Efraim Lev

We cannot ignore the possibility that some of the Indian substances that were mentioned
in Arabic sources were probably known to a limited degree in earlier periods and therefore
were not sufficiently exposed in the sources.16
The definition of ‘new perfumes’ includes substances that were hardly mentioned in
ancient sources for various reasons and undetermined circumstances. They later re-spread
during in the Middle Ages, in a second and more substantial wave, this time extensively and
significantly, with a clear affinity to Arabic sources.17
Examples for these phenomena are agricultural crops, sugar cane and indigo, which were
in use, and therefore mentioned in the pre-Islamic period. These crops became significant
as a consequence of the Muslim conquests.18
There was of course, the infiltration of substances in the opposite direction as well —
from the West (Middle East and Europe) to East and South Asia — for instance, typical
Mediterranean plants with a long and rich history, such as saffron.19 However, let us focus
on the main subject matter of the article: ‘Trends in the use of perfumes and incense in the Near
East after the Muslim conquests’.

Prestigious perfumes and incenses of the pre-Islamic period

By reviewing classical sources one can reconstruct a reliable picture of the perfumes and
incenses that were known and used during those periods. There is of course a possibility that
a few of the other perfumes that were not mentioned in the sources were of restricted local
and economical distribution. Therefore, we would like to make it clear that in this paper
we deal strictly with the list of preferred and expensive perfumes. These were probably
determined by the “cultural and social public opinion designer” of the higher socio-
economic strata and elitist circles of each period. In most cases these are imported perfumes
from Southeast Asia, East Africa or from ‘Arabia Felix’. Such substances were usually well
exposed in the historical sources and in some cases a whole entry or even chapter were
dedicated to their detailed description, ways of production, trading routes, prices, uses
etc.
Among the important classical authors we should mention Theophrastus, Dioscorides and
Pliny. There is a significant value to information gathered sporadically from such sources.
More reliable weight should be given to data arising from sources reflecting practical reallia,
such as medical prescriptions and religious rituals of each period. An example of this is

16 Watson, Agriculture, pp. 24–30.

17 Before the Islamic conquests, from Biblical times to the seventh century, the Arab tribes had a ‘history’ of
trade and of being middlemen for spices on the incense routes from India through Arabia to Egypt, Syria and
Byzantium; see: Meyerhof, The Background, p. 1852; Watson, Agricultural, pp. 77–83; Z. Amar, “The ancient trade
in incense, perfume, and spices,” The Nabateans in the Negev, (ed.) R. Rosenthal-Heginbottom (Haifa, 2003),
pp. 61–66; Y. Dan, The City in Eretz-Israel During the Late Roman and Byzantine Periods (Jerusalem, 1984) (Hebrew),
pp. 187–188; P. Crone, Meccan Trade and the Rise of Islam (Princeton 1987), pp. 7–11, 34–37.
18 Watson, Agriculture, pp. 24–30; Z. Amar and D. Iluz, “The Industrial facility at ’En-Boqeq: an Indigo
Production Plant?”, in: Judea and Samaria Research Studies, 18 (2009), pp. 223–330 (Hebrew); Amar, Agriculture,
pp. 334–336.
19 Z. Amar and E. Lev, “The Significance of the Genizah’s Medical Documents for the Study of Medieval
Mediterranean Trade”, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 50 (2007), pp. 524–541.
 Trends in the Use of Perfumes and Incense in the Near East after the Muslim Conquests 15

the Jewish Halachic (mainly the Talmud)20 literature, which incidentally mentions such
perfumes. Of special interest and value are the sources that rate the perfumes according to
their importance or others that determine the total significance of each perfume.
Immense worth should be accredited to sources dealing with the production of perfumes,
such as Theophrastus’ book “Concerning Odours”. This work is dedicated to the various
techniques for the production of perfumes and deals with about twenty fragrant plants and
compounds, half of which are of Mediterranean origin and the rest of which are from South
and East Asia. Two plants of special interest that were most referred to are: the rose and the
myrrh; these were followed respectively by: iris, nard, Ceylon cinnamon, Chinese cinnamon,
marjoram, frankincense, saffron, costus, balsam, calamus, myrtle, citronella21 and laurel.22
We hereby present three examples that allow us to create a reliable list of the most
prestigious perfumes of the Roman period (Table 1). The first example is the list of prices
that is conveyed by Pliny (23–79 ce) in a number of places in his monumental work Historia
Naturalis. The second example involves the perfumes that are mentioned in the list of the
most important commodities of his time, highlighted at the end of that same book (XXXVII,
204). The third example is taken from a Jewish text which counts and describes the incenses
that were burnt at sacrificial offerings in the second temple in Jerusalem (until 70 ce).23
This last list is astoundingly similar, almost identical to the list handed down by Pliny, despite
the geographical, cultural and religious differences of these two sources. It is clear that the
prices of perfumes and incenses had been changed throughout the periods;24 hence, the data
enables us to get a general assessment of the importance of the different perfumes and their
relative classification (Table 1). Just like other researchers we have not presented here a full
list of known classical perfumes and fragrant plants.25
Analysis of the data regarding the prices of the perfumes shows a high rate of
correspondence. In both lists the balsam is the most expensive perfume. Clove (Dioscorides
II, 10), rose (Pliny, XXI, 14–21), and saffron (Dioscorides I, 15; Pliny XXI, 31–34) were
known and used in the Roman period, though, since it was hard to get hold of them
in the Mediterranean region, they are not mentioned amongst the important imported
commodities. In this category we also count expensive fragrant oil, the main use of which
was medicinal, such as Iris (Pliny XXI, 40; Dioscorides I, 1, 66), lily (Pliny XXI, 22–26;
Dioscorides I, 62, III, 116) and marjoram (Dioscorides I, 68).
Galbanum was not mentioned in the list of Pliny’s most expensive products, probably
given that its main use was medicinal (Pliny XII, 126), and not perfume, due to its strong
and unpleasant odour. Agarwood cited by Dioscorides (I, 21) for its medicinal use is not

20 A collection of Rabbinic notes about the Mishna (the Mishna is Jewish Oral tradition that was written during
the second to fifth century).
21 Probably Cymbopogon nardus = Andropogon nardus.
22 Theophrastus, Enquiry into Plants, trans. A. Hort (London, 1990), (The Loeb Classical Library), II,
pp. 325–389.
23 Babylonian Talmud, Kritot 6a: Jerusalemite Talmud, Yoma 41 d.
24 On prices of perfumes in the first century ce, see: N. Groom, Frankincense and Myrrh (London, 1981),
pp. 154–155. For a comparison we have presented data from the list of maximum prices compliled by Dioclitanius
(301 ce) T. Frank, Rome and Italy of the Empire, (Baltimore, 1940), V, pp. 417–421. In his time the empire experienced
a deep economic crises, inflation increased and prices rose. This explains the huge discrepancy between prices in
the two lists (Pliny vs. Dioclitanius).
25 D. Pybus, and C. Sell, The Chemistry of Fragrances (London, 1999). pp. 8–9.
16 Amar Zohar and Efraim Lev

English Name Scientific name Source Prices

Balsam (resin) Commiphora gileadensis T, P, D D, P (300–1000 for every half

(= opobalsamum) one sextarius (about 0.540
liter) [XII 123]
Balsam (wood) Commiphora gileadensis P, D D, P (6) [XII 123]
(= opobalsamum)
Bdellium (resin) Commiphora mukul P, D D (11–175), P (3) [X11 36]
Chinese Cinnamomum cassia P, T P (5–50) [XII 97]
cinnamon-tree
(bark)
Cinnamon (bark) Cinnmomum zeylanicum T, P, D D (125), P (10) [XII 92]
Cinnamon (oil) Cinnmomum zeylanicum P P (1000) [XII 93]
Costus Costus speciosus T, P P (5.5) [XII 41]
Frankincense Boswellia carteri (= B. T, P, D D (100), P (3–6) [X11 65]
(resin) sacra)
Galbanum (resin) Ferula galbaniflua T, P
Iris (oil) Iris florentina L. or I. D D (30)
Mesopotamica
Ladanum (resin) Cistus ladaniferus D P (2.5–40 asses) [XII 76]
Lentisk (resin) Pistacia lentiscus P, D D (175), P (2–10) [XII 72]
Lily (oil) Lily candidum D D
Malabathrum Cinnamomum citriodorum P, D D, P (60) [XII 129]
Marjoram (leaves) Origanum hortensis D D (100)
Mollusc Operculum of various sp. T
of marine gastropods
Myrrh (resin) Commiphora myrrha
T, P, D D (600), P
(3–50) [XII
70]
Rose (oil) Rosa canina D D (70)
Saffron Crocus sativus T, D D (1000–2000)
Spikenard (leaves) Nardostachys jatamansi D, P D, P (40–75) [XII]
Spikenard (oil) Nardostachys jatamansi T, P, D D, P (100) [XII 44]
Storax (resin) Liquidambar orientalis P, D D (200–500), P. (17) [XII 125]

Table 1. – Leading perfumes and incense in the pre-Islamic world

Glossary: Sources – Roman (P-Pliny Historia Naturalis, XXXVII, 204 [The most costly products in
the world] and list of prices); (D- Diocletian tax list –maximum price), Jewish (T- Talmud). Prices – all
prices are Dinar per libra, unless written else. When there is no price specified – it was not readable.
[ ] = citation to be found in Pliny’s Historia Naturalis.

mentioned in any of the other sources. In our opinion this shows that during this period it
was probably not traded as one of the most desired perfumes.

Prestigious perfumes after the Muslim conquests

The medieval sources are varied and in general widely attributed to perfumes that used by
the local population. We should mention the geographical works among these sources. They
review the vast area controlled by the Arabs, from India to the Spanish coasts and North
Africa. This genre deals with commendations of the places and their special and unique
 Trends in the Use of Perfumes and Incense in the Near East after the Muslim Conquests 17

qualities.26 For instance the Adab literature, Islamic poetry,27 and other similar information
to the literature that deals with prestigious products that were used by the elite circles such
as “Book of Gifts and Rarities”.28 Exposure to the Indian material culture and its exotic
products awakened an increased demand for these products, at first among the authorities
and later amongst the wider population. The wonders of India were exaggerated based on
core reality. For example, here is how al-Tha`alibi described India:

“Someone has described India thus: ‘Its seas are full of pearls, its mountains are full of sapphires, its
trees are the aloes and its leaves give sweet-smelling perfumes’. Indian aloes-wood is mentioned
together with other outstandingly fragrant products attributed to specific countries, like Tibetan
musk and the ambergris of ash-Shihr”.29

The theoretical medical literature is of significant importance. The authors mention

medicinal substances that were used in the Galenic-Arabic world as well as new substances
from the Indian-Arabic medical legacy. However, some of the most important sources
are medical prescriptions which mention the use of medicinal substances and perfumes that
reflect practical medicine. Other sources of great value and weight to our research are traders’
letters; these actually record the perfumes that were traded, the routes taken, methods of
transport and prices etc.
For illustration purposes, we have incorporated data regarding perfumes from the index of
the monumental book by Gil In the Kingdom of Ishmael into Table 2.30 This book includes 845
Genizah documents that were studied by Gil and other scholars before him, most notably by
Goitein.31 This documentation is extremely important. Thanks to its magnitude and wealth,
it covers the period in which the Arabs operated at the peak of the Mediterranean commerce
(eleventh to thirteenth centuries). Therefore, the list that was reconstructed on the basis of
this documentation is solid and representative. This is clearly illustrated by the comparison
with the data extracted from other sources such as the Book of Presents that consists of 414
citations,32 the Book of Trade that is attributed to al-Jāh.iz.,33 Ibn Māsawaı̄h’s34 writing and
al-Kindı̄’s.35
The data in Table 2 includes the number of times the perfume was mentioned in each
source. It is not statistical data, and it does not include all the Genizah documents. Moreover,
in some cases perfumes are mentioned a few times in one document! In any case, the data

26 See for example: le capitaine Bozorg fils de Chahriyar de Ramhormoz, Livre des Merveilles de l’Inde par
Bozorg fils de Chahriyar de Ramhormoz, Livre des Merveilles de l’Inde, Arabic texte by P. A. van der Lith; French
translation, by L. M. Devic, (Leiden, 1883–1886).
27 A. King, “The Importance of Imported Aromatics: Illustrations from pre-Islamic and early Islamic poetry”,
Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 67 (2008), pp. 175–189.
28 G. H. Qaddumi, Book of Gifts and Rarities (Cambridge, 1996).
29 The Book of Curious and Entertaining Information: The Lata’if al-ma`arif al Tha`alibi (translated with introduction
and notes by C. E. Bosworth), (Edinburgh, 1968), p. 139.
30 M. Gil, In the Kingdom of Ishmael, (Jerusalem, 1997), 4, pp. 929–932.
31 S. D. Goitein, A Mediterranean Society (Berkeley, 1967–1988); M. Gil, Palestine During the First Muslim Period
(643–1099) (Tel-Aviv, 1983) (Hebrew); M. Ben-Sasson, The Jews of Sicily 825–1068 (Jerusalem 1991) (Hebrew).
32 Qaddumi, Book of Gifts.
33 al-Jāhiz, Kitāb al-Tabas bi-l-Tijāra (Cairo, 1935) (Arabic).
. .
34 M. Levey, “Ibn Masawaih and his Treatise Simple Aromatic Substances: Studies in the History of Arabic
Pharmacology”, Journal of the History of Medicine, 16 (1961), pp. 394–410.
35 al-Kindı̄, Kitāb Kı̄miyā al-Itr wat-Tası̄dāt, (ed.) K. Garber, (Arabic), (Leipzig, 1948).
.
18 Amar Zohar and Efraim Lev

Origin Source Scientific name English Name

A Q (27), G (16), J, I, K (5) Physeter catodom Amber

P G. J Commiphora gileadensis Balsam
( = opobalsamum)
P G Commiphora mukul Bdellium
P G (33), Q (17), I, K (11) Cinnamomum camphora Camphor
P G (26), J, I, K (1) Cinnmomum (zeylanicum and cassia) Cinnamon
P G (13), I Costus speciosus Costus
P G (7), J, K (1) Boswellia carteri ( = B. sacra) Frankincense
Q (5), G (1) Mainly musk + amber + Indian Ghāliya
agarwood
P Q (17), G (15), J, I, K (3) Aquilaria agallocha Indian Agarwood
P G, J, K (3) Jasminum sp. Jasmine
P G (11), I Pistacia lentiscus Lentisk
A I, K (2) Operculum of various sp. of Mollusk
marine gastropods
A Q (19), G (19), J, I, K (14) Moschus moschiferus Musk
P G, J Commiphora myrrha Myrrh
Q (6), G (2) Mainly musk + amber + Indian Nadd
agarwood
P Q (2), G (10), J, I Rosa canina Rose
P Q (4), G (46), J, I, K (11) Crocus sativus Saffron
P Q (3), G (4), J, I, K (1) , K (1) Santalum album Sandalwood
K (1) Pandanus odoratissimus Screw pine
P G (8), I Nardostachys jatamansi Spikenard
P G, J Viola odorata Violets
P K (3) Cheiranthus chiri Wallflower
P G, J, I, K (3) Flemingia rhodocarpa = Moghonia Wars
grahamiana
P G, J, K (1) Nymphaea (nauchali, alba, lotus) Water lily

Table 2. - Leading perfumes and incense of the Islamic world

Glossary: Sources – G- Genizah, Q- Book of Gifts and Rarities, J- al-Jāh.iz., I- Ibn Māsawaı̄h, K-
al-Kindı̄. Figures in the parentheses () are numbers of times it was mentioned.

generally reflects the trend in a reliable and realistic way. According to Table 2, few perfumes
head the list: saffron, cinnamon kinds, musk, ambergris, and agarwood.
Two compound perfumes that are made out of three of the above mentioned perfumes
(musk, ambergris, and agarwood) named nadd and ghāliya were prestigious and expensive
and should be added to the list. If we exclude the saffron from this list, since it is of local
Mediterranean origin and was used mainly as spice (for colouring food and medicine) all the
rest are of “Indian” origin. Since cinnamon was used intensively during this period mainly
as a spice and for medicine, we can clearly point out four ‘new’ perfumes that were very
popular and controlled the market after the Islamic conquests: agarwood, sandalwood, musk,
ambergris and camphor. In some of the Arabic books that dedicated chapters to perfumes,
only three perfumes appear (agarwood, musk, ambergris).36

36 al-Qalqashandı̄, Subh al-Ashā fı̄ Sināat al-Inshā (Beirut, 1987), II, pp. 126–139. (Arabic); al-Jāhiz, Kitāb,
. . . . .
pp. 16–19.
 Trends in the Use of Perfumes and Incense in the Near East after the Muslim Conquests 19

One hundred and seven different recipes for perfumes are mentioned in al-Kindı̄’s (801–
873 ce) book Book of the Chemistry of Perfume. These have survived the test of time. There
are 14 recipes for musk, 11 for camphor, 11 for saffron, 5 for ambergris, 5 for agarwood,
3 for waras and 2 for rose. Thirty more recipes of compound perfumes such as nadd, ramaq
and ghāliya were also discussed and 30 others deal with other plants (one for each) such as:
myrtle, jasmine, cinnamon and frankincense.37
Another example is Ibn Māsawaı̄h’s (777–857 ce) book On Simple Aromatic Substances.
Here, the author divided the perfumes into two groups: the first one entitled: “the principal”
includes musk, ambergris, agarwood, camphor and saffron and the second named: “the
secondary” in which 24 perfumes are mentioned (some of which are not clearly identified),
mainly: nard, clove, sandalwood, rose, cinnamon, mace, costus, waras, mastic, ladanum,
storax, operculum (at.far al-tib).38
A different classification was brought about by the poet al-Sarı̄ b. Muh.ammad al-Raffā
(d. 973) in his treatise on perfumes [The Book on the Beloved; and on what is Smelled and
what is Drunk].39 He starts his book with chapters of songs dedicated to more than twenty
perfumed plants and some fragranced liquids made out of various fruits that were known
in the Muslim world. Later, he dedicates a whole chapter entitled “fı̄ mashmūm al-t.ı̄b wa-mā
tasta ʽmiluhu l- ʽarab” [A chapter on the fragrant used by the Arabs] to perfumes. The order
of the perfumes in this chapter is: musk, ambergris, camphor, nadd and ghāliya.40
By comparison, Table 2 also presents a list of perfumes that were mentioned in documents
dealing with precious gifts and presents of the high socio-economic strata of the medieval
Arab regimes. Clearly, we can see that this list is very short and it corroborates with the
list of the perfumes that were mentioned a great deal in the trading documents. Therefore,
we can conclude that other perfumes and substances were of lesser importance. Before we
proceed to analyze and further discuss the meaning of the record of the other perfumes we
would like to briefly and separately present four leading “Arab” perfumes.

A. Camphor [Kāfūr]; Cinnamonum camphora (Lauraceae)

Is a tall tropical evergreen tree (up to 30 m); with dark long leaves, yellow-green flowers,
and has small black fruit. The plant grows in tropical South and East Asia, mainly China and
Japan. The aromatic material is found in all parts of the tree, and the production processes
yield oil and a white crystal substance that was used for medicine.41 The cultivation of the
tree, production of its oil, and its medical use were widespread in early times in China and
Japan.
The tree and its products were apparently not known to physicians and scientists of ancient
Greece and Rome, a phenomenon that was already studied by medieval scholars.42 Camphor
became widely distributed around the world and was known in the Middle East from the

37 al-Kindı̄, Kitāb Kı̄miyā.

38 Levey, Ibn Māsawaı̄h.
39 Al-Sarı̄ b. Muhammad al-Raffā, al-Muh.ubb wa-l-Mah.būb wa-l-Mashmūm wa-l-Mashrūb (Damascus, 1986)
.
(Arabic).
40 Ibid.
41 A. M. Chevallier, The Encyclopedia of Medicinal Plants (London, 1996). p. 188.
42 Ibn Rushd, Kitāb, p. 271; Ibn Juljul, Tabaqāt al-Atibbā wa-l-Hukamā, (ed.) F. Sayyid (Cairo, 1955), p. 15.
. . .
20 Amar Zohar and Efraim Lev

Sassanid period when it served as a perfume and a condiment. It is mentioned, for example,
in the pre-Islamic period as one of the gifts brought to the Persian rulers by the kings of
China and India who controlled its cultivation and production.43
The Arabs discovered the tree and its uses during their conquest of the East. It is said that
when the Arabs conquered the city of al-Mad’ain (Ctesiphon) in 637, they found a large
amount of crystal camphor that at first sight appeared to be salt. They realised that they were
mistaken only after they tasted the bread that had been baked with these crystals; its taste
was bitter.44 The camphor was later known in ancient Arab culture because it is mentioned
in the Qurān (76: 5) mainly as a flavour for drinks that would have be served to the saints
in the Garden of Eden. It was also mentioned by early Arab poets who include it in their
poems together with musk.
The tree, the production of the substance, its preservation and its trade are described by
chroniclers, geographers and travellers. Some described the tree as growing mainly on the
banks of streams, reaching great heights, and spreading widely. The full-grown tree used to
be incised at a certain season in order to collect its resin. At the end of the process the tree
died.45 Al-Kindı̄, the famous Arab chemist and physician in the middle of the ninth century,
wrote one of the first recipes for the production of crystal camphor: at the end of the process
a “white sugar-like substance is made”.46
There were a few varieties of camphor and the vast majority of them came from the “land
of Sofala in India”.47 The Arabic sources also mentioned China as a source for camphor;48
the best kind was from (Barus) Fansur.49 The plant, its origin, the production process and its
medicinal uses are widely mentioned in Arabic literature. For example, we herewith present
the entry camphor from Ibn Juljul (there are several versions and we submit the shorter one):
"Indian, and it is the resin of an Indian tree like the pine, there the kāfūr is like the Gum Arabic
and the resin of the Pine. It is collected and washed in water and steamed until it becomes white
as snow, and its colour first is yellow tending to red, and the water that washed it is called kāfūr
water and it is sticky oil, with a pleasant fragrance, that replaces the balsam oil. The kāfūr is cold,
dry when steamed, and before it is steamed it has some heat. Beneficial for yellow-bilious fever
and inflammation of the liver and acute fevers if smelled, and it is a drug.”50

The researcher Riddle claims that the medicine was discovered only during the Middle
Ages.51 Camphor figures in thirteen lists of materia medica found in the Cairo Genizah and

43 Qaddumi, Book of Gifts, pp. 61–62.

44 Qaddumi, Book of Gifts, p. 168.
45 A. Dietrich, “Kāfūr”. Encyclopaedia of
Islam, Second Edition. (eds.) P. Bearman; Th. Bianquis; C.E. Bosworth;
E. van Donzel; and W. P. Heinrichs (Leiden, 2011, online); J. F. Morton, Major Medicinal Plants (Illinois, 1978).
p. 103.
46 al-Kindı̄, Kitāb Kı̄miyā, p. 50.
47 Levey, Ibn Masawaı̄h, p. 402; al-Qazwı̄nı̄, Ajāib al-Makhlūqāt wa-Gharāib al-Mawjūdāt (Beirut, 1973).
(Arabic), p. 299.
48 Ahmad ibn Ibrāhı̄m Ibn al-Jazzār, al-Itimād fı̄ al-Adwiya al-Mufrada – al-Ilāj bi-l-Adwiya al-Arabiyya (ed.)
.
I. al-Qish (Beirut, 1998), (Arabic). p. 140; Abū al-Khayr al-Ishbı̄lı̄, Umdat al-T . abı̄b fı̄ Marifat al-Nabāt, (ed.) M.
A. al-Khat.t.ābı̄ (Beirut, 1995), (Arabic). p. 302; Abū Ah.mad Abd Allāh Ibn al-Bayt.ār, Kitāb al-Jāmilli-Mufradāt
al-Adwiya wa-l-Aghdhiya (Cairo, 1934) (Arabic) IV, p. 43; Ramhormoz, Livre, p. 117.
49 Qaddumi, Book of Gifts, p. 234.
50 Ibn Juljul, Tabaqāt , p. 15.
.
51 J.M. Riddle, “Methodology of Historical Drug Research”, In: J. M. Riddle, Quid pro quo: Studies in the
History of Drugs (Aldershot, 1992), pp. 1–19. p. 13.
 Trends in the Use of Perfumes and Incense in the Near East after the Muslim Conquests 21

also in seven prescriptions: for eye diseases, swellings and to stop bleeding.52 In the medieval
Arabic medical literature, it is a cold and dry drug that was used for the treatment of ear
conditions, jaundice, pains, liver, spleen, testicles and kidney diseases, sore throat, headaches,
fevers, putrescent wounds, stones in the urinary bladder swellings.53
According to Ibn Māsawaı̄h, camphor is one of the five most important aromatic substances
and only a few types exist.54 It was a commodity traded between Egypt, Sicily and the
Maghreb, it was imported from China by Jewish merchants.55 In a Genizah letter (eleventh
century) Habib ben Nissim of Ramlah describes the difficult journey from Alexandria and
relates that on the way, he lost the camphor he had bought in Egypt. In the thirteenth century
camphor was merchandise that was transported across the Levant en route to Europe.56

B. Agarwood, Indian Agarwood Tree [Ūd Hindi, Ūd al-T

. ı̄b]; Aquilaria agallocha (Thymelaceae)
The Indian agarwood tree is a tropical tree with a smooth pale trunk and thin leathery
leaves and yellow-green flowers. The ‘aholim’ and ‘aholot’ (aloes) mentioned in the Bible as
varieties of spices (Psalms 45: 9; Proverbs 7: 17; Song of Songs 4: 14) are identified by some
researchers as the species Aquilaria agallocha and Aquilaria malaccens.57
Dioscorides states that the agallochon tree, a native of India and Arabia, was aromatic.
The aromatic wood was used as a perfume, incense and a chewing substance to sweeten
the breath. Its medical uses were for curing the liver and dysentery, and treating stomach
upsets.58 The use of the wood as incense was also mentioned by Isidore of Seville, who
completed his book towards the end of his life (636).59

52 E. Lev and Z. Amar, Practical Materia Medica of the Medieval Eastern Mediterranean According to the Cairo Genizah
(Leiden, 2007), pp. 123–125.
53 Lev and Amar, Practical, pp. 123–125; M. Levey, The Medical Formulary or the Aqrābādhı̄n of al–Kindı̄ (Madison,
1966). Nos. 11, 24, 61, 77, 89, 91, 104, 152; Ibn Sı̄nā, Kitāb al-Qānūn fı̄ al-T
. ibb (Beirut, 1877). (Arabic), pp. 336–
337; Moshe Ben Maimon (Maimonides), The Medical Aphorisms of Moses Maimonides, (eds.) F. Rosner and S.
Muntner (New York, 1970). 21: 83; Ben Maimon, Moshe (Maimonides), Sexual Life (On the Increase of Physical
Vigour), (ed.) S. Muntner (Jerusalem, 1965). (Hebrew), 18: 1, 2, 4; Ibn al-Bayt.ār, Kitāb al-Jāmi, IV, 42–44,
IV, 136. Compare Dāwud al-Ant.ākı̄, Tadhkirat ūlı̄ al-al-ı̄ wa-l-jāmi li-l-ajab al-ujjāb (Cairo, 1935). (Arabic).
p. 235.
54 In detail: Levey, Ibn Māsawaı̄h, p. 402. A summary of the plant and its medical uses in Arabic literature is in
J.-Cl. Chabrier; A. Dietrich; C.E. Bosworth; H. G. Farmer, “Ūd.” Encyclopaedia of Islam. Second Edition. (eds.)
P. Bearman; Th. Bianquis; C.E. Bosworth; E. van Donzel; and W. P. Heinrichs (Leiden, 2011, on line).
55 M. Gil, Palestine. English abridgement: (Cambridge, 1992), I, pp. 565, 615, 622; II, 519; S. D. Goitein,
A Mediterranean Society. Berkeley, 1967–1988, I, pp. 154–5; IV, p. 176; M. Gil, In the kingdom of Ishmael, 4 Vols.
(Jerusalem, 1997), IV, p. 930, see indices.
56 Nuovo Archivio Veneto, N. S., IV, 285; A. Beugnot, “Les Assises de Jerusalem”, Recueil des Historiens des
Croisades, Lois I-II (Paris, 1841–1843), II, p. 173; J. Prawer, The Crusaders: A Colonial Society (Jerusalem, 1985).
(Hebrew), p. 480.
57 B. Chizik, Otsar ha-Tsmahim (A Treasury of Plants) (Herzlia, 1952). (Hebrew), p. 756; I. Low, Die Flora
.
der Juden, I–IV (Vienna-Leipzig, 1924–1934). II, p. 104; Moshe Ben Maimon (Maimonides), Regimen Sanitatis,
ed. S. Muntner (Jerusalem, 1957). (Hebrew), p. 106; Moshe Ben Maimon (Maimonides), Un Glossaire de Matiere
Medicale Compose par Maimonide, (ed.) M. Meyerhof, Memoires Presentes a l`Institut d`Egypte, 41 (1940), No. 296;
A. Feldman, Plants of the Bible (Tel-Aviv, 1957). (Hebrew). p. 233; Y. Feliks, Plant World of the Bible (Ramat-Gan,
1976). (Hebrew), pp. 124, 125.
58 R. T. Gunther (trans.), The Greek Herbal of Dioscorides (New York, 1959), I. 21.
59 Isidore of Seville, The Etymologies (translated by S. A. Barney et al. with the collaboration of M. Hall),
(Cambridge, 2006), p. 349; The Byzantine monk Cosmas (the middle of the sixth century) describes how it was
imported from China, see J. W. McCrindle, The Christian Topography of Cosmas, An Egyptian Monk (New York,
1897), pp. 366.
22 Amar Zohar and Efraim Lev

Ibn Māsawaı̄h attested to the following according to earlier researchers: after the tree was
cut down, it was buried for one year until only the pure aromatic substance survived. Its
main use was derived from pieces of the trunk and the large branches, which were used as
liquid perfume or as incense sticks.60
Agarwood was in use in the Arabic pre-Islamic world;61 nevertheless it seems as if it was
one of the most desired perfumes only after the early Islamic period from which we have
evidence for its uses as liquid perfume and just as wooden incense. Such liquid perfume,
immersed in wax, was sent by the king of India as a gift to the Persian King Khusraw.62
This tradition continued after the Islamic conquests, for example, the King of India sent
to al-H. asan b. Sahl (at 825 ce) various gifts: “Among which was a basket of Indian aloes
wood the like of which had never been seen”. In the same context, it was said that when
the Caliph al-Mutawakkil fell ill the (Indian?) physicians suggested he disinfect himself with
good and fresh agarwood, and so he did. The substance was taken from the above mentioned
63
shipment to al-H . asan b. Sahl.”
One of the most famous types of agarwood was the “al-mandali” probably imported from
the port of Mandari. However, from the (jāhiliyya) period until the end of the Umayyad
dynasty, the Arabs did not use it frequently due to its “bitter” smell. It is also said that one
member of the Barmaki (al-Barāmika) family who fled from the Umayyad to India learned
there about another kind of “al-mandali” agarwood. When the Abbasid Caliph Abu Jafar
al-Mansur (754–775 ce) gained power and was in command of his region, he invited him to
use the “al-mandali” kind, which was considered the best. Since then, it has been extensively
imported from India and the demand has increased, mainly due to its sharp smell and its use
in the production of scented cloth and in the killing of lice.64
The plant figures in eight lists of materia medica found in the Cairo Genizah and in eleven
prescriptions, mainly as an aphrodisiac, a linctus, an ointment and for itches.65 According to
medieval Arabic medical literature, it was considered a hot and dry drug and was used for the
treatment of fevers, enlarged head, bad respiration, polishing the teeth, mouth protection,
arousing the desire for coitus, increasing sexual pleasure, boosting the spirit, calming the
nerves as a carminative, and a diuretic.66
The Arabic writers describe India as a country that is rich in agarwood trees.67 They
mentioned various kinds named mainly after the ports from which they were imported
such the al-mandali;68 al-samandrim (from Samandur near Bombay); al-qumari (Khmer,
approximately ancient Cambodia);69 al-sanfi (Chanf in Eastern Indochina) and others. The
prices varied according to the types and quality. Usually, the packages were shipped as a lump
60 Levey, Ibn Māsawaı̄h, p. 401.
61 Crone, Meccan, p. 75.
62 Qaddumi, Book of Gifts, p. 62.
63 Qaddumi, Book of Gifts, p. 80.
64 al-Qalqashandı̄, Subh, p. 134.
. .
65 Lev and Amar, Practical, pp. 97–98.
66 Levey, The Medical, Nos. 6, 106. Compare Ibn Sı̄nā, Kitāb, pp. 298–299; Ben Maimon, The Medical, 21:
75; Ben Maimon, Sexual, Introduction, 15, 16; Ben Maimon, Regimen, 2: 10; 3: 11; Ibn al-Baytar, Kitāb, III, 143;
al-Ant.ākı̄, Tadhkirat, pp. 241–242; Lev and Amar, Practical, pp. 97–98.
67 Tha`alibi The Lata’if p. 139.
68 al-Jāhiz, Kitāb, p. 16.
. .
69 On a shipment of agarwood from Qummar (India) see Qaddumi, Book of Gifts, pp. 102–103; al-Qalqashandı̄,
S.ubh., p. 133 that mention there agarwood from Kashmir; Ramhormoz, Livre, p. 117.
 Trends in the Use of Perfumes and Incense in the Near East after the Muslim Conquests 23

of three manas (weight).70 Agarwood was traded between Cairo and Alexandria and exported
to the Maghreb and Sicily according to merchants’ letters, mainly of the eleventh century.71

C. Musk [misk]; Moschus moschiferus (Cervidae)

Musk is a substance used as a perfume and in medicine. Its source is derived from the anal
glands of the musk deer, which inhabits the mountains of Central Asia (the Himalayas and
Tibet). The gland is found in the male of the species and is situated between the anus and
the penis. It weighs 30 to 50 grams and is filled with liquid during the mating season. In
its raw state, the substance is dark brown, but sometime after extraction it turns black. It is
marketed in both a liquid and a solid form.72
Various medieval sources such as Ibn Juljul mentioned musk as an Indian drug. He
described how the substance is produced in bulges from the legs of a beast the size of a deer
that never stops growing and filling up with the blood of this animal and when they are
filled up they fall off the animal and the musk is inside.73
Musk is not mentioned in early classical literature; nevertheless, it became very popular
after the Islamic conquests. Musk perfume was mentioned in the pre-Islamic poetry74 and
was even mentioned in the Qurān (83: 26). In Persia, it was known on a limited scale, for
example, it is said that a gift of 100 mann (measurement) of musk was sent by the king of Tibet
to the Persian King Khusraw.75 It is clear that musk was known in Mesopotamia throughout
that period since it is mentioned in the Babylonian Talmud (compiled in Mesopotamia
during the fifth century) as a perfume of animal origin.76 The Tibetan monk Cosmas
described the hunting of the musk deer in India and Sindu and how the hunters: “having
tied up the blood collected at the navel”.77
Musk was used in ancient eastern cultures, and it is mentioned in several Talmudic tractates
in connection with a blessing to be pronounced on using it. In Christian sources, the name
first appears in Hieronymus (fourth century ce). As mentioned before, it is also mentioned
in the Qurān, and is cited by many Jewish and European physicians.78 During the Middle
Ages, musk was used as an important spice and was imported overland from Asia.79 Its trade
was controlled by the Arabs and it was one of the most prestigious perfumes. The following
anecdote testifies to that fact; once the Caesar of Byzantine sent a gift to al-Mamūn (813–
829 ce). The latter commanded that a gift be sent back which was a hundred times more

70 Levey, Ibn Māsawaı̄h, p. 401.

71 Gil, Palestine,II, p. 179, No.485a; M. Gil, In the Kingdom of Ishmael, 4 Vols (Jerusalem, 1997); Goitein, A
Mediterranean, see indices.
72 Chizik, Otsar, pp. 29–30; N. Shapira, “On Perfume Products from Animal Origins in Ancient Hebrew
Sources”, Harofe Haivri, 32 (1959), pp. 95–103. (Hebrew), p. 95.
73 Ibn Juljul, Tabaqāt, p. 16.
.
74 King, The Importance. pp. 182–187.
75 Qaddumi, Book of Gifts, p. 62.
76 Babylonian Talmud, Berachot 43a; in fact it was mentioned before in the Jerusalemite Talmud, in the name
of Rabbi Hadsa, Babyloniain scholar (died 309 ce), see Jerusalemite Talmud, Berachot, 6, 10d.
77 McCrindle, The Christian, pp. 360, 366. See also A. McCabe, “Imported Materia Medica, 4th –12th Centuries,
and Byzantine Pharmacology”, in: Byzantine Trade, 4th–12th Centuries, (ed). M. M. Mango (Oxford, 2009), pp.
273–292 (282).
78 For a complete historical survey see Chizik, Otsar, pp. 29–30; Shapira, On Perfume, pp. 95–101.
79 J. Prawer, The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (Jerusalem, 1947). (Hebrew), pp. 402.
24 Amar Zohar and Efraim Lev

precious in order to show Caesar the Muslim legacy. When they discovered that musk was
the most expensive product al-Mamūn sent him 200 ratel of musk and 200 skins of sable.80
According to the contemporary literature, the best musk was imported from Tibet,81
India,82 China, al-S.aı̄d,83 and Turkish lands,84 through various trading routes.85 The Tibetan
kind was considered the best and the sources attributed that to its diet, mainly the nard that
grows in its habitat and also due to the fact that the people of Tibet do not add blood or
other substances as in the case of the Chinese. They collected the perfume by trapping the
deer in nets instead of hunting it down with arrows. Then, the rectal gland was cut off and
dried in the open air. The hunters preferred adult males with mature glands. Consequently,
the best substance was collected, according to the sources, in the grazing field of the deer
where it was secreted on the rocks in order to mark his territory.86
The second best kind of musk was the Indian and the third, the Chinese. As a matter of fact,
the various kinds were sold in the markets and were distinguished by their colour and smells.
Al-Qalqashandı̄ counted ten of them.87 Moreover, cases of forgery were also known.88 Musk
is mentioned in many Genizah fragments as a commodity in various Mediterranean cities
(including Alexandria and Qayrawān. It was exported from China by merchants and traded
in Acre in Crusader times.89
According to the medieval Arabic medical literature, musk was used to treat headaches,
diseases of the brain, weakness of sexual organs, infected wounds, eye ailments, diarrhoea,
to strengthen the limbs, heart and brain, to prolong old age, enhance the senses and sexual
potency, to warm internal organs, haemorrhoids and flatulence, remove sadness and fear,
against epilepsy and against black-bilious disorders. It was described as a hot and dry drug,
as an aphrodisiac and an abortifacient.90 Ibn Rushd who mentioned the musk among the
substances that were omitted by Galen expanded on some of its medicinal uses: “It has a
fantastic power to strengthen the heart and to remove sadness and fear. It is useful against
epilepsy and strangulation of the womb and, in general, against all fainting diseases. It is
useful against coarse winds created in the bowel, against melancholia and against black-
bilious disorders”.91 Musk figures in the Cairo Genizah in four lists of materia medica and in
two prescriptions, one of which is for strengthening the gums.92

80 Qaddumi, Book of Gifts, p. 77.

81 Qaddumi, Book of Gifts, p. 234; al-Jāhiz, Kitāb, p. 17.
. .
82 Ibn Juljul, Tabaqāt, p. 16.
.
83 Ibn al-Jazzār, p. 61
84 Tha`alibi The Lata’if p. 142; al-Qalqashandı̄, Subh, p. 127.
. .
85 Akasoy, and Yoeli-Tlalim, Along.
86 Ibn al-Baytar, Kitāb, 4, p. 155; al-Qazwı̄nı̄, Ajāib al-Makhlūqāt(Beirut, 1981). (Arabic), p. 413; al-Mas’udi,
Kitāb I, pp. 157–159.
87 al-Qalqashandı̄, Subh, pp. 128–129.
. .
88 Levey, Ibn Māsawaı̄h, p. 399.
89 Gil, In the Kingdom, I, pp. 616, 623, 689, IV, p. 930 (20 references to trade in musk); Beugnot, Les Assises, 2,
p. 174; Goitein, A Mediterranean, I, pp. 153–155, 219, 373, IV, p. 316.
90 Z. Amar and Y. Seri, The Land of Israel and Syria According to al-Tamimi’s Description (Ramat Gan, 2004).
(Hebrew), p. 51; Shihāb al-Dı̄n Ah.mad al-Nuwayrı̄, Nihāyat al-Arab fı̄ Funūn al-Adab (Cairo, 1924). (Arabic), 12,
pp. 64, 90; Lev and Amar, Practical, pp. 215–217; Ben Maimon, The Medical, 3: 11; 4: 11; 9: 30; 14: 49; 21: 75;
Maimonides, Sexual, 18: 3; Levey, The Medical, nos. 16, 56, 93, 147; Ibn al-Bayt.ār, Kitāb,4, p. 155; al-Ant.ākı̄,
Tadhkirat, pp. 297–298, Ibn Juljul, T . abaqāt, p. 16. See also: Levey, Ibn Māsawaı̄h, pp. 398–399.
91 Ibn Rushd, Kitāb p. 271.
92 Lev and Amar, Practical, pp. 215–217.
 Trends in the Use of Perfumes and Incense in the Near East after the Muslim Conquests 25

D. Ambergris [anbar], Physeter catodon (Physeteridae)

The Arabic name serves to describe two different substances, one is a semi-precious stone
(fossil resin of pines and other trees) and the other a perfume which we deal with below.
Ambergris is a perfumed substance with a sweet scent similar to musk. It is inflammable
and burns with a bright flame. The raw material of this precious perfume is apparently
derived from bile secretions of the sperm whale.93 Ambergris either floats on the surface of
tropical seas or is found cast upon the shore in large lumps that weigh up to five kilograms.
It is highly valued in the East as both a perfume and a medicinal substance.94 Dioscorides
claims that ambergris (lungourion) is suitable as a medicine for treating stomach and intestinal
problems.95
The scholar al-Masūdı̄ (tenth century) notes that ambergris is to be found on the seashores
of the cities of al-Shām.96 Similar to musk, the ambergris became one of the most popular
perfumes in the Arabic culture. It is highly cited among the precious goods in the pre-Islamic
period and later among Arab rulers.97
For example, it is said that: “Amr b. al-Layth al-Saffar sent to al-Mu’tadid . . . three
thousand ratels of musk, a thousand mithqals of ambergris, fifty mana of aloes wood . . . ”98
Ambergris quickly became a common perfume among vast populations of various socio-
economic strata. It was imported from different locations from the shores of Africa, the
Indian Sea and the Mediterranean Sea. Medieval Arabic sources argued their origin and the
most common descriptions were: a substance similar to asphalt that comes from the sea floor
and secretions of marine animal.99 According to al-Masūdı̄, the best ambergris was found
on the seashores of al-Zanj (Black people lands = Africa), and from a region named al-Shar
100
on the shores of Arabia e.g. Oman and Yemen (H . ad.ramūt). He asserted that the local
people used to catch the whale, extract its intestine and get the ambergris out, others were
searching the beach for ambergris that was brought ashore by the waves. This perfume was
well known by the perfumers in Iraq, Persia and India.101
One of the best kinds was named salahati, that was imported from the region of Sofala’
(India). It was recognised by its bluish colour and fatty matter.102 Al-Qalqashandı̄ counts
six different kinds of ambergris, the last one was named al-Maghrabi. This kind, unlike the
others, was brought to Andalusia from Egypt,103 e.g. it originated from the whales of the
Western Mediterranean. Many Genizah fragments deal with this expensive commodity and

93 J. Ruska “Anbar (a.)”. Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. (eds). P. Bearman; Th. Bianquis; C.E. Bosworth;
E. van Donzel; and W.P. Heinrichs (Leiden, 2011, on line).
94 J. M. Riddle, “Amber in Ancient Pharmacy”, Pharmacy in History, 15 (1973), pp. 3–17; J. M. Riddle, “Pomum
Ambrae Ambar and Ambergris in Plague Remedies”, Sudhoffs Archive 48 (1964), pp. 111–122.
95 Gunther, The Greek, II, 100; Levey, The Medical, p. 307, no. 209.
96 al-Masūdı̄, Kitāb I, p. 366.
97 King, The Importance. p. 180.
98 Qaddumi, Book of Gifts, p. 87.
99 Ibn al-Baytār, Kitāb, 3, pp. 134–135; al-Qazwı̄nı̄, Ajāib, p. 281; al-Qalqashandı̄, Subh, p. 130; Ibn Sı̄nā, Kitāb,
. . .
pp. 298–299.
100 al-Masūdı̄, Kitāb, I, p. 366.
101 al-Masūdı̄, Kitāb, I, pp. 150–151; on the ambergris from al-Shihr see Qaddumi, Book of Gifts, p. 234; on
the kind that come from al-Zanj (written there mistakenly as al-Zabji ) see al-Jāh.iz., Kitāb, p.18.
102 Levey, Ibn Māsawaı̄h, p. 400.
103 al-Qalqashandı̄, Subh, pp. 131–132.
. .
26 Amar Zohar and Efraim Lev

its trade, especially in the eleventh century, between Cairo, Qayrawān, Mahdiyya, Alexandria,
Palermo, the Maghreb and even Spain.104
According to medieval Arabic medical literature ambergris was considered a hot and
dry drug that was used for the treatment of headaches, diseases of the brain, muscle spasms,
heart conditions, tension, sore throat, obstruction, diarrhoea, joint pains, mental diseases and
paralysis. It was considered beneficial for strengthening the body, spirit, heart and brain, and
of assistance to the aged.105 Ambergris figures in a list of materia medica and in a prescription
for linctus and an ointment found in the Cairo Genizah.106
Al-Tamı̄mı̄ describes the preparation of nadd (perfume made from musk and
ambergris),which the mother of the Abbasid Caliph al-Muqtadir (908–932 ce) made and
offered every Friday as incense at the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem (Bayt al-Maqdis). He
adds: “The head of the Temple servants used to give my father some of this nadd and my
father would melt it in bān (oil of the fruit of the ben tree) and produced ghāliya (perfume
mixture) from it, which is unequalled for its good scent”.107 Such a mixture features in a
letter describing the import of perfumes from North Africa to Alexandria.

Discussion and Conclusions

Learning about the transformation of the prestige and prices of the precious perfumes from
the classical to the medieval periods clearly shows trends of diverse innovation in conjunction
with continuation. The Arabs’ perfumes can be divided into three groups, according to their
level of importance:

A. New perfumes
Mainly from the vast region named “India”. Most of these perfumes, such as camphor,
ambergris and sandalwood (and compounds made out of them as nadd and ghāliya) were
not known in the Middle East and the Mediterranean until the Muslim conquests. Some of
the perfumes in this group, such as musk and Indian agarwood existed and were used and
known on a small scale. It is important to mention that musk and ambergris are of animal
origin, whilst the rest are of plant origin. These perfumes were also common and cherished
in Arabic literature and poetry. And, as we already mentioned, these perfumes were widely
sent to Arab rulers as preferred gifts.108
The infiltration of substances from the East occurs in parallel to some channels and
routes mainly through the Indian Ocean and Persia. Among early evidence we found one
source which deals with gifts of perfumes; agarwood and camphor, that were sent by the
kings of China and India to the Sassanid rulers – Khusraw I (528–579 ce) and Khusraw II

104 Gil, In the Kingdom, I, p. 693, IV, p. 934 – see indices; Ben-Sasson, The Jews, p. 445, no. 92, p. 508, no. 103;
Goitein, A Mediterranean, I, 153–155, 200; II, 78; J. Prawer, The Latin, p. 402.
105 Lev and Amar, Practical, pp. 331–333; Levey, The Medical, no. 77; Ben Maimon, The Medical, 21: 75; Ben
Maimon, Regimen, 2: 20; Moshe Ben Maimon (Maimonides), Medical Responses, (ed.) S. Muntner (Jerusalem, 1969),
3: 19; al-Qazwı̄nı̄, Ajāib, pp. 214–215.
106 Lev and Amar, Practical, pp. 331–333.
107 Amar and Seri, The Land, p. 51; Shihāb al-Dı̄n Ahmad al-Nuwayrı̄, Nihāyat al-Arab fı̄ Funūn al-Adab (Cairo,
.
1924). (Arabic), 12, p. 64.
108 Qaddumi, Book of Gifts, pp. 84, 87, 234.
 Trends in the Use of Perfumes and Incense in the Near East after the Muslim Conquests 27

(590–628 ce).109 To support this anecdote we should state that both musk and jasmine were
mentioned in the writing of the Jewish Sages (Babylonian Talmud that was compiled in the
5th century.)110
In this group we can also add famous perfumes, though less important than those that
were already known during the pre-Islamic period in the regions of Persia and Mesopotamia
such as jasmine, water lily and violet. The inhabitants of these regions specialised in the
cultivation and production of fragrant plants that were well known in the West such as:
saffron and rose (mainly the jurı̄ kind). These perfumes remained very popular in the Arab
perfumes tradition.

B. Perfumes that kept their dominance

These are substances that were already considered prestigious in the Biblical and classical
periods and kept their prestige, though they were considered inferior to the substances
mentioned above, in the first group. These include: cinnamons, costus, spikenard,
frankincense, saffron and rose.

C. Perfumes that lost their importance

In the Arabic period two of the most prestigious perfumes of the classical period and culture
were pushed aside and lost their importance, e.g. balsam and myrrh. In reference to balsam
Pliny wrote: “But every other rank below balsam. The only country to which this plant has
been vouchsafed is Judaea” (XII 111). Balsam was cultivated as a government monopoly and
only at the oasis along the rift valley (such as Jericho and Ein Gedi) until the beginning of
the Arabic period. During the Umayyad period, the cultivation and production of balsam
was transferred to Egypt, to a small noble garden situated in Matariyya (Ein Shams), North
East of modern Cairo. The cultivation of the plant and the production of the perfumes were
insignificant and completely stopped, according to the sources of the seventeenth century.111
Since then, balsam has been known only as a wild plant, the growth of which is restricted to
its natural origin, e.g. Arabia and East Africa. Although balsam was extensively mentioned
in classical sources, it was almost extinct from Arabic literature dealing with perfumes;
for example it is neither mentioned at all in al-Kindı̄’s book112 nor by Ibn Māsawaı̄h.113
Therefore, we can treat the information regarding its cultivation and production at the
king’s garden in Cairo as a fictional anecdote.114 It appears that the best and most cherished
perfume that was substituted by balsam was camphor. Ibn Juljul explicitly writes that it
was the medical alternative of balsam.115 Moreover, camphor is extensively mentioned

109 Qaddumi, Book of Gifts, pp. 61–62.

110 Babylonian Talmud, Berachot 43a; Shabat 50b.
111 Z. Amar, The Book of Incense (Tel Aviv, 2002), pp. 58–71; B. Rosen & S. Ben-Yehoshua, “The Agriculture
of Roman-Byzantine En-Gedi and the Enigmatic ’Secret of the Village”, in: En-Gedi Excavations II, Final report
(1996–2002), (Jerusalem, 2007), pp. 626–640.
112 al-Kindi, Kitab Kimiya’.
113 Levey, Ibn Māsawaı̄h.
114 M. Milwright, “Balsam in the Mediaeval Mediterranean: A Case Study of Information and Commodity
Exchange”, Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology, 14 (2001), pp. 3–23; M. Milwright, ’The balsam of Matariyya:
anExploration of medieval panacea‘, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 66 (2003), pp. 193–209.
115 Ibn Juljul, Tabaqāt, p. 15.
.
28 Amar Zohar and Efraim Lev

(20 times) in the practical medical documents, mainly prescriptions and in lists of drugs,
found in the Cairo Genizah, where it compared to balsam (3 times).116 Changes in both
the consumption and the demand were, among other reasons, affected by the availability
of the product. Balsam plants were cultivated during the pre-Islamic period in Judea on a
small scale subject to a number of constraints (small geographic area, small amount of plants
and small amount of products) and these therefore restricted commerce and elevated the
prices. The camphor tree, on the other hand, is a big tree that grows wild in South and East
Asia in vast geographical habitats. While analyzing the sources, it is clear that the amount
of camphor that could be bought was unlimited, and its price was relatively low, and it was
therefore more accessible and available to a much larger number of people. Like balsam, the
importance of myrrh, that was imported from Arabia and East Africa, also declined and it
seems that musk became its substitute.117 Other perfumes of this group are the bdellium,
iris, calamus and the Citronella.118
At this stage we would like to comment that when we talk about the “Arabs” as a
significant factor for the distribution of perfumes and spices, we do not necessarily mean to
refer to the minority elite group originating from the Quraysh tribe of Mecca.
Indeed there are some records referring to the involvement of delegates of this ethnic
group and other Arabic tribes in the perfume trade during the pre-Islamic period. However,
specifically in these regions, the use of perfumes such as balsam, myrrh and frankincense
was not common, important as it was in the Greek and the Roman cultures. Crone makes
a radical comment on this, calling it: “Arabia without spices”.119 For example, in a treatise
on perfumes by the tenth century poet al-Sarı̄ b. Muh.ammad al-Raffā these perfumes are
not mentioned in quotations of pre-Islamic poets.120
Moreover, the centre of the political policy that affected these processes was far away from
Arabia, mainly in Abbasid’s Iraq. A variety of influences contributed to this change, not just
the instigation of the contemporary political agenda, but also the power of the markets that
were created by changes following the ascent of Islam.
These changes were the outcome of a combination of historical circumstances and
economic and cultural factors that transformed the trends of demand and preferences of
consumers due to the Islamic conquests. With the rise of the Abbasid dynasty (750 ce), the
Islamic world controlled vast regions from India to Spain and from North Africa to Arabia.
This was the first time after the conquests of Alexander the Great that such a huge territory
was controlled by Arab rulers; a medieval “global village” was the result. Various kingdoms
and cultures united under Arab domination; including part of Byzantine and the Sassanid
Empire.
The Islamic conquests opened new trading centres that flooded the markets with goods
and prestigious products from all over the world,121 mainly from South and East Asia. These

116 Lev and Amar, Practical, pp. 71, 350.

117 The musk was identified by few of the
medieval Arabic speaking Jewish commentator such as Maimonides
and Rabbi Seadia Gaoon as the “mor” (myrrh) mentioned in the Jewish Sages writings. See Amar, The Book,
pp. 100–102.
118 Probably Cymbopogon nardus = Andropogon nardus.
119 Crone, Meccan, p. 85.
120 al-Raffā, al-Muhubb.
.
121 Amar, Agricultural, pp. 333, 338.
 Trends in the Use of Perfumes and Incense in the Near East after the Muslim Conquests 29

included new perfumes (musk and camphor) that were available and comparatively cheap,
and, as we mentioned before, they replaced traditional perfumes. As a result, the demand
for traditional aromatic goods like balsam and myrrh dropped dramatically. The supply of
new perfumes was rich in diverse varieties (from a wide range of geographical origins and
assorted qualities), and their prices varied accordingly. This was the way in which “Indian”
perfumes replaced “Arabian” ones and “East African” perfumes took precedence.
This change had a symbolic expression in the Muslim religious rite; the fact that camphor
and musk were mentioned in the Qurān (76: 5, 83: 26) probably contributed to its empathy
and prestige among Muslims. While balsam and myrrh, of Arabian origin, were included in
the incense of the second Jewish temple,122 in the Umayyad period, other perfumes were
burned in the same location (Dome of the Rock), e.g. musk and ambergris: “Every Monday
and Thursday the gatekeepers used to melt musk and ambergris, rose water and saffron and
prepare from it ghāliya with rose water made of the roses of Jur”.123 The Arab rulers preferred
to use the new drugs from the east over the local products from their own region.
In addition to the distribution of the new perfumes by the Arabs, alchemy evolved
alongside the development of production techniques of perfumes and the preparation
of compound drugs. The name of some of these entered the Latin languages such as
syrups, juleps, alcohol.124 One of the techniques that became famous and widespread was
distillation.125 This widened the options of extracting perfumes and in many cases enabled
the production of less expensive perfumes; for example rose water. Instead of the prestigious
and expensive oil of roses that was common during the pre-Islamic period, they could now
distill the rose petals.
There is no doubt that the primary attraction to the “Asian” substances in general and
perfumes in particular was first caused by the “exposure” of “India” and its treasures, by
the Arabs. The esoteric activity with gifts and precious and exotic goods that were brought
from the vast new territories that were controlled by the Arabs to the Umayyad and Abbasid
rulers soon followed. Nevertheless, the dramatic change started when prestigious goods that
were first used and consumed by the upper socio-economic strata became available to the
general public. Thanks to the growing demand and the vast supply, they were transported
more easily in large amounts and therefore their prices dropped dramatically.
It seems that Arabic trade reached its climax with the territories of South and East Asia
during the rule of the Abbasid in tenth to eleventh centuries. This typically reflects the
development of “Hindu-Muslim” culture.126 The exposure of the Arabic to the Indian and
the Mesopotamian medical legacies was also a factor, along with the adoption of the classical
Greek medical legacy, which also reached its climax in Baghdad during the rule of the

122 Babylonian Talmud Kritot 6a: Jeruslmite Talmud, Yoma 41 d.

123 S. b. al-Jawzi; according to the translation of Elad. See A. Elad, Medieval Jerusalem and Islamic Worship (Leiden
New-York Koln, 1995), p. 55.
124 M. Levey, Early Arabic Pharmacology: An Introduction based on Ancient and Medieval Sources (Leiden, 1973),
p. 172; Ali and Qadry, Contribution; Sami Hamarneh, “The Climax of Medieval Arabic Professional Pharmacy”,
Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 42 (1968) pp. 450–461.
125 R. Hill, Islamic Science and Engineering (Edinburgh, 1993), pp. 76–84; S. Hamarneh, “Climax of Chemical
Therapy in 10th Century Arabic Medicine”, Der Islam, 38 (1980), pp. 283–288; A. Y. al-Hassan and D.R. Hill,
Islamic Technology: an Illustrated History (Cambridge, 1986).
126 F. B. Flood, Objects of Translation: Material Culture and Medieval “Hindu-Muslim” Encounter (Princeton –
Oxford, 2009), pp. 15–25.
30 Amar Zohar and Efraim Lev

Abbasids. Dozens of “new Indian” medicinal substances penetrated Arabic pharmacology

and were “converted” into the Galenic system e.g. they were classified and characterised
according to Greek doctrines and theories. For example these substances were classified and
their nature and degree were determined according to the humoral theory.127
The transformation in the perfume fashion was in fact only a fraction of a wider revolution
of the Arabic material culture that the Middle East, the Mediterranean regions and even
many European countries experienced following the Arab conquests. [email protected]

Amar Zohar
Bar-Ilan University, Ramat Gan
Efraim Lev
University of Haifa, Haifa

127 Amar and Lev, forthcoming.