The Iconography of Family Members in Egypt's Elite Tombs of The Old Kingdom
The Iconography of Family Members in Egypt's Elite Tombs of The Old Kingdom
ScholarlyCommons
2018
Recommended Citation
Wen, Jing, "The Iconography Of Family Members In Egypt’s Elite Tombs Of The Old Kingdom" (2018).
Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 3201.
https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/3201
Abstract
This study collects, categorizes, and interprets the representations and associated texts of family
members of the tomb owner that appeared in elite tombs of the Old Kingdom in the Memphite and
provincial necropolis from the Fourth to the Sixth Dynasties. It provides a detailed investigation into the
kinship designations, titles, and presentational specifics of family members, and examines the frequency
of occurrences of kinship designations and titles. The typology introduced in this study classifies the
stances of family members into seven major types, each with several sub-types. The analysis of the
appearances of each sub-type makes it possible to trace the developments and innovations of the
depiction of family members during the Old Kingdom and further discuss the familial ideology expressed
by these stances.
This study also introduces the concept “family group” to describe the situation when more than one
family members appear in a single scene or on the false door. A comprehensive analysis of all the family
groups in the Old Kingdom private tombs demonstrates how the Egyptians conceptualized relationships
within a familial framework, such as the differentiation of gender and generation, and the indication of
age.
A particular issue is the meaning of the term sn-Dt “brother of the funerary estate.” By analyzing all the
existing examples, this study points out that the establishment of the sn-Dt is a strategy to extend
funerary responsibilities to non-family members and remote relatives, who would then provide offerings
for the deceased as the family members did. The offerings that family members usually carry is the stpt-
offerings, a specific type of offerings consist of forelegs, processed birds, and other food. This study also
compares the representation of family members in the chapel and other sources concerning making
offerings by taking them as different language games. This comparison reveals the nature of the
depiction of presenting offerings.
Degree Type
Dissertation
Degree Name
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Graduate Group
Near Eastern Languages & Civilizations
First Advisor
David P. Silverman
Keywords
brother of the funerary estate, family, iconography, kinship, Old Kingdom
Subject Categories
Near Eastern Languages and Societies
ACKNOWLEDGMENT
ABSTRACT
Jing Wen
David P. Silverman
This study collects, categorizes, and interprets the representations and associated
texts of family members of the tomb owner that appeared in elite tombs of the Old
Kingdom in the Memphite and provincial necropolis from the Fourth to the Sixth
Dynasties. It provides a detailed investigation into the kinship designations, titles, and
of kinship designations and titles. The typology introduced in this study classifies the
stances of family members into seven major types, each with several sub-types. The
analysis of the appearances of each sub-type makes it possible to trace the developments
and innovations of the depiction of family members during the Old Kingdom and further
This study also introduces the concept “family group” to describe the situation
when more than one family members appear in a single scene or on the false door. A
comprehensive analysis of all the family groups in the Old Kingdom private tombs
framework, such as the differentiation of gender and generation, and the indication of
age.
iv
A particular issue is the meaning of the term sn-Dt “brother of the funerary
estate.” By analyzing all the existing examples, this study points out that the
members and remote relatives, who would then provide offerings for the deceased as the
family members did. The offerings that family members usually carry is the stpt-
offerings, a specific type of offerings consist of forelegs, processed birds, and other food.
This study also compares the representation of family members in the chapel and
other sources concerning making offerings by taking them as different language games.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGMENT ······························································································ II
ABSTRACT ············································································································ III
TABLE OF CONTENTS ····························································································· V
LIST OF TABLES ··································································································· VII
LIST OF FIGURES ································································································ VIII
ABBREVIATIONS ······························································································· XVII
INTRODUCTION······································································································· 1
AIMS AND PURPOSES ·································································································· 1
SUBJECTS AND DATA ·································································································· 4
BACKGROUND ········································································································ 13
METHODOLOGY ······································································································ 20
CHAPTER 1 CHILDREN OF THE TOMB OWNER········································································· 26
1.1 THE DESIGNATIONS OF CHILDREN ·································································································· 26
1.2 THE TITLES OF CHILDREN ·············································································································· 34
1.3 STANCES, CLOTHING, AND ACCESSORIES OF CHILDREN ·································································· 44
1.4 CHILDREN AS OFFERING BEARERS ······························································································· 128
1.5 RITUALS PERFORMED BY CHILDREN ····························································································· 134
CHAPTER 2 SIBLINGS OF THE TOMB OWNER ········································································· 138
2.1 THE DESIGNATIONS OF SIBLINGS ·································································································· 138
2.2 THE TITLES OF SIBLINGS ·············································································································· 147
2.3 STANCES, CLOTHING, AND ACCESSORIES OF SIBLINGS ·································································· 151
2.4 SIBLINGS AS OFFERING BEARERS ································································································· 188
2.5 SIBLINGS IN RITUAL SCENES ········································································································ 200
CHAPTER 3 PARENTS AND OTHER RELATIVES ······································································ 202
3.1 THE DESIGNATIONS AND TITLES OF PARENTS OF THE TOMB OWNER ············································· 202
3.2 DESIGNATIONS AND TITLES OF OTHER RELATIVES ········································································ 207
3.3 STANCE OF PARENTS ··················································································································· 209
3.4 STANCE OF OTHER RELATIVES OF THE TOMB OWNER ··································································· 233
3.5 CONCLUSION: THE DEPICTION OF FAMILY MEMBERS ···································································· 246
CHAPTER 4 FAMILY GROUPS AND THE SN-ET PROBLEM ···················································· 249
4.1 FAMILY GROUPS ·························································································································· 249
4.2 THE SN-ET AND ITS MEANING ····································································································· 289
4.3 CONCLUSION ······························································································································· 316
CHAPTER 5 THE ROLE OF FAMILY MEMBERS IN THE FUNERARY CULT ························ 318
5.1 FAMILY MEMBERS CARRYING OFFERINGS ···················································································· 318
5.2 FAMILY MEMBERS CARRYING STPT-OFFERINGS ············································································ 332
5.3 TEXTUAL E VIDENCE FOR MAKING OFFERINGS ·············································································· 351
vi
5.4 THE ROLE OF FAMILY MEMBERS AS OFFERING BEARERS AND LANGUAGE-GAMES IN DIFFERENT
CONTEXTS ········································································································································ 363
5.5 CONCLUSION ······························································································································· 372
CONCLUSION ··································································································································· 374
BIBLIOGRAPHY………………………………………………………………………………………638
GENERAL INDEX……………………………………………………………………………………….686
LIST OF TABLES
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 31. Tomb of WnSt at Giza (G 4840), Junker, Giza I, 252-253, Abb 63. ................ 71
Figure 32. Tomb of Ef-#w at Saqqara, Petrie, Seven Memphite Tomb Chapels, pl. xiv. ... 72
Figure 33. Tomb of Jttj / Cdw at Deshasha, Kanawati & McFarlane, Deshasha, pl. 45. .. 72
Figure 34. Tomb of PtH-Spss at Saqqara, Verner, Abusir I, Ptahshepses, pl. 31. ............. 73
Figure 35. Tomb of Z#-jb at Giza, Roth, Palace Attendants, fig. 173b. ........................... 73
Figure 36. Tomb of %o.f-Ro-onX at Giza, LD II, 8. ........................................................... 74
Figure 37. Tomb of Cpss-k#.f-onX at Giza, Hassan, Giza II, 28, fig. 26. ........................... 76
Figure 38. Tomb of cSm-nfr I at Giza, Kanawati, Giza I, pl. 47. ..................................... 76
Figure 39. Tomb of c#b at Saqqara, Borchardt, Denkmäler II, 92[171b]. ........................ 77
Figure 40. Tomb of Mry-nswt at Giza (G 1301), Peck (1972), in BDIA 51, 70, fig. 1. .... 78
Figure 41. Tomb of cS#t-Htp / !tj at Giza (G 5150), Kanawati, Giza II, pl. 43 [a]. .......... 78
Figure 42. Tomb of Wnnj at Saqqara, Jequier, Tombeaux de particuliers, 114, fig. 129. . 79
Figure 43. Tomb of Sbk-nfr at El-Hagarsa (B 18), Kanawati, El-Hagarsa I, pl. 28. ........ 79
Figure 44. Tomb of Nfrt-nswt at Giza, Hassan, Giza II, 91, fig. 94. ................................ 80
Figure 45. Tomb of Cpsj-pw-PtH at Saqqara, Kanawati, Teti Cemetery VII, pl. 37. ......... 81
Figure 46. Tomb of Or-mrw / Mry at Saqqara, Hassan, Saqqara II, fig. 39..................... 81
Figure 47. Tomb of Jbj at Deir el-Gabrawi (No. 8), Kanawati, Gebrawi II, pl. 74 [a]. .... 82
Figure 48. Tomb of Jrj.s/Jjj at Saqqara, Kanawati el al. Saqqara I, pl. 34. ..................... 83
Figure 49. Tomb of Snnw at Giza, James, Hiero. Texts, I, 2nd ed., pl.xx [3]. .................. 83
Figure 50. Tomb of Rdj-ns at Giza (G 5032), Manuelian (1994), in Silverman ed., For
His Ka, 61, fig. 4.7. ....................................................................................................... 84
Figure 51.Tomb of onX-H#.f at Giza, James, Hiero. Texts I, 2nd ed. pl. xv. ...................... 85
Figure 52. Tomb of Nṯr-wsr at Saqqara, Murray, Saqqara Mastabas I, pl. xxiii. ............ 85
Figure 53. Tomb of Vtj at Giza, James, Hiero. Texts I, 2nd ed., pl.vi. ............................. 86
Figure 54. Tomb of Cpss-pw-Mnw / $nj at El-Hawawish (H24), Kanawati, El-Hawawish
II, fig. 25. ...................................................................................................................... 87
Figure 55.Tomb of PtH-sDf# / Ffj at Giza, Hassan, Giza I, fig. 169. ................................. 87
Figure 56. Tomb of Mry-Ro-nfr / Q#r at Giza, Simpson, Qar and Idu, pl. 32. ................. 88
Figure 57. Tomb of Mrw / Jy at Nag el-Deir, Peck, Naga ed-Der, pl. xi. ........................ 89
Figure 58. Tomb of Rdj-ns at Giza, Manuelian (1994), in Silverman ed. For his ka, 60,
fig 4.6. ........................................................................................................................... 90
Figure 59. Tomb of ZTw at Giza (G 4710, LG 49), LD II, 87. ......................................... 90
Figure 60. Tomb of K#(.j)-nj-nswt I at Giza, Junker, Giza II, Abb. 18. ........................... 90
Figure 61. Tomb of Jbj at Deir el-Gabrawi (No. 18), Kanawati, Gebrawi II, pl. 67. ....... 92
Figure 62. Tomb of K#(.j)-m-onX at Giza, Kanawati, Giza I, pl. 31. ................................ 92
Figure 63. Tomb of Eow / Cm#j at Deir el-Gabrawi (No. 12), Kanawati, Gebrawi III, pl.
69. ................................................................................................................................. 93
Figure 64. Tomb of Nfr-jrt-n.f at Saqqara, Van de Walle, Mastaba Neferirtenef, pl. 1. ... 94
Figure 65. Tomb of Mrrj at Saqqara, Davies et al., Saqqara Tombs I, pl. 5. ................... 94
Figure 66. Tomb of MTTj at Saqqara, Kaplony, Methethi, 10. .......................................... 95
Figure 67. Tomb of Mry-o# at El-Hagarsa (D 18), Kanawati, El-Hagarsa III, pl. 44. ...... 95
Figure 68. Tomb of Mry-Ro-mrj-PtH-onX / NXbw at Giza, Smith (1958), in BMFA 56, 59,
fig. 2. ............................................................................................................................. 96
Figure 69. Tomb of cnDm-jb / Jntj at Giza, Brovarski, Senedjemib Complex I, pl. 42. .... 97
x
Figure 70. Tomb of MHw at Saqqara, Altenmüler, Mehu, Tafel 13. ................................ 98
Figure 71. Tomb of Nj-onX-$nmw and $nmw-Htp at Saqqara, Harpur & Scremin,
Niankhkhnum and Khnumhotep, 621, pls. 67, 68............................................................ 99
Figure 72. Tomb of cnfrw-jn-jSt.f at Dahshur (No. 2), de Morgan, Dahchour II, pl. xxiv.
...................................................................................................................................... 99
Figure 73. Tomb of c#bnj I at Qubbet el-Hawa (A1, de Morgan, east tomb), de Morgan,
Catalogue des monuments I, fig. on 146. ..................................................................... 100
Figure 74. Tomb of !nqw I / $ttj at Deir el-Gabrawi (No. 39), Kanawati, Gebrawi I, pl.
39. ............................................................................................................................... 100
Figure 75. Tomb of Jbj at Deir el-Gabrawi (No. 8), Kanawati, Gebrawi II, pl. 68. ...... 101
Figure 76. Tomb of c#bnj I at Qubbet el-Hawa (A1, de Morgan, east tomb), de Morgan,
Catalogue des Monuments I, fig. on 146. ..................................................................... 101
Figure 77. Tomb of Jn-k#.f at Giza, Hassan, Giza VI-3, 129, fig. 119. .......................... 103
Figure 78. Tomb of K#-Hj.f at Giza (G 2136), Junker, Giza VI, Abb. 38b...................... 103
Figure 79. Tomb of cXm-k#-Ro at Giza (LG 89), LD II, 42. ........................................... 104
Figure 80. Tomb of %w-ns at Zawyet el-Amwat (No. 2), LD II, 109. ........................... 104
Figure 81. Tomb of Wr-nw at Saqqara, James, Hiero. Texts I, 2nd ed., pl. xxviii. .......... 105
Figure 82. Tomb of %w.n-wX / VTj at Quseir el-Amarna (Tomb 2), El-Khouli and
Kanawati, Quseir el-Amarna, pl. 46. ............................................................................ 106
Figure 83. Tomb of Nj-Htp-PtH / Pnj at Giza (G 2340, LG 25), Altenmüller (1981), in
SAK 9, 40, Abb. 7. ....................................................................................................... 107
Figure 84. Tomb of W#S-k#.j at Giza, James, Hiero. Texts I, 2nd ed., pl. xxvii. ............. 107
Figure 85. Tomb of vp-m-onX at Giza (D20), Ziegler, Stèles, 261, no. 47. .................... 108
Figure 86. Tomb of Sn-jt.f, son of K#-H#.j, at Saqqara, Lashien, The Chapel of Kahai and
His Family, pl. 76 (b). .................................................................................................. 108
Figure 87. Tomb of Jdw at Giza, Simpson, Qar and Idu, fig. 38. ................................. 110
Figure 88. Tomb of Jdw at Giza, Simpson, Qar and Idu, fig. 38. ................................. 110
Figure 89. Tomb of Jdw at Giza, Simpson, Qar and Idu, fig. 38. ................................. 111
Figure 90. Tomb of Ppy-onX-Hrj-jb at Meir, Kanawati, Meir I, pl. 88. .......................... 112
Figure 91. Tomb of Nj-Htp-PtH / Pnj at Giza, Badawy, Nyhetep-Ptah and Akhmahor, fig.
9. ................................................................................................................................. 113
Figure 92. Tomb of Jnw-Mnw at Saqqara, Kanawati & Abder-Raziq, Teti Cemetery VIII.
pl. 42. .......................................................................................................................... 114
Figure 93. Tomb of Nj-onX- Ppy-km / Opj-km at Meir (No. A1), Kanawati, Meir III, pl.
65. ............................................................................................................................... 114
Figure 94. Tomb of Nb-jb at Deir el-Gabrawi, Kanawati, Gebrawi I, pl. 60. ................ 115
Figure 95. Tomb of onX-H#.f at Giza, James, Hiero. Texts I, 2nd ed. pl. xv. ................... 115
Figure 96. Tomb of Jttj at Giza (G 7391), Badawy, Iteti, Sekhem’ankh-Ptah and
Kaemnofert, fig. 10. ..................................................................................................... 116
Figure 97. Tomb of Mry-o# at El-Hagarsa (D18), Kanawati, El-Hagarsa III, pl. 38. ..... 116
Figure 98. Tomb of %wfw-Xo.f II, Simpson, Kawab, Khafkhufu I and II, pl. 49. ............ 117
Figure 99. Tomb of vp-m-onX (D 20) at Giza, Ziegler, Stèles, 254. ............................... 117
Figure 100. Tomb of Omt-Ro at Giza, Hassan, Giza VI-3, 62, fig. 44. ........................... 118
Figure 101. Tomb of Nj-ꜥnḫ-Ppy-km at Meir (A1), Kanawati, Meir III, pl. 65. ............. 119
xi
Figure 102. Tomb of Cpss-k#.f-onX at Giza, Hassan, Giza II, 29, fig. 27. ....................... 119
Figure 103. Tomb of Jj-nfrt at Giza, Schürmann, Ii-nefret, 67, fig. 19. ......................... 120
Figure 104. Tomb of %o.f-Ro-onX, LD II, 11. ................................................................. 121
Figure 105. Tomb of %o.f-Ro-onX at Giza (G 7948), LD II, 9. ........................................ 122
Figure 106. Tomb of Nswt-nfr at Giza, Kanawati, Giza II, pl.57. ................................. 122
Figure 107. Tomb of Jttj / Cdw at Deshasha, Kanawati & McFarlane, Deshasha, pl. 51.
.................................................................................................................................... 124
Figure 108. Tomb of Vtj / K#.f-Hp at El-Hawawish, Kanawati, El-Hawawish III, fig. 13.
.................................................................................................................................... 124
Figure 109. Tomb of Vtw II at Giza (G 2343 - G 5511), Simpson, Western Cemetery, fig.
42. ............................................................................................................................... 125
Figure 110. Tomb of crf-k#(.j) at el-Sheikh Said, Davies, Sheik Said, pl. v. .................. 125
Figure 111. Tomb of PtH-Spss at Abusir, Verner, Abusir I: Ptahshepses, fig. 37........... 126
Figure 112. Tomb of Mnw-m-H#t at El-Hawawish, Kanawati, El-Hawawish VIII, fig.
34[b]. ........................................................................................................................... 127
Figure 113. Tomb of MTTj at Saqqara, Ziegler, Stèles, 147, no. 20. ............................... 127
Figure 114. Tomb of c#bw / Jbbj at Saqqara, Borchardt, Denkmäler I, Bl. 21. .............. 128
Figure 115. Tomb of Vtw I / K#(.j)-nswt at Giza (G 2001), north wall of portico, Simpson,
Western Cemetery, fig. 24. ........................................................................................... 130
Figure 116. Tomb of Vtw I / K#(.j)-nswt at Giza (G 2001), south wall of portico, Simpson,
Western Cemetery, fig. 23. ........................................................................................... 130
Figure 117. Tomb of Pr-sn at Saqqara, Petrie & Murray, Seven Memphite Tomb Chapels,
pl. IX. .......................................................................................................................... 131
Figure 118. Tomb of Jrj.s / Jjj at Saqqara, Kanawati et al., Saqqara I, pl. 36. .............. 132
Figure 119. Tomb of Snḏm-jb / Jntj at Giza (G 2370), Brovarski, Senedjemib Complex I,
pl. 65. .......................................................................................................................... 132
Figure 120. Tomb of Jnw-Mnw at Saqqara, Kanawati & Abder-Raziq, Teti Cemetery VIII,
pl. 51. .......................................................................................................................... 133
Figure 121. Tomb of W#S-k#.j at Giza, James, Hiero. Texts I, 2nd ed., 27-28, pl. xxvii. 134
Figure 122. Tomb of K#-Hj.f at Giza (G 2136), Junker, Giza VI, 113, Abb. 33. ............. 136
Figure 123. Tomb of K#(.j)-nj-nswt II at Giza (G 2156), Junker, Giza III, 154, Abb. 22.
.................................................................................................................................... 136
Figure 124. Tomb of Mry-Ro-nfr / Q#r at Giza (G 7101), Simpson, Qar and Idu, fig. 32.
.................................................................................................................................... 136
Figure 125. Tomb of crf-k#(.j) at at el-Sheikh Said (No. 1), Davies, Sheik Said, pl. iv. . 137
Figure 126. Number of tombs containing the depiction of sn-Dt and snt-Dt ................... 143
Figure 127. Number of occurrences of sn-Dt and snt-Dt ................................................ 144
Figure 128. Tomb of Cpss-k#.f-onX at Giza, Hassan, Excavations at Giza II, fig. 20. ..... 153
Figure 129. Tomb of onX-m-o-Or / Zzj at Saqqara, Badawy, Ny-Hetep-Ptah and
Ankhmahor, pl. 41. ...................................................................................................... 153
Figure 130. Tomb of Jttj / Cdw at Deshasha, Kanawati & McFarlane, Deshasha, pl. 52.
.................................................................................................................................... 155
Figure 131. Tomb of K#.j-m-Hzt at Saqqara, McFarlane, Mastabas at Saqqara, pl. 50. . 155
Figure 132. Tomb of NTr-wsr at Saqqara, Murray, Saqqara Mastabas I, pl. xxiv. ......... 156
xii
Figure 133. Tomb of Jj-mry at Giza (G 6020, LG 15), Weeks, Cemetery G 6000, fig. 3.
.................................................................................................................................... 158
Figure 134. Tomb of Jj-mry at Giza (G 6020, LG 15), Weeks, Cemetery G 6000, fig. 32.
.................................................................................................................................... 158
Figure 135. Tomb of Nj-onX-$nmw and $nmw-Htp at Saqqara, Moussa & Altenmüller,
Nianchchnum und Chnumhotep, Abb. 11. .................................................................... 159
Figure 136. Tomb of %wfw-onX at Giza (G 4520), The Giza Archives Project, photo
AAW 1990. ................................................................................................................. 160
Figure 137. Tomb of ZTw at Giza (G 4710, LG 49), LD Ergäz. xxvii[b]. ...................... 160
Figure 138. Tomb of PtH-Htp II at Giza, Harpure & Scremin, Ptahhotep, fig. 6. ........... 161
Figure 139. Tomb of K#j at Giza, Curto, Gli Scari Italiani a el-Ghiza, fig. 12. ............. 162
Figure 140. Tomb of Vntj at Giza (G 4920, LG 47), LD II, 30, 31b. ............................. 163
Figure 141. Tomb of onX-m-o-Or / Zzj at Saqqara, Badawy, Ny-Hetep-Ptah and
Ankhmahor, pl. 41. ...................................................................................................... 164
Figure 142. Tomb of Vtw at Giza (G 2001), Simpson, Western Cemetery I, fig. 24. ..... 165
Figure 143. Tomb of #Xt-Htp at Saqqara, Davies, Ptahhetep and Akhethetep II, pl. xxxiv.
.................................................................................................................................... 165
Figure 144. Tomb of Ppj at Saqqara, Jequier, Tombeaux de particuliers, fig. 116. ....... 166
Figure 145. Tomb of E#ty at Giza (G 2337-X), Simpson, Western Cemetery I, fig. 41. 166
Figure 146. Tomb of K#pj at Giza, Roth, Palace Attendants, fig. 164. .......................... 167
Figure 147. Tomb of K#-H#.j at Saqqara, Lashien, Kahai and His Family, pl. 81. ......... 168
Figure 148 Tomb of Jmj at El-Hawawish (Orinst 10491), Kanawati, El-Hawawish VII,
fig. 35[a]...................................................................................................................... 169
Figure 149. Tomb of %o.f-Ro-onX at Giza, Harpur (1981), in JEA 67, 25, fig. 1. ............ 171
Figure 150. Tomb of WHm-k# at Giza, Kayser, Uhemka, Abb. 24. ................................ 171
Figure 151. Tomb of %w-ns at Qubbet el-Hawa (de Morgan A6), de Morgan, Catalogue
des Monuments I, 161. ................................................................................................. 172
Figure 152. Tomb of NXbw at Giza, Fischer (1958), in BMFA 56[304], 59................... 173
Figure 153. Tomb of Mry-Ro-nfr / Q#r at Giza, Simpson, Qar and Idu, fig. 16. ............ 174
Figure 154. Tomb of Jbj at Deir el-Gabrawi (No. S8), Kanawati, Gebrawi II, pl. iv. ... 174
Figure 155. Tomb of K#-Hp / Vtj-jqr at El-Hawawish (H26), Kanawati, El-Hawawish I,
fig. 8. ........................................................................................................................... 175
Figure 156. Tomb of PtH-Htp II at Saqqara, Harpure & Scremin, Ptahhotep, fig. 3. ...... 176
Figure 157. Tomb of PtH-Htp II at Saqqara, Harpure & Scremin, Ptahhotep, fig. 3. ...... 176
Figure 158. Tomb of Mry-Ro-nfr / Q#r at Giza, Simpson, Qar and Idu, fig. 26. ............ 177
Figure 159. Tomb of Nfr and Jtj-sn at Giza (D 203), Panel CGC 57163, Moreno García
(2007), in JEA 93, 119. fig. 1 ....................................................................................... 178
Figure 160. Tomb of Nfr-Htp, Hassan, Giza IX, 68, fig. 29a. ........................................ 178
Figure 161. Tomb of K#-H#.j and Nfr at Saqqara, Lashien, Kahai and His Family, pl. 85.
.................................................................................................................................... 179
Figure 162. Tomb of Omt-Ro at Saqqara, Hassan, Saqqara III, 9, fig. 4. ....................... 180
Figure 163. Tomb of PtH-Htp II at Saqqara, Harpure & Scremin, Ptahhotep, fig. 3. ...... 181
Figure 164. Tomb of Nj-k#w-PtH at Saqqara, Fischer, Varia Nova, 35, fig. 4. ............... 182
xiii
Figure 165. Tomb of E#ty at Giza, Simpson, Mastaba of the Western Cemetery I, Fig. 41.
.................................................................................................................................... 182
Figure 166. Tomb of PtH-Htp II at Saqqara, Harpure & Scremin, Ptahhotep, fig. 3. ...... 183
Figure 167. Tomb of Ppy-onX-Hrj-jb at Meir (No. D2), Kanawati, Meir I, pl. 88. .......... 183
Figure 168. Tomb of $nmw-Htp at Giza (Fakhry 4), Fakhry, Sept Tombeaux, 14, fig. 6.
.................................................................................................................................... 184
Figure 169. Tomb of #Xtj-mrw-nswt at Giza (G 2184, MFA 13.4352), Giza Archives
project Photos, A683_NS............................................................................................. 185
Figure 170. Tomb of Mrrw-kꜣ.j at Saqqara, Duell, Mereruka, pl. 42. ............................ 186
Figure 171. Tomb of PtH-Htp II at Saqqara, Harpure & Scremin, Ptahhotep, fig. 3. ...... 187
Figure 172. Tomb of Ptḥ-ḥtp II, Harpure & Scremin, Ptahhotep, fig. 5. ....................... 188
Figure 173. Tomb of Mrw-k#.j at Giza, Junker, Gîza IX, Abb. 33. ................................ 190
Figure 174. Tomb of Vtw at Giza (G 2001), Simpson, Western Cemetery I, fig. 24. ..... 190
Figure 175. Tomb of #Xt-Htp at Saqqara (D 64), Davies, Ptahhetep and Akhethetep II, pl.
xxxiv. .......................................................................................................................... 191
Figure 176. Tomb of PtH-Htp II at Saqqara (D 64), south wall, Harpur & Scremin,
Ptahhotep, fig. 4. ......................................................................................................... 193
Figure 177. Tomb of PtH-Htp II at Saqqara (D 64), west wall, Harpur & Scremin,
Ptahhotep, fig. 4. ......................................................................................................... 193
Figure 178. Tomb of Mrrw-k#.j / Mrj at Saqqara, west section of north wall of Room A8,
Kanawanti, Mereruka III:1, pl.88. ............................................................................... 195
Figure 179. Tomb of Mrrw-k#.j / Mrj at Saqqara, south wall of Room A10, Kanawanti,
Mereruka III:1, pl.97. .................................................................................................. 196
Figure 180. Tomb of Ppy-onX-Hrj-jb at Meir, Kanawati, Meir I, pl. 85.......................... 197
Figure 181. Tomb of %w.n-wX / VTj, east wall, El-Khouli & Kanawati, Quseir el-Amarna,
pl. 44. .......................................................................................................................... 200
Figure 182. Tomb of %w.n-wX / VTj, west wall, El-Khouli & Kanawati, Quseir el-
Amarna, pl. 38. ............................................................................................................ 200
Figure 183. Number of tombs containing representations of parents............................ 203
Figure 184. Tomb of WHm-k# at Giza (D 117), Kayser, Uhemka, 36. ........................... 210
Figure 185. Tomb of Mry-jb / K#-pw-nswt at Giza (G 2100-I-annexe, LG 24), LD II, 20.
.................................................................................................................................... 210
Figure 186. Tomb of %wfw-Xo.f I at Giza (G 7130 + 7140), Simpson, Kawab, Khafkhufu I
& II, fig. 26. ................................................................................................................ 211
Figure 187. Tomb of Nj-k#w-Ro at Saqqara, Borchardt, Denkmäler I, 80-84, Bl. 19. ..... 211
Figure 188. Tomb of cXm-k#-Ro at Giza, LD II, 42. ...................................................... 212
Figure 189. Tomb of Wsr at Giza, Junker, Giza VI, Abb. 69......................................... 213
Figure 190. Tomb of Mry-Ro-nfr / Q#r at Giza (G 7101), Simpson, Qar and Idu, fig. 30.
.................................................................................................................................... 213
Figure 191. Tomb of cSmw at Giza, Junker, Giza VIII, 24, Abb. 6................................ 214
Figure 192. Tomb of %w.n-Ro at Giza, Reisner (1934), in BMFA 32, No. 189, 1-12, fig.
10. ............................................................................................................................... 215
Figure 193. Tomb of Mr.f-nb.f / Ffj, Mysliwiec et al., Saqqara I: Merefnebef, pl. xx. .. 215
Figure 194. Tomb of Ro-wr at Giza, Hassan, Giza I, 9, fig. 5. ....................................... 216
xiv
Figure 195. Tomb of cSm-nfr II at Giza, Kanawati, Giza II, pl. 63. .............................. 217
Figure 196. Tomb of E#ty at Giza (G 2337-x), Simpson, Western Cemetery I, fig. 41. . 218
Figure 197. Tomb of Nj-sDr-k#(.j) at Giza (G 2101), Junker, Giza II, 117, Abb. 8. ....... 219
Figure 198. Tomb of Mr.s-onX III at Giaa (G 7530 + 7540), Dunham and Simpson,
Mersyankh III, fig. 4. ................................................................................................... 219
Figure 199. Tomb of Nfr-b#w-PtH at Giza (G 6010, LG 15), Weeks, Cemetery G 6000,
fig. 14. ......................................................................................................................... 220
Figure 200. Tomb of Jj-mry at Giza (G 6020, LG 15), Weeks, Cemetery G 6000, fig. 31.
.................................................................................................................................... 221
Figure 201. Tomb of Mrrw-k#.j / Mrj at Saqqara, Kanawati et al., Mereruka III: 2, pl. 82.
.................................................................................................................................... 222
Figure 202. Tomb of c#-mry at Saqqara, Fischer, Varia, 5, fig. 4.................................. 222
Figure 203. Tomb of K#-Hj.f at Giza (G 2136), Junker, Giza VI, 110, Abb. 32. ............. 223
Figure 204. Tomb of c#-mry at Saqqara, Fischer, Varia, 5, fig. 4.................................. 224
Figure 205. Tomb of K#-Hj.f at Giza (G 2136), Junker, Giza VI, 110, Abb. 32. ............. 224
Figure 206. Tomb of c#-mry at Saqqara, Fischer, Varia, 5, fig. 4.................................. 225
Figure 207. Tomb of cSmw, Junker, Giza VIII, 24, Abb. 6. .......................................... 225
Figure 208. Tomb of Mry-%wfw at Giza (Fakhry 6), Fakhry, Sept Tombeaux, 24, figs. 14.
.................................................................................................................................... 226
Figure 209. Tomb of Ppy-onX-Hrj-jb at Meir (No. D 2), Kanawati, Meir I, pl. 83. ......... 227
Figure 210. Tomb of Ppy-onX-Hrj-jb at Meir (No. D 2), Kanawati, Meir I, pl. 83. ......... 227
Figure 211. Tomb of E#ty at Giza (G 2337-x), Simpson, Western Cemetery I, fig. 41. . 228
Figure 212. Tomb of Jnpw-ḥtp at Giza, Junker, Giza IX, Abb. 75. ............................... 229
Figure 213. Tomb of Ppy-onX-km / %ny / %ny-km at Meir (No. A2), Kanawati & Evans,
Meir II, pl. 87a............................................................................................................. 230
Figure 214. Tomb of Jj-mry at Giza (G 6020, LG 15), Weeks, Cemetery G 6000, fig. 43.
.................................................................................................................................... 230
Figure 215. Tomb of Jj-mry at Giza, Weeks, Cemetery G 6000, fig. 32. ...................... 232
Figure 216. Tomb of Mr.s-onX III at Giza (G 7530 + 7540), Dunham and Simpson,
Mersyankh III, fig. 4. ................................................................................................... 232
Figure 217. Tomb of VTj at Giza, James, Hiero. Texts I, 2nd ed., pl. vii. ....................... 233
Figure 218. False door of R#-mw from the tomb of VTj at Giza, James, Hiero. Texts I, 2nd
ed., pl. xvi. ................................................................................................................... 234
Figure 219. Tomb of Nj-k#w-Ro at Saqqara, Borchardt, Denkmäler I, Bl. 19, [1414]..... 234
Figure 220. Tomb of K#(.j)-Hp at Saqqara (S 3511), Martin, Hetepka, pl. 21. ............... 235
Figure 221. Tomb of WnSt at Giza (G 4840), Junker, Giza I, 252, Abb. 63. .................. 236
Figure 222. Tomb of VTj at Giza, James, Hiero. Texts I, 2nd ed., pl. vii. ....................... 237
Figure 223. Tomb of Eow / Cm#j at Deir el-Gabrawi (No. S12), Kanawati, Gebrawi III, pl.
61. ............................................................................................................................... 237
Figure 224. Tomb of K#(.j)-Hp at Saqqara (S 351), Martin, Hetepka, pl. 21. ................. 238
Figure 225. Tomb of cXm-k# at Saqqara, Murray, Saqqara Mastabas I, pl. VII. ........... 239
Figure 226. Tomb of Nfrt-nswt at Giza, Hassan, Giza II, fig. 94. .................................. 240
Figure 227. Tomb of c#bw / Jbbj at Saqqara, Borchardt, Denkmäler I, Bl. 21. .............. 240
xv
Figure 228. Tomb of !nqw I / $ttj at Deir el-Gabrawi (No. N39), Kanawati, Gebrawi I,
pl. 40. .......................................................................................................................... 241
Figure 229. Tomb No. N95 at Deri el-Gabrawi, Kanawati, Gebrawi I, pl. 61. .............. 241
Figure 230. Tomb of %w.n-wX / VTj at Quseir el-Amarna (Tomb 2), El-Khouli
&Kanawati, Quseir el-Amarna, pl. 46. ......................................................................... 242
Figure 231. Tomb of WHm-nfrt at Giza, Curto, Gli Scavi italiani a el-Ghiza, fig. 20. ... 242
Figure 232. Tomb of %w.n-wX / VTj at Quseir el-Amarna (Tomb 2), El-Khouli
&Kanawati, Quseir el-Amarna, pl. 38. ......................................................................... 243
Figure 233. Tomb of K#-Hj.f at Giza (G 2136), Junker, Giza VI, 123, Abb. 38b. ........... 244
Figure 234. Tomb of Ppy-onX-Hrj-jb at Meir (No. D2), Kanawati, Meir I, pl. 83. .......... 244
Figure 235. Tomb of Sšm-nfr II at Giza (G 5080), Kanawati, Giza II, pl. 64................. 246
Figure 236. Number of tombs containing family groups in Giza, Saqqara, and provincial
sites ............................................................................................................................. 251
Figure 237. Number of tombs containing family groups according to date ................... 251
Figure 238. Number of tombs containing the depiction of a family group on the false door
.................................................................................................................................... 254
Figure 239. Number of tombs containing the depiction of a family group on the west wall
.................................................................................................................................... 254
Figure 240. Number of tombs containing the depiction of a family group on the south
wall ............................................................................................................................. 255
Figure 241. Number of tombs containing the depiction of a family group on the false
door, the west or the south wall.................................................................................... 255
Figure 242. Tomb of K#(.j)-nj-nswt I (G 2155) at Giza, Junker, Giza II, Abb. 18.......... 260
Figure 243. Family members and the household .......................................................... 284
Figure 244. Tomb of WHm-k# at Giza, Kayser, Mastaba des Uhemka, 24, West wall.... 294
Figure 245. Tomb of WHm-k# at Giza, Kayser, Mastaba des Uhemka, 24, West wall.... 296
Figure 246. Tomb of WHm-k# at Giza, Kayser, Mastaba des Uhemka, 3, South Wall.... 296
Figure 247. Tomb of K#(.j)-nj-nswt I at Giza, North wall, Junker, Giza II, 153, Abb. 19.
.................................................................................................................................... 299
Figure 248. Tomb of K#(.j)-nj-nswt I at Giza, West wall, Junker, Giza II, 150, Abb. 18.
.................................................................................................................................... 300
Figure 249. False door of Mdw-nfr at Giza, Curto, Gli Scavi italiani a el-Ghiza, pl. xxv.
.................................................................................................................................... 308
Figure 250. Number of tombs containing depictions of children carrying offerings on the
false door..................................................................................................................... 324
Figure 251. Number of tombs containing depictions of children carrying offerings in a
sequence of offering bearers ........................................................................................ 325
Figure 252. Number of tombs containing depictions of children carrying offerings in
other places in the scenes ............................................................................................. 325
Figure 253. Number of tombs containing depictions of children carrying offerings and
their places in the chapel .............................................................................................. 326
Figure 254. Number of tombs containing depictions of siblings carrying offerings on the
false door..................................................................................................................... 328
xvi
Figure 255. Number of tombs containing depictions of siblings carrying offerings and
their places in the chapel .............................................................................................. 328
Figure 256. Scenes and orientation of Room 3, tomb of Nfr-sSm-PtH ........................... 339
Figure 257. Tomb of Jnpw-Htp at Giza, Junker, Giza IX, 162, Abb. 73. ........................ 344
Figure 258. Tomb of cnDm-jb / Jntj at Giza, Brovarski, Senedjemib Complex I, pl. 65. 344
Figure 259. Tomb of cnDm-jb / Jntj at Giza (G 2370), South wall, Room VI, Brovarski,
Senedjemib Complex I, fig. 61. .................................................................................... 346
Figure 260. Tomb of cnDm-jb / Jntj at Giza (G 2370), South wall, Room VI, Brovarski,
Senedjemib Complex I, fig. 61. .................................................................................... 346
xvii
ABBREVIATIONS
INTRODUCTION
The ancient Egyptians believed that death was an interruption rather than a
complete cessation of life. Their belief in the afterlife thus becomes a driving force
behind their funeral practices. Beginning in the Predynastic Period, they started to deposit
ceramic vessels, beads, palettes and many other objects in the graves. Many of these
vessels are decorated with iconographic themes such as boating, hunting, defeating
enemies.1 By the First Dynasty, high officials had begun to build enormous and elaborate
tombs on the plateau edge at North Saqqara.2 It was not until the beginning of the Fourth
Dynasty that the depiction of possible family members appeared in tombs of the highest
officials, such as the princes Nfr-m#ot and Ro-Htp.3 Similar motifs then developed in tombs
of lesser noblemen. 4 In the latter half of the Old Kingdom, it is common for private tombs
This study discusses the iconography of the family members of the tomb owner,
relevant inscriptions associated with them, and the concept and ideology of the family
1
Stan Hendrickx, “Iconography of the Predynastic and Early Dynastic Periods,” in Before the Pyramids: the Origins of
Egyptian Civilization, ed. Emily Teeter (Chicago: The Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, 2011), 75-81.
2
W. Emery excavated this area from the 1930s. See Walter B. Emery, The Tomb of Hemaka, Excavations at Saqqara
(Cairo: Government Press, 1938); Walter B. Emery, Ḥor-Aḥa, Excavations at Saqqara (1937-1938) (Cairo:
Government Press, 1939); Walter B. Emery, Great Tombs of the First Dynasty I, Excavations at Saqqara (Cairo:
Government Press 1949); Walter B. Emery, Great Tombs of the First Dynasty II, Memoir of the Egypt Exploration
Society 46, Excavations at Saqqara (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1954).
3
For example, the individuals appear on the north and south jambs of the niche of Nfr-m#ot, north and south jambs of
Jtt, and the false door of Ro-Htp are probably the children of the tomb owner, but no kinship terms are attested. Yvonne
Harpur, The Tombs of Nefermaat and Rahotep at Maidum: Discovery, Destruction and Reconstruction, Egyptian
Tombs of the Old Kingdom 1 (Prestbury, Cheltenham: Oxford Expedition to Egypt, 2001), 59, 60, 84, 85, 109-110,
figs. 72, 73. 84, 85, 98.
4
Karol Myśliwiec, “Father’s and Eldest Son’s Overlapping Feet: An Iconographic Message,” in Perspectives on
Ancient Egypt: Studies in Honor of Edward Brovarski, eds. Zahi A. Hawass, Peter Der Manuelian, and Ramadan B.
Hussein (Cairo: Conseil Suprême des Antiquités de l’Égypte, 2010), 307.
2
behind the scenes in the Old Kingdom elite tombs. The elite tomb refer to “an
rock, consisting of one or several (substantial) space unities, which is inextricable and
consciously connected with the mortal remains of the elite, and (was planned to be)
One of the purposes for the depiction of family members in the tomb chapel—a
relatively public place accessible to members from the living community—was to define
the tomb owner’s social position and relationships in a funerary context. In other words,
it enabled in theory the tomb owner to interact continuously with the living through
specific funerary installations.6 The decorations in the chapels were, therefore, not only
the tomb owner’s perceptions of what he or she hoped to realize in the afterlife, but also a
reflection of what defined that individual in a broader social network both in the world of
the living and the afterlife.7 This thesis further explores the cult of the dead and its
implementation within a familial realm. The sustenance for the deceased in the funerary
cult required a proper arrangement for compensation for and the employment of the
personnel. Elite tombs of the Old Kingdom have scenes of different social groups taking
part in funerary activities, such as lector priests performing rituals, ka-priests and family
5
René van Walsem, Iconography of Old Kingdom Elite Tombs: Analysis and Interpretation, Theoretical and
Methodological Aspects (Leuven: Peeters, 2006), 19.
6
For the discussion of the continuity of the funerary cult in reality and ideology, see Yayoi Shirai, “Ideal and Reality in
Old Kingdom Private Funerary Cults,” in The Old Kingdom Art and Archaeology: Proceedings of the Conference Held
in Prague, May 31 - June 4, 2004, ed. Miroslav Bárta (Prague: Czech Institute of Egyptology, Faculty of Arts, Charles
University in Prague, 2006), 325-333.
7
The concept of the residence of the dead in a “community” among others in the underworld may have been
established during the Old Kingdom. The Qau Bowl mentions that the dead were living “in the same city.” Alan H.
Gardiner and Kurt Sethe, Egyptian Letters to the Dead: Mainly from the Old and Middle Kingdoms (London: The
Egypt Exploration Society, 1928), 3-5, 17-19, pls. II, IIA, III, IIIA. See also Edward F. Wente, Letters from Ancient
Egypt, Writings from the Ancient World (Atlanta GA: Scholars Press, 1990), 212.
3
members presenting different types of products, and sometimes the tomb owner himself
overseeing the production of goods in his estates. The involvement of family members in
these scenes demonstrates the importance of handling family relations in the funerary
installation. The study of the iconography and inscriptions of family members also aims
to examine the role of family members in the funerary cult and how it functions as part of
An ancient Egyptian family included not only the nuclear family members but
also relatives, servants, and dependents, thus representing a compound social group close
the ancient Egyptian family reflected a form of social order in both domestic life and the
spiritual realm.9 This study investigates the depiction of family members in a group and
how kinship structure reflects their familial ideology. Additionally, it also addresses the
issue of the ancestor cult in the Old Kingdom through an analysis of iconographic details
The final goal of this study is to explore how familial ideology evolved during the
Old Kingdom and the social and psychological process behind its evolution. The
8
For a discussion of the household in ancient Egypt in general, see Juan Carlos Moreno García, “Households,” in
UCLA Encyclopedia of Egyptology, eds. Elizabeth Frood and Willeke Wendrich (Los Angeles, 2012), 2-5.
http://digital2.library.ucla.edu/viewItem.do?ark=21198/zz002czx07. For the discussion of households as basic social
units, in the Middle Kingdom, see Katalin A. Kóthay, “Houses and Households at Kahun: Bureaucratic and Domestic
Aspects of Social Organization during the Middle Kingdom.” In Mélanges offerts à Edith Varga: “le lotus qui sort de
terre”, ed. Hedvig Győry (Budapest: Musée Hongrois des Beaux-Arts, 2002), 349-368. For the anthropological
discussion of the concept of household, see Nicholas Picardo, “Hybrid Households: Institutional Affiliations and
Household Identity in the Town of Wah-sut (South Abydos).” In Household Studies in Complex Societies:
(micro)Archaeological and Textual Approaches ed. Müller (Miriam Chicago: Oriental Institute, University of Chicago,
2015), 243-248.
9
Hans-Hubertus Münch, “Die Repräsentation des Hausverbandes des K3-nj-njswt I. (G 2155): Ein Beitrag zur
Geschichte des Sozialen Wissens im Alten Reich,” in Nekropolen: Grab – Bild– Ritual. Beiträge des zweiten
Münchener Arbeitskreises Junge Aegyptologie (Maja 2) 2. Bis 4.12.2011., eds. Gregor Neunert, Kathrin Gabler, and
Alexandra Verbovsek (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2013, 181-196.
4
Egyptians syncretized the familial ideology and the official art canon. The degree of this
understanding the concept of family and familial value in the Old Kingdom. Moreno
García suggests that the Memphite tomb owners had to follow official ideology and
seldom expressed private and familial relationships in their tomb decoration, so that only
provincial tombs could express familial ideology.10 The fourth and the fifth chapters
examine the changes in the depiction of family members from the Fifth to the Sixth
Dynasties and the iconographic distinctions among Giza, Saqqara, and provincial sites.
representations and associated texts of family members of the tomb owner that appeared
in elite tombs of the Memphite and provincial necropoleis, this study fills an essential gap
in our knowledge of kinship relations and familial ideology in the Old Kingdom. The
data is collated from the existing primary source publications, including the proposed
dating, the positioning of the scenes within the tombs, the positioning of the figures
As the title defines, this study includes all the iconography and associated
inscriptions about family members in the elite tombs. The dataset consists of tombs
10
Juan Carlos Moreno García, “La gestion sociale de la mémoire dans l’Égypte du IIIe millénaire: les tombes des
particuliers, entre emploi privée et idéologie publique,” in Dekorierte Grabanlagen im Alten Reich: Methodik und
Interpretation, edited by Martin Fitzenreiter and Michael Herb (London: Golden House Publications, 2006), 215-242.
5
containing the depiction of family members and associated inscriptions that contain use
time span from the end of the Fourth Dynasty to the end of the Sixth Dynasty.
familial ideology in a historical context. Alterations in the iconography reflect the gradual
change of the expressions of social and familial values on an intellectual and cognitive
level. The evolving trends further help to uncover the social reality behind the implicit
social expressions.
stylistic details,12 and mason marks.13 Verifying existing dates of the monuments goes
beyond the scope of this study. Therefore, this study accepts the dates suggested by
scholars who have analyzed and published the monuments, while also considering
different dates suggested by later scholars.14 The format of dating will follow Harpur’s
system.15 A Roman numeral indicates the dynasty and an Arabic number is assigned to
11
For example, to “examine the changes in scene content in twenty-year time spans”, see Yvonne Harpur, Decoration
in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom: Studies in Orientation and Scene Content (London; New York: KPI, 1987),
33.
12
Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom, 230-231, 253-264. For the discussion on dating criteria
based on artistic specifics, see Joyce Swinton, Dating the Tombs of the Egyptian Old Kingdom (Oxford: Archaeopress,
2014), 49-96.
13
See Hans Goedicke, Old Hieratic Palaeography (Baltimore, Md.: HALGO, 1988), xi-xxi.
14
The publications and suggested dates of the monuments are in Appendix I.
15
Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom, 33-35. Although Harpur divides the long reign of Pepy
II into three phrases and assigns each phrase with an exact number of years, expressions such as “mid-Pepy II” or “at
the very end of Pepy II’s reign” may be used in this thesis when an exact date of the monument is not available.
6
the reign of a particular ruler to avoid repeating the names of kings. The following chart
The majority of samples for this study comes from the Memphite region.
Memphis was the capital of the Old Kingdom and the location of the royal residence. The
kings constructed their tombs in the desert west of the royal residence. The officials
chose their burial place near the tombs of the kings they served and possibly not far from
their own residences.16 The archaeological sites surrounding Memphis thus provide an
16
Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom, 5-12; Goedicke discusses and summarizes the change of
locations of royal cemeteries during the Old Kingdom and the reasons for these changes, see Hans Goedicke, “Abusir -
7
abundance of iconographic and epigraphic data on the social and familial context of
individuals living in this area. Most samples of the Memphite area come from Giza and
Saqqara. The former is the primary burial site in the Sixth Dynasty and the first half of
the Fifth Dynasty, though it continued to be in use in the rest of the Old Kingdom, and
even after the Old Kingdom.17 For the second half of the Fifth Dynasty Saqqara became
the most important site in this study because it has yielded the largest number of reliefs
and paintings with a variety of motifs and scene types.18 Monuments at Abusir and Abu
Sqqara – Giza,” in Abusir and Saqqara in the Year 2000, eds. Miroslav Bárta and Jaromir Krejčí (Praha: Academy of
Sciences of the Czech Republic, Oriental Institute, 2000), 397-412.
17
Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom, 6-7. Major publications on the excavations at Giza
include: Richard Lepsius et al., Denkmaeler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien, Ergänzungsband (Leipzig: J. C. Hinrich,
1897-1913); Richard Lepsius, Denkmäler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien, 12 vols. (Berlin: Nicolaische Buchhandlung,
1849-59); Auguste Mariette and G. Maspero, Les Mastabas de l’Ancien Empire (Paris: F. Vieweg, 1889); Georg
Steindorff and Uvo Hölscher, Die Mastabas westlich der Cheopspyramide: nach den Ergebnissen der in den Jahren
1903 - 1907 im Auftrag der Universität Leipzig und des Hildesheimer Pelizaeus-Museums unternommenen Grabungen
in Giza, 2 vols.(Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1991); W. M. Flinders Petrie, Gizeh and Rifeh, vol.13 (London: British
School of Archaeology in Egypt and Egyptian Research Account, 1907); Hilda Flinders Petrie and Margaret A.
Murray, Seven Memphite Tomb Chapels (London: British School of Egyptian Archaeology, 1952); Hermann Junker,
Gîza. Denkschriften / Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien. Philosophisch-historische Klasse. 12 vols (Wien;
Leipzig: Hölder-Pichler-Tempsky A. -G., 1929-1955); Abdel M. Abu-Bakr, Excavations at Giza, 1949-1950 (Cairo:
Government Press, 1953); Selim Hassan, Excavations at Gîza, 10 vols (Cairo: Government Press, 1932-1960); Hilda
Flinders Petrie and Margaret A. Murray, Seven Memphite Tomb Chapels (London: British School of Egyptian
Archaeology, 1952); George A. Reisner, The Development of the Egyptian Tomb Down to the Accession of Cheops
(Cambridge: Harvard university press, 1963); George A. Reisner, A History of the Giza Necropolis, 2 vols (Cambridge:
Harvard University Press, 1942-1955); Hans Kayser, Die Mastaba des Uhemka: Ein Grab in der Wüst (Hanover:
Fackelträger-Verlag, 1974); William K. Simpson, Mastabas of the Western Cemetery (Boston: Dept. of Egyptian and
Ancient Near Eastern Art, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, 1980); Alexander Badawy, The Tombs of Iteti, Sekhem’ankh-
Ptah, and Kaemnofert At Giza (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976); William K. Simpson, The Mastabas of
Qar and Idu, G7101 and 7102 (Boston: Dept. of Egyptian and Ancient Near Eastern Art, Museum of Fine Arts,
Boston, 1976); William K. Simpson, The Mastabas of Kawab, Khafkhufu I and II: G7110-20, 7130-40, and 7150, and
Subsidiary Mastabas of Street G7100 (Boston: Dept. of Egyptian and Ancient Near Eastern Art, Museum of Fine Arts,
1978); William K. Simpson, Mastabas of the Western Cemetery (Boston: Dept. of Egyptian and Ancient Near Eastern
Art, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, 1980); William Kelly Simpson, Mastabas of the Western Cemetery, Giza Mastabas
(Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 1980); Kent R. Weeks and Susan H. Kent R. Weeks, Mastabas of Cemetery G 6000,
including G 6010 (Neferbauptah); G 6020 (Iymery), G 6030 (Ity), G 6040 (Shepseskafankh) (Boston: Dept. of Ancient
Egyptian, Nubian and Near Eastern Art, Museum of Fine Arts, 1994); Emma Brunner-Traut and Ernst von Sieglin, Die
Altägyptische Grabkammer Seschemnofers III. Aus Gîsa: Eine Stiftung des Geheimen Hofrats Dr. H. C. Ernst Von
Sieglin an die Tübinger Universität. Neuausg (Mainz: Verlag Philipp von Zabern, 1995); Edward Brovarski, The
Senedjemib Complex I: The Mastabas of Senedjemib Inti (G 2370), Khnumenti (G 2374), and Senedjemib Mehi (G
2378), 2 vols. Giza Mastabas 7 (Boston: Art of the Ancient World, Museum of Fine Arts, 2001); Peter Der Manuelian,
et al. Mastabas of Nucleus Cemetery G2100 (Boston: Dept. of Art of the Ancient World, Museum of Fine Arts, 2009);
Naguib Kanawati and Ann McFarlane, Tombs at Giza, 2 vols (Warminster: Aris and Phillips, 2001), Ann M. Roth, A
Cemetery of Palace Attendants: Including G 2084-2099, G 2230+2231, and G2240 (Boston: Museum of Fine Arts,
1995).
18
Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom, 8-9. Major publications on the excavations at Saqqara
include: Norman. de G. Davies, The mastaba of Ptahhetep and Akhethetep at Saqqareh, 2 vols, Archaeological survey
of Egypt 8-9 (London: Egypt Exploration Fund, 1900-1901); Margaret A. Murray, Saqqara Mastabas: Part I-II
8
Ghurob, the location of royal burials of the early to mid-Fifth Dynasty, also contribute to
the dataset of this study.19 A few examples come from other sites in the Memphite area,
such as Dahshur and Kom el Akhdar. The provincial sites in this dataset include
(London: British School of Archaeology in Egypt and B. Quaritch, 1905); Jean Capart, Une Rue de tombeaux à
Saqqarah, 2 vols. (Bruxelles: Vromant & Co, 1907);James E. Quibell, Excavations at Saqqara, 1907-1908 (Le Caire:
Impr. de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale, 1909); James E. Quibell, Excavations at Saqqara, 1911-12. The
Tomb of Hesy (Le Caire: Impr. de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale, 1913); James E. Quibell and Angelo G.
Hayter, Excavations at Saqqara: Teti pyramid, North Side (Le Caire: Imprimerie de l’Institut français d’archéologie
orientale,1927); Cecil M. Firth and Battiscombe Gunn, Teti Pyramid Cemeteries, 2 vols (Le Caire: Imprimerie de
l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale, 1926); Georg Steindorff, Die Kunst der Ägypter: Bauten, Plastik,
Kunstgewerbe (Leipzig: Insel-Verl, 1928); Gustave Jéquier, Fouilles à Saqqarah; Le Mastabat Faraoun (Le Caire:
Impr. de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale, 1928); Rizkallah Macramallah, Fouilles à Saqqarah: Le Mastaba
d’Idout(Le Caire: Impr. de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale, 1935); Prentice Duell. The Mastaba of Mereruka.
2 vols (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1938); Lucienne Épron and François Daumas. Le tombeau de Ti (Le
Caire: Institut français d’archéologie orientale, 1939); T. G. H. James, The Mastaba of Khentika Called Ikhekhi
(London: Egypt Exploration Society, 1953); Ahmed M. Moussa and Hartwig Altenmüller, The Tomb of Nefer and Ka-
Hay (Mainz: von Zabern, 1971); Ahmed M. Moussaand Hartwig Altenmüller, Das Grab des Nianchchnum und
Chnumhotep (Mainz am Rhein: P. v. Zabern, 1977); Ahmed M. Moussa and Friedrich Junge, Two Tombs of Craftsmen
(Mainz am Rhein: Philipp von Zabern, 1975); Jean P. Lauer, Saqqara: The Royal Cemetery of Memphis. Excavations
and Discoveries since 1850 (London: Thames and Hudson, 1976); Alexander Badawy, The Tomb of Nyhetep-Ptah at
Giza and the Tomb of Ankhmahor at Saqqara (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978); Geoffrey T. Martin, The
Tomb of Hetepka and Other Reliefs and Inscriptions from the Sacred Animal Necropolis North Saqqâra (London:Egypt
Exploration Society, 1979); Baudouin van de Walle, La Chapelle funéraire de Neferirtenef (Bruxelles: Musées royaux
d’art et d’histoire, 1979); Said Amer el-Fikey, The Tomb of the Vizier Rē⁽-wer at Saqqara (Warminster:Aris & Phillips,
1980); Gustave Jéquier, Tombeaux de particuliers contemporains de Pepi II (Le Caire:Service des antiquités de
l’Egypte, 1983); W. V. Davies, Alan B. Lloyd, A. Jeffrey Spencer, and Ali Khouli, Saqqâra Tombs, 3 vols (London:
Egypt Exploration Society, 1984); Naguib Kanawati, Excavations at Saqqara: North-West of Teti’s Pyramid, 2 vols
(Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 1984-1988); Hartwig Altenmüller, Die Wanddarstellungen im Grab des Mehu in
Saqqara (Mainz am Rhein: P. von Zabern, 1998); Naguib Kanawati, The Teti Cemetery at Saqqara. 9 vols (Sydney:
Australian Centre for Egyptology, 1996); Ann McFarlane, Naguib Kanawati and Mahmoud Abder-Raziq, The Unis
Cemetery at Saqqara, 2 vols (Warminster: Aris and Phillips, 2000); Ann McFarlane, Mastabas at Saqqara:
Kaiemheset, Kaipunesut, Kaiemsenu, Sehetepu and Others (Oxford: Aris and Phillips, 2003); Karol Myśliwiec,
Saqqara I: The Tomb of Merefnebef (Varsovie: Editions Neriton, 2004), Yvonne Harpur and Paolo Scremin, The
Chapel of Kagemni: Scene Details (Reading: Oxford Expedition to Egypt, 2006); Yvonne Harpur and Paolo Scremin,
Chapel of Ptahhotep: Scene Details (Reading, England: Oxford Expedition to Egypt, 2008); Naguib Kanawati et al.,
Mereruka and His Family, Part I-III (Oxford: Aris and Philipps, 2008-2011).
19
For a brief discussion of the site, and the Czech archaeological excavations at this site since 1960, see Ladislav
Bareš, “The Destruction of the Monuments at the Necropolis of Abusir,” in Abusir and Saqqara in the Year 2000, eds.
Miroslav Bárta and Jaromír Krejčí (Praha: Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic, Oriental Institute, 2000), 1-16.
Major publications of tombs in Abusir and Abu Ghurob include: Miroslav Verner, Ladislav Bareš, and Miroslav Bárta
et al., Abusir I- XXIII (Prague: Czech Institute of Egyptology, Faculty of Arts, Charles University in Prague, 1982-
2014); Miroslav Bárta and Jaromír Krejčí, eds. Abusir and Saqqara in the Year 2000 (Praha: Academy of Sciences of
the Czech Republic, Oriental Institute, 2000); Miroslav Bárta and Jaromír Krejčí, eds, Abusir and Saqqara in the Year
2005: Proceedings of the Conference Held in Prague, June 27-July 5, 2005 (Prague: Czech Institute of Egyptology,
Faculty of Arts, Charles University in Prague, 2006); Miroslav Bárta, Filip Coppens, and Jaromír Krejčí, eds, Abusir
and Saqqara in the year 2010, 2 vols (Prague: Czech Institute of Egyptology, Faculty of Arts, Charles University in
Prague, 2011); Bárta, Miroslav, Filip Coppens, and Jaromír Krejčí, eds. Abusir and Saqqara in the year 2015 (Prague:
Faculty of Arts, Charles University, 2017); Miroslav Verner, Forgotten Pharaohs, Lost Pyramids: Abusir (Praha:
Academia Škodaexport, 1994); Miroslav Verner, Abusir: the Necropolis of the Sons of the Sun (Cairo; New York: The
American University in Cairo Press, 2017).
9
Deshasha,20 Zawyet el-Amwait,21 Tehna,22 el-Sheikh Said,23 Quseir el-Amarna,24 Deir el-
terms inscribed near their figures. Studies on these identifications are based largely on
texts from the Middle and New Kingdoms.37 The Egyptian term for father is jt and that
for mother is mwt. Z# refers to the son, and its female counterpart z#t signifies the
20
Kanawati, Naguib E. and Ann McFarlane, Deshasha: The Tombs of Inti, Shedu and Others, Australian Centre for
Egyptology: Reports 5 (Sydney: Australian Centre for Egyptology, 1993).
21
Alexandre Varille, La tombe de Ni-ankh-pepi à Zâouyet el-Mayetîn, Mémoires publiés par les membres de l’Institut
français d’archéologie orientale du Caire (le Caire: Impr. de l’IFAO, 1938).
22
Elizabeth Thompson et al., The Old Kingdom Cemetery at Tehna. Vol. 1 (Warminster, Wilts: Aris and Phillips, 2014).
23
Norman de G. Davies, The Rock Tombs of Sheikh Saïd (London: Egypt Exploration Fund, 1901).
24
Ali El-Khouli, and Naguib E. Kanawati, Quseir El-Amarna: The Tombs of Pepy-Ankh and Khewen-Wekh, Australian
Centre for Egyptology: Reports 1 (Sydney: Australian Centre for Egyptology, 1989).
25
Naguib, Kanawati et al., Deir El-Gebrawi, 3 vols (Oxford: Aris and Phillips, 2005-2013).
26
Naguib E.Kanawati, The Cemetery of Meir, 3 vols (Oxford: Aris and Phillips, 2012); Aylward M. Blackman, The
Rock Tombs of Meir, 6 vols (London: The Egypt Exploration Fund, 1914-1954).
27
Ali El-Khouli and Naguib E. Kanawati, The Old Kingdom Tombs of El-Hammamiya, Australian Centre for
Egyptology: Reports 2 (Sydney: The Australian Centre for Egyptology, 1990).
28
Naguib E. Kanawati, The Rock Tombs of El-Hawawish: The Cemetery of Akhmim, 10 vols (Sydney: Australian
Centre for Egyptology, 1980-1992).
29
Caroline Nestmann Peck. Some Decorated Tombs of the First Intermediate Period at Naga Ed-Dêr (Ann Arbor, MI:
University Microfilms, 1959).
30
Jacques de Morgan, Catalogue des Monuments et Inscriptions de l’egypte Antique / 1: Haute Egypte / 1 De la
Frontière de Nubie à Kom Ombo (Vienne: Holzhausen, 1894).
31
Naguib Kanawati and Ann McFarlane, The Tombs of El-Hagarsa, 3 vols (Sydney: Australian Centre for Egyptology,
1993).
32
W. M. Flinders Petrie. Dendereh: 1898, Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Fund 17 (London: Egypt Exploration
Fund, 1900); Henry G. Fischer, Dendera in the Third Millennium B.C: Down to the Theban Domination of Upper
Egypt, (Published under the Auspices of the Metropolitan Museum of Art and the Institute of Fine Arts, 1968).
33
Henry G. Fischer, Inscriptions from the Coptite Nome: Dynasties VI-XI (Roma: Pontificium Institutum Biblicum,
1964).
34
Torgny Säve-Söderbergh, The Old Kingdom Cemetery at Hamra Dom: (El-Qasr wa es-Saiyad) (Stockholm: Royal
Academy of Letters, History and Antiquities, 1994.)
35
Mohamed Saleh, Three Old-Kingdom Tombs at Thebes: 1. The Tomb of Unas-Ankh No. 413. 2. The Tomb of Khenty
No. 405. 3. The Tomb of Ihy No. 186, Archäologische Veröffentlichungen, Deutsches Archäologisches Institut 14,
Abteilung Kairo (Mainz: Zabern, 1977).
36
Maurice Alliot, Rapport sur les fouilles de Tell Edfou: 1932-1933 (Le Caire: Impr. de l’IFAO, 1933-1935).
37
For example, Gay Robins, “The Relationships Specified by Egyptian Kinship Terms of the Middle and New
Kingdoms,” Chronique d’Égypte 54 (108) (1979): 197-217, and Detlef Franke, Altägyptische
Verwandtschaftsbezeichnungen im Mittleren Reich (Hamburg: Verlag Borg, 1983), 178-301. See also Marcelo
Campagno, “Kinship and Family Relations,” in UCLA Encyclopedia of Egyptology, eds. Elizabeth Frood and Willeke
Wendrich. Los Angeles, 2009. Retrieved from https://escholarship.org/uc/item/7zh1g7ch, and Morris. L. Bierbrier,
“Terms of relationship at Deir el-Medîna,” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 66 (1980): 100-107.
10
daughter. The designations sn and snt may have a much broader reference in the Middle
and New Kingdoms, referring not only to siblings but also siblings of parents, children of
siblings, and cousins.38 In all the archeological reports of the Old Kingdom private tombs,
however, the designations sn and snt are translated as brother and sister. The context of
the scene never implies that one should take the figure labeled as sn or snt as the uncle,
aunt, nephew, or niece of the tomb owner. Moreover, grandchildren may also be called z#
and z#t, and jt and mwt can refer to grandparents.39 In the Old Kingdom tombs, we have
“son of a daughter,” and z#t z#t “daughter of a daughter.” An example of sn jt.s “uncle
both biological and sociocultural aspects that derive from human sexual reproduction.41
The term sn-Dt or snt-Dt “brother or sister of the funerary estates” in the Old Kingdom
private tombs reflects the social aspects of kinship.42 Individuals with this designation
may have been a biological sibling of the tomb owner, yet the word Dt has endowed the
term with socioeconomic meaning. Therefore, this study also includes the representations
38
For the study on kinship terms in the Middle Kingdom, see Judith Lustig, “Ideologies of Social Relations in Middle
Kingdom Egypt: Gender, Kinship, Ancestors” (PhD Diss., Temple University, 1993), 45-65. Wives were called
“sisters” only after the Eighteenth Dynasty, see Jaroslav Černý, “Consanguineous Marriages in Pharaonic Egypt,” The
Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 40 (1954): 25.
39
Robins, “The Relationships Specified by Egyptian Kinship Terms of the Middle and New Kingdoms,” 199-204. See
also Campagno, “Kinship and Family Relations,” figure 1.
40
See Chapter 3.
41
For a discussion of the definition of kinship and the research on its biological and sociocultural aspects, see David M.
Schneider, A critique of the study of kinship (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1984), 97-112.
42
See discussions in Chapter 2 and Chapter 4. Similar expressions consisting of a kinship term and Dt occurred in the
Middle Kingdom, though sn-Dt and snt-Dt disappeared in private tombs in the Sixth Dynasty. Franke, however, takes
these expressions as “Fiktive Verwandtschaft,” see Franke, Altägyptische Verwandtschaftsbezeichnungen im Mittleren
Reich, 302-304.
11
All the samples in this study come from elite tombs, which limits the study on
family relations to the elite, and brings into question whether conclusions drawn from the
dataset can apply to middle- and lower- class people in ancient Egypt during the Old
Kingdom, or whether the family ideology reflected in the elite tombs can represent the
whole society. The answer to this question unfortunately lies beyond the scope of the
evidence. It is impossible to calculate to what degree the iconography in the elite tombs
can reflect the beliefs of people of lower social classes who could not afford a decorated
tomb. Nevertheless, this conclusion does not render this study invalid. Our entire
understanding of an ancient society is based on the information that ancient people left to
us, consciously and unconsciously. The elite chose to depict family members in the tomb
chapel, a public place where the tomb owner had decorated scenes placed on the walls
within sight of others, displayed images of chosen motifs, and deliberately conveyed
certain messages to the visitors to the chapels, such as family members and priests.
The study of the depiction of family members thus reveals the tomb owner’s
conception of family relations and the conventions of the social class and era in which he
lived. One has to notice that only those interred in decorated tombs were able to express
this ideology in this manner. Other social classes may have had different expressions. For
example, the tombs of the pyramid builders in the area southeast of the Sphinx have a
variety of different tomb shapes, including the “pyramidion” shape, the “stepped
pyramidion” shape, the bee-hive shape, and vaulted tombs. The statues discovered in this
12
cemetery also have different features from the statues of high officials and nobles.43
Moreover, familial ideology and its integration into the funerary art as part of high
culture intellectually form the core values of the society and influence many other
aspects, such as religion, socio-economic realities, and social structure.44 Therefore, the
object of this study is to define the cultural expressions of the familial ideology of the
upper levels of Old Kingdom society who were commemorated throught decorated
funerary monuments.
Tables in Appendix I list all the tombs in alphabetical order including the dates
and references. For this reason, the tombs cited in the thesis are not footnoted separately.
Tables in Appendix II include the kinship designations of the family members of the
tomb owner, as well as the titles of both the tomb owner and his or her family members.
Tables in Appendix III specify the stance types and sub-types of family members in each
tomb,45 together with a brief description of their positions on the chapel wall. Appendix
43
Zahi Hawass, “A Group of Unique Statues Discovered at Giza 1: Statues of the Overseers of the Pyramid Builders,”
in Kunst Des Alten Reiches: Symposium Im Deutschen Archäologischen Institut Kairo Am 29. Und 30. Oktober 1991,
ed. Deutsches archäologisches Institut (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1995), 29-32, pls. 91-95; Zahi Hawass, “A Group
of Unique Statues Discovered at Giza 2: An Unfinished Reserve Head and a Statuette of an Overseer,” in Kunst Des
Alten Reiches: Symposium Im Deutschen Archäologischen Institut Kairo Am 29. Und 30. Oktober 1991, ed. Deutsches
archäologisches Institut (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1995), 33-35, pls. 97-101.
44
Ideology expressed in iconography of the elite tombs is concerned with two themes: domination and a sense of
shared ideals, see Sasha Verma, Cultural Expression in the Old Kingdom Elite Tomb (Oxford: Archaeopress, 2014),
70-71. It is also related to material culture and religion, see Verma, Cultural Expression in the Old Kingdom Elite
Tomb, 1-2, 11, 16-18, 56-61. See also Juan Carlos Moreno García, “Oracles, Ancestor Cults and Letters to the Dead:
The Involvement of the Dead in the Public and Private Family Affairs in Pharaonic Egypt,” in Perception of the
Invisible: Religion, Historical Semantics and the Role of Perceptive Verbs, ed. Anne Storch (Köln: Rüdiger Köpp,
2010), 3-13.
45
For the the typology of the stance of family members, see Chapter 1.
13
Background
The study of the ancient Egyptian family is often closely related to the study of
women. A typical title of an elite woman was nbt-pr “mistress of the house.”46 Many
studies point out that ancient Egyptian marriages did not begin with any legal or religious
ceremony, and they did not exist as a legally defined entity.47 In his study of the
positioning of the wives in chapel scenes, Fischer concluded that wives had a secondary
status, and their major role was to accompany their husbands in a variety of activities. He
also suggests that most ancient Egyptians practiced monogamy in the Old Kingdom.48 A
family members in Old Kingdom tombs with a detailed discussion of the designations,
stances, clothing, and positions of the wife, the mother, and the sisters of the tomb
owner.49 McCorquodale also examines the practice of monogamy and polygamy in the
Old Kingdom and the production of offspring, especially the eldest children. 50
46
Nbt-pr became a common title for elite women from the beginning of the Middle Kingdom. Gay Robins, Women in
Ancient Egypt (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1993), 91. This title is not recorded in Dilwyn Jones, An
Index of Ancient Egyptian, Epithets and Phrases of the Old Kingdom, 2 vols (Oxford, England: Archaeopress, 2000).
Fischer’s discussion on female titles does not include npt-pr either, see Henry G. Fischer, Egyptian Women of the Old
Kingdom and of the Heracleopolitan Period (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2000), 19-32. “Seit A.R.” under
the entry “nbt-pr”, See Adolf Erman, Wörterbuch Der Ägyptischen Sprache: Im Auftrage der deutschen Akademien
herausgegeben, 7 vols (Lepzig: J. C. Hinrichs, 1926), Bd. 1, 512. The supplement of Bd. 1 further explains that the title
was not used before the Middle Kingdom, see Erman, Wörterbuch Der Ägyptischen Sprache, Supplement of Bd. 1, 82.
47
Janet H. Johnson, “The Legal Status of Women in Ancient Egypt,” in Mistress of the House, Mistress of Heaven:
Women in Ancient Egypt, eds. Anne K. Capel, Catharine H. Roehrig, and Richard A. Fazzini (New York: Hudson Hills
Press, 1996), 179. See also Bestsy M. Bryan, “In Women Good and Bad Fortune Are on Earth: Status and Roles of
Women in Egyptian Culture,” in Mistress of the House, Mistress of Heaven: Women in Ancient Egypt, edited by Anne
K. Capel, Catharine H. Roehrig, and Richard A. Fazzini (New York: Hudson Hills Press, 1996), 36, and John Gee,
“Notes on Egyptian Marraige: P. BM 10416 Reconsidered,” Bulletin of the Egyptological Seminar 15 (2001): 20. See
also Annie Forgeau, “The Survival of the Family Name and the Pharaonic Order,” in History of the Family, ed.
Francoise Zonabend (Cambridge: Belknap Press, 1996), 130-133.
48
Fischer, Egyptian Women of the Old Kingdom and of the Heracleopolitan Period, 4-14.
49
Kim McCorquodale, Representations of the Family in the Egyptian Old Kingdom: Women and Marriage, Bar
International Series 2513 (Oxford: Archaeopress, 2013), 11-63.
50
McCorquodale, Representations of the Family in the Egyptian Old Kingdom: Women and Marriage, 67-124. A
number of studies on women, marriage, and family have been made on the role of women in ancient Egypt, such as
Gay Robins, Women in Ancient Egypt; Barbara Watterson, Women in Ancient Egypt (Stroud (England): Amberley,
2013); Zahi Hawass and Suzanne Mubarak, Silent Images: Women in Pharaonic Egypt (New York: Abrams, 2000).
14
The unique status of the eldest son has attracted much attention and discussion in
the scholarly literature. Kanawati, in his study of the co-existence of more than one eldest
child in the Old Kingdom, points out that such a situation indicates either the death of the
chronologically eldest child or multiple marriages. 51 Allam, on the contrary, abandons the
chronological attribute of the term z# smsw “eldest son” and considers it a synonym of the
legal heir. 52 McCorquodale reconsiders the term “eldest son/daughter” and suggests that
it is connected with an inheritance from both parents and family responsibilities to take
care of younger siblings, thus reflecting the complexity of the Old Kingdom family
relations.53 A son (possibly the eldest son) may have the responsibility to take care of the
extended family consisting not only of his wife and children but also his widowed mother
and unmarried sisters.54 He may also have been obligated to bury his parents, especially
General studies on family and consanguinity include Janssen and Janssen’s work
on children and the elderly in ancient Egypt, which discusses household and inheritance
See also essays which deal with women’s occupations, roles, and status in Anne K.Capel and Glenn Markoe eds.,
Mistress of the House, Mistress of Heaven: Women in Ancient Egypt (New York: Hudson Hill Press, 1997).
51
Naguib Kanawati, “The Mentioning of More than One Eldest Child in Old Kingdom Inscriptions,” Chronique
d’Égypte 51 (102) (1976): 247-251.
52
Schafik Allam, “Notes on the Designation ‘Eldest Son/Daughter’,” in Perspectives on Ancient Egypt: Studies in
Honor of Edward Brovarski, ed. Zahi Hawass, Peter Der Manuelian, and Ramadan B. Hussein (Cairo: Conseil
Suprême des Antiquités de l’Égypte, 2010), 29-34.
53
Kim McCorquodale, “Reconsidering the Term ‘Eldest Son / Eldest Daughter’ and Inheritance in the Old Kingdom,”
The Bulletin of the Australian Centre for Egyptology, no. 23 (2012): 78-85.
54
An example is from the Kahun Papyri dating to the Twelfth Dynasty, see Rosalind M. Janssen and Jac. J. Janssen,
Growing up and Getting Old in Ancient Egypt (London: Golden House Publications, 2007), 172-174. For more
discussions on this subject, see Bryan, “In Women Good and Bad Fortune Are on Earth: Status and Roles of Women in
Egyptian Culture,” 36, and Campagno, “Kinship and Family Relations,” 4.
55
In the New Kingdom, all children may have been able to inherit part of the pocessions of their parents, but one may
also have been the sole owner of the inheritance by burying the deceased, or the administrator of the inheritance of joint
heirs. For a detailed discussion of inheritance in the New Kingdom, see Jac. J. Janssen and Pieter. W. Pestman, “Burial
and Inheritance in the Community of the Necropolis Workmen at Thebes (Pap. Bulaq X and O. Petrie 16),” Journal of
the Economic and Social History of the Orient 11, no. 2 (1968): 164-170.
15
in general, including how the younger generation took care of the elderly. 56 Whale’s
study utilizes data from the Theban tombs of the Eighteenth Dynasty to analyze family
structures in the New Kingdom and provides a detailed examination of terms used to
evidence from both texts and tomb decoration in the Middle Kingdom.58 Detlef Franke
also investigates kinship designations based on evidence from the Middle Kingdom. 59
Campagno explores kinship phrases and suggests that the ancient Egyptians used six
basic kinship terms to define relationships in their kindred: jt, mwt, sn, snt, s#, and s#t.60
A few studies provide deeper insight into family relations through examinations
of typical scenes or specific cases. For example, Hartwig Altenmüller studies scenes of
the ancestor cult during the Old Kingdom, a unique type of representation in which
members of the extended family assembled and the tomb owner presented lotus flowers
to his father.61 Moreno García discusses familial ideology in the Old Kingdom with
examples from both Memphite and provincial necropoleis. He concludes that the
ideology of extended family and family relations in the Old Kingdom were hardly
expressed in private tombs where official ideology dominated. It was only in the
56
Janssen and Janssen, Growing up and Getting Old in Ancient Egypt, 171-183, 204-210, 220-230.
57
Sheila Whale, The Family in the Eighteenth Dynasty of Egypt: A Study of the Representation of the Family in Private
Tombs (Sydney: Australian Centre for Egyptology, 1989).
58
Lustig, “Ideologies of Social Relations in Middle Kingdom Egypt: Gender, Kinship, Ancestors”, 1-62.
59
Franke, Altägyptische Verwandtschaftsbezeichnungen im Mittleren Reich. See also Harco O. Willems, “A
Description of Egyptian Kinship Terminology of the Middle Kingdom C. 2000-1650 B.C.,” Bijdragen tot de Taal-,
Land- en Volkenkunde 139, no. 1 (1983): 152-168..
60
See Campagno, “Kinship and Family Relations,” 1-4. See also Jan. Assmann, Stein und Zeit: Mensch und
Gesellschaft im alten Ägypten (München: W. Fink, 1991), 99.
61
Hartwig Altenmüller, “Family, Ancestor Cult and Some Obseravations on the Chronology of the Late Fifth
Dynasty,” in Chronology and Archaeology in Ancient Egypt (the Third Millennium B.C.). Proceedings of the
Conference Held in Prague (Jun 11-14, 2007), eds. Hana Vymazalová and Miroslav Bárta (Prague: Czech Institute of
Egyptology, Faculty of Arts, Charles University in Prague, 2008), 156-161. See also Hartwig Altenmüller, “Väter,
Brüder und Götter: Bemerkungen zur Szene der Übergabe der Lotusblüte,” in “Zur Zierde Gereicht…”: Festschrift
Bettina Schmitz zum 60. Geburtstag am 24. Juli 2008, ed. Antje Spiekermann (Hildesheim: Gerstenberg, 2008), 17-28.
16
provincial sites that iconographic and epigraphic programs contained clues for the
familial value.62
Private tomb decoration is a valuable source for the study of the society and the
funerary religion of the Old Kingdom. Studies of these scenes provide the context for
part of “daily life,” such as agricultural and industrial production, including fishing,
fowling, baking and brewing, potting, etc.63 Other scenes may have been explicitly
associated with the funerary religion, such as scenes depicting rituals, making offerings,
and funeral processions.64 Individuals who participated in these daily and ritual activities
are also of great interest to scholars. Vandier not only discusses a variety of types of
scenes in tomb decoration but also summarizes the attitudes of major and minor figures in
62
Juan Carlos Moreno García, “La gestion sociale de la mémoire dans l’Égypte du IIIe millénaire: les tombes des
particuliers, entre emploi privée et idéologie publique,” 215-242.
63
For discussions of these scenes, see Pierre Montet, Scenes de la vie privee dans les tombeaux Egyptiens de l’Ancien
Empire (Paris: Strasbourg University, 1925), Luise Klebs, Die Reliefs des Alten Reiches (2980-2475 V. Chr.): Material
zur Ägyptischen Kulturgeschichte (Heidelberg: Winter, 1915), 1-117, and Jacques Vandier, Manuel d’archéologie
Égyptienne IV, tome IV: bas-reliefs et peintures - scènes de la vie quotidienne (Paris: Éditions A. et J. Picard et Cie,
1964), 171-295, 328-348, 364-388, 391-417, 493-507. For a computer-based dataset for scenes about daily life, see
René van Walsem, Mastabase: The Leiden Mastaba Project (Leuven: Peeters, 2008). For a brief description of daily
life scenes in the Old Kingdom tombs, see Bertha Porter and Rosalind L. Moss, Topographical Bibliography, vol. III
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1979), and provincial tombs in vols. IV and V. For the texts associated with the scenes, see
Adolf Erman, Reden, Rufe und Lieder auf Gräberbildern des Alten Reiches (Berlin: Verlag der Akademie der
Wissenschaften in Kommission bei G. Reimer, 1919). See also Grapow’s study on the dialogues between the figures in
daily life scenes, in Hermann Grapow, “Wie die Alten Ägypter sich anredeten, wie sie sich grüßten und wie sie
miteinander sprachen: I. Zum Formalen und Syntaktischen der Anreden, Anrufe, Ausrufe, Wünsche und Grüße,”
Abhandlungen der Preußischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin 1939(11): 1-51; Hermann Grapow, “Wie die
Alten Ägypter sich anredeten, wie sie sich grüßten und wie sie miteinander sprachen: II. Die Verwendung der
Anreden,” Abhandlungen der Preußischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin 1940 (12): 1-99; Hermann Grapow,
“Wie die Alten Ägypter sich anredeten, wie sie sich grüßten und wie sie miteinander sprachen: III. Zur Verwendung
von Anrufen, Ausrufen, Wünschen und Grüßen,” Abhandlungen der Preußischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu
Berlin 1941 (11): 1-120; Hermann Grapow, “Wie die Alten Ägypter sich anredeten, wie sie sich grüßten und wie sie
miteinander sprachen: IV (Schluß). Fragen und Antworten; Aufbau der Gespräche und ihre Wiedergabe in den Texten;
vom Sprechen miteinander und voneinander; von den Sprechweisen und von Der Sprache des Gesprochenen,”
Abhandlungen der Preußischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin 1943 (7): 1-171.
64
For a discussion of scenes of funerary cult, see Klebs, Die Reliefs Des Alten Reiches (2980-2475 V. Chr.): Material
Zur Ägyptischen Kulturgeschichte, 119-141. Wilson reconstructs the procedure of the funeral based on scenes in the
tombs of Mereruka and Ankhmahor, see John A. Wilson, “Funeral Services of the Egyptian Old Kingdom,” Journal of
Near Eastern Studies 3, no. 4 (1944): 203-218. For the priests, their titles, and iconography, as well as the s#X ritual, see
John Steven Thompson, Jr., “The Iconography of the Memphite Priesthood in Egypt’s Elite Tombs of the Old
Kingdom.” (PhD diss., University of Pennsylvania, 2014), 236-278.
17
these scenes, including the tomb owner and his wife, their family members, offering
bearers, scribes, personified domains, and dancers, though his examples are not limited to
the Old Kingdom.65 A study focusing on tomb decoration of the Old Kingdom by Harpur
includes a detailed discussion of a variety of types of scenes and their positions in tomb
chapels, and an analysis of minor figures, such as relatives of the tomb owner, offering
bearers, and workers.66 She also includes a brief discussion of the representations of
family members, such as their position within the chapel decoration and their stances.67
priestesses, as well as their duties in funerary rituals.68 The study of iconography usually
focuses on the interpretation of the content of the images, such as the theme or subject,
compositions, the gestures of the figures, the symbolic value of the image, and other
elements that are distinct from the artistic style.69 However, the variation in artistic style,
though out of the scope of this study, is also co-related to iconographic changes, and may
difference in the style of both statues and reliefs of the Sixth Dynasty. During this period,
new features, such as overlarge heads, long torsos with a narrow waist, and large, wide
65
Vandier, Manuel D’archéologie Égyptienne IV, 58-80, 181-86, 113-35, 195-216, 391-533.
66
Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom, 43-172. See also Brigitte Dominicus, Gesten und
Gebärden in Darstellungen des Alten und Mittleren Reiches (Heidelberg: Heidelberger Orientverlag, 1994), 77-84,
125-174.
67
Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom, 43-172.
68
Thompson, “The Iconography of the Memphite Priesthood in Egypt’s Elite Tombs of the Old Kingdom.”
69
For the discussion of iconography, see The van Walsem, Iconography of Old Kingdom Elite Tombs, 21-22.
70
John Baines, “On the Status and Purposes of Ancient Egyptian Art,” in Visual and Written Culture in Ancient Egypt,
ed. John Baines (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 298-337.
18
eyes on the faces, mark a “second style” in Old Kingdom art.71 The second style not only
existed in the Memphite region, but also influenced tomb decoration in the provincial
sites.72 Although this dissertation does not discuss the artistic style reflected in the
representations of family members, it is clear that many examples from the Sixth Dynasty
display the features of the second style, such as the tomb of Ppy-onX-Hrj-jb at Meir.73 An
insight into the depiction of family members and how it relates to the second style may be
For many years, scholars have made significant efforts to improve our
understanding of Old Kingdom funerary practices and their social implications. Their
studies provide a useful context for such an investigation of the involvement of family
members and their appearance in certain scenes associated with the private funerary cult.
Installations associated with funerary cults such as domains (ḥwt) and funerary estates
(pr- ḏt or ḏt) are of great interest to many scholars.74 Swinton’s work on the management
of the estates is based on reliefs and paintings on tomb walls. She surveys a variety of
71
Russmann observed such features on statuary. For detailed discussion, see Edna R.Russmann, “A Second Style in
Egyptian art of the Old Kingdom,” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo 51 (1995):
269-279. Changes in reliefs including very low relief, round cheek, rimmed mouth with a drill hole in the corner, naso-
labial fold that curves to the mouth, and longish ears that placed high on the head. For the discussion of the second style
in reliefs, see Edward Brovarski, “A Second Style in Egyptian Relief of the Old Kingdom,” in Egypt and Beyond:
Essays Presented to Leonard H. Lesko upon His Retirement from the Wilbour Chair of Egyptology at Brown University
June 2005, eds. Stephen E. Thompson and Peter Der Manuelian (Providence, RI: Brown Univ., Dep. of Egyptology
and Ancient Western Asian Studies, 2008), 49-89.
72
Brovarski, “A Second Style in Egyptian Relief of the Old Kingdom,” 84.
73
Brovarski, “A Second Style in Egyptian Relief of the Old Kingdom,” 81.
74
For the discussion on ḏt and ḥwt, see Montet, Scenes de la vie privee dans les tombeaux egyptiens de l’Ancien
Empire, 380-384, and Ibram Harari Bernadette and Menu, “La notion de propriété privée dans l’Ancien Empire
égyptien,” Cahiers de Recherches de lnstitut de Papyrologie et Egyptologie de Lille 2 (1974): 126-154. See also Karin
B. Gödecken, Eine Betrachtung der Inschriften des Meten im Rahmen der Sozialen und rechtlichen Stellung von
Privatleuten im Ägyptischen Alten Reich (Wiesbaden: In Kommission bei O. Harrassowitz, 1976), 304-315; Jurij
Jakovlevič Perepelkin, Privateigentum in der Vorstellung der Ägypter des Alten Reichs, trans. Renate Müller-
Wollermann (Tübingen: Renate Müller-Wollermann, 1986), 29-111 ; Bernadette Menu, “Fondations et concessions
royales de terres en Égypte ancienne,” Dialogues d’histoire ancienne 21(1995): 21-23. Violaine Chauvet, “The
Conception of Private Tombs in the Late Old Kingdom” (PhD diss., Johns Hopkins University, 2004), 82-108.
19
activities and resources of the estate and provides insight into micro-level operations of
the funerary endowments by discussing different types of resources and the production of
goods for funerary purposes.75 Perepelkin investigates the meaning and the use of the
word ḏt, and his study provides a new perspective in understanding the nature of the
private funerary cult. In his discussion of the meaning of ḏt, he analyzes the occurrences
such as the brothers and children of the (pr-) ḏt.76 He also suggests that the word ḏt is a
between the private and public (royal) sectors of the economy to support tomb
construction and the private funerary cult. However, his research does not include a
detailed discussion of scenes associated with inscriptions containing the term ḏt. The
processions of the personalized domains provide further evidence for the financing of the
funerary cult. Jacquet-Gordon’s seminal study on this subject includes hundreds of names
of funerary domains from both royal and non-royal monuments from the Fourth to the
Eighth Dynasties. She observes a decrease of royal involvement in supporting the private
funerary cult towards the end of the Fifth Dynasty. 78 Chauvet, in her discussion of the
conception of private tombs in the later Old Kingdom, also observes a shift in
responsibility for the construction of the monuments from the king to the tomb owner
himself.79 According to her study, the construction of tombs in the Old Kingdom
75
Joyce Swinton, The Management of Estates and Their Resources in the Egyptian Old Kingdom (Oxford:
Archaeopress, 2012), 15-126.
76
Perepelkin, Privateigentum in der Vorstellung der Ägypter des Alten Reichs, 158-159.
77
Perepelkin, Privateigentum in der Vorstellung der Ägypter des Alten Reichs, 234-246.
78
Helen Jacquet-Gordon, Les Noms Des Domaines Funéraires Sous L’ancien Empire Égyptien, (Le Caire: Impr. de
l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale, 1962), 7-19.
79
Chauvet, “The Conception of Private Tombs in the Late Old Kingdom,” 2-3.
20
involved not only the tomb owner himself, but also his relatives, such as children,
siblings, and parents.80 Although she discusses how family members contributed to the
construction of the tomb, her study focuses mainly on phraseological analysis of texts
Methodology
The present study consists of two major sections. The first section, consisting of
three chapters, examines and categorizes the iconography of family members and
specifics of the family members, such as clothing, jewelry, stances, and items in use or
carried, as well as the designations, titles, and captions of the scenes. This section
presents the data in a descriptive and statistical manner and categorizes the depictions of
family members by stance types. Based on the categorization and analysis in the first
section, the second section further interprets the observation in the first section and
Classification and statistical methods are useful tools when analyzing a dataset
with a large number of samples. Due to the diversity of the depictions of family
members, the classification of the data is developed here on multiple criteria, including
the stances of the figure, the accessories which they carry, their positions in the scene or
related to the tomb owner, and their involvement in certain types of activities. These
criteria help to define each category precisely. The depictions of family members are
80
Chauvet, “The Conception of Private Tombs in the Late Old Kingdom,” 161-289.
21
divided into seven types, each containing several sub-types. The numbering system uses
the alphabet to represent types and Arabic numerals to stand for subtypes. Chapter 1
discusses the typology and lists all the stance types and associated subtypes.
The dataset, however, has many gaps because of the nature of archeological record. Not
all elite tombs survived, and modern-day archeologists are able to excavate only part of
the preserved ones. Due to this situation, statistical methodology based on this incomplete
dataset is not supposed to be a descriptive one. Even worse, the state of preservation
varies regionally, and damage to a single tomb chapel do not display a random
distribution.81 This nonrandom sampling indicates that the statistical methodology in this
study is, theoretically, not an inferential one either. Moreover, it is difficult to know if the
lost scenes in a tomb contain representations of family members, which can make it
impossible to estimate the size of the family, i.e., the number of children that the tomb
owner has. For the above reasons, this statistical analysis is sufficient and valid only
when the dataset covers as much data as possible. Archeological evidence is almost never
complete. Therefore, a survey of all available published tombs makes the results
statistically significant. The extensive dataset makes it valid to calculate the probability
81
As observed by Baer in his study of titles, the upper part of wall is more likely to be lost, which causes trouble in
searching for the beginning of the strings of titles of the tomb owner. See Klaus Baer, Rank and Title in the Old
Kingdom: The Structure of the Egyptian Administration in the Fifth and Sixth Dynasties (Chicago: The University of
Chicago Press, 1960), 10-11.
22
This study also applies multiple methods to interpret the materials, including
observation, description, classification, and synthesis. The analysis of the data examines
both overall synchronous and diachronic patterns, as well as singular features represented
Weber develops the concept of the ideal type in his discussion of societal understanding
from an objective point of view and abstracts of this understanding into conceptual
elements.83 The ideal type of family relations that researchers identify represents an etic
approach, which is a study from the outside of the culture through external criteria by
using general concepts. In general, a study based on reliefs, wall paintings, and
into the hierarchical social system to help place an uncontrolled natural reality within the
social order.85 Therefore, the understanding of the Egyptian familial ideology requires not
only an etic approach but also an emic one using the Egyptian concepts and internal
criteria within the cultural system.86 To understand the meaning and purpose of the
82
David L, Harvey, and Michael Reed, “Social Science as the Study of Complex Systems.” In Chaos Theory in the
Social Sciences: Foundations and Applications, eds. L. Douglas Kiel and Euel Elliott (Ann Arbor, Mich.: University of
Michigan Press, 1997), 313-314.
83
Max Weber and Edward Shils, The Methodology of the Social Sciences (New York: Free Press, 1949), 100-102.
84
For the application of these approaches in the analysis on the Letter to the Dead, see Gianluca Miniaci, “Reuniting
Philology and Archaeology: The ‘Emic’ and ‘Etic’ in the Letter of the Dead Qau Bowl UC16163 and Its Context,”
Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 143, no. 1 (2016): 88-105.
85
Assuming that one cannot control to whom he or she was born and how many children he or she would have and
what kind of person they would grow into.
86
For the discussion of the etic and emic approaches, see van Walsem, Iconography of Old Kingdom Elite Tombs, 41.
23
members. Wittgenstein describes it as “das Ganze: der Sprache und der Tätigkeiten, mit
denen sie verwoben ist” and “einer Tätigkeit, order einer Lebensform.”87 A language-
game refers to a simple example of language use with relevant actions and rules into
which the language is woven. In this theory, language is not a reflection of reality but
communication between two parties using definitions (or vocabulary) and rules (or
grammar) that both of the parties accept and understand. Therefore, a language-game is
not the language itself but an action of communication set in a specific context,
consisting of the speaker, the audience, and the rule. Moreover, art, image, and
iconography are “image language-games” that share the same features with the language-
of rules that the creator of the image used to communicate with the audience.
In the case of the decorative program in an Old Kingdom elite chapel, the tomb
owner depicted his family members in a variety of ways as reflections of aspects of the
familial ideology. These depictions, associated with relevant texts, were rendered in a
mode that reflected religious and funerary ideas and responded to artistic canons,
prevailing social conventions, and decorum. They also absorbed regional and local styles
and were individually adjusted according to the needs and agenda of the tomb owner, his
87
Ludwig Wittgenstein, Philosophische Untersuchungen: Kritisch-Genetische Edition. 1. Aufl. (Frankfurt am Main:
Suhrkamp, 2001), Spätfassung, §7d and §23b. He further explains the Spachespiel in §§65-88.
88
Garry Hagberg, Art as Language: Wittgenstein, Meaning and Aesthetic Theory (Ithaca: Cornell University Press,
1998), 130-135. Hagberg gives an example of painters in a studio using a bright red stroke on the canvas to express a
particular feeling as a parallel to Wittgenstein’s discussion of the “beetle in the box.” See Wittgenstein, Philosophische
Untersuchungen, §293.
24
or her family, and the community. These are the rules used in the image language-games
that both the tomb owner, and the audience would accept and understand, including
family members, relatives, priests, friends, and visitors who saw the images when they
entered the chapel to make offerings. As van Walsem suggests, one can not only apply
the concept of the language-game to the analysis of Old Kingdom tomb decoration but
also take the entire tomb as a complex entity simultaneously expressed by the ancient
The second section deals with the role of family members in the funerary cult as
members as offering bearers in a variety of stances and the nature of the stpt-offerings
that they carry. It also discusses other types of sources, including legal texts and the
Appeal to the Living inscribed on chapel walls, Letters to the Dead, and the inscriptions
on funerary vases from Qubbet el-Hawa. These sources are language-games with
different starting points, audience, and foci. A comparison between the depiction of
family members making offerings and relevant textual evidence further reveals the
complex relationship between the tomb owner and his family members when they play
This thesis uses “tomb owner” rather than the “deceased” to refer to the one for
whom the decorations, inscriptions, and the main false door in the aboveground chapels
are dedicated. If a couple is buried in the same tomb, the tomb owner refers to the
89
van Walsem, Iconography of Old Kingdom Elite Tombs, 68-69.
25
husband and the wife is referred as the “wife of the tomb owner” or “the wife.”90 There
90
According to Fischer, the determinative is omitted from the tomb owner’s name but the name of his wife usually
shows a determinative, see Henry G. Fischer, “Archaeological Aspects of Epigraphy and Palaeography,” in Ancient
Egyptian Epigraphy and Palaeography, eds. Ricardo A. Caminos and Henry G. Fischer (New York: Metropolitan
Museum of Art, 1976), 33-34. See also Henry G. Fischer, “Redundant Determinatives in the Old Kingdom,”
Metropolitan Museum Journal 8 (1973): 7-25.
26
As the most prominent family members, children of the tomb owner usually
appear in a variety of ways in scenes on the wall of their parents’ tomb chapels. Modern
researchers identified them as children because of the kinship designations inscribed next
to their figures. A male figure labeled z#.f “his son” represents the son of the tomb owner,
while a female figure with the label z#t.f refers to the daughter. The third person
masculine possessive pronoun .f relates to the male tomb owner. The ancient Egyptians
also apply the third person feminine pronoun .s to the kinship terms to refer to the
The designation z#.f “his son” occurs 550 times in the dataset. When a son appears
in the tomb or on the false door of his mother, or next to his mother in a scene in his
father’s tomb, he might have the designation z#.s “her son.” It occurs only 19 times in the
dataset.92 Thirty sons have the designation sm.f “his child,” while only one son is called
The most common designation for daughters, z#t.f “his daughter” occurs 163
times, and z#t.s “her daughter” 31 times. Daughers with the designation msw.f “his
children” occur 36 times in the dataset, while 7 daughters are msw.s “her children.”94
91
Tables in Appendix II.1 list the designations and titles of children in all the tombs in the dataset.
92
Including Wnšt (G4840), Mr.s-onḫ III (G 7530 + 7540), Ḥmt-Ro, Ḥzj, Ḫnt-k#w.s, Ṯtw I / K#(.j)-nswt (G 2001) at Giza;
Mrrw-k#.j / Mrj, Tp-m-onḫ (D11) at Saqqara; K#(.j)-m-nfrt (El-Hagarsa A3) ; Špss-pw-Mnw / H̱nj / H̱n-onḫw / H̱n-onḫ
(El-Hawawish H24); Jdw / Snnj (el-Qasr wa-‘l-Saiyad, T 66, No. 1, Lepsius); Ḫwj (Qubbet el-Hawa, de Morgan A5);
Ḫw-ns (Qubbet el-Hawa, de Morgan A6); Nj-k#.j-onḫ I (Tehna Tomb 15); Nj-k#.j-onḫ II (Tehna Tomb 15).
93
In the tomb of Ḫnt-k#w.s at Giza.
94
One in the tomb of Ḫnt-k#w.s at Giza, and the other six in the tomb of Pr-nḏw at Saqqara.
27
the paternal line of the family. Moreover, the depiction of daughters is more popular in
Giza than in Saqqara. The number of daughters depicted in Giza tombs is as twice as that
in Saqqara. The following table and figure show the number of daughters depicted in
tomb chapels.
194
163
102
85
47
45
44
34
31
17
11
The designations z#.s and z#t.s generally occurs in the chapel of a female tomb
owner or on the false door of the wife. In the chapel of Wott-xt-Or / ZSzSt, the wife of
Mrrw-k#.j, her son Mry-vtj is regularly described as z#.s smsw mry.s “her eldest son, her
28
beloved,” while her daughter Jb-nbw is designated as z#t.s mrt.s nt xt.s “her daughter, her
appear in the same chapel; interestingly enough, kinship terms with possessive pronouns
$nmw-nDm(w) stands behind the wife, designated as z#.f.s mry.f.s “his and her son, his
and her beloved one.” The other son who stands behind the tomb owner is simply
described as z#.f “his son,” without the feminine suffix pronoun. The application of
both .f and .s in this case may have been a result of the son’s position behind the wife.
z#.f smsw “his eldest son” is a common designation that occurs 197 times in the
dataset. It is more popular in the Saqqara region, with 60 occurrences reported at Giza, 93
at Saqqara, and 44 at provincial sites. The designation z#t.f smsw “his eldest daughter”
occurs only 7 times, 3 at Giza and 4 at provincial sites.97 In all the tombs in which z#t.f
smsw occurs, z#.f smsw also appears. This coexistence demonstrates that the designations
z#.f smsw and z#t.f smsw refer to the eldest male and female child respectively, not the
first child of the family. Like the eldest son, the eldest daughter also precedes other
daughters when they appear in a sequence. In the tomb of %w-ns at Zawyet el-Amwat
(No. 2), for example, the eldest daughter appears in front of the other four daughters, all
95
Naguib Kanawati and M. Abder-Raziq, Mereruka and His Family, Part II: The Tomb of Waatetkhethor, Australian
Centre for Egyptology: Reports 26 (Oxford: Aris and Philipps, 2008), 11-12.
96
Henry G. Fischer, “Some Early Monuments from Busiris, in the Egyptian Delta,” Metropolitan Museum Journal
11(1976): 6-8, figs. 1-2.
97
Including the tombs of K#(.j)-Xnt (G 2088), Ho.f-Ro-onX (G 7948), #Xtj-Htp at Giza, %w-ns at Zawyet el-Amwat (No.
2), Vtj at El-Hawawish (Field Museum 31700, Chicago), Mry II at El-Hagarsa (C2), and Mry-o# at El-Hagarsa (D18).
29
Another example of an eldest daughter is a relief from the tomb of Vtj at El-
Hawawish (Field Museum 31700, Chicago). A woman labeled z#t.f smsw stands at the
end of a sequence of four individuals, including the tomb owner, his wife, and two sons.
It is unclear if she is the third child of the couple. The height of her figure is slightly
smaller than those of the tomb owner, the wife, and the eldest son, and is the same as the
Figure 3. Tomb of Vtj at El-Hawawish (Field Museum 31700, Chicago), Kanawati, El-Hawawish VI, 61, figs. 31.
30
11),98 a daughter named Tp-m-nfr appears as the first child on the left outer jamb of the
wife Nbw-Htp (CG 1415), above a son called Om-Mnw. This position reflects her status as
the eldest child, or at least elder than Om-Mnw, although her designation is just z#t.s,
without smsw. It is interesting to note that Om-Mnw is designated z#.f smsw on the false
door of his father (CG 1564) given the fact that he has an elder sister.99
98
The tomb was found and recorded by Mariette. The whole mastaba has not yet been published, and fragments from
this tomb went into different collctions. The corridor contains the false doors for vp-m-onX’s wife, Nbw-Htp (CG 1415),
his son, Om-mnw (CG 1417), and himself (CG 1564). For publications of this tomb, see PM III, 483-484; Mariette, Les
Mastabas De L’ancien Empire, 196-201; Ludwig Borchardt, Denkmäler des alten Reiches (ausser den Statuen) im
Museum von Kairo, vol. 1 (Berlin: Reichsdruckerei, 1937), 84-87, 89-91, pls. 19-20; Ludwig Borchardt, Denkmäler des
alten Reiches (ausser den Statuen) im Museum von Kairo, vol. 2 (Le Caire: Organisme Général des Imprimeries
Gouvernementales, 1964), 28-30, pl. 64; William S. Smith, “The Origin of Some Unidentified Old Kingdom Reliefs,”
American Journal of Archaeology 46, no.4 (October-December, 1942): 516-518. Christiane Ziegler, Catalogue des
stèles, peintures et reliefs égyptiens de l’Ancien Empire et de la Première Période Intermédiaire vers 2686-2040 avant
J.-C. (Paris: Réunion des musées nationaux, 1990), 262-265; Peter Der Manuelian, “Market Scene from the Tomb of
Tep-em-ankh,” in Egyptian Art in the Age of the Pyramids, eds. Dorothea Arnold and Christiane Ziegler (New York:
Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1999), 404-407. Silverman discusses the seal signs and the relevant titles in this tomb.
See David P. Silverman, “Pectorals, Seals, and Seal Cases(?),” in Essays for the Library of Seshat: Studies Presented to
Janet H. Johnson on the Occasion of Her 70th Birthday, ed. Robert K. Ritner (Chicago: The Oriental Institute of the
University of Chicago, 2017), 345-362.
99
For a discussion of these false doors, see Silverman, “Pectorals, Seals, and Seal Cases(?),” 352-354.
31
Z# or z#t may combine with modifiers such as mry.f and mrt.f, “his beloved one,”
or, occasionally, mry.s and mrt.s “her beloved one.” The expression z#.f mry.f “his son,
his beloved one” occurs 73 times in the dataset: 13 in Giza, 23 in Saqqara, and 37 in
provincial sites. Its female counterpart, z#t.f mrt.f “his daughter, his beloved one” occurs
22 times: 5 in Giza, 6 in Saqqara, and 11 in provincial sites.100 Given the relatively small
number of tombs in the provincial sites in the dataset, the modifier mry is, therefore, more
prevalent in provincial sites. The designations z#.s mry.s and z#t.s mry.s are much less
common. The former occurs in two tombs: %nt-k#w.s at Giza and Cpss-pw-Mnw / $nj at
El-Hawawish (H24). The latter occurs in two tombs: WnSt at Giza (G4840) and Mrrw-k#.j
/ Mrj at Saqqara.
designation z#.f smsw mry.f occurs 70 times in the dataset: 12 in Giza, 35 in Saqqara, and
designations.
100
Including Jj-mry (G 6020, LG 15), Jrj-n-#ḫtj / Jrj (G 2391), Pr-snb (LG 78), and Sḫm-onḫ-Ptḥ (G 7152) at Giza ;
Wnnj, Mṯṯj, double tomb of Nj-onḫ- H̱nmw and H̱nmw -ḥtp, Nj-k#w-Ro, Nfr-sSm-Ro / Šsj, and K#.j-ḏ#w at Saqqara; Jttj /
Šdw at Deshasha; Mry II (El-Hagarsa C2); K#(.j)-ḫnt (El-Hammamiya A2); Nhwt-dšr / Mry (El-Hawawish G95); Ḥzy-
Mnw / Zzj / Dwdy (El-Hawawish F1); Špss-pw-Mnw / H̱nj / H̱n-onḫw / H̱n-onḫ (El-Hawawish H24); Dw#-Mnw (El-
Hawawish L6); Ppy-onḫ-ḥrj-jb (Meir No. D2); S#bnj [I] (Qubbet el-Hawa, de Morgan A1, east tomb).
32
z#.f smsw z#t.f smsw z#.f mry.f z#t.f mrt.f z#.f smsw mry.f
196
92
72
70
60
44
37
35
23
22
22
13
12
11
7
6
5
4
3
Another common expression in combination with the kinship terms z# and z#t is n
xt.f. The designation z#.f n xt.f “son of his body” occurs 28 times in the dataset: 25 in
Giza and 2 in Saqqara.101 Without a doubt, the expression z# n xt.f is popular and mainly
occurs in the Giza area. Its female counterpart z#t n xt.f “daughter of his body” occurs
only four times, all in Giza.102 Additionally, the expression z#.f smsw n xt.f “his eldest son
of his body” occurs in the tomb of E#ty at Giza. The expression z#.f smsw n xt.f mry.f “his
eldest son of his body, his beloved one” comes from the tomb of Jntj at Saqqara as the
designation for both sons of the tomb owner. The only use of z#t.s mrt.s n xt.s “her
101
Only in the tombs of onḫ-m-o-ḥr / Zzj and Nj-onḫ-Ppy / Nj-onḫ-Mry-Ro at Saqqara. The following tombs at Giza
containing the designation z#.f n xt.f: J(w)fj, Jttj (G 7391), W#š-Ptḥ, Mry-jb / K#-pw-nswt (G 2100-I-annexe, LG 24),
Ḫo.f-Ro-onḫ (G 7948), H̱nmw-ḥtp (Fakhry 4), Zṯw (G 4710, LG 49), Snḏm-jb / Jntj (G 2370), Sš#t-ḥtp / Htj (G 5150),
Sšm-nfr I (G 4940, LG 45), K#.j-pw-nswt / K#j (G 4651), K#(.j)-nj-nswt I (G 2155), Ṯtw II (G 2343-G 5511), Ḏ#ty (G
2337-x).
102
G 6052, Nj-ḥtp-Ptḥ / Pnj (G 2340, LG 25), Sš#t-ḥtp / Htj (G 5150), and K#(.j)-nj-nswt I (G 2155).
33
daughter, her beloved one of her body” is in the chapel of princess Wott-xt-Or / ZSzSt in
The designation msw.f “his children” and its variation msw.f n(w) xt.f “his
children of his body” occur in 14 cases: 10 in Giza (including two examples of msw.f
n(w) xt.f),103 3 in Saqqara,104 and only one example of msw.f n(w) xt.f in the tomb of
Ḫw.n-wḫ / Ṯṯj (Quseir el-Amarna Tomb 2). The distribution indicates that it is more
popular in the Giza region. This term usually refers to children depicted in a group which
may consist of both sons and daughters. Sometimes the word has both seated man and
woman determinatives, even when it is used to refer to daughters, such as the case in
Tomb M XVIII at Abu Rowash (Figure 6). In the tomb of cSm-nfr II at Giza (G 5080),
however, msw.f with both man and woman determinatives is inscribed in front of a group
of three men. In the tomb of Nswt-nfr at Giza, as many as seven men and nine women are
marked as msw.f n(w) xt.f. Msw.s “her children,” occurs only in two cases in the dataset,
once in the tomb of %nt-k#w.s at Giza, and once in the tomb of Pr-nḏw at Saqqara. Both
examples occur on the false door of the wife. Additionally, the tomb of cS#t-Htp / !tj has
one example of ms.f Dt. On the west wall of his chapel, a man named onX-m-o-k#.j appears
with the designation ms.f Dt at the bottom of the left outer jamb of the southern false door.
103
Tomb M XVIII at Abu Rowash, Nj-wḏ#-Ptḥ, Nswt-nfr (G 4970), Sḫm-k#(.j), Sšm-nfr I (G 4940, LG 45), Sšm-nfr II
(G 5080), Sšm-nfr III (G 5170), K#(.j)-m-onḫ (G4561). msw.f n ẖt.f occurs in G 4940 and G 4970.
104
In the double tomb of Nj-onḫ- H̱nmw and H̱nmw -ḥtp and the tomb of K#-ḥr-st.f.
34
Many, though not all, children of the tomb owner have inscriptions relating to
their titles. Titles of sons and daughers may have been related to the titles of their parents
35
transmission.
One of the most common titles for sons is rX-nswt “royal acquaintance.”105 It
occurs 42 times in the dataset: 29 in Giza, 12 in Saqqara, and two in provincial sites.106
and one at Tehna. Among the 28 tomb owners, 18 also bear the title rX-nswt. In other
words, in 64% cases, both the father and the son bear this title. For the 10 tomb owners
not bearing the title rX-nswt, 4 of them have the designations z# nswt “king’s son” or z#
nswt n xt.f “king’s son of his body.”108 In the rest of the cases, the tomb owners bear titles
such as smr woty “sole companion,”109 Xrp oH “director of the oH-palace,”110 jmy-r# pr-HD
“overseer of the Treasury,”111 and jmy-r# Cmow “overseer of Upper Egypt,”112 all related
to the king. Probaly, the sons would be likely to receive the title rX-nswt if their fathers
Daughters do not usually have administrative titles but religious and honorific
105
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 327-328. Fischer, Egyptian Women of the Old Kingdom and of the
Heracleopolitan Period, 30.
106
Nj-k#.j-onḫ II (Tehna Tomb 15) and K#(.j)-ḫnt (El-Hammamiya A2).
107
Nfr-nṯr, Ro-špss (Lepsius LS 16 [S 902]), Sḫm-k# (north-west of D 62), K#-ḥ#.j, Ṯy (No. 60 [D 22]), Dw#-Ro, and Ḏf-
#w (D 25).
108
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 799. The tombs are Mry-jb / K#-pw-nswt (G 2100-I-annexe, LG 24),
Ḥmt-Ro, Sḫm-k#-Ro (LG 89), and K#(.j)-nj-nswt I (G 2155).
109
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 892. In the tomb of Ms-z# at Giza and Ṯy (No. 60 [D 22]) at Saqqara.
110
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 707. In the tomb of K#w-nswt at Giza.
111
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 123. In the tomb of Ḏf-#w (D 25) at Saqqara.
112
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 246. In the tomb of Ro-špss (Lepsius LS 16 [S 902]) at Saqqara.
113
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 540. For religious titles held by women in the Old Kingdom, see Fischer,
Egyptian Women of the Old Kingdom and of the Heracleopolitan Period, 24.
36
Neith,”114 xkrt nswt “ornament of the king,”115 Spst nswt “noblewoman of the king,”116
and rXt-nswt “(female) royal acquaintance, she who is known to the king.”117 The title
rXt-nswt is one of the most common titles among daughters, with a total number of 29
occurrences in sixteen tombs in the dataset: 20 in eight tombs in Giza,118 6 in five tombs
in Saqqara,119 and 3 in three tombs in provincial sites.120 In nine of the fifteen tombs, the
tomb owner has the title rX-nswt or rXt-nswt. For the remaining six tombs, two of the
tomb owners are z#t nswt “king’s daughter,”121 three smr woty,122 and one sHD pr-o#
“inspector of the Great House.”123 It is likely that daughters would be given the title rXt-
nswt if their parents have the same title. Titles such as z#t nswt and sHD pr-o#, presumably,
are related to royalty. Therefore, it is not surprising that their daughters held the title rXt-
nswt. This phenomenon indicates that the title is not hereditary, but displays some
correlation between the older and the younger generations in the family.
The intergenerational correlation also applies to religious titles such as Hm-nTr and
wob, or other priestly titles relating to kings, gods, and temples. When sons bear these
religious titles, their fathers are very likely to have had the same or related titles. In the
114
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 529. Fischer, Egyptian Women of the Old Kingdom and of the
Heracleopolitan Period, 30. Some scholars translate the title as “decorated by the king,” see Del Nord, “Xkrt-nswt =
‘kings’s concubine’?” Serapis 2 (1970): 1-16 and Rosemarie Drenkhahn, “Bemerkungen zu dem Titel xkr.t nswt,”
Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur 4 (1976): 59-67. William A. Ward, “Reflections on Some Egyptian Terms Presumed
to Mean ‘Harem, Harem-woman, Concubine’,” Berytus 31(1983): 74.
115
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 794.
116
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 990. This title first appeared in the Sixth Dynasty and was popular in the
provincial sites, see Fischer, Egyptian Women of the Old Kingdom and of the Heracleopolitan Period, 31.
117
The female counterpart of the title rX-nswt, see Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 327-328. See also
Fischer, Egyptian Women of the Old Kingdom and of the Heracleopolitan Period, 30.
118
Tomb M XVIII at Abu Rowash, Wnšt (G4840, VII SS), Nswt-nfr (G 4970), Ḥmt-Ro, Ḫwj-n-Ptḥ, Ḫww-wr (LG 95),
Ḫntj, and Zṯw (G 4710, LG 49).
119
Pr-sn (D45), double tomb of Nj-onḫ- H̱nmw & H̱nmw -ḥtp, Nj-k#w-Ro, Nj-k#w-Ḥr (Quibell S 915), and Wr-b#w (in
the same tomb of K#-ḥ#.j).
120
Provincial sites: Mry II (El-Hagarsa C2), Nhwt-dšr / Mry (El-Hawawish G95), and Ppy-onḫ-ḥrj-jb (Meir No. D2).
121
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 817. In the tombs of Wnšt (G4840, VII SS) and Ḥmt-Ro at Giza.
122
Zṯw (G 4710, LG 49), on-onḫj (El-Hagarsa B13), and Ppy-onḫ-ḥrj-jb (Meir No. D2).
123
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 924. In the tomb of Pr-sn (D45).
37
dataset, 24 sons bear the titles Hm-nTr “Hm-nTr-priest:”4 in four tombs in Giza, 7 in six
tombs in Saqqara,124 and 13 in eleven tombs in provincial sites.125 For 21 of them, their
fathers are also Hm-nTr-priests or held titles related to Hm-nTr.126 Thirteen sons in the
dataset bear the title wob nswt and relevant titles: 7 in six tombs at Giza and 6 in four
tombs at Saqqara.127 In seven cases, the father and the son both held this title.
Sons usually do not have the same religious titles as their mother. In the tomb of
WnSt at Giza (G 4840), for example, the mother bears the title Hm-nTr Nt mHtt jnb “Hm-nTr
priestess of Neith, Who is north of her Wall,”128 and Hm-nTr Owt-Or nbt nht “Hm-nTr
priestess of Hathor, Mistress of sycamore,”129 while none of her sons hold similar
religious titles, though men bearing these titles have been attested in a few tombs.130
The title xry-Hbt “lector priest”131 is also common among the sons of the tomb
owner. It occurs 9 times in six tombs at Giza,132 23 times in fifteen tombs at Saqqara,133
124
#ḫtj-ḥtp (Louvre E. 10958, Mastaba du Louvre), Mrrw-k#.j / Mrj, double tomb of Nj-onḫ- H̱nmw and H̱nmw -ḥtp,
S#bw / Jbbj, Q#r, and Dw#-Ro.
125
Including tombs of Ḏow / Šm#j (Deir el-Gabrawi No.S12), Sbk-nfr (El-Hagarsa B18), Nhwt-dšr / Mry (El-Hawawish
G95), Ḥzy-Mnw (El-Hawawish M22), Špss-pw-Mnw / H̱nj / H̱n-onḫw / H̱n-onḫ (El-Hawawish H24), Ṯtj (El-Hawawish,
Field Museum 31700, Chicago), Ppy-onḫ-ḥrj-jb (Meir No. D2), Nj-onḫ-Ppy-km / Nj-onḫ-Mry-Ro-km / Ḥpj-km / Sbk-km
(Meir A1), Mrw / Jy (Nag’ el-Deir N3737), Nj-k#.j-onḫ II (Tehna Tomb 15), and Ḫw-ns (Zawyet el-Amwat No. 2).
126
Such as sHD Hm-nTr, jmy-r# Hm-nTr, etc.
127
Tombs of Jj-nfrt, Jnpw-ḥtp, Nj-onḫ-ontj / Njj, Hrw-nfr (G 2353), Sḫm-k#(.j) (G 1029), and Ṯṯj in Giza ; double tomb
of Nj-onḫ- H̱nmw and H̱nmw -ḥtp, tombs of Nj-k#w-Ḥr (Quibell S 915), Sḫm-k# (north-west of D 62), and Dw#-Ro in
Saqqara.
128
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 531.
129
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 545.
130
For example, Nfr-jrt-n.f (D 55 at Saqqara) bears the title sHD Hm-nTr Owt-Or, see van de Walle, La Chapelle
funéraire de Neferirtenef 19, and Auguste Mariette and Gaston Maspero, Les Mastabas De L’ancien Empire: Fragment
Du Dernier Ouvrage De Auguste Édouard Mariette (Paris: F. Vieweg, 1889), 326.
131
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 781.
132
In the tombs of Wp-m-nfrt / Wp, Mry-Ro-mry-Ptḥ-onḫ / Nḫbw (G 2381 with shaft G 2382A), Mr.s-onḫ III (G 7530 +
7540), Mdw-nfr (G 4630), Ḫntj, and Ṯtw I / K#(.j)-nswt (G 2001).
133
In the tombs of #ḫtj-ḥtp (Louvre E. 10958, Mastaba du Louvre), J#rtj, Jnw-Mnw (around Teti Pyramid), W#š-Ptḥ /
Jzj, Ptḥ-ḥtp II / Ṯfj (D 64), Ptḥ-špss (PM III 340-342, Abusir), Mry-Ttj (son of Mrrw-k#.j, in the same tomb), Mrrw-k#.j
/ Mrj, Nj-k#w-Jzzj (around Teti Pyramid), Ḫwj, Ḫnw, Ḫntj-k# / Jḫḫj, S#bw / Jbbj, Špsj-pw-Ptḥ, and Ṯttw / Jnw-Mnw
(north of Teti Pyramid).
38
and 19 times in fourteen tombs at the provincial sites.134 In all the cases at the provincial
sites, the tomb owner has the title xry-Hbt (or xry-Hbt Hry-tp “chief lector-priest”) when
his son holds it.135 In 13 of the fifteen tombs at Saqqara, both the father and his son(s)
bear this title. The situation in Giza, however, is different. Ten tomb owners at Giza with
children depicted in their chapels bear this title, while only two of them share it with their
sons.136 Therefore, we may assume that xry-Hbt displays little evidence for
$ry-Hbt and xry-Hbt Hry-tp are common titles that appear in title sequences.137
$ry-Hbt Hry-tp could be a high position, while an official may become a xry-Hbt at the
early stage of his career.138 If the tomb owner commissions the construction and
decoration of his tomb at the peak of his career as a high official, it is not surprising to
find their sons entitled xry-Hbt as young officials.139 Moreover, xry-Hbt usually coexists
with the title smr woty.140 The coexistence is also true for sons in tombs at Saqqara and
provincial sites.141 The following table shows the tombs in which the son(s) of the tomb
134
Deir el-Gabrawi No.N95, Jbj (Deir el-Gabrawi No.S8), Hnqw I / H̱ttj (Deir el-Gabrawi No.N39), Ḏow / Šm#j (Deir
el-Gabrawi No.S12), Jdw I (Dendera), Q#r / Mry-Ro-nfr (Edfu, M V of Garnot), Ṯ#wtj / Rsy (el-Qasr wa-’l-Saiyad, T 73,
No. 2, Lepsius), Ppy-onḫ-ḥrj-jb (Meir No. D2), Ppy-onḫ-km / Ḫny / Ḫny-km (Meir No. A2), Nj-onḫ-Ppy-km / Nj-onḫ-
Mry-Ro-km / Ḥpj-km / Sbk-km (Meir A1), Nb-Šmow / H̱ttj (Naqada, Vienna, No. 5894), Ḥr-ḫw.f (Qubbet el-Hawa, de
Morgan A8), S#bnj [I] (Qubbet el-Hawa, de Morgan A1, east tomb), and Ḫw.n-wḫ / Ṯṯj (Quseir el-Amarna Tomb 2).
135
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 784.
136
Vtw / K#.j-nswt (G 2001) and Mdw-nfr (G 4630).
137
Baer, Rank and Title in the Old Kingdom, 169-195.
138
If the standard title sequences summarized by Baer can somewhat reflect the career path in the administration. Baer,
Rank and Title in the Old Kingdom, Charts I-III.
139
Nigel Strudwick, The Administration of Egypt in the Old Kingdom: The Highest Titles and Their Holders (London:
KPI, 1985), 7-8.
140
Strudwick, The Administration of Egypt in the Old Kingdom, 226, 230, 262, 288, and 315.
141
No examples of children bearing smr woty occur in tombs at Giza.
39
Table 4. Tombs containing sons bearing both smr woty and xry-Hbt
The title smr woty may also occur alone. Besides those listed in the table, sons in
three tombs at Saqqara hold this title: onX-m-o-Or / Zzj, Wnnj, and Mr.f-nb.f. It is
interesting to note that onX-m-o-Or / Zzj, who is jrj-pot “hereditary prince,”142 H#tj-o
“count,”143 and t#jty z#b T#ty “chief justice and vizier,” 144 does not hold it, although it
142
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 315.
143
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 496.
144
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 1000.
40
usually follows jrj-pot and H#tj-o in the title sequence.145 Similarly, Jnw-Mnw, who is also
a hereditary prince, count and vizier, does not bear this title either. Furthermore, smr-woty
is more popular among sons in provincial sites. Besides the tombs listed in the above
table, examples of sons with this title occur in 20 tombs. All the tomb owners except Jttj /
Another title that sons of the tomb owner usually hold is xry-tp nswt “king’s
liegeman”.146 Nineteen tomb owners have at least one son bearing this title: only one in
Giza, 6 in Saqqara, and 12 in provincial sites. In 17 of these tombs, both the son(s) and
the father bear this title; the only two exceptions are in Saqqara, in the tombs of Ptḥ-Htp
Titles related to Xntyw-S “land-tenant”147 are also common among sons of the
tomb owner, including Xntyw-S, sHD Xntyw-S “inspector of tenants,”148 Xntyw-S Pr-o#
“land-tenant of the Great House,”149 sHD Xntyw-S Pr-o# “inspector of tenants of the Great
the Great House,”151 jmj-Xt Xntyw-S Pr-o# “under-supervisor of tenant landholders of the
Great House,”152 and Xntyw-S of various pyramids.153 Xntyw-S and titles related to it are
popular in Giza and Saqqara. Fourteen tombs at Giza have sons bearing this title,154 as
145
Baer, Rank and Title in the Old Kingdom, 119-201, Charts I-III.
146
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles,788.
147
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 691.
148
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 949.
149
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 692.
150
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 949.
151
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 241.
152
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 295.
153
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 692.
154
Wr-k#.j, Wnšt (G 4840, VII SS), Nj-ḥtp-Ptḥ / Pnj (G 2340, LG 25), Nfr-mšdr-Ḫwfw (G 2240), Nfr-ḫwj (G 2098), Nj-
M#ot-Ro, Rmnw-k#(.j) / Jmj, Ḥzj, Ḫwfw-snb II, Qd-ns II, K#-ḥj.f (G 2136), K#(.j)-ḫnt (G 2088), Tp-m-onḫ (D 20), Dw#-Ro.
41
well as 15 tombs at Saqqara,155 one tomb at Nag’ el-Deir,156 and one at El-Hagarsa.157
This distribution is a result of the nature of Xntyw-S, an office or institution that develops
at the end of the Fifth Dynasty.158 People bearing these titles built their mastaba tombs in
a cluster in the Western Cemetery. At Saqqara, holders of these titles constructed their
tombs in the Teti Cemetery, and later in the Unis Cemetery during the reign of Pepy I.159
Roth’s study shows that the Xntyw-S office holders chose their burial location based on
occupation rather than kinship relations, since few apparent father-son relationships
between these tomb owners at Giza has been well established.160 However, examples of
father and son sharing this title do occur in our dataset. In 10 tombs at Giza and 7 tombs
at Saqqara, both the father and the son(s) bear titles related to Xntyw-S. These examples
Sons may acquire titles that their fathers do not hold, such as the title Hm-k# “ka-
priest”161 (including sHD Hm-k# “inspector of ka-priests”162 and jmy-r# Hm-k# “overseer of
ka-priests”163). Hm-k#, sHD Hm-k#, and jmy-r# Hm-k# are not uncommon among sons of the
tomb owner, especially at Giza. Sons holding the titles Hm-k#, sHD Hm-k#, and jmy-r# Hm-
155
Jnw-Mnw (around Teti Pyramid), onḫ-m-o-ḥr / Zzj, Bj# / Jry, Wr-nw, Bj# / Jry, Mr.f-nb.f / Ffj, Mrrj (around Teti
Pyramid), Mrrw-k#.j / Mrj, Nj-onḫ-Ppy / Nj-onḫ-Mry-Ro, Nfr-sSm-Ro / Šsj, Ḫwj, Ptḥ-špss II, S#bw / Jbbj, Snfrw-jn-jšt.f
(No. 2 Dahshur), Špsj-pw-Ptḥ, Q#r.
156
Mrw / Jy (Nag’ el-Deir N3737).
157
on-onḫj (El-Hagarsa B13).
158
Roth, A Cemetery of Palace Attendants, 40.
159
Roth, A Cemetery of Palace Attendants, 1-3, 13. Naguib Kanawati, Mereruka and King Teti: the Power behind the
Throne (Cairo: Supreme Council of Antiquities Press, 2008), 16.
160
Roth, A Cemetery of Palace Attendants, 43-44.
161
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 591.
162
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 943.
163
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 176.
42
However, it is only in 4 tombs at Giza and one tomb at Qubbet el-Hawa that both the
father and the son(s) bear this title. Individuals entitled Hm-k# in tomb decoration are
offering bearers that bring offerings to the tomb owner;167 they may also perform some of
the rituals for the deceased.168 Therefore, sons bearing this title may have taken a position
in their fathers’ funerary cult, and the title itself may not have been an administrative one
in the government and the court, but rather part of the familial obligation within the
Similar to Hm-k#, the titles z#b zS “juridicial scribe”169 and z#b sHD zS “juridicial
inspector of scribes”170 are also uncommonly shared between the tomb owner and his
provincial sites173—have at least one son bearing z#b zS or z#b sHD zS. In most cases, the
tomb owners do not hold z#b zS or z#b sHD zS, except for #Xtj-Htp at Saqqara (E 17) and St-
k#.j at Giza. Z#b zS and z#b sHD zS are among the titles at the bottom of Baer’s title
164
Jj-mry (G 6020, LG 15), Jrj-n-#ḫtj / Jrj (G 2391), Jttj (G 7391), onḫ-ḥ#.f, W#š-Ptḥ, Nj-sw-sonḫ, Rdj (G 2086), Ḫnt-
k#w.s, Snḏm-jb / Jntj (G 2370), Sš#t-ḥtp / Htj (G 5150), Sšm-nfr IV (LG 53), Špss-k#.f-onḫ.
165
Jj-k#, Nfr-Jnpw (AS 37, Abusir South), Nfr-sšm-Ptḥ / Wḏ#-ḥ#-Ttj / Ššj (around Teti Pyramid, Saqqara 32), double
tomb of Nj-onḫ-H̱nmw & H̱nmw-ḥtp, Špsj-pw-Ptḥ, K#.j-ḏ#w, K#-ḥzw.f (Abusir South, possible son of Nfr-Jnpw).
166
Ḥzy-Mnw / Zzj / Dwdy (El-Hawawish F1), Ḫwj (Qubbet el-Hawa, de Morgan A5), Sbk-ḥtp (Qubbet el-Hawa, de
Morgan B1), Nj-k#.j-onḫ II (Tehna Tomb 15).
167
Thompson, “The Iconography of the Memphite Priesthood in Egypt’s Elite Tombs of the Old Kingdom,” 72.
168
Such as pouring water and burning incense, See Thompson, “The Iconography of the Memphite Priesthood in
Egypt’s Elite Tombs of the Old Kingdom,” 123, 145.
169
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 811.
170
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 814.
171
#ḫtj-mḥw (G 2375), Jdw (G 7102), onḫ-m-z#.f, Wpw#wt-b#.f (Jby’s son), Sšm-nfr IV (LG 53), K#(.j)-dw#, K#-ḥj.f (G
2136), St-k#.j, Sšm-nfr II (G 5080).
172
#ḫtj-ḥtp (E 17), onḫ-m-o-k#(.j) (No. 67 [D 16]), W#š-Ptḥ / Jzj, Pr-sn (D45), Mrrw-k#.j / Mrj, double tomb of Nj-onḫ-
H̱nmw & H̱nmw -ḥtp, Nj-k#w-Ro, Nj-k#w-Ḥr (Quibell S 915), Nfr-Jnpw (AS 37, Abusir South), Nfr-jrt-n.f (D 55), Nṯr-
wsr, Ḥtp-ḥr-#ḫtj (D 60), Sḫm-k# (north-west of D 62), Sšmw (Lepsius LS 5), Q#r, K#.j-ḏ#w, K#-gm-nj / mmj / gmnj,
Pḥ.n-wj-k# (D 70, LS 15), Nfr-ḫww.
173
Ḫw-ns (Zawyet el-Amwat No. 2), K#(.j)-ḫnt (El-Hammamiya A2).
43
sequences in historical periods from the Fifth to the Sixth Dynasties.174 The relatively low
rank of this title might indicate that young officials may acquire these titles at the entry
level of the administration. On the other hand, we may not deny the possibility that sons
bearing z#b zS, like those who serve as the ka-priests, serve in the domestic realm rather
In some cases, children of the tomb owner bear titles related to a specialized
profession, such as sHD n Hsw “inspector of singers.”175 Inscriptions and reliefs from the
tomb of K#-H#.j at Saqqara provide us with examples of musical titles. All three
generations of the K#-H#.j family are engaged in musical professions. The tomb owner
bears titles including Xrp Hsw “director of singers,”176 sHD (n) Hsw, jmy-r# Hsw prwj
“overseer of singers of the Two Houses,”177 and wo m wrw Hsw [pr-?]Dt “unique one
among the great ones and among the singers(?) of the funerary estate,”178 while his sons
and grandsons all hold the title sHD (n) Hsw. Bárta suggests that kinship became a
determinant of one’s position in the administration hierachy and many prestigiuos offices
display a hereditary feature from the reign of Nyuserra.179 This heraditary feature is, no
174
Baer, Rank and Title in the Old Kingdom, 231-239.
175
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 947.
176
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 733.
177
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 182.
178
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 367.
179
Miroslav Bárta, “Kings, Viziers, and Courtiers: Executive Power in the Third Millennium BC,” in Ancient Egyptian
Administration, ed. Juan Carlos Moreno García (Leiden: Brill, 2013), 166.
44
CnDm-jb family. Five male family members from four generations of this single family
appears that titles such as rX-nswt, Hm-nTr, wob nswt, xry-Hbt, smr woty, and Xntyw-S, as
intergenerational transmission. This phenomenon indicates that sons usually follow the
career path of their father. One may find titles such as Hm-k# and z#b sHD zS more likely
connected to the domestic sphere because they are not shared between the tomb owner
and his sons. Most professional and administrative titles are held by the male progeny,
while daughters may bear titles such as rXt-nswt, špst nswt, and ẖkrt nswt, and religious
walls. The analysis of these stances provides a better understanding of family relations
and the role of children in a funerary context, such as family ties and the relationship
between the parents and their children, and the duties of children in the funerary cult.
Children, for instance, may be represented touching the tomb owner and the wife in a
variety of ways. They may also appear as youths, standing or kneeling at the foot of their
parents. Depicted in different stances, they sometimes accompany the tomb owner when
180
Bárta, “Kings, Viziers, and Courtiers: Executive Power in the Third Millennium BC,” 169. Brovarski, The
Senedjemib Complex I, 23-35.
181
A usual example occurs in the tomb of %wj at Qubbet el-Hawa (de Morgan A5), where a daughter bears the title
nbt-pr “mistress of the house”. See note 46.
45
he oversees the activities of the funerary estate, or engages in activities such as spear-
fishing and fowling. They also appear on false doors with their parents and siblings.
1.3.1 Typology
To examine the postures and positions of relatives of the tomb owner, this study
divides the gestures represented on tomb scenes into seven major types, each consisting
of several sub-types. Because of the complexity and diversity of the depiction of stances,
this typology takes into consideration both the location of the relatives in reference to a
major figure (i.e., the tomb owner or his wife) and the stances of the relatives themselves.
Table 5 summarizes the criteria employed in creating the typology in this thesis.
Stance Type A includes gestures that lead to physical contact with a major figure,
such as extending the hand to touch the major figure when standing, seated, or kneeling
beside him or her. Family members in this stance may appear at the same scale as the
major figure, or at a smaller scale. The typology further divides this stance into two sub-
types according to whether the family member appears standing or sitting/kneeling while
Children, siblings, grandchildren, and even mothers sometimes appear near the
tomb owner (or the wife) at a much-reduced scale at his or her foot. In this case, their foot
may overlap with that of the major figure. This unique artistic expression of overlapping
represents a close relationship.182 The overlapping feet occur only in the two-dimensional
182
Myśliwiec suggests that the overlapping feet between the father and the eldest son reflects the concept that the eldest
son emerges from the body of his father and is his living Ka, see Myśliwiec, “Father’s and Eldest Son’s Overlapping
Feet: An Iconographic Message,” 306, 309. However, examples from our dataset reveals that not only the eldest son
but also other sons stand at the foot of the tomb owner with their feet overlapping that of the father.
46
representation because their feet can hardly have any physical contact in statuary or in
reality. 183 Reliefs and wall paintings thus utilize this unique representation to visualize
and symbolize the close relationship between the major figure and those who accompany
him. For this reason, this study categorizes this type of position and its associated stances
as Stance Type AS. When appearing at the foot of the father, children are often depicted
grasping the lower part of the staff of the father. Holding the same staff then indirectly
expresses the contact between the children and the father. Family members depicted in
this stance and the major figure with whom they are associated usually stand on the same
ground line. However, they sometimes appear on superposed short ground lines that are
floating above the ground line of the major figure, or they simply stand without any
ground line. This arrangement occurs more often in early tombs, and those tombs at the
end of the Old Kingdom utilize this stance as a reminiscence of earlier forms.184 Stance
This study classifies standing (not at the foot of a major figure) while carrying
scepters, offerings, or lotus flowers as Stance Type B. Unlike Stance Type A and Stance
Type AS, Type B tends to be a more independent depiction of family members in the
scene or on the false door, though they may still appear near major figures. Family
Stance Type B. This stance type contains seven sub-types. Stance B-1, standing with one
hand or two hands on the chest, and Stance B-2, standing with arms pendent, are gestures
183
It is different from Schäfer’s discussion on overlapping figures of the same scale, see Heinrich Schäfer, Principles of
Egyptian Art (Oxford: Griffith Institute, 1986), 177-189.
184
Myśliwiec, “Father’s and Eldest Son’s Overlapping Feet: An Iconographic Message,” 307, 312.
47
of adoration.185 Stance B-6, standing with one arm or two arms raised up, represents an
rituals.187
on the same wall or on walls at each side of a door way.189 In the spear-fishing scenes, the
tomb owner stands on a papyrus skiff, spearing fish using a long harpoon. Family
members usually appear in this scene on or near the skiff accompanying the tomb owner.
One of the sons may be represented in front of the tomb owner on the prow mimicking
the spearing gesture of his father. The same occurs in the fowling scene, in which the
tomb owner is usually depicted hurling his throwing-stick, while his son on the prow
gestures similarly. The curved shape of the skiffs and marsh plants breaks the traditional
arrangement of the sub-registers on which the retinue of the tomb owner appears. Wife
and children are usually represented on the boat at a reduced scale. Children and other
attendants may also appear around the tomb owner on separate floating sub-registers in
more passive stances compared with that of the tomb owner and his son on the prow.190
Because of the particularity of the spear-fishing and fowling scenes, this study
185
Dominicus, Gesten und Gebärden in Darstellungen des Alten und Mittleren Reiches, 5-9, Abb. 1. In Stance B-1, the
body may also bend forward. See Dominicus, Gesten und Gebärden in Darstellungen des Alten und Mittleren Reiches,
9, Abb. 7.
186
The posture of standing with one or two arms raised up already became common in the Old Kingdom, mostly
associated with the offering formula and the cult of the dead, see Dominicus, Gesten und Gebärden in Darstellungen
des Alten und Mittleren Reiches, 28-30, Abb. 9. The posture of prostrating on the ground does not occur with family
members in the Old Kingdom private tombs, see Dominicus, Gesten und Gebärden in Darstellungen des Alten und
Mittleren Reiches, 32-35.
187
Dominicus, Gesten und Gebärden in Darstellungen des Alten und Mittleren Reiches, 77-89, Abb. 17, and Abb. 19.
188
Although family members may also appear standing or kneeling as in Stance Types B and D, Stance Type C refers
to stances occurring in the fishing and fowling scenes.
189
Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom, 140-141.
190
Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom, 136.
48
categorizes the stances of family members in these scenes separately into Type C with
seven sub-types.191
sub-types: sitting or kneeling while bending one arm to the chest or placing both hands
down on the lap (D-1),192 sitting on a chair or kneeling on the ground before a table of
offerings (D-2), kneeling while making offerings to a major figure (D-3), sitting on a
chair or kneeling and holding accessories, offerings, or lotus flowers (D-4), kneeling
instrument (E-1), performing rituals (E-2), reading, writing and presenting a document
(E-3), and slaughtering a bull (E-4). Stance E-1 consists of musical and sport activities,
Stance Type F includes miscellaneous stances that do not belong to any other
stance types.
191
Stance Type C-6, standing or kneeling, raising an arm with the index finger pointing to forward, is not uncommon in
fowling and fishing scenes. See Dominicus, Gesten und Gebärden in Darstellungen des Alten und Mittleren Reiches,
153ß155, Abb. 56. In the fishing and fowling scenes, family members shown in this stance can be the wife or daugher
of the tomb owner. This gesture is different from the protective gesture of pointing with the thumb and the index finger.
Men usually appear in this gesture to point towards animals in fording and hunting scenes. See Jorge R. Ogdon,
“Studies in Ancient Egyptian Magical Thought I: the Hand and the Seal,” Discussions in Egyptology 1 (1985): 27-28,
and Geraldine Pinch, Magic in Ancient Egypt (London: British Museum Press, 1994), 83.
192
Sitting on a chair or kneeling and bending the arm(s) to the chest is a posture showing adoration. See Dominicus,
Gesten und Gebärden in Darstellungen des Alten und Mittleren Reiches, 5-9, Abb. 1.
193
This stance is very rare among family members in the Old Kingdom private tombs, see discussion in this chapter.
Kings may appear in this posture when adoring a god, see Dominicus, Gesten und Gebärden in Darstellungen des Alten
und Mittleren Reiches, 25-26, Abb. 8.
194
Hans Hickmann, Musicologie pharaonique, Études sur l’évolution de l’art musical dans l’Égypte ancienne (Kehl
(Rhin): Librairie Heitz, 1956), 98-112.
195
For the discussion of dancing in the Old Kingdom, see Hickmann, Musicologie pharaonique, 113-152, and Lesley
Kinney, Dance, Dancers and the Performance Cohort in the Old Kingdom (Oxford, England: Archaeopress, 2008), 54-
145.
196
Hickmann, Musicologie pharaonique, 54-57.
197
Kinney, Dance, Dancers and the Performance Cohort in the Old Kingdom, 146-153.
49
Children of the tomb owner may either appear as adults or as youths. When
depicted as youth, they are usually nude, sometimes with a side lock and the index finger
into the mouth. Adding letter Y to the stance type specifies the depiction of a family
member as a youth. The following table lists the stances of children in each tomb with
C-3 Standing near the tomb owner without carrying fish or birds
C-4 Kneeling near the tomb owner
C-5 Standing on the skiff with the tomb owner and touching him
C-6 Standing or kneeling, raising an arm with the index finger
pointing forward
C-7 Standing and holding lotus flowers
D Seated or kneeling
D-1 Seated or kneeling while bending one arm to the chest or
placing both hands down on the lap
D-2 Seated on a chair or kneeling before a table of offerings
D-3 kneeling and making offerings to a major figure
D-4 Seated or kneeling and holding accessories, offerings, or lotus
flowers
D-5 Kneeling with an arm raised
E Engaging in activities
E-1 Engaging in musical and sport activities (playing an
instrument, dancing, clapping, combating, etc.)
E-2 Engaging in ritual activities: E-2-CEN (censing), E-2-LIB
(libating), E-2-LOT (presenting a lotus flower), E-2-REC
(reciting spells), E-2-REM (removing the foot print)
E-3 Engaging in scribal activities
E-4 Slaughtering bulls
F Other stances
Stance Type A: Close to a major figure and in contact with him or her (not standing
at the foot)
Scenes may also show children of the tomb owner touching their parents in a
variety of ways. They may stand near the tomb owner and have physical contact with the
tomb owner, i.e., raising up their hands and touching the legs of the parents (Stance Type
A-1). Children often stand at the foot of the tomb owner or the wife and touch him or her.
This stance falls under Stance Type AS-1, a category that encompasses depictions of
Stance Type A-1 occurs only six times in the dataset, three in Giza,198 one in
Saqqara,199 and two in provincial sites.200 Five examples are sons of the tomb owner. The
only case of a daughter depicted in this stance comes from the tomb of %wfw-Xo.f I (G
7130 + 7140) at Giza. The daughter stands behind the chair of the tomb owner
represented as a small nude girl, holding the arm of her father with her hand. She wears a
side lock and places the index finger of the rear hand into her mouth.
Figure 7. Tomb of %wfw-Xo.f I (G 7130 + 7140) at Giza, Simpson, Kawab, Khafkhufu I & II, fig. 29.
A son may also stand behind the chair while touching the tomb owner. For
example, in the tomb of #Xtj-Htp at Giza, the eldest son stands behind his father who is
seated on a chair, raising his hand to touch him on the lower back.
198
#Xtj-Htp (PM III 285), onX-wD# / JTj, and %wfw-Xo.f I (G 7130 + 7140).
199
Mrrw-k#.j / Mrj.
200
Om-Ro / Jzj (Deir el-Gabrawi No. N72) and Nj-k#.j-onX I (Tehna Tomb 15).
52
Children in this stance may appear either at a reduced scale or at the same scale as
the tomb owner and his wife. The relative size of children may indicate their status within
the wider family group. In the tomb of onX-wD# / Jtj at Giza, family members appear in a
sequence headed by the tomb owner and his wife. A daughter appears at a reduced scale
behind the mother, while the eldest son is in full scale, followed by his younger brother.
The daughter behind the mother may have been their elder sister because she precedes the
sons in the sequence, but the unique status of the eldest son in full scale differentiates him
Figure 9. Tomb of onX-wD# / Jtj at Giza, Junker, Giza VIII, Abb. 59.
201
There are a number of ways to differentiate the eldest son with specific iconographic features and the position in
relation with the tomb owner, i.e. appearing at the foot of the tomb owner, and wearing the same costume as that of the
tomb owner. See Myśliwiec, “Father’s and Eldest Son’s Overlapping Feet: An Iconographic Message,” 308, 313,
53
Individuals without kinship labels may also be depicted touching the tomb owner
or his wife. On the thickness of the right jamb of the tomb of W#S-PtH at Giza, a ka-priest
stands behind the seated tomb owner, touching him with his hand. The excavator
considered him a son of the tomb owner because of his physical contact with the tomb
owner.202 Two sons of the tomb owner, one named W#S-PtH and the other Cpss-PtH, both
have the designation z#.f n xt.f “his son of his body” and the title sHD Hmwt wobt
“inspector of the craftsmen of the workshop.”203 This ka-priest, however, has neither the
the tomb owner, and we are unable to label this stance exclusive to family members of
Figure 10. Tomb of W#S-PtH at Giza, Hassan, Giza II, 5-14, figs. 7-12.
In most cases, physical contact between the tomb owner (or the wife) and his or
her children remains unilateral—that is, children touch their parents actively, while the
202
Hassan, Excavations at Gîza II, 9.
203
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 946. Cpss-PtH appears with the tomb owner on the right jamb. W#S-PtH
appears on the thickness of the left jamb. They both appear at a small scales, standing at the foot of their father and
holding his staff with their hand.
54
parents behave passively only as recipients of the action. In other words, the gesture of
the major figure is either standing or seated by himself without any acknowledgement of
the children’s physical contact. An exception, however, comes from the tomb of Mrrw-
k#.j / Mrj at Saqqara. On the north wall of Room A13, the eldest son stands beside the
tomb owner, holding his right hand. Another man appears on the other side, holding his
left hand. 204 An inscription before him reads tw# Hr smr woty xry-Hbt opr.f “leaning on the
sole companion, the lector priest, opr.f.”205 Based on this inscription, Kanawati suggests
the scene commemorates the support from the sons when the tomb owner was sick.206
Both the inscription and the posture suggest that Mrrw-k#.j seems to place his weight
upon the hands of the two men. Because Mrrw-k#.j, who appears as the recipient, and his
eldest son, who appears as the agent, are both integrated parts of the action, the physical
204
For the “hand in hand” posture in the Old Kingdom tomb decoration, see Kim McCorquodale, “‘Hand in hand’:
Reliefs in the Chapel of Mereruka and Other Old Kingdom Tombs,” in Egyptian Culture and Society: Studies in
Honour of Naguib Kanawati 2, eds. Alexandra Woods, Ann McFarlane, and Susanne Binder (Le Caire: Conseil
Suprême des Antiquités, 2010), 27-34.
205
There is not any kinship designation to indicate that he is a son of Mrrw-k#.j. Duell suggests he is a son, because he
appears in this scene with the eldest son Mmj, one at each side of the tomb owner, see Duell, The Mastaba of Mereruka.
vol 1, 3-4. The name of Mmj was erased in this scene.
206
Kanawati, Mereruka and King Teti, caption fig. 117.
55
Figure 11. Tomb of Mrrw-k#.j / Mrj at Saqqara, Kanawati et al., Mereruka III: 2, pl. 73.
Children are less often depicted knee-sitting or kneeling near the tomb owner
while having physical contact with him (Stance Type A-2). Only three examples of this
stance occur in the dataset. One comes from the tomb of Jnw-Mnw near the Teti Pyramid.
On the north wall of Room III, a son knee-sits in front of the seated tomb owner under his
offering table. He embraces the calves of his father with the right arm and places the left
hand upon the chest. This stance is uncommon among children, especially sons, though
wives occasionally kneel at the foot of the husband and embrace his calf.207 Another
example occurs in the tomb of Nfr-sSm-Ro / Csj in the same cemetery near the Teti
Pyramid. On the west face of Pillar 2 in Room III, the daughter of the tomb owner kneels
between his legs and embraces his ankle with her arm. The third example is from the
207
McCorquodale, Representations of the Family in the Egyptian Old Kingdom: Women and Marriage, 21.
56
tomb of Jrj-n-#Xt / Jrj / Jrj-n-PtH. On the north wall of the chapel, a daughter knee sits at
the foot of the tomb owner. Wearing a pigtail with a round ornament at the end, she holds
a lotus flower to her nose with one hand and touches the tomb owner with the other hand.
Figure 12. Tomb of Jnw-Mnw at Saqqara, Kanawati & Abder-Raziq, Teti Cemetery VIII, pl. 51[b].
Figure 13. Tomb of Nfr-sSm-Ro / Csj at Saqqara, Kanawati & Abder-Raziq, Teti Cemetery III, pl. 49[a].
Children often appear at a reduced scale at the foot of their parents. This position
encompasses a diversity of less restricted gestures, compared with the rigid stance of their
father, either stands with his staff or sits in a chair. Children may rais a hand to touch the
parents, or stand at the foot of the father or mother with their hands pendent, or with one
57
arm bent to the chest. In many cases, they grasp the lower part of their father’s staff or
hold offerings such as birds. In order to include all the iconographic peculiarities of
children at the foot of a major figure, this study divides these types of stances into six
sub-types.
Stance Type AS-1: Standing at the foot of a major figure and touching him or her
Children may appear at the foot of their father or mother and have physical
contact with them. They sometimes embrace the calves of their parents with the arm or
touch their legs. This stance may occur in combination with other stances. For instance, a
child might hold birds or lotus flowers in the other hand while touching a major figure.
The child might grasp the lower part of the staff of the father with one hand while
touching him. Stance AS-1 occur 40 times in the dataset: 23 in Giza,208 13 in Saqqara,209
and only one in provincial sites.213 Twenty-three of the 40 examples show children
208
In 21 tombs: #Xtj-mHw (G 2375), Jj-mry (G 6020, LG 15), J(w)fj, Jttj (G 7391), W#S-PtH, Pr-snb (LG 78), Mry-jb /
K#-pw-nswt (G 2100-I-annexe, LG 24), Mry-Ro-nfr / Q#r (G 7101), Nfr-sX.f-PtH (LG 79), Nfr-sSm-%wfw / Csj, Omt-
Ro, %o.f-Ro-onX (G 7948), cnDm-jb / MHj (G 2378, LG26), cXm-onX-PtH (G 7152), cSm-nfr I (G 4940, LG 45), K#.j-pw-
nswt / K#j (G 4651), K#(.j)-nj-nswt I (G 2155), K#pj (G 2091), K#-Hj.f (G 2136), K#-Xr-PtH (G 7721), and VTj.
209
In ten tombs: Jnw-Mnw (around Teti Pyramid), onX-Owt-Or, MHw, MTTj, Nj-k#w-Ro, %nw, $nmw-Htp (double tomb
of Nj-onX-$nmw & $nmw-Htp), cn-jt.f (in the same tomb of K#-H#.j), K#.j-m-Hzt, and K#-Hzw.f (Abusir South, possible
son of Nfr-Jnpw).
210
In three tombs: %w-ns (Zawyet el-Amwat No. 2), Nj-k#.j-onX II (Tehna Tomb 15), and Q#r / Mry-Ro-nfr (Edfu, M V
of Garnot).
211
In the tombs of Jj-mry (G 6020, LG 15), Jttj (G 7391), W#S-PtH, Pr-snb (LG 78), Nfr-sX.f-PtH (LG 79), Nfr-
sSm-%wfw / Csj, Omt-Ro, %o.f-Ro-onX, cnDm-jb / MHj (G 2378, LG26), cXm-onX-PtH (G 7152), and K#pj (G 2091).
212
In the tombs of onX-Owt-Or and MHw, Nj-k#w-Ro.
213
%w-ns (Zawyet el-Amwat No. 2).
214
In nine tombs: Nfr-sX.f-PtH (LG 79), Nfr-sSm-%wfw / Csj, cXm-onX-PtH (G 7152), cSm-nfr I (G 4940, LG 45), K#.j-
pw-nswt / K#j (G 4651), K#(.j)-nj-nswt I (G 2155), K#-Hj.f (G 2136), K#-Xr-PtH (G 7721), and VTj.
215
In four tombs: onX-Owt-Or, Nj-k#w-Ro, double tomb of Nj-onX-$nmw and $nmw-Htp, and K#.j-m-Hzt.
216
%w-ns (Zawyet el-Amwat No. 2) and %w-ns (Zawyet el-Amwat No. 2).
58
More common is the son stands at the foot of the father while having physical
contact with him, and the daughter is at the foot of the mother, touching her. More than
half of children touching their parents at the foot are youths. In the tomb of Nfr-sX.f-PtH
at Giza (LG 79), for example, a son appears as a nude boy behind the tomb owner
touching his father’s calf, while a daughter stands behind the wife touching her mother’s
calf.
Three examples of daughters appearing at the foot of the father and touching his
calf occur in the dataset. In the tomb of %o.f-Ro-onX at Giza (G 7948), a daughter stands
behind the tomb owner at a reduced scale and embraces his calf with her arm. She wears
217
The daughter may wear short curled hair rather than a wig since short hair is not uncommon in the Old Kingdom.
The depiction of the short curled hair looks similar to a short wig, and no criterion has been found to differentiate them.
It is likely that the elite is represented with wigs, in contract with non-elite laborers depicted in the same scenes. See
Verma, Cultural Expression in the Old Kingdom Elite Tomb, 82-83. In this study, the depiction of a short curled
hairstyle is simply referred as a short wig.
59
Another example comes from the tomb of Pr-snb at Giza (LG 78), where a
daughter appears as a nude girl on the pillar with her father, facing him. She stands
between his leg and his staff, touches his kilt with one hand, and places the other hand
this stance. The daughter stands at the foot of the tomb owner on the right inner jamb of
the wife’s false door. She appears as a nude girl holding a lotus flower toward the nose
with one hand, and embracing her father’s calf with the other hand.
60
Figure 17. Tomb of Nj-k#w-Ro at Saqqara, Borchardt, Denkmäler I, Bl. 19, No. 1414.
other stances, especially Stance AS-4, standing at the foot of a major figure carrying
birds, lotus flower, or other accessories. Stance AS-1-4 combines both AS-1 and AS-4. In
this stance, a child touches the major figure with one hand and carries accessories with
the other hand. In the tomb of Jnw-Mnw, for example, his eldest son %wj stands at the
foot of his father at a reduced scale, and embraces his calf with one hand. He holds a
Figure 18. Tomb of Jnw-Mnw at Saqqara, Kanawati & Abder-Raziq, Teti Cemetery VIII, pl.47.
61
A combination of Stance AS-1 and Stance AS-2 is also possible—that is, grasping
the lower part of tomb owner’s staff with one hand while touching the father with the
other hand. In the tomb of Mry-jb / K#-pw-nswt at Giza (G 2100-I-annexe, LG 24), for
example, a son, appearing as a nude boy, stands in front of the tomb owner on his own
sub-register that is slightly higher than the ground line. He turns his head backward and
touches his father’s kilt while grasping the lower part of his staff with the other hand.218
The depiction of children as nude youths with their heads turned backward to their
Figure 19. Tomb of Mry-jb / K#-pw-nswt at Giza (G 2100-I-annexe, LG 24), Junker, Giza II, 128, Abb. 11.
A scene from the tomb of Jwfj at Giza further enlarges the repertory of this sub-
type. On the left jamb of the false door, Jwfj’s son appears as a nude boy at his father’s
foot, holding his staff with one hand and embracing his calf with the other.
218
The 180-degree head turn is obviously unrealistic. A head turn of more than 90 degrees, however, is treated this
way. Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom, 136.
219
Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom, 137.
62
Figure 20. Tomb of Jwfj at Giza, James, Hiero. Texts I, end ed., pl. xiv.
Sons may also have physical contact with their mother, especially in her chapel or
on her false door. For example, on the left and right jambs of onX-Owt-Or’s false door,
her son and her daughter stand in front of her, embracing her leg with their hand. The son
appears as a nude boy, while the daughter appears as an adult at a relatively small scale
Figure 21. False door of onX-Owt-Or at Saqqara, Silverman (1983), in ZÄS 110, 80, fig. 1.
63
Stance Type AS-2: Standing at the foot of a major figure and holding his staff
The diminutive figure of a son holds the lower part of his father’s staff is a particular
theme in the private chapels in the Old Kingdom. 220 It occurs 152 times in the dataset and is
most popular in the Saqqara region with 86 examples:221 54 at Giza and 12 at provincial
Children in this stance usually stand between the leg of the father and his staff and
hold the lower part of the staff with their hand. In the tomb of #Xtj-Htp at Saqqara (E 17),
for example, the eldest son stands at the foot of the tomb owner on the north wall,
grasping the lower part of the staff of his father. An interesting detail is the overlapping
foot of the father and the son. In each case, the father’s foot always covers the son’s foot.
This overlapping possibly attempts to create scene depth by placing the figure of the
Figure 22. Tomb of #Xtj-Htp at Saqqara (E 17), Petrie & Murray, Seven Memphite Tomb Chapels, pl. v.
220
This representation disappeared in the Middle Kingdom, see Henry G. Fischer, “Some Iconographic and Literary
Comparisons,” in Fragen an die altägyptische Literatur: Studien zum Gedenken an Eberhard Otto, eds. by Jan
Assmann, Erika Feucht, and Reinhard Grieshammer (Wiesbaden: Reichert, 1977), 158-159.
221
Not including four examples of AS-1-2 and AS-1-2-Y.
222
Gay Robins, Proportion and Style in Ancient Egyptian Art (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 1994), 8-11.
64
In some cases, the child does not grasp his father’s staff with his hand but rather
holds it in the crook of one arm in a relaxed gesture. An example of this stance appears
on a pillar in the tomb of #Xt-Htp at Giza, where a son, who appears as a nude child,
stands at the foot of the tomb owner and holds his staff in the crook of his arm.
Figure 23. Tomb of #Xt-Htp at Giza, Hassan, Giza I, 80, fig. 139.
Children may also grasp the staff when the tomb owner is seated on a chair. In the
tomb of Ms-s# at Giza, a son who stands in front of the seated tomb owner reaches his
hand backward to grasp the lower part of his father’s staff. An interesting detail in this
scene is the rendering of the son’s position. He does not stand behind the staff but in front
of it. This position may have been a result of limited space between the staff of the tomb
owner and his feet. The position of the son also associates him more closely with his
Figure 24. Tomb of Ms-s# at Giza, Hassan, Giza V, 291, fig. 152.
When more than one child appears together at the foot of their father, they may
display a diversity of stances. In the tomb of Ṯy at Saqqara (No. 66 [D 22]), two sons
appear at the foot of the tomb owner, one as an adult carrying papyrus scrolls, the other
as a youth sucking his finger while grasping the lower part of the staff. Their appearance
at different stages of life indicates that the one on the left is an elder son. The designation
z#.f smsw “his eldest son” on the left and z#.f mry.f “his son, his beloved one” on the
right further verify this observation. Moreover, the designation z#.f mry.f is most
frequently used for the youngest son.223 However, it is still difficult to know whether a
son is the youngest unless he is the only one depicted as a nude boy or placed at the end
of a sequence of children of the tomb owner. When a child appears as a nude youth, it
does not mean that he or she was still a little child when the tomb owner commissioned
the decoration. In the case of Ṯy, the younger son was probably an adult since he bears
223
Myśliwiec, “Father’s and Eldest Son’s Overlapping Feet: An Iconographic Message,” 314.
66
the title sHD jrw Sn pr-o# “inspector of hairdressers of the Great House”224 and is shown as
In most cases, children in Stance AS-2 are sons. The representations of a daughter
grasping the staff of the tomb owner, however, occur in four cases, although women do
not appear holding a staff independently. All the four examples come from Giza,
including the tombs of #Xtj-Htp (PM III 284), Pr-snb, Mry-jb / K#-pw-nswt (G 2100-I-
#Xtj-Htp has at least two sons and one daughter. One of the sons and his daughter
Nfrt have the designations z#.f smsw “his eldest son” and z#t.f smsw “his eldest daughter.”
Nfrt appears at the foot of his father as a nude youth on the pillar, grasping the lower part
224
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 915.
225
He appears on the recess of the door way, the corridor, the south wall of the particle, and the west and east walls of
Room I, See Lucienne Épron and François Daumas. Le tombeau de Ti (Le Caire: Institut français d’archéologie
orientale, 1939), pls. xlv, xliv, xxxi, xxvii, xvii, lxlv.
67
of his staff. She also appears standing behind him at the entrance. Her designation “his
eldest daughter” and her unusual stance may be an indication of her prominence in the
family.
Figure 26. Tomb of #Xtj-Htp at Giza, Hassan, Giza I, 79, fig. 138.
On the pillar in the tomb of Pr-snb at Giza, a daughter named %ntj stands at the
foot of her father. Her arm extends behind her and her hand grasps the lower part of her
father’s staff. She holds a lotus flower in the other hand toward her nose. Both her feet
are absent, obscured by her father’s feet. It is not clear whether she is the only child of the
family, though she is the only one represented in the preserved scenes. She appears at
least twice at the foot of her father, which may indicate her importance to the family.
front of the tomb owner and turns backward to grasp the lower part of the staff. She
appears as an adult, wearing a long dress with V-shaped straps on the shoulders. She also
holds a lotus flower with a curled stem in the other hand. She is apparently not the only
child in the family. Mry-jb has at least two sons and another daughters. His eldest son and
the other daughter appear in the same scene with Nn-sḏr-k#(.j), but interestingly enough,
it is not the eldest son who holds the staff of their father. It is also worth noting that Nn-
sḏr-k#(.j) owns a mastaba (G 2101) near that of her father. 226 She bears the titles xkrt nswt
“Hm-nTr priestess of Khufu,”229 and z#t nswt “king’s daughter.”230 Her high status may
have been the reason that Mry-jb decided to depict her holding the lower part of the staff.
She also appears in her own tomb at the foot of her father in this stance.231
Figure 28. Tomb of Mry-jb / K#-pw-nswt at Giza (G 2100-I-annexe, LG 24), LD II, 22[a].
226
Junker, Gîza II, 97-121, Abb. 7-8.
227
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 794.
228
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 540.
229
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 565.
230
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 817. For these titles, see §1.2.
231
Junker, Gîza II, 117, Abb. 8. See discussion in Chapter 3, under “Stance Type B-4.”
69
On the north wall of the chapel of K#(.j)-nfr at Giza, his daughter Mrt-jt.s stands
at his foot, grasping his staff. She appears as an adult, wearing a short wig and a long
dress with straps on her shoulders. Mrt-jt.s is not the only child in the family. K#(.j)-nfr
has a son named cwD-K#(.j), who also appears twice as a youth in the tomb scenes. It is
possible that Mrt-jt.s is the eldest child and may have been the only child before the birth
of her younger brother. Consequently, she may have become significant enough to be
depicted holding the staff of her father. It is worth noting that she also bears the title xkrt
nswt, another possible reason for her prominence in her father’s tomb decoration.232
Stance Type AS-3: Standing at the foot of a major figure with arms placed upon the
Stance Type AS-3, with a total number of 55 occurrences in the dataset, is much
less common than AS-2. It occurs 32 times in the Saqqara region, 233 18 times in Giza,234
232
According to Fischer, women bearing this title are those who entertained the king by their grace and beauty, see
Fischer, Egyptian Women of the Old Kingdom and of the Heracleopolitan Period, 31.
233
In 14 tombs: #Xt-Htp (D 64), onX-m-o-Hr / csj, Mrrw-k#.j / Mrj, MTTj, Nj-onX-Ppy / Nj-onX-Mry-Ro, Nj-k#(.j)-Ro, Nj-k#w-
Jzzj (around Teti Pyramid), Nfr (in the same tomb of his father k#-H#.j), Nfr-sSm-Ro / Csj, Nn-Xft-k#(.j) (D 47), "r-mrw /
Mry, %ntj-k# / JXXj, and K#(.j)-m-Tntt, vtj-onX (in the tomb of Jris / Jjj).
234
In 14 tombs: #Xtj-mrw-nswt (G 2184), #Xtj-mHw (G 2375), Jdw (G 7102), WnSt (G4840, VII SS), Mry-jb / K#-pw-
nswt (G 2100-I-annexe, LG 24), Mr-onX.f, Mrs-onX III (G 7530 + 7540), Nj-mstj (G 2366), Nj-Htp-PtH / Pnj (G 2340,
70
and 5 times in the provinces. 235 They appear as adult in 43 examples and as youths
sucking the index finger in 7 examples. This means the majority of children depicted at
the foot of their parents with arms placed upon the chest or pendent are adults. Sons
appear more frequently in this stance than daughters are. Only 11 daughters are in this
stance.
A typical example of Stance AS-3 comes from the tomb of Nj-k#w-Jzzj near the
Teti Pyramid. On the east thickness of the entrance, the eldest son stands between the leg
of the tomb owner and his staff at a reduced scale. Similar scenes decorate the west
thickness, and also both sides of the entrance, all with the eldest son standing at the foot
of the tomb owner in stance AS-3. The son wears a long wig, a short beard, a collar and a
short projecting kilt, the same as his father does on both sides of the entrance. It is worth
noting that the son’s foot does not overlap with that of his father on both sides of the
entrance facade, but their feet overlap in scenes inside the chapel.
Figure 30. Tomb of Nj-k#w-Jzzj at Saqqara, Kanawati & Abder-Raziq, Teti Cemetery VI, pl. 46.
LG 25), ZTw (G 4710, LG 49), cnDm-jb / MHj (G 2378, LG26), cXm-k#(.j) (G 1029), cXm-k#(.j) (G4411, LG51), and
K#(.j)-mnj.
235
In four tombs: Q#r / Mry-Ro-nfr (Edfu, M V of Garnot), on-onXj (El-Hagarsa B13), Cpss-pw-Mnw / $nj / $n-onXw /
$n-onX (El-Hawawish H24), Ppy-onX-Hrj-jb (Meir No. D2).
71
Daughters may stand at the foot of the mother. On the false door of WnSt at Giza
(G 4840), for example, a daughter stands at her foot on a slightly higher sub-register.
Figure 31. Tomb of WnSt at Giza (G 4840), Junker, Giza I, 252-253, Abb 63.
Stance Type AS-4: Standing at the foot of a major figure carrying birds, lotus flowers,
or other objects
Stance Type AS-4 occurs less frequently than AS-3 with 21 references in the
dataset. The majority (16) of the examples come from the Saqqara region, 236 two from
Giza,237 and three from the provincial sites.238 Children appearing at the foot of the tomb
owner may carry a small bird (or several small birds), a papyrus scroll, a piece of cloth,
or a lotus flower. In the tomb of Ef-#w at Saqqara, for example, a son stands at the foot of
the tomb owner on the left outer jamb and carries a papyrus scroll in his hand.
236
From eight tombs: #Xtj-http (Louvre E. 10958, Mastaba du Louvre), W#S-PtH / Jzj, Bj# / Jry, PtH-Spss (PM III 340-
342, Abusir), Mry-vtj (son of Mrrw-k#.j, in the same tomb), Mrrw-k#.j / Mrj, double tomb of Nj-onX-$nmw & $nmw-
Htp, K#-gm-nj / Mmj / Gmnj, and Ef-#w (D 25).
237
In the tombs of Z#-jb (G 2092+2093) and VTj.
238
In the tombs of Jttj / Cdw (Deshasha) and Mrw / Bbj (el-Sheikh Said No. 3).
72
Figure 32. Tomb of Ef-#w at Saqqara, Petrie, Seven Memphite Tomb Chapels, pl. xiv.
Sons at the foot of the tomb owner do not usually carry their own staff and
scepter. The only exception comes from the tomb of Jttj / Cdw at Deshasha. On the south
and north walls of the entrance passage, the eldest son appears at a reduced scale on a
slightly higher sub-register at the foot of the tomb owner. Represented as an adult man,
he wears a long wig and a projecting kilt. Unlike those who grasp the staff of the father,
this son carries his own staff and scepter. This possibly represents a local tradition to
Figure 33. Tomb of Jttj / Cdw at Deshasha, Kanawati & McFarlane, Deshasha, pl. 45.
73
It is worth noting that depictions often combine Stance AS-4 with other stances,
especially Stance AS-2 and Stance AS-1. In the dataset, Stance AS-2-4 occurs 53 times,
and Stance AS-1-4 occurs 11 times. In Stance AS-2-4 and Stance AS-1-2, the figure
touches a major figure or grasps the lower part of the staff while carrying a bird, a lotus
flower, or a papyrus scroll. In the tomb of PtH-Spss at Saqqara, two sons stand at the foot
of the tomb owner. The one to the right grasps the lower part of the staff and carries a
bird in the other hand, while the one behind him carries a bird in one hand, and holds a
Figure 34. Tomb of PtH-Spss at Saqqara, Verner, Abusir I, Ptahshepses, pl. 31.
The only daughter depicted in this stance comes from the tomb of Z#-jb at Giza (G
2092+2093). One of the three daughters of the tomb owner stands at his father’s foot and
Figure 35. Tomb of Z#-jb at Giza, Roth, Palace Attendants, fig. 173b.
74
Stance Type AS-5: In contact with other individuals at the foot of a major figure
Although more than one child may stand at the foot of the tomb owner, the only
example of children having physical contact with each other in this position comes from
the tomb of %o.f-Ro-onX at Giza (G 7948). Two sons of the tomb owner stand at his foot as
nude boys. The one to the left has the staff in the crook of his arm and turns backward to
look at his brother, who stands behind him holding his hand.
Stance Type B: Standing in a variety of poses (not at the foot of a major figure)
In the scene, children of the tomb owner may be depicted standing in a variety of
poses not at the foot of the tomb owner. They can be in front of the tomb owner and his
wife or behind them on the same or different registers. When facing the tomb owner, they
may be separated by the staff or columns of inscriptions. Stance Type B displays a less
intimate relationship between the parents and their children than Stance Type A and
Stance Type B-1: Standing with one hand or two hands placed on the chest
One of the most common stances for the children is standing with one arm bent to
the chest. Children, siblings, and dependents of the tomb owner often have this posture.
The depiction of children in Stance B-1 occurs 188 times in the dataset, with 107
70% of children depicted in this stance are daughters of the tomb owner. Seventy-one
daughters in Giza, 39 in Saqqara, and 10 in provincial sites are shown standing with their
hand placed on the chest. Therefore, daughters are more likely to appear in Stance B-1
The gesture of bending the arm forward across the chest shows reverence to the
tomb owner.239 This gesture also has several variations. Women, in most cases, gesture
with their hand open and the palm up, while men clench their hands into a fist in front of
the chest.240 In the tomb of Cpss-k#.f-onX at Giza, for example, a son and two daughters of
the tomb owner appear in this stance on the left outer jamb of the false door. The son
places his left hand upon the chest in a fist and the other arm pendent with the hand also
in a fist, while the two daughters beneath him place the rear palm upon the chest, the
239
Dominicus, Gesten und Gebärden in Darstellungen des Alten und Mittleren Reiches, 5-8, Abb.1.
240
Because the examples of women who clench their hands into a fist are only found in the sun temple of Niuserre in
the Old Kingdom, they are not included in the dataset of this study. For more discussion of the variations, see
Dominicus, Gesten und Gebärden in Darstellungen des Alten und Mittleren Reiches, 6.
76
Figure 37. Tomb of Cpss-k#.f-onX at Giza, Hassan, Giza II, 28, fig. 26.
Most children depicted in Stance B-1 appear as adults. Youths in this stance only
occur in 12 cases: eight in Giza and four in Saqqara.241 In the tomb of cSm-nfr I at Giza
(Giza 4940), three children appear before the tomb owner as nude boys. The first and the
third place their rear hand upon the chest, while the one in the middle crosses both arms
241
These examples come from five tombs at Giza: Rdj-ns (G 5032), ZTw (G 4710), SXm-k#(.j), SSm-nfr I (G 4940),
Cpss-k#.f-onX, and two tombs at Saqqara, Nj-onX-$nmw, and K#.j-D#w.
77
Stance Type B-2: Standing with arms pendent, not holding anything
Standing and placing the arms down besides the body with hands outstretched or
clenched into a fist is a gesture that shows reverence.242 This stance, therefore, implies
the same attitude as Stance B-1 but occurs less frequently. In the dataset, 101 examples of
Stance B-2 occur: 43 in Giza, 41 in Saqqara, and 17 in provincial sites. In the tomb of c#b
at Saqqara, a son appears to the right of the panel of the false door before the offering
table, with his arms pendent on both sides of the body. One hand is outstretched and the
Children depicted in this stance usually appear as adults. The only exceptions
occur in the tomb of Mry-nswt (G 1301) and the false door of Tf-nn (JE 56994)
discovered at Giza.243 On the false door of the former, a son appears on the left outer
jamb of the false door, while another son and a daughter appear on the right outer jamb;
242
Dominicus, Gesten und Gebärden in Darstellungen des Alten und Mittleren Reiches, 6-8.
243
Goedicke suggests the name should be read vf-X#j, see Hans Goedicke, Die privaten Rechtsinschriften aus dem
Alten Reich (Wien: Verlag Notring, 1970), 183.
78
both sons appear as nude youths, standing with both arms pendent. On the false door of
Tf-nn, two sons appear as nude boy, standing with their arms pendent.
Figure 40. Tomb of Mry-nswt at Giza (G 1301), Peck (1972), in BDIA 51, 70, fig. 1.
Ten daughters appear in this stance in the dataset: five in Giza, one in Saqqara,
and four in provincial sites. In the tomb of cS#t-Htp / !tj at Giza (G 5150), a daughter
stands behind the seated tomb owner, her arms pendent with both hands open.
Figure 41. Tomb of cS#t-Htp / !tj at Giza (G 5150), Kanawati, Giza II, pl. 43 [a].
The only example of a daughter appearing in Stance B-2 at Saqqara comes from
the tomb of Wnnj. On a stela, the daughter stands behind a son with her arms pendent.
79
Figure 42. Tomb of Wnnj at Saqqara, Jequier, Tombeaux de particuliers, 114, fig. 129.
the north wall of the chapel, a daughter stands to the right of the offering list with both
arms pendent. A son appears beneath her, possibly in Stance B-1.244 This is the only
Figure 43. Tomb of Sbk-nfr at El-Hagarsa (B 18), Kanawati, El-Hagarsa I, pl. 28.
Stance B-3 is the most common stance for children of the tomb owner. It occurs
211 times in the dataset, and the regional distribution of this stance is relatively even.
Each area contributes one-third to the dataset: 64 come from Giza, 73 from Saqqara, and
74 from provincial sites. Given the relatively small number of provincial tombs in the
244
The lower part of the scene is damaged.
80
dataset, it is evident that children are more likely to be represented as offering bearers in
provincial sites.
Depicted as offering bearers, children of the tomb owner may carry forelegs of
bull, birds, and baskets of food offerings, but rarely linen or other funerary equipment.
They may stand as an individual on false door jambs, such as in the case of Nfrt-nswt at
Giza. The three sons of the tomb owner appear on the jambs of the false door, grasping a
Figure 44. Tomb of Nfrt-nswt at Giza, Hassan, Giza II, 91, fig. 94.
Children of the tomb owner may also stand in a procession of offering bearers.
Usually occupying the initial position as the first offering bearer, the eldest son leads
other sons and dependents to present food offerings, such as forelegs and birds, to the
tomb owner. This type of scene typically has the caption sXpt stpt “presenting the choice
offerings.”245 On the south wall or Room IV of the tomb of Cpsj-pw-PtH at Saqqara, for
245
See discussion in Chapter 4.
81
example, the eldest son appears as an offering bearer carrying a foreleg before the seated
tomb owner.
Figure 45. Tomb of Cpsj-pw-PtH at Saqqara, Kanawati, Teti Cemetery VII, pl. 37.
The depiction of children as offering bearers also occurs in other places in the
tomb, such as the lintel and facade, though it is more common to find such depictions
inside the chapel. In the tomb of Or-mrw / Mry at Saqqara, a son stands before the tomb
owner and his wife on the lintel of the facade. With one hand, he presents a large bird,246
twisting its neck, while he grasps the wings with the other hand.
Figure 46. Tomb of Or-mrw / Mry at Saqqara, Hassan, Saqqara II, fig. 39.
246
Probably a goose or a duck. To identify the species of this bird is out of the scope of this study. The large goose or
duck carried by the offering bearers is thus simply referred to as “large bird” thereinafter. Hassan suggests that twisting
the neck of the goose is a specific ritual perfomed before the offering table. See Hassan, Excavations at Gîza VI-2, 94.
82
Stance B-3 is not exclusive to sons, although the majority of children depicted as
offering bearers are the male progeny of the tomb owner. In the dataset, however, 25
daughters appear in this stance: 14 in Giza, two in Saqqara, and nine in the provinces.
Daughters carry small birds or other food offerings instead of forelegs and large birds. In
the tomb of Jbj at Deir el-Gabrawi (No. 8), four daughters of the tomb owner are offering
bearers in a sequence on the west wall. They carry a variety of offerings, including birds,
Figure 47. Tomb of Jbj at Deir el-Gabrawi (No. 8), Kanawati, Gebrawi II, pl. 74 [a].
Daughters are not among the offering bearers carrying choice offerings. The only
exceptions occurs in the tomb of Jrj.s/Jjj at Saqqara, where two daughters of the tomb
owner appear together with the two sons who are presenting forelegs as stpt-offerings.
Each daughter carries a bird with one hand and holds a lotus flower to her nose with the
other hand.
83
Figure 48. Tomb of Jrj.s/Jjj at Saqqara, Kanawati el al. Saqqara I, pl. 34.
Both daughters and sons function as offering bearers on false doors, as well as in
scenes that appear on chapel walls and pillars.247 In the tomb of Snnw at Giza, for
example, a daughter appears on the right outer jamb of the false door, grasping a bird
Figure 49. Tomb of Snnw at Giza, James, Hiero. Texts, I, 2nd ed., pl.xx [3].
carrying offerings as youths occur in the dataset from five tombs: Rdj-ns (G
247
Pillars in the tombs of cbk-Htp at Qubbet el-Hawa (B1, de Morgan) and %wj at Qubbet el-Hawa (A5, de Morgan)
have daughters as offering bearers.
84
5032), %wfw-onX (G 4520), and Cpsj at Giza, as well as Nj-k#w-Ro and SXm-k# at Saqqara.
On the statue niche of Rdj-ns, for example, a son appears as a nude boy at the bottom of
Figure 50. Tomb of Rdj-ns at Giza (G 5032), Manuelian (1994), in Silverman ed., For His Ka, 61, fig. 4.7.
Stance Type B-4: Standing and carrying accessories such as a staff, a scepter, a
Like the tomb owner, sons may appear standing and carry a staff and a scepter,
but they are usually depicted at a smaller scale. This stance occurs 40 times in the dataset:
sons; no daughters carry a staff, a scepter or other accessories, such as papyrus scrolls
and pieces of cloth. In the tomb of onX-H#.f at Giza, for example, a son carrying a staff and
248
In 13 tombs: onX-H#.f, Wp-m-nfrt / Wp, WnSt (G4840, VII SS), Mrs-onX III (G 7530 + 7540), Mdw-nfr (G4630), Nj-
onX-ontj / Njj, %nt-k#w.s, cnfrw-http (G 3088), cHtpw / vpw, K#.j-pw-nswt / K#j (G 4651), K#(.j)-nj-nswt I (G 2155), vf-
nn (Cairo Mus. JE 56994), and VTj.
249
In seven tombs: J#rtj, W#S-PtH / Jzj, Bj# / Jry, NTr-wsr, "tp-Hr-#Xtj (D 60), "tp-k#(.j) / vp-k#(.j) (S 3509), and ew#-
Ro.
250
In nine tombs: Jzj / Om-Ro (Deir el-Gabrawi No. N46), !nqw II / Jj...f (Deir el-Gabrawi No. N67), Eow / Cm#j (Deir
el-Gabrawi No. S12), Nfrt-Hr (El-Hagarsa A6), K#(.j)-Xnt (El-Hammamiya A2), Mmj (El-Hawawish B12), Nhwt-dSr /
Mry (El-Hawawish G95), Ozy-Mnw / Zzj / ewdy (El-Hawawish F1), and Mrw / Jy (Nag’ el-Deir N3737).
85
Figure 51.Tomb of onX-H#.f at Giza, James, Hiero. Texts I, 2nd ed. pl. xv.
Standing while carrying a papyrus scroll is also common among sons. In the tomb
of NTr-wsr at Saqqara, for example, two sons of the tomb owner, each with a papyrus
scroll in hand, stand before the offering table before a procession of offering bearers.
Figure 52. Tomb of Nṯr-wsr at Saqqara, Murray, Saqqara Mastabas I, pl. xxiii.
Sons depicted in Stance B-4 rarely appear as youths. The only example of a youth
carrying a piece of cloth comes from the tomb of Vtj at Giza, where the naked son with a
Figure 53. Tomb of Vtj at Giza, James, Hiero. Texts I, 2nd ed., pl.vi.
Daughters of the tomb owner sometimes hold a lotus flower toward the nose.
Harpur suggests that this gesture, combined with a pendent arm, is the female equivalent
of a man with his staff and scepter.251 The wife of the tomb owner and female tomb
owners frequently hold a lotus flower from the late Fourth Dynasty.252 Nevertheless, it is
less common to see daughters in this stance, especially in the Memphite region. Twenty-
sites.255 Thus, the distribution is heavily biased toward the provinces. Its popularity at
area may point to a local tradition, especially in sites in Middle Egypt, such as Quseir el-
251
Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom, 134.
252
Gabriele Pieke, “Der Grabherr und die Lotosblume: zu lokalen und geschlechtsspezifischen Traditionen eines
Motivkreises,” in The Old Kingdom Art and Archaeology: Proceedings of the Conference Held in Prague, May 31 -
June 4, 2004, ed. Miroslav Bárta (Prague: Czech Institute of Egyptology, Faculty of Arts, Charles University in Prague,
2006), 260-261.
253
In the tombs of PtH-sDf# / Ffj, $nw, and cnnw-k#(.j) / Kkj (G 2041).
254
In the tombs of Bj# / Jry and K#.j-m-Hzt.
255
In seven tombs: on-onXj (El-Hagarsa B13), Mry II (El-Hagarsa C2), Mry-o# (El-Hagarsa D18), B#wj (El-Hawawish
CG 20504), Nhwt-dSr / Mry (El-Hawawish G95), Cpss-pw-Mnw / $nj / $n-onXw / $n-onX (El-Hawawish H24),
and %w.n-wX / VTj (Quseir el-Amarna Tomb 2).
87
A typical example of this gesture occurs in the tomb of Cpss-pw-Mnw / $nj at El-
Hawawish (H24). On the north wall of the shrine, two daughters of the tomb owner stand
Figure 54. Tomb of Cpss-pw-Mnw / $nj at El-Hawawish (H24), Kanawati, El-Hawawish II, fig. 25.
In the tomb of PtH-sDf# / Ffj at Giza, for example, a daughter stands behind the
wife on the false door and holds a lotus flower in her hand. In this case, however, the
daughter uses both hands to hold the stem and does not sniff the flower.
Raising one’s arm usually indicates that the figure is speaking, reciting spells, or
making offerings. In some cases, raising both arms in front of the body connotes
88
deference. 256 The dataset had eight occurrences of this stance: three in Giza,257 two in
Saqqara,258 and three in provincial sites.259 All children depicted in these are sons. One
example occurs in the tomb of Mry-Ro-nfr / Q#r at Giza (G 7101), where a son of Q#r
named Jdw appears on the west wall of Room E to the right of the false door. Jdw wears
a long wig and a short projecting kilt, and holds a papyrus scroll with one hand and raises
the other hand in front of him with his palm facing upward. The caption of this scene
reads Htp dj nswt jm#Xw Xr Wsjr Q#r jn z# Jdw “The offering that the king gave (for) the
well provided before Osiris, Qar, by (his) son Idu.”260 The gesture of raising the arm here
Figure 56. Tomb of Mry-Ro-nfr / Q#r at Giza, Simpson, Qar and Idu, pl. 32.
On the west walls of the tombs of K#(.j)-nj-nswt II at Giza (G 2156) and K#-Hj.f at
Giza (G 2136), the sons stand before the offering list with arms raised in a gesture of
speaking or reciting. In the tombs of Wnnj at Saqqara, %nw at Saqqara, and Mrw / Jy at
256
Dominicus, Gesten und Gebärden in Darstellungen des Alten und Mittleren Reiches, 78-79, Abb. 17, and 29-30,
Abb. 9.
257
In the tombs of Mry-Ro-nfr / Q#r (G 7101), K#(.j)-nj-nswt II (G 2156), and K#-Hj.f (G 2136).
258
In the tombs of Wnnj (offering table) and %nw.
259
crf-k#(.j) (el-Sheikh Said No. 1), Mrw / Jy (Nag’ el-Deir N3737), and %wj (Qubbet el-Hawa, de Morgan A5).
260
Simpson, The Mastabas of Qar and Idu, G7101 and 7102, 11.
89
Nag’ el-Deir (N3737), the sons appear with both arms raised in front of the body in a
gesture showing deference. This stance, however, was not popular in the Old Kingdom,
with all three examples dating to the late Sixth Dynasty or later.261
Figure 57. Tomb of Mrw / Jy at Nag el-Deir, Peck, Naga ed-Der, pl. xi.
When they stand independently, children of the tomb owner are seldom nude
youths sucking the index finger. Only three such examples occur in the dataset. In the
tomb of Rdj-ns at Giza (G 5032), a son appears as a nude boy sucking his finger at the
bottom of the jamb of the false door. Another comes from the tomb of ZTw at Giza (G
4710, LG 49). His son appears as a nude youth sucking his finger to the left of the panel
261
Brovarski dates the tomb to the Tenth Dynasty, see Edward Brovarski, “The Inscribed Material of the First
Intermediate Period from Naga-ed-Der” (PhD Diss., University of Chicago, 1989), 486-506.
90
Figure 58. Tomb of Rdj-ns at Giza, Manuelian (1994), in Silverman ed. For his ka, 60, fig 4.6.
In a scene, a nude child does not necessarily mean that the child is at a smaller
scale compared with other children depicted as adults. On the west wall of the tomb of
K#(.j)-nj-nswt I at Giza (G 2155), for example, a nude son stands behind his brother and
sister. Although his position behind them and his nudity suggest that he is the youngest
Figure 60. Tomb of K#(.j)-nj-nswt I at Giza, Junker, Giza II, Abb. 18.
91
Spear-fishing and fowling on a skiff in the marsh is a popular motif in elite tomb
decoration of the Old Kingdom. In these activities, family members usually accompany
the tomb owner either on the skiff or sub-registers in his vicinity. This study classifies
their stances in these scenes individually as Type C because the nature of the marsh
activities and the composition of the fishing and fowling scenes highly informs their
Stance Type C-1: Standing on the skiff with the tomb owner and holding a spear or a
throwing stick
Children of the tomb owner sometimes stand on the skiff near the tomb owner and
accompany him in the activities of spear-fishing and fowling. Sons often carry a spear or
a throw stick; like the tomb owner, occasionally they throw the spear or the throwing
stick, but their scale is much-reduced. Stance C-1 occurs 25 times in the dataset: 2 in
towards the provincial tombs. All examples with this stance are sons. On the south wall
of the tomb of Jbj at Deir el-Gabrawi (No. 8), for instance, the eldest son stands in front
of his father on the prow and spears fish. In this case, his figure appear as a miniature of
262
For a brief discussion of the major and minor figures in the marsh scene, see Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs
of the Old Kingdom, 139-141.
263
In the tombs of Mry-Ro-mrj-PtH-onX / NXbw (G 2381 with shaft G 2382A) and K#(.j)-m-onX (G 4561).
264
In five tombs: #Xtj-Htp (E 17), Nfr-jrt-n.f (D 55), Ro-Spss (Lepsius LS 16 [S 902]), Rmnj / Mr-wj, and cnfrw-jn-jSt.f
(No. 2 Dahshur).
265
In ten tombs: Jbj (Deir el-Gabrawi No. S8), !nqw I / $ttj (Deir el-Gabrawi No. N39), !nqw II / Jj...f (Deir el-
Gabrawi No. N67), Eow / Cm#j (Deir el-Gabrawi No. S12), Jdw I (Dendera), Jttj / Cdw (Deshasha), Ozy-Mnw (El-
Hawawish M22), Ozy-Mnw / Zzj / ewdy (El-Hawawish F1), Cpss-pw-Mnw / $nj / $n-onXw / $n-onX (El-Hawawish
H24), and Ppy-onX-Hrj-jb (Meir No. D2).
92
the tomb owner.266 He and his father act in the same way and wear the same costume, a
short wig with a sash tied at the back of the head, a collar, a pair of bracelets, and a
tripartite kilt.267
Figure 61. Tomb of Jbj at Deir el-Gabrawi (No. 18), Kanawati, Gebrawi II, pl. 67.
Sons in this stance may also appear as nude youths. In the tombs of K#(.j)-m-onX
at Giza (G 4561), for example, a son appears as a nude youth with a side lock and stands
in front of the tomb owner on the skiff. He holds a harpoon with one hand, and grasps a
266
Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom, 140.
267
A special type of kilt that the tomb owner wears in fishing and fowling scenes, see Staehelin, Tracht, 5.
93
Stance Type C-2: Standing on the skiff of the tomb owner or a sub-register near the
Children may appear in the spear-fishing and fowling scenes carrying fish or birds
in their hands, but no examples is attested in Giza. It occurs ten times in Saqqara and nine
in the provinces. 268 In the tomb of Eow / Cm#j at Deir el-Gabrawi (No. 12), for example, a
son carries birds and fish in his hands on the prow, facing backwards to the tomb owner.
Figure 63. Tomb of Eow / Cm#j at Deir el-Gabrawi (No. 12), Kanawati, Gebrawi III, pl. 69.
Sons in Stance C-2 may appear as nude boys. In the tomb of Nfr-jrt-n.f at Saqqara
(D 55), for example, a son stands between the legs of the tomb owner on the skiff as a
268
In seven tombs at Saqqara: Mr.f-nb.f / Ffj, Mrrj (around Teti Pyramid), MTTj, Nj-onX-$nmw (double tomb of Nj-onX-
$nmw & $nmw-Htp), Nfr-jrt-n.f (D 55), "tp-Hr-#Xtj (D 60), $nmw-Htp (double tomb of Nj-onX-$nmw & $nmw-Htp). In
five tombs at provincial sites: Jbj (Deir el-Gabrawi No. S8), Eow / Cm#j (Deir el-Gabrawi No. S12), Mry-o# (El-Hagarsa
D18), Ozy-Mnw (El-Hawawish M22), and Mrw / Jy (Nag’ el-Deir N3737).
94
Figure 64. Tomb of Nfr-jrt-n.f at Saqqara, Van de Walle, Mastaba Neferirtenef, pl. 1.
Stance C-2-7, carrying birds or fish, as well as lotus flowers. In the tomb of Mrrj at
Saqqara, for example, two sons appear behind the tomb owner who is spearing fish on a
skiff. The sons grasp the wings of the birds with one hand and hold a lotus flower with
the other hand. The other example of Stance C-2-7 comes from the tomb of Ozy-Mnw at
El-Hawawish (M22).269
Figure 65. Tomb of Mrrj at Saqqara, Davies et al., Saqqara Tombs I, pl. 5.
appears as a nude youth on the boat with his father who is fowling using a throwing-stick.
269
Kanawati, The Rock Tombs of El-Hawawish IV, fig. 12.
95
He grasps the wings of two birds with one hand and embraces his father’s calf with the
other arm. This son is the only example of a son touching his father while carrying birds
The only example of daughters in this stance occurs in the tomb of Mry-o# at El-
Hagarsa (D18). A daughter stands behind the tomb owner, who is hunting birds with a
throwing stick. She wears a long dress with a geometric pattern and anklets, grasping a
bird with her hand. It is interesting to note that both the tomb owner and his daughter
stand on a ground line rather than a skiff, while the aquatic plants in front of the tomb
Figure 67. Tomb of Mry-o# at El-Hagarsa (D 18), Kanawati, El-Hagarsa III, pl. 44.
96
Stance Type C-3: Standing near the tomb owner without carrying fish or birds
Children in the spear-fishing and fowling scenes may also stand passively on sub-
registers behind the tomb owner without carrying fish or birds,270 a stance less common
than Type C-2. In the dataset, this stance occurs ten times: four in Giza,271 four in
Unlike sons appearing in Stance C-1, children depicted in Stance C-3 do not
usually wear a short tripartite kilt resembling that of the tomb owner. Instead, they wear
projecting kilts and lector-priest’s bands across the chest, a costume that was not suitable
for sports activities in the marshes. In the tomb of Mry-Ro-mrj-PtH-onX / NXbw at Giza, for
example, a son stands behind the tomb owner on the skiff on a sub-register, wearing a
long wig and a projecting kilt, with a sash across the chest. In contrast, the tomb owner
wears a long sash on the head and a short kilt. The son’s costume indicates that he is not
participating in spear-fishing. His position and his closeness to the tomb owner, however,
Figure 68. Tomb of Mry-Ro-mrj-PtH-onX / NXbw at Giza, Smith (1958), in BMFA 56, 59, fig. 2.
270
Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom, 140.
271
In the tombs of Mry-Ro-mrj-PtH-onX / NXbw (G 2381 with shaft G 2382A) and cnDm-jb / Jntj (G 2370).
272
In the tombs of Mrrw-k#.j / Mrj, MHw, and Nj-k#w-Jzzj (around Teti Pyramid).
273
In the tombs of Jbj (Deir el-Gabrawi No. S8) and !nqw I / $ttj (Deir el-Gabrawi No. N39).
97
A rare example of this stance comes from the tomb of cnDm-jb / Jntj at Giza.
decoration of the west wall of Room II with a scene of hippopotamus hunting. In this
scene, he stands on a skiff, holding his staff, and watches two men spearing the
hippopotamus on another skiff. The caption of the scene reads M## pHww Xt nbt nfrt m k#t
sXt “viewing the hinterlands and every good thing consisting of the activity of the
fields.”274 Wearing short wigs and long projecting kilts, his three sons stand behind him
with their arms pendent on three sub-registers. In the space between the tomb owner’s
legs and the staff, a small figure dressed in a short-pointed kilt stands in front of him and
faces the opposite direction to look at him. This figure may be another son of the tomb
owner, but one cannot find any preserved inscription today containing kinship
designations.
Figure 69. Tomb of cnDm-jb / Jntj at Giza, Brovarski, Senedjemib Complex I, pl. 42.
274
Brovarski, The Senedjemib Complex I, 49.
98
The dataset has only one daughter in Stance C-3. In a fishing scene on the west
wall of the tomb of MHw at Saqqara, a daughter stands behind the tomb owner on a skiff.
She wears a long wig and a long dress and has her hand upon her chest.
Although one may find representations of the wife of the tomb owner kneeling on
the boat with the tomb owner,275 children do not normally appear in this stance. Stance C-
4 occurs five times in three tombs,276 with all examples being daughters of the tomb
owner. In the double tomb of Nj-onX-$nmw and $nmw-Htp at Saqqara, daughters of both
tomb owners kneel between the legs of their fathers in the fowling and spear-fishing
275
Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom, 140. For wives shown in diminutive figure in fishing
and fowling scenes, see McCorquodale, Representations of the Family in the Egyptian Old Kingdom: Women and
Marriage, 20.
276
The double tomb of Nj-onX-$nmw and $nmw-Htp at Saqqara, cnfrw-jn-jSt.f (No. 2 Dahshur), and c#bnj [I] (Qubbet
el-Hawa, de Morgan A1, east tomb).
99
Figure 71. Tomb of Nj-onX-$nmw and $nmw-Htp at Saqqara, Harpur & Scremin, Niankhkhnum and Khnumhotep, 621,
Representations combine Stance C-4 with other stances in three cases. Stance C-
4-5, kneeling while touching a major figure, occurs in the tomb of cnfrw-jn-jSt.f at
Dahshur (No. 2). Situated on the skiff between the legs of the tomb owner, a daughter
Figure 72. Tomb of cnfrw-jn-jSt.f at Dahshur (No. 2), de Morgan, Dahchour II, pl. xxiv.
Stance C-4-7, kneeling while holding a lotus flower, occurs in the tomb of c#bnj I
at Qubbet el-Hawa (A1, de Morgan, east tomb). Two daughters kneel between the legs of
the tomb owner on the skiff and sniff a lotus flower in the fishing and fowling scenes
respectively.
100
Figure 73. Tomb of c#bnj I at Qubbet el-Hawa (A1, de Morgan, east tomb), de Morgan, Catalogue des monuments I,
fig. on 146.
Stance Type C-5: Standing on a skiff with the tomb owner and touching him
This stance only occurs in the tomb of !nqw I / $ttj at Deir el-Gabrawi (No. 39).
In the spear-fishing scene on the north wall of the chapel, a son stands between the legs
of the tomb owner and embraces his father’s calf. Examples of physical contact with the
tomb owner on the skiff appears also in the tombs of cnfrw-jn-jSt.f at Dahshur (Figure 69)
Figure 74. Tomb of !nqw I / $ttj at Deir el-Gabrawi (No. 39), Kanawati, Gebrawi I, pl. 39.
101
Stance Type C-6: Standing or kneeling, raising an arm with the index finger pointing
forward
The only example of Stance C-6 comes from a fowling scene in the tomb of Jbj at
Deir el-Gabrawi (No. 8). Standing between the legs of the tomb owner, a daughter raises
Figure 75. Tomb of Jbj at Deir el-Gabrawi (No. 8), Kanawati, Gebrawi II, pl. 68.
scenes, with the only example in the tomb of c#bnj I at Qubbet el-Hawa (A1, de Morgan,
east tomb). In this fishing and fowling scene, a daughter stands behind her father on the
boat and holds a lotus flower toward her nose. However, Stance C-7 occurs in
combination with Stance C-4 in the same tomb (Figure 70), and with Stance C-2 in the
Figure 76. Tomb of c#bnj I at Qubbet el-Hawa (A1, de Morgan, east tomb), de Morgan, Catalogue des Monuments I,
fig. on 146.
102
major figure (Stance Type AS-6) and the stance of children kneeling in the fishing and
fowling scenes (Stance Type C-4).277 Stance Type D has five sub-divisions.
Stance Type D-1: Seated or kneeling while bending one arm to the chest or placing
Stance Type D-1 occurs 80 times in the dataset. It is interesting to note that its
distribution is heavily biased toward the Giza region with 47 occurrences, while it occurs
In the tomb of Jn-k#.f at Giza, for example, the eight children of the tomb owner
kneel on both sides of the panel of the false door, with one arm bent to the chest, a
277
Women are usually depicted with both knees on the ground and the torso resting on the heels, but men kneel on the
nearer leg with the further leg raised. Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom, 138-139.
278
Dominicus, Gesten und Gebärden in Darstellungen des Alten und Mittleren Reiches, 6.
103
Figure 77. Tomb of Jn-k#.f at Giza, Hassan, Giza VI-3, 129, fig. 119.
This stance may appear in combination with other stances, such as Stance D-2,
sitting at the offering table, and Stance D-4, kneeling or sitting holding accessories,
offerings, or lotus flowers. Stance D-1-2, seated before the offering table with arm bent
across the chest, only appears in the tomb of K#-Hj.f at Giza (G 2136). On the south wall,
four sons and a daughter of the tomb owner kneel at their own small offering table before
the tomb owner. 279 Each bends their right arm to their chest and extents their left hand to
Figure 78. Tomb of K#-Hj.f at Giza (G 2136), Junker, Giza VI, Abb. 38b.
In the dataset, Stance D-1-4, sitting with arm bent across the chest while carrying
other accessories, occurs in the tomb of cXm-k#-Ro at Giza (LG 89) and the tomb of %w-
279
In most cases, men kneel on the nearer leg with the further knee raised, while women are depicted with both knees
on the ground. For the discussion on this posture, see Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom, 138-
139.
104
ns at Zawyet el-Amwat (A6, de Morgan). In the tomb of cXm-k#-Ro, the son kneels before
the tomb owner and his wife, holds a papyrus scroll in one hand, and places the other
hand across the chest. In the tomb of %w-ns, three daughters sit before the wife of the
tomb owner. Each of them holds a lotus flower in one hand and places the other hand
Figure 80. Tomb of %w-ns at Zawyet el-Amwat (No. 2), LD II, 109.
In Stance Type D-2, children usually sit at their own offering tables and reach out
a hand to the offerings on the table, a gesture resembling that of the tomb owner who sits
on a chair at his or her offering table. In the dataset, this stance occurs 23 times: 22 times
in the Saqqara region and once in the tomb of %w.n-wX / VTj at Quseir el-Amarna (Tomb
105
2).280 Another example of this stance in combination with Stance D-1 comes from the
It is interesting to note that Stance D-2 is almost exclusive to the Saqqara region,
while Stance D-1 is more popular in Giza. Children seated at their own offering tables
may have become an artistic motif in tomb decoration developed from Stance D-1 when
the elite tombs moved to Saqqara at the beginning of the Sixth Dynasty. 281 In the tomb of
Wr-nw at Saqqara, for example, the tomb owner and his wife sit at the offering table
between two false doors, while their children appear on the registers below them with
food on their own small tables. It is worth noting that 10 of the 22 depictions from
Saqqara are daughters of the tomb owner. The relatively even distribution between sons
and daughters demonstrates that children of both genders could sit at the table and enjoy
Figure 81. Tomb of Wr-nw at Saqqara, James, Hiero. Texts I, 2nd ed., pl. xxviii.
In the scenes depicting offering tables, all the tomb owners sit on a chair at the
table, while their children usually kneel on the ground. An exception occurs in the tomb
280
In the tombs of Wr-jr.n-PtH, Wr-b#w (in the same tomb of K#-H#.j), PtH-Htp / Jj-n-onX, $nmw-Htp (D 49), and K#-H#.j
at Saqqara.
281
The only example of children seated before offering tables comes from the tomb of K#-Hj.f (G 2136). They appear in
Stance Type D-1-2. This tomb dates to the early reign of Pepy II. See Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old
Kingdom, 428, plan 109.
106
of %w.n-wX / VTj at Quseir el-Amarna (Tomb 2). On the left panel of the statue niche on
the south wall, a daughter sits on a chair and reaches her hand to the reed leaves on her
offering table. The inscription above her describes her as jm#Xwt Xr Hnwt.s Xr Wsjr Xr
Jnpw tpj Dw.f jmj wt “the honored one before her mistress, before Osiris, and before
Anubis, who is on his hill, who is in the embalming place.”282 The inscription suggests
that she probably had already died when the tomb owner commissioned the decoration of
his tomb.283 Therefore, her posture may suggest her status as the recipient of offerings
Figure 82. Tomb of %w.n-wX / VTj at Quseir el-Amarna (Tomb 2), El-Khouli and Kanawati, Quseir el-Amarna, pl. 46.
Kneeling and making offerings is not common in Old Kingdom tomb decoration.
The dataset has 16 occurrences of this stance, all of which come from Giza.284 No
daughters appear in this stance. It is, therefore, a stance used exclusively for sons of the
tomb owner. In the tomb of Nj-Htp-PtH / Pnj (G 2340, LG 25), for example, a son appears
282
El-Khouli and Kanawati, Quseir El-Amarna, 55.
283
El-Khouli and Kanawati, Quseir El-Amarna, 56.
284
In the tombs of Jttj (G 7391), W#S-k#(.j), Mr-sw-onX, Nj-Htp-PtH / Pnj (G 2340, LG 25), ct-k#.j, and vp-m-onX (D 20).
107
before the tomb owner beneath the offering table, kneeling and presenting a jar and a
Figure 83. Tomb of Nj-Htp-PtH / Pnj at Giza (G 2340, LG 25), Altenmüller (1981), in SAK 9, 40, Abb. 7.
A similar example comes from an offering basin discovered in the tomb of W#S-
k#.j at Giza, on which four sons of the tomb owner kneel and present offerings. This
depiction may reflect how children of the tomb owner had to kneel on the ground to place
Figure 84. Tomb of W#S-k#.j at Giza, James, Hiero. Texts I, 2nd ed., pl. xxvii.
No Children depicted in Stance Type D-4 have been attested in the dataset. Two
examples of Stance Type D-5 occur the tomb of vp-m-onX at Giza (D 20) and the tomb of
Sn-jt.f, son of K#-H#.j, at Saqqara. In the tomb of vp-m-onX, a son squats before the
offering table in the offering list scene with one hand raised in front of his body in a
108
gesture of speaking,285 while holding a papyrus scroll in the other hand. In the tomb of
Sn-jt.f, similarly, a son appears to the right of the panel of the false door on the west wall,
squatting and raising his hand in front of the body in a gesture of speaking.
Figure 85. Tomb of vp-m-onX at Giza (D20), Ziegler, Stèles, 261, no. 47.
Figure 86. Tomb of Sn-jt.f, son of K#-H#.j, at Saqqara, Lashien, The Chapel of Kahai and His Family, pl. 76 (b).
Children of the tomb owner can also engage in a variety of activities, such as
funerary rituals including purification, libation, and making offerings, as well as other
have taken place during funerary rites and burial ceremonies. Children in this stance may
285
Dominicus, Gesten und Gebärden in Darstellungen des Alten und Mittleren Reiches, 77-78.
109
the tomb owner, or reading from a papyrus scroll in his presence. Stance Type E consists
of four sub-types.
Stance Type E-1: Engaging in musical and sport activities (playing an instrument,
Music, dance, and game are common motifs in Old Kingdom tomb decoration,
and many scenes depict musicians and dancers. Individuals involved in these activities
are both male and female. The majority of the musicians, dancers, and combaters are
anonymous, though some of them are named and designated as children and siblings of
the tomb owner. Stance E-1 occurs 23 times in the dataset: 14 in Giza,286 6 in Saqqara,287
music and sports activities is most popular in Giza. Particularly, all five examples of sons
engaging in these activities come from that site. In the tomb of Jdw, for instance, the
children of the tomb owner appear on the south wall and engage in games and musical
performance in honor of Hathor.289 On the top register, two sons who appear as nude
boys play a game. Each wears a head band decorated with lotus flowers and hold a short
stick in each hand. They confront each other in combat, with their rear arms raised up
behind their heads and the other arms lowered in front of their bodies. 290
286
In five tombs: Jdw (G 7102), %o.f-Ro-onX (G 7948), %ww-wr (LG 95), K#(.j)-m-onX (G 4561), and K#(.j)-Xnt (G
2088).
287
In the tombs of Bj# / Jry, MTTj, cnfrw-jn-jSt.f (No. 2 Dahshur), and cSm-nfr / Jfj.
288
In the tombs of Ppy-onX-Hrj-jb (Meir No. D2) and %w-ns (Zawyet el-Amwat No. 2).
289
Simpson, The Mastabas of Qar and Idu, G7101 and 7102, 24-26.
290
Kinney suggests that the ancient Egyptians considered the scene of boys playing games as a specific type of dance
called Xbt. This type of dance may have been aprt of an important ritual, i.e., the coming of age ceremony, or the
harvest celebration. The lotus flower hair ornament is common among dancers in the tomb decoration in the Old
Kingdom. See Kinney, Dance, Dancers and the Performance Cohort in the Old Kingdom, 146-153, 188. For the lotus
flowers worn by the boys, see discussion in Sheila Brow, “Hairstyles and Hair Ornaments,” in Egyptian Art: Principles
110
Figure 87. Tomb of Jdw at Giza, Simpson, Qar and Idu, fig. 38.
In the same scene, a daughter of Jdw raises her hands over her head with palms
turned upward. Wearing a long sash that hangs on her back, a projecting kilt, and double
cross-strap across her chest, she leads a group of jb# dancers.291 Another daughter
wearing a short wig and a long dress appears as a harpist below them and kneels on the
Figure 88. Tomb of Jdw at Giza, Simpson, Qar and Idu, fig. 38.
and Themes in Wall Scenes, eds. Leonie Donovan and Kim McCorquodale (Guizeh, Egypt: Foreign Cultural
Information Department, 2000), 185-186. Moussa refers the three lotus flowers worn on the head as “diadem of
singers,” see Ahmed M. Moussa, “Five Monuments of the Old Kingdom from the Causeway of King Unas at Saqqara,”
Studien Zur Altägyptischen Kultur 10 (1983): 275.
291
This is the only example the double cross-strap is represented in Giza. This girl also wears a long scarf looped
loosely around her torso. These accessories are associated with the cult of Hathor. For a more detailed discussion of
this “diamond pose” and the particular costume this daughter wears, see Lesley Kinney, Dance, Dancers and the
Performance Cohort in the Old Kingdom, 53-72, 188. For the costume of the girl, see also Gillian Vogelsang-
Eastwood, Pharaonic Egyptian Clothing (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1993), 82-84, Fig. 5:17.
111
Figure 89. Tomb of Jdw at Giza, Simpson, Qar and Idu, fig. 38.
least some children from noble families were capable musicians and may have learned
musical skills such as singing, dancing, and playing the harps to fulfill their ritual duties.
Their involvement in the funerary rituals suggests that family members may have taken
over some of the priestly duties carried out by professional priests. In the tomb of Ppy-
onX-Hrj-jb at Meir (No. D2), two daughters paly the harp behind the seated tomb owner
and his wife on the north wall of Room 3. Facing the two daughters, a seated man plays
the flute. He is possibly a professional musician given that the inscription offers no
kinship designation associated with him. The inscription in front of the first daughter
reads Xo Nbw m rwt wrt “may the Golden One appear in the great door.”292 This
inscription may be an excerpt from a ritual song performed at the funeral. 293
292
Naguib Kanawati et al., The Cemetery of Meir I: The Tomb of Pepyankh the Middle, Australian Centre for
Egyptology: Reports 31 (Oxford: Aris & Phillips, 2012), 59.
293
Hartwig Altenmüller, Zur Bedeutung der Harfnerlieder des Alten Reiches, Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur 6
(1978), 1-24.
112
Children of the tomb owner are often depicted performing funerary rituals, such
as censing (E-2-CEN) and libation (E-2-LIB). Occasionally, they present lotus flowers to
their parents (E-2-LOT), recite spells (E-2-REC), or perform the ritual of “removing the
foot print” (E-2-REM). All children depicted in Stance E-2 are sons; none of the
Stance E-2-CEN, censing a major figure, is common among sons of the tomb
owner. Sons in this stance usually hold a censer with a bell-shaped base and a lid of the
same shape. 294 Stance E-2-CEN occurs 46 times in the dataset: 17 in Giza,295 20 in
294
For the discussion of censing scenes, see Aylward M. Blackman, “Remarks on an Incense-Brazier Depicted in
Thuthotep’s Tomb at El-Bersheh,” Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache 50, no. 1-2 (1912): 66-68. For the meaning of
censing in a funerary context, see Aylward M. Blackman, “The Significance of Incense and Libations in Funerary and
Temple Ritual,” Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache 50, no. 1-2 (1912): 69-75. For the typology of censers, see Jorge R.
Ogdon, “The Bell Shaped Censers in the Old Kingdom,” Varia Egyptiaca 1, no. 3 (1985): 131-142. The censing ritual
may also have been performed by a ka-priest, see Thompson, “The Iconography of the Memphite Priesthood in Egypt’s
Elite Tombs of the Old Kingdom,” 124-125.
295
In 16 tombs: S 359, Jjj, Jttj (G 7391), Jdw (G 7102), onX-wD# / JTj, onX-H#.f / Q#r, PtH-sDf# / Ffj, Mr-onX.f, Nj-mstj (G
2366), Nj-Htp-PtH / Pnj (G 2340, LG 25), Nj-sonX-#Xty / JTj, %wfw-snb II, cnnw, Qd-ns II, K#.j-pw-nswt / K#j (G 4651),
and Vtw II (G 2343-G 5511).
113
Saqqara,296 and 9 in provincial sites.297 On the north pillar of the tomb of Nj-Htp-PtH / Pnj
at Giza, a son stands before the tomb owner and censes him. On the other face of the
pillar, another son stands in the stance of censing. In this case, the son uncovers the lid of
the censer completely to present the smoking base. In other situations, the lid is slightly
removed to allow the smoke to come out from the gap. In the tomb of Jnw-Mnw at
Saqqara, for example, his eldest son Nfrj appears in front of tomb owner on the east and
Figure 91. Tomb of Nj-Htp-PtH / Pnj at Giza, Badawy, Nyhetep-Ptah and Akhmahor, fig. 9.
296
In 15 tombs: name lost (Martin, Hetepka, No. 22, 22-23, pl. 23.), #Xtj-Htp (Louvre E. 10958, Mastaba du Louvre),
Jnw-Mnw (around Teti Pyramid), onX-m-o-onty, Bj# / Jry, MTTj, Nj-onX-Ppy / Nj-onX-Mry-Ro, Nj-k#w-Jzzj (around Teti
Pyramid), NTr-wsr, Ro-Hr-tp / Jtj, "r-mrw / Mry, Ozzj, %o-mrr-PtH (No. 68 [C 4]), %wj, and c#bw / Jbbj.
297
In eight tombs: Nb-jb (Deir el-Gabrawi No. N38), !nqw II / Jj...f (Deir el-Gabrawi No. N67), Jzj (Edfu), Ozy-Mnw
(El-Hawawish M22), Nj-onX-Ppy-km / Nj-onX-Mry-Ro-km / Opj-km / cbk-km (Meir No. A1), Nb-Cmow / $ttj (Naqqada,
Vienna, No. 5894), Or-Xw.f (Qubbet el-Hawa, de Morgan A8), and %w.n-wX / VTj (Quseir el-Amarna Tomb 2).
114
Figure 92. Tomb of Jnw-Mnw at Saqqara, Kanawati & Abder-Raziq, Teti Cemetery VIII. pl. 42.
In the tomb of Ppy-onX-km / %ny / %ny-km at Meir (No. A2), a son censes the
tomb owner in front of the offering table on the west wall of Room I. He holds a bell-
Figure 93. Tomb of Nj-onX- Ppy-km / Opj-km at Meir (No. A1), Kanawati, Meir III, pl. 65.
Sons holding a perfume jar towards the nose of the tomb owner is popular in the
Sixth Dynasty. In the tomb of Nb-jb at Deir el-Gabrawi, for example, the eldest son
stands before the tomb owner and holds a perfume jar to his face. It is interesting to note
that the scale of the son equals that of the father, while the other son appears shorter than
the eldest son. This differentiation in scale is an indication of the age and status of the
respective children.
115
Figure 94. Tomb of Nb-jb at Deir el-Gabrawi, Kanawati, Gebrawi I, pl. 60.
Stance E-2-LIB, making libation, though frequently found in Old Kingdom tomb
decoration, is much less frequent among the children of the tomb owner. Only three
examples of this stance occur in the dataset, the earliest from the tomb of onX-H#.f at Giza,
dating back to the late Fourth Dynasty or the early Fifth Dynasty. 298 On a fragment from
a wall of this tomb is a depiction of a son of the tomb owner pouring water from a jar into
a basin.
Figure 95. Tomb of onX-H#.f at Giza, James, Hiero. Texts I, 2nd ed. pl. xv.
A similar scene appears on the north doorjamb in the tomb of Jttj at Giza (G
7391), where a son squats in front of the tomb owner and pours water into a basin. The
298
PM III, 306.
299
Badawy, The Tombs of Iteti, Sekhem’ankh-Ptah, and Kaemnofert At Giza, 4-5.
116
Figure 96. Tomb of Jttj at Giza (G 7391), Badawy, Iteti, Sekhem’ankh-Ptah and Kaemnofert, fig. 10.
The third example occurs on the south wall of the chapel of Mry-o# at El-Hagarsa
(D18). A miniature son stands near the mouth of his father and presents a bowl and a
small jar towards the mouth of the tomb owner. The inscription above the head of the son
reads z#T z#.k J#z “making libation, your son, Ias.”300 The second person possessive
pronoun used here is unique. It is as if a bystander in the chapel speaks to the deceased.
Figure 97. Tomb of Mry-o# at El-Hagarsa (D18), Kanawati, El-Hagarsa III, pl. 38.
Sons sometimes present a lotus flower to their parents (Stance E-2-LOT).301 This
stance occurs in five tombs in the dataset,302 and all the examples come from Giza.303 On
300
Kanawati and McFarlane, The Tombs of El-Hagarsa III, 35.
301
In his study, Pieke divides all scenes with the male tomb owner holding a lotus flower into three types. Bildtypus 2
consists of scenes of presenting a lotus flower. This type of scene appears in the first half of the Fifth Dynasty and lasts
to the Sixth Dynaty, see Pieke, “Der Grabherr und die Lotosblume: zu lokalen und geschlechtsspezifischen Traditionen
eines Motivkreises,” 262-280. In some scenes, the figure presenting a lotus flower is unnamed and could be a
dependent or a male relative of the tomb owner, such as the case of Ozy-Mnw at El-Hawawish (M22), see Kanawati,
The Rock Tombs of El-Hawawish IV, 18, fig. 9. Harpur suggests the inscription and the amulet worn by the presenter in
the tomb of Ozy-Mnw identify him as a son, see Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom, 135, note
88.
302
Omt-Ro, %wfw-Xo.f II (G 7150), cSm-nfr II (G 5080), cSm-nfr III (G 5170), and vp-m-onX (D 20).
303
Pieke’s study points to the same conclusion. Scenes of receiving a lotus flower is much most popular at Giza, see
Pieke, “Der Grabherr und die Lotosblume: zu lokalen und geschlechtsspezifischen Traditionen eines Motivkreises,”
265-271.
117
the south wall of the tomb of %wfw-Xo.f II at Giza (G 7150), for example, a son appears as
a nude boy before the seated tomb owner and his wife. He extends the stem of a lotus
flower over to his father, while the father, who is seated under a pavilion with lotus
columns, reaches out his hand to hold the sepal of the flower.304 In the tombs of cSm-nfr
II (G 5080), cSm-nfr III (G 5170) and vp-m-onX (D 20), the son who presents the lotus
Figure 98. Tomb of %wfw-Xo.f II, Simpson, Kawab, Khafkhufu I and II, pl. 49.
304
The male tomb owner is usually shown in a kiosk or pavilion when holding a lotus flower. Harpur, Decoration in
Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom, 135.
118
A female recipient in the lotus presentation scene is unusual.305 The only example
occurs in the tomb of Omt-Ro at Giza. On the southern pillar, a son wearing a long
projecting kilt presents a lotus flower to the tomb owner. In this case, Omt-Ro does not
reach out her hand to receive the flower but stands and holds a lotus flower to her nose.
Figure 100. Tomb of Omt-Ro at Giza, Hassan, Giza VI-3, 62, fig. 44.
In Stance E-2-REC, a figure stands and recites spells in rituals. The only example
of children depicted in this stance comes from the tomb of Nj-onX-Ppy-km at Meir (A1).
On the west wall of Room 1, one of the sons of the tomb owner reads from an unrolled
papyrus scroll behind a group of priests who are pouring water in front of the tomb
owner. Wearing a band across the chest, he has the title xry-Hbt smsw “senior lector
305
The scene of receiving a lotus flower is only for the male tomb owner, see Pieke, “Der Grabherr und die
Lotosblume: zu lokalen und geschlechtsspezifischen Traditionen eines Motivkreises,” 274.
306
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 785.
307
Naguib Kanawati et al., The Cemetery of Meir III: The Tomb of Niankhpepy the Black, Australian Centre for
Egyptology: Reports 38 (Oxford: Aris & Phillips, 2015), 35.
119
Figure 101. Tomb of Nj-ꜥnḫ-Ppy-km at Meir (A1), Kanawati, Meir III, pl. 65.
The tomb of Cpss-k#.f-onX at Giza has another unique example of this stance. On
the south wall, a son stands before the tomb owner, his head turned backward. He drags a
broom-like object with his hand, an activity usually interpreted as “removing the
footprints” (E-2-REM).308
Figure 102. Tomb of Cpss-k#.f-onX at Giza, Hassan, Giza II, 29, fig. 27.
Scenes containing writing, reading, and the presenting of a document capture the
cycle of administrative work by the scribes under the supervision of the tomb owner.
308
Hassan, Excavations at Gîza II, 29. For the “removing the foot print”, see discussion in Thompson, “The
Iconography of the Memphite Priesthood in Egypt’s Elite Tombs of the Old Kingdom,” 44-46. See also Harold H.
Nelson, “The Rite of ‘Bringing the Foot’ as Portrayed in Temple Reliefs,” The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 35
(1949): 82-86; Hartwig Altenmüller, “Eine neue Deutung der Zeremonie des ‘IN‘IT RD,” The Journal of Egyptian
Archaeology 57 (1971): 146-153.
120
Sons of the tomb owner may be represented participating in these scribal activities.
provincial sites.311 All the examples of children involved in scribal activities are sons of
the tomb owner; no daughters appear in this stance. All the sons depicted in the scribal
In the tomb of Jj-nfrt at Giza, for example, his two sons are shown writing on a
papyrus scroll on the outer jambs of the false door respectively. The eldest son, who
stands on the left outer jamb, wears a short projecting kilt and a long wig, with two pens
tucked behind his ear. The other son on the right outer jamb wears the same kilt and a
short wig. The tomb owner bears the title z#b sHD zS “juridicial inspector of scribes,”312
which may have been the reason that his two sons appear as scribes.
Figure 103. Tomb of Jj-nfrt at Giza, Schürmann, Ii-nefret, 67, fig. 19.
309
In seven tombs: Jj-mry (G 6020, LG 15), Jj-nfrt, Nswt-nfr (G 4970), %o.f-Ro-onX (G 7948), %wfw-Xo.f I (G 7130 +
7140), cS#t-Htp / !tj (G 5150), and K#.j-pw-nswt / K#j (G 4651).
310
In six tombs: PtH-Htp I (D 62), Mrrw-k#.j / Mrj, MTTj, Rmnj / Mr-wj, %ntj-k# / JXXj, and Vy (No. 60 [D 22]).
311
In the tombs of Om-Ro / Jzj (Deir el-Gabrawi No. N72) and Ozy-Mnw / Zzj / ewdy (El-Hawawish F1).
312
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 814.
121
When writing on a papyrus scroll, the son may also kneel on the ground with one
knee raised and the left arm bent forward to hold the scroll.313 In the tomb of %o.f-Ro-onX
at Giza (G 7948), three sons of the tomb owner sit on the ground above the statue niche
on the west wall. All three write on a papyrus scroll held with the right hand; the palette
is tied with strings on the left hand, and a pen is tucked behind the ear.
scene which occurs in five tombs in the dataset.314 In the tomb of %o.f-Ro-onX, the eldest
son presents a document to the tomb owner and his sn-Dt “brother of the funerary estate”
on the east wall. 315 Bending forward, he wears a long pointed kilt and cropped wig and
spreads the papyrus scroll before his father.316 Another example occurs in the tomb of
Nswt-nfr, whose son K#.j-Hr-st.f appears on the north wall before the tomb owner,
313
For the discussion of the writing pose and the material (either papyrus or tablet) on which the scribe is working, see
Peter Der Manuelian, “Presenting the Scroll: Papyrus Documents in Tombs Scenes of the Old Kingdom,” in Studies in
Honor of William Kelly Simpson 2, ed. Peter Der Manuelian (Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, 1996), 566-568.
314
Nswt-nfr (G 4970), %o.f-Ro-onX (G 7948), %wfw-Xo.f (G 7130 + 7140), PtH-Htp (D 62) at Saqqara, and Om-Ro / Jzj
(Deir el-Gabrawi No. 72). In the case of Nfr (G 4761), the presenter has no kinship designation, though he is identified
by the excavator as a son of Nfr. Junker, Giza VI, 31, Abb. 5. See also Manuelian, “Presenting the Scroll: Papyrus
Documents in Tombs Scenes of the Old Kingdom,” 564, note 9. Document-presenting scenes are not reserved for
family members. The majority of the presenters have little filial relation to the deceased, see Manuelian, “Presenting
the Scroll: Papyrus Documents in Tombs Scenes of the Old Kingdom,” 563-564.
315
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 907. For the discussion of sn-Dt, see Chapter 4.
316
Pose 1 of Manuelian, extending or spreading out the document, see Manuelian, “Presenting the Scroll: Papyrus
Documents in Tombs Scenes of the Old Kingdom,” 569-571, Fig. 3.
122
caption of this scene reads m## zS n wDb “viewing the records of the reversion-
offerings.”318 This caption demonstrates that sons of the tomb owner may have taken part
in the distribution and redistribution of the offerings and were responsible for composing
317
Pose 3 of Manuelian, holding the document, see Manuelian, “Presenting the Scroll: Papyrus Documents in Tombs
Scenes of the Old Kingdom,” 571, 575, Fig. 5.
318
Kanawati, Giza II, 46. The most common text for the captions accompanying the presentation of document relates
the following theme: m## (zS n) nDt-Hr / prt-Xrw jnnt m njwwt n pr Dt … “Overseeing the (document of) offerings which
are brought from the towns of the funerary estate….” See Manuelian, “Presenting the Scroll: Papyrus Documents in
Tombs Scenes of the Old Kingdom,” 563. Other types of documents includes wDb-rd / pxrt “reversionary offerings,” zS
n Hmw-k# “document of the ka-priests,” and zS r m## “document for inspection,” see Verma, Cultural Expression in the
Old Kingdom Elite Tomb, 140, Table 5.
123
Slaughtering bulls or butchery scenes are quite common in elite tomb decoration
in the Old Kingdom. 319 Such scenes depict how the butchers tied bulls and cut off their
forelegs. The forelegs and other parts of the bull are then presented to the deceased for
his or her symbolic consumption in the funerary ceremonies. 320 Children of the tomb
owner do not usually participate in this ritual butchery. The slaughtering of a bull is
professionals with a hierarchy indicated by a series of titles.321 Sons of the tomb owner
seldom participate in butchery activity; only two examples occur in the dataset, both in
provincial sites.
In the tomb of Jttj / Cdw at Deshasha, a son named %#-n-cbk squats on the ground
to grasp the horn of a giant ox labeled as rn n ng#w “young ox.” He is designated as z#.f,
presumably the son of the tomb owner, but without any other titles relating to butchery.
The caption of the scene reads dj wH#w Sbw n k# jw# jw zjw.f r gs.f jnt n.f k#w.f r m## Hzt
nrw.f nb…[nf?]rt “Cause that the food offerings of bulls and oxen are cut! His men are at
his side. One shall bring his bulls to him in order to review the blessing of all his
herdsmen…”322 The tomb owner appears standing, leaning on his staff to the left, with an
inscription before him reading m## k# Hmt nt Xt.f rXt n k#.f nb sDm mdw nrw nw pr n Dt
319
For a complete list of tombs containing butchery scenes, see Salima Ikram, Choice Cuts: Meat Production in
Ancient Egypt (Leuven: Peeters, 1995), 297-303. For the removal of the foreleg from the bull, see also Arne
Eggebrecht, Schlachtungsbräuche im alten Ägypten und ihre Wiedergabe im Flachbild bis zum Ende des Mittleren
Reiches (München: Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, 1973), 53-73.
320
The butchery scenes are also related to the table scenes. Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom,
82.
321
Such as Xrp jmy sSm, qbH nmsts, see Henry G. Fischer, “The Butcher PH-r-nfr,” Orientalia 29 (1960): 170-171. See
also Ikram, Choice Cuts: Meat Production in Ancient Egypt, 109-111.
322
Kanawati and McFarlane, Deshasha, 55, pl. 51.
124
“viewing the bulls and cows of his property and the number of all his bulls, and hearing
the speech of the herdsmen of his funerary estate.”323 One is unable to tell whether this
son is a professional butcher given the evidence available in the inscription. His
participation in the slaughtering activity, however, suggests that sons may have taken part
in the preparation of bull meat as offerings and the ceremony in which they ritually
Figure 107. Tomb of Jttj / Cdw at Deshasha, Kanawati & McFarlane, Deshasha, pl. 51.
The other example of sons as butchers comes from the tomb of Vtj / K#.f-Hp at El-
Hawawish (M8). In this slaughtering scene, two sons with a large knife cut off the foreleg
of the bull.
Figure 108. Tomb of Vtj / K#.f-Hp at El-Hawawish, Kanawati, El-Hawawish III, fig. 13.
323
Kanawati and McFarlane, Deshasha, 54, pl. 51.
125
This section discusses stances that cannot be categorized into any other stance
type, as they are not typical for children of the tomb owner. Seven examples of Stance F
In the tomb of Vtw II at Giza (G 2343 - G 5511), a son sails with the tomb owner
on a boat.
Figure 109. Tomb of Vtw II at Giza (G 2343 - G 5511), Simpson, Western Cemetery, fig. 42.
A similar scene of a son on a boat occurs in the tomb of crf-k#(.j). On the north
half of the west wall, the eldest son stands on a skiff sailing behind his father. He leans on
Figure 110. Tomb of crf-k#(.j) at el-Sheikh Said, Davies, Sheik Said, pl. v.
126
In the tomb of PtH-Spss at Abusir, a son appears on the fifth register of the north
wall of Room 4, setting the table with food offerings. Although it is common for children
of the tomb owner to appear in Stance Type B-3, standing and carrying offerings, none of
the family members has the representation of placing food offerings on the table except in
the tomb of PtH-Spss, where a son stands near a table and uses his right hand to place an
item on the top of a pile of offerings. Nevertheless, family members likely placed food on
the offering table. In the Letter to the Dead on the Kaw Bowl, the son brought his
deceased mother seven quails as offerings.324 Relatives of the deceased possibly brought
offerings like the quails and letters and placed them on an offering table or basin in the
chapel. Therefore, decorum might have led the ancient Egyptians to omit certain
Figure 111. Tomb of PtH-Spss at Abusir, Verner, Abusir I: Ptahshepses, fig. 37.
another scene of a son touching the offering table. The eldest son stands before the table
of the deceased and his wife and extends his hand to the offering table.325 Although
324
Gardiner and Sethe, Egyptian Letters to the Dead, 3-5, 17-19, pls. II-IIA. See also Wente, Letters from Ancient
Egypt, 211-212.
325
Kanawati, El-Hawawish VIII, 62. The drawing of this stela in this volumn (fig. 34b) does not contain the name,
designation, and title of the eldest son. For the photograph of this object and the translation of the inscriptions on it, see
127
family members are frequently depicted standing before the offering table of the tomb
owner, they usually have no contact with the offering table and the offerings. The case of
Mnw-m-H#t may indicate that the son, especially the eldest son, may have been
responsible for taking care of the offerings on the offering table during the funerary
rituals.
Figure 112. Tomb of Mnw-m-H#t at El-Hawawish, Kanawati, El-Hawawish VIII, fig. 34[b].
Children may also be depicted leading small animals in a procession. In the case
of MTTj at Saqqara, a son holds the leash of a pet dog at the foot of the tomb owner in the
offering chapel.
Figure 113. Tomb of MTTj at Saqqara, Ziegler, Stèles, 147, no. 20.
Svetlana Hodjash and Oleg Berlev, The Egyptian Reliefs and Stelae in the Pushkin Museum of Fine Arts, Moscow
(Leningrad: Aurora Art Publishers, 1982), 57-58, no. 21.
128
In the tomb of c#bw / Jbbj at Saqqara, a scene depicts two sons drag a standing
statue of the tomb owner. Both wearing short wigs and short kilts, they stand and hold the
Figure 114. Tomb of c#bw / Jbbj at Saqqara, Borchardt, Denkmäler I, Bl. 21.
funerary beliefs, in which family members continued to have a role after the death of the
tomb owner. The tomb owner ensures his or her children to continuously fulfill his or her
bearers on the chapel wall. These scenes visualize the role of children in the funerary cult
by illustrating their funerary activities with scenes and inscribing the names and
designations next to the figures. These depictions reproduce what may have taken place
during the funeral artistically and to create a perpetuate reenactment of the ritual event
conceptually. As offering bearers, children carry forelegs, birds, trays or baskets of food,
Birds are the most common offerings that children carry in their hands. Children
depicted in Stance AS-4, Stance B-3, and Stance C-2 may carry birds. When appearing in
Stance AS-4 and Stance C-2, they may grasp one or more small birds in their hand. When
depicted in Stance B-3, they may grasp small birds by their wings or large birds by
twisting its neck with one hand and grasping the wings in the other hand, possibly to
display it to the deceased. In all the examples, only sons present one or more large birds
Forelegs of bull are also significant offerings that children presented to the tomb
owner. The butchery scenes illustrate how forelegs are cut off from a bull. In a variety of
scenes, sons and brothers of the tomb owner present the foreleg. The presentation of a
Sons carrying a foreleg can appear on false door jambs and architraves individually, or in
a sequence of offering bearers beneath or in front of the tomb owner. These offering
bearers frequently appear on the north and south walls of the chapel, proceeding west
toward the false door.326 In a procession, the sequence usually begins with one or more
offering bearers carrying a foreleg, followed by the same number of offering bearers
presenting large birds. The number of offering bearers carrying the foreleg and the large
bird is usually three, sometimes four or more. In the tomb of Q#r at Abusir South, as
many as five offering bearers carry forelegs and five present large birds in a symmetric
arrangement on the bottom registers on the north and south walls of Chapel 2.327 In the
326
Especially offering chapels with an east-west orientation; they occur more frequently on the west and east walls in
the corridor chapels, see charts in Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom, 86-98.
327
Bárta and Bezděk, Abusir XIII. Tomb Complex of the Vizier Qar, His Sons Qar Junior and Senedjemib, and Iykai,
fig. 5.3.6, fig. 5.3.8.
130
tomb of Vtw I / K#(.j)-nswt at Giza (G 2001), a sequence of six offering bearers appear
beneath the tomb owner and his offering table on the north wall of the portico, with the
first being the eldest son carrying a foreleg, and the second a brother presenting a large
bird. A similar sequence of offering bearers appears on the opposite wall with another
Figure 115. Tomb of Vtw I / K#(.j)-nswt at Giza (G 2001), north wall of portico, Simpson, Western Cemetery, fig. 24.
Figure 116. Tomb of Vtw I / K#(.j)-nswt at Giza (G 2001), south wall of portico, Simpson, Western Cemetery, fig. 23.
The earliest example of sons carrying forelegs in the dataset comes from the tomb
of Pr-sn (D 45) at Saqqara dating to the reign of Sahure. On each inner jamb of the false
door, two men appear one above the other, both carrying a foreleg. Three of the four men
are sons of the tomb owner. An interesting detail in this scene is the size of the forelegs,
which are much smaller compared with those in later tombs. Examples from the dataset
131
show that the foreleg carried by offering bearers becomes larger at the end of the Fifth
Figure 117. Tomb of Pr-sn at Saqqara, Petrie & Murray, Seven Memphite Tomb Chapels, pl. IX.
It is not clear whether daughters would provide their parents with forelegs as
funerary offerings, because no example thus far show them carrying a foreleg in tomb
decoration. The same is true for sisters of the tomb owner. An interesting example comes
from the tomb of Jrj.s / Jjj at Saqqara, where two daughters and two sons appear on a
register below the wife on the west wall. The sons and the daughters alternate, with the
daughters occupying the first and the third positions, the eldest son the second, and the
other son the fourth. Both sons carry a foreleg, while both daughters carry a bird in the
left hand and hold a lotus flower toward the nose with the right hand. The caption above
them reads sXpt stpt jn Hmw-k# jnnt n.s m njwt.s n v#-mHw “bringing choice offerings by
the ka-priests, which is brought for her from her towns of the Delta.”328 In this scene, the
328
Kanawati, Excavations at Saqqara: North-West of Teti’s Pyramid I, 54-56, pls. 33-36, 54-56.
132
daughters—though they appear with the sons in the same sequence—do not carry
forelegs but lotus flowers, although the caption specifies the choice offerings.
Figure 118. Tomb of Jrj.s / Jjj at Saqqara, Kanawati et al., Saqqara I, pl. 36.
A sequence of offering bearers carrying forelegs and large birds usually has the
caption sXpt stpt. The earliest example of children in scenes with this caption occurs in
the tomb of cnDm-jb / Jntj at Giza (G 2370) which dates to the reign of Izezi.329 cnDm-jb /
Jntj’s sons appear on the lowest register on the north wall of Room IV. The first two sons
Figure 119. Tomb of Snḏm-jb / Jntj at Giza (G 2370), Brovarski, Senedjemib Complex I, pl. 65.330
329
Brovarski, The Senedjemib Complex I, 23.
330
Proposed reconstruction of the west end of north wall of Room IV by Brovarski.
133
Scenes of children presenting forelegs and large birds as choice offerings became
more elaborate at the beginning of the Sixth Dynasty in Saqqara. In the tomb of Jnw-
Mnw at Saqqara, for example, the eldest son leads other offering bearers who carry
forelegs, meat, and large birds. They grasp more than one large bird, together with cages
Figure 120. Tomb of Jnw-Mnw at Saqqara, Kanawati & Abder-Raziq, Teti Cemetery VIII, pl. 51.
Scenes show that children of the tomb owner carry mainly offerings of birds,
forelegs, young animals, and different types of food. A few tombs have other types of
offerings children carry. For example, on the inner jambs of the false door in the tomb of
W#S-k#.j at Giza, the four sons carry four types of offerings: forelegs, linen, birds, and
jugs. This is one of only three examples of children presenting linen in the dataset. The
other two examples come from the tombs of onX-Owt-Or at Saqqara and Mdw-nfr (G
4630) at Giza. In both tombs, the son appears to the right of the panel of the false door,
holding a stripe of linen in each hand and presenting it to the tomb owner. In general, the
presentation of linen is a task carried out by the ka-priests as part of the funerary ritual to
331
Thompson, “The Iconography of the Memphite Priesthood in Egypt’s Elite Tombs of the Old Kingdom,” 117, 124,
309, 338. Vandier, Manuel d’archéologie Égyptienne IV, tome IV, 110, fig. 30 [12].
134
Figure 121. Tomb of W#S-k#.j at Giza, James, Hiero. Texts I, 2nd ed., 27-28, pl. xxvii.
offering table, and slaughtering cattle, are general duties of the Hm-k# class of priests.332
Whether or not they bear the title Hm-k#, children, especially sons, take part in these
rituals in a variety of scenes. None of these rituals, however, is exclusively for sons. In
many tombs, priests perform these duties without the involvement of sons.
Most representations of sons censing the tomb owner occur on the false door, on
the west wall next to the false door, or on the wall of the niche of the false door. In seven
examples—three from Giza, three from Saqqara, and one from Qubbet el-Hawa—the
representations of the son performing the censing ritual appears at the entrance facade,
thickness or lintel of doorways. In three examples, the son censes the father on the north
wall.333 Only in the tomb of Nj-Htp-PtH / Pnj at Giza does the son cense the tomb owner
332
Thompson, “The Iconography of the Memphite Priesthood in Egypt’s Elite Tombs of the Old Kingdom,” 117, 172-
173.
333
In tombs of NTr-wsr at Saqqara, Nj-onX-Ppy-km at Meir, and %w.n-wX / Vtj at Quseir el-Amarna.
135
on the pillar. In these representations, a son always censes a male tomb owner who either
appears alone or with his wife. None of the censing representations features a female
tomb owner exclusively. Because the husband usually precedes the wife when they are
seated together, it is difficult to tell whether they are both censed or whether only the
conspicuously on their performance of ritual duties. In the scenes involving the offering
list, children do not appear among the group of priests, such as those with hnw-gestures
and offering-gestures in the s#X rite.334 The only exception occurs in the tomb of Nj-onX-
Ppy-km at Meir (A1). On the west wall of Room 1 of this tomb, a son reads from a
papyrus scroll behind a group of priests, probably performing the duty of a lector
priest.335 The absence of sons among the group of priests does not mean they are
excluded from such rituals. In the tomb of Cpss-k#.f-onX at Giza, a son named Ro-wrwy is
“removing the footprints” on the south wall of the chapel, in front of his father who is
seated at his two offering tables below the offering list.336 It is interesting to note that this
son appears alone without a group of priests usually involved in the ritual series, while
the one who removes the foot prints usually occupies a middle position in such rituals.337
Sons may also appear in the gesture of making offerings. In the tombs of K#-Hj.f
(G 2136) and K#(.j)-nj-nswt II (G 2156), a son stands to the right of the offering list with
his hand raised to make offerings. In the tomb of Mry-Ro-nfr / Q#r (G7101), a son in this
334
Thompson, “The Iconography of the Memphite Priesthood in Egypt’s Elite Tombs of the Old Kingdom,” 33-44.
335
See “Stance Type E-2-REC” in this chapter, For discussion of this gesture and the function of the priest, see
Thompson, “The Iconography of the Memphite Priesthood in Egypt’s Elite Tombs of the Old Kingdom,” 34-36.
336
Hassan, Excavations at Gîza II, 29. See note 296.
337
Thompson, “The Iconography of the Memphite Priesthood in Egypt’s Elite Tombs of the Old Kingdom,” 46.
136
gesture of making-offering appears to the right of the false door. On the west wall of the
chapel of crf-k#(.j) at el-Sheikh Said (No. 1), the eldest son raises his hand before the
tomb owner and his wife. The inscription in front of him reads s#Xt. He leads a sequence
of offering bearers, but no other priests performing proper rites appear in this scene.
Figure 122. Tomb of K#-Hj.f at Giza (G 2136), Junker, Giza VI, 113, Abb. 33.
Figure 123. Tomb of K#(.j)-nj-nswt II at Giza (G 2156), Junker, Giza III, 154, Abb. 22.
Figure 124. Tomb of Mry-Ro-nfr / Q#r at Giza (G 7101), Simpson, Qar and Idu, fig. 32.
137
Figure 125. Tomb of crf-k#(.j) at at el-Sheikh Said (No. 1), Davies, Sheik Said, pl. iv.
According to Thompson’s study on the structure of the s#X rites, libation, censing,
clothing, making offerings, and reciting spells from papyrus scrolls are part of the ritual
cycle.338 The depiction of sons of the tomb owner performing some of these rituals out of
the group of professional priests may have been a means to integrate their
consanguineous status with their ritual role. The artists may have chosen the most typical
actions, such as censing and libation, to represent the whole ritual cycle in which the sons
338
See Thompson, “The Iconography of the Memphite Priesthood in Egypt’s Elite Tombs of the Old Kingdom,” 338-
344.
339
For the idea that the Egyptians used a part to present the whole, see David P. Silverman, “Pashed, the Servant of
Amon: A Stelophorous Figure in the Oriental Institute Museum,” in Studies in Honor of George R. Hughes: January
12, 1977, eds. by Janet Johnson and Edward Wente (Chicago: Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, 1976),
201-208.
138
This chapter analyzes the designations, titles, and iconography of brothers and
sisters of the tomb owner in tomb chapels, including their stances, clothing, accessories,
and other related iconographic specifics within the context of the scenes. It also discusses
how they interact with the tomb owner or other people in the same scene and the
The identification of siblings of the tomb owner depends mainly on the associated
inscription. If the inscription associated with a figure contains the designation sn.f “his
brother,” the figure identifies the brother of the tomb owner. Likewise, a female figure
marked snt.f “his sister” represents the sister of the tomb owner. In a few cases, the
designations sn.s “her brother” and snt.s “her sister” occur. They either refer to a female
tomb owner or the wife of a male tomb owner. Parents of the tomb owner sometimes
appear together with their siblings. In this case, the siblings may have the designations
z#.f or z#t.f with the suffix pronoun .f referring to the father of the tomb owner. In
identify the sbiling relationship through certain clues, such as the names and titles of
children recorded in the tomb of their parents. In the following discussion we will discuss
From the Fourth Dynasty to the early Sixth Dynasty, the designation sn-Dt / snt-
Dt, “brother/sister of the funerary estates,”340 appears in tomb inscriptions.341 The sn-Dt /
snt-Dt may have been a biological brother or sister of the tomb owner. For example, in the
tomb of %o.f-Ro-onX at Giza, Harpur identifies a sn-Dt named Jttj as a real brother, a
conclusion based on a comparison between their titles and their presence in each other’s
individuals bearing the title sn-Dt / snt-Dt to draw a complete picture of siblinghood. In a
few cases, the snt-Dt is the wife of the tomb owner. In the tomb of Nfr-Htp at Giza, for
The total number of brothers depicted on chapel walls is 84, while the number of sisters
is only 28, excluding 50 examples sn-Dt and 7 examples of snt-Dt.344 Brothers of the tomb
owner appear more frequently than their sisters, probably because of the decrease in ties
to their brothers’ families after sisters married and moved to their husbands’ houses.
340
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 907. See also Rainer Hannig, Ägyptisches Wörterbuch I: Altes Reich und
Erste Zwischenzeit. Hannig-Lexica 4; Kulturgeschichte der Antiken Welt 98 (Mainz: von Zabern, 2003), 1154-1155;
Erman, Wörterbuch Der Ägyptischen Sprache, Bd. 4, 152.
341
For a discussion of the scholarship of the term sn-Dt, see Yvonne Harpur, “Two Old Kingdom Tombs at Giza,”
Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, no. 67 (1981): 30-31. Previous studies include Junker, Gîza II, 194-195, Junker,
Junker, Gîza III, 6-7, Junker, Gîza IX, 73, Bernhard Grdseloff, “Deux inscriptions juridiques de l’ancien Empire,”
Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte 42 (1943): 39-49, Goedicke, Die privaten Rechtsinschriften aus dem
Alten Reich, 122-130, Wolfgang Helck, Wirtschaftsgeschichte des alten Ägypten im 3. und 2. Jahrtausend vor Chr
(Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1975), 80, 85, 89-90, and Wolfgang Boochs, “Zur Funktion des sn Dt,” Varia Egyptiaca 1 (1985):
3-9. For the most recent study of this term, see Juan Carlos Moreno García, “A New Old Kingdom Inscription from
Giza (CGC 57163), and the Problem of cN-Ev in Pharaonic Third Millennium Society,” Journal of Egyptian
Archaeology, 93 (2007): 117-136.
342
Harpur, “Two Old Kingdom Tombs at Giza,” 24-30.
343
Hassan, Excavations at Gîza IX, 63.
344
In the tombs of Wḥm-k# (D 117), Nfr-ḥtp, Ḫwfw-onḫ (G 4520), and K#-pw-PtH (Cairo JE 37716) at Giza. Nṯr-wsr and
Ptḥ-ḥtp (D 51) at Saqqara. Jj-mry (Gebel el-Teir).The snt-Dt also have the designation Hmt.f “his wife” in the tombs of
Nfr-ḥtp and Nṯr-wsr.
140
Among the 15 tombs at Giza containing the depiction of siblings (excluding sn-Dt
/ snt-Dt),345 only one tomb dates to the Fourth Dynasty,346 7 to the Fifth Dynasty,347 3 to
the Sixth Dynasty, 348 and 3 to the end of Fifth or the beginning of the Sixth Dynasties.349
The depiction of sn-Dt / snt-Dt occurs in 15 tombs. The tomb of #Xtj-mrw-nswt (G 2184)
contains both brothers and sn-Dt. Among these 15 tombs, 2 tombs date to the Fourth
Dynasty,350 11 to the Fifth Dynasty,351 and only one to the end of the Fifth or the
beginning of the Sixth Dynasties. 352 The tomb of K#-Xr-PtH (G 7721) is the only tomb
tomb owner (excluding sn-Dt / snt-Dt), all dated to the Fifth and the Sixth Dynasties.
Among these tombs, 7 date to the end of the Fifth Dynasty and the early Sixth
Dynasty,354 4 to the Fifth Dynasty from the reign of Sahure to Neuserre,355 and 2 to the
late Sixth Dynasty.356 Eleven tombs contain sn-Dt or snt-Dt. The tomb of K#.j-m-Hzt
345
The date of the tomb of K#j is uncertain. A date of the Fifth to the Sixth Dynasties is suggested in Bertha Porter and
Rosalind L. Moss, Topographical Bibliography, vol. III (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1979), 194.
346
Nb-m-#Xtj (LG 12, LG 86).
347
Jj-mry (G 6020, LG 15), Jttj (G 7391), cSm-nfr III (G 5170), Qd-ns, K#pj (G 2091), Vtw I (G 2001), and E#ty (G
2337-X).
348
Jnpw-Htp, Mry-Ro-mrj-PtH-onX / NXbw (G 2381 with shft G 2382A), and Mry-Ro-nfr / Q#r (G 7101).
349
#Xtj-mrw-nswt (G 2184), Ḥtj (G 5480, LG 29, statue of sister), and Cpss-k#.f-onX.
350
The tombs of Wt#’s father and Ṯntj (G 4920, LG 47).
351
Wḥm-k# (D 117), Mrw-k#(.j), Nj-M#ot-Ro, Nfr and Jtj-sn, Nfr-ḥtp, Ḫo.f-Ro-onḫ (G 7948), Ḫwfw-onḫ (G 4520), Zṯw (G
4710, LG 49), Snḏm-jb / Jntj (G 2370), Sšm-nfr I (G 4940, LG 45), and K#-pw-PtH (Cairo JE 37716).
352
#ḫtj-mrw-nswt (G 2184).
353
Timothy Kendall, “An Unusual Rock-Cut Tomb at Giza,” in Studies in Ancient Egypt, the Aegean, and the Sudan:
Essays in Honor of Dows Dunham on the Occasion of His 90th Birthday, June, 1, 1980, eds. William Kelly Simpson
and Whitney M. Davis (Boston: Department of Egyptian and Ancient Near Eastern Art, Museum of Fine Arts, 1981),
111. PM III, 203 gives a Fifth Dynasty date. The sn-Dt depicted in this tomb is designated as sn-Dt.s “her brother of the
funerary estate”, whose image is above the engaged statue of the tomb owner and his wife. Therefore, he is,
presumably, the sn-Dt of the wife.
354
onḫ-m-o-Ḥr / Zzj, Mr.f-nb.f / Ffj, Mrrw-k#.j / Mrj, S#-mry, Q#r Junior (son of vizier Q#r), and K#.j-m-ḥzt, K#-gm-nj /
Mmj / Gmnj.
355
Nj- onḫ -H̱nmw and H̱nmw-ḥtp, Nj-onḫ-Sḫmt (No.74 [D 12]), Nfr (in the same tomb of his father K#-ḥ#.j), and Tp-m-
onḫ (D 11).
356
H̱nmw-nḏm(w) (at Kom el Akhdar) and Ppj.
141
contains both siblings and sn-Dt. Five of these tombs belong to the Fifth Dynasty from the
reigns of Sahure to Nyuserre.357 Five tombs date to the end of the Fifth Dynasty or the
early Sixth Dynasty, 358 and one tomb dates to the reign of Pepy I.359
Ten tombs at provincial sites contain siblings (sn or snt), all dated to the Sixth
Dynasty. Only one example of snt-Dt comes from the tomb of Jj-mry Gebel el-Teir, dated
The most common designations for siblings are sn.f and snt.f. The third person
masculine possessive suffix pronoun .f refers to the male tomb owner and identifies the
individual as his brother or sister. In two cases, the possessive suffix is the third person
feminine .s, referring to the wife of the tomb owner. In the tomb of vp-m-onX at Saqqara,
a woman named c#b-PtH has the designation sn(t).s “her sister.”361 As the sister of the
wife (the sister-in-law of the tomb owner), she appears on her false door, seated at a small
offering table to the right of the panel. The other example of the sibling of the wife occurs
in the tomb of Ppy-onX-Hrj-jb at Meir. A man named Qrj designated as sn.s “her brother”
appears behind the wife of the tomb owner.362 These examples demonstrate that the third
person possessive feminine suffix is applied when the siblings of the wife appear on her
false door or in her vicinity on the wall. Sn or snt without any suffix pronoun is
357
Pḥ.n-wj-k# (D 70, LS 15), Nj-k#w-Ptḥ, Nṯr-wsr, Sḫm-k# (north-west of D 62), and K#-ḥ#.j.
358
#ḫt-ḥtp (D 64), Ptḥ-ḥtp II / Ṯfj (D 64), Nj-onḫ-nswt, K#.j-m-ḥzt, and Ṯsmw (sn-ḏt of Ptḥ-ḥtp, lintel found in the tomb
of Ḥmt-Ro).
359
Ptḥ-ḥtp (D 51).
360
Moreno García, “A New Old Kingdom Inscription from Giza (CGC 57163), and the Problem of cN-Ev in
Pharaonic Third Millennium Society,” 125.
361
Ludwig Borchardt, Denkmäler des alten Reiches (ausser den Statuen) im Museum von Kairo I, (Berlin:
Reichsdruckerei, 1937), Bl. 19. It is interesting to note vp-m-onX made the false door for his wife Nbw-Htp, on which
both her children and sister have the kinship designations attached with the personal pronoun .s. See Silverman,
“Pectorals, Seals, and Seal Cases(?),” 351.
362
Kanawati et al., The Cemetery of Meir I, pl. 88.
142
uncommon. In the dataset, this only occurs in the tomb of vp-m-onX, where a man named
Jj-m-Htp is marked as sn without any suffix pronoun, while two female figures are
designated as snt Ppj and snt %mt. It is interesting to note that one of the brothers of vp-
m-onX is labeled as sn.f,363 and his sister-in-law has the designation sn(t).s. It is not clear
why some designations in this tomb are written without any suffix pronoun, while others
Unlike the designation sn or snt, the majority of sn-Dt or snt-Dt do not have a
suffix pronoun. The suffix pronoun .f or .s can follow sn or Dt, or both. sn-Dt occurs 41
times in the dataset, while sn.f Dt occurs four times.364 All of the following occur once:
sn-Dt.f,365 sn-Dt.s,366 sn.s Dt,367 sn.f Dt.f368 and sn.f n Dt.f.369 snt-Dt occurs five times in the
dataset, while snt-Dt.f occurs once.370 Examples of the tomb owner being a sn-Dt occur in
two cases. In the tomb of Omt-Ro at Saqqara, a man named Vsmw appears on a stela
dedicated to him and his wife, and the inscription identifies him as PtH-Htp sn-Dt.f. 371 It
means that he is the brother of the funerary estate of a certain PtH-Htp though he may
have been interred in the tomb of Omt-Ro. In the tomb of Nj-M#ot-Ro, the tomb owner
himself is the sn-Dt of a woman named Nfr.s-rs who owns a chapel in his mastaba.372 The
363
For this brother, see discussion in Silverman, “Pectorals, Seals, and Seal Cases(?),” 352.
364
In the tombs of Wt# at Giza, Mrw-k#(.j) at Giza, PH.n-wj-k# (D 70) at Saqqara, and Nj-onX-cXmt (D 12) at Saqqara.
365
On the steala of Vsmw at Saqqara.
366
In the tomb of K#-Xr-PtH (G 7721) at Giza.
367
In the tomb of Nj-M#ot-Ro at Giza, the tomb owner himself is a sn-Dt of a woman named Nfr.s-rs who owns a chapel
in his tomb.
368
In the tomb of %o.f-Ro-onX (G 7948) at Giza.
369
In the tomb of #ḫtj-mrw-nswt (G 2185) at Giza.
370
In the tomb of Nfr-Htp at Giza. An example of snt.f Dt is on the base of the statue of K#-pw-PtH (Cairo JE 37716), but
there is not representation of the snt-Dt.
371
Hassan, Excavations at Gîza III, 9, fig. 4.
372
Hassan, Excavations at Gîza II, 205, fig. 226.
143
following charts show the number of tombs containing the depiction of sn-Dt / snt-Dt and
Provincial Sites, 1,
4%
Figure 126. Number of tombs containing the depiction of sn-Dt and snt-Dt
29
27
27
23
2
1
1
0
T OT AL SN-DT SNT -DT
the familial framework, while the suffix pronoun attached to it specifies the relationship
between its bearer and the tomb owner. In most cases, sn / snt occurs with a suffix
pronoun to clarify a kinship hierarchy centered on the tomb owner. The designation sn-Dt
without any suffix pronoun refers to the sn-Dt of the tomb owner. Similarly, the title Hm-
k# “ka-priests” is never attached with any suffix pronoun, while those depicted in the
tomb chapel are supposed to serve the tomb owner for his or her funerary cult. The
absence of suffix pronouns of the designation sn-Dt / snt-Dt may point to an emphasis on
the function of the individual outside the family rather than his or her kinship to a specific
person. Moreover, the societal nature of sn-Dt / snt-Dt is embedded in a familial network
sibling of the tomb owner. Therefore, the term sn-Dt / snt-Dt explains the standing of an
145
individual in two demensions: his or her status as a sibling and his or her responsibility in
connection with the Dt.373 Additionally, the application of this term may have been an
attempt to incorporate an individual’s social role into the domestic realm or, conversely,
to endow a family member with social responsibilities outside the domestic realm.
It is not clear whether siblings depicted in tomb chapels are older or younger than
the tomb owner, because words expressing order in age, such as smsw or Sry, are not
found in a compound with sn / snt in inscriptions in the Old Kingdom tomb chapels. The
only example of an elder brother comes from the tomb of Sn-ms at Qubbet el-Hawa,
where a brother of the tomb owner is labeled as sn.f smsw “his elder brother.”374
Although the absence of inscriptional evidence hampers the identification of an elder and
a younger sibling, some iconographic features may hint at different ages, such as the
order of siblings in a sequence and the scales of their figures. In the joint tomb of Nj-onX-
$nmw and $nmw-Htp, three men and three women stand in a sequence behind their
with their figures, their positions—in a sequence following the parents of the tomb owner
and before both tomb owners—suggest their status as siblings. In some cases, siblings of
the tomb owner may be designated as z#.f or z#t.f when they appear with the parents of the
tomb owner, especially when the parents are major figures in the scene. In the tomb of
Jnpw-Htp at Giza, for instance, the parents of the tomb owner appear with three brothers
and four sisters on the eastern jamb of the false door, in contrast to the tomb owner
373
The term Dt (or pr-Dt) refers to the personal estate of the tomb owner. For a detailed discussion of this term, see
Chauvet, “The Conception of Private Tombs in the Late Old Kingdom,” 82-90.
374
de Morgan, Catalogue des Monuments et Inscriptions de l’egypte Antique I, 177-179.
375
Moussa and Altenmüller, Das Grab des Nianchchnum und Chnumhotep, Abb.11.
146
himself and his wife on the western jamb with their own children depicted below.376 In
most cases, their position below or near the parents of the tomb owner may account for
the use of filial instead of sibling designations to emphasize the older generation. In the
tomb of Cpss-k#.f-onX at Giza, the parents appear at a large scale, accompanied by the
tomb owner and his siblings at much smaller scales. The three brothers all have the
designation z#.f, while the sisters are labeled z#t.s.377 In the tomb of K#-H#.j and his son
Nfr at Saqqara, Nfr’s three brothers appear on the west wall near his false door without
any kinship designation.378 Their designations as sons near a figure of K#-H#.j in the same
tomb nevertheless help identify them as siblings. It is worth noting that the kinship
offering bearers and when no family unit can help to locate the individuals within a
kinship hierarchy.
The expression mry.f / mrt.f “his beloved one” is sometimes used in a compound
with sibling designations.379 The dataset has 13 examples of this expression, including
seven examples of sn.f mry.f,380 three of snt.f mrt.f,381 and three of sn-Dt mry.f.382
Compared with filial designations, sibling designations with mry.f / mrt.f are less
common. Their infrequent occurrence may hint at a less intimate relationship between the
tomb owner and the siblings. However, it may have simply been the decorum that ancient
376
Junker, Gîza IX, 145-169, Abb. 73.
377
Hassan, Excavations at Gîza II, 15-31, figs. 20.
378
Miral Lashien, The Chapel of Kahai and His Family, Australian Centre for Egyptology: Reports 33 (Oxford: Aris
and Phillips, 2013), pls. 84, 85.
379
No mry.s / mrt.s has been attested in the dataset.
380
In the tombs of Mry-Ro-mry-Ptḥ-onḫ / Nḫbw (G 2381 with shft G 2382A), Ḏ#ty (G 2337-X, dependent of Snḏm-jb ),
onḫ-m-o-Ḥr / Zzj, H̱nmw-nḏm(w) (at Kom el Akhdar), Jbj (Deir el-Gabrawi No. S8), and K#-ḥp / Ṯtj-jqr (El-Hawawish
H26).
381
The two sisters of Mry-Ro-nfr / Q#r (G 7101) and the sister of Jttj / Šdw (Deshasha).
382
One example is in the tomb of #ḫt-ḥtp (D 64), while the other two in Ptḥ-ḥtp II / Ṯfj (D 64).
147
Egyptians simply did not apply mry.f / mrt.f to sibling designations, just as they never
The tomb owner not only depicts the figures of their siblings on the chapel walls
but also records their titles in the inscriptions. These titles can reflect the professions of
siblings as well as their relationship to the tomb owner in a social framework outside the
familial realm. Tables in Appendix II.2 list the titles of the tomb owner and the siblings.
acquaintance.”384 If the brother bears this title, the tomb owner always has the same title.
The only exception occurs in the tomb of Vntj at Giza, whose sn-Dt J#tz bears the title rX-
nswt, while Vntj himself does not have it, but he bears other titles such as smr woty “sole
companion,”385 Xrp oH “director of the oH-palace,”386 Hq# b#t “chief of Bat,”387 and Hry-sSt#
In many cases, the titles of brothers (including sn-Dts) partially resemble those of
the tomb owner, which suggests that they possibly followed the same career path. In the
tomb of Jnpw-Htp at Giza, for example, the tomb owner bears a series of religious titles
including wt “embalmer;”389 his three brothers also hold this title. In the case of K#.j-m-
383
See discussion in Chapter 3.
384
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 327.
385
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 892. Smr woty is a high-ranking title in the Fifth Dynasty. For the
sequences of titles, see Baer, Rank and Title in the Old Kingdom, charts on 231 and 232.
386
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 707.
387
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 665.
388
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 620.
389
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 405.
148
Hzt at Saqqara, the titles of the tomb owner include jmy-r# qd “overseer of builders,”390
mDH qd nswt “king’s architect,”391 and wr jrt m v#-wr “great in respect of what is done in
the Thinite nome.”392 His three brothers also hold the titles wr jrt m v#-wr and mDH qd
nswt. Members of the K#-H#.j family all engaged in musical professions. His son Nfr bears
the title Xrp Hsww “director of singers,”393 while his three brothers all have the title sHD
(n) Hsww “inspector of singers.”394 Brothers may have titles that are of the same rank as
those of the tomb owner. For example, both %o.f-Ro-onX (G 7948) and his sn-Dt Jttj hold
the titles sHD wob Wr-%o.f-Ro “inspector of wob-priests of Wr-%o.f-Ro”395 and sHD pr-o#
“inspector of the Great House.”396 In most cases, brothers usually bear titles of lower
ranks compared with those of the tomb owner. For example, cSm-nfr III (G 5170) bears
the title jmy-r# zS o(w) n(w) nswt “overseer of scribes of the king’s documents,”397 and his
brother Ro-wr holds zS o(w) n(w) nswt “scribe of the king’s documents,”398 which suggests
that he probably worked under the former’s supervision. Moreover, the brother or sn-Dt
of a vizier often hold titles such as z#b zS “juridicial scribe,”399 jmy-r# zS(w) “overseer of
scribes,”400 sHD zS(w) “inspector of scribes,”401 or zS “scribe.”402 Six sn-Dts of PtH-Htp II,
two sn-Dts of PH.n-wj-k#, and a brother of SSm-nfr III all hold these titles. In the tomb of
390
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 258.
391
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 464.
392
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 382.
393
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 733.
394
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 947.
395
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 919.
396
Jonse, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 924.
397
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 209-210.
398
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 838.
399
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 811.
400
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 206.
401
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 955.
402
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 834.
149
Mrrw-k#.j at Saqqara, however, most brothers of the tomb owner bear titles related to
In a few cases, titles of brothers and sn-Dts belong to the domestic realm, such as
jmy-r# pr “overseer of the house/estate.”404 Unlike the administrative titles in the royal
the tomb owner. Four examples of a brother or a sn-Dt bearing jmy-r# pr occur in the
dataset: K#-Hb, sn-Dt of #Xtj-mrw-nswt (G 2184), Bw-nfr, sn-Dt of cSm-nfr I (G 4940), Nj-
Saqqara.
Examples of siblings holding the title Hm-k# occur in two tombs: the tombs of
E#ty (G 2337-x) and cnDm-jb / Jntj (D 2370). In the tomb of the former, a brother called
Hrw-nfr and a sister named Nj-sj-PtH both hold the title Hm-k#. It is worth noting that Nj-
sj-PtH is the only sister bearing this title.405 In the case of cnDm-jb / Jntj, his two sn-Dts
are both ka-priests.406 The appointment of a sn-Dt as ka-priests and the fact that most sn-
Dts are not ka-priests suggest that the role of the sn-Dt is unlikely to resemble that of a ka-
priest in the tomb owner’s funerary cult. In other words, the sn-Dt and the ka-priests have
different functions in the tomb owner’s funerary cult, and, though not common, one can
403
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 691. Kanawati translates the term as “guard” and suggests the unusual
appointment of Mrrw-k#.j‘s brothers as guards was the result of a palace conspiracy during the reign of Teti, see Naguib
Kanawati, Conspiracies in the Egyptian Palace: Unis to Pepy I (London; New York: Routledge, 2003), 152.
404
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 114.
405
For the discussion of the title Hmt-k#, see Fischer, Egyptian Women of the Old Kingdom and of the Heracleopolitan
Period, 26.
406
Brovarski, The Senedjemib Complex I: The Mastabas of Senedjemib Inti (G 2370), Khnumenti (G 2374), and
Senedjemib Mehi (G 2378), 75, 87.
150
Additionally, E#ty is a dependent of cnDm-jb / Jntj, namely, nj Dt.f “the one who
belongs to his funerary estate,” based on the text inscribed on the architrave of the
former’s tomb.407 According to the text, E#ty’s titles also include jmy-r# pr and zS n z#
Hm(w)-k# “scribe of the phyle of ka-priests.”408 These titles demonstrate his importance in
the household of the vizier and likely his significant role in the vizier’s funerary cult.
Given his status and the absence of the designation sn-Dt from his titles, we may conclude
that the status and role of a sn-Dt differs from a dependent of the household, though the
Brothers and sn-Dts with titles zS and sHD zS occur in four tombs, including Cpss-
k#.f-onX at Giza, PtH-Htp II at Saqqara, Tp-m-onX at Saqqara, and Sn-ms at Qubbet el-
Hawa.
Sisters of the tomb owner may also hold titles. Nine examples of sisters bearing
titles occur in the dataset, including three snt-Dts. The most common title for sisters is
rXt-nswt.409 Seven sisters hold this title in the dataset: %nwt, sister of Otj at Giza, Rwḏ,
sister of Jttj at Giza, onX-k#.s, wife and snt-Dt of Nfr-Htp at Giza, Ef#t-k#, snt-Dt of WHm-k#
at Giza, and the three sisters of Nj-onX-$nmw and $nmw-Htp. It is worth noting that all
these tomb owners held the title rX-nswt. In other words, the title rXt-nswt of sisters
resemble that of their brothers. Other titles of sisters include xkrt nswt “ornament of the
king,”410 which occurs in the tomb of NTr-wsr at Saqqara, and the double tomb of Nj-onX-
407
Simpson, Mastabas of the Western Cemetery I, 28. For nj Dt.f, see Fischer, Inscriptions from the Coptite Nome,
Dynasties VI-XI, 74.
408
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 870.
409
For discussion of this title, see Fischer, Egyptian Women of the Old Kingdom and of the Heracleopolitan Period, 30.
410
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 794. See also Fischer, Egyptian Women of the Old Kingdom and of the
Heracleopolitan Period, 31.
151
$nmw and $nmw-Htp, and jmyt-r# pr jnowt/Htswt “overseer of the house of weavers”411
Siblings of the tomb owner appear in various stances in chapel scenes. They may
stand near the tomb owner together with other family members, or as offering bearers
bringing forelegs, birds, or other offerings to the tomb owner. They may also appear at a
much-reduced scale at the foot of the tomb owner, or as participant engaging in activities
Stance Type A: Close to a major figure and in contact with him or her (not at the
foot)
Physical contact between the tomb owner and his or her siblings is very rare. Only
one example of Stance Type A-1 occurs in the dataset from the tomb of Nj-onX-$nmw
and $nmw-Htp at Saqqara. The two brothers are shown holding hands and embracing
each other in a variety of scenes. 412 In other tombs, the tomb owner usually does not have
411
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 115. For the discussion of this title, see Fischer, Egyptian Women of the
Old Kingdom and of the Heracleopolitan Period, 19-21.
412
In some articles, the authors discuss the unusual depiction of Nj-onX-$nmw and $nmw-Htp and the relationship
between the two individuals. Some believe that they were twins, see Moussa and Altenmüller, Das Grab des
Nianchchnum und Chnumhotep, 22; Vera Vasiljevi, “Embracing His Double: Niankhkhnum and Khnumhotep,”
Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur 37 (2008): 363-370; Richard Parkinson, “Boasting about Hardness: Constructions of
Middle Kingdom Masculinity,” in Sex and Gender in Ancient Egypt: “Don your wig for a joyful hour,” ed. Carolyn
Graves-Brown (Swansea: Classical Press of Wales, 2008), 115-142; John Baines, “Egyptian Twins,” Orientalia 54
(1985): 461-482. Others suggest that the two men are a same-sex couple based on the fact that the iconography in their
chapel resembles to that of a married couple. See Greg Reeder, “Same-Sex Desire, Conjugal Constructs, and the Tomb
of Niankhkhnum and Khnumhotep,” World Archaeology 32, no. 2 (2000): 193-208; Greg Reeder, “Queer Egyptologies
of Niankhkhnum and Khnumhotep,” in Sex and Gender in Ancient Egypt: “Don your wig for a joyful hour”, ed.
Carolyn Graves-Brown (Swansea: Classical Press of Wales, 2008), 143-155; Deborah Sweedey, “Sex and Gender,” in
UCLA Encyclopedia of Egyptology, ed. Elizabeth Frood and Willeke Wendrich (Los Angeles, 2011), 7-8. O’Connor
suggests that they were conjoined twins, in David O’Connor, “The Enigmatic Tomb Chapel of Niankh-Khnum and
152
any physical contact with his or her brother, even when they appear side by side. In the
tomb of %o.f-Ro-onX, for example, the tomb owner and his sn-Dt Jttj stand together.
Although their feet overlap, it cannot be physical contact but rather the visual effect of a
onX’s sash which hangs from his shoulder. The overlapping indicates that they stand very
close to each other and may symbolize an intimate tie between the two individuals.
Siblings of the tomb owner appear at the foot of a major figure in only a few
cases. Stance Type AS-1, standing at the foot of a major figure and touching him or her,
does not exist with siblings in the dataset. Stance Type AS-2, standing at the foot of a
major figure and holding his staff, does not apply to siblings either.
Stance Type AS-3: Standing at the foot of a major figure with one hand or two hands
on the chest, or with both arms pendent, or suckling the index finger
Stance Type AS-3 occurs in three tombs: onX-m-o-Or / Zzj at Saqqara, c#-mry at
Saqqara, and Cpss-k#.f-onX at Giza. In the case of Cpss-k#.f-onX, the major figures are the
parents of the tomb owner, while the tomb owner and his siblings all appear as youths at
the feet of their parents. This depiction is the only example of siblings appearing as nude
Khnumhotep: A New Interpretation,” Paper presented at Conerence on “Sex and Gender in Ancient Egypt,” Egypt
Centre and Institute of Classics and Ancient History, University of Wales, Swansea, December, 2005. His article has
not been published. For the summary of his ideas, see Reeder, “Queer Egyptologies of Niankhkhnum and
Khnumhotep,” 152, and Carolyn Graves-Brown, “Introduction: Gender, Sex and Loss of Innocence,” in Sex and
Gender in Ancient Egypt: “Don your wig for a joyful hour”, ed. Carolyn Graves-Brown (Swansea: Classical Press of
Wales, 2008), xiv.
413
For the overlapping figures in two-dimonsional representations in Egyptian art, see Schäfer, Principles of Egyptian
Art, 175- 189.
153
youths. On the false door of c#-mry, a brother stands at the foot of the mother on the right
inner jamb. The only example of a sibling standing at the foot of the tomb owner comes
from the tomb of onX-m-o-Or / Zzj. On the west wall of Room III, a brother named Vmrw
stands at the foot of the tomb owner. In this scene, he has no kinship designation, but his
appearance on the south wall of the same room with kinship designation sn.f mry.f “his
Figure 128. Tomb of Cpss-k#.f-onX at Giza, Hassan, Excavations at Giza II, fig. 20.
Figure 129. Tomb of onX-m-o-Or / Zzj at Saqqara, Badawy, Ny-Hetep-Ptah and Ankhmahor, pl. 41.
154
Stance Type AS-4: Standing at the foot of a major figure and carrying birds, lotus
Two examples of this stance occur in the dataset, one from the tomb of Jttj / Cdw
at Deshasha, the other from the tomb of K#.j-m-Hzt at Saqqara. Jttj’s sister appears at his
foot on the north wall of the chapel. Processions of offering bearers on sub-registers
move toward them. Wearing a long V-strapped sheath dress, a collar, and a short wig, the
In the tomb of K#.j-m-Hzt, a sn-Dt named Otp-k# stands at the foot of the tomb
owner in a scene on a door leaf.414 An interesting detail in this scene is the rendering of
the staff. Unlike the sons of the tomb owner, Otp-k# carries his own staff rather than
grasping the lower part of the tomb owner’s staff. In addition, he stands on his own sub-
register which is a slight incline. Probably it is decorum that a sn-Dt does not hold the
414
An inscription at the bottom of the door leaf identifies him as a sn-Dt. See McFarlane, Mastabas at Saqqara:
Kaiemheset, Kaipunesut, Kaiemsenu, Sehetepu and Others, 18, pl. 50.
155
Figure 130. Tomb of Jttj / Cdw at Deshasha, Kanawati & McFarlane, Deshasha, pl. 52.
Figure 131. Tomb of K#.j-m-Hzt at Saqqara, McFarlane, Mastabas at Saqqara, pl. 50.
No examples of siblings in Stance Type AS-5 occur in the dataset. The only
example of Stance Type AS-6 comes from the tomb of NTr-wsr at Saqqara. The wife of
the tomb owner, who is also his snt-Dt, kneels at the foot of the tomb owner, embraces his
calf while holding a lotus flower to her nose. However, this example does not represent
siblinghood because kneeling at the foot of the tomb owner and holding his calf is typical
156
for the wife of the tomb owner in ancient Egyptian artistic representation.415
Although %nwt is labeled as snt-Dt, her appearance in this stance is a result of her status
Figure 132. Tomb of NTr-wsr at Saqqara, Murray, Saqqara Mastabas I, pl. xxiv.
Stance Type B: Standing in a variety of poses (not at the foot of a major figure)
Stance Type B and its subtypes contain the most common stances in which
siblings appear standing with their arms bent forward across the chest (Stance Type B-1)
or pendent (Stance Type B-2), carrying offerings for the tomb owner (Stance Type B-3),
or holding accessories in their hand (Stance Type B-4). No siblings appear in Stance
Type B-5 in the dataset. Siblings depicted in in Stance Type B do not appear as youths.
Stance Type B-1: Standing with one hand or two hands on the chest
Stance Type B-1 occurs 35 times in the dataset. It is most popular among siblings
in tombs at Giza with 23 examples from eleven tombs.416 The remaining 12 instances
415
McCorquodale, Representations of the Family in the Egyptian Old Kingdom: Women and Marriage, 20.
416
Jj-mry (G 6020, LG 15), Jnpw-Htp, Jttj (G 7391), Wt#’s father, WHm-k# (D 117), %wfw-onX (G 4520), ZTw (G 4710,
LG 49), cSm-nfr I (G 4940, LG 45), cSm-nfr III (G 5170), K#j, and E#ty (G 2337-X).
157
occur in four tombs at Saqqara.417 No examples have been attested in the provincial sites.
Both brothers and sisters appear with their arms bent forward across the chest, but in the
dataset more brothers appear in this stance than sisters. Nine examples at Giza418 and
In the tomb of Jj-mry at Giza (G 6020, LG 15), for instance, his brother Nb-mnj
appears in a sequence of individuals on the north wall of the first chamber. The tomb
owner occupies the initial position and is shown at a slightly larger scale. His three sons
are behind him. The tomb owner stands with both arms pendent, while his three sons all
stand with the left hand placed on the right shoulder. The brother of Jj-mry, however,
appears in a different gesture at the end of this sequence. He places his left hand under
the right arm with the thumb pointing upward.420 Wearing short wigs and long projecting
kilts, all these figures face the father of the tomb owner who is seated on a carrying chair
in front of them. 421 On the east wall of the third chamber, a sister of Jj-mry appears in a
sequence of women. They stand behind a large image of the wife in a scene captioned
m## zS n [nDt-Hr jn]nt r prt-Xrw m njwwt nt pr-Dt “viewing the recording of the nḏt-ḥr
offerings which were brought as funerary offering from the towns of the pr-Dt.”422 The
417
PtH-Htp II, Nj-onX-$nmw & $nmw-Htp, cXm-k#, and K#-gm-nj / Mmj / Gmnj.
418
In the tombs of Jj-mry (G 6020, LG 15), Jnpw-Htp, Jttj (G 7391), WHm-k# (D 117, snt-Dt), %wfw-onX (G 4520, snt-
Dt), and K#j.
419
In the double tomb of Nj-onX-$nmw and $nmw-Htp.
420
Weeks, Mastabas of Cemetery G 6000, including G 6010 (Neferbauptah); G 6020 (Iymery), G 6030 (Ity), G 6040
(Shepseskafankh), 38-39.
421
For a discussion of the carrying chair scenes and similar examples, see Ann M. Roth, “Social Change in the Fourth
Dynasty: The Spatial Organisation of Pyramids, Tombs, and Cemeteries,” Journal of the American Research Center in
Egypt 30 (1993): 33–55.
422
Weeks, Mastabas of Cemetery G 6000, including G 6010 (Neferbauptah); G 6020 (Iymery), G 6030 (Ity), G 6040
(Shepseskafankh), 50. The nḏt-ḥr offerings usually consist of fowl, cattle, and desert animals that come from the royal
administration and the funerary estates of the tomb owner, see Hartwig Altenmüller, “Presenting the nDt-Hr-offerings to
the Tomb Owner,” in The Old Kingdom Art and Archaeology: Proceedings of the Conference Held in Prague, May 31
- June 4, 2004, ed. Miroslav Bárta (Prague: Czech Institute of Egyptology, Faculty of Arts, Charles University in
Prague, 2006), 25-35.
158
sister stands behind two daughters of the tomb owner. Wearing long tight dresses and
long wigs, all of the three women place the left hand on the chest. As Weeks notices, the
wife stands closest to the tomb owner in the same large scale, while the two daughters
stand behind the wife on the upper sub-registers, preceding the sister. Another daughter
appears as a youth at the foot of the wife. The sister, therefore, like the brother, appears at
Figure 133. Tomb of Jj-mry at Giza (G 6020, LG 15), Weeks, Cemetery G 6000, fig. 3.
Figure 134. Tomb of Jj-mry at Giza (G 6020, LG 15), Weeks, Cemetery G 6000, fig. 32.
In the case of Nj-onX-$nmw and $nmw-Htp, the tomb owners and their family
appear in a sequence: the parents occupying the initial position, the two tomb owners
423
Weeks, Mastabas of Cemetery G 6000, including G 6010 (Neferbauptah); G 6020 (Iymery), G 6030 (Ity), G 6040
(Shepseskafankh), 51.
159
standing at the end, and other six siblings in the middle. All the siblings and Nj-onX-
$nmw are in Stance B-1. $nmw-Htp does not place his hand upon his chest. He holds Nj-
onX-$nmw’s hand with one hand and places the other hand at the side of his body.
Figure 135. Tomb of Nj-onX-$nmw and $nmw-Htp at Saqqara, Moussa & Altenmüller, Nianchchnum und Chnumhotep,
Abb. 11.
A relief on the false door of %wfw-onX (G 4520) includes a scene of a snt-Dt in this
stance. 424 The woman named Jtj appears on the right jamb in front of the wife of the
tomb owner. Jtj is smaller than the wife but larger than a daughter who stands behind the
wife. Wearing a long white dress and long tripartite wig, she places her hand on her
chest. On the lintel of the same false door, three sn-Dts appear as offering bearers in a
sequence behind the tomb owner (Stance Type B-3, see below). The first sn-Dt carries
small birds with both hands, while the others carry large birds.
424
The Giza Archives Project, photos AAW 1990 and A2063_NS, (2017, Jan. 20th). Retrieved from
http://www.gizapyramids.org/view/photos/asitem/ObjPhotos@18035/7/mediaView-asc/renditionSort-
asc;jsessionid=B2F6DF71CF056CC45F7B9D3EFA5DBFD4?t:state:flow=b0289c1f-3991-4f74-8002-3cf0d0e6cc18.
160
Figure 136. Tomb of %wfw-onX at Giza (G 4520), The Giza Archives Project, photo AAW 1990.
Variations of this stance occur in a few tombs, such as the chapel of ZTw at Giza
(G 4710, LG 49). A sn-Dt called Vntj appears on the thickness of the doorway, with one
hand placed on the opposite shoulder and the other hand on the chest.
Another example comes from the chapel of PtH-Htp II. A sn-Dt appears before the
tomb owner on two different registers with one below the other in the same scene. On the
lower register, he wears a projecting kilt and a short wig. Behind him is a sequence of
161
birds. Bending forward, he places the left hand under the right arm.425 On the upper
register, he wears a short kilt and a short wig. Bending forward, he places the right hand
on the left shoulder, while the left arm hangs down and a papyrus scroll is in his left
hand. In this case, he leads a sequence of cattle. It is not uncommon for a family member
to appear multiple times in the same scene. Nevertheless, it is rare that a sn-Dt appears on
one register below the other. A possible reason is that this individual named K#(.j)-Hp,
who is entitled jmy-r# Snwt “overseer of the granary”426 and jmy-r# pr “overseer of the
house,” is an important official in the vizier’s household. The inscription associated with
the scene indicates that he is probably carrying documents of cattle as stpt-offerings and
birds as nDt-Hr offerings from the funerary estate of the tomb owner. The separation of
the cattle and birds on two registers may cause that this K#(.j)-Hp appears twice as he is
Figure 138. Tomb of PtH-Htp II at Giza, Harpure & Scremin, Ptahhotep, fig. 6.
425
For the gesture of bending forward, see Dominicus, Gesten und Gebärden in Darstellungen des Alten und Mittleren
Reiches, 9, 21-25, Example b in Abb. 7. This is the only example that a sn-Dt bends forward.
426
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 253.
162
example, in the tomb of K#j at Giza, a brother of the tomb owner carries a scepter with
one hand while placing the other hand upon the chest (Stance Type B-1-4).
Figure 139. Tomb of K#j at Giza, Curto, Gli Scari Italiani a el-Ghiza, fig. 12.
Stance Type B-2: Standing with both arms pendent, not holding anything
Artistis may depict siblings simply in standing posture with arms pendent to show
reverence to the tomb owner.427 Stance B-2 occurs 35 times in the dataset. It appears
mainly at Saqqara with 29 examples.428 Six examples come from Giza,429 while
provincial sites show none as of yet. All examples in the dataset are the brothers of the
tomb owner; none of the sisters appear in this stance. It is interesting to note that this
gender distribution resembles that of children in this stance. Only ten daughters are
shown in Stance B-2 (see Chapter 1). Therefore, one may assume that male male family
In the tomb of Vntj, for example, a sn-Dt named J#Tz appears on the upper part of
the left jamb of the false door. With both arms pendent, he appears at a relatively larger
427
Dominicus, Gesten und Gebärden in Darstellungen des Alten und Mittleren Reiches, 8.
428
In the tombs of onX-m-o-Or / Zzj, PH.n-wj-k#, Mrrw-k#.j / Mrj, Nj-onX-cXmt, and Nfr (in the same tomb of his father
K#-H#.j).
429
In the tombs of Jttj (G 7391), cSm-nfr I (G 4940, LG 45), K#pj (G 2091), K#-Xr-PtH, and Vntj (G 4920, LG 47).
163
Figure 140. Tomb of Vntj at Giza (G 4920, LG 47), LD II, 30, 31b.
the south wall of Room III, a brother named Vmrw stands in front of the tomb owner with
boxes of funerary equipment, such as collars and clothes. Wearing a long kilt with a
projecting front, a short wig, and elaborated collars, he appears as an older man with a
corpulent belly. 430 An inscription beneath him reads Sdt n.f zS n qrstt.f djt n.f m Htp-dj-
nswt jmy-r# k#t Zzj “reading for him the document of his tomb equipment which was
given to him as the Htp-dj-nswt offering (to) the overseer of the work, Zzj.”431 Below this
inscription, a son of the tomb owner reads from a papyrus scroll. As Badawy suggests,
Vmrw was probably presiding over the ceremony in which the son reads the document.
The brother’s presence as a corpulent man with an elaborate costume may indicate his
role as a witness when the son read of the document of funerary donation. 432
430
Brothers with corpulent bellies occur in two tombs: onX-m-o-Or and Mrrw-k#.j.
431
Badawy, Ny-Hetep-Ptah and Ankhmahor, 31-32.
432
Badawy, Ny-Hetep-Ptah and Ankhmahor, 32. See also Naguib Kanawati et al., The Teti Cemetery at Saqqara II, 40-
41.
164
Figure 141. Tomb of onX-m-o-Or / Zzj at Saqqara, Badawy, Ny-Hetep-Ptah and Ankhmahor, pl. 41.
and 7 in the provincial sites.435 The brothers may appear in a sequence of offering bearers
led by the eldest son, as is the case in the tomb of Vtw at Giza (G 2001), where a
procession of offering bearers appears below the offering table scene on the north wall of
the portico. The eldest son occupies the initial position in this procession; four brothers
and other offering bearers follow him. All the offering bearers wear short curly wigs and
short kilts. The first brother carries a large bird and grasps the neck with one hand and the
433
In eight tombs: Jnpw-Htp, Mrw-k#, %wfw-onX (G 4520), cnDm-jb / Jntj (G 2370), cSm-nfr I (G 4940, LG 45), K#pj (G
2091), Vtw I (G 2001), and E#ty (G 2337-X).
434
In nine tombs: #Xt-Htp (D 64), Ppj, PtH-Htp II, Mr.f-nb.f / Ffj, Mrrw-k#.j / Mrj, Nj-onX-nswt, $nmw-nDm(w), Q#r
Junior (son of vizier Q#r), and vp-m-onX.
435
In three tombs: Jj-mry (Gebel el-Teir), Ppy-onX-Hrj-jb (Meir No. D2), and %w.n-wX / VTj (Quseir el-Amarna Tomb
2).
165
wings with the other. Each of the other three brothers carries a tray or a vessel piled with
Figure 142. Tomb of Vtw at Giza (G 2001), Simpson, Western Cemetery I, fig. 24.
The sn-Dt of the tomb owner may also appear in this stance, as is in the tomb of
#Xt-Htp at Saqqara, where a sn-Dt appears as the third offering bearer in a procession on
the bottom register on the south wall. Wearing the same short wig and short kilt as other
offering bearers, he carries a bundle of birds and papyrus plants with both hands.
Figure 143. Tomb of #Xt-Htp at Saqqara, Davies, Ptahhetep and Akhethetep II, pl. xxxiv.
It is, however, uncommon for brothers to carry offerings on the false door, and the
only example occurs in the tomb of Ppj at Saqqara. On the right jamb of the false door, a
brother wearing a short wig and a short projecting kilt carries a foreleg.
166
Figure 144. Tomb of Ppj at Saqqara, Jequier, Tombeaux de particuliers, fig. 116.
Brothers of the tomb owner appear more frequently depicted in this stance than do
sisters. Only four examples of sisters carrying offerings have been attested in the dataset
from the tombs of E#ty (G 2337-X) and K#pj (G 2091) at Giza. In the tomb of E#ty, two
sisters appear to the left of the false door, carrying food offerings and birds. Another
sister appears to the right of the false door behind a daughter, carrying birds in her hands.
In the case of K#pj, a sister appears on the left jamb of the false doors, carrying offerings
in both hands.
Figure 145. Tomb of E#ty at Giza (G 2337-X), Simpson, Western Cemetery I, fig. 41.
167
Figure 146. Tomb of K#pj at Giza, Roth, Palace Attendants, fig. 164.
Stance Type B-4: Standing and carrying accessories such as a staff, a scepter, a
Scenes of brothers of the tomb owner depict them standing with a staff, a scepter,
a papyrus scroll, or other accessories in their hands.436 Stance B-4 is less common for
siblings than Stance B-3. It occurs 10 times in the dataset: 6 in Giza,437 2 in Saqqara,438
In the tomb of K#-H#.j at Saqqara, for example, his sn-Dt Vntj appears at a
relatively large scale on the east wall of the chapel. However, he is still smaller than the
tomb owner who stands on the register above. Wearing a long projecting kilt, a collar,
and a short curly wig, Vntj holds a papyrus scroll in one hand and a piece of cloth in the
other hand. In front of the tomb owner and Vntj, five registers depict agricultural
productions. An inscription associated with the tomb owner reads m## H#m oH zS n njwwt.f
436
For a detail discussion of the stance of carrying a stick or a stave, see Henry G. Fischer, “Notes on Sticks and
Staves in Ancient Egypt,” Metropolitan Museum Journal 13 (1978): 5-32. For the stance of holding a piece of cloth or
handkerchief in a fisted hand, see Henry G. Fischer, “An Elusive Shape within Fisted Hands of Egyptian Statues,”
Metropolitan Museum Journal 10 (1975): 14-16.
437
In five tombs: WHm-k# (D 117), Nb-m-#Xtj (LG 12, LG 86), %o.f-Ro-onX (G 7948), cSm-nfr III (G 5170), and K#j.
438
In the tombs of c#-mry and K#-H#.j.
439
In the tombs of Jbj (Deir el-Gabrawi No. S8) and Jmj (El-Hawawish, Orinst. 109491).
168
nt MHw Cmow “viewing fishing, fowling and the record from his towns of Lower and
Upper Egypt,”440 The presence of Vntj in this scene probably illustrates how, as a brother
of the funerary estate, he accompanied the tomb owner while he oversaw town activities.
Figure 147. Tomb of K#-H#.j at Saqqara, Lashien, Kahai and His Family, pl. 81.
In most cases, brothers or sn-Dts appear at a smaller scale than that of the tomb
owner. In three examples, however, they are at the same scale as the tomb owner. In the
tomb of Jmj at El-Hawawish, a brother, carrying a staff and a scepter, appears behind two
images of the tomb owner on the architrave. He wears a short projecting kilt and a short
wig, resembling the two figures of the tomb owner in both costume and gesture.
440
Lashien, The Chapel of Kahai and His Family, 25. Lashien suggests that K#-H#.j is the tomb owner who constructed
this tomb for himself and his son Nfr. Vntj is, therefore, the sn-Dt of K#-H#.j. See ibid. 11-12. Moussa and Altenmüller
suggest that Nfr constructed this tomb for his father K#-H#.j and later had his burial in the same tomb. In this case, Vntj
has to be considered as the sn-Dt of Nfr. Moussa and Altenmüller, The Tomb of Nefer and Ka-Hay, 19, 36. For the
reversed order of “Lower and Upper Egypt,” it may be a reflection of the order of scenes from the top to the middle
registers in the scene, see Moussa and Altenmüller, The Tomb of Nefer and Ka-Hay, 9, note. 75.
169
Figure 148 Tomb of Jmj at El-Hawawish (Orinst 10491), Kanawati, El-Hawawish VII, fig. 35[a].
Another example comes from the tomb of %o.f-Ro-onX at Giza. On the east wall of
the chapel, a sn-Dt called Jttj stands behind the tomb owner at the same scale. Wearing a
short kilt and a leopard skin, he carries a scepter in one hand and places the other hand on
his chest. An interesting detail is the overlapping of the two figures. Jttj’s foot covers that
of %o.f-Ro-onX, and his scepter covers the latter’s sash. This positioning indicates that Jttj,
though standing behind %o.f-Ro-onX, is closer to the viewer.441 Since he is the only sn-Dt
depicted in this manner, Jttj’s prominence in the scene may have been a result of his
social status rather than his status as a sn-Dt of the tomb owner. Moreover, %o.f-Ro-onX
also appears on Jttj’s false door jamb in his tomb and is designated as sn.f, but at a rather
small scale. The differences in the depictions of the two brothers in each other’s tomb
may indicate the difference in their status. It is possible that Jttj attained a higher status in
his career, possibly after the death of his brother.442 Nevertheless, they held similar titles
that were equal in rank when %o.f-Ro-onX commissioned his tomb. It is, therefore,
reasonable to assume that Jttj is an elder brother of %o.f-Ro-onX and that his prominence in
441
For the overlapping of figures, see Schäfer, Principles of Egyptian Art, 118-119, 177-189. Jttj’s toes overlap %o.f-Ro-
onX’s heel. This is to show that Jttj stands to the right of %o.f-Ro-onX, apossition closer to the viewer. See Robins,
Proportion and Style in Ancient Egyptian Art, 19-20.
442
Jttj processes titles that Ro-Xo.f-onX does not hold, such as jmy-r# pr-o# and jmy-r# k#t nswt. Harpur discusses the titles
of both men in Harpur, “Two Old Kingdom Tombs at Giza,” 26-29.
170
the household may have accounted for his depiction at a large scale in his younger
brother’s tomb.
A similar situation occurs in the tomb of WHm-k# at Giza. On the west wall, a sn-
Dt named Nfr-Or-Nmtj stands in the center of the scene, together with his wife Nfr-Tzt and
a daughter. The scale of this couple equals that of the tomb owner and his wife. Wearing
a short wig and a leopard skin tied to his shoulder, Nfr-Or-Nmtj holds a staff and a
scepter, a costume and gesture that resemble those of the tomb owner. It is not clear
whether WHm-k# and Nfr-Or-Nmtj are real brothers, but it is possible that his wife Nfr-Tzt
is related to the family. She is possibly the woman with the same name on the false door
of WHm-k#’s wife. Harpur suggests that she is a daughter and that Nfr-Or-Nmtj is thus the
son-in-law of the tomb owner.443 No kinship designations, however, have been associated
with Nfr-Tzt. Her appearance on the wife’s false door rather than that of the tomb owner
may suggest her connection with the wife rather than the tomb owner. It is thus possible
443
Harpur, “Two Old Kingdom Tombs at Giza,” 29, note 32.
171
Figure 149. Tomb of %o.f-Ro-onX at Giza, Harpur (1981), in JEA 67, 25, fig. 1.
The only example of Stance Type B-6 occurs in the tomb of %w-ns at Qubbet el-
Hawa (de Morgan A6).444 On a pillar in the chapel, a sister of the tomb owner appears at
the end of a sequence of individuals below the offering table scene. Wearing a long dress,
Figure 151. Tomb of %w-ns at Qubbet el-Hawa (de Morgan A6), de Morgan, Catalogue des Monuments I, 161.
Unlike children of the tomb owner, siblings seldom appear in fishing and fowling
scenes. Four examples of Stance Type C occur in the dataset, all of which are brothers of
444
Harpur dates this tomb to the late Sixth Dynasty to the eight Dynasty. PM dates it to Sixth Dynasty. See Harpur,
Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom, 282; PM V 235.
173
Stance Type C-1: Standing on the skiff of the tomb owner and holding a spear or a
throwing stick
The only example of a brother in the fishing and fowling scene with a harpoon or
a throwing stick comes from the tomb of NXbw at Giza. In the fishing scene, brother onX-
Ppj stands on a sub-register above the skiff in front of the tomb owner and faces him,
Figure 152. Tomb of NXbw at Giza, Fischer (1958), in BMFA 56[304], 59.
Stance Type C-2: Standing on a skiff with the tomb owner or a sub-register near the
Brothers in this stance appear in two tombs: Mry-Ro-nfr / Q#r at Giza and Jbj at
Deir el-Gabrawi (No. S8). In the tomb of the former, a brother appears in the fishing
scene and carries a giant fish on a sub-register behind the tomb owner. In the fishing
scene of Jbj, a brother stands behind the tomb owner and grasps the wings of a bird in his
hand.
174
Figure 153. Tomb of Mry-Ro-nfr / Q#r at Giza, Simpson, Qar and Idu, fig. 16.
Figure 154. Tomb of Jbj at Deir el-Gabrawi (No. S8), Kanawati, Gebrawi II, pl. iv.
Stance Type C-3: Standing near the tomb owner without carrying fish or birds
the fourth example to this category. Standing on a sub-register behind the tomb owner, he
wears a short wig, a collar, a band across his chest, and a projecting kilt. Unlike the tomb
owner, he wears the costume of a lector priest and holds a papyrus scroll in his hand. He
is probably viewing the fishing activity of the tomb owner rather than taking part in it.
Sons of the tomb owner also appear in this stance and costume in the fishing and fowling
scenes. 445
445
See discussion in Chapter 1 under Stance Type C-3.
175
Figure 155. Tomb of K#-Hp / Vtj-jqr at El-Hawawish (H26), Kanawati, El-Hawawish I, fig. 8.
none of them sit on a chair unless they are the focus of the funerary cult.
Stance Type D-1: Seated or kneeling while bending one arm to the chest or placing
Stance D-1 occurs 9 times in the dataset: 4 in Giza and 5 in Saqqara.446 Both
brothers and sisters appear in this stance. All the examples in Giza are sisters of the tomb
In the tomb of PtH-Htp II at Saqqara, for instance, a sn-Dt kneels on one knee on
the ground, one hand on his chest and the other under his opposite arm. Another sn-Dt in
the same posture has one hand on the opposite shoulder and the other touching the elbow.
446
In the tombs of #Xtj-mrw-nswt (G 2184) and Mry-Ro-nfr / Q#r (G 7101) at Giza. In four tombs at Saqqara: PH.n-wj-
k#, PtH-Htp II, c#-mry, and vp-m-onX.
176
Figure 156. Tomb of PtH-Htp II at Saqqara, Harpure & Scremin, Ptahhotep, fig. 3.
Figure 157. Tomb of PtH-Htp II at Saqqara, Harpure & Scremin, Ptahhotep, fig. 3.
In the tomb of Mry-Ro-nfr / Q#r at Giza, two sisters of the tomb owner appear on
the north wall, kneeling on both knee on a register beneath the seated tomb owner. They
both place a right hand upon the chest and a left hand on the lap.
177
Figure 158. Tomb of Mry-Ro-nfr / Q#r at Giza, Simpson, Qar and Idu, fig. 26.
Stance D-2 occurs five times in three tombs: Nfr and Jtj-sn at Giza (D 203), Nfr-
In the tomb of Nfr and Jtj-sn, sn-Dt Nfr appears seated to the left of the offering
table on the panel of the false door, with one hand placed on the chest and the other hand
reaching out to the offering table.447 In this case, Nfr is the focus of the funerary cult
because the false door is dedicated to him and Jtj-sn. Similarly, in the tomb of Nfr-Htp,
the wife and snt-Dt of the tomb owner onX-k#w.s appears on the false door panel, and sits
long wig, a collar, and a long dress, with her hands extended to the table. On the right
side, she is designated as snt-Dt.f “his sister of the funerary estate.”448 On the left side, the
inscription states that she is Hmt.f “his wife.” This arrangement deliberately separates her
domestic status as the wife of the tomb owner and her social standing as a sister of the
funerary estate by duplicating her figure on both sides of the offering table and inscribing
447
Panel CGC 57163. Moreno García, “A New Old Kingdom Inscription from Giza (CGC 57163), and the Problem of
cN-Ev in Pharaonic Third Millennium Society,” 117-136, fig. 1.
448
Hassan translates the term as “his tomb partner.” See Hassan, Excavations at Gîza IX, 69.
178
corresponding titles. Appearing as the major figure on the false door of her husband, she
Figure 159. Tomb of Nfr and Jtj-sn at Giza (D 203), Panel CGC 57163, Moreno García (2007), in JEA 93, 119. fig. 1
Figure 160. Tomb of Nfr-Htp, Hassan, Giza IX, 68, fig. 29a.
In the tomb of K#-H#.j and Nfr, Nfr’s three brothers stand behind him in a scene on
the south wall of the chapel. Each of the brothers wears a short wig, a collar, and a long-
pleated kilt with a projecting front. On the southern section of the west wall, they appear
again above Nfr’s false door to the right of an offering talbe. Wearing a short curly wig, a
179
collar and a short kilt, each kneels on one knee on the ground with the other knee up, and
places one hand on the food and the other on the lap. On the north section of the west
wall where K#-H#.j and his wife installed their false doors, the three brothers and a woman
H#.j’s wife. They all sit at their own small offering tables. Wearing a leopard skin and a
short curly wig, each of the three brothers places one hand on the chest to grasp the tassel
of the leopard skin that is slung over the shoulder, and reaches out the other hand to touch
the food on the offering table. Snt-jt.s wears a long dress, bracelets on both wrists, and a
tripartite wig. She does not appear with her three brothers above the false door of Nfr. As
Lashien suggests, this tomb may have been built by K#-H#.j for his son Nfr who died at a
young age.449 This suggestion may explain why Nfr is absent from the group of the
Figure 161. Tomb of K#-H#.j and Nfr at Saqqara, Lashien, Kahai and His Family, pl. 85.
449
Lashien, The Chapel of Kahai and His Family, 11.
180
Stance Type D-4: Seated or kneeling and holding accessories, offerings, or lotus
flowers
No siblings appear in Stance Type D-3. The only example of Stance Type D-4
comes from the mastaba of Omt-Ro at Saqqara, where the excavator discovered a tablet of
a man named Vsmw in shaft No. 12. On the tablet, Vsmw sits on a chair with his wife and
holds a staff. The relationship between Vsmw and Omt-Ro is unknown, but his title sn-Dt.f
PtH-Htp made him a brother of the funerary estate, possibly of PtH-Htp II.450 In this case,
450
Moreno García, “A New Old Kingdom Inscription from Giza (CGC 57163), and the Problem of cN-Ev in
Pharaonic Third Millennium Society,” 125.
181
Stance Type E-1: Engaging in musical and sport activities (playing an instrument,
The scenes of siblings playing an instrument are uncommon, the only example
coming from the chapel of PtH-Htp II at Saqqara. On the north wall of the chapel, a sn-Dt
kneels with one knee up and plays the harp. It is likely that he was a musician in the
household of the tomb owner. His status as a sn-Dt is irrelevant to his role as a harpist.
Figure 163. Tomb of PtH-Htp II at Saqqara, Harpure & Scremin, Ptahhotep, fig. 3.
Siblings in Stance E-2-CEN appear in two tombs in the dataset. In the chapel of
Nj-k#w-PtH, a sn-Dt of the tomb owner is censing him using a bell-shaped censor in front
of the offering table. Wearing a short kilt and a short curly wig, he holds the censer and
extends both arms toward the tomb owner. It is interesting to note that this sn-Dt is shown
with a short beard. The text associated with the sn-Dt reads: jn sn.f Dt jr n.f sk sw qrs(.w)
m jmnt nfrt mm jm#Xw “It is his brother of the funerary estate who acted for him when he
was buried in the beautiful west among those who are revered.”451 The other example of a
451
Fischer, Varia Nova, 34.
452
Harpur, “Two Old Kingdom Tombs at Giza,” 25, fig. 1.
182
Figure 164. Tomb of Nj-k#w-PtH at Saqqara, Fischer, Varia Nova, 35, fig. 4.
In the case of E#ty at Giza, however, the brother of the tomb owner appears as the
recipient of the censing ritual. He stands with both hands pendent in a scene to the left of
the false door. The tomb owner stands in front of him and holds a bell-shaped censor
Figure 165. Tomb of E#ty at Giza, Simpson, Mastaba of the Western Cemetery I, Fig. 41.
453
Simpson thinks that the one being censed is the tomb owner, see S Simpson, Mastabas of the Western Cemetery I,
30. Because the inscriptions here all face right and the two figures behind are both labeled sn.f, the one being censed is
probably a brother as well.
183
Stance Type E-3 occurs three times in the dataset. On the north wall of the chapel
of PtH-Htp II at Saqqara, a sn-Dt bearing the title z#b sHD zS presents a document to the
Figure 166. Tomb of PtH-Htp II at Saqqara, Harpure & Scremin, Ptahhotep, fig. 3.
Another example comes from the tomb of Ppy-onX-Hrj-jb at Meir (No. D2). On
the north wall of Room 3, the brother of the wife (brother-in-law of the tomb owner)
entitled xry-Hbt “lector priest” appears at a reduced scale and stands behind her. Wearing
a short projecting kilt and a shoulder-length wig, he holds a papyrus document with both
Figure 167. Tomb of Ppy-onX-Hrj-jb at Meir (No. D2), Kanawati, Meir I, pl. 88.
454
“Juridicial inspector of scribes”, Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 814.
184
The tomb of $nmw-Htp at Giza is the third example of Stance Type E-3. On the
right jamb of the entrance doorway, a sn-Dt appears at a reduced scale in front of the tomb
owner. Wearing a short wig and a long projecting kilt, he presents a papyrus document to
Figure 168. Tomb of $nmw-Htp at Giza (Fakhry 4), Fakhry, Sept Tombeaux, 14, fig. 6.
This category includes miscellaneous stances that do not fit into any other stance
types. Examples in this category occur in three tombs: #Xtj-mrw-nswt at Giza (G 2184),
In the tomb of #Xtj-mrw-nswt, his three brothers appear on the west wall between
two false doors in Chamber C. Wearing a short wig and a short kilt, each of the brother
leans forward toward two kneeling offering bearers and extends his left hand toward the
455
Pose 2 of Manuelian’s typology, “cradling” the document, see Manuelian, “Presenting the Scroll: Papyrus
Documents in Tombs Scenes of the Old Kingdom,” 572, fig. 4.
185
Figure 169. Tomb of #Xtj-mrw-nswt at Giza (G 2184, MFA 13.4352), Giza Archives project Photos, A683_NS.
In the tomb of Mrrw-k#.j at Saqqara, a brother named JHy ppears on a boat. Seated
on a cushion, he drinks from a bowl held by a man standing in front of him. The brother
appears as a corpulent man with belly rolls. This unique depiction may indicate that he
had reached an old age when Mrrw-k#.j commissioned the decoration of his tomb. In the
tomb of their father Mrw-k#.j at Giza, a son named JHj-m-s#.f appears as the first offering
bearer carrying a foreleg, a role usually reserved for the eldest son. Therefore, it is
456
Junker, Gîza IX, 73-80; Henry G. Fischer, “Old Kingdom Inscriptions in the Yale Gallery,” Mitteilungen des
Instituts für Orientforschung, Vol. VII (1960): 310-312. See also Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old
Kingdom, 14, and Kanawati et al., Mereruka and His Family, Part III.1, 18-19.
186
Similar to Mrw-k#.j’s brother JHj, a sn-Dt of PtH-Htp II holds a fig towards his
mouth.457 He kneels with one leg under him, the other with knee raised, and faces a pile
of food offerings placed before the tomb owner, including baskets and trays of fruits and
birds.
457
His title is jmy-r# fnX wobt “overseer of the carpenters of the workshop,” see Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian
Titles, 135-136. Or “overseer of the carpenters of the wobt”, in Perepelkin, Privateigentum in der Vorstellung der
Ägypter des Alten Reichs, 46, note 5. For the translation “overseer of the offering of the wobt workshop”, see Moreno
García, “A New Old Kingdom Inscription from Giza (CGC 57163), and the Problem of cN-Ev in Pharaonic Third
Millennium Society,” 125. If the translation “overseer of the offerings” is correct, he is possibly tasting the fruit
dedicated to the tomb owner.
187
Figure 171. Tomb of PtH-Htp II at Saqqara, Harpure & Scremin, Ptahhotep, fig. 3.
position in which family members almost never appear. As a naked man with his short
kilt rolled up and tied by his belt, he stands with his legs apart and arms raised
horizontally. He holds a cloth behind his shoulders in his outstretched hands, while his
head is turning back toward the haulers. The caption of the scene reads sXt m Xsb.t(j) “the
net is closed.” It is unusual that a sn-Dt with the title z#b zS “juridicial scribes” plays the
role of a signalman in the clapnet scene.459 Situated on the right, the tomb owner faces a
series of scenes depicting different activities. The inscription reads m## sXmX-jb nb nfr
jrw n rSrSt “viewing every good enjoyment which is done in joy.” According to the
inscription, this clapnet scene represents a recreational activity, and the depiction of the
sn-Dt may be a commemoration of an event in which the sn-Dt acted as the signalman to
458
For the discussion on the signalman in a fowling scene, see Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old
Kingdom, 141-144. fig. 177.
459
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 811. For the detailed discussion of this scene, see Harper and Scremin,
Chapel of Ptahhotep: Scene Details, 311-312.
188
Figure 172. Tomb of Ptḥ-ḥtp II, Harpure & Scremin, Ptahhotep, fig. 5.
In the dataset, 52 siblings appear as offering bearers (Stance Type B-3), including
48 brothers and four sisters. Among the 48 brothers (including sn-Dts), 16 occur in Giza,
occasionally depict sons of the tomb owner carrying two strips of cloth, but brothers
never carry strips of cloth or any other types of offerings other than forelegs, fowls,
All four examples of sisters come from tombs at Giza. Three of them are sisters of
E#ty (G 2337-X), and the other one comes from the chapel of K#pj (G 2091). It is
interesting to note that E#ty is a dependent of vizier cnDm-jb.461 The unusual motif of
sisters carrying offerings may have been a result of his dependent status. The decorative
program in his chapel does not necessary follow the official decorum.
460
Five examples come from the tomb of Ppy-onX-Hrj-jb at Meir (No. D2), one from the tomb of Jj-mry (Gebel el-Teir),
and one from the tomb of %w.n-wX / VTj (Quseir el-Amarna Tomb 2).
461
The inscriptions on the architrave of the chapel identifies him as a dependent of vizier cnDm-jb. See Simpson,
Mastabas of the Western Cemetery, 28.
189
In the dataset, sn-Dts appear as offering bearers 17 times, meaning that more than
Brothers and sn-Dts may carry important offerings in specific scenes, such as the
scene of sXpt stpt “bringing the choice offerings.”462 This type of scene usually occurs
below or near the offering table or the offering list scene and consists of a procession of
offering bearers carrying food such as forelegs, big or small birds, small animals, and
other food piled in baskets and jars. In most cases, the first three offering bearers in the
procession carry forelegs of bulls, and the next three carry large birds. The eldest son of
the tomb owner usually occupies the initial position and leads a procession of sons,
brothers, officials, and ka-priests. The brothers of the tomb owner often follow the sons
and proceed the ka-priests. This order may reflect their intimacy and importance to the
tomb owner. The following examples further illustrate the role of brothers as offering
offering bearers who carry forelegs. 463 The second and the third offering bearers are the
sons of the tomb owner. The first is possibly the eldest son, but the inscription in front of
him is damaged. It is also uncertain whether there is any inscription in front of the
sequence of offering bearers due to the damage. They all wear short kilts and short wigs.
462
See Chapter 4.
463
Junker, Gîza IX, 70-83, Abb. 33.
190
A butchery scene occurs behind these offering bearers, in which the butchers are cutting
Figure 173. Tomb of Mrw-k#.j at Giza, Junker, Gîza IX, Abb. 33.
On the north wall of the portico, four brothers of Vtw appear in a sequence of
offering bearers. The first offering bearer carrying a foreleg is the eldest son. The second
offering bearer carrying a bird is the brother, and he twists the neck of the bird with his
hand, while another bird falls to the ground dead at his foot. The other three brothers who
follow him all carry trays or baskets of food on the shoulder while holding the leash of
Figure 174. Tomb of Vtw at Giza (G 2001), Simpson, Western Cemetery I, fig. 24.
191
The south wall of the chapel of #Xt-Htp is divided into four registers of processions
of offering bearers. Each register has 12 offering bearers.464 The first offering bearer on
the bottom register is the eldest son, and the third is a sn-Dt. The eldest son and the
second offering bearer each carries a large bird, while the sn-Dt holds a bundle of small
birds in both hands. Two offering bearers behind him carry forelegs. No caption is
Figure 175. Tomb of #Xt-Htp at Saqqara (D 64), Davies, Ptahhetep and Akhethetep II, pl. xxxiv.
Six offering bearers appear on two registers below the offering table and the tomb
owner. The first offering bearer on the bottom register is the brother of the tomb owner.
Wearing a short wig and a projecting kilt, he carries a foreleg with both hands. A son
wearing the same costume follows him and carries a bundle of birds. On the register
464
The fourth register from bottom has seven offering and five priests who perform rituals. Davies, The mastaba of
Ptahhetep and Akhethetep at Saqqareh II, pl. xxxiv.
192
above, the eldest son occupies the initial position and carries a bundle of five birds. No
In the case of PtH-Htp II, a sn-Dt appears on the bottom register of the south wall
of the chapel. Wearing a long wig and a short kilt with a band across the chest, he
presents a bird to the tomb owner. The eldest son, who is carrying a foreleg, follows him.
The initial position of this sn-Dt is unusual. This register has no caption other than the
names and titles of the individuals, but the inscription associated with the sequence of
offering bearers on the register above reads sXpt Xt jn Hmw-k# n xry-tp nswt PtH-Htp
“bringing things by the ka-priests to the royal chamberlain PtH-Htp.” A similar scene
appears on the west wall of the same chapel. Beneath the offering list are three registers
of offering bearers and a sequence of priests performing rituals for the tomb owner. On
the bottom register, a sn-Dt presents a bird to the tomb owner, while another offering
bearer behind him carries a foreleg. On the register above, the first two offering bearers
carrying trays of food are designated as sn-Dt. On the third register from the bottom, the
first offering bearer is also a sn-Dt. It is worth noting that these sn-Dts occupy the initial
positions on each register. The rest of the offering bearers in the same sequence are also
named and hold similar administrative titles as the sn-Dts. Presumably, their status as the
sn-Dt of the tomb owner accounts for their prominence among the offering bearers.
193
Figure 176. Tomb of PtH-Htp II at Saqqara (D 64), south wall, Harpur & Scremin, Ptahhotep, fig. 4.
Figure 177. Tomb of PtH-Htp II at Saqqara (D 64), west wall, Harpur & Scremin, Ptahhotep, fig. 4.
194
On the east wall of the main chapel, two processions of offering bearers appear on
the bottom register and face towards the center in a symmetrical arrangement.465 On the
north section, two offering bearers carrying forelegs precede 15 personalized domains.
On the south section, the first four offering bearers carry forelegs, and the following three
carry large birds. A butchery scene fills the rest of this register. All the six offering
bearers with forelegs bend forward. The first two on the south section are sons of the
tomb owner. The third one is a brother. The captions associated with the processions on
both sides read sXpt stpt “bringing the choice offerings.” It is worth noting that the same
inscription occurs in the butchery scenes on the same wall. Moreover, offering bearers
carrying forelegs on their shoulders appear in the butchery scenes. In these inscriptions,
the signs after the word stpt are the three foreleg signs.466 The connection between the
scene of “bringing the choice offerings” and the butchery scene demonstrates that the
slaughtering of the bull likely provided the forelegs for the stpt-offerings.
papyrus and lotus plants, and baskets and trays of food appear on the south and north
walls.467 On the bottom register of the north wall, ten brothers of the tomb owner appear
behind a son who occupies the initial position in the procession. On the bottom registers
465
Myśliwiec, Saqqara I: The Tomb of Merefnebef, 135-140, pls. xx, xxi.
466
Mysliwice takes the three foreleg signs following stpt as a separate word XpSw. See Myśliwiec, Saqqara I: The
Tomb of Merefnebef, 135.
467
Kanawati et al., Mereruka and His Family, Part III.1, pls. 86-89.
195
of both the south and the north walls, the first six offering bearers carry forelegs, while
the following five carry large birds. The processions on both walls have the same
captions beginning with sXpt stpt nDt-Hr rnpt-nbt nfrt jnnt n.f “bringing the choice
offerings, the nDt-Hr offerings, and the good rnpt-nbt offerings which are brought to
him.” In these two captions, the signs behind the word stpt are three forelegs and three
birds. A similar scene occurs on the south wall of Room A10. Eight bearers carry
forelegs on the bottom register, and seven carry birds on the second register from the
bottom. Eight offering bearers on the fourth register from bottom present other food
products to the tomb owner who is seated on an arm chair on the right. His sons and
brothers appear behind him on at least four sub-registers.468 The caption associated with
this scene reads […] stpt jnnt jn Hmw-k# nw Dt.f r Xrw-prt n.f jm “ …choice offerings
being brought by the ka-priests of his funerary estates as an invocation offering.” In this
case, the signs following the word stpt are three forelegs and one bird.469
Figure 178. Tomb of Mrrw-k#.j / Mrj at Saqqara, west section of north wall of Room A8, Kanawanti, Mereruka III:1,
pl.88.
468
Part of the relief on this wall is damaged.
469
Kanawati et al., Mereruka and His Family, Part III.1, pl. 97.
196
Figure 179. Tomb of Mrrw-k#.j / Mrj at Saqqara, south wall of Room A10, Kanawanti, Mereruka III:1, pl.97.
bottom register.470 On the north section, a sequence of eight offering bearers carry
forelegs, and two men drive cattle behind them. The first two offering bearers are the
brothers of the tomb owner. The caption associated with this scene reads sXpt stpt
“bringing the choice offerings.”471 The signs following the word stpt are the bird sign and
the foreleg sign. The appearance of the bird sign is interesting because there are no
offering bearers carrying birds in this sequence. Therefore, the bird sign functions as the
470
Kanawati et al., The Cemetery of Meir I, pl. 87.
471
Kanawati et al., The Cemetery of Meir I, 54.
472
“Delikatesse, Erlesenes” in Hannig, Ägyptisches Wörterbuch I: Altes Reich und Erste Zwischenzeit, 1254-1258.
“ausgelöste Fleischstücke besonders Schenkel” in Erman, Wörterbuch Der Ägyptischen Sprache, Band 4, 336.
197
On the north wall of the same room, a procession of 22 offering bearers appears
on the bottom register with a butchery scene at the end of the processions.473 The first
eight offering bearers carry forelegs. The following four carry large birds. The rest are
loaded with different types of food and bundles of papyrus plants. The third, fifth, and
eighth offering bearers are the brothers of the tomb owner. A vertical caption in front of
the first bearer reads sXpt stpt “bringing the choice offerings.”474 The signs following the
word stpt are a calf with legs tied up and a bird, which are different from those on the
west wall. The use of the bound calf as a determinative may have been an alternative
writing of the word, or the butchery scenes at the end of the procession may account for
this usage.475
In the chapel of %w.n-wX / VTj, the bottom register on the east wall has a sequence
of six offering bearers.476 The first two carry forelegs, the third and the sixth each carries
a bird, and the rest are loaded with trays, jars and baskets of food, and bundles of lotus
473
Kanawati et al., The Cemetery of Meir I, pls. 88-89.
474
Kanawati et al., The Cemetery of Meir I, 60.
475
For discussion of the stpt-offerings, see Chapter 4.
476
El-Khouli and Kanawati, Quseir El-Amarna, 54, pls. 41, 44.
198
plants. The first bearer is the eldest son, and the fourth is a brother. Three women
designated as ms.f nw xt.f “children of his body” follow these male offering bearers and
stand at the end of the sequence. Wearing long dresses, collars, bracelets, anklets, and
long tripartite wigs, they all hold a lotus flower to the nose. The inscription associated
with this scene reads sXpt nDt-Hr jn msw.f jn snw.f jn Hq#.f jn mrwt.f nt pr-Dt jn Hmw-k# nw
pr-Dt “bringing the nDt-Hr offerings by his children, by his brothers, by his chiefs and
servants of the funerary estate, by his ka-priests of the funerary estates.”477 Despite the
inscription that the children are bringing offerings to the tomb owner, the three daughters
do not carry offerings but smell lotus flowers.478 This depiction does not necessarily
mean that the female progeny would not provide offerings for the tomb owner. Their
presence in the sequence and the inscription probably indicate their status as offering
types of offerings, because the dataset has no examples of female family members carry
forelegs of bull.
On the west wall, four offering bearers appear on the bottom register below the
fishing scene.479 The first two carry forelegs, and the third holds a bird. He twists the
neck of the bird with one hand, while another bird is lying dead at his feet. In this type of
scene, the representation of dead birds is infrequent.480 This depiction indicates that the
birds presented to the tomb owner may have been butchered. The caption for the scene
477
Hq#w.f pr-Dt, “chiefs of the funerary estate”, see Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 666.
478
They do not appear to present the lotus flower to the tomb owner. For sons presenting lotus to the father, see
Altenmüller, “Väter, Brüder und Götter: Bemerkungen zur Szene der Übergabe der Lotusblüte,” 17-28.
479
El-Khouli and Kanawati, Quseir El-Amarna, 46-48, pl. 38.
480
El-Khouli and Kanawati, Quseir El-Amarna, 48, note 199. Dead birds are usually shown in the fowling scenes, see
Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom, 141-144.
199
reads sXpt stpt jn Hmw-k# nw pr n Dt “bringing choice offerings by the ka-priests of the
funerary estate.”481
It is worth noting that the offering bearers on the east wall are of higher social
status than those on the west wall. Those on the east wall, including the eldest son and the
brother, all wear long wigs and have short beards, while those on the west wall wear short
wigs and do not have any beard. The captions associated with each scene differ in both
the offerings and the status of the offering bearers. On the east wall, the offerings that
they bring to the tomb owner are the nDt-Hr type, while those on the west wall are the stpt
type. The caption on the east wall includes children, brothers, and servants. The one on
the west wall, however, mentions only the ka-priests, though none of offering bearers
below the caption bears the title Hm-k#. On the west wall, the first and second offering
bearers hold the title jmy-r# Tzt “overseer of the herd,”482 and the third one is Xrp zH
“director of the dining-hall.”483 Titles of offering bearers on the east wall include Spss
nswt mtj (n) z# “noble of the king, regulator of a phyle,”484 xry-tp nswt pr-o# “king’s
liegeman of the Great House,”485 xry-Hbt “lector priest,” xry-tp nswt “king’s liegeman,”
xry-Hbt zS jmy-r# Tzt nt jt.f “lector priest, scribe, overseer of the herd of his father,”486 zS
ow nw nTr pr-o# “document scribe of the god of the Great House.”487 It is interesting to
note that the offering bearers on the east wall have similar titles, and two of the four
481
E El-Khouli and Kanawati, Quseir El-Amarna, 48.
482
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 276.
483
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 736-737. The last one’s title and name is uncertain. El-Khouli and
Kanawati, Quseir El-Amarna, 48.
484
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 988.
485
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 452.
486
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 276.
487
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 843.
200
offering bearers on the west wall have the same title. It is likely that these people are
Figure 181. Tomb of %w.n-wX / VTj, east wall, El-Khouli & Kanawati, Quseir el-Amarna, pl. 44.
Figure 182. Tomb of %w.n-wX / VTj, west wall, El-Khouli & Kanawati, Quseir el-Amarna, pl. 38.
Although brothers of the tomb owner may bear the title xry-Hbt “lector priest,”
none of them appear as priests in funerary rituals reciting spells. As discussed above, they
only appear below the offering list scene as offering bearers carrying the choice offerings.
kinship relation to the tomb owner.488 Moreover, none of the siblings appears in the
butchery scenes. They do not participate in some of the activities that sons of the tomb
owner do, such as libating and presenting offerings while kneeling. However, brothers
also take part in the censing ritual. In the tomb of Nj-k#w-PtH at Saqqara, a sn-Dt of the
tomb owner is censing him in front of the offering table.489 In the case of E#ty at Giza, the
tomb owner stands before his brother and performs the censing ritual for him. 490
siblings of the dead would have taken part in the funeral procession from the community
to the tomb and participated in rituals. It is important to keep in mind that scenes in tomb
chapels are not the record of real funerals but rather are idealized images used to fulfill
the religious need to symbolically provide the dead with appropriate goods and rituals to
secure their transition to the afterlife.492 The absence of siblings from such scenes may
have also been a result of the decorum relating to theme selection in the Old Kingdom
488
Thompson also suggests that the role as offering bearers has nothing to do with the title xry-Hbt. Thompson, “The
Iconography of the Memphite Priesthood in Egypt’s Elite Tombs of the Old Kingdom,” 48-49.
489
Henry G. Fischer, Varia Nova (New York, NY: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1996), 35, fig. 4.
490
Simpson, Mastabas of the Western Cemetery I, 28.
491
For the funerary procession, see Wilson, “Funeral Services of the Egyptian Old Kingdom,” 201-218.
492
van Walsem, Iconography of Old Kingdom Elite Tombs, 35-39.
493
Kent R. Weeks, “Art, Word, and Egyptian Worldview,” in Egyptology and the Social Sciences: Five Studies, ed.
Kent R. Weeks (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 1979), 59-81; Ann M. Roth, “Multiple Meanings in
Carrying Chair Scenes,” in Dekorierte Grabanlagen im Alten Reich: Methodik und Interpretation, eds. Martin
Fitzenreiter and Michael Herb (London: Golden House Publications, 2006), 243.
202
Parents of the tomb owner occur less frequently than do children and siblings in
private tomb decoration of the Old Kingdom.494 However, some of the tomb owners not
only refered to the names and titles of the parents in the inscriptions but also depicted
them on their chapel walls. Thirty-six tombs in the dataset contain depictions of parents:
28 in Giza, 5 in Saqqara, and 3 in provincial sites. The fact that the majority of
representations of parents occur in tombs at Giza implies a local tradition different from
that in Saqqara and provincial sites, that is, an emphasis on the familial lineage of the
tomb owner.
Mothers appear more frequently in their sons’ tombs than fathers do. Twenty-nine
examples of mothers and 14 examples of fathers occur in the dataset; 9 tombs have
representations of both the father and the mother.495 In Saqqara, examples of the mother
occur in all the five tombs, while only one of them has both parents represented.496 In the
provincial sites, all three tombs have the representations of the father of the tomb owner.
The representation of the mother of the tomb owner occurs only in the tomb of Ppy-onX-
Hrj-jb at Meir. The more frequent occurrence of mothers probably indicates a high status
494
Tables in Appendix II.3 list the names, designations, and titles of the parents of the tomb owner.
495
In the tombs of #ḫtj-mrw-nswt (G 2184), Wḥm-k# (D 117), Ḫwfw-onḫ (G 4520), Sšmw (Shaft 590), K#j (east of tomb
G 7391), Jnpw-ḥtp, Mr.s-onḫ III (G 7530 + 7540), Špss-k#.f-onḫ, Ḏ#ty (G 2337-x, dependent of Snḏm-jb).
496
In the tomb of Nj-onḫ-H̱nmw and H̱nmw-ḥtp.
203
of the mother in the family or a closer relationship between the tomb owner and his
mother.
14
9
5
4
3
1
0
AT LEAST ONE ONLY FAT HER ONLY MOTHER BOT H FAT HER AND
PARENT MOTHER
The kinship designation for the father and the mother of the male tomb owner are
representation of the father or mother of the tomb owner. The expressions mry.f or mrt.f
497
Tables in Appendix II.3 list the designations and titles of the parents.
204
“his beloved,” which usually follows the designation of children, do not appear with jt.f
or mwt.f. The expression n xt.f “of his body” never occurs with jt.f or mwt.f. In some
cases, the identification of the parents is through the designation of the tomb owner as the
child. That is, the tomb owner has the designation z#.f “his son,” z#t.f “his daughter,” z#.s
“her son,” z#t.s “her daughter,” in scenes in which the parents of the tomb owner appear
as the major figures. In these cases, the parents may not have kinship designations beside
their names and titles. Ten examples of the tomb owner with the designation z#.f or z#.s
occur in the dataset: eight in Giza, two in the provincial sites, and none in Saqqara.498 In
the tomb of Nn-sDr-k#(.j) at Giza (G 2101), for example, the tomb owner has the
designation z#t.f mrt.f when she appears at the foot of her father who holds his staff.
However, he does not have the designation jt.s in this scene. In most cases, the parental
designations jt.f and mwt.f and the filial designations z#.f and z#t.f do not occur in the
same scene. In other words, the parenthood of the tomb owner is marked either from the
perspective of the tomb owner or that of the parents. This situation probabaly reflects the
fact that each scene should have only one major figure as the focus. The suffix pronouns
used in kinship designations refer to the major figures in each scene. The co-existence of
kinship designations such as jt.f and z#.f would be confusing because the suffix pronoun .f
498
Jj-mry (G 6020, LG 15), Jnpw-ḥtp, Mr.s-onḫ III (G 7530 + 7540), Nfrj (grandson of Jrj-n-#ḫtj / Jrj, G 2391), Nn-
sḏr-k#(.j) (G 2101), Ḫwfw-ḫo.f I (G 7130 + 7140), K#.j-wob (G 7110 + 7120), Ḏ#ty (G 2337-x, dependent of Snḏm-jb),
Mmj (El-Hawawish, CG 1586), and Ppy-onḫ-km / Ḫny / Ḫny-km (Meir No. A2).
499
The tomb owner is usually the focus of the scenes, so the change of focus from the tomb owner to his parents is,
apparently, an emphasis of the latter’s importance in the scene. Interestingly, a comparison between the titles of the
parents and the tomb owner shows that this emphasis may not have been a result of the high status of the parents but an
expression of domestic affection.
205
Exceptions, however, occur in three tombs in Giza: Mr.s-onX III (G 7530 + 7540),
K#.j-wob (G 7110 + 7120) and %wfw-Xo.f I (G 7130 + 7140). Here, both the tomb owner
and his or her mother have kinship designations. It is important to note that the mothers
depicted in these tombs are all queens. Therefore, the use of kinship designations for both
the tomb owner and his or her mother emphasizes their kinship and implies the status of
the tomb owner as a royal descendant. The mother of K#.j-wob has the designation mwt.f
mst n %wfw “his mother, who bore (him) to Khufu,” while the title of the mother
of %wfw-Xo.f I is mwt.f mst sw “his mother, who bore him.”500 These designations
highlight the royal origin of the prince born to a queen. This type of emphasis apparently
In 28 examples in the dataset, the parents of the tomb owner have both their
imageries and titles recorded: 21 in Giza, 4 in Saqqara,501 and 3 in the provincial sites.502
The title rXt-nswt is the most common for mothers.503 It occurs in 14 tombs.504 The
mother of the tomb owner may also have religious titles, such as Hmt-nTr Owt-Or
pw-nswt, #Xtj-mrw-nswt, and cSm-nfr III at Giza, and the tomb of Ppy-onX-Hrj-jb at Meir,
the mother of the tomb owner bears the title Hmt-Ntr of the goddess Hathor or Neith. In
only a few cases, the mother of the tomb owner holds an administrative title. For
500
Simpson, The Mastabas of Kawab, Khafkhufu I and II: G7110-20, 7130-40, and 7150, and Subsidiary Mastabas of
Street G7100, 3, 11.
501
Mrrw-k#.j / Mrj, Nj-onḫ-H̱nmw & H̱nmw-ḥtp, Nj-k#w-Ro, and S#-mry.
502
Mmj (El-Hawawish, CG 1586), Ppy-onḫ-ḥrj-jb (Meir No. D2), and Ppy-onḫ-km / Ḫny / Ḫny-km (Meir No. A2).
503
Fischer, Egyptian Women of the Old Kingdom and of the Heracleopolitan Period, 27-30.
504
Wḥm-k# (D 117), Jnpw-ḥtp, Wḥm-k# (D 117), Ro-wr, Sšm-nfr II (G 5080), Sšm-nfr III (G 5170), Špss-k#.f-onḫ, K#-ḥj.f
(G 2136), and Ḏ#ty (G 2337-x, dependent of Snḏm-jb) in Giza, Mrrw-k#.j / Mrj, Nj-onḫ-H̱nmw & H̱nmw-ḥtp, Nj-k#w-Ro,
and S#-mry in Saqqara, and Ppy-onḫ-ḥrj-jb (Meir No. D2).
505
Fischer, Egyptian Women of the Old Kingdom and of the Heracleopolitan Period, 24.
206
example, in the tomb of %wfw-onX (G 4520), the mother bears the title Xnty-S, a
designation that %wfw-onX and his father also hold.506 The mother of Nj-onX-$nmw and
$nmw-Htp holds the title jmyt-r# pr jnowt / Htswt “overseer of the house of weavers.”507
In most tombs, the tomb owner has more titles than his father does. This may
indicate that the tomb owner chose the most important titles of his or her father when
depicting him in the tomb chapel. In most cases in the dataset, the male tomb owner
shares the same titles with his father, or they bear similar titles. In the tomb of WHm-k# at
Giza (D 117), for example, the tomb owner bears the title zS pr-mD#t “scribe of the
archives,”508 while his father holds the title nXt-Xrw pr-mD#t “tally-man of the
Saqqara. The father of the two brothers bears the titles Xrp oprw “director of the crew”510
and sHD wj# “inspector of the boat.”511 Nj-onX-$nmw and $nmw-Htp, however, do not
hold these two titles. It is interesting that a brother of the two tomb owners bears the title
jmy-ḫt prw jnowt / Htswt “under-supervisor of the house of the weavers,”512 which is
related to the title jmyt-r# pr jnowt / Htswt “(female) overseer of the house of weavers”
that their mother holds.513 Two daughters of the family also bear the same title as their
506
This title is mostly held by men. For the discussion of the title and people holding this title, see Roth, A Cemetery of
Palace Attendants, 40-43. For women with this title, see Kanawati, Conspiracies in the Egyptian Palace, 21-22, and
Fischer, Egyptian Women of the Old Kingdom and of the Heracleopolitan Period, 41-43.
507
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 114. For the discussion of this title, see Henry G. Fischer, “Notes on
Some Texts of the Old Kingdom and Later,” in Studies in Honor of William Kelly Simpson 1, ed. Peter Der Manuelian
(Boston: Dept. of Ancient Egyptian, Nubian and Near Eastern Art, Museum of Fine Arts. 1996), 273-274. See also
Henry G. Fischer, Egyptian Women of the Old Kingdom and of the Heracleopolitan Period, 19-21.
508
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 848.
509
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 487.
510
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 705.
511
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 917.
512
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 286.
513
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 114. Moussa and Altenmüller, Das Grab des Nianchchnum und
Chnumhotep, 42, fig. 11, n. 59. See also Fischer, Egyptian Women of the Old Kingdom and of the Heracleopolitan
Period,
207
mother. Of particular note is that these children follow the career path of their mother
Examples of the mother-in-law of the male tomb owner occur in three tombs: Nfr-
k#(.j) at Giza, Nj-k#w-Ro at Saqqara, and Ppy-onX-Hrj-jb at Meir. In each of these cases,
the mother-in-law of the tomb owner has the designation mwt.s, with the feminine suffix
pronoun referring to the wife of the tomb owner. In all these examples, the mother-in-law
is less prominent than the mother of the tomb owner. The depiction of the wife’s father is
not attested in the dataset. In the tomb of Nfr-k#(.j), however, the name of the wife’s
father appears to the left of the false door panel just behind the seated figure of the wife.
The most frequently depicted relatives other than children, siblings, and parents
are grandchildren of the tomb owner, though the depiction of three generations in one
tomb is not common.515 Fifteen tombs in the dataset contain the images of grandchildren:
seven in Giza,516 four in Saqqara,517 and four in the provincial sites. 518
514
It is not clear why these children follow the career path of the mother rather than that of the father. It is also unclear
to what extent children had the freedom to choose their career in ancient Egypt. For women in the Old Kingdom
holding titles related to weaving, see Fischer, Egyptian Women of the Old Kingdom and of the Heracleopolitan Period,
17-18. See also Fischer, Varia, 71.
515
Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom, 285-300.
516
Wnšt (G4840, VII SS), Wḥm-nfrt, R#-mw (false door in the tomb of Ṯṯj), Ṯṯj, cSm-nfr II (G 5080), K#-ḥj.f (G 2136),
and K#-ḫr-Ptḥ (G 7721).
517
Nj-k#w-Ro, S#bw /Jbbj, Sḫm-k# (north-west of D 62), and K#(.j)-ḥp (S 3511, false door, British Museum 1848).
518
Deir el-Gabrawi No. N95, Hnqw I / H̱ttj (Deir el-Gabrawi No. N39), Ḏow / Šm#j (Deir el-Gabrawi No. S12, his son
Ḏow), and Ḫw.n-wḫ / Ṯṯj (Quseir el-Amarna Tomb 2).
208
Among the thirteen grandsons, eight are sons of the daughter of the tomb owner. The two
The situation in Saqqara is different. Ten grandsons and four granddaughters are
attested in the dataset. Five grandsons have the designation z# z#.f “son of his son,” while
the dataset has no sons of the daughters. The only granddaughter with clear parental
designation, z#t z#t “daughter of a daughter,” comes from the tomb of Nj-k#w-Ro. In the
tomb of K#(.j)-ḥp (S 3511), eight of them are simply designated as msw msw.f “children of
his children” without differentiation between children of the son and children of the
daughter.
Memphite region. They bear the designations z#.f(s) or z#t.f(s) following the name of their
parents. In the tomb of !nqw I / $ttj at Deir el-Gabrawi (No. 39), for example, his
grandson Jzj is called Jmpy z#.f “Jmpy, his son.” Jmpy, as the son of the tomb owner, has
the designation as z#.f mry.f. This phrase differentiates the parental lineage of the
grandchild by giving the name of his or her father or mother. In the Memphite region,
however, the lineage of grandchildren refers directly to their grandparents, not their
parents. In this case, the parents of the grandchildren are apparently implicit in the
Chapels seldom depict other relatives. One example of a distant relative occurs in
the tomb of Ppy-onX-Hrj-jb at Meir. On the south wall of Room 3, the uncle of the wife
appears with the designation sn jt.s “brother of her father.” Another example comes from
519
In the tombs of K#-ḥj.f (G 2136) and Ṯṯj.
209
the tomb of K#-ḫr-Ptḥ at Giza (G 7721). On the middle column of the antechamber, a sn-
Dt appears at a large scale, while his son stands at his foot as a nude child. The figure of
the child is partly lost, and his name has not survived. If this sn-Dt is a real brother of the
wife of the tomb owner,520 the boy could be the nephew of the wife.
terms are distant relatives of the tomb owner because the absence of such terms makes it
difficult to distinguish them from subordinates and friends of the tomb owner.
Additionally, the lack of kinship designations indicates that the ancient Egyptians did not
Examples of Stance A-1 occur in nine tombs in the dataset: seven in Giza and two
in Saqqara.521 Only the mother of the tomb owner appears in this stance. In six tombs, the
mother of the tomb owner touches the father; in the other three tombs, the mother touches
the tomb owner. None of the fathers appear in physical contact with the tomb owner,
In the tomb of WHm-k# at Giza (D 117), the parents of the tomb owner stand
behind him and his wife at the same scale, but face the opposite direction. The mother of
520
He is designated as sn-Dt.s in the vertical inscription in front of his figure. Presumably, he is a sn-Dt of the wife of
the tomb owner.
521
In the tombs of #Xtj-mrw-nswt (G 2184), Jnpw-Htp, WHm-k# (D 117), Mry-jb / K#-pw-nswt (G 2100-I-annexe, LG
24), %wfw-Xo.f I (G 7130 + 7140), K#j (east of tomb G 7391), and E#ty (G 2337-x) at Giza. In the double tomb of Nj-
onX-$nmw and $nmw-Htp, and in the tomb of Nj-k#w-Ro at Saqqara.
210
the tomb owner stands behind the father and places one hand on his shoulder while
The mother also appears in this gesture behind the tomb owner. In the tomb of
Mry-jb / K#-pw-nswt at Giza (G 2100-I-annexe, LG 24), for example, the mother of the
tomb owner stands behind him and embraces his shoulder with her right hand.
Figure 185. Tomb of Mry-jb / K#-pw-nswt at Giza (G 2100-I-annexe, LG 24), LD II, 20.
211
The mother of the tomb owner may also hold the hand of the son. In the tomb
of %wfw-Xo.f I at Giza (G 7130 + 7140), his mother stands in front of him, places one
hand her chest, and holds the tomb owner’s hand with her other hand.
Figure 186. Tomb of %wfw-Xo.f I at Giza (G 7130 + 7140), Simpson, Kawab, Khafkhufu I & II, fig. 26.
A unique example from the tomb of Nj-k#w-Ro at Saqqara shows the mother-in-
law of the tomb owner on the left outer jamb of the false door of the tomb owner.
Wearing a long wig and a long sheath dress, the mother stands on the left and faces her
Figure 187. Tomb of Nj-k#w-Ro at Saqqara, Borchardt, Denkmäler I, 80-84, Bl. 19.
212
Stance A-2 occurs in five tombs in Giza.522 In these tombs, the mother of the
tomb owner sits on a chair together with the tomb owner, while holding his arm,
shoulder, or waist.
In the tomb of cXm-k#-Ro, the mother sits behind the tomb owner who appears at a
slightly smaller scale, but not in the traditional representation as a naked boy with side
lock. She places one hand on the shoulder of her son and holds his arm with the other
hand. This stance and her larger scale probabaly indicates the status as a divine royal
mother.523
522
Wsr, Mry-Ro-nfr / Q#r (G 7101), %w.n-Ro, cXm-k#-Ro(LG 89), and cSmw (Shaft 590).
523
This stance of the queen is similar to that of Hathor in a specific type of the Menkaure triads (Type 2). See Florence
D. Friedman, “Reading the Menkaure Triads, Part II,” in Old Kingdom, New Perspectives: Egyptian Art and
Archaeology 2750-2150 BC, eds. Nigel Strudwick and Helen Strudwick (Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2011), 93-114, fig. 1,
and Florence D. Friedman, “Reading the Menkaure Triads, Part I,” in Palace and temple: architecture, decoration,
ritual : 5. Symposium zur ägyptischen Königsideologie = 5th Symposium on Egyptian Royal Ideology, Cambridge,
July, 16th-17th, 2007, eds. Rolf Gundlach and Kate Spence (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2011), 23-27. For the
role of the queen as Hathor, see Lana Troy, Patterns of Queenship in Ancient Egyptian Myth and History (Uppsala:
Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, 1986), 53-72.
213
In the other two examples, the tomb owner and the mother have the same scale,
and the sons appear as adults. In the tomb of Wsr, the mother places one of her hands on
the shoulder of the tomb owner and holds his arm with her other hand. In the case of
Mry-Ro-nfr / Q#r, his mother sits with the tomb owner, but is closer to him. She places
one hand on the shoulder of her son and the other hand on his waist.
Figure 189. Tomb of Wsr at Giza, Junker, Giza VI, Abb. 69.
Figure 190. Tomb of Mry-Ro-nfr / Q#r at Giza (G 7101), Simpson, Qar and Idu, fig. 30.
The mother of the tomb owner may also sit on a chair with the father. On the
architrave in the tomb of cSmw at Giza, for example, the parents of the tomb owner sit on
214
a chair. The mother places one hand on the shoulder of the father and grasps his upper
Figure 191. Tomb of cSmw at Giza, Junker, Giza VIII, 24, Abb. 6.
A unique example from the tomb of %w.n-Ro at Giza depicts the mother of the
tomb owner sitting on a chair, holding a lotus flower with one hand. She extends her
other hand to her son, who appears as a naked boy standing before her. He turns his head
backward to look at her, places one hand on her lap, and carries a bird in the other hand.
What we see in this scene may have been an artistic expression of juxtaposed figures in
Figure 188.524 %w.n-Ro probabaly stands beside his seated mother, not in front of her.
Although the tomb owner and his mother are on the same register, the standing tomb
owner is at a significantly smaller scale. The larger size of the mother is a sign of her
importance. The small scale of the tomb owner makes it possible for him to place his
hand on his mother’s lap, and for the mother to hold his arm. Just as the case of cXm-k#-
Ro, the gesture of the mother holding the son’s arm also shows her status as a divine royal
mother.525 The uniqueness of the tomb owner’s stance is, apparently, a deliberate design
524
Schäfer, Principles of Egyptian Art, 172-177.
525
See note 517.
215
Figure 192. Tomb of %w.n-Ro at Giza, Reisner (1934), in BMFA 32, No. 189, 1-12, fig. 10.
Parents depicted at a much-reduced scale at the foot of the tomb owner do not
occur in the dataset. The only exception occurs in the tomb of Mr.f-nb.f / Ffj at Saqqara.
On the east wall of the west chapel, the mother kneels at the foot of the tomb owner at a
much-reduced scale. The tomb owner stands and carries his staff and scepter in his hands.
Figure 193. Tomb of Mr.f-nb.f / Ffj, Mysliwiec et al., Saqqara I: Merefnebef, pl. xx.
216
Stance Type B-1: Standing with one hand or two hands on the chest
Parents in this stance occur in nine tombs in the dataset: eight in Giza and one in
Saqqara.526 In the tombs of %wfw-onX (G 4520) and K#j at Giza, both the father and the
mother of the tomb owner appear in this stance on the false door. Fathers in this stance
appear only on false doors, while mothers can appear on both false doors and chapel
walls.
In the tomb of Ro-wr at Giza, for example, the mother stands before the tomb
owner on the east wall of the vestibule. Wearing a long wig, a collar, bracelets and
anklets, and a long dress, she places her hand upon her chest. The tomb owner sits on a
chair, holding his staff in one hand and a piece of cloth in the other hand. He wears a
short wig, a short beard, and a leopard skin. The artist depicts the mother at a smaller
scale, allowing her to appear at the same height as the seated son. This arrangement is
probably not an indication of a less important status of the mother, but to make both
526
Including tombs of Nfr-k#(.j), Ro-wr, %wfw-onX (G 4520), cSm-nfr II (G 5080), cSm-nfr III (G 5170), Cpss-k#.f-onX,
K#j (east of tomb G 7391), K#.j-wob (G 7110 + 7120) at Giza, and the tomb of Mrrw-k#.j / Mrj at Saqqara.
217
Mothers may also appear on the false door jambs alone, such as the mother of
cSm-nfr II who stands on the right outer jamb of the false door of her son with her hand
Figure 195. Tomb of cSm-nfr II at Giza, Kanawati, Giza II, pl. 63.
The stance of parents of tomb owners carrying offerings does not occur in the
dataset. The only exception occurs in the tomb of E#ty at Giza (G 2337-x), who is a
dependent of the cnDm-jb family. 527. His mother stands behind her son and carries a small
527
According to the inscription on his architrave. See Simpson, Mastabas of the Western Cemetery, 28.
218
Figure 196. Tomb of E#ty at Giza (G 2337-x), Simpson, Western Cemetery I, fig. 41.
Stance Type B-4: Standing and carrying accessories such as a staff, a scepter, a
This stance is common among fathers. It occurs 12 times in eleven tombs in the
The tomb owner may accompany the father who appears in this stance. In the
tomb of Nn-sDr-k#(.j) at Giza (G 2101), the father stands in a vignette carved on the pillar,
where he strands while holding a staff before him. His daughter stands at his foot and
528
#Xtj-mrw-nswt (G 2184), Jj-mry (G 6020, LG 15), Jnpw-Htp, WHm-k# (D 117), Mrs-onX III (G 7530 + 7540), Nj-
sonX-#Xty / JTj, Nj-sDr-k#(.j) (G 2101), Nfr-b#w-PtH (G 6010, LG 15), and Cpss-k#.f-onX.
529
Nj-onX-$nmw and $nmw-Htp.
530
Mmj (El-Hawawish, CG 1586).
219
Figure 197. Tomb of Nn-sDr-k#(.j) at Giza (G 2101), Junker, Giza II, 117, Abb. 8.
In the case of Mr.s-onX III at Giza (G 7530 + 7540), her father appears in a scene
on the east wall of the main room. Depicted as a corpulent man wearing a long projecting
kilt, he holds a staff in one hand and a piece of cloth in the other hand.
Figure 198. Tomb of Mr.s-onX III at Giaa (G 7530 + 7540), Dunham and Simpson, Mersyankh III, fig. 4.
The tomb owner and his or her father may also appear at the same scale. In this
case, the father usually precedes the tomb owner. On the west wall of the chapel of Nfr-
b#w-PtH at Giza (G 6010, LG 15), the father stands before tomb owner, and both are at
the same scale. They wear long wigs and long projecting kilts. The father leans on his
220
staff, while the son behind him carries a papyrus scroll in one hand and a piece of cloth in
the other.
Figure 199. Tomb of Nfr-b#w-PtH at Giza (G 6010, LG 15), Weeks, Cemetery G 6000, fig. 14.
A similar example occurs in the chapel of Jj-mry at Giza (G 6020, LG 15). The
father stands in front of the tomb owner but at a slightly larger scale. Wearing a long wig
and a projecting kilt, the father leans on his staff, while the son wears the same long
projecting kilt, has a short wig, and stands behind his father with a papyrus scroll in his
hand.
221
Figure 200. Tomb of Jj-mry at Giza (G 6020, LG 15), Weeks, Cemetery G 6000, fig. 31.
The arrangement of two male figures standing side by side is not exclusive to
fathers and sons. In the tomb of %o.f-Ro-onX at Giza (G 7948), the tomb owner and his
brother Jttj stand side by side, Jttj leaning on his staff in front of his brother.
Stance B-5 occurs only twice in the dataset: one in the tomb of Mrrw-k#.j / Mrj
and the other in the tomb of c#-mry. The provenance of both is Saqqara. In the tomb of
Mrrw-k#.j / Mrj, for example, the mother appears at a much-reduced scale behind the
tomb owner on the east wall of Room A13. Wearing a long wig, an elaborate collar, and a
long sheath dress, she holds a lotus flower towards her nose.
222
Figure 201. Tomb of Mrrw-k#.j / Mrj at Saqqara, Kanawati et al., Mereruka III: 2, pl. 82.
In the tomb of c#-mry, the mother appears on the false door of her son, wearing a
long wig and a long sheath dress. She holds a lotus flower with a curled stem to her nose.
Stance Type D-1: Sitting or kneeling while bending one arm to the chest or placing both hands
Stance D-1 only occurs in two tombs: K#-Hj.f at Giza (G 2136) and c#-mry at
Saqqara. Both depict the mother of the tomb owner. On the lintel and the architrave of
her own false door in the tomb of the former, the mother sits on a chair.
223
Figure 203. Tomb of K#-Hj.f at Giza (G 2136), Junker, Giza VI, 110, Abb. 32.
In the tomb of c#-mry at Saqqara, the mother sits on a chair at the bottom of the
niche of the false door of her son and herself. 531 One hand is on her chest and the other on
her lap. In both examples, the mother appears on false doors, rather than in scenes on the
chapel wall. Her appearance on the false door indicates that this positioning may be
exclusively for the deceased who is commemorated as the object of the funerary cult. The
inscription on the false door of c#-mry states that the father of c#-mry made the tomb for
himself, his mother, and his brother onX-jr-k#.j.532 The three individuals appear at the
bottom of the niche of the false door, all in Stance D-1. As discussed in the first chapter,
all children depicted in Stance D-1 in chapel scenes are in the gesture of kneeling or knee
sitting instead of sitting on a chair. Therefore, it may have been the decorum to represent
only the deceased seated on a chair with arms bent to the chest.
531
Both the name of the mother and her son appear above the niche. Fischer takes c#-mry as the principal tomb owner
since he appears on the right side. Henry G. Fischer, Varia (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1976), 4.
532
Henry G. Fischer, Varia, 8-10.
224
Stance D-2 occurs in five tombs: three in Giza,533 one in Saqqara,534 and one in
Meir. 535 As discussed above, the mother of K#-Hj.f appears in Stance D-1 on the
architrave and the lintel of her false door. She also appears in Stance D-2 on the panel.
Wearing the same long wig and long sheath dress, she sits at her offering table on the
right side, facing her son who is on the left side. Her right hand is in front of the loaves
on the table, while her left hand holds a lotus flower in the other hand.
Figure 205. Tomb of K#-Hj.f at Giza (G 2136), Junker, Giza VI, 110, Abb. 32.
533
Mry-%wfw (Fakhry 6), cSmw (Shaft 590), and K#-Hj.f (G 2136).
534
c#-mry.
535
Ppy-onX-Hrj-jb (Meir No. D2).
225
Similarly, the mother of c#-mry also appears opposite her son on the right side of
The parents of the tomb owner may sit together at the offering table, but the father
is always in front of the mother. In the tomb of cSmw at Giza, his parents sit on a chair at
an offering table on the right end of the architrave. The father extends his hand to the
offering table, while the mother sits behind him in Stance A-2, with her left hand clasping
The father of the tomb owner may sit by himself at the offering table. For
example, in Mry-%wfw’s tomb at Giza (Fakhry 6), the tomb owner’s father sits on a chair
at his offering table with one arm bent to the chest and the other arm extended to the
offering table.
Figure 208. Tomb of Mry-%wfw at Giza (Fakhry 6), Fakhry, Sept Tombeaux, 24, figs. 14.
A unique example from the tomb of Ppy-onX-Hrj-jb depicts the parents sitting at
their own offering tables on the south wall of Room 3. Wearing a long wig, a short beard,
a collar, a short kilt, and bracelets, the father sits on a chair before the offering table with
his right hand extended to the offerings. Below, the mother also sits at her offering table
and extends her hand to the offerings. Both the father and the mother face the tomb
owner, who appears at a larger scale at his offering table on the right. On the same wall,
the mother-in-law of the tomb owner kneels at her own small offering table. Wearing a
short wig, a collar, and a long dress, she places one hand upon her chest and extends the
Figure 209. Tomb of Ppy-onX-Hrj-jb at Meir (No. D 2), Kanawati, Meir I, pl. 83.
Figure 210. Tomb of Ppy-onX-Hrj-jb at Meir (No. D 2), Kanawati, Meir I, pl. 83.
Stance Type D-4: Seated or kneeling and holding accessories, offerings, or lotus
flowers
Parents of the tomb owner usually do not appear in Stance D-4. However, it
occurs in combination with Stance A-2 in the tomb of %w.n-Ro at Giza, where his mother
228
sits with him on a chair and holds a lotus flower (Figure 192). In the tomb of K#-Hj.f, the
mother also sits at the offering table and holds a lotus flower (Figure 205).
The parents of the tomb owner appear in two types of ritual activities, presenting
lotus flowers (E-2-LOT) and censing (E-2-CEN), and they always appear as the recipient
in these rituals. In other words, the tomb owner performs rituals of censing or presenting
Examples of the tomb owner censing his father occur in four tombs in the dataset:
three in Giza and one in Meir.536 On the west wall of the chapel of E#ty (G 2337-x), his
father stands on the second register to the left of the false door. He wears a short wig, a
collar, and a long projecting kilt. The tomb owner stands in front of him and holds the
censor to his nose. His mother stands behind the father and holds his right arm.
Figure 211. Tomb of E#ty at Giza (G 2337-x), Simpson, Western Cemetery I, fig. 41.
536
Tombs of Jnpw-Htp, Nfrj (grandson of Jrj-n-#Xtj / Jrj, G 2391), and E#ty (G 2337-x) at Giza, and the tomb of Ppy-
onX-km / %ny / %ny-km (Meir No. A2).
229
In the tomb of Jnpw-Htp at Giza, the father and the mother appear on the east
thickness of the entrance, while the tomb owner stands on a sub-register at a much-
Figure 212. Tomb of Jnpw-ḥtp at Giza, Junker, Giza IX, Abb. 75.
In the tomb of Ppy-onX-km / %ny / %ny-km at Meir (No. A2), the father of the
tomb owner appears at a slightly larger scale and wears a long projecting kilt and
elaborate collars. With the same neckwear and a short projecting kilt, the tomb owner
Figure 213. Tomb of Ppy-onX-km / %ny / %ny-km at Meir (No. A2), Kanawati & Evans, Meir II, pl. 87a.
The scene of the father receiving a lotus flower from the tomb owner occurs in the
tomb of Jj-mry at Giza. Wearing a projecting kilt, the father sits on an arm chair and
Figure 214. Tomb of Jj-mry at Giza (G 6020, LG 15), Weeks, Cemetery G 6000, fig. 43.
231
Examples of this category occur in two tombs at Giza: Jj-mry and Mr.s-onX III.
On the west wall of the first chamber, Jj-mry’s father sits in a carrying chair under a
canopy. He and his sons, together with his brother, stand in a gesture of reverence in front
of the carrying chair. Such scenes are common in Old Kingdom tomb decoration. In the
tomb of Mrrw-k#.j / Mrj at Saqqara, for example, a depiction of the tomb owner in a
carrying chair appears on the north wall of Room A13, and his sons and brothers
accompany him. However, the depiction of the father of the tomb owner in a carrying
As Roth suggests, the carrying chair scene is not only a marker of status and
wealth, but also a mortuary metaphor and a rehearsal for the funeral, which occurs when
the tomb owner visits his tomb on the carrying chair.537 This explanation, however, may
not fit the circumstance of Jj-mry’s father, who built his own tomb nearby (G 6040) and
did not need a rehearsal in the tomb of his son. This carrying chair scene may have been a
depiction of a visit by the father to the son’s tomb chapel when he was still alive.538 It is
possible that the carrying chair scene was meant to honor the aged grandfather Cpss-k#.f-
onX.
537
Roth (2006), in IBAES VI, 247-248.
538
As Weeks suggests, Jj-mry‘s father Cpss-k#.f-onX lived into his late seventies and was still alive when his son
decorated his tomb chapels (G 6020). Weeks, Mastabas of Cemetery G 6000, including G 6010 (Neferbauptah); G
6020 (Iymery), G 6030 (Ity), G 6040 (Shepseskafankh), 5.
232
Figure 215. Tomb of Jj-mry at Giza, Weeks, Cemetery G 6000, fig. 32.
In a zSS w#D scene in the tomb of Mr.s-onX III, the mother of the tomb owner
stands on a skiff in front of her daughter. Both her mother and she are rattling the papyrus
Figure 216. Tomb of Mr.s-onX III at Giza (G 7530 + 7540), Dunham and Simpson, Mersyankh III, fig. 4.
539
For a detailed discussion of the worship of Hathor and this type of scene, see Alexandra Woods, “zSS w#D Scenes of
the Old Kingdom Revisited,” in Old Kingdom, New Perspectives: Egyptian Art and Archaeology 2750-2150 BC, eds.
Nigel Strudwick and Helen Strudwick (Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2011), 314-318.
233
Stance Type AS-1: Standing at the foot of a major figure and touching him or her
Relatives of the tomb owner in Stance Type AS-1 occur in the two tombs, VTj at
Giza and Nj-k#w-Ro at Saqqara. In the tomb of VTj, a grandson of the tomb owner appears
between his legs at a much-reduced scale and embraces his grandfather’s calf with his
arm. On the false door of R#-mw in the same tomb, 540 a grandson of R#-mw appears at the
foot of R#-mw’s wife, where he touches her leg with one hand and grasps a piece of cloth
in the other hand.541 In the tomb of Nj-k#w-Ro, a granddaughter stands at the foot of the
tomb owner on the left inner jamb of the false door of the wife. She embraces her
grandmother’s leg with one hand and holds a lotus flower to the nose with the other hand.
Figure 217. Tomb of VTj at Giza, James, Hiero. Texts I, 2nd ed., pl. vii.
540
He is the father of VTj.
541
The piece of cloth grasped by the child possibly stands for the word snb. For more detailed discussions, see Albrecht
Fehlig, “Das sogenannte Taschentuch in den ägyptischen Darstellungen des Alten Reiches,” Studien zur Altägyptischen
Kultur 13 (1986): 71-73.
234
Figure 218. False door of R#-mw from the tomb of VTj at Giza, James, Hiero. Texts I, 2nd ed., pl. xvi.
Figure 219. Tomb of Nj-k#w-Ro at Saqqara, Borchardt, Denkmäler I, Bl. 19, [1414].
Stance Type AS-2: Standing at the foot of a major figure and holding his staff
Stance Type AS-2 is most common among sons of the tomb owner.542 The only
example of a grandson in this stance occurs in the tomb of K#(.j)-Hp at Saqqara (S 3511).
Two grandsons appear separately at the foot of the tomb owner on each jamb of the false
542
See discussion in Chpater 1.
235
door. Appearing as nude boys with a side lock, they both hold the grandfather’s staff with
Figure 220. Tomb of K#(.j)-Hp at Saqqara (S 3511), Martin, Hetepka, pl. 21.
Stance Type AS-3: Standing at the foot of a major figure with one hand or two on the
This stance occurs in one tomb in the dataset. That of WnSt at Giza (G 4840),
where a nude grandson appears on the false door of the tomb owner. In this case, he
stands at the foot of the daughter of the tomb owner and is designated as z#.s “her son.”
236
Figure 221. Tomb of WnSt at Giza (G 4840), Junker, Giza I, 252, Abb. 63.
Stance Type B-1: Standing with one hand or two hands on the chest
Stance Type B-1 occurs 12 times in four tombs.543 Both grandsons and
on the right outer jamb of the false door shows the figure with his arm bent to the chest.
In the tomb of VTj at Giza, a granddaughter behind the wife of the tomb owner appears at
a much-reduced scale and places her hand upon the chest. On the north wall of the chapel
of Eow / Cm#j at Deir el-Gabrawi (No. S12), the son, the daughter-in-law, and the three
grandchildren of the tomb owner all stand above his seated figure. The first grandson
stands with one arms bent to the chest, while the other is pendent. Both the remaining
543
The tombs of WHm-nfrt and VTj at Giza, K#(.j)-Hp (S 3511) at Saqqara, and Eow / Cm#j (Deir el-Gabrawi No. S12 at,
his son Eow in the same tomb).
237
Figure 222. Tomb of VTj at Giza, James, Hiero. Texts I, 2nd ed., pl. vii.
Figure 223. Tomb of Eow / Cm#j at Deir el-Gabrawi (No. S12), Kanawati, Gebrawi III, pl. 61.
In most cases, grandchildren in this stance appear as adults. The only example of
a grandchild as a nude youth occurs in the tomb of K#(.j)-Hp at Saqqara (S 3511). Here,
nine grandchildren of the tomb owner appear on the outer jambs of the false door, all
with arms bent to the chest. On the right outer jamb, four grandsons appear on four sub-
registers. On the left jamb, two grandsons occupy the first two sub-registers, two
granddaughters stand on the third sub-register, and a grandson depicted as a nude boy on
Figure 224. Tomb of K#(.j)-Hp at Saqqara (S 351), Martin, Hetepka, pl. 21.
Stance Type B-2: Standing with both arms pendent, not holding anything
Stance Type B-2 occurs in three tombs, including the tombs of Eow / Cm#j and VTj
discussed above. In the case of VTj, a grandson appears as a nude boy at a much-reduced
scale in front of the tomb owner on the left jamb of the false door. On a higher level, he
appears above the feet of the tomb owner without a short line to indicate a sub-register.
This floating figure may have been reminiscent of the Fourth Dynasty pattern of placing
544
Myśliwiec, “Father’s and Eldest Son’s Overlapping Feet: An Iconographic Message,” 309.
239
In the tomb of cXm-k# at Saqqara, the grandson appears as a nude child at the end
of the sequence of the children of the tomb owner in a scene to the left of the false door.
Wearing a side lock, a collar, bracelets, and anklets, he stands with arms down at the
sides of his body. Unlike the grandchildren of Eow / Cm#j, he is designated as z# z#.f.
Although he stands behind the children of the tomb owner, his parents are not specified.
He is probably the son of the eldest son.545 The other son appears as a nude boy and
stands behind the eldest son. He may not have reached his adulthood when the tomb
Figure 225. Tomb of cXm-k# at Saqqara, Murray, Saqqara Mastabas I, pl. VII.
Stance Type B-3 occurs six times in four tombs.546 On the left outer jamb of the
false door in the tomb of Nfrt-nswt at Giza, a grandson grasps appears as an adult,
grasping a small bird in each hand. On the right jamb, he appears again, this time with a
545
The name of this grandson is also cXm-k#, while the name of the eldest son is cXm-k#-Srj.
546
Nfrt-nswt at Giza, c#bw / Jbbj at Saqqara, Deir el-Gabrawi No. N95, and !nqw I / $ttj (Deir el-Gabrawi No. 39).
240
Figure 226. Tomb of Nfrt-nswt at Giza, Hassan, Giza II, fig. 94.
In the tomb of c#bw / Jbbj at Saqqara, the second and the sixth offering bearers in
a sequence in the scene of the offering list are grandsons of the tomb owner. The second
one carries a foreleg, and the sixth carries a bird. A column of inscription in front of the
first offering bearer indicates that they are presenting the stpt-offerings.547
Figure 227. Tomb of c#bw / Jbbj at Saqqara, Borchardt, Denkmäler I, Bl. 21.
In the tomb of !nqw I / $ttj at Deir el-Gabrawi (No. N39), two grandsons appear
as the second and the third offering bearers on the east wall. Each carries a foreleg, and is
led by their father who also carries a foreleg. A grandson depicted in tomb No. N95 at
547
It reads sXpt stp(w)t “bringing the stpt-offerings.” For the discussion of this type of offerings and its spelling, see
Chapter 4.
241
Deri el-Gabrawi also appears as an offering bearer carrying a foreleg and led by his own
father.
Figure 228. Tomb of !nqw I / $ttj at Deir el-Gabrawi (No. N39), Kanawati, Gebrawi I, pl. 40.
Figure 229. Tomb No. N95 at Deri el-Gabrawi, Kanawati, Gebrawi I, pl. 61.
This stance occurs only in the tomb of %w.n-wX / VTj at Quseir el-Amarna (Tomb
2). At the bottom of the left jamb of the statue niche on the south wall is the image of the
granddaughter of the tomb owner standing and holding a lotus flower to her nose. She
appears as an adult and wears a long wig, bracelets and anklets, and a long dress. A
242
representation of the wife of the tomb owner is on the top register of this panel with the
same stance, costume, and accouterments as her granddaughter. The daughter of the tomb
owner sits at her offering table in the middle register of the panel with the same costume
and accouterments.
Figure 230. Tomb of %w.n-wX / VTj at Quseir el-Amarna (Tomb 2), El-Khouli &Kanawati, Quseir el-Amarna, pl. 46.
at Giza. On the right inner jamb of the false door, the grandson appears as a nude boy
Figure 231. Tomb of WHm-nfrt at Giza, Curto, Gli Scavi italiani a el-Ghiza, fig. 20.
243
Stance Type C-2: Standing on a skiff with the tomb owner or a sub-register near the
The grandchildren of the tomb owner rarely appear in the spear-fishing and
fowling scenes. The only example of a grandchild in this type of involvement occurs in
the tomb of %w.n-wX / VTj at Quseir el-Amarna (Tomb 2). In the spear-fishing scenes on
the west wall, a granddaughter of the tomb owner stands in front of the tomb owner,
holds a lotus flower with one hand, and carries two birds with the other hand. It is
interesting to note that the daughter of the tomb owner does not appear in this scene. It is
possible that this fishing scene originally included the daughter of the tomb owner, who
was later replaced by the granddaughter—that is, her own daughter—because of her early
Figure 232. Tomb of %w.n-wX / VTj at Quseir el-Amarna (Tomb 2), El-Khouli &Kanawati, Quseir el-Amarna, pl. 38.
This stance occurs in the tombs of K#-Hj.f at Giza (G 2136) and Ppy-onX-Hrj-jb at
Meir (No. D2). In the tomb of K#-Hj.f, a group of six grandchildren appears in front of the
tomb owner and his wife who sit at the offering table. A granddaughter and a grandson
548
El-Khouli and Kanawati, Quseir El-Amarna, 56.
244
play the harp, while another grandson sits in front of them as a chironomist.549 Three
Figure 233. Tomb of K#-Hj.f at Giza (G 2136), Junker, Giza VI, 123, Abb. 38b.
The other example of a relative represented in Stance D-2 is the uncle of the wife
of Ppy-onX-Hrj-jb. On the south wall of Room 3, he kneels before his own offering table
with one hand placed on his chest and the other hand extended to the offering table.
Figure 234. Tomb of Ppy-onX-Hrj-jb at Meir (No. D2), Kanawati, Meir I, pl. 83.
549
This term refers to the person uses hand gestures to direct a group singers. Chironomists only appear in Old
Kingdom musical scenes in elite tombs. Lise Manniche, Music and Musicians In Ancient Egypt (London: British
Museum Press, 1991), 30.
245
Stance Type E-1: Engaging in musical and sport activities (playing an instrument,
The example of Stance E-1 occurs only in the tomb of K#-Hj.f at Giza (G 2136). A
granddaughter and two grandsons play music in front of the tomb owner and his wife. A
grandson functions as the chironomist with one hand placed on the ear and the other hand
raised in front of his face.550 The other grandson and the granddaughter are harpists.
Almost all stances of grandchildren and other relatives fall into the above
example. On the south wall of the chapel stands a grandson behind a large ewer with both
arms reaching out and his hands clasped. His father stands in front of the large ewer and
presents a lotus flower to the tomb owner. The grandson’s gesture and position behind
550
A chironomist is the person who uses hand gestures to direct musical performance. For the study of chironomy in
ancient Egypt, see Hickmann, Musicologie pharaonique, 109-112. See also Hans Hickmann, “Miscellanea
musicologica III: observations sur les survivances de la chironomie égpytienne dans le chant liturgique copte,” in Hans
Hickmann: miscellanea musicologica, ed. Abou-Ghazi, Diá (Le Caire: Organization des Antiquites, 1980), 155-165.
551
Kanawati and McFarlane, Tombs at Giza II, 59.
246
Figure 235. Tomb of Sšm-nfr II at Giza (G 5080), Kanawati, Giza II, pl. 64.
in the first three chapters give a good picture of their appearance in reliefs and wall
paintings in the Old Kingdom private chapels in the Memphite and provincial sites.
In the current dataset, the total number of sons appearing in the scenes with a
kinship designation is 600, while that of daughters is 237. It is evident that the tomb
owners tend to depict their sons rather than daughters in their chapels, probably because
sons are more closely related to the funerary cult both ritually and economically
Stance Type B-3, standing and carrying offerings, occurs most frequently with
sons and brothers and less frequently with daughters and sisters (Table V.9 in Appendix
V). These results indicate, in the familial ideology expressed in the tomb decoration, the
presentation of offerings is primarily the task of male family members of the same or
next generation. Stance Type D-3, kneeling and making offerings, is also associated with
247
sons (Table V.18 in Appendix V). Similarly, only sons and brothers appear in a censing
ritual (Table V.20 In Appendix V) and scribal activities (Stance Type E-3, Table V.21 in
Appendix V). Both are stances associated with economic and administrative aspects of
Moreover, Stance Type A is most common among sons of the tomb owner. It also
occurs frequently between the tomb owner and his mother (Table V.1 and Table V.2 in
Appendix V). Sons may also touch a major figure when appearing at his or her foot, but
daughters appear more frequently in this stance. Six present of the daughters and 4% of
the sons appear in this stance (Table V.3 in Appendix V). Furthermore, in Stance Type
D-2, seated or kneeling before a table of offerings, female family members occurs more
frequently than do male family members (Table V.17 in Appendix V). These results
mean, at least ideologically, that female family members sit at a table and consume food
offerings in the funeral or rituals. The physical contact between the tomb owner and the
daughters demonstrates that they maintain a close relationship to their parents as sons do.
When in positions near the tomb owner in a scene, male and female family
members have different stances. Daughters and sisters appear more frequently in Stance
Type B-1, standing with one hand or two hands placed on the chest, while sons stand
with arms pendent (B-2) or carrying accessories (B-4). Fifty-one present of daughters and
11% of sons appear in Stance Type B-1 (Table V.7 in Appendix V). Only 4% of
daughters are in Stance Type B-2 and none in B-4, while 22% of sons and 54% of
brothers occur in these two stances. Stance Type B-5, standing and holding lotus flowers,
is exclusively for female family members (Table V.11 in Appendix V). Stance Type E-1,
In the fishing and fowling scenes, only sons and brothers appear on the skiff with
the tomb owner, and can hold a spear or a throwing stick (Table V.13 in Appendix V).
They also carry birds or fish in such scenes. Daughters and sisters do not appear in this
stance (Table V.14 in Appendix V), even their appearance in the marsh scenes is rare
In view of the discussions in the first three chapters, the difference between the
representations of male and female family members reflect the perception of family
members of different genders in the familial ideology. As Harpur observes, women in the
marsh scenes are usually shown in passive postures.552 This conclusion appears also in
representations of family members on the chapel walls. Males, more frequently engage in
functional activities with administrative, economic, and ritual significance. One can
observe their active participation as offering bearers carrying forelegs, birds, and other
types of offerings, as scribes presenting or writing a document, or as the one who censes
the tomb owner in a censing ritual. Standing at the foot of the tomb owner and holding
the lower part of his staff may also be considered as active participation to emphasize the
In contrast, female family members, mainly daughters and sisters, appear in more
static and passive postures in the scene. The activities they are involved in are playing
552
Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom, 137.
249
This chapter introduces the concept “family group” to analyze the representation
of family members when they appear together. In this study, a family group refers to the
depiction of more than one family member, including sons, daughters, siblings, parents,
and other relatives, in the same scene, and the positional relationship among them.
Appendix IV contains the layout of each family group and its location in the chapel, as
well as details of kinship relations within the family group. In the dataset, 63 tombs in
groups.553
As discussed in the previous chapters, the appearance of children at the foot of the
tomb owner or his wife is a common motif in Old Kingdom private tombs. The
appearance of a single son, a daughter, or a relative with the tomb owner is excluded
from the discussion of the family group. While a tomb owner might have had only one
child, it is difficult to tell whether the one child depicted is in fact the tomb owner’s only
child.
In the Memphite area, half of the tombs containing the depiction of family groups
date to the Fifth Dynasty. In Giza, 48% of the tombs with the depiction of family groups
belong to the Fifth Dynasty, while only 25% date to the Sixth Dynasty.554 Those in
553
Appendix IV lists the structures and layouts of the family groups depicted in tomb chapels.
554
Not including the nine tombs with an uncertain date from the Fifth to the Sixth Dynasties.
250
Saqqara display a similar chronological distribution, with 54% dating to the Fifth
Dynasty and 37% dating to the Sixth Dynasty. 555 In the provincial sites, however, 71% of
the depictions of family groups occur in the Sixth Dynasty tombs. This chronological
distribution may be due to the fact that most provincial tombs in this dataset date to the
latter half of the Old Kingdom. Twenty-two tombs containing family groups in the
provincial sites date to the Sixth Dynasty, while the number is 15 in Giza and 19 in
Saqqara. Therefore, the depiction of family groups in tomb chapels was more popular in
555
Not including the five tombs with an uncertain date from the Fifth to the Sixth Dynasties.
251
Provincial Sites,
31, 21%
Giza, 63, 43%
Figure 236. Number of tombs containing family groups in Giza, Saqqara, and provincial sites
22
19
16
9
7
5
4
4
0
0
0
0
IV IV OR V V V OR VI VI
Family groups appear in a variety of contexts, and sits arrangement relates to the
scene’s theme. In fishing and fowling scenes, for example, family members appear on the
boat of the tomb owner or around him on flowing sub-registers. They also appear in
scenes of overseeing the funerary estate, while standing in front of or behind the tomb
owner. They may also be depicted in offering table scenes, seated at their offering tables
in front of the tomb owner, or standing and presenting offerings. Family groups occur
most frequently on the false door and the west wall of the chapel, and less frequently on
other walls. In the Giza area, 67% of the family groups occur on the false door or the
west wall. In Saqqara, the proportion is 52%. This means more than half of the depictions
of family groups occur on the false door or the west wall. The proportion is lower in
provincial sites, probably because the orientations and the layouts of the tomb chapels are
different from those in the Memphite region. In 28 tombs in Giza, 19 in Saqqara, and two
in provincial sites, the depiction of the family group is on the false door. In 9 tombs in
Giza, 8 tombs in Saqqara, and 6 tombs in provincial sites, it occurs on the west wall.
Family group on appear the false door more in the Fifth Dynasty than at other
times. In Giza, 52% of the samples (15 of the 29 tombs) date to that time. In Saqqara,
84% (16 of the 19 tombs) also have a Fifth Dynasty date. The two false doors containing
a family group at provincial sites both date to the Fifth Dynasty. The chronological
distribution of the depictions of a family group on the west wall, however, is not heavily
In Giza, 8 of the 14 tombs (57%) that contain the depiction of a family group on
the west wall date to the Fifth Dynasty. The proportion is 50% (4 of the 8 tombs) in
Saqqara and 50% (3 of the 6 tombs) in the provincial sites. Besides the false door and the
253
west wall, the south wall is another place where the tomb owner had a family group
depicted. Four tombs at Giza, 8 at Saqqara, and 7 at the provincial sites contain
representations of family groups on the south wall. In Saqqara, all the tombs with family
groups on the south wall date to the latter half of the Fifth Dynasty to the early Sixth
Dynasty. In the provincial sites, most tombs with family groups on the south wall date to
Table 10. Number of tombs containing the depiction of a family group on the false door, the west or the south wall
29
19
16
15
5
3
2
1
0
0
IV V VI V OR VI T OT AL
Figure 238. Number of tombs containing the depiction of a family group on the false door
14
8
6
4
4
3
3
2
1
IV V VI V OR VI T OT AL
Figure 239. Number of tombs containing the depiction of a family group on the west wall
255
7
5
4
4
3
2
1
0
0
IV V VI V OR VI T OT AL
Figure 240. Number of tombs containing the depiction of a family group on the south wall
63
52
31
29
19
14
7
6
4
2
Figure 241. Number of tombs containing the depiction of a family group on the false door, the west or the south wall
256
patterns are present in the depictions of family groups. In many tombs, male family
members and female family members are carefully differentiated and separated. Sons and
brothers usually appear with the male tomb owner, while daughters and sisters appear
with the wife of the tomb owner. In the tomb of PtH-sDf# / Ffj at Giza, for example, the
son stands behind the tomb owner on the left side of the panel of his false door, while the
daughter appears behind the wife on the right side. In the tomb of Nfr-sSm-%wfw / Csj at
Giza, the son stands at the foot of the tomb owner on the left jamb, and the daughter
appears with her mother on the right jamb. In the tomb of K#.j-D#w at Saqqara, the eldest
son stands behind the tomb owner on the left, while his two daughters appear behind the
wife on the right side. In the tomb of %wfw-onx (G 4520), the tomb owner, his three
brothers, his son, and his father appear on the left side of the false door, while his wife,
together with his mother, his daughter, and his sister, stands on the right. Sons and
daughters may appear on the tomb owner’s and the wife’s false doors respectively. In the
tomb of Nj-k#w-Or at Saqqara, for instance, the two daughters appear on the wife’s false
door, while the eldest son and another son stand at the foot of the tomb owner on his false
door. This separation of family members based on gender may indicate the closer
The left side of the false door is resereved for more privileged individuals.556 In
all these cases, the tomb owner and male family members appear on the left side,557 and
556
Gay Robins, The Art of Ancient Egypt (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 2008), 73-74.
557
Here the “left side” and “right side” refer to the viewer’s left and right, not the proper right and left.
257
the wife, together with female family members, is on the right side. When depicted alone
on the panel of the false door, the tomb owner is given the prestigious orientation to the
right, while his wife appears on the right end facing left.558
depicting them on the inner and outer jambs. In the tomb of Nn-Xft-k#(.j) (D 47) at
Saqqara, for example, the tomb owner appears with his sons on the inner jambs, and with
his wife and daughters on the outer jambs. In the tomb of Nfrt-nswt at Giza, the two
daughters appear on the inner jambs, while the three sons and a grandson stand on the
outer jamb. An interesting example comes from a panel in the tomb of onX-Owt-Or at
Saqqara. The female tomb owner sits at her offering table facing right, with her two
daughters behind her on the left, and a son in front of her on the right. Below the panel,
the tomb owner and the other son appears on the left jamb, while she, along with the third
daughter, is on the right jamb. This example shows the symmetric arrangement of
children of both genders and the priority of sons. Since the tomb owner is female, her
appearance with her male children naturally breaks the gender differentiation. This
distinction may have been the reason that the artists chose to place both genders on the
panel and the jambs alternatively. On the panel, onX-Owt-Or occupied the superior
position on the left, and her son who stands facing her is the second most prominent
figure in the scene. On the jambs, the artists placed the son in the superior position, the
558
Robins, Proportion and Style in Ancient Egyptian Art, 16-21.
258
Male and female family members sometimes appear on separate registers on the
false door or the chapel wall. In these cases, sons tend to appear on the upper register. In
the tomb of Nswt-nfr (G 4970), for example, the seven sons appear on a register above
the nine daughters. In the tomb of Jn-k#.f at Giza,559 the four sons and four daughters
appear on the false door with two sons and two daughters on the left behind the father.
The other two sons and two daughters are behind the mother on the right. On each side,
Family members may also appear on the same register. Under this circumstance,
male family members tend to precede female family members. In the tomb of at K#-Hr-st.f
at Saqqara, for example, four sons of the tomb owner precede five daughters on a register
below the tomb owner and his wife. On the south wall of the north chapel of cTw (LG 93)
at Giza, two daughters stand behind a son on a register below a depiction of two other
sons.
The ancient Egyptian concept of age is different from that of modern societies in
regard to recording this information. The tomb owner did not inscribe the dates of birth
and death in tombs, nor at what age he or she died, nor any such information about the
ages of other family members. Nevertheless, iconographic specifics may indicate age.
Nudity and sidelocks are markers for youths. For an adult male figure, features such as a
corpulent upper torso, pendulous breasts, baldness, and the figure leaning over on a staff
usually mark elder age.560 Baldness, however, is never found among the male tomb
559
PM III, 247.
560
For a detailed discussion of representations of corpulence in the Old Kingdom, see Henry G. Fischer, “A Scribe of
the Army in a Saqqara Mastaba of the Early Fifth Dynasty,” Journal of Near Eastern Studies 18, no. 4 (1959): 244-
248; Henry G. Fischer, “Varia Aegyptiaca,” Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 2 (1963): 17-28; Henry
259
owners and his male family members. A corpulent torso, as a sign of accomplishment and
wealth, is not uncommon among the tomb owners, their fathers, and, in one case, a
brother of the tomb owner. Features of aging are not common among females. They
always appear slim, without any corpulence, and never leaning on a staff. 561 Therefore,
the wife, mother, sisters, and daughters of the tomb owner usually look similar.
In cases where female family members do not follow male ones on the same
register, their order may be an indication of age or status within the family, especially
when female family members precede male ones. In the double tomb of Nj-onX-$nmw &
$nmw-Htp at Saqqara, for example, the two tomb owners and their siblings appear in a
sequence led by the parents. Next come the two brothers of the tomb owners, and then
three are sisters; another brother and the two tomb owners follow behind them. This
specific order most likely indicates that these siblings are the elder sisters and brothers of
the tomb owner, and possibly arranged in this sequence by their order of birth. On the
west wall of Room VI in the same tomb, the children of the two tomb owners stand on
two sub-registers behind their father on each side. On the top sub-register behind Nj-onX-
$nmw stand three figures. The first represents a son, the second a daughter, and the third,
another a son. On the lower sub-register, the first two figures are daughters, while the
third is a son. This arrangement reflects their birth order. In the tomb of Nfr-jrt-n.f (D 55)
at Saqqara, five children sit before the wife of the tomb owner in a sequence organized by
their birth order. The positioning of daughter in this sequence in the third position may
G. Fischer, “Varia Aegyptiaca,” Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 2 (1963): 19; See also Harpur,
Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom, 131.
561
Janssen and Janssen, Growing up and Getting Old in Ancient Egypt, 151.
260
signifies that she is older than the other sons behind her. A more obvious example comes
from the tomb of K#(.j)-nj-nswt I (G 2155) at Giza. On the west wall between two false
doors, three children stand before the tomb owner and his wife. The first is a son wearing
a short pleated kilt; the second is a daughter; and the third is a son depicted as a nude boy
sucking his index finger. His nudity and his position behind the other son and the
daughter indicates that he is the youngest child of the family, though he may not have
occurs in the tomb of Eow / Cm#j (Deir el-Gabrawi No. S12). On the west section of the
north wall, two grandsons and a granddaughter appear behind the son and the daughter-
in-law of the tomb owner. The granddaughter stands between the two grandsons, which
indicates that she is the second eldest grandchild of the tomb owner.
Figure 242. Tomb of K#(.j)-nj-nswt I (G 2155) at Giza, Junker, Giza II, Abb. 18.
It is, however, difficult to tell if the children depicted in a sequence are in birth
order when the tomb owner has only two or three children, and the daughters happen to
When children appear in a sequence facing the tomb owner or the wife, the first in
the sequence is usually a son, but exceptions do occur in a few tombs. On a lintel
belonging to Nfr, son of Jrj-n-#Xt / Jrj, from the mastaba G 2391 at Giza, his four
children stand and carry offerings before him. The first and the last of the four children
are daughters.
Another example comes from the tomb of Jrj.s / Jjj at Giza. Four children of the
tomb owner stand in a sequence below the seated figure of the wife, and the first and the
third in the group are daughters. The initial position of the daughter may have been a
result of her position beneath the wife or her importance in the family.
The third exception is from the tomb of Mry-o# (D 18) at El-Hagarsa,562 in which a
daughter precedes three sons. This daughter, however, is half the height of her three
brothers, and might have been a younger, but favored child. She stands in the initial
position close to the tomb owner. On a register below, another daughter has the
The last example of a daughter in the initial position occurs on an architrave from
Giza, possibly belonging to a man named cSmw(?). Wearing a side lock and a long dress,
the daughter stands before the seated tomb owner, with her arm bent to her chest. The
inscription above the two men standing behind her is not preserved. It is not certain if
562
Kanawati dates this tomb to the Egith Dynasty based on its relationship to other tombs in the same cemetery, see
Naguib Kanawati and Ann McFarlane, The Tombs of El-Hagarsa III, (Sydney: Australian Centre for Egyptology,
1993), 28-29. Petrie and Sethe place the tomb in the Sixth Dynasty, see W. M. Flinders Petrie, Athribis (London:
School of Archaeology in Egypt, 1908), 2; Urk. I, 206. Simpson, Harpur, and Fischer date it to the First Intermediate
Period, see William K. Simpson, “Polygamy in Egypt in the Middle Kingdom?” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 60
(1974): 100; Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom, 281; Henry G. Fischer, Dendera in the Third
Millennium B.C.: Down to the Theban Domination of Upper Egypt, (Published under the Auspices of the Metropolitan
Museum of Art and the Institute of Fine Arts, 1968), 130, note 574; Henry G. Fischer, “Two Old Kingdom Inscriptions
Restored,” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 65 (1979): 44.
563
Kanawati and McFarlane, The Tombs of El-Hagarsa III, 39, pl. 42.
262
they are sons, but space there does not seem to allow the signs for z#.f “his son.”564 If the
two men are not sons, possibly the tomb owner has only one daughter, and this may have
Although there are a few exceptions, it seems that it was preferential for the son
(or, possibly the only daughter) to occupy the initial position when children of both
genders appear in a sequence. Daughters can precede sons in a sequence, but they are
never placed in the initial position. It is possible that children in a sequence are in the
order of birth only when the eldest child is a son. If the eldest child is a daughter, the
Egyptians may merely depict sons and daughters separately, either by positioning the
In the dataset, family members depicted in Old Kingdom private tombs are
limited to four generations from the parents of the tomb owner to his or her
grandchildren. None of the tombs, however, contains the depiction of the four
generations in the same scene. In most cases, only family members of two or three
generations occur in a single scene.565 Probably this situation resulted from the fact that
564
Junker takes the two men as sons of the tomb owner. The name of the first man is cSmw-Srj, so Junker suggests that
the name of the tomb owner should be cSmw. See Junker, Gîza VIII, 25-26.
565
In the tomb of VTj at Giza, the installation of the false door of the parents and the depiction of the children and
grandchildren of the tomb owner on his false door make the four generations of the family appear in the same tomb.
The parents of the tomb owner and the grandchildren, however, do not appear in the same scene. On the false door of
Nj-k#w-Ro at Saqqara, both her mother and her granddaughter appear on the jambs. A single chapel may contain the cult
of several generations of the family and may have spanned several generations. For example, Sahathoripy, an official of
the Twelfth Dynasty, decided offering niches to his father and his ancestors in a chapel built in earlier generations.
However, the history of family chapels and the installation of cult niches by one’s offspring are out of the scope of this
study. For a detailed study of the chapel of the Sahathoripy family, see David. P. Silverman, “Non-Royal Burials in the
Teti Pyramid Cemetery and the Early Twelfth Dynasty,” in Archaism and Innovation: Studies in the Culture of Middle
Kingdom Egypt, eds. David P. Silverman, William K. Simpson, and Josef W. Wegner (New Haven: Department of
Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations, Yale University, 2009), 88-93.
263
four generations rarely live in the same household or community. It thus indicates that the
tomb onwer probably only depicted family members close to him or her in daily life on
Parents of the tomb owner in a family group occur most frequently in Giza.
Fourteen tombs in Giza, four in Saqqara, and one in provincial sites contain a depiction
of parents in a family group. The position of the parents varies in different tombs. A
universal pattern for their representation does not exist. A detailed study of the examples
reveals the complexity and individuality of how the tomb owner positioned his or her
The father and mother of the tomb owner may appear together or alone. When
they appear together, the father always precedes the mother. If not behind him or at his
foot, the tomb owner always appears either standing or sitting to face the father. This
arrangement demonstrates the father’s significant status within the family. Two
exceptions occur in the tombs of %wfw-onX (G 4520) and K#j at Giza. In both, the parents
of the tomb owner appear on the inner jambs of their false doors.
The father in a family group never stands behind the tomb owner, though the
mother may occasionally follow her son. In the tomb of E#ty (G 2337-x) at Giza, for
example, the mother of the tomb owner stands behind him. On the same register, the
tomb owner and his mother appear again. The tomb owner stands before his father and
holds a censer to his nose, while the mother stands behind the father. In the tomb of
Mry.f-nb.f / Ffj at Saqqara, the mother of the tomb owner even appears at her son’s foot at
a much-reduced scale.
264
The tomb owner stands before his parents, just as his children stand before him. In
the chapel of Jnpw-Htp at Giza, for example, the family members of the tomb owner
appear on the doorjambs and the east and west thicknesses of the entrance. The depiction
of the two generations is symmetrical. On the east doorjamb, the parents of the Jnpw-Htp
are at a relatively large scale. Their children stand beneath them on two registers. The
three brothers of the tomb owner stand on the upper register, all carrying a bird in their
hands. On the lower register, the four sisters stand with their hands placed on their chests.
The tomb owner, his wife, his three sons, and his four daughters appear on the western
interesting to note that the eldest son of Jnpw-Htp whose name is cHj does not appear
among the three sons, just as the tomb owner himself does not appear on the eastern
The scenes on the eastern and the western thicknesses also resemble each other.
On the eastern thickness, the images of the parents occupy the upper part of the scene.
Jnpw-Htp censes his father on a sub-register. One of his sisters stands before her father,
with her hand placed on her chest. Another sister stands behind her mother at a much-
reduced scale. In the same scene, Jnpw-Htp also appears as a child holding the staff at the
foot of his father. On the register below, four male figures carry offerings, though only
three of them have the same name as the three brothers of the tomb owner. On the
western thickness, the tomb owner and his wife appear on the upper part of the scene,
while three of the four offering bearers below them are named after his three sons. The
eldest son cHj is also absent from this scene, although a column of inscription to the right
265
of the scene claims that cHj made the tomb for his father, Jnpw-Htp.566 cHj commissioned
the decoration of his grandparents and his parents on the door jambs and the thicknesses
probably to emphasize the tradition of his family. Jnpw-Htp, his father, and his eldest son
cHj have similar titles. It is also worth noting that each couple appears with their own
In most cases, it is always the tomb owner or his siblings who have direct
interaction with the parents. A son may follow the tomb owner who stands before the
father, but he never stands before his grandfather directly. This custom may have resulted
from the need to keep the tomb owner as the focus of the scene. Therefore the artists
avoided the direct interaction between the children and the father of the tomb owner
without his involvement. This lack of direct interaction may indicate that the real familial
relationship gave way to the rules of artistic representation. Representations of the close
relationship between the tomb owner and the grandchildren are not uncommon. In these
cases, the grandchildren usually stand at the foot of the tomb owner or his wife.567
The depiction of a parent-in-law is very rare. The only example occurs on the
false door belonging to the wife of Nj-k#w-Ro discovered in his tomb at Saqqara. The
mother of the wife appears on the left outer jamb, standing and embracing her daughter.
On the left inner jamb, the wife stands with a granddaughter at her foot. The two face the
tomb owner who stands on the right inner jamb with another daughter at his foot. On the
right outer jamb, the wife stands with the eldest son at her foot. It is interesting to note
566
z#.f smsw wt cHj Dd.f jr.n.(j) (n) jt(.j) jm#Xw Xr nTr o# rX-nswt wt Jnpw-Htp “his eldest son, the embalmer, he said: ‘I
made (it) for my father, the honored one before the Great God, the royal acquaintance, the embalmer, Jnpw-Htp.’”
Junker, Gîza IX, 161.
567
For discussion of grandchildren, see Chapter 3.
266
that the nuclear family, consisting of the tomb owner, the wife, and their children, all
appear on the right jambs, while the mother-in-law and the granddaughter both appear
with the wife on the left jambs. Moreover, the status of the parent-in-law is different from
that of the parents of the tomb owner. The latter appear more frequently and occupy more
The depiction of the parents of the tomb owner in a family group reflects the
ancient Egyptian concept of the older generation. In literature, the ancient Egyptians
usually have a negative attitude towards agedness. In the Maxims of Ptahhotep, old age is
a synonym for weakness and infirmity. When getting old, one is considered to be in a
miserable condition:
After stating all the misery of old age, the vizier appeals to the king to appoint a “staff of
old age” for him and allow his son to succeed his position. 569 Nevertheless, in elite tombs,
the parents of the tomb owner display no physical signs of old age, even though they
should have already reached that stage when their children had positions as high officials.
568
William K. Simpson, The Literature of Ancient Egypt: An Anthology of Stories, Instructions, Stelae,
Autobiographies, and Poetry, 3rd edition (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2003), 130.
569
Simpson, The Literature of Ancient Egypt, 131; Zbyněk Žába, Les maximes de Phaḥḥotep (Prague: Editions de
l’Académie tchecoslovaque des sciences, 1956): line 28, note on 111. Mdw j#wj “staff of old age” refers to a son who
could help his aged father in his official duties, see Tahia Shehab El-Din, “The Title , ‘mdw j3wj’: ‘the
staff of old age’ ‘ukkāza aš-šayḫuḫa.’” Discussions in Egyptology 37 (1997): 59-64. See also Fischer, “Some
Iconographic and Literary Comparisons,” 158-160.
267
The depiction of the parents in the family group seems rather to focus on images
Siblings of the tomb owner also occur in family groups. Unlike the inclusion of
parents, a custom that appeared more frequently in the Giza region, the inclusion of
siblings appears relatively evenly in Giza and Saqqara. As discussed in the previous
examples, siblings may appear with the parents of the tomb owner. In family groups
without parents, they may also appear among the children of the tomb owner. Brothers in
a family group may be represented together with the sons of the tomb owner, either
behind them in a sequence, or in their midst, but never in the initial position in the
sequence. Sisters are usually among the daughters of the tomb owner. In the tomb of E#tj
(G 2337-x) at Giza, a sister stands behind two daughters and a brother stands between
Siblings of the wife may appear near her. A false door from the tomb of Tp-m-onX
at Saqqara provides a unique example of the depictions of family members on the wife’s
side. On the panel of her false door, of Nbw-Htp, the wife of Tp-m-onX, sits at her offering
table, while the space to the left and right sides of the panel is horizontally divided into
offering table. The one on the upper left sub-register is the sister of the wife, designated
as snt.s “her sister.” The other three women may have been the dependents of the wife or
female relatives on her side, but the inscriptions associated with them are damaged. The
children of the wife appear on the left door frame. The first is labeled as s#t.s “her
268
daughter,” and the second is the eldest son Om-mnw, labeled as z#.s “her son.”570 Beneath
him are four other daughters, all designated as s#t.s “her daughter.” It is clear that
individuals on the left jamb belong to the younger generation, consisting of the children
of Nbw-Htp. The second position of the eldest son indicates that these children are
arranged according to their birth order, and the first daughter is the eldest child.
Siblings may also appear in a group separated from the children of the tomb
owner, such as the three brothers of Nfr (in the same tomb of K#-H#.j at Saqqara). On the
south wall of the chapel, Nfr appears as a mature man with a slightly corpulent body,
while his three brothers stand on three sub-registers behind him. Like Nfr, they all wear
elaborate collars, and have long pleated kilts with projected fronts. In front of the large
image of Nfr, there are offering bearers, musicians playing flutes and harps, and offerings
are piled in front of them. On the lower part of Nfr’s false door on the south section of the
west wall, the jambs and the niche all have a large image of Nfr with one of his sons
standing and facing him. On its panel, Nfr and his wife sit at the offering table opposite
each other. Above the false door is another offering table scene in which Nfr appears at a
large scale at his table, while his three brothers sit on the ground before him at their own
smaller tables at a reduced scale. This scene may have been a depiction of the funerary
banquet.571 The significance of the three brothers of Nfr is evident on the basis of this
larger scale in comparion to that of the children of the tomb owner. Since Nfr may have
570
He appears on vp-m-onX‘s false door as the eldest son.
571
For the image of the deceased seated before a table of offerings, see Gay Robins, “Meals for the Dead: the Image of
the Deceased Seated before a Table of Offerings in Ancient Egyptian Art,” in Dining and Death: Interdisciplinary
Perspectives on the ‘Funerary Banquet’ in Ancient Art, Burial and Belief, eds. by Catherine M. Draycott and Maria
Stamatopoulou (Leuven: Peeters, 2016), 111-127. For a brief discussion of the banquet scenes in the tomb of K#-H#.j at
Saqqara, see John Baines, “Not Only with the Dead: Banqueting in Ancient Egypt,” Studia Universitatis “Babeş-
Bolyai.” Historia 59 (1) (2014): 4, fig. 3.
269
died at a young age, it is possible that his brothers played an essential role in his funeral.
Given that they are all depicted as youths in the chapel, his three sons may still have been
children, except that they do not occur in the initial position in a sequence consisting of
both siblings and children of the tomb owner. For the Egyptians, siblings may have been
considered less close to the tomb owner than were the children. The carrying chair scene
nine brothers and two sons appear on a register beneath the tomb owner who sits in a
carrying chair.573 The two sons do not appear at the initial position of the sequence, but
right beneath the tomb owner in the middle of the sequence. Perhaps this arrangement
was meant to place the sons closer to the tomb owner than the brothers.
most examples of grandchildren in a family group occur on false doors. They are
carefully integrated into the depiction of family groups and are represented among
children and siblings of the tomb owner. Unlike siblings, grandchildren most frequently
appear at the foot of the tomb owner and often appear as naked youths. A unique example
of grandchildren as musicians comes from the tomb of K#-Hj.f (G 2136) at Giza. On the
south wall, his six grandchildren are seated before him, the first three depicted as
musicians and the following three seated at their own small offering tables.
572
Lashien, The Chapel of Kahai and His Family, 13.
573
For the depiction of individuals “under” a chair, see Del Nord, “Under the Chair: A Problem in Egyptian
Perspective,” in Millions of Jubilees: Studies in Honor of David P. Silverman, vol. 2, eds. Zahi Hawass and Jennifer
Houser Wegner (Cairo: Conseil Suprême des Antiquités, 2010), 33-54. See also Schäfer, Principles of Egyptian Art,
101.
270
tomb owner, the former group usually appears behind the latter. In the chapel of at cXm-
k# at Saqqara, for example, family members including grandchildren and siblings all
appear on his false door. On the left inner jamb, cXm-k# stands with his eldest son. On the
right inner jamb, he stands with his wife and another son. Each of the outer jambs has
five sub-registers. Butchery scenes occupy the two sub-registers at the bottom of each
outer jamb.574 Above the butchery scenes on each side are two registers of offering
bearers. The offspring of the tomb owner appear in a sequence on the sub-register above
these offering bearers on the left outer jamb. The first is the eldest son, then another son
and two daughters. The fifth figure, a naked youth wears a side lock, amd has the label z#
z#.f “son of his son.” No inscriptions appear with the last two figures who are naked, and
perhaps also the grandchildren of the tomb owner. Above them is the massive seated
figure of cXm-k# with his wife kneeling at his foot. On the right outer jamb, a sequence of
seven men appears on the fifth register from the bottom, all of whom appear as adults
wearing short projected kilts and short wigs. The first two have the labels sn-Dt and
possibly the brothers and subordinates of the tomb owner. Above them is the massive
figure of the tomb owner siting with piles of offerings in front of him. It is interesting to
note that, on the left side, children and grandchildren appear beneath the tomb owner and
his wife; on the right side, however, the seven men are beneath the tomb owner without
the wife. This arrangement successfully integrates the differentiation of the tomb owner’s
574
For studies on the butchery scenes, see Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom, 82; Salima
Ikram, Choice Cuts: Meat Production in Ancient Egypt (Leuven: Peeters, 1995), 42-62, 297-302; Jacques Vandier,
Manuel d’archéologie Égyptienne, tome V: bas-reliefs et peintures - scènes de la vie quotidienne (Paris: Éditions A. et
J. Picard et Cie, 1969), 128-185.
271
social relationships into the asymmetric arrangement of the scenes on the false door. The
direct kinship group, including the wife, children, and grandchildren, appear on the left
side, while the non-familial social group, including the two sn-Dts and other dependents,
appear on the right side. As we discussed ealier, the left side of the false door is more
prestigious to the Egyptians.575 The arrangement on this false door probably indicates that
the kinship group is given more prestige than the social group. Moreover, the relatives
and dependents are in the upper part of the scene, while the ka-priests as offering bearers
and the butchers appear in the lower section of the scene. This differentiation may also
indicate the status of these people and their closeness to the tomb owner.
family members on the false door belonging to %wfw-onX (G 4520) illustrates well such
differentiation in a funerary context. On this false door, three sn-Dts appear to the left of
the panel, all presenting offerings to the tomb owner and his wife, who sit at the offering
table and face each other. To the right, three ka-priests carry offerings. On the inner
jambs, the parents of the tomb owner are at the bottom, the father on the left and the
mother on the right. The tomb owner appears at the bottom of the left outer jamb, and his
son is at his foot, his wife stands on the right outer jamb. In front of her image, a female
figure who stands at only half of her height has the label snt-Dt. The daughter of the tomb
owner stands behind the wife at a much-reduced scale and is depicted as a child. On this
false door, the arrangement of the figures on the outer and inner jambs indicates
575
See §4.1.2.
272
generational differentiation. The tomb owner, his wife, and their contemporaries are on
the outer jambs and the panel, while the parents stand are on the inner jambs. The figures
of the parents are relatively smaller than the tomb owner. This small scale may also have
been the result of the restricted space on the inner jambs, but closeness to the niche may
An interesting example of a carrying chair scene comes from the tomb of Jj-mry
at Giza. On the north wall of the first chamber, the tomb owner appears at the initial
position of a sequence before his father who sits on a carrying chair. Following him are
three sons and a brother. The scale of the tomb owner is slightly larger than that of the
other family members. On the east wall of the third chamber, the massive figures of Jj-
mry and his wife occupy the majority of the scene. Other family members probably stand
behind the wife, but only part of the top sub-register is preserved. On this sub-register
stand three women wearing long wigs and long dresses, with their designations, names,
and epithets inscribed in front of their figures. The first two are daughters of the tomb
owner, and the third one is a sister. In this tomb, gender differentiation is evident in terms
of their positons in the scene, while generational differentiation is vague. The brother
stands at the end of the sequence behind the sons, while the sister is behind the daughters.
This position indicates that siblings have a less close relationship with the tomb owner
than do the children. The brother in the carrying chair scene is, in fact, biologically closer
to the father of the tomb owner, but his place at the end of the sequence, behind the sons
of the tomb owner, demonstrates that the artists focused kinship relations on the tomb
relationship with the tomb owner rather than to his or her generational structure of the
family.
the false door, Nj-onX-sXmt and his wife sit at the offering table and face each other. His
eldest son Nj-onX-sXmt and his brother Jnpw-Htp stand behind him on two sub-registers,
and his two daughters stand behind the wife on the other side. On the left inner jamb, the
tomb owner and his wife stands with one of their sons. On the right inner jamb, the
couple appears in the same stance without any son. The tomb owner appears again on
each outer jamb with two male figures beneath him. The second figure on the left outer
jamb and the first on the right outer jamb are the tomb owner’s brothers. Unlike the case
of the %wfw-onX, no generational differentiation appears on this false door regarding the
positions of the family members. Grouping by gender does occur, since the daughters
stand behind the wife, while the male family members are behind the tomb owner. It is
interesting to note that his brother Jnpw-Htp occupies a prominent position behind the
tomb owner on the upper part of the false door, while the other two brothers stand at
much smaller scales at the bottoms of the outer jambs. Jnpw-Htp’s title is mDH nTr
“fashioner of the (cult image of a) god,”576 the same as that the eldest son depicted above
him has. The brother on the left jamb bears the titles z#b zS, but the titles of the brother on
the right outer jamb are not preserved. Therefore, Jnpw-Htp’s superior position on the
false door may have been a result of his higher professional rank.
576
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 466.
274
A unique example derives from the tomb of c#-mry at Saqqara. From the
inscriptions on the false door, it is clear that the tomb owner, his brother, and their mother
were buried together. On the upper part of the false door, the tomb owner and his mother
sit at an offering table. Other family members appear on the jambs. On the left inner
jamb, the tomb owner stand at a large scale on the middle register. A small female figure
stands at his foot without any kinship designation, whom Fischer takes as his sister.577
This woman, however, may also be a daughter. On the register below, a man and a
woman appear at a reduced scale. Fischer takes them as a brother and a sister.578 Two ka-
priests stand on the bottom register. On the right inner jamb stands the mother of the
tomb owner. On the middle register, she face her son and holds a lotus flower towards her
nose, where a brother named onX-jr-k#.j stands at the foot of the mother at a much-
reduced scale. Two women stand beneath them, and Fischer understands the first one as a
sister of the tomb owner though there is no kinship designation.579 Another two ka-priests
stand on the bottom register of this jamb. In the middle part of the outer left jamb, the
tomb owner and his wife stand and embrace each other. Six offering bearers stand on two
registers beneath them. On the right outer jamb, onX-jr-k#.j stands in the middle. Six other
offering bearers stand beneath him. The niche of the false door has an inscription with an
offering list. At the bottom of the niche, the mother and the tomb owner sit on the left,
and face onX-jr-k#.j who sits on the right. It is possible that the individuals on the left side
of the false door represent the family of c#-mry, while those on the right represent the
577
Fischer, Varia, 12.
578
Fischer, Varia, 12.
579
Fischer, Varia, 12.
275
family of the older generation, including his mother, his brother, and his sisters.580 That
this false door displays little gender differentiation. Male and female offering bearers
stand together. Both the names of c#-mry and his mother are inscribed on the drum above
the niche, and an inscription on the right outer jamb indicates that the father of c#-mry
made this tomb for c#-mry, onX-jr-k#.j, and their mother.581 Strangely enough, their father
does not appear on the false door, nor did the wife or children of onX-jr-k#.j. It is possible
that both c#-mry and onX-jr-k#.j died, while their father was still alive.
on the tomb owner. To understand the meaning of such a depiction, we can take it as a
language-game of the tomb owner to communicate with those who visit the chapel and to
two parties with rules accepted by both of them. 582 Images can also be taken as language-
games that convey information from the creator of the image (such as the tomb owner
who ordered the decorative program in his chapel) to the audience (such as those who
entered the chapel to make offerings to the tomb owner).583 The depiction of family
580
Fischer, Varia, 10.
581
Fischer, Varia, 8-10.
582
Ludwig Wittgenstein, Philosophische Untersuchungen: Kritisch-Genetische Edition. 1. Aufl., §7d, §23b, and §§65-
88.
583
Garry Hagberg, Art as Language: Wittgenstein, Meaning and Aesthetic Theory, 130-135.
276
tomb owner’s conception of his or her existence in the living world and the afterlife in a
familial context. Just as the images, statues, and mummy in the tomb maintain a
symbolically physical existence of the tomb owner in the afterlife, the relationships
expressed by the varied patterns of family groups makes concrete the deceased’s
existence on a cognitive level.584 Therefore, the tomb owner chose the family group as a
identity existed consecutively from the living world to the afterlife. It also allowed his/her
to connect with those who visit the chapel. As modifications in the way artists conceived
the afterlife mirrored changing social realities,585 the depiction of family groups altered
from period to period, responding to the shifts in the mode of commemoration and the
Some Coffin Texts spells, while a later composition, also refer to the concept of
family members reuniting in the afterlife. In CT spell 142, the family of the deceased and
people in the household are given to him at his funeral, while Spells 131-146 aim to
“reunite a man with his #b.t in the necropolis.”586 The depiction of family groups in the
tomb chapel, however, is obviously not an illustration of these spells. The spells in the
Coffin Texts refer to situations in the afterlife and portray the deceased and his relatives
584
And also by other motifs in the decorative program of the chapel, but the object of this research study is the
depiction of the tomb owner’s family.
585
Harco Willems, “Family Life in the Hereafter according to Coffin Texts spells 131-146: A Study in the Structure of
Ancient Egyptian Domestic Groups,” in Lotus and Laurel: Studies on Egyptian Language and Religion in Honour of
Paul John Frandsen eds. Rune Nyord and Kim Ryholt (Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press, 2015), 448-449.
586
The word #b.t is commonly translated as “family.” “Sippe, Großfamilie, Hausverband” in Hannig, Ägyptisches
Wörterbuch I: Altes Reich und Erste Zwischenzeit, 5; “Familie, die Angehörigen” in Erman, Wörterbuch Der
Ägyptischen Sprache, Band 1, 7. Willems does not think there is an adequate English term to translate this Egyptian
word, so he leaves it untranslated in his article. See Willems, “Family Life in the Hereafter according to Coffin Texts
spells 131-146: A Study in the Structure of Ancient Egyptian Domestic Groups,” 452, note 10. For the discussion of
this type of spells, see Willems, “Family Life in the Hereafter according to Coffin Texts spells 131-146: A Study in the
Structure of Ancient Egyptian Domestic Groups,” 451-453.
277
as the dead. In the depiction of family groups in the chapel, in most cases, both the tomb
owner and his or her family members are portrayed as the living.587 We know from the
Letters to the Dead that the concept of the deceased living with his relatives and friends
in a community in the afterlife had already existed in the late Old Kingdom.588 The Kaw
Bowl is a good example of the community of the dead. A man begged his dead parents
for their support in a dispute by using their social network in the afterlife to communicate
with his dead brother, whom he buried in the cemetery and was believed to be in “in the
same city” with his father.589 None of the reliefs and wall paintings in the tomb chapel
contains content of these letters, but the depiction of the family group may be related to
the concept of the community of the dead in the afterlife. Willems suggests that the dense
scatter of secondary tombs associated with large mastabas indicates the emergence of
larger social groupings and the anticipation to continue to live within the same social
network in the afterlife.590 It is likely that the depiction of family groups emphasizes the
perpetuity and the uninterrupted identity of the tomb owner within a familial realm and
language-game, the depiction of family groups is in the chapel, a place accessible to the
living. It thus resonates with the visitors, and the visual perception of the visitors further
587
Naguib Kanawati, “The Living and the Dead in Old Kingdom Tomb Scenes,” Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur 9
(1981): 222-225. For the depiction of deceased family members, see discussion in Chapter 3.
588
For the publications of the Letter to the Dead, see Gardiner and Sethe, Egyptian Letters to the Dead. For more
discussion about the Letters to the Dead, see §5.3.
589
For the drawings of both inside and outside of the bowl, and the hieroglyphic transcription of the texts, see Gardiner
and Sethe, Egyptian Letters to the Dead, 3-5, 17-19, pls. II-IIIA. See also the translation in Wente, Letters from Ancient
Egypt, 211-212. Gardiner suggest the Kaw bowl dates “between the Sixth and the Eleventh Dynasties, probably nearer
to the earlier limit than to the later.” See discussion in Gardiner and Sethe, Egyptian Letters to the Dead, 3.
590
See Willems, “Family Life in the Hereafter according to Coffin Texts spells 131-146: A Study in the Structure of
Ancient Egyptian Domestic Groups,” 449.
278
ensures the conceptual existence of the identity and the social network of the tomb owner
in the afterlife.
Janssen suggests that strong kinship loyalties inherently run against the demands
of a bureaucratic state, and one can hardly find powerful descent groups in ancient
Egypt.591 Even so, one cannot neglect family relations and blood ties in ancient Egypt as
in many other ancient societies. The concept of self-esteem and cultural identification is
thus two-dimensional. On the one hand, the tomb owner emphasizes his accomplishment
in the service of the sovereign, his public role as an official, and his ability to succeed. On
the other hand, he also positions himself within a familial or private realm by the
depiction of kinship relations in a particular pattern.592 The connection with one’s family
moral self-portrait based on the concept of doing Maat; the love of family is also an
The depiction of family groups is more popular in Giza and Saqqara in the Fifth
Dynasty than in the Sixth Dynasty, and it is still popular provincial sites in the Sixth
Dynasty.594 The changes in the presentations of family members reflect not only a change
591
Janssen and Janssen, Growing up and Getting Old in Ancient Egypt, 171.
592
Willems, “Family Life in the Hereafter according to Coffin Texts spells 131-146: A Study in the Structure of
Ancient Egyptian Domestic Groups,” 448-450. Also through the (auto)biographic texts, see Assmann, Stein und Zeit,
138-148.
593
Miriam Lichtheim, Maat in Egyptian Autobiographies and Related Studies (Freiburg, Schweiz: Universitätsverlag,
1992), 1-22.
594
See discussion in §4.1.1.
279
As the depiction of family groups became less popular in the Sixth Dynasty, the
increased in Saqqara and provincial sites from the late Fifth Dynasty. 595 This indicates
that the role of family members as offering providers gain more weight in the decorative
program in the chapel. A change in private tomb construction may have been a possible
cause.596 As Chauvet has suggested in her study of the conception of the private tombs,
the responsibility for the construction of the monuments shifted from the king to the tomb
owner himself in the later Old Kingdom.597 During this period, the degree of royal
chapel show a development of the independence of the tomb owner. In these inscriptions,
the tomb owner not only used the phrases “it is with my own property that I made this
tomb” and “by means of his own arm” when describing the private effort in the
construction of the tomb, 599 but also deliberately differentiated between the property
acquired by oneself or inherited from one’s father and the goods bestowed by the king. 600
For this reason, the tomb owner may have intended to emphasize more on the provision
significance in the funerary cult. Furthermore, the growth of provincial necropolis in the
Sixth Dynasty opened the possibility for new developments of the familial ideology by
595
For details, see §5.1.2.
596
See discussion in §5.1.2.
597
Chauvet, “The Conception of Private Tombs in the Late Old Kingdom,” 403-404.
598
Chauvet, “The Conception of Private Tombs in the Late Old Kingdom,” 351-399.
599
Jr.n(.j) js pn m jSt(.j) m#ot and XpS.f Ds.f, see Chauvet, “The Conception of Private Tombs in the Late Old Kingdom,”
191-199, 212-216, examples 3, 10, 18, 21, 33.
600
Jn nb.f n.f nw “It is his lord who made this for him.” See Chauvet, “The Conception of Private Tombs in the Late
Old Kingdom,” 351-352, example 133.
280
adding local conventions and the emphasis on local ruling families. 601 This may explain
the favor of both the representations of family groups and family members carrying
Other changes in the depiction of family members also occurred from the Fifth to
the Sixth Dynasty. One of these changes is the absence of a spouse in many late Fifth
Dynasty tombs.602 Roth’s study of the scale of wives in comparison with the male tomb
owners points out another change.603 The scale of wives declines in the Sixth Dynasty
tombs in Saqqara, but those in Giza still follow the late Fifth Dynasty pattern. There is no
noticeable change in the layout of family groups in the latter half of the Fifth Dynasty,
but it becomes less popular both in Giza and Saqqara during the Sixth Dynasty. It is
worth noting that the absence of wives does not affect the layout of family groups. This
phenomenon may indicate that the ancient Egyptian concept of one’s wife in the family is
different from that of his blood relatives, though they are all considered as family
Roth attributes the depiction of family members to the flourishing of the solar cult
from the Fourth Dynasty because the appearance of wives and children in private chapels
601
Moreno García, “Oracles, Ancestor Cults and Letters to the Dead: The Involvement of the Dead in the Public and
Private Family Affairs in Pharaonic Egypt,” 136.
602
Roth’s study, based on 69 tombs at Saqqara, shows 75% of the samples from the reign of Izezi to Unis do not
contain the representations of wives. Swinton’s study of 141 Old Kingdom tombs and McCorquodale’s statistic
research of 803 tombs draw similar conclusions. See Ann M. Roth, “The Absent Spouse: Patterns and Taboos in
Egyptian Tomb Decoration,” Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 36 (1999): 37-53; Joyce Swinton,
“The Depiction of Wives of Tomb Owners in the Later Old Kingdom,” Australian Centre for Egyptology Bulletin 14
(2003): 95-101; and McCorquodale, Representations of the Family in the Egyptian Old Kingdom: Women and
Marriage, 25-26.
603
Ann M. Roth, “Little Women: Gender and Hierarchic Proportion in Old Kingdom Mastaba Chapels,” in The Old
Kingdom Art and Archaeology. Proceedings of the Conference held in Prague, May 31-June 4, 2004, ed. Miroslav
Bárta (Prague: Czech Institute of Egyptology, 2006), 281-296.
281
coincided with the emergence of the solar cult.604 Moreover, as Roth suggests, the
depiction of family members may have a royal origin in the Old Kingdom, and was
adopted by private people later as dominate social value promoted by the royalty. The
earliest known representation of a royal family occurs in the small shrine of Netjerikhet at
Heliopolis.605 For example, the spear-fishing scenes, where family members often occur,
probably has a royal origin, and earlier parallels first appear in the temple of Sahura at
Abusir, and those in private chapels in the later Fifth Dynasty may have derived from
associated with the solar cult, but its appearance in the king’s temple may suggest its
connection to the funerary religion featured by the cult of the sun. Roth further points out
that the large scale of the wife of the tomb owner in specific scenes is a sexual metaphor
of the re-conception and rebirth after death, and thus is connected to the Osiris myth that
became prominent during this period.607 It is not clear whether the decline in the
presentation of family groups is related to the Osiris myth. The myth itself apparently
does not emphasize family affiliations but more personal experience in the transition to
the afterlife through integration with the identity of Osiris.608 In all likelihood, the
604
Ann M. Roth, “Social Change in the Fourth Dynasty: The Spatial Organisation of Pyramids, Tombs, and
Cemeteries,” Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 30 (1993): 54-55. See also Roth, “The Absent Spouse:
Patterns and Taboos in Egyptian Tomb Decoration,” 38.
605
Roth, “Little Women: Gender and Hierarchic Proportion in Old Kingdom Mastaba Chapels,” 286.
606
Roth, “Little Women: Gender and Hierarchic Proportion in Old Kingdom Mastaba Chapels,” 286.
607
Ann M. Roth, “Father Earth, Mother Sky: Ancient Egyptian Beliefs about Conception and Fertility,” in Reading the
Body: Representations and Remains in the Archaeological Record, ed. Alison E. Rautman (Philadelphia: University of
Pennsylvania Press, 2000), 187-201. See also Roth, “Little Women: Gender and Hierarchic Proportion in Old Kingdom
Mastaba Chapels,” 293. For the origin of Osiris, Goedicke suggests that the cult emerged during the reign of Djedkara-
Isesi. He also considers the god as a “theological creation” with his nature rooted in the “eschatological role carried by
the earlier kings,” See Goedicke, “Abusir - Sqqara – Giza,” 408-409, note 55. Shalomi-Hen, on the contrary, suggests
that Osiris was imported to Eygpt from elsewhere, see Racheli Shalomi-Hen, The Writing of Gods: the Evolution of
Divine Classifiers in the Old Kingdom (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2006), 69-95.
608
The association of the epithet Osiris with private names already occurred in the late Old Kingdom. See Edward
Brovarski, “The Late Old Kingdom at South Saqqara,” in Des Néferkarê aux Montouhotep: travaux archéologiques en
cours sur la fin de la VIe dynastie et la première période intermédiaire actes du colloque CNRS-Université Lumière-
282
changes occurred correlatively with all social aspects, including the familial ideology and
4.1.6 The Depiction of Family groups and the Concept of the Household
Before the discussion of the relationship between the family group and the
household, it is necessary to clarify the concept of the household. Ancient Egyptians used
the word pr to refer to both house and household.609 The latter usually refers to a
scholars, to a much greater extent, take the whole Egyptian state itself as a massive
Egyptian concept of a state is different from that in modern times, and the
a micro level, a household is an entity defined in two dimensions, which refer to (1) a
physical existence (including both property and personal) under the control of an
authority, i.e., the tomb owner as the head of the household, and (2) the immaterial
existence, including biological, ethic, economic, social, cultural, and religious ties that
form the basis of the relationships between the elements of this physical existence, such
Lyon 2, tenu le 5-7 juillet 2001, Travaux de la Maison de l’Orient et de la Méditerranée 40, eds. Laure Pantalacci and
Catherine Berger-El-Naggar (Lyon; Paris: Maison de l’Orient et de la Méditerranée; de Boccard, 2005), 53.
609
Hannig, Ägyptisches Wörterbuch I: Altes Reich und Erste Zwischenzeit, 448.
610
Kate Spence, “Ancient Egyptian Houses and Households: Architecture, Artifacts, Conceptualization, and
Interpretation,” in Household Studies in Complex Societies: (micro)Archaeological and Textual Approaches, ed.
Miriam Müller (Chicago: Oriental Institute, University of Chicago, 2015), 85.
611
Spence, “Ancient Egyptian Houses and Households: Architecture, Artifacts, Conceptualization, and Interpretation,”
85. See also Mark E. Lehner, “Fractal House of Pharaoh: Ancient Egypt as a Complex Adaptive System, a Trial
Formulation,” in Dynamics in Human and Primate Societies: Agent Based Modelling of Social and Spatial Processes,
eds. Timothy. A. Kohler and Goerge. J. Gumerman (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 275-354.
For the idea of using the patrimonial household model as a description of socio-political order in the ancient Near
Eastern societies, see J. David Schloen. The House of the Father as Fact and Symbol: Patrimonialism in Ugarit and the
Ancient Near East (Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns, 2001), 256.
283
as relationships between individuals in the household and the ownership of the properties.
Also, such relationships are the result of “a complex set of interactions and negotiations among
material and immaterial wealth, and it can perpetuate itself through the transmission from
generation to generation.613
Family members and personnel in the household are different assemblages, both
centered on the tomb owner.614 These two groups obviously have an intersection.
Individuals in reliefs or paintings without kinship terms may have been dependents in the
household. The majority of the family members may belong to the household, but parents
and siblings may live separately. Children may move out when they grow up. Individuals
who do not belong to the household or the family may also appear in the decoration, such
as friends and neighbors. The close relationship between neighbors is attested in a New
Kingdom didactic text from Deir el-Medineh, which contains instructions such as “you
should not celebrate your festival without your neighbors, and they will surround you,
mourning, on the day of burial.”615 This text indicates that it may have been a custom for
neighbors to take part in the funeral. The following diagram shows the relations of groups
612
Schloen. The House of the Father as Fact and Symbol, 117.
613
Claude Lévi-Strauss, The Way of the Masks (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1982), 174; Claude Lévi-
Strauss, Anthropology and Myth: Lectures 1951-1982, trans. Roy Willis (Oxford: Black-well, 1987), 152. See also
discussion of the definition in Picardo, “Hybrid Households: Institutional Affiliations and Household Identity in the
Town of Wah-sut (South Abydos),” 245-246.
614
People in the household are usually referred to as a “social house,” a collective persona considered as a metaphorical
“moral person” and a self-standing identity. See Lévi-Strauss, Anthropology and Myth: Lectures 1951-1982, 152. For
the discussion of the definition, see also Picardo, “Hybrid Households: Institutional Affiliations and Household Identity
in the Town of Wah-sut (South Abydos),” 246.
615
Fredrik Hagen, “The Prohibitions: A New Kingdom Didactic Text.” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 91 (2005):
144.
284
paintings in the chapels belong to the household of the tomb owner. As discussed in the
previous chapters, the total number of sons and brothers is larger than that of daughters
and sisters on the chapel walls. The reason may have been that women no longer
marriage.616 A record of a soldier’s household from Lahun may further illustrate this
situation. According to the document, a man named Orj lived with his wife and his son,
and later his mother and his five sisters joined them (probably after the death of his
father); when he died and his son cnfrw inherited, Orj’s mother and his three aunts still
lived with them.617 This record indicates that a man probably moved out to establish his
616
As Johnson suggests that indicates that a married woman depended on her husband economically, and evidence
from the workmen’s village at Deir el-Medina indicates that could seek support from her biological family after
divorce, see Johnson, “The Legal Status of Women in Ancient Egypt,” 179-183.
617
Barry J. Kemp, Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization. 2nd ed. (London: Routledge, 2006), 219, 221. See also
Dominique Valbelle, “Eléments sur la démographie et le paysage urbains, d’après les papyrus documentaires d’époque
285
own household after he got married, while unmarried daughters stayed with their parents
or brothers, and widowed mothers also lived with their sons. It is unclear if the two sisters
had been married and moved out of Orj’s house, or they died. The custom may have been
similar during the Old Kingdom. In the case of Mrrw.k#(.j), his mother was buried with
him at Saqqara, while his father’s tomb is located in Giza.618 It is possible that his mother
context, because the tomb chapel by no means resembles the residential establishment of
the tomb owner and his family. The decorations in the chapels are not realistic reflections
of the life of the tomb owner, though the motifs are derived from daily life, such as the
agricultural activities in the estates, musical performances, carrying chair scenes, and
fishing and fowling scenes.619 The artists tailored these daily life scenes to situate them
into a funerary framework to convey religious meanings. The depiction of the household
in this context is limited to the representations of family members and other dependents
program of tomb chapels, though the tomb owner may inscribe his will relating to the
transition of property.620 The depiction of family groups also reflects the transition of the
pharaonique,” Cahiers de recherches de l’institut de papyrologie et d’égyptologie de Lille 7 (1985): 75-77; Kóthay,
“Houses and Households at Kahun: Bureaucratic and Domestic Aspects of Social Organization During the Middle
Kingdom.” 352-355, Francis. Ll. Griffith and W. M. Flinders Petrie, The Petrie Papyri: Hieratic Papyri from Kahun
and Gurob (principally of the Middle Kingdom) (London: B. Quaritch, 1898), 19-24.
618
See Fischer, “Old Kingdom Inscriptions in the Yale Gallery,” 310-312 and Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs
of the Old Kingdom, 14. For a more detailed discussion about the background of Mrrw.k#(.j), see Kanawati, Mereruka
and King Teti, 47-53.
619
Many of these scenes are realistic by themselves. For example, some scenes reflect the chronological change of
farming methods, see Swinton, The Management of Estates and Their Resources in the Egyptian Old Kingdom, 13.
620
Such as the jmyt-pr document concerning the property of the household. See Tycho Mrsich, Untersuchungen zur
Hausurkunde des Alten Reiches: Ein Beitrag zum altägyptischen Stiftungsrecht (Berlin: B. Hessling, 1968), 4-7, 36-38.
For the discussion of the jmyt-pr documents in the Old Kingdom, see Tom Logan, “The jmyt-pr Document: Form,
Function and Significance,” Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 37 (2000): 49-73.
286
household from one generation to another. In the tomb of Jnpw-Htp at Giza, the depiction
of the family of the tomb owner together with his dependents resembles that of his
parents. This depiction may have been an indication of the transition of the household
In Old Kingdom tomb decoration, the depiction of family groups is related but not
equal to the ancestor cult. As discussed above, the deceased could still be a member of
the living community in the form of a #X.621 Close relatives could write letters to the dead
to appeal for their intervention into family affairs.622 Family members would place bowls
or jars, on which they had their letters inscribed, the tomb probably with a certain amount
of offerings, though only a few examples of such letters from the Old Kingdom survive.
After transforming into a #X, the deceased would become a powerful ancestor and act as
the intermediary between the living and the divine.623 Evidence from the Middle and New
Kingdoms suggests that the veneration of the ancestors took place in neighborhood
shrines which were visited by different families, and the deceased was included in a
621
Geraldine Pinch, Magic in Ancient Egypt (London: British Museum Press, 1994), 147-148; Robert K. Ritner, The
Mechanics of Ancient Egyptian Magical Practice (Chicago: Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, 1992), 180.
The s#X rites in the tomb decoration may have ritually helped the dead become a #X. For the discussion of this rite, see
Thompson, “The Iconography of the Memphite Priesthood in Egypt’s Elite Tombs of the Old Kingdom,” 36-38, 227-
351.
622
Gardiner and Sethe, Egyptian Letters to the Dead. Moreno García, “Oracles, Ancestor Cults and Letters to the Dead:
The Involvement of the Dead in the Public and Private Family Affairs in Pharaonic Egypt,” 133-153. For a more recent
discussion on the Qau Bowl, see Miniaci, “Reuniting Philology and Archaeology: The “Emic” and “Etic” in the Letter
of the Dead Qau Bowl UC16163 and Its Context,” 88-105.
623
Nicola Harrington, Living with the Dead: Ancestor Worship and Mortuary Ritual in Ancient Egypt (Oxford;
Oakville, Conn.: Oxbow, 2013), 3-15.
287
general community of ancestors after the offspring of the family had lost the living
It is impossible to tell to what extent later evidence reflects social reality in the
Old Kingdom, but it is apparent that the cult of the deceased would last for a certain
period after death, and cultic activities may have taken place inside the chapel, in the
courtyard, or near the tomb.625 Rituals depicted on the walls may have happened in
reality, such as the presenting of offerings, including forelegs of bulls and geese.626 The
butchery scenes may have been a more or less realistic reflection of the sacrifice inside or
outside the tomb chapel. 627 The burial of broken vessels in a shaft demonstrates the
existence of the “breaking the red pots” ritual, which may have taken place after the
of food also appeared on the walls, together with musical and dancing scenes.629
624
Miriam Müller, “Feasts for the Dead and Ancestor Veneration in Egyptian Tradition,” in In Remembrance of Me:
Feasting with the Dead in the Ancient Middle East, eds. Virginia R. Herrmann and J. David Schloen (Chicago: The
Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, 2014), 91. See also Harrington, Living with the Dead, 29-31; Vera
Müller, Tell el-Dab'a XVII: Opferdeponierungen in der Hyksoshauptstadt Auaris (Tell el-Dab'a) vom späten Mittleren
Reich bis zum frühen Neuen Reich, vol. 1 (Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2008),
337; Andrea McDowell, “Awareness of the Past in Deir el-Medîna,” in Village Voices: Proceedings of the Symposium
“Texts from Deir el-Medîna and Their Interpretation,” Leiden, May 31 - June 1, 1991, eds. Robert. J. Demarée, and
Arno Egberts (Leiden: Centre of Non-Western Studies, Leiden University, 1992), 107.
625
Harrington discusses the role of chapels, shrines and courtyards, though the evidence she uses is mainly from the
New Kingdom, see Harrington, Living with the Dead, 86-98.
626
See discussion in Chapter 4.
627
As suggested by Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom, 57. For a detailed study on the
locations where the butchery of bulls may have taken place, see Ikram, Choice Cuts: Meat Production in Ancient
Egypt, 81-107.
628
For the discussion of the rituals, see Harrington, Living with the Dead, 37-40. For the archeological remains of
offerings and rituals, see Teodozja Rzeuska, “Funerary Customs and Rites on the Old Kingdom Necropolis West
Saqqara,” in Abusir and Saqqara in the Year 2005: Proceedings of the Conference Held in Prague (June 27 July 5,
2005), ed. Miroslav Bárta, Filip Coppens, and Jaromír Krejčí (Prag: Czech Institute of Egyptology, Faculty of Arts,
Charles University in Prague, 2006), 353-377.
629
Harrington discusses the festivals and banquets that took place inside or near the tomb chapel, but she ignores the
banquets and musical scenes depicted in the Old Kingdom tomb chapels, see Harrington, Living with the Dead, 113-
122.
288
These ritual activities were not exclusively performed by family members but also
funerary priests that the tomb owner appointed for his cult. In this sense, the cult of the
dead is different from the ancestor cult.630 The family groups depicted on chapel walls
may have been a reflection of the exception of the deceased, that is, family members
would visit the chapel and take care of the cult of the dead. It thus can be seen as the
language-game of the tomb owner to call for his or her family member’s visit. When
family members actually came to the chapel, they participated in this language-game,
A specific type of scene related to the ancestor cult in Old Kingdom private tomb
decoration is the presentation of lotus flowers.631 In this scene, it is usually the son who
presents a lotus flower to his father. Altenmüller divides this type of scene into two
groups. The first group consists of four tombs: Jj-mry (G 6020) and his son Nfr-n#w-PtH
(G 6010), cSm-nfr II (G 5080) and his son cSm-nfr III (G 5170).632 In this group, the tomb
owner hands over a lotus flower to his father. Both the Jj-mry family and the cSm-nfr II
family are buried in the same cemetery in Giza for at least three generations. The
presentation of the lotus flower from the tomb owner to his father here has a connotation
of ancestor worship because the object of the cult is not the tomb owner but the older
generation.633 The other group contains tombs with scenes of the son handing over the
630
If the cult of the deceased lasted several generations, it eventually would display features of the ancestor cult. The
later generation may also establish the cult of the ancestor in family chapels, such as the case of Sahathoripy who
installed niches for his father and the ancestors of his family in the memorial chapel. See Silverman, “Non-Royal
Burials in the Teti Pyramid Cemetery and the Early Twelfth Dynasty,” 88-93.
631
Altenmüller, “Family, Ancestor Cult and Some Obseravations on the Chronology of the Late Fifth Dynasty,” 156-
161. See also Altenmüller, “Väter, Brüder und Götter: Bemerkungen zur Szene der Übergabe der Lotusblüte,” 17.
632
Altenmüller, “Väter, Brüder und Götter: Bemerkungen zur Szene der Übergabe der Lotusblüte,” 18.
633
Altenmüller, “Väter, Brüder und Götter: Bemerkungen zur Szene der Übergabe der Lotusblüte,” 21-22.
289
lotus flower to the tomb owner.634 In this case, the object of the cult is the tomb owner.
Therefore the scene has no connotation of the ancestor cult, but rather a ceremony related
to the tomb owner’s transition to the afterlife.635 Whether or not the handing over of the
lotus flower is related to ancestor cult, it always happens between two generations. If the
lotus is a symbol of rebirth and life, this type of scene may also indicate a familial
From the Fourth to the Sixth Dynasties, the designation sn-Dt or snt-ḏt, “brother of
the funerary estate or sister of the funerary estates,”636 appeared in the tomb
inscriptions.637 Chapter 2 in this thesis discusses the occurrence of the designation sn-Dt
and its chronological distribution. The depiction of the sn-Dt occurs in 15 tombs in Giza,
11 tombs in Saqqara, and only one tomb in Gebel el-Teir. The majority of these tombs
634
Not all tombs in this group are included in our stance chart, because some of them lack kinship designations. See
Altenmüller, “Väter, Brüder und Götter: Bemerkungen zur Szene der Übergabe der Lotusblüte,” 22-23.
635
Altenmüller, “Väter, Brüder und Götter: Bemerkungen zur Szene der Übergabe der Lotusblüte,” 28.
636
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 907. See also Hannig, Ägyptisches Wörterbuch I: Altes Reich und Erste
Zwischenzeit, 1154-1155, and Erman, Wörterbuch Der Ägyptischen Sprache, Bd. 4, 152.
637
Harpur discusses the different opinions of the sn-ḏt by previous scholars, see Harpur, “Two Old Kingdom Tombs at
Giza,” 30-31. Scholars translate the term sn/snt-ḏt differently, for example, “Brude der Totenstiftung” in Junker, Gîza
II, 194-195, “tomb-partner” in Hassan, Excavations at Gîza II, 206, and “brother of the endowment” in Harpur, “Two
Old Kingdom Tombs at Giza,” 29. Chauvet further extends Harpur’s discussion on scholarly opinions about this term
and the possible kinship between one and his or her sn-Dt or snt-Dt, see Chauvet, “The Conception of Private Tombs in
the Late Old Kingdom,” 318-333.
290
The meaning and function of the sn-Dt has long been a focus of scholarly
discussion. Goedicke suggested that the sn-Dt was a person appointed by the tomb owner
as the one responsible for the funerary affairs for his widow.638 This explanation,
however, is invalid, since the wife could be the snt-Dt of her husband. Perepelkin’s
assumption that the sn-Dt was blood kin is rejected for the same reason. Helck suggested
that the sn-Dt would supervise the ka-priests in the absence of a suitable next-of-kin,639
whereas examples of the co-existence of children and sn-Dt in the same tomb contradict
this assumption. Harpur proposes that the sn-Dt may have been a person responsible for
building and decorating the tomb if the deceased was not able to afford an impressive
burial of his own.640 This explanation, however, is far from satisfactory. On the one hand,
many high officials have sn-Dts, but it is unlikely that they could not afford a tomb
themselves. 641 On the other hand, since most tomb owners who have sn-Dt also have
children, it would be unreasonable to assume that they would appoint someone else to
build their tomb. There are also examples of family members other than the son who built
the tomb for the deceased. A man named Swf owns a rock-cut tomb at Giza, which his
daughter's son made for him.642 A certain Mdw-nfr has a mastaba at Giza, which the son
of his sister constructed for him.643 In the case of Tj at El-Hawawish, his brother and his
daughter built the tomb for him. 644 None of these tomb owners appointed a sn-Dt for their
638
Goedicke, Die privaten Rechtsinschriften aus dem Alten Reich, 122-130.
639
Helck, Wirtschaftsgeschichte des alten Ägypten im 3. und 2. Jahrtausend vor Chr, 80, 85, 89-90.
640
Harpur, “Two Old Kingdom Tombs at Giza,” 28-29.
641
For example, PtH-Htp II at Saqqara.
642
Hassan, Excavations at Gîza V, 257-260. PM III, 253.
643
Hassan, Excavations at Gîza III, 115-118. PM III, 258.
644
Kanawati, The Rock Tombs of El-Hawawish VI, 52-54, fig. 23.
291
funerary establishments. Therefore, constructing the tomb for the deceased cannot be a
reason to appoint a sn-Dt, though in some cases, the sn-Dt built the tomb for the deceased,
and even a childless tomb owner did not need to appoint a sn-Dt.645
Junker interpreted the term as “companion of the tomb,” which means that the sn-
Dt was a favored person who would share the offerings brought to the chapel from his
funerary estates.646 This interpretation is also quite unlikely because the sn-Dt often is an
offering bearers rather than an recipient. Grdseloff’s explanation related to the role of the
sn-Dt in dealing with the property of the tomb owner. According to him, the sn-Dt acted as
a “co-property holder” during the tomb owner’s lifetime and continued to be associated
with him in his funerary cult.647 It is true that the sn-Dt was related to the tomb owner
when the latter was still alive because this specific term also occurs in administrative
documents, such as the Gebelein papyri. 648 In these documents, the term sn-Dt identified a
this designation can have a different social status. They may be of a humble status as
those in the Gebelein papyri or officials who come from the upper classes.650 In this
sense, the term sn-Dt does not reflect its bearer’s social status at all. Therefore, it is
reasonable to assume that the term only describes a relationship, i.e., how one individual
645
For example, in the tomb of Mdw-nfr at Giza, an inscription on the lintel states that the son of Mdw-nfr’s sister (z#
snt.f) made the tomb for him. Hassan, Excavations at Gîza III, 115-118. No wife and children are represented in this
tomb.
646
Junker, Gîza II, 6-7, Junker, Gîza IX, 73.
647
Grdseloff, “Deux inscriptions juridiques de l’ancien Empire,” 39-49.
648
P. Gebelein V rt. 9, 21. Paule Posener-Krieger and Sara Demichelis, I papiri di Gebelein (scavi G. Farina 1935),
Studi del Museo Egizio di Torino (Torino: Ministero per i beni e le attività culturali, Soprintendenza al museo delle
antichità Egizie, 2004), pls. xxxvii, xxxvii.
649
Moreno García, “A New Old Kingdom Inscription from Giza (CGC 57163), and the Problem of cN-Ev in
Pharaonic Third Millennium Society,” 127.
650
Moreno García, “A New Old Kingdom Inscription from Giza (CGC 57163), and the Problem of cN-Ev in
Pharaonic Third Millennium Society,” 129.
292
is associated with or attached to the other. This relationship is unilateral because the two
parties do not have the same rights or obligations. Additionally, the term sn-Dt can
Moreno García analyzes some examples of the sn-Dt that contain the reallocation
of offerings. He examines the role played by the sn-Dt as a substitute or middleman who
administers the property belonging to the pr-Dt of a person for the benefit of the holder of
another pr-Dt.651 In other words, the tomb owner’s sn-Dt would allocate goods or
usually of the prt-Xrw “invocation offerings”653 type, consist of bread, beer, and cuts of
meat.654 It is true that Pn-mrw (G 2197) and Nj-M#ot-Ro (G 8900) both received wDb-rD
offerings, and both of them are related to the term sn-Dt. Pn-mrw appointed a sn-Dt named
Nfr-Htp so that Nfr-Htp and his children would be responsible for the invocation offerings
for his cult.655 Nj-M#ot-Ro himself is the sn-Dt of a woman named Nfr-srs. In the tomb of
Pr-sn at Saqqara (D45) who also received reversionary offerings from the cult of the
651
Moreno García, “A New Old Kingdom Inscription from Giza (CGC 57163), and the Problem of cN-Ev in
Pharaonic Third Millennium Society,” 129-136.
652
Erman, Wörterbuch Der Ägyptischen Sprache, Bd. 1, 409. Hannig, Ägyptisches Wörterbuch I: Altes Reich und Erste
Zwischenzeit, 402.
653
Erman, Wörterbuch Der Ägyptischen Sprache, Bd. 1, 529-530. Hannig, Ägyptisches Wörterbuch I: Altes Reich und
Erste Zwischenzeit, 464-466.
654
Hratch Papazian, “The Temple of Ptah and Economic Contacts between Memphite Cult Centers in the Fifth
Dynasty,” in 8. Ägyptologische Tempeltagung: Interconnections between Temples: Warschau, 22.-25. September 2008,
eds. Monika Dolińska and Horst Beinlich. Königtum (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2010), 139-140.
655
Goedicke, Königliche Dokumente aus dem alten Reich, 41-54. Urk I, 214.
293
royal mother, however, one finds no image or inscriptions relating to sn-Dt. Therefore, a
sn-Dt may have been responsible for the reallocation of offerings in some cases, but it is
The depiction of the family members in the tomb of WHm-k# at Giza provides
some clues to the relationship between the tomb owner and his sn-Dt. On the west wall of
the chapel, a man labeled as sn-Dt and his wife appear standing on the right, facing the
tomb owner and his wife who stand on the left. This sn-Dt, named Nfr-Hr-Mntj, and his
wife appear at the same scale as the tomb owner and his wife. He wears the same
costume as the tomb owner: a short kilt and a leopard skin that hangs from the shoulder.
Both men carry a staff in one hand and a scepter in the other hand. A woman labeled as
snt-Dt stands on a register above the sn-Dt. Other people with kinship designations in this
chapel are the parents of the tomb owner who appear on the south wall, and a sequence of
male figures marked as ms(w) sn.f Dt beneath the offering list and the seated couple also
Figure 244. Tomb of WHm-k# at Giza, Kayser, Mastaba des Uhemka, 24, West wall.
Kayser identifies Nfr-Hr-Mntj as the son-in-law of WHm-k#, and his wife Nfr-Tsz as
his daughter. This identification, however, is based on the appearance of Nfr-Tsz on the
false door of Otp-jb.s, the wife of this tomb owner. No kinship terms such as z#t.f are
associated with her figure. 656 In Chapter 2, we have examples of sisters or the wife
appearing on the false doors of their brother or husband respectively.657 Therefore, her
On the east wall, the parents of WHm-k# face to the right, and stand behind the
tomb owner and his wife who face north, i.e. to the left. In this scene, a naked boy
656
Kayser, Die Mastaba des Uhemka, 27. Harpur, “Two Old Kingdom Tombs at Giza,” 29.
657
Such as the false door of %wfw-onX at Giza (G 4520).
295
appears in front of the tomb owner at his foot, and has the label Ro-Htp. He also appears
on the west wall and the north wall at the foot of the tomb owner, and on the right jambs
of both false doors. The appearance as a naked boy at the foot of the tomb owner leads to
his identification as the son of WHm-k#.658 As the only male figure on both false doors
other than the tomb owner, Ro-Htp is probably the only son. It is worth noting that, when
appearing in a sequence of individuals on the first register above the false door of the
tomb owner on the west wall, he stands behind three female figures, snt-Dt Ef#t-k#, Nfr-
Tsz, and Onwt.sn (see the following figure). One observes no gender differentiation in this
sequence, which likely means the three women before him are more important
individuals in the household. Ef#t-k# appears on the same wall between the two couples.
She stands before the tomb owner just behind two ka-priests. Nfr-Tsz, the wife of sn-Dt
Nfr-Hr-Mntj, also appears on the upper register of the right jamb of the wife’s false door.
Onwt.sn appears as an adult behind the wife in the middle of the west wall and on the
lower register of the right jamb of the wife. Her name also appears on the facade of the
chapel near the entrance.659 Nfr-Tsz and Onwt.sn do not appear on the tomb owner’s false
door. It is likely that they are both sisters of the wife and are influential in the WHm-k#
family. It is not clear whether snt-Dt Ef#t-k# is a relative of WHm-k# or his wife. Probably
she is a sister of WHm-k# who played a significant role in the funerary cult of the WHm-k#
family.
658
Kayser, Die Mastaba des Uhemka, 26-34.
659
Kayser, Die Mastaba des Uhemka, 41.
296
Figure 245. Tomb of WHm-k# at Giza, Kayser, Mastaba des Uhemka, 24, West wall.
A sequence of eight men appears beneath the offering list and the seated couple
on the south wall, with the designation ms(w) sn.f Dt inscribed in front of the first figure
(Figure 246). Moreno García suggests that the inscription is only for the first figure
named Snb, who is the child of the tomb owner and also his sn-Dt.660 This suggestion
seems implausible because this Snb does not appear on the false doors of the tomb owner
and his wife or at their feet. Moreover, we have no evidence for the appointment of a son
as a sn-Dt. The term z#.f Dt appears in a tomb at Saqqara,661 and an example of msw-Dt in
Figure 246. Tomb of WHm-k# at Giza, Kayser, Mastaba des Uhemka, 3, South Wall.
660
Moreno García, “A New Old Kingdom Inscription from Giza (CGC 57163), and the Problem of cN-Ev in
Pharaonic Third Millennium Society,” 122, 134.
661
Nigel Strudwick, “Three Monuments of Old Kingdom Treasury Officials,” Journal of Egyptian Archeology 71
(1985): 45-51. See also Fischer, Varia Nova, 31.
662
Urk I, 25,2.
297
The fifth man in this sequence is Ppj, whose title is Xrp Xtm “director of
sealers.”663 On the top register on the west wall, a naked boy led by his mother, a woman
marked as a snt-Dt, has the same name and title. This boy and the fifth man on the east
wall are thus the same person. On the south wall, he appears as an adult. His title also
suggests that he was probably an adult when the chapel was decorated. His appearance as
a small boy holding his mother’s hand on the west wall is to emphasize the mother-son
relationship between him and snt-Dt Ef#t-k#. Therefore, it is obvious that at least not all of
the eight men are children of the tomb owner, since Ppj is the son of a snt-Dt. For this
his sn-Dt (and snt-Dt).” The fourth man in sequence named Ro-Htp is probably the same
Ro-Htp appearing as the little boy at the foot of the tomb owner on the west wall because
they both have the title zS pr-mD#t “scribe of the archives.”665 The translation “children of
his sn-Dt” is thus impossible. Therefore, Kayser’s translation “seine Stiftungskinder und
Stiftungsbrüder” is most likely. 666 This sequence consists of both the sn-Dts and the ms-
Dts of the tomb owner. This translation, given the context of the scene, also implies that
the child of a sn-Dt or snt-Dt can also be the ms-Dt of the tomb owner. The term ms-Dt may
consist of people from the younger generation who would be responsible for the funerary
cult of the tomb owner, and might include his children and the children of his or her sn-Dt
663
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 735.
664
Fischer, Varia Nova, 31.
665
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 848.
666
Kayser, Die Mastaba des Uhemka, 59. Junker also translates it this way. See Junker, Gîza II, 195.
298
or snt-Dt. At least Ro-Htp (the fourth man) and Ppj (the fifth) are the ms-Dt of the tomb
owner.
If Ro-Htp is the only son, it is difficult to explain why he does not appear at the
initial position in this sequence. Some of the individuals in the sequence on the south wall
also appear in the sequence on the west wall. The man in front of Ro-Htp, whose name is
Nj-sw-Wsrt, is probably the fifth figure in the sequence on the west wall (Figure 245). It
is not clear why Ro-Htp precedes Nj-sw-Wsrt on the west wall but follows him on the
south wall. The different order in these two sequences can only be a result of different
ordering criteria. Probably the sequence of individuals on the west wall are arranged
according to their generational difference and their relationship to the tomb owner, while
those on the south wall are ordered according to their status or age.
The second man in the south wall sequence is K#-m-nfrt. It is interesting to note
that the man represented at the same scale as the tomb owner on the north wall has the
same name. He and his wife Bbj are identified as the grandparents of the tomb owner
because a small female figure led by Bbj has the name Ef#t.sn, the same as that of the
mother of the tomb owner.667 Another individual named K#-m-nfrt appears on the west
wall. He stands with his hand placed on his chest on the second sub-register between the
tomb owner and his sn-Dt. As Kayser notices, WHm-k# appears in the chapel of K#(.j)-nj-
named K#-m-nfrt on a register below is also handing over a document. Both WHm-k# and
K#-m-nfrt in this scene bear the title jmy-r# pr. On the north wall of the chapel of WHm-k#,
667
Kayser, Die Mastaba des Uhemka, 34-35.
668
Kayser, Die Mastaba des Uhemka, 20. Junker, Gîza II, 164, Abb. 18-19.
299
K#-m-nfrt bears the title zS pr-mD#t jmy-r# pr, the same as that of WHm-k#. If the man with
the name K#-m-nfrt in the chapel of K#(.j)-nj-nswt I and the three men with the same
name in the chapel of WHm-k# are the representation of the same individual, he cannot be
assigned as a ms-Dt or sn-Dt in his chapel. His title and position in the tomb of K#(.j)-nj-
nswt I indicate that he is of the same or slightly lower rank as WHm-k#. It is possible that
he is a younger brother, cousin, or nephew of WHm-k#, given that his daughter has the
same name as WHm-k#’s mother. It is also interesting to note that one of the scribes on the
north wall in the chapel of K#(.j)-nj-nswt I has the name Ro-Htp. He is probably the son of
WHm-k# depicted in his chapel. The sixth man in the south wall sequence in the chapel of
WHm-k# is zS pr-mD#t $nmw-Htp. He is probably the one behind WHm-k# in the chapel of
Figure 247. Tomb of K#(.j)-nj-nswt I at Giza, North wall, Junker, Giza II, 153, Abb. 19.
300
Figure 248. Tomb of K#(.j)-nj-nswt I at Giza, West wall, Junker, Giza II, 150, Abb. 18.
It is impossible to identify the relationships between the tomb owner and every
individual in the scenes, since most of them are not associated with a kinship term, but
the identification of some important individuals increases our understanding of the term
sn-Dt. In the case of WHm-k#, the son of a snt-Dt can be the ms-Dt of the tomb owner and
play an essential role in the funerary rituals along with the son of the tomb owner.
Probably one can appoint his own child to be a ms-Dt. A sn-Dt or ms-Dt can also be a
colleague or a relative from the extended family. The son of the tomb owner, as one of
the ms-Dts, is not more important than others when depicted in a sequence.
A wide variety of contexts in which sn-Dt or snt-Dt occurs not only demonstrates
the complexity of the term but also provides different ways to understand it.
301
For example, in the tomb of Nj-M#ot-Ro at Giza, the tomb owner himself is the sn-
Dt of a woman named Nfr-srs, and built the chapel for her within his own mastaba.669 Her
chapel occupies the northern part of his mastaba and has an entrance on the east wall. On
both thicknesses of the entrance, an inscription reads jn sn.s Dt jmy-r# Hswwt pr-o# Nj-
M#ot-Ro jr n.s jz pn Dt.s sk s(j) m xnw m jpt-nswt m-Swj jm#X.s nfr Xr nswt ro nb “It was her
sn-Dt, the overseer of singers of the Great House, Nj-M#ot-Ro, who made this tomb of her
funerary estate for her, when she was at the Residence, in the royal harem, because of her
perfect condition of being revered before the king every day.”670 The titles of Nfr-srs
include xkrt nswt “ornament of the king,”671 xkrt nswt wott “sole ornamented one of the
king,”672 jmyt-r# Xnrwt n nswt “female overseer of the musical performers of the king,”673
jmyt-r# jb#w n nswt “female overseer of dancers of the king,”674 and jmyt-r# sXmX-jb nb
nfr n nswt “female overseer of ever goodly entertainment of the king.”675 The profession
of her sn-Dt Nj-M#ot-Ro is closely related to hers in regard to music and entertaining. He
bears titles including jmy-r# Hswwt pr-o# “overseer of singers of the Great House,”676 and
jmy-r# sXmX-jb nb nfr m xnw St#w pr-o# “overseer of all goodly entertainment in the
residence and of the secrets of the Great House.”677 From these titles, we know that Nfr-
669
There is no Egyptian term to refer to the individual to whom the sn-Dt or snt-Dt is attached. Moreno García “A New
Old Kingdom Inscription from Giza (CGC 57163), and the Problem of cN-Ev in Pharaonic Third Millennium
Society,” 134 using the English word “patron.”
670
Hassan, Excavations at Gîza II, 205, fig. 226. The the royal harem, see Del Nord, “The term Xnr: ‘harem' or 'musical
performers’?” in Studies in ancient Egypt, the Aegean, and the Sudan: essays in honor of Dows Dunham on the
occasion of his 90th birthday, June 1, 1980, eds. William K. Simpson and Whitney M. Davis (Boston, MA:
Department of Egyptian and Ancient Near Eastern Art, Museum of Fine Arts, 1981), 137-145. See also Ward,
“Reflections on Some Egyptian Terms Presumed to Mean ‘harem, harem-woman, concubine’,” 67-74.
671
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 794.
672
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 795.
673
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 304.
674
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 301.
675
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 305. Hassan, Excavations at Gîza II, 204.
676
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 181.
677
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 233. Hassan, Excavations at Gîza II, 211.
302
srs and Nj-M#ot-R both engaged in musical professions in the palace. There are no kinship
terms in the preserved inscriptions to determine whether they were relatives. Nj-M#ot-R
has his wife and children represented in his chapel, while no family members appear in
Nfr-srs’s chapel. Family members often engaged in the same profession, especially those
M#ot-R.679 Moreover, like Nfr-srs, women bearing the title xkrt nswt tend to be buried
without their husbands or children depicted in their chapels, such as Wsr.t-k# at Giza.680
She has no other relative depicted but her mother’s name inscribed on her lintel. In
addition, Nn-sDr-k# at Giza (G 2101), who depicted only her father inside her chapel. 681
Moreno García suggests that Nj-M#ot-Ro was appointed as the sn-Dt of Nfr-srs
because he had to deal with properties concerning her funerary estate and redistribute
offerings initially granted to him to her funerary cult.682 As stated in his inscription on the
right thickness of his chapel, Nj-M#ot-Ro received offerings related to the temple and the
royal mother. Nevertheless, no evidence shows that Nj-M#ot-Ro would share these
offerings with Nfr-srs, who was wealthy enough to supply herself with a funerary cult,
given her service in the palace close to the king. Similarly, a high official, such as PtH-Htp
II who has as many as 15 sn-Dts represented in this chapel, does not need to be a
secondary recipient of offerings initially delivered to other people. As Chauvet points out,
the sn-Dt is more likely to be a provider of offerings, whom the tomb owner entrusted
678
See Chapter 2.
679
Chauvet suggests that Nfr-srs is a real sister of Nj-M#ot-Ro, see Chauvet, “The Conception of Private Tombs in the
Late Old Kingdom,” 330.
680
Hassan, Excavations at Gîza IX, 43-47.
681
Junker, Gîza II, 97-121, Abb. 8.
682
Moreno García, “A New Old Kingdom Inscription from Giza (CGC 57163), and the Problem of cN-Ev in
Pharaonic Third Millennium Society,” 130.
303
during his or her lifetime to carry out funerary interests.683 Consequently, the purpose of
the construction of the chapel of Nfr-srs in the mastaba of Nj-M#ot-Ro might have been to
ensure that the offspring and ka-priests of Nj-M#ot-Ro would be able to take care of her
funerary cult.
The preserved inscriptions do not include any contract between Nj-M#ot-Ro and
Nfr-srs concerning the transfer of land, but in some cases, such transfer or grant of land
does occur between the patron and his or her sn-Dt. In the tomb of Pn-mrw at Giza (G
2197), the tomb owner appointed his sn-Dt Nfr-Htp and his children as ka-priests of his
funerary estate. This position allows Nfr-Htp and his children to provide the prt-Xrw
offerings and to bring the wDb-rD offerings from vizier cSm-nfr as if they were real family
members of Pn-mrw. According to this inscription, the responsibilities of Nfr-Htp and his
children include the provision of prt-Xrw offerings and the distribution of the wDb-rD
offerings. In return, Pn-mrw gave them one X# measure of land for their service and five
t# measures of land for the prt-Xrw offerings for the funerary cult of his wife. The tomb
owner also claimed that his children and people had no right to the land that he gave to
the Nfr-Htp family.684 It is interesting to note that his wife does not share the wDb-rD
offerings with her husband, since her prt-Xrw offerings would come from the five t#
measures of land. In this example, Pn-mrw granted the land not only to Nfr-Htp but also
to his children, and they would take part in his funerary cult. It demonstrates that the
duties of the sn-Dt may extend to his children. In the case of WHm-k#, the son of his snt-Dt
appears behind his son in the offering list scene, taking part in the funerary rituals. Nfr-
683
Chauvet, “The Conception of Private Tombs in the Late Old Kingdom,” 319-320, 327.
684
Goedicke, Die privaten Rechtsinschriften aus dem Alten Reich, 68, Taf. vi.
304
srs had no children and was buried in Nj-M#ot-Ro’s tomb. It is thus reasonable to assume
that the latter’s children would take care of her chapel and her offerings too.
In conclusion, the sn-Dt can be a relative or a friend who takes part in the funerary
cult of the tomb owner. The children of the sn-Dt may also take part in the funerary cult
for the tomb owner with land granted for their service. The sn-Dt and his family remain
independent from the children of the tomb owner. It is not clear why some tomb owners
appointed a sn-Dt or multiple sn-Dts while others did not. It is possible that they entrusted
part of the cultic duties to the sn-Dt to reduce the burden of their children, or as a backup
when their children could not fulfill their responsibility. Therefore, the installation of a
sn-Dt extends the responsibilities of close family members to non-family members and
includes both economic exchange, i.e., the granting of a certain amount of land in return
for funerary service, and ethical relationships, i.e., the use of kinship terms.
In the case of K#.j-m-Hzt at Saqqara, his sn-Dt Otp-k# also received land. On a
wooden door that K#.j-m-Hzt donated to his father and his brothers, sn-Dt Otp-k# appears
at the foot of his brother at a small scale. At the bottom of this door leaf, an inscription
reads sn-Dt jmy-r# qd(w) Otp-k# rdjt n.f m Nort grgt Om-Df# #Ht St#t 2 “the sn-Dt and
overseer of architects Otp-k#: giving to him from the grgt-domain Om-Df# (of) a field of
two arouras in the Nort nome.”685 It is clear that Otp-k# is the sn-Dt of his brother K#.j-m-
Hzt and he was granted two arouras of land, presumably by his brother K#.j-m-Hzt for his
685
Urk. I, 207.2-3. Moreno García, “A New Old Kingdom Inscription from Giza (CGC 57163), and the Problem of
cN-Ev in Pharaonic Third Millennium Society,” 131. McFarlane’s translation is different. She takes Otp-k# as the one
who gives the land, see McFarlane, Mastabas at Saqqara: Kaiemheset, Kaipunesut, Kaiemsenu, Sehetepu and Others,
44.
305
service as the sn-Dt. In front of the figure of K#.j-m-Hzt and Otp-k#, an inscription reads
jr(.j) nw n jt(.j) n snw(.j) n-mrwt prt-Xrw n.sn Hno(.j) m jSt(.j) “I made this for my father
and for my brothers in order that the prt-Xrw are for them together with me from my
property.” Moreno García suggests that this is a statement of the sn-Dt Otp-k# rather than
inscription in front of the scene usually refers to the major figure rather than the minor
one, and K#.j-m-Hzt, in this case, is the major figure in this scene. In this column, the
demonstrative nw is more likely to refer to the installation of the sn-Dt and the
arrangement of granting land to him. It means that K#.j-m-Hzt appointed one of his
brothers as the sn-Dt to take care of the funerary cult of himself, his father, and his other
brothers. In return for the provision of offerings, K#.j-m-Hzt transferred the field to sn-Dt
In the cases that the wife of the tomb owner is the snt-Dt, the tomb owner
probably installed his wife as his offering provider by appointing her as a snt-Dt. It was,
however, not necessary for a wife to become a snt-Dt to be a provider of offerings for her
husband. In the inscriptions from the lintel of a certain Vntj, the tomb owner gave one
plot of land to his wife and the other to a sn-Dt so that they would provide offerings for
him and his mother.687 Besides the regular funerary offerings, his wife would redistribute
the prt-Xrw offerings from the royalty to him, and his sn-Dt would deliver the prt-Xrw
offerings from the granary and the clothing from the treasury for him and his mother.
686
Moreno García, “A New Old Kingdom Inscription from Giza (CGC 57163), and the Problem of cN-Ev in
Pharaonic Third Millennium Society,” 130-131.
687
Now in Cairo, JE 57139. PM III, 308; Urk. I, 163-165, [12 (103)]; Goedicke, Die privaten Rechtsinschriften aus
dem Alten Reich, 122-130, Taf. xiii. Goedicke suggests a Fifth Dynasty date.
306
According to the inscription, both Vntj’s wife and his sn-Dt were responsible for his
funerary cult. Moreover, part of the land granted to the wife was divided among four ka-
priests associated with the Hwt-k#, which would remain under her the control. The sn-Dt,
though also a ka-priest, did not belong to the the Hwt-k#. Instead, he had full ownership of
In some cases, it is not clear why a wife became a snt-Dt since she could receive
the property of her husband via a will, as the case of Vntj demonstrates. In the New
Kingdom, a wife could not inherit from her deceased husband.688 Although it may not
have been the same custom in later periods, it is interesting to note that, according to a
late New Kingdom papyrus, a man adopted his childless wife as his daughter in order to
appoint her as an heir to inherit his property.689 Probably the appointment of a wife as the
snt-Dt authorizes her with full right and responsibilities to set her as an heir legally.
The term Dt may also occur with different kinship terms, though much less
common. Only two examples of ms-Dt “child of the funerary estate”690 in tombs at Giza
occur in the dataset, in addition to what appears in the tomb of WHm-k#. One is from the
tomb of cS#t-Htp (G 5150), a ms-Dt stands at the bottom of the left jamb of the southern
false door, named onX-m-o-k#.j. This ms-Dt is a ka-priest. He presents a jar to the tomb
owner with one hand and holds a bowl with the other hand. cS#t-Htp has two sons and a
daughter, designated as z#.f n ẖt.f and z#t.f n ẖt.f respectively. onX-m-o-k#.j does not appear
with these children. Moreover, they all appear closer to the tomb owner in the scene, and
688
Janseen and Pestman, “Burial and Inheritance in the Community of the Necropolis Workmen at Thebes (Pap. Bulaq
X and O. Petrie 16),” 166.
689
The Adoption Papyrus, see Alan H. Gardiner, “Adoption Extraordinary,” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 26
(1941): 23-29, and Janssen and Janssen, Growing up and Getting Old in Ancient Egypt, 220-221.
690
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 451.
307
none of them is a ka-priest. These iconographic specifics indicate that onX-m-o-k#.j is not a
biological child of cS#t-Htp, and his status is different from that of the three children.
Additionally, he is differentiated from other ka-priests on the same jamb without the
designation ms-Dt. onX-m-o-k#.j may have been a relative from the younger generation
who was to part in this funerary cult. No depiction of a sn-Dt occurs in the preserved
The other example comes from the tomb of Mdw-nfr at Giza. The five men on the
tomb owner’s false door jambs are designated as msw.f nw Dt. The first man on the left
jamb is marked separately as z#.f smsw “his eldest son” to indicate his status as a child.
The other two individuals below him have names and titles inscribed in front of their
figures, but these texts do not include specific kinship designations. However, based on
the column of inscription that includes the text msw.f nw Dt, they must be the ms-Dts of
the tomb owner. The one on the middle register holds a censor and the one below him
carries a large bird. The three men on the other side also carry offerings.The text in front
of them also includes msw.f nw Dt, indicating that they too have this designation. This
Mdw-nfr had four sons. Two of them are designated as z#.f smsw, and the other two are
z#.f. Three of them appear on the panel of the false door and stand in front of the tomb
owner and his wife. It is interesting to note that Mdw-nfr has two wives depicted on his
false door. This may explain the existence of the two eldest sons.691 All the ms-Dts bear
691
Naguib Kanawati, “Polygamy in the Old Kingdom of Egypt?” Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur 4 (1976): 158.
Kanawati, “The Mentioning of More than One Eldest Child in Old Kingdom Inscriptions,” 242. For the possibility that
Mdw-nfr remarried after the death of his first wife, McCorquodale suggests, if more than one wife is shown in the
tomb, and none of them have the iconographic features to indicate that she is dead, it is more likely to be an indication
of polygamy. See McCorquodale, Representations of the Family in the Egyptian Old Kingdom: Women and Marriage,
67. See also Simpson’s discussion on remarriage, Simpson, “Polygamy in Egypt in the Middle Kingdom?” 100-105.
308
the title zS pr-mD#t nTr “scribe of the house of archives of the god,”692 while the two eldest
sons are entitled xry-Hbt. It is also worth noting that the tomb owner also bears the title zS
pr-mD#t nTr. Therefore, the ms-Dts depicted on his false door are closely related to the
tomb owner in the workplace. They are probably relatives of the tomb owner of a
Figure 249. False door of Mdw-nfr at Giza, Curto, Gli Scavi italiani a el-Ghiza, pl. xxv.
In the Saqqara area, the dataset has one example of a z#.f Dt “his son of the
funerary estate” and the other of a z#t.f Dt “his daughter of the funerary estate.” On a
block from the tomb of an unknown official, a man named Vntj has the designation z#.f
692
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 849.
309
Dt.693 Wearing a short wig, he carries a scepter in one hand and places the other hand on
The example of the z#t.f Dt comes from the false door of Om-mnw, who is buried
in the tomb of his father vp-m-onX.694 His two wives appear on the panel with one on each
side.695 The one on the right side is marked as Hmt.f z#t Dt Om-#Xtj.696 It is less likely that
Om-mnw married his own daughter because there is no suffix pronoun .f after z#t.697
Given that Om-mnw is buried in his father’s tomb, Om-#Xtj is more likely to be a z#t Dt of
An interesting example that mentions the ms-Dt comes from the tomb of Nj-k#-onX
at Tehna. This early Fifth Dynasty tomb contains a table of duties on the east wall. This
table lists the names of a group of individuals and the schedules of their service for the
cult of Hathor and the funerary cult of a man named %nw-k#.699 The two duty rosters, one
above the other, are arranged in the opposite order with one person to be responsible for
each month. The roster on the upper part of the table is for the cult of Hathor. It begins
with the wife of the tomb owner, who is followed by the eldest son Om-Owt-Or and other
693
Strudwick, “Three Monuments of Old Kingdom Treasury Officials,” 45-51, pl. IV(3).
694
The inscription on the right jamb states that vp-m-onX made the false door for his son. For the text, see Urk. I, 33.
See also translations in Silverman, “Pectorals, Seals, and Seal Cases(?),” 349; Nigel Strudwick, Texts from the Pyramid
Age (Atlanta: Soc. of Biblical Literature, 2010), 248.
695
Each woman sits before her offering table beneath a man of the same stance. The connection of the two men with
Om-mnw is not stated in the inscription. See discussion in McCorquodale, Representations of the Family in the
Egyptian Old Kingdom: Women and Marriage, 80.
696
Ludwig Borchardt, Denkmäler des alten Reiches (ausser den Statuen) im Museum von Kairo, vol. 1 (Berlin:
Reichsdruckerei, 1937), 89.
697
Father-daughter marriages are rare in the Old Kingdom with only two possible examples. See McCorquodale,
Representations of the Family in the Egyptian Old Kingdom: Women and Marriage, 120-121.
698
Perepelkin suggests that she is vp-m-onX’s daughter, see Perepelkin, Privateigentum in der Vorstellung der Ägypter
des Alten Reichs, 66.
699
In the second tomb of Nj-k#-onX. For the text, see Urk I, 25,2, and Goedicke, Die privaten Rechtsinschriften aus dem
Alten Reich, 131-143, Taf. XVI. The tomb was first published by George W. Fraser, “The Early Tombs at Tehneh,”
Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte 3 (1902): 67-76, pl. IV.
310
children. In the roster for the cult of %nw-k# on the lower part of the table, the wife
appears as the last and the eldest son second to the last. This arrangement prevents these
To the right of the table, a column of inscription associated with the first roster
reads Hmw-nTr jrw.n(.j) pw m msw Dt(.j) r wob n Owt-Or jw jr(w) #Ht sT#t 2 jn Hm (n) Mn-
k#w-Ro n Hmw-nTr jpn r wob Hr.s “They are the priests that I have set up from the children
of my funerary estate to perform purification for Hathor; two sT#t of land have been set up
Based on the literal understanding of this inscription, it seems that all these people should
be the ms-Dt of the tomb owner. The wife, however, is not a ms-Dt, and it is unclear
whether others on the roster are biological children of the tomb owner. A line of the
inscription above the first eleven boxes reads rX-nswt jmy-r# Hwt-o#t Nj-k#-onX Hmt.f rXt-
nswt ODt-Hknw msw.s “The royal acquaintance, overseer of the great estate,701 Nj-k#-onX,
his wife, the royal acquaintance, ODt-Hknw, and her children.” The eleventh box is empty,
and the last three individuals in the last two boxes are not underneath this inscription.
Therefore, it is possible that they are not the family members of the tomb owner and the
empty box is inserted here to separate them from the children.702 Some scholars argue
that the individual behind the empty box, Hm-nTr Om-Owt-Or, is the same person as the
700
In Goedike’s copy in Taf. XIV, the preposition m following pw is missing. In the copy of Fraser, the sT#t sign is
missing. See Goedicke, Die privaten Rechtsinschriften aus dem Alten Reich, 131-143, Taf. XVI, and Fraser, “The Early
Tombs at Tehneh,” pl. IV.
701
For the title jmy-r# Hwt-o#t , see Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 163.
702
Helck interprets the empty box as a result of a mistake of the artists to place the figure of the wife one box further to
the right. See Wolfgang Helck, Altägyptische Aktenkunde des 3. und 2. Jahrtausends v. Chr., Münchner
Ägyptologische Studien 31 (München; Berlin: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 1974), 10-52, 142-145.
311
second one, the eldest son zS o(w) (nw) nswt Om-Owt-Or.703 This suggestion is
responsible for the third month of Smw in the roster for Hathor and the second month of
#Xt for the cult of %nw-k#. The zS o(w) (nw) nswt Om-Owt-Or is scheduled to perform his
duties in the second month of #Xt for Hathor and the third month of Smw for the cult
of %nw-k#. If one admits that these two rosters are arranged in the opposite order to
ensure that the schedules in the two cults do not conflict, Hm-nTr Om-Owt-Or and zS o(w)
Another important aspect of this example is the assignment of the priestly services
for the cult of %nw-k# by Nj-k#-onX to his family members. According to the
Both %nw-k# and Nj-k#-onX bear the title rX-nswt. Bearing the same title indicates that
they are of similar social status. The relationship between %nw-k# and Nj-k#-onX is, to a
certain degree, similar to that between a patron and his sn-Dt. Although there is no
reliable evidence that Nj-k#-onX was a sn-Dt, his duties for the provision of offerings
to %nw-k# indicates a role similar to that of a sn-Dt. A possible reason for the absence of
the designation sn-Dt is that the patron usually designated his sn-Dt, but the person who
worked as a sn-Dt, in most cases, did not designate himself as the sn-Dt.705
703
Elmar Edel, Hieroglyphische Inschriften Des Alten Reiches (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1981), 45-46. Peter
Der Manuelian, “An Essay in Document Transmission: Nj-k#-onX and the Earliest Hrjw rnpt,” Journal of Near Eastern
Studies 45, no. 1 (January, 1986): 11-12.
704
The names of the parents of Nj-k#-onX is mentioned in the early tomb. In the inscriptions concerning the cult of %nw-
k#, it is stated that the offerings are also for “his father, his mother, his children, and all his family members.” Goedicke,
Die privaten Rechtsinschriften aus dem Alten Reich, 132.
705
An exception is a certain Vsmw who designates himself as the sn-Dt of PtH-Htp in his own tomb at Saqqara.
312
insight into the term sn-Dt. On this block, the inscription reads mwt.f n Dt.f Nfrj.
Bolshakov, who first discussed this monument, translates it as “his own mother Nfrj”
rather than “his mother of his funerary estate, Nfrj.” He argues that it is unreasonable for
a person to assign his funerary service to his mother because a mother would predecease
her children. For this reason, Perepelkin’s theory that Dt has the meaning “one’s own” fits
the context. It may indicate a widowed mother’s dependence upon her son.707 This
interpretation, however, is unreasonable, because the translation “his own mother” does
not make much sense and a widow could receive land and perform funerary duties for her
deceased husband together with her children, just as in the case of Nj-k#-onX. A more
plausible explanation is that the designation mwt.f n Dt.f is based on one’s sn-Dt. In other
evidence is still insufficient for a clear conclusion about the exact meaning and function
of this term. The examples discussed in this chapter, however, reveal some of its essential
aspects.
patron of the sn-Dt is always male. A man could be the sn-Dt of a woman, such as the case
706
Staatliche Sammlung Ägyptischer Kunst, Inv. No. Gl.295. The lintel is not published. Bolshakov’s article is the only
article that refers to it. See below.
707
Andrey O. Bolshakov, “mw.t.f n(j).t D.t.f – ‘his own mother’,” Göttinger Miszellen 141 (1994): 39-42. Perepelkin
does not mention this example in his book. For people associated with Dt, see Perepelkin, Privateigentum in der
Vorstellung der Ägypter des Alten Reichs, 29-73, 112-148.
313
woman being the snt-Dt of another woman. In most cases, both the patron and the sn-Dt
are men.
A sn-Dt (or snt-Dt) may have been a real brother or sister of the tomb owner. In the
tomb of %o.f-Ro-onX at Giza, a man named Jttj bearing the designation sn-Dt is a real
brother, because %o.f-Ro-onX appears in the tomb of Jttj with the designation sn.f “his
brother.”708 As a real brother of %o.f-Ro-onX, the designation of Jttj is sn.f n Dt.f instead of
*sn.f sn.f Dt. The two designations, sn.f and sn-Dt, do not occur with the same person in
any of the examples in the dataset. In other words, if a real sibling is appointed as a sn-Dt
or snt-Dt, he or she would not be designated as sn.f “his brother” or snt.f “his sister” in the
inscriptions, but only sn-Dt or snt-Dt. For this reason, it is difficult to know whether the
sn-Dt or snt-Dt is a real sibling of the tomb owner. Moreover, the designation sn-Dt refers
to the status of its bearer in relation to the tomb owner with the pronoun .f.709
The wife of the tomb owner can be his snt-Dt. For example, in the tomb of Nfr-Htp
at Giza, his wife is also his snt-Dt. In this case, the designation snt-Dt is not a substitute
for Hmt.f “his wife.” The fact that one’s wife can be his snt-Dt also demonstrates that the
example of a husband being the sn-Dt of his wife. For other kinship designations attached
with Dt, we have a few examples of msw-Dt and a single example of mwt-Dt, but there is
no example of *jt-Dt “father of the funerary estate.” Individuals bearing the designation
708
Harpur, “Two Old Kingdom Tombs at Giza,” 24-30.
709
Harpur, “Two Old Kingdom Tombs at Giza,” 28.
710
Harpur, “Two Old Kingdom Tombs at Giza,” 29.
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sn-Dt could come from both inside or outside the extended family of the tomb owner. If
the sn-Dt is a family member, he or she is most likely to be a sibling of the tomb owner.
The term sn-Dt does not reflect its bearer’s social status. Some sn-Dt could be of
humble status, while others may have been high officials from the same social class as
the tomb owner. People acquired this designation when they were still alive and used it to
identify themselves in administrative documents. In these documents, they have the status
The reason for the appointment of a sn-Dt remains obscure. In most examples, the
tomb owner who has one or more sn-Dts also have children.
The function of the sn-Dt is also unclear. An individual could be a sn-Dt and ka-
priest at the same time, such as the case of cnDm-jb / Jntj at Giza, whose two sn-Dts are
both ka-priests.712 This indicates that the role of the former does not resemble that of the
latter. However, it is evident that people designated as sn-Dt (snt-Dt) would take part in
the funerary cult of his or her patron. For example, the statue of a man named K#-pw-PtH
is a dedication by his snt-Dt Ohj. An inscription on the base of the statue reads jn snt.f Dt
OHj jrt n.f sw sk sqr.w xrj-nTr rnpwt oS# “it was his sister of the funerary estate OHj who
made it for him when he was buried (in) the necropolis (after) many years.”713 On the
chapel walls, the sn-Dts appear among the offering bearers. A sn-Dt may follow the sons,
or even precede them and occupy the initial position in a sequence of offering bearers.
These representations demonstrate their status as offering providers. A sn-Dt may also be
711
Moreno García, “A New Old Kingdom Inscription from Giza (CGC 57163), and the Problem of cN-Ev in
Pharaonic Third Millennium Society,” 127-129.
712
Brovarski, The Senedjemib Complex I: The Mastabas of Senedjemib Inti (G 2370), Khnumenti (G 2374), and
Senedjemib Mehi (G 2378), 75, 87. See discussion in §2.2.
713
Fischer, “Old Kingdom Inscriptions in the Yale Gallery,” 301-302.
315
responsible for the reallocation of offerings, such as the case of Pn-mrw. This is,
however, not a reason for the appointment of a sn-Dt, because we have other evidence of
the reallocation of offerings without the involvement of a sn-Dt.714 The case of Pn-mrw
and K#.j-m-Hzt indicate that the sn-Dt received land in return for their funerary service of
providing the prt-Xrw offerings. In the case of Vntj, the tomb owner granted one of the
two fields that he acquired from the king to his wife and the other to his sn-Dt. Part of the
land belonging to the wife was then divided among four ka-priests who were under her
control. The land belonging to the sn-Dt, however, remained separated from the control
the wife.715 This example indicates that the sn-Dt was not under the control of other family
members and was differentiated from the ka-priests. Probably the appointment of a sn-Dt
enabled an individual to take part in the funerary cult, but remained independent from
In conclusion, the use of the kinship designation sn or snt in the term sn-Dt is to
integrate socially (or economically) related individuals into one’s family with a
individuals outside his family into a kindred framework by metaphorical kinship, sn-Dt or
snt-Dt. This integration may indicate that family and kinship relations form the basis of
the supportive installation of funerary practices. The function of the sn-Dt, however, goes
significance in the funerary cult. The sn-Dt may have been an individual independent of
but equal to a family member to provide offerings in return for a certain amount of land
714
For example, Pr-sn at Saqqara (D45).
715
Goedicke, Die privaten Rechtsinschriften aus dem Alten Reich, 122.
316
granted to him or her. The sn-Dt may also have the responsibility for reallocating
4.3 Conclusion
Family groups refer to the representation of the tomb owner and more than one
family member in a scene on a wall or a tomb chapel or on the false door. The depiction
of family groups was more popular in the Fifth Dynasty than in the Sixth Dynasty in the
Memphite region. More than half of the family groups are on the false door and the west
wall.
genders. Sons and brothers often appear with the male tomb owner, while daughters and
sisters appear with the wife of the tomb owner. When depicted on the false door, male
family members tend to appear on the left side, while female family members are on the
right side. Sons and daughters may stand on different registers with the sons above the
daughters. When standing on the same register, sons tend to be in front of daughters. In
some cases, the children of the tomb owner in a sequence are ranked according to their
birth order, but the eldest son always occupies the initial position. Family groups also
reflect the ancient Egyptian generational concepts. The depiction of the tomb owner and
his children parallels that of his parents and himself. The representation of the older
generation shows no signs of aging. There is no direct interaction between the parents of
the tomb owner and his children. Siblings in a family group do not appear at the initial
position. Grandchildren are usually represented as naked youths at the foot of the tomb
317
owner or on the false door. As a pictorial language-game, the depiction of a family group
integrates both gender and generational arrangement into the scene to express the
conceptual existence of the identity and the social network of the tomb owner. A family
group is related but not equal to a household. The household is a domestic social unit. A
family group depicted on chapel walls is conceptual. It may also be a dynamic expression
of the transition of the household from the older to the younger generation. The depiction
of family groups in private chapels is more popular in Giza and Saqqara in the Fifth
Dynasty than in the Sixth Dynasty and remains popular provincial sites in the Sixth
Dynasty. This reflects the evolving familial ideology during this period and the changing
The term sn-Dt or snt-Dt refers to an individual whom the tomb owner appointed
to take care of his or her funerary cult. The depiction of sn-Dt or snt-Dt occurs mostly in
private tombs from the Fifth Dynasty to the beginning of the Sixth Dynasty. The use of
relatives into the familial realm so that they could also take on the funerary
responsibilities assigned to a family member. Other kinship terms attached with Dt may
have been related to the sn-Dt, and the children of the sn-Dt could be the ms-Dt of the tomb
owner. Similarly, the term mwt-Dt may be explained as the mother of the sn-Dt.
318
As discussed in the previous chapters, children and siblings of the tomb owner
appear as offering bearers carrying things such as birds, forelegs, and trays or baskets
filled with other types of food. Children grasping small birds in their hands may stand at
the foot of the tomb owner in a variety of scenes. Sons and brothers sometimes carry the
forelegs of bulls in a line of offering bearers proceeding towards the tomb owner. The
depiction of children and siblings carrying offerings appears not only in a variety of
The ancient Egyptians believed that the false door connected the worlds of the
living and the dead. The ka of the deceased could pass through this door to the
netherworld and come back to receive the offerings. As the focus of the cult of the
deceased, family members placed offerings in front of the door for the tomb owner to
(symbolically) consume. It also functions as a shrine for the statue.716 For this reason, the
representation of family members as offering bearers often occurs on the false door.
The way family members carry offerings reflects their role in the funerary cult
and, more precisely, the tomb owner’s perception of how his family members should
716
Silvia Wiebach, Die Ägyptische Scheintür: Morphologische Studien zur Entwicklung und Bedeutung der
Hauptkultstelle in Den Privat-Gräbern des Alten Reiches (Hamburg: Borg, 1981), 128, 142-144. For the discussions of
the function of the false door by different scholars, see ibid. 63-66.
319
5.1.1 Scenes of Individuals Who Stand at the Foot of the Tomb Owner and Carry Birds
The depiction of children standing at the foot of the tomb owner and carrying a
bird or several birds in their hands may indicate their status as an offering bearer because
birds are a type of offering presented to the tomb owner in the funerary cult. This stance
occurs mainly on chapel walls and less frequently on false doors, with only two examples
in Giza and four in Saqqara.717 The majority of examples depict sons. In the dataset, only
two daughters appear in this stance: Z#-jb (G2092+2093) at Giza and MHw at Saqqara.
A scene of carrying birds while standing at the foot of a major figure falls into
Stance AS-4 in the typology discussed in Chapter 1.718 Stance AS-4 also occurs in
combination with other stances, such as Stance AS-2-4, holding the staff of the tomb
owner while carrying a bird, and Stance AS-1-4, touching the tomb owner while carrying
a bird. In Giza, most examples of children who stand at the foot of the tomb owner and
carry birds appear in Stance AS-2-4 (as an adult) or AS-2-4-Y (as a youth). One
exception is a son of a certain Vtj, who appears in AS-1-4-Y, touching the tomb owner
while carrying a bird. The other exception is the daughter of Z#-jb (G2092+2093), who
appears in Stance AS-4 with a bird in each hand. In Saqqara, children carrying birds in
Stance AS-1-4 occur in four tombs. Examples of children carrying birds in Stance AS-4
also occur in Saqqara. The majority of the examples are in the tomb of Mrrw-k#.j and his
son Mry-Vtj. Other examples occur in the tombs of Bj# called Jry, the double tomb of Nj-
717
Vtj, and %wfw-onX at Giza, and Nj-k#w-Ro, onX-m-o-k#(.j), and Nj-k#w-Or at Saqqara. As discussed in Chapter 1,
children carrying offerings are more likely to appear in Stance B-3 on false doors.
718
For tombs containing this stance, see tables in Appendix VI.
320
Children carrying birds while standing at the foot of the tomb owner is a depiction
most popular in Saqqara and less prevalent in Giza. All the nine samples in Giza date to
the Fifth to the early Sixth Dynasties. For the 20 samples in Saqqara, ten date to the Fifth
Dynasty and ten belong to the Sixth Dynasty. It is worth noting that scenes of children
who stand at the foot of the tomb owner and carry birds continued in Saqqara in the later
Sixth Dynasty, but died out in the Giza region by the early Sixth Dynasty. Only two
examples are attested in the provincial sites, both dating to the Fifth Dynasty. It is
possible that the tradition of children carrying birds at the foot of the tomb owner started
during the Fifth Dynasty but survived into the mid-Sixth Dynasty only in the Saqqara
area.
expresses is usually twofold. Firstly, the depiction of a family member emphasizes his or
her identity and relationship with the tomb owner. Secondly, it points to the roles of
family members in a funerary context. In brief, the depiction of a family member reflects
the the tomb owner’s perception of who this family member was and how he or she
In general, the scene of standing at the foot of the tomb owner emphasizes the
relationship between the father and his children. The significant difference in the scale of
the tomb owner and his child are far from a realistic rendering of the two individuals. In
other words, the scene of a child represented at the foot of the tomb owner is not a
set in a funerary context. The large scale of the father emphasizes his importance, while
the diminutive figure of the children at his foot indicates their dependence and
321
subordinate status. Representing the children as naked youths further reflects this
relationship. In most cases, children who stand at the foot of the tomb owner face the
same direction as the tomb owner, symbolizing this supportive role. Carrying birds
further signifies their role as offering suppliers. The depiction of this specific
iconography, however, does not point to any ceremonial or ritual action that happened at
the funeral.
Myśliwiec suggests that the eldest son represents an “alter ego” of the tomb
owner and when he stands at his father’s foot, he becomes his father’s reincarnation. He
becomes his living ka when shown with his feet overlapping those of his father.719
Moreover, the eldest son gradually becomes an iconographic copy of his father’s
figure.720 The activity of carrying small birds, however, is not one that the father takes
part in. In fact, the depiction of the eldest son carrying small birds standing at the foot of
the tomb owner has an interesting regional distribution and needs further investigation. In
Giza, the eldest in this stance occurs in only three tombs. In Saqqara, however, depictions
of eldest sons carrying small birds at the foot of the tomb owner occur in 18 tombs, with
discrepency in the depiction of children. More sons and fewer daughters appear in
Saqqara than in Giza. Moreover, children depicted at the foot of the tomb owner tend to
have contact with the tomb owner more frequently in Giza than in Saqqara. Sons,
especially the eldest ones, had more economic significance in the family because they
719
Myśliwiec, “Father’s and Eldest Son’s Overlapping Feet: An Iconographic Message,” 306.
720
Myśliwiec, “Father’s and Eldest Son’s Overlapping Feet: An Iconographic Message,” 307.
322
usually followed their father’s career path and were responsible for the funeral and the
maintenance of the funerary cult of their parents. In Saqqara, the emphasis on sons,
especially eldest sons, signifies their unique roles in the funerary cult and their economic
nuance of distinct family ideology in the two sites. Scenes in Giza stress kinship ties
between family members, while scenes in chapels in Saqqara promote the practical role
Stance B-3 encompasses family members standing and carrying offerings.721 Such
individuals in Stance B-3 appear in various locations in the chapel. They are on false
doors with offerings in their hands, or they may stand in a sequence of offering bearers
before or beneath the tomb owner; sometimes they stand near the tomb owner, without
being in a sequence.
bearer is to identify him or her as an offering supplier for the tomb owner. Depending on
the locations of their occurrence in the chapel, the messages these depictions conveyed
foci. 722
721
For tombs containing Stance B-3, see Appendix VI.
722
Each language-game, verbal or visual, has its own starting point, aim, and focus. See discussion in René van
Walsem, “The Interpretation of Iconographic Programmes in Old Kingdom Elite Tombs of the Memphite Area.
Methodological and Theoretical (Re)considerations,” in Proceedings of the Seventh International Congress of
Egyptologists, Cambridge, 3-9 September 1995, ed. Christopher. J. Eyre (Leuven: Peeters, 1998), 1209-1210.
323
presenting the offerings in the funerary ritual. They do not focus on the individual
offering bearer but the preparation and presentation of offerings by a group of people as a
whole.723 Moreover, it is not only an elaborated and stylized depiction to capture what
may have happened at the funeral, but also a graphic solidification of the ritual
procession of offering bearers visualizes the tomb owner’s expectation to those who enter
the chapel regardless of their identity. For family members and ka-priests who take care
of the funerary cult, these images reflect the tomb owner’s perception that a continuous
ritual is taking place. The specific language-game thus connects the tomb owner and his
Family members who appear as offering bearers (Stance B-3) on the false door
usually do not belong to a long sequence given the limited space of the panel and the
door jambs. Other stances of the B type also occur on the false door, such as B-1(with a
hand placed on the chest), B-2 (with arms pendent), B-4 (carrying accessories), B-5
(holding lotus flowers), and B-Y (as a youth sucking the index finger). The depiction of
family members on the false door aims to emphasize their identity and their relationship
to the tomb owner as an expression of familial intimacy. When family members entered
the chapel to make offerings, their representation on the false door would recall a familial
723
It does not mean the scenes are narrative, but a static combinations of the ritual, see John Baines, “On Functions of
Writing in Ancient Egyptian Pictorial Representation,” in Iconography without Texts, ed. Paul Taylor (London:
Warburg Institute, 2008), 95-126.
724
Jan Assmann, The Mind of Egypt: History and Meaning in the Time of the Pharaohs, trans. Andrew Jenkins
(Cambridge, Mass. and London: Harvard University Press, 2003), 63-66. See also Erik Hornung, Idea into Image:
Essays on Ancient Egyptian Thought, trans. Elizabeth Bredeck (New York: Timken, 1992), 36.
324
relationship directly connected to the tomb owner whose ka would come forth from the
false door to receive offerings. The following table summarizes the number of tombs that
Table 11. Number of tombs containing depictions of children carrying offerings and their location in the chapel725
10
7
6
4
1
T OT AL V V.L-VI
Figure 250. Number of tombs containing depictions of children carrying offerings on the false door
725
The plus sign indicates the number of tombs with an uncertain date from the Fifth to the Sixth Dynasties.
325
17
17
13
9
8
5
4
3
T OT AL V V.L-VI
Figure 251. Number of tombs containing depictions of children carrying offerings in a sequence of offering bearers
11
10
8
5
2
1
T OT AL V V.L-VI
Figure 252. Number of tombs containing depictions of children carrying offerings in other places in the scenes
326
33
30
26
17
13
13
12
10
10
8
5
1
Figure 253. Number of tombs containing depictions of children carrying offerings and their location in the chapel
As shown in the tables and the bar graphs, the chronological and regional
distribution of the locations of the scene of children carrying offerings in the chapel
a) Both Giza and Saqqara chapels have scenes of children carrying offerings on
the false door in the Fifth Dynasty. However, this location became less favored in
Saqqara during the Sixth Dynasty, though chapels at Giza still have this scene on the
b) Provincial tombs usually do not place this scene on the false door.
bearers on the chapel wall most often occurs in the provincial sites. It became popular in
Saqqara from the end of the Fifth Dynasty. However, it is not prevalent in Giza in both
d) For the depiction of children carrying offerings on the chapel wall but not in a
sequence of offering bearers, it became popular in Saqqara and the provincial sites in the
e) Overall, tombs at Giza tend to place the scenes of children carrying offerings
on the false door all the time, while tombs at Saqqara and provincial sites place these
Siblings of the tomb owner also occur as offering bearers in a few examples. As
shown in the following table, they mostly appear in a sequence of offering bearers on
chapel walls in Saqqara. In Giza, they both occur on false doors and in a sequence of
Table 12. Number of tombs containing depictions of siblings carrying offerings and their location in the chapel
5
4
3
2
1
T OT AL V V.L-VI
Figure 254. Number of tombs containing depictions of siblings carrying offerings on the false door
8
5
4
3
2
1
Figure 255. Number of tombs containing depictions of siblings carrying offerings and their location in the chapel
329
Family members of both genders appear as offering bearers, though the majority
are sons. The total number of sons who were offering bearers is 174, while that of the
daughters is only 25: 11 in Giza, 3 in Saqqara, and 11 in provincial sites. Moreover, the
majority of daughters carrying offerings in their hands appear on false doors in Giza. In
the provincial sites, however, daughters in this stance mainly appear in a sequence of
offering bearers on chapel walls. The less frequent appearance of daughters in Saqqara
reflects a local tradition that is different from that of Giza and the provincial sites. This
distinction probably indicates that they were not expected to take part in the funerary
ritual of presenting offerings in Saqqara, or at least that the decoration in the Saqqara
region preferred not to depict daughters as offering bearers, nor to emphasize their
offering bearers in Giza and Saqqara are closely related to certain social changes from the
Fifth to the Sixth Dynasties. One of the major shifts during this period was how the
construction of elite tombs were financed. In the Fourth Dynasty, the royal administration
commissioned the construction of private tombs in Giza and assigned them to high
officials who later added the design of the chapel and its decoration.726 In the Fifth
Dynasty, the relocation of royal tombs from Giza to Abusir and Saqqara marked a turning
point in aspects of the conception of private funerary settlements in the Old Kingdom.
Some tombs of high officials remained in Giza without moving to the vicinity of the
royal pyramid.727 The responsibility for constructing of private tombs then shifted from
726
Chauvet, “The Conception of Private Tombs in the Late Old Kingdom,” 20.
727
Chauvet, “The Conception of Private Tombs in the Late Old Kingdom,” 57-58.
330
royalty to tomb owners.728 Following in part the model created during the Fourth
Dynasty, high officials retained Giza as the location for their burials over the course of
several generations. By the end of the reign of Neferirkare, officials bearing high
administrative titles still build their burialls at Giza.729 From the Fifth Dynasty, family
ties and administrative offices may have been the primary factor in determining the
location of their tombs.730 Some officials built their tombs at Saqqara near the pyramid of
the king to whom their priestly titles are attached.731 In the middle of the Fifth Dynasty,
major changes took place in the constructing of private tombs. The multi-roomed
superstructure became one of the major features.732 From the end of the Fifth Dynasty,
officials serving for the contemporary administration were buried around the Pyramid of
Unas. This shift reflects a return to a certain degree of organization of private tomb
construction. During this period, the organization of tombs at Saqqara and Abusir
the Fourth to the Sixth Dynasties and discusses the involvement of the tomb owner, his
728
Chauvet, “The Conception of Private Tombs in the Late Old Kingdom,” 59.
729
such as “overseer of granaries,” “overseer of the treasury,” “overseer of the judiciary,” “overseer of public works,”
and “overseer of the scribal administration,” see Ann M. Roth, “The Organization of Royal Cemeteries at Saqqara in
the Old Kingdom,” Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 25 (1988): 201-214.
730
Roth, “The Organization of Royal Cemeteries at Saqqara in the Old Kingdom,” 202-203; Michel Baud, “Aux pieds
de Djoser: Les mastabas entre fossé et enceinte de la partie nord du complexe funéraire, ” in Études sur l’Ancien
Empire et la nécropole de Saqqâra dédiées à Jean-Philippe Lauer 1, eds. Catherine Berger and Bernard Mathieu
(Montpellier: Université Paul Valéry-Montpellier III, 1997), 74; Chauvet, “The Conception of Private Tombs in the
Late Old Kingdom,” 64.
731
Miroslav Verner, Forgotten Pharaohs, Lost Pyramids: Abusir (Praha: Academia Škodaexport, 1994), 63-98. Bárta,
Abusir V: The Cemeteries at Abusir South I, 121. Chauvet, “The Conception of Private Tombs in the Late Old
Kingdom,” 60-61.
732
Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom, 106-107. See also Peter Janosi, “The Tombs of
Officials: Houses of Eternity,” in Egyptian Art in the Age of the Pyramids, eds. John P. O'Neil and Carol Fuerstein
(New York: the Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1999), 34.
733
For example, three generations involved in the construction of the tomb of Mdw-nfr at Giza (G 4630), and K#-m-Hst
made a tomb not only for himself, but also for his father and brothers. For discussions about the family complexes, see
Chauvet, “The Conception of Private Tombs in the Late Old Kingdom,” 66, 261- 273.
331
family members, friends, and royalty. In the later Old Kingdom, officials used their
personal funds to construct their tombs. Not only did phrases, such as “by means of his
own arm” and “it is with my own property that I made this,” become a standard
phraseology in the inscriptions, but the differentiation between the royal bestowal and
properties acquired through inheritance and personal service also became a common
feature of the phraseology.734 Additionally, the royal involvement had become less
significant from the Fifth Dynasty in comparison with the private activities in tomb
construction. 735
The change in tomb construction may have been one of the causes of the increase
in the scenes of children in a sequence of offering bearers. Because the private funerary
establishment became more important for the supply of offerings, the tomb owner started
to stress the involvement of his family. The chapel wall thus provides a broader stage for
offices held by officials of non-royal origins, and honorific and ceremonial offices shared
by royal family members.736 Under these circumstances, the tomb owner tended to
highlight his relationship with the king in the later Old Kingdom. 737 These changes
734
Chauvet, “The Conception of Private Tombs in the Late Old Kingdom,” 191-198, 213-214.
735
Chauvet, “The Conception of Private Tombs in the Late Old Kingdom,” 396-397.
736
Wolfgang Helck, Untersuchungen zu den Beamtentiteln des ägyptischen alten Reiches (Glückstadt: J. J. Augustin,
1954), 111-119; Strudwick, The Administration of Egypt in the Old Kingdom, 338-340; Chauvet, “The Conception of
Private Tombs in the Late Old Kingdom,” 68-69. For the political change during this period, see also Bárta, “Kings,
Viziers, and Courtiers: Executive Power in the Third Millennium BC,” 164-175.
737
Chauvet, “The Conception of Private Tombs in the Late Old Kingdom,” 70.
332
dependence on family members for their funerary cult. On the one hand, tomb owners
underscored their personal achievement and relationship with the king explicitly. On the
other hand, they built their own tombs and relied on family members for the supply of the
offerings. Removing family members from the false door and placing them among the
dependence more implicitly. Officials buried at Giza still followed the old tradition, while
those who moved to Saqqara started to express the new familial ideology from the end of
the Fifth Dynasty and its increasing emphasis on the supportive financial role of the
family members and a decreasing expression of intimacy between parents and children.
bearers sometimes has the caption sXpt stpt “bringing the choice offerings.” This type of
scene is worthy of attention because they may refer to a specific ritual associated with the
In the expression sXpt stpt, stpt may be the passive participle of the verb stp “to
choose,”738 and thus translated as “choice offerings.” Signs following stpt are usually the
signs of the foreleg.739 However, the bull-head sign,740 or even a calf with one leg cut off
738
Erman, Wörterbuch Der Ägyptischen Sprache, Bd. 4, 336-337. Hannig, Ägyptisches Wörterbuch I: Altes Reich und
Erste Zwischenzeit, 1258.
739
F23 and F24, Gardiner, Grammar, 464.
740
E1, Gardiner, Grammar, 461.
333
and the other three tied up with ropes, can occasionally replace it.741 Some scholars
translate the bull, foreleg, and bull-head signs as separate words.742 It is, however, more
reasonable to take these signs as the determinatives of stpt. Sometimes the bird sign or
the bird-head sign also follow stpt or the foreleg sign.743 Therefore, it is possible that both
the foreleg sign and the bird sign are the determinatives to refer to the two types of
Offering lists usually include the entry stpt. In the offering list on the west wall of
the chapel of PtH-Htp II at Saqqara, the last entry consists of the word stpt, a calf with legs
tied together, and a trussed goose.745 The signs that follow stpt in this entry can vary in
different tombs. A brief survey of these variations may provide clues to the meaning and
741
For an example, see Ppy-onX-Hrj-jb at Meir, see Kanawati et al., The Cemetery of Meir I, pl. 84.
742
For example, sXp stpwt #pdw “bringing joints of meat and birds,” T. G. H. James, The Mastaba of Khentika Called
Ikhekhi (London: Egypt Exploration Society, 1953), 49. sXp stpt k#w wSnw rnpt nbt “bringing the choice things of oxen
and fowl and all year-offerings,” Kanawati, The Teti Cemetery at Saqqara V, 41.
743
G38 or H1, Gardiner, Grammar, 471, 473. stp with three birds signs means “Gänse”, Erman, Wörterbuch Der
Ägyptischen Sprache, Bd. 4, 337. No entry for stp with foreleg or bird determinatives in Hannig, Ägyptisches
Wörterbuch I: Altes Reich und Erste Zwischenzeit.
744
Hassan suggests the stpt means the presentation of the selected meet offerings consisting of either beef or geese, or
all the food in general. Hassan, Excavations at Gîza VI-2, 95-96.
745
G54, Alan H. Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar: Being an Introduction to the Study of Hieroglyphs (London: Oxford
University Press, 1957), 473.
746
Based on Hassan, Excavations at Gîza VI-2, pls. xvi, xxiv, xxxii, xl, xlviii, lvi, lxiv, lxxii, lxxx, lxxxviii, xcvii, cv,
cxiv, cxxx, cxli. For the publications of these tombs, see Hassan, Excavations at Gîza VI-2, 113-155.
747
Hassan, Excavations at Gîza VI, Part III, 125-131. PM III, 247. See also Appendix I, Table I.1.
748
See Appendix I, Table I.2.
334
749
See Appendix I, Table I.3.
750
See Appendix I, Table I.2.
751
See Appendix I, Table I.1.
752
Hassan, Excavations at Gîza VI, Part III, 125-131. PM III, 247. See also Appendix I, Table I.1.
753
See Appendix I, Table I.2.
335
As the table demonstrates, the bird-head sign commonly follows stpt in the
offering list. In 13 tombs, the entry has only the foreleg signs following stpt. In eight
tombs, it has only bird-related signs. Therefore, it is reasonable to assume that both the
A scene from the chapel of cXm-k# at Saqqara further confirms that the bird sign
can be the determinative of stpt.761 On the left outer jamb, the caption above five offering
bearers carrying large birds reads sHD Hmw-k# Hr stp stpt m W#g EHwtt #bd …nt #wt Dt
“the inspector of the ka-priests is choosing the choice offerings in the joyful W#g festival,
754
See Appendix I, Table I.1.
755
See Appendix I, Table I.1.
756
See Appendix I, Table I.1.
757
See Appendix I, Table I.2.
758
See Appendix I, Table I.3.
759
See Appendix I, Table I.1.
760
PM III, 284, See also Appendix I, Table I.1.
761
Margaret A. Murray, Saqqara Mastabas: Part I-II (London: British School of Archaeology in Egypt and B.
Quaritch, 1905), Part I, pl. vii.
336
EHwtt festival, Month festival, and Half-month festival, forever.”762 In this caption, the
sign following stpt is a trussed bird. The trussed bird sign and the offering bearers
carrying birds in the scene indicate that birds are considered as stpt-offerings. Similar
situations occur in the chapel of Jnpw-Htp and Ppy-onX-Hrj-jb. In the case of Jnpw-Htp,
the offering bearers carry only birds, while those of Ppy-onX-Hrj-jb carry only forelegs. In
the two tombs, both the foreleg and the bird sign occur in the caption following stpt. The
birds, which are presented to the tomb owner after slaughtering and processing. In each
case, the offering bearers can carry either the foreleg or the bird to represent the whole set
of stpt-offerings.
A unique example occurs in the chapel of Mry-Ttj, son of Mrrw-k#.j. On the south
wall of Room C3, a sequence of 31 offering bearers appears on the bottom register below
the offering list scene.763 The first five offering bearers carry forelegs, and the following
five carry large birds. They are the only offering bearers inscribed with titles and names
on this register. Situated behind them, the remaining 21 offering bearers are without
names and titles. The designations and titles of the named offering bearers indicate that
forelegs and birds are important offerings presented to the tomb owner by people close to
him. In front of this sequence of offering bearers, an inscription reads sXpt stpt “bringing
the choice offerings.”764 The word stpt is written with three foreleg signs and three bird
signs. The inscription above the procession of the offering bearers reads nDt-Hr rnpt-nbt
762
Murray, Saqqara Mastabas, Part I, 25.
763
Kanawati et al., Mereruka and His Family, Part I, pl. 49.
764
Kanawati et al. suggests the vertical inscription continues horizontally above these offering bearers, see Kanawati et
al., Mereruka and His Family, Part I, 33.
337
nfrt jnnt n.f m Hwwt.f m njwwt.f nt v#-mHw Cmow r prt-Xrw n.f … “nDt-Hr offerings and
good all-year offerings which are being brought for him from his estates, from his towns
of the Delta and the Upper Egypt for the invocation offerings for him…”765 This
inscription indicates that the choice offerings are related to the nDt-Hr offerings and good
all-year offerings.
The word nDt-Hr means “gift,” or “gift from the estate (Gabe der
clarifies the nature of the stpt offerings. According to him, the term nDt-Hr is a
presentation of the nDt-Hr offerings to the tomb owner usually contains scenes of handing
over papyrus scrolls, presenting desert animals, conducting cattle, and bringing fowls.
Not all of these scene types appear in any one tomb, but scenes of conducting cattle are
always included.768 In the chapel of %w.n-wX at Quseir el-Amarna, the offering bearers
on the west and east walls carry almost the same offerings, including forelegs and birds.
Those on the west wall have the caption stpt, while those on the east have nDt-Hr. This
distribution suggests that the terms stpt and nDt-Hr possibly refer to the same set of
offerings. Unlike the stpt-offerings, the nDt-Hr offerings are not listed in the offering
inventory. Altenmüller suggests that nDt-Hr offerings are part of the prt-Xrw offerings.769
765
Kanawati et al., Mereruka and His Family, Part I, 33.
766
Erman, Wörterbuch Der Ägyptischen Sprache, Bd. 2, 372-373. Hannig, Ägyptisches Wörterbuch I: Altes Reich und
Erste Zwischenzeit, 686.
767
Hartwig Altenmüller, “Presenting the nDt-Hr-offerings to the Tomb Owner,” in The Old Kingdom Art and
Archaeology: Proceedings of the Conference Held in Prague, May 31 - June 4, 2004, ed. Miroslav Bárta (Prague:
Czech Institute of Egyptology, Faculty of Arts, Charles University in Prague, 2006), 25.
768
Altenmüller, “Presenting the nDt-Hr-offerings to the Tomb Owner,” 25-30.
769
Altenmüller, “Presenting the nDt-Hr-offerings to the Tomb Owner,” 30-32.
338
The prt-Xrw offerings, however, are seldom included in the offering inventory either. 770 If
the nDt-Hr offerings contain a group of offerings brought to the tomb owner as the
offerings of “greetings” and “gifts,” the stpt-offerings may have been taken from the nDt-
Hr offerings. In other words, nDt-Hr could be a term used to define offerings of certain
animals and products brought to the tomb owner from the estate. It emphasizes the
presentation of the offerings under the supervision of scribes and the documentation of
the offerings as a deed for eternal ownership.771 The stpt-offerings refer to forelegs,
processed birds, and other food that are ready to be provided to the tomb owner for
consumption. Therefore, the terms stpt and nDt-Hr are descriptions of two different
Bringing the stpt-offerings usually has association with slaughtering the cattle
near the chapel. 772 Slaughter scenes usually occur with scenes of presentating the stpt-
offerings.773 In the case of Nfr-sSm-PtH, for example, the butchery scene appears on the
lower register below the offering table scene on the east wall of Room 3.774 The
inscription associated with the scene reads sXpt stpt n k# n xry-tp nswt jmy-r# wpwt Htp-
nTr jmy-r# Hwt wrt mdw rXyt jwn knmwt jm#Xw Xr nswt Xr nTr o# Nfr-sSm-PtH “bringing of
choice offerings for the ka of the royal chamberlain,775 overseer of the divisions of divine
770
Except for Ms-s# (the Fourth Dynasty), See Hassan, Excavations at Gîza XI, pl.1.
771
Altenmüller, “Family, Ancestor Cult and Some Obseravations on the Chronology of the Late Fifth Dynasty,” 29.
772
The identification of the location of the slaughter areas is in doubt, but it possibly happened in an open area. See
Ikram, Choice Cuts: Meat Production in Ancient Egypt, 81-107.
773
In the L-shaped chapels, the butchery scenes are related directly to the scene containing the talbe of offerings,
especially in later tombs. See Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom, 82. The presentation of
offerings usually occurs with the table scene.
774
Alan B. Lloyd, A. Jeffrey Spencer, and Ali El-Khouli, The Mastaba of Neferseshemptah, Saqqara Tombs 3
(London: Egypt Exploration Society, 2008), pl. 22.
775
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 788.
339
the revered one before the king, before the great god, Nfr-sSm-PtH.”780 This inscription
identifies the process of slaughtering the bull as part of the “bringing the stpt-offerings.”
The false door is on the west wall of the same room. The lower register of the north and
south walls each has a procession of offering bearers carrying forelegs, birds, and other
food offerings. Both processions move towards the false door. The scenes in this chapel
illustrate the process of bringing the choice offerings well. The butchers slaughtered the
bull probably outside the chapel and cut the forelegs. Sons, brothers, ka-priests, and other
dependents of the tomb owner then brought the forelegs to the false door, together with
other offerings.
776
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 97.
777
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 164.
778
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 453.
779
Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, 6.
780
Lloyd et al., The Mastaba of Neferseshemptah, 25.
781
Lloyd et al., The Mastaba of Neferseshemptah, pls. 19-22.
340
Processions of male offering bearers carrying forelegs and large birds frequently
appear below the offering table and offering list scenes. The eldest son carrying a foreleg
normally occupies the initial position. Brothers, sn-Dts, and ka-priests follow the eldest
son. The caption provides information about the identity of these figures with expressions
such as “stpt-offerings … brought by his children, his siblings, and his ka-priests of the
(pr-)Dt.” Such captions imply that children and siblings of the tomb owner would provide
the choice offering for him. Some examples further illustrate the nature of the stpt-
In the tomb of %ntj-k#, a procession of male offering bearers appears on the south
wall of the north chapel (Room III).782 The first three offering bearers carry forelegs, and
the fourth carries a bundle of five birds. A cage at his foot contains another five birds.
Nine offering bearers behind them carry baskets, trays of food, and bundles of papyrus
plants. An inscription above the offering bearers reads nDt-Hr rnpt nbt nfrt jnnt n.f m
Hwwt.f njwwt.f nt v#-mHw Cmow jmywt Tnwj jn msw<.f> snw.f Hmw-k# nw Dt.f “nDt-Hr
offerings and good all-year offerings which are being brought for him from his estates
and his towns of the Delta and Upper Egypt, which are within the limits of the
cultivation, by <his> children, his brothers, and ka-priests of his funerary estate.”783 In
front of the first foreleg bearer, a short inscription reads sXpt stpt “bringing the choice
782
James, The Mastaba of Khentika Called Ikhekhi, pl. xiv.
783
James, The Mastaba of Khentika Called Ikhekhi, 49. James translates the nDt-Hr rnpt nbt nfrt as “gifts of all fine
year-offerings.”
341
offerings.” This example demonstrates that the stpt-offerings are part of the nDt-Hr
offerings.
On the north and south walls of the offering chapel, a procession of offering
bearers carrying forelegs and birds appear below the offering table scene. With their
upper torsos bending forward, the first five offering bearers carry forelegs. The following
five carry large birds. An inscription above these offering bearers reads sXpt stpt jnnt n.f
m Hwwt njwwt.f m swt.f Hwwt k#w ntywt m MHw Cmow jmywt Tnwj jn msw.f snw.f Hmw-k#
nw pr-Dt “bringing the choice offerings which are being brought to him from his estates
and towns, from his places, ka-chapels in the Delta and Upper Egypt, which are within
the limits of the cultivation, by his children, his brothers, and the ka-priests of the
funerary estate.”784 Individual offering bearers in the sequence, however, are anonymous,
without any kinship designations or titles such as children, brothers, or ka-priests. The
children, siblings, and the ka-priests and the sources of the offerings without the actual
On the east wall of the chapel, a sequence of 15 male anonymous offering bearers
stand on the second register from the bottom. They carry a variety of food offerings and
bundles of papyrus plants and hold the leashes of small live animals, such as calves,
784
Altenmüller, Die Wanddarstellungen im Grab des Mehu in Saqqara, 178, Taffel 61-70.
342
onyxes, and gazelles.785 The caption of this register reads sXpt stpt rnpt nbt jn msw.f snw.f
Dd.sn jw [nn n] jmy-r# wpt Htpt-nTr m prwj jm#Xw w(?) Ozj “bringing the choice offerings
and the all year-offerings by his children and his brothers. They say, ‘This is for the
overseer of apportionments of the god’s offering in the two houses, the honored one,
Hesi.’”786 Similarly, a sequence of 15 offering bearers appears on the third register from
the bottom. The inscription above them reads sXpt stpt rnpt nbt jnnt m Hwwt.f m njwwt.f m
swt.f nt v#-mHw Cmow j[n] Hmw-k# nw pr-Dt Dd.sn jw nn n k# n Ozj “bringing the choice
offerings and all year-offerings which are being brought from his estates, from his towns,
and from this places of the Delta and Upper Egypt by the ka-priests of the funerary estate.
They say, ‘This is for the ka of Ozj.’”787 Presumably, offering bearers on the second
register from the bottom represent the children and brothers of the tomb owner, while
those on the third register from the bottom symbolize the ka-priests of the funerary estate.
Moreover, the caption on the third register specifies the origin of the offerings, which are
“from his estates from his towns and from this places of the Delta and Upper Egypt.”
This example illustrates that the ancient Egyptians grouped family members and
the ka-priests separately, though they were written together in many captions. It is also
evident that msw.f and snw.f are not part of the genitive structure of pr-Dt or Dt, though
family members can be designated as msw-Dt or sn-Dt. Therefore, msw.f and snw.f in the
captions should not be understood as msw.f Dt and snw.f Dt. Only the ka-priests in this
context belong to pr-Dt or Dt. In the examples of %ntj-k#, MHw, and Ozj, no siblings of the
785
For a discussion of the species of the animals, see Kanawati, The Teti Cemetery at Saqqara V, 41.
786
Kanawati, The Teti Cemetery at Saqqara V, 41-42.
787
Kanawati, The Teti Cemetery at Saqqara V, 41-42.
343
tomb owner appear in chapel scenes, although the captions mention snw.f. It is possible
that the caption had developed into a formulaic expression during the Sixth Dynasty, and
children, siblings, and ka-priests had become the customary providers of the stpt-
offerings.
5.2.2 Examples of Family Members Carrying stpt-offerings and the Relevant Captions
In the Giza region, the tombs of Jnpw-Htp and CnDm-jb / Jntj are good examples
of family members who are offering bearers that carry the stpt-offerings. In the tomb of
Jnpw-Htp, family members appear on the door jambs of the entrance to his chapel at Giza.
The parents of the tomb owner and their children (siblings of the Jnpw-Htp) appear on the
east jamb. Represented at a large scale, the figures of the parents occupy the upper part of
the scenes. The three brothers of the tomb owner appear as offering bearers on a register
below. On the bottom register, four sisters wearing long sheath dresses and long wigs
appear in Stance B-1. On the west jamb, Jnpw-Htp, his wife, and their children resemble
the arrangement and stances of those on the east jamb. The caption above the offering
bearers on the east jambs reads sXpt stpt <m> prt-Xrw ro nb “bringing stpt-offerings <as>
invocation offerings every day.”788 The caption on the west reads sXpt stpt <m> prt-Xrw
following the word stpt on the east jamb are the bull-head and the bird, while those on the
west jamb are the bull-head and the bird-head. This difference may have been a result of
the extra sign m on the west jamb that takes the space of the bird sign. All the offering
788
Junker, Gîza IX, 166.
789
Junker, Gîza IX, 163.
344
bearers carry birds instead of forelegs of bulls, although the bull-head sign appears
behind the word stpt. Therefore, both the bull-head and the bird signs, or the bird-head
sign, are determinatives of the word stpt. In other words, both bulls and birds are part of
the choice offerings (stpt).790 The reason for the absence of offering bearers carrying
forelegs in this scene, however, is unclear. If the birds are part of the choice offerings,
they probably can represent all offerings that belong to the “choice offerings.”
Figure 257. Tomb of Jnpw-Htp at Giza, Junker, Giza IX, 162, Abb. 73.
Figure 258. Tomb of cnDm-jb / Jntj at Giza, Brovarski, Senedjemib Complex I, pl. 65.
In the tomb of cnDm-jb / Jntj, the representation of sons carrying offerings occurs
on the north wall of Room IV. The three sons proceed a sequence of offering bearers
790
See discussion in Chapter 4.
345
carrying various types of on the lower register beneath the seated tomb owner. According
to Brovarski’s reconstruction, the first two sons carry a foreleg, and the third holds a
bird.791 A column of inscription before the first son reads sXpt stpt “bringing the choice
offerings,” ending with two foreleg signs and a bird sign. On the south wall in Room VI,
similarly, processions of offering bearers carrying all types of food offerings appear on
three registers facing towards the tomb owner who is seated at his offering table.792 The
14th and 15th offering bearers on the bottom register both have the designation sn-Dt (see
figure below).793 The one in front grasps the wings of two birds in one hand and holds the
leash of a small animal in his hand. The one behind him carries a big basket of food on
his shoulder with one hand and grasps the wings of two birds with the other hand. The
caption in front of this sequence of offering bearers reads sXpt stpt “bringing the choice
offerings.”794 The signs following the word stpt are possibly two forelegs and a bird. 795 It
is worth noting that the three sons proceed the procession while the two sn-Dts, entitled
ka-priests, appear among other offering bearers, and are rendered in the same manner as
other with the same title in the procession. In other words, the designation sn-Dt does not
791
Brovarski, The Senedjemib Complex I, pl. 65.
792
Brovarski, The Senedjemib Complex I, 74-75, 87, fig. 61.
793
For the complete sequence of offering bearers, see Brovarski, The Senedjemib Complex I, pl. 6.
794
Brovarski, The Senedjemib Complex I, 74.
795
Since there is a space between the word stpt and the foreleg sign, it is possible that there was another foreleg sign.
346
Figure 259. Tomb of cnDm-jb / Jntj at Giza (G 2370), South wall, Room VI, Brovarski, Senedjemib Complex I, fig. 61.
Figure 260. Tomb of cnDm-jb / Jntj at Giza (G 2370), South wall, Room VI, Brovarski, Senedjemib Complex I, fig. 61.
In Saqqara, the caption sXpt stpt also occurs when the sons of the tomb owner
appear as offering bearers in a sequence. In the tomb of Jrj.s / Jjj, the two sons of the
tomb owner appear on the west wall between two false doors. They both carry a large
foreleg and proceed three ka-priests who also carry large forelegs. The inscription above
them reads sXpt stpt jn Hmw-k# jnnt n.f m njwt.f m njwwt.f nt v#-mHw “bringing the choice
offerings by the ka-priests, which are being brought to him from his towns of the
Delta.”796 On the same wall, the other two sons, together with two daughters, appear
beneath the wife. The inscription above them reads sXpt stpt jn Hmw-k# jnnt n.f m njwt.f m
njwwt.f n(t) v#-mHw Cmow “bringing the choice offerings by the ka-priests, which are
796
Kanawati, Excavations at Saqqara: North-West of Teti’s Pyramid I, 54, pl. 34, note 31.
347
being brought to him from his towns of the Delta and Upper Egypt.”797 The two men
following the four children on this register have no titles and names inscribed with their
figures. Although both inscriptions state that the ka-priests bring the choice offerings to
the tomb owner, none of the children bear the title Hm-k#. According to this inscription, it
is reasonable to assume that the ka-priests perform the ritual of “bringing the choice
offerings,” but the sons of the tomb owner could also perform it even they do not bear the
title Hm-k#.
Three tombs dating to the beginning of the Sixth Dynasty also include the
representation of sons presenting the stpt-offerings: Mry-Ttj, Mr.f-nb.f / Ffj, and Nfr-sSm-
PtH / WD#-H#-Ttj / CSj. In the case of Mry-Ttj, the stpt-offerings are connected with the nDt-
Hr and rnpt nbt offerings.798 In the chapel of Mr.f-nb.f / Ffj, a column of inscription in
front of the sons carrying forelegs reads Htp dj Wsjr “the offering that Osiris gave.”799
The tomb of Nfr-sSm-PtH has a similar inscription. On the north wall of Room 3,
the inscription above the offering bearers on the bottom register reads sXpt stpt rnpt nbt
nfrt jnnt jn sHD Hmw-k# jmy-Xt Hmw-k# Hmw-k# nw xry-tp nswt Nfr-sSm-PtH “bringing the
choice offerings and the good all-year offerings, which are being brought by the
inspectors of the ka-pirests, the under-supervisors of the ka-priests, and the ka-priests of
the royal chamberlain, Nfr-sSm-PtH.”800 This inscription does not mention the children of
the tomb owner but instead the ka-priests, inspectors of the ka-priests, and the under-
supervisors of the ka-priests. The son precedes other offering bearers on this register and
797
Kanawati, Excavations at Saqqara: North-West of Teti’s Pyramid I, 56, pl. 36.
798
South wall of Room C3, Kanawati et al., Mereruka and His Family, Part I, pl. 49.
799
The lower register of the east wall of the main chapel. Mysliwice, Saqqara I, 23-24, pl. xx.
800
Lloyd et al. The Mastaba of Neferseshemptah, 23, pl. 21.
348
bears the title sHD Hmw-k#. This text indicates that the son of Nfr-sSm-PtH served as the
inspector of the ka-priests for his funerary cult. In a slightly later tomb, the tomb of Q#r,
the sons of the tomb owner also appear on the bottom register of the north wall, with the
The depiction of family members carrying offerings associated with the caption
sXpt Xt occurs in the tombs of PtH-Htp II (D 62) and CSm-nfr / Jfj. In the case of PtH-Htp
II, a sn-Dt presents a bird, and a son carries a foreleg behind him on the bottom register of
the south wall. Another five offering bearers appear on an above register, all carrying
various types of offerings. The caption associated with them reads sXpt Xt jn Hmw-k# n
xry-tp nswt PtH-Htp “bringing things by the ka-priests for the royal chamberlain PtH-
Htp.”802 It is uncertain if the foreleg and the bird carried by the sn-Dt and the son is part of
the sXpt Xt on the register above. Probably, sXpt Xt refers to processions of offering
bearers bringing general items to the tomb owner, while the forelegs and the large birds
are specific offerings that accompany items such as trays of food and young animals. In
the tomb of CSm-nfr / Jfj, similarly, three offering bearers carry forelegs and four more
carry large birds on the bottom register of the south wall, while a sequence of offering
bearers stands on a register above, all carrying trays of food, bags, and leading small
animals. An inscription in front of them reads sXpt Xt jnnt m pr-Dt “bringing things which
801
North wall of Chapel 2, see Bárta and Bezděk, Abusir XIII. Tomb Complex of the Vizier Qar, His Sons Qar Junior
and Senedjemib, and Iykai, fig. 5.3.6.
802
Harper and Scremin, Chapel of Ptahhotep: Scene Details, 355.
803
Alexandre Barsanti, “Le Mastaba de Samnofir,” Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte 1 (1900): 158, fig.
13.
349
tomb of Mrrw-k#.j / Mmj at Saqqara. On the north wall of Room A8, a sequence of
offering bearers appears on the lower register below the offering table scene. The first six
offering bearers carry forelegs, and the following five carry large birds. The first offering
bearer is the eldest son, while the following ones are brothers of the tomb owner. The
inscription above them reads sXpt stpt nDt-Hr rnpt nbt nfrt jnnt n.f m Hwwt.f m njwwt.f nt
v#-mHw Cm#w r prt-Xrw n.f […] “bringing the choice offerings, the nDt-Hr offerings, and
the good all-year offerings, which are being brought to him from his estates, from his
towns of the Delta and Upper Egypt as prt-Xrw offerings to him.”804 In this case, the stpt-
offerings are brought to the tomb owner as the invocation (prt-Xrw) offerings.
family members bringing forelegs and birds as the nDt-Hr offerings. The sequence of
offering bearers appears on the lower register of the east wall. The caption reads sXpt nDt-
Hr jn msw.f jn snw.f, jn Hk#w.f jn mrwt.f nt pr-Dt.f jn Hmw-k# nw pr-Dt.f “bringing the nDt-
Hr offerings by his children, by his siblings, by his governors, by his servants of his
funerary estate, and by the ka-priests of his funerary estate.”805 Similar expressions with
stpt-offerings occur in many other tombs. This example also indicates that the content of
sequence of offering bearers on the lower register of the north and west walls of Room 3.
On the north wall, the inscription inscribed in front of the sequence reads sXpt stpt
804
Kanawati et al., Mereruka and His Family, Part III.1, pl. 88.
805
El-Khouli and Kanawati, Quseir El-Amarna, 54, pl. 41.
350
“bringing the choice offering,” with a bound calf and a bird as the determinatives of
stpt.806 The first eight offering bearers carry forelegs, the following four carry large birds,
and the rest carry other types of offerings. On the west wall, the scene has the same
caption, though the determinatives of stpt are a bird and a foreleg sign. 807 The first eight
offering bearers carry forelegs, and the following two lead the leashes of small animals.
Even though the determinative of stpt in the caption contains a bird sign, the scene does
not include offering bearers carrying birds. This example further proves that both the bird
and the foreleg signs are determinatives of stpt. Both sequences of offering bearers on the
north and the west walls move towards the false door installed at the north end of the
west wall. It is worth noting that a butchery scene appears at the end of each sequence of
offering bearers on all the three registers. This addition indicates that the offering bearers
present the forelegs to the tomb owner after the butchers cut them off. In the scene, the
butchery takes place under the supervision of a priest who recites spells.808 The first two
offering bearers carrying forelegs on the west wall and the third, fifth, and eighth on the
When appearing as offering bearers in the same sequence, the sons usually
proceed the brothers. Exceptions occur in the tombs of PtH-Htp II at Saqqara and Ppy-onX-
Hrj-jb at Meir. In the case of PtH-Htp II, it is the sn-Dts who appear in the initial position.
In the tomb of Ppy-onX-Hrj-jb, his two brothers stand in front of other offering bearers on
the west wall. In both cases, the initial position aims to emphasize the importance of the
806
Kanawati et al., The Cemetery of Meir I, 54, pls. 88.
807
Kanawati et al., The Cemetery of Meir I, pl. 85.
808
In the case of Ppy-onX-Hrj-jb, the priest appears in the butchery scene at the end of each register of the west wall of
Room 3. He is in a gesture of reciting spells. Ikram, Choice Cuts: Meat Production in Ancient Egypt, 46-48.
Dominicus, Gesten und Gebärden in Darstellungen des Alten und Mittleren Reiches, 89-97
351
brother or the sn-Dt. The tomb of PtH-Htp II has as many as 15 sn-Dts, but only three sons
were depicted in the chapels. Presumably, these sn-Dts played an essential role as offering
bearers in his funerary cult. Ppy-onX-Hrj-jb has as many as nine brothers represented in
his tomb, though he has seven sons. People from his extended family depicted on the
south and the west walls further indicate an emphasis on family in this tomb.
Many tombs of the Fifth and the Sixth Dynasties contain inscriptions relating to
the construction of the tomb and the supply of offerings. In some tombs, the tomb owner
specified the obligation of the individuals in his funerary cult. These types of inscriptions
may have been transmitted from a legal document originally written on papyri for public
display. 809 Other types of texts, such as the Letter to the Dead, also contain information
The tomb owner sometimes inscribed legal documents regarding the arrangement
for the funerary cult. Such a text would include the individuals who would provide the
priestly service and the offerings for the tomb owner and the land granted to them for
their remuneration for such services. These individuals are the ka-priests, and the
offerings they provide are the prt-Xrw offerings on specific days of the year. In the tomb
809
Manuelian, “An Essay in Document Transmission: Nj-k#-onX and the Earliest Hrjw rnpt,” 9. See also Helck,
Altägyptische Aktenkunde des 3. und 2. Jahrtausends v. Chr., 142-145, and the discussion of the copy of royal decrees
in Goedicke (1964), in JARCE 3, 31-41.
352
of Nb-k#w-Or at Saqqara, for example, the tomb owner made an order (jr.f wDt-mdw)810
to the phyle of his ka-priests to bring invocation offerings (prt-Xrw) for him, and he
further specified the obligations of these ka-priests. The partly preserved inscription
These legal documents also involve family members of the tomb owner. In the
tomb of Nj-onX-$mw and $mw-Htp, the inscription on the east wall of Room II is
probably a copy of a legal document to obligate the brothers and ka-priests to provide the
prt-Xrw offerings. The first column of the text reads jr snw jpn Hmw-k# jpn jr n.n prt-Xrw
n.n “as for these brothers and these ka-priests who made the invocation offerings for
us.”812 Below the 12 columns of texts and the seated tomb owners, a procession of
offering bearers appear on two registers, though only one of them bears the title Hm-k#.
Below them, the tomb owners, their parents, and siblings stand in a sequence. Other
dependents stand on a register below, with their names and titles. It is reasonable to
assume that the brothers and ka-priests referred to in the text are all represented in the
scene as the participants and witnesses of this document. The reference of brothers in
parallel with the ka-priests is unusual. It indicates that the brothers of Nj-onX-$mw and
$mw-Htp would provide the invocation offerings along with their ka-priests. If D.
O’Connor’s hypothesis that the two tomb owners were conjoined twins is correct,813 it is
not surprising that they appointed their brothers who would survive them to take care of
810
Goedicke translates it as “Verfügung,” see Goedicke, Die privaten Rechtsinschriften aus dem Alten Reich, 82-83.
“Befehl, Direktive” by Hannig, Ägyptisches Wörterbuch I: Altes Reich und Erste Zwischenzeit, 398.
811
For the details, see Hassan, Excavations at Gîza I, 37-39, Fig. 18, pls. XXVI-XXX.
812
Moussa and Altenmüller, Das Grab des Nianchchnum und Chnumhotep, 87, Abb. 11.
813
O’Connor suggests that they were conjoined twins at the conference “Sex and Gender in ancient Egypt”, University
of Wales, Swansea. See Vasiljevi, “Embracing His Double: Niankhkhnum and Khnumhotep,” note 11.
353
their funerary cult, because they probably died at a young age and their children were still
small.814
In the tomb of Pn-mrw at Giza, the tomb owner appointed his sn-Dt, together with
the children of his sn-Dt as his ka-priests to bring the invocation offerings to him and his
wife.815 Moreover, the text mentions another type of offering, the wDb-rd, as an offering
brought from the vizier cSm-nfr.816 It demonstrates not only the complexity of the
offering sources but also the obligation of family members to arrange their delivery.
In the case of Vntj (Cairo Mus. 57839), part of his invocation offerings came from
the pr-nswt “king’s house,” and his wife would bring these offerings to him. Vntj also
received two plots of land from the king. He granted one plot to his wife and the other to
his sn-Dt, both of whom would provide invocation offerings for him and his mother. He
further divided part of the land granted to his wife among four ka-priests, who would
provide invocation offerings under the control of his wife. His sn-Dt would also bring the
invocation offerings for Vntj’s mother from the granary and the treasury. The sn-Dt
himself was also a ka-priest. Vntj did not mention his son, though he did emphasize his
status as the eldest son and heir of his mother in the text.817 In short, his wife, his sn-Dt,
and four ka-priests would provide offerings from a variety of origins for him and his
mother.
814
Conjoined twins generally have a shorter life, especially in ancient times, see examples of ancient conjoined twins in
Bondeson, J. “The Biddenden Maids: A Curious Chapter in the History of Conjoined Twins.” Journal of the Royal
Society of Medicine 85.4 (1992): 217–221.
815
Goedicke, Die privaten Rechtsinschriften aus dem Alten Reich, 73.
816
cSm-nfr III, owner of G 5170,
817
Jnk z#.s smsw jwow.s jnk qrs sj m xrt-nTr “I am her eldest son and her heir. I am the one who buries her in the
necropolis.” See also Goedicke, Die privaten Rechtsinschriften aus dem Alten Reich, 122.
354
A false door of a man named vf-nn (Cairo Mus. JE 56994) provides a rare
example of paid laborers of the funerary estate (jsww nw Dt) responsible for bringing the
invocation offerings.818 Their service was paid with a specifically service contract (Xtm r
Xtmt nt Xt).819 It is uncertain whether the tomb owner granted land to these paid labors for
their funerary service. Probably their status was different from that of the ka-priests who
From the examples discussed above, the legal documents copied on chapel walls
sometimes included family members. The ka-priests may provide the invocation
offerings or deliver offerings from a third party under the supervision of the wife or the
eldest son of the tomb owner. The sn-Dt of the tomb owner may also serve as a ka-priest.
These texts, from the tomb owner’s standpoint, specify the duties of those who carry on
the priestly duties of the funerary cult, though not all include family members. The
funerary service was not gratuitous but paid, either by granting land to the family
members or the ka-priests, or payment in other forms. The texts also specify the source of
the offerings and the type of offerings made to the tomb owner. Moreover, most texts
include regulations or punishment if one cannot fulfill the obligations of the cultic
service. Overall, legal documents inscribed on chapel walls all focus on the need of the
tomb owner and the arrangement of his funerary cult. Along with his ka-priests, the tomb
owner usually appointed family members with specific responsibilities. In some cases, a
818
Goedicke, Die privaten Rechtsinschriften aus dem Alten Reich, 182-184, Taf. XVII b. The term jsw is translated as
slave in Abd el-Muhsin Bakir, Slavery in Pharaonic Egypt (Le Caire: Imprimerie de l’Institut français d’archéologie
orientale, 1952), 68, pl. i.
819
For discussion of the term Xtmt nt Xt, see Goedicke, Die privaten Rechtsinschriften aus dem Alten Reich, 223- 227.
355
Inscriptions called “Appeal to the Living”820 in the Old Kingdom private tombs
also mention the provision of offerings by the ka-priests as well as other people. It began
in the Fifth Dynasty and remained popular until the Late Period.821 Garnot divides the
texts into two groups: the appeal to the visitors and the appeal to those who served in the
funerary cult, such as priests and workers of the necropolis.822 The essential part of these
inscriptions was a demand for offerings from both the visitors who would obey such as
request, and the priests, as well as family members, who were supposed to fulfill their
duties.823 Edel also distinguished the “address to the visitors” and the “appeal to the
living,”824 although the two are interwoven.825 Since both types relate to the request for
The Appeals usually have three essential elements. The tomb owner begins with a
hail to the visitors who may pass by, and then affirms their motivation for making
offerings—the favor of god or the king. At last, he explains his request, usually the names
820
Christa Müller, “Anruf an Lebende,” in Lexikon der Ägyptologie, eds. Wolfgang Helk and Eberhard Otto
(Wiesbaden: O. Harrassowitz, 1975) , Bd. I, 294-299.
821
Lichtheim, Maat in Egyptian Autobiographies and Related Studies, 155-190.
822
Jean Sainte-Fare Garnot, L’appel aux vivants dans les textes funéraires égyptiens des origines à la fin de l’Ancien
Empire (le Caire: Impr. de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale, 1938), 97-99.
823
Dorota Czerwik, “The Magical or Legal Punishment for Violators of the Private Old Kingdom Tomb Inscriptions,”
in Proceedings of the First Central European Conference of Young Egyptologists: Egypt 1999: perspectives of
research, Warsaw 7-9 June 1999, ed. Joanna Popielska-Grzybowska (Warsaw: Institute of Archaeology, Warsaw
University, 2001), 21.
824
Elmar Edel, “Untersuchungen zur Phraseologie der ägyptischen Inschriften des Alten Reiches.” Mitteilungen des
Deutschen Instituts für Ägyptische Altertumskunde in Kairo 13 (1944): 2-3.
825
Lichtheim, Maat in Egyptian Autobiographies and Related Studies, 155-156.
826
Lichtheim, Maat in Egyptian Autobiographies and Related Studies, 156-158.
356
The tomb of Mry-Ro-nfr / Q#r at Edfu well illustrates the form of such appeals. On
the left jamb of the false door, an inscription reads j onXw tpw t# oq.tj.sn r js pn n xrt-nTr
mrrw Hs sn nTr.sn Ddw t Hnqt jHw #pdw… “O living ones on earth, who will enter this
tomb of the necropolis, who wish that their god shall favor them, say ‘bread, beer, oxen,
fowl…’” On the architrave, another inscription reads j onXw tpw t# sw#.tj.sn Hr js pn mrrw
nswt Dd.tj.sn X# t X3 Hnqt X# jHw…” “O living ones on earth,827 who will pass by this
tomb, whom the king loves, those who will say, one thousand bread, one thousand beer,
Some Appeals also contains a blessing from the tomb owner.829 In the tomb of
"r-mrw / Mry at Saqqara, for example, the last line of the text on the lintel includes a
blessing from the tomb owner. It reads jr swt zj zjt nb prt-Xrw stjtj.sn mw wobtj.sn mj wob
n nTr jw(.j) r X#j.f m xrt-nTr “but as for any man and woman who shall make invocation
offerings, who shall pour water, and who shall purify like the purification for a god, I
shall protect him in the necropolis.”830 This statement indicates that "r-mrw would
protect those who made offerings to him in return. Furthermore, it also suggests that
anyone could make offerings to him without being a ka-priest or a family member. The
827
It is also possible to translate tpw t# as “who are upon earth,” see David P. Silverman, “The Appeal of Sobek-hotep,”
in A Tribute to Excellence: Studies Offered in Honor of Ernő Gaál, Ulrich Luft, László Török, ed. Tamás A.Bács
(Budapest: Chaire d’Égyptologie, Univ. Eötvös Loránd de Budapest, 2002), 427, comment g.
828
Urk. I, 252.2 and 255.9. See also Mahmoud El-Khadragy, “The Edfu Offering Niche of Qar in the Cairo Museum,”
Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur 30 (2002): 203-228; Lichtheim, Maat in Egyptian Autobiographies and Related
Studies, 156; Strudwick, Texts from the Pyramid Age, 344-345.
829
Nordh takes the blessing in the Appeals as a communication model for any individual, such as the “living ones on
earth,” and has a psychic effect, see Katarina Nordh, Aspects of Ancient Egyptian Curses and Blessings: Conceptual
Background and Transmission (Uppsala: Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, 1996), 77.
830
Hassan, Excavations at Saqqara III, 76-78, fig. 39. prt-Xrw, stjt.sn, and wobt.sn are perspective participles.
Strudwick translates wobt.sn as a subjunctive in a result clause. See Strudwick, Texts from the Pyramid Age, 220.
357
fulfill the tomb owner’s request if he wishes. The text on the left jamb of Nj-onX-Ppy
addresses people who bypass the tomb and requests that they offer water or beer
according to what they have on hand; if they have nothing, they read out the list of
offerings containing bread, beer, oxen, birds, incense, and other pure things.831 This
statement encourages strangers who pass by the tomb to make offerings to the tomb
owner with water or beer they have on hand or simply by reading out the offering list at
no cost.832
In some cases, the Appeal to the Living also emphasizes the obligation of the ka-
priests to supply the invocation offerings. An offering table from the tomb of %ntj-k# at
Saqqara has such an inscription, in which the tomb owner claimed that he would dismiss
the incompetent ka-priests.833 Similarly, on the west of the entrance to the tomb of Nj-
k#w-Jzzj at Saqqara, an inscription states that the tomb owner would support the ka-
priests of his funerary estate in the necropolis and every tribunal if they make invocation
In brief, the tomb owner requests offerings from visitors to the chapel, but the
“payment” for the offerings are not subsistent materials but his protection as an effective
831
The text reads j onXw tpw t# jm#Xw mrw nTr sw#tj.sn Hr jz pn stj n.j mw Hnqt m ntt m-Xt.Tn jr nfr-n wnn m-Xt.Tn
Dd.k#.Tn m r.Tn wdn m o.Tn t# Hnqt k#w #pdw snTr wob n Spss nswt smr pr zS Nj-onX-Ppy “O living ones upon the earth, the
revered ones beloved by the god, who shall pass by this tomb, pour water and beer for me from that which you have. If
you have nothing, you shall say with your mouth and offer with your hand bread, beer, oxen, birds, incense, and pure
things for the royal noble, companion of the house, scribe, Nj-onX-Ppy.” See Hassan, Excavations at Gîza II, 9-11, fig.
5, pls. III, IVB. For the translation, see Strudwick, Texts from the Pyramid Age, 229.
832
Similar expressions in the Appeals in quite a few tombs, such as %wj at Saqqara and Ppy-onX-Hrj-jb at Meir, see the
discussion in Lichtheim, Maat in Egyptian Autobiographies and Related Studies, 158-159.
833
jr Hm-k# nb n smr woty %ntj-k# tm.tj.fj prjw-Xrw jw(.j) <r> jrt n.f nwD.f “As for any ka-priest of the sole
companion %ntj-k# who shall not make the invocation offerings, I will dismiss him.” For the translation and the reading
of the nwD sign, see Edel, Hieroglyphische Inschriften des Alten Reiches, 67-69. Edel’s translation makes more sense
than that of James, see James & Apted, Khentika, 68-69, pl. xli.
834
Kanawati, The Teti Cemetery at Saqqara VI, 34, pl. 44. For the translation, see Strudwick, Texts from the Pyramid
Age, 232.
358
akh—that is to say, the magical power of the tomb owner. The visitors may have offered
the tomb owner what was on hand, or even spoken out the formula in the inscriptions.
Also, all these appeals were composed in the first person from the tomb owner’s
The concept of the deceased acting on behalf of the living in the city of the dead
already existed in the Old Kingdom. People sought to communicate with the deceased by
composing a message and inscribe it on various materials. Modern scholars call these
communications Letters to the Dead.836 Those living on earth wrote the documents to the
deceased with the expectation that the ancestors would receive these letters and act on the
inscribed requests.837
The purpose of some of the letters was to request the deceased to prevent an
unfortunate situation from happening.838 In the letters, people wrote to the dead to appeal
for their protection, and their mediation between the living world and the beyond.839
Some urge the punishment of those in the community who acted against them. All the
preserved examples from the Old Kingdom and the First Intermediate Period were from
835
The Appeal to the Living uses both the third person and the second person pronouns to refer to the addressee, see
Danijela Stefanović and Helmut Satzinger, “An Early 12th Dynasty ‘Appeal to the Living’ (Stela Musee Rodin Inv. no.
Co 1305),” Chronique d’Égypte 89 (177) (2014): 29, notes 3 and 5. For the use of the sDm.tj.fj form with the third
person plural and the use of the second person plural, see Lichtheim, Maat in Egyptian Autobiographies and Related
Studies, 157, 159.
836
Gardiner and Sethe, Egyptian Letters to the Dead. See also Alan H. Gardiner, The Attitude of the Ancient Egyptians
to Death & the Dead (Cambridge [Eng.]: The University Press, 1935), 5-45. See also Wente, Letters from Ancient
Egypt, 210-215.
837
John Baines, “Practical Religion and Piety,” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 73 (1987): 87.
838
Pinch, Magic in Ancient Egypt, 149-150.
839
John Baines, “Society, Morality, and Religious Practice,” in Religion in Ancient Egypt, ed. Byron Shafer (Ithaca:
Cornel University Press, 1991), 155-156.
359
family members of the deceased. The most common ones are those from the son to the
parents. It is also interesting to note that two of the examples are letters to a sibling. One
is attached to the end of a letter from a husband to his late wife. The brother of the wife
also sent a message of appeal to his sister in the beyond that she act for him and his
family. 840 In the other example, the Hu Bowl, the sister of the dead made the invocation
offerings for her brotehr.841 It is uncertain if her brother died without a child and whether
she was the only relative to make offering. In a rock-cut tomb of a certain Swf at Giza, the
inscription on the lintel claimed that his grandson (z# z#t.f “son of his daughter”) built the
tomb for him. 842 These examples demonstrate that female family members such as sisters
Moreover, the writers usually emphasized their effort to fulfill the funerary duties
of providing offerings in order to convince the dead to act for them. 843 The Kaw Bowl,
for example, presents an example that the son wrote to his dead parents for their support.
He asked his father to “institute litigation” because the accused and the witnesses were all
in the same city together with his father.844 In the letter to his mother, Cpsj stressed that
he would pour water for her. The emphasis on the offerings or certain rituals performed
by the writer provides a different way to understand the funerary responsibility of family
840
The letter is inscribed on a stela. See Edward F. Wente, “A Misplaced Letter to the Dead,” in Miscellanea in
honorem Josephi Vergote, eds. Paul Naster, Herman De Meulenaere, and Jan Quaegebeur (Leuven: Departement
oriëntalistiek, 1976), 595-600. Wente, Letters from Ancient Egypt, 215. Donnat, Écrire à ses morts, 53-56.
841
Gardiner and Sethe, Egyptian Letters to the Dead, 5, 20, pls. IV, IVA. Wente, Letters from Ancient Egypt, 215.
Donnat, Écrire à ses morts, 44-46.
842
Hassan, Excavations at Gîza V, 259, fig. 116. PM III, 253.
843
Wente, Letters from Ancient Egypt, 210. See also Miniaci, “Reuniting Philology and Archaeology: The “Emic” and
“Etic” in the Letter of the Dead Qau Bowl UC16163 and Its Context,” 90.
844
Petrie Museum, UC16163. Wente, Letters from Ancient Egypt, 211-212. Miniaci suggests the letters on the bowl
were placed in the tomb of Sobekhotep, the brother of Shepsi. See Miniaci, “Reuniting Philology and Archaeology:
The “Emic” and “Etic” in the Letter of the Dead Qau Bowl UC16163 and Its Context,” 91-99.
360
members and their interaction with the dead. The Hu Bowl directly specifies that the
purpose for providing the invocation offerings for the dead is to receive his or her
protection in return.845
Table 14. List of Letters to the Dead and the offerings mentioned in the letters
852
w#H.j n.t Xt “I will deposit offerings for you.” nn nHm Xt r.t “nor have I withdrawn offerings from you.” Here the
writer did not mention the prt-Xrw offerings. The text is according to Wente’s copy of the inscription, see Wente, “A
Misplaced Letter to the Dead,” 596-597. The stela is probably from Naga el-Deir, see Donnat, Écrire à ses morts, 53.
853
Gardiner and Sethe, Egyptian Letters to the Dead, 5, 20, pls. IV, IVA. Wente, Letters from Ancient Egypt, 215.
Donnat, Écrire à ses morts, 44-46.
854
Alexander Piankoff and Jacques J. Clère, “A Letter to the Dead on a Bowl in the Louvre,” Journal of Egyptian
Archaeology 20 (3/4), (1934): 157-169. Wente, Letters from Ancient Egypt, 214. Donnat, Écrire à ses morts, 58-61.
855
Gardiner and Sethe, Egyptian Letters to the Dead, 5-7, 21, pls. V, VA. Wente, Letters from Ancient Egypt, 214.
Sylvie B. Donnat, “Written Pleas to the Invisible World: Texts as Media between the Living and Dead in Pharaonic
Egypt,” in Perception of the Invisible: Religion, Historical Semantics and the Role of Perceptive Verbs, ed. Anne
Storch (Köln: Rüdiger Köppe, 2010), 58-60. Donnat, Écrire à ses morts, 61.
362
Although not all the Letters to the Dead mention offerings in the text, five of the
nine letters were inscribed on a bowl or a jarstand. The writer probably placed the
offerings in the vessel and assumed that the dead would receive the offering and respond
to the request in the letter. The #X of the dead was supposed to protect the living. 856 The
Appeal to the Living has the same connotation because the tomb owner claimed that he
would protect those who made offerings for him as an effective akh.857 However, unlike
the Appeal to the Living, the Letters to the Dead was from the perspective of the family
members.
The inscriptions preserved on vases from tombs at Qubbet el-Hawa shed light on
the funerary offerings delivered by family members and friends.858 These inscriptions
display not only a social network centered on the tomb owner but also a complex familial
856
For the discussion of the power of the #X as personal and impersonal forms, see Florence M. Friedman, “On the
Meaning of Akh (#X) in Egyptian Mortuary Texts” (PhD diss. Brandeis University, 1981), 17-18. For the meaning and
function of #X in the Old Kingdom, see also Gertie Englund, Akh - une notion religieuse dans l’Égypte pharaonique
(Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, Boreas 11. Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1978), 1-64. See also Nordh, Aspects of
Ancient Egyptian Curses and Blessings: Conceptual Background and Transmission, 99-100.
857
For example, in the tomb of JTj at Giza, an inscription reads jnk #X jqr rX r#.f “I am an effective #X who knows his
spells.” See Junker, Gîza VIII, 134-135, Abb. 62.
858
For the publications of these inscriptions, see Elmar Edel, Die Felsgräbernekropole der Qubbet el Hawa bei Assuan,
II. Abteilung: Die althieratischen Topfaufschriften aus den Grabungsjaren 1972 und 1973 (Opladen: Westdeutscher
Verlag, 1975); Elmar Edel, Die Felsengräber der Qubbet el Hawa bei Assuan, II. Abteilung: Die althieratischen
Topfaufschriften. 2. Band: Die Topfaufschriften aus den Grabungsjahren 1968, 1969 und 1970. 1. Teil: Zeichnungen
und hieroglyphischen Umschriften (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1971); Elmar Edel, Die Felsengräber der Qubbet el
Hawa bei Assuan. II. Abteilung: Die althieratischen Topfaufschriften. 1. Band: Die Topfaufschriften aus den
Grabungsjahren 1960, 1961, 1962, 1963 und 1965. 2. Teil: Text (Fortsetzung) (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1970);
Elmar Edel, Die Felsengräber der Qubbet el Hawa bei Assuan. II. Abteilung: Die althieratischen Topfaufschriften. 1.
Band: Die Topfaufschriften aus den Grabungsjahren 1960, 1961, 1962, 1963 und 1965. 1. Teil: Zeichnungen und
hieroglyphische Umschriften (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1967).
363
In the case of Tomb 88, the inscriptions on the vases usually include the name of
the donor (sometimes with kinship designations and titles), the name of the tomb owner,
the content of the offerings, and phrases containing pr-Dt or jry m pr-Dt “made for the
funerary estate.”859 For instance, a jar found in Shaft II bears the inscription dwDw-sxt
vbs-T# z#(t) Jpj (jry) m pr-Dt z#.s cbk-Htp “barley meal of vbs-T#’s daughter Jpj, (made) for
the funerary estate of her son cbk-Htp.”860 The vases bearing the inscriptions were placed
in the tomb as symbolic offerings from family members and friends.861 Unlike the Letters
to the Dead, these inscriptions, though also inscribed on jars, do not contain any specific
narrative details. In other words, they served as labels to mark the offerings that the
vessel symbolically contains and the names of the donor as well as the recipient. These
vases were discovered in the shafts. Therefore, the inscriptions on the vases were not
supposed to be visible for the living but only for the deceased. In this sense, it is similar
to the Letters to the Dead, which were also from the living to the dead.
in Different Contexts
Reliefs, paintings, and texts on a variety of materials of different genres all reflect
the role of family members as offering bearers from specific perspectives. In modern
society, the connection between the living and the dead may be expressed by the living in
859
Michael Höveler-Müller, Funde aus dem Grab 88 der Qubbet el-Hawa bei Assuan (Die Bonner Bestände), Bonner
Sammlung von Aegyptiaca 5 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2006), 44.
860
QH 88 / 547. Höveler-Müller, Funde aus dem Grab 88 der Qubbet el-Hawa bei Assuan, 88, 82, Tafel XII (3). See
also Edel, Edel, Die Felsgräbernekropole der Qubbet el Hawa bei Assuan, II. Abteilung: Die althieratischen
Topfaufschriften aus den Grabungsjaren 1972 und 1973, Tafel 34.
861
Höveler-Müller, Funde aus dem Grab 88 der Qubbet el-Hawa bei Assuan, 44-45.
364
the commemoration of the dead. In ancient Egypt, however, the belief in the afterlife
adds other dimensions to the expression of this type of a connection, such as the
decorative program in the tomb chapel and the funerary cult with the provision of
offerings.862
self-perception of the tomb owner and how others should view him or act for him.863
Both the presentation of offering bearers and the Appeal to the Living demonstrate that
the deceased tomb owner considered himself to be the legitimate receiver of the offerings
and other people, such as family members, as obligated to provide these offerings for
him. In the Appeal of the Living, the tomb owner would reward those who made
invocation offerings with his protection as an #X. In this case, he regards himself as an
effective #X that can interact with the living to repay his benefactor and punish the
malfeasant.864
The offerings brought to the tomb owner connect the living and the dead directly.
symbolically and magically. In legal documents inscribed on chapel walls of elite tombs
862
The materials, such as the Letters to the Dead, the Appeal to the Living, legal documents, and the decorations on
chapel walls, are from tombs of different social classes from the highest officials in the court to local officials in the
provincial administration. The premise of the discussion is that the ancient Egyptians, no matter to which social class
they belonged, all had the same religious belief about the afterlife and the necessity of making offerings to the dead.
Specific religious knowledge, however, may have been restricted, See John Baines, “Restricted Knowledge, Hierarchy,
and Decorum: Modern Perceptions and Ancient Institutions,” Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 27
(1990): 7-15.
863
Assmann, Stein und Zeit, 142-143, 146-147. See also van Walsem, Iconography of Old Kingdom Elite Tombs, 34,
86.
864
In the biological texts, the tomb owner often states that he is an #X that has magical power. For example, in the tomb
of "r-mrw / Mry at Saqqara, the tomb owner states that jnk #X jqr rX Xt “I am an excellent #X who knows things.”
Hassan, Excavations at Saqqara III, 76-78, fig. 39. For the translation, see Strudwick, Texts from the Pyramid Age,
220. In the tomb of Nj-onX-Ppy at Saqqara, an inscription reads jnk #X jqr nj zp St# Hk# jr(.j) jqr “I am an excellent akh;
it never happened that excellent magic is hidden to me.” Hassan, Excavations at Saqqara II, 9, fig. 4. For nj zp as
perfective, see Elmar Edel, Altägyptische Grammatik (Roma: Pontificium Institutum Biblicum, 1955/1964), 570,
§1094. See also Strudwick, Texts from the Pyramid Age, 228.
365
in the Old Kingdom, the tomb owner made financial arrangement for his funerary cult by
granting land to family members or ka-priests. This arrangement provides a stable source
of offerings for the funerary cult over an extended period.865 In the Appeal to the Living,
the invocation offerings that the tomb owner requested from the visitors, however, was
meant to be repetitive and open-ended in an effort to cover all the possibilities for
potential offerings. The visitors to the chapel even did not need to provide any physical
offerings since they would satisfy the tomb owner by uttering the offering formula in the
inscriptions, and the tomb owner, in return, would bless and protect the visitors.866
Therefore, it introduces a reciprocal relationship between the tomb owner and the
visitors, and the benefits to both sides were immaterial.867 However, although uttering an
offering formula was costless, the tomb owner was not able to control who would come
to his chapel, or whether the visitor would read out the offering formula for him. In the
Letters to the Dead, family members requested the deceased to uphold justice for them,
and they took the request as the obligation of the dead for the offerings that they
provided. This means that the dead would receive offerings only when they acted for
their living family members. Therefore, the Letters also indicate a sense of reciprocity. It
is not only an aspect of performing Maat, but also loyalty that “invites divine favor.”868
865
At the end of the Third Dynasty, the appearance of funerary estates marks bifurcated land ownership—the land
remained the property of the deceased and yielded the funerary offerings as well as the income of the heirs, see Barry J.
Kemp, “How Religious were the Ancient Egyptians?” Cambridge Archaeological Journal 5(1) (1995): 48.
866
As the last section of the text on the stela of a Middle Kingdom official cbk-Htp states, “it will come not from your
burial, it will not be difficult in the mouth of the one who will say it,” see Silverman, “The Appeal of Sobek-hotep,”
430, and Pascal Vernus, “La formule ‘le souffle de la bouche’ au Moyen Empire.” Revue d’égyptologie 28 (1976): 143.
867
The reciprocity implied here reflects the concept of Maat, see Lichtheim, Maat in Egyptian Autobiographies and
Related Studies, 46.
868
Lichtheim, Maat in Egyptian Autobiographies and Related Studies, 46, 57.
366
The variety of sources of offerings make its supply conditional in three aspects.
First, the decoration in the chapel allows a continuous supply of offerings through magic.
Second, the tomb owner assigned land to his family members and the ka-priests via a
legal contract to stipulate their obligations and restrict the use and inheritance of the land.
Third, the tomb owner and his family members reached a tacit agreement that the dead
acted on behalf of his family in exchange for offerings; in other words, making offerings
the same relationship between the tomb owner and his family, but they contain different
language-games. From the perspective of the tomb owner, the depiction of family
members in tomb chapels emphasizes their role as offering bearers, while the legal
documents stress their obligations on an institutional level through a contract. The Appeal
to the Living can also be considered as a language-game from the tomb owner to the
visitors. Unlike the representations in reliefs and paintings, the address already expressed
the concept of the mutually beneficial nature of making the invocation offerings even by
a stranger. In the Letters to the Dead, the language-game starts with family members to
the tomb owner. The writer placed himself on an equal footing as the deceased even
when the letter was from a son to his deceased parents. The letters often began with a
reminder of the funerary duties that the writer had fulfilled for the deceased as a
bargaining chip for his or her further request.869 Like the letter on the Hu Bowl, these
texts underline the obligation of the dead as an #X and the importance of family members
869
Donnat, “Written Pleas to the Invisible World: Texts as Media between the Living and Dead in Pharaonic Egypt,”
55.
367
as offering providers. In the letter on the Kaw Bowl, Cpsj emphasized that he had been
the one who poured water for his parents. Such an expression implies a “symbiotic”
relationship between the deceased and his family members: if the #X acts for his family
members, they would be able to make offerings to maintain his existence in the afterlife.
The decoration on the chapel walls, the legal documents, and the Appeal to the
Living are all language-games starting from the tomb owner. In reliefs and wall
paintings, the depiction of family members as offering bearers are dependent on the tomb
owner. They appear in several stances: at a relatively small scale on the false door, in
scenes near the tomb owner, or in a sequence of offering bearers. The tomb owner, as the
recipient of offerings, usually appears at a much larger scale as the focus of the scene.
The representations of offering providers and the recipients are never equal in the tomb
decoration. The legal document is a contract that financially benefits the donor of the
offerings. It protects the interests of both sides, thus is mutually beneficial. In the Appeal
to the Living, the invocation offerings from the visitors are voluntary. The tomb owner
was unable to force the visitors to make offerings to him, but there was the implied threat
that it was he who could provide them with his protection as an akh. Therefore, this
language-game is also reciprocal. The Letters to the Dead and the inscriptions on the
symbolic offering jars, in contrast, are language-games starting from the family members
of the deceased. As the Letters indicate, the purpose for making offerings to the deceased
was to seek for his protection. For this reason, they are both reciprocal as well.
These different language-games provide deep insights into the role of family
members as offering bearers. In the texts inscribed on chapel walls, i.e., the Appeal to the
Living and the legal documents for the funerary cult, the cultic duties of family members
368
and priests are conditional, either with the endowment of land or with protection from the
tomb owner as an akh. The relief and paintings on chapel walls, as the visual reflection of
the same content, are ideological or “propagandistic” scenes.870 The depiction of the
family members as offering bearers forms the most direct conceptual delineation of the
economic relationship between the tomb owner and his family members. It reflects a
highly idealized relationship dominated by the tomb owner to abstract and refine the
funerary duties of family members. The overriding goal is to present to the audience a
formulaic illustration of a spiritually ordered world embedded with social and familial
values.
The tomb owner’s preference for highly formulaic and idealized expression in his
different from what one observes in the Letters to the Dead and inscriptions on funerary
vases from Qubbet el-Hawa. For example, parents of the tomb owner do not appear as
offering bearers in reliefs and paintings, but cbk-Htp’s mother deposited a symbolic
offering jar in his tomb.871 The Louvre Bowl is a letter from a mother to her deceased
son.872 Moreover, when a family member appears as an offering bearer, one can observe
a gender differentiation. For instance, male family members can appear in a sequence of
offering bearers and carry forelegs or large birds. Women, however, do not carry forelegs
or large birds on chapel walls. No apparent differentiation exists between male and
female writers or donors with regard to the Letters to the Dead and the symbolic offering
870
van Walsem, “The Interpretation of Iconographic Programmes in Old Kingdom Elite Tombs of the Memphite Area.
Methodological and Theoretical (Re)considerations,” 1208.
871
See §5.3.4.
872
Wente, Letters from Ancient Egypt, 214.
369
jars. None of the tombs depict a husband making offerings to his wife, but a letter on a
stela that a husband dedicated to his wife states that he would deposit offerings for her if
she fought on his behalf. 873 The discrepancy in different types of materials is a result of
the use of different language-games. These language-games reflect the same reality, but
Prior to death, both the one approaching this event and his family members still
on earth have to prepare for this important event. The family members, along with the
community, need to reorient and readjust their relationship with the deceased, but the
deceased himself also must prepare for his death, while still living. The process of
reorientation and readjustment contains two aspects.874 The first one is the legal or
institutional process to deal with the death of a family member, including the construction
of the tomb, the establishment of the funerary cult, and the preparation of relevant
financial arrangements. The dispersal of the property of the dead is also an issue that
family members and the community have to solve, as was the right to inheritance. The
other aspect is the psychological readjustment that both the deceased and family members
have to face. All these processes may occur long before the death and last well after the
funeral. The first aspect of the readjustment has more influence on the survivors, given
that they would inherit the property and perform cultic duties. The soon to be deceased
must ensure his well-being in the afterlife on a spiritual and religious level and needs to
maintain his connection to the living. However, his control over the first aspect is limited.
873
Wente, Letters from Ancient Egypt, 215.
874
Alan B. Lloyd, “Psychology and Society in the Ancient Egyptian Cult of the Dead,” in Religion and philosophy in
ancient Egypt, ed. William K. Simpson (New Haven: Yale Egyptological Seminar, Department of Near Eastern
Languages and Civilizations, Graduate School, 1989), 120-121.
370
As part of his psychological readjustment process, the tomb owner placed the most
idealized image of the relationship between him and his offering providers on his or her
chapel walls in order to project a sense of security. Tomb owners had to have the Appeal
to the Living inscribed in the tomb chapel so that those who could read the appeal and
those who heard it read by the priest would provide him invocation offerings. It is
reasonable to assume that the target of the Appeal to the Living was both the relatives and
the priestly class who worked in the necropolis and could read the inscriptions.
Table 15. Language-games relating to the presentation of offering and the funerary cult
In almost all the cases, scenes concerning family members carrying offerings do
not mention the reward that the tomb owner offered as he does in the Appeal to the
Living and in the legal document. Probably, these scenes aim to emphasize the process of
presenting offerings rather than the reward to the offering bearers, which was self-evident
and remained unspoken in this context. The function of the symbolic offering jars from
Qubbet el-Hawa is vague. These funerary vases inscribed with names of offerings and
names and titles of the deceased and the donors were probably a three-dimensional
identification of the “actors” who made the offerings, such as family members and other
people from the community. They may also be symbolic offerings that family members
and people from the community presented to the dead in the funeral. Unlike the legal
documents, one observes no exchange of economic interests in the deposit of these vases,
such as the transfer of land or other properties from the deceased to those who dedicated
these offering jars. Therefore, they also reflect the ideological and psychological aspect
of the readjustment.
In short, the economic and the mutually beneficial relationship between the tomb
owner and his offering providers is essential to his funerary cult. To embed this
relationship into the funerary and religious ideology, the tomb owner uses a highly
other language-games, including the inscription of legal documents and the Appeal to the
Living. This is not to say that the depiction of family members carrying offerings is
purely imaginary and removed from reality. Instead, it reveals an expression of the family
372
ideology from the tomb owner’s perspective. The tomb owner uses a specific language-
game to describe “his or her truth” with his or her consciousness. Furthermore, the tomb
owner also had the expectancy that his/her family members, priests, and servants would
act according to what the scenes depict. These scenes thus became a model that people
5.5 Conclusion
The stance showing children carry offerings while standing at the foot of the tomb
owner became popular in the Fifth Dynasty but survived into the Sixth Dynasty only in
Saqqara. This stance identifies children of the tomb owner as offering bearers, though the
members (Stance Type B-3) represents their active role as offering suppliers explicitly.
When appearing in a sequence of offering bearers, family members, especially the eldest
sons, usually precede others to play a leading role in a procession. The depiction of
family members with offerings in their hands also occurs on false doors.
From the late Fifth Dynasty, the depiction of family members as offering bearers
in a procession became more popular in Saqqara and provincial sites, though Giza tombs
still prefer to depict them on false doors. The social changes in the late Fifth Dynasty
shifted the focus of the decorative program and reshaped the familial ideology. From the
Fifth Dynasty onwards, the construction of private tombs began to rely more on personal
funds of the tomb owner and the royal involvement in this process became less
significant. When high officials moved their burial place to Saqqara, they started to
373
emphasize more on the economic support of family members in the funerary cult and
place them among the offering bearers in the decorative program in the chapel.
This chapter also discusses a particular type of offerings that sons and brothers of
the tomb owner often carry—the stpt-offerings. It refers to forelegs, processed birds, and
Finally, the Egyptians used different types of methods to involve family members
as offering suppliers: the legal documents inscribed on chapel walls, Letters to the Dead,
Appeals to the Living, and inscriptions on funerary vases. Each becomes part of the
language-games that represent the reciprocal relationships between both the tomb owner
and his offering suppliers, allowing both their existence during life and then as part of the
funerary and religious ideology within a familial framework that took place after the
CONCLUSION
relations, the role of family members in the funerary cult, and the familial ideology
expressed in the tomb decoration. The first three chapters provide a detailed investigation
of the kinship designations, titles, and the iconographic and representational conventions
of family members of the tomb owner in the Old Kingdom private chapels. Based on this
specific kinship designations, their titles, and their appearance in specific locations, and
depiction of family members. All these surveys form the basis for discussions of the
Fourth and the Fifth Chapters that focus on a variety of issues which help us develop a
The typology for the categorization of the stances of family members established
in this study takes into consideration both the postures of individual family members and
their particular relationship to the tomb owner (or his wife). It categorizes the stances into
seven major types: (1) having physical contact with a major figure, (2) standing or
kneeling at the foot of a major figure, (3) standing independently in a variety of poses, (4)
appearing in the marsh scenes, (5) seated or kneeling, (6) engaging in specific activities,
and (7) miscellaneous stances which do not belong to the above categories. Each type has
multiple sub-types for further classification according to iconographic details, such as the
accessories that the figure carries, the position of the hand, and the specific activity that
the figure engages. As one of the results of this study, Appendix III includes the stance
375
types of family members in each of the tombs and a brief description of their positions
members, based on the sources from hundreds of tomb chapels, have so far been
inconclusive, because the tomb owners designed the decoration program to meet their
own family structure and their personal relationships with the family members.
Male family members generally receive more attention than female ones do. As is
summarized in the conclusion of Chapter 3 and tables in Appendix V, sons and brothers
are more active, frequently appearing in activities such as carrying offerings, writing and
presenting documents, and performing rituals, while female family members tend to have
more static and passive postures, except when they play music. The expression of
intimacy between parents and children appear in representations of both sons and
daughters, appearing in physical contact with their parents and consume food offerings
with them.
When the tomb owners depict more than one family member, they follow specific
patterns. To examine these patterns, this study introduces the term “family group” to
describe the situation in which more than one family member (other than the tomb owner
and the wife) appears in a single scene or on the false door. The relationship between
family members becomes evident in a group because it differentiates age, gender, and
particular orders, on separate registers, or on opposite sides of the false door. Appendix
IV includes the layout of family groups in tombs at Giza, Saqqara, and provincial sites.
Family groups differentiate male and female family members, children and
sibling, and older and younger generations, thus reflect the tomb owner’s concept of
376
family and attitude towards it, as well as the cultural and social value that influences the
tomb owner.
The depiction of the family group is also a language-game of the tomb owner as
communication to those who entered the chapel to convey the information about his or
her identity in the kinship network from the living world to the afterlife. The language-
game theory is a useful tool to analyze how the depiction of family members reflects the
example of language use as communication between two parties with given rules
accepted by both sides. 875 Images in the Old Kingdom elite tombs are also language-
games that convey information from the tomb owner who ordered the decorative program
in the chapel to those who entered the chapel to make offerings and perform rituals.876
Representations of family groups emphasize the eternal identity of the tomb owner in his
or her family and a transition of this identity to the afterlife, where the same familial
environment still exist. As a visual language-game, the family groups in the chapel
resonates with the visitors. The visual perception of the visitors then maintains the
conceptual existence of the identity and the social network of the tomb owner in the
afterlife.
875
Ludwig Wittgenstein, Philosophische Untersuchungen: Kritisch-Genetische Edition. 1. Aufl., §7d, §23b, and §§65-
88.
876
Garry Hagberg, Art as Language: Wittgenstein, Meaning and Aesthetic Theory, 130-135.
377
In the Memphite region, the depiction of family groups in private chapels was
more popular in the Fifth Dynasty, but declined in the Sixth Dynasty. In the provincial
sites, it remained popular in the Sixth Dynasty. Furthermore, the representation of family
Saqqara and provincial sites from the late Fifth Dynasty. These changes reflected the
evolving familial ideology during this period and the changing conventions in a familial
context when people commemorated the dead. The role of family members as offering
providers gained more weight in the decorative program in the chapel and the familial
ideology focused more on their role in the funerary cult. A shift in private tomb
construction may have been one of the reasons for the changes. The responsibility for the
construction of private tombs shifted from the king to the tomb owner in the Fifth
Dynasty,877 and the abandonment of Giza as the ground for royal burial caused the
dissociation of tombs of officials from the funerary monument of the king they served.878
The growing provincial necropoleis also add new developments of the familial ideology,
such as the emphasis on local ruling families and local conventions.879 These new
emphasis leads to both representations of family groups and family members carrying
offerings.
A particular issue that this study addresses is the understanding of the term sn-Dt
“brother of the funerary estate” or snt-Dt “sister of the funerary estate.” It occurs mostly
in private tombs from the Fifth Dynasty to the beginning of the Sixth Dynasty. In some
877
Chauvet, “The Conception of Private Tombs in the Late Old Kingdom,” 403-404.
878
Chauvet, “The Conception of Private Tombs in the Late Old Kingdom,” 402.
879
Moreno García, “Oracles, Ancestor Cults and Letters to the Dead: The Involvement of the Dead in the Public and
Private Family Affairs in Pharaonic Egypt,” 136.
378
cases, this individual could have been a real sibling or even the wife of the tomb owner.
In other cases, the tomb owner may appoint a friend, a colleague, or anyone whom he
trusts as a sn-Dt. An investigation of all the depictions of the sn-Dt and snt-Dt shows that
their appearances on the chapel wall do not differ significantly from that of siblings and
children. By analyzing the inscriptions concerning the sn-Dt, this study denies Moreno
García’s hypothesis that the sn-Dt is a middleman who transfers offerings from another
funerary estate to the tomb owner.880 Instead, it is more likely that the term refers to an
individual whom the tomb owner assigned to his or her funerary cult as a strategy to
remote relatives through the installation of a metaphorical kinship. The sn-Dt remains
independent from the tomb owner’s family, and might be able to pass on the funerary
duties and the benefit to his or her heir. Other kinship terms associated with Dt also occur,
such as ms-Dt “child of the funerary estate” and mwt-Dt “mother of the funerary estate.”
The analysis of the representations of family members in the tomb of WHm-k# at Giza
demonstrates that ms(w)-Dt refers to the children of the sn-Dt and snt-Dt.
The role of the sn-Dt and family members in the funerary cult is to provide
offerings for the tomb owner’s ritual consumption in the afterlife. The depiction of family
members as offering bearers has two different foci. When appearing on the false door or
at the foot of the tomb owner, the depiction of the family member carrying offerings
bearers, it refers to the action of presenting offerings. The former was a tradition in the
880
See discussion in Chapter 4.
379
Giza necropolis, while the latter became popular in Saqqara in the late Fifth Dynasty. The
offerings that family members carry are mainly the stpt-offerings, referring to forelegs,
on chapel walls, Letters to the Dead, Appeals to the Living, and the inscriptions on the
funerary vases from Qubbet el-Hawa, further reveals the nature and meaning of the
iconography of family members. All these sources are all language-games with various
purposes. Different from the textual sources, the iconography of family members
relationship between the tomb owner and his or her family members. The tomb owner
placed this idealized image of the relationship as part of the psychological readjustment
process to gain a sense of security for his or her funerary cult. The mutually beneficial
relationship between them is essential. To integrate this relationship into the funerary and
religious ideology, the tomb owner used not only this iconography, but also other
language-games, including the inscription of legal documents and the Appeals to the
Living, to enhance it. The purpose for such an idealized expression is to present the
with social and familial values, whereby the tomb owner gained control over the
Families are the most basic units of ancient Egyptian society. Familial
How the tomb owner perceived the familial relationships centered on him is integrated
into multiple dimensions of the society. This study has investigated the implications of
380
the representation of family members in both religious and ideological aspects. These
aspects impacted not only the funerary practice of the elite, but they also reflect social
The database of this study covers the information contained in all of primary
published tomb chapels of the Old Kingdom with representations of family members,
including the names, designations, and titles of the family members, as well as their
stances in each of the scenes. Future work should attempt to enrich the database with new
tombs, and unpublished manuscripts. Hopefully, the enrichment and refinement of the
database will bring forward further evidence for the study of Egyptian society in the Old
Kingdom.
381
APPENDICES
Appendix I References of Tombs
Jrj-n-Ro PM: late Dyn. V Giza 144-145 Junker, Giza III, 156-163,
or early VI Abb. 24.
Harpur: V.9-VI.1 (no image of son and father)
Swinton: V.4-7
McCorquodale:
V.4-VI.1
Jrrw PM: end Dyn. V Giza 280 Hassan, Giza III, 57-71, figs.
or VI 54-55.
Harpur: V.9-VI
McCorquodale:
V.9-VI
Jttj PM: late Dyn. V Giza 193 Badawy, Iteti, Sekhem’ankh-
(G 7391) Badawy: IV. L- Ptah and Kaemnofert, 1-13,
V.E figs. 914, pl.3.
Fischer: Dyn. V- Curto, Gli Scavi Italiani a el-
1st ½ Ghiza, 34-46, fig. 7.
Harpur: V.7-8 Harpur (1981), in JEA 67, 24-
Strudwick: 35.
perhaps middle V
McCorquodale:
V.5-8
Jdw PM: Dyn. VI, Giza 185-186 Simpson, Qar and Idu, 19-31,
(G 7102) Temp. Pepy I or figs. 33-43.
later
Harpur: VI.3-4E
Strudwick: early
to mid Pepy I
Swinton: VI.2
McCorquodale:
VI.2-4E
onX PM: VI Giza 97 Fisher, Minor Cemetery, 149-
(G 3050) McCorquodale: VI 150, pls. 51.
onX-wD# / JTj PM: Dyn. VI Giza 167 Junker, Giza VIII, 122-124,
Abb. 58-59.
onX-m-z#.f PM: end Dyn. V Giza 246 Hassan, Giza VI-3, 147-153,
or later figs. 142-146.
Harpur: V.9-VI
McCorquodale:
V.9-12
onX-H#.f PM: Dyn. IV or Giza 306 Hiero. Texts I, 2nd ed., 14-16,
later pl. xv.
McCorquodale:
IV-V.E
384
Nj-sw-PtH PM: early Dyn. VI Giza 168 Junker, Giza VIII, 166-172,
Harpur: VI.1 Abb. 88-89.
McCorquodale:
VI.1
Nj-sw-sonX PM: Dyn. VI Giza 220 Junker, Giza X, 178-181, Abb.
68-69.
Nb-m-#Xtj PM: Dyn. IV Giza 230-232 LD II, 12-14.
(LG 12, LG Temp. Khephren Hassan, Giza IV, 125-150,
86) to Menkaure or a figs. 76, 81-82.
little later Rzepka (1998), in GM 164,
Harpur: IV.6-V.1 101-107, figs. 3-4.
Strudwick: end IV
McCorquodale:
IV.4-V.1
Nfr PM: end of Dyn. Giza 137-138 Junker, Giza VI, 26-74, Abb.
(G 4761) V or Dyn. VI 3-15.
Harpur: V.9-VI.1
McCorquodale:
V.9-VI.1
Nfr and Jtj-sn Moreno Gacia: Giza 116 Moreno Gacia (2007), in JEA
(Nfr is sn-Dt) second half of the 93, 117-136.
(D 203, Panel 5th Dynasty Chicago, Oriental Institute
CGC 57163) PM: late Dyn. V Museum, Inv. No. OIM
or Dyn. VI 10.812
Nfr-b#w-PtH PM: Middle to end Giza 169-170 Weeks, Cemetery G 6000, 5-7,
(G 6010, LG Dyn.V 23-29, figs. 16-24.
15) Weeks: Dyn. V
latter part,
Newserra
Harpur: V.6
388
Vntj PM: early Dyn. V Giza 141 Junker, Giza III, 38-39.
(G 4920, LG or later LD II, 30, 31[b].
47) Moreno Gacia: 4th
sn-Dt Dyn. Khufu or
Redjedef
Vntj Goedicke: V Giza 308 Goedicke, Privaten
(Cairo JE Dynasty Rechtsinschriften, 122-130,
57139) Taf. xiii.
Vtw I / k#(.j)- PM: Dyn. V-VI Giza 66 Simpson, Western Cemetery I,
nswt Boston Mus.: mid 7-15, figs. 14-25.
(G 2001) to late Dyn. V
McCorquodale: V.
M-L
Vtw II Simpson: Dyn. V- Giza Simpson, Western Cemetery I,
(G 2343- VI 31-32, pls. liii[a], lvi[a], fig.
G5511) 42.
397
Ptḥ-ḥtp I jwn-knmwt ; jmy-r# jzwy #ḫt-ḥtp z#.f smsw mry.f mdw rḫyt ;
(D 62) nw ẖry sD#t ; jmy-r# prwy ẖry-tp nswt
nbw ; jmy-r# prwy-ḥḏ ;
jmy-r# nbt ḫt nt nswt ;
jmy-r# ẖkrw nswt ; jmy-r#
zš ow nw nswt ; jmy-r#
šnwtj ; jmy-r# k#t nbt
nswt ; jry-pot ; mdw rḫyt ;
r# P nb ; ḥ#ty-o ; ḥry-sšt# n
wḏt-mdt nbt nswt ; ḥry-
sšt# n nswt ; ḫtm bjty ;
ẖry-ḥbt ḥry-tp ; zš mḏ#t
nṯr ; smr woty ; t#yty z#b
ṯ#ty
Ptḥ-ḥtp II / jmy-r# ḥwt-wrt ; jnw Jpj z#.f smsw ẖry-ḥbt
Ṯfj knmwt ; wḏ-mdw n ḥry Ptḥ-ḥtp z#.f smsw mry.f z#b oḏ-mr
(D 64) wḏb ; mdw rḫyt ; nj nst #ḫt-ḥtp z#.f smsw mry.f z#b oḏ-mr
sn-Dt ḫntt ; ḥm-nṯr M#ot ; ḥm-
nṯr Ḥqt ; ḥry-sšt# n wḏt-
mdt nbt nswt ; ḫrp wrw
10 Šmow ; ḫrp wsḫt ; ḫrp
zš jry joḫ ; ḫrp q#q#w ; ḫt-
Ḥ# ; ẖry-tp nswt ; z#b oḏ-
mr ; sḥḏ-wob Mn-swt-Nj-
Wsr-Ro ; sḥḏ ḥm-nṯr Nfr-
Jzzj ; sḥḏ ḥm-nṯr Nṯry-
swt- Mn-k#w-Ḥr
Ptḥ-ḥtp / Jj- jmy-r# zš ; ḥm-nṯr Wsjr Ptḥ-ḥtp z#.f smsw
n-onḫ ḫntj Ḏdw ; ḥm-nṯr M#ot ;
ḥm-nṯr S#ḥw-Ro ; ḥry-
sšt# ; ḥry-sšt# n wḏo- name not z#.f smsw
mdw ; ḫrp wsḫt ; ḫrp zš preserved
jry joḥ ; ḫrp zš ḥwt-wrt ;
z#b jmy-r# zš ; z#b sḥḏ jry
mḏ#t ; z#b sḥḏ zš
Ptḥ-špss jmy-jz Nḫn ; jmy-r jzwy n Ptḥ-špss z#.f smsw mry.f jry nfr-ḥ#t ; nj
(PM III 340- ẖkrw nswt ; jmy-r wobt ; jb nb ; smr
342, Abusir) jmy-r k#t nbt nswt ; jmy-ḫt woty
Wr ; jry nfr-ḥ#t ; o# Ḥm-#ḫty z#.f ḫrp oḥ ; smr
Dw#w ; nj jb nb ; ḥ#ty-o ; woty
ḥm-nṯr Nḫbt nbt oḥ-nṯr Sšm-nfr z#.f
446
Jbj jmy-jb n nswt m st.f nbt ; Ḏow z#.f smsw ḥq# ḥwt ;
(Deir el- jmy-jz ; jmy-o ; jmy-r# ḫtntj-bjty ;
Gabrawi wpwt ; jmy-r# wpwt ḥtpt- ẖry-tp o# Ḏw.f
No.S8) nṯr m prwy ; jmy-r# prwy- (U.E. 12) ;
ḥḏ ; jmy-r# zšwj ; jmy-r# smr woty
Šmow ; jmy-r# Šmow m#o ; Ḫwj z#.f mry.f ḥzy.f ḥq# ḥwt ; ẖry-
jmy-r# šnwtj ; jmy-ḫt ḥm- ḥbt ; smr woty
nṯr Mn-onḫ-Nfr-k#-Ro ; Jbj z#.f smsw mry.f ḥq# ḥwt ; ẖry-
jry-pot ; o# Dw#w ; oḏ-mr ḥbt ; smr woty
463
Q#r / Mry-Ro- jmy-r# wpwt nbt nt nswt ; Jzj z#.f mry.f ẖry-tp nswt
nfr jmy-r# ḫntyw-š pr-o# ; wr Jzj z#.f smsw ḥry-tp nswt
(Edfu, M V mḏ šmow rḫ nswt ; mḏḥw pr-o# ; ḥq# ḥwt
of Garnot) zš nswt ; ḥry-sšt# n mdt Q#r z#.f ẖry-ḥbt pr-ḏt
nbt št#t m r-o# n #bw ; ḥry- Ḥr-ḥtp… z#.f ẖry-tp nswt
tp o# n sp#t ; ḫntjt ẖry-tp Q#r / Jn-jt.f z#.f mry.f ẖry-tp nswt
nswt pr-o# m#o ; ẖry-ḥbt ; Ppy-onḫ z#.f smsw smr woty
z#b oḏ-mr nj nst ; smr woty Ḫww z#.f smr
Ppy-m-h#t z#.f smr
Ppy-onḫ-m- z#.f smr woty
Mn-nfr
J#z z#.f ẖry-ḥbt
Twj z#t
466
on-onḫj jmy-r# ḫ#st nt… ; jmy-r# Jwfw z#.f smsw mry jmy-r# ḫntyw-š
(El-Hagarsa šnow ; ḥq# ḥwt ; ḫtm bjty ; pr-o# ; smr
B13) ẖry-tp nswt ; smr woty woty
…j z#.f mry jmy-r# … ;
jmy-r# … ; smr
woty
Mrj z#t.f rḫt-nswt
Mry II ẖry-tp nswt ; smr woty Dšr z#.f smsw mry.f smr
(El-Hagarsa Sppj z#.f mry.f smr
C2) Nny z#.f (?)
Ḏmj z#.f ẖry-tp nswt
Ḥny z#.f
Jbobo z#t.f smsw
Ṯftw z#t.f mrt.f
J#zt z#t.f
Mry-o# ḥ#ty-o ; ẖry-ḥbt ; smr woty Nnw ms n z#.f smsw ḥ#ty-o
(El-Hagarsa Nfr-ṯntt
D18) Nnw ms n z#.f
Nhj
Nnw ms n z#.f
Wntšj
J#z z#.k
Nnw ms n z#t.f smswt
Ḥsyt
Bbj snt.s (referring
to Nnw ms n
Ḥsyt)
Šmot ms n z#t.f
Nfr-ṯntt
Dbn snt.s (referring
to Šmot ms n
Nfr-ṯntt)
Šmot ms n z#t.f
Nhj
Šmot snt.s (referring
to Šmot ms n
Nhj)
Šmot ms n z#t.f
Tp-pw
Šmot ms n z#t.f
Nfr-ṯntt
Nfrt-ḥr jmy-r# šnwt ; ḫtm Nfr-Jnpw msw
(El-Hagarsa H̱nmw-ḥtp
A6) Nfrt-
ḥr(female)
Jyt-
nfr(female)
467
Tḫt…t(femal
e)
…ḫ…(female
)
Nfrt(female)
Sbk-nfr jmy-r# ḥm-nṯr ; ḫtm bjty ; Q#r z#.f smr woty
(El-Hagarsa smr woty Jdj z#.f jmy-r# ḥm-
B18) nṯr ; smr woty
Nj-ḥb-sd-Ppy z#.f smr woty
Mjw z#t.f
name lost z#t.f
name lost z#t.s
K#(.j)-m-nfrt jmy-r# nswtyw ; wob name lost z#.s
(El-Hagarsa nswt ; rḫ-nswt ; ḥq# ḥwt-
A3) o#t
K#(.j)-ḫnt jmy-r# oḥ ; jmy-r# wpt ; Ro-ḥtp z#.f mry.f rḫ-nswt ; z#b
(El- jmy-r# nswtjw ; jmy-r# z#w zš jry spr
Hammamiya Šmo ; jmy-r# k#t nbt m K#(.j)-rs z#.f mry zš
A2) sp#wt ḥrywt-jb Šmo ; jmy-
r# k#t nswt ; wr mḏ Šmo ; Nfrt-k#w z#t.f mrt.f
rḫ-nswt ; ḥq# ḥwt-o#t ; ḫrp
oḥ ; z# nswt n ẖt.f
(chiseled out)
K#(.j)-ḫnt jmy-r# oḥ ; jmy-r# wpt ; Jwn-k# z#.f
(El- jmy-r# nswtjw ; jmy-r# z#w Sẖm-Ro z#.f
Hammamiya Šmo ; jmy-r# k#t m sp#wt K#(.j)-ḫnt z#.f
A3) ḥrywt-jb Šmo ; wob nswt ; Jwfj z#t.f
wr mḏ Šmo ; rḫ-nswt ; Mr.s-onḫ z#t.f
ḥry-tp o# ; ḥq# ḥwt-o#t ; Ḥtp-ḥr.s z#t.f
sšm-t# m w#ḏt H̱rdt z#t.f
onḫw jmy-r# njwwt m#ḫt ; rḫ- Nj-sw-qd z#.f smsw
(El- nswt
Hawawish
M21)
B#wj sḥḏ ḥm-nṯr Mnj-km z#.f smsw
(El- Mrt-Mnw z#t mrt.f
Hawawish
CG 20504)
B#wj jmy-r# wpwt ḥtpt-nṯr m Mr( ?)-Mnw z#.f smsw mry.f ẖry-tp nswt ;
(El- prwy ; ẖry-tp nswt ; smr smr woty
Hawawish woty name not z#.f mry.f
BA 48) preserved
name not z#.f mry.f
preserved
Mmj jmy-r# wpt mrt #ḥt m Ppy-snb / Snj z#.f smsw mry.f jmy-r# wpt ;
prwy ; ḥ#ty-o ; ḫtm bjty ; / Ty ḥ#ty-o ; ḫtm
ẖry-tp nswt ; smr woty bjty ; ẖry-tp
468
T… z#.f mry.f zš pr
…tn… z#t.f mrt.f
Špss-pw- jwn knmwt ; jmy-jz ; jmy- Ṯtj z#.f smsw mry.f jmy-r# ḥm-
Mnw / H̱nj / r# ḥm-nṯr ; jmy-r# Šmow m nṯr ; ḫtm bjty ;
H̱n-onḫw / sp#wt ; jmy-r# Šmow m ḫt Mnw ; sm#
H̱n-onḫ sp#wt mḥtjt ; jry nfr-ḥ#t ; Mnw ; smr
(El- jt Mnw ; oḏ-mr Dp sb# Ḥr woty
Hawawish ḫnty pt ; mnjw Nḫn ; Ṯtj z#.f mry.f ; z#.s smr ; sḥḏ ḥm-
H24) mdw-rḫyt ; ḥ#ty-o ; ḥry-tp mry.s nṯr
o# ; ḥry-tp Nḫn ; ḫrp m Sḥjḥt z#t.f mrt.f ẖkrt nswt wott
nṯrw ; ḫrp šnḏt nbt ; ḫtm
bjty ; ḫt Mnw ; ẖry-ḥbt ; Ḥny z#t.f mrt.f ẖkrt nswt wott
ẖkr Mnw ; sm ; sm#
Mnw ; smr woty
Q#r / Ppy-nfr ḥm-nṯr Mnw ; ḥry-sšt# n Mnw-nn z#.f
(El- ḫtm-nṯr ; ḫt-Mnw ; ẖry- R… z#.f
Hawawish ḥbt ; ẖry-tp nswt pr-o# ;
L31) …ṯst… z#…
smr woty ; sḥḏ ḥm-nṯr
Mnw
Qrrj ẖry-tp nswt pr-o# ; sḥḏ Ḫo.f-Mnw z#.f
(El- ḥm-nṯr
Hawawish
Q15)
K#(.j)-Hp / jmy-r# jt Šmo ; jmy-r# ḥm- Hnj z#.f smsw jmy-r# jt Šmo ;
Ṯtj-jqr nṯr ; jmy-r# šnwtj n ḥtp- ḥ#ty-o ; ḫtm
(El- nṯr ; jt Mnw ; mḥ jb n bjty ; smr woty
Hawawish nswt m pr-Mnw ; ḥ#ty-o ; …f z#.f smsw
H26) ḥry-tp o# ; ḫtm bjty ; ḫt
Mnw ; ẖry-ḥbt ; ẖkr
Mnw ; sm# Mnw ; smr
woty
Gḥs# / Nby jmy-r# wpwt ; jmy-r# wpwt B#wj z#.f smsw ẖry-tp nswt ;
(El- #ḥt mrt ; ẖry-tp nswt ; smr smr woty
Hawawish woty
GA 11)
Ṯtj jmy-r# ḥm-nṯr ; ḥ#ty-o ; H̱no-onḫw z#.f smsw jmy-r# ḥm-
(El- ḫtm bjty ; ẖry-ḥbt ; sm# nṯr ; sm#
Hawawish, Mnw ; smr woty Mnw ; smr
Field woty
Museum Špss-pw- z#.f smr woty
31700, Mnw
Chicago) Ḫmt-pw-nṯrw z#t.f smsw
470
1
Thompson suggests that Nj-k#.j-onḫ I and II are different individuals, see Elizabeth Thompson et al., The Old Kingdom
Cemetery at Tehna. Vol. 1 (Warminster, Wilts: Aris and Phillips, 2014), 60, note 172, though earlier scholars took the
two as the same person. See George W. Fraser, “The Early Tombs at Tehneh,” Annales du Service des Antiquités de
l'Égypte 3 (1902): 67-76, 122-130. See also Edel, Hieroglyphische Inschriften Des Alten Reiches, 40-66.
475
rḫt-nswt
Wsr jmy-r# ḥm-k# ; rḫ- Ḥnwt.sn mwt.f
nswt
Mry-jb / K#- jmy-r# mšow ; jmy-r# Sdjt mwt.f ḥmt-nṯr Nt
pw-nswt k#t nbt nswt ; oḏ-mr mḥtt jnb.s ;
(G 2100-I- wḥow ; wr 10 šmo ; z#t.f nswt
annexe, LG wr m#w jwnw ; mr
24) wḥow ; r p nb ; rḫ
nswt ; ḥm-nṯr Ḫwfw ;
ḥtm-nṯr wj# ; ḥtm-nṯr
(wj#) b#-nṯrw ; ḥtm-
nṯr (wj#) Bo-nṯrw ;
ḥtm-nṯr (wj#) Nb-
rḫyt ; ḥtm-nṯr (wj#)
Dw#-t#wy ; ḫrp-oḥ ;
ẖry-ḥbt ; z# nswt ; z#
nswt n ẖt.f ; smr ;
smr woty
Mry-Ro-nfr / jwn knmwt m#ot ; Ḫnwt
Q#r jmy-r# njwt #ḫt- (mother)
(G 7101) Ḫwfw ; jmy-r# njwt
Nṯry-Mn-k#w-Ro ;
jmy-r# ḫnw ; jmy-r#
sšw ; jmy-r# sšw n k#t
nbt ; jmy-r# k#t nbt ;
mdw rḫyt ; ḥm-nṯr
M#ot ; ḥry-sšt# n wḏt
nbt ; ḥry-sšt# k#t nbt ;
ḫnty-š Mry-Ro-mn-
nfr ; ẖry-tp nswt ;
z#b ; zš ; zš ow nswt
489
Tomb Owner Titles of Tomb Owner Other Relatives Designation of Titles of Other
Other Relatives
Relatives
Nj-k#w-Ro wob nswt ; rḫ-nswt ; ḥm- Mry-jt z#t z#t
nṯr M#ot ; ḥm-nṯr Ro ; ḥm-
nṯr Ro m St-jb-Ro ; ḥm-nṯr
Ḥwt-Ḥr ; ḥry-sšt# ; ḥry-
sšt# n ḥwt-wrt ; z#b ; sḥḏ
jry mḏ#t
S#bw /Jbbj jmy-r# wobt ; jmy-r# pr Ptḥ-špss z# z#.f jmy-ḫt ḥmwt
Zkr ; jmy-r# ḥwt m swt Ḫnw z# z#.f pr-o#
nbt ; jmy-ḫt ; wob Ptḥ ; wr
ḫrp ḥmwt ; wr ḫrp ḥmwt
498
Tomb Owner Titles of Tomb Owner Other Relatives Designation of Titles of Other
Other Relatives
Relatives
Wnjs ; wr ḫrp ḥmwt m
prwy ; wr ḫrp ḥmwt ro n
ḥb ; wr ḫrp ḥmwt ḏb#t ;
rḫ-nswt ; ḥm-nṯr Ptḥ ;
ḥm-nṯr Nfr-swt-Wnjs ;
ḥm-nṯr Zkr ; ḥm-nṯr Ḏd-
swt-Ttj ; ḥry-sšt# n nṯr.f ;
ḫrp ḥmwt ; ḫrp smw ; ḫrp
smw mḥnk nswt ; zš mḏ#t
št# n wḏt mdt
Sḫm-k# jm#ḫ ḫr nṯr ; wob nswt ; Sḫm-k# z# z#.f
(north-west wḏ-mdw m#o ; Nj ḥry
of D 62) wḏb ; rḫ-nswt ; ḥm-nṯr
M#ot ; ḥm-nṯr Nj-wsr-Ro ;
ḥm-nṯr Ro Ḥwt-Ḥr m St-
jb-ro ; ḥm-nṯr Sd ; ḥm-nṯr
Špss-k#-Ro ; ḥry-sšt# ; z#b
r# Nḫn n Ḥwt-wrt
K#(.j)-ḥp rḫ-nswt ; sḥḏ jmyw oḥow ; K#-m-ṯnnt msw msw.f
(S 3511, sḥḏ jmyw oḥow n stpw onḫ-ḥno.f
false door, K#.j-ḥp-šrj z# z#.f sḥḏ jmyw oḥow
British Nj-sw-qd
Museum Nj-onḫ-Ro
1848) Ptḥ-špss
Ḫntt-k#w.s
(female)
Mrt-mnw
(female) z# z#.f sḥḏ jmyw oḥow
Jppj (female)
Bb-jb
Typology of Stances
Stance Sub- Description
Type type
A Close to a major figure and in contact with him or her (not at
the foot)
A-1 Standing and touching a major figure
A-2 Seated or kneeling, and touching a major figure
AS At a reduced scale at the foot of a major figure
AS-1 Standing at the foot of a major figure and touching him or her
AS-2 Standing at the foot of a major figure and holding his staff
AS-3 Standing at the foot of a major figure with one hand or two hands
on the chest, or with both arms pendent, or suckling the index
finger
AS-4 Standing at the foot of a major figure and carrying birds, lotus
flowers, or other objects
AS-5 In contact with other individuals at the foot of a major figure
AS-6 Kneeling at the foot of a major figure
B Standing in a variety of poses (not at the foot of a major figure)
B-1 Standing with one hand or two hands on the chest
B-2 Standing with both arms pendent, not holding anything
B-3 Standing and carrying offerings
B-4 Standing and carrying accessories such as a staff, a scepter, a
papyrus scroll, or a piece of cloth
B-5 Standing and holding lotus flowers
B-6 Standing with arm(s) raised up
B-Y Standing as a youth sucking the index finger
C In the scenes of spear-fishing and fowling, or hippopotamus
hunting
C-1 Standing on the skiff with the tomb owner and holding a spear or a
throwing stick
C-2 Standing on a skiff with the tomb owner or a sub-register near the
tomb owner, and carrying fish or birds
C-3 Standing near the tomb owner without carrying fish or birds
C-4 Kneeling near the tomb owner
C-5 Standing on the skiff with the tomb owner and touching him
C-6 Standing or seated, raising an arm with the index finger pointing to
the front
C-7 Standing and holding lotus flowers
D Seated or kneeling
502
D-1 Seated or kneeling while bending one arm to the chest or placing
hands down on the lap
D-2 Seated on a chair or kneeling before a table of offerings
D-3 kneeling and making offerings to a major figure
D-4 Seated or kneeling and holding accessories, offerings, or lotus
flowers
D-5 Seated or kneeling with an arm raised
E Engaging in activities
E-1 Engaging in musical and sport activities (playing an instrument,
dancing, clapping, combating, etc.)
E-2 Engaging in ritual activities: E-2-CEN (censing), E-2-LIB
(libating), E-2-LOT (presenting a lotus flower), E-2-REC (reciting
spells), E-2-REM (removing the foot print)
E-3 Engaging in scribal activities
E-4 Slaughtering bulls
F Other stances
WHm-k# B-4 * B-1* The sn-Dt appears on the west wall and
(D 117) stands before the tomb owner at the same
sn-Dt scale. He carries his scepter and staff and
wears a short wig, a leopard skin, and a
short kilt. The snt-Dt appears on the top
register at the beginning of a sequence of
individuals. Wearing a long wig and a
long dress, she stands with her hand
placed on the chest. She also holds the
hand of her son who stands behind her as
a child at a reduced scale.
Mry-Ro-mrj-PtH- C-1 The brother stands on a separate register
onX / NXbw facing the tomb owner in the fishing
(G 2381 with shft scene and holds a harpoon vertically. He
G 2382A) wears a short projecting kilt and a cap
wig.
Mry-Ro-nfr / Q#r C-2 D-1 Two sisters of the tomb owner appear on
(G 7101) D-1 the north wall to the east of the pillar.
They both kneel on the register below the
tomb owner who is seated on a chair.
They wear long tight dresses, collars,
bracelets, and short wigs. A brother is
depicted carrying a giant fish on a
separate register behind the tomb owner
580
2
Kanawati, Giza II, 59.
602
TO = tomb owner
W = wife
S = son; ES = eldest son
D = daughter; ED = eldest daughter
B = brother
Si = sister
F = father
M = mother
GS = grandson
GD = granddaughter
+ standing at the foot of a major figure
the orientation the figure
606
east thickness of
entrance
Jn-k#.f V.1-2 false door
(PM III 247)
west wall
east wall
north facade
$nw VI architrave of
northern door way
$nmw VI west wall
south wall
south wall
vp-m-onX V-VI
(D 20)
false door
lintel
north wall of
offering chapel
Room II
PtH-Htp / Jj-n-onX V.9-VI.1 south wall
west wall of
Torraum
south wall of
portico, fishing and
fouling scene
false door of TO
false door of TO
west wall
west wall
north wall
slab stela
south wall
Table V.1 Stance Type A-1: Standing and touching a major figure
Total Giza Saqqara Provincial Stance A-
pccurrence sites 1-Y
Son 5 2 1 2 2
Daughter 1 1 x x 1
Brother 2 x 2 x x
Sister x x x x x
Father x x x x x
Mother 10 8 2 x x
Other x x x x x
Relatives
Table V.2 Stance Type A-2: Seated or kneeling, and touching a major figure
Total Giza Saqqara Provincial Stance A-
occurrence sites 2-Y
Son 2 1 1 X X
Daughter 1 X 1 X X
Brother X X X X X
Sister X X X X X
Father X X X X X
Mother 6 6 X X X
Other X X X X X
Relatives
Table V.3 Stance Type AS-1: Standing at the foot of a major figure and touching
him or her
Total Giza Saqqara Provincial Depicted as
occurrence Sites youth
Son 25 12 10 3 17
Daughter 15 11 3 1 6
Brother X X X X X
Sister X X X X X
Father X X X X X
622
Mother X X X X X
Other 3 2 1 X 3
Relatives
Table V.4 Stance Type AS-2: Standing at the foot of a major figure and holding
his staff
Total Giza Saqqara Provincial Depicted as
occurrence sites youth
Son 148 50 86 12 62
Daughter 4 4 X X 2
Brother X X X X X
Sister X X X X X
Father X X X X X
Mother X X X X X
Other 2 X 2 X X
Relatives
Table V.5 Stance Type AS-3: Standing at the foot of a major figure with one hand
or two hands on the chest, or with both arms pendent, or suckling the index finger
Total Giza Saqqara Provincial Depicted as
occurrence sites youth
AS-3-Y
Son 44 15 24 5 8
Daughter 11 3 8 X 3
Brother 5 3 2 X 3
Sister 1 1 X X 1
Father X X X X X
Mother X X X X X
Other 1 1 X X 1
Relatives
Table V.6 Stance Type AS-4: Standing at the foot of a major figure and carrying
birds, lotus flowers, or other objects
Total Giza Saqqara Provincial Depicted as
occurrence sites youth
Son 20 1 16 3 6
623
Daughter 1 1 X X X
Brother 1 X 1 X X
Sister 1 X X 1 X
Father X X X X X
Mother X X X X X
Other X X X X X
Relatives
Table V.7 Stance Type B-1: Standing with one hand or two hands on the chest
Total Giza Saqqara Provincial Depicted as
occurrence sites youth
Son 68 36 18 14 7
Daughter 120 71 39 10 5
Brother 23 14 9 X X
Sister 12 9 3 X X
Father 2 2 X X X
Mother 9 8 1 X X
Other 12 2 9 1 1
Relatives
Table V.8 Stance Type B-2: Standing with both arms pendent, not holding
anything
Total Giza Saqqara Provincial Depicted as
occurrence sites youth
Son 91 38 40 13 4
Daughter 10 5 1 4 X
Brother 35 6 29 X X
Sister X X X X X
Father X X X X X
Mother X X X X X
Other 4 1 1 2 2
Relatives
Son 187 53 71 63 5
Daughter 24 11 2 11 5
Brother 50 16 27 7 X
Sister 4 4 X X X
Father X X X X X
Mother 1 1 X X X
Other 6 1 2 3 X
Relatives
Table V.10 Stance Type B-4: Standing and carrying accessories such as a staff, a
scepter, a papyrus scroll, or a piece of cloth
Total Giza Saqqara Provincial Depicted as
occurrence sites youth
Son 40 16 14 10 1
Daughter X X X X X
Brother 10 6 2 2 X
Sister X X X X X
Father 12 10 1 1 X
Mother X X X X X
Other X X X X X
Relatives
Table V.11 Stance Type B-5: Standing and holding lotus flowers
Total Giza Saqqara Provincial Depicted as
occurrence sites youth
Son X X X X X
Daughter 21 4 2 15 X
Brother X X X X X
Sister X X X X X
Father X X X X X
Mother 2 X 2 X X
Other 1 X X 1 X
Relatives
625
Table V.13 Stance Type C-1: Standing on the skiff with the tomb owner and
holding a spear or a throwing stick
Total Giza Saqqara Provincial Depicted as
occurrence sites youth
Son 25 2 8 15 3
Daughter X X X X X
Brother 1 1 X X X
Sister X X X X X
Father X X X X X
Mother X X X X X
Other X X X X X
Relatives
Table V.14 Stance Type C-2: Standing on a skiff with the tomb owner or a sub-
register near the tomb owner, and carrying fish or birds
Total Giza Saqqara Provincial Depicted as
occurrence sites youth
Son 18 X 10 8 6
Daughter 1 X X 1 X
Brother 2 1 X 1 X
Sister X X X X X
Father X X X X X
Mother X X X X X
Other 1 X X 1 X
Relatives
626
Table V.15 Stance Type C-3: Standing near the tomb owner without carrying fish
or birds
Total Giza Saqqara Provincial Depicted as
occurrence sites youth
Son 9 4 3 2 X
Daughter 1 X 1 X X
Brother 1 X X 1 X
Sister X X X X X
Father X X X X X
Mother X X X X X
Other X X X X X
Relatives
Table V.16 Stance Type D-1: Seated or kneeling while bending one arm to the
chest or placing hands down on the lap
Total Giza Saqqara Provincial Depicted as
occurrence sites youth
Son 53 29 15 9 X
Daughter 27 18 2 7 X
Brother 4 X 4 X X
Sister 5 4 1 X X
Father X X X X X
Mother 3 2 1 X X
Other X X X X X
Relatives
Table V.17 Stance Type D-2: Seated on a chair or kneeling before a table of
offerings
Total Giza Saqqara Provincial Depicted as
occurrence sites youth
Son 12 X 12 X X
Daughter 11 X 10 1 X
Brother 4 1 3 X X
Sister 1 1 X X X
Father 3 2 X 1 X
Mother 4 1 1 2 X
627
other 4 3 x 1 x
relatives
Table V.18 Stance Type D-3: kneeling and making offerings to a major figure
Total Giza Saqqara Provincial Depicted as
occurrence sites youth
Son 16 16 X X X
Daughter X X X X X
Brother X X X X X
Sister X X X X X
Father X X X X X
Mother X X X X X
Other X X X X X
Relatives
Table V.19 Stance Type E-1: Engaging in musical and sport activities (playing an
instrument, dancing, clapping, combating, etc.)
Total Giza Saqqara Provincial Depicted as
occurrence sites youth
Son 5 5 X X 2
Daughter 18 9 6 3 X
Brother 1 X 1 X X
Sister X X X X X
Father X X X X X
Mother X X X X X
Other 3 3 X X X
Relatives
Mother X X X X X
Other X X X X X
Relatives
53) ; cTw (LG 93) ; K#j (east of tomb G 7391) ; K#(.j)-dw# ; vf-nn (Cairo Mus. JE
56994) ; ew#-Ro
B-3 Jj-nfrt ; Jnpw-Htp ; Jrj-n-#Xt / Jrj / Jrj-n-PtH ; Jrj-n-#Xtj / Jrj (G 2391) ; Jttj (G 7391) ;
Jdw (G 7102) ; W#S-k#(.j) ; Mrw-k#(.j) ; Mdw-nfr (G4630) ; Nj-sw-PtH ; Nj-sw-sonX ;
Nfrt-nswt ; Rmnw-k#(.j) / Jmj ; Rdj-ns (G 5032) ; %wfw-onX (G 4520) ; $nw ; Z#-jb (G
2092+2093) ; cnnw ; cnDm-jb / Jntj (G 2370) ; cS#t-Htp / !tj (G 5150) ; Cpsj ; K#(.j)-
dw# ; K#-Hj.f (G 2136) ; vp-m-onX (D 20) ; Vtw I / k#(.j)-nswt (G 2001) ; Vtw II (G
2343-G 5511)
B-4 onX-H#.f ; Wp-m-nfrt / Wp ; WnSt (G 4840, VII SS) ; Mrs-onX III (G 7530 + 7540) ;
Mdw-nfr (G4630) ; Nj-onX-ontj / Njj ; %nt-k#w.s ; cnfrw-Htp (G 3088) ; cHtpw / vpw ;
K#.j-pw-nswt / K#j (G 4651) ; K#(.j)-nj-nswt I (G 2155) ; vf-nn (Cairo Mus. JE
56994) ; VTj
B-5 PtH-sDf# / Ffj ; $nw ; cnnw-k#(.j) / Kkj (G 2041)
B-6 Mry-Ro-nfr / Q#r (G 7101) ; K#(.j)-nj-nswt II (G 2156) ; K#-Hj.f (G 2136)
B-Y Rdj-ns (G 5032) ; ZTw (G 4710, LG 49) ; K#(.j)-nj-nswt I (G 2155)
C-1 Mry-Ro-mrj-PtH-onX / NXbw (G 2381 with shaft G 2382A) ; K#(.j)-m-onX (G 4561)
C-3 NXbw (G 2381 with shaft G 2382A) ; cnDm-jb / Jntj (G 2370)
D-1 Jj-mry (G 6020, LG 15) ; Jn-k#.f ; Mry-jb / K#-pw-nswt (G 2100-I-annexe, LG 24) ;
Nj-wD#-PtH ; Nj-Htp-PtH / Pnj (G 2340, LG 25) ; Nfr-mSdr-%wfw (G 2240) ; Nfr-
n ; %wfw-Xo.f I (G 7130 + 7140) ; %wt# ; cXm-k#-Ro (LG 89) ; cSm-nfr II (G 5080) ;
cSm-nfr III (G 5170) ; Cpss-k#.f-onX ; K#(.j)-Xnt (G 2088) ; K#-Hj.f (G 2136)
D-3 Jttj (G 7391) ; W#S-k#(.j) ; Mr-sw-onX ; Nj-Htp-PtH / Pnj (G 2340, LG 25) ; ct-k#.j ;
vp-m-onX (D 20)
D-5 vp-m-onX (D 20)
E-1 Jdw (G 7102) ; %o.f-Ro-onX (G 7948) ; %ww-wr (LG 95) ; K#(.j)-m-onX (G 4561) ;
K#(.j)-Xnt (G 2088) ;
E-2 S 359 ; Jjj ; Jttj (G 7391) ; Jdw (G 7102) ; onX-wD# / JTj ; onX-H#.f ; onX-H#.f / Q#r ; PtH-
sDf# / Ffj ; Mr-onX.f ; Nj-mstj (G 2366) ; Nj-Htp-PtH / Pnj (G 2340, LG 25) ; Nj-sonX-
#Xty / JTj ; Omt-Ro ; %wfw-Xo.f II (G 7150) ; %wfw-snb II ; cnnw ; cSm-nfr II (G
5080) ; cSm-nfr III (G 5170) ; Cpss-k#.f-onX ; Qd-ns II ; K#.j-pw-nswt / K#j (G 4651) ;
vp-m-onX (D 20) ; Vtw II (G 2343-G 5511)
E-3 Jj-mry (G 6020, LG 15) ; Jj-nfrt ; Nswt-nfr (G 4970) ; %o.f-Ro-onX (G 7948) ; %wfw-
Xo.f I (G 7130 + 7140) ; cS#t-Htp / !tj (G 5150) ; K#.j-pw-nswt / K#j (G 4651)
F Vtw II (G 2343-G 5511)
AS-2 #Xtj-Htp (E 17) ; #Xt-Htp (D 64) ; Jj-nfrt / C#-n.f ; Jj-k# ; Jrw-k#-PtH ; onX-m-o-k#(.j) (No.
67 [D 16]) ; W#S-PtH / Jzj ; Wr-nw ; PH.n-wj-k# (D 70, LS 15) ; PtH-Htp (PM III 653-
654) ; PtH-Htp II (D 64) ; PtH-Spss (PM III 340-342, Abusir) ; PtH-Spss II ; Mr.f-nb.f /
Ffj ; Mrrj (around Teti Pyramid) ; MHw ; MTTj ; double tomb of Nj-onX-$nmw &
$nmw-Htp ; Nj-onX-cXmt (No.74 [D 12]) ; Nj-k#(.j)-Ro ; Nj-k#w-Jzzj (around Teti
Pyramid) ; Nj-k#w-Or (Quibell S 915) ; Nfr (in the same tomb of his father k#-H#.j) ;
Nfr-Jnpw (AS 37, Abusir South) ; Nfr-nTr ; Nfr-Xww ; Nfr-sSm-Ro / Csj ; Nn-Xft-k#(.j)
(D 47) ; Ro-Spss (Lepsius LS 16 [S 902]) ; "tp-Hr-#Xtj (D 60) ; "tp-k#(.j) / vp-k#(.j) (S
3509) ; $nmw-Htp (D 49) ; cnDm-jb / Bb-jb (No. 11 [B 13]) ; cXm-k# (north-west of D
62) ; cSmw (Lepsius LS 5) ; K#(.j)-pw-Ro (No. 22 [D 39]) ; K#.j-m-snw ; vp-m-onX (D
11) ; Vy (No. 60 [D 22]) ; Vsmw ; Ef-#w (D 25)
AS-3 #Xt-Htp (D 64) ; onX-m-o-Hr / csj ; Mrrw-k#.j / Mrj ; MTTj ; Nj-onX-Ppy / Nj-onX-Mry-Ro ;
Nj-k#(.j)-Ro ; Nj-k#w-Jzzj (around Teti Pyramid) ; Nfr (in the same tomb of his father
k#-H#.j) ; Nfr-sSm-Ro / Csj ; Nn-Xft-k#(.j) (D 47) ; "r-mrw / Mry ; %ntj-k# / JXXj ;
K#(.j)-m-Tntt ; vtj-onX (in the tomb of Jris / Jjj)
AS-4 #Xtj-Htp (Louvre E. 10958, Mastaba du Louvre) ; W#S-PtH / Jzj ; Bj# / Jry ; PtH-Spss
(PM III 340-342, Abusir) ; Mry-vtj (son of Mrrw-k#.j, in the same tomb) ; Mrrw-k#.j /
Mrj ; $nmw-Htp (double tomb of Nj-onX-$nmw & $nmw-Htp) ; K#-gm-nj / Mmj /
Gmnj ; Ef-#w (D 25)
B-1 name lost (Martin, Hetepka, No. 22, 22-23, pl. 23.) ; Jj-wn / cXnt-k#(.j) ; onX-Owt-Or ;
Pr-nDw ; Pr-sn (D 45) ; double tomb of Nj-onX-$nmw & $nmw-Htp ; Nj-onX-cXmt
(No.74 [D 12]) ; Nj-k#w-Ro ; Nj-k#w-Or (Quibell S 915) ; Ob-#j ; cn-jt.f (in the same
tomb of K#-H#.j) ; cXm-k# (north-west of D 62) ; cTs-PtH ; K#(.j)-m-qd ; K#(.j)-m-Tntt ;
K#.j-D#w ; K#-Hr-st.f ; K#-gm-nj / Mmj / Gmnj ; vp-m-onX (D 11)
B-2 #Xt-Htp (D 64) ; onX-m-o-Hr / csj ; W#S-PtH / Jzj ; Wnnj (offering table) ; Bj# / Jry ;
PH.n-wj-k# (D 70, LS 15) ; PtH-Spss (PM III 340-342, Abusir) ; Mrrj (around Teti
Pyramid) ; Mrrw-k#.j / Mrj ; Nj-onX-Ppy / Nj-onX-Mry-Ro ; Nj-onX-cXmt (No.74 [D
12]) ; Nj-k#w-Ro ; %wj ; c#b ; K#(.j)-opr(w) ; K#-Hr-st.f ; K#-gm-nj / Mmj / Gmnj ; Ggj
(Abusir South, West of the tomb of Fetekty) ; Vy (No. 60 [D 22]) ; Vtw / Jnw-Mnw
(north of Teti Pyramid)
B-3 name lost (Martin, Hetepka, No. 22, 22-23, pl. 23.) ; #Xt-Htp (D 64) ; Jnw-Mnw
(around Teti Pyramid) ; Jrj.s / Jjj ; JSfw / JSfj (reused by Msy) ; onX-m-o-Hr / csj ; onX-
Owt-Or ; W#S-PtH / Jzj ; Bj# / Jry ; Ppj ; Pr-sn (D 45) ; PtH-Htp I (D 62) ; PtH-Htp II
(D 64) ; PtH-Spss II ; Mry-vtj (son of Mrrw-k#.j, in the same tomb) ; Mr.f-nb.f / Ffj ;
MHw ; Nj-k#w-Ro ; Nfr-Jnpw (AS 37, Abusir South) ; Nfr-sSm-PtH / WD#-H#-vtj / CSj
(around Teti Pyramid, Saqqara 32) ; NTr-wsr ; "r-mrw / Mry ; Ozzj ; %o-mrr-PtH (No.
68 [C 4]) ; $nmw-nDm(w) (at Kom el Akhdar) ; $nmw-Htp (double tomb of Nj-onX-
$nmw & $nmw-Htp) ; c#bw / Jbbj ; cXm-k# (north-west of D 62) ; cSm-nfr / Jfj ; Cpsj-
pw-PtH ; Q#r ; K#(.j)-m-Tntt ; K#-gm-nj / Mmj / Gmnj ; Gm-nj ; Vtj / K#-jn-n.j (north-
west of Teti Pyramid)
B-4 J#rtj ; W#S-PtH / Jzj ; Bj# / Jry ; NTr-wsr ; "tp-Hr-#Xtj (D 60) ; "tp-k#(.j) / vp-k#(.j) (S
3509) ; ew#-Ro
B-5 Bj# / Jry ; K#.j-m-Hzt
B-6 Wnnj (offering table) ; %nw
C-1 #Xtj-Htp (E 17) ; Nfr-jrt-n.f (D 55) ; Ro-Spss (Lepsius LS 16 [S 902]) ; Rmnj / Mr-wj ;
cnfrw-jn-jSt.f (No. 2 Dahshur)
632
C-2 Mr.f-nb.f / Ffj ; Mrrj (around Teti Pyramid) ; MTTj ; double tomb of Nj-onX-$nmw &
$nmw-Htp; Nfr-jrt-n.f (D 55) ; "tp-Hr-#Xtj (D 60)
C-3 Mrrw-k#.j / Mrj ; MHw ; Nj-k#w-Jzzj (around Teti Pyramid)
C-4 double tomb of Nj-onX-$nmw & $nmw-Htp ; cnfrw-jn-jSt.f (No. 2 Dahshur)
D-1 Pr-nb (Quibell S 913) ; Pr-sn (D 45) ; PH.n-wj-k# (D 70, LS 15) ; Nfr-jrt-n.f (D 55) ;
Vy (No. 60 [D 22])
D-2 Wr-jr.n-PtH ; Wr-b#w (in the same tomb of K#-H#.j) ; PtH-Htp / Jj-n-onX ; $nmw-Htp
(D 49) ; K#-H#.j
D-5 cn-jt.f (in the same tomb of K#-H#.j)
E-1 Bj# / Jry ; MTTj ; cnfrw-jn-jSt.f (No. 2 Dahshur) ; cSm-nfr / Jfj
E-2 name lost (Martin, Hetepka, No. 22, 22-23, pl. 23.) ; #Xtj-Htp (Louvre E. 10958,
Mastaba du Louvre) ; Jnw-Mnw (around Teti Pyramid) ; onX-m-o-onty ; Bj# / Jry ;
MTTj ; Nj-onX-Ppy / Nj-onX-Mry-Ro ; Nj-k#w-Jzzj (around Teti Pyramid) ; NTr-wsr ; Ro-
Hr-tp / Jtj ; "r-mrw / Mry ; Ozzj ; %o-mrr-PtH (No. 68 [C 4]) ; %wj ; c#bw / Jbbj
E-3 PtH-Htp I (D 62) ; Mrrw-k#.j / Mrj ; MTTj ; Rmnj / Mr-wj ; %ntj-k# / JXXj ; Vy (No. 60
[D 22])
F PtH-Spss (PM III 340-342, Abusir) ; MTTj ; c#bw / Jbbj
B-3 Nfrt-nswt
B-Y WHm-nfrt
D-2 K#-Hj.f (G 2136)
E-1 K#-Hj.f (G 2136)
F cSm-nfr II (G 5080)
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General Index
Abu Ghurob, 8 false door, 1, 24, 26, 27, 30, 33, 46, 59, 61, 62, 71, 75,
Abusir, 6, 7, 8, 37, 39, 42, 57, 71, 73, 126, 129, 140, 77, 80, 83, 84, 87, 88, 89, 102, 107, 120, 129, 130,
281, 287, 319, 329, 330, 348 133, 134, 136, 141, 145, 153, 159, 162, 165, 166,
ancestor cult, 3, 15, 286, 288 169, 170, 177, 178, 182, 207, 211, 216, 217, 222,
Appeal to the Living, 24, 355, 357, 362, 364, 365, 223, 224, 228, 233, 235, 236, 237, 238, 239, 242,
366, 367, 370, 371, 373, 379 252,253, 254, 255, 256, 258, 262, 265, 267, 268,
bird, 47, 71, 73, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 93, 95, 129, 131, 270, 271, 273, 274, 294, 295, 306, 307, 309, 316,
132, 133, 164, 173, 190, 191, 192, 195, 196, 197, 318, 323, 324, 327, 328, 332, 339, 350, 354, 367,
198, 214, 217, 235, 239, 240, 264, 307, 319, 333, 375, 378
334, 335, 336, 343, 345, 348, 350 family group, 52, 249, 252, 253, 254, 255, 263, 266,
brother, 10, 52, 69, 74, 90, 121, 130, 138, 139, 140, 267, 269, 276, 277, 282, 316, 375, 376
141, 142, 145, 147, 148, 149, 152, 153, 157, 162, father, 9, 15, 26, 30, 35, 37, 38, 40, 41, 42, 44, 45, 46,
163, 164, 165, 168, 169, 170, 173, 174, 180, 182, 47, 51, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67,
183, 185, 186, 190, 191, 194, 198, 199, 201, 206, 68, 69, 70, 72, 88, 91, 94, 101, 114, 117, 121, 125,
208, 221, 223, 231, 259, 267, 272, 273, 274, 277, 134, 135, 138, 140, 156, 157, 162, 168, 185, 199,
284, 289,290, 294, 299, 304, 311, 313, 351, 359, 202, 203, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 213, 216,218,
360, 361, 377 219, 220, 223, 225, 226, 228, 229, 230, 231, 233,
butchery, 123, 129, 190, 194, 197, 201, 270, 287, 338, 240, 245, 256, 258, 259, 263, 264, 265, 271, 272,
350 275, 277, 279, 284, 286, 288, 302, 304, 309, 311,
censing, 50, 112, 134, 137, 181, 182, 201, 228, 247, 313, 320, 321, 359, 360
248 foreleg, 81, 124, 129, 130, 131, 165, 185, 190, 191,
choice offerings, 80, 82, 131, 133, 189, 194, 195, 196, 192, 194, 196, 240, 333, 334, 335, 336, 340, 345,
197, 199, 200, 332, 335, 336, 338, 341, 342, 344, 346, 348, 350
345, 346, 347, 349 funerary estate, 43, 45, 121, 122, 124, 140, 142, 150,
Coffin Texts, 276, 277 156, 161, 168, 177, 180, 198, 199, 252, 289, 301,
Dahshur, 8, 41, 91, 98, 99, 100, 109 302, 303, 306, 308, 310, 312, 313, 314, 340, 341,
daughter, 10, 14, 26, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 36, 44, 51, 52, 342, 348, 349, 354, 357, 363, 377
55, 58, 59, 62, 66, 67, 68, 69, 71, 73, 77, 78, 79, 82, funerary vases, 24, 368, 371, 373, 379
83, 87, 95, 98, 99, 101, 103, 105, 110, 111, 158, Giza, 4, 7, 8, 12, 26, 27, 28, 31, 32, 33, 35, 36, 37, 38,
159, 166, 170, 179, 204, 208, 211, 218, 232, 235, 40, 41, 42, 51, 52, 53, 57, 58, 59, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65,
236, 242, 243, 249, 256, 257, 259, 260, 261, 262, 66, 67, 68, 69, 71, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 82,
265, 268, 271, 274, 290, 294, 299, 306, 308, 309, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 96, 97,
319, 359, 363 102, 103, 104, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112,
Deir el-Gabrawi, 9, 37, 38, 39, 51, 82, 84, 91, 92, 93, 113, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 125,
96, 100, 101, 113, 114, 115, 120, 121, 146, 167, 129, 130, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 139, 140, 141,
173, 174, 207, 208, 236, 237, 239, 240, 241, 260 142, 143, 145, 147, 150, 152, 153, 156, 157, 158,
Dendera, 9, 38, 39, 91 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 169,
Deshasha, 9, 31, 40, 71, 72, 91, 123, 124, 146, 154, 170, 171, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 180, 181,
155 182, 184, 185, 186, 188, 189, 190, 201, 202, 203,
Edfu, 9, 38, 57, 70, 113 204, 205, 206, 207, 209, 210, 211, 212, 213, 214,
eldest daughter, 28, 66, 261 215, 216, 217, 218, 219, 220, 221, 222, 223, 224,
eldest son, 14, 27, 28, 32, 45, 51, 52, 54, 65, 68, 70, 225, 226, 227, 228, 229, 230, 232, 233, 234, 235,
72, 81, 113, 114, 125, 126, 136, 164, 185, 191, 192, 236, 237, 239, 240, 242, 244, 245, 246, 249, 250,
239, 256, 265, 268, 270, 273, 310, 321, 340, 353 251, 252, 253, 256, 257, 258, 260, 261, 262, 263,
El-Hagarsa, 9, 26, 28, 31, 36, 37, 41, 70, 79, 84, 86, 264, 269, 272, 278, 280, 281, 285, 286, 288, 289,
93, 95, 116, 261 290, 291, 292, 293, 294, 296, 299, 300, 301, 302,
El-Hammamiya, 9, 31, 35, 42, 84 303, 304, 305, 306, 307, 308, 313, 314, 317, 319,
El-Hawawish, 9, 26, 28, 29, 31, 36, 37, 42, 70, 84, 86, 320, 321, 324, 327, 329, 332, 343, 344, 346, 353,
87, 91, 93, 94, 113, 116, 120, 124, 126, 127, 146, 359, 362, 375, 378, 379
167, 168, 169, 174, 175, 204, 205, 218, 290 grandchildren, 10, 45, 207, 208, 233, 236, 237, 239,
el-Khokha, 9 243, 244, 245, 260, 262, 265, 269, 270
el-Qasr wa-‘l-Saiyad, 9, 26, 38, 39 Hathor, 35, 37, 68, 109, 205, 212, 232, 309, 310
el-Sheikh Said, 9, 71, 88, 125, 136, 137 household, 3, 14, 42, 149, 150, 161, 170, 181, 263,
emic, 22 276, 282, 283, 284, 285, 295, 317
etic, 22
687
invocation offerings, 292, 337, 343, 352, 353, 354, Quseir el-Amarna, 9, 33, 38, 86, 104, 105, 106, 113,
356, 357, 359, 360, 361, 364, 365, 366, 367, 370 134, 164, 188, 197, 200, 207, 241, 242, 243, 337,
ka-priest, 41, 53, 149, 306, 314, 353, 354, 356, 357 349
Kaw Bowl, 126, 277, 359, 360, 367 removing the foot print, 50, 112, 119
Kom el Akhdar, 8, 28, 140, 146 removing the footprints, 119, 135
language-game, 22, 23, 24, 275, 277, 288, 317, 322, reversionary offerings, 122, 292
323, 366, 367, 368, 371, 376 Sahure, 6, 130, 140
lector priest, 37, 54, 118, 135, 174, 183, 199, 200 Saqqara, 1, 4, 7, 8, 26, 27, 28, 30, 31, 32, 33, 35, 36,
legal texts, 24 37, 38, 39, 40, 42, 43, 51, 54, 55, 56, 57, 59, 60, 62,
Letters to the Dead, 2, 12, 24, 126, 277, 280, 286, 358, 63, 65, 66, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80,
359, 360, 361, 362, 363, 364, 365, 366, 368, 370, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 88, 91, 93, 94, 95, 96, 98, 99,
371, 373, 377, 379 100, 101, 102, 104, 105, 107, 108, 109, 113, 114,
libation, 108, 112, 115, 116, 134, 137 120, 121, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134,
lotus flower, 50, 56, 59, 60, 67, 68, 71, 73, 82, 86, 87, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 146, 148, 149, 150, 151,
94, 99, 101, 103, 116, 117, 118, 131, 154, 155, 198, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 159, 162, 163, 164,
214, 221, 222, 224, 228, 230, 233, 241, 243, 245, 165, 166, 167, 168, 175, 176, 177, 179, 180, 181,
274, 288 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 191, 192, 193,
Meir, 9, 31, 36, 37, 38, 39, 70, 91, 109, 111, 112, 113, 194, 201, 202, 203, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 211,
114, 118, 119, 134, 135, 141, 164, 183, 188, 196, 215, 216, 218, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 231, 233,
197, 202, 204, 205, 207, 208, 224, 227, 228, 229, 234, 235, 236, 237, 238, 239, 240, 249, 250, 251,
230, 244, 333, 349, 350 252, 253, 256, 257, 258, 259, 263, 265, 267, 268,
Memphis, 6, 8 269, 270, 273, 274, 278, 279, 280, 281, 285, 287,
Mernere, 196 289, 290, 292, 296, 304, 308, 311, 317, 319, 320,
mother, 9, 13, 14, 26, 37, 52, 56, 57, 58, 62, 71, 126, 321, 324, 327, 329, 330, 332, 333, 335, 336, 338,
153, 179, 202, 203, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 340, 341, 342, 346, 347, 349, 350, 352, 356, 357,
211, 212, 213, 214, 215, 216, 217, 221, 222, 223, 372, 375, 379
224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 229, 232, 247, 256, 258, side lock, 49, 51, 212, 235, 239, 261, 270
259, 262, 263, 264, 265, 271, 274, 284, 293, 297, sister, 10, 30, 52, 90, 138, 139, 140, 141, 146, 149,
298, 302, 305, 311, 312, 317, 353, 359, 360, 361, 150, 154, 156, 157, 166, 170, 172, 175, 177, 179,
368, 378 256, 264, 267, 272, 274, 289, 290, 294, 295, 302,
Nag el-Deir, 9, 89 313, 314, 359, 360, 361, 377
Nag’ el-Deir, 37, 41, 84, 88, 89, 93 slaughtering cattle, 134
Naqada, 9, 38, 39 son, 9, 14, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 35, 37, 38, 40,
Neith, 36, 37, 205 41, 42, 45, 47, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 57, 58, 60, 61, 62,
Nyuserra, 43 63, 64, 65, 66, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 75, 77, 78, 79, 80,
offering bearers, 17, 24, 42, 80, 81, 82, 83, 85, 127, 81, 84, 88, 89, 91, 92, 93, 94, 96, 97, 100, 103, 106,
129, 131, 132, 133, 136, 146, 151, 154, 159, 164, 107, 108, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120,
165, 184, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 194, 196, 197, 121, 123, 125, 126, 127, 130, 131, 133, 134, 135,
198, 199, 200, 201, 240, 248, 264, 268, 270, 271, 140, 146, 148, 163, 164, 168, 170, 179, 185, 189,
274, 279, 291, 314, 318, 322, 324, 325, 327, 329, 190, 191, 192, 194, 198, 199, 204, 207, 208, 209,
332, 335, 336, 337, 339, 340, 341, 343, 344, 346, 211, 212, 213, 214, 216, 217, 220, 222, 223, 224,
347, 348, 349, 350, 352, 363, 364, 366, 367, 368, 225, 230, 231, 235, 236, 239, 248, 249, 256, 257,
370, 372, 377, 378 258, 259, 260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 268,
offering table, 55, 77, 81, 85, 88, 103, 105, 106, 107, 270, 271, 273, 274, 284, 286, 288, 290, 294, 295,
114, 126, 130, 134, 141, 164, 172, 177, 181, 189, 296, 297, 298, 299, 300, 303, 307, 308, 309, 311,
191, 201, 224, 225, 226, 228, 242, 244, 252, 257, 312, 316, 319, 320, 321, 336, 340, 345, 347, 348,
267, 268, 271, 273, 274, 309, 338, 340, 341, 345, 349, 353, 354, 359, 360, 361, 363, 366, 368
349, 357, 361 Tehna, 9, 26, 35, 37, 42, 51, 57, 296, 309
Pepy I, 6, 41, 141, 149, 194, 197 Teti Cemetery, 8, 41, 56, 60, 70, 81, 114, 133, 333,
Qubbet el-Hawa, 9, 24, 26, 31, 38, 39, 42, 44, 83, 88, 342, 357
98, 99, 100, 101, 113, 134, 145, 150, 172, 362, 363, Zawyet el-Amwait, 9
368, 371, 379 Zawyet el-Amwat, 28, 29, 37, 42, 57, 103, 104, 109
688
Index of Egyptian Words
#Xtj-mrw-nswt, 69, 140, 149, 175, 184, 185, 205, 209, Wnnj, 31, 39, 78, 79, 88
218 WnSt, 31, 37, 69, 71, 84, 235, 236
#Xtj-Htp, 28, 42, 51, 52, 63, 66, 67, 91, 113 wr jrt m v#-wr, 148
#Xt-Htp, 64, 69, 164, 165, 191, 335 Wr-nw, 41, 105
J#Tz, 162 Wr-%o.f-Ro, 148
Jj-mry, 31, 42, 57, 120, 139, 140, 141, 156, 157, 158, WHm-nfrt, 236, 242
164, 188, 204, 218, 220, 221, 230, 231, 232, 272, WHm-k#, 150, 156, 157, 167, 170, 171, 206, 209, 210,
288, 335 218, 293, 294, 296, 298, 300, 303, 306, 378
Jj-m-Htp, 142 wt, 42, 105, 147, 265, 335
Jj-nfrt, 37, 120 wDb, 122, 292, 303, 353
Jwfj, 61, 62 Bw-nfr, 149
jb# dancers, 110 Ppj, 140, 142, 164, 165, 166, 173, 191, 297
Jbj, 38, 39, 82, 91, 92, 93, 96, 101, 146, 167, 173, 174 Ppy-onX-Hrj-jb, 39, 70, 91, 109, 111, 112, 141, 164,
Jb-nbw, 28 183, 188, 196, 197, 202, 205, 207, 208, 224, 226,
Jmj, 40, 167, 168, 169 227, 244, 333, 336, 349, 350
jmy-r# pr, 149, 150, 161, 298 Ppy-onX-km, 39, 114, 228, 229, 230
jmy-r# pr-HD, 35 Pr-nḏw, 26, 33
jmy-r# Hm-k#, 41 Pr-snb, 31, 57, 59, 66, 67
jmy-r# zS(w), 148 pr- ḏt, 18
jmy-r# zS o(w) n(w) nswt, 148 PH.n-wj-k#, 142, 148, 162, 175
jmy-r# st Xntyw-S Pr-o#, 40 Ptḥ-Htp, 40
jmy-r# Cmow, 35 PtH-Htp II, 148, 149, 150, 157, 160, 161, 164, 175,
jmy-r# Snwt, 161 176, 180, 181, 183, 184, 186, 187, 192, 193, 290,
jmy-r# qd, 148, 304 302, 333, 348, 350
jmyt-r# pr jnowt/Htswt, 151 PtH-sDf#, 86, 87, 112, 256
Jmpy, 208 PtH-Spss, 39, 71, 73, 126, 319
Jnw-Mnw, 37, 39, 40, 41, 55, 56, 57, 60, 113, 114, 133 mwt, 9, 15, 203, 205, 207, 312, 313, 317, 378
Jnpw-Htp, 140, 145, 147, 156, 157, 164, 209, 218, 228, Mnw-m-H#t, 126, 127
229, 264, 265, 273, 286, 336, 343, 344 Mry-jb, 32, 35, 57, 61, 66, 68, 69, 205, 209, 210
Jn-k#.f, 102, 258, 333, 334 Mry-o#, 28, 86, 93, 95, 116, 261
jrj-pot, 39 Mry-nswt, 77, 78
Jrj-n-#Xt, 56, 261 Mry-Ro-mrj-PtH-onX, 91, 96, 140
Jrj.s, 82, 83, 131, 132, 261, 346 Mry-Ro-nfr, 38, 57, 70, 88, 135, 136, 140, 146, 173,
JHj, 186 174, 175, 176, 177, 212, 213
JHj-m-s#.f, 185 Mry-%wfw, 224, 226
Jzj, 37, 42, 51, 71, 84, 113, 120, 121, 208 Mry-vtj, 27, 71
jt, 9, 15, 57, 69, 107, 108, 179, 199, 203, 208, 265, Mrw, 37, 41, 71, 84, 88, 89, 93, 140, 142, 164, 185,
305, 313, 360 186, 189, 190, 334, 360
Jtj, 52, 113, 140, 159, 177, 178, 334 Mr.f-nb.f, 39, 41, 93, 140, 164, 194, 215, 347
Jttj, 31, 32, 40, 42, 57, 71, 72, 91, 106, 112, 115, 116, Mrrj, 41, 93, 94, 101, 361
123, 124, 139, 140, 146, 148, 150, 152, 154, 155, Mrrw-k#.j, 26, 27, 31, 33, 37, 39, 41, 42, 51, 54, 55,
156, 157, 162, 169, 181, 221, 313 69, 71, 96, 120, 140, 149, 162, 163, 164, 184, 185,
Jdw, 26, 38, 39, 42, 69, 88, 91, 109, 110, 111, 112, 194, 195, 196, 205, 216, 221, 222, 231, 269, 319,
334 336, 349
onX-wD#, 51, 52, 112 Mr.s-onX III, 205, 219, 231, 232
onX-m-o-Or, 39, 152, 153, 162, 163, 164, 335 Mrt-jt.s, 69
onX-m-o-k#.j, 33, 306, 334 MHw, 57, 96, 98, 168, 319, 341, 342
onX-H#.f, 84, 85, 112, 115 Ms-s#, 64, 65, 338
onX-Owt-Or, 57, 62, 133, 257 MTTj, 57, 69, 93, 94, 95, 100, 109, 113, 120, 127
onX-k#.s, 150 Mdw-nfr, 37, 38, 84, 133, 290, 307, 308
W#S-PtH, 53, 57, 71, 84 mDH qd nswt, 148
W#S-k#.j, 107, 133, 134 Nj-onX-Ppy-km, 113, 118, 134, 135
wob, 36, 44, 148, 204, 205, 216, 310, 356, 357 Nj-onX-%wfw, 149
wob nswt, 37, 44 Nj-onX-$nmw and $nmw-Htp, 57, 98, 99, 145, 150,
Wott-xt-Or, 27, 33 151, 157, 158, 159, 206, 209, 218
689
Nj-M#ot-Ro, 40, 140, 142, 292, 301, 302, 303, 313 Otp-k#, 154, 304
Nj-Htp-PtH, 69, 106, 112, 113, 134 Htp-dj-nswt, 163
Nj-sj-PtH, 149 %o.f-Ro-onX, 57, 58, 59, 74, 109, 120, 121, 122, 139,
Nj-k#w-Jzzj, 37, 39, 69, 70, 96, 113, 357 142, 148, 152, 167, 169, 171, 181, 221, 313
Nj-k#w-Ro, 31, 36, 42, 57, 59, 60, 84, 205, 207, 208, %wfw-onX, 84, 156, 157, 159, 160, 164, 206, 216, 263,
209, 211, 233, 234, 262, 265 271, 273, 294
nj Dt.f, 150 %wfw-Xo.f I, 51, 120, 205, 209, 211
Nb-jb, 113, 114, 115 %wfw-Xo.f II, 116, 117
Nb-mnj, 157 %w.n-wX, 33, 38, 86, 104, 105, 106, 113, 134, 164,
nbt-pr, 13, 44 188, 197, 200, 207, 241, 242, 243, 337, 349
Nfr, 58, 69, 93, 94, 121, 139, 140, 142, 146, 148, 150, %w-ns, 28, 29, 57, 103, 104, 109, 172
162, 168, 170, 177, 178, 179, 207, 220, 256, 259, 261, %w.n-Ro, 212, 214, 215, 227
268 %mt, 142
Nfrj, 113, 204, 228, 312 %nw, 39, 57, 88, 309, 311
Nfr-jrt-n.f, 37, 42, 91, 93, 94, 259 %nwt, 150, 155
Nfr-b#w-PtH, 218, 219, 220, 335 Xntyw-S, 40, 44
Nfr-m#ot, 1 Xntyw-S Pr-o#, 40
Nfr-n#w-PtH, 288 %nt-k#w.s, 31, 33, 84
Nfr-nṯr, 35 Xrp oprw, 206
Nfr-Or-Nmtj, 170 Xrp oH, 35, 147
Nfr-Htp, 139, 142, 150, 177, 178, 292, 303, 313 $nmw-nDm(w), 28, 40, 164
Nfr-srs, 292, 301, 302, 303, 313 xry-Hbt, 37, 38, 39, 44, 54, 118, 183, 199, 200, 201,
Nfr-sX.f-PtH, 57, 58 308
Nfr-sSm-PtH, 338, 339, 347 xry-tp nswt, 40, 192, 199, 338, 347, 348
Nfr-sSm-Ro, 31, 41, 55, 56, 69 xkrt nswt, 36, 68, 69, 150, 301
Nfr-k#(.j), 207, 216 z#b sHD zS, 42, 44, 120, 183
Nfrt, 66, 80, 239, 240, 257 z#b zS, 42, 148, 187, 273
Nfr-Tzt, 170 z# nswt, 35
Nn-sDr-k#(.j), 68, 204, 218, 219 z# nswt n xt.f, 35
NXbw, 91, 96, 140, 173 z# z#.f, 208, 239, 270
nXt-Xrw pr-mD#t, 206 z#t, 9, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 36, 66, 68, 138, 145,
Nswt-nfr, 33, 36, 120, 121, 122, 258 204, 208, 261, 294, 306, 308, 309, 359
NTr-wsr, 84, 85, 113, 134, 150, 155, 156 z#t nswt, 36, 68
nDt-Hr, 122, 157, 161, 195, 198, 199, 336, 337, 340, zS o(w) n(w) nswt, 148
347, 349 zS n z# Hm(w)-k#, 150
R#-mw, 207, 233, 234 ZTw, 70, 76, 89, 90, 156, 160
Ro-wr, 148, 205, 216 c#b, 77, 141
Ro-wrwy, 135 c#bw, 113, 128, 239, 240
Ro-Htp, 1, 295, 297, 298, 299 c#bnj I, 99, 100, 101
Rwḏ, 150 c#-mry, 152, 167, 175, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 274
rX-nswt, 35, 36, 44, 147, 150, 265, 310, 311 s#X rite, 135
rXt-nswt, 36, 44, 150, 205, 310 cwD-K#(.j), 69
Rdj-ns, 76, 83, 84, 89, 90 Sbk-nfr, 37, 79
!nqw I, 91, 96, 100, 208, 239, 240, 241 smr woty, 35, 36, 38, 39, 44, 54, 147, 357
Hrw-nfr, 37, 149 sn, 10, 15, 36, 42, 121, 130, 131, 138, 139, 140, 141,
H#tj-o, 39, 40 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 149, 150, 152, 153,
Om-Mnw, 30 154, 159, 160, 162, 165, 167, 168, 169, 170, 175,
Hm-nTr, 36, 37, 44, 68, 310 177, 178, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 186, 187, 188,
Hm-k#, 41, 42, 44, 134, 144, 149, 199, 347, 352, 357 189, 191, 192, 201, 208, 209, 249, 267, 270, 271,
Hmt.f, 139, 177, 309, 310, 313 289, 290, 291, 292, 293, 295, 296, 297, 298, 300,
Hmt-nTr Nt, 35, 205 301, 302, 303, 304, 305, 307, 311, 312, 313, 314,
Hmt-nTr Owt-Or, 35, 205 315, 317, 340, 342, 345, 348, 350, 353, 354, 356,
Omt-Ro, 57, 116, 118, 142, 180 357, 377, 378
Hry-sSt# n pr-dw#t, 147 Sn-jt.f, 107, 108
Or-mrw, 81 cnfrw-jn-jSt.f, 91, 98, 99, 100, 109
Ozy-Mnw, 84, 91, 93, 94, 113, 116, 120 Snnw, 83
Hq# b#t, 147 snt, 10, 15, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145,
Otj, 150 146, 150, 155, 157, 159, 177, 271, 289, 290, 293,
690
295, 297, 300, 301, 303, 305, 306, 312, 313, 314, K#-Hj.f, 57, 88, 103, 104, 105, 135, 136, 222, 223, 224,
315, 317, 377 228, 244, 245, 269
snt-Dt, 10, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 150, 155, K#-Hb, 149
157, 159, 177, 271, 289, 290, 293, 295, 297, 300, K#(.j)-Hp, 161, 174, 176, 207, 208, 234, 235, 236, 237,
301, 303, 305, 306, 312, 313, 314, 315, 317, 377 238
cnDm-jb, 57, 70, 96, 97, 132, 149, 164, 188, 217, 344, K#-Xr-PtH, 57, 140, 142, 162, 207, 209
346 t#jty z#b T#ty, 39
sn-Dt, 10, 121, 139, 140, 142, 143, 144, 146, 147, 148, vp-m-onX, 30, 106, 107, 108, 116, 117, 141, 164, 175,
149, 152, 154, 159, 160, 162, 165, 167, 168, 169, 268
170, 175, 177, 180, 181, 183, 184, 186, 187, 189, Tp-m-nfr, 30
191, 192, 201, 209, 249, 270, 289, 290, 291, 292, Tf-nn, 77
293, 295, 296, 297, 298, 300, 301, 302, 303, 304, Ṯy, 35, 65, 66
305, 307, 311, 312, 313, 314, 315, 317, 342, 345, Vmrw, 153, 163
348, 351, 353, 354, 377, 378 Vntj, 147, 160, 162, 163, 167, 168, 305, 306, 308, 315,
crf-k#(.j), 88, 125, 136, 137 353
sHD wj#, 206 Vsmw, 142, 180, 311
sHD pr-o#, 36, 148 Vtj, 28, 29, 85, 86, 124, 134, 174, 175, 319, 349
sHD n Hsw, 43, 44 VTj, 57, 71, 84, 86, 104, 105, 106, 113, 164, 188, 197,
sHD Hm-k#, 41 200, 233, 234, 236, 237, 238, 241, 242, 243, 262
sHD Xntyw-S, 40 Vtw, 38, 112, 125, 130, 140, 149, 164, 165, 190
sHD Xntyw-S Pr-o#, 40 Vtw I, 130, 140, 149, 164, 190
sXpt stpt, 80, 131, 132, 189, 194, 195, 196, 197, 199, Vtw II, 112, 125
332, 336, 338, 340, 341, 342, 343, 345, 346, 347, Vtwj, 149
349 E#ty, 32, 140, 149, 156, 164, 166, 182, 188, 201, 209,
cXm-k#, 70, 76, 84, 103, 104, 157, 212, 214, 239, 270, 217, 218, 228, 263
271, 335 Eow, 39, 84, 91, 93, 236, 237, 238, 239, 260
cXm-k#-Ro, 103, 104, 212, 214 Ef-#w, 71, 72
cS#t-Htp, 33, 78, 120, 306 Ef#t-k#, 150, 295, 297
cSmw, 212, 213, 214, 224, 225, 261, 262
cSm-nfr I, 57, 76, 149, 156, 162, 164
cSm-nfr II, 33, 116, 117, 207, 216, 217, 245, 288
cSm-nfr III, 116, 117, 140, 148, 156, 167, 205, 216,
288, 335, 353
stpt-offerings, 24, 82, 161, 194, 199, 240, 332, 333,
336, 337, 338, 340, 341, 343, 347, 349, 373, 379
St-k#.j, 42
Cpsj, 80, 81, 84, 359, 360, 367
Cpsj-pw-PtH, 80, 81
Cpss-pw-Mnw, 31, 70, 86, 87, 91
Cpss-PtH, 53, 334
Cpss-k#.f-onX, 75, 76, 119, 135, 140, 146, 150, 152,
153, 216, 218, 231
Spst nswt, 36
Q#r, 37, 38, 41, 42, 57, 70, 88, 112, 129, 135, 136,
140, 146, 164, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 212, 213,
348
Qrj, 141
K#j, 32, 57, 84, 112, 120, 140, 156, 157, 162, 167,
202, 209, 216, 263, 335
K#.j-wob, 205
K#pj, 57, 140, 162, 164, 166, 167, 188
K#-pw-nswt, 32, 35, 57, 61, 66, 68, 69, 205, 209, 210
K#.j-m-Hzt, 57, 86, 140, 148, 154, 155, 304, 315
K#(.j)-nj-nswt I, 32, 35, 57, 84, 90, 260, 298, 299, 300
K#(.j)-nj-nswt II, 88, 135, 136
K#(.j)-nfr, 66, 69
K#-H#.j, 43, 57, 104, 107, 108, 146, 148, 162, 167, 168,
177, 178, 179, 268