Imagination and Memory Experiment
Imagination and Memory Experiment
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Abstract
An expanding body of literature has been showing that imagination, contrary to true experiences,
has a huge effect on memory. Even in the absence of overt social pressure and when hypothetical
events are just momentarily imagined, imagination inflation can happen. In general, research on
imagination inflation demonstrates that thinking about a counterfactual event can increase
individuals' level of certainty that it actually happened. In this paper, we explore empirical
Introduction
According to Abraham and Bubic (2015), imagination is a collection of visual or other sensory
experiences or analogies. On the other hand, memory is the ability to store and later recall
sensory experiences or analogies, whether they be visual or not. The existence of sensory
experiences or analogies, whether visual or not, is a shared trait between memory and
imagination. Thus, imagination may have an impact on memory. This is due to the fact that
imagination can provide sensory experiences or parallels, whether they be visual or not, which
can drastically alter how something is perceived if it is retained and recovered from memory.
This simply implies that a memory is a re-construct of a particular event or experience. Given
that imagination can influence how a memory is recalled, imagination has a substantial impact
on memories. Therefore, the key theoretical question in this study paper is: What impact does
Literature Review
Studies have shown that imagination may influence behavior in addition to distorting memory;
however, relatively little research has examined the relationship between imagination's impacts
on behavioral estimates and memory. There have been investigations on how one's imagination
may affect the behavior one describes to oneself (Thomas et al., 2006). The immediate
consequences and the memories that emerged as a result of such an event were explored. There
are comparisons between various behavioral estimations. The data collected before and after the
visualization suggested that the recommended behavior estimates changed. The actual behavior
assessments were improperly recalled as a direct consequence of the inspiration. Insinuating that
According to studies on the self, an essential component of self-relevant processing is that people
are more accurate than others in identifying or remembering information associated with
themselves (Hosany et al., 2020). In the case of long-term memory, the participants in this
research were asked to link items with their present self as opposed to others (Thomas et al.,
2006). How might this benefit of frequent self-reference be used while storing information for
several self-concepts? One theory is that the advantage develops as the number of self-concepts
increases. According to this theory, our long-term memory is more accurate if we are required to
retain information connected to several agents, the more self-relevant the agents are (Thomas et
al., 2006). For example, suppose we must recall information pertinent to our younger selves, our
older selves, and a stranger. In that case, we do better than if we are required to recall
information pertinent to our younger selves and two strangers. This will be referred to as the
allocated separately, reflecting each unique self-concept and eliciting appropriate self-reference
representation that can only assist one self-concept at a time (Hosany et al., 2020). According to
this idea, a person's self-concept should be as strong with two as it is with one. When people are
required to recall data associated with their self-concepts simultaneously, they only have to deal
with a single self-representation. The self-reference effect can only be shown for a single self-
concept of a person at a time. Alternatively, this single self-representation might rotate between
showing a variety of self-concepts (Thomas et al., 2006). Each concept would get a tiny degree
of self-reference advantage, but not nearly as much as when assigned to a single self-idea. The
simultaneously allocated to a single self-concept. From this fact, the Single Self-Allocation
Hypothesis derives its name. During implicit pattern learning, working memory affects how
people act when they know what's coming. For sequence learning to work, you must predict
what will happen after each step (Medimorec et al., 2021). But the exact nature of the link
between anticipation and memory that happens when you learn to follow a sequence is still
unclear. WM, for example, may be used to learn sequences so that information from long-term
memory can be retrieved. WM is also needed to store new information in long-term memory
(Medimorec et al., 2021). On the other hand, sequence learning is so much more automatic than
other types of learning that working memory (WM) may not affect it at all. To know how
sequential learning works, you must know how different systems work together. So, we looked
into whether or not people's anticipatory behavior changes during implicit sequence learning
based on how much they can remember in their working memory (WM).
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Due to a fundamental cognitive mechanism known as sequence learning, people can construct
information about the environment's recurring patterns (Medimorec et al., 2021). According to
an earlier study, distributional learning may occur without the individual's knowledge or explicit
instructions (Medimorec et al., 2021). Implicit sequence learning is the foundation for many
human activities, including language and physical talents. The performance on an implicit
accomplished this by comparing individuals’ test results with their perceptions of the
predictability of the term and finding a good match. To improve speech perception, the authors
hypothesized that enhanced implicit learning capabilities would result in more precise word
order probability representations (Medimorec et al., 2021). The link between reaction time (RT),
a standard measure for assessing implicit sequence learning, and working memory capacity has
been investigated. In the past, however, contradictory results have been reached about the
relationship between these two systems (Medimore et al., 2021). This may be the case because
researchers applied several WM capacity tests (such as visual, verbal, and numerical) and
The findings of experimental and behavioral game theory investigations indicate that actual
strategic behavior varies significantly and often from expectations. In addition to a person's
ability to absorb information, determined by their short-term memory capacity, our study
indicates that the observed variability may also be a source of the participants' underlying beliefs
(Devetag & Warglien, 2003). This is true even though most theoretical explanations for observed
variability relate to the underlying beliefs of participants. This is a crucial debate point in our
work. Cognitive psychology findings indicate a correlation between short-term memory capacity
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and proficiency in various problem-solving and thinking tasks. The amount of information stored
in short-term memory is also a significant cognitive bottleneck that may hinder an individual's
References
Devetag, G., & Warglien, M. (2003). Games and phone numbers: Do short-term memory bounds
https://doi.org/10.1016/S0167-4870(02)00202-7
Hosany, S., Buzova, D., & Sanz-Blas, S. (2020). The influence of place attachment, ad-evoked
https://doi.org/10.1177/0047287519830789
Holmes, E. A., & Mathews, A. (2010). Mental imagery in emotion and emotional disorders.
Medimorec, S., Milin, P., & Divjak, D. (2021). Working memory affects anticipatory behavior
https://doi.org/10.1007/s00426-019-01251-w
Thomas, A. K., Hannula, D. E., & Loftus, E. F. (2007). How self‐relevant imagination affects
https://doi.org/10.1002/acp.1270