Diagnostic Error in Correctional Mental Health
Diagnostic Error in Correctional Mental Health
Abstract
While they have important implications for inmates and resourcing of correctional institutions,
diagnostic errors are rarely discussed in correctional mental health research. This review seeks to
estimate the prevalence of diagnostic errors in prisons and jails and explores potential causes and
consequences. Diagnostic errors are defined as discrepancies in an inmate’s diagnostic status
depending on who is responsible for conducting the assessment and/or the methods used. It is
estimated that at least 10% to 15% of all inmates may be incorrectly classified in terms of the
presence or absence of a mental illness. Inmate characteristics, relationships with staff, and cognitive
errors stemming from the use of heuristics when faced with time constraints are discussed as
possible sources of error. A policy example of screening for mental illness at intake to prison is used
to illustrate when the risk of diagnostic error might be increased and to explore strategies to
mitigate this risk.
Keywords
mental illness, diagnostic error, misclassification, prisons, jails, inmates
Introduction
Mental health services and research in correctional institutions have grown tremendously in recent
decades, as there has been a growing recognition of mental health needs of inmates (Brink, Doherty,
& Boer, 2001; Brugha et al., 2005; Ditton, 1999; Fazel & Seewald, 2012; Steadman, Osher, Clark
Robbins, Case, & Samuels, 2009), and in many cases recommendations or legal obligations to meet
these needs (Powitzky, 2011). Given that screening and assessment are the entry point to services,
1
School of Epidemiology, Public Health and Preventive Medicine, University of Ottawa, Ottawa, Ontario, Canada
2
Department of Psychiatry, University of Ottawa, Ottawa, Ontario, Canada
Corresponding Author:
Michael S. Martin, MA, School of Epidemiology, Public Health and Preventive Medicine, University of Ottawa, 451 Smyth
Road, Room 3230A, Ottawa, Ontario, Canada K1H 8M5.
Email: [email protected]
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110 Journal of Correctional Health Care 22(2)
they are among the most essential aspects of a correctional mental health system (Livingston, 2009).
Effective detection of mental illness in correctional institutions followed by appropriate interven-
tions can lead to improved mental health and criminal justice outcomes (Martin, Dorken, Wamboldt,
& Wootten, 2012; Morgan et al., 2012). However, defining and diagnosing mental illness is not a
simple task. While the reliability and validity of psychiatric diagnosis have been debated over
decades, the recent release of Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fifth edition
(DSM-5) and ongoing revisions to the International Classification of Diseases, 11th revision (ICD-
11) have reinvigorated debate about the classification of mental illness (e.g., First & Wakefield,
2010; Kupfer, First, & Regier, 2002; Paris, 2013; Paris & Phillips, 2012; Phillips et al., 2012a,
2012b; Saxena, Esparza, Regier, Saraceno, & Sartorious, 2012; Stein et al., 2010). Despite the high
prevalence of mental illness in correctional settings, there remains a dearth of research regarding the
reliability and validity of classification systems such as DSM among prison populations. Due to the
differences in the environment itself, and in the characteristics of the prison population, there may be
factors associated with diagnostic error that are either magnified in a prison environment or unique
to this setting.
Underdiagnosis (and undertreatment) of mental illness has received the greatest attention, given
that delays in treatment (or a lack of treatment altogether) are associated with a worse prognosis
(Kisely, Scott, Denney, & Simon, 2006; Marshall et al., 2005). However, there are also important
consequences of overdiagnosis, which has been the focus of much of the criticism of revisions to
diagnostic classification. Somewhat paradoxically, concerns about overdiagnosis highlight the risk
of undertreatment of those who have the greatest need for psychiatric services. Others (Frances,
2014; Paris, 2013) have argued that the expansion of diagnostic criteria has reduced stigma for more
mild psychiatric conditions, while further increasing stigma toward the smaller group of individuals
with the most severe mental illnesses. These arguments appear to be reflected in findings that
individuals with mild to moderate symptom severity receive disproportionately more services in
community settings than those with severe mental illness (Alegrı́a et al., 2001; Katz et al., 1997).
This review addresses three questions related to diagnostic errors of inmates’ mental health: (1)
how common are they? (2) what inmate, staff, and environmental characteristics contribute to the
risk of diagnostic errors? and (3) what policies and research might increase the understanding of
these errors and reduce the risk of them occurring and/or mitigate their consequences? We adopt a
person-centered approach to this discussion and define a diagnostic error as any inmate whose
diagnostic classification varies depending on the method of arriving at this classification. In this
definition, we include both actual discrepancies in diagnosis in instances where multiple assess-
ments are conducted and discrepancies that would arise if multiple assessments were conducted.
While disagreement between assessments suggests that at least one diagnosis is inaccurate, agree-
ment between them does not guarantee a correct diagnosis. Therefore, our approach is likely to
underestimate the rate of diagnostic errors.
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Martin et al. 111
agreement if assessments are done independently. Furthermore, as mental health is often assessed at
intake to prison, which is a highly stressful time, diagnostic errors may also occur if the assessor fails
to distinguish psychiatric symptoms from normal reactions to stressors (Horowitz & Wakefield,
2007, 2012). Finally, this study may provide an underestimate since clinician agreement as to
whether a diagnosis is present does not indicate that this determination is, in fact, accurate.
Diagnostic error may also stem from the fact that nonmental health professionals, and in partic-
ular correctional officers, play an important role in detecting mental illness in jails and prisons. Brief
screening tools that can be administered by correctional officers have been developed to improve
identification of mental illness (Ford, Trestman, Wiesbrock, & Zhang, 2007; Grubin, Carson, &
Parsons, 2002; Steadman, Scott, Osher, Agnese, & Robbins, 2005). However, these tools detect at
most 75% of inmates with mental illness and refer approximately 25% of those who do not have an
illness (Martin, Colman, Simpson, & McKenzie, 2013). While some of these errors at the screening
stage may be corrected by staff (e.g., identification of mental health needs through observation or
self-referral, and clinicians terminating services upon further assessment of false positive screens), at
least a portion of the 25% of misclassified inmates will likely retain an incorrect diagnostic status.
For example, some screening tools that were developed were subsequently discouraged for use (e.g.,
the Referral Decision Scale; Veysey, Steadman, Morrissey, Johnsen, & Beckstead, 1998) because
they were being interpreted as diagnostic rather than screening tools. Based on the data in commu-
nity samples that individuals with no or low needs receive disproportionately high levels of care
(Alegrı́a et al., 2001; Katz et al., 1997), it is likely that some inmates who do not meet diagnostic
criteria for mental illness may be diagnosed following a positive screening result. Similarly, many
inmates who are missed by screening may retain this undiagnosed label. Even if staff identify and
correct errors for half of the inmates who are misclassified by screening, approximately 10% to 15%
of all inmates would retain an incorrect diagnostic status.
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112 Journal of Correctional Health Care 22(2)
(Katon, Sullivan, & Walker, 2001). If misdiagnosed as a physical rather than mental health issue,
this may lead to inappropriate treatments.
At the clinician level, errors may stem from the use of heuristics by clinicians in situations where
time or information are limited, the processes through which screening and assessment are con-
ducted, interview style and training, and the availability of collateral information from previous
treatment providers, family, and other sources close to the individual (Aboraya, 2007; Croskerry,
2003; Crumlish & Kelly, 2009). Cognitive errors associated with the inappropriate use of heuristics,
such as anchoring, confirmation bias, diagnosis momentum, and commission bias (Croskerry, 2003;
Crumlish & Kelly, 2009), may be especially prevalent in correctional settings where large numbers
of inmates may need to be assessed, often in short time periods. To illustrate these errors, we adapt
an example given by Crumlish and Kelly (2009) to the correctional setting. An inmate is started on
an antipsychotic at intake based on either a perceived need to take at least some action despite an
unclear psychopathology (i.e., commission bias) or a provisional diagnosis of psychosis. As the
inmate serves his or her sentence, this diagnosis may persist without further assessment to confirm a
diagnosis of psychosis (i.e., diagnosis momentum). The persisting diagnosis may stem from anchor-
ing (e.g., following the inmate’s transfer from an intake institution to a regular institution, a pro-
fessional might be unwilling to adjust a diagnosis made by a colleague) or confirmation bias (e.g.,
improvement in symptoms and behavior are attributed to the antipsychotic medication effectively
managing symptoms rather than other possible explanations, such as prior symptoms simply reflect-
ing adjustment to prison or the improvement reflecting regression to the mean on assessment
instruments; Lilienfeld, Ritschel, Lynn, Cautin, & Latzman, 2014).
System-level factors may include policies that fail to account for situational stressors or the
relationship between the assessor and the inmate. Admission to jail or prison is a highly stressful
time, yet screening and assessment often occur at this time. Thus, the potential for overdiagnosis
may be especially high. While there are few studies exploring changes in mental health symp-
toms during the period of incarceration, for many inmates depressive and anxiety symptoms
appear to decrease during the initial weeks of incarceration (Hassan et al., 2011; Taylor, Walker,
& Dunn, 2010). Conversely, Hart and colleagues (Hart, Roesch, Corrado, & Cox, 1993) note that
inmates may refuse to disclose information to correctional officers if they fail to build rapport
and engage inmates in the process and that correctional officers reported struggling with chang-
ing roles between a security role and a ‘‘service-delivery’’ role. Given the important role of
correctional officers in identifying inmates with mental illness, these challenges may be impor-
tant contributing factors to misdiagnosis of inmates’ mental health needs. These challenges are
reflected in findings from Steadman and colleagues, where 26 of 33 inmates who obtained false
negative screening results reported different information to the correctional officer conducting
screening and the research assistant administering a structured clinical interview (the SCID;
Steadman et al., 2005).
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Martin et al. 113
determine the maximum delay possible to gather additional information in support of more accurate
diagnosis (Ely, Graber, & Croskerry, 2011) without missing opportunities to improve mental health,
to prevent behavioral issues, and to inform important decisions such as security classifications.
Potential benefits of early intervention, however, must be balanced against consequences of psy-
chiatric treatment—and in particular psychiatric treatment for those who in fact do not require it. For
example, treatment of mental illness with medication comes with the risk of adverse events (Hamp-
ton, Daubresse, Chang, Alexander, & Budnitz, 2014). Given high rates of substance misuse, there
are also concerns in correctional facilities about medication misuse and diversion to other inmates
(e.g., selling or being victimized for medications; Gollapudi, 2011). Finally, mental illness remains
stigmatized in the general population (Angermeyer, Matschinger, Carta, & Schomerus, 2014;
Angermeyer, Matschinger, & Schomerus, 2013; Reavley & Jorm, 2014; Schomerus et al., 2012)
and among inmates (Edwards, 2000). This stigma may contribute to higher victimization among
those who are labeled as mentally ill (Blitz, Wolff, & Shi, 2008; Wolff, Blitz, & Shi, 2007). Stigma
may also be reflected in parole boards being less likely to release inmates with mental illness and
having lower thresholds for revoking conditional releases (Prins & Draper, 2009; Skeem, Manchak,
& Peterson, 2011). Reducing overdiagnosis is important to ensure that inmates without mental
illness are not inappropriately labeled, victimized, and/or stigmatized, without benefiting from the
treatment to counterbalance these side effects.
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114 Journal of Correctional Health Care 22(2)
those with the greatest need (Martin, Wamboldt, O’Connor, Fortier, & Simpson, 2013; Taylor et al.,
2010). Overreferral may be a contributing factor in delays or a lack of treatment for some inmates
presenting with urgent needs such as suicide risk or psychosis (Hassan, Rahman, King, Senior, &
Shaw, 2012; Hayes, Senior, Fahy, & Shaw, 2014; Schilders & Ogloff, 2014), although this question
has not been explored.
Conclusions
While they have received limited attention, diagnostic errors in correctional settings may result in
important consequences for inmates and staff. The extent to which diagnostic errors lead to worse
outcomes is unclear. Further, it is not clear whether it is possible to identify inmate, clinician, or
system factors that can be addressed to reduce these errors. While addressing these questions is
likely to prove to be a challenging task, efforts to resolve them may ensure cost-effective mental
health services to support optimal outcomes for inmates with mental illness.
Funding
The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication
of this article: Mr. Martin is supported by a Vanier Canada Graduate Scholarship. Dr. Colman is supported by
the Canada Research Chairs program.
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