Politics and Governance

CHAPTER 3 SUMMARY

Jorge V. Tigno, Chapter 3: Electoral and Party Politics in Prewar Philippines, Philippine Politics
and Governance: An Introduction, edited by Noel M. Morada and Teresa S. Encarnacion Tadem,
2006: 29-52.

1. Manuel L. Quezon: “My loyalty to my party ends when my loyalty to my country begins.”

2. From the beginning of American colonial rule in the Philippines in 1899 up to the period
before the declaration of martial law in 1972, parties and elections have become the essential
feature of the country’s political landscape.

3. Party activities are mainly confined to electoral politics.

4. Parties in the Philippines are essentially tactical entities.

5. Party leaders are more interested in achieving electoral success rather than the espousal
or pursuit of doctrinal or ideological ends and concerns.

6. In the Philippine political system, parties and elections function more as tactical instrumentalities
for the attainment of personal political success of a few candidates or party leaders rather than
in the doctrinal or ideological pursuit of strategic governance.

7. Under Spanish colonial administration, only a limited form of suffrage was observed
and one which only covered the principales or principal men of the town, who were eligible
to run as town mayor or gobernadorcillo.

8. In Leaders, Factions, and Parties: The Structure of Philippine Politics (1965), Carl Lande
commented that campaigning for the lection of town mayor or gobernadorcillo was a simple
matter requiring little organization that party organizations were unnecessary.

9. By the end of Spanish occupation of the Philippines, the revolutionary government under Emilio
Aguinaldo underscored the importance of independence.

10. In 1899, shortly after the start of hostilities between Filipino and American troops,
the revolutionary government negotiated a peace agreement on the premise that the Philippines
would eventually be granted autonomy by the United States.

11. The US created the first Philippine Commission headed by William Taft, who became
the governor-general of the islands.

12. Filipinos realized the importance of having a political organization that would become a conduit
of support from the Americans.

13. In December 1899, Trinidad Pardo de Tavera led a group of upper-class Filipinos to establish
the Federal Party whose platform was anchored on seeking peace with the United States
within President William McKinley’s “benevolent assimilation” framework.

14. In November 1901, the Philippine Commission passed the Anti-Sedition Law, which punished
those persons who advocate independence or separation from US sovereignty even by peaceful
means.

15. Anti-Sedition Law became the basis for Governor-General Taft to refuse recognition to parties
that called for independence even by peaceful means.

16. All political associations advocating independence were inhibited and outlawed until 1906.

17. Federal Party enjoyed prominence and a monopoly on political power.

18. In 1901, Federal Party claimed that it had more than 200,000 members.

19. Federal Party had its own newspapers – La Democracia and El Tiempo.
Politics and Governance
CHAPTER 3 SUMMARY

Jorge V. Tigno, Chapter 3: Electoral and Party Politics in Prewar Philippines, Philippine Politics
and Governance: An Introduction, edited by Noel M. Morada and Teresa S. Encarnacion Tadem,
2006: 29-52.

20. Federal Party played a major role in America’s pacification campaign because it involved
a significant number of Filipino elites who had strong influence on the people.

21. The emergence of the Federal Party complemented the efforts of the American colonial
leadership to expand Filipino participation in governance and building a universal educational
system.

22. More prominent and educated class of Philippine society understood that the American policy
of attraction offered them representation and hand in governance.

23. Many Filipinos still favoured independence such that Federal Part leadership, including
Pardo de Tavera himself insisted that they were continuing the insurrection but by legal
rather than violent means.

24. In Philippine Parties and Politics, Liang observed that appointments to public offices up to 1907
were almost completely confined to the federalistas.

25. Local elective positions most notably for municipal and provincial officials prior to 1907 were
almost exclusively from among those affiliated with the Federal Party.

26. With the absence of any significant opposition to the federalistas, partisan activities were largely
proscribed or prohibited.

27. By establishing democratic governmental structures, the Americans consolidated their rule
in the first decade of presence in the Philippines.

28. Democratic governmental structures further eroded the immediate and strong desire
for independence.

29. The federalistas collaborated with the American colonizers in a way that manifested a different
kind of nationalism guided by a strong sense of pragmatism.

30. Prior to 1907, there were attempts to establish parties that would challenge the social
and political supremacy of the Federal Party and establish a viable opposition and alternative
to the goal of statehood and limited autonomy under American sponsorship.

31. As early as 1901 and 1902, the Partido Nationalista (Nationalist Party) and the Union Obrera
(Labor Union) sought recognition from the American authorities.

32. Governor Taft refused recognition of the Partido Nationalista (Nationalist Party) and the Union
Obrera (Labor Union) and advised their leaders that they should be interested in agriculture
rather than politics.

33. In 1901, the Partido Conservador (Conservative Party) sought to conserve Spanish customs and
praise the superiority of the Spaniards as a race, but they never cold get more than 50 members.

34. Sergio Osmena of Cebu sought recognition for their Partido Democrata (Democratic Party),
whose platform was based on their unwilliness to accept the idea of eventual and permanent
American sovereignty over the islands.

35. Partido Democrata insisted on the necessity of two parties for a popular government
so as to enable the people to express wider opinions in matters of public policy.

36. Partido Democrata was established to provide an alternative to the Federal Party and thus ensure
the proper functioning of a democracy.

37. American authorities refused to grant the Partido Democrata formal recognition because
it maintained its call for eventual independent even by peaceful or legal means.
Politics and Governance
CHAPTER 3 SUMMARY

Jorge V. Tigno, Chapter 3: Electoral and Party Politics in Prewar Philippines, Philippine Politics
and Governance: An Introduction, edited by Noel M. Morada and Teresa S. Encarnacion Tadem,
2006: 29-52.

38. In 1904, a group of religious nationalists under Gregorio Aglipay, founder of the Philippine
Independent Church, formed the Republic Party of the Philippines whose platform was to ally
with the Americans in undertaking public works and exploit our national resources, but opposed
the sale of lands and mines to persons who are not Filipinos.

39. American authorities did not recognize Gregorio Aglipay’s Republic Party of the Philippines.

40. Up to 1907, the supremacy of the Federal Prty remained practically unchallenged.

41. As early as 1902, the Schurman Commission had recommended a proposal for the Philippines
to be granted self-government at some time in the future time.

42. The proposal of the Schurman Commision paved the way for the US Congressional Act of 1902
or the Philippine Bill of 1902, which called for the creation of a Philippine Assembly,
whose members would be elected by Filipinos, as soon as peace and order has been established
in the country.

43. The Philippine Assembly served as a check on the powers exercised by the Philippine Commission
whose members were all appointed by the US and who were largely composed of Americans
and even Progressive Party members from the US.

44. The Philippine Bill of 1902 also provided for the election of resident Commissioners
who would be given non-voting seats in the US House of Representatives.

45. By the middle of the decade, independence had become an inevitability.

46. American authorities relaxed the restrictions on the formation of political groups that sought
eventual independence but without rejecting US sovereignty over the archipelago.

47. In 1907, the Sedition Law of 1901 was relaxed and it became possible for political groups seeking
independence for the country to speak openly about independence and eventually challenge
the Federal Party.

48. On March 28, 1905, the Philippine Commission issued an executive order calling for a general
election on the establishment of the Philippine Assembly by June 1907.

49. The creation of the Philippine Assembly further opened up the national political leadership
for Filipinos.

50. Politicians who intended to be elected to the Philippine Assembly or the national legislature
had to deal with local networks at the provincial, municipal, and even barangay levels.

51. The political party as an organized network of voter support because the only necessary
mechanism to achieve success in the elections.

52. By the latter part of the decade, fewer Americans supported the Federal Party platform
of statehood for the Philippines.

53. The Federal Party was waning in popularity among the people and influence over the American
authorities.

54. Six months before the first Philippine Assembly election in 1907, the Federal Party convened
and changed is platform from annexation to gradual independence of the Philippines.

55. In the same convention, the party changed its name to Partido Nacional Progresista
(National Progressive Party).

56. With the relaxation of the Anti-Sedition Law brought about by the rduction of hostilities in 1905,
it was no longer a crime to call for independence.
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CHAPTER 3 SUMMARY

Jorge V. Tigno, Chapter 3: Electoral and Party Politics in Prewar Philippines, Philippine Politics
and Governance: An Introduction, edited by Noel M. Morada and Teresa S. Encarnacion Tadem,
2006: 29-52.

57. Partido Union Nacionalista (United National Party) advocated for immediate independence
without foreign assistance.

58. Partido Independista (Independence Party) advocated for early (eventual) independence
with foreign assistance.

59. On March 12, 1907, three months before the election for members of the national assembly,
Partido Union Nacionalista merged with Partido Independista into the Partido Nacionalista
(Nationalist Party) under the leadership Manuel L. Quezon of Tayabas, Quezon and Sergio
Osmeña of Cebu.

60. The Partido Nacionalista (Nationalist Party) became the single dominant champion of Philippine
Independence.

61. The Partido Nacionalista (Nationalist Party)posed a serious challenge to the Progressive Party
(formery Federal Party), which had given up on the idea of US annexation and adopted a position
that was pro-independence.

62. Unlike Taft who appointed offices according to political affiliation, American governor-general
Luke E. Wright followed the policy of granting appointment based on merit.

63. The prospect of incorporating the Philippines into the Union had never been a popular American
option.

64. Appointing to political offices based on merit led to further political marginalization
of the progresistas or federalistas.

65. On July 30, 1907 elections for members of the first Philippine Assembly, the electorate was
overwhelmingly in favour of the Nacionalista Party.

66. Nationalista Party was able to take 59 seats.

62. Progressive Party got only 16 seats. The independents got the rest.

63. Voters from Manila and Cebu (Osmeña’s hometown) were the supporters of the Nationalist
Party.

64. Strongest support for the Progressive Party came from Albay and Ilocos Sur.

65. Sergio Osmeña became the speaker of the first Philippine Assembly.

66. During the 1909 elections, the Nationalists got 62 seats as against the 16 seats of the Progressives
and 2 independents.

67. According to Ruby Paredes, even the Nacionalistas themselves were not serious about
independence but were more interested in acquiring power using the independence issue
as a means to generate voter support.

68. In 1912, Teodoro Sandiko bolted from the Nacionalista Party and established the Partido
Democrata Nacional (National Democratic Party) as the Terceristas or Third Party.

69. Sandiko accused Osmena of being autocratic and intolerant of those who express their free
and honest opinions.

70. In 1916 elections, Partido Democrata Nacional (National Democratic Party) only won 2 seats.

71. In 1916 elections, Nacionalista Party won 75 seats.

Jorge V. Tigno, Chapter 3: Electoral and Party Politics in Prewar Philippines, Philippine Politics
and Governance: An Introduction, edited by Noel M. Morada and Teresa S. Encarnacion Tadem,
2006: 29-52.

72. In 1916, there were 90 seats in the assembly, including 9 appointed delegates from the so-called
non-Christian provinces.

73. Jones Law or Philippine Organic Act of 1916 created the first Philippine Senate.

74. The Jones Law paved the way for eventual independence by providing a gradual shift
in representation in policy-making bodies as well as in executive departments.

75. The Philippine Senate replaced the old Philippine Commission.

76. The Philippine Assembly effectively became the House Representatives after 1916.

77. The Nationalist Party won 21 out of 22 seats in the Senate.

78. In April 22, 1917, the National Democratic ad Progressive parties merged into Partido Democrata
(Democratic Party).

79. Partido Democrata (Democratic Party) platform was more concerned about greater and more
direct participation of the people in the administration of public affairs.

80. Partido Democrata (Democratic Party) platform was more about demanding the majority party
to respect the principles of fair play.

81. At this point, the main electoral is started to shift away from calling for independence
to increased participation in public policy making.

82. In early 1916, Senator Clarke of Arkansas introduced an amendment to the original draft bill
filed in 1912 by Congressman Jones of Virginia, which specified a specific timeline for granting
of independence.

83. Senator Clarke’s bill proposed that independence be granted in not less than two years
and not more than four years.

84. The Nacionalistas were accused of being responsible for the defeat of the Clarke amendment
by their lack of interest and enthusiasm.

85. The Nacionalistas supported an alternative proposal that did not indicate any specific timetable
for granting of independence.

86. In Philippine Colonial Democracy (1989), Ruby Paredes argued that Osmeña played an active role
in subverting the people’s will by killing three attempts to introduce an immediate independence
resolution.

87. As early as 1907, Governor-General William Forbes noted that when asked if the Nacionalista
leadership would press for independence should they win the elections, they answered
that seeking independence was a catchway of getting votes.

88. The Nacionalista leadership wanted office, not independence.

89. Nationalista’s Sergio Osmeña was the House Speaker.

90. Nationalista’s Manuel L. Quezon was the Senate President.

91. Osmeña sought the endorsement of the party convention that the party should continue
to direct policies of the government.

92. Quezon opposed this by arguing that such a situation is conducive to oligarchy or autocracy
and therefore undemocratic.
Politics and Governance
CHAPTER 3 SUMMARY

Jorge V. Tigno, Chapter 3: Electoral and Party Politics in Prewar Philippines, Philippine Politics
and Governance: An Introduction, edited by Noel M. Morada and Teresa S. Encarnacion Tadem,
2006: 29-52.

93. On February 17, 1922, Manuel L. Quezon formed the Nacionalista-Collectivista

94. The Nacionalista Party was split between the Collectivistas in favour of collective leadership
under Quezon and the Unipersonalistas who believed in the “personal” leadership of Osmeña.

95. In 1922 elections, both Osmeña and Quezon ran and won seats in the Senate.

96. As a result of the split in the Nacionalist ticket, the Democratic Party obtained many seats in both
chambers but not enough to make a majority.

97. The Jones Law of 1916 provided for a separation of powers between the executive and legislative
branches.

98. The Jones Law of 1916 created the Philippine Senate out of the Philippine Commission.

99. The Jones Law of 1916 paved the way for eventual independence by providing a gradual shift
in representation in policy-making bodies as well as in executive departments.

100. According to the Jones Law of 1916, voters shall be every male person who is not a citizen
or subject of a foreign power, 21 years of age or over, except insane and feeble-minded
and those convicted in a court of competent jurisdiction of a grave offense after August 13, 1899.

101. According to the Jones Law of 1916, voters must be a resident of the Philippines for one year
and of the municipality in which he voted for six months preceding the day of voting.

102. According to the Jones Law of 1916, as an optional requirement, voters must be able to read
and write either in Spanish, English, or native language.

103. According to the Jones Law of 1916, as an optional requirement, voters must own real property
to the value of 500 pesos, or who annually pay 30 pesos or more of the established taxes.

104. In the elections of 1919, the Democratic Party was once again defeated.

105. Only one out of 36 provincial governors was a Democrata.

106. All elected senators and 83 out of 90 representatives were Nacionalistas.

107. The absence of a strong opposition from the progresistas or the terceristas provided no check
on the leadership of the Nacionalistas.

108. After 1907, the Nacionalista Party had virtually all control over the Senate and the House
of Representatives as well as much of the local governments.

109. Nacionalista Party controlled appointments, not only of executive and administrative officials
in the central government, but of the judges of the courts of first instance and of all the justices
of peace, provincial fiscals, or prosecuting attorneys throughout the archipelago.

110. Recruitment to the Nacionalista Party was largely based on the capacity of its members to be
elected to local and national government positions.

111. On October 16, 1918, the governor-general created the Council of State composed
of two presiding officers of the legislature (one each from both chambers), and all the members
of the cabinet.

112. The function of the Council of State is to provide assistance and advice to the governor-general
on matters of public policy and action.

113. The Council of State reduced the governor-general to a “mere figure-head” since key officials
of the cabinet were now subject to the concurrence of the Senate.
Politics and Governance
CHAPTER 3 SUMMARY

Jorge V. Tigno, Chapter 3: Electoral and Party Politics in Prewar Philippines, Philippine Politics
and Governance: An Introduction, edited by Noel M. Morada and Teresa S. Encarnacion Tadem,
2006: 29-52.

114. The power struggle of the 1920s within the Nationalist Party resulted with Osmeña losing power
and prominence to Quezon who was reelected as Senate president while the hose speakership
went to his close all Manuel Roxas, who was a Colectivista.

115. In 1924, the two factions reunited under Partido Nacionalista Consolidado (Consolidated
Nationalist Party) where Quezon took the helm of both party and government s Senate president.

116. In the 1930s, minority parties emerged as alternative electoral parties that competed
with the Nationalist Party.

117. Among these minority parties are Partido Modernista (Modernist Party), the New Youth Party
of the Philippines, the Young Philippines Party, the Partido Sakdalista (sakdal means to accuse
or put on trial).

118. In 1934, the Sakdalistas won three seats in the legislature, a provincial governor,
and a number of municipal officials.

119. By the 1920s, the Consolidated Nationalist Party under Quezon and Osmeña dominated
a majority party-led government.

120. The Nacionalistas exercised their hegemony over the executive through the cabinet.

121. No Filipino member of the cabinet was allowed to stay without the majority confidence
of the party in power.

122. On January 31, 1932, the remaining members of the Democratic party voted for its dissolution.

123. Former Democratas joined the ranks of the Nacionalistas.

124. In the 1930s, the Nacionalistas were again divided on the issue of the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Bill,
that established a blueprint for the eventual granting of independence to the Philippines.

125. The pros led by Osmeña were in favour of the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Bill.

126. The antis led by Quezon were against it.

127. The approval of the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Bll would certainly bring prestige and power to those
who secure it.

128. Osmeña was the one who negotiated with the US for the passage of the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Bill.

129. Quezon opposed the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Bill and advocated its rejection by the Senate.

130. Quezon replaced the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Bill with a new independence bill, which became
the Tydings-McDuffie Act of 1934.

131. The June 1934 elections assured Quezon of the Senate presidency once again.

132. The Tydings-McDuffie Act provided for the creation of a 202-seat Constitutional Conventionto
draft the 1935 Constitution.

133. The initial draft of the 1935 Constitution provided for a unicameral legislature.

134. The elites consolidated their power by way of the formation of national party organizations,
most notably the Nationalist Party.

135. National parties benefitted from the broadening of the right of suffrage that included a relatively
significant portion of the population and the opening of more local as well as national positions.

136. Women were not qualified to vote during Spanish time.

Jorge V. Tigno, Chapter 3: Electoral and Party Politics in Prewar Philippines, Philippine Politics
and Governance: An Introduction, edited by Noel M. Morada and Teresa S. Encarnacion Tadem,
2006: 29-52.

137. The Philippine Legislature had given women the right to vote, subject to legal qualifications,
on January 1, 1935.

138. Those against women suffrage argued that women voting would destroy the Filipino home and
women would be contaminated by vice once they participated in politics through the vote.

139. Those in favour of women’s suffrage insisted that women are “half of humanity” and that many
already played important social functions outside the household as professionals.

140. A plebiscite was help in April 1937 asking the women themselves to decide on whether or not
they would prefer to be given the right to vote.

141. More than half a million women registered for the referendum, where around 490,000 voted
and only 44, 307 voted against the proposal.

142. On May 14, 1935, President Roosevelt signed the draft constitution. As provided by the Tydings-
McDuffie Act, it was submitted to the Filipino electorate for ratification.

143. On September 1935, the first Commonwealth election was held.

144. Besides Quezon, there were two new parties that had candidates for Commonwealth president –
the National Socialist Party led by Emilio Aguinaldo and the Republican Party led by Gregorio
Aglipay.

145. For vice president, Osmeña was the candidate of the Nacionalistas.

146. Quezon won as president against Aguinaldo and Aglipay.

147. Osmeña won as vice president.

148. The Commonwealth constitution provided for a single chamber with ninety-eight seats.

149. Sixty-four seats went to the Quezon Wing while nineteen seat went to the Osmeña wing.

150. In Philippine Parties and Politics, Liang observed that the failure of the opposition was due
to the lack of unified leadership trong and popular enough to challenge both President Quezon
and Vice President Osmeña.

151. In Philippine Parties and Politics, Liang observed that the failure of the opposition was due
to their inability to present any constructive program that woud appeal much to the people.

152. By the elections of November 11, 1941, President Quezon and Vice President Osmeña
were reelected.

153. Since Quezon had already served his first term as president for six ears, he could only serve
for two more years on his second term, from November 1941 to November 1943.

154. On June 18, 1940, a plebiscite was held for constitutional amendments.

155. Since the Commonwealth legislature was unicameral, an amendment was proposed
to re-establish a bicameral legislature to be known as Congress of the Philippines with a senate,
whose members will be elected at large, and a house of representatives, whose members
will be elected by district.

156. Since the Commonwealth allows for a term of six years for the president and vice president,
an amendment was proposed in favor of shortening the term of the president and vice president
from six years to four years with only one reelection.

157. An amendment proposed the establishment of an electoral commission, composed of a president

Jorge V. Tigno, Chapter 3: Electoral and Party Politics in Prewar Philippines, Philippine Politics
and Governance: An Introduction, edited by Noel M. Morada and Teresa S. Encarnacion Tadem,
2006: 29-52.

158. Around three-quarters ratified the amendments which took effect upon the approval
of the US President Roosevelt.

159. In July 1940, Quezon declared the end of party politics.

160. Quezon declared that the country “must discard the theory that democracy cannot function
without political parties.”

161. In “Quezon’s Commonwealth: The Emergence of Philippine Authoritarianism,” Alfred McCoy

162. Quezon discarded the idea that democratic government cannot exist without an opposition.

163. Personality differences and ambitions, combined with the absence of a strong doctrinal
or ideological opposition led to the weakening of political parties.

164. During the American occupation, party affiliation was based on affinities of blood, friendship,
and regionalism as well as personal expedience.

165. During the Spanish colonial period, much of the colonial administration was undertaken
by appointed officials (usually also Spaniards).

166. In contrast, during first decade of American tutelage, provincial governors were elected as early
as 1903. By 1907, legislative seats because elective.

167. By the 1930s, the lack of ideological differences between parties became more pronounced.

168. Parties were concerned with obtaining power by way of electoral mandate.

169. Parties that are out of power were extremely vulnerable to disintegration as was the case
of the Federal Party of the early 1900s, the Progressive Party of the 1910s. and the Democratic
Party of the 1930s.

170. Political parties in prewar Philippines were invariably led by the wealthy local elites, whose goal
was to secure national leadership positions.

171. The elites were actually consolidating power by way of the formation of national party
organizations, most notably the Nationalist Party.

172. Anti-Sedition Law was passed by the Philippine Commission in 1901 that punished persons
who advocate independence or separation from the US sovereignty even by peaceful means.

173. Antis is the group against the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Bill of the early 1930s. It is a faction within
the Nationalist Party led by Manuel L. Quezon who eventually worked for the passage
of the Tydings-McDuffie Act of 1934.

174. Collectivistas was the faction within the Nationalist Party that was allied with Quezon in 1922.
They considered themselves I favour of collective leadership under Manuel L. Quezon.

175. Federal Party was the first Philippine political party established in 1900 by Trinidad Pardo
de Tavera. Its platform was anchored on the eventual entry of the Philippines into the Union.

176. Gobernadorcillo was the elective post of the town during the Spanish period.

177. Jones Law was also known as the Philippine Organic Act passed by the US Congress in 1916,
which called for the election of the members of the Philippine Commission transforming it
into the Philippine Senate.

178. Nationalist Party was founded in March 1907 under the leadership of notable personalities
such as Manuel L. Quezon and Sergio Osmeña.
Politics and Governance
CHAPTER 3 SUMMARY

Jorge V. Tigno, Chapter 3: Electoral and Party Politics in Prewar Philippines, Philippine Politics
and Governance: An Introduction, edited by Noel M. Morada and Teresa S. Encarnacion Tadem,
2006: 29-52.

179. Partyless Democracy was the principle of ending the importance or influence of political parties
in the administration of the government;

180. Partyless Democracy was the adopted by principle adopted by Manuel L. Quezon to propage
a more president-centered kind of administration.

181. Philippine Assembly was the country’s first legislative body established in 1899, composed
of persons appointed by the US president and working in an advisory capacity
to the governor-general.

182. By 1916, the Philippine Commission became the Senate composed of elected members.

183. Principales are general the principal men of the town.

184. Pros are the faction within the Nationalist Party allied with Osmeña and in favor of the conditions
for Philippine indepence as provided for in the Hares-Hawes-Cutting Bill of the early 1930s.

185. Sakdal means to accuse or put on trial.

186. Sakdalista Party was established by Benigno Ramos as a third party that eventually
had a mass following especially from central and southern Luzon.

187. Sakdalista Party achieved some degree of electoral success but eventually died out
after it initiated an uprising that was violently crushed by the government.

188. Terceristas was established in the early 1910s and considered themselves a third party
to the two contending political groups at the time – the Nationalist Party and the Democratic
Party.

189. Tydings-Mcduffie Act was the bill that substituted to the Hares-Hawes-Cutting Bill and was passed
by the US Congress in 1934.

190. Tydings-Mcduffie Act provided for the eventual granting of independence to the Philippines.

191. Unipersonalistas was the group allied with Osmeña and believed to be in favour of “persona;”
and single leadership of the Nationalist Party in 1922.