CONTEMPORARY

PSYCHOLOGY:
READINGS FROM GHANA
Editors
Charity S. Akotia
C. Charles Mate-Kole

SOCIAL SCIENCES SERIES VOL.3

DEPARTMENT OF PSYCHOLOGY
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UNIVERSITY OF GHANA
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UNIVERSITY OF GHANA READERS · ·~~~ :·1

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Editorial Board
Prof. (Emerita) Mary Esther Kropp Dakubu
Prof. Am a de-Graft Aikin s
Prof. Kwadwo Ansah Koram
Prof. C. Charles Mate-Kole

Social Sciences Series Editor

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Prof. Am a de-Graft Aikin s

Copyright Notice
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 CONTENTS

List of Figures

List of Tables IX

List of Contributors X

Foreword Ernest Aryeetey

...
Xlll

I Vice Chancellor, University of Ghana

l~
Preface Charity S. Akotia & C. Charles Mate-Kale XV

-· ~--1-----------
1 SECTION ONE INTRODUCTION

II Chapter 1 History, Development and

Current Status of Psychology in Ghana
Seth Oppong, Kwaku Oppong,
1

Asante & Stephen K. Kumako

1
SECTION TWO RESEARCH IN PSYCHOLOGY

Chapter 2 Psychological Research and Applications 21

Maxwell Assumeng, Benjamin Amponsah
& ] oseph Y. Opoku
t.

Chapter 3 Psychological Testing 39

Maxwell Assumeng & Joseph Y. Opoku

iii
 Contemporary Psycholo gy

SECTION THREE BRAIN AND COGNITION

Chapter 4 Memory and Cognition 53

Benjamin Amponsah

Chapter 5 Neuropsychology: Practice and Research

in Ghana 71
Adote Anum, Sanzuel Adjorlolo,
C. Charles Mate-Kole, Anthony T. Dugbartey

SECTION FOUR LIFESPAN DEVELOPMENT

Chapter6 Psychology of Ageing and Longevity 87

Adote Anum & Ama de-Graft Aikins

SECTION FIVE PSYCHOLOGY AND HEALTH

Chapter 7 Psychology and Health in Ghana 111

Joseph Osafo

Chapter 8 Suicidal Behavior in Ghana 131

Joseph Osafo & Charity S. Akotia

SECTION SIX PSYCHOLOGICAL APPLICATIONS

Chapter 9 Industrial and Organizational Psychology 147

. Maxwell Asumeng & Stephen K. Kumako

Chapter 10 Community Psychology: Moving

' .!
Psychology into the Community 163
Charity S. Akotia

IV

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 Table of Contents
- - - - · - - - - - -- - -- -- - - - - - - - - - - -

Chapter 11 Educational Psychology in Ghana

Kingsley Nyarko

Chapter 12 Media Psychology

Angela Gyasi-Gyamerah, Charity 5. Akotia
& C. Brenya Wiafe-Akenteng

Chapter 13 Transport Psychology: Prospects and

Applications in Ghana 215
Anthony T. Dugbartey & Adote Anum

SECTION SEVEN CULTURE AND CONTEMPORARY

ISSUES IN PSYCHOLOGY IN GHANA

Chapter 14 Relationship between Culture and Behaviour 231

David Lackland Sam

Chapter 15 Social Cognition, Social Representations

and Social Knowledge: themes in
Ghanaian Social Psychology 249
Ama de-Graft Aikins

Chapter 16 Understanding the Dimensions of

the African Personality 273
Abena Sarfo & C. Charles Mate-Kale

Chapter 17 Ananse Folklore and Psychology 289

Jonathan K. Gavi

Chapter 18 Conclusions and Future Directions 307

Charity 5. Akotia & C. Charles Mate-Kale

Index ~·
i.
311

v
 CHAPTER 15

SOCIAL COGNITION, SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS

AND SOCIAL KNOWLEIJGE: THEMES IN
GHANAIAN SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY

Am a de-Graft Aikins

Introduction
he aim of this chapter is to provide an introduction to

T conten1porary social psychological research in Ghana. A

genera 1 introduction to the basic principles and ideologies of
social psychology as a global psychology sub-discipline will first
be presented. The early history of social psychology in Africa and
Ghana is placed within this broader context. Then the results of a
systematic review of soe:ial psychological research conducted in
Ghana from the 1970s wip be presented. The review suggests that
research has cohered aroi:Ind two main conceptual areas in social
psychology: social cognition and social identity. Other themes such
as e1notions and attitudes have been studied but to a limited extent,
and within other cross-cutting sub-disciplines inc~uding cultural
psychology and clinical psychology. In the final part of the chapter,
I focus on one therne - social cognition - ~nd examine the way
Ghanaian studies have applied mainstrean1 and critical perspectives
in the social psychology of knowledge production to examine
cultural beHefs, health and illness. I consider the implications of the
research insights to health research and interventions and to the
broader develop1nent of critical social sciences in Ghana.

Social Psychology: Global and Local Dimensions

Social psychology is typically described as the branch of psychol-
ogy most concerned with understanding social problems and fa-
cilitating social change. It is also considered to be an international
social science. Moscovici and Markova (2006) in their review of the
development of n1odern social psychology describe the sub-disci-

249
 Contemporary Psychology

pline as a bridge-science that integrates 'psychology, sociology and

cultural anthropology into an instrument for studying group life'.
Key concepts within the sub-discipline such as social identity, self
intergroup relationships, stereotypes, attitudes and emotions devel-
oped from empirical studies of major world events, such as atroci-
ties comn1itted during the Second World War, as well as from com-
parative research across cultural contexts.
Conceptually, social psychology seeks to examine psycholog-
ical processes that lie at the interface between the indi vidual and
their society. The broad aim is to "conceptualise, si1nu ltaneously,
both the power of society and the agency of individuals" (Gervais
et al, 1999, p.422). There is a general agreement that social psycho-
logical processes operate at different levels of social orgonization
that are 1nutually influential. Moscovici (1988) refers to the person-
to person level, the level of individual-group relations and the level
of social consciousness. Doise (1986) refers to the intra-personal or
intra-subjective, the interpersonal or inter-subjective, the social or
group and the ideological -or structural levels. Figure 1 depicts the
levels of explanation proposed by Doise (1986) and their mutually
influential relationships.

Figure 15.1. Levels of Analysis in Social Psychology

S-ociological will! p ~)"Cbo ! ogy

Psychological sorb] p>ycho!ogy

Th-t ictra-subyectirt fmtra-pmon3l) level: •.. :mecr..misru; by wlli.ich fu<: mdi-vidu.l! or-,;;!Ilm; he:.'hi;
e3.JEri~ce · such -l i cogmth~ st)ie. emt'ti=l dl;positio:l. perSOl!Ality: The intu-wbj«tin (mter-
Jm>Dnal)ltnl: ' .. the dyOO!Jic; Of the relatOOtl'l e;t~bJish~d at ·1. gl\'e!:l IDOOli!!!:t oy giV~ iudhid.I~[ ; ID
a given >iimtion' . The group (soW.l) lenl-'the soc~.J experi~ce; !Ild iociill po~itiom of mbj£-:t: .. .';
Tht stractural (id.!ologie:al) lerd 'ir!.:o!o~;. syst.;-:ns ofb~ne:; and rey-ruentatoor:5, ' 'Uil?i a:Jd
no=. whidl \'alid~t-= md m~jmai.u the establish€d social c:>rd~r". Doi;e (l9S6. pp ll-15).

250
 Cha pter 15: Social cognition, social representations and social knowl edge

Two issues are worth noting about levels of explanation in soc ,

psychology. First, social psychological processes are often related J
different levels, but each level has a unique structure and associatcc
meanings. As Moscovici (1988, p. 288) notes:

"There is a world of difference between representa-

tions envisaged at the person-to person level and at
the level of the relations between individuals and
group, or at the level of a society's common con-
sciousness. At each level, representations have a
completely different meaning. The phenomena are
related but different."

Secondly, two ideological positions are adopted in relatim

to these levels of analysis in social psychology: sociological socia 1
psychology and psychological social psychology (Parr, 1996
Hepburn, 2003). Sociological social psychology focuses largely or
the group and structural levels of analysis and often prioritises thesE
levels over the individual and inter-individual (see Figure 1). This
approach has roots in European (British, French, German, Russian)
Psychology and is deeply social: psychological processes are studied
within their cultur~l, social and historical contexts, and usually
through fieldwork. This has produced theories of socio-cultural
knowledge such as Social Representations Theory and Rhetorical
Psychology and various strands of Cultural Psychology (Moscovici
and Duveen, 2001; Valsiner, 2000). This approach has also given rise
to critical social psychology (Hepburn, 2003; Parker, 2006).
Psychological social psychology prioritises the individual and
inter-individual levels over the group and structural (see Figure 1).
This approach has roots in North A1nerican psychology and is pre-
dominantly individualistic or desocialised. Psychological process-
es - perception, .1nemory, emotions and so on - are scrutinised in
individuals and groups of strangers taken out of their social envi-
ronment and studied in laboratories. This has led to the dmninance
of sub-fields such as cognitive psychology and experimental social
psychology. This approach is also known as mainstream social psy-
chology.
Both approaches have strengths and limitations. An exclusive
focus on the individual level of analyses allows for critical

251
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 •'
Contemporary Psychology

examination of psychological processes, but neglects the broader

sociat cultural and structural forces that shape the individual's
identity, experiences, relationships and practices. It leads to
p sychological reductionism. Similarly, an exclusive foc us on the
structural level of analyses allows for examination of important '
environmental dynamics but neglects the ilnportance of individual
agency on social relationships, practices and structures. This leads
to cultural reductionism. Ideally, researchers should understand
how a social psychological phenomenon operates at or through
different levels of analysis. As Doise (1986) notes, an applied social
psychology "requires enrichment of a given theoretical rnodel
by other models so as to construct a more cmnplete approach to
reality by reduction of the unexplained in each model" (p.26). When
research limitations prevent multilevel analysis, as is often the case,
theoretical reflexivity is required.

Social Psychology in Africa and Ghana

As one of the oldest psychological sub-disciplines, social psychol-
ogy has featured strongly in the develop1nent of various national
psychological projects beyond Europe and North America. The ex-
tent to which non-western psychological projects have adopted so-
ciological or psychological idea,logies in the develo pment of social
psychology has been shaped by a mix of where local psychologists
were trained (North A1nerica or Europe) and the political ideolo-
gjes shaping national development and educational policies in their
countries. For exarnple, Latin American psychologists have devel-
oped a critical strand of sociological social psychology tern1ed 'lib-
eration social psychology' which focuses on addressing the needs
of 1narginalised con11nunities and broader social change (Bur ton &
Kagan, 2005; Martin-Baro, 1994). Similarly the history of apartheid
and contemporary concerns with inter-racial prejudice and conflict
has played an important role on the development of variants of criti-
cal social psychology in South Africa (Hook, 2011; Hook and Eagle,
2002).
In addition to the pedagogical and political influences of
home-grown psychological ideologies, research conducted by
\Vesternresearchers in non-western contexts also plays a significant
role. Broader representations of collective identities of western and

252
 Cha pter 15 : Social cognition, social representations and social knowled ge

non-western societies influence the way research is conceptualise ,

conducted and interpreted. within the global psychology canon.
In n1ainstream social psychological texts, !}On-western societies
are seen through problematic lenses of tradition and collectivism
(Smith, Bond & Kagitcibasi, 2006). Tradition often denotes things of
the past, of primitivity and of static cultural and social conditions:
this is often contrasted with modernity and the dynamism o,
modern cultures. The ideology of tradition is intricately linked to
the ideology of collectivism. Asian, African and other non-western
societies are typically referred to as 'collectivistic societies'- societies
are 'we-focused', valuing the integrity and power of the group
over the agency of the individual. This is usually contrasted with
'individualistic societies' of western countries that are the opposite
-societies that are 'me-focused' valuing the agency of the individual
self, over the integrity and power of the group. This view of societies
as collectivistic informs structural approaches to psychological
analysis. That is to say, if culture is deemed to exert a powerful force
over individual agency, then the processes through which culture
shapes the individuaksociety relation will be of greater conceptual
and practical interest to the social psychologist than the processes
through which individual agency shapes the individual-society
relation (see Figure 1). These are very simplistic characterisations,
because in both forms of societies, collectivisn1 and individualis1n
co-exists, and in both societies the strengths and limitabons of both
kinds of social arrangements are well known (Adams, 2005; Admns
& Dzokoto, 2003; Sedikides & Brewer, 2003)".
As a forn1al discipline, Psychology has had a presence in
Africa since the late 19th century. Its beginnings lie in early colonial
explorations and the comparative philosophical and empirical
enquiries that established the early cannon of humanities and social
sciences on the continent (Richards, 1997). Prior to this formal Euro-
American project, psychology thrived in the minds, discourses
and relationships of the vast majority of African cornn1unities.
This indigenous form of psychology, which is comn1on to all
cultures, n1ay be tern1ed folk psychology. Folk psychology and
formal psychology have had similar concerns over their respective
trajectori es: to understand the science - or systematized patterns
- of human thinking, emotions and behaviour and to apply the

253

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 Chapter 15: Social cognition, social representations and social knowledge

Themes in Social Psychology Research in Ghana From 1970 To

Present
This review of social psy~hological research published since
1970 was conducted as part of a broader review of trends in
psychological research in Ghana reported elsewhere (de-Graft
Aikins et al., In Press). A systematic literature review approac~
was adopted. Psychology and social and health sciences database .
(Psychinfo, Web of Science; lSI Web of Knowledge, Pubmed) were
searched for psychological research conducted by psychologists
in and on Ghana during the target period. Additional published
psychological research was identified through a search of cited
··.... references in the prilnary articles and through a hand search ol
three local journals: Ghana Medical Journal, Ghana Social Science
Jow·nnl and Ghana International Journal of Mental Health. Inclusion
criteria were empirical psychological studies applying various
methodologies including secondary analysis of quantitative surveys;
studies conducted by psychologists based in Ghana or outside, and
published in psychology journals or in related journals (such as
1nental health, publ'c health or health systems). Exclusion criteria
were review articles', and articles not based on empirical research.
The broader search yielded 81 articles that were categorized under
6 sub-disciplil1es: cognitive, clinical/mental health, developn1ental,
industrial/organizational, neuropsychology and sociaL Within this
search, social psychology and clinical/mental health were dominant
sub-disciplines. Tabl~ 1 presents the results on the eligible social
psychological studies, which were further sub-categorised under
''
key social psychological concepts such as cognition, emotions and
identitjes. It is important to note that because grey literature was
excluded from this search, it is likely that smne insightful social
psychological studies conducted during the target period have been
1nissed from the synthesis thaffollows.

255
 Contemporary Psychology

Table 15.1 - Social Psychology in Ghana, 1970- Present: eligible

papers by topic
Topic No References
Social Psychology (17).
(General)
Cognition: Beli~fs, 9 Adams & Dzokoto
Attributions, (2007); Jahoda*
Attitudes, Perceptions, (1970); Dugbartey*
Representations (1994); Dzokoto
& Ada1ns (1997);
Dzokoto & Admns
(2005); Dzokoto
& Mensah (2010);
Dzokoto et al
(2010a); Dzokoto
et al (2010b);
Schim1nack
i
,I et al (2002)
'I
Emotions 2 Dzokoto &
Okazaki (2006);
Dzokoto (2010);
Self/Identity: Group 6 Adams (2005);
i· identities, relations Admns et al (2004);
!I and dynamics Anderson et al
• (2008); Earley (1984);
Frederick et al
(2007); Jahoda (1981);
Social Psychology (12)
(Applied to health)
Cognition: Health/ 5 Cogan et al (1996);
illness knowledge, de-Graft Aikins
beliefs, perceptions (2002); de-Graft
and representations Aikins (2010); de-
· Graft Aikins (2011);
de-Graft Aikins
.. et al (2012);

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 Chapte r 15: Social cognition, social representations and social knowl edge

Table 15.1 continued

Topic No References I
Subjectivity/, 6 Riley & Baah-
representations: Odoom* (2010);de-
Illn ess experiences Graft Aikins* (2003);
and representations de-Graft Aikins*
(Diabetes, HIV/ (2004); de-Graft
AIDS, Sickle-Cell) Aikins* (2005); de-
Graft Aikins* (2006);
Kratzer* (2012);
Other: caregiver 1 Mensah (2003);
stress/support
Total 29

*Studies included in the narrative review.

Twenty-nine eligible social psychological studies were published

during the target period. The majority of published research (n=17)
was sole authored or lead-authored by three psychologists- Adatns
(3), de-Graft Aikins (8), Dzokoto (7) - who were based outside of
the tnain psychology departments in Ghana. However, Ghanaian
researchers - based within and outside Ghana - featured as lead
or co-authors for the majority of published studies (N=21). The
identified studies we~e categorised under two broad areas: theory
and applied. Theoretical studies covered three key areas in social
psychology: social cognition, social idei1tity and social emotions.
The applied studies focused largely on health and illness. There
were important overlaps between theoretical and applied studies.
For example, Riley and Baah-Odoom (2010) conducted empirical
research on youth
.
representations of HIV/AIDS using a quantitative
. .

survey. However a key goal of their study was to test the conceptual
and empirical strength of social representations theory and the
AIDS ri sk reduction model (see next section). The place1nent of
a study under a theoretical or applied category depended on the
relative weight authors placed on theoretical or applied aims in
the published articles. Secondly, some studies were conducted
by psychologists from other sub-disciplines. For exatnple, while
Dzokoto is a clinical psychologist, her studies on emotions (Dzokoto,

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 Contemporary Psycho logy

2010) and representations of mysterious phenomena such as the

genital shrinking episodes in West Africa (Dzokoto & Adams, 2005)
can be placed under social psychology and/or cultural psychology.
In the following section, a preliminary synthesis of selected
studies on social cognition is provided. I define the conceptual area'
first and describe traditional and contemporary treatment of the
concepts. I then outline the approaches adopted ·in the Ghanaian
research and discuss the emerging empirical and conceptual
insights.

Social Cognition, Social Representations and Social Knowledge

Traditionally, social psychology research on health and illness has
been guided by the notion of individuals as active self-reflecting and
self-regulatory processors of information (Crossley, 2000, Marks,
1996). Two key models have arisen from this approach: cognition
and social cognition models.
Cognition models "examine the predictors and precursors
to h ealth behaviours" (Ogden, 1996, p. 20) and include the health
belief model and the protection motivation theory. Derived from
Subjective Expected Utility (SEU) theory (Edwards, 1954) which
defined behaviour as a consequence of weighing up costs and
benefits of said behaviour, cognition n1odels describe behaviours
as a result of rational infonnation processing, stressing individual
cognitions and not the social context from which they arise.
· Social cognition models exarnine predictors of behaviour and/
or b-ehavioural intentions and also examine the reasons underlying
the failure of individuals to maintain behaviours they are con1mitted
to. Social cognition models are derived from social cognition theory,
which posits that behaviour is governed by expectancies, incentives
and social cognitions (Bandura, 1986). Like cognition rnode1s, social
cognition models emphasise individuals as infonnation processors.
However, they differ from cognition models as they attempt to
measure individuals' representations of their social world or
'n ormative beliefs', by placing individuals within the context both
of other people and the broader social context. Attribution theory,
the theory of reasoned action, the theory of planned behaviour and
the healt}1 action process approach amongst other prominent health
psychology models are derived from this perspective (Crossley,
2000).

258
 Chapter 15 : Social cognition, social representations and social knowledge

Shaped clearly by the psychological social psychology

approach, these models have provided a structured approach to
understanding health beliefs and predicting health behaviours .
.This has resulted in a number of innovative health promotion
initiatives aitned at changing attitudes and health behaviours of
both individuals and cmnrnunities in areas such as dental health,
smoking, alcohol use, screening behaviour and exercise (Crossley,
2000; Marks, 1996). In sub-saharan Africa, for example, social
cognition models influence the very popular Knowledge-Attitude-
Behaviour (KAB) approaches to HIV/AIDS and other public health
interventions (de-Graft Aikins & Marks, 2007; Joffe 1996).
Despite the recorded successes in health promotion, social
cognition models have been criticised at three levels. First, the
assumption of the majority of the models that individuals work on a
basis of rationality governed by a comn1on desire to preserve health
has been challenged by studies that show that behaviour may be
guided by other 'rationalities'. For example, studies on condom
use have shown that individuals rnay have full knowledge of the
health-damaging effects of unsafe sex, but make 'rational' choices
to have unsafe sex, b~sed on the perceived importance of love and
commitment (Crossley, 2000; Campbell, 2003).
Secondly the central premise of a direct link between
knowledge, attitudes and behaviour and the notion that greater and
better ind ividual knowledge will lead to desired behavioural change
has been criticised as too simplistic. The relationship between
knowledge, altitudes and behaviour is psychologically complex. For
exmnple con1prehensive knowledge of HIV/AIDS does not reduce
the level of stigmatising behaviours in rnany African societies
(Campbell et al., 2007; Deacon et al., 2005)
Finally, the models have been criticised for making the
individual the focus of analysis and intervention and neglecting
the larger social, culturat politicat and economic determinants
of health. Behaviours do not occur in a social or cultural vacuum.
Several studies have provided empirical evidence that social and
cultural factors influence individuals' perceptions and definitions of
health and illness, their strategies for dealing with health problems
and the resources they choose to· use during periods of illness
(Crossley, 2000; de-Graft Aikins & Marks, 2007).

259
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 Contemporary Psychology

Contemporary developments in the social psychology of health

and illness have focused on social knowledge. Within this perspective
knowledge is seen as "moulded by social and cultural forces as well as
the cognition of individual thinkers. They have a life outside as well as
inside the person." (Stainton Rogers, 1991, p.62). The' social knowledge
approach focuses on the relationships between the social environ1nent,
culture and shared meanings and how these factors shape individual
experience and influence the ways in which individuals make sense
of their environ1nent and adopt behavioural strategies in response
to it. Models shaped by this perspective lie in the sociological social
psychological domain.
The Ghanaian social psychological studies have been shaped
largely by critical social psychology approaches. I focus on two clusters
of studies. Table 2 presents contextual information on the studies.
The first cluster of studies focus on social cognition in relation to
cultural beliefs and includes Jahoda's (1970) study of supernatural beliefs
among University of Ghana students, and Dugbartey's (1993) short
account of traditional beliefs among the same social group. Jahoda's
(1970) study conducted in 1967 involved 280 male fu1l-ti1ne students of
Ga, Ashanti, Fante, Ewe and 'other' "tribal affiliations", with a sub-sample
of 70 Akan students subjected to individual testing. Participants' ages
were categorised as below 25 years and 25 years and above. Dugbartey's
(1993) study conducted in 1993 involved 173 students (108 1nale, 65
fernale), with a mean age of 27.3 years. Participants' ethnic memberships
were not explicitly stated. Both studies, conducted twenty~six years
apart, ' sought to examine the extent to which education 'eradicated'
traditional beliefs. Both studies employed quantitative .survey methods
to examine kno\vledge and beliefs about a broad range of issues relating
to the supernatural. Across both time periods, knowl edge a1nong
university students emerged as complex. Fundamentally, education
did not eradicate traditional forms of knowledge (e.g. of the power of
witchcraft), neither did traditional forms of knowledge undermine
1nodern forn1s of thought. Jahoda (1970) observed that "the younger
generation of Ghanaian students have achieved what Barbichon (1968)
called a "state of cognitive co-existence" between 1nodern ideas and
values and smne traditional African beliefs" (p.l29). Similarly Dugbartey
concluded that "traditional beliefs held by Ghanaian university students
are multifaceted ... education is effective in elilninating certain classes of
beliefs while leaving other beliefs relatively intact."

260
 I \,1 r-T"\ r-"
~ VJ ~ ,_............_,. f"i

3 .,.,:.,·.~<ilii~

Table 15.2.Summary of selected social psychological studies: study samples, concepts and methods
Author Date of Site Sample size Age range Conceptual Methods n
:::;
study framework* OJ
"0
,...,.
Jahoda, 1970 1967 Urban 280 (males) Under 25; Anthropological and Quantitative: (!)
-.
1-'
(Accra) over 25 psychological theories survevs,
-'
scales U1

. on supernatural beliefs (/)

0
·. 0.
OJ
.. .. - n
Field-dependence (1Q
0
:::l
(Witkin et al, 1962) !::!".
.• 0
:::l
(/)
0
n
N OJ
m
f-' -.
(!)
Dugbartey, 1993 Urban 170 (108 Mean Theories on traditional Quantitative: "0
-.
(!)

1993 (Accra) male, 65 age, 27.3 supernatural questionnaire

(/)
(!)

,...,.
:::l
female) beliefs in African ,...,.
OJ

0
societies (Jahoda, :::l
(/)

OJ
1968; Opolot, 1981) :::l
o_
(/)
0
n
OJ
:A"
:::l
0
:2::
ro
o_
(1Q
ro
 Table 15.2 (continued)

Author Date of Site Sample size Age range Conceptual Methods

study
'>
framework*
de-Graft 2001 Urban 28PWD 21-76 Biographical Qualitative: interviews
Aikins, 2003 (Accra, Tema) disruption (Bury, 1982)
& Rural
(Kintampo, Cognitive polyphasia
Nkoranza) (Moscovici, 1961/1976)
(}
0
Illness action :::l
......
ro
(Nettleton, 1995; 3
-o
Radley, 1994) 0
...,
tv ...,
tlJ
(J)
tv de-Graft 2001 Rural 43PWD <20- > 80 Social knowledge Qualitative: '<
-o
Aikins, 2004 (Kintampo, 36 Lis 21-80 (no clear source) interviews, focus (/)
'<
n
::r
Nkoranza) group discussions 0
0
Illness experience Q'Q
'<
(Bury, 1982)

Illness action (no

clear source)

-
I

·.... -..,·-~~- ~<. A"""'"'4ldl\S,

~~- -
''
£i:\b@l$ltltii\Q,¥'kiiibiiijjiiiilllt
........ , ,'•·,~
.... ·".·· - ~·~ ·~ · . ·
,. '> ·.'
..
· ..; . -'-':·'l'--····, ·il .....

Table 15.2 (continu ed)

 Table 15.2 (continued)

Author Date of Site Sample size Age range Conceptual Methods

study framework*
de-Graft 2001 Urban(Accra, 70PWD 21- > 80 Healershopping Qualitative: interviews; n
::r
OJ
Aikins, 2005 Tema) 11 caregivers 20 - 50s (Kroeger, 1983) FGDs; ethnography "0
,....,.
...,
ro
& Rural 1--'
CJl
(Kintampo, Social Representations (/)
0
Nkoranza) Theory (Moscovici n
OJ
and Duveen, 2000) n
·- .... -- -
... - 0
()"Q
de-Graft 2001 Urban 43PWD Disease stigma Qualitative: IDis; ::J
!:!".
Aikins, 2006 (Accra, Terna) 6 Caregivers (Deacon, Stephney FGDs; ethnography 0
::J

& Rural 36 Lis and Prosalendis, 2005) (j)

0
n
N
en
(Kintampo, OJ

w ......
Nkorania) Biographical ro
"0
......
ro
disruption (Bury, 1982) (j)
ro
::J
,....,.
Riley and 2007 & Urban 460 [390 15-28 Social representations Quantitative: OJ
,....,.
0
Baah- 2007 (Accra) school theory (Joffe, 2002, questionnaire ::J
(j)

. Odoom, 2010 students; 70 2003; Moscovici, 1984) OJ

::J
0..
university Vl
0
n
students] AIDS risk reduction OJ
A'
I model (Catania et ::J
0
a!, 1990, 1994) . ~
ro
0..
()"Q
(])

Biographical
disruption (Bury, 1982)
·-
 Table 15.2 (continued)

Author Date of Site Sample size Age range Conceptual Methods

study framework*

n
0
:::l
r+
(!)

3
-o
0
....,
N Ill
c:n
.
....,
.+:>. Kratzer, 2012 ns Urban 17 [7 youth; ns Social representations Qualitative '<
-o
(Accra, Tema) 9 parents; theory (source (./)
'<
()

1 medical not specified) ::r

0
0
doctor] (TQ
'<

. Key: ns: not specified; PWD- people with diabetes; Lis: lay individuals; *References to conceptualframe>vork..<: are cited in original study articles
(column 1).
."
Cha pter 15: Social cognition, social representations and social knowledge

The second cluster of studies focus on social cognition in relation tc

disease and illness experiences. It includes de-Graft Aikins's (2003,
2004, 2005, 2006) study on social representations of diabetes in the
Greater Accra and Brong Ahafo Regions: Kratzer's (2012) study or
social representations of type 1 diabetes among young people and
their caregivers in Accra and Tema, and the study by Riley and Bah-
Odoom (2010) of HIV knowledge and attitudes among young people
in Accra.
The reported studies by de-Graft Aikins (2003, 2004, 2005,
2006) foc used on social representations of diabetes in rural and
urban Ghana. The articles reported aspects of a large scale mixed
1nethod qualitative study conducted with 71 people with diabetes,
11 caregivers, 62 lay healthy individuals and 23 pluralistic health
professionals in Accra, Tema, Kintmnpo and Nkoranza between
2000 and 2001. The study sought to examine social representations
of diabetes and focused on four intersecting issues: social
knowledge of diabetes, experiences of diabetes, illness action and
the development of interventions. One key aim in examining
social representations of diabetes was to critique the traditional
anthropological assumption that health and illness behaviours in
African societies ar¢ shaped by a tripartite model of health and
illness beliefs (de-Graft Aikins, 2005). This model suggests, first,
that many African societies attribute diseases and illness to natural,
social and supernatural causes. Secondly causal attributions are
p erceived to lead to illness practices in a predictable and linea r way.
For instance if an individual attributes cancer to a supernatural
cause, then the individual would seektreatlnent or healing from
health professionals adept at the workings of supernaturally caused
proble1ns, such as traditional religious healers. If, on the other hand,
the causal attribution was natural then a 1nedical doctor- deemed
expert in lhe treatment of naturally caused conditions -wou ld be
consulted. de-Graft Aikins (ibid) applied social representations
theory and the concept of cognitive polyphasia in an examination of
the sources, contents and functions of social knowledge of diabetes
across the research groups. Cognitive polyphasia, a hypothesis
developed by Moscovici (2008) as part of social representations
theory, is defined as the 'dynamic co-existence of distinct modalities
of knowledge' which serve distinct social functions \:'lithin social

265
c
 Contemporary Psychology

groups and individuals'. Similar to Jahoda's observation of' a state of

cognitive coexistence' between modern ideas and traditional beliefs
among university students, cognitive polyphasia captures the way
individual and social groups draw on competing, and sometimes
coi1tradictory, modalities of knowledge in everyday life (Moscovici,
2008). Operationalizing cognitive polyphasia as an analytical tool, de-
Graft Aikins reported three interrelated findings. Firstly, in making
sense of diabetes, individuals drew on eclectic sources straddling
traditional and modern spaces including family, social networks
and pluralistic medical systems. Secondly, while education shaped
more sophisticated medical knowledge of diabetes, the majority of
individuals, whether educated or not, attributed diabetes to a mix of
factors including sugar or high-sugar diets, heredity, physiological
factors, poor quality foods and supernatural causes (in particular
'Nitchcraft and sorcery). Thirdly, causal attributions did not lead to
behaviours in the predictable and linear 1nanner proposed by the
tripartite model. For exmnple belief in a sorcery theory of diabetes,
did not necessarily lead to health seeking within the traditional
religious system. A focus on experiences of diabetes, the familial
context of caregiving and the social context of perceptions and social
relations, revealed how knowledge and intentions were n1ediated by
cmnplex social factors such as financial status, geographical access
to medical treatlnent, access to alternative diets, social support and
stigma. de-Graft Aikins (2005, 2006) proposed a more critical focus
on the cmnplex relationships between knowledge, social context
and health seeking behaviours in' the development of primary and
secondary diabetes prevention.
Kratzer's (2012) study on . social representations of type 1
diabetes applied a similar conceptual and methodological approach
to the afore-discussed study by de-Graft Aikins. Data was gathered
from 7 young people with type 1 diabetes, 9 parents of children with
diabetes, and one medical doctor. Knowledge of type 1 diabetes was
drawn from eclectic sources including 1nedical professionals, social
networks (including friends abroad) and the internet. The content of
kno\vledge was not cmnprehensive across a range of social groups,
including affected youth themselves, parents, school officials
and 1nedical professionals. Limit~d knowledge undermined the
ability of social groups to make productive choices about self-care,

266
 Chapter 15: Social cognition, social representations and social knowledge

social support and medical care. Generally, the structural context

of type 1 diabetes care was weak and posed major challenges to
everyday experiences of young people and their families. Kratzer
(2012) observed that psychosocial and structural interventions were
urgently needed to improve the quality of life of young people with
type 1 diabetes and their families. Crucially, this study showed that
comprehensive knowledge of a health problem was important for
optirnal healthcare, however strong social and structural systerns
were critical to long-term quality of care and life.
The study by Riley and Baah-Odoom (2010) aimed to critique,
using e1npirical data, a cmnmon assumption proposed by social
representations theory and the AIDS risk reduction model that
"stigmatizing, blaming and stereotyping attitudes towards those
who contract the disease make people feel less at risk of contracting
HIV/AIDS, and that this, in turn, results in them taking fewer
precautions in their sexual behaviour" (p.600). They began with
the prernise that while these two models were widely applied to
HIV/AIDS risk perception and risk reduction studies, they had
major conceptual ar:td 1nethodological limitations. The authors
developed an etic-einic questionnaire which was administered
to 390 secondary sc11ool students and 70 university students in
Accra. The questionnaire was designed to test the relationships
between blaming, stereotyping, stign1a and perceived vulnerability
mn ong the study cohort. Riley and Bah-Odoom (2010) reported
that blaming and stereotyping were not positively correlated with
perceived vulnerability: they suggeste~ that a combination of
representing AIDS as a disease associated with sexual activity and
the expectation of embarking on sexual activity 1nay have increased
the feelings of vulnerability mnong the study cohort. However
stigrna was positively correlated with perceived vulnerability:
stigma led to complacency about one's risk status and, by extension,
reduced the motivation to practice safe sex. Riley and Baah-Odomn
highlighted lin1itations of their study, which included reliance on
cross-sectional data instead of longitudinal and reliance on verbal
reports for examining social representations. However their study
provides an important counterpoint to dominant assumptions
vvithin two influential social psychological theories that have been
applied uncritically in a variety of global contexts. It ernphasises

267
 Con temporary Psychology

the importance of applying rigorous methods and attention to levels

of social organization, to examine the content and functions social
knowledge in relation to specific social phenon1ena.

Conclusions
Social psychology is a dominant psychology sub-field in Ghana.
Studies have focused mainly on social cognition and social identity.
Studies on social cognition have drawn on theoretical fra meworks
informed by concepts within critical social psychology (e.g. social
representations theory) and other critical psychological sub-fields
(e.g. cultural psychology, theories of emotions) and social sciences
(e.g. n1edical sociology).
Collectively the studies provide important insights that chal-
lenge prevailing ideas about the construction of social knowledge
in Ghanaian communities. First the studies suggest that culture is
i1nportant in the construction of social knowledge; however culture
does not exert as powerful a force on belief systen1s and social prac-
tices as anthropological and sociological studies would suggest. So-
cial knowledge in some lay communities may be described as cog-
nitive polyphasic: individuals draw on complex, often conflicting,
modalities of knowledge to 1nake sense of social phenmnena. Sec-
ondly, the relationship between knowledge, attitude and behaviour
is not as linear as predicted in 1nainstremn social cognition models
or traditional anthropological models of health beliefs and health-
seeking behaviour. Individual or group knowledge of type 1 dia-
betes, type 2 diabetes or HIV/AIDS does not lead to predictable at-
titudinal and behavioural outcomes. Attitudinal and behavioural
outcmnes are 1nediated by interacting multi-level factors including
psychological states, social identities, social support, enabling social
environTnents, structural syste1ns and the nature of social knowl-
edge itself. These studies support the ilnportance of conduc ting re-
. search that focuses on, or acknowledges, levels of explanation in
social psychological processes. General health research and inter-
ventions in Ghana are infonned largely by n1ainstremn health sci-
ence concepts and n1ethods (Adan1s & Salter, 2007; de-Graft Aikins
& Marks, 2007). These concepts and methods are strongly aligned
with the psychological social psychology approaches to health a.n d
illness. Thus they suffer the same limitations presented by psycho-
logical reductionism. Greater understanding of the utility and in-

268
 Ch apter 15: Social cognition, socia l representations and social knowledge

sights from critical social psychological studies on health and illness

in Ghana \Vill aid more appropriate multi-level conceptualisations
of health issues and their associated methodologies and il).terven-
tions.
More generally, the reviewed studies are aligned with
the broader ethos of social psychology as a bridge-science that
integrates 'psychology, sociology and cultural anthropology into
an instrument for studying group life'. They draw on an eclectic
mix of concepts within psychology, anthropology and sociology to
exmnine the structure and function of social knowledge in selected
communities. As such they offer a glimpse of how contemporary
social psychology in Ghana can contribute to the development of
critical social sciences that address social problems and facilitate
social change.

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