PR1 Research (Group 3) (Final Output)
PR1 Research (Group 3) (Final Output)
Endita, Ryven B.
11-Tesla
Abstract
opinions about the psychological impacts of stigmas and stereotypes on the STEM
students in Dr. Yanga's College Inc. The common words used in the research are impact,
stigmas, stereotypes, and psychological. Negative views or prejudice towards someone
because of a distinctive attribute, such as a mental illness, health condition, or handicap,
are examples of stigma. Other qualities such as gender, sexuality, race, religion, and
culture can all be linked to social stigmas. In addition, the stereotype is a preconceived
notion about a particular group of people that may or may not represent reality.
Stereotypes are similar to portrayals, which are representations that exaggerate certain
aspects while simplifying others, resulting in a distortion of an individual's essence. Many
stereotypes exist, but they are oversimplified images or thoughts about a specific sort of
person. The researchers used a qualitative type of research in this study. In qualitative
research, non-numerical data is collected and analyzed to better comprehend ideas, views,
or experiences. It can be used to get an in-depth understanding of a subject or to develop
fresh research ideas. With the interview, the researchers emerged these emergent themes:
Someone with Preconceived Notions on STEM, Stereotypes on STEM, Reactions on
Stereotypes/Stigma, and Handling people with expectations. The important statements
were thoroughly examined and organized into themes. The researcher came to the
following findings as a result of this: (1) Some of the participants have not encountered
someone with expectations in STEM while others have heard some from their friends and
family; (2) STEM students are generalized to be smart and inclined to being an engineer
or doctor; (3) The STEM students felt overwhelmed and pressured due to the expectations
of the society; (4) Some corrected the STEM misconceptions which is helpful in
diminishing the stereotypes.
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INTRODUCTION
Theoretical Underpinnings
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amount to very real negative outcomes for STEM students,” the authors write. “We hope
that by bringing attention to this topic, it will create ripples of awareness and behaviours
that lead to more authentic, meritocratically based outcomes.”
The MASS Scale was developed by Garriott et al. (2016) and used as a measure of
STEM stereotypes. The initial version was developed by experts in career development
and validated with 341 high school students; eight items were retained to form a single-
factor instrument. In their study, the 8-item version of the MASS Scale was validated
using a confirmatory factor analysis with 358 students, and its single-factor structure was
confirmed with a Cronbach’s alpha of .93. Four of the eight items focus on the “less
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The purpose of this study was to investigate the psychological impact of stigmas
and stereotypes on STEM students and investigate it to find an answer to these questions:
1. How would stigmas and stereotypes be defined?
2. Why are there stigmas and stereotypes about STEM students?
3. How do STEM students cope with the stigmas and stereotypes around them?
This study shows how Stereotypes hinder the identities of women in STEM which is
relevant to our topic showing how it affects students. Stereotypes hinder women's
identification with science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM), which
might reduce their ambition to pursue STEM careers. Nerd-genius preconceptions and
gender stereotypes both had a detrimental impact on women's STEM identity, while
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STEM identity had a favorable impact on their STEM drive. Addressing geeky genius
preconceptions in STEM treatments and eliminating classroom artifacts that may be
suggestive of these stereotypes are two practical consequences. Researchers investigated
the relationship between gender-based STEM stereotypes and poorer STEM
identification (or association between oneself and STEM). Stereotypes of nerds and
geniuses may have an impact on women's motivation and STEM identity. The study's
primary research questions were as follows: first, do stereotypes about people in STEM
being nerdy geniuses contribute to STEM motivation and identity? Second, does STEM
identity play a role in mediating the relationship between stereotypes and STEM
motivation? People who have high expectations and value views are more inclined to
pursue a subject. Women and girls have lower math expectancy-value beliefs than men
and boys (Eccles & Wang, 2016). Previous research has indicated that STEM identity or
gender identity compatibility with STEM is associated with STEM perseverance and
belonging. Many individuals still categorize STEM as a masculine area (e.g., Carli,
Alawa, Lee, Zhao, & Kim, 2016; Kuchynka et al., 2018; Picho, Rodriguez, & Finnie,
2013; Smyth & Nosek, 2015). Women may be less motivated to pursue STEM disciplines
if STEM is openly associated with an outgroup. Many people also have an underlying
bias towards males in STEM fields. Implicit stereotypes are unintended connections that
occur at the unconscious level.
There is a substantial body of research indicating that both explicit and implicit gender
linkages with STEM are connected to STEM motivation. STEM professionals are
sometimes portrayed as socially awkward, ugly, and inherently bright. The nerd
stereotype is divided into two parts: the nerd stereotype and the genius stereotype. Both,
as well as national gender inequalities in eighth-grade math and science proficiency, may
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As a result, women who want to be attractive may be disinclined to pursue STEM areas.
According to one study, girls who place a higher priority on family are less likely to
pursue STEM occupations as adults. The more women there are in a profession, the fewer
words like "bright" are used in assessments. As a result, women may shun fields that they
perceive as needing brilliance. When women have a fixed perspective about arithmetic,
they may be more prone to shun fields stereotyped as geniuses. According to one
longitudinal study, these two assumptions interact to reduce women's sense of belonging
in math.
STEM stereotypes may influence women's identification with STEM and, as a result,
motivation. This was one of the first studies to look into STEM identity as a mediator of
stereotypes and expectancy-value beliefs. It was discovered that STEM identity
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influenced the relationship between implicit STEM gender associations and motivational
factors in part. The more women link STEM with men, the less likely they are to identify
with STEM professionals. STEM and males connections, both explicit and implicit, were
not directly associated to any outcome variable.
Even after accounting for both implicit and explicit gender-STEM stereotypes, nerd-
genius stereotypes were significantly adversely associated with STEM identity. I
measured identification using typicality, which assesses how similar a person feels to
persons in STEM. This research implies that STEM identity acts as a bridge between
stereotypes and STEM motivation. Other types of identity that are centered on a
dedication to STEM may diverge from the norm. Gender-science stereotypes were more
prevalent among European American women than among women of other ethnicities.
When compared to Asian and Latina males, Latina women exhibited much higher STEM
value attitudes. The larger implicit connections of European American women probably
contribute to their lower STEM motivation and value perceptions.
Nerd-genius stereotypes of STEM workers are not overtly gendered. However, because
of their inconsistency with gender expectations about women, they may work to
demotivate women more than males. Despite increased female representation in many
STEM subjects (e.g., biology), fields such as engineering remain male-dominated.
Investigating nerd-genius stereotypes may assist to understand why some women
specialize in professions such as engineering. Despite gender preconceptions, some
women may believe they meet the stereotype (i.e., have corresponding self-concepts) and
connect with STEM. Prior research has demonstrated that being part of a welcoming
setting is connected to higher STEM identification in the classroom.
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Because all studies were correlational, no causal influences can be determined. Because
the scale order was not randomized, order effects could not be investigated. Future
research may take a more in-depth intersectional look at the influence of ethnic and
gender stereotypes on STEM motivation. A woman who embraces nerd-genius
stereotypes but does not consider herself gender-typical may be less impacted by these
assumptions. Men in STEM areas might be studied to see if they regard women who do
not meet these stereotypes as less skilled in STEM and deserving of prejudice and
harassment. In addition to implicit and explicit gender stereotypes, nerd-genius
preconceptions about persons in STEM being geeky geniuses may serve to discourage
women from associating with STEM. Future studies should look at whether these
stereotypes affect women more than males, as well as self-concepts as a possible
mediator.
This literature shows a preconception of how women are viewed in STEM is greatly
relevant to by giving us an insight on what is happening and how are they treated. Gender
stereotypes persist in the disciplines of science, technology, engineering, and
mathematics (STEM). One prevalent assumption is that guys outperform girls in math
and science. The purpose of this study is to get insight into the preconceptions that are
applied to women who talk publicly about their research and/or job.
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Gender stereotypes are universal and tend to exaggerate reality. Women are stereotyped
as possessing community characteristics such as warmth and care. People regard men
and women differently and hold them to different standards as a result of stereotypes.
They contribute to societal gender prejudice, notably in STEM. Even women who work
in science have an underlying image of science as a masculine field and women
'belonging' in the arts.
Women had a negative bias in ratings and were judged on different factors than males,
including attractiveness and personality, in teaching evaluations. Articles are referenced
less frequently when major authors are female, and female authorship in renowned
publications is underrepresented. Gender prejudice and sexism are ubiquitous and
extensively established in STEM professions, disrupting and harming women
disproportionately. Women who openly express their work may be particularly exposed
to these many forms of harassment. There are Queen Bees in non-STEM areas who have
climbed to positions of leadership in male-dominated corporations and then isolate
themselves from subordinate women. Gender stereotypes harm the public
communication efforts of women in STEM. When discussing or writing about their job
in the classroom and in research publications, on YouTube, and social media, women
face unfavorable preconceptions and biases. View how these preconceptions are applied
to persons who publicly discuss their science enables a more nuanced understanding of
the possible influence of being visible or a role model.
From September 2017 to April 2018, data on stereotypes were collected through
workshops held in Australia, New Zealand, the United States, and Japan. Participants
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were recruited using email, the researchers' website, newsletter notifications, conference
sessions, and direct requests for workshops. Both researchers' home institutions provided
ethics approval for this study. Each stereotype would be detailed as it was read, and then
the facilitator would lead a short discussion on how this stereotype may be 'flipped,' or
made positive or negative based on the context, audience, and communicator's aim.
Both researchers used a cross-sectional 'code and retrieve' approach to code the gathered
sheets of paper (Mason, 2002). The data was made up of single words or brief phrases
that were read and utilized to generate the code categories. On each page, the number of
times a stereotyped topic occurred was also counted. Any prejudices that the researchers
misinterpreted were discussed, rectified, and consistently categorized using the verified
definition. The analysis was restricted to obvious content meaning rather than latent
content meaning. The extensive time spent debriefing and debating the words and phrases
obtained from workshop participants adds to the validity of the data acquired.
The sessions were attended by around 315 participants, the great majority of whom were
women, with representatives from approximately 25 different cultural backgrounds
recognized. Participants ranged from early-career to senior-level positions. Emotional
and sympathetic stereotypes were maintained distinct because emotional stereotypes
sometimes represented frenzied or unreasonable responses.
In focus groups, the most popular preconceptions were 'bossy,' 'bitchy,' and 'emotional.'
Positive categories were empathic, polite, efficient, collaborative, and superwoman.
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Participants offered tales and examples of how they adjusted their conduct in response to
the stereotype. After identifying the dominating preconceptions, each group was guided
through an activity to 'reverse' the stereotype. Participants explored the ramifications of
individuals making communication judgments based on a perceived stereotype rather
than the circumstance at hand. When participants were asked to consider a stereotype as
good or negative and then reverse it, they were pushed to confront their prejudice.
'Bossy', 'bitchy', and 'emotional' were the top three stereotype words for women in
science, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) who publicly communicate their work.
This is consistent with prior studies that found women judged more on personality and
appearance than their male colleagues. Negative stereotypical perceptions not only affect
women, but also the companies they work for and their subsequent performance (Settles
et al., 2016). This is consistent with earlier research which found members of minoritized
groups punish members of the same group for public displays of potentially negative
stereotypes (Opie and Phillips, 2015).
The lack of fit between female gender-based stereotypes and stereotypes about being a
scientist can negatively impact how women in STEM are evaluated. Effective training to
address and combat implicit and explicit bias for individuals and institutions is needed,
especially for those in positions of privilege and power.
Knowing that negative preconceptions exist, however erroneously labeled, may inhibit
women from speaking up for fear of being stigmatized. Qualifiers are arbitrary and
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frequently differ from one individual to the next. Words like 'too,' 'less than,' or more
draw an invisible barrier between acceptable and inappropriate behavior. The majority of
people exhibit some degree of gendered stereotype prejudice. In terms of politics,
economy, education, violence, or reproductive rights, 91 percent of men and 86 percent
of women have at least one bias against women. Understanding individual reactions to
preconceptions of women in STEM allows us to better understand where our prejudice
may arise.
Study shows that the prevailing perceptions of the stereotypes applied to women who
speak publicly about their work are largely negative.
The study shows how segregation and stereotypes affect children's ambition in STEM.
Gender segregation is strongest in scientific, technological, engineering, and
mathematics (STEM) employment. This article examines how various theoretical
theories fit with the current information on the gender mix of scientific and technical
sectors. We find the highest support for explanations that allow for a dynamic interaction
between individual-level features and larger sociocultural settings.
Despite extensive study and legislative initiatives, STEM careers continue to be gender-
segregated. In 2015, women made up over half of the US working force, but just 28% of
all scientific and technical jobs. Gender segregation is also prevalent in STEM, with
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women accounting for 48% of life scientists and 60% of social scientists. In more affluent
cultures, the gender disparity in children's STEM ambitions is bigger. In 2015, for
example, just roughly 14 percent of White, Asian, Hispanic, and Latino engineers in the
United States were women. Western cultural preconceptions about STEM jobs and
STEM employees may be potent motivators of gendered goals and affinities.
Sociologists differentiate between local and macro-level reasons for gender disparity.
The former considers individual features (e.g., individual employees and employers),
whereas the latter focuses on bigger entities (organizations, national societies). We look
at how each concept fits with the facts on gender segregation in STEM disciplines. A
2005 speech by Harvard president Lawrence Summers and a 2017 email by former
Google employee James Damore are two supply-side interpretations of gender imbalance
in STEM. These explanations appear to blame women for their lower position in these
sectors, implying that the existing gendering of employment is unavoidable.
Gendered employment patterns are also heavily shaped by national policies and
traditions. Social arrangements—for example, relating to hours, working conditions,
family leaves, childcare, worker protection, and taxation—regulate individual behavior
and reproduce normative models of work and family (Buchmann and Charles 1995;
Gornick and Meyers 2003; Thébaud 2015; Ecklund and Lincoln 2016). Social democratic
policy regimes, which offer greater support to working parents, tend to promote more
egalitarian family structures and higher rates of women's full-time employment (Charles
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and Cech 2010; Pedulla and Thébaud 2015; Hegewisch and Gornick 2011), but they are
at best weakly related to gender segregation in STEM—as evidenced in the highly
segregated scientific and technical labor forces found in policy-progressive Scandinavian
countries (Charles and Bradley 2006; Charles 2011a).
Even gendered divisions of family labor appear to have little power to explain differences
in career trajectories between women STEM and non-STEM professionals. Demand-side
explanations switch the focus from attributes of men and women workers to actions and
attributes of employers and clients. Gender discrimination is difficult to measure, in part
because it is illegal in the United States and few people will admit to it. But statistical
discrimination can be a powerful mechanism for translating cultural beliefs about gender
differences into gendered individual preferences and outcomes (Bielby and Baron 1986).
Supply- and demand-side processes can reinforce one another by generating self-
fulfilling prophecies.
The inference is that pervasive societal perception about how men and women differ and
what they enjoy influence employment choices. People perform lower on examinations
when they are afraid of confirming a negative stereotype about their gender (or ethnic)
group. Culture can also have a stereotype-like effect on performance. Beliefs about
inherent gender disparities inability have a particularly powerful impact on sectors such
as STEM.
Social psychologists have been studying the substance of cultural stereotypes about men
and women for decades. Men are thought to be more agentic and competent than women
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in the United States. However, research suggests that in the United States, high levels of
intelligence or skill are still labeled as male. Men are heavily encouraged to be forceful
and ambitious, while women are not. Society values attribute associated with males and
masculinity more than those associated with women and femininity. Gender stereotypes
are crucial for understanding men's conduct because gender conformity confers a status
advantage on males.
The descriptive and prescriptive substance of stereotypes about men and women has
direct consequences for STEM inequality. Many STEM areas idealize people who exhibit
stereotypically male characteristics such as aggressiveness, competition, and dominance.
Many STEM professions and professionals are now connected with the "geek" label. We
contend that men are more likely than women to pursue high-status jobs in STEM
subjects. This is because they are seen to be a better fit for these social places from a
descriptive standpoint.
Women who are "too" assertive or ambitious may face discrimination, dislike, or
ostracism. Gender stereotypes regarding the association between high levels of intrinsic
intellect and qualification for specific hobbies have been found to influence job goals
from a young age. According to surveys, girls are less likely than boys to feel that
members of their gender are "very, really brilliant." Men's interest in and probability of
persistence in STEM professions is similarly influenced by gendered self-perceptions of
fit and aptitude. Both processes are the result of a misalignment between expectations for
STEM professionals and standards for female behavior. Such stereotyping processes are
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particularly pernicious since they have an impact even when an individual disagrees with
them.
Gender integration will not be simple, and it will be dependent in part on growing girls'
interest in STEM. The increased popularity of toys like GoldieBlox engineering kits
demonstrates efforts at counter-stereotype programming. Barbie the Computer Engineer
portrays computers as both feminine and enjoyable. More possibilities for girls and boys
to learn about gender-nonconforming subjects would be a more aggressive technique for
decreasing gender stereotypes. Increased graduation standards in high school might assist
lessen dependence on stereotypes. According to comparative research, the gender gap in
STEM goals and outcomes is less in nations with the better curriculum.
STEM stereotypes predict students’ STEM career interest via self-efficacy and
outcome expectations
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According to several pieces of research, middle school kids have little awareness of the
job of STEM experts and their subject needs. According to the science education
literature, students' STEM preconceptions may have a detrimental impact on their STEM
career interests. Masnick and Masnick (2010) investigated high school students' attitudes
toward STEM and non-STEM occupations. According to Archer et al. (2013), upper-
elementary pupils' impressions of persons in science occupations as "clever/brainy," "not
nurturing," and "geeky" discouraged female students from pursuing science careers.
Some pupils considered science to be for "specialists" or "not for me," and so ruled it out
as a possible career path.
STEM stereotypes may be linked to students' career preferences via self-efficacy and
result expectancies. The association between STEM stereotypes and career desire has
gotten a great deal of theoretical and empirical support, but the impact of these notions
on students' capacity to conduct STEM learning tasks is yet unknown. STEM career
interest is defined in this study as individuals' overall interest in pursuing STEM-related
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SCCT model in STEM was done in the fields of science, technology, engineering, or
mathematics. From the standpoint of STEM integration, self-efficacy in STEM activities
strongly predicted students' STEM career interest in this study. According to Garriott et
al. (2016), high school students' grades were connected to their career ambitions in
mathematics/science indirectly. When STEM was considered as a science, technology,
engineering, and mathematics discipline learning, Nugent et al. (2015) discovered no
significant direct influence on career direction.
The results of this study highlight the importance of introducing elementary students to
integrated STEM education. The findings suggest that self-efficacy in STEM activities is
crucial for elementary students' interest in entering STEM fields in the future. This study
focused on The findings demonstrate that students' stereotyped ideas Interventions must
stress the relevance of students' ability in STEM practices in addition to reducing STEM
stereotypes among pupils. The majority of prior research supports the four critical
concepts in the overlapping disciplines of STEM study and job development Many
additional individuals-, classroom-, school-, and family-level elements were left out of
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the model. This study investigates the impact of STEM stereotypes on elementary kids'
STEM career interests via self-efficacy and result expectancies.
The demand for specialist labor in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics is
expanding all the time. Despite this demand, girls are grossly underrepresented in STEM
fields. By the age of 18, just 33 percent of males and 19 percent of girls in a survey were
involved in STEM. Females' socialization is the primary cause of girls feeling inadequate
and insecure in STEM disciplines, which are thought to be masculine themes. This model
gives a theoretical foundation for the emergence of a gendered bias in STEM subjects,
although boys and girls do equally well in science. Parental support, expectation, and
pressure have all been cited as important variables in kids' decisions to pursue a STEM
profession. The previous study has mostly focused on the function of mothers in the
development of sons and daughters. In comparison to males, girls experienced more
positive feedback and autonomous support from their moms. Positive comments and
autonomous support from their dads were evaluated positively by both girls and boys.
According to Fthenakis and Minsel (2002), dads of females spend more time with their
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children than fathers of boys. They discovered that fights with girls bother fathers less
than arguments with boys.
The study intends to shed light on the varied roles of mothers and dads for girls' and boys'
STEM performance, as well as vice versa (bi-directional), by employing a cross-lagged-
panel design to uncover probable factors that contribute to or impede academic
achievement in the field of STEM. Mathematics was chosen because there is a gender
imbalance in engineering, physical science, and mathematics, but biology was picked
since bachelor's degrees are earned equally by male and female students.
In the eighth grade, mother and father support was connected with higher math and
biology grades for girls. Neither parental nor father support was shown to be substantially
connected to boys' STEM achievement. The findings suggest that parental conduct is
viewed differently by boys and girls, and/or that parents act differently toward their male
vs female kids. The influence of dads on their children appears to be far more difficult to
comprehend. In previous studies, the father figure was regarded as restricted to financial
assistance, insufficient, or nonexistent. More current research identifies the father as the
"working caring dad," whose duty entails more than just earning a living.
The findings reveal that the STEM performance of girls and boys in grade 8 has no effect
on the school-related conduct of moms and dads 1.5 years later. These studies highlight
the importance of moms in students' STEM success. Mothers should be conscious of their
children's school-related conduct, particularly when imposing pressure, as this limits
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girls' STEM achievement. The findings demonstrate that parental support is important
but has a varied impact on boys' and girls' STEM success. Cross-sectionally, father
pressure is associated with poor STEM achievement in both boys and girls. Future
research should incorporate data on parental time spent with children, gender attitudes,
and the allocation of household duties. The findings are based on data from a large sample
divided into two waves (beginning of 8th grade and end of 9th grade), each covering a
longer time of adolescence. The views of pressure and support from both moms and
fathers were examined separately for girls and boys. Future research should utilize more
specific tools to assess girls' and boys' STEM success, as well as include related concepts
such as subject-related interest and motivation. The study is relevant to ours since it
examines how parental pressure may affect children's academic performance as well as
how parental support can have a big impact on great accomplishment in math and
biology.
METHODS
Research Design
Research Locale
The study is carried out via an online form sent to senior high school STEM
students of Dr. Yanga's Colleges, Inc. via their respective group chats, with some
forms distributed on the advice of their acquaintances.
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Research Participants
This study's respondents are made up of senior high school students who are
taking STEM in Dr. Yanga's Colleges, Inc. (S.Y 2021 - 2022). These are the respondents
who are competent enough to reply to the issues raised in the current study. They
responded to the questions asked by the researchers during the interview, providing the
researchers with the information they require.
Research Instrument
During the data gathering process, the interviewees were given a series of guiding
questions. This is for the researcher to learn how they deal with the stigmas and
preconceptions associated with STEM students. The interview was carried out using a
Google form.
1. Have you met someone who had preconceived notions or expectations about
becoming a STEM student?
2. What stereotypes or stigmas have you heard about being a STEM student?
3. What is your reaction when you hear such preconceptions about being a STEM
student?
4. How do you handle people who said such preconceptions about STEM?
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5. Do you attempt to correct them when you hear people say, "You’re a STEM
student, you should know better"? How do you correct them when they say such
preconceptions about your strand?
Data Gathering Procedure
the data that has been acquired. Finally, the researchers will be able to interpret and
analyze the collected data to conclude the problem.
Data Analysis
This research method will be utilized to look into the facts and features of the people in
question. It serves as a focal point and a reference point for joint actions and decision-
making.
Ethical Considerations
During the data collection process, the first thing researchers consider is the
informant's safety and rights. We, the researchers, appropriately communicated the
research purpose to the informant before commencing the interview. The informants'
responses will only be used for this study.
Second, Privacy is taken to account to ensure the safety and confidentiality of the identity
of the informants.
In order for the researchers to collect the essential data, Honesty was also taken into
account.
And lastly, Beneficence the study's findings would also be valuable to the research's
informants.
The questions posed in the problem statement were addressed in this chapter. The
researchers analyzed the statements of the study participants in order to find themes and
concepts that were relevant to the study's objectives, which were to determine the
psychological impact of stigmas and stereotypes on STEM students. To come up with
answers to the research questions, the researcher first identified the significant statements,
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which were then coded into different clusters. The emergent themes are as follows:
Someone with Preconceived Notions on STEM, Stereotypes on STEM, Reactions on
Stereotypes/Stigma and Handling People with expectations.
This phrase came from the informants' comments on whether or not they had
encountered anyone who had preconceived notions about STEM students. Most persons
who have expectations of STEM students, according to the informants, are their friends
and relatives.
The informants shared their thoughts on whether or not they have come across someone
with such STEM ideas. The first is that there is no engagement with someone who has
STEM student expectations.
(SS 2, Line 2)
“Sa ngayon wala po, dahil hindi naman po nila binibigyang halaga kung anong strand
ka nabibilang, mas binibigyang halaga nila ang "performance" ma pa akademiko.”
(So far nothing, because I don’t care what strand I belong to, they are much more focused
on your academic performance.)
“Wala pa naman. Nagtatanong sila agad kung ano ang kukunin ko.”
As mentioned above, the informants weren't able to have an interaction with someone
who has some preconceived notions about STEM. On the opposite side other were able
to encounter someone like that most in their friends and relatives. To testify:
“I have met people who assumed that I like science, and I am knowledgeable about it
because I took this strand. Most of them are friends and family.”
“Marami, sa bahay pa lang namin kapag naririnig nilang STEM ako like marami na
silang notions dun like magaling yan sa math at science which is not true. Sa loob ng
family at minsan sa mga kaibigan.”
Most informants have encountered this type of people within their friends and relatives
who has a preconceived notions on STEM students.
Stereotypes on STEM
The informants also shared what common stereotypes they heard from other people when
they hear that they are taking STEM.
Inclined to be an engineering or a
Engineer/Doctor medical course
The first common stereotype is being inclined to be a Doctor and Engineering. To cite:
“Most of them are friends and family. That all STEM students are smart, love Science
and Math, and are inclined in taking Engineering for college.”
As cited above, most stereotypes on STEM are that they are inclined into taking a medical
or an engineering course. The other common stereotypes on STEM are that they are
geniuses on the subjects of Science and Mathematics. To testify:
Madalas, they say "ay stem student ka pala, for sure matalino to" or "magaling to sa
science, stem student e, paturo nga".
“The common stigma and stereotypes in STEM students said that they both excel in
subjects of mathematics and science.”
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“Na kapag ikaw daw ay STEM student, sure daw na matalino yan ganyan.”
The general perception regarding stem students is that they are intellectual and skilled in
mathematics.
“Akala nila when you are a STEM student magaling ka na sa math at science, mahilig
ka magsolve, at matalino.”
“I hear a lot of people say that STEM students are geniuses and are above to other
students who chooses a different strand.”
The informants stated above that STEMS are always pictured to be geniuses in the
subjects of Science and Mathematics. This leads some students to feel overwhelmed and
pressured which may take a toll on their mental health.
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Reactions on Stereotypes/Stigma
They feel
overwhelmed
Reactions on Stigmas and Overwhelmed
when they hear
Stereotypes
stereotypes about
STEM
Feeling pressure
because of the
Pressured
preconceived
notions
Overwhelmed, feeling guilty or angry because you've taken on too many obligations. The
informants share their insights that they feel overwhelmed by the expectations of others
due to them taking STEM as a strand. To testify:
“Medyo nakakaoverwhelm din, kasi di naman porket stem student ka dapat may mameet
ka ng expectations ng ibang tao.”
The informants noted that hearing expectations about them being STEM students might
make them feel overwhelmed. On the other hand, some informants feel under pressure
when they are told expectations of being a student of STEM. To cite:
“I feel pressured”
“Syempre pressured.”
“Because it does not only give us pressure, but also the students from other strand may
lose their self-confidence and passion to their chosen strand.”
Being pressured bring a lot of stress to the students leading it sometimes to poor academic
performance which might affect the student psychologically. Excessive academic stress
can lead to an increase in the incidence of psychological and physical issues such as
depression, anxiety, nervousness, and stress-related ailments, which can negatively
impact their academic performance. Anxiety disorders affect roughly 8% of adolescents
and youngsters throughout the world (Anoushka Thakkar, 2018)
This phrase above is taken from the informant's answer to the question of handling people
who have such preconceived notions about STEM students. When the informants were
asked how they a handled a situation like that some informants say they just don’t care
or clarifying misconception when they hear such expectations about STEM student.
Clarifying
The informants stated that they just ignore people who had preconceived notions about
STEM students when ask about handling situations when encountering someone like that.
To cite:
“If I feel like they are people who won't listen, I don't bother explaining to them why
their assumptions are not accurate.”
DR. YANGA’S COLLEGES, INC.
“I always disregard all their thoughts with regards to their own opinions because if I
didn't disregard any of it, it will enter my system and can cause a disruption in my body's
natural flow.”
Disregarding people who have such thoughts on STEM may be a good thing, as stated
above by the informants they ignore people who have such preconceptions about
STEM because if they pay attention to that it may affect them psychologically by
feeling pressured and stressed. On the other end, some informants have said that as
much as possible they try to clear misconceptions about STEM students by clarifying
people who have expectations on STEM students. To testify:
“Yes, i tell them na wag magset expectations for us stem students kasi we have our own
skills and abilities sa pagstudy.”
“Yes, sometime I corrected my old friend that being a STEM student doesn't mean that
I'd like to be a doctor someday, they should not assume something based on their basic
knowledge”
“I do attempt to correct them. For example, when someone says: "Oh, you must've loved
science; that's why you took STEM, right?". I do explain that liking a subject is not the
only factor people consider; we take practicality into account, what our desired
DR. YANGA’S COLLEGES, INC.
profession is, and sometimes people just don't have a definite reason. They can't disagree
with that, because that would be invalidating someone's first-hand experience.”
“All students are equally intelligent, maybe some of us are good in math and science
that's why they entered STEM strand or maybe their future course is connected with
STEM.”
I make sure to correct them in the most humble and respectful way to say that being a
STEM student doesn't automatically mean that we are already geniuses, and doesn't need
guidance, but we choose this strand because although we knew it is a hard and complex
one, we are ready to gradually learn and grow. I'll simply say, "For me, your skills,
knowledge, and character can't be determined by your chosen academic strand”.
As stated above, the informants have said that as much as possible they try to clear or
clarify misconceptions about STEM that may lead to the misinformation about the strand
because it is usually considered to be taken by students who excel in the subjects of
DR. YANGA’S COLLEGES, INC.
Conclusion
Our society developed multiple stigmas and stereotypes about STEM students
and according to some studies, these have affected the students’ mentality. The purpose
of this research was to identify its effects on the mentality of STEM students. Upon
conducting the research, and with proven results, the researchers analyzed that the
preconceptions about STEM impacted most Senior High School students taking STEM
strand. Having said that, participants have described how different preconceived notions
about STEM influenced them and how they dealt with them.
STEM students often encounter people with preconceived notions about their
strand. These individuals are usually their friends and relatives.
The most common stigmas and stereotypes that STEM students are often
associated with are that they are inclined to be a doctor or an engineer and
knowledgeable in the subjects of Mathematics and Science.
As a result of the stigmas and stereotypes about STEM students, most of the
participants stated that they feel overwhelmed and pressured. If the expectations
of STEM students continue, they will also keep pressuring themselves, therefore
affecting their mentality and academic performance.
While some of the participants ignored the stereotypes about the strand they are
taking, some stated that they attempt to correct the misconceptions about STEM
students. Although avoiding arguments are reasonable, it is critical to correct the
DR. YANGA’S COLLEGES, INC.
misconceptions about STEM to help diminish the stereotypes about the strand.
In this way, discrimination will not occur and students will no longer feel under
pressure.
To put it concisely, the stigmas and stereotypes of society had a psychological influence
on STEM students of Dr. Yanga's Colleges, Inc. since most of them felt under pressure
because many expect STEM students to be academically competent and many presume
their career path.
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