ALEKSANDR E. KIBRIK, SANDRO V. KODZASOV, IRINA A. MURAVYOVA.

Language and Folklore of the Alutor People. Megumi Kurebito (ed.). Suita, Japan,
2004. 656 p.

CONTENTS:
Foreword for the English version
Editor's word
Abbreviations and symbols
Preface
Part I. Alutor Folklore
Part II. Grammar
Part III. Alutor-English Dictionary
Appendix. Samples of Conjugation
References

PART TWO

ALUTOR GRAMMAR

Pp. 203–337

CHAPTER 1. Phonology

CHAPTER 2. Morphology

CHAPTER 3. Syntax
 CHAPTER 1. Phonology

In the present phonological sketch we will describe the following two main aspects of
Alutor phonology: the static aspect, that is inventories of units (segments and
suprasegmentals), and the dynamic aspect, that is phonological processes. The static
part deals with the sounds of Alutor − phones and phonemes (1.1), as well as the
syllable and rhythmic patterns (1.2). The dynamic part deals with the phonological
processes of Alutor, which are presented in the form of rewriting rules (1.3).
The approach we use here is similar to that of generative phonology (see also
[Kodzasov, Krivnova 1981]). Two levels of representing Alutor words are
distinguished: the underlying level, that is the level of phonemes (it corresponds to
the morphophonemic level in the Russian traditional phonology) and the surface
level, that is the level of phones, or systematic phonetic level (we omit some minor
details of Alutor pronunciation, irrelevant for the phonetic system). Rewriting rules
apply to the underlying representation of a word, which is a sequence of underlying
representations of the corresponding morphemes. Underlying representations of
Alutor morphemes are given in the Dictionary – see Part III. The application of
rewriting rules results in the surface representation, or the phonetic transcription.
In the present section the underlying representation of Alutor words and
morphemes is given in braces. Phonetic and practical transcriptions of words are
usually not parenthesized, but in some special cases the phonetic transcription is
given in square brackets. The application of rewriting rules is shown in round
brackets. The inventories of the surface and the underlying representations are
identical, that means we use one and the same chart of symbols for writing phones
and phonemes.

1.1. Segments
1.1.1. Vowels
1.1.1.1. Inventory
The vocalic system of Alutor consists of 11 vowels. They are: [i], [I], [u], [U], [e],
[E], [o], [O], [y], [a], [A]. The phonological status of each vowel is discussed further.
The Alutor vowels represent a typical triangle system. They are distinguished
in terms of q u a l i t y and q u a n t i t y . The aspects of quality are: t o n g u e h e i g h t
(high vs. mid vs. low), f r o n t n e s s / b a c k n e s s (front vs. central vs. back) and l i p
r o u n d i n g (rounded vs. unrounded).
The classification of vowels is given below in Table 1. The vowel [y], or schwa,
differs from all the other vowels both in length and in function. It is a supershort
vowel, while all the other vowels are of normal length (short or long – see below).

2
The phonological status of this segment and its functions are discussed in 1.1.1.2.
Besides quality, we also distinguish vowels in terms of quantity: the non-schwa
vowels can be either short or long 1 . The vowel length is often conditioned by the
position of a vowel in a word, but in some cases there is a phonological opposition
between short and long vowels. The vowel length in Alutor deserves further
discussion: the length contrast of e and o is discussed in 1.1.1.3, the length contrast of
i, u, a is discussed in 1.1.1.4.

TABLE 1. Classification of vowels

Frontness/backness front central back

Lip rounding unrounded unrounded rounded
Tongue height
high i, I u, U

mid e, E o, O
y
low a, A

COMMENTS on Table 1
The front and the back vowels are rather close to the central ones. The back vowels are
rounded: u is strongly rounded, while o is moderately rounded. The mid vowels stand at
approximately equal distance from the high and low vowels: they are neither open nor close. The
vowel y is a central mid vowel, but its main variant is a little bit lower than e and o. The long
vowels do not differ considerably in quality from their short counterparts.

1.1.1.2. Phonological Status of Schwa

The phonological status of schwa is one of the most interesting problems of the
Chukchi-Kamchatkan phonology. Some authors (see, for instance, [Zhukovа 1968])
regard this vowel as a purely auxiliary segment and do not include it in the inventory
of phonemes. Actually, the fact that the schwa is predictable in many contexts is
rather obvious. In such cases the surface representation of a word containing y can be
derived from the underlying representation without y (= the “non-vocalized”
representation) by means of simple insertion rules (see 1.3.3.2). For example, if a
word sounds like tyjôtyk ‘I came’, it can be derived from *tjatk. Here the schwas
break up the word-initial and the word-final consonant clusters. Thus, in this word, as
well as in many other words, y is just an epenthetic. This means that the schwa is

1
Previously, long vowels were found neither in Alutor nor in any other Chukchi-
Kamchatkan language (cf. [Moll 1955; Zhukova 1968] and others).

3
often used as the syllable nucleus to create well-formed syllables and to eliminate
illicit consonant clusters.
However, in some other cases the schwa is unpredictable, because it is difficult
or even impossible to formulate more or less standard phonological rules defining
schwa epenthesis in the non-vocalized representation. In such situations the fact that a
schwa is pronounced in a given word can be explained only by the individual
property of a given morpheme. In other words, we think that in such cases y should be
considered an inherent constituent of the corresponding morpheme. Many roots and
affixes therefore contain the schwa in the underlying representation, cf. the root {ypa}
‘soup’ appearing in the following words: @ypôNa (< {ypa-Na})‘soup’, tynypatyn (<
{t-n-ypa-at-n}) ‘I cooked it’ 2 . We also treat some root-medial y that always appear
in one the same place in a morpheme as part of the corresponding underlying
representation, cf. tímkytym 3 ‘hummock’, gatímkylin ‘covered with hummocks’ (the
root {tymk}); tyHylyk ‘be ill’, gatHíllin ‘(s)he fell ill’ (the root {tHyl}), myt-jôn-myk
(< {myt-jat-myk}) ‘we (two) came’ (the prefix {myt} and the suffix {myk}). In other
words, we always include the schwa in the underlying representation in case is not
inserted by means of the standard rules listed below. On these grounds we consider
the schwa an independent phoneme of Alutor.
Thus, schwas in Alutor words can be of two different origins: some y are part of
the underlying representation (“original” y), some appear only in the surface
representation, they are epenthesized by means of standard rules (“epenthetic” y). In
the phonetic transcription we write the vowel y in all positions, as all linguists

2
We treat the glottal stop in @ypANa as a segment epethesized before a word-initial vowel (a
situation similar to German, Arabic etc.). We can certainly choose another variant for the
underlying representation – without y, but with the initial @ , that is {*@pa}, but in this case the
second word would appear as *tynApavyn (< *ty-ny-@pa-vy-n < *{t-n-@pa-v-n}), because in
syllable-final position y@ changes into A (this alternation is typical for the conjunctive − see 1.3.6).
Since it is not the word we have in reality, we choose {ypa} as the underlying representation.
3
The non-epenthetic vowels y coming from the underlying representation are underlined
here.

4
studying this language group do 4 .

1.1.1.3. Long and Short e and o

Vowels e and o always appear as long segments in open stressed or open pre-stressed
syllables (that is in the first or the second syllable of an Alutor word − see 1.2), cf.
@ógyv [E] ‘yesterday’, jepílNyn [E] ‘hoof’, tùrak [O] ‘sink’, lJotítkyn [O] ‘top’.
Short e and o are found in several roots in closed stressed and closed pre-
stressed syllables before or after q and H, cf. lóqtyk [e] (along with løqtyk) ‘come
back’, HoptílJHu [o] ‘all’, qùnpyN [o] (along with qãnpyN) ‘always’. In post-stressed
syllables, both open and closed, the vowels e and o are usually short, cf. @ísse [e]
‘aunt’, tytôtoratkyn [o] ‘I'll sink’. The latter situation can be treated as standard
vowel shortening in post-stressed position − see 1.3.7 5 . Short e and o are also found
in non-accentuated auxiliary words (see 1.2.2), cf. &gemat [e] ‘maybe’, &Horo [o]
‘then’ (non-accentuated words are marked with “ & ”).
Long E and O are also found in both open and closed syllables in so-called
“expressive” words, cf. tOk ‘(interjection) let us’ (for more details see 1.3.8.1).
Expressive lengthening of this kind can be found in many languages, but such long
vowels are not considered separate phonemes.
Thus, in Alutor long and short e and o occur in positions that complement each
other. That is why we find it possible to treat a long phone and its short counterpart as

4
It is worth mentioning that native speakers of Alutor are not aware of the schwa as a
segment of their pronunciation, whether predictable or not. They think some Alutor words have
only consonants; at the same time, they can easily divide such words into syllables. For instance, a
word which sounds like pyNílly ‘news’ is treated as having three syllables – |p|Nl|l| (the symbol “ |
” indicates syllable boundaries), wítwyt ‘flower’ – as |wt|wt|, HítvyHyt ‘boat’ – as |Ht|v|Ht|. The
same is true for the Koryak language. E.A.Kreynovich [Kreynovich 1958] proposed for Koryak
words the non-vocalised representation (that is without y), but with marked syllable boundaries,
like |wt|wt|. Since the schwa is not part of such representation, the author does not consider it a
phoneme. In our opinion, such approach in neither adequate nor typologically justified, because
there arises a problem of dividing words into syllables – some words have unpredictable syllable
division. Nevertheless, E.A.Kreynovich was the first to pay attention to the crucial importance of
the notion of syllable for Chukchi-Kamchatkan languages. As we will see further, this notion is
absolutely necessary to create well-formed Alutor words.
5
From an historical point of view, the Alutor long E and O originated mostly from aj and
aw, or from yj and yw, and original e and o changed into i and u in most positions (they are
preserved only in closed syllables before or after q and H – see above), cf. the following related
words from Alutor and Koryak: Alutor jepílNyn [E] – Koryak jajpylNyn ‘hoof’, Alutor lJotítkyn
[O] – Koryak lJawtytkyn ‘the top of smth.’, Alutor @imNãlyk – Koryak @emNolyk ‘to miss (smb.)’,
but Alutor lóqtyk – Koryak leqtyk ‘to come back’, Alutor qùnpyN – Koryak qonpyN ‘always’
(these correspondences are discussed in detail in [Muravyova 1986a]).

5
allophones of one and the same phoneme – E or O. For practical reasons we do not
mark the length on e and o in practical transcriptions of Alutor words (except in
expressive words) − see 1.3.12.

1.1.1.4. Long and Short i, u, a

There is a phonological opposition of long and short vowels i/I, u/U, a/A in Alutor.
The opposition is considerably restricted by the rules of rhythmic and syllable
structure (see also 1.2). The constraints are:
1) a long vowel may appear only in an open syllable (except in expressive
words);
2) in a stressed open syllable (that is the first or the second syllable of a word) a
non-schwa vowel is always long;
3) in a post-stressed syllable (of a stressed word − see 1.2.2) a non-schwa vowel
is always short.
Long vowels are therefore to be found only in the first or second open syllable,
but since in the open stressed syllable the contrast between originally long and
originally short vowels is neutralized, long and short vowels may only contrast in the
first pre-stressed syllable. That is exactly what we found in Alutor, cf. @itítkyn
‘(s)he/it is’ vs. jIlJítkuk ‘gossip’, @upítkyn ‘(s)he is repelling’ vs. lUvítkyn ‘(s)he is
sucking’, jatítkyn ‘(s)he is coming’ vs. @AsíNti ‘two debts’. The functional
significance of this contrast is not great, because pre-stressed I, U, A occur rather
seldom, and in many words originally long vowels occur in a stressed syllable, where
the opposition is neutralized, cf. @øtyk [I] ‘be’ and jØlyjil ‘tongue’, @ãpyk [U] ‘repel’
and lÃvyk ‘suck’, jôtyk [A] ‘go’ and @ÔsyN ‘debt’ (as one can see, in the practical
transcription we mark the length in stressed syllables only on originally long vowels).
At the same time, it is obvious that the length of these vowels is relevant and should
be marked in the underlying representation of corresponding morphemes. Another
piece of evidence for the vowel length is that after an open syllable with a long vowel
there is always a syllable of the |Cy| type, cf. nypØtyqin ‘old’, HÔlyHal ‘axe’ 6 . In the
underlying representation of such morphemes we write both a long vowel and a |Cy|

6
Here the schwa does not break up an illicit cluster, because the corresponding cluster may
appear in another word (see 1.2.1). Such examples have reference to another phonological
constraint: a syllable with a long vowel cannot be a closed one. Thus we have nypØtyqin (while
*nypItqin is wrong), HÔlyHal (while *HAl Hal is wrong).

6
syllable, for instance, {pIty} ‘old’, {HAly} ‘axe’ 7 . As for the practical transcription, we
mark the vowel length on such vowels in all positions except in closed syllables.
The vowel A also occurs in the conjunctive, where it comes from y@ under
certain phonological conditions (see 1.3.3.2 and 1.3.6), cf. nAjôtyn (< ny-@-jaty-n <
{n-@-jat-n}) ‘if (s)he came’. It should be also noted that in Alutor the glottal stop
never occurs syllable-finally 8 .

1.1.1.5. Examples
In the examples given below the Alutor vowels are shown in the following positions:
1) word-initially (after a glottal stop), both in an open and closed syllable; 2) post-
consonantally, both in an open and closed syllable; 3) word-finally − either stressed
or not (a stressed vowel is marked with “ ′ ”, an unaccentuated word is marked with “
& ” − see 1.2);
[i]: @øvyk ‘say’, @ønmyk ‘swallow (smth.)’, mytønuk ‘eat berries’, møgga ‘who’,
@itítkyn ‘(s)he/it is’, @imNãlyk ‘miss (smb.)’, titítkyn ‘I am’, timNãlytkyn ‘I miss
him/her/it’, nínni ‘name’;
[I]: @Igítkyn ‘it is getting cold’, qItítkyn ‘(s)he/it is getting frozen’, @Øgyka ‘it is
cold’, nyqØtyqin ‘frozen’;
[u]: @ãvik ‘body’, @ãtty@ut ‘tree’, HasãHas ‘pink salmon’, tynãppy ‘hill’,
@umôkatyk ‘gather’, @ujøsvatyk ‘play’, rurãNa ‘bed’, tumôkavyk ‘gather (smth.,
smb.)’, @ínnu ‘(s)he/it’;
[U]: lUvítkyn ‘(s)he is sucking’, lÃvyk ‘suck’;
[e]: &gemat ‘maybe’, lóqtyk ‘come back’, leqtítkyn ‘(s)he is coming back’,
rarôtenyk ‘near a house’, @ísse ‘aunt’;
[E]: @ógyv ‘yesterday’, @ekãlatyk ‘make the bed’, jówal ‘orphan’, jewôsatyk
‘feel pity (for smb.)’;
[o]: Hùpta ‘entirely’, HoptílJ@u ‘all’, tytôtoratkyn ‘I'll sink’, &Horo ‘then’;
[O]: @ùjik ‘eat’, tojøtkyn ‘I am eating’, tùrak ‘sink’, torôtkyn ‘(s)he/it is
sinking’;
[y]: @ylla ‘mother’, @ypôNa ‘soup’, @yllôNi ‘younger brother’, nípqin ‘steep’,
@ypôtyk ‘cook soup’, typkôvyk ‘I was unable (to do smth.)’, Nôlly ‘herd’;
[a]: @ôkyk ‘son’, @ôngyt ‘festival’, @ujôtik ‘sledge’, môtka ‘whether’,

7
There are some examples in which I originated from ij, for instance, Alutor sIpítkyn
(historically from sijpytkyn) ‘it is withering’, cf. Koryak sejpyk. But in most cases Alutor long I,
U, A correspond not to combinations with j or w, but to single vowels, for instance, Alutor vIlyvil –
Koryak velyvel ‘thimble’.
8
It is possible that in some other cases the long vowel A also originated from a syllable-final
y@ or a@. A similar historical change is also possible for the long I (from i@ ) and U (from u@ ).

7
@anã@an ‘spring’, @alpínNyn ‘patch’, kaNãnaN ‘fishhook’, kaltøkal ‘beetle’, vøtga
‘at once’;
[A]: HAlítkuk ‘hew’, HÔlyHal ‘axe’.

1.1.2. Consonants
1.1.2.1. Inventory
The Alutor inventory of consonants is not large, it includes only 18 segments. The
consonants are distinguished in terms of p l a c e o f a r t i c u l a t i o n (labials vs.
dentalveolars vs. palatals vs. velars vs. uvulars vs. glottal laryngeals vs. epiglottal
laryngeals), m a n n e r o f a r t i c u l a t i o n (obstruents vs. sonorants; plosives vs.
fricatives vs. vibrants vs. glides; central vs. lateral), n a s a l i t y (oral vs. nasal) and
s e c o n d a r y a r t i c u l a t i o n (non-palatalized vs. palatalized). The classification of
consonants is given below in Table 2.

TABLE 2. Classification of consonants

Place of articulation lab. dentalveolars pal. vel. uvul. glottal epiglotta

and other l laryng.
categories laryng.

Manner of non- palat.

articulation pal.
obstruents plosives p t tsJ (sJ) k q @ H
fricative v g
s
sonorants nasals m n nJ N
laterals l lJ
vibrants r
glides w j

The status of each consonant will be discussed further. Alutor consonants are
divided into two subsystems − obstruents and sonorants. They differ greatly, so we
would like to consider them separately.

1.1.2.2. Obstruents
The obstruents are subdivided into two classes: plosives and fricatives. In Alutor all
the plosives are voiceless, and all the fricatives are voiced. The Alutor fricatives have
a rather broad passageway, so they are similar to sonorants. Fricatives are represented
by only two segments − v and g. It is remarkable that while Alutor fricative obstruents

8
are not numerous, there is great variety to the sonorants. 9
Alutor obstruents occur at all the places of articulation, except for the absence
of palatals.
Labials are represented by the two consonants − p and v.
Dentalveolars (both obstruents and sonorants) are represented by the dentals t,
n, l and the alveolar r. The dentals contrast in secondary articulation − palatalization;
they may be either non-palatalized or palatalized. The non-palatalized dental t does
not have a voiced fricative correlate 10 . The exact palatalized correlate of t would be tJ,
but this is not the sound we usually find in Alutor (actually, the sound tJ does occur,
but only in some Alutor words, cf. matka ~ matJka ‘interrogative particle’). The
sound we consider the palatalized correlate of t is represented mainly by two variants,
both close to the palatalized tJ, but not identical with it: the affricate tsJ and the
fricative sJ, the latter similar to a palatal fricative. The affricate occurs mainly in the
speech of the old generation, while the fricative is more widely used, it occurs in the
speech of young and middle-aged people. In papers on Alutor the fricative sound is
usually registered as s; in the present paper we also use s to write this sound in the
practical transcription. It is remarkable that the morphological alternation t/tsJ occurs
approximately in the same contexts as the alternations 1/1J, n/nJ (see 1.3.10). On
these grounds we refer to tsJ as the palatalized correlate of t. The phoneme tsJ has no
voiced counterpart 11 .
Velars are represented by the plosive k and the fricative g. The fricative is
rather close to the sonorants, it often sounds very much like the labial velar w 12 . It is
remarkable that g changes into w syllable-finally (see 1.3.5).
Uvulars are represented by the plosive q, which is slightly pharyngealized. In

9
It is possible that the Alutor system is changing from a system with two classes of
obstruents − plosives and fricatives, to a system with one class of plosives. That is just how the
Koryak consonants are often described (see [Trubetskoy 1958, Zhukova 1972]): all non-plosives
are treated as sonorants. But there are some typological facts that should be taken into
consideration: first, two labial non-nasal sounds are not common in the class of sonorants; second,
if g were a sonorant, we would have its vocalic correlate – a high back non-rounded vowel, but
there is no such vowel in the Alutor system. That is why we prefer to describe the Alutor system
as contrasting between plosives and fricatives. Cf. also the reconstruction proposed in [Mudrak
2000].
10
The corresponding phoneme is reconstructed for the Chukchi-Koryak protolanguage
[Muravyova 1986a]: in Alutor it coincided with t, in Koryak − with j/č, in Chukchi − with r, cf.
Alutor tiNak − Koryak jiNek − Chukchi riNek ‘fly’.
11
Even if there had been such a sound in the proto-Alutor language, it is likely to have
coincided with the palatal j.
12
Such a sound exists, for example, in the Polish language.

9
most cases it is a plosive, but sometimes it sounds like an affricate 13 .
Laryngeals deserve special consideration. The glottal stop @ is sometimes used
as an auxiliary segment, for instance, it is found before any word-initial vowel. In
such contexts the glottal stop is predictable: it is inserted in accordance with the
standard rules (see 1.3.3.1). But in other contexts this segment is unpredictable, so it
must be treated as part of the underlying representation, cf. ny@ôlyk (< {n@al-k})
‘become’ (the root {n@al}), @yllô@a (< {ylla@-a}) ‘by a mother’ (the root {ylla@}),
nymôl@a (< {n-mal-@a}) ‘well’ (the circumfix {n-...-@a}). In syllable-final position
the glottal stop behaves similar to the glides w and j (see 1.3.6). The sound H is an
epiglottal plosive laryngeal, that is a glottal stop accompanied by epiglottis
lowering 14 . Due to such configuration the larynx becomes closed and the pharynx is
narrowed in its lower part. Like the uvular q, the Alutor H is also slightly
pharyngealized. That is why both q and H make the adjacent vowels more wide. There
is an obvious contrast between the sounds @ and H, cf. jã@yk ‘reach’ − vøHyk ‘die’, but
the fact was not mentioned in previous papers on Alutor 15 .

1.1.2.3. Sonorants
Among the sonorants the most numerous group is the nasals; here we find the labial
m, two dentals – the non-palatalized n and the palatalized nJ, and the velar N.
Laterals are represented by the non-palatalized l and the palatalized lJ.
The palatalized dentals nJ and lJ belong to the same place of articulation as their
non-palatalized correlates l and n. The non-palatalized dentals t, n and l, like all other
non-palatalized sounds, are not velarized 16 , that is why they do not velarise the
following front vowels. It should be also noted that the opposition n/nJ, l/lJ is not
neutralized before the front vowels, so both variants − a palatalized and a non-
palatalized one − occur there (cf. kôlik ‘write’ vs. kalJøsityk ‘write (repeatedly)’).
The remainder of the sonorants do not require special comment. The consonants

13
That is why in Russian borrowings the Russian fricative x changes into the Alutor q, cf.
qylJøppy ‘bread’ (from the Russian xl’eb), @ãrvaq ‘shirt, dress’ (from the Russian rubáxa), &kolqos
‘collective farm’ (from the Russian kolxóz).
14
In the Koryak language [Zhukova 1972] the corresponding phoneme is realised as the
fricative pharyngeal and is written in the transcription as h.
15
The initial Alutor @ corresponds to the Koryak laryngeal @, while the non-initial Alutor @
and H (the latter – both initially and non-initially) correspond to the Koryak pharyngeal fricative
H, cf. the corresponding Koryak words jãHyk ‘reach’, vøHyk ‘die’.
16
Actually, sometimes there occurs a velarized variant of l (we often transcribed this sound
as w, not as l), but this may be due to the influence of the Russian language, where l is strongly
velarized.

10
w and j are glides, which may coalesce with the preceding vowel syllable-finally (see
1.3.6). As we have mentioned above, the consonant @ also acts like a glide in the
same context.

1.1.2.4. Examples
In the examples given below the Alutor consonants are shown in the following
positions: 1) word-initially, 2) intervocalicly, 3) post-consonantally, 4) pre-
consonantally, *5) word-finally.
[p]: pãnta ‘liver’, pãpu ‘float’, nínpyqin ‘old’, Hùpta ‘entirely’, @ipø@ip
‘smoke;
[v]: vøtku ‘just now’, @avølJuki ‘disobedient’, HítvyHyt ‘boat’, nívqin ‘black’,
givøgiv ‘year’;
[t]: tôtul ‘fox’, gøtak ‘look’, @ôktyka ‘impossible’, títka ‘walrus’, @ãkit
‘herring’;
[sJ]: sôwat ‘lasso’, Hurôsik ‘young man’, @ãmsan ‘firewood’, vôsqin ‘another’,
jôvas ‘later’;
[k]: kukôNa ‘pot’, jôkak ‘bend down’, gytkôlNyn ‘leg’, níktyqin ‘hard’ wômak
‘harpoon’;
[g]: gitøNa ‘ladder’, vagôlyk ‘sit down’, @ôsgi ‘now’, jØgyjig ‘mould’;
[q]: qamôNa ‘plate’, taqôtaq ‘side, facet’, @ãmqa ‘polar bear’, qãqluk ‘make a
hole’, jôqjaq ‘seagull’;
[@]: @ôNaN ‘god, idol’, @ajô@utkuk ‘fish with a rod’, @iw@øsik ‘drink’;
[H]: HitãHit ‘goose’, vø Hyk ‘die’, tôvHa1 ‘dried fish’;
[m]: mamøNa ‘fish drying shed’, nãmal ‘again’, mørmir ‘tear’, kãmNykum
‘voice’, @ôrym ‘chief’;
[n]: nykønyk ‘night’, junôtyk ‘live’, gírnik ‘animal’, tønga ‘what’, símNa
‘draught male reindeer’;
[nJ]: nJãmqin ‘warm’, @ønJat ‘trap’, gymnJônJnJus ‘I alone’, qunJgítka ‘a leg (of
two)’;
[N]: Nøtaq ‘two’, paNôtyk ‘get tired’, NãjNyn ‘tail’, jôNta ‘separately’, @ÔsyN
‘debt’;
[l]: límgylym ‘hood’, tôlak ‘pound’, líqlaN ‘winter’, nôlgyn ‘fur skin’, mømyl
‘water’;
[lj]: lJôNi ‘maiden’, HãlJa ‘man’, @aplJôkka ‘barefoot’, kawôlJniq ‘swallow’,
lJímNylJ ‘fairy tale’;
[w]: wítwyt ‘flower’, wirãwir ‘kind of pink salmon’, kítwir ‘hair’, pøwtak ‘be
strewn’, @ewô@iw ‘brain’;
[r]: rarôNa ‘house’, qurôNa ‘reindeer’, takrôtyk ‘go down’, qôrgan ‘marine

11
animal's young’, qôpar ‘glutton’;
[j]: jãNjuN ‘whale’, môja ‘where’, @ôNjak ‘praise’, pãjgyn ‘spear’, @ãjpy@uj
‘prize’.

1.2. Syllable and Rhythmic structure

1.2.1. Syllable Structure
Alutor imposes strict conditions on syllable structure, and the notion of syllable is
essential for the phonological pattern of the Alutor language.
If we consider the main classes of sounds − consonants and vowels − the
canonical syllable patterns will be |CV| and |CVC| (the symbol “ | ” indicates a
syllable boundary). These patterns have only one constraint: if the nucleus of a
syllable is a long vowel, the syllable has no coda. Thus, in reality we find the
following syllable patterns: |Cy|, |СVshort|, |CVlong|, |CyC|, |СVshortC| (here V is a non-
schwa vowel), cf. |vi|tô|tyk| ‘work’, |tøl|my|til| ‘eagle’, |@øt|@yn| ‘fur coat’, |@a|lô|@al|
‘summer’, |jØ|ly|jil| ‘tongue’, |wi|rã|wir| ‘(kind of) salmon’, |ja|tít|kyn| ‘(s)he is
coming’.
The set of syllable patterns given above is valid only if we consider a careful,
distinct pronunciation, which we will call the standard pronunciation. In fluent speech
native speakers may often elide the schwa in a two or three consonant cluster (one of
the consonants is usually a sonorant), so there may appear some consonant clusters,
illicit in the standard pronunciation. Thus, we often find optional words pronounced
of other syllable types, such as |CCV| and |CCVC|, cf. qylôvul ~ qlôvul ‘husband’,
@ínkyjap ~ @ínkjap ‘long ago’ 17 . In the present paper we prefer to deal only with the
standard pronunciation.
Word boundaries in Alutor always coincide with syllable boundaries, for
instance, @ógyv|#@arNønati (not *@ógy|v#ar|Nønati) ‘It rained yesterday’.
In reduplications the boundary between the two root morphs also coincides with
the syllable boundary, cf. @ønmy|@in (< {inm=in}) ( not *@in|min) ‘gulp’. The same is
true with incorporations and productive compounds, but only if the second stem
begins with a vowel, cf. mis@ô=@it@yl@yn (< {mis@a=it-l@-n}) ‘the one in a beautiful
fur coat’, sasø=@ilNatgyrNyn (< {sasi=ilN-at-gyrN-n}) ‘watchstrap’. In some
compounds there is no glottal stop before an initial vowel of the second stem, and the
syllable begins with a preceding consonant, cf. tig-ølNyn (< {tig-ilN-N}) ‘ski strap’.

17
The same situation is found in related languages. Some Koryak dictionaries (for instance,
[Korsakov 1939a]) register the standard pronunciation, while others (for instance, [Zhukova
1967]) record the fluent speech, cf. myjen ~ mjen ‘mosquito’. As P.Ja.Skorik writes [Skorik
1961:63], in Chukchi the process of omitting schwas “ is more widely spread in the western
dialect than in the eastern one”.

12
 No connection is found between syllable boundaries and morpheme boundaries.
At the same time, there is an obvious correlation between morpheme boundaries and
the position of epenthetic schwas: the schwa often plays the role of an
“intermorpheme segment”, cf. ní-mky-qin = n-y-mk-y-qin (< {n-mk-qin})
‘numerous’ (see 1.3.3.2).
The morphology of Alutor combines morphemes in such a way that an
underlying representation may be ill-formed. It may have illicit sound strings, such as
initial syllables without onsets, illicit consonant clusters, hiatus etc. Illicit strings
usually appear word-initially and word-finally, and also at morpheme boundaries 18 .
In order to obtain well-formed words, we must modify the underlying representation
by means of certain phonological rules, among them initial consonant deletion, glottal
stop epenthesis, schwa epenthesis, and hiatus vowel deletion (see 1.3.2 and 1.3.3).

1.2.2. Rhythmic Structure

According to their rhythmic structure, all Alutor words can be divided into two main
classes:
1) words having a phonetically prominent syllable − such words are called
a c c e n t u a t e d words;
2) words with no phonetically prominent syllables − such words are called
u n a c c e n t u a t e d words.
The class of accentuated words is the most numerous. Here we find the majority
of words belonging to the main parts of speech, and also a lot of auxiliary words.
The prominence of the stressed syllable is characterised by the increase of
pronouncing energy applied mainly to the rhyme of a syllable. This is manifested in a
number of ways. If a syllable is open and the nucleus is a short vowel (but not a
supershort y), the stress is expressed by the vowel lengthening, cf. qylôvul [A]
‘husband’. If a syllable is closed, the stress is expressed by the code strengthening,
that is the syllable-final consonant. The strengthening of a final consonant is clearly
perceptible in case of the |CyC| syllable type (native speakers say that in such
syllables the stress falls on the consonant, not on the vowel), cf. wítwyt [wíttywyt]
‘flower’ 19 . It is worthy of remark that syllables of the |Cy| type cannot bear stress,
because the vowel y cannot be lengthened.

18
The underlying representation is represented in such a way that most of illicit strings do
not appear inside a morpheme (see, for instance, 1.1.1.2).
19
The length of these segments (the vowel of an open syllable and the final consonant of a
closed syllable) has been proven through experimental research (for details see [Kodzasov,
Muravyova 1980]).

13
 In unaccentuated words the vowel length contrast is hardly detectable. It should
be noted that unaccentuated words can be clearly distinguished only if the syllable
supposed to bear stress is an open one, cf. jônut [A] ‘today’ vs. &janut [a] ‘earlier’
(the symbol “ & ” indicates the absence of stress in a word), @inøri [I] ‘blanket’ vs.
&siriri [i] ‘sandpiper’. If such syllable is a closed one, it is more difficult to reveal the
absence of stress.
The position of stress in Alutor can be described in terms of syllable weight,
thus it is a quantity sensitive system. Two types of syllables are distinguished here:
l i g h t (mono-moraic) syllables and h e a v y (bi-moraic) syllables. Syllables of the
|Сy| type are light syllables, while the other types are all heavy.
The position of stress in accentuated words is determined by the following three
phonological constraints:
1) only a heavy syllable can bear stress; light syllables are always unstressed;
2) only the first or the second syllable can bear stress (but the second syllable is
preferable);
3) a word-final syllable cannot bear stress.
These constraints help us to describe all the possible rhythmic patterns. First of
all, a monosyllabic cannot bear stress, for its only syllable is the final one (but there
exist some unaccentuated monosyllablic auxiliary words − see below). In case of a
disyllabic accentuated word, the first syllable is stressed (it always appears to be a
heavy one), for instance, @ôkyk ‘son’, kíttil ‘forehead’, wôla ‘knife’ 20 . Polysyllabics
may have stress either on the first or the second syllable, cf. tølpyqal ‘shoulder’,
tírgytyr ‘meat’, nØgyqin ‘cool’, vitôtyk ‘work’, NyrôlNyn ‘knee’, vagílNyn ‘nail, claw’.
For details see the stress assignment rules (1.3.4.).
The class of unaccentuated words is represented by the following groups and
subgroups:
1) auxiliary words of different types, such as conjunctions, particles,
introductory words, and also some adverbs, cf. &qinaq ‘in order to’, &Horo ‘then’,
&matka ‘whether’, &kytvyl ‘not (prohibition)’, &gemat ‘maybe’, &agi ‘very’, &lygan
‘even’, &wasaq ‘sometimes’, &jaqi ‘later’;
2) some personal pronoun forms, such as:
a) the dative form with a light second syllable, cf. &gymykyN ‘to me’, &gynykyN
‘to you (sg)’, &@ynykyN ‘to him’, &murykyN ‘to us’, &turykyN ‘to you (pl)’, &@ytykyN

20
Actually, when morphemes are combined into a word, at intermediate stages there may
appear a monosyllabic word with the only stressed syllable or a disyllabic word with the second
stressed syllable, but such intermediate representations are then extended by means of some
special rules (see 1.3.4.3), cf. Nôjjy (< Nôj < {Naj-∅}) ‘mountain’, Nyvã-jjy (< Nyvã-j < {Nvu-j})
‘(s)he/it began’, gyvô-kki (< gyvô-k < {gva-k}) ‘to stick’.

14
‘to them’; the situation is quite different with the nominative singular which is an
accentuated form, cf. gímmy ‘I’, gítty ‘you (sg)’, @ínnu ‘(s)he/it’;
b) the nominative dual and the short form of the nominative plural − &muri ‘we
two’ and &muru ‘we’ (along with the full form murãwwi ) , &turi ‘you two’ and &turu
‘you (pl)’ (along with the full form turãwwi), &@ytti ‘they two’ and &@yttu (along with
the full form @ytãwwi) ‘they’;
3) Russian borrowings with the place of stress which does not conform to the
above-mentioned constraints, cf. &@ugurot ‘kitchen garden’ (from the Russian
ogorуd), &makasin ‘shop’ (from the Russian magasнn), &kapitan ‘captain’ (from the
Russian kapitбn); but other borrowings may be accentuated, cf. tônJa ‘Tanya’ (a
Russian proper name), marøna ‘Marina’ (a Russian proper name), qylJøppy ‘bread’
(from the Russian xl’eb);
4) words derived from some roots which represent the main parts of speech; this
group is represented by two subgroups:
а) words with a light syllable in potentially stressed position (= the second
syllable of a word), for instance &nykykaqin ‘hot’ (the root {ykyka}), {gytiN}
(&nygytiNqin ‘fast’), {jyl} (&tyjylyn ‘I gave it’), {jpyNat} (&jypyNatyk ‘stick’), {lyla}
(&@alJylJaki ‘the one having no eyes, blind’), &unJy@u ‘baby’; but some other words
derived from the same roots may become accentuated if a heavy syllable appears in
potentially stressed position, cf. tytônykykavNyn ‘I'll make it hot’ (the root {ykyka}),
lJylJôpyk ‘look’ (the root {lyla});
b) words with a heavy (usually open) syllable in potentially stressed position (=
the second syllable), for instance (each root is illustrated here by either the
nominative or the infinitive): &siriri ‘sandpiper’, &@ylJalJu ‘kid’, &@ymama ‘Mummy’,
&@ypapa ‘Daddy’, &kalJilJi ‘navel’, &lJaNi ‘girl’, &miti ‘Miti (a mythological proper
name)’, &HalJulJuk ‘ rock a baby to sleep’; a word derived from such root may
become accentuated if its second syllable is heavy and does not belong to the root, cf.
tytôHalJulJuNyn ‘I'll rock him/her to sleep’.
Unaccentuated auxiliary words and unaccentuated roots (that is group 4b) are
marked in the Dictionary.
Besides the above-enumerated classes, there is one more group of words with
peculiar prosodic properties. These are expressive words (mostly interjections) and
expressive variants of ordinary words, namely the “distant” vocative, the “distant”
locative and others. In such words the last vowel is lengthened (for details see
1.3.8.1) 21 , for instance, kolJomE (interjection of admiration), qyvyttE ‘I do not know!’
(interjection), @awEn ‘oh, crab!’ (cf. @awønaN ‘crab’), @asO ‘oh, salmon!’ (cf.

21
See also [Kodzasov 1975].

15
HasãHas ‘pink salmon’), tumgytOm ‘oh, friend!’ (cf. tãmgytum ‘friend’), @akOk ‘oh,
son!’ (cf. @ôkyk ‘son’), telON ‘there (farther)’ (cf. tólyN ‘there’), HøHOk ‘high in the
sky’ (cf. HøHyk ‘in the sky’), @amkykO ‘very many’ (cf. @ômkyka ‘many’). Native
speakers do not perceive such long vowels as stressed ones.

1.3. Phonological Processes

Alutor exhibits a great variety of phonological processes22 . Here we find various
segmental changes − a l t e r n a t i o n s , as well as root copying − r e d u p l i c a t i o n s .
Among alternations there are replacements (including assimilations of different types,
lenitions and fortitions, coalescences, etc.), insertions and deletions, and also
metatheses. The most important phonological process in Alutor is that of creating the
right syllable and rhythmic structure: some phonological processes help to create the
right structure, while others take place only after the right structure has been created.
Most Alutor alternations are phonologically conditioned, but there are also many
alternations that are morphologically conditioned (the latter will be described in this
section too).
Alutor phonological processes are represented here in the form of rewriting
rules. The rules apply to the underlying representation of a word, that is a sequence of
underlying representations of morphemes constituting the word. Underlying
representations of morphemes are given in the Dictionary − see Part III. The result of
application is the surface representation, i.e. the phonetic transcription of a given
word. The rules are listed here in the order they should apply to the underlying
representation (the only exception is mentioned in 1.3.3.2).
The majority of rules given below describe various segment modifications; they
are numbered with Arabic numerals. There are also the stress assignment rules – they
are numbered with Roman numerals. Besides, there are some additional rules that do
not change the structure of words, but mark syllable boundaries and types of syllables
– they are numbered with capital letters.
Each rule is given in two variants: as an ordinary utterance and as a formal rule.
The notation we use for formal rules is X ⇒ Y / A_B, which means that a segment
(or a string of segments) X is replaced by a segment (or a string of segments) Y in the
context defined by A_B. The bar “ _ ” marks the position of the segment undergoing
the process. The context A and B may contain: symbols for consonants and vowels –
C and V, their phonological properties (shown by the lowered script), a morpheme
(M) the segment belongs to - a root (R) or an affix (this is marked with “ ∈ ”), some

22
Here we follow the logical classification of phonological processes given in [Mel’иuk
1996].

16
special morpheme properties (also shown by the lowered script). Irrelevant segments
that separate X from A or B are marked in the context with “ ... ”. The symbol ∧
represents the null segment. The following symbols are used to indicate different
types of boundaries: “ # ” for a word boundary, “ = ” for a composite boundary, and “
- ” for an ordinary morpheme boundary. To describe the context, the logical
conjunctions “and” and “or” are sometimes used (they are underlined). All the rules
given below are illustrated by Alutor words. For each word we write its practical
transcription (see 1.3.12) and show its “phonological derivation”, that is a sequence
of several relevant intermediate stages coming from the underlying representation.
The derivation of a word is shown in round brackets and is marked with “ < ” (which
means “comes from”). The underlying representation is given in braces, the relevant
intermediate steps – without any brackets (but within the round brackets). Other
notations used in the rules are listed in Abbreviations and Symbols.

1.3.1. Reduplication
Reduplication in Alutor is used as a means of forming the nominative singular. The
information whether a noun employs reduplication to form the nominative singular is
shown in the Dictionary, the exact morphological structure of a word is defined by
morphological rules, so in this section we only describe the way a root copy is
formed. In Alutor a root copy always follows the corresponding root and consists of
only one syllable.
The root copy of a given reduplication is formed according to the following
rules (Rred marks a root to be reduplicated):
if a root to be reduplicated begins with a single consonant, the root copy
consists of the first three segments of the root, if it begins with a two-consonant
cluster or a vowel, the root copy consists of the first two segments of the root, i.e.
(1) 23 a. C1V1C2(…) ⇒ C1V1C2(…)=C1V1C2 / #_ and C1V1C2 ∈ Rred
b. C1C2... ⇒ C1C2...=C1C2 / #_ and C1C2 ∈ Rred
c. V1C1... ⇒ V1C1...=V1C1 / #_ and V1C1 ∈ Rred
Examples: kaltøkal (< {kaltired}) ‘beetle’, kãmNykum 24 (< kumN=kum
< {kumNred}) ‘voice’, HasãHas (< {Hasured}) ‘pink salmon’, wirãwir (< {wirured})
‘(kind of) salmon’, HÔlyHal (< HAly=HAl < {HAlyred}) ‘axe’, nykønyk (< nki=nk <
{nkired}) ‘night’, @anã@an (< anu=an < {anured}) ‘spring’, @ãjpy@uj (< ujp=uj <
{ujpred}) ‘prize’.

23
Let us be reminded once again that the rules are given here in the order they should apply
to the underlying representation.
24
After the described operation, some other modifications take place (for instance, the
segments y and @ are epenthesized).

17
1.3.2. Deletions
The following types of deletions occur in Alutor:
1) initial consonant deletion;
2) final vowel deletion;
3) hiatus vowel deletion.
The first two processes are found only in particular restricted groups of roots
and affixes, so they are partly morphologically defined (the corresponding roots and
affixes are marked in the Dictionary). But since these types of deletion play an
important role in creating the canonical syllable structure, we find it necessary to
describe them together with phonologically defined processes.

1.3.2.1. Initial Consonant Deletion

Initial consonant deletion occurs most commonly in word-initial position and only in
a verb root beginning with a two-consonant cluster. The segments undergoing the
process are the dentalveolars t, s, n, 1. They are usually deleted immediately before a
labial, velar, uvular or laryngeal. The process is partly morphologically defined, since
roots truncating their initial consonants form a restricted group of the lexicon. In the
Dictionary the initial consonant of such roots is shown in round brackets, cf. {(t)va}
‘stay’, {(t)givi} ‘year’, {(t)kypl} ‘beat’, {(t)Hylwyt(i)} ‘day’. Some roots beginning
with the same clusters do not truncate their initial consonant, cf. tygótatyk (< {tgetat-
k}) ‘jump’. The deletion of a root-initial consonant is sometimes found in
composites 25 .
The rules regulating initial consonant deletion run as follows:
if a root beginning with a two-consonant cluster is marked for consonant
deletion, its root-initial consonant is deleted in word-initial position; the deletion may
also occur when the root appears as a non-initial part of a composite, i.e.
(2)a. C1 ⇒ ∧ / #_C2 and C1 ∈ Rconsonant deletion
b. C1 ⇒ ∧ / =_C2 and C1 ∈ Rconsonant deletion (not regularly)
Examples: kíplyk (< {(t)kypl-k}) ‘beat’, cf. ty-tkíply-n (< {t-(t)kypl-n}) ‘I
beat him’; @asgønHylJu (< {asgi-in(a)=(t)Hylw}) ‘today’.

1.3.2.2. Final Vowel Deletion

Final vowel deletion is typical of noun roots and also for some nominal suffixes. This
is usually found in the nominative singular or in the 3 person singular of adjectives

25
The fact that a root-initial consonant can be deleted in composites shows that a non-initial
root tends to be similar to the beginning of a word.

18
when there is no overt affix 26 following such morphemes. The vowel to be deleted is
always a post-stressed one. In most cases it is the vowel a that undergoes the
transformation, but some roots truncate their final i or u. The process is partly
morphologically defined, because morphemes truncating their final vowels form a
restricted group of the lexicon. In the Dictionary the final vowel of such roots (and
suffixes – see below) is shown in round brackets, cf. tôtul (the root {tatul(a)}) ‘fox’.
Some roots ending in a vowel do not truncate their final vowel, cf. pãnta (the root
{punta}) ‘liver’, @inøri (the root {iniri}) ‘blanket’.
The deletion is also attested for some suffixes, for example, the possessive
suffix {-in(a)} and other adjectival suffixes that historically originated from the
former, such as {-kin(a)}, {-lin(a)}, {-qin(a)}. The deletion of a root-final vowel
may also occur in a composite, so in this respect the vowel deletion is similar to the
consonant deletion.
The rules regulating final vowel deletion run as follows:
if a morpheme is marked for vowel deletion, it loses its final vowel in word-final
position; the deletion may also occur when the morpheme appears as a non-final part
of a composite, i.e.
(3)a. V1 ⇒ ∧ / _# and V1∈ Mvowel deletion
b. V1 ⇒ ∧ / _= and V1∈ Mvowel deletion (not regularly)
Examples: tôtul (< {tatul(a)}) ‘fox’, cf. tatãla-wwi ‘foxes’; @ømyt (< imt <
{imt(i)}) ‘burden’, cf. @imtø-ta ‘by a burden’; @yllôNi (< yllaNj < {yllaNj(u)})
‘younger brother’, cf. @yllôNju-ta ‘by a younger brother’; @aNqôkin (< {aNqa-
kin(a)}) ‘sea, marine (sg)’, cf. @aNqô-kina-wwi ‘sea, marine (pl)’; @asgønHylJu (<
asgin=HylJu < {asgi-in(a)=(t)Hylw}) ‘today’.

1.3.2.3. Hiatus Vowel Deletion

Two vowels may occur adjacently in the underlying representation only at a
morpheme boundary. Since hiatus is impermissible in Alutor, the situation may be
remedied in two different ways:
1) a glottal stop is epenthesized between the vowels (the epenthesis rules are
given in 1.3.3.1) − this usually happens at a composite boundary, for instance,
ra@øtynvyl@yn (< {ra=it-nv-l@-n}) ‘master of the house’;
2) one of two vowels is deleted − this usually happens at an ordinary morpheme

26
In the section “Morphology” (see Chapter 2) the final vowel deletion is treated as a
morphological means of forming the nominative singular, but in the section “Phonology” we
prefer to describe the vowel deletion as a phonological process.

19
boundary 27 , for instance, gøllin (< {ga-it-lin}) ‘(s)he/it was’.

NOTE. At first sight, the distribution of these two processes seems to be rather simple: one
is found at a composite boundary, the other – at an ordinary morpheme boundary. The problem is
to define what particular type of boundary appears in a word with two or more roots, that is in a
composite. Actually, we distinguish three types of composites: reduplications, incorporations and
compounds.
Some words appear with an epenthesized glottal stop between the vowels. Such situation is
typical of incorporations and reduplications, cf. gymík@unJunJuN (< {gymyk=unJunJu-N}) ‘to my
son’, @alô@al (< ala=al < {alared}) ‘summer’. Other words demonstrate vowel deletion. The latter
is typical of non-composites, cf. gøvlin *(< {ga-iv-lin(a)}) ‘(s)he said’. We regard these two
means of transforming hiatus as marking different degrees of coalescence between the parts of a
word: it is less so in case of epenthesis, and is more so in case of vowel deletion.
As for compounds, some of them epenthesize a glottal stop, while others delete a vowel, cf.
sasi=@ilNatgyrNyn ‘watchstrap’, but Haqømluk (< {Haqa-iml-u-k}) ‘drink vodka (=drink bad
water)’. We think that the difference between the two types of compounds lies in the degree of
coalescence, so compounds of the first group should be treated as productive compounds, while
compounds of the second group should be treated as non-productive ones (at least from the point
of phonology). We mark the difference in morphological representations of compounds by using
two different boundaries: in compounds like sasi=@ilNatgyrNyn (as well as in incorporations and
reduplications) we indicate a composite boundary, while in compounds like Haq-imluk we
indicate an ordinary morpheme boundary. When phonological rules apply, the type of boundary is
considered to has been already assigned to the underlying representation.

One of the possible ways of describing vowel deletion at a morpheme boundary

is in terms of the “vowel strength”. Some vowels appear to be weaker than others and
tend to be elided. The relation “to be weaker” is marked here with the symbol “ < ”.
According to this relation, Alutor vowels display the following hierarchy:
y < a, A < e, o < i, I < u, U.
The rules regulating vowel deletion run as follows:
if two vowels occur adjacently at an ordinary morpheme boundary, the weakest
one is deleted, i.e.
(4)a. V1 ⇒ ∧ / _-V2 and V1 < V2
b. V2 ⇒ ∧ / V1-_ and (V2 < V1 or V2 = V1 28 )
Examples: tinônititavyN (< {ta-ina-n-itit-av-N}) ‘(s)he will cook’, gajãlin (<
{ga-aju-lin(a)}) ‘(s)he revived’, gøvlin (< {ga-iv-lin(a)}) ‘(s)he said’, @ãmka (< {a-

27
Actually, not any vowel may appear morpheme-initially or morpheme-finally, so the list
of possible combinations of vowels is considerably restricted.
28
When we use the sign “ = ” with blank spaces on both sides in the context of the rules, it
means equality, not a composite boundary (the latter is used without any spaces).

20
um-ka}) ‘it is warm’, @inómyk (< {ina-emy-k}) ‘scoop’, gôllyga (< {ga-yllyg-a})
‘with a father’, @armôvyk (< {arma-av-k}) ‘become a leader’, qãrin (< {qura-in})
‘reindeer's’, tykØmavyk (< {t-kImy-av-k}) ‘detain’, kônsuk (< {kansa-u-k}) ‘smoke’,
tysøguvyk (< {t-sigu-av-k}) ‘burn (smth.)’, &mitinak (< {miti-ynak}) ‘Miti (Esg)’,
@akmøtyk (< {akmi-at-k}) ‘take’, mytønuk (< {mtini-u-k}) ‘eat berries’, @imtønaN (<
{imti-inaN}) ‘burden’, kaNãnaN (< {kaNu-inaN}) ‘fishhook’, tytkíplJuvyk (< {t-
(t)kypl-u-av-k}) ‘kill (smb.) by striking on one's head’, @alJlJítkunaN (< {ally-tku-
inaN}) ‘scraper’.

NOTE. The rule given above has some exceptions, however. First, causatives derived from
the roots {iw@isi} ‘drink’ and {aw(y)ji} ‘eat’ appear as tiw@øsatyk ‘give water to drink’ and
tôwyjatyk ‘feed’ (instead of *tiw@isityk and *tawyjityk). It is probable that the vowel i in these
roots originated from y under the influence of the palatals s and j. Second, some roots preserve the
root-final a, for example, nutôgitanaN (< {nuta-gita-inaN}) ‘binoculars’. The exceptions can be
found in the Dictionary.

1.3.3. Insertions
The following types of insertions occur in Alutor:
1) glottal stop insertion;
2) schwa insertion.
In order to formulate the schwa insertion rules we need two additional rules
which describe marking irrelevant morpheme boundaries and metathesis of a schwa
and a consonant.

1.3.3.1. Glottal Stop Insertion

The rules regulating glottal stop insertion run as follows:
a glottal stop is inserted word-initially immediately before a word-initial vowel,
and also before the initial vowel of a non-initial stem in a composite, i.e.
(5)a. ∧ ⇒ @ / #_V
b. ∧ ⇒ @ / =_V
Examples: @ôkyk (< {akk(a)}) ‘son’, @øt@yn (< {it@-n}) ‘fur coat’, @ypôNa (<
{ypa-Na}) ‘soup’; @alô@al (< ala=al < {alared}) ‘summer’, @ønmy@in (< @inm=@in <
inm=in < {inmred}) ‘gulp’, gymík@unJunJuN (< {gymyk=unJunJu-N}) ‘to my son’.

1.3.3.2. Schwa Insertion

In general, the schwa insertion rules seem to be rather simple and roughly run as
follows (some comments are given further):
a schwa breaks up a word-initial or word-final two-consonant cluster
(irrespective of whether there is a morpheme boundary between the two consonants

21
or not); a schwa breaks up a word-medial three-consonant cluster at a morpheme
boundary of any type, i.e.
(6)a. ∧ ⇒ y / #С1_(-)С2
b. ∧ ⇒ y / C1 _(-)С2#
c. ∧ ⇒ y / C1 _-C2C3 or C1 _=C2C3
d. ∧ ⇒ y / C1C2 _-C3 or C1C2 _=C3
Examples: typôNa 29 (< {tpa-Na}) ‘stone hammer’, nymôlqin (< {n-mal-
qin(a)}) ‘good’, môqym (< {maqm(i)}) ‘arrow’, tôtyk (< {tat-k}) ‘bring’, jatítkyn (<
{jat-tkyn}) ‘(s)he is coming’, jagísvinin (< {jag=svi-ni-n}) ‘(s)he cut his/her foot’,
nørvyqin (< {n-irv-qin(a)}) ‘sharp’, @ønmy@in (< @inm=@in < inm=in < {inm=in})
‘gulp’; nôlgyHytvu (< {nalg=Hytv-w}) ‘canoe’.
Now let us comment on these rules. In the case where there is a one-consonant
morpheme in a three-consonant cluster, namely -С2-, the schwa is inserted at only one
of the boundaries, to the left or the right of this morpheme (therefore, the string
C1C2C3 does not change into C1yC2yC3). The boundary that does not count here is
referred to as “irrelevant” one. In the rules given above irrelevant boundaries are
considered null boundaries, cf. mytíntakravna (< {myt-n[-]takr-av-na}) ‘we took
them down’, where [-] is an irrelevant boundary.
The following one-consonant morphemes are found in Alutor which may
appear word-medially: 1) @- − the conjunctive prefix; 2) n- − the medial variant of the
causative marker; 3) -N − the suffixal part of some circumfixes − the potential marker,
the desiderative marker and also the derivative marker meaning ‘create (smth.)’.
When any of these morphemes appears as С2 in the string C1-С2-C3, the following
rules apply to reveal which of the boundaries should be treated as irrelevant:
if there is a non-final string of segments C1-С2-C3, the left boundary of the
medial consonant is considered irrelevant in case it is the prefix @-, and the right
boundary in case it is the prefix n-; in case the medial consonant is the suffix -N, the
left boundary is considered irrelevant, except when the suffix -N is followed by the
morph -ki (the marker of the infinitive, the locative or of a converb), in which case
the right boundary is considered irrelevant 30 , i.e.

29
In the surface representation we attach an inserted y to the preceding morph, cf. jôty-k
*(< {jat-k}) ‘come’.
30
This additional rule can be interpreted in the following way. As the glottal stop is avoided
in syllable-final position (in this position y@ => A, see 1.3.6), and the fact that the morphs N and ki
appear close to each other can be explained historically (here ki comes from kyj, as the Kerek data
show [Skorik 1968]), the principle of irrelevancy can be formulated as follows: the irrelevant
boundary is a boundary between a root and a one-consonant affix, i.e. if possible they are not
broken up by a schwa.

22
A. 31 a. C1-C2-C3 ⇒ C1[-]C2-C3 / V1_V2 and C2 = Pref @
b. C1-C2-C3 ⇒ C1-C2[-]C3 / V1_V2 and C2 = Pref n
c. C1-C2-C3 ⇒ C1[-]C2-C3 / V1_V2 and C2 = Suf N and C3V2 ≠ Suf ki
d. C1-C2-C3 ⇒ C1-C2[-]C3 / V1_V2 and C2 = Suf N and C3V2 = Suf ki
Examples: mín@ypi1alatkyn (< {myn[-]@-pila-la-tk-n}) ‘we would leave
him/her/it’; mytíntakravna (< {myt-n[-]takr-av-na}) ‘we would get him/her/it
down’; @atôn@alNyka (< {a-ta-n@al[-]N-ka}) ‘(s)he does not want to become’, cf.
tan@ôlyNki (< {ta-n@al-N[-]ki}) ‘want to become’.
Evidently, the rules marking irrelevant boundaries precede the schwa insertion
rules, namely rules (6c), (6d).

1.3.3.3. Schwa and Consonant Metathesis

According to rule (6c), in the string C1-C2C3 the schwa is inserted at a morpheme
boundary, that is between C1 and C2, but in many words it actually appears between
C2 and C3, so that C1 and C2 occur adjacently. This usually happens when C1 and C2
are homorganic consonants (namely dentalveolars). We treat this transformation as
metathesis of a schwa and a consonant.
The metathesis rules run as follows:
if a three-consonant cluster of the underlying representation has been broken
up by a schwa, the vowel may change places with the second consonant, provided the
first and the second consonant are dentalveolars 32 , i.e.
(7)a. y-C2 ⇒ -C2y / C1_C3 and C1,C2 are dentalveolars (optionally)
b. y=C2 ⇒ =C2y / C1_C3 and C1,C2 are dentalveolars (optionally)
Examples: tyHí1ly@yn (< tyHyly-l@y-n < {tHyl-l@-n}) ‘sick (person)’, cf.
nymíl@yn (< {nym-l@-n}) ‘settled person, villager’.

1.3.4. Stress Assignment Algorithm

In order to create the right rhythmic structure, we need three types of rules:
1) rules regulating syllabification – the syllabification rules proper and the
syllable marking rules (1.3.4.1);
2) rules regulating accentuation – the stress assignment rules (1.3.4.2);

31
As this rule describes only the boundary marking, not a phonological process, it is
numbered with a capital letter.
32
Metathesis of this type is attested not only for dentalveolars, but also for some other types
of consonants. For example, the same change occurs when one of the consonants is the causative
marker − the prefix -n-, while the other consonant is not a dentalveolar, cf. myt-y-n-gyjulavyn (<
{myt-n-g(y)jul-av-n}) ‘we taught him/her’ (the root {g(y)jul}), cf. nojulqin (< ny-gjul-qin < {n-
g(y)jul-qin(a)}) ‘educated’. We fail to describe such examples by means of standard rules.

23
 3) rules “adjusting” impermissible rhythmic patterns – the syllable addition
rules (1.3.4.3).

1.3.4.1. Syllabification and Syllable Marking

After we have eliminated all illicit strings of vowels and consonants, we can divide
words into syllables.
The syllabification rules run as follows:
a syllable boundary is found before any CV and word-finally, i.e.:
33
B . a. CV ⇒ |CV
b. # ⇒ |#
Examples: |@ô|kyk| ‘son’, |@øt|@yn| ‘fur coat’, |@a|lô|@al| ‘summer’, |@øn|my|@in|
‘gulp’, |gy|mík|@u|nJu|nJuN| ‘to my son’, |mô|qym| ‘arrow’, |tô|tyk| ‘bring’, |nør|vy|qin|
‘sharp’, |lJù|ty|pilJ| ‘little head’.
As the stress assignment rules are formulated in terms of light and heavy
syllables (see 1.3.4.2), we also need the syllable marking rules. They run as follows
(the symbol “ ∪ ” represents a light syllable, the symbol “ − ” represents a heavy
syllable):
a syllable of the |Cy| type is treated as light, a syllable of any other pattern is
treated as heavy, i.e.
C. a. |Сy| ⇒ ∪
b. |CV| ⇒ − / V≠y
c. |CVC| ⇒ −
Examples: |@ô|kyk| (− −) ‘son’; |lJù|ty|pilJ| (− ∪ −) ‘small head’;
|gy|mík|@u|nJu|nJuN| (∪ − − − −) ‘to my son’.

1.3.4.2. Stress Assignment

The stress assignment rules apply only to the right syllable structure, and only after
syllables have been marked as light and heavy. The rules do not apply to
unaccentuated words.
The stress assignment rules run as follows 34 :
in a monosyllabic word the stress is placed on the only heavy syllable (there are
no monosyllabics with a single light syllable in Alutor), i.e.
I. − ⇒ – / #_#
Examples: Nôjjy (< Nôj < {Naj}) ‘mountain’, Nôlly (< Nôl < {Nal}) ‘herd’.

33
Since these rules describe only marking strings of segments, but do not changing them,
they are indicated by means of capital letters.
34
These rules form a separate group − suprasegmental rules − when compared to segment
changing rules. That is why they are numbered with Roman numerals.

24
 in a disyllabic word the stress is placed on the first syllable, provided it is
heavy; if the first syllable is light, the stress shifts to the second (heavy) syllable 35 ,
i.e.
II. a. − − ⇒ – − / #_ #
b. ∪ − ⇒ ∪ – / #_ #
Examples: tôtul ‘fox’, kíttil ‘forehead’, pôNkan ‘cap’, pyHãnny (< pyHãn <
{pHun(a)}) ‘mushroom’, gyvôkki (< gyvôk < {gva-k}) ‘stick’.
in a polysyllabic word the stress is placed on the second syllable, provided it is
heavy; if the second syllable is light, the stress shifts to the first syllable, provided it is
heavy 36 , i.e.
III. a. − − ⇒ − – / #_...
b. ∪ − ⇒ ∪ – / #_...
c. − ∪ ⇒ – ∪ / #_...
Examples: qurôNa ‘reindeer’, nymôlqin ‘good’, nysíqqin ‘cold’, @ynpíqlavul
‘old man’, @atHílka ‘it is painful’; @ínpyNav ‘old woman’, nølgyqin ‘white’, nJùtyqin
‘thin’.
NOTE. The root {aw(y)ji} ‘eat’ has two morphs in the underlying representation: {awyji}
and {awji} (the latter appearing as {oji} – see 1.3.6). The morph {awyji} is used in the causative
tôwyjatyk ‘feed’, and the morph {oji} is used in the non-causative @ojik ‘eat’. Words derived from
the morph {oji} are stressed as if were derived from the morph {awyji}, cf. tùjitkyn (< {t-oji-
tkyn}) ‘I am eating’, and not *tojøtkyn.

Words that do not acquire stress according to these rules are considered
unaccentuated, cf. &najylyn ‘they gave him/her/it’, &tyjylyn ‘I gave him/her/it’ (the
accentuated root {jyl}), &tyHalJulJun ‘I rocked him/her to sleep’ (the unaccentuated
root {HalJulJu}) (some exceptions were mentioned in 1.2.2, group 4b).

1.3.4.3. Syllable Addition

It appears that the rhythmic structure of the language does not permit stress to fall on
the last syllable of a word, but strings with the last stressed syllable may appear at
intermediate stages of derivation (see rules I and II). In order to improve the rhythmic
structure a supplementary syllable is added.
The syllable addition rules run as follows:
if the stress falls on the last (closed) syllable of a word, a supplementary
syllable of the |CV| type is added by means of geminating the last consonant and

35
In Alutor there are neither stressed disyllabics with the second light syllable nor stressed
disyllabics with the first light and the second open syllable.
36
Otherwise, i.e. if the first syllable is light, the word does not acquire any stress.

25
adding a vowel (the vowel i − in case the last consonant is the suffix -k or -t 37 , the
schwa − in all other cases), i.e.
(8)a. ∧ ⇒ C2y / Vstressed(-)C1_# and C2 = C1 and C1 ≠ Suf k, t
b. ∧ ⇒ C2i / Vstressed-C1_# and C2 = C1 and C1 = Suf k, t
Examples: Nôjjy (< Nôj < {Naj}) ‘mountain’, Nôlly (< Nôl < {Nal}) ‘herd’,
pyHãnny (< pyHãn < {pHun}) ‘mushroom’, pylôtty (< pylôt < {plat}) ‘headscarf’,
tynãnny (< ty-nã-n < {t-nu-n}) ‘I ate it’, qytíjjy (< qytí-j < {(l)qyt-j}) ‘(s)he went
away’; gyvôkki (< gyvô-k < {gva-k}) ‘stick’, lylôtti (< lylô-t < {l(y)la-t}) ‘two eyes’.

NOTE. The supplementary open syllable may optionally become a closed one by means of
adding a sonorant N, cf. gímmy ~ gímmyN (< gím < {gym}) ‘I’.

1.3.5. Velar Fricative Sonorization

In certain contexts the velar fricative g changes into the corresponding sonorant − the
glide w. Since the passageway between the articulators becomes broader, we treat this
change as lenition. The process does not take place before g.
The sonorization rules run as follows:
an obstruent velar fricative g changes into the corresponding sonorant w in
syllable-final position (not immediately before g); in word-final position or in a
composite the change is optional, i.e.
(9)a. g ⇒ w / _ |C1 and C1≠g
b. g ⇒ w / _ |# or _ |= (optionally)
Examples: @aktøwka (< {a-ktig-ka}) ‘it is windy’, cf. kytøgatytkyn ‘the wind is
blowing’, @akùki (< a-kaw-ki < {a-kag-ki}) ‘without palms’, cf. kagílNyn ‘palm’,
mônig ~ môniw ‘sack’, løwliw ~ løglig ‘egg’; but there is no change in møgga ‘who’.

1.3.6. Vowel and Glide Coalescence

In Alutor some diphthong-like combinations of the “vowel + glide j, w, @ ” type do
not occur syllable-finally. They usually blend together to produce the corresponding
vowel (mostly a long one). The vowel a and the schwa are most common in such
combinations.
The coalescence of the vowel a and a glide follows the rules:

37
The plural marker {w/wwi} seems to have originally had the same distribution of morphs
as the markers k and t: the morph wwi is likely to appear after a stressed syllable, while w
appears in other positions, cf. pantô-wwi ‘pieces of fur from reindeer's legs’, but pylôk-u (<
pylôk-y-w < {plak-w}) ‘fur boots’; but at present the morph -wwi is used not only after a stressed
syllable, but also after any stem ending in a vowel, cf. tatãla-wwi ‘foxes’; a stem ending in a
consonant may have both -u and-uwwi, cf. myng-ãwwi ~ míng-u ‘hands’.

26
 in syllable-final position vowel-and-glide combinations aj (not immediately
before j), aw (not immediately before w, v), a@ produce long vowels E, O, A
respectively 38 , i.e.
(10) a. aj ⇒ E / ( _ |# or _ |C1) and C1≠j
b. aw ⇒ O / ( _ |# or _ |C1) and C1≠w,v
c. a@ ⇒ A / _ |# or _ |C1
Examples: nymróqin (< {n-mraj-qin}) ‘right’, cf. nymrôjigym ‘right (1sg)’;
@inóvykli (< @inajvykli < {ina-jvykl-j}) ‘(s)he hit me’, cf. jyvíklynin ‘(s)he hit
him/her’; rarópyN (< {rara-jpyN}) ‘along a house’, cf. rurãjpyN ‘along a bed place’;
rarôkinegym (< rarakinEgym < {rara-kina-jgym}) ‘the one from the house (1sg)’,
cf. nymílrujgym ‘quick (1sg)’; @inôgale (< @inagalE < {ina-gala-j}) ‘(s)he passed me
by’, cf. pøNku-j ‘(s)he jumped’; lùtyk (< {lawt-k}) ‘in a head’, cf. lôwyt ‘head’;
@ojølatka (< {a-wjil-at-ka}) ‘do not cast a shadow (=do not stand in my light)!’, cf.
wyjølatyk ‘cast a shadow’, @inùjivatyk (< @inawjivatyk < {ina-gjiv-at-k}) ‘show’, cf.
gyjøvatyk ‘show (smth.)’; @ílla (< yllA < {ylla@-∅}) ‘mother’, cf. @yllô@-a ‘with a
mother’, kôla (< kalA < {kala@-∅}) ‘idol’, cf. kalô@-a ‘by an idol’.
No coalescence takes place in case of geminates jj, ww (the glottal stop does not
occur syllable-finally before @), cf. tylôjjy ‘(s)he came’, @awwôka ‘do not be
caught!’.
The coalescence of the schwa and a glide follows the rules:
in syllable-final position schwa-and-glide combinations yj (not immediately
before j), yw (not immediately before w), y@ produce vowels E/i, O/u, A respectively:
vowels E, O appear in root-initial position (and also in the suffixes -jpyN, -jt which are
treated as roots in this respect 39 ), vowels i, u − in root-final position and in (other)
suffixes (including the suffix -jpyN − optionally) 40 , i.e.
(11) a. yj ⇒ E / _ |C1 and j = root-initial and C1 ≠ j
b. yj ⇒ i / (_ |# or _ |C1) and (j = root-final or j = suffix-initial) and C1 ≠ j
c. yw ⇒ O / _ |C1 and w = root-initial and C1≠w
d. yw ⇒ u / (_ |# or _ |C1) and (w = root-final or w = suffix-initial) and C1 ≠
w
e. y@ ⇒ A / _ |C1 and C1 ≠ @
Examples: tóvyklyn (< {t-jvykl-n}) ‘I hit him/her’, cf. jyvíklynin ‘(s)he hit
him/her’; winvópyN ~ winvøpyN (< {winv-jpyN}) ‘along a road’, cf. rurã-jpyN ‘along a

38
But in post-stressed position these vowels appear as short ones (see 1.3.7).
39
These suffixes obviously originated from the roots {jp} and {jt}.
40
This process seems to be related to the rhythmic structure: the vowels i , u, a appear as
short correlates of the long vowels E, O, A in non-stressed position, cf. the unique reduplication
ewô=@iw (< {ewared}) ‘brain’.

27
bed’; @y11ôNi (< @yllaNyj < {yllaNj(u)}) ‘younger brother’, cf. @y11ôNju-ta ‘by a
younger brother’; mømi (< myjmyj < {mj=mj}) ‘ashberry’, cf. ní-mjy-qin ‘bitter’;
nymøtigym (< {n-mit-jgym}) ‘skilled (1sg)’, cf. ny-mílru-jgym ‘quick (1sg)’; jylqôti
(< {jylq-at-j}) ‘(s)he slept’, cf. pøNku-j ‘(s)he jumped’; tùnan (< {t-wna-n}) ‘I took it
away’, cf. wynôkki ‘take away’, tojãlatyn (< tywjulatyn < {t-gjul-at-n}) ‘I learnt it’,
cf. gyjãlatyk ‘learn’; &HylJu (< HylJyw < {(t)Hylw}) ‘in the daytime’, cf. &Hylwytis@atyk
‘spend all day long’; pãpu (< pywpyw < pygpyg < {pg=pg}) ‘float’, cf. pygôtyk
‘float’; mytônu (<mytany-w < {mtan-w}) ‘mosquitoes’, cf. mytøni-wwi ‘berries’;
tAjylyn (< ty@jylyn < {t-@-jyl-n}) ‘I would give him/her/it’, cf. ty@øtyk (< {t-@-it-k}) ‘I
would be’, ty@ílqytyk (< {t-@-lqyt-k}) ‘I would go’.
No coalescence takes place in case of geminates jj, ww (the glottal stop does not
occur syllable-finally before @), cf. qytíjjy ‘(s)he went away’, tíwwak ‘I stuck’.
In some rare cases the combination “the vowel i + the glide j ” 41 also coalesces.
The change follows the rule:
in syllable-final position a combination ij (not immediately before j) produces
the corresponding long vowel I, i.e.
(12) ij ⇒ I / _ |C1 and C1 ≠ j
Examples: @imtØpytkyn (< {imti-jp-tky-n}) ‘(s)he is carrying it on (his/her)
back’.

1.3.7. Vowel Reduction

Alutor demonstrates quantitative and qualitative vowel reduction in pre-stressed and
post-stressed positions.
In pre-stressed position only the vowel a is reduced; the alternation a/y takes
place in some monosyllabic prefixes ending in a, and more rarely − in some roots 42 .
The qualitative reduction follows the rule:
in an open pre-stressed syllable a vowel a is reduced immediately before H and
appears as y (provided it is not the prefix a), i.e.
(13) a ⇒ y / _HVstressed and a ≠ Pref a
Examples: gyHônqavlin (< {ga-Hanqa-v-lin}) ‘(s)he stopped’, cf. @a-Hônqav-
ka ‘(s)he did not stop’; tyHírsaN (< {taHyr-saN}) ‘how many times’, cf. tôHyr ‘how
many’, jyHølgyn (< {jaHilg-n}) ‘moon’, cf. nyjôHisgyqin ‘moonlit’.
Quantitative reduction is typical of long vowels and occurs in post-stressed

41
It would be natural to expect the coalescence uw => U, but it is unattested in Alutor (the
combination uw occurs only before w).
42
This rule may have some reference to the irregular distribution of alternates ô and y found
in the root {la@u / ly@u / s@u} ‘to see’, cf. ty-lô@u-tkyn ‘I see him/it’, but ly@ã-kki ‘to see’, @inJô-
s@u-k ‘to seek’.

28
position. It often takes place in reduplications derived from roots with long vowels.
Quantitative reduction follows the rule:
a long vowel is shortened in post-stressed position, i.e.
(14) Vlong ⇒ Vshort / Vstressed ..._
Examples: HÔlyHal (< HAly=HAl < {HAlyred}) ‘axe’, rarôtenyk (< {rara-tEny-k})
‘near a house’, rarôkinegym (< rara-kin-Egym < {rara-kina-jgym}) ‘the one from a
house (1sg)’, @í11a (< yllA < {ylla@-∅}) ‘mother’.

1.3.8. Fortitions
Fortitions are represented in Alutor by the following two phonological processes:
1) expressive vowel lengthening;
2) consonant gemination.

1.3.8.1. Expressive Vowel Lengthening

Expressive vowel lengthening takes place in certain “expressive” words − the
“distant” vocative, the “distant” locative and others. Although expressive vowel
lengthening is not a regular process, we think it possible to give here approximate
rules:
in expressive words short vowels y, a, i, u change into mid long vowels O, O, E, O
respectively, i.e.
(15) a. y ⇒ O / in expressive words
b. a ⇒ O / in expressive words
c. i ⇒ E / in expressive words
d. u ⇒ O / in expressive words
Examples: NOnyk (< {Nan-k} ‘there far away (the distant locative)’, cf. Nônyk
‘there’; @ômkykO (< {a-mk-ka} ‘very many’, cf. @ômkyka ‘many’; &mitE (< {miti-
∅}) ‘oh, Miti (the distant vocative)’ , cf. &miti ‘‘oh, Miti (a mythological proper
name)’, &@awEn (< {awin}, the contracted form of {awinaN-∅}) ‘oh, crab (the
distant vocative)’ along with @awønaN ‘oh, crab’.

1.3.8.2. Consonant Gemination

In some rare cases the root-final obstruent t is geminated, so that the preceding
syllable becomes closed. The process is partly morphologically defined, since roots
geminating their final consonants form a restricted group of the lexicon (the
corresponding words are given in the Dictionary). Some roots ending in t do not
demonstate this alternation, cf. arôt-i ‘(s)he fell’.
The rule regulating consonant gemination runs as follows:
if a root is marked for gemination, its root-final obstruent t is geminated

29
immediately before a word-final vowel, provided the preceding vowel is a stressed
one, i.e.
(16) t ⇒ tt / #CVstressed _-V2# and t ∈ Rgemination
Examples: jôtti (< jôt-i < {jat-j}) ‘(s)he came’; cf. tyjôtytkyn (< {t-jat-tkyn}) ‘I
am coming’.
Consonant gemination is obviously related to syllable addition when the
consonant is geminated too − see 1.3.8.2.

1.3.9. Regular Contact Consonant Assimilations

Contact assimilation of consonants is a wide spread phenomenon not only in Alutor,
but also in its related languages − Chukchi and Koryak. Most Alutor assimilations are
regressive, but some are progressive. In Alutor assimilations take place only
intervocalicly (that is at a syllable boundary). In some cases an intervocalic position
appears after an epenthetic schwa has been inserted, for instance, gônmylin (< {ga-
tm-lin}) ‘(s)he killed him/her’. Most changes given below occur irrespective of a
morpheme boundary between the changing segment X and the context (but
assimilations are optional at a composite boundary). In order to simplify the formal
rules we omit here syllable and morpheme boundary markers. It should also be noted
that the dental t of a person-number verbal prefix is not assimilated at a morpheme
boundary before a root consonant (this information is also omitted in the rules), cf.
mytlô@utkyn (= {myt-la@u-tky-n}) ‘we see him/her/it’.
The following types of assimilation occur in Alutor:
1) partial assimilation of the dental t before nasals, namely:
at a syllable boundary an obstruent dental t changes into the corresponding
nasal (of the same place of articulation) immediately before a nasal m, n, nJ, or N
(see also rule (19)), i.e.
(17) a. t ⇒ n / _m
b. t ⇒ n / _n or _nJ
c. t ⇒ n / _N
Examples: gônmylin (< {ga-tm-lin(a)}) ‘(s)he is killed’, @akminnin (< {akmi-
t-ni-n}) ‘(s)he took him/her/it’, varônJnJaqu (< varan-nJaqu < {varat-nJaqu-∅}) ‘a
lot of people’, ganNôlin (< {ga-tNa-lin(a)}) ‘it grew’.
2) complete assimilation of the dental t before sonorant dentalveolars, namely:
at a syllable boundary an obstruent dental t changes into the corresponding
sonorant immediately before a sonorant dentalveolar 1, 1J, or r (see also rules (17)
and (19)), i.e.
(18) a. t ⇒ l / _l or _lJ
b. t ⇒ r / _r

30
 Examples: vitôllat (< {vit-at-la-t}) ‘they worked’, tírran (< {t-tra-n) ‘I tore
it’.
3) contact dentalveolar palatalization, namely:
at a syllable boundary a non-palatalized dentalveolar t, n, or l changes into its
palatalized correlate immediately before the corresponding palatalized
dentalalveolar s, nJ, or lJ respectively, i.e.
(19) a. t ⇒ s / _s
b. n ⇒ nJ / _nJ
c. l ⇒ lJ / _lJ
Examples: @arôssityk (< {arat-sit-k}) ‘pour’, mytônJnJaqu (< {mtan-nJaqu})
‘big mosquito’, @ystãlJlJyqyk (< ystul-lJyqy-k < {ystul-lJq-k}) ‘on a table’.
4) palatalization of the sonorant dentals n, l before the palatal j (here both
segments change), namely:
at a syllable boundary a non-palatalized dental n or l together with the
following palatal j change into the corresponding geminated palatalized dental nJnJ
or lJlJ respectively, i.e.
(20) a. nj ⇒ nJnJ
b. lj ⇒ lJlJ
Examples: tínJnJun (< ty-nju-n < {t-nju-n}) ‘I guarded him/her/it’, tilJlJøta (<
{til-jita}) ‘by a wing’.
5) complete assimilation of the nasal n before sonorant dentoalveolars, namely:
at a syllable boundary a sonorant nasal n changes into the corresponding
sonorant dentalveolar immediately before a sonorant dentalveolar l or r, i.e.
(21) a. n ⇒ l / _l
b. n ⇒ r / _r
Examples (this assimilation is attested only for the medial variant of the
causative marker -n-): tyllóvyn (< {t-n-levy-n}) ‘I took him/her/it (with me)’,
tyrrItylavyn (< {t-n-rItyla-av-n}) ‘I saw him/her/it in (my) dream’.
6) complete assimilation of the uvular q, namely:
at a syllable boundary an obstruent uvular q changes into k when it is
immediately preceded by a velar k, i.e.
(22) q ⇒ k / _k
Examples: tôkkin (< {taq-kin(a)}) ‘why’.
7) complete progressive assimilation of the labial v , namely:
at a syllable boundary an obstruent labial v changes into w immediately after a
labial w, i.e.
(23) v ⇒ w / w_
Examples: tíwwak (< ty-wva-k < {t-gva-k}) ‘I stuck’.

31
1.3.10. Irregular Distant Dental Palatalisations
Alutor alternations which we call distant palatalizations are rather peculiar from a
typological point of view. The alternation itself looks like this: in some morphemes
(mostly roots) a dental non-palatalized consonant changes into its palatalized
correlate in the context defined by another morpheme of the same word (mostly an
affix), cf. vilJãpilJ (< {vilu-pilJ}) ‘little ear’. Since some such morphemes (but not all
of them) contain a palatalized consonant and the changing segment becomes a
palatalized one, we treat this process as distant palatalization, and refer to the
corresponding morphemes as “palatalizing” ones 43 .
The process takes place in roughly the following environment:
if there is a palatalizing morpheme in a word, a non-palatalized dental t, n, or l
changes into its palatalized counterpart s (seldom tJ), nJ, or lJ (in some cases s)
respectively, i.e.
(24) a. t ⇒ s (seldom tJ ) / ∃Mpalatalizing
b. n ⇒ nJ / ∃Mpalatalizing
c. l ⇒ lJ (in some cases s) / ∃Mpalatalizing.
Examples: gasvôs@atylqivlin (< {ga-(t)va-s@at-lqiv-lin(a)}) ‘(s)he was
sitting’, anJãs@atyk (< {anu-s@at-k}) ‘spend spring’, alJôs@atyk (< {ala-s@at-k})
‘spend summer’, nJyvøssykuk 44 (< {nvil-tku-k}) ‘stop (repeatedly)’, lJóvytkuk (<
{levy-tku-k}) ‘walk’, mysôtkuk (< {mla-tku-k}) ‘break’.
But in reality the distribution of the alternants and the context they appear in
turn out to be more complicated than it is shown in the above-mentioned rule. First,
palatalizing morphemes may not contain a palatalized consonant 45 , cf. HønJnJykvyn (<
{Hinn-kv-n}) ‘scarf’ ({kv} is a palatalizing suffix). Second, palatalizing affixes may
cause palatalization in one root and not affect another root, cf. lJóvytkuk (< {levy-tku-
k}) ‘walk’, but @ôngytytkuk (< {angyt-tku-k}) ‘celebrate’ ({tku} is a palatalizing
suffix). Third, it is difficult to find a strict distribution between the palatalized
consonants lJ and s (actually, we think that the alternation l/s is more ancient, while
l/lJ is an innovation). Fourth, there exist not only palatalizing affixes, but also
palatalizing roots, for palatalization appears in some affixes, cf. nJãmqin (< {n-um-
qin(a)}) ‘warm’ ({um} should be treated as palatalizing root), but nurôqin ‘distant’.
And finally, there are duplicate affixes with the alternation l/s, which slightly differ

43
A.N.Zhukova [Zhukova 1972] refers to similar alternations in the Koryak language as
“consonant harmony”.
44
When the dental of a root is palatalized, the dental of an affix is usually palatalized too.
45
At the same time, if an affix has a palatalized consonant, it is not necessarily a palatalizing
one.

32
in meaning and therefore are treated on the synchronic level as different affixes, cf. {-
l@at} ‘iterative action’ − {-s@at} ‘constant action’ (see the list of affixes in the
Dictionary). All these facts show that the distant palatalization in Alutor cannot be
described in terms of formal rules, so the exact distribution of the alternants is
lexically defined (see the Dictionary).

1.3.11. Summary of Rules

1. Reduplications
(1)a. C1V1C2(…) ⇒ C1V1C2(…)=C1V1C2 / #_ and C1V1C2 ∈ Rred
b. C1C2... ⇒ C1C2...=C1C2 / #_ and C1C2 ∈ Rred
c. V1C1... ⇒ V1C1...=V1C1 / #_ and V1C1 ∈ Rred

2. Deletions:
1) initial consonant deletion
(2)a. C1 ⇒ ∧ / #_C2 and C1 ∈ Rconsonant deletion
b. C1 ⇒ ∧ / =_C2 and C1 ∈ Rconsonant deletion (not regularly)
2) final vowel deletion
(3)a. V1 ⇒ ∧ / _# and V1∈ Mvowel deletion
b. V1 ⇒ ∧ / _= and V1∈ Mvowel deletion (not regularly)
3) hiatus vowel deletion
(4)a. V1 ⇒ ∧ / _-V2 and V1 < V2
b. V2 ⇒ ∧ / V1-_ and (V2 < V1 or V2 = V1)

3. Insertions:
1) glottal stop insertion
(5)a. ∧ ⇒ @ / #_V
b. ∧ ⇒ @ / =_V
2) irrelevant boundary marking
A. a. C1-C2-C3 ⇒ C1[-]C2-C3 / V1_V2 and C2 = Pref @
b. C1-C2-C3 ⇒ C1-C2[-]C3 / V1_V2 and C2 = Pref n
c. C1-C2-C3 ⇒ C1[-]C2-C3 / V1_V2 and C2 = Suf N and C3V2 ≠ Suf ki
d. C1-C2-C3 ⇒ C1-C2[-]C3 / V1_V2 and C2 = Suf N and C3V2 = Suf ki
3) schwa insertion
(6)a. ∧ ⇒ y / #С1_(-)С2
b. ∧ ⇒ y / C1 _(-)С2#
c. ∧ ⇒ y / C1 _-C2C3 or C1 _=C2C3
d. ∧ ⇒ y / C1C2 _-C3 or C1C2 _=C3

33
 4) schwa and consonant metathesis
(7)a. y-C2 ⇒ -C2y / C1_C3 and C1,C2 = dentalveolar (optionally)
b. y=C2 ⇒ =C2y / C1_C3 and C1,C2 = dentalveolar (optionally)

4. Stress assignment algorithm:

1) syllabification and syllable marking
B. a. CV ⇒ |CV
b. # ⇒ |#
C. a. |Сy| ⇒ ∪
b. |CV| ⇒ − / V≠y
c. |CVC| ⇒ −
2) stress assignment
I. − ⇒ – / #_#
II. a. − − ⇒ – − / #_ #
b. ∪ − ⇒ ∪ – / #_ #
III. a. − − ⇒ − – / #_...
b. ∪ − ⇒ ∪ – / #_...
c. − ∪ ⇒ – ∪ / #_...
3) syllable addition
(8)a. ∧ ⇒ C2y / Vstressed(-)C1_# and C2 = C1 and C1 ≠ Suf k, t
b. ∧ ⇒ C2i / Vstressed-C1_# and C2 = C1 and C1 = Suf k, t

5. Velar fricative sonorisation

(9)a. g ⇒ w / _ |C1 and C1≠g
b. g ⇒ w / _ |# or _ |= (optionally)

6. Vowel and glide coalescence

(10) a. aj ⇒ E / ( _ |# or _ |C1) and C1≠j
b. aw ⇒ O / ( _ |# or _ |C1) and C1≠w,v
c. a@ ⇒ A / _ |# or _ |C1
(11) a. yj ⇒ E / _ |C1 and j = root-initial and C1 ≠ j
b. yj ⇒ i / (_ |# or _ |C1) and (j = root-final or j = suffix-initial) and C1 ≠ j
c. yw ⇒ O / _ |C1 and w = root-initial and C1≠w
d. yw ⇒ u / (_ |# or _ |C1) and (w = root-final or w = suffix-initial) and C1 ≠
w
e. y@ ⇒ A / _ |C1 and C1 ≠ @
(12) ij ⇒ I / _ |C1 and C1 ≠ j

34
 7. Vowel reduction
(13) a ⇒ y / _HVstressed and a ≠ Pref a
(14) Vlong ⇒ Vshort / Vstressed ..._

8. Fortitions
1) expressive vowel lengthening
(15) a. y ⇒ O / in expressive words
b. a ⇒ O / in expressive words
c. i ⇒ E / in expressive words
d. u ⇒ O / in expressive words
2) consonant gemination
(16) t ⇒ tt / #CVstressed _-V2# and t ∈ Rgemination

9. Regular contact consonant assimilation

1) partial assimilation of dental t before nasals
(17) a. t ⇒ n / _m
b. t ⇒ n / _n or _nJ
c. t ⇒ n / _N
2) complete assimilation of dental t before sonorant dentalveolars
(18) a. t ⇒ l / _l or _lJ
b. t ⇒ r / _r
3) contact dentalveolar palatalization
(19) a. t ⇒ s / _s
b. n ⇒ nJ / _nJ
c. l ⇒ lJ / _lJ
4) sonorant dental palatalization with j
(20) a. nj ⇒ nJnJ
b. ljJ ⇒ lJlJ
5) complete assimilation of nasal n before sonorant dentalveolars
(21) a. n ⇒ l / _l
b. n ⇒ r / _r
(22) q ⇒ k / _k
7) complete progressive assimilation of labial v
(23) v ⇒ w / w_

10. Irregular distant dental palatalization

(24) a. t ⇒ s (seldom tJ ) / ∃Mpalatalizing
b. n ⇒ nJ / ∃Mpalatalizing

35
 c. l ⇒ lJ (in some cases s) / ∃Mpalatalizing

1.3.12. Practical Transcription of Alutor Words

In order to write Alutor words we use a simplified variant of the phonetic
transcription, which we refer to as the practical transcription. The simplifications we
use are the following:
1) we omit the glottal stop in word-initial position before a vowel, cf. alpínNyn
[@alpínNyn] ‘patch’;
2) in most words we do not mark vowel length on e and o (see 1.1.1.3), cf.
jepílNyn [jEpílNyn] ‘hoof’, rarôtenyk [rarÔtenyk] ‘near a house’, but we do mark the
length of e and o in expressive words (see 1.1.1.3), cf. qolomE [qolomE] ‘that’s
great!’;
3) we do not mark vowel length on stressed vowels i, u, a occuring in open
syllables, cf. tøtyk [tØtyk] ‘I was’;
4) we always mark vowel length on originally long vowels I, U, A, except in
closed syllables, cf. jØlyjil [jØlyjil] ‘tongue’, jIlítkuk [jIlítkuk] ‘gossip’;
5) we usually transcribe the palatalized correlate of t as s (except some rare
examples in texts when it is pronounced like tJ), cf. nysôsaqin ‘tasty’.
And finally, since the stress assignment rules in Alutor are rather simple, we do
not mark stress in Alutor words except in this section.

1.3.12. How Phonological Rules Apply

Here are some examples of how the above-listed phonological rules apply to
underlying representations. They illustrate situations where one rule creates a context
for applying another rule.
Example 1. {inmred} ‘rock (Nsg)’ (rule 1c) ⇒ inm=in (rule 5a) ⇒ @inm=in
(rule 5b) ⇒ @inm=@in (rule 6d) ⇒ @inmy=@in (rules Ba, Bb) ⇒ |@in|my|@in| (rules
Ca, Cc) ⇒ − ∪ − (rule IIIc) ⇒ [@ønmy=@in]; the practical transcription is ønmy@in
‘rock’.
Example 2. {(l)qyt-j} ‘go away (3sg pf)’ (rule 2a) ⇒ qyt-j (rule 6b) ⇒ qyty-j
(rules Вa, Bb) ⇒ |qy|ty-j| (rules Ca, Cc) ⇒ ∪ − (rule IIb) ⇒ qytí-j (rule 8a) ⇒ [qytí-
jjy]; the practical transcription is qytíjjy ‘(s)he went away’.
Example 3. {myt-n-takr-av-n} ‘get (smth./smb.) down (1pl-3sg pf)’ (rule Ab)
⇒ myt-n[-]takr-av-n (rule 6b) ⇒ myt-n[-]takr-avy-n ⇒ (rule 6с) ⇒ myty-n[-
]takr-avy-n (rules Вa, Bb) ⇒ |my|ty-n[-]|tak|r-a|vy-n| (rules Ca, Cb, Cc) ⇒ ∪ −...
(rules IIIb) ⇒ [mytí-n[-]takr-avy-n]; the practical transcription is mytíntakravyn
‘we got him/her down’.
Example 4. {ragred} ‘ptarmigan (Nsg)’ (rule 1a) ⇒ rag=rag (rule 9b) ⇒

36
raw=raw (rules Ba, Bb) ⇒ |raw=|raw| (rule Cc) ⇒ − − (rule IIa) ⇒ rôw=raw (rule
10b) ⇒ rÙ=rO (rule 14) ⇒ [rÙ=ro]; the practical transcription is rùro ‘ptarmigan’.

37
 Example 5. {ga-it-lin(a)} ‘be (3sg res)’ (rule 3a) ⇒ ga-it-lin (rule 4a) ⇒ g-it-
lin (rules Ba, Bb) ⇒ |g-it-|lin| (rule Cc) ⇒ − − (rule IIa) ⇒ g-øt-lin (rule 18a) ⇒ [g-
øl-lin]; the practical transcription is gøllin ‘(s)he was’.

38
39
 Comment: V etom fajle snjaty
CHAPTER 2. Morphology vse ispravlenija, on prakticheski
gotov r formatirovaniju.
U menja takie pros’by:
In this chapter we consider the main word classes, rich in inflectional morphology, 1. Sledit’, chtoby tablicy ne
razryvalis’, vkljuchaja ix
namely, the verb, adjective, noun, and pronoun. nazvanija, i byli na odnoj stranice.
Imejte v vidu, chto ja nemnogo
pereformatiroval tablicy, chtoby
2.1. Verbs oni luchshe chitalis’. V chastnosti
razdvinul stroki.
The verbs can be divided into two classes, f i n i t e (inflected) and n o n - f i n i t e . 2. V Table 3 sleduet
raspolozhit’affiksy odnogo tipa
Finite forms are defined as compatible with the head predicate position of an drug pod drugom, naskol’ko eto
pozvol’aet shirina tablicy. Dlja
independent clause. Non-finite forms can occupy the head predicate position of a etogo luchshe pol’zovat’sja
tabuljaciej, a ne probelami.
subordinate clause as well as be part of the analytical verb form. 3. Proverit’v primerax, chtoby
Finite forms have several conjugations depending on the number of agreement glossa byla raspolozhena pod
slovom. Eto ne vsegda bylo tak.
slots. First of all there are polypersonal and monopersonal conjugations. In
Comment:
p o l y p e r s o n a l conjugation the verb has two agreement slots: a prefix and a suffix
slot. Transitive verbs agree with the agentive and patientive arguments (referred to
below as A - a n d P - a r g u m e n t s ). Intransitive verbs agree with the sole core
argument 46 (referred to below as S - a r g u m e n t ). It is important that the S/A-
argument, i.e. the argument bearing the Principal hyperrole (see argumentation
below) is the main controller of agreement. In m o n o p e r s o n a l conjugation the verb
has only one agreement slot – the suffix slot controlled by the S/P-argument, i.e. the
argument bearing the Absolutive hyperrole. Furthermore there is a number of
i m p e r s o n a l forms that do not distinguish person values of core arguments.
First, we will consider three conjugation types of finite and non-finite verb
forms.

2.1.1. Polypersonal conjugation of finite verb

Polypersonal conjugation is notable for a specific set of grammatical categories as
well as agreement encoding.

2.1.1.1. Grammatical categories of polypersonal conjugation

Polypersonal conjugation is specified by the following categories: aspect, mood, and
person-number agreement with the core arguments of intransitive and transitive
verbs. There are two values for a s p e c t : perfective (PF) and imperfective (IPF).
P e r f e c t i v e has an unmarked value, it coincides with the verb's stem,
i m p e r f e c t i v e has a suffix marker -tky /-tkyn /-tkyni (its ending depends on the
type of the following morphemes 47 ).

46
In this case both agreement slots are used, see below.
47
The distribution of the imperfective’s allomorphs (-tky /-tkyn /-tkyni-) is not quite clear.

40
 The category m o o d is also obligatory. It has four values:
- i n d i c a t i v e (IND), does not have its own specific markers;
- o p t a t i v e (OPT), does not have its own specific markers 48 ;
- p o t e n t i a l (POT), circumfix marker ta-...(-N) 49 , framing the verb stem;
- c o n j u n c t i v e (CONJ), prefix marker @-/A- 50 .
Besides these, in Alutor there is also an impersonal form of the i m p e r a t i v e
(see 2.1.3).
Finally, the finite verb agrees 51 in person and number with its core arguments,
distinguishing three persons (1st/2nd/3rd person) and three numbers — s i n g u l a r
(sg), d u a l (du) and p l u r a l (pl) 52 . Intransitive verbs agree with their sole core
argument (S - a r g u m e n t ) marked with the nominative, and have, aspect and mood
being fixed, 9 person-number forms. The transitive verb agrees simultaneously with
the agentive argument (A - a r g u m e n t ) marked with the ergative as well as with the
patientive argument (P - a r g u m e n t 53 ) marked with the nominative, and has, aspect

48
The mood value is coded cumulatively, together with person-number values, see below.
49
The suffix component of the circumfix can be covert, for example, in imperfective
potential. The potential marker coincides with desiderative marker (see 2.1.3 below).
50
The marker A- is a phonetic variant of the marker @- in specific positions (see 1.3.6).
51
In Alutor the person-number markers are combined with the unmarked usage of personal
pronouns in the core argument positions, so it is possible to interpret them as agreement markers.
52
As the paradigms show, semantically this tripartite personal opposition has its own
internal structure. The opposition ‘singular — non-singular’ (sg — nsg) consists of six deictic
items. Elementary single entities are defined in terms of speech act participants (1sg = ‘speaker’,
2sg = ‘hearer’) and non-participants of the speech act (3sg = ‘somebody’). Non-singular entities
are totalities of elementary entities: 1nsg = ‘speaker and hearer/somebody’, 2nsg = ‘hearer and
somebody’, 3nsg = ‘somebody and somebody’ (i.e. the countable number opposition of
homogenous entities is present only in the 3rd person). Exactly these entities are ordered in the
Deictic Hierarchy (see Figure 1 below). The arrangement of non-singular entities with respect to
singular entities is semantically motivated. Thus, ‘1nsg’ includes, besides the speaker, the hearer
and/or the 3rd person. Such an entity is lower on the Hierarchy than ‘1sg’. Simultaneously this
entity is higher than ‘2sg’, because it includes the speaker, and this factor is most important for
the Hierarchy. The motivation for ‘2nsg’ is similar.
Within the scope of the non-singular there is a proper number opposition of dual and plural
(du and pl), because the number of homogenous elementary entities increases, and this opposition
uses iconically specific coding devices (see 2.1.1.2.4). Dual does not have a surface expression (it
is possible to postulate the zero marker), and plural is expressed by a specific morpheme —
pluralizer -la.
In that way the prototypical number opposition is represented in the subsystem of 1/2nd
person nsg, and partially in 3rd person sg/nsg.
53
See 3.1.6 on agreement with the addressee argument.

41
and mood being fixed, 63 person-number forms.
The conjugation of the intransitive verb ‘jump’ and the transitive verb ‘beat’ are
presented in Appendix. The linear structure of the finite verb form is presented in
Table 1. The nucleus of the form is its verb stem. It has the zero rank. Morpheme
slots that precede the stem (prefixes) have negative rank numbers increasing from
right to left. The slots following the stem (suffixes) have positive rank numbers
increasing from left to right.

TABLE 1. The linear structure of the finite verb form

-4 -3 -2 -1 0 +1 +2 +3 +4
S/A mood inversion incorpo- stem plura- aspect/ A+P S/P
agree- ration lizer agree- agree-
mood
ment ment ment

COMMENTS on Table 1
1. The leftmost slot (rank -4) is occupied by the a g r e e m e n t m a r k e r s of S/A-
arguments, see 2.1.1.2 as well as Table 5. The rightmost slot (rank +4) is occupied by agreement
markers of the S/P-arguments, see Table 6. Additionally, these agreement slots can be occupied
by n o n - t r a n s p a r e n t agreement markers 54 .
2. Prefixal mood markers (the conjunctive marker @- and the potential marker ta-)
occupy rank -3. The suffix component of the potential mood marker (-N), as well as the
imperfective aspect marker (-tkyn) have the rank +2.
3. The pluralizer -la occupies rank +1, immediately following the stem.
4. The slot following the prefixalal mood marker (rank -2) is occupied by the specific
i n v e r s i o n marker ina- (see below, Comment 1 on Table 8). Rank +3 is intended for
portmanteau agreement markers (-ni, -gy, see 2.1.1.2.4 below).
5. Finally, the stem of an incorporated word can be placed in immediate preposition to the
stem, rank -1 (on incorporation see 3.1.4).
6. Any affix slot can be empty. However there is no verb form coinciding with the bare
stem, i.e. at least one of the eight slots should be filled.

2.1.1.2. Person-number agreement

From the point of view of a formal as well as explanatory description the person-
number conjugation of Alutor verbs is a very complicated matter. In question is not
just the abundance of agreement forms (the full paradigm of the finite verb has 496

54
The non-transparent marker na-/nan-/yn- ‘LOW.A’ occupies the prefix slot with rank
-4, see 2.1.1.2.4, and the marker -tki ‘2nsg.A+3.P’ occupies the suffix slot with rank +4, see
2.1.1.2.3.

42
agreement forms), but rather the less than trivial rules of a g r e e m e n t m a r k e r
selection. Namely, only a portion of the inventory of agreement markers is
t r a n s p a r e n t in the sense that they directly correspond to the person-number value
of the corresponding argument. In many slots of the verb paradigm there are
deviations from this ideal semiotic pattern (the so called n o n - t r a n s p a r e n t
markers). This phenomenon should be given particular consideration.

2.1.1.2.1. Agreement in perfective potential

A fragment of the paradigm of the perfective potential aspect-mood forms can be
used in order to gain some preliminary familiarity with the person-number agreement
system. In Tables 2 and 3 schematic paradigms of intransitive and transitive verbs are
presented, showing, for the purposes of clarity, only agreement markers55 .

TABLE 2. Schematic person-number paradigm of an intransitive verb (POT, PF)

Number 1 person 2 person 3 person

sg t- ∅- -∅
du myt- -tyk -t
pl myt- -la -la -tyk -la -t

55
A hyphen follows the prefix markers and precedes the suffix markers. The absence of the
material or zero marker in an expected agreement slot means that this slot is absent in this box of
the paradigm.

43
 TABLE 3. Schematic person-number paradigm of transitive verb (POT, PF)

P A
1sg 1du 1pl 2sg 2du 2pl
1sg ina- ina- -tyk ina- -la -tyk
1du na- -myk na- -myk na- -myk
1pl na- -la -myk na- -la -myk na- -la -myk
2sg t- -gyt myt- - myt- -la-gyt
gyt
2du t- myt- -∅ - myt-
tyk
-tyk -∅ -tyk
2pl t- -la-tyk myt- -la- myt- -la-tyk
tyk
3sg t- -n myt- -n myt- -la-n ∅- -n -tki -la -tki
3du t- -na-t myt- -na- myt- -na-t ∅- -na-t -tki -tki
t
3pl t- -na-w myt- -na- myt- -na-w ∅- -na-w -la -tki -la -tki
w

P A
3sg 3du 3pl
1sg ina- -∅ na- -gym na- -gym
1du na- -myk na- -myk na- -myk
1pl na- -la -myk na- -la -myk na- -la -myk
2sg na- -gyt na- -gyt na- -gyt
2du na- -tyk na- -tyk na- -tyk
2pl na- -la -tyk na- -la -tyk na- -la -tyk
3sg -ni-n na- -n na- -n
3du -ni-na-t na- -na-t na- -na-t
3pl -ni-na-w na- -na-w na- -na-w

44
 In the prefix and suffix agreement slots with ranks -4 and +4 two number values
for 1st/2nd person arguments — singular (sg) and non-singular (nsg), are
distinguished, and the opposition of dual and plural is expressed by a specific
morpheme, the pluralizer -la, occupying the nearest suffix slot after the stem.
In Table 3, the regular font indicates transparent person-number agreement
markers that have single person-number values for particular A/P-arguments, while
the boldface indicates non-transparent agreement markers that do not have a direct
correlation with the person-number values of their respective arguments.
In Table 4 the transparent person-number agreement markers in perfective
potential are presented (naturally, without the pluralizer -la).

TABLE 4. Transparent person-number agreement markers on perfective potential

The type of 1sg 1nsg 2sg 2nsg 3sg 3du 3pl

agreement
S/A-prefixes t- myt- ∅- _- _- _- _-
S-suffixes -_ -_ -_ -tyk -∅ -t -t
P-suffixes [-gym] -myk -gyt -tyk -n -na-t -na-w

COMMENTS on Table 4
1. As the Table shows, prefixalal S- and A-agreement markers are the same (they are
presented in the first line of the Table). This slot can be occupied by material markers of the 1st
person, as well as the zero marker 56 of the 2nd person sg. Other persons do not have prefixal
agreement markers 57 .
2. The suffix slot is occupied by person-number S- and P-markers (the second and third lines
of the Table respectively). Suffixal person-number S-markers correspond to 2nd person non-sg
and 3rd person, i.e. person-number S-markers are in complementary distribution among the prefix
and suffix slots: S-arguments ‘I’, ‘we’, ‘you (sg)’ have prefixal agreement markers, while ‘you
(non-sg)’, ‘(s)he/it’, ‘they’ have suffix markers. In contrast to S-arguments, all persons of P-
arguments have corresponding person-number P-markers 58 , material forms of S- and P-markers
being different (the single exception is the marker -tyk ‘2nsg.S/P’).
3. 3rd person P-markers consist of the -n(a) person marker and a number marker. In the

56
This description differs forms with zero marker and forms that lack any agreement marker.
Practically for particular boxes of the paradigm the descriptive choice depends on systematic
considerations.
57
Here and below lack of an agreement marker is indicated by the dash.
58
The ‘1sg.P’ marker -gym has a restricted usage; see below.

45
singular, the final vowel of the person marker undergoes syncope59 , in the dual the marker -t is
added, in the plural the markers -w or -wwi are added.
Thus, A- and P-markers of transitive verbs are in complementary distribution
between prefix/suffix slots. The S-markers of intransitive verbs are represented in
both slots, the choice depending on the person value. The S-arguments ‘I’, ‘we’, ‘you
(sg)’ are similar (from the point of view of the slot type and the material form) to the
respective A-arguments of transitive verbs, while ‘you (pl)’, ‘(s)he/it’, ‘they’ are
likened (from the point of view of the slot type) to the respective P-arguments of
transitive verbs 60 . It seems that this person differentiation is not random. It
demonstrates the opposition between speech-act participants (l o c u t o r s ) and
participants that are external to the speech act (n o n - l o c u t o r s ). The boundary
between locutors and non-locutors is inside the 2nd person rather than between 2nd
and 3rd person, as is usually assumed. In Alutor the hearer (‘you (sg)’) is a speech-act
participant, while 2nd person nsg (‘you (pl)’) includes, beside the hearer, other
persons, and this is the reason to interpret this totality as a non-locutor. As shown
below, the agreement paradigm testifies, based on cross-linguistically relevant (see
[Kibrik 1997b) opposition between locutors and non-locutors, to the existence of the Comment: Ssylka na russkuju
stat’ju, sm. Bibliography, gde est’
multi-member D e i c t i c H i e r a r c h y in Alutor, see Figure 1. Kibrik 1997a: “Beyond...”. V
Bibl. nado postavit’ indeksy “a” i
“b”]
FIGURE 1. The Deictic Hierarchy

1sg > 1nsg > 2sg > 2nsg > 3sg > 3nsg
locutors > non-locutors

2.1.1.2.2. Pure and combined transparent agreement markers

Until now we have been discussing the autonomous (p u r e ) agreement markers. In
fact, however, the marker can often depend on the mood and/or the aspect of the verb
form expressing simultaneously person-number and aspect/mood values. Such
markers will be called c o m b i n e d markers. Pure and combined transparent markers
are presented in a generalized form in Tables 5-7. These Tables take into account the
agreement markers of all finite verb forms, including mood and aspect. It turns out
that in general, pure markers belong to the set of suffixal P-markers, see Table 7 (they
show little variation in the context of the aspect/mood values of the verb form). As for
prefixal S/A-markers, they are all combined with mood values, see Table 5, and

59
This means of coding the singular is used also for the nominative singular of some nouns,
see 2.3.1.1, as well as for number inflection of adjectives (-qin(a), -kin(a) and others), see 2.2.
60
These similarities have independent manifestation in the effects of markedness reversal,
see below in 2.1.1.2.3.

46
suffixal S-markers are combined with values of mood as well as aspect. The only
pure agreement marker is the suffix marker -tyk ‘2nsg’ 61 .
Tables 5-6 show a formal correspondence between combined markers and their
grammatical values. However, from the point of view of an explanatory description
such a formal correspondence is absolutely insufficient. It is natural to suppose that
the means of merging the values of person, mood, and aspect into single markers are
not random, they are motivated in many cases by the nature of these values
themselves. Some assumptions of this kind are presented in the Comments on the
tables, though a full explanatory description is the goal of further investigations.

TABLE 5. Transparent prefixal S/A-markers

Mood 1sg 1nsg 2sg 2nsg 3sg 3nsg

IND/POT t- myt- ∅- _- _- _-
CONJ t- myn- n- n- n- n-
OPT m- myn- q- q- n- n-

COMMENTS on Table 5
1. S/A-markers consistently merge the indicative and the potential as bjective moods.
The use of these moods presupposes the existence of corresponding events. The indicative mood
characterizes the event as existing in a real world, and the potential mood, as existing in a virtual
world. The conjunctive and the optative are unified by the idea of esirable modality: they
indicate the events of the world of a speaker's desires (see the semantics of mood in 2.1.7.1 —
2.1.7.4).
2. In unmarked bjective moods (IND and POT) only locutors have the prefixal
agreement markers, and these markers can be considered pure. In esirable moods the mood
and deictic values are combined 62 , therefore non-locutors also have prefix markers.
3. 2nd and 3rd person conjunctives (CONJ) have the single marker n-, indicating a S/A-
participant, whom the speaker does not control. The choice of the same marker for 3rd person
optative (OPT) is not random.
4. 2nd person optative has a specific marker q-, which is differentiated from the 3rd person.

61
It is remarkable that only this agreement marker unifies S- and P-markers, cf. Tables 6-7.
62
The single deviation is conjunctive for 1sg.S/A (t-), coinciding with the markers of
“objective” moods (see Comment 5 to Table 5).

47
The 2nd person optative semantically coincides with the imperative 63 , because exactly in this
speech situation the speaker perlocutively affects the addressee with the speech act.
5. The 1nsg value does not differentiate between the conjunctive and the optative: these
moods have the single myn- agreement marker 64 , in contrast to 1sg. In the context of the
conjunctive 1sg uses the t- marker, identical to the one used in the unmarked moods, and such a
merger takes place only for this person. Probably the maximal degree of control on the part of the
speaker over the desirable event is important: inasmuch as the speaker has an S/A-role in the
event, the probability of its accomplishment is estimated by the speaker to be very close to real
event.
6. A unique 1sg marker is present in the optative (m-). In this mood the speaker is
simultaneously the sender as well as the recipient of the prescription. It should be taken into
account that this mood does not have its own marker and differs from the indicative only by
means of agreement markers, i.e. the speech acts with different S/A-arguments are cognitively
different. The following types of desires are distinguished: a desire addressed to the speaker
himself (m-), addressed to the speaker and other persons (myn-), addressed to the hearer and,
optionally, to other persons (n-) (in the latter case the addressee of desire being virtual rather than
actual).

TABLE 6. Transparent suffixal S-markers

63
Usually in Chukotko-Kamchatkan languages the mood under consideration is called
imperative, see [Zhukova 1968] (Alutor), [Zhukova 1972] (Koryak), [Volodin 1992] (Kerek),
[Skorik 1977] (Chukchi). However the semantics of 1st and 3rd persons’ S/A-arguments does not
have a perlocutive component of inducement to the action (see the separate analysis of the
meanings of these forms in [Muravyova 1990a]). It should be mentioned that Alutor rarely uses
the imperative proper, see 2.1.3.
64
At that the forms of conjunctive and optative in general are distinct.

48
Aspect, mood 1sg 1nsg: 2sg 2nsg 3sg 3du 3pl
du/pl
PF+POT -_ ~ -i -_ -_ ~ -i -tyk -∅ ~ -i -t -t
PF+IND -k -myk -j -tyk -j -gy@yt -t
PF+CONJ -k -myk -n -tyk -n -na-t -na-w
PF+OPT -k -myk -gi -tyk -n -na-t -na-w
IPF+POT -_ -_ /-t -_ -tyk -∅ -t -t
IPF+IND -_ -_ /-t -_ -tyk -∅ -t -t
IPF+CONJ -_ -_ /-t _ -tyk -n -na-t -na-w
IPF+OPT -_ -_ /-t _ -tyk -n -na-t -na-w

COMMENTS on Table 6
1. As mentioned above, the ‘2nsg.S’ marker, -tyk, is largely independent from aspect/mood
values, and also identical to the ‘2nsg.P’ marker (see Table 7).
2. In contrast to the imperfective 65 , the perfective tends to be combined with specific locutor
suffixal markers (absent only in the perfective potential 66 ). 1st person agreement markers are
identical for the indicative, conjunctive, and optative. In these moods the singular is -k ‘1sg.S+PF’
marker, non-singular is -myk ‘1nsg.S+PF’ (identical to the marker ‘1nsg.P’). As with the 2nd
person singular, its markers are also combined with mood values: -j ‘2sg+PF+IND’, -n
‘2sg+PF+CONJ’, -gi ‘2sg+PF+OPT’.
3. Usually in the context of perfective potential (with the final component -N) and the
singular S-arguments the suffixal agreement markers are absent (see Appendix), however
sporadically the marker -i (the same for all persons 67 ) appears, thus it can be given a value of
‘sg.S+PF+POT’.
4. It should be mentioned that an interpretation of the empty suffix slot for ‘2sg.S+PF.POT’
is complicated. The proposed interpretation (the lack of markers) is motivated by the locutor
status of ‘2sg’, merging with the 1st person. However another interpretation is also possible, that
is, the existence of a zero marker. The following generalizations favor this interpretation: if it is
true, then (a) the tendency for the 2nd and 3rd persons to merge into singular markers becomes
stronger, (b) 2nd person singular in the perfective always has a suffix marker.
5. The 3rd person has its own subsystem, for clarity presented in Table 6a. First, 3rd person

65
In this aspect locutors do not have overt suffix markers, see Comment 7 below about
marker -t ‘1pl.S’ in imperfective aspect.
66
See, however, Comment 3 below.
67
See, for example, [20:13]: gymmy ty-ta-r.ety-N-i ‘I will return home’, [9:25]: t-ina-n.u-
N-i, t-ina-toli-N-i ‘(you) are going to roast me and eat me’, [6:23]: ta-vusqy.svi-N-i ‘when it
gets dark’.

49
differentiates all three number's values 68 , second, it contrasts bjective and esirable moods.
In esirable moods the values of person (-n/-na marker) and number ([syncope of the final -a]
‘sg’, -t ‘du’, -w ‘pl’) are split, see Table 7 and Comment 3 on Table 4. In the bjective moods,
excluding the perfective indicative, the singular (-∅) and non-singular (-t marker) are
differentiated.
6. The perfective indicative, i.e. the most unmarked aspect-mood form, occurs, on the
contrary, in the most peculiar way, in the context of 3rd person S-argument. 3rd person singular
has the marker -j ‘3sg+PF+IND’, identical to the ‘2sg+PF+IND’ marker. However, it is most
remarkable that 3rd person dual (‘they two’) has a unique marker -gy@yt ‘3du+PF+IND’. 3rd
person plural is not combined by aspect values; the marker -t is combined with mood only and is
identical in the indicative and potential irrespective of aspect.
7. The existence of the single locutor suffix -t ‘1pl.S’ marker in imperfective, identical to the
‘3nsg.S’ marker for POT and IND, suggests an idea that ‘we many’ includes third persons in the
set of participants (‘we many’ = ‘I+they’), i.e. plurality iconically marks 3rd person rather than 1st
person. This interpretation being accepted the suffixal locutor S-markers are present only in the
perfective aspect with the exception of the potential mood.
8. After stems with a single final consonant the 3nsg S-marker -na- sometimes has the
allomorph -yna.

TABLE 6a. 3rd person suffixal transparent S-markers

Aspect, mood 3sg 3du 3pl

PF+IND -j -gy@yt -t
PF+POT, IPF+IND/POT -∅ -t -t
CONJ,OPT -n -na-t -na-w

TABLE 7. Suffixal transparent P-markers

Context 1sg 1nsg 2sg 2nsg 3sg 3du 3pl

free [-gym] -myk -gyt -tyk -n -na-t -na-w
1nsg.A+OPT/CONJ -tyk

COMMENTS on Table 7
1. In general P-markers are context-free. The only exception is the usage of -tyk as ‘2.P’ in
the context of OPT/CONJ and 1nsg A-argument. It should be mentioned that in this case (‘we

68
Motivation of this property of the 3rd person is discussed in the footnote 95.

50
<A> — you <P>’) ‘we’ has an exclusive value. Nevertheless the motivation of this P-argument
number neutralization in this context needs additional explanation.
2. Non-locutor P-markers are identical to S-markers in OPT/CONJ (see Table 6a).
3. The agreement marker -gym ‘1sg.P’, presented in square brackets has restricted usage. It
is used only in the context of the 3nsg A-argument (see below).
4. It should be mentioned that -gym ‘1sg.P’ and -gyt ‘2sg.P’ are closely connected with the
agreement markers of the adjective conjugation (see 2.2). They are enclitic forms of respective
personal pronouns ‘I’ and ‘you (sg)’.

Thus, we have examined pure and combined agreement markers. Their

distribution testifies to the fact that generally according to the cognitive logic of
Alutor the values of person are not independent from the values of mood and aspect.
On the contrary, they constitute a united semantic space where coordinates of various
person values are at different distances from each other and from various values of
mood and aspect. These spacal relationships of mutual proximity/remoteness have
their iconical (though not yet completely understood) expression in the overt form of
agreement markers.

2.1.1.2.3. Pure non-transparent agreement markers

Now let us consider pure n o n - t r a n s p a r e n t markers, presented in boldface in
Table 3. These markers are specific in the sense that it is difficult to ascribe to them a
single person-number value of an A/P-argument. It is easy to see that these markers
usually simultaneously take account of person-number values of both the A- and P-
arguments of transitive verbs. To be more precise, these markers are present with the
following combinations of person-number values of A- and P-arguments:

A P Agreement markers
2nsg 3 -tki
3sg 3 -ni
3nsg 1/2/3 na-
3sg 2 na-
3sg/2 1nsg na-
3sg/2 1sg ina-

What is a motivation of this united expression of A/P-person-number values? In

our description the interpretation of these markers is based on the Deictic Hierarchy
mentioned above (see Figure 1). In this Hierarchy the arguments' person-number
values are ordered in accordance with the principle of m a r k e d n e s s r e v e r s a l
with respect to A/P-positions. Namely, the leftmost member of the Hierarchy

51
generally harmonizes with the A-role, and the rightmost member with the P-role.
Therefore the A-role is mostly unmarked for the ‘I’-argument, and the P-role for the
‘they’-argument, and vice versa, the A-role is generally marked for the ‘they’-
argument, and P-role for the ‘I’-argument. With respect to the intermediate positions
of the Deictic Hierarchy, markedness of the A-role increases in the Hierarchy from
left to right, whereas markedness of the P-role increases from right to left. The critical
point of this Hierarchy is the boundary between locutors and non-locutors. It is
normal for locutors to play the A-role 69 , whereas it is normal for non-locutors to play
the P-role. The following person-number combinations of A- and P-roles are
congruent with this tendency 70 :
A P
I — you sg/you nsg/him/them
we — you sg/you nsg/him/them
you sg — him/them

It is easy to see that these combinations of deictic categories trigger the regular
(pure and combined) agreement markers. Deviations from the regular coding are
found in the context of the following person-number A- & P-combinations:

A P
you sg — me/us
you nsg — me/us /him/them
he — me/us /you sg/you nsg/him/them
they — me/us /you sg/you nsg/him/them

It is exactly these combinations that trigger non-transparent agreement markers

(see boldfaced markers in Table 3). However, the various combinations of deictic
values trigger different types of non-transparent markers, thus a more precise
formulation is needed. In general the choice of non-transparent coding depends on the
values of both arguments of the transitive verb, nevertheless the starting point for the
choice is the deictic properties of one of them. In the following cases it is the A-
argument:
(a) the most deictically unnatural, i.e. the most marked A-argument (= ‘they’) needs the non-
transparent marker (na-);

69
Moreover, locutor can play the P-role in case when the A-role is also occupied by locutor
outranking the former in the Deictic Hierarchy.
70
English pronominal constructions are used for the sake of clarity.

52
 (b) if the A-argument is outranked by the P-argument on the Deictic Hierarchy, the non-
transparent marker is needed (it is important that it is the same na- marker).
(c) If the non-locutor A-argument is deictically not lower than the P-argument 71 , the special
portmanteau non-transparent markers are used, whose choice depends on the deictic properties of
the A-argument (-tki ‘you nsg — him/them’; -ni ‘he — him/them’).
The P-marker also can be the starting point. It takes place in the following case:
(d) the most deictically unnatural, i.e. the most marked P-argument (= ‘I’)
needs the non-transparent marker (ina-).

Some rules are not mutually exclusive, and can be in c o n f l i c t . C o n f l i c t

r e s o l u t i o n is based on the following principles:
1. The deictic properties of terminal members of the Hierarchy are stronger than
the properties of intermediate members.
2. If the terminal members of the Hierarchy are in conflict, the A-argument has
a priority. For example, rule (c) is in conflict with rule (a) in the situation ‘A-they —
P-them’. In this case rule (a) is stronger. Rule (d) can also be in conflict with rule (a)
in the situation ‘A-they — P-me’. In this case the properties of the A-argument are
stronger again, therefore rule (a) has a priority. In such situations as ‘A-you sg/-you
nsg/-he — P-me’ there is a conflict between (d) and (b). In this case, according to
principle 1, rule (d) is stronger.
These generalizations are summarized in Table 8.

TABLE 8. Non-transparent markers

Rule Marker A-argument P-argument

(a); it is stronger than (c, d) na- they me/us/you sg/you nsg/him/them
(b) na- he us/you sg/you nsg
(b) na- you nsg/sg us
(c) -tki you nsg him/them
(c) -ni he him/them
(d); it is stronger than (b) ina- he/you sg/you nsg me

COMMENTS on Table 8
1. It is necessary to emphasize the essential distinction between na- and ina- markers. na-

71
In this case the P-argument is also non-locutor.

53
occupies the regular prefix slot for A-markers (rank -4). ina- has a specific prestem slot (rank
-1), it is controlled by the P-argument and is identical to the antipassive marker, i.e. it is an
i n v e r s i o n marker. It is also essential that in the context of this agreement marker the A-
argument is marked by suffixal agreement markers identical to S-markers 72 . For examples see the
perfective forms of the verb ‘beat’ below:

Mood A-argument P-argument Verb form

Indicative: 2sg.A 1sg.P ina-tkypl-i
2du.A 1sg.P ina-tkyply-tyk
2pl.A 1sg.P ina-tkyply-la-tyk
3sg.A 1sg.P ina-tkypl-i
Potential: 3sg.A 1sg.P t-ina-tkyply-N-∅
Optative: 2sg.A 1sg.P q-ina-tkyply-gi
2du.A 1sg.P q-ina-tkyply-tyk
2pl.A 1sg.P q-ina-tkyply-la-tyk
3sg.A 1sg.P n-ina-tkyply-n
Conjunctive: 2sg.A 1sg.P ny-@-ina-tkyply-n
2du.A 1sg.P ny-@-ina-tkyply-tyk
2pl.A 1sg.P ny-@-ina-tkyply-la-tyk
3sg.A 1sg.P ny-@-ina-tkyply-n
In the suffixal agreement slot there are S-markers -i ‘2/3sg.S + IND + PF’, -gi ‘2sg.S + OPT
+ PF’, -n ‘3sg.S + OPT + PF’, -∅ ‘3sg.S + POT + PF’, -tyk ‘2du/pl.S’.
2. It is necessary to mention an essential difference between portmanteau -ni and -tki
markers. -ni co-occurs with P-markers (see -ni-n, -ni-na-t, -ni-na-w), whereas -tki blocks the
appearance of P-markers. It testifies to the fact that they occupy different slots in the verb form. -
ni occupies the rank +3, the next slot being free, whereas -tki occupies the slot with rank +4 73
(see Table 1).

2.1.1.2.4. Combined non-transparent markers

Above pure non-transparent agreement markers of “objective” moods (indicative and
potential) were considered. The majority of these markers have no modal values,
however, na- has this form in the “objective” moods only. In the conjunctive it is
realized as yn-, and in the optative as nan- (see the paradigm for transitive verbs in
Appendix).
The occurrence of the portmanteau -gy non-transparent marker is more specific
(see the optative paradigm in Appendix and in Table 9). This marker is licensed in the
context of arguments with the deictic properties: ‘2.A + 3.P’. Moreover, it is
combined with the optative and is sensitive to aspect values.

72
B.Comrie calls these forms pseudo-intransitive [Comrie 1980].
73
This is also supported by the co-occurence of this marker with the non-transparent marker
–gy; see below.

54
 TABLE 9. Schematic paradigm with the non-transparent marker -gy in the optative

A- P-argument
argument 3sg 3du 3pl
IPF+2sg q- -tky -n q- -tky -na-t q- -tky -na-w
IPF+2du q- -tkyni -gy-tki q- -tkyni -gy-tki q- -la-tkyni -gy-tki
IPF+2pl q- -la-tkyni -gy-tki q- -tkyni -gy-tki q- -la-tkyni -gy-tki
PF+2sg q- -gy-n q- -gy-na-t q- -gy-na-w
PF+2du q- -gy-tki q- -gy-tki q- -la -gy-tki
PF+2pl q- -la -gy-tki q- -gy-tki q- -la -gy-tki

As Table 9 shows, in imperfective 74 this marker occurs only in the context of

2nsg A-argument, i.e. it shares the distribution with the marker -tki and follows the
above-mentioned rule (d).
However in perfective this marker co-occurs also with 2sg A-arguments. In the
context of the perfective the rule for this marker looks as follows:
(e) If in the perfective optative the A-argument is a hearer that is deictically
higher than the P-argument (i.e. in situations such as ‘you sg/nsg — him/them’), then
the non-transparent marker -gy is necessary.

2.1.1.2.5. Pluralizer insertion

It was said above that 1st/2nd person S/A-markers are distinguished in only the
singular and non-singular 75 , whereas suffixal 3rd person S- and P-markers are
distinguished in the singular, dual, and plural (see Tables 6-7). The main means used
by agreement to contrast dual vs. plural is a specific marker, a so-called p l u r a l i z e r
( -la) that has a special linear slot (rank +1, see Table 1) 76 . T h e s c o p e o f
p l u r a l i z a t i o n is:

74
It should be taken into consideration that these forms are very rare in the speech. In texts
(Part I) only one occurence of this marker in the optative imperfective was found. There are also
some divergences between the paradigm presented in this volume and the paradigm in [Zhukova
1968: 304-05]: in the latter paradigm there are forms q-.....-tkyni-gy-na-t ‘2sg.A+OPT-....-IPF-
2.A+3-3.P-du’, q-.....-tkyni-gy-na-w ‘2sg.A+OPT-....-IPF-2.A+3-3.P-pl’.
75
See Comment 7 on Table 6 about “exceptional” marker -t ‘1pl.S+IPF’.
76
See also [Mel’čuk 1986].

55
 — 1st/2nd person S/A/P-arguments;
— 3rd person S-arguments in “objective” moods — indicative and potential 77 ;
— 3rd person P-arguments in the context of the non-transparent marker -tki 78 .
As one can see, there are accessible arguments that are in the scope of
pluralization, and non-accessible arguments that are out of the scope of pluralization.
First, the dual vs. plural distinction of the 3rd person A-arguments does not have any
overt expression, including the pluralizer. Second, in the context of suffixal markers -
t ‘3du’ and -w ‘3pl’, the 3rd person S- and P-arguments are non-accessible.
Intransitive verbs have the following rule of pluralizer insertion: accessible S-
argument controls pluralizer insertion.
Pluralization of transitive verbs is more complicated: the verb has only one
pluralizer slot and two potential plural agreement controllers, — A- and P-arguments,
if accessible. Plural values are possible in the following combinations:
A-argument P-argument Pluralizer
sg pl -la-
du pl -la-
pl sg -la-
pl du NO
pl pl -la-

As one can see, an accessible plural P-argument always needs the pluralizer,
whereas an accessible plural A-argument needs the pluralizer only in the context of a
singular P-argument. It is clear that the lack of the pluralizer in case of a plural A-
argument codes the dual value of the P-argument, i.e. the lack of the pluralizer in this
case is marked. This is an argument for the postulation of the marker -∅- ‘du.P’.
Assuming this to be the case, the pluralizer slot is free, and it becomes potentially
accessible for the pluralizer controlled by respective A-argument only in case of the
singular P-argument. Thus, accessible arguments can be the real controllers of
pluralization in the following pluralization conditions:

Pluralization condition Pluralization controller

one argument = ‘nsg.S/A/P’ S/A/P
two arguments = ‘sg/nsg.A’+‘nsg.P’ P
= ‘nsg.A’+‘sg.P’ A

77
When du/pl number is not coded by markers -t/-w, see Table 6.
78
When du/pl number is not coded by 3rd person markers -t/-w, see Comment 2 to Table 8.

56
2.1.2. Monopersonal conjugation of finite verbs
Two finite forms belong to this type, one of them has the 3sg marker ga 79 -...-lin, the
other has the marker n 80 -...-qin. These forms have only one (suffixal) agreement slot,
so they can be called forms with m o n o p e r s o n a l agreement.
n-...-qin forms are identical to the adjective conjugation (therefore they are
called d e v e r b a l a d j e c t i v e s a n d glossed as ADJ`) and ga-...-lin forms are
analogous to the conjugation of derived adjectives 81 (these forms are called
r e s u l t a t i v e and glossed as RES).
The argument controlling agreement of these verb forms varies depending on a
verb's transitivity/intransitivity: intransitive verbs agree with the S-argument (marked
with the nominative), transitive verbs agree with the P-argument (also marked with
the nominative).
Person-number agreement markers of these forms coincide with those of the
adjectives, namely: agreement is controlled by p e r s o n (1, 2, 3) and n u m b e r (sg,
du, pl) of the appropriate argument. Instead of the expected resultative marker *-
lina(w(wi)), the 3pl marker has the marker -laN with variants -laNin || laNina || -
laNina(w(wi)). The deverbal adjective, along with the -qina(w(wi)) marker, often
uses the resultative markers.

TABLE 10. Resultative person-number markers

Number sg du pl
Person
1 ga-...-jgym ga-...-muri ga-...-muru
2 ga-...-jgyt ga-...-turi ga-...-turu
3 ga-...-lin ga-...-lina-t ga-...-laN ~ -laNin ~ -laNina(w(wi))

TABLE 11. Person-number markers of deverbal adjective

79
Before the vowel-initial stem it has the variant g-.
80
Before the consonant-initial stem it has the variant ny-.
81
These markers are used for the formation of the denominal habitive adjectives; see 2.2.2.

57
 Number sg du pl
Person
1 n-...-jgym n-...-muri n-...-muru
2 n-...-jgyt n-...-turi n-...-turu
3 n-...-qin n-...-qina-t n-...-qina(w(wi)) ~ -laN ~ -laNin ~ -laNina(w(wi))

COMMENTS on Tables 10-11

1. Markers -jgym and -jgyt are presented in their initial form after stems with final -u, e.g.: g-
etu-jgym ‘RES-give.birth-1sg.P’. After stems with a final consonant the -jgym and -jgyt markers
are presented as -igym, -igyt, e.g.: n-it-igym ‘A-be-ADJ`+1sg’ (from: n-it + -jgym); the string -a
+ -jgym / -jgyt is realized as -egym / -egyt 82 .
2. The stem's final consonant -t is assimilated before -lin/-laN as in l-lin /l-laN, e.g.: ga-jal-
lina-t ‘RES-come-RES-3du.S’ (from: ga-jat-lina-t ). In our collection of texts (see Part I) the
suffix component of the resultative marker (-lin) can be omitted, the stem's final consonant
preserving assimilation that marks the 3rd person, e.g.: ga-n.awyj.al ‘RES-feed’ [12:18] (from:
ga-n.awyj.at-lin).

ga-...-lin finite forms are very frequent in narrative texts. They belong to the
domain of real modality and describe a situation a s a f a c t rather than as an event
(on opposition between fact/event see [Arutyunova 1988]). With that, these forms
signify, as a rule, the result of the action; therefore they are interpreted as resultative.
They often have the additional meaning of indirect evidentinality.

(1) a. gymmy ga-vitat-igym.

I worked (a long time ago).
b. titkypilJ g-itgyl@al-lin.
The sun shone (I did not see that).

The n-...-qin finite forms signify a habitual action that usually takes place or
potentially can take place.

(2) a. gymmy qonpyN ny-vitat-igym.

I (usually) work.
b. gymmy ny-kalJisit-igym.
I (usually) write.

82
For the lack of an example of deverbal adjective cf. a similar predicative form a-npy-k-
egym ‘A-old-PRED-1sg’.

58
 c. ynnu ny-waNi-qin.
She (usually) does needlework.
d. sully ny-jyl-qin?
Is there salt on sale?
e. pyHunny ny-nu-qin.
The mushroom is edible.

2.1.3. Impersonal conjugation

Impersonal conjugation is used by the deverbal predicative and imperative forms (the
latter form is very rare in our collection of texts 83 ).
The deverbal predicative is derived from a verbal stem with the help of the
circumfix a 84 -...-ka, identical to the predicative marker which is derived from the
adjective stem (see 2.2.1). The deverbal predicative, unlike the predicative proper,
does not agree in person. The only overt agreement marker is the pluralizer -la
(controlled by 1-2nd person, analogous to conjugated verb forms):

(3) ...niNvit=tylly-k t-epyNal-la-tyk, a-sasiku-la-ka.

devil=door-LOC POT-get.stuck-PLUR-2nsg.S A-go.sledging-PLUR-PRED`
...you will get stuck in the evil entrance. Don't go for a ride. [14:2]

The deverbal predicative occurs in the predicate position of an independent

clause, conceptualizing the situation as a state, usually a background one:

(4) a. mury-kki wut.ku lyqlaN-ki a-qajav-ka, agigatka

we-LOC here winter-LOC A-freeze-PRED` very
wyjal.aty-tkyn, kytig.aty-tkyn.
be(of.snowstorm)-IPF wind.blow-IPF
Here it's cold in winter. There are strong snowstorms and wind. [38:1]

b. a-pHa-ka, [email protected].
A-feel.thirsty-PRED` 2.A+OPT-1sg.P-give.water.to.drink-PLUR-2nsg.S
(I) feel thirsty, give me water to drink. [3:2]

c. taraN-i titkymsys@y-n,
put.up.a.yurt-3sg.S+PF Titkemsesen -NOM+SG

83
The imperative function is carried out by 2nd person optative, see 2.1.7.3.
84
In front of vowel initial stems the prefix component of the marker is missing.

59
 aktyka unJunJu ny-pila-ni-n,
impossible child+NOM+SG 3.A+OPT-leave-3sg.A+3P-3sg.P
nuta-N aktyka ny-lqyty-n, a-tirNy-ka.
tundra-DAT impossible 3.S+OPT-go-3sg.S A-cry-PRED`
Titkemsesen put up the yurt. (He) could not leave the child and go to the tundra,
(because he) {i.e. the child} was crying. [7:48]

The deverbal predicative often co-occurs with the derivational desiderative

circumfix (ta-...-N ), homonymous with the potential marker 85 .

(5) a. ymama, a-t-iw@isi-N-ka.

mummy+NOM+SG A-DESID-drink.water-DESID-PRED`
Mummy, (I) want to drink. [7:27]

b. y-nanny ally a-ta-n.leqt.av-Ny-ka...

(s)he-ERG not A-DESID-return-DESID-PRED`
He didn't want to send (me) back... [37:7]

This form is very often optionally accompanied by the particle ally which has a
negative meaning (see details in 2.1.5):

(6) a. ally aNylJg.at-ka, ally a-tirN.at-ka.

not moan-PRED` not A-cry-PRED`
(I) don't moan. (I) don't cry. [15:10]

85
The desiderative marker occupies a position inside the verb stem, therefore it can co-occur
with the potential marker (cf. (iv) with (ii-iii)):

(i) ralqivy-tkyn ‘He enters’

enter-IPF
(ii) ta-ralqivy-Ny-tkyn ‘He wants to enter’
DESID-enter-DESID-IPF
(iii) ta-ralqivy-tkyn ‘He will be entering’; ta-ralqivy-N ‘He will enter’
POT-enter-IPF POT-enter-POT
(iv) ta-ta-ralqivy-Ny-tkyn ‘He will try to enter’
POT-DESID-enter-DESID-IPF

60
 b. a-tHym=la@u-ka mur.gina sAkIt-u?
A-bone=see-PRED` our+NOM+PL sister-NOM+PL
Haven't you found the bones of our sisters? [8:77]

It is also used for the formation of the analytical negative (see 2.1.4).
The imperative is formed by means of the circumfix ga-...-a/-ta 86 . Imperative
forms do not have the aspectual values, and lack regular personal markers 87 .
Nevertheless the imperative has restricted inflectional devices. First, it has number
agreement with a 1-2nd person argument identical to that of the polypersonal
conjugation (the marker -la, see 2.1.1.2.5). Second, it has 1sg P-argument agreement
by means of the inversion marker -ina, see 2.1.1.2.3. For example:

(7) a. ...g-awwav-a rara-N ...

IMPR-leave-IMPR house-DAT
... go home... [23:21]

b. ...asgixwut gymmy g-ina-qura=nmy-lqiv-la-ta.

now I+NOM IMPR-1sg.P-reindeer=kill-LQIV-PLUR-IMPR
... from now on kill reindeer for me. [20:97]

As (7b) shows, the imperative is compatible with incorporation.

There are also analytical imperative forms containing the lexical verb with the
predicative marker a-...-ka and the auxiliary marked as imperative:

(8) am-oji-ka g-ity-lqiv-a.

A-lip-CARIT IMPR-be-LQIV-IMPR
Shut up [=be silent]. [20:68]

2.1.4. Analytical verb forms

Besides the synthetic verb forms described above analytical forms are also possible.
They include a lexical verb and an auxiliary as the bearer of verbal inflectional
categories. There are the auxiliary verbs it- ‘be’ and t/n.t- ‘do, have’. The choice of

86
Variant -ta occurs after final full vowel stems, and variant -a — after final consonant or
final y stem.
87
It is natural to suppose that the prefix and suffix parts of the imperative marker occupy the
personal S/A/P-slots of verb form (ranks -4 and +4). It is also possible to regard the imperative as
derived from umnarked perfective stem.

61
auxiliary depends on the (in)transitivity of the lexical verb: intransitive verbs are
combined with the auxiliary ‘be’ and transitive verbs with the auxiliary ‘do, have’.
The analytical forms have positive as well as negative polarity. The lexical verb
inside p o s i t i v e a n a l y t i c a l f o r m s has the suffix marker -a/-ta (identical to the
ergative marker). There is also the suffix marker -N, see (9b), identical to the dative
marker. These forms are almost impossible outside of analytical verb forms; therefore
their converbal (see below) interpretation is not desirable 88 . We will refer to them as
the analytical form of the lexical verb 89 (glossed as ANLT).
The following are examples with intransitive verb:

(9) a. tury-pkir-a g-il-laNina,

just-arrive-ANLT RES-be-RES+3pl.S
ga-pyNl.u-laN... Hurasik-u...
RES-ask-RES+3pl.P worker-NOM+PL
As soon as they arrived, they asked ... the workers. [20:62]

b. wiwn-ipyN qunJ=awwavy-N g-il-laNina

Wiwen-PROLAT one=leave-ANLT RES-be-RES+3pl.S
Nyru.qqy tanJNy.sit=irra-wwi ...
three make.war=troop-NOM+PL

88
There are two textual examples contradicting this interpretation that deserve a special
mention:

(i) kyrgy=nJu-ta mimly-k na-ntu-tky-nawwi.

dry=eat-ANLT88 water-LOC LOW.A-wash.down-IPF-3pl.P
After eating (them) dry, they wash them down (with water). [26:2]

(ii) ytti jyHa.nJu-ta myty-ntu-lqivy-tky-nawwi…

or eat.directly-ANLT 1nsg.A-wash.down-LQIV-IPF-3pl.P
{LC: We make soup,} or after eating them directly (we) begin to wash them down...
[33:31]

-a/-ta form, according translation, is used here as a converb, however in both cases the
subordinate as well as main verbs are the same: ‘eat’ and ‘wash down’. There is an assumption
that in this case the -a/-ta form is not a free one, but it is a part of idiomatic expression signifying
‘to eat and drink simultaneously’.
89
The analytical representation permits negative polarity, nuN- prefix marker being added;
see 2.1.5.

62
 {LC: The Ilir and Alut people left at first for Wiwen from here, and at once from there,}
from Wiwen, at the same time three military troops left... [19:26]

The following are examples with transitive verbs:

(10) a. tur-ju@-a ga-nty-lin il@ukamak,

just-reach-ANLT RES-do-RES+3sg.P Ilukamak+NOM+SG
vitga ga-qatvy-lin sasevyN-ynak.
at.once RES-cut-RES+3sg.P Saseveng-ERG+SG
As soon as (Saseveng) caught up with Ilukamak, Saseveng immediately killed him.
[22:45]

b. javas kyplJ.u-tku-ta yny-nty-la-myk.

later knock.out-DISTR-ANLT LOW.A+OPT-do-PLUR-1nsg.P
(And) towards the evening you can knock us out. [17:5]

c. to Nan.in t-A-ju@y-lqivy-n, Haqa=nm-a

and that+NOM+SG 1sg.A-CONJ-reach-LQIV-3sg.P badly=kill-ANLT
ynnu ty-@y-nty-n.
(s)he+NOM 1sg.A-CONJ-do-3sg.P
{LC: there is our former sister.} I wish I could attack her and subject her to an
excruciating [=bad] death. [20:54]

d. to num ajevaq am-ta-lqenav-N-a

and again but only-DESID-shoot-DESID-ANLT
na-nty-tky-n piNinaN...
LOW.A-do-IPF-3sg.P Pinginang+NOM+SG
But as soon as they wanted to shoot at Pinginang, {RC: Pinginang jumped into the
fortress.} [21:101]

Auxiliary verbs are compatible with different mood values: (10a) exemplifies
the indicative, (10b) the optative, (10c) the conjunctive, and (10d) the potential.
See 2.1.5 below for a discussion of the n e g a t i v e a n a l y t i c a l f o r m s .
Besides the regular auxiliaries, the verb n@al- ‘become’ 90 may also function as

90
A single example has also been documented with the auxiliary verb awwav- ‘leave’ in the
context of the lexical motion verb:

63
an auxiliary, indicating the starting point of the event expressed by the negative form
of the lexical verb:

(11) a. ...palJlJa yllygy-n it-ka ny@al-i.

ecause father-NOM+SG be-PRED` become-3sg.S+PF
{LC: We are making you husband and wife} because (your) father has died [= has
ceased to exist]. [31:10]

b. ...maN.ina ny-Nuj-laNin to Nan.ina

which+NOM+PL ADJ-weak-ADJ+3pl and that+NOM+SG
kytavan nuNy-lqut-a ny-n@aly-naw.
necessarily NEG-get.up-ANLT 3.S+OPT-become-3pl.S
{LC: Anyway we are going to fight, until} (those), who are weaker, surely can't get up.
[22:32]

2.1.5. Negative forms

Besides the positive verb forms described above, there are negative forms. Verbal
negation can be expressed by the following means:
(1) combination of the negative particle with the regular finite form of the verb;
(2) combination of the negative particle with the deverbal predicative (a-...ka);
(3) combination of the negative particle with the analytical form derived from
the deverbal predicative;
(4) the analytical form, derived from the negative analytical representation
(nuN-...-a/-ta);
(5) circumfixes tymNi-... -a/-ta and a-...-kyl@in (the latter is identical to the
caritive adjective (see 2.2.2) marker. It is compatible with the negative particle).
Now we will consider the negative forms in detail.
Type (1) is found only for the desirable moods — optative and conjunctive. In
this case the negative (more precisely, the prohibitive) particle qytymmy 91 is used.

(i) to vitga g-awwav-laN vyly-NNy...

and at.once RES-leave-RES+3pl.S go.out.on.the.shore-ANLT
And at once they went out on the shore... [22:28]
91
It is interesting to note that the negative particle qytymmy is also compatible with nouns,
cf. gymmy wiwnyN ty-t-awwavy-N, qytymmy korfa-N ‘I will arrive at Vyvenka rather than in
Korf’. However in general nouns are more often combined with the negative noun alval@in ‘not
that, another’ rather than with qytymmy, cf. gymnan ty-gita-tky-n qajunJunJu, alval@in
NavysqatpilJ ‘I look at the boy rather than at the girl.’

64
(12) a. qytymmy my-vitaty-k!
not 1sg.S+OPT-work-1sg.S+PF
I will not work!

b. qytymmy qy-vitat-gi!
not 2sg.S+OPT-work-2sg.S+PF+OPT
Do not work!

c. gymmy qytymmy ty-@-awwavy-k.

I+NOM not 1sg.S+CONJ-CONJ-go-1sg.S
I would not go.

Type (2) has two realizations. In combination with the negative particle ally, it
contrasts with the positive forms of the real moods. In combination with the particle
kytvy(l), it represents the prohibitive as a negative correlate of optative/imperative.

(13) a. ...Hatav gym-nan ally a-la@u-ka.

only I-ERG not A-see-PRED`
{LC: Before the Japanese people appeared here long ago.} Only I didn't see (them).
[32:3]

b. ...kytvyl gytty a-wintat-ka tynJnJy=svi.sity-k...

must.not you+NOM A-help-PRED` horn=saw-INF
... Don't you dare help saw the tusks. [16:13]

In type (2) reduction of the negative marker is possible (the negative particle is
absent):

(14) a. ...Navaq a-jyl-ka tyrup=tyrgy-tyr,

if A-give-PRED` Teruppe=meat-NOM+SG
na-ta-meNy=rwit-gyt.
LOW.A-POT-big=beat.up-2sg.P
... if (you) won't hand over Teruppe's meat, (they) will beat you up. [10:49]

c. niNvit=tylly-k t-epyNal-la-tyk, a-sasiku-la-ka.

devil=door-LOC POT-get.stuck-PLUR-2nsg.S A-go.sledging-PLUR-PRED`
...you will get stuck in the evil entrance. Don't go for a ride. [14:2]

65
 Type (3) is the analytical extension of type (2) for real moods. Both full and
reduced realizations are possible.

(15) a. ally tinga a-jyl-ka na-nty-gym.

not what A-give-PRED` LOW.A-do-1sg.P
They didn't give me anything. [10:32]

b. ...nura.q a-jyl-ka na-nty-gym.

long A-marry.off-PRED` LOW.A-do-1sg.P
...I hadn't been married for a long time. [32:13]

Type (4) uses a negative analytical representation of the lexical verb as a basic
structural element in combination with the optative auxiliary verb. This type is a
negative correlate of the optative. Optionally the presence of a negative particle is
possible.

(16) а. kytvyl nuNy-nm-a myny-nty-nat.

must.not NEG-kill-ANLT 1nsg.A+OPT-do-3du.P
We don't have to kill them. [20:35]

b. [email protected] myny-nty-nawwi.
NEG-look.for-go-ANLT 1nsg.A+OPT-do-3pl.P
Let's not go to look for them. [6:14]

Type (5) is formed by means of circumfixes. First we have tymNi-...-a/-ta,

deriving the negative correlate of the supine (verbal nominal) (see 2.1.6.2 below). The
prefix part of the circumfix coincides with the root of the verb ‘be lost’ (i.e. not to
exist in the real world), the suffix part coincides with the marker of verbal analytical
representation (see the preceding type). This negative form refers to a situation whose
non-existence is a goal of the action expressed by the main clause (see 2.1.6.2).
Second, a-…-kyl@in circumfix is used for the derivation of the negative form,
and then the negative particle ally is added. In contrast to other forms this type is a
deverbal attributive. There are grounds to interpret this form as a negative correlate of
the deverbal adjective (n-...-qin); see 2.1.2.

(17) a. ...wutt.in gyrnik ally a-viHy-kyl@in ...

this+3sg animal+NOM+SG not A-die-NEG+3sg
...this animal isn't dead {RC: he is sleeping.} [16:13]

66
 b. numal unJunJu ally a-jajary=ttil-kyl@in.
again child+NOM+SG not A-drum=put-NEG+3sg
(My) child doesn't put the drum down again. [8:35]

2.1.6. Infinite forms

The following are the infinite forms: i n f i n i t i v e , s u p i n e , c o n v e r b s , and
participles.

2.1.6.1. The infinitive is derived from the verb stem by means of the -k/-ki marker
(identical to the locative marker), the allomorph -ki usually being used after stems
with final -N, cf. alu-k ‘pick berries’, tannuN-ki ‘fish’. In accordance with phonetic
rules (see 1.3.4.3), the allomorph -k can be realized as -kki after the stressed syllable,
cf. gyvô-kki ‘get stuck’. Most frequently the infinitive is used in the context of phasal
verbs, however other contexts are also possible (see details below in 2.1.7.5).

2.1.6.2. The supine is derived from the verb stem by means of the marker -nvyN. It is
used in the context of motion verbs as well as of other verbs where the expression of
goal is necessary (see (18a-c)). If the goal of the main action is prevention rather than
accomplishment of an action, the negative correlate of the supine is used (tymNi-...-a/-
ta) (see 18d).

(18) a. to Horo g-awwavy-lqiv-lina-t gilety-nvyN.

and then RES-go-LQIV-RES-3du.S hunt-SUP
And then they went hunting.

b. akka.lJ.@e juNju=tyrgy=Nta-nvyN ga-lqyl-laN.

man+NOM+PL whale=meat=go.with.purpose-SUP RES-go-RES+3pl.S
The men went to get whale meat.

c. [email protected] varat ga-HyNav-laN angyty.tku-nvyN.

all people+NOM+SG RES-call-RES+3pl.S celebrate-SUP
(He) called all the people to celebrate.

d. ny-mjy-@a myt-teky-tky-nawwi, tymNi-wisat-a.

ADV-salty-ADV 1nsg.A-make-IPF-3pl.P NEG-turn.sour-SUP
We salt them {i.e. fish} so that they might not go sour. [33:27]

2.1.6.3. Converbs are also derived from the verb stem. They are often marked by
affixes similar to the spatial cases. Converbs do not have any inflectional categories.

67
They are usually used in subordinate clause and express temporal relations between
the main and subordinate clauses.

The -k/-ki converb shares the same marker as the locative. This converb refers
to a situation that immediately precedes the main action:

(19) a. rety-k unJunJu-ta miti na-panena.tvy-n.

go.home-CONV child-ERG Miti+NOM+SG LOW.A-tell-3sg.P
Returning home, the sons told Miti (everything). [2:28]

b. ...mulJlJitkaN tirN.aty-tkyn sAkIty-N jewas.aty-k.

Mullitkang+NOM+SG cry-IPF sister-DAT pity-CONV
ullitkang was crying, feeling sorry for (his) sister. [22:64]

c. Horo Nuj.av-i vitaty-k Nalvy.l@y-k.

after.that grow.weak-3sg.S+PF work-CONV herd-LOC
Soon he lost his strength, working in the herd. [32:26]

This marker can also be added to the resultative (ga-...-laN) deriving a ga-...-
laN-ki converb with approximately the same meaning, cf.:

(20) qutkynJnJaqu nura.q g-il-laN-ki

Qutkinnaqu+NOM+SG for.a.long.time RES-be-RES+3pl.S-CONV
iv-i...
say-3sg.S+PF
After a while, Qutkinnaqu said... [2:36]

The -kyN converb derived from the potential shares the same marker as the
lative. This converb refers to a situation as following the main action:

(21) ...ta-viHy-N-kyN ymqa-nak myngyt.kin

POT-die-POT-CONV Emqa-ERG+SG ten
tanN-uwwi ga-nmy-laN.
enemy-NOM+PL RES-kill-RES+3pl.P
...before he died, Emqa killed (another) ten enemies. [21:21]

The -inaNu converb refers to a partial temporal overlapping of two actions:

68
(22) ynN.in naqam tury=pkir-inaNu awyn
this+NOM+SG well just-arrive-CONV already
aNaNta.l@aty-tky, tHyl-ly@y-N ra.lqiv-i.
sing-IPF be.sick-ATR-DAT enter-3sg.S+PF
And this (shaman), having just arrived, already was singing. (He) dropped in on the
sick person. [29:19]

The ga-...-a/-ta and geqy-...-a/-ta converbs share the same markers with the
comitative and associative, respectively, and refer to an action that is parallel to the
main one:

(23) a. Horo qutkinJnJaqu g-awwav-lin

after.that Qutkinnaqu+NOM+SG RES-leave-RES+3sg.S
geqy-tavalJNylJ-sir-a.
CONV-turn.round-ITER-CONV
Then Qutkinnaqu left, turning round all the time. [10:14]

b. qutkinJnJaqu qy-meNy=rwil-la-gy-tki
Qutkinnaqu+NOM+SG 2.A+OPT-big=beat.up-PLUR-2.A+3.P-2nsg.A+3.P
awyn-miti-ma geqy-n.qujma.viri.v-a.
COMIT-Miti-COMIT CONV-lower.trousers-CONV
...beat up Qutkinnaqu together with Miti badly, lowering (their) trousers. [10:68]

The -jpyN converb shares the same marker with the prolative. This converb
refers to an action that is parallel to the main one and is intimately bound with it:

(24) amy-lla-ta git-epyN myt-n.ully-tky-na...

only-eye-ERG look-CONV 1nsg.A-cut-IPF-3pl.P
We cut (them) out by eye [=only with eyes looking] {RC: according to the size of the
legs.} [27:5]

The -kaNa converb refers to a background action:

(25) migga tirN.aty-tkyn upty-kaNa?

who+NOM+SG cry-IPF cut.wood-CONV
Who is (this) crying when (I) cut wood? [9:19]

69
2.1.6.4. The participle is derived by means of the attributivizer -l@ 92 added to the
verb stem. The head noun phrase of a relative clause, as well as a (relativized)
coreferential argument of a subordinate clause headed by the participle, should have
nominative marking (see 3.4.1). In this position the participle also has nominative
marking and agrees in person and number with the dependent S/P-arguments by
means of suffix markers:

sg du pl
1st person -jgym -muri -muru
2nd person -jgyt -turi -turu
3rd person -n -t -u(wwi)

For example: jylq.aty-l@-igym ‘sleeping (1sg)’, awwavy-l@y-t ‘leaving (3du)’,

alvaty-l@y-muru ‘skinning (1pl)’.
Participles as well as other attributes can be nominalized without the addition of
any markers. Nominalized participles are inflected for case.

(26) a. ...ga-Nvu-lina-t inJa-jisi-k ryltil-ly@y-k...

RES-begin-RES-3du.S ANTI-gather-INF lie-ATR-LOC
began to pick up what was lying (there) ... [23:49]

b. Nyru.qqy Hujamtawil@-u ina-rwitaty-l@-u

three person-NOM+PL ANTI-flog-ATR-EQUAT
n-ity-nawwi...
3.S+OPT-be-3pl.S
Let three men become those who flog them [=floggers]... [30:21]

In (26a) the nominalized participle is marked for the locative, in (26b) it is

marked for the equative.
The participle usage in relative clause formation is discussed in 3.4.1.

92
This marker derives attributive forms from nouns, adjectives, and adverbs, for example:
rynny-l@y-n ‘horned’ (ср. rynny-lNyn ‘horn’), tinmyla-l@y-n ‘that who deceives’ (cf. tinmyla-
‘false’), a-jIly-ky-l@y-n ‘that who without mouth’ (ср. a-jIly-ka ‘without mouth’).
Besides there is also the attributivizer -s@- that means ‘holding the property in great
degree’, for example: aNaNy-l@y-n ‘that who is godlike, shaman’ (cf.aNaN- ‘godlike’) — aNaNy-
s@y-n ‘the strongest between shamans’.

70
2.1.7. The values of some verbal categories
2.1.7.1. Indicative
The indicative refers to the events belonging to the real world, i.e. events that took or
are taking place. Temporal deixis of respective forms is secondary. The perfective
usually describes events that took place before the speech act, see (27a). The
imperfective is neutral to the temporal axis. It can be used for events proceeding
during the speech act as well as prolonged incompleted events before the speech act,
see (27b):

(27) a. wutt.in itt-i ynkyjap, nJy.mqy.saN.ki.

this+3sg be-3sg.S+PF long.ago in.one's.childhood
This occurred long ago in (my) childhood. [37:1]

b. naqamx@at tyHyly-tkyn pyttuNy-l@y-n.

only be.sick-IPF rich-MAGN-NOM+SG
ny-mky-qin Nally tyty-lqivy-tky-ni-n
ADJ-numerous-ADJ+3sg herd+NOM have-LQIV-IPF-3sg.A+3P-3sg.P
nymy.l@y-n. ynnanu tyHyly-tkyn.
Nemelen-NOM+SG always be.sick-IPF
{LC: And Qisgayat could not recover.} (This) rich man was sick all the time. (Аnd well
this) Nemelen had numerous herds. (And) he was sick all the time. {RC: After that it
already began to snow} [29:8-10]

The imperfective also describes prolonged events that continuously take place
or are repeated. Thus, texts 25-28, describing traditional customs, abound in
indicative imperfective forms, for example:

(28) jaqi myty-lHita-lqivy-tkyn, varanJ-nJaq

later 1nsg.S-hold.a.race-LQIV-IPF people-AUGM+NOM+SG
igu-tkyn Hita-l@y-N.
gather-IPF hold.a.race-ATR-DAT
Well, we hold a race. People gather at the place of the race. [25:1]

Repeated action can refer to the past:

71
(29) Nynvys.saN gymmy ty-walqivy-lqivy-k to numal
several.times I+NOM1sg. S-run.away-LQIV-1sg.S+PF and again
na-lla-tkyni-gym sykola-N.
LOW.A-carry-IPF-1sg.P school-DAT
I had run away many times (before), but every time [=again] I was returned to school.
[37:5]

In (29) both actions are repeated, however the first verb (‘run away’) has
perfective marking, and the second one (‘carry’) — imperfective marking. This is
because the first action is punctual and the second is prolonged.
In analytical negative forms relating to the temporal domain of the definite
future the auxiliary verb can have imperfective marking:

(30) ...ally a-pilg.at-ka il-la-tkyni-tyk.

not A-get.hungry-PRED` be-PLUR-IPF-2nsg.S
{LC: Wait! A little later, don't hurry. Later you will eat well, you will be full and} will
not be (left) hungry. [11:10]

2.1.7.2. Potential
Potential means that the event P does not belong to the world of real events,
nevertheless P can potentially be in this world. This event does not have any
epistemic restrictions. It is quite natural that this type of event is closely related to
events that, in languages with the grammatical category of tense, pertain to future.
Therefore in most cases potential verb forms are translated as future forms:

(31) vitga lygyrNy-n ga-kumn.al-lin:

at.once Legerngen-NOM+SG RES-shout-RES+3sg.S
“myt-t-ona-la-Ny-n wutt.in tytka”.
1nsg.A-POT-take.away-PLUR-POT-3sg.P this+3sg walrus+NOM+SG
Legerngen there and then exclaimed, e will take away this walrus (from you) .
[22:20]

2.1.7.3. Optative
The optative, like the conjunctive, pertains to moods that refer to the mental state of
the speaker. The prototypical properties of the optative are the following:
— the speaker is thinking about a virtual event P;

72
 — the speaker wants event P to be performed;
— the speaker highly estimates the reality of the approach of the event P;
— the speaker is talking about this.
The speaker's capability to control the approach of event P depends on the
person of the active participant (actor) of this event.
In the context of the 1sg actor (identical to the speaker) the optative, along with
the speaker/actor's wish for the performance of event P, refers to his intention or wish
to accomplish it:

(32) maja? my-n.sis@aty-n.

where 1sg.A+OPT-look-3sg.P
{LC: Miti says that she gave birth to his child. Qutkinnaqu:} Where? I will take a look.
[7:14]

(33) ana¥qi qytymmy¥van [email protected] my-jyl-la-tyk

perhaps not all 1sg.A+OPT-give-PLUR-2nsg.P
tyrgy-t@ul.
meat-piece+NOM+SG
Perhaps, I will not give you all the meat. [10:46]

(34) qy-Na.lqiv-gi, nymaqav,

2.S+OPT-sit.down-LQIV-2sg.S+PF+OPT enough
m-imt.Ipy-gyt.
1sg.A+OPT-shoulder-2sg.P
Sit down, (that's) enough, I will carry you on (my) back. [4:9]

The usage of the 1pl optative is analogous: the optative refers to the speaker's
intention to perform an action and his address to the listener to do this together with
him:

(35) a. ...myn-meNy=tkyply-la-n, myn-Halap-la-n.

1nsg.A+OPT-hard=beat-PLUR-3sg.P 1nsg.A+OPT-catch.up.with-PLUR-3sg.P
{LC: Ah, that's just him.} Let's beat him hard, let's catch him. [8:53]

b. qutkinJnJaqu, gemat·qi myn-ra.mk.isi-myk

Qutkinnaqu+NOM+SG maybe 1nsg.S+OPT-pay.a.visit-1nsg.S+PF
rara-N.
house-DAT

73
 Qutkinnaqu, maybe we will go (and) visit (my) home. [7:24]

c. nuN-alu-sqiv-a myn-ity-tkyn.
NEG-pick.berries-go-ANLT 1nsg.S+OPT-be-IPF
We won't have to go picking berries. [7:18]

It the context of a 3rd person S/A-argument, the optative refers to the speaker's
wish that the event in question happens to that 3rd person:

(36) qygi taqy=trup=kiwyl ny-@-ity-n,

look! what=Teruppe=blood+NOM+SG 3.S+OPT-be-3sg.S
ynN.in gym.nin HiN.valJ=kiwyl.
this+3sg my+3sg nostril=blood+NOM+SG
{LC: hy is this blood bad? , said Miti.} You see, it would be good if this were
Teruppe's blood, but this is blood from my nose. [10:29]

This example convincingly testifies to the failure of an imperative interpretation

of these forms in the 3rd person. In the context of the 3rd person, the subject of the
wish does not have to coincide with the speaker.

(37) a-Neqy-ka wut¥ku tig-uwwi ny-tkiv-na(-wwi).

A-bad-PRED here ski-NOM+PL 3.S+OPT-spend.the.night-3pl.S
It's bad if the skis spend the night here. [12:6]

In the dialogue the speaker (the man) presupposes that the hearer (the bear) wishes
the skis had stayed home at night.

It is not by chance, from the point of view of this mood, that the optative is
obligatory in the context of a predicate of impossibility to perform the action, because
the actor's wish to perform it is presupposed:

(38) a. aktyka my-jyl-gyt java-l@-uwwi,

impossible 1sg.A+OPT-give-2sg.P use-ATR-NOM+PL
jaqi qylavul ta-jaty-N, ujatiki-k my-jyl-gyt.
later husband+NOM+SG POT-come-POT sledge-LOC 1sg.A+OPT-give-2sg.P
I can't give you my clothes [=those I'm using]. Later (my) husband will come, (and) I
will give you (the clothes) on the sledge. [7:34]

74
 b. aktyka unJunJu ny-pila-ni-n,
impossible child+NOM+SG 3.A+OPT-leave-3sg.A+3P-3sg.P
nuta-N aktyka ny-lqyty-n, a-tirNy-ka.
tundra-DAT impossible 3.S+OPT-go-3sg.S A-cry-PRED`
{LC: Titkemsesen put up the yurt. He} could not leave the child and go to the tundra,
(because he) {i.e. the child} was crying. [7:48]

In (38b) the intention to leave the child and go into the tundra is ascribed to the actor
of these actions (to Titkemsesen) rather to the speaker. The semantics of the
following optative is similar:

(39) Hopt=ally tinga ynnan Hujamtawil@y-n

completely=not what one person-NOM+SG
ny-levy.tku-n.
3.S+OPT-walk-3sg.S
{LC: Kirumsen approached the village,} (but) not even one person (there) was walking
around. [19:52]

From the point of view of Kirumsen's arrival, the village being deserted is interpreted
by him to be as a result of some cause preventing the natural intention of the
inhabitants to be outdoors.
In the context of the 2nd person S/A-argument, i.e. in the context of appeal to
the addressee in connection with his actions, the semantics of the optative naturally
acquires a perlocutive connotation of speech influence over the addressee's actions:

(40) naqam q-iv-gi: “qy-galmy-gi”.

only 2.S+OPT-say-2sg.S+PF+OPT 2.S+OPT-bend-2sg.S+PF+OPT
You only say, ‘Bend down’. [14:21]

In the following example, three different person-number values of the optative

forms are presented that clearly illustrate the relationship between the optative and the
category of person:

(41) ryttytini@aNawyt, myn-inJinJgivi.sit kimit@a-ta,

Rettetiniangawet+NOM+SG 1nsg.S+OPT-change clothes-ERG
gym-nan my-jyl-gyt gym.nin kimit@a-w.
I-ERG 1sg.A+OPT-give-2sg.P my+3sg clothes-NOM+PL

75
 gy-nanny gy.ninny q-ina-jyl-gi .
you-ERG your+3sg A+OPT-1sg.P-give-2sg.S+PF+OPT
Rettetiniangawet, let's exchange clothes. I will give you my clothes, (and) you give me
yours. [7:32]

In sum, from the point of view of the proposed analysis of the optative, 1st and
3rd person forms are most closely related to its prototypical meaning, while 2nd
person forms are the natural extension of this meaning towards semantics of the
imperative 93 .

2.1.7.4. Conjunctive
The conjunctive's semantics is related to an event P that is desirable for the speaker,
but is not realized in the actual world. In contrast to the optative, also related to the
domain of desirability, the conjunctive represents the desirability of event P as a
given, without the speaker's aim to participate actively in the event. The degree of
reality of an event can vary, from highly probable, especially if the speaker is the
actor of the event, to irreal— in conditional clauses. Conjunctive verb forms are
translated in different ways.
Forms in the 1sg actor conjunctive are translated as “should not I do P”, where
P is denoted by the conjunctive verb form:

(42) a. ...lygut ana ty-@y-Nvu-na mimly-N

better (part.) 1sg.A-CONJ-begin-3pl.P water-DAT
s.iNsy.tku-k...
throw.away-DISTR-INF
... Isn't it better for me to begin to throw them into the water... [19:78]

b. ana¥gemat malJ.kytvalJ ty-@y-Nvu-k

perhaps enough 1sg.S-CONJ-begin-1sg.S+PF
sussymavy-k... Nan.in t-A-ju@y-lqivy-n,
prepare-INF that+NOM+SG 1sg.A-CONJ-reach-LQIV-3sg.P
Haqa=nm-a ynnu ty-@y-nty-n.
badly=kill-ANLT s(he)+NOM 1sg.A-CONJ-do-3sg.P

93
Traditional analysis presupposing the 2nd person imperative to be the prototypical
meaning for these forms fails on the grounds of the usage of this mood with the 1st and especially
with the 3rd person.

76
 Probably it is enough. I will begin to prepare, {because there is our former sister.} I
wish I could attack her and subject her to an excruciating death. [20:54]

In these contexts conjunctive has the following components of the meaning:

— the speaker wishes event P to be performed,
— the speaker has resources to accomplish event P,
— the speaker does not have a strong intention to use his resources for the
accomplishment of event P.

Forms in the 1pl actor conjunctive are translated as “If we could do P”:
(43) a. anJmy¥@ak myn-@y-tur=@oji-la-tky-t...
at.least 1nsg.S+CONJ-CONJ-fresh=feed-PLUR-IPF-3nsg.S+IPF
If only we could eat fresh meat,... [8:6]

b. ...qun¥@a myn-@y-ju@y-n mur-i

at.first 1nsg.A+CONJ-CONJ-reach-3sg.P we-NOM+DU
wiwny-kin arym iwsewy-n,
Wiwen-REL+3sg leader+NOM+SG Iwsewen-NOM+SG
myn-@y-Nvu-n mur-i umaka.N
1nsg.A+CONJ-CONJ-begin-3sg.P we-NOM+DU together
ty.vitgy.l@avy-k ynN.in jun.at.gyrNy-kjita?
discuss-INF this+3sg life-CAUS
irst shall we approach the leader of Wiwen, Iwsewen, (and) shall we begin to discuss
this matter [=this life] together (with him)? [19:11]

In this case the wish component of the meaning is forgrounded. Sometimes the
conjunctive means the availability of potential resources to accomplish event P:

(44) tOk, agi myt-teNan-myk jaqqy·s@am

well very 1nsg.S-lay.up.dried.fish-1nsg.S+PF there.and.then
aqan [email protected] mik-u qasgyva.s@-u
although all who-NOM+PL poor.man-NOM+PL
myn-@y-nawy(ja.n-naw).
1nsg.A+CONJ-CONJ-feed(-3pl.P)
Well, we have prepared a lot of dried fish for winter. This time we can feed everyone,
even the poor people. [9:3]

77
(45) yjatuk, miti, ny-@-etu-n
if.only Miti+NOM+SG 2sg.A+CONJ-CONJ-give.birth-3sg.P
Nav.akka.pilJ.
daughter+NOM+SG
If only you, Miti, were to give birth to a daughter. [5: 3]

Examples of the 3rd person conjunctive are rare in our collection of texts. In the
following sentence an irreal event looking like a real one is talked about:

(46) tu ynNa Nany.k asgi.kina.k qonpy.N aNaNta-n

and so there so.far always song-NOM+SG
na-n.aNanta.vy-tky-n, keNy-n
LOW.A-sing.about.something-IPF-3sg.P bear-NOM+SG
ny-@-ivy-lqiv ...
3.S+CONJ-CONJ-say-LQIV
And until now there they always sing a song about this, as if the bear were talking...
[9:42]

The meaning of the conjunctive in a dialogue is naturally combined with a

request for advice (in the form of a question) about forthcoming actions:

(47) a. maN.kyt ynta ty-@y-nty-nawwi,

how this 1sg.A-CONJ-do-3pl.P
sissyN=quli=java-l@-u!
mockingly=melody=use-ATR-NOM+PL
What shall I do (with the girls) who are using melody in this mocking way? [8:43]

b. ...taq.kina.N jaq [email protected]...

why (part.) 1sg.A-CONJ-kill-LQIV-3pl.P
...Why should I kill them?... [20:8]

c. ...taq.in gy-nanny q-in-iv-gi, matka

about.what you-ERG 2.A+OPT-1sg.P-say-2sg.S+PF+OPT whether
ty-@y-nmy-nat Hopta ytt-i Nita.rgara.
1sg.A-CONJ-kill-3du.P all they-NOM+DU two.together
{LC: Bad matter. My wife lives wrong.} What will you tell me? Maybe, shall I kill

78
 both of them? [30:5]

d. ...taq-a jaq myn-@-awwav-la?

what-ERG (part.) 1nsg.S+CONJ-CONJ-leave-PLUR
By what shall we go? [19:22]

e. tOk·yja, maN.kyty.N myn-@y-Nvu-nat

well how 1nsg.A+CONJ-CONJ-begin-3du.P
tymy-kki gy.nina-t qylik.tumgy-t?
kill-INF your-3du brother-NOM+DU
Well, (then) how should we kill your brothers? [20:11]

The conjunctive is also used in irrealis conditional clauses:

(48) jaqqym qun, Navaq n-A-jun.aty-tky-na, awyn

well well if 3.S+CONJ-CONJ-live-IPF-3pl.S already
ynnan maN.in ny-@-ivy-n...
one which+NOM+SG 3.S+CONJ-CONJ-say-3sg.S
{LC: Maybe then something happened to them.} Well if they were alive, someone
should have said, {RC: “Now then, I will visit . } [19:50]

The conjunctive as well as the optative is used in purpose clauses with the
conjunction qinaq ‘in order that/to’:

(49) a. ylla@y-N ga-jyl-laN wapaqa-wwi ina.ra.l@-a,

mother-DAT RES-give-RES+3pl.P fly.agaric-NOM+PL neighbour-ERG
ga-n.gyjul.av-laN qinaq ny-@y-mlavy-lqi
RES-teach-RES+3pl.P in.order.to 3.S+CONJ-CONJ-dance-LQIV+PF
ny-@-aNaNta-lqi ytyk=ra-teny-k.
3.S+CONJ-CONJ-sing-LQIV+PF their=house-APUD-LOC
The neighbors gave my mother fly-agarics (and) told [=taught] them {i.e. the fly-
agarics} to make her dance (and) sing by their house. [39:1]

b. wutt.in kuka-jyr@y-n piNpiN-in

this+3sg pot-contents-NOM+SG gunpowder-POSS+3sg

79
 ty-@y-ttily-n semy.k milgy-k, to tita
1sg.A-CONJ-put-3sg.P close.to fire-LOC and when
n-A-pytkaty-n wutt.in piNpiN-in
3sg.S+CONJ-CONJ-shoot-3sg.S this+3sg gunpowder-POSS+3sg
kuka-jyr@y-n, to qinaq rara-Na
pot-contents-NOM+SG and in.order.to house-NOM+SG
nan-@y-nqu-n.
LOW.A+CONJ-CONJ-carry.away-3sg.P
I shall put this pot with gunpowder near the fire so that it will explode and blow up the
house. [22:87]

2.1.7.5. Infinitive
The infinitive forms sentential complements of phasal verbs (with typical meanings
‘begin’ 94 , ‘continue’, ‘finish’). Phasal verbs inherit the transitivity / intransitivity
properties of subordinate verbs marked as the infinitive. In the context of an
intransitive embedded verb the main verb has an intransitive agreement pattern and
agrees with a noun marked with the nominative:

(50) a. ...myty-lJgi=tgilivy-lqiv-la(-myk) tanJNy.sity-k!

1nsg.S-real=continue-LQIV-PLUR(-1nsg.S+PF) make.war-INF
... We properly continue to make war! [17:19]

b. ...qutkinJnJaqu-nti ga-r.ety-lina-t to
Qutkinnaqu-NOM+DU RES-return.home-RES-3du.S and
ga-Nvu-lina-t jun.aty-k.
RES-begin-RES-3du.S live-INF
...the Qutkinnaqus returned home and began to live {there again}. [6:45]
c. ...inJas q-il-la-tyk valatkyla-k...
enough 2.S+OPT-be-PLUR-2nsg.S run.after-INF
...Well, that's enough. Stop running (after me)... [8:59]

However, in the context of a transitive embedded verb the main verb gets a
transitive agreement pattern:

94
Statistically the overwhelming number of infinitive textual occurences are governed by the
verb ‘begin’.

80
(51) a. q-ina-Nvu-la-tyk turgy-nan gymmy
2.S+OPT-1sg.P-begin-PLUR-2nsg.S you-ERG I+NOM
kyla.l@aty-k...
run.after-INF
Begin to pursue me... [21:89]

b. ga-tku-laNin s.iNsy.tku-k [email protected]

RES-finish-RES+3pl.P throw.away-DISTR-INF all
qaj.unJunJu-wwi.
boy-NOM+PL
(He) finished throwing all the children. [19:81]

In (51a) the arguments turgynan ‘you’ and gymmy ‘me’ are governed by the
verb ‘pursue’ and at the same time they control agreement of the verb ‘begin’. In
(51b) the main verb is inflected for monopersonal conjugation and agrees with the
patientive argument for the plural.
In case of decreased transitivity of the embedded infinitival verb, as a result of
P-argument incorporation, the phasal verb also receives an intransitive interpretation:

(52) ynpy.Nav ga-Nvu-lin

old.woman+NOM+SG RES-begin-RES+3sg.S
wil.loty=Ntu-k HiwwyrNa n-usvy-@a.
sour.head=take.out-INF on.purpose ADV-slow-ADV
The old woman began to take out the sour heads on purpose slowly. [17:8]

The infinitive construction is also obligatory as a complement of the modal verb

pkav- ‘be unable to’ 95 that also inherits (in)transitivity of the dependent verb.

(53) a. ...ina-pkav-la-tyk, qymelJjaq, ta-nmy-N-ki!

1sg.P-be.unable.to-PLUR-2nsg.S oh, you! DESID-kill-DESID-INF
{LC: You bitches, you weaklings,} you, oh, you couldn't kill me! [17:23]

b. ...ga-pkav-lina-t ta-squn-Ny-k...
RES-be.unable.to-RES-3du.S DESID-stand.up-DESID-INF

95
Dependent verb is usually marked as the desiderative because the denoted event belongs
to the “desirable” world.

81
 ...they couldn't stand up... [30:52]

The infinitive construction can also be governed by other verbs (‘impossible’,

‘enough’, ‘want’, ‘hurry’, ‘help’, ‘teach’, etc.):

(54) a. ...ta-vitan-Ny-k aktyka...

DESID-work-DESID-INF impossible
{LC: Well, now, I was taken ill.} I cannot work... [34:1]

b. akin·um inJas tur-i t-in-Ny-tyk

if enough you-NOM+DU POT-be-POT-2nsg.S
Haqa=jun.aty-k...
badly=live-INF
It is enough for you to live badly {RC: as well as for me ...} [23:58]

c. ...gemy-lqivy-tkyn awamylkaki qura.t@ul-a oji-k...

want-LQIV-IPF Awamelkaki+NOM+SG reindeer.meat-ERG eat-
INF
{LC: When} Awamelkaki wants to eat reindeer, {RC: then at once he goes to the
nomad camp} [20:99]

d. a-ryks.av-ka oji-k.
A-hurry-PRED` eat-INF
Don't hurry to eat. [11:19]

e. ...kytvyl gytty a-wintat-ka tynJnJy=svi.sity-k ...

must.not you+NOM A-help-PRED` horn=saw-INF
...Don't you dare help saw the tusks. [16:13]
f. ...ta.nJ.gyjus.av.Ny-tky-ni-n rytku-k.
teach-IPF-3sg.A+3P-3sg.P shoot-INF
{LC: The son became an adult. Titkemsesen made a bow and} taught him (how) to
shoot. [7:49]

Adjectives can also occasionally govern the infinitive construction that specify
an adjective's truth domain:

(55) a. ...lyqlaN-ki Hopta tavHal-u a-mal-ka-wwi

winter-LOC all dried.fish-NOM+PL A-good-PRED-3pl

82
 t.u-kki.
eat-INF
...In winter various dry fish is delicious [=good for eating]. [33:33]

b. ...ny-tajyN-qin kyNav.sity-k ...

ADJ-sinful-ADJ+3sg fight-INF
...it's sinful to fight, {RC: well we have the same blood...} [22:31]

c. asgi¥van turgy-nan maN.kyt ny-mit-turu jun.aty-k to

now you-ERG how ADJ-skilful-2pl live-INF and
yn.kyty.N ga-jun.aty-lqiv-la-ta.
so IMPR-live-LQIV-PLUR-IMPR
Now live just as you can. [20:97]

Moreover, the infinitive is documented in interrogative clauses:

(56) a. myty-plJy-jyl-lyqiv-la-tyk — tinga

1nsg.A-completely-marry.off-LQIV-PLUR-2nsg.P — what+NOM+SG
at@u ligi lyN-ki?
still.more know know-INF
We've decided to marry you off — What more {do you want} to know? [31:8]

b. me@a, yllyg-igyt, ujNa itt-i vali=qavi-k?

(interjec.) father-2sg not be-3sg.S+PF fat=present-INF
Well, Father, wasn't (there) any donation of (pieces of) fat? [23:24]

In the context of the phasal verb ‘begin’, the infinitive is often combined with
the desiderative marker specifying the modal description of the event: the infinitive
designates that the agent of the event attempts to accomplish the action:

(57) a. imjaq yjava.k ynpy=qura-Na kytawyt

already far.away old=reindeer-NOM+SG suddenly
Nyvu-jjy ta-liqty-N-ki.
begin-3sg.S+PF DESID-turn-DESID-INF
Already far away an old reindeer suddenly began to try to turn back. [37:13]

b. Nan.ina-t qe.takalNy.jyr@y-t ga-meNy-lina-t,

that-3du brother-NOM+DU RES-grow.up-RES-3du.S

83
 ga-Nvu-lina-t ta-katgu.tvi-N-ki.
RES-begin-RES-3du.S DESID-become.strong-DESID-INF
The two brothers grew up (and) began to practise in order to become strong. {RC: Later
they became strong enough to stop shooting with arrows with wooden tips...} [20:2]

c. ...ga-Nvu-lin ta-jyl-Ny-k lygyrN-ynaN.

RES-begin-RES+3sg.P DESID-give-DESID-INF Legerngen-DAT+SG
{LC: And at once on arrival Saseveng took off his fur coat, and there and then pulled
out the knife and} began to offer (it) to Legerngen. [22:36]

2.2. Adjectives
Alutor shows a clear morphological opposition between two classes of adjectives:
q u a l i t a t i v e adjectives and r e l a t i v e adjectives. These classes of adjectives
have different markers and belong to different derivation types. Qualitative adjectives
appear as an original lexical group, while relative adjectives are derived from other
parts of speech (mostly nouns).
From a syntactic point of view adjectives are used either a u t o n o m o u s l y
(i.e. as separate words, usually attributes or predicates), or in i n c o r p o r a t i o n . An
adjective can be used attributively only when its head noun is marked for the
nominative (see 2.2.4). In this case an attribute agrees in p e r s o n and n u m b e r
with its head noun. If an adjective is used predicatively, it also agrees in person and
number with its S-actant, so the forms used in both situations are identical. In the case
its head noun is not a nominative case form, an adjective is usually incorporated (for
details see 2.2.4).
We will first consider qualitative and relative adjectives used autonomously,
and then discuss adjective incorporation.

2.2.1. Qualitative adjectives

Qualitative adjectives belong to the class of original predicates denoting various kinds
of qualities and properties. They have at least one actant, that is an S-actant (the
subject of a quality or property).
Qualitative adjectives are marked with the circumfix n-...-qin(a) (further
shortened to n-...-qin), the same as that used with verbal adjectives (see 2.1.2). The
prefixal part n- appears in all qualitative adjectives, so it marks the part of speech,
while the suffixal part -qin(a) is used only with the 3rd person S-actant, so it
expresses both the part of speech and the person(-number) agreement. With the 1st or
2nd person the standard monopersonal markers are used (see Table 11 above). A
sample of person-number adjective forms is given in Table 12.

84
 TABLE 12. Person-number forms
of the qualitative adjective mraj- ‘lucky’

Number sg du pl

Person
1 ny-mraj-igym ny-mre-muri 96 ny-mre-muru
2 ny-mraj-igyt ny-mre-turi ny-mre-turu
3 ny-mre-qin ny-mre-qina-t ny-mre-qina(-w) ~
ny-mre-laN ~
ny-mre-laNin ~
ny-mre-laNina(w(wi))

Adjectives marked with n-...-qin can be used both attributively and

predicatively (see 3.3), but the first use is more frequent.
Like other attributes without a head noun, adjectives may be substantivized. In
such situations a person-number form is used as a nominative case form.

(58) ... naqam ga-n.pasus.av-laN unJunJu-pilJ-nJaqu,

only RES-leave baby-DIMIN-NOM+PL
to Nita.q ny-gyrtap-qina-t ...
and two ADJ-elder-ADJ-3du
... Only the little children are left and two elders ... [19:68]

Substantivized adjectives used in oblique cases (that is those different from the
nominative) are not found in Alutor.
Another adjective form is derived from a qualitative stem by means of a-...-ka.
It is called the p r e d i c a t i v e form. Its only function is to indicate a predicate 97 :

(59) a. a-mylru-ka ymqa-nin unJunJu

A-skilled-PRED Emqa-POSS.SG+3sg child+NOM+SG

96
Here the diphthong-like combination aj changes into e according to the coalescence rules,
see 1.3.6.
97
Thus, there are two adjective forms used predicatively: the form marked with n-...-qin
and the form marked with a-...-ka. Their distribution is not clear, but it is possible that they
express the difference between the permanent and temporary state respectively (so they are
similar to Russian full and short adjectives).

85
 piNinaN.
Pinginang+NOM+SG
Emqa's son, Pinginang (was) quick [=skilled]. [21:84]
b. am-pensija-wwi tin a-mqy-ka-wwi ...
only-pension-NOM+PL well A-small-PRED-3pl
Only the pension is not quite enough [=small] ... [34:4]
c. ... gymmy ajevaq a-npy-k-egym.
I+NOM already A-old-PRED-1sg
... Really I'm already old. [19:76]

The examples given above show that the form marked with only a-...-ka
indicates the 3rd person singular. The corresponding plural form has a pluralizer -
w(wi), the 1st and the 2nd person markers are the same as for other adjectives (see
Table 11), among them -jgym, -jgyt (these two undergo certain phonological changes,
see 1.3.6).
The adverbial modifier is also derived from a qualitative stem. It is marked with
the adverbializer n-...-@a, for instance: ny-katgu-@a ga-rwil-lin ‘(he) strongly
tugged it’ [20:66] (cf. ny-katgu-qin ‘strong’), Navaq nJy-mqy-@a myt-sulJaty-tky-
nawwi ‘if we salt them only a little’ [33:29] (cf. nJy-mqy-qin ‘little, small’). The
suffixal part of the adverbializer occupies the position of agreement marker.
Qualitative adjectives have several forms that can be referred to as d e g r e e s
of comparison.
The prefix mal-, added to an adjective, expresses a greater degree of the
quality:

(60) ... malJ-n-issy-laN kymH-uwwi ...

COMP-ADJ-heavy-ADJ+3pl stone-NOM+PL
{LC: Isn't it better for me ... to throw the bundles into the sea, attaching (to them)}
stones as heavy as possible... [19:78]

Another derivative marker, namely the suffix -l@, is identical to the verbal
attributivizer 98 . It is used to build forms expressing a high degree of quality:

(61) qisgajat pyttuNy-l@y-n tyHyl-lyqi.

Qisgayat+NOM+SG rich-MAGN-NOM+SG be.sick-LQIV

98
The attributivizer is usually added to a verbal stem and changes its form, while qualitative
adjectives are originally of an attributive nature.

86
 (Once) a rich man Qisgayat became sick. [29:4]

In example (61) the form pyttuNy-l@y-n ‘the rich’ is derived from the adjective
ny-pyttuN-qin ‘rich’. Such forms can be used both attributively (as appositions) and
non-attributively (as nouns). Being used attributively, they agree in case and number
with the head noun.
The highest degree of quality can also be expressed by means of the suffix -s@,
identical with the verbal attributivizer expressing intense actions. The suffix is often
accompanied by the prefix am-, cf.:

(62) a. y-nanny Nita.q mata-ni-nat

(s)he-ERG two marry-3sg.A+3P-3du.P
Nav.@an-ti [email protected].
wife-NOM+DU SUPERL-young-SUPERL-DIMIN-NOM+DU
He married two wives, the youngest ones. [8:70]

b. am-mis@a-s@y-n it@y-n
SUPERL-beautiful-SUPERL-NOM+SG fur.coat-NOM+SG
g-epy-lin ...
RES-put.on-RES+3sg.P
They were dressed in the most beautiful fur coats 99 {RC: and were going around the
house.} [6:9]

Another way to express a high degree of quality is to add the prefix ynan- (yn-
ynnuxwin ynan-@yssaNi ‘Here is the youngest (daughter), this one’ [32:12]), often
accompanied by the suffix -s@ (cf. ynan-meNy-s@y-n qylik=tytka ‘the biggest male
walrus’ [22:14]).
In a comparative construction the object of comparison appears in the dative
case, while the adjective is in its usual form, but with the incorporated quantifier
Hopty- ‘most’:

(63) ... gymmy turyky-N ny-Hopty=katgu-jgym ...

I+NOM you-DAT ADJ-most=strong-1sg
... I am the strongest of you all ... [22:23]

99
It is remarkable that the Alutor word is in the singular, which means that there is only one
object for each possible subject of the action.

87
2.2.2. Relative adjectives
R e l a t i v e adjectives (= the adjectival form of a noun), express a general modifying
meaning. They are usually derived from nouns, and sometimes from adverbs and
verbs. They are marked with the adjectivizer -kin(a) (further shortened to kin). Being
used attributively, a relative adjective agrees in person and number with its S-actant.
Thus, in the 3rd person it is marked with kin/-kina-t/-kina(-w(wwi)) ‘3sg/du/pl’,
and in the 1st or 2nd person the standard person-number markers are used, following
the adjectivizer -kin(a), for instance, -kin-egym 100 ‘1sg’, see Table 13.

TABLE 13. Person-number markers

of relative adjectives marked with -kin

Number sg du pl
Person
1 -kin-egym -kina-muri -kina-muru
2 -kin-egyt -kina-turi -kina-turu
3 -kin -kina-t -kina(-w(wi))

Examples:

(64) a. pilgy=wajam-kin pyNu.tkyn

throat=river-REL+3sg source+NOM+SG
The source of the (River) Pilgywajam. [16:2]
b. tita-kin-egym gymmy(N) gy.nin-egym Nav.akk-egym.
when-REL-1sg I+NOM your-1sg daughter-1sg
Once I was your daughter. [6:33]

c. kukjulgy-n ... vytgyr.at-kin

hole-NOM+SG be.rescued-REL+3sg
a rescue hole [22:86]

In (64a) the relative adjective is derived from a noun, in (64b) from an adverb,
and in (64c) from a verb.
Being used co-predicatively, a relative adjective may express an ablative
meaning 101 :

100
The endings -egym/-egyt are phonological variants of the agreement markers -jgym/-
jgyt, which are added to the suffix ending in a-, namely -kina.
101
Thus, the allative and ablative functions have no special markers in Alutor.

88
(65) a. numal ty-wa.lqivy-k sykola-kin-egym.
again 1sg.S-run.away-sg.S+PF school-REL-1sg
Again I ran away from school. [37:4]
b. ... t-araty-k ujatik-kin-egym ...
1sg.S-fall-1sg.S+PF sledge-REL-1sg
... I fell from the sledge ... [37:9]

The circumfix ga-...-lin(a) (further shortened to ga-...-lin) is used to derive

habitive adjectives meaning ‘having an object X’, where X is the base noun. Habitive
adjectives have the same person-number markers as the resultative forms (cf. 2.1.2),
as shown in Table 14.

TABLE 14. Person-number markers

of habitive adjectives marked with ga-...-lin

Number sg du pl
Person
1 ga-...-jgym ga-...-muri ga-...-muru
2 ga-...-jgyt ga-...-turi ga-...-turu
3 ga-...-lin ga-...-lina-t ga-...-laN ~
ga-...-laNin ~
ga-...-laNina(-w(wi))

Examples:

(66) a. ... ilgy=lHu=symNa-nJaq ... tyttal g-as@y-lin ...

white=face=draught.reindeer-AUGM+NOM+SG very HABIT-fat-3sg
{LC: And in front} a white-faced castrated male reindeer {RC: was running}. He (was) very
fat. [29:45]

b. [email protected] g-unJunJu-laN.
all HABIT-child-3pl
They (were) all with children. [8:64]

The negative correlate is a caritive adjective meaning ‘without an object X’. It

is marked with the compound circumfix a-...-ky.l@in(a) (further shortened to a-...-
kyl@in), consisting of the adverbializer a-...-ka (cf. the predicative marker), the
attributivizer -l@ and then the possessive adjective marker -in(a) (the latter is used
only with the 3rd person). A caritive adjective agrees with its head noun the same

89
way as a possessive adjective (see 2.2.3). Adverbialization is shown in (67a), and the
caritive adjective form in (67b):

(67) a. amNut myty-tgivi(-myk) ally unJunJu-k(a).

many.times 1nsg.S-live.for.years(-1nsg.S) not child-CARIT
Thus, for some years we lived without children.. [32:19]

b. ally mur-u a-kujNy-kyl@y-muru.

not we-NOM+PL A-mug-CARIT-1pl
We don't have a mug.[4:21]

The caritive adjective agreement markers are shown in Table 15.

TABLE 15. Person-number forms

of caritive adjectives marked with a-...-kyl@in

Number sg du pl
Person
1 a-...-kyl@-igym 102 a-...-kyl@y-muri a-...-kyl@y-muru
2 a-...-kyl@-igyt a-...-kyl@y-turi a-...-kyl@y-turu
3 a-...-kyl@in a-...-kyl@ina-t a-...-kyl@ina(-w(wi)

2.2.3. Possessive adjectives

P o s s e s s i v e adjectives are usually derived from nominal stems by means of the
suffix -in(a) (further shortened to -in), which in the 3rd person appears as -in/-ina-
t/-ina(-w(wi)) ‘3sg/du/pl’.
With 1st declension nouns (see 2.3.1.1) the suffix is placed immediately after a
nominal stem, for instance, qyliktumg-in ‘POSS+3sg’, qyliktumg-ina-t ‘POSS+3du’,
qyliktumg-ina ‘POSS+3pl’ − the possessive forms of the noun qyliktumgy-n ‘brother
(for a sister), NOM+SG’. The person-number agreement markers are placed
immediately after the possessive suffix; see the forms in Table 16.

TABLE 16. Person-number markers

102
The vowel i of the morph -igym appears as a result of the coalescence of an epenthetic y
and j (see 1.3.6).

90
 of possessive adjectives derived from 1st declension nouns

Number sg du Pl
Person
1 -in-egym -ina-muri -ina-muru
2 -in-egyt -ina-turi -ina-turu
3 -in -ina-t -ina(-w(wi)

Since 2nd declension nouns distinguish both singular and non-singular (see
Table 18), they also distinguish number of the base noun (the possessor) in the
possessive forms. When the possessor is singular, the possessive suffix -in(a) is
placed after the oblique stem marker -yn(a), but -in(a) is often omitted, so the
following optional markers appear: -yn-in ~ -yn ‘3sg’, -yn-ina-t ~ -yna-t ‘3du’, -
yn-ina-w ~ -yna-w ‘3pl’, for instance: qutkynJnJaqu-nin (~ -n) ‘3sg’, qutkynJnJaqu-
ninat (~ nat) ‘3du’, qutkynJnJaqu-ninaw (~ -naw) ‘3pl’ − the possessive forms of the
singular noun qutkynJnJaqu ‘Qutkinnaqu, NOM+SG’, with the ergative
qutkynJnJaqu-nak ‘Qutkinnaqu, ERG+SG’. When the possessor is non-singular (=
dual or plural), the possessives are marked with -tg (obviously related to the oblique
stem marker -tyk): -tg-in ‘3sg’, -tg-ina-t ‘3du’, -tg-ina-w ‘3pl’, for instance,
utkinJnJaqu-tgin unJunJu ‘Qutkinnaqus' son’ − the possessive form derived from the
plural noun qutkynJnJaqu-tyk ‘Qutkinnaqu, NOM+PL’, with the ergative
qutkynJnJaqu-tyk ‘Qutkinnaqu, ERG+PL’. The possessive person-number markers
are shown in Table 17.

TABLE 17. Person-number markers

of possessive adjectives derived from 2nd declension nouns

Singular possessor
Number sg du pl
Person
1 -ynin-egym ~ -ynina-muri ~ -ynina-muru ~
-yn-egym -yna-muri -yna-muru
2 -ynin-egyt ~ -ynina-turi ~ -ynina-turu ~
-yn-egyt -yna-turi -yna-turu
3 -ynin ~ -yn -ynina-t ~ -yna-t -ynina(-w(wi)) ~
-yna(-w(wi))

91
 Non-singular (dual or plural) possessor
Number sg du pl
Person
1 -ytgin-egym -ytgina-muri -ytgina-muru
2 -ytgin-egyt -ytgina-turi -ytgina-turu
3 -ytgin -ytgina-t -ytgina(-w(wi))

The main function of the possessive adjective is to express a p o s s e s s i v e

relation, the possessor appearing in the possessive form. For instance, uvik qisgajat-
in ‘the (whole) body of Qisgayat’ [29:31], qylik.tumg-ina-t yr-ti ‘the two bows of
(her) brothers’ [20:25], qilivNawyt-ina-w unJunJu-wwi ‘Qilivngawet's children’,
[20:81]; qilivNawyt-ynin qylavul ‘Qilivngawet's husband’ [20:80], sasevyNy-tgin
ra.jyr@y-n ‘(to) the Sasevengs' house’ [22:80].
Possessive adjectives may also express various types of m o d i f i e r s , for
instance: ‘m a d e o f X ’: kulta-wwi kali.l@y=kult-ina ‘(We sew) the soles on with
eared-seal skins’ [27:7]; ‘c o n t a i n i n g X ’: symky.jyr@-uwwi qajunJunJu-na-w
‘the bundles with children’ [19:80], Nav.kir-jyr@y-n pipiqylJN-in ‘the trousers, full of
the mice’ [14:8], ‘c o n s i s t i n g o f X ’: imyt tavHal-in ‘a load of dried fish’
[21:73]. A possessive adjective may also indicate an S-actant of a deverbal noun:
kalak=@aNyl@-in iv.gyrNyn ‘the speech of the magical spirit’ [7:12].

2.2.4. Adjective incorporation

An Alutor adjective modifying a noun can be incorporated by its head noun, so that a
n o m i n a l composite appears. Qualitative adjectives are incorporated without their
category marker n-...-qin, while relative adjectives marked with -kin and possessive
adjectives marked with -in preserve their derivational markers. With other types of
relative adjectives incorporation is not attested.
Adjective incorporation may be either s e m a n t i c or s y n t a c t i c (for details
see [Muravyova 1990b]).
If the head noun is a nominative case form, for semantic reasons we may
choose either the autonomous or the incorporated form of an adjective. Incorporation
is usually used to indicate that the corresponding quality or property refers to
background information. Since in such situations incorporation is semantically
defined, we call it “semantic” incorporation, cf. meNy=kuka-Na ‘big pot, NOM+SG’
vs. ny-meNy-qin kuka-Na ‘big pot, NOM+SG’.
However, if the head noun is not a nominative case form, that is an oblique case
form, an adjective is obligatory incorporated (let us be reminded that adjectives have
no case forms). Since in such situations incorporation is syntactically defined, we call

92
it “syntactic” incorporation, cf. ilgy=qura-ta ‘by a white reindeer, ERG’ vs. n-ilgy-
qin qura-Na ‘white reindeer, NOM+SG’, meNy=rara-k ‘in a big house, LOC’ vs.
ny-meNy-qin rara-Na ‘big house, NOM+SG’, yllyg-ina=rara-k ‘in the father's
house, LOC’ vs. yllyg-in rara-Na ‘the father's house, NOM+SG’.

2.3. Nouns
The semantic and syntactic functions of a noun are expressed mostly by the items of
nominal grammatical categories (case-number marking and person-number marking –
see 2.3.1.1, 2.3.1.2 and 2.3.2), in some cases by derivative markers of location
(2.3.1.3) and adjectivization (2.3.3); some local functions are expressed outside a
locative noun by means of adpositions (2.3.1.3). Nouns are used either
a u t o n o m o u s l y or in i n c o r p o r a t i o n . Being used autonomously, a noun is
marked for a set of grammatical categories. Incorporated nouns are just bare stems,
without any category markers.
The set of grammatical categories a noun is inflected for depends on its
syntactic position in a sentence. Three types of noun forms are distinguished on the
morphological level: nominal, predicative and adjectival. The n o m i n a l form is
used in the position of an actant, the p r e d i c a t i v e form − in the position of a
predicate, the a d j e c t i v a l form − in the position of an attribute.

2.3.1. Nominal forms

2.3.1.1. Noun declension
The nominal form of a noun is inflected for case and number.
The category of c a s e is formed of the following 11 cases: n o m i n a t i v e
(NOM), e r g a t i v e (ERG), l o c a t i v e (LOC), d a t i v e (DAT), l a t i v e (LAT),
p r o l a t i v e (PROLAT), c o n t a c t i v e (CONT), c a u s a l (CAUS), e q u a t i v e
(EQUAT), c o m i t a t i v e (COMIT), a s s o c i a t i v e (ASSOC).
The category of n u m b e r has three values: s i n g u l a r (SG), d u a l (DU) and
p l u r a l (PL). The dual and plural forms of proper names express associative duality
and plurality, i.e. ‘X and somebody else’:

(68) pykir-lyqiv-la-t qutkinJnJaqu-tyk.

approach-LQIV-PLUR-3pl.S+PF Qutkinnaqu-DAT+NSG
They came back to the Qutkinnaqus {i.e. to the family of Qutkinnaqu}. [7:70]

Case and number, in the forms where number is distinguished, are expressed by

93
fused items. Most of the items are suffixes, but the comitative and associative
markers are circumfixes. Besides these, some nouns form the nominative singular by
means of an operation − the final vowel truncation or the root reduplication.
Alutor nouns are divided into three groups with two sets of person-number
markers called d e c l e n s i o n s : the 1st declension and the 2nd declension.
The first group includes common nouns denoting non-humans. These nouns are
inflected using 1st declension items. 1st declension forms distinguish number
(singular, dual and plural) only in the nominative. In other cases (= oblique cases)
number is not distinguished, but is sometimes marked using verbal agreement or
defined by the context.
The second group includes proper names (human and those of domestic
animals) and kinship terms denoting elder relations. 2nd declension forms distinguish
number not only in the nominative, but also in some oblique cases; in the nominative
they distinguish singular, dual and plural, while in oblique cases they distinguish only
singular (SG) and non-singular (NSG)
The third group includes all other common nouns denoting humans. These
nouns are inflected using either 1st or 2nd declension forms (though the distribution
of these forms is not fully clear). For instance, the noun yllygy- ‘father’ has the
ergative yllyg-a (1st declension), which expresses either singular or plural, depending
on the context, and also the ergative yllygy-nak (2nd declension, singular) and yllygy-
tyk (2nd declension, plural). The case-number forms are given in Table 18.

94
 TABLE 18. Case-number inflections (nominal forms)

Paradigmatic 1st declension 2nd declension

type
Number sg du pl sg du pl
Case
1 nominative see the -t / -w/-wwi see the -nti -w/-wwi
Dictionary -ti Dictionary
2 ergative -a/-ta -ynak -ytyk
3 locative -k/-ki -ynak -ytyk
4 dative -N -ynaN -ytyk
5 lative -kyN —
6 prolative -jpyN / -gypyN (short variants -e ~ -i 103 )
7 contactive -jit ~ -jita
8 causal -kjit ~ -kjita
9 equative -u/-nu -u/-ynu
10 comitative ga-...-a/-ta awyn-...-ma
11 associative geqy-...-a/-ta —

COMMENTS on Table 18.

1. Items separated by a slash are in complementary phonological distribution. Items
separated by a tilde are optional variations.
2. The nominative singular displays a variety of markers that are discussed further on; these
markers are shown in the Dictionary.

The nominative singular deserves special comment. The following ways of

marking the nominative are found in Alutor: the zero marker -∅, the suffixes -n, -
lNyn, -qal, -Na, and also two operations - the final vowel truncation and the root
reduplication (the latter is marked with Rred). The nominative singular type is
morphological information given for every noun in the Dictionary.
The most productive means of marking the nominative are by final vowel
truncation and -n suffixation; these markers are usually used with Russian loan-
words, cf. kuruv ‘cow’ (cf. kuruva-wwi NOM+PL − from the Russian korùva),
sykola-n ‘school’ (from the Russian shkóla). The zero ending can be added to stems
ending in a consonant or in a vowel, cf. angyt-∅ (root {angyt}) ‘festival’, punta-∅
(root {punta}) ‘liver’.

103
The short variants result from the phonetic allomorphs -epyN/-ipyN (see below).

95
 The final vowel truncation is accompanied by standard phonological processes,
cf. tatul (root {tatula}) ‘fox’, but akyk (root {akka}) ‘son’, imyt (root {imti}) ‘burden’
(since consonant clusters do not occur word-finally, a schwa is inserted here − see
1.3.3).
The inflectional ending -n is added to stems ending in either a vowel or a
consonant 104 , cf. gytga-n (< {gytga-n}) ‘late autumn’, nalgy-n (< {nalg-n}) ‘fur
skin’.
The inflectional ending -lNyn is usually used with nouns denoting body parts
(both human and animal's), names of animals, and also with nouns denoting one
object of a pair, cf. vilu-lNyn ‘ear’, masvi-lNyn ‘animal's chest’, Higy-lNyn (< {Hig-
lNyn}) ‘wolf’, lili-lNyn ‘mitten’. After stems ending in a homorganic consonant the
inflectional ending -lNyn appears as -lyNyn (see 1.3.3.3), cf. aNar-lyNyn ‘star’.
The inflectional ending -qal is used only with nouns denoting one object of a
pair, cf. pylak-qal (along with pylaky-lNyn) ‘fur boot’, lili-qal (along with lili-lNyn)
‘mitten’.
The inflectional ending -Na is used with a few nouns that probably belong to
the original Alutor lexicon: ypa-Na ‘soup’, kuka-Na ‘pot’, mami-Na ‘fish drying
shed’, qura-Na ‘reindeer’, rara-Na ‘yurt, house’, ruru-Na ‘bed, sleeping place, titi-
Na ‘needle’, typa-Na ‘stone hammer’.
Many original and some loan-words form the nominative singular by copying
(= reduplicating) the root morph. Such words belong to different semantic groups, cf.
anu-@an (< {anured}) ‘spring’, wiru-wir (< {wirured}) ‘(kind of) salmon’ (for
reduplication rules see 1.3.1).
The ergative markers -a/-ta are distributed according to the final segment of a
stem: the variant -a is used with stems ending in a consonant or a schwa, while the
variant -ta is used with stems ending in a non-schwa vowel, cf. tyrg-a ‘meat, ERG’,
jIl-a (< {jIly-a}) ‘tongue, ERG’, , but gytka-ta ‘leg, ERG’.
In the locative the inflectional ending -ki is characteristic of stems ending in N
(and sometimes in w), in other cases the ending -k or its phonological variant -kki are
used (the latter − after a stressed vowel), cf. lyqlaN-ki ‘winter, LOC’, rara-k ‘house,
ERG’, mimly-k ‘water, LOC’, but lylô-kki ‘eye, LOC’.
The dative, as well as the lative (the latter can be treated historically as a double
case composed of the locative and dative items), has no variants.
In the prolative the morph -gypyN is used with the stems ending in a single
consonant, while in other cases the morph -jpyN is used. If a stem ends in the vowel -

104
If a stem ends in a consonant, an epenthetic y is inserted to break up an illicit consonant
cluster (see 1.3.3.2).

96
a, the morph -jpyN appears as -epyN; the same variant is used if a stem ends in a two
consonant cluster, because in such cases the epenthetic y is inserted, and the
combination yj in most cases changes into e, though in some rare cases – into i (see
1.3.6), so the marker -ipyN 105 may appear, cf. qaNJav-gypyN ‘ravine, PROLAT’, nut-
epyN (< {nuta-jpyN}) ‘land, PROLAT’, winv-epyN ~ winv-ipyN (< winvy 106 -jpyN <
{winv-jpyN}) ‘road, PROLAT’. The morphs -e and -i are short variants of the morphs
-epyN and -ipyN respectively.
The equative markers -u/-nu have the same distribution as the ergative markers
-a/-ta: the variant -u is used with stems ending in a consonant or a schwa, while the
variant -nu is used with stems ending in a non-schwa vowel, cf. tavHal-u ‘dried fish,
EQUAT’, keN-u (< {keNy-u}) ‘bear, EQUAT’, but ypa-nu ‘soup, EQUAT’.
The variants -a/-ta in the comitative and associative are identical with those of
the ergative and have the same distribution, cf. ga-qlavul-a ‘husband, COMIT’, ga-
masla-ta ‘butter, COMIT’, geqy-masla-ta ‘butter, ASSOC’.

2.3.1.2. Case functions

Below we enumerate the main functions of the Alutor cases.
The n o m i n a t i v e is used mostly to express the syntactic function of an S/P-
actant, that is the Absolutive hyperrole, according to the ergative actant marking
strategy (see 3.0). The nominative (not a bare stem) is also used to express named
objects. Besides this, the nominative is used in the vocative position, with final vowel
lengthening (we treat this process as expressive vowel lengthening − see 1.3.8.1), for
instance, in the vocative we may use miti along with mitE 107 ‘Oh, Miti!’ (Miti is a
mythological woman’s name).
The e r g a t i v e is used to express the following functions: a) the A-actant of a
verb, that is the actant with an Agentive hyperrole, b) the instrument of an action, c)
the lowered actant of a verb in the antipassive construction (see 3.1.3.1). Beside the
Agent, the Agentive hyperrole in Alutor also includes the Experiencer. Thus, the
Agentive hyperrole is typical for verbs such as ‘take’, ‘cut’ (the Agent) / ‘see’, ‘wish’
(the Experiencer):

(69) a. qutkinJnJaqu-nak g-akmi.l-lin utty-@ut ...

Qutkinnaqu-ERG+SG RES-take-RES+3sg.P stick-NOM+SG

105
These variants appear because the inflection -jpyN historically comes from the root {jp},
and undergoes changes given in rule (11) (see 1.3.6) either as a root or a suffix.
106
Here and in some other cases the vowel y is epenthetic.
107
We call this form the “expressive” vocative.

97
 Qutkinnaqu took a stick ... [6:10]

b. qutkinJnJaqu-nak ... ga-la@u-lin ynny-@yn.

Qutkinnaqu-ERG+SG RES-see-RES+3sg.P fish+NOM+SG
Qutkinnaqu ... found a fish. [1:2]

The instrumental and ergative functions can be expressed by the ergative within
the same clause:

(70) ymqa ga-qatvy-lin sisgiN-ki pujg-a

Emqa+NOM+SG RES-cut-RES+3sg.S armpit-LOC spear-ERG
tanN-a.
enemy-ERG
... a warrior injured Emqa with a spear in the armpit. [21:20]

The l o c a t i v e is used to express: a) essive (see (71a)) and lative (see (71b))
local functions, b) peripherally governed actants (see (71c)):

(71) a. ekaty.sqy-k va.gal-i.

precipice-LOC sit-3sg.S+PF
She sat down on the cliff. [13:5]

b. ... unJunJu-wwi maniw-ki

child-NOM+PL bag-LOC
qy-ju-gy-tki ...
2.A+OPT-put.inside-2.A+3.P-2nsg.A+3.P
... put the children in the bags ... [8:59]

c. ynnu gilNaty-tkyn ujatiki-k.

(s)he+NOM+SG tie-IPF sledge-LOC
He is tying up the sledge.

The d a t i v e is used to indicate: a) the Addressee of an action − see (72а), b)

the Benefactive of an action − see (72b), c) the object of destination (corresponding to
the allative function) – see (72c), d) the actant moved from the position of the
Absolutive, often denoting the Stimulus of a verb with the Experiencer (see 3.1.3.1).

(72) a. qutkinJnJaqu ynny-N iv-i ...

Qutkinnaqu+NOM+SG fish-DAT say-3sg.S+PF

98
 Qutkinnaqu said to the fish ... [1:11]

b. lywyt jaqqi my-jisi-na [email protected].

better later 1sg.A+OPT-gather-3pl.P female.cousin-DAT
Should I pick them {i.e. berries} later for the cousin. [14:55]
c. tyla-jjy ulgyvy-N ...
come-3sg.S+PF grave-DAT
He went to the grave ... [5:8]

The l a t i v e denotes reaching the point of destination:

(73) а. piNinaN ga-ra.lqiv-lin tygar-giN-kyN ...

Pinginang+NOM+SG RES-come.inside-RES+3sg.S store.hole-IN-LAT
Pinginang went inside the store-hole ... [21:73]
b. to Horo ga-la-laN gyviN-kyN.
and after.that RES-come-RES+3pl.S Geving-LAT
After that they went to Geving {a place near Wiwen}. [22:12]

The p r o l a t i v e expresses a lative function ‘motion past’, and also an elative

function ‘motion from’:

(74) a. ... ga-Nvu-laN jalgyty-k gytgy-lq-epyN ...

RES-begin-RES+3pl.S migrate-INF lake-SUPER-PROLAT
... they began to migrate along the surface of the lake... [16:7]
b. wut.ke waj Nyra=jylNy.gyrN-i t-ina-waq.aty-N ...
here here knee=joint-PROLAT POT-1sg.P-step-POT
(If) you step over me here along the knees, {RC: you (will become) successful [=good] in
hunting.} [24:11]
c. gymmy ty-jaty-tkyn rar-epyN sykola-N.
I+NOM 1sg.S-go-INF house-PROLAT school-DAT
I am going to school from (my) house.

The e q u a t i v e is used to express functions ‘such as X’, ‘as X’, with verbs like
‘become (smth., smb.)’, ‘turn (into smb.)’, ‘work as (smb.)’ etc.:

(75) a. liN=lot-u ny@al-i.

great.bilberry=leaf-EQUAT become-3sg.S+PF
He became a bilberry leaf. [8:45]

99
 b. ... inu-nu ga-jyl-lin keN-a...
food.for.a.trip-EQUAT RES-give-RES+3sg.P bear-ERG
The bear gave (his own rib) for food . [12:16]

The c o n t a c t i v e indicates contact with an object, for instance:

(76) ynki qamav-ynak akmi.n-ni-n jattigy-n

later Qamav-ERG+SG seize-3sg.A+3P-3sg.P Yattigen-NOM+SG
tilpy-jit ...
shoulder-CONT
Later Qamav seized Yattigen by the shoulder ... [41:8]

The c a u s a l expresses the cause or motive of an action:

(77) a. kytvylJ tytka-kjita a-tkyNav.sil-la-ka ...

must.not walrus-CAUS A-fight-PLUR-PRED`
Don't fight because of the walrus... [22:26]
b. ... jyNa-kjita ga-pkav-lin milgy.Hyr-a
fog-CAUS RES-be.unable.to-RES+3sg.S gun-ERG
ta-nmy-N-ki.
DESID-kill-DESID-INF
... because of the fog he couldn't shoot it [=kill it with a gun]. [36:10]

The c o m i t a t i v e expresses the external participant of an action, with the

same role as the main performer of the action; the 1st and the 2nd declension have
different comitative markers:

(78) a. Horo jalgyt-gy@yt qajylJHinny-N HaqaniNvity-nti

after.that migrate-3du.S+PF Qayelinne-DAT Aqaningvit-NOM+DU
ga-Nav.@an-a.
COMIT-wife-COMIT
And after that Aqaningvit and his wife moved to Qayelinnen {the village Khayilino}.
[30:60]
b. Hat qutkinJnJaqu
without.fail Qutkinnaqu+NOM+SG
qy-meNy=rwil-la-gy-tki awyn-miti-ma ...
2.A+OPT-big=beat.up-PLUR-2.A+3.P-2nsg.A+3.P COMIT-Miti-COMIT
Without fail, beat up Qutkinnaqu together with Miti badly, lowering (their) trousers ...

100
[10:68]

The a s s o c i a t i v e expresses the external participant of an action, with a role

different from the role of the main performer of the action; associative forms are
found only with 1st declension nouns, usually non-animate:

(79) a. gym.nin yllygy-n qonpyN keNy=gili-tkyn

my+3sg father-NOM+SG always bear=hunt-IPF
geqy-meNy=wala-ta.
ASSOC-big=knife-ASSOC
My father always goes hunting a bear with a big knife.
b. qylJippy tytu-kki geqy-masla-ta a-mal-ka.
bread-NOM+SG eat.with.something-INF ASSOC-butter-ASSOC A-good-
PRED
It is good to eat bread with butter.

2.3.1.3. Local semantic functions

A noun phrase can also express different types of location (location with respect to
the object expressed by a base noun). These functions are expressed either by a
derivative suffix (in the case there is a contact between the objects or at least it is
implied) or by an adposition governing the locative noun phrase (in the case there is
no obvious contact between the objects), for details see [Muravyova 1994].
In order to express functions of the first type, a nominal derivative with a
locative suffix is used. In general, such derivatives have complete paradigms
including the nominative, but the most frequent forms are cases with locative
functions, such as the locative, the dative (with an allative function), the lative and the
prolative.
The following local functions are expressed by means of suffixes:
SUPER ‘surface of an object’, the marker -lq (with the variant -lJq), for
instance: Najy-lJqy-N ‘(climb) the mountain’ [8:38], gytgy-lq-epyN ‘(migrate) along
the surface of the lake’ [16:7], ujatiki-lJqy-k ‘(load smth.) on the sledge’ [22:66],
vylJusa-lJqy-k ‘(put smth.) on a dish’ [29:27];
IN ‘inner part of an object’, the marker -giN, for instance: ulJgyv-giN-ki ‘in the
grave’ [5:10], ulJgyv-giN-gypyN ‘(shout) from the grave’ [7:59], syge-giN-ki ‘(hide) in
the sands’ [18:18], tygar-giN-kyN ‘(go) inside the store-hole’ [21:73];
INTER ‘place among objects’, the marker -swyn/-lwyn, for instance: tumykka-
lwyny-k ‘(to talk about smth.) in the presence of other people’ [22:68], ra.mky-swyn-
i ‘(to visit) all the houses’ [28:2], Ne-swyny-k ‘(to live) among the mountains’ [32:4];

101
 APUD ‘place near an object’, the marker -teny, for instance: ra-teny-k ‘(to
dance) by the neighbouring house’ [39:4], inmy-teny-k ‘(to build a village) near the
cliff’ [23:3], ynykka-teny-k ‘(to put smth.) near himself’ [29:21].
If there is no obvious contact between the two objects, adpositions 108
expressing various local functions are used (they govern the locative case form), cf.
ymiNqal tynupy-k ‘behind a hill’, ujatiki-k gytulNyNqal ‘at the side of a sledge’,
rymetyNqal tynupy-k ‘far behind a hill’, inmy-k telyNqal ‘on the other side of a rock’,
tilirra-k semyk ‘near Tilirran {the village Tilichiki}’.

2.3.2. Predicative forms

The predicative form of a noun is marked for person and number of its S-actant. To
express the 1st and the 2nd person the person-number suffixes identical with those of
an adjective (original or deverbal) are added. The 3rd person is identical with the
nominative singular, dual and plural respectively. The person-number forms are given
in Table 19.

TABLE 19. Person-number inflections (predicative forms)

Number sg du pl
Person
1 -jgym -muri -muru
2 -jgyt -turi -turu
3 = NOM+SG = NOM+DU =NOM+PL

The predicative is used when a noun is a predicate (for present situations).

When an S-actant is the 1st or 2nd person, the noun-predicate and the S-actant109 are
marked differently:

(80) a. gymmy alva.l@-igym qaj.unJunJu-jgym ...

I+NOM not-1sg little.boy-1sg
I'm not a little baby ... [30:32]

108
These auxiliary words can be used both prepositionally and postpositionally (though the
latter is more common). We refer to them as adpositions and use this term in the Dictionary
(adpostions are marked with the abbreviation adp). Some Alutor adpositions consist of two parts:
the main part (the root) and the suffix with a local function, cf. tely.Nqal ‘on that side of’, with the
root {tely} ‘there, that’ and the suffix {-Nqal} meaning ‘the side of’.
109
For the 3rd person see 3.3.

102
 b. ... mur-uwwi [email protected]@y-muru.
we-NOM+PL male.cousin-1pl
{LC: This is sinful, we won't kill you, because} we are cousins. [22:38]
c. Nav=HytHy-turu, Hymul@y-turu ...
female=dog-2pl weakling-2pl
You bitches, you weaklings, {RC: you, oh, you couldn't kill me!} [17:23]

Example (80c) shows that the S-actant itself may be absent, but it still controls
the agreement of the predicate.
The predicative is also used as an apposition for another noun or pronoun (the
pronoun itself may be absent).

(81) yjOwyt ina-n.tymNi.v-la-tyk Nan-ynnul-egym ...

long.time.ago 1sg.P-lose-PLUR-2nsg.A there-the.same-1sg
Long, long ago you lost me. That's me ... [6:35]

The predicative is also used when addressing somebody:

(82) me@a, yllyg-igyt, ujNa itt-i vali=qavi-k?

(interjec.) father-2sg not be-3sg.S+PF fat=present-INF
Well, Father, wasn't (there) any donation of (pieces of) fat? [23:24]

2.3.3. Adjectival forms

The adjectival form of a noun is actually the result of a derivational process, when a
noun becomes an adjective. We distinguish between relative (REL), possessive
(POSS), habitive (HABIT) and caritive (CARIT) adjectives, see 2.2.2. From a
syntactic point of view an adjectival is used in the role of the genitive, sometimes the
ablative, which occur in other languages with case systems.

2.3.4. Noun incorporation

A noun in the nominal can by incorporated by a verb or other noun. Thus, we have
v e r b a l composites, with a verb as the head, and n o m i n a l composites, with a
noun as the head, (for details see 3.1.4). An adjectival (= denominal adjective) can
also be incorporated (see 2.2.4 above). Incorporated nouns have no category markers;
incorporated denominal adjectives may preserve their adjectivizers -kin and -in,
which are referred to as derivational affixes.
Nouns are easily incorporated when they have no modifiers in the underlying
syntactic structure, and the speaker refers to the corresponding objects as background

103
information (for details see 3.1.4).
Nouns are incorporated by other nouns when they are used attributively in the
underlying structure and denote non-specific objects, for instance: tanNy=@irra-n
‘the enemy party’ [21:10], Hasu=nym.jyr@y-n ‘a village of pink salmon’ [3:21],
viHe=rara-Na ‘a grass house’ [6:16], wir=imyt ‘the load of alder bark’ [7:8]. Not all
linguists consider this type of compounding incorporation, but it is obviously a highly
productive type of compounding.

2.4. Pronouns
2.4.1. Personal pronouns
Free personal pronouns for the 1st, 2nd and 3rd person, singular, dual and plural,
occur in Alutor. The 3rd person singular does not distinguish between either human/
non-human or animate/ non-animate. Substantivized demonstratives are also used as
3rd person pronouns (see below).
Dual and plural pronouns are derived from one and the same stem and differ
only in the nominative and sometimes in the ergative, in other oblique cases one and
the same form is used for each case (in the ergative the difference between the dual
and plural can be marked through verbal agreement). Thus, there are 9 pronouns, but
only 6 pronominal stems: {gym} ‘I’ (NOM gymmy), {gyt} ‘you (sg)’ (NOM gytty),
{yn-/y-} 110 ‘(s)he/it’ (NOM ynnu), {mur} ‘we’ (NOM muri ‘we two’, NOM
muru(wwi) ‘we’), {tur} ‘you (nsg)’ (NOM turi ‘you two’, NOM turu(wwi) ‘you
(pl)’)’, {yt} ‘they’ (NOM ytti ‘they two’, NOM ytuwwi ‘they’).
Personal pronouns have much in common with nominal forms of the noun: they
are used in the same syntactic positions and are marked for case. But, unlike nouns,
personal pronouns are not incorporated, they are used only as autonomous words.
Adjectives derived from pronominal stems and similar to adjectival forms of the noun
belong to another group of pronouns − possessive pronouns.
Alutor personal pronouns have approximately the same set of cases as nouns.
10 cases are distinguished: n o m i t a t i v e , e r g a t i v e , l o c a t i v e , d a t i v e ,
prolative, contactive, causal, equative, comitative, associative.
As for the Lative, its pronominal form is likely to coincide with the dative form, so it
is not represented in the list of cases.
There is some divergence from the case system of nouns as regards the
realization of different cases.
The nominative singular is marked with a zero morph; in the 1st and 2nd person

110
The morph y- is usually used before markers beginning with n-.

104
an additional syllable appears (see 1.3.4.3), in the 3rd person a suppletive stem is
used. The nominative dual is marked with -i ; the same form is optionally used as the
ergative dual (this marker does not occur with nouns). The nominative plural is
marked with -u(wwi). All ergative forms (including dual − optionally) are marked
with the special pronominal marker -nan.
In some case forms special suffixes occur; that have no meaning, their only
function is to “extend” a pronominal stem. They are: -yk, -kka, -ula, -g 111 . In some
plural case forms (equative, comitative and associative) possessive pronoun stems are
used (see 2.4.2). The complete paradigms of personal pronouns are given in Table 20.

TABLE 20. Personal pronouns paradigms

Singular pronouns
Person 1 2 3
Case
1 nominative gymmy gytty ynnu
2 ergative gym-nan gy-nanny y-nanny
3 locative gymy-kki gyny-kki yny-kki
4 dative gym-yky-N gyn-yky-N yn-yky-N
5 prolative gymy-kk-epyN gyny-kk-epyN yny-kk-epyN
6 contactive gymy-kka-jit(a) gyny-kka-jit(a) yn-ykka-jit(a)
7 causal gymy-kka-kjit(a) gyny-kka-kjit(a) yn-ykka-kjit(a)
8 equative gymm-ula-nu gytt-ula-nu ynn-ula-nu
9 comitative awyn-gymm-ula-ma awyn-gytt-ula-ma awyn-@ynn-ula-ma
10 associative geqy-gymm-ula-ta geqy-gytt-ula-ta geqy-@ynn-ula-ta

111
In the glossed texts these suffixes are treated as parts of pronominal stems (see Part I).

105
 Non-singular (dual and plural) pronouns
Person 1 2 3
Case
1 nominative mur-i (du) tur-i (du) ytt-i (du)
mur-uwwi (pl) tur-uwwi (pl) yt-uwwi (pl)
2 ergative mur-i (du) ~ tur-i (du) ~ ytt-i (du) ~
mur-gy-nan (du) / tur-gy-nan (du) / yt-gy-nan (du) /
mur-gy-nan (pl) tur-gy-nan (pl) yt-gy-nan (pl)
3 locative mury-kki tury-kki yty-kki
4 dative mur-yky-N tur-yky-N yt-yky-N
5 prolative mury-kk-epyN tury-kk-epyN yty-kk-epyN
6 contactive mury-kka-jit(a) tury-kka-jit(a) yty-kka-jit(a)
7 causal mury-kka-kjit(a) tury-kka-kjit(a) yty-kka-kjit(a)
8 equative mur-gina-nu tur-gina-nu yt-gina-nu
9 comitative awyn-mur-gina-ma awyn-tur-gina-ma awyn-@yt-gina-ma
10 associative geqy-mur-gina-ta geqy-tur-gina-ta geqy-@yt-gina-ta

2.4.2. Possessive pronouns

Possessive pronouns are similar to the adjectival form of a noun. They are derived
from pronominal stems in approximately the same way as adjectival forms.
The possessive pronouns are divided into p o s s e s s i v e forms p r o p e r and
r e l a t i v e p o s s e s s i v e forms, similar to possessive and relative adjectival forms.
Cf.: the possessive form proper gymnin ‘my (= belonging to me)’ vs. the relative
possessive form gymykkakin ‘my (= related to me)’.
Like adjectival forms, possessive pronouns can be used either autonomously or
in incorporation. Possessive pronouns proper have special stems when incorporated.
Table 21 shows possessive suffixes of both types: the suffix -nin(a), marking the
possessive forms proper with the possessor in the singular, is obviously related to the
marker of the 2nd nominal declension; the suffix -gin(a), marking the possessive
forms proper with the possessor in the non-singular, is used only with pronouns. The
relative possessive forms are marked with the suffix -kin(a) (like denominal relative
adjectives). Being incorporated, possessive pronouns proper are extended with the
suffix -yk, while relative possessive forms are always extended with the suffix -kka
(regardless of whether or not they are incorporated). The possessive stems are listed
below in Table 21.

106
 TABLE 21. Possessive pronouns

Possessive forms proper

Number sg nsg

Person
autonomous incorporated autonomous incorporated
1 gym-nin(a)- gym-yk- mur-gin(a)- mur-yk-
2 gy-nin(a)- gyn-yk- tur-gin(a)- tur-yk-
3 y-nin(a)- yn-yk- yt-gin(a)- yt-yk-

Relative possessive forms

Number sg nsg

Person
autonomous incorporated autonomous incorporated
1 gymy-kka- gymy-kka- mury-kka- mury-kka-
kin(a)- kin(a)- kin(a)- kin(a)-
2 gyny-kka-kin(a)- gyny-kka-kin(a)- tury-kka-kin(a)- tury-kka-kin(a)-
3 yty-kka-kin(a)- yty-kka-kin(a)- yty-kka-kin(a)- yty-kka-kin(a)-

Since possessive pronouns are similar to adjectives, being used autonomously,

they agree in person and number with the nominative head noun and are marked with
standard person-number suffixes; these suffixes are listed in Table 22.

TABLE 22. Person-number markers of possessive pronouns

Number sg du pl
Person
1 -jgym -muri -muru
2 -jgyt -turi -turu
3 [the vowel -a -t -w(wi)
truncation]

COMMENTS on Table 22
The 3rd person possessive pronouns may have an additional syllable after a stressed vowel
(see 1.3.4.3), cf. gynønny ‘your (sg)’, ynønny ‘his/her/its’, but gymnin ‘my’, murgin ‘our’, turgin

107
‘your (nsg)’, ytgin ‘their’.

Similarly to adjectives, possessive pronouns may become substantivized. In

such cases, they are inflected using 1st or 2nd declension forms, depending on their
referent (non-human/ human respectively).

2.4.3. Demonstrative pronouns

Viewed from their morphological properties, demonstrative pronominal adjectives are
similar to relative adjectives (see 2.2.2); they usually consist of the demonstative root
plus the suffix {-in(a)} 112 . The main Alutor demonstrative adjectives are: {ynN.in(a)}
‘this’, {wut.in(a)/wutt.in(a)/wutt.aq} ‘this’, {Nan.in(a)/Nan.ka} ‘that’,
{igynNin(a)} ‘such’.
The demonstratives are used both attributively and without a head noun. Being
used attributively, demonstratives agree with their head noun in person and number,
the markers being the same as for other adjectives with the suffix -in(a).
Being used without a head noun, they function like the 3rd person pronouns. In
this case demonstratives are inflected using 1st or the 2nd declension forms
depending on their referent (non-human/ human respectively). The most frequent
case-number forms are shown in the Dictionary 113 .
Compare the following examples:

(83) a. ynNin rara-Na na-teky-n ynnanJ=nJyHilygy-N.

this+3sg house-NOM+SG LOW.A-make-3sg.P one=month-ADV
This house was built during one month.
b. ty-la@u-n milJut=NujNy-n, Nanin
1sg.A-see-3sg.P+PF hair=tail+NOM+SG that+NOM+SG
t-akmity-n, t-ivy-n ...
1sg.A-take-3sg.P+PF 1sg.A-say-3sg.P+PF
I saw a hare tail. I took it and said ... [35:9]
c. wutina-ta ina-jyl-i ynny-@yn.
this-ERG 1sg.P-give-3sg.A+PF fish+NOM+SG
This (one) gave me a fish.

112
Some demonstratives may be used as bare roots, without any suffixes. In such cases they
are referred to as demonstrative particles, cf. Nan ‘there’ (particle) – Nanin ‘that’ (pronominal
adjective).
113
In the Dictionary case-number forms of the 1st and 2nd declension are marked with
“human” or “non-human” respectively.

108
 Besides demonstrative adjectives, there are also demonstrative adverbs derived
from the same roots: wutku ‘here’, wutkepyN ‘from here’, Nanyk ‘there’, igynNinak
‘that is why’ and others. In order to express great distance from the speaker and the
hearer the iconic vowel lengthening is used (see 1.3.8.1), for instance, instead of
Nanyk ‘there’ the form NOnyk ‘far over there’ is often used.

2.4.4. Interrogative pronouns

The following two interrogative nouns are used in Alutor: {taq} ‘what’ ( tinga ‘what,
NOM+SG’) and {mik} ‘who’ (migga ‘who, NOM+SG’). They are used very much
like nouns. The pronoun ‘what’ is declined as a word of the 1st declension, and the
pronoun ‘who’ − as a word of the 2nd declension. The pronoun ‘what’ is used not
only in the singular, but also in the plural (cf. taq-uwwi ‘what, NOM+PL’ [17:13]).
Being used predicatively, these pronouns agree with their S-actant (which can
be omitted) in person and number:

(84) mik-igyt?
who-2sg
Who are you? [5:12]

When the pronoun {taq} ‘what’ is used attributively in the underlying structure,
it is obligatorily incorporated; in this case it means ‘what; what kind of’ 114 . Compare:

(85) taq=Nav.@an-igyt?
what=wife-2sg
(It's not important) whose wife you are. [13:10]

A pronoun similar to the adjectival form is found only for the pronoun ‘who’ −
it is the possessive pronoun mik.in(a)- ‘whose’ 115 . It is used like any other
possessive adjective marked with -in(a) and it may be substantivized like any other
pronominal adjective.

114
Cf. the English pronoun what used attributively in phrases like what book?.
115
Actually, there exists an interrogative pronoun derived from the root {taq} by means of
the suffix -in(a), that is the pronoun {taq.in(a)}. However, it is used only to denote the object of
certain verbs of speech such as ‘say, speak (about smth.)’ in an interrogative sentence, cf. taq.in
ynN.ina iv-la-t? ‘What did they say?’ [10:48]

109
 Comment: V etom fajle
okonchatel’nyj vid glavy. Vse
CHAPTER 3. Syntax ispravlenija ubrany. Dlja kontrolja
est’fail KI_SYNT_w91, v
kotorom ispravlenija pokazany.
Esli vozniknet
In this chapter we shall briefly, without any ambitions to completeness, consider neobxodimost’chto-libo izmenit’,
pokazhite mne.
some of the most important topics of clause structure.

3.0. Basic notions

In this study of Alutor syntax we do not use such t r a d i t i o n a l syntactic notions as
subject and object since, in our opinion, their common usage is not congruent with
the internal structure of Alutor and would merely lead to misunderstanding. In this
case it is more advisable to use more neutral notions based on a framework of core
arguments constituting the base of clause syntactic structure (for the grounds of the
opposition “core vs. peripheral arguments” see [Kibrik 1998]).
There is a restricted number of core arguments in a clause. If there is only one
core argument in a clause 116 , the clause (as well as its predicate) is i n t r a n s i t i v e .
This argument is called the S - a r g u m e n t (Sole) irrespective of its semantic role. If
there are two core arguments in a clause, the clause (as well as its predicate) is
t r a n s i t i v e . A transitive clause has an agent-like A - a r g u m e n t (Agentive) and a
patient-like P- a r g u m e n t (Patientive).
In our case, this terminology is preferable because it does not ascribe a
particular syntactic pattern to Alutor clause structure, keeping this fundamental
question open for further investigation, as there is not yet enough data to resolve this
problem.

3.1. Transitivity increase and decrease

Alutor has a strict distinction between transitive and intransitive verbs. T r a n s i t i v e
verbs have two core arguments: an A-argument and a P-argument. The A-argument is

116
In Alutor there are many ambient verbs with a zero S-argument indicating ‘environment
of the event’:
(i) mury-kki wutku lyq.laN-ki a-qajav-ka, agigatka
we-LOC here winter-LOC A-freeze-PRED` very
wyjal.aty-tkyn, kytig.aty-tkyn.
be(of.snowstorm)-IPF wind.blow-IPF
Here it’s cold in winter. There are strong snowstorms and wind. [38:1]
(ii) imjaq Hitu-ru@-i.
already goose-fly.in-3sg.S
Geese have already flown in.

110
marked with the ergative and controls the prefix agreement slot in polypersonal
conjugation; the P-argument is marked with the nominative and controls the suffix
agreement slot in polypersonal conjugation. In monopersonal conjugation agreement
is controlled by the P-argument.
I n t r a n s i t i v e verbs have one core S-argument marked with the nominative
that controls the suffix agreement slot in monopersonal conjugation and both
agreement slots in polypersonal conjugation.
From the point of view of case marking Alutor uses the e r g a t i v e
alignment 117 , unifying the S/P-arguments (with the Absolutive hyperrole) and
opposing them to the A-argument. Monopersonal conjugation is analogous (the
Absolutive is the agreement controller). An interpretation of polypersonal conjugation
is more controversial. Namely, the S-, A- and P-arguments use different sets of
controlled agreement slots: The S-arguments control the prefix as well as suffix slots,
the A-arguments control the prefix slots and the P-arguments control the suffix slots.
Therefore, from the point of view of polypersonal conjugation the t r i p a r t i t e
alignment is realized. From the point of view of the marker's material form, the prefix
markers bring the A- and S-arguments in line with t h e a c c u s a t i v e alignment
(with the Principal hyperrole), opposing them to the P-argument; see 2.1.1.2.
In the suffix slots the sets of S- and P-markers are different, therefore the suffix
slot realizes the tripartite alignment opposing the S/A/P-arguments.
In Alutor there are different means of including a verb's arguments into the set
of core arguments as well as excluding them from the set of core arguments. The first
process is called i n c r e a s e , and the second one d e c r e a s e of their syntactic status.
These processes often take place simultaneously as the status of some argument
increases while the status of another one decreases.
From the point of view of the increase/decrease of the syntactic status, the
nominative position is the most important. This position is always present in a clause
(it can lack material form in the context of ambient verbs or in case of ellipsis). It is
the target of all increasing processes. Therefore, the Absolutive hyperrole can
correspond to different primary semantic roles. In contrast to the nominative position,
the ergative position is stable from the point of view of its role identification: it
merges the agent and experiencer in the Agentive hyperrole. Almost always, it is the
initial position of the government pattern of the respective verb 118 . The only exception

117
For a more detailed discussion of the typology of syntactic constructions and the
corresponding hyperroles see [Kibrik 1997a].
118
This position can be added in the case of causativization, however in this case it is a
derivational process producing a new lexeme rather that a diathesis change.

111
is when an intransitive verb with an agent in the S-position becomes transitive (see
below). In this case the syntactic status of the agent argument decreases. This position
cannot be the target of an increasing process.
Devices that combine increase and decrease are the following: varying
government pattern, antipassivization, incorporation, and causativization (with
preservation of the number of arguments). Autonomous increase of syntactic status
takes place in case of agreement controlled by a dative NP and in case of
causativization of intransitive verbs: in the latter case the verb receives the second
core Agentive position. Let us consider these devices in more detail.

3.1.1. Varying government pattern

Some two-place verbs allow two diatheses — intransitive and transitive. For example,
the verb sgisiv.at- ‘joke’ <smb.: N, on smb.: D>, < smb.: E, on smb.: N>:

(1) a. gymmy ty-sgisivaty-k ynyky-N.

I+NOM 1sg.S=joke-1sg.S+PF he-DAT
I played a joke on him [a=b]

b. gym-nan ty-sgisivaty-n ynnu.

I-ERG 1sg.A=joke-3sg.P he+NOM

In (1a) the only agentive argument, ‘I’, is the core one, while in (1b) both NPs
are the core arguments. In the latter case the goal ‘he’ is included in the number of
core arguments. The government pattern of the verb gala- ‘pass by’ is analogous. In
intransitive usage it has a peripheral place argument:

(2) a. ynnu gala-tkyn gymykka-ten-e.

he+NOM pass.by-IPF+3sg.S I-APUD-PROLAT
He is passing by me.

b. y-nanny gymmy ina-gal-e.

he-ERG I+NOM 1sg.P-pass.by-3sg.S
He has passed by me.

The commonly used verb iv- ‘say’ has two government patterns: <smb.: N, to
smb.: D, smth.: Scompl >; <smb.: E, to smb.: N, smth.: Scompl >:

112
(3) a. qutkinJnJaqu ynny-N iv-i...
Qutkinnaqu+NOM+SG fish-DAT say-3sg.S+PF
Qutkinnaqu said to the fish... [1:11]

b. ...qy-HeNa.v-gy-na [email protected], q-iv-gy-na ...

2.A+OPT-call-2.A+3.P-3pl.P men+NOM+PL 2.A+OPT-say-2.A+3.P-3pl.P
...call the men, tell them. [17:7]

The case marking of arguments in (3b) can be simply worked out with the help of
verbal agreement.

3.1.2. Lability
Labile verbs license one-place as well as two-place government patterns. The first
realizes an intransitive and the latter a transitive usage without the addition of any
markers to the verb. In Alutor both labile schemes are present, A-lability preserving
the agentive argument in both patterns as well as P-lability preserving the patientive
argument.
T h e À - l a b i l i t y results in increase / decrease 119 of the status of the
patientive argument. In the transitive government pattern the patient occupies the
nominative position while in the intransitive pattern the patient is unspecified or is
absent from the government pattern of the verb:

(4) a. gym-nan ty-tivla-tky-n nalgy-n.

I-ERG 1sg.A-beat.with.stick-IPF-3sg.P fell-NOM
I beated a fur skin with a stick.

b. ...gymmy ty-tivla-tkyn.
I-NOM 1sg.S-beat.with.stick-IPF
{LC: Before (I) come into the house,} I beat (my clothing) with a stick.

The following verbs are similar: [email protected] ‘start fishing with a hook, with a
rod’ <smb.: N>, <smb.: E, smth.: N>; alJlJy.tku- ‘remove a superficial layer (peel a
potato, skin a fish, shave a tree, process a skin, scrape)’ <smb.: N>, <smb.: E, smth.:
N>. Interesting in this respect is a certain Alutor verb derived from the interrogative
pronoun taq ‘what’, taq- ‘what to do’ <smb.: N>, < smb.: E, to smb.: N>:

(5) a. qy-taqy-tkyn wasaq!

2sg.S+OPT- what.to.do-IPF sometimes

119
Depending on which government pattern is accepted as the primary one.

113
 Sometimes do something!

b. ...mik-ynak yn-taqy-na?
who-ERG+SG LOW.A+OPT-what.to.do-3pl.P
{LC: Skis are in their own place} . Who will do anything to them? [13:31]

In (5a) the verb has intransitive conjugation, while in (5b) it has transitive
conjugation with an overt ergative A-argument.
P - l a b i l i t y licenses the presence/absence of an Agentive argument in a
government pattern in which the nominative patient of the verb is preserved. For
example the verb tku- is P-labile: ‘be finished’ <smth.: N>; ‘finish, wipe out’ <smb.:
E, smb/smth.: N>’. Derivational relations of the verb ujp- are more complicated: ‘be
cut, be pricked, thrust a splinter (into)’ <smb.: N; with smth.: E>; ‘stick, string’
<smb.: E, smth.: N; in(to) smth: L>.

(6) a. vitatgyrNy-n ku-tkyn.

work-NOM finish-IPF
The work has finished.

b. Nynvy.q tanNy=@irra-n na-tku-lqivy-tky-n

many enemy= troop-NOM+SG LOW.A-finish-LQIV-IPF-3sg.P
ymqa-tyk.
Emqa-ERG+NSG
The Emqas wiped out a great number of enemy parties. [21:4]
Comment: [see dictionary ujp2]
[It is necessary to check the
(7) a. titi-ta t-ujpy-k. identity of the translation in the
dictionary]
needle-ERG 1sg.S-stick-1sg.S
I stuck (myself) with the needle.

b. gym-nan t-ujpy-n utty-@ut nutal.qy-k.

I-ERG 1sg.A-stick-3sg.P stake-NOM+SG earth-LOC
I stuck a stake into the ground [=in the ground].

3.1.3. Antipassive
3.1.3.1. Antipassive syntax
The increase of syntactic status is possible in the context of multi-place verbs because
the single argument of a one-place verb initially occupies the highest position. The
increase is marked with the antipassive marker ina-, identical to the ‘1sg.P’

114
agreement marker (see 2.1.1.2.3) 120 . It most frequently increases the status of the A-
argument of a transitive verb:

(8) a. q-akmity-gy-n sully.

2.A+OPT-take-2.A+3.P-3sg.P salt.NOM
Take salt!

b. gym.nin mytqy-myt aviska,

my+3sg fat-NOM+SG a.lot.of
q-in-akmi.t-gi mytq-a.
2.S+OPT-ANTI-take-2sg.S+PF+OPT fat-ERG
I have much fat, take fat. [11:3]

The transitive agentive verb being antipassivized, the decreased patient is

marked with the ergative 121 . Being antipassivized, the behavior of the experiential
verb changes: the decreased stimulus is marked with the dative:

(9) а. y-nanny tynwylpy-tky-ni-n sAkygit.

he-ERG recognize-IPF-3sg.A+3P-3sg.P sister+NOM+SG
He recognizes the sister. [a=b]

б. ynnu ina-nnywylp.aty-tky-n 122 sAkIty-N.

he+NOM ANTI-recognize-IPF-3sg.S sister-DAT

The antipassive can also mark an increase in the status of a peripheral

argument. Thus, the verb t/n.sem.av- ‘draw nearer’ <smb.: E, smth.: N, to
smb./smth.: D/Lat>, besides the primary diathesis, has a derived one, with an
increasing of the addressee:

(10) a. y-nanny ty.sym.avy-ni-n Hytvy-Hyt argiN-kyN.

he-ERG draw.nearer-3sg.A+3P-3sg.P boat+NOM coast-LAT

120
As claimed above, the general function of this morpheme is to mark an unusual filling of
a specific syntactic position; with this function in mind this marker is called the inversion marker.
121
In Alutor the ergative case syncretically marks a core Agentive argument or a peripheral
argument initially bearing the instrument semantic role or indicating a demoted patient.
122
This verb tends to have the suffix -at added in case of antipassivization.

115
 He drove the boat to the coast.
b. y-nanny argiN inJa-nJsem.avy-tky-ni-n Hytyv-a.
he-ERG coast+NOM ANTI- draw.nearer-IPF-3sg.A+3P-3sg.P boat-ERG
He drives the boat to the coast.

In this way, the antipassive is not obligatorily followed by a decrease in

transitivity; see (10b).
In Alutor there are verbs that are always accompanied by the ina- marker, for
example, in.emy- ‘scoop, draw’ (etymologically bound with the intransitive verb
emy- ‘go for water’). This verb has three arguments (agent, patient, and instrument),
optionally complemented by benefactive. The interpretation is possible that in
primary diathesis there is no argument that fills the highest position, therefore the
location of any argument in this position is marked with the inversion marker:

(11) a. ynnu in.emy-tky-n miml-a eminaN-a

he+NOM ANTI.draw.out-3sg.S water-ERG scoop-ERG
tumgy-N.
neighbour- DAT
He is drawing out water with the scoop to (his) neighbour. [a=b=c]

b. y-nanny tumgy-tum in.emy-tky-ni-n

he-ERG neighbour-NOM ANTI. draw.out-IPF-3sg.A+3P-3sg.P
miml-a eminaN-a.
water- ERG scoop-ERG
c. y-nanny eminaN in.emy-tky-ni-n
he-ERG scoop+NOM ANTI. draw.out-3sg.A+3P -IPF-3sg.P
miml-a tumgy-N.
water-ERG neighbour-DAT

3.1.3.2. Semantics of the antipassive

In a number of cases the use of the antipassive is motivated by the
c o m m u n i c a t i v e s t r u c t u r e of an utterance, namely by the need of the speaker
to focus attention on an argument occupying a non-central position in the verbal
government pattern or, conversely, to remove an argument from a pragmatically
salient position. Thus in the following examples the use of the antipassive is
motivated by the need to remove the patient from the utterance:

116
(12) a. ...ina-tg.aty-tkyn tatulJ-pilJ sasusaNawyt.
ANTI-dig-IPF fox-DIMIN+NOM+SG Sasusangawet
{LC: Later she saw, not far away} a vixen (named) Sasusangawet {=“fox-
woman”}(who) was digging. [11:2]

b. ynNin ynpyNav qiwwa.N ina-ly@u-tkyn.

this old.woman.NOM badly ANTI-see-IPF
This old woman sees badly.

At the same time, it is important to note that in Alutor there are s y n t a c t i c contexts
favoring the antipassive. Thus in a relative clause the deleted coreferential NP should
be marked with the nominative. If in a primary diathesis this NP is marked with an
oblique case, antipassivization is necessary:

(13) ...to ikav Nan.in t.ilu-l@aty-tky-ni-n

and also that+3sg shake.up-ITER-IPF-3sg.A+3P-3sg.P
tanJNy-nJaqu Hal-a ina-n.pynkyt.al...
enemy-AUGM+NOM+SG axe-ERG ANTI-thrust.in
{LC: And thus he attacked the enemy,} swinging the warrior [=enemy], in (whom) he had
got (his) axe stuck, {RC: because it was impossible to take it out} [21:19]

(14) to naqam gym.nina tumg-uwwi qynut maN.ina

and only my+3sg friend-NOM+PL that
which+3pl
Nytu.gyrNy-k ina-nJnJu-l@-u...
entrance-LOC ANTI-watch-ATR-NOM+PL
Only my friends, those who were watching over the exit, {RC: they ended up spearing each
other.} [21:108]

In (13) the verb t/n.pynkyt.at- is the causative from the verb pynkyt- ‘get
stuck’, it has the government pattern <smb.: E; smth.: N; in smth.: L>. In the primary
structure of the relative clause the coreferential NP ‘enemy’ takes the locative form,
therefore antipassivization takes place. In (14) the relativized NP ‘friends’ is marked
in its primary diathesis with the ergative, so the antipassive is used.
The usage of the antipassive has not been exhaustively investigated. It is
relatively rare in the texts, however the tendency for the syntactic usage of the
nominative is attested, i.e. the tendency towards syntactic ergativity in Alutor; see
[Kibrik 1979].

117
3.1.4. Incorporation
3.1.4.1. Syntax of incorporation
Syntactically incorporation can be described as a process resulting in some
constituent (t a r g e t o f i n c o r p o r a t i o n ) being deprived of its independent
syntactic position and being included in the stem of a word that immediately governs
it (g o a l o f i n c o r p o r a t i o n ). Incorporation does not obligatorily entail the
change of the argument structure, its functions are more general, therefore in this
section it is reasonable to consider this process from the point of view of its syntactic
potential in general.
The goal of incorporation can be the head of a VP (the verb) or of a NP (the
noun). As a result v e r b a l and n o m i n a l compounds 123 appear. Any modifiers of
VPs and NPs can be the targets of incorporation. They can belong to different word
classes.
The types of targets will be considered separately for VPs and NPs.

3.1.4.1.1. VP incorporation
Incorporation of the P-argument is most widespread. In this case the verb usually
becomes intransitive, while its initial A-argument becomes the S-argument:

(15) a. am-mis@a-s@y-n it@y-n

SUPERL-beautiful-SUPERL-NOM+SG fur.coat-NOM+SG
g-epy-lin to ra=kamlil-la-tky-t.
RES-put.on-RES+3sg.P and house=go.around-PLUR-IPF-3nsg.S+IPF
They were dressed in the most beautiful fur coats and were going around the house.
[6:9]

b. keNy-n ga-tylly=n.waNtal-lin Nan.in=Hujamtawil@y-N.

bear-NOM+SG RES-door=open-RES+3sg.S that=man-DAT
The bear opened the door of the person's (house) [= to that person]. [12:1]

In (15a) the transitive verb ‘go around’ becomes intransitive and agrees in non-
singular with the contextually retrievable S-argument ‘dogs’. In (15b) there is an
overt S-argument keNyn ‘bear’ of the intransitivized verb ‘open’. The benefactive
preserves its marking as a peripheral argument. However, it is not obligatory. In the
context of patient incorporation a benefactive can be promoted to the nominative
position, transitivity of the verb being preserved:

123
Such insight on incorporation is widely presented in the works on Chukotko-Kamchatkan
languages, cf. [Skorik 1948; 1977; Zhukova 1953; 1972; Muravyova 1989b; 1990b].

118
(16) mitE, qy-milgy=nna-gy-na Navy.sq.e.
Miti+NOM+SG 2.A+OPT-fire=carry.out-2.A+3.P-3pl.P girl+NOM+PL
Miti, carry out the fire for the girls. [8:62]

The S-argument can be incorporated as well. In this case a peripheral argument

fills the vacated position:

(17) Horo ga-winv=ir-lin...

after.that RES-path=come.across-RES+3sg.S
{LC: ... once there lived their great grandfather, he went to the tundra to take a walk.}
After that he came across a path ... [24:2]

The verb ir- ‘hit accidentally; come across’ is a two-place intransitive predicate:
<smb./smth.: N, smth.: L>. Under incorporation of the initial S-argument the vacated
position is filled by a contextually retrieved locative argument (‘great-grandfather’).
Incorporation is a widespread process in the case when an S/P-argument is a
possessive NP. In this case the head of such a NP is incorporated, the possessor being
raised:

(18) a. ...na-nanqy=rra-tky-na Nav.@an-u qylavul-y(tyk) ...

LOW.A-belly=cut.open-IPF-3pl.P wife-NOM+PL husband-(ERG+NSG)
{LC: They prepared to give birth to a child, and when labour pain occurred,} (here) the
husbands cut open (their) wive's bellies... [15:2]

b. to Horo ga-qmi=tku-laN...
and after.that RES-arrow=finish-RES+3pl.S
But then they ran out of (their) arrows [=they arrow-finished], {RC: and then they
began to fight with spears.} [21:13]

In (18a) an initially transitive (with the P-target), while in (18b) an initially

intransitive verb (with the S-target) is presented.
Peripheral arguments, as well as core arguments can be incorporated:

(19) a. to vitga ymqa-wwi ga-wyjwy=Ntu-laN...

and at.once Emqa-NOM+PL RES-fortress=go.out-RES+3pl.S
And then and there the Emqas went out from the fortress {RC: and went to the local
tundra, ...} [21:11]

119
 b. ... ga-la@u-lin syge=pitqy-lJ@y-n.
RES-see-RES+3sg.P sand=hide-ATR-NOM+SG
{LC: In the morning people woke up, and} found (the man) hidden in the sands.
[18:19]

A verb can incorporate an adverb as well as a verb (one-word subordinate

clause):

(20) a. ...to inmy=vi@-i.

and falsely=die-3sg.S+PF
{LC: Qutkinnaqu saw his wife} and pretended (that) he was dead [=and falsely died].
[2:31]

b. amys qun, qy-viHy=tawaNy-nat...

well-then well 2.S+OPT-die=try-3du.P
And well then, test them (to see if they are) dead, {RC: cut the lip of one, begin from
the elder.} [20:39]

In (20a) the adverb ‘falsely’ is incorporated, in (20b) it is a one-word

subordinate clause ‘test them to see S[if they are dead]S’.

3.1.4.1.2. NP incorporation
The head noun of a NP as the goal of incorporation can be marked with the
nominative or an oblique case. In case of a head noun in the nominative incorporation
is optional, while in case of a head noun in an oblique case incorporation is obligatory
(in other words, noun phrases marked with an oblique case cannot have free
modifiers).
Different head noun modifiers can be the targets of NP incorporation. First,
adjectives, determiners, and numerals can be the targets of incorporation.

(21) a. Nan meNy=kuka-k q-iw@isi-gi.

over.there big=pot-LOC 2.S+OPT-drink.water-2sg.S+PF+OPT
Drink from the big pot over there. [3:3]

b. qutkinJnJaqu Nan=HytHyjula-k pytq.at-i.

Qutkinnaqu+NOM+SG that=remote.place-LOC fall-3sg.S+PF
Qutkinnaqu fell (into the sea) in that remote place. [4:18]

c. Nyru.n=nym.jyr@y-N myn-@y-ju@y-na
three=village-ADV 1nsg.A+CONJ-CONJ-reach-3pl.P
HytHy.mty.l@-u...

120
 Karaga.person-NOM+PL
If only (our) three villages could overtake the Karaga people... [19:6]

Second, nouns modifying the head noun can be incorporated, irrespective of a

semantic relation joining the head noun with its modifier.

(22) a. qutkinJnJaqu Nyvo-j gyralJlJa.mjaty-k

Qutkinnaqu+NOM+SG begin-3sg.S+PF vomit-INF
milJut=tyrg-a, ro=tyrg-a to as@y=tilq-a.
hare=meat-ERG ptarmigan=meat-ERG and fat=mash-ERG
Qutkinnaqu began to vomit hare's meat, ptarmigan's meat and greasy mash. [2:33]

b. to tu-ni-n miti-nak rytty=kuka-Na.

and eat-3sg.A+3P-3sg.P Miti-ERG+SG cloudberry=pot-NOM+SG
And Miti ate the pot of cloudberries. [7:3]
c. ... ga-ju@y-lqiv-lin viHe=rara-Na.
RES-reach-LQIV-RES+3sg.P grass=house-NOM+SG
...they arrived at a grass house. [6:16]

In (22a) the first two incorporated compounds include the meaning of

unalienable possession, the third includes the meaning of associatedness (‘mash with
fat’); in (22b) the meaning of measure is represented (‘the pot of cloudberries’), (22c)
exemplifies the meaning of material (‘grass house’).
Third, a sentential modifier can be incorporated:

(23) toli=pujgy-n gynyky-N qy-pry-sqiv-gy-n.

roast=stick-NOM+SG you-DAT 2.A+OPT-tear.off-go-2.A+3.P-3sg.P
…tear off for yourself a stick for roasting. [9:15]

In (23) the verb representing a one-word subordinate clause indicating function

(‘stick for roasting’) is incorporated. A relative clause reduced with the help of
incorporation is shown in (24):

(24) Nan(.ina) [email protected]=@utty-k na-n.illity-tky-ni-na...

that+NOM+PL walk.in.a.mask=stick-LOC LOW.A-hang-IPF-3sg.A+3P-3pl.P
They hang those (things) on the sticks that they walk in masks with ... [28:7]

3.1.4.2. Semantics of incorporation

Incorporation is a device that simplifies the syntactic structure of a clause. It

121
decreases the syntactic rank of constituents that are out of the scope of assertion and,
more generally, beyond the focus of attention 124 . If incorporation affects the
constituent that occupies a prestigious position in a clause, it opens the possibility of
raising the status of another constituent occupying a peripheral position in the initial
structure.
Along with this, it is possible to confirm the usage of incorporation for the
purpose of overcoming syntactic restrictions over syntactic structure. For example, -
l@- participles form reduced relative clauses whose nominative argument is
coreferential with the head NP. With respect to this restriction it is sometimes
necessary to free the nominative position, incorporating the P-argument of a transitive
verb:

(25) y.ninny unJunJu qur=etaty-l@-u ity-tkyn.

his/her+3sg child+NOM+SG reindeer=drive-ATR-EQUAT be-IPF
{LC: Patat used him as a worker, and} his son was a reindeer drover. [16:11]

To illustrate the functions of incorporation, consider the following example:

(26) g-akmi.l-lin rynny=Hal to

RES-take-RES+3sg.P horn=axe+NOM+SG and
ga-lJHinJnJy=svi-l(in) ynki naqam milJgy=ttu-l@aty-l@y-n.
RES-neck=cut-RES+3sg.S here at.once fire=blow-ITER-ATR-NOM+SG
(The man) took a horn axe and instantly cut off the head [=cut the neck] of the one
(who was) blowing fire. [18:11]

In (26) there are three incorporation compounds. The expression rynny=Hal

‘horn axe’ is idiomatic, it refers to an artifact. The compound galJHinJnJy=svil(in) ‘cut
the neck’ allows to heighten the status of the possessor, expressed by the
substantivized participle milJgy=ttul@atyl@yn ‘the one who was blowing fire’. Note
that incorporated P-argument of the verb ‘blow’ allows to form this type of participle
referring to the performer of the action.

3.1.5. Causativization
Causativization is a standard means of adding an agentive argument to a verb's
semantic valence. In this case an intransitive verb becomes transitive. In Alutor this

124
For details see [Muravyova 1990b].

122
type of causative derivation is a very productive means of increasing transitivity.
Besides this, a causative derivate can heighten the status of a peripheral argument
without adding a new argument. For example, the intransitive verb ‘walk around’
<smb.: N, smth.: L> becomes transitive under causativization, cf.:

(27) a. gymmy ty-kamlily-k rara-k.

I+NOM 1sg.S-walk.around-1sg.S house-LOC
I walked around the house. [a=b]

b. gym-nan ty-n.kamlil.avy-n rara-Na.

I-ERG 1sg.A-walk.around-3sg.P house-NOM+SG

In (27b) the causative verb re-interprets the initial peripheral argument ‘house’
as the Absolutive. Initial S-argument receives an iconic agentive marking in the
ergative case.
3.1.6. Dative agreement
Transitive verbs usually agree with A- and P-arguments. However a personal
recipient/addressee of a three-place verb can “usurp” control over the P-marker:

(28) aktyka my-jyl-gyt java-l@-uwwi ...

impossible 1sg.A+OPT-give-2sg.P use-ATR-NOM+PL
I can't give you (my) clothes [=those I'm using]. {RC: Later my husband will come, and
I will give you the clothes on the sledge.} [7:34]

The P-argument javal@uwwi ‘used’ preserves its nominative marking, however

the verb agrees with the recipient ‘to you’. In such clauses the properties of a P-
argument are distributed between the patient (case) and recipient (agreement).

3.2. Word order

Alutor has free word order. It is often difficult to claim which order is basic.
Discontinuous constituents are also possible.

3.2.1. Word order in a predicate-argument structure

In verbal clauses the most frequent word order structures are SVO and VSO:

(29) a. tita·qa qutkinJnJaqu-nak maN.ki·@ana

one.day Qutkinnaqu-ERG+SG somewhere

123
 ga-la@u-lin ynny-@yn.
RES-see-RES+3sg.P fish-NOM+SG
One day Qutkinnaqu found [=saw] a fish somewhere. [1:2]

b. ga-nvy-lin qutkinJnJaqu-nak tylgy-lNyn

RES-poke-RES+3sg.P Qutkinnaqu-ERG+SG finger-NOM+SG
Nan.tiN...
there...
Qutkinnaqu poked it (with his) finger {RC: and suddenly shouted.}. [1:8]

In nominal clauses with adjectival predicates 125 both word order structures —
SV and VS — are possible:

(30) a. myri mur-i ga-qe.takalN-a ny-katgu-muri.

because we-NOM+DU COMIT-brother-COMIT ADJ-strong-1du
(This is) because my brother and I are strong. [23:37]

b. ...inmy, ny-qi-qin Nut.gyrNy-n ...

true ADJ-thick-ADJ+3sg ice-NOM+SG
Well, the layer of ice (was) thick {RC: but it began to break like paper.} [16:17]

The word order in clauses with nominal predicates also varies.

(31) a. gytka-w asgi naqam Hym.jyr@-u.

leg-NOM+PL now well pounded.bone-NOM+PL
(Our) legs are now (like) pounded bones. [34:5]

b. myri jewas.gyrN-u jena-l@-u

because poor.fellow-NOM+PL go.out.to.meet-ATR-NOM+PL
unJunJu-wwi.
child-NOM+PL
(It was) because (I) was sorry for the children (who) came out to meet me [=It was
because the meeting children (were) poor]. [10:31]

In (31a) the word order is SV, while in (31b) VS.

3.2.2. Word order in noun phrases

A modifier can precede as well as follow the NP head.

125
As mentioned in 3.3.3, the adjective in these clauses is in fact substantivized.

124
(32) a. ga-jun.aty-lqiv kuuty-k ny-katgu-qin Hujamtawil@y-n.
RES-live-LQIV Кuut-LOC ADJ-strong-ADJ+3sg person-NOM+SG
(There was) a strong person {i.e. Emqa} (who) lived on (the island) Kuut. [21:1]

b. Navy.sNy-n ny-tur-qin...
woman-NOM+SG ADJ-young-ADJ+3sg
A young woman {RC: prepared to give birth to a child and cried in the tundra.} [15:3]

Moreover, discontinuous NPs are also permissible:

(33) a. y-nanny Nita.q mata-ni-nat Nav.@an-ti...

(s)he-ERG two marry-3sg.A+3P-3du.P wife-NOM+DU
He married two wives... [8:70]

b. ilir=wajamy-k y.ninny g-ity-lqiv-lin

Ilir=river-LOC his/her+3sg RES-be-LQIV-RES+3sg.S
ny-mal-qin ynnyqlak qura.ra.mky-n.
ADJ-good-ADJ+3sg acquaintance+NOM+SG Lamut.person-NOM+SG
On the Ilir river he had a good Lamut aquaitance. [22:91]

c. ...y.ninny maN.ki ypy-tkyn ujisv.at-kin

his/her+3sg where be.attached-IPF play-REL+3sg
n-iwly-qin para-lNyn...
ADJ-long-ADJ+3sg pole-NOM+SG
{LC: Pinginang came home and} his playing high pole was there... [21:92]

An appositive construction can also be discontinuous:

(34) a. tyNakjav-ynak yllaNi

Tengakyav-ERG+SG younger.brother+NOM+SG
ga-nNiv-lin, mulJlJitkaN...
RES-send-RES+3sg.P Mullitkang+NOM+SG
Tengakyav sent his younger brother, Mullitkang... [22:54]
b. to amyn.Na ynpy.qlavul g-awwav-lin
and also old.man+NOM+SG RES-leave-RES+3sg.S
juNju-N Nyr@ygyrNy-n.
whale-DAT Ngeregerngen-NOM+SG
And the old man Ngeregerngen also came for the whale. [23:10]

125
3.2.3. The Sentence
The order of the main and subordinate clauses is not fixed. Besides, the embedding of
parts of the subordinate clause into the main clause is possible:

(35) numal·nim ally maN.ki itgyp.at-ka

again not where be.known-PRED`
g-ity-lqiv-lin Nan.in qura.ra.mky-n.
RES-be-LQIV-RES+3sg.S that+3sg Lamut.person-NOM+SG
(And) later nothing was known about the Lamut [=where the Lamut was]. [22:93]

3.3. Clauses with nominal predicates

Usually there is a distinction between existential, taxonomic, characterizing, and
identificational nominal clauses. In Alutor existential clauses are opposed to all other
types of nominal clauses.

3.3.1. Status of existential clauses

Alutor existential clauses are not in the strict sense nominal. They have the verb it-
‘be, be found’ governing the nominative S-argument.

(36) a. to ymqa-nin [email protected]

and Emqa-POSS.SG+3sg male.cousin-NOM+SG
g-ity-lqiv-lin...
RES-be-LQIV-RES+3sg.S
...And Emqa had a male cousin ... [21:3]

b. wajyn sytulJy-lJqy-k kus.inaN ity-tkyn.

here table-SUPER-LOC spoon+NOM+SG be-IPF
There is a spoon on the table. [35:17]

Since in nominal clauses this type of verb is not used as an auxiliary (see
below), there are grounds to consider existential clauses verbal.

3.3.2. Taxonomic clauses

Taxonomic clauses indicating the membership of a nominal argument in a class of
objects have two main patterns. T h e f i r s t , most natural pattern is a combination of
two adjacent NPs, one of them being the S-argument, and the other the predicate:

(37) a. qutawwyjNy-nin qetakalNy-n HaqaniNvit

[Qutawweyngen-POSS.SG+3sg brother-NOM+SG Aqaningvit+NOM+SG]

126
 qajylJHinny-kin.
[Qayelinne-REL+3sg]
{LC: Once there lived an old man from Alut {the village Alutorka} called
Qutawweyngen and his wife Kemlingawet.} (And) Qutawweyngen's brother
Aqaningvit, (was) from Qayelinnen {the village Khayilino}. [30:2]

b. tur.gin sinin.kin qetakalNy-n HaqaniNvit.

[your+3sg one's.own+3sg brother-NOM+SG] [Aqaningvit+NOM+SG]
Aqaningvit is your own brother. [30:16]

In (37a) the order of NPs is SV, in (37b) it is inversed: VS. The nominal
argument can be expressed as a demonstrative/deictic pronoun wuttin ‘this’:

(38) wutt.in kysim=@ujpy-lNyn, wutt.in lyla=@ujpy-lNyn,

[[this+3sg] [kidney=stick-NOM+SG]] [[this+3sg] [eye=stick-NOM+SG]]
wutt.in punta=@ujpy-lNyn.
[[this+3sg] [liver=stick-NOM+SG]]
{LC: She went out for a stick for roasting:} This is a stick for the kidney. This is a stick
for the eyes. This is a stick for the liver. [14:13]

The head of a predicate NP is marked with the predicative form of a noun (see
2.3.2), namely the overt personal markers controlled by 1st/2nd person S-arguments:

(39) tita-kin-egym gymmy(N) gy.nin-egym Nav.akk-egym.

when-REL-1sg I+NOM your+1sg daughter-1sg
Once I was your daughter. [6:33]

In the predicate NP titakin-egym gy.nin-egym Navakk-egym ‘your once upon

a time daughter’ its head Navakk-egym, as well as modifiers agree in person-number
with the S-argument.
T h e s e c o n d pattern uses the verb it- that has in this context the meaning
‘be, serve as’ <smb.: N, as smb.: Eq>. This verb is compatible with the values of all
verbal categories in accordance with the semantics of the clause. In the predicate
position the noun is marked with the equative:

(40) a. jaqqy ynnu a-lJylJa-ki-nu n-it-qin.

well (s)he+NOM A-eye-CARIT-EQUAT ADJ`-be-ADJ`+3sg
Actually she was blind. [35:10]

127
 b. y.ninny unJunJu qur=etaty-l@-u ity-tkyn.
his/her+3sg child+NOM+SG reindeer=drive-ATR-EQUAT be-IPF
...his son was a reindeer drover. [16:11]

c. ...aNaNy.l@-u t-ity-lqi.
shaman-EQUAT POT-be-LQIV+PF
{LC: If you step over me along the waist,} you will become a shaman. [24:12]

In (40a) the predicate position is occupied by a substantivized caritive adjective,

in (40b) by a substantivized participle, and in (40c) by a noun 126 .

3.3.3. Characterizing clauses

Characterizing clauses add individual properties to the noun's referent. In the
predicate position the use of adjectives is the most natural.

(41) a. kali.l@y=kulta-lNyn ny-Humry-qin, ally a-sim.av-kyl@in.

eared.seal=skin-NOM+SG ADJ-strong-ADJ+3sg not A-tear.out-NEG+3sg
Eared-seal skins are strong. They don't tear out. [27:8]

b. tyrup=tyrgy-tyr n-alJlJo-qin,
Teruppe=meat-NOM+SG ADJ-sweet-ADJ+3sg
num kiwyl n-alJlJo-qin.
again blood+NOM+SG ADJ-sweet-ADJ+3sg
Teruppe's meat (was) sweet. (Its) blood (was) also sweet. [10:3]

However, in the predicate position a noun modified by an adjective bearing the

main characterization function is also possible:

(42) patat=gytgy-n — ny-meNy-qin gytgy-n.

Patat=lake-NOM+SG ADJ-big-ADJ+3sg lake-NOM+SG
Lake Patat is a big lake. [16:1]

Such clauses confirm that if a generic noun is missing (see examples (41a-b)),
the adjective is substantivized.
In the predicate position an adjective can be complicated by the degree marker
or marked as the caritive or predicative:

(43) a. tinmyla-l@y-n qutawwyjNy-n...

deceive-MAGN-NOM+SG Qutawweyngen-NOM+SG

126
This noun historically goes back to a participle as well.

128
 Qutawweyngen is a deceiver... [30:35]

b. to ynN.ina-wwi kys=sul.aty-l@-uwwi aNe

and this-3pl strong=salt-ATR-NOM+PL very
a-kty-ka-wwi ...
A-strong-PRED-3pl
And these abundantly-salted (fish) are very strong... [33:30]

c. ally mur-u a-kujNy-kyl@y-muru.

not we-NOM+PL A-mug-CARIT-1pl
We don't have a mug.. [4:21]

Pronominal S-arguments can be absent since personal markers on the predicate

are present:

(44) ny-mraj-igyt Hujamtawil@-igyt, mal=jun.at.gyrNy-l@-igyt ...

ADJ-successful-2sg person-2sg good=life-ATR-2sg
You are a successful person, your life is good... [24:7]

Analytical forms can be used if a qualitative description of the S-argument

refers to the past or future only:

(45) a. Nany.k gymmy nJy-mq-igym n-it-igym ...

then I+NOM ADJ-small-1sg ADJ`-be-1sg
Then I was (still) a child... [29:5]

b. mitiv ojiv ny-mal-qin gargyn.in

tomorrow you.know ADJ-good-ADJ+3sg weather+NOM+SG
t-ity-N...
POT-be-POT
Tomorrow will be good weather. ... [29:52]

Habitual processes can be expressed as a nominal clause:

(46) ally tita a-Hanqa.v-kyl@in jajary.tku-k

not when A-stop-NEG+3sg play.the.drum-INF
kylJlJylJqitgynaqu.
Kellelqitgenaqu
Kellelqitgenaqu was always playing the drum [=never stopped playing the drum]. [8:2]

129
3.3.4. Identification clauses
Identification clauses have the same structure as other nominal clauses: they consist
of two adjacent NPs being in a relation of referential identity. The auxiliary verb it-
‘be, be found’ marked with the resultative can also be used:

(47) a. waj-@ynnul-egym qun gymmy ...

here-the.same-1sg well I+NOM
Look, I am the very one... [8:52]

b. to Nan.iny-n nynni g-ity-lqiv-lin

and that-POSS.SG+3sg name+NOM+SG RES-be-LQIV-RES+3sg.S
ynpy.qlavul-in tanutaN.
old.man-POSS+3sg Tanutang+NOM+SG
And the name of that old man was Tanutang. [24:14]

In (47b) the first NP is discontinued by the verb gitylqivlin.

3.4. Relative clause

In Alutor there are two main means of a relative clause formation — with the help of
the participle construction or the finite subordinate clause.

3.4.1. Participle strategy

The -l@- participle marks the head of a relative clause if both coreferential NPs are
marked with the nominative. The dependent NP can be omitted or reduced to a
relative pronoun maNin/maNki ‘which/where’ often combined with the correlative
pronoun qynut ‘as/such/there’ 127 .

(48) a. ...ga-Nvu-lin akin·@at qenavy-k piNinaN,

RES-begin-RES+3sg.P already shoot-INF Pinginang+NOM+SG
para-lqy-k ity-l@y-n.
[pole-SUPER-LOC be-ATR-NOM+SG] 128
{LC: And the enemies came and} at once began to shoot at Pinginang standing on the
top of the pole. [21:100]

b. to naqam gym.nina tumg-uwwi

and only my+3sg friend-NOM+PL

127
This word is also used in comparative constructions.
128
Square brackets in the interlinear translation line mark the boundaries of a relative clause.

130
 qynut maN.ina Nytu.gyrNy-k ina-nJnJu-l@-u ...
[that which+3pl entrance-LOC ANTI-watch-ATR-NOM+PL]
Only my friends, those who were watching over the exit, {RC: they ended up spearing
each other.} [21:108]

In (48b) the relative clause has a transitive verb, so antipassivization is

necessary to promote the coreferential A-argument into the nominative position.
In the main clause a full NP can be expanded by the demonstrative pronoun
Nanin ‘that’:

(49) to vitga qynut maN.ina ina-nnJu-l@-uwwi

and at.once [how which+3sg ANTI-watch-ATR-NOM+PL
tynu.gyrNy-k to Nan.ina Hopty.lJ.u
chimney-LOC] and that+NOM+SG all
ga-wa.lqiv-laNin ...
RES-run.away-RES+3pl.S
{LC: After that Saseveng jumped out} and at once those who were watching at the
chimney, (also) all ran out... [22:84]

When the relative clause is in preposition, the following main clause often has
the conjunction to ‘and’; see (49).
The full coreferential NP can be found in the subordinate clause, the main
clause containing the correlative pronoun Nanin :

(50) …gargyn ryltil-ly@-uwwi Hujamtawil@-uwwi

outside lie-ATR-NOM+PL person-NOM+PL
tymy-tku-l@-uwwi Nan.ina-wwi ga-Nvu-laN
kill-DISTR-ATR-NOM+PL that-3pl RES-begin-RES+3pl.S
mimly-N gytgy-N s.iNsy-tku-k Nynvy.n=Hylwyti.N.
water-DAT lake-DAT throw.away-DISTR-INF for.many=days
...for many days threw [those] the exterminated people lying outside into the water, into
the lake. [19:72]

This type of participial construction has the target of relativization in the main
clause; compare the similar structure of the finite relative clause (3.4.2.2).

3.4.2. Finite strategy

In this case the predicate position of a relative clause is filled by a finite verb. Various
strategies are possible for marking the coreferential NPs in the main and subordinate

131
clauses. The main as well as the dependent NP can be the target of relativization.

3.4.2.1. The target of relativization in subordinate clauses

Replacement of a dependent NP by the relative pronoun ‘which, where’, often
accompanied by the word qynut, is most common. 129

(51) a. ...y.ninny semy.kina-w qe.tumg-u, qynut maN.ina

his/her+3sg close-3pl relative-NOM+PL [such which+3pl
y.nina g-ity-lqiv-laN [email protected] to
his/her+3pl RES-be-LQIV-RES+3pl.S male.cousin-EQUAT and
yllyvju.tumg-u.
nephew-EQUAT]
{LC: And at once Rennengalpelen began to gather} his own close relatives, those who
were his cousins and nephews. [20:55]

b. ...jaqqy·s@am maja qynut yt.gin ny-meNy-qin

there.and.then where how their+3sg ADJ-big-ADJ+3sg
jyrry.lJu-n piNpiN-a [email protected]
copper.pot-NOM+SG ashes-ERG RES-completely-fill-RES+3sg.P
milgy-k semy.k ga-n.tyva.l-lin Nan.in
fire-LOC close RES-put-RES+3sg.P that+3sg
piNpiN-in kuka-jyr@y-nJaq...
gunpowder-POSS+3sg pot-contents-AUGM+NOM+SG
{LC: Aqarelen finished making a rescue hole for himself, and at once} put the
gunpowder pot (there) where they (usually) fill their big copper pot with ashes, closer to
Comment: This word has two
the fire... [22:86] meanings: ashes and gunpowder,
by this reason this sentence was
wrongly translated in Russian
If the main NP does not have autonomous reference, i.e. is unspecified, it is edition! Check this sentence in
TEXTS.
usually expressed by a (correlative) demonstrative pronoun such as ‘that/there’.

(52) a. qynut tur.gina [email protected] mik-ytyk

[how your+3pl male.cousin-NOM+PL who-ERG+NSG
na-nmy-tku-na, ima Nan.in a-ta.n.vitgy.N-ka
LOW.A-kill-DISTR-3pl.P] (part.) that+NOM+SG A-investigate-PRED`

129
The main NP can be accompanied by the correlative pronoun ‘that/there’.

132
 t-il-la-tkyni-tki turgy-nan.
POT-be-PLUR-IPF-2nsg.A+3.P you-ERG
{LC: and you have another big concern;} you should sort things out with those who
killed your cousins. [22:73]

b. ...ipa qynut maN.in ra.p.julgy-n yt.gin,

[(part.) that which+3sg site.of.a.house-NOM+SG their+3sg]
to Nan.in ally tinga a-pasus.at-ka
and that+NOM+SG not what A-remain-PRED`
g-il-lin.
RES-be-RES+3sg.S
{LC: And their house was blown up; it was scattered far away all in pieces,} and nothing
was left in place of their house [= and that what was in place of their house didn't
remain]. [22:89]

c. maqym Hit-e Nan.tiN maN.ki

arrow+NOM+SG run.after-3sg.S+PF there [where
ylla g-ulgyv-lin.
mother+NOM+SG RES-bury-RES+3sg.P]
The arrow flew to where Mother was buried. [7:51]

It is also possible to have a headless relative clause without a correlative

pronoun in the main clause:

(53) a. maN.in quty-tkyn, akmi.ty-tky-n wil.lawyt ...

[which+NOM+SG stand.up-IPF] take-IPF-3sg.P sour.head+NOM+SG
Any (Karaga person) who stands up, takes a sour head {RC: and pulls its lower jaw to
full length.} [17:18]

b. g-awwav-lin kyNav.sity-nvyN, qynut maN.ki

RES-leave-RES+3sg.S fight-SUP [there where
u@al-la-tky-t lygyrN-uwwi Nyru.rgara
wait-PLUR-IPF-3nsg.S+IPF Legerngen-NOM+PL three.together
qe.takalNy-jyr@-u.
brother-NOM+PL]
{LC: And then Saseveng began to prepare and hanged a big knife with a sheath on his
side and} set out to fight where Legerngen's three brothers were waiting (for him).
[22:34]

Full reduction of a dependent NP is also possible. In this case there are no

133
material markers of a relative clause 130 :

(54) [email protected] ynN.ina

LOW.A-walk.in.a.mask-LQIV-IPF-3pl.P this+NOM+PL
na-waNla-lqivy-tky-na.
[LOW.A-beg-LQIV-IPF-3pl.P]
{LC: When\ they come to some nomad camp, they hang these toys, or guns, and} walk
in masks (around) those (who) beg (for them). [28:5]

In (54) the head NP ynN.ina ‘these’ is marked with the nominative and is
governed by the transitive verb ‘walk in wooden masks around smb.’, wereas a
deleted coreferential dependent NP would be expected to bear the ergative.

3.4.2.2. Target of relativization in the main clause

Reduction of the main NP is indicated by the correlative pronoun Nanin ‘that’, the
dependent NP being full and accompanied by a relative pronoun (often with the word
qynut):

(55) qynut maN.ina-wwi tumg-a ga-n.iNly-lqiv-laN

[how which-NOM+PL friend-ERG RES-throw-LQIV-RES+3pl.P
am-yngam-uwwi juNju-t@ul-uwwi, to
only-worm-NOM+PL whale-piece-NOM+PL] and
Nan.ina-wwi Hatav walat ga-Nvu-laNin ytgy-nan
that-NOM+PL just at.least RES-begin-RES+3pl.P they-ERG
[email protected].
pick.up-INF
...they began to pick up those pieces of worm-eaten whale, which the others had thrown
away. [23:49]

Full reduction of the head NP is also possible. It is remarkable that in the

following example the coreferential dependent NP is in the double embedded
subordinate clause:

(56) wyjin·@ak q-awwav-la-tyk maN.in

for.the.time.being 2.S+OPT-leave-PLUR-2nsg.S [which+3sg

130
This case is similar to clause union (see 4.5).

134
 turgy-nan ligi lyN-la-tkyni-tki nuta.lJqy-n
you-ERG know know-PLUR-IPF-2nsg.A+3.P [land-NOM+SG
ny-mal-qin kyNav.sity.nv-u java-k,
ADJ-good-ADJ+3sg place.for.wrestling-EQUAT use-INF]]
to Nany.k q-u@al-la-tyk gymyky-N.
and there 2.S+OPT-wait-PLUR-2nsg.S I-DAT
...(and) for the moment go to the place, which you know (as) a good place for fighting,
and there wait for me. [22:33]

Initially inside the relative clause there is a sentential complement (‘[you know
[which place is a good one for fighting]]’) with the NP ‘which place’ coreferential
with the main NP.
The finite technique of relative clause formation favors variation of the target of
relativization: it is easy to see the similarity between the two opposed targets of
relativization (main vs. dependent NPs) in case of unspecified main NPs, cf. (56) and
(53).

3.5. Clause union

In Alutor the rarely observed phenomenon of c l a u s e u n i o n may be seen when
two clauses have an argument in common.

(57) a. to tyNakjav ga-Ntu-lin, to awyn

and Tengakyav+NOM+SG RES-go.out-RES+3sg.S [and already
yt.gin sAkygit ga-gita-lin ga-t.ina.Na.N-lin
their+3sg sister+NOM+SG RES-look-RES+3sg.P RES-load-RES+3sg.P
ujatiki-k.
sledge-LOC]
...and Tengakyav came out, and had seen their sister loaded on the sledge. [22:66]

b. ten awwav-la-t, na-pila-lqivy-n

then go.out-PLUR-3pl.S+PF [LOW.A-leave-LQIV-3sg.P
ynki sisis@y-n ga-kylJty.tku-lin.
here Sisisen-NOM+SG RES-tie-RES+3sg.P]
Then they went away and left Sisisen there tied up. [10:55]

c. tingO-tinga, mylgy-t@ul-a taq-a wut

what-what turf-piece-ERG what-ERG (part.)

135
 [email protected] jypa-ni-n.
RES-fill-RES+3sg.P take.off-3sg.A+3P-3sg.P
In any case, (she) took off (these trousers), filled with pieces of turf. [14:41]

In (57a) two clauses are united: ‘he had seen their sister’ and ‘they had loaded
their sister on the sledge’ sharing the common argument ‘sister’, also in (57b) —
‘they left Sisisen there’ and ‘they tied up Sisisen’ share the common argument
‘Sisisen’, and in (57c) the common argument ‘trousers’ is presupposed: ‘she took off
(these trousers)’ and ‘somebody filled the trousers with pieces of turf’. It is clear that
in all cases at least one predicate is marked with the marker ga-...-lin.

(58) ynnan gytu.ril sinin.kin ga-pry-lin

one rib+NOM+SG one's.own+3sg RES-take.off-RES+3sg.P
inu-nu ga-jyl-lin keN-a.
food.for.a.trip-EQUAT RES-give-RES+3sg.P bear-ERG
The bear gave [=took off and gave] his own rib for food. [12:16]

In (58) clause union is most likely motivated by the inability of the situation to be
semantically divisible (take off and give).

3.6. Clausal coordination

Clausal coordination is not accompanied by any strict rules of coreferential NP
marking. Practically all strategies (repetition of full nominations, replacement of full
nomination by a pronoun or its deletion) are realized. Let us consider these strategies.
1) In both clauses full NPs are present without reduction:

(59) ...ga-meNy-teNal-lin unJunJu to

RES-big-lay.up.dried.fish-RES+3sg.S child+NOM+SG and
naqat unJunJu ... ylla@y-N iv-i
on.purpose child+NOM+SG mother-DAT say-3sg.S+PF
...the son prepared a lot of fish (for winter) and on purpose [the son], well, how to say,
said to (his) mother... [9:2]
2) Pronominalization of one of the NPs:

(60) qutkinJnJaqu-nak ly@u-ni-nat unJunJu-t to

Qutkinnaqu-ERG+SG see-3sg.A+3P-3du.P child-NOM+DU and
ynno misgy-teny-k tinmy=vi@-i.
(s)he+NOM fire-APUD-LOC falsely=die-3sg.S+PF
Qutkinnaqu saw (his) sons and (fell down) by the fire, as if he were dead [=and he

136
 falsely died by the fire]. [2:24]

3) Deletion of one of the NPs:

(61) a. ga-kjav(-lin) qylJavulJ.pilJ ra.lku(-giN-ki) to

RES-wake.up(-RES+3sg.S) man+NOM+SG house(-IN-LOC) and
ga-rrinaN(-lin) ajak.ju-kin ...
RES-peep(-RES+3sg.S) sleeping.tent-REL+3sg
A man woke up in the yurt and peeped from the sleeping tent... [18:7]

b. ynykka-teny-N tyla-la-t, ten,

he-APUD-DAT come-PLUR-3pl.S+PF well
[email protected] viHy-tku-la-t.
all die-DISTR-PLUR-3pl.S+PF
(They) came to him and suddenly [=well] they all died. [8:24]

In (61a) the second NP is deleted (anaphoric reduction), while in (61b) the first one is
deleted (cataphoric reduction).
In case of pronominalization or deletion a specific situation can arise if the
clause holding the controlling NP is transitive: what argument of the clause controls
pronominalization/deletion of the reduced NP in the other clause? Statistically the A-
argument prevails, however it is far from being an obligatory rule:

(62) a. pila-lqiv-ni-n, ten viH-i ynN.in.

leave-LQIV-3sg.A+3P-3sg.P then die-3sg.S+PF this+NOM+SG
(Sasusangawet) left her {=the evil old woman} there, and she {=evil old woman} died.
[14:60]

b. to vitga tanN-a ga-qatvy-lin pujg-a

and at.once stranger-ERG RES-cut-RES+3sg.P spear-ERG
yssaNju.s@y-n, to ga-viHy-lin jaqqy s@am.
younger-NOM+SG and RES-die-RES+3sg.S there.and.then
And at once the stranger killed the younger brother with the spear, and he {the brother}
there and then died. [20:44]

In (62a) pronominalization, and in (62b) deletion is used. In both cases the P-

argument of the first clause is the controller of these processes. Comment: process or
processes ?
Even the possessor can control reduction:

137
(63) to Nan.in-yn ga-pry-lin wamylka-lNyn, to
and that-POSS.SG+3sg RES-take.off-RES+3sg.P lip-NOM+SG and
ally tinga a-n.ilu-ka ga-nty-lin.
not what A-move-PRED` RES-do-RES+3sg.P
And (he) cut [=took away] his lip and (he) did not move at all. [20:40]

In discourse, overt antecedents are often absent, and coreference is resolved

through pragmatic means without the use of any grammatical means:

(64) na-qamitva-tky-n, na-n.awyj.aty-tky-n,

LOW.A-lay.the.table-IPF-3sg.P LOW.A-feed-IPF-3sg.P
a-pHa-ka oji=Hanqa.vy-tkyn.
A-feel.thirsty-PRED` eat=stop-IPF
They gave him dinner (and) fed him. Feeling thirsty, he stopped eating. [4:20]

3.7. Reflexivization
In Alutor argument reflexivization (affecting the argument position) is expressed with
the help of the reflexive pronoun uvik ‘oneself’ (lit. ‘body’), and possessive
reflexivization (affecting the possessive position) uses the pronoun sininkin/sinin
‘one's own’ (the second variant is used in case of incorporation).
The question of control of reflexivization is of special interest. According to the
field report by F.A.Antsiferov (1978), the A/S-argument is the controller of
reflexivization:

(65) a. vasq.in=meNy=kuka-ta uvik g-epy-lin

another=big=pot-ERG oneself+NOM RES-put.on-RES+3sg.P
aqaryl@-ynak ...
Aqarelen-ERG+SG
...Aqarelen covered himself with another big pot... [22:86]

b. to ga-Nvu-lin uvik HiNy=tkyply-k ...

and RES-begin-RES+3sg.P oneself+NOM nose=beat-INF
And (he) began to hit himself on the nose [=nose-beat]... [10:18]

c. gymmy uviki-N ny-malJ-@a t-ity-tkyn.

I.NOM myself-DAT ADJ-good-ADV 1sg.S-be-IPF
I am pleased with myself. [lit. I am good for myself.]

In (65b) there is no overt controller of reflexivization, however it is clear that it

138
is the A-argument marked with the ergative, because in the context of incorporation
of the P-argument ‘nose’ its possessor is raised into the opened P-position. In (65c) S-
argument controls reflexivization of the dative argument.
Possessive reflexivization allows the A- and P-controllers:

(66) tumgy-nak jyvykly-ni-n ylygyn

friendi-ERG hit-3sg.A+3.P-3sg.P fatherj+NOM+SG
sinin=wala-ta (~ynyk=wala-ta)
hisi/j=knife-ERG (~hisi/j=knife-ERG )
The friend hit the father with his/father's knife.

According to (66), reflexivization is possible using the reflexive as well as

personal pronouns 131 . In both cases the A- and P-arguments can be the controllers of
reflexivization.

131
Such a technique is used in case of argument reflexivization as well:

(i) ...Nany.k aqan [email protected] ynyky-N qylavuly.lqyl ...

there even.if look.for-3sg.A+3P-3sg.P she-DAT
fiancй+NOM+SG
{LC: Then if she wants to live her own way,} and even if finds herself a fiancй there {RC:
then let her; it’s all right ...} [21:65]

139
140