Ideology

An ideology (/ˌʌɪdɪˈɒlədʒi/) is a set of beliefs or philosophies attributed to a person or group of persons,

especially as held for reasons that are not purely epistemic,[1][2] in which "practical elements are as
prominent as theoretical ones."[3] Formerly applied primarily to economic, political, or religious theories
and policies, in a tradition going back to Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, more recent use treats the term as
mainly condemnatory.[4]

The term was coined by Antoine Destutt de Tracy, a French Enlightenment aristocrat and philosopher, who
conceived it in 1796 as the "science of ideas" to develop a rational system of ideas to oppose the irrational
impulses of the mob. In political science, the term is used in a descriptive sense to refer to political belief
systems.[4]

Contents
Etymology and history
Definitions and analysis
Marxist interpretation
Ideological state apparatuses (Althusser)
Ideology and the Commodity (Debord)
Ideology and rationality (Vietta)
Unifying agents (Hoffer)
Ronald Inglehart
Political ideologies
Ideocracy
Epistemological ideologies
Ideology and the social sciences
Psychological research
Semiotic theory
Sociology
Quotations
See also
References
Bibliography
External links

Etymology and history

The term ideology originates from French idéologie, itself deriving from combining Greek: idéā (ἰδέα,
'notion, pattern'; close to the Lockean sense of idea) and -logíā (-λογῐ́ᾱ, 'the study of').
The term ideology, and the system of ideas associated with it, was coined in
1796 by Antoine Destutt de Tracy while in prison pending trial during the
Reign of Terror, where he read the works of Locke and Condillac.[5]
Hoping to form a secure foundation for the moral and political sciences,
Tracy devised the term for a "science of ideas," basing such upon two
things:

1. the sensations that people experience as they interact with the

material world; and
2. the ideas that form in their minds due to those sensations.

He conceived ideology as a liberal philosophy that would defend individual Antoine Destutt de Tracy
liberty, property, free markets, and constitutional limits on state power. He (1754–1836)
argues that, among these aspects, ideology is the most generic term because
the 'science of ideas' also contains the study of their expression and
deduction.[6] The coup that overthrew Maximilien Robespierre allowed Tracy to pursue his work.[6] Tracy
reacted to the terroristic phase of the revolution (during the Napoleonic regime) by trying to work out a
rational system of ideas to oppose the irrational mob impulses that had nearly destroyed him.

A subsequent early source for the near-original meaning of ideology is Hippolyte Taine's work on the
Ancien Régime, Origins of Contemporary France I. He describes ideology as rather like teaching
philosophy via the Socratic method, though without extending the vocabulary beyond what the general
reader already possessed, and without the examples from observation that practical science would require.
Taine identifies it not just with Destutt De Tracy, but also with his milieu, and includes Condillac as one of
its precursors.

Napoleon Bonaparte came to view ideology as a term of abuse, which he often hurled against his liberal
foes in Tracy's Institutional. According to Karl Mannheim's historical reconstruction of the shifts in the
meaning of ideology, the modern meaning of the word was born when Napoleon used it to describe his
opponents as "the ideologues." Tracy's major book, The Elements of Ideology, was soon translated into the
major languages of Europe.

In the century following Tracy, the term ideology moved back and forth between positive and negative
connotations. During this next generation, when post-Napoleonic governments adopted a reactionary
stance, influenced the Italian, Spanish and Russian thinkers who had begun to describe themselves as
"liberals" and who attempted to reignite revolutionary activity in the early 1820s, including the Carlist
rebels in Spain; the Carbonari societies in France and Italy; and the Decembrists in Russia. Karl Marx
adopted Napoleon's negative sense of the term, using it in his writings, in which he once described Tracy as
a fischblütige Bourgeoisdoktrinär (a 'fish-blooded bourgeois doctrinaire').[7]

The term has since dropped some of its pejorative sting, and has become a neutral term in the analysis of
differing political opinions and views of social groups.[8] While Marx situated the term within class struggle
and domination,[9][10] others believed it was a necessary part of institutional functioning and social
integration.[11]

Definitions and analysis

There are many different kinds of ideologies, including political, social, epistemological, and ethical.

Recent analysis tends to posit that ideology is a 'coherent system of ideas' that rely on a few basic
assumptions about reality that may or may not have any factual basis. Through this system, ideas become
coherent, repeated patterns through the subjective ongoing choices that people make. These ideas serve as
the seed around which further thought grows. The belief in an ideology can range from passive acceptance
up to fervent advocacy. According to most recent analysis, ideologies are neither necessarily right nor
wrong.

Definitions, such as by Manfred Steger and Paul James emphasize both the issue of patterning and
contingent claims to truth:[12]

Ideologies are patterned clusters of normatively imbued ideas and concepts, including
particular representations of power relations. These conceptual maps help people navigate the
complexity of their political universe and carry claims to social truth.

Studies of the concept of ideology itself (rather than specific ideologies) have been carried out under the
name of systematic ideology in the works of George Walford and Harold Walsby, who attempt to explore
the relationships between ideology and social systems.

David W. Minar describes six different ways the word ideology has been used:[13]

1. As a collection of certain ideas with certain kinds of content, usually normative;

2. As the form or internal logical structure that ideas have within a set;
3. By the role ideas play in human-social interaction;
4. By the role ideas play in the structure of an organization;
5. As meaning, whose purpose is persuasion; and
6. As the locus of social interaction.

For Willard A. Mullins, an ideology should be contrasted with the related (but different) issues of utopia
and historical myth. An ideology is composed of four basic characteristics:[14]

1. it must have power over cognition;

2. it must be capable of guiding one's evaluations;
3. it must provide guidance towards action; and
4. it must be logically coherent.

Terry Eagleton outlines (more or less in no particular order) some definitions of ideology:[15]

1. The process of production of meanings, signs and values in social life

2. A body of ideas characteristic of a particular social group or class
3. Ideas that help legitimate a dominant political power
4. False ideas that help legitimate a dominant political power
5. Systematically distorted communication
6. Ideas that offer a position for a subject
7. Forms of thought motivated by social interests
8. Identity thinking
9. Socially necessary illusion
10. The conjuncture of discourse and power
11. The medium in which conscious social actors make sense of their world
12. Action-oriented sets of beliefs
13. The confusion of linguistic and phenomenal reality
14. Semiotic closure[15]: 197
15. The indispensable medium in which individuals live out their relations to a social structure
16. The process that converts social life to a natural reality

German philosopher Christian Duncker called for a "critical reflection of the ideology concept."[16] In his
work, he strove to bring the concept of ideology into the foreground, as well as the closely connected
concerns of epistemology and history, defining ideology in terms of a system of presentations that explicitly
or implicitly claim to absolute truth.

Marxist interpretation

Marx's analysis sees ideology as a system of falsehoods deliberately

promulgated by the ruling class as a means of self-perpetuation.[17]

In the Marxist base and superstructure model of society, base denotes the
relations of production and modes of production, and superstructure denotes
the dominant ideology (i.e. religious, legal, political systems). The economic
base of production determines the political superstructure of a society. Ruling
class-interests determine the superstructure and the nature of the justifying
ideology—actions feasible because the ruling class control the means of
production. For example, in a feudal mode of production, religious ideology is Karl Marx posits that a
the most prominent aspect of the superstructure, while in capitalist formations, society's dominant
ideologies such as liberalism and social democracy dominate. Hence the great ideology is integral to its
importance of the ideology justifying a society; it politically confuses the superstructure.
alienated groups of society via false consciousness.

Some explanations have been presented. Antonio Gramsci uses cultural hegemony to explain why the
working-class have a false ideological conception of what their best interests are. Marx argued that "The
class which has the means of material production at its disposal has control at the same time over the means
of mental production."[18]

The Marxist formulation of "ideology as an instrument of social reproduction" is conceptually important to

the sociology of knowledge,[19] viz. Karl Mannheim, Daniel Bell, and Jürgen Habermas et al. Moreover,
Mannheim has developed, and progressed, from the "total" but "special" Marxist conception of ideology to
a "general" and "total" ideological conception acknowledging that all ideology (including Marxism)
resulted from social life, an idea developed by the sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. Slavoj Žižek and the earlier
Frankfurt School added to the "general theory" of ideology a psychoanalytic insight that ideologies do not
include only conscious, but also unconscious ideas.

Ideological state apparatuses (Althusser)

French Marxist philosopher Louis Althusser proposed that ideology is "the imagined existence (or idea) of
things as it relates to the real conditions of existence" and makes use of a lacunar discourse. A number of
propositions, which are never untrue, suggest a number of other propositions, which are. In this way, the
essence of the lacunar discourse is what is not told (but is suggested).

For example, the statement "All are equal before the law," which is a theoretical groundwork of current
legal systems, suggests that all people may be of equal worth or have equal opportunities. This is not true,
for the concept of private property and power over the means of production results in some people being
able to own more (much more) than others. This power disparity contradicts the claim that all share both
practical worth and future opportunity equally; for example, the rich can afford better legal representation,
which practically privileges them before the law.
Althusser also proffered the concept of the ideological state apparatus to explain his theory of ideology. His
first thesis was "ideology has no history": while individual ideologies have histories, interleaved with the
general class struggle of society, the general form of ideology is external to history.

For Althusser, beliefs and ideas are the products of social practices, not the reverse. His thesis that "ideas
are material" is illustrated by the "scandalous advice" of Pascal toward unbelievers: "Kneel and pray, and
then you will believe." What is ultimately ideological for Althusser are not the subjective beliefs held in the
conscious "minds" of human individuals, but rather discourses that produce these beliefs, the material
institutions and rituals that individuals take part in without submitting it to conscious examination and so
much more critical thinking.

Ideology and the Commodity (Debord)

The French Marxist theorist Guy Debord, founding member of the Situationist International, argued that
when the commodity becomes the "essential category" of society, i.e. when the process of commodification
has been consummated to its fullest extent, the image of society propagated by the commodity (as it
describes all of life as constituted by notions and objects deriving their value only as commodities tradeable
in terms of exchange value), colonizes all of life and reduces society to a mere representation, The Society
of the Spectacle.[20]

Ideology and rationality (Vietta)

German cultural historian Silvio Vietta described the development and expansion of Western rationality
from ancient times onward as often accompanied by and shaped by ideologies like that of the "just war,"
the "true religion," racism, nationalism, or the vision of future history as a kind of 'heaven on earth' in
communism. He said that ideas like these became ideologies by giving hegemonic political actions an
idealistic veneer and equipping their leaders with a higher and, in the "political religions" (Eric Voegelin),
nearly God-like power, so that they became masters over the lives (and the deaths) of millions of people.
He considered that ideologies therefore contributed to power politics irrational shields of ideas beneath
which they could operate as manifestations of idealism.[21][22]

Unifying agents (Hoffer)

The American philosopher Eric Hoffer identified several elements that unify followers of a particular
ideology:[23]

1. Hatred: "Mass movements can rise and spread without a God, but never without belief in a
devil."[23] The "ideal devil" is a foreigner.[23]: 93
2. Imitation: "The less satisfaction we derive from being ourselves, the greater is our desire to
be like others…the more we mistrust our judgment and luck, the more are we ready to follow
the example of others."[23]: 101–2
3. Persuasion: The proselytizing zeal of propagandists derives from "a passionate search for
something not yet found more than a desire to bestow something we already have."[23]: 110
4. Coercion: Hoffer asserts that violence and fanaticism are interdependent. People forcibly
converted to Islamic or communist beliefs become as fanatical as those who did the forcing.
"It takes fanatical faith to rationalize our cowardice."[23]: 107–8
5. Leadership: Without the leader, there is no movement. Often the leader must wait long in
the wings until the time is ripe. He calls for sacrifices in the present, to justify his vision of a
breathtaking future. The skills required include: audacity, brazenness, iron will, fanatical
 conviction; passionate hatred, cunning, a delight in symbols; ability to inspire blind faith in
the masses; and a group of able lieutenants.[23]: 112–4 Charlatanism is indispensable, and
the leader often imitates both friend and foe, "a single-minded fashioning after a model." He
will not lead followers towards the "promised land," but only "away from their unwanted
selves."[23]: 116–9
6. Action: Original thoughts are suppressed, and unity encouraged, if the masses are kept
occupied through great projects, marches, exploration and industry.[23]: 120–1
7. Suspicion: "There is prying and spying, tense watching and a tense awareness of being
watched." This pathological mistrust goes unchallenged and encourages conformity, not
dissent.[23]: 124

Ronald Inglehart

Ronald Inglehart of the University of Michigan is author of the World Values Survey, which, since 1980,
has mapped social attitudes in 100 countries representing 90% of global population. Results indicate that
where people live is likely to closely correlate with their ideological beliefs. In much of Africa, South Asia
and the Middle East, people prefer traditional beliefs and are less tolerant of liberal values. Protestant
Europe, at the other extreme, adheres more to secular beliefs and liberal values. Alone among high-income
countries, the United States is exceptional in its adherence to traditional beliefs, in this case Christianity.

Political ideologies
In social studies, a political ideology is a certain ethical set of
ideals, principles, doctrines, myths, or symbols of a social
movement, institution, class, or large group that explains how
society should work, offering some political and cultural blueprint
for a certain social order. Political ideologies are concerned with
many different aspects of a society, including (for example): the
economy, education, health care, labor law, criminal law, the
justice system, the provision of social security and social welfare,
trade, the environment, minors, immigration, race, use of the
military, patriotism, and established religion. Political spectrum

Political ideologies have two dimensions:

1. Goals: how society should work; and

2. Methods: the most appropriate ways to achieve the ideal arrangement.

There are many proposed methods for the classification of political ideologies, each of these different
methods generate a specific political spectrum. Ideologies also identify themselves by their position on the
spectrum (e.g. the left, the center or the right), though precision in this respect can often become
controversial. Finally, ideologies can be distinguished from political strategies (e.g., populism) and from
single issues that a party may be built around (e.g. legalization of marijuana). Philosopher Michael
Oakeshott defines such ideology as "the formalized abridgment of the supposed sub-stratum of the rational
truth contained in the tradition." Moreover, Charles Blattberg offers an account that distinguishes political
ideologies from political philosophies.[24]

A political ideology largely concerns itself with how to allocate power and to what ends power should be
used. Some parties follow a certain ideology very closely, while others may take broad inspiration from a
group of related ideologies without specifically embracing any one of them. Each political ideology
contains certain ideas on what it considers the best form of government (e.g., democracy, demagogy,
theocracy, caliphate etc.), and the best economic system (e.g. capitalism, socialism, etc.). Sometimes the
same word is used to identify both an ideology and one of its main ideas. For instance, socialism may refer
to an economic system, or it may refer to an ideology that supports that economic system.

Post 1991, many commentators claim that we are living in a post-ideological age,[25] in which redemptive,
all-encompassing ideologies have failed. This view is often associated with Francis Fukuyama's writings on
the end of history.[26] Contrastly, Nienhueser (2011) sees research (in the field of human resource
management) as ongoingly "generating ideology."[27]

Slavoj Zizek has pointed out how the very notion of post-ideology can enable the deepest, blindest form of
ideology. A sort of false consciousness or false cynicism, engaged in for the purpose of lending one's point
of view the respect of being objective, pretending neutral cynicism, without truly being so. Rather than help
avoiding ideology, this lapse only deepens the commitment to an existing one. Zizek calls this "a post-
modernist trap."[28] Peter Sloterdijk advanced the same idea already in 1988.[29]

Studies have shown that political ideology is somewhat genetically heritable.[30][31][32][33][34][35][36][37]

Ideocracy

When a political ideology becomes a dominantly pervasive component within a government, one can speak
of an ideocracy.[38] Different forms of government utilize ideology in various ways, not always restricted
to politics and society. Certain ideas and schools of thought become favored, or rejected, over others,
depending on their compatibility with or use for the reigning social order.

As John Maynard Keynes expresses, "Madmen in authority, who hear voices in the air, are distilling their
frenzy from some academic scribbler of a few years back."[39]

How do ideologies become part of government policy? In The Anatomy of Revolution, Crane Brinton said
that new ideology spreads when there is discontent with an old regime.[40] Extremists such as Lenin and
Robespierre will overcome more moderate revolutionaries.[41] This stage is soon followed by Thermidor, a
reining back of revolutionary enthusiasm under pragmatists like Stalin and Napoleon Bonaparte, who bring
"normalcy and equilibrium."[42] Briton's sequence ("men of ideas>fanatics>practical men of action") is
reiterated by J. William Fulbright,[43] while a similar form occurs in Eric Hoffer's The True Believer.[44]
The revolution thus becomes established as an ideocracy, though its rise is likely to be checked by a
'political midlife crisis.'

Epistemological ideologies
Even when the challenging of existing beliefs is encouraged, as in scientific theories, the dominant
paradigm or mindset can prevent certain challenges, theories, or experiments from being advanced.

A special case of science that has inspired ideology is ecology, which studies the relationships among living
things on Earth. Perceptual psychologist James J. Gibson believed that human perception of ecological
relationships was the basis of self-awareness and cognition itself.[45] Linguist George Lakoff has proposed
a cognitive science of mathematics wherein even the most fundamental ideas of arithmetic would be seen as
consequences or products of human perception—which is itself necessarily evolved within an ecology.[46]

Deep ecology and the modern ecology movement (and, to a lesser degree, Green parties) appear to have
adopted ecological sciences as a positive ideology.[47]
Some notable economically based ideologies include neoliberalism, monetarism, mercantilism, mixed
economy, social Darwinism, communism, laissez-faire economics, and free trade. There are also current
theories of safe trade and fair trade that can be seen as ideologies.

Ideology and the social sciences

Psychological research

A large amount of research in psychology is concerned with the causes, consequences and content of
ideology.[48][49][50] According to system justification theory,[51] ideologies reflect (unconscious)
motivational processes, as opposed to the view that political convictions always reflect independent and
unbiased thinking. Jost, Ledgerwood and Hardin (2008) propose that ideologies may function as
prepackaged units of interpretation that spread because of basic human motives to understand the world,
avoid existential threat, and maintain valued interpersonal relationships.[51] The authors conclude that such
motives may lead disproportionately to the adoption of system-justifying worldviews. Psychologists
generally agree that personality traits, individual difference variables, needs, and ideological beliefs seem to
have something in common.[52]

Semiotic theory

According to semiotician Bob Hodge:[53]

[Ideology] identifies a unitary object that incorporates complex sets of meanings with the social
agents and processes that produced them. No other term captures this object as well as
'ideology'. Foucault's 'episteme' is too narrow and abstract, not social enough. His 'discourse',
popular because it covers some of ideology's terrain with less baggage, is too confined to
verbal systems. 'Worldview' is too metaphysical, 'propaganda' too loaded. Despite or because
of its contradictions, 'ideology' still plays a key role in semiotics oriented to social, political life.

Authors such as Michael Freeden have also recently incorporated a semantic analysis to the study of
ideologies.

Sociology

Sociologists define ideology as "cultural beliefs that justify particular social arrangements, including
patterns of inequality."[54] Dominant groups use these sets of cultural beliefs and practices to justify the
systems of inequality that maintain their group's social power over non-dominant groups. Ideologies use a
society's symbol system to organize social relations in a hierarchy, with some social identities being
superior to other social identities, which are considered inferior. The dominant ideology in a society is
passed along through the society's major social institutions, such as the media, the family, education, and
religion.[55] As societies changed throughout history, so did the ideologies that justified systems of
inequality.[54]

Sociological examples of ideologies include: racism; sexism; heterosexism; ableism; and ethnocentrism.[56]

Quotations
 "We do not need…to believe in an ideology. All that is necessary is for each of us to develop
our good human qualities. The need for a sense of universal responsibility affects every
aspect of modern life." — Dalai Lama.[57]
"The function of ideology is to stabilize and perpetuate dominance through masking or
illusion." — Sally Haslanger[58]
"[A]n ideology differs from a simple opinion in that it claims to possess either the key to
history, or the solution for all the ‘riddles of the universe,’ or the intimate knowledge of the
hidden universal laws, which are supposed to rule nature and man." — Hannah Arendt[59]

See also
The Anatomy of Revolution
List of communist ideologies
Capitalism
Feminism
Hegemony
-ism
List of ideologies named after people
Ideocracy
Noble lie
Social criticism
Socially constructed reality
State collapse
State ideology of the Soviet Union
The True Believer
World Values Survey
World view

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External links
The Pervert's Guide to Ideology: How Ideology Seduces Us—and How We Can (Try to)
Escape It (http://truth-out.org/opinion/item/12972-the-perverts-guide-to-ideology-how-ideolog
y-seduces-us-and-how-we-can-try-to-escape-it)
Ideology Study Guide (http://www.autodidactproject.org/guidideo.html)
Louis Althusser's "Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses" (http://www.marx2mao.com/
Other/LPOE70ii.html#s5)
Toll, Mathew (2009),Ideology and Symbolic Power: Between Althusser and Bourdieu (http://
dostoevskiansmiles.blogspot.com/2009/06/ideology-and-symbolic-power-between.html)

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