Imperium Romanum:

Romanization between
Colonization and Globalization

Edited by
Oscar Belvedere and
Johannes Bergemann
 STUDI E MATERIALI
2

DIPARTIMENTO CULTURE E SOCIETÀ – SEZIONE BENI CULTURALI

AREA ARCHEOLOGIA

UNIVERSITÀ DI PALERMO

Imperium Romanum: Romanization between Colonization and Globalization

Deutsch-Italienische Zusammenarbeit in den Geistes- und Sozialwissenschaften

Cooperazione italo-tedesca nel campo delle scienze umane e sociali

Villa Vigoni
Centro italo-tedesco per il dialogo europeo
Deutsch-Italienisches Zentrum für den Europäischen Dialog
4 - 8 Novembre 2019

Edited by
Oscar Belvedere and Johannes Bergemann
Table of Contents
Opening Remarks

Oscar Belvedere 9
Johannes Bergemann 13

Introductory Papers

G. Woolf (London)
Taking the long view. Romanization and Globalization in Perspective 19
Miguel J. Versluys (Leiden)
Romanization as a theory of friction 33
Johannes Bergemann (Göttingen)
Hellenizing Rome – Romanizing Greece – Globalizing the Empire? 49
Martin Millett (Cambridge)
‘Romanization’, social centralization and structures of imperial power 63

Central and Southern Italy

Nicola Terrenato (Ann Arbor)

The Romanization of Rome. Cultural dynamics in the architecture of Hellenistic Italy 77
Peter J. Attema (Groningen)
The Pontine region between colonisation, globalisation and regionalisation 89
Frank Vermeulen (Ghent)
The introduction of “classical” urban concepts in central Adriatic Italy:
a sign of Romanization and Hellenization? 109
Kathryn Lomas (Durham)
Southern Italy in the Roman World: Global versus local in a multicultural region 125

Africa and the Punic World

Frerich Schön - Thomas Schäfer (Tübingen)

Römer werden, punisch bleiben? Kult und Vergangenheit als Ressourcen kollektiver
Identität auf Pantelleria (Cossyra) vom 3. Jahrhundert v. Chr. bis in das 3. Jahrhundert n. Chr 145
Elisabeth Fentress (Roma)
Coercive Urbanism: the Roman impact on North African towns 165

Britannia and Germania

Richard Hingley, (Durham)

From colonial discourse to post-colonial theory: Roman archaeology and the province of Britannia 181
Rainer Wiegels (Buchenbach/Osnabrück)
Kelten, Germanen, Römer oder...? - Zur Siedlungsgeschichte am Oberrhein um die Zeitenwende 193
Hispaniae

Thomas Schattner (Madrid)

About the variety and change of structural frameworks in the Hispaniae
during the 1st century A.D. on the example of Baetian Munigua 219

Greece and Asia Minor

Athanasios Rizakis (Athens)

Linguistic choices in the framework of a globalizing Empire:
Latin and Greek in the Greek cultural context 243
Guenther Schörner (Wien)
Romanization of Religion in Roman Asia minor?
Some considerations on the appropriateness of modern concepts 273
Dirk Steuernagel (Regensburg)
Vom Staatsmarkt zum Kaiserforum? Überlegungen zur Oberen Agora von Ephesos 287

Sicily

Roger J.A. Wilson (Vancouver)

Aspects of identity: Provincia Sicilia during the Roman Empire 309
Oscar Belvedere (Palermo)
Sicily from the Augustan period to the Middle Empire: what “Romanization”? 333
Opening Remarks
Foreword
Romanization between colonization and globalization
Oscar Belvedere

The idea of organizing this colloquium first occurred to Johannes Bergemann and myself when we
were working on the details of another seminar, one on Roman Sicily. The latter took place in Göttingen in
2017. Entitled Roman Sicily. Cities and territories between monumentalization and economy, crisis and development,
it took stock of the results of archaeological research conducted on the island over the last twenty years1.
The results of that research have been remarkable: however, what emerges from the book which published
the papers from the conference is a “Roman” Sicily that is considered in itself not just a part of the wider
Roman world.
On reflection, it seemed clear to us that we needed now to think in a broader context. Anyone following
the debate on Romanization in recent years will have noted that North European (especially Anglo-Saxon and
Dutch) contributors to the debate have adopted a different perspective from those of Central and Southern
Europe. The first group turned their attention away from the city and the urban elites to the countryside, and
to the material culture of the peasant and native social groups, developing a position that was defined as
“anti-colonial”2. A remarkable exception to this trend in northern Europe has been Greg Woolf, who sees “Ro-
manization” as a cultural revolution3. Other scholars (Italians and French, but also Germans) have continued
to lay emphasis mainly on the role of local elites in the “Romanization” process, investigating the usefulness
of interpretative categories such as “self-romanisation”, in an attempt to overcome both the “colonial” and
the “anti-colonial” viewpoints4. This dichotomy of approach has become particularly marked in recent years5.
Observing that in any case both positions aim to explore the formation of cultural identities, Martin
Pitts and Miguel John Versluys, among others, have proposed to explore cultural transformations not in the
context of identities, but in the sense of a dialectic between local and global, of which material culture is an
expression, using the theory of globalization and focusing on aspects of connectivity and interdependence
within the Roman world, and the “entanglement” of people with their material culture6. Of course, I as a
landscape archaeologist cannot disagree with the claim that “artefacts are material presences, part of a spa-
tial relation in (historical) time and (geographical) space”7.
The concept of globalization has indeed recently been considered helpful for interpreting other periods
of the ancient world, such as the Hellenistic era and the cultures of the eastern Mediterranean in the late
Bronze Age, without however convincing the majority of scholars as to the validity of this approach.

1 Belvedere, Bergemann 2018.

2 Against this viewpoint, Van Dommelen 2014 emphasizes the intricate and mixed or hybridized nature of colonial
and contact situations.
3 Woolf 2014.
4 E.g. Terrenato 2005.
5 Pitts, Versluys 2015, 5–6. A review of the theories and Romanization debate can be found in Van Oyen 2015. See
also Van Oyen 2017.
6 Versluys 2014, 14–19; Pitts, Versluys 2015, 18–23; Versluys 2015; Versluys 2017. Beumer 2016 for a critical review of
their work. See also Wiegels 2016.
7 Versluys 2014, 19.
 A second consideration led us to organize this seminar: the theoretical debate on Romanization and
globalization has remained mainly confined to Anglo-Saxon and Dutch scholars with just a few exceptions
(a handful of French, Spanish and German scholars): some of those present at the meeting indeed highli-
ghted the distinction. The contribution of Italian scholars to this debate has been limited to a few who speak
English or who write in English, often themselves based abroad in Anglo-Saxon countries, with very few
exceptions. One example that has attracted attention among Anglo-Saxon scholars are the papers collected
together by Janniard and Traina in the Mélanges of the French School in Rome8.
G. A. Cecconi has dedicated a paragraph to the “merits and failures of politically correct interpreta-
tions” in his paper9 and, with regard to the proposal to abandon the term “Romanization”, he states (I quo-
te again) that with that term one erases from memory “the harsh and cruel reality of the Roman imperial
phenomenon”10. Traina comes down in favour of “métissage”, and draws attention to the empires “prior to
the age of imperialism, such as the Spanish and the Portuguese”, rather than seeing a form of ante litteram
globalization in the Roman empire 11.
Generally speaking, however, the few contributions in languages other than English have been ignored
by northern European scholars, partly because English is considered the dominant language in the sciences
(but this is not entirely true for archaeology, or in any case only in very recent years), and partly because of
their traditional indifference towards papers not published in Anglo-Saxon journals12. I think, however, that
indifference to theoretical archaeology as a whole is the principal reason why the vast majority of scholars
throughout the Mediterranean area have not participated in this debate.
So, being aware of this dichotomy, we thought it was essential to fill it in some way. The aim of the
seminar is, therefore, to bring a group of north European archaeologists together with those who study
“Romanization” and cultural contact in the Mediterranean area. What we expect from the exchange of
opinion about our experiences in the field is to clarify the possibility of interpreting the “Roman” world as
a “globalized world”. We also want to see how these interpretative categories could be applied to the Medi-
terranean area, and in particular to Sicily, an area where Johannes and I, and others like Roger, work, or (in
the case of Elizabeth) have worked – a place where Romans came into contact with Greeks, “hellenized”,
Punic, “punicized”, and “indigenous” peoples, a variety of cultures and cultural contacts perhaps unique
in the Mediterranean world (at least in its western half).
A few words on the structure of the seminar. We explored the possibility of organizing it by theme, but
in the end we decided on a geographical approach. This is not to favour an emphasis on “provincial archa-
eology”13, but because we believe that different areas of the Empire presented different problems and diffe-
rent reactions to their contact with the Romans14; we feel therefore that specialists in different geographical
areas were required. But we hope that throughout we shall try to debate them on a common ground and a
broader perspective.
We thank the German-Italian Centre of Villa Vigoni for supporting our project and especially its Gene-
ral Secretary, dr. Christiane Liermann Traniello and her team for welcoming us with the usual hospitality
and professionalism, in the splendid setting of Lake of Como, contributing in an essential way to the suc-
cess of our meeting. Villa Vigoni has also generously financed the publication of this volume, confirming its
leading role in promoting human and social research.

8 Janniard, Traina 2006.

9 Cecconi 2006, 87–92.
10 Cecconi 2006, 83.
11 Traina 2006, 155–156.
12 As has often been noted, e.g. Schmitz 2002, footnote 3; Hostein 2018, 114. This unfortunate attitude has led many
scholars to overlook fundamental contributions to research published in other languages.
13 Versluys 2014, 10–14. See also Millett, this volume, 64.
14 Changes in the material world often looked similar, but were increasingly differentiated: Van Oyen 2017, 298. On
continuity and change in general, see the approach of Ghisleni 2018.
BIBLIOGRAPHY

Belvedere, O. & Bergemann, J. 2018. Römisches Sizilien: Stadt und Land zwischen Monumentalisierung und Ökonomie,
Krise und Entwicklung / La Sicilia Romana: Città e Territorio tra monumentalizzazione ed economia, crisi e sviluppo, a cura
di O. Belvedere & J. Bergemann. Palermo: Palermo University Press.

Beumer, M. 2016. “Review Martin Pitts and Miguel John Versluys, Globalisation and the Roman World. World
History, Connectivity and Material Culture.” Kleio-Historia 4: 5-8.

Cecconi, G.A. 2006. “Romanizzazione, diversità culturale, politicamente corretto.” In Sur le concept de «romanisa-
tion». Paradigmes historiographiques et perspectives de recherche, S. Janniard, & G. Traina éds., MEFRA 118 (1): 81-94.

Ghisleni, L. 2018. “Contingent Persistence: Continuity, Change, and Identity in the Romanization Debate.” Current
Anthropology 59 (2): 138-166.

Hostein, A. 2018. “Review of Globalisation and the Roman World. World history, connectivity and material culture,
edited by M. Pitts & M.J. Versluys.” Mediterranean Historical Review 33 (1): 111-114.

Janniard, S. & Traina, G. 2006. “Sur le concept de «romanisation». Paradigmes historiographiques et perspectives
de recherche.” MEFRA 118 (1): 71-166.

Pitts, M. & Versluys, M.J. 2015. “Globalisation and the Roman world: perspectives and opportunities.” In Glo-
balisation and the Roman World. World history, connectivity and material culture, M. Pitts & M.J. Versluys edd., 3-31.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Schmitz, T. 2002. “Review of S. Goldhill, Being Greek under Rome: cultural identity, the second sophistic and the
development of empire.” https://bmcr.brynmawr.edu/2002/2002.02.22/

Terrenato, N. 2005. “The deceptive archetype. Roman colonization in Italy and post-colonial thought.” In Ancient
colonizations. Analogy, similarity and difference, H. Hurst & S. Owen edd., 59–72. London: Bloomsbury.

Traina, G. 2006. “Romanizzazione, “métissages”, ibridità.” In Sur le concept de «romanisation». Paradigmes historio-
graphiques et perspectives de recherche, S. Janniard, & G. Traina éds., MEFRA 118 (1): 151-158.

Van Dommelen, P. 2014. “Fetishizing the Romans.” Archaeological Dialogues 21 (1): 41-45.

Van Oyen, A. 2015. “Deconstructing and reassembling the Romanization debate through the lens of postcolonial
theory: from global to local and back?” Terra Incognita 6: 205-226.

Van Oyen, A. 2017: “Material Culture in the Romanization Debate.” In The Diversity of Classical Archaeology, A.
Lichtenberger & S. Raja eds., 287-300. Turnhout: Brepols.

Versluys, M.J. 2014. “Understanding objects in motion. An archaeological dialogue on Romanization.” Archaeological
Dialogues 21 (1): 1-19.

Versluys, M.J. 2015. “Roman visual material culture as globalising koine.” In Globalisation and the Roman World.
World history, connectivity and material culture, M. Pitts & M.J. Versluys eds., 141-174. Cambridge: Cambridge Uni-
versity Press.

Versluys, M.J. 2017. “Discussion. Object-scapes. Towards a Material Constitution of Romanness?” In Materialising
Roman Histories, A. Van Oyen & M. Pitts eds., 191-200. Oxford: Oxbow. 

Wiegels, R. 2016. “Rezension zu: Martin Pitts/Miguel John Versluys (Hg.), Globalisation and the Roman World.
World History, Connectivity and Material Culture (Cambridge 2015).” FeRA 30: 54-66.
http://www.fera-journal.eu/index.php/ojs-fera/article/view/180/176

Woolf, G. 2014. “Romanization 2.0 and its alternatives.” Archaeological Dialogues 21 (1): 45-50.
Einführung
Johannes Bergemann

Martin Millett hat 1993 die Romanisierung Britanniens als Wechselwirkung zwischen Römern und Ein-
heimischen beschrieben. Ein Jahrzehnt später war der Romanisierungsbegriff dekonstruiert. Greg Woolf
(2001) distanziert sich in seinem Artikel über „Romanisierung“ im Neuen Pauly von dem Begriff, Richard
Hingley (2005) und John Miguel Versluys (2017) haben hingegen in jüngerer Zeit dafür plädiert, den Be-
griff durch „Globalisierung“ zu ersetzen. Die Diskussion um Globalisierung führte 2017 zum Erscheinen
des von Tamar Hodos (2017) herausgegebenen „Routledge Handbook of Archaeology and Globalization“,
in dem Afrika, Amerika, Australien, Ozeanien und Asien vor Europa und dem Mittelmeerraum behandelt
und zugleich die Grenzen der Antike bis zur modernen Welt überschritten werden.
Dies alles erscheint wie eine britisch-niederländische Debatte. Tatsächlich hatte bereits im Jahr 2000 ein-
mal der deutsche Althistoriker Jochen Malitz (2000) in einem Kontext der Lehrerfortbildung über Globali-
sierung und Imperium Romanum geschrieben, allerdings in großer Distanz zu dem damals noch nicht in
die Altertumswissenschaft eingeführten Begriff, und um ihn sogleich wieder aufzugeben.
Globalisierung zeichnet sich vor allem durch eine erhöhte und verdichtete Konnektivität aus. Sie wird
ebenso als historisch spätes Phänomen wie als ein langfristiger Trend diskutiert, der in der Moderne seinen
Höhepunkt erreicht, oder auch als ein in der Geschichte periodisch wiederkehrendes Phänomen. Der Be-
griff der Globalisierung dient dazu, „to recognize the tension between shared practices and the rejection
of them. … Globalization enables us to consider the interconnections between all these different levels of
interaction in a united perspective” (Jennings 2017).
Eine Wortanalyse in der Archäologischen Bibliographie „Dyabola“ (www.dyabola.de) zeigt jedoch,
daß der Begriff der „Globalisierung“ in jüngster Zeit in den altertumswissenschaftlichen Buch- und Auf-
satztiteln vor allem im englischen und französischen Sprachraum benutzt wird, weniger im deutschen und
italienischen, während der Begriff der „Romanisierung“ insbesondere in Italien und selbst im englischen
Sprachraum weiterhin ungleich häufiger verwendet wird. Daher erschien es sinnvoll, die theoretischen An-
sätze der angelsächsischen Forscherinnen und Forscher mit materialbasierten Betrachtungen aus Deutsch-
land, Italien und anderen Ländern in einem Kolloquium in der Villa Vigoni zu verbinden.
Die Debatten dort haben einerseits gezeigt, daß die Diskussion sich weder rein theoretisch noch rein
materialbasiert klären läßt, und andererseits daß die Verhältnisse in verschiedenen Provinzen und den weit
entfernten Gegenden des Römischen Reiches je verschieden waren. Bereits zuvor hatte sich klar ergeben,
daß keine umfassenden und übergreifenden Lösungen denkbar sind (Schörner 2005), sondern die Begriffe
„Romanisierung“ und „Globalisierung“ vor dem Hintergrund von Einzeluntersuchungen auf ihre Leis-
tungsfähigkeit und ihre Nuancierungen hin betrachten werden sollten.
Nach einer Einführung ins Thema durch die Organisatoren, Oscar Belvedere (Palermo) und Johannes
Bergemann (Göttingen), haben die ersten fünf Vorträge das Thema von einem theoretischen oder globalen
Standpunkt aus thematisiert. Greg Woolf (London) argumentierte dafür, die unterschiedlichen Phänomene,
die etwa mit Romanisierung oder Selbstromanisierung bezeichnet werden, vor dem Hintergrund der Glo-
balisierungstheorie, die ihrerseits verschiedene Phänomene, z.B. Mobilität und Austausch von Waren und
Ideen, umfaßt für Globalisierung in Anspruch nehmen. Miguel John Versluys (Leiden) sah das Römische
Reich als globalisiertes Gebilde nicht zuletzt aufgrund der weit über den Mittelmeerraum hinausreichen-
den Fernhandelsbeziehungen. Neu integrierte er das aus der Ethnologie entlehnte Motiv der „Reibung“
(friction) in die Diskussion und fügte damit dem Globalisierungsbegriff eine weitere Komponente hinzu.
Johannes Bergemann (Göttingen) verwies auf unterschiedliche Rezeptionen und Aneignungen in ver-
schiedenen Richtungen, die in der materiellen Kultur greifbar sind, von Griechenland nach Rom und um-
gekehrt, die am Ende zu einer in nuce als übereinstimmend erkennbaren ‚Reichskultur‘ führe. Martin Mil-
lett (Cambridge) diskutierte das Verhältnis zwischen römischer Initiative und den voraufgehenden lokalen
Verhältnissen in Kultur und sozialer Hierarchie.
Der zweite große Abschnitt des Kolloquiums nahm verschiedene Regionen des Römischen Reichs und
Fälle von ‚Romanisierung‘ in den Blick. Dabei wurden in verschiedenen Provinzen mit ihren unterschied-
lichen Traditionen variierende Formen der Ausbreitung der ‚kulturellen Revolution‘ Roms deutlich.
Eine erste Gruppe von Fallbeispielen widmete sich verschiedenen Regionen Italiens. Nicola Terrenato
(Ann Arbor) zeigte, daß Rom selbst durch die Ablösung von der etruskischen und die umfassende Ad-
aptierung der griechischen Kultur eine Genese durchlaufen hat, die er dezidiert und programmatisch als
Romanisierung Roms bezeichnete. Peter Attema (Groningen) legte sein Augenmerk auf die Mikroregion
der Pontinischen Sümpfe, wo kulturelle und produktive sowie Siedlungstopographische Veränderungen
seit früher republikanischer Zeit durch landschaftsarchäologische Forschungen verfolgt werden können.
Frank Vermeulen (Gent) berichtete von seinen archäologischen und geophysikalischen Forschungen auf
der adriatischen Seite Italiens, wo sich neben römischem auch griechischer Einfluß manifestiert. Kathryn
Lomas (Durham) untersuchte die Situation in Unteritalien, wo die griechische Kultur neben den indigenen
seit alters präsent ist und die römische in unterschiedlicher Weise manifest wird, Formen die nun auch mit
neuen Begriffen beschrieben werden, etwa Hybridisierung und andere postkoloniale Konzepte.
Am zweiten Tag des Kolloquiums traten die Provinzen des Römischen Reichs in den Blick. Elisabeth
Fentress (Rom) zeigte, daß in der Provinz Africa nicht allein die Eliten mit der römischen Kultur konfron-
tiert waren, sondern seit der späten Republik radikale Veränderungen des städtischen Lebens vor sich gin-
gen, teils auch Umformungen eines hellenistisch geprägten numidischen in einen neuen römischen Herr-
scherkult. Frerich Schön (Tübingen) führte neueste Grabungsergebnisse aus Pantelleria (Cossyra) vor, die
zeigen, wie die punische Stadt zu einem römischen municipium wurde.
Richard Hingley (Durham) wandte den Blick auf das römische Britannien und insbesondere auf weni-
ger sichtbare Gruppen, niedere Klassen der Gesellschaft und Frauen, und ihren Anteil an Romanisierung
oder Globalisierung, und beklagte einen eklatanten ‚Maskulinismus‘ der gängigen Betrachtungsweisen.
Rainer Wiegels (Osnabrück – Buchbach) behandelte den Oberrhein als Ausschnitt aus dem römischen Ger-
manien und zeigte dabei eine bereits bei der Ankunft der Römer bestehende Öffnung der latènezeitlichen
Gruppen zum Mittelmeerraum und ausgesprochen vielfältige kulturelle Prozesse nach dem Erscheinen der
Römer am Rhein. Thomas Schattner (Madrid) plädierte nachdrücklich für den Begriff „Romanisierung“.
Diese sei freilich nicht intendiert gewesen sei, sondern sie schaffe einen Ordnungsrahmen, der zusammen
mit massiver Immigration aus Italien bis zum Ende des 1. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. Spanien vollständig in das
Imperium integriert habe.
Athanasios Rizakis (Athen) wies nach, daß die kaiserzeitlichen Griechen trotz des anhaltenden Ge-
brauchs des Griechischen römische Namenselemente adaptieren, durch ihre griechischen Namen aber zu-
gleich griechische Identität bewahren. Günther Schörner (Wien) untersuchte Veränderungen in traditionel-
len Kulten im Kleinasien der römischen Kaiserzeit im Spiegel verschiedener Medien. Davon ausgehend
unterzog er den Begriff „Romanisierung“ einer Kritik, die dessen heuristischen Wert bezweifelte. Dirk
Steuernagel (Regensburg) stellte die obere Agora von Ephesos ins Zentrum seiner Überlegungen, die er
architekturtypologisch auf hellenistische Vorbilder zurückführte, in die die neue kaiserzeitliche Funktion
eines Kaiserforums implementiert worden sei, auf dem auch zweisprachige Inschriften aufgestellt wurden.
 Roger Wilson (Vancouver) und Oscar Belvedere (Palermo) analysierten schließlich verschiedene
Denkmäler des republikanisch-kaiserzeitlichen Sizilien aus urbanen und extraurbanen Kontexten. Die
größte Insel des Mittelmeers mit ihren langen griechischen, punischen und indigenen Traditionen er-
scheint demnach als ein Exempel für Romanisierung durch Globalisierung dank der globalen Kontakte
der Insel im Römischen Reich und ihrer Lage im Zentrum des Mittelmeerraums.
Auf die Beiträge im Rahmen des Kolloquiums, die hier nun gedruckt vorgelegt werden, und die
dazu geführten Debatten zurückblickend läßt sich sagen, daß von den verschiedenen Konzepten von
Globalisierung, die späte oder die kontinuierliche Globalisierung auf das Römische Reich nicht zutreffen
können, hingegen am ehesten die wiederholte, periodische Globalisierung. Zweifellos sind die Epochen
der späten Römischen Republik und der Kaiserzeit von hoher Konnektivität und intensiver Mobilität
gekennzeichnet, individuell und in Gruppen. Auch wenn die Fernkontakte nach Indien und Ostasien
nur geringe Auswirkungen auf das Römische Reich entfalteten, kann man also von Globalisierung spre-
chen. Dagegen meint Romanisierung etwas anderes, Präziseres als der offensichtlich weiter gefaßte Be-
griff der Globalisierung, nämlich die Herausbildung einer in Teilen gemeinsamen kulturellen und z.B.
administrativen Struktur, die mit Adaptionen und regionalen oder lokalen Anpassungen ein übergrei-
fendes staatliches Gebilde mit grundlegend gemeinsamen Charakteristika entwickelt. Die europäischen
Forschungstraditionen unterscheiden sich offensichtlich nach den Nationen mit langer oder kurzer kolo-
nialer Geschichte. Letztere scheinen weniger nach postkolonialen Studien zu streben als erstere.
Auch von meiner Seite ein herzliches Dankeschön an die Villa Vigoni, ihre Mitarbeiterinnen und
Mitarbeiter und ihre Generalsekretärin, Dr. Christiane Liermann Trainiello, für die Möglichkeit, das
Kolloquium in Loveno di Menaggio durchzuführen. Der Dank gilt ebenso meinem Freund Oscar für
die vertrauensvolle Zusammenarbeit in vielen Jahren wie natürlich allen Teilnehmerinnen und Teilneh-
mern des Kolloquiums. Ich glaube, wir haben ein wenig Licht in die Sache gebracht!
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Hingley, R. 2005. Globalizing Roman culture. Unity, Diversity and Empire. London: Routledge

Hodos, T. (ed.). 2017. The Routledge Handbook of Archaeology and Globalization. Abingdon: Routledge.

Jennings, J. 2017. “Distinguishing Past Globalizations.“ In The Routledge Handbook of Archaeology and Globalization,
T. Hodos ed., 12-28. Abingdon: Routledge.

Malitz, J. 2001. “Globalisierung? Einheitlichkeit und Vielfalt des Imperium Romanum.“ In Vom Imperium zum Glo-
bal Village. ‚Globalisierungen‘ im Spiegel der Geschichte (Eichstädter Kontaktstudium zum Geschichtsunterricht 1), Hrsg.
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Millett, M. 1993. The Romanization of Britain: An Essay in Archaeological Interpretation. Cambridge: Cambridge Uni-
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Versluys, J.M. 2015. “Roman Visual Material Culture as Globalising koine.” In Globalisation and the Roman World:
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Introductory Papers
Taking the long view. Romanization and Globalization in Perspective
Greg Woolf*

Abstract Others have written a good deal on the subject

since then, and I would naturally write a different
This paper offers a critical reflection on the use of Ro- book now. Two areas in particular I would wish
manization and Globalization over the last three decades. to change. First, I would be much more careful to
It then suggests that many phenomena they treat look distinguish the difficult study of the formation of
rather different when viewed in the long term. From the subjective and collective identities from more gen-
perspective of deep history Roman conquest appears as eral discussions of how shifts in the structure of Ro-
one episode in a much longer sequence in which succes- man power were entangled with the emergence of
sive short-lived moments of stylistic convergence briefly new patterns of behaviour, foodways, technologies,
interrupt a pattern in which local priorities play a deter- social structures, economic practices and so on3.
mining role in shaping cultural forms. Second, I would give more attention to the agency
of material culture, differentiating the instrumen-
Dieses Papier bietet eine kritische Reflexion über den tal use of things by humans, as in the display of
Einsatz von Romanisierung und Globalisierung in den fineware on formal occasions or the carefully de-
letzten drei Jahrzehnten. Es deutet darauf hin, dass viele signed propaganda of Roman public art, from the
Phänomene, die sie behandeln, auf lange Sicht etwas an- unplanned and accidental impact of objects en masse
ders aussehen. Aus der Perspektive der „Deep History“ on the inhabitants of the empire4.
erscheint die römische Eroberung als eine Episode in einer My fundamental view remains that the con-
viel längeren Sequenz, in der aufeinanderfolgende kurzle- cept and terminology of Romanization is more of
bige Momente stilistischer Konvergenz kurz ein Muster an obstacle than a help in understanding the Ro-
unterbrechen, in dem lokale Prioritäten eine entscheidende man past. As a neutral descriptor it has often been a
Rolle bei der Gestaltung kultureller Formen spielen. convenient shorthand. But it has too often been re-
ified into something resembling an extra-historical
1. Romanization in Retrospect force influencing people and things: this latter view
is untenable. The concept ‘Romanization’ has also
Like many of the other participants in our dis- encouraged some emphases that now seem unhelp-
cussions at the Villa Vigoni in November 2019, I ful. Many were derived from the Culture-Histori-
was returning to Romanization after a long interval
away. My own main contribution was published in Der Neue Pauly s.v. Romanisierung, published in
in 1998, itself developed from a PhD completed in 2003 later translated into English in The New Pauly s.v
19901. I had returned to the topic only a few times Romanization.
since, and then only in short pieces2. 3 On identities I have found particularly useful Jones
1997; Mattingly 2004, 2006; Pitts 2007; Revell 2008;
Derks 2009; Gardner, Herring, Lomas 2013; Fernández-
*Institute of Classical Studies, London. [email protected] Götz 2014; Dench 2005, 2018.
1 Woolf 1998, 226-320. Studies for this included Woolf 4 On Roman material culture my views have been
1992, 1995, 1997. changed most by Gosden 2005; Versluys 2014; van
2 Woolf 2000, 2001, 2003/2004 [2007], 2014 and an article Oyen 2016; van Oyen, Pitts 2017; Pitts 2018.
20 Greg Woolf

cal paradigm on which it was built, the notion that the marginalization of agency, the loss of atten-
the past may be classified in terms of Cultures, each tion to local or non-standard sequences and so
corresponding to one particular and enduring Peo- on. Even concepts explicitly framed in opposition
ple with its own characteristic habits of behaviour to Romanization have been criticised on precisely
and thought, a common identity, shared beliefs, lan- these grounds5. Some of these problems come with
guage and material culture. ‘Romanization’ led us almost any account framed as a process (familiar
to construct a group designated the Romans, and to as abstract nouns ending in –ation in English, in
treat them as active and others (natives/barbarians) -ierung in German and – zione in Italian.)
as passive. It elevated the importance of supposed Second, there is some reason to think that what
distinctions between Romans and those others over is studied through the Romanization paradigm
other social divides such as those between rich and has largely been created by that project, viz. a uni-
poor, élite and sub-élite, free and slave, military and tary Roman Culture or Roman Identity. Outside
civilian, men and women and young and old. It di- our field few anthropologists still subscribe to the
rected attention to what was common, central and Culture Historical paradigm. Partly this is for em-
dominant, and away from what was rare, marginal pirical reasons. When practice is considered on the
and subordinated. Like many concepts framed as ground, these higher level entities often look less
processes (e.g. Hellenization, Mediterraneanism, real and less solid and certainly less innocent6. It is
modernization, industrialization) it also made it also difficult to put out of our minds the close con-
easy to slip into teleology. Human agency is lost nection between Culture History and Nationalism,
in this sort of analysis. In all these ways, use of the as formulated in eighteenth century Europe and
concept ‘Romanization’ has impoverished our un- exported around the globe. Even “Ethnicity” has
derstanding of the past. sometimes been presented as not much more than
I do not think, however, that most of those who a sanitized version of “Race”. Romans themselves
used the term “took the conquerors’ side”, identi- notoriously did not have a way of describing their
fying or sympathizing with them rather than the common culture: humanitas was a universalizing
conquered. But ‘Romanization’ did encouraged us ideology like civilization, and Romans claimed no
to see things mainly from the perspective of the monopoly of it. When Romans authors were con-
conquerors and the élite, something already diffi- trasted with Greeks the term most often used was
cult to avoid given the authorship of most of the nostri (our writers). The term romanitas occurs late
written sources that chronicled Roman expansion. and mainly in Christian texts, and latinitas was usu-
It also allowed some to make connections between ally a matter of linguistic style. There were legal
ancient and modern imperialism in ways that were definitions of Roman citizenship, with some conse-
at best Eurocentric, and sometime worse: Roman- quential religious definitions, and a variety of more
ization was given a place in a larger civilizational oblique ways in Romans talked about what we
narrative, a genealogy of the West from which oth- would call identity (like “culture”, a term more or
ers were, and continue to be, excluded. These con- less untranslatable into Latin)7. But Roman Culture
siderations are reason enough, in my view, to reject itself has arguably been produced only by modern
Romanization and seek other modes of understand- investigations of Romanization.
ing and representing this particular fragment of our Could we manage without either Romaniza-
common past. tion or a Romanization-shaped replacement? There
But what - if anything – should replace the con- is some reason to think we could. Some sub-fields
cept of Romanization? This is a difficult question to do so already. The economic history of the ancient
answer for several reasons.
First some of the proposed substitutions – such 5 Thébert 1978 responding to Benabou 1976a, 1976b;
as Mediterraneanization – bring with them many Millett 2003/4 [2007] responding to Webster 2001. For
of the same problems. Indeed the better a concept the debate Le Roux 2004; Janniard, Traina 2006.
6 E.g. Clifford, Marcus 1986; Clifford 1988; Ortner 1999.
is as a replacement for Romanization, the more it
7 Woolf 1998, 48-76; Ando 2000, 336-362; Dench 2005;
is likely to reproduce problems such as teleology,
Wallace-Hadrill 2008.
 Taking the long view. Romanization and Globalization in perspective 21

world has devoted a good deal of attention to ques- nialisms and imperialisms have much in common
tion of long-term change without resorting to Ro- that underpins those studies that make explicit use
manization to explain or describe the emergence of of post-colonial studies12.
new credit structures, changes in the scale of pro- Yet there is no reason why we should describe
duction and transportation, cycles of accumulation the consequences and correlates of imperialism in
and dispersal and so on8. “Romanization” is also terms of a single transformative process. Imperi-
largely absent from recent histories of gender and al power remained one important context within
sexuality, of literary production, of the imperial which agency was exercised throughout the Roman
cult, of slavery to name just a few major fields of re- centuries. One of the great lessons of post-coloni-
search. Finally the Romanization paradigm was al- al studies is that empire often lurks in unsuspected
ways more popular in relation to some parts of the corners, shaping literatures and sexualities, medi-
empire than others. Roman Greece, Roman Egypt cine and science and much else. But this is not the
and Roman Syria have all been the subject of stud- same as claiming that Roman power always brought
ies that make little or no use of the term: perhaps about cultural convergence or homogenization. The
significantly these are all areas where it is easier to social worlds that emerged within the empire were
recover the perspectives of non-Romans, and also highly differentiated. Even more important, empire
areas in which a narrative cast in terms of the civ- was not the only important context that shaping
ilizing process is less sustainable. If all these fields them, the only set of constraints within which hu-
can manage without appealing to an umbrella con- man agency was exercised. We should not assume
cept of cultural change, do we need one at all? that Roman imperialism was the prime mover of
Perhaps the main factor sustaining the study change in this period.
of Romanization is our continued commitment to
the study of Roman imperialism. Many of the orig- 2. The Roman Empire in Perspective
inal contributors to the debate began exactly here,
asking how Roman military and political expansion It is worth reflecting a little on some of the other
impacted on other societies, and conversely how contexts of change within this long period and large
expansion impacted on Rome itself. The first gen- geographical space. Both post-colonial approaches
eration of “Romanization” studies were more often and those they sought to replace risk making empire
focused on the economic impact of conquest, and the centre of a totalizing narrative, a master-con-
on what changes in settlement patterns and artefact text which provides the answer to every question
distributions revealed about social change than on and the ultimate cause of all major changes. Even if
changes of identity9. Roman imperialism remains modern empires had this power – and many believe
a key topic of research10. So does the comparative they did not – ancient empires were much weaker
study of early empires11. It is a sense that all colo- entities. Many other forces were at play in shaping
ancient societies and economies.
Romanization was once imagined as the counter-
8 Horden, Purcell 2000; Scheidel, Morris, Saller 2007; point to imperialism, as expressed in the title of one
Bowman, Wilson 2009; Kay 2014. of the earliest collections on the subject ‘Invasion and
9 E.g. Burnham, Johnson 1979; Brandt, Slofstra 1983; Response’13. On closer examination it turned out that
Barrett, Fitzpatrick, Macinnes 1989; Blagg, Millett 1990; the chronological relationships was more complicat-
Millett 1990; Roymans 1996; Metzler, Slofstra, Roymans ed. Some changes actually preceded Roman military
1995; Keay, Terrenato 2001. intervention. One of the first places in which this was
10 Wallace-Hadrill 2008; Lavan 2013; Harris 2016; Loar,
MacDonald, Padilla Peralta 2018; Terrenato 2019.
11 Alcock, D’Altroy, Morrison, Sinopoli 2001; Scheidel 12 Webster, Cooper 1996; Mattingly 1997; Webster 1999,
2009; Mutschler, Mittag 2008; Morris, Scheidel 2009; 2001; Gosden 2004; Mattingly 2006; Jiménez Díez
Arnason, Raaflaub 2011; Bang, Kolodziejczyz 2012; 2008; Dietler 2010; Mattingly 2011; Gardner 2012; van
Lavan, Payne, Weisweiler 2016 to cite only recent Dommelen 2012; van Oyen 2015; Dench 2018.
collections. For a review Vasunia 2011. 13 Burnham, Johnson 1979.
22 Greg Woolf

noticed was Britain14. In southern Britain in particu- nomic activity was intrusive, but political control
lar there were major shifts in social organization and minimal17. This view allows for more local agency,
politics from the second century BCE. In the century but still presents Rome as the epicentre of cultural
before the Claudian invasion changes became visible waves that rolled well beyond the imperial frontiers.
in patterns of élite consumption and lifestyle. A range The difficulty with such a view is not that it is
of new artefact types began to be deposited. These in- implausible. Mediterranean manufactures and pro-
cluded wine amphorae imported from the continent, cessed foods were exported well beyond the empire,
coins with images that often reflected recent Roman and the return trade probably included slaves and
types, toilet sets that indicate the spread of new styles some raw material, establishing some resemblances
of grooming, table services of individualized fineware, with more recent world systems. The real problem is
some brought from northern France, others produced knowing at what point these process started. Med-
locally. These were found in rich graves, in domestic iterranean products were traded into some areas of
contexts and some of them (especially coinage) depos- temperate Europe from a much earlier date. The fa-
ited in sanctuaries. These new objects, and the new mous giant crater found at Vix in Burgundy dates to
habits and attitudes they reveal, preceded Roman the fifth century BCE: it is now clear that Mediter-
conquest. More precisely they occurred in an area be- ranean imports of a similar date were deposited in
yond the military and political control of Rome, since a broad zone from Bourges through Burgundy into
there was no agreement in the century or so between what is now south west Germany north of the Alps18.
Caesar and Claudius that Britain was to be invaded. Further south there is abundant evidence from ship-
Similar phenomena were found in other areas too, no- wrecks and settlement sites of trade with Etruscan
tably in the Roman Iron Age of some areas of northern merchants in the same period. The nature of what
Europe never brought under Roman control. Artefact was traded did undergo some transformations over
studies have shown the transformation of the material the course of the last five centuries BCE. But there
culture of a broad band of territory east of the Rhine were some genuine continuities for example in the
and north of the Danube15. importance of wine and drinking equipment mov-
Various responses were possible. One was to re- ing north and slaves moving south. It is completely
gard this material as a sign of economic integration implausible that Rome in the sixth and fifth centuries
preceding military takeover, a pattern familiar from BCE played any part in the process.
more recent imperial episodes16. But the analogy is a Roman imperial ventures in the north west took
weak one. It is true that in areas like India and the Far place within social landscapes that had long been
East the activities of Dutch, British and Portuguese enmeshed in complex relationships with the Med-
joint-stock companies often preceded and provoked iterranean. Rome was in some respects a late ben-
colonial takeovers. But there were no similar institu- eficiary of such processes, and the temporary po-
tions in antiquity, and no sign that those who prof- litical unification of much of Europe rested to some
ited from trade in ancient Rome had equivalent in- extent on earlier connections19. Incorporation with-
fluence over the direction of foreign policy. If we set in the empire definitely made some difference. It
aside a teleological view of empire it is apparent that was disruptive and often violent, and strengthened
what we are seeing in all these areas is a mismatch new élites orientated on Rome and Roman patrons.
between direct rule and cultural change. Formal institutions such as the military and taxa-
Another approach has to been to see areas like tion, and the less formal spread of education, com-
late pre-Roman Iron Age southern Britain - and also merce, slavery, and new craft techniques changed
interior France during the second and last centuries the terms under which local agency was exercised.
BCE and Free Germany in the first centuries CE - as New uses were made of imported artefacts, some of
“middle-grounds” areas where Mediterranean eco-

17 Woolf 1993, 1998; Gosden 2004, 104-113; Lampinen

14 Haselgrove 1984; Hill 1997; Creighton 2000; Hill 2001. 2014.
15 Hedeager 1987, 1992; Kunow 1983; Fulford 1985. 18 Milcent 2014.
16 Rowlands, Larsen, Kristiansen 1987; Cunliffe 1988. 19 Reece 1990.
 Taking the long view. Romanization and Globalization in perspective 23

which arrived in such quantities that they exercised as did successive advances in maritime transport22.
a significant agency of their own. Yet this was not a In the background, demographic growth was both a
first contact scenario, not that such scenarios seem driver and a product of change. It has been estimat-
to have been very common in any period outside ed that the population of the Mediterranean Basin
colonial ideology20. quadrupled between the Bronze Age collapse and
How far back should our analysis extend? One the Roman apogee around a millennium and a half
tactic has been to subsume Romanization and Hel- later23. That increase in biopower underpins set-
lenization within some larger process that encom- tlement growth, state formation, urbanization and
passes the history of much of the last millennium the production of agricultural and metallurgical
BCE. “Mediterraneanization” is one term that has surpluses that made connectivity worthwhile. He-
been proposed, and others have used the same no- gemonies and empires rode this wave rather than
tions of middle grounds and colonialism to describe generated it.
earlier stages21. Mediterraneanization has some of If the broad outline of this account is correct
the same disadvantages as all the other processual then we need to rethink the relationship between
terms discussed already, including a liability to be Roman imperialism and cultural change. Roman
co-opted to teleological accounts that look very like success was partly based on its capacity to co-opt
genealogies of the west. Like those other process- this growth to imperial projects, and to co-ordinate
es there is an emphasis on the emergence of com- and profit from the spread of new technologies.
mon phenomena from cities and writing and coin Taking the long view does not require us to ignore
to aristocratic feasting and warfare at the expense imperial asymmetries of power and privilege. But
of enduring and emerging differences. The motor it does force us to see imperial ventures and local
for Mediterraneanization is often left obscure, but responses to them in a broader context.
it is frequently paired with connectivity which, like
interaction before it, leaves questions of agency and 3. Roman Globalization?
power to one side. Despite the disadvantages of
the term, the discussion has made clear that many Part of our discussions at the Villa Vigoni con-
phenomena that in a later period have been viewed cerned the concept of globalization and whether it
as aspects of Romanization, were in fact already in might offer a suitable analytical framework for the
course much earlier. Roman world. The concept is a relatively new coin-
It would be possible to take an even longer- age, and its application to antiquity is almost entire-
term view. The Holocene history of the Mediterra- ly confined to the last two decades24. The question
nean and Europe is one of repopulation and growth has already been much discussed and generated
following the retreat of the ice. The last hunter-gath-
erers were already shaping the resurgent flora and
fauna of post-glacial Europe before farming arrived
from the east and the south. Agrarian societies ex- 22 Anthony 2007; Broodbank 2013. Equids were
domesticated during the fifth and fourth millennium,
panded, new domesticates were introduced, some
the first use of the sail on the Mediterranean was
providing traction as well as food, and iron technol-
in the middle of the third millennium BCE, and
ogy revolutionized clearance projects and building. dromedaries were domesticated during the third and
The arrival of horses and donkeys in temperate Eu- second millennia BCE.
rope and camels in Africa and South West Asia had 23 Scheidel 2007.
a major impacts on human mobility and exchange, 24 Witcher 2000; Martin, Pachis 2004; Hingley 2005; Dark
2006; Geraghty 2007; Sweetman 2007; Morley 2007, 90-
102; Hitchner 2008; Pitts 2008; Sweetman 2011; Boozer
20 Clifford 1999, 17-39. 2012; van Alten 2017. Of special importance are Pitts,
21 Mediterraneanism: Morris 2004; Hodos 2009, cf Wallace- Versluys 2015b; Hodos 2017. Globalization has also
Hadrill 2008, 17-32. Middle grounds: Malkin 2002, 2005; been an important component of other projects e.g.
van Dommelen 2012; Antonaccio 2013. Colonialism: van Cancik, Rüpke 1997, 2009; Whitmarsh 2010; Belich,
Dommelen 1997, 1998; Dietler 2009, 2010. Darwin, Frenz, Wickham 2016.
24 Greg Woolf

both enthusiasm and some critical responses25. phase of processes that began two hundred, five
Used as a structurally-equivalent substitute for Ro- hundred, even five thousand years before) or by
manization, as it has been in a number of studies26, analogy (something like globalization existed in the
it shares many of the drawbacks of Mediterrane- last centuries BCE).
anization, creolization and other process concepts The argument for extending back the chrono-
which I have already outlined. I shall not repeat my logical range of modern globalization is easiest to
objections here. deal with. There is no doubt that the rapid changes
The question of “Globalization” does, however, of the last three decades rested on historical paths
raise once again the question of the most appropri- that began a couple of centuries ago. Among these
ate time period in which to understand theses so- are industrialisation, a growing dependence on fos-
cial transformations. In the spirit a series of studies sil fuels, on iron, plastics and heavy metals, and the
arguing for the utility of very long time frames27, I emergence of nation states. Once again demograph-
want to argue for a Deep Historical approach to the ic change has played a key role. Advances in med-
problem. icine have allowed region after region of the world
“Globalization” in common usage most often re- to undergo a demographic transition from societies
lates to new conditions that began in the early 1990s, with high fertility and high mortality to societies in
following the fall of the Berlin Wall, the end of Apart- which few children are born but most inhabitants
heid in South Africa, the invention of the World live much longer. The global population has in-
Wide Web, the widespread use of mobile phones creased enormously, so that there are roughly eight
and a phenomenal increase in cheap air travel. These times as many humans alive today as there were
developments, and others, connected individuals, two hundred years ago.
communities and businesses around the planet to an One could go even further back. The changes
unprecedented degree. Goods did not travel much associated with industrial capitalism themselves
more quickly, but information and capital certainly rested on a longer sequence of events. Another wa-
did. Long-distance travel became much more easily tershed is often identified at the beginnings of glob-
available especially to those from the Global North. al voyages of navigation five hundred years ago
It is truism to say that, as a planetary community, we which established connections between Asia, the
are still coming to terms with the consequences of Americas, Africa and Europe, connections which
these changes. We speak of increased connectivity, of made possible mercantilism, the Atlantic slave
time-space compression, of deterritorialisation, of a trade, resettlement of the Americas and the domi-
global village and we marvel both at the emergence nance of the world economy by European powers.
of global brands and at the variety of local appropri- And of course we might find the foundations of
ations of them. In this sense globalization is utterly these processes in the Portuguese exploration of the
new, and hard to apply even to the middle of the Atlantic, in the trading guilds that emerged from
twentieth century, with its clunky failing imperial- the Hanseatic League, in the Islamic slave trade of
isms and dependence on long-distance shipping and the Indian Ocean, in the ideologies and institutions
railways to move soldiers, administrators, goods and created in the Reformation and the Reconquista and
workers around the world. Rome, by this measure, so on. The point is that there is no logical year zero.
was not remotely globalized. No generation ever starts from scratch.
The question is how far and how usefully can Extension entails treating each of these transfor-
the concept be applied to earlier periods, either by mations as manifestation of a very long-lived pro-
extension (modern globalization is just the latest cess of globalization, one that perhaps began with
the origins of cities and states. Few historians have
25 Positive evaluations in Pitts 2008; Pitts, Versluys 2015a; been persuaded of that. The process of reconnecting
Witcher 2017. For more sceptical views Naerebout 2006- the species after its Pleistocene dispersal has been a
2007 and, more briefly, Greene 2008; Gardner 2012. discontinuous one. There have been many moments
26 E.g. Hingley 2005; Sweetman 2011; Boozer 2012.
where for contingent reasons new levels of connec-
27 Christian 2004; Shryock, Smail 2011. To some extent
tivity have rapidly come about. But there have also
these share interests with Diamond 1997; Morris 2010.
 Taking the long view. Romanization and Globalization in perspective 25

been many moments of diminishing contact and even start the term can no longer be restricted to plane-
some rapid disconnections. Mediterraneanists are tary phenomena: “global” has to shift from a literal
well aware that even if demographic and economic to a metaphorical descriptor. There are legitimate
growth was a feature of the period 1110 BCE to 200 questions about how small a system can be and still
CE, that period was preceded by the late Bronze Age be described as global. Similar questions arose in re-
collapse which led to several centuries of relative dis- lations to world-systems and centre-periphery anal-
connection between Mediterranean societies. Equal- ysis when ideas designed to described and explain
ly, in late antiquity three major epidemics reduced the emergence of the modern world were applied to
the population of the region with consequences for a range of societies back to the Bronze Age31.
political structures and long distance exchange. By A second set of differences derive not from con-
the early middle Ages many regions of the empire siderations of scale but from differences in technol-
were not only more isolated than they had been for ogy and economic activity. The speed and volume
centuries, but had also lost access to technologies of ancient communications were much less then
that were once widespread. than they are today. This presumably had an impact
Argument from analogy, by contrast, proceeds on the rate of globalization, and perhaps also the
by establishing correspondences between modern periodicity of economic cycles32. It has often been
and ancient cases. This has been occasionally at- suggested that these factors would also have limit-
tempted as a simple comparison of two systems28. ed the power exercised by ancient centres over their
More often a particular historical situation is gener- peripheries33. The modern world-system was based
alized to become a type that can be sought elsewhere on a growing technology gap and has resulted in
in the historical record. Generalizing from a particu- the subordination and impoverishment of what we
lar case is a perfectly common procedure. It involves now call the Global South. Bronze Age world-sys-
deciding which features are essential and always tems seem to have been less about domination. Dis-
present, and which are simply present in a given tant élites were mutually enriched through trade,
case. For example the idea of a “Middle Ground” is but participation was voluntary, and the depend-
widely used now to describe a particular kind of co- ence of peripheries on centres was very slight34.
lonial setting, even though it was framed to describe Any comparison has its limitations. The big
one particular historical instance29. The historical in- question here is whether or not this particular one
stances to which it has been apply vary enormously helps us understand the Roman Empire35. How
but these new ‘middle grounds’ share a few essential does thinking analogically in these terms help us
features, such as that they are places within which understand our own particular case? A very wide
many groups interact and co-exist but outside the range of views have been expressed. Some think
limits of any formal administration. For globaliza- that these differences are so great that they strain
tion it is simply necessary to determine which fea- the analogy past its breaking point, and limit the
tures of modern globalization are generalizable and value of any comparison. Romanists might note the
then set out to find instances in the past. Rome, it has contrast between a planetary community of nearly
been argued, might provide one such instance. 8 billion connected by near instantaneous commu-
This method has been tried for many other re- nications, and tributary empire in which perhaps 80
gions of the pre-modern world, and we now know million people occupied one corner of Eurasia that
what repurposing “globalization” entails30. For a nevertheless took more than 50 days to cross by the
fastest means of communications available.
28 E.g. Galtung, Heiestad, Rudeng 1980.
29 For the original historical case, White 1991. For the 31 Rowlands, Larsen, Kristiansen 1987; Champion 1989;
general category, Gosden 2004 and also Malkin 1998, Sherratt 1993.
2002, 2005; Woolf 2009; Antonaccio 2013; Bonnet 2013. 32 For the idea of economic cycles in the Roman worlds
For responses from the originator of the term White see Going 1992.
2006, 2011. 33 Edens, Kohl 1993; Kohl 2007; Morley 2007, 94-95.
30 Jennings 2011 for a pioneering comparative study. 34 Sherratt 1993.
Hodos 2017 collects more than fifty case studies. 35 Succinctly put by Naerebout 2006-2007.
26 Greg Woolf

Others have however found that a generalized tances to distant places. Trade in stone axes and ob-
model of globalization is at least helpful in suggest- sidian blades, of corals and amber and so much else
ing possible interpretations of antiquity. It has been was enormously extensive. Then there were peri-
suggested that an episode of globalization occurs odic changes that affected vast areas. The spread of
when an increase in the level of interactions can be new domesticated species and of bronze and iron
synchronised with the appearance of phenomena metallurgies are just a few examples. These process-
associated with modern globalization such as time- es are best documented for the Near East and Tem-
space compression, deterritorialization and so on36. perate Europe but analogies can be found from all
Roman rule probably did not bring about any very parts of the globe. From the Bronze Age great net-
dramatic time-space compression of the kinds com- works of exchange began to be extended from area
pared either to those associated with modern em- of urban growth and state formation into adjacent
pires, with their use of the telegraph and railways regions, especially ones where ecological difference
to bring metropole and colony into closer contact. allowed for mutually beneficial exchange. Mobility
But some globalization-type phenomena do appear also played a part in establishing long distance con-
in antiquity such as standardization of production nections, both that brought about by animal trac-
methods, and the spread of some consumption prac- tion and shipping and those powered by migrations
tices especially among élites. The idea of glocaliza- which aDNA has now begun to put back into the
tion – that increased connections with a wider world picture. For all these regions the question of how
might actually give rise to new specifically local long distance connections altered local trajectories
forms – has appeared in several studies focused on has become urgent. A great tool bag of concepts has
classical antiquity37. It has sometimes been asserted been accumulated over the years to describe and
that such borrowed concepts are an aide to imagi- explain all this. They include diffusionism, migra-
native interpretation. Similar points have been made tionism, interaction spheres, centre-and-periphery
about the use of world-systems theory and network analysis and acculturation. Globalization has fitted
analysis. If it helps the creative process or the explan- easily into this family of concepts38.
atory one then it definitely has some value, so long as Many of the problems encountered in the Ro-
the limits of the concept are remembered. man period find parallels here. One is the relative
importance of local sequences of change and of ex-
4. The Power of the Local ogenous influence. This became even more impor-
tant after scientific dating showed that it was not
Our long-running discussion about the rela- sufficient to imagine a gradual diffusion of tech-
tive value of concepts like Romanization, Mediter- nology from early centres of urbanism into barbar-
raneanism and Globalization can be set in another ian hinterlands, lux ex oriente as it was sometimes
context, the even wider debate about how to relate termed39. Connected to this are debates over agen-
change at the local level to long-distance connec- cy. When, for instance, iron technology spread out
tions. I suggest there is some point in doing this. from the Near East into Iran and India, Temperate
This debate has been of particular concern of Europe and eventually sub-Saharan Africa, should
prehistorians, especially those who work on the this be explained by the agency of exporting soci-
sedentary agricultural societies of the Holocene. eties, of that of the adopters? As we become more
Hunter-gatherer populations were not isolated sensitive to the distinctiveness of provincial appro-
from their neighbours, but the denser populations priations of Roman goods, the similarities are in-
allowed by agriculture, and the more varied ma- creasingly obvious.
terial culture of sedentary peoples, makes these Another phenomenon will be particularly fa-
connections more visible. Farmers lived in small miliar to Romanists. In prehistory there were sev-
worlds but were connected over continental dis- eral continent wide changes which for a little while

36 Jennings 2011. 38 E.g. Boivin, Fraschetti 2018.

37 Whitmarsh 2010; Vlassopoulos 2012; Witcher 2017. 39 Renfrew 1973.
 Taking the long view. Romanization and Globalization in perspective 27

created broad zones of relative homogeneity. This is uries shared among imperial élites, silver plate for
true of the Linearbandkeramik pottery, of the Beak- example and papyrus scrolls. But even the wealthy
er Phenomenon and many other examples. The se- were involved in the creation of local style. The var-
quel, however, was usually local differentiation as ious rural residences we included under the head-
new inputs were absorbed, modified, forgotten or ing villa have markedly local style. So do temples.
developed at a local scale. If we consider the élite The cult of Mithras seems to begin from a common
burial customs of Iron Age Europe they vary in this archetype but within a century had diversified into
way: chariot burial survived in some areas until the local forms. Many other styles of religious artefact
end of the millennium, grave goods in some cases also have predominantly regional or local distribu-
included richly painted pottery vessel in highly lo- tions from the second century CE.
cal styles, elsewhere imports were more common. What are the implications if we treat the sudden
Tumuli were, or were not, used according to local standardization and subsequent diversification of
taste and so on. There are some evident Roman anal- material culture in the Roman period as essentially
ogies. Red gloss wares spread fantastically quick- just another instance of a long established dynamic?
ly in the last decades BCE and the first CE within One might be that we worry less about the political
the Mediterranean and beyond it, but by the third dimensions of Roman style. Perhaps post-colonial
century CE distinct local traditions of manufacture readings (and their precursors in cultural resistance,
and decorations had appeared. Gravestones shared nativism and the like) would have less utility as a
a family resemblance in the last and first centuries result. Glocalization too might be less useful, since
but local traditions soon asserted themselves. it derives its power from the engagement of local
The Roman case does have some distinctive markets with non-local products. If localisation does
features. The role of episodes of mass mobility is not respond to a sense of the global so much as to
more and more clear in late prehistory, but no one local taste, and if global markets were - like Roman
has suggested that political conquest or imperial- government - relatively weak in those localities, then
ism existed in the period. Yet the similarities in the perhaps the comparison has less to tell us.
interplay of local cultures and broader connections The essential continuity from the Neolithic
are striking. What if Roman imperialism played no through the Middle Ages is that in normal circum-
more than a facilitating role for many kinds of cul- stances local priorities were the most powerful
tural exchange? First trade and then conquest and contexts within which agency was exercised on the
limited settlement created conditions for one more uses and styles of material culture. Brief episodes
sudden diffusion of new styles across the Mediter- of striking stylistic convergence did appear brought
ranean’s continental hinterlands. What followed by advancing waves of farmers, horse-riding no-
was again a reassertion of the local, a piecemeal mads, travelling smiths, Mediterranean merchants
set of appropriations, adaptions and modifications. or the Roman legions. But in each case the local re-
This will have more explanatory potential for mass asserted itself.
produced and mass consumed objects than for lux-
28 Greg Woolf

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Miguel John Versluys*

“What needs to be built from scratch is a new per- man and Native’ and to creatively discuss what we
ception of Rome that really meets our current needs.” mean when we say ‘Rome’2. This is exactly, I think,
(Terrenato 2001, 87) what Globalisation theory was supposed to do for
us: namely, to revive the Romanisation debate and
“If the notion of ‘power’ may be used as a convenient
take it into new directions3. It is important to under-
way to summarise the consequence of a collective action,
it cannot also explain what holds the collective action in
line that Globalisation was never intended to serve
place. It may be used as an effect, but never as a cause.” as an overall explanans nor to function as something
(Latour 1986, 265) of a new grand narrative for the Roman world4. Our

Frederick G. Naerebout at the occasion of his early

Abstract retirement from Leiden University in 2020. It could not
have been written without all our fierce debates on the
subject - that will continue. I would like to thank the
All across the field of Roman archaeology and histo-
organizers for their kind invitation and for making the
ry, Globalisation theory is now successfully applied as a Romanisation-Globalisation debate into the subject of
heuristic tool to investigate the complex connectivity that our meeting as well as the Villa Vigoni for its splendid
characterised the Roman era. Building on my earlier work hospitality. This essay has profited from the critical
regarding Globalisation and Romanisation, this essay feedback of Rebecca Henzel, Lennart Kruijer, Suzan
takes stock of the debate as it developed in recent years and van de Velde, Roderick Geerts and Martin Pitts. Marike
focuses on the relation between Globalisation and Roman van Aerde kindly corrected the English text.
imperialism specifically. I advance the concept of friction 2 For ‘beyond Roman and Native’ cf. Woolf 1997 and
to illustrate that Globalisation theory is well equipped to Versluys 2014a. For a creative discussion of what we
deal with (hard) power and conclude that, from this per- mean when we say ‘Rome’ see, e.g., the overview of
Roman history written from a Globalisation perspective
spective, Rome should be described as the formative effect
by Roman 2016, who phrases his main conclusion as
of a history of (brutal) encounters across difference. follows on p. 282: “Quant à Rome, nous dirons que, par
intégretation, la dilatation du centre avait marqué une
Introduction: Romanisation as Globali- exceptionalle innovation dans l’histoire de l’Europe,
sation sinon du monde”.
3 As I have argued at length in several publications that
I will not repeat here: Versluys 2014a, 2014b; Versluys
All across our field, Globalisation theory is cur- 2015; Pitts, Versluys 2015b; Hodos et al. 2017; Versluys
rently applied as a heuristic tool to investigate the 2017. I also refer to those publications for definitions of
complex connectivity that characterised the Roman Globalisation and its rich bibliography. For contributions
world1. As such, it is helping us to look ‘beyond Ro- explicitly evaluating my ‘Romanisation 2.0’ see the
four comments following on Versluys 2014a as well as
* Faculty of Archaeology. Universiteit Leiden. Pitts 2020a, 2020b, 2021 and Férnandez-Götz, Maschek,
[email protected] Roymans 2020.
1 I dedicate this article to my dear friend and colleague 4 Versluys 2014b; Morley 2015.
34 Miguel John Versluys

methodological and theoretical discussions, there- important to underline that this was realized and
fore, should not be about whether or not we ought thematized within the period itself already, as the
to use Globalisation (theory) as an alternative for Ro- famous quote from the historian Polybius (Histories
manisation. The real issue is how to best conceptual- 1.3), written around 150 BC, clearly illustrates8:
ize questions about the impact of increasing connec-
tivity and connectedness in the Roman era, beyond […] from this point onwards history becomes one
the proven deficiencies of earlier approaches. organic whole: the affairs of Italy and Africa are con-
Globalisation theory is a fruitful instrument nected with those of Asia and of Greece, and all events
that helps us develop this specific narrative or in- bear a relationship and contribute to a single end.
terpretation of the Roman era; one of connectivity
and its effects although there are certainly other Within the Social sciences today, Globalisation con-
conceptual tools for that available as well (see be- stitutes the main theoretical framework to investigate
low). Globalisation is about the interaction between such convergences and their impact on societies9. Why
the local, regional and global, and how this contin- not use these instruments that are already so skillfully
uous entanglement shapes societies and history5. elaborated upon and discussed in those fields?10
Globalisation, therefore, is always glocalization and
the continuum of the ancient world, the play of
inherently about simultaneous homogenisation and
intensification of production, mobility and exchange
diversification6. This resonates strongly with one
can increasingly, during the Hellenistic period, be seen
of the main characteristics of the Roman era. One in a crescendo which produced in the early Roman
can also focus on (many) other narratives when in- Empire a paroxysm of integration, whose nature is still
terpreting the Roman world and those are no less a subject of debate, but whose quite exceptional scale,
legitimate. But when zooming out and taking the by pre-modern standards, becomes steadily clearer”
perspective of world history, it seems that the ev- or Witcher 2017, 634: “[…] if an empire spanning
er-increasing connectivity that characterizes the an- parts of Europe, Africa and Asia and characterised by
cient world indeed has a crucial role to play when the mass production, exchange and consumption of
we set out to understand and explain what Rome a shared material culture does not qualify as a form
of globalization, then it is improbable that any other
and Romanisation are fundamentally about7. It is
pre-industrial example qualifies either”.
8 Polybius here characterizes the period from roughly
5 As formulated by Pitts 2021, 111: “An emphasis on 200 BC onwards. Cf. Inglebert 2014, 230-236 and Pitts,
globalization helps us to think of the Roman world Versluys 2015, 18 with references. For the concept of
less in terms of separate containers (Roman, native, ‘mondialisation’ in Antiquity see Pradeau 2015.
Gallic, Greek, military, civilian, urban, rural etc.), but 9 As exemplified, for instance, by the Handbooks on
rather a single container variously characterised by Globalisation series published by Edward Elgar
flows and blockages in the movement of people and Publishing (series editor: J. Michie). See also Autiero,
objects. Privileging connectivity and mobility facilitates Cobb, forthcoming.
narratives that de-centre Rome in favour of a more 10 The critique that Globalisation cannot be used to
complex polycentric conceptualization of empire”. analyse the Roman world as the concept would be
6 As already Robertson 1995, 32 put it: “The global is not specific for modernity alone (see the still important
in and of itself counterposed to the local. Rather, what is article Naerebout 2006-2007) has, I think, now been
often referred to as the local is essentially included within proven to be misconceived: see the many counter-
the global”. For glocalisation specifically see Knappett arguments in (already) Hopkins 2002; Jennings 2011;
2011, 10 (who defines it as the ability of individuals to Engels 2015; Pitts, Versluys 2015b and Part I of Hodos
operate across different scales), Roudometof 2016 and, et al. 2017, in particular Knappett 2017 and Robertson
with Roman period case-studies, Queyrel 2011; Versluys 2017. Note that Francophone scholars have two
2015 and Riedel 2018. Local and global are often still terms at their disposal for what in English is called
presented as a dichotomy, however, as does social Globalisation: ‘mondialisation’ and ‘globalisation’;
geography scholar de Blij (2008) when using a whole cf. Ghorra-Gobin 2017. The latter refers to the
book to argue that in a globalized world the power of Globalisation debate as it developed in the 1990s and
place still matters. Of course it does. focusses on finances and the economy; the first is much
7 As phrased by Purcell 2014, 72: “Meanwhile, with more cultural-historical in nature and refers to the
 Romanization as a theory of friction 35

The initial results of investigating Romani- to be an explanation or interpretive conclusion in

sation as a form of Globalisation are promising, itself, however. Saying that Romanisation is Glo-
both within ancient history and archaeology. Often balisation is saying little in interpretative terms and
these studies indeed prove to be helpful in making mainly replaces one descriptive term with another.
us look beyond ‘Roman and Native’ and they fre- The important pay-off of this shift, however, is that
quently provide innovative understandings of what the agency implicit in such terms now changes from
Romanisation means and implies11. As such, Glo- Roman to Global. That is significant because talking
balisation is an important instrument, but certainly about Globalisation instead of Romanisation inher-
not the only conceptual tool, to develop a “[…] new ently moves the interpretation beyond the ‘Roman
perception of Rome that really meets our current and Native’ paradigm, as a matter of fact. It forces
needs”, that Nicola Terrenato called for two decades one to understand developments in the Roman era
ago already12. There are, therefore, many compel- as the effect of collective actions and reactions that
ling reasons for using the concept of Globalisation emanated from a global network. Romanisation, on
and Globalisation theory in our study of the Roman the other hand, tends to locate the agency with Ro-
world13. It should, in my opinion, never be allowed man imperialism in one way or another and subse-
quently has to struggle with the question whether
this was something good or bad14. Still, for the his-
debate on Globalisation and culture as it has largely
torical context in which this Globalisation process
developed in the 21st century, though note already
Robertson 1992; Appadurai 1996 and Tomlinson 1999. takes place, the Roman Empire and its emergence
Scholars working on Globalisation in Antiquity largely is of paramount importance, also in terms of pow-
draw their inspiration and methodologies from the er (see below). Talking about ‘Romanization 2.0’ is
cultural-historical debate on Globalisation (for which meant to combine these perspectives and indicates
see, summarising, Nederveen-Pieterse 2015), hence precisely that: the global processes of change and
‘mondialisation’. Note Pradeau 2015 for the concept transformation taking place in the context of the
of ‘mondialisation’ in Antiquity. (emerging) Roman Empire15. Documenting the
11 Examples of the use of Globalisation theory or the global network of the Roman era and its intense in-
framework of Globalisation within Roman studies
tra-cultural connectivity through specific case stud-
from the last decade include: Gardner 2013; Gardner,
ies therefore is important research, as it continues
Herring, Lomas 2013; Engels 2015; Pitts, Versluys
2015; van Oyen 2015a, 2015b; Orengo, Livarda 2016; to fundamentally change our understanding of the
Roman 2016; Rowan 2016; van Alten 2017; Barrett Roman world and demonstrate how global that his-
2017; Gardner 2017; de Haas, Tol 2017; Hanscam 2017; torical context indeed was16. It allows us to better
Livarda 2017; Sokołowski 2017; van der Veen, Morales contemplate all the collective actions in that global
2017; Witcher 2017; de Jong 2017 (notably Chapter 6); network in relation to each other. But the conclu-
Cassibry 2018a; 2018b; Chaniotis 2018-2019; Hoo 2018; sion that a specific local artefact, site, phenomenon
Jankovi 2018; Kolbeck 2018; Mazurek 2018; Riedel 2018; or culture is at the same time dependent on wider
Scheffler 2018; Autiero 2019; Dufton 2019; Gallimore
2019; Hanscam 2019; Pitts 2019; Puddu 2019; Wigodner
2019; Guidetti, Meinecke 2020; Ivleva, Collins 2020; us understand Rome as a network. 4. It contextualizes
Kouremenos, Gordon 2020; Blömer, Riedel et al. 2021. Roman imperialism by questioning a priori power
Early adapters in the decade before include Witcher structures. 5. It pushes objects to the forefront of
2000; Hingley 2005; Sweetnam 2007; Geraghty 2007; historical inquiry.
Hitchner 2008; Pitts 2008. 14 The latter is not to be underestimated as Roman
12 Terrenato 2001, 87, used as device of this essay. studies will probably always remain something of an
13 Pitts 2020a, 157-158 defines the methodological pay-offs ‘ancestor cult’ with people being inclined to provide
of using Globalisation theory for our understanding of value judgements on the Romans, see Terrenato 2001.
the Roman world as follows: 1. It fosters an explicit 15 Versluys 2014b; Pitts 2020a.
shift away from “methodological nationalism” and 16 Recent work on the relations between Rome and India
container thinking. 2. It decenters Rome in favor of a and the impact of those connections might serve as one
more complex, polycentric idea of the Roman world. out of very many examples, see, for example, Evers
3. It privileges bigger-picture phenomena that make 2017 and Cobb 2018.
36 Miguel John Versluys

global developments is, if not fully explored and ac- In an article from 2004, sociologist Ulrich Beck
knowledged in much past scholarship, in fact stat- discussed the application of Globalisation theory
ing the obvious. In other words: everything in the as a new conceptual framework within the Social
Roman world is local and global simultaneously, in sciences at large20. He distinguished three consecu-
one way or another17. Interpretative depth to these tive phases: first there was dismissal, then there was
conclusions may be gained from focussing on why a phase of conceptual clarification and eventually, in
and how, in what particular way, people, groups or the early 2000s, according to Beck, an epistemologi-
cultures embed the global diversity that they con- cal turn took place. When Martin Pitts and I worked
fronted; ranging from studying the impact of their on the edited volume Globalisation and the Roman
engagement with this global diversity in the short world. World history, connectivity and material culture
and the long run, to inquiring what new constella- we estimated that Roman studies were somewhere
tions it resulted in18. We should, therefore, certainly between Beck’s phases 1 (dismissal) and 2 (concep-
continue documenting the global network that the tual clarification) in their discussion and applica-
Roman world comprised and was part of, but si- tion of Globalisation theory21. The past five years
multaneously we should try to understand the phe- have, I think, brought the field somewhere between
nomena we call Roman as effects of the impact of conceptual clarification and an epistemological
that global network19. turn, equal to Beck’s phases 2 and 3. The present
volume testifies to that important leap forward22. Or
17 This is explored for the Roman Near East in Versluys has the epistemological turn in fact already taken
2021 and Messina, Versluys, forthcoming. For this place through the ubiquity of related concepts like
conclusion in more general and methodological terms connectivity and networks?23 That would be a very
see Knappett 2011.
18 As does, for instance, Hodos 2020 for the Mediterranean artefacts that look Roman (or not) as expressions of
Iron Age. An important recent volume on Prozesse der Romanness (or not). This article discusses the feasibility
Romanisierung (Schattner, Vieweger, Wigg-Wolf 2019; of Globalisation theory for our understanding of the
note the plural) already moves in this direction by Roman world in more general terms and therefore
taking the model developed by Hervé Inglebert (2015) I will explicitly not deal with the interpretation of
as its point of departure. Inglebert suggests that in material culture (and the second point of my essay
order to understand what we call Romanisation, we from 2014) here. For this archaeological critique see
need to distinguish between three different processes: more extensively Versluys 2013; 2015 and 2017 as well
the impact of the imperium, diffusion through all kinds as van Oyen 2015a and 2017. For the way forward see
of resulting cultural interactions, and the process he van Oyen, Pitts 2017; Pitts 2019; Pitts 2020a, 2020b and
calls “imitation of Rome” (Inglebert 2015, summarized 2021 as well as Pitts, Versluys, forthcoming.
and (critically) commented upon by Gutsfeld 2019, 20 Beck 2004.
“Auch ist er mehr ein Mann des Westens als des 21 Pitts, Versluys 2015b, 23.
Ostens und verfügt zudem als Althistoriker über 22 As do the many recent publications using and
einen weniger geschärften Blick für archäologische discussing the concept of Globalisation for their
Phänomene”, 8, an article that serves as the introduction interpretation of the Roman world, see n. 11 above. For
to Schattner, Vieweger, Wigg-Wolf 2019). This model another, comparable evaluation of what Globalisation
achieves a useful distinction between different time- has done for us in the past years see now also Pitts
scales in understanding Romanisation – and I think 2020a, 2020b and forthcoming.
it is no coincidence that, in 2014, Inglebert published 23 One could well describe, I think, Globalisation theory
a substantial volume on global history or histoires as part of or prolongation from a focus on connectivity
universelles. and networks that became paradigmatic in our field
19 Versluys 2014a argued that our archaeological (again) with the publication of Horden, Purcell 2000
discussions on Romanisation should focus on 1. (for this conclusion see already Pitts, Versluys 2015b,
Globalization theory and 2. Material-culture studies in 22). Connectivity is probably the most general and
tandem to fruitfully develop. I programmatically called descriptive term of the three. What networks add to
this essay an archaeological dialogue because of the connectivity is a methodology. What Globalisation
problems that most Romanisation theory has inflicted adds to connectivity is a focus on its increase and
on our interpretation of material culture by treating impact. Perhaps the three discussions could profit
 Romanization as a theory of friction 37

positive development. Using Globalisation theory elite negotiation, code-switching or ‘playing’ with
in our study of the Roman world is not an end in it- cultural scenarios28. Is globalization theory able to
self, but assists in developing a history and archae- effectively deal with Roman imperialism as well?29
ology of interaction for the Roman era – and thus a In answering this question we should be care-
new perception of Rome for our time24. ful, first of all, not to create a false dichotomy be-
tween Romanisation understood as imperialism –
Globalisation and Roman imperialism either ‘good’, as earlier generations with their idea
of a mission civilisatrice, or ‘bad’, as the post-colonial
Much of the recent work that uses Globalisation generation with its idea of Roman imperialism as
theory within Roman studies deals with socio-cul- 19th and 20th-century European imperialism – ver-
tural processes25. This might perhaps reinforce the sus Romanisation as Globalisation30. Understand-
idea that Globalisation theory, in the end, repre- ing the Roman world in terms of Globalisation is
sents something of a ‘soft culturalist perspective’ not meant to favor one image or narrative about
and would miss out on the issue of unequal power Rome over another. It is meant to better conceptu-
relations26. Richard Hingley is one of the authors alize what happened in the Roman world, in terms
who phrased this more explicitly, arguing that pre- of the effects of increasing connectivity, than past
senting the Roman world in terms of Globalisation models of imperialism or acculturation could, in-
risks providing an alibi for global capitalism in the cluding unequal power relations. Concerning this
present27. The concept of Globalisation, according to dichotomy, moreover, it is important to underline
that view, would simply be a cover-up of what, in that, in my opinion, our primary task should not be
fact, is plain, right-out imperialism. Comparable to to judge whether Roman imperialism was good or
how, in our present-day world, a term like Globali- bad: “Unfortunately the habit of passing judgments
sation would actually mean neoliberalism and hide leads to a loss of taste for explanations”, as Annales
the fact that a small part of the world, the West, con- historian Marc Bloch already remarked long ago31. I
tinues to dominate all the rest, as in colonial times,
28 As a recent article by Fernández-Götz, Maschek, Roymans
using Globalisation to describe the Roman world (2020, 1637) concludes: “Some of the perspectives resemble
would hide Roman hard power, mass violence and neoliberal narratives that portray an idealised view of
enslavement behind a smoke screen of concepts like modern-day globalisation focused on the movement
and consumption of goods and ideas, leaving little or no
mention of the more negative sides associated with the
more from one another, also in terms of methodology, exploitation of people and resources”. For the critique
as their common goal is to arrive at an understanding that the notion of ‘playing with culture’, used by King
of the connected past with all its local, regional and (2011) in his study of the endangered indigenous peoples
global complexity (cf. Brughmans, Collar, Coward in current-day Siberia, would only concern elites, see
2016). Giessmann 2014 is an important cultural history Maschek 2020 and note 66 below.
of networks and network thinking, that already started 29 The bibliography on Roman imperialism is enormous,
in Antiquity. cf. Mattingly 1997. I consider Woolf 2015, with attention
24 Terrenato 2001 and Versluys 2014a. See Knappett for interaction as well as a comparison with other early
2011 and 2017 for how to effectively write such Empires, to be the most nuanced recent overview.
archeologies and histories of interaction, as well as all 30 For post-colonial theory and both its problems and
his inspiring work on networks in the Mediterranean opportunities in conceptualizing continuity and change
from the last decade more in general. A splendid recent in ancient history see Mattingly 1997; Gardner 2013;
example of the fruitfulness of this approach, and using Hingley 2015; Sommer 2015; van Oyen 2015a and
Globalisation theory explicitly, is Guidetti, Meinecke Ghisleni 2018.
2020. 31 See Versluys 2014a, 6 with reference to Bloch’s 1953
25 See note 11 above for many examples. Apologie pour l’histoire, ou le métier historien. On value
26 For this critique see, for example, Jankoviç, Mihajloviç judgements concerning Rome and Roman imperialism
2018 and Fernández-Götz, Maschek, Roymans 2020, (and their influence on our field), see Terrenato 2001.
the latter for the term ‘soft culturalist perspective’. That is explicitly not to say that we should not be
27 Hingley 2015 and this volume; equally Mihajloviç 2019, 8. dealing with our responsibility, as scholars studying
38 Miguel John Versluys

think that we can gain a lot in our understanding of from how we usually imagine the rise of the West,
the Roman world if we investigate its imperialism he analyses Roman power in terms of webs of in-
as a form of Globalisation32. But to do so the issue of fluence, underlining how it “[…] was reflected in
what exactly constituted Roman power, and how it a new context for the exercise of local power, in a
functioned, is crucial and cannot be left out33. Most set of additional constraints on and redirections of
scholars, however, continue to use concepts like Ro- authority”37. This aligns well, in fact, with how the
man power and imperialism as a kind of black-box issue of power is dealt with within Globalisation
explanans34. In what remains an illuminating article, studies, as will be illustrated below.
Bruno Latour already strongly criticized this ap- Power is as central to Globalisation thinking
proach, calling power an “empty term” as well as as it probably is to any social theory38. It is interest-
“a stop gap solution to cover our ignorance”35. Ac- ing to note that, where Roman studies have been
cording to Latour, power is always the consequence slow in realizing that the debate on Globalisation
of a collective action and therefore it cannot also within the Social sciences moved from subjects like
explain what holds the collective action in place. It the internet economy and our 20th/21st century mo-
may, in other words, be used as an effect, but nev- dernity towards culture and deep history; it now
er as a cause36. In a recent publication that explicit- seems to be rather ignorant (again) to assume that
ly reconsiders the question of Roman power, Greg Globalisation theory does not deal with hard pow-
Woolf argues that, while terms like imperium evoke er39. To illustrate this point, we might briefly turn
“[…] transitive verbs in which Romans are actors to the work of what is one of the main theorists of
and provincial objects of domination”, relations of Globalisation and culture, Arjun Appadurai. After
power turn out to be much more complicated when the publication, in 1996, of his now classic Moder-
considered more carefully. Rightly underlining nity at Large, Appadurai was sometimes criticized
that the rise of Rome was something very different for presenting too rosy a picture of Globalisation.
His essay Fear of small numbers from 2006, was part-
Greek and Roman societies, of functioning in a field ly written as a reaction to the critique that his ide-
with strong colonial premises and racist entanglements, as would be “insufficiently attentive to the darker
see Versluys 2020.
32 Gosden 2004 already is a sophisticated attempt to do
so. Note his iconoclastic conclusion on colonialism on 37 Woolf 2020, 85; cf. already Woolf 2015. This reflects
p. 153: “Colonialism is a relationship of desire, which what Latour 1965, 267 remarks about scholars’
creates a network of peoples and things, but the exact fetishization of the initial impetus or what Latour
shape of desire and the ensuing network will vary”. A calls ‘token’ (in our case the Roman conquest). On
major theme of the book is to understand imperialism that fetishization he concludes: “[…] rather it is the
and colonial forms as circulation systems, as I propose consequence of the energy given to the token by
here. everybody in the chain which does something with
33 As already explicitly underlined in Versluys 2014a, 10: it […]”. This is exactly, I think, how we should try
“The concept of ‘power’ is important for all historical and understand Romanisation. Instead of thinking
narratives, but it is only a concept. We should about power in terms of diffusion, Latour argues, we
therefore certainly continue to think about ‘power’ in should therefore rather conceptualise power in terms
Roman historical and archaeological studies, but only of translation. Following a Latourian approach but only
if we seriously theorise the subject – and not in terms implicitly, Woolf mainly draws on the work of Steven
of imperialism and colonialism alone”. Note that the Lukes for his theorizing of power. Lukes 2004 equally
conclusion of Gosden 2004 is therefore rightly entitled proposed a multi-dimensional view of power in terms
‘Power’. of contexts and relationships.
34 As illustrated, for example, by Mihajloviç 2019 and 38 For the concept of power in general see, e.g., Latour
Fernández-Götz, Maschek, Roymans 2020. 1990; Lukes 2004 and Stewart, Haugard 2013.
35 Latour 1986, 265-266. 39 As an illustration of Roman Studies being a slow
36 Latour 1986, 265, the device of this essay. See also adapter of Globalisation theory one could point to the
Latour 1990, an equally illuminating article as it shows remarkable fact that Witcher 2000, the first article to
that a full description of power and domination may explicitly link Globalisation studies with Romanisation,
only be obtained by reconstructing networks. did have so little impact at the time.
 Romanization as a theory of friction 39

sides of globalization, such as violence, exclusion, power: the issue is even central to the work of one
and growing inequality”40. Fear of small numbers is of our main theorists on Globalisation and culture44.
all about Globalisation in relation to power and vi- Power and its consequences, like inequality, have
olence as a result, drawing on research concerning thus become rather standard ingredients of current
Hindu-Muslim atrocities in India at the beginning definitions of Globalisation. In his Globalizations and
of the 1990s and ethnic cleansing in Rwanda and the ancient word, for instance, Justin Jennings has
the Balkans in the same era41. How is it possible, usefully defined eight hallmarks of Globalisation45.
Appadurai asks, that a period dominated by Glo- Two of those, unevenness and vulnerability, are ex-
balisation, not only of capital but also of liberal ide- plicitly concerned with (unequal) power relations
as about constitutional rule, human rights, etc., is and their impact.
equally characterized by extreme forms of ethnic The relevance of Appadurai’s work for a bet-
violence, especially against what are considered mi- ter understanding of Roman power and violence
norities? This is, in his view, because these minori- as the dark side of Globalisation in Antiquity is
ties would be the metaphors and reminders of the not immediately apparent. Appadurai’s argument
betrayal of the “national project” of nation states42. is tied up with the modern nation state as a cen-
Nation states he considers to be vertebrate organ- tral unit of analysis and the Roman Empire was ex-
izations “premised on a finite set of coordinated, plicitly not that. The situation, therefore, was very
regulative norms and signals” as well as on some different in case of the Romans, where the idea of
idea of a common national imaginary that minor- “an anxiety of incompleteness” would make little
ities undermine43. There always is a tension, as he sense given the fact that Rome actively comprised
sees it, between nation states as vertebral systems, the cultures it conquered and ostentatiously built its
on the one hand, and global networks on the other. own identity on those cultures46. In somewhat more
Increasing Globalisation, according to Appadurai, general terms, however, violence certainly served
makes this tension, “an anxiety of incompleteness”, to produce identity in the Roman world47. It is also
as he calls it, ever more acute because the nation true, moreover, that the increasing influx of people,
state represents a vertebral model unfit for a net- things and ideas from ever more distant regions
worked world. Violence against minorities in order
to underline and create identity would be the re-
44 Should violence then perhaps be investigated as a
sult of this tension. Now we may certainly debate form of culture too? Or is culture perhaps a form of
whether any of this is relevant for the Roman world hard power as well? For more work on the concept
at all (see below). The main point, however, is that of power in relation to Globalisation theory see, e.g.,
Globalisation theory actively engages with hard various contributions to Held, McGrew 2007 as well
as Höppner 2011.
40 As Appadurai 2006, ix-x summarizes it himself. Later 45 Jennings 2011, 30-31: 1. time-space compression, 2.
(Appadurai 2013, 1) he explained this as follows: “I deterritorialization, 3. standardization, 4. unevenness,
tried in this later book to complement my interest in 5. homogenization, 6. cultural heterogeneity, 7. re-
global flows with a focus on global bumps, borders, embedding of local culture, 8. vulnerability. These
black holes, and quarks, diacritics of the new global are also the criteria used by Hodos 2020 in her
order”. interpretation of the Mediterranean Iron Age as a
41 Appadurai urges us to see the latter examples also in globalising world.
terms of state- or cultural formation if we really want 46 Predatory identities, therefore, did not exist in the
to understand what goes on. Cf. Morris 2014 on the Roman world, see Gruen 2011 with many examples.
role of conflict in civilization and what it is good for. Ethnocentrism certainly did but that is something else.
42 Appadurai 2006, 43. Somewhat in contradiction with Rightly Gosden 2004, 156: “The nation states of the last
his earlier work that often argues for the importance few hundred years have given us a historically unusual
of historicizing, Appadurai suggests that present notion about identity […]”.
day Globalization “challenges our strongest tool for 47 Appadurai 2006, 7. For Antiquity see now Hölscher
making newness manageable, and that is the recourse 2019. The relations between violence and identity are
to history”. illustrated in an illuminating Chapter on the mid- and
43 Appadurai 2006, 25-26. long-term effects of Roman war by Morris 2014.
40 Miguel John Versluys

and cultures forced the Romans to actively rethink deal with soft and hard power, while it pays atten-
and reinvent their identity48. One could character- tion to both. There is no need, therefore, to fear that
ize large parts of Roman literature, for instance, as a Globalisation approach would cover up the dark-
a constant debate on what Roman identity exactly est sides of Roman imperialism53. It will, however,
was – with the constant blurring of the categories surely put traditional views of Roman imperialism
Roman and Other as its result49. What is perhaps in perspective, by demonstrating that Roman power
also true, in more general terms, is that something was also an effect; the outcome of a web of local and
happened in the Roman world comparable to what global developments and interests. This will make
Appadurai calls grassroots Globalisation50. This our idea of Romanisation and imperium more com-
was, of course, not the case in the Roman world in prehensive for sure. Empires usually get bad press,
this particular manifestation. What was the case, as they are predominantly analysed in terms of im-
however, was that new, more global possibilities perialism in our distinct post-colonial understanding
that resulted from Roman imperialism also enabled of that word. As a result, they are primarily associ-
people at the bottom of the social ladder to form ated with hard power and the abuse thereof at the
new connections and coalitions to reach their goals expense of the conquered or colonised. This is and
and serve their interests51. remains an important perspective. Discussions on
There is much to be gained, therefore, from un- Roman power often concern the role of the military
derstanding Roman imperialism as a form of Glo- and the state in creating new economic and politi-
balisation52. Globalisation theory is well-equipped to cal structures, especially for the western provinces
of the Empire. That body of work has brought us a
48 Appadurai 2006, 83 phrases this as follows for his lot54. However, this should not be the only perspec-
context: “The global flow of mass-mediated, sometimes tive from which to study and understand empires.
commoditized, images of self and other create(d) a Recent developments in Empire studies have shown
growing archive of hybridities that unsettle(d) the that Empires do much more, and often simultane-
hard lines at the edges of large-scale identities”. For ously55. If we look at the increase of connectivity that
comparable developments in the Roman era see I have argued to be a defining characteristic of Rome,
Versluys 2015.
the main characteristic of Empires, in terms of inten-
49 For the flow of mass mediated images in the Roman
sification, is probably the way in which they increase
world and their unsettling nature specifically, see
various contributions to Gruen 2011. options and widen the repertoire of possibilities for
50 Appadurai 2006, Ch. 6; extensively elaborated upon in all involved56. One of the gains of such an approach,
Appadurai 2013. With those terms Appadurai indicates in my opinion, is that it is not hampered by the ide-
the worldwide, bottom-up effort of NGOs and other ology pervading and indeed polluting many previ-
organizations to shape the global agenda on social ous interpretations of (Roman) imperialism: that it
issues and with that their own future.
51 This despite the immense social inequalities that also Hingley 2005 and Gardner 2013.
continued to characterize the ancient world, also in 53 See the debate in Fernández-Götz, Maschek, Roymans
the Roman era. Still, however, it seems that landscapes 2020 with the reaction in Versluys 2020.
of resistance and landscapes of opportunities were 54 See, for instance, the important work by David
intertwined. For the outcome of all this in a general Mattingly (Mattingly 1997; 2006; 2010).
vein, see Morris 2014, 42: “By the best estimates, per 55 As now illustrated and analysed in the splendid Oxford
capita consumption typically rose about 50 percent World History of Empires (Bang, Bayly, Scheidel 2020).
in the first two centuries after incorporation into the I find the work by J. Darwin on the British and other
empire. The process disproportionally favoured the Empires most illuminating in this respect; see Darwin
already rich, who grew even richer, but every class 2007 and 2013 as well as many of the more recent
of objects that archaeologists can count – house sizes, contributions to the Oxford History of the British Empire
animal bones from feasts, coins, the height of skeletons Companion Series as well as the Oxford University Press
– suggests that tens of millions of ordinary people book series After the Empire. The francophone world and
profited too”. postcolonial France.
52 Something that, in a landmark article, Rob Witcher 56 See Gosden 2004; Lavan, Payne, Weisweiler 2016;
already showed two decades ago (Witcher 2000); see Versluys 2017.
 Romanization as a theory of friction 41

should be either good or bad. If post-colonial schol- tury59. This was the time of General Suharto, when
ars, therefore, are truly interested in investigating it looked like the country was developing well. At-
the location of culture from a variety of (alternative) tracted by cheap resources, international business
perspectives, as Homni Bhabha formulated it, they was allowed to enter Indonesia and its economy on
should welcome Globalisation theory as an impor- a massive scale, backed by the apparent stability of
tant heuristic tool, also to better understand (Roman) the military and its elites. Indonesia was considered
imperial power57. to be one of the “Asian Tigers” in this period, and
many proclaimed that the country would soon be
Romanisation as a theory of friction part of the First World. Then, suddenly, around the
turn of the century, Indonesia appeared to fall apart,
To illustrate this point, I now turn towards a when a popular revolution forced Suharto to resign.
(modern) case study and the concept of friction. This With this revolution, those from the bottom of the
parallel makes exactly the same argument as the pyramid, including students and indigenous peo-
previous section in terms of methodology. It shows ples, played the most important role, together with
what happens when localities and people become parts of the middle classes. The events of the 2000s
increasingly interconnected and interdependent. It have shaped the Indonesia of today in many respects
illustrates that this results in a world of both interre- and it is logical, therefore, that many accounts and
lated and disjunctive flows, with problems and op- interpretations of this defining moment for Indone-
portunities that manifest themselves in local forms sian history exist. Most of these narratives focus on
but with contexts that are anything but local. It the events in 1998 themselves; on what happened
makes clear how power is indeed part and parcel of in Jakarta and other centers on Java, Sumatra and
all these stories, but as a consequence of collective Bali, in terms of power, politics, ethnic and religious
actions – and with winners and losers everywhere. identities, and finances. Tsing does something else,
It shows how all these developments together cre- or rather, totally different. She zooms out and fo-
ate something new. The example, therefore, is about cusses on what happened in the rainforests of the
complex connectivity and the development of syn- province of Kalimantan in the decades before 1998.
ergies resulting in profound socio-cultural change. Let us briefly look at how she accounts for this
In all these aspects, I argue that it is strongly remi- methodology. Her main point is that the events
niscent of the process we call ‘Romanisation 2.0’. I are “not a story that can be confined in a village,
will do so by briefly summarizing some the main a province, or a nation” and therefore she rather
points of the work of the American anthropologist offers “an ethnography of global connection”60. By
Anna Lowenhaupt Tsing, especially her 2005 book using the term ‘global connection’ she means to in-
entitled Friction. An ethnography of global connection. dicate that events like the Indonesian revolution of
Is it useful to think about Romanisation as a theory 1998 “grow from spatially far-flung collaborations
of friction? Should our narratives of Rome become and interconnections”61. By talking about ‘ethnog-
ethnographies of global connection?58
Friction. An ethnography of global connection deals 59 Tsing 2005. The follow-up of this study, Tsing 2015, is
with the question what happened to Indonesia, and an exploration of the varied worlds of the matsutake,
in particular its rainforests and their indigenous one of the world’s most valuable mushrooms and
cultures, in the final three decades from the 20th cen- brings together Japanese foodies, south-east Asian
jungle fighters, global capitalist traders, US veterans,
Finnish nature guides and Chinese goat herders to
57 Bhabha 1994; for this critique on postcolonialism as explain what goes on. The book thus equally departs
it manifests itself in Roman studies in particular, see from the idea of global connections as the only context
more extensively Versluys 2014a and 2020. for a proper historical analysis and I will therefore
58 I think these questions of Globalisation are equally sometimes quote from it in addition to Tsing 2005.
central to a recent manifesto for complexity science and 60 Tsing 2005, ix.
formal modelling in Roman studies, see Brughmans et 61 Tsing 2005, ix. Tsing 2015, 205 characterizes these as
al. 2019 and note 23 above. “transnational conjectures”.
42 Miguel John Versluys

raphy’ she wants to underline that “cultural diver- easy process and indeed there are winners and los-
sity is not banished from these interconnections; it ers, and there is friction, as Tsing constantly reminds
is what makes them – and all their particularities – us of. But her main conclusion is that friction chang-
possible”62. In her view, it is only the entanglement es everyone’s direction, often in unexpected and un-
of the global and the local that could bring about foreseen ways, so that the local, regional and global
the revolution, as “Cultural diversity brings a cre- possibilities are remade for everyone as part of this
ative friction to global connections”63. What then is very process. Emergent cultural forms, then, like the
this creative friction? “A wheel turns because of its new Indonesia of the 21st century, including forest
encounter with the surface of the road; spinning in destruction and environmental advocacy, “are per-
the air it goes nowhere. Rubbing two sticks togeth- sistent but unpredictable effects of global encounters
er produces heat and light; one stick alone is just a across difference”67. Tsing’s methodology, therefore,
stick. As a metaphorical image, friction reminds us is based on the unexpected and unstable aspects of
that heterogenous and unequal encounters can lead Global interaction; these “[…] messy and surprising
to new arrangements of culture and power”64. features of such encounters across difference, should
Tsing analyses the coming together of local, re- inform of models of cultural production”68.
gional, and global in the Indonesian rainforest as
friction, by focusing on the cultural work of encoun- Conclusion: encounters across difference
ter as formative. Her analysis is thus not primarily
interested in right or wrong or who is too blame – Like all (complex) cultures, Rome was shaped
although Tsing has strong opinions about this, too, and transformed throughout a long history of re-
and neoliberalism is described as devastating. But gional to global networks. In the end, the work of
instead she is interested in the results of the process such encounters always emerges as formative, also
through which global elements came together. It in case of the Roman Empire. Rome is the formative ef-
turns out, then, that unexpected alliances arise be- fect of a history of (brutal) encounters. Analytical tools
tween “North American investment practices and for thinking about this global emergence are still
the stock market, Brazilian rubber tapper’s forest rudimentary, for our current-day world as well as
advocacy and United Nations environmental fund- for the Roman era. We normally produce data about
ing, international mountaineering and adventure how people in a specific, local context live and thus
sports, and democratic politics and the overthrow of react, resist, translate, and consume what comes
the Suharto regime, among other things”65. It turns from outside that context. From there, it is an easy
out that, in the grips of worldly encounters, all these step to evoke distinctions between the local and the
cultural differences become creative66. This is not an global. Such a dichotomy is most unhelpful, howev-
er, as, to quote Tsing one final time, even69:
62 Tsing 2005, ix. This idea is worked out in Chapter 3
in terms of “distinctive confluences of knowledge, as
well as the nodes of practice and discourse informed only involves the elites; on the contrary. See already
by these confluences” (113). Appadurai 1996, Chapter 5 and King 2011.
63 Tsing 2005, ix-x and prominently worked out in 67 Tsing 2005, 3.
Chapter 1. Tsing 2015, 205 formulates it as follows: 68 Tsing 2005, 3 with the example of rubber on 5: “Industrial
“Global history is at play but sometimes with rubber is made possible by the savagery of European
unexpected results”. conquest, the competitive passions of colonial botany,
64 Tsing 2005, 5. It is, therefore, the friction that produces the resistance strategies of peasants, the confusion of
movement, action and effect. war and technoscience, the struggle over industrial
65 Tsing 2005, ix. The analysis in Tsing 2015 presents an goals and hierarchies, and much more that would not
even more bewildering variety of global participants be evident from a teleology of industrial progress. It is
and underlines that not all these connections have the these vicissitudes that I am calling friction”.
same effect (213). 69 Tsing 2005, 122. The latter sentence encapsulates her
66 This is also what the concept of ‘playing’ with cultural anthropological methodology that she started developing
scenarios alludes to. It is thus a misunderstanding, as from her fieldwork in Kalimantan in the 1980s onwards
Maschek 2020 suggests, that focusing on such a process and that I summarized above, see Tsing 1993.
 Romanization as a theory of friction 43

the most out-of-the-way cultural niches are formed fore include different scales of analysis – the local,
in world crossing dialogues. Cultures are always both the regional, and the global – and from this network
wide-ranging and situated, whether participants im- perspective we should focus on how the world was
agine them as local or global, modern or traditional, fu- remade, by all involved, when these different scales
turistic or backward-looking. The challenge of cultural became entwined. What we call Rome is something
analysis is to address both the spreading of intercon- new that is the effect of global interaction, of (bru-
nections and the locatedness of culture. tal) encounters across differences, and hence the re-
To arrive at such forms of cultural analysis for sult of friction.
the Roman world, our interpretations should there-
44 Miguel John Versluys

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Hellenizing Rome – Romanizing Greece – Globalizing the Empire?
Johannes Bergemann*

Abstract stone monuments that were created under the pro-

tection of this Limes can easily be recognized as
Die kulturellen Veränderungen im Laufe der römi- part of Roman culture through their iconography
schen Herrschaft waren außerordentlich vielfältig. Die and their Latin inscriptions. When looking at the
Romanisierung Griechenlands setzt auf alten kulturellen inscriptions, however, these mostly come from sol-
Traditionen auf. Athen ist ein exzellentes Beispiel, denn diers or other immigrants from the Mediterranean
dort greift der augusteische Klassizismus auf die eigene region, but not from the local population. Roman
Geschichte zurück und kann daher besonders leicht auf- culture comes to Scotland with its bearers. The mo-
genommen werden. Die kaiserzeitlichen Grabreliefs in numents of the Antonine Wall are not an expres-
Athen zeigen die breite Rezeption dieses Phänomens. Es sion of a cultural expansion beyond the Roman
entsteht eine Verbindung zwischen klassischer Tradition population1.
und ‚Zeitgesicht‘. Anders als heute findet römische Glo- In 1990, Martin Millett described the Romani-
balisierung im geschützten Raum des Weltreichs statt. zation of Britain as an interaction between Romans
Doch beschreibt sie ein allgemeineres Phänomen, als das, and natives2. The question of Romanitas arose in
was in Athen und andernorts mit Romanisierung be- particular with regard to Greece and the Greek-in-
schrieben werden kann. fluenced provinces of the Eastern Mediterranean3.
A decade later, the concept of Romanization was
The cultural changes in the course of the Roman rule deconstructed. Greg Woolf clearly distances him-
were extraordinarily diverse. The Romanization of Greece self from the term in his article on ‘Romanization’ in
adopted old local cultural traditions. Athens is an excel- Der Neue Pauly4; here he is looking for alternatives5.
lent example, because there, Augustan classicism draws Richard Hingley6 and John Miguel Versluys7 have
on the city’s own history. Therefore, Athens absorbed the recently advocated replacing the term with ‘Globa-
new Roman classicism most easily. Athenian grave reliefs lization’. The discussion about Globalization led in
from the imperial period show the broad reception of this
phenomenon in Athenian society. There iconography cre-
* Archaeologsches Institut. Georg August Universität.
ates a symbiosis of classical tradition and Roman ‘Zeitge-
Göttingen. [email protected]. I thank Ms.
sicht’. Unlike today, Roman Globalization takes place in Pauline Beckmann for corrections to the English text.
the protected space of the Roman Empire. Yet it describes a 1 MacDonald 1934, 437-439, nn. 57, 59, 60; 447, pl. 76,4.
more general phenomenon than Romanization in Athens Collingwood, Wright 1965, 673 f., nn. 2181-2183.
and elsewhere. Keppie, Arnold, 41, nos. 110-111; 42, no. 113, pl. 30.
Robertson, Keppie 2015.
A visit to the Hunterian Museum in Glasgow
2 Millett 1990.
seemed to make it clear. In the time of Antoninus
3 Alcock 1993; Woolf 1994; Alcock 1997; Bergemann 1998.
Pius, there was Roman culture beyond Hadrian’s 4 Woolf 2001.
Wall, within the Antonine Wall between the Firth of 5 Woolf, this volume, 19-32.
Forth and the River Clyde, at the narrowest point 6 Hingley 2005.
of the British Isles at Edinburgh and Glasgow. The 7 Versluys 2014; Versluys 2015.
50 Johannes Bergemann

2017 to the publication of the Routledge Handbook of an expression of early Globalization14. However, the
Archaeology and Globalization published by Tamar question arises whether a globally expanded concept
Hodos8. Here Africa, America, Australia, Oceania of Globalization can even be suitable as a heuristic
and Asia are dealt with before Europe and the Me- means. Furthermore, what performance can one
diterranean and at the same time, the boundaries expect from a concept of Romanization that prima-
of antiquity are left behind advancing the question rily researchers from European nations with an ear-
down to the modern world. lier pronounced colonial history put into question?
All this seems like a British-Dutch debate. In A word analysis in the archaeological biblio-
fact, as early as 2000, the German ancient historian graphy ‘Dyabola’ (www.dyabola.de) shows that
Jochen Malitz wrote about Globalization and the after 2000 the term ‘Globalization’ was used in books
Roman Empire in a context of advanced training for and essays in classical studies mainly in the English
teachers9. Albeit at a great distance from the term, and French language areas, less in the German and
which at the time, was not yet introduced in classi- Italian, while the term ‘Romanization’ continues to
cal studies, Malitz was inclined to give it up imme- be used much more frequently, especially in Italy
diately, since the Roman Empire did not dominate and even in the English-speaking world. It there-
the whole world neither in the ancient nor in today’s fore seemed sensible to combine the theoretical ap-
sense, and to turn to the traditional concepts of Ro- proaches of the Anglo-Saxon researchers with ma-
manization. In the German-speaking area, Günther terial-based observations from Germany, Italy and
Schörner had already addressed the problems of other countries in a colloquium at Villa Vigoni in
the concept of Romanization in a comprehensive November 2019. The debates there showed, on the
and differentiated manner through collected papers one hand, that the questions can neither be answered
from Jena University10, and underpinned them with in a purely theoretical nor in a purely material-based
a series of case studies on the material. However, manner, and on the other hand, that the conditions in
the authors did not use the term ‘Globalization’ in different provinces and distant regions of the Roman
this book. R. Hingley introduced it into the discus- Empire were different. It had already become clear
sion in the same year. A decade later, John Miguel beforehand that no comprehensive and overarching
Versluys emphatically put ‘Globalization’ up for di- solutions were conceivable15, but it is worth, consi-
scussion about the Roman Empire11. dering the terms ‘Romanization’ and ‘Globalization’
Researchers would characterize Globalization in terms of their efficiency and nuances against the
primarily by increased and dense connectivity. They background of regional and local studies.
regard it as a historically late phenomenon as well
as a long-term trend that reaches its peak in the mo- Romanization and local traditions
dern age, or as a phenomenon that recurs periodi-
cally in history12. The term Globalization serves to During the colloquium at Villa Vigoni, Thomas
“recognize the tension between shared practices and Schattner identified the Iberian Peninsula as an area
the rejection of them […]. Globalization enables us to in which Roman culture and linguistics spread in
consider the interconnections between all these dif- high density16. There are also variants of Romani-
ferent levels of interaction in a united perspective”13. zation in ancient Hispania and Lusitania. The cen-
It is conceivable that e.g. the invention of the tral part of the Mediterranean coast in the southern
wheel at distant points at about the same time was area of today’s Comunitat Valenciana, for example,
shows a less intensive acceptance of Roman culture
8 Hodos 2017a. than Catalonia or Andalusia17.
9 Malitz 2001.
10 Schörner 2005; Schörner 2005a; Schörner 2005b; Schör-
ner 2005c.
11 Hingley 2005. For more literature see Woolf this vol- 14 Mischka 2013; Holm 2019.
ume, 23-24, notes 24-26. 15 Schörner 2005b.
12 Jennings 2017. 16 Schattner this volume, 219-240.
13 Hodos 2017b. 17 Abad Casal 2016.
 Hellenizing Rome – Romanizing Greece – Globalizing the Empire? 51

In contrast, Elisabeth Fentress describes a very he- schemes. A good example is the statue of C. Offel-
terogeneous situation in North Africa18. While in some lius Ferus24. It clearly differs from the Toga statues
places the Roman culture and Latinitas are brought to common in Italian cities at around the same time.
the fore by Roman dignitaries, e.g. in Utica, there are The bronze statue of Aulus Metellus from Perugia
many examples where local traditions remain domi- (‘Arringatore’) is an example that is as impressi-
nant, e.g. in Thugga, and even double communities ve as it is of excellent quality25. Naked, Hellenistic
that combine or separate both aspects. A comparison schemes later became acceptable in central Italy. As
with the French colonization of Algeria in the 19th and an example, the portrait statue of an unknown per-
early 20th centuries also shows that the Romanization son in the Museum of Formia can attest to this26.
could only have affected a very tiny part of the ancient Since the 2nd century BC, Romans and Italians
population of North Africa. appeared increasingly in Greek sanctuaries. Out of
many examples, here I quote the small Propylaea of
Romanization and Hellenization Eleusis from the 1st century BC, donated by Appius
Claudius Pulcher and provided with a Latin inscrip-
In the colloquium at Villa Vigoni, Nicola Terre- tion27. The presence of Roman officials in the san-
nato showed the necessary ‘Romanization’ of Rome ctuary of Amphiaraos near Oropos in northern Atti-
itself through Greek culture, which enabled the city ca is also impressive. Here the Demos had honorary
to exert cultural influence into the provinces. Fur- statues erected for M. Agrippa and other Romans28.
thermore, it was not only Rome, but central Italy as At the level of politicians and nobiles, the eque-
a whole to be Hellenized19. strian statue, that L. Cornelius Sulla had at the Rostra
The Hellenization of Rome and central Italy for in the Roman Forum by forcing the Senate. Indicates
itself is a complex process. On the one hand, Roman the final inclusion of the established forms of Greek
officers like L. Aemilius Paullus successfully wage honorary statues in the Roman repertoire29. The in-
war with their legions in Greece and thus came in tensive relationships between Rome and the central
touch with the Hellenistic Greek culture, where they Italian cities on the one side and the Greek cities in
can act as new diadochs in a completely different way the Aegean region on the other by traders and offi-
than in Rome. After the battle of Pydna (168 BC), cials are at the same time an impressive symptom
Aemilius Paullus had the prepared monument of for the interconnectivity in the period of the Late
his opponent, the Macedonian king Perseus, rewor- Republic. Peter Attema described at Villa Vigoni the
ked for himself and mocked the defeated opponent consequences based on imported amphorae in the
by naming him in the inscription20. An equestrian Pontine plains and interpreted this evidence plausi-
statue like the one on top of the monument was al- bly as “Globalization of the countryside”30.
most inaccessible to a Roman at home at this time21.
On the other hand, there were traders from The Augustan period as a catalyst
the Italian cities in the East, who were particular-
ly prominent in Delos22. There they built an agora, The spread of architecture and sculpture with
the largest building on the island, and furnished it the preferred pictorial symbols of the Augustan pe-
with ornamental edgings in which statues of honor riod led to a surge of cultural motifs from Rome to
were set up that were labeled bilingual, Greek and Italy and the provinces, to Gaul and Spain as well
Latin23. The portray statues there, partly traders, as to North Africa and the East. The templates often
partly Roman officers, often appear in naked Greek come from the Imperial Forum of Augustus, its ar-

24 Herbin, Queyrel 2017.

18 Fentress, this volume, 165-178. 25 Fittschen 2008; Dohrn 1968.
19 Terrenato, this volume, 77-88. 26 Cassieri 2013; Zanker 1983a.
20 Kähler 1965; Boschung 2001; Rödel-Braune 2015. 27 Sauron 2001; Klauser 2018.
21 Bergemann 1990, 32-37. 28 Löhr 1993; Petrakos 1997.
22 Rizakis this volume, 243-272; Coarelli 2016. 29 Bergemann 1990, 33-35; 159 Kat. Nr. L19, Taf. 89k.
23 Lapalus 1939; Trümper-Ritter 2008. 30 Attema, this volume, 89-108.
52 Johannes Bergemann

chitectural sculpture and statues31. Furthermore, we

can understand the Julio-Claudian portraits of the
emperors and their families in the sense of sprea-
ding urban Roman cultural aspects32.
At the same time, it is also clear that there is little
genuinely Roman that was propagated from Rome
and received outside of it. Because classicism and
Athens’ blossom during the 5th century played a
central role: the maiden statues from the Erechtheion
on the Acropolis and the statues of Polycleitos from
Argos. Even more. In the Augustan period Romans
transferred original sculptures from Greek temples
to Rome and re-erected them in the Temple of Apollo
by Sosius at the foot of the Capitol33. Fig. 1 Athens, Monopteros of Roma and Augustus on the
Acropolis IG II² 3173; IG II/III³ 4, 10.
Romanization of the Greeks
Along with the presence of Italians in the Ae-
gean region, however, there is also a fundamental
change in the cultural climate in Greece. In this
course, Athenians and other Greeks open up to cul-
tural influences from Rome and Italy. These pheno-
mena even appear around the Augustan period.
Athens erected several public buildings during the
Augustan period, which refer to the high Classical Ath-
ens and therefore to its own history, and official clas-
sicistic tendency of the Augustan period. It is noticea-
ble that the Monopteros of Roma and Augustus on the
Acropolis (IG II² 3173; IG II/III³ 4, 10)34 as well as the
Propylon of Athena Archegetes, the entrance to the Roman
Agora in Athens, are built by the Demos of Athens. The
Demos reads at the beginning of the dedicatory inscrip-
tion of the latter (IG II² 3175; II/III³ 4, 12) although the
funds had been made available by Caesar and Augus-
tus themselves. What is remarkable about the architec-
ture of both monuments is that they replicate the clas-
sical Athenian architecture of the 5th century BC. The
propylon of Athena Archegetis copies the Propylaea on
the Acropolis and the Roma-Augustus Temple on the
Acropolis the nearby Erechtheion (figs. 1-3)35.
As is well known, the Erechtheion was in the
focus of Augustan buildings, because copies of the

31 Goldbeck 2015.
32 Zanker 1983b; Boschung 2002; Boschung 2003.
33 La Rocca 1985.
34 Baldassarri 1998; Krumeich, Witschel 2010, 1-53, espe- Fig. 2 Athens, Monopteros of Roma and Augustus on the
cially 9, note 46 (with more literature); Fouquet 2012. Acropolis.
35 Baldassarri 1998; Sourlas 2012, 119-138.
 Hellenizing Rome – Romanizing Greece – Globalizing the Empire? 53

Fig. 3 Athens, Erechtheion, Northern Portico. Fig. 4 Paris, The Louvre MA1101: Relief of Euodos and Isidora,
4th century BC. The inscription was rewritten in Roman times.
Erechtheion Korae appeared in great number at the
Attica above the porticoes of the Imperial Forum architecture on the Agora of Athens38. Finally, the
of Augustus36. Such replicas were on display also theater of Dionysos with its great tradition reaching
in the provinces. The most impressive example of back to classical times belongs to this context. Here
this comes from Augusta Emerita (Merida), where a member of the Athenian elite had a Roman Pulpi-
an imperial forum copied the architecture and the tum built in the 1st century AD39. It was not Rome to
statues of Augustus’ Forum in Rome as a whole37. suggest or even dictate these building projects. The
The Athenian Demos placed himself first in Demos of Athens built them in its own responsibility.
the inscriptions. Despite the imperial donors from This attitude was widespread among the elite
Rome, the Demos made the final decision on the two and beyond in Athenian society of imperial times.
buildings. The Demos had buildings erected whose This gets clear from the Attic grave reliefs of the im-
formal design was not only based on the buildings perial era40. They use the old form of Attic grave ste-
of the own city in the 5th century BC to remember its lae from the late 5th and 4th centuries BC and take up
history. But, these buildings also fit into the aesthetic the form of the naiskos, abandoned in Athens after
trend supported by the new ruler over the Roman the law of Demetrios of Phaleron at the end of the 4th
Empire, as well as over Greece and Athens. In this century BC. There are even original reliefs from the
way, the Demos served its own needs and the impe- 4th century BC reused and provided with new in-
rial demands for confirmation from history skillfully. scriptions (fig. 4)41. In addition, the representations
The floating temples on the agora, especially the Ares
temple, also belong in the same category. The sacred 38 Dinsmoor Jr. 1982, 410-452; Steuernagel 2009, 282-296;
buildings of the 5th century BC abandoned elsewhe- Dickenson 2017.
re moved stone by stone into a museum of classical 39 Bergemann 1998, 114-116, figs. 68-69; IG II² 3182; Gogos,
Kampourakis 2008.
36 Zanker 1968; Spannagel 1999; Ungaro 2007. 40 Moock 1998.
37 Trillmich 2004, 321-335; Schattner 2008, 697-729; No- 41 See e.g. the relief of Euodos and Isidora in Paris, The
gales Basarrate 2009; Goldbeck 2015; Peña 2017. Louvre MA1101: Moock 1998, 168 f., n. 60b.
54 Johannes Bergemann

Figs. 5-7 Athens, Nationalmuseum inv. n. 1233: Relief of

Mousaios and Amaryllis, children of Antipatros, from the
deme of Alopeke. The portraits follow the current portrait
fashion from Rome during the time of the Flavian empe-
rors. Mousaios appears with the Zeitgesicht of Vespasian,
Amaryllis with the contemporary female Strinhaartoupet.

of the imperial grave reliefs in Athens tie in with the

paratactic rows of figures on Hellenistic grave ste-
les and thereby change the motif repertoire of their
classical predecessors42. Above all, the hairstyles
and heads of the portrayed are often the recent im-
perial fashion hairstyles (‘Modefrisur’). Artists even
integrated contemporary faces (‘Zeitgesicht’) of the
current Roman imperial and non-imperial portraits
into the classicistic grave reliefs (figs. 5-7)43. Like the
Athenian Demos, private Athenian people used to
adopt and combine their own Athenian traditions
with models imported from Rome.

42 Schmidt 1991.
43 See e.g. the stele of Mousaios and Amaryllis, children of
Antipatros from the deme of Alopeke: Athens, National-
museum inv. n. 1233: IG II² 5568; Moock 1998, 127, n.
231, pl. 31d-32; Kaltsas 2001, 323 f., n. 679 with ill.
 Hellenizing Rome – Romanizing Greece – Globalizing the Empire? 55

The broad presence of Italian Terra Sigillata on architecture in opus caementitium51. Despite a probable
the Athenian Agora from the 1st cent. BC onwards majority of Greek inhabitants, Latin inscriptions be-
makes it evident how prepared the Athenian so- side Greek ones were on display in the city52. Greeks
ciety was in general to open up to cultural models lived here in a city with mixed Italian and Greek cul-
from the West44. Athens probably once more played tural and material elements. In the broadest sense,
a special role in its history by being so open to We- Nicopolis was a west-east hybrid city.
stern models. The classicistic taste of the time since
the Augustan period had a focus on the art of 5th Romanization as a long-term phenomenon
century classical Athens. This also made it particu-
larly easy for the Athenians to keep up with the new The spread of western cultural forms in the
imperial times. Greek East we cannot entirely follow up here. Yet
No question after Athens in the late republic very few examples can make it clear that Athens
had mostly been on the wrong side, had locked the may have been a special but not an isolated case
gates to Sulla and was conquered, and finally had to and that the cultural mixes observed there also had
hope for its historical glory to save itself45, the city long-term effects.
was willing to open to the new Principate of Rome Not only art models from Rome and Italy are
and its cultural influences46. Overall, we can under- extant in the eastern part of the Mediterranean, e.g.
stand the changes in the cultural climate of Athens portrait fashions (‘Modefrisur’) and contemporary
in the early imperial era as a process of Romaniza- faces (‘Zeitgesicht’), but we can also observe in the
tion. To put it with Greg Woolf: “Becoming Roman, portrait of the emperor a mixture of formal and
staying Greek”. In Athens, the concept of Romani- iconographic elements of western and eastern pro-
zation appears to be valuable, as it is in large parts venance in the east. Ever since Augustus, the inha-
of the Iberian Peninsula and elsewhere. bitants of Rome and Italy knew a restrained repre-
During the Augustan period, a few colonies and sentation of emperors in their portraits. In Greece
their colonists brought cultural forms from Italy to and Asia Minor, where people were used to deified
Greece, so to mention Corinth47, Patras48, Philippi49 rulers since the 4th century BC, artists enriched the-
and Butrint in the north of Epirus and Nicopolis. se models with very expressive and pathetic forms.
However, their cultural charisma remained limi- Again, they took up the new artistic models coming
ted. A special case is Butrint, where the pre-Roman from the West, but they added to those from their
inhabitants resist politically – they use Atticus and own old Hellenistic tradition53.
Ciceros as patroni in Rome – and even violently50. In Athens, there is also a dense reception of Gre-
The political procedure through patronage in the ek classical art in Hadrianic times and later. This too
sense of the Roman order is certainly a clear sign of drew wide circles in Athenian society even through
Romanization. the second sophistic. This is evident from the por-
Nicopolis also offers special features, because it traits of the Kosmetes in the ancient Greek style54.
is a synoicism of Greek cities, which Rome supported Furthermore, it is often difficult to distinguish
on a large scale. In this way, the city built extensive between cultural elements of western and eastern
provenance. This becomes clear in the figure of Ti-
44 Hayes 2008, 8, 41-47, figs. 14-23, pl. 20-42. berius Iulius Celsus Polemaeanus in Ephesus and
45 Kuin 2019. his library. He was born as a knight rising to the
46 Spawforth 2012. senatorial class in a brilliant career. He held the of-
47 Bergemann 1998, 74-87; Millis 2017, 49-59; Fouquet fices of consul in Rome and proconsul in Asia. As a
2019.
48 Rizakis 2010, 129-154.
49 Brélaz 2018. 51 Bergemann 1998, 88-108; Zachos 2007; Zachos 2015.
50 Bergemann 1998, 68 f.; Cic. Att. 16, 16 a-f; 15, 29. Han- 52 Rizakis, this volume, 243-272.
sen, Hodges 2007; Hansen 2011, 85-100; Deniaux 1987, 53 Zanker 1983b; Boschung 2002.
245-254; Deniaux 2005, 507-515; Deniaux 2009, 141-150; 54 Rhomiopoulou s.d.; Krumeich 2004, 131-155; D’Ambra
Deniaux 2017, 61-75. For patronage see: Deniaux 1994. 2005, 201-216.
56 Johannes Bergemann

military, Celsus was close to the highest degree in in the course of the colloquium59. But this is more of
the Roman elite, so that Vespasian promoted him a marginal phenomenon that is added to the forma-
to the Roman Senate, for whom he was serving as tion of a coherent political structure with centripetal
an officer before he became emperor. In Ephesus, tendencies and a richly varied Mediterranean impe-
the capital of Asia, Celsus had his official residence rial culture.
as a proconsul. There he managed to find a hero’s All this fulfills a basic requirement for the as-
grave in the city due to his proximity to the empe- sumption of Globalization. But what does this term
ror and through the foundation of a library at the help to explain the Roman Empire and its cultural
focal point of the boulevard that led from the state and social phenomena? Of the different meanings
market down to the port gate. Celsus equipped his of Globalization defined by Justin Jennings only the
library with a capital foundation to run the library periodically recurring variant comes into question.
business and to buy new books55. It might be conceivable to understand the time of
The behavior of Celsus was at the same time the Greek Colonization, the Athenian Pentekontaëtie,
generous and demanding. It fits completely into Hellenism and the Roman Empire as phases of a
the munificence of the Roman elite56. In part, it re- globalized history. Above all, a look at the post-an-
peats what the emperor Trajan, who died almost in cient phases of history up to the modern age qui-
the same year, carried out at his forum. Trajan had ckly makes it clear that from a historical perspective
surrounded his grave in the base of the Trajan Co- there is no continuous trend towards Globalization.
lumn with a Greek and a Roman library57. Celsus If Globalization were an exclusively modern pheno-
practically imitated the emperor in the combination menon, then as explorers of antiquity we would not
of library and tomb. In Hellenistic times, however, have to deal with it at all60. We have to ask ourselves
libraries had already been the subject of ruler foun- what the keyword Globalization says about the Ro-
dations. An impressive example comes from nei- man Empire and its structure.
ghboring Pergamon, where the Attalids donated Sicily is a good example of how one could ima-
a library to the sanctuary of Athena58. In this per- gine a globalized landscape. Oscar Belvedere and
spective, the munificence of Celsus was not only Roger Wilson have shown this impressively at Villa
part of Roman elite social behavior, but at the same Vigoni61. Sicily was a priori multicultural structured
time standing in a Hellenistic tradition. by Greeks, Carthaginians and Indigenous people.
As early as the 3rd century BC the Romans came
Globalization and Romanization? in with a provincial structure. This historical pre-
disposition together with the location of the island
According to the examples given here, and in the center of the Mediterranean lead to the fact
many more could be given, there is no question that that cultural models from West and East, Italy, Nor-
interconnectivity increased since the 2nd century th Africa, but also Greece and Asia Minor always
BC and remained high during the imperial period found their way here.
in Athens and elsewhere in the Eastern Mediter- However, Globalization in the Roman Empire
ranean. Furthermore, the increase of the exchange always takes place in a closed political and legal
of goods within the Roman Empire and beyond its space. This distinguishes Globalization in the Ro-
borders along the Red Sea, through Mesopotamia man Empire from the modern phenomenon. Nowa-
and Persia to India and Asia and backwards are days Globalization easily crosses state and legal li-
certainly the results of increased interconnectivity.
John Miguel Versluys emphasized this latter aspect
59 However, he largely reduced this aspect in his contri-
bution to this volume: J.M. Versluys, this volume, 35,
55 Wilberg et al. 1953; Strocka 1981, 322-329; Strocka 2009, note 16.
247-259; Rausch 2021. 60 For the three kinds of Globalization see: Jennings 2017,
56 Zuiderhoek 2009; Pont 2016, 733-741. 12-28, especially 12, fig. 1.2.1.
57 Meneghini 2009; Meneghini, Rea 2014; Rausch 2021. 61 Belvedere, this volume, 333-345; Wilson, this volume,
58 Coqueugniot 2013, 109-123; Rausch 2021. 309-332.
 Hellenizing Rome – Romanizing Greece – Globalizing the Empire? 57

mits. In this respect, both phenomena in antiquity In this respect, the term Romanization should
and in modern times are fundamentally different by no means have become superfluous, because it
from one another. names a different, more specific phenomenon than
Romanization is to describe a deeper phenome- Globalization. Globalization emphasizes intercon-
non. Cultural tendencies from the center of Rome, nectivity. Globalization is an important prerequisite
which it borrowed not least from Greece, spread for Romanization. Romanization, however, descri-
over the vastness of the Mediterranean. There were bes the spread of cultural, legal, social, economic,
many players in the game. Some of them take new political and other aspects from the center of Rome
cultural concepts into new contexts and spread into the vastness of the empire. The colloquium at
them out into the vastness of the Roman Empire. Villa Vigoni showed that Romanization can take
Others react to the new ideas in different ways. Ei- on very different forms and intensities, and seve-
ther they accept the suggestions or they keep their ral groups are always involved. Seen in this way,
traditions. More often, they mix the two. Further- the concept of Romanization can help to explain the
more, some parts of the population probably did Roman Empire and its astonishing persistence and
not take part in it62. Romanization can take place in duration even in the post-colonial age.
a socially or ethnically selective manner, but it may
also spread beyond these boundaries as it appears
clearly in Spain and Athens.

62 Martin Millett and Richard Hingley made this point

strong during our colloquium. Hingley, this volume,
181-191; Millett, this volume, 63-74.
58 Johannes Bergemann

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‘Romanization’, social centralization and structures of imperial power
Martin Millett*

Abstract not wish to summarise these debates here, although

it may be helpful first to draw attention to some
Questo articolo rivisita alcune delle idee presentate points underlying my thinking at the time I was
in The Romanization of Roman Britain (1990). Pre- writing, and second to review how my understand-
senta un breve riesame del mio approccio all’auto-Ro- ing has been influenced by that debate. In writing
manizzazione alla luce dei dibattiti successivi, esplorando this, I am aware that once any text is published, it
come le tensioni creative tra dimensione locale e globale acquires a life of its own with its meanings further
possano aver stimolato le trasformazioni sociali. Inoltre developed by the responses of readers, and this is
esso esplora due temi correlati. In primo luogo, il trat- particularly true of a book that is very widely cited4.
tamento delle aree in cui le società preromane erano ap- In this context, it may also be noted that strands of
parentemente eterarchiche, valutando in quale misura la the Anglophone debate about Romanization moved
lontana Roma abbia attivamente promosso un processo di in directions that are not that closely linked to the
centralizzazione e quanto il cambiamento sia stato sem- messages that I had intended to be at the centre of
plicemente un effetto secondario dell’esercizio del proprio my work when it was written. Indeed, I should also
potere. Secondariamente, discute come la natura dello add that the term Romanization which has been the
stesso potere imperiale romano sia variata attraverso lo focus of much of the discussion did not appear in
spazio e il tempo, e come questa abbia avuto diversi tipi the title I originally intended for the book. In the
di impatto sulle società locali. context of the subsequent debate, it is worth re-
viewing a few of the points that were then central
Introduction1 to my thinking in so far as they remain relevant to
discussion. I will then expand upon some further
thoughts that I hope will contribute to a debate that
It is now more than 30 years since I wrote The
is focused on understanding cultural change in the
Romanization of Britain published in 19902 a book
Roman world rather than its historiography. As a
that was the catalyst for a debate in the Anglophone
result of the historiographic critique of the term Ro-
literature the echoes of which still continue3. I do
manization5, I now make a conscious effort to avoid
the term in my writing, whilst also being very care-
* Faculty of Classics. University of Cambridge. ful to define what I mean when I use the term Ro-
[email protected] man6.
1 I am grateful to Alessandro Launaro and Thomas
Matthews-Boehmer for their comments on an earlier 1993, and Barrett 1997 plus the papers in the volumes
draft of this paper. I apologize that text is perhaps too edited by Webster and Cooper 1996 and by Mattingly
self-referential – I trust that references to my own past 1997. For a more recent discussion, see Versluys 2014
work are justified given the nature of my subject. and the responses by Hingley 2014 and Woolf 2014.
2 Millett 1990a. 4 Google Scholar records 916 citations at 2 July 2020.
3 An enormous bibliography has been generated by this 5 Webster 1996; Hingley 2000, 111–155.
debate. Key early critiques can be found in Freeman 6 Of the different perspectives that have evolved in this
64 Martin Millett

When writing The Romanization of Britain, I was evident from our discussion at Villa Vigoni. It is obvi-
seeking to reinterpret the archaeological evidence in ous that the Roman Empire covers an enormous area,
terms of indigenous ‘self-Romanization’, countering so it is extremely difficult for any individual scholar
the then dominant narrative that saw local popula- to gain a detailed understanding of its variability, in
tions simply as passive recipients of a ‘civilizing’ cul- particular if they wish to explore the interaction be-
ture, and in doing this I was seeking to question the tween indigenous pre-Roman patterns and those
extent to which Rome deliberately promoted cultur- which emerged as a result of Rome’s impact. We are
al change. My intentions were first to place empha- all thus prone to study the Roman world through the
sis on the agency of indigenous peoples, promoting geographical lens that is most familiar to us, often
the idea that indigenous societies, although differ- implicitly assuming that this was the ‘normal’ for the
ent from Rome, were themselves sophisticated, not whole of the Roman world. In reality, we should actu-
‘primitive’ as others writing about Britain had too ally recognise that there was no ‘normal’. Rome’s mo-
often assumed. Second, I wanted to explore the idea dus operandi varied enormously across space and time
that change in the Roman world need not have been as did the responses of the varied peoples who were
the result of deliberate actions by the Roman state. brought under her dominion, by agreement, by threat,
Instead, I started from a presumption against any de- or by force of arms. We therefore need to be very care-
liberative action designed to bring about change on ful to question our own presuppositions when we
behalf of the Roman state, instead exploring wheth- think about cultural changes across the Empire. This
er a rather more laissez-faire approach was prevalent. is an issue to which I will return later.
This posed two questions. First, why would Roman
authorities care about a province like Britain as long Changing perspectives
as it remained peaceful and paid its taxes? Second,
even if willing, did the Roman state really necessar- In reflecting on the research and debate that have
ily have the resources and capacity to bring about occurred over the last couple of decades, much of my
large scale deliberative change? In this discussion, time has been spent in looking at the archaeology of
and contrary to some representations of my position, different areas of the Roman world, principally in It-
I did not see or seek to represent ‘Romanization’ as aly, the western Mediterranean and the north-west of
creating cultural homogeneity, indeed the intention Temperate Europe, in order to gain a better perspec-
of the discussion was to emphasize the different tra- tive on its diversity. Against this broader background
jectories of various civitates, suggesting how this re- I have modified and developed my views about the
lated to their equally varied pre-Roman structures7. nature of the processes that led to cultural change
It should, of course, be noted that mine was within areas incorporated into the Empire.
a study of a very marginal province, as Britain was One conclusion is that much cultural change that
both geographically on the edge of Empire, and also a can be seen in the archaeological evidence is best ex-
comparatively late addition to it. A perspective look- plained as a result of unintended consequences of the
ing into the Empire from one of its margins was also structures of imperialism, rather than being the re-
reflected in the parallel paper I published around the sult of the deliberate agency of the imperialists. It
same time which appeared in a book that sought to should be emphasised that this is a matter of degree,
extend the debate to regions across western Europe8. as there were of course instances where large-scale
Authorial perspective is a general issue for those stud- change was deliberately instigated (see further be-
ying cultural change in the Roman world which was low). However, it seems that far too little emphasis
is generally given to assessing how the structures of
subject area in the past decade or so, the concepts of power and imperialism created circumstances which
Globalization and Localization (“Glocalization”) have generated unintended consequences, and this should
most appeal. I do not have space in this paper to explore
be a key area for future research.
the relationship between these ideas and my thinking,
but hope to return to this in a future publication.
Against this background I should acknowledge
7 See for example, Millett 1990a, 100, table 4.3. several shortcomings in my original study of Britain.
8 Millett 1990b. That took too much of a top-down approach with its
 ‘Romanization’, social centralization and structures of imperial power 65

emphasis on the actions of people characterised as which saw almost everything as a product of de-
social elites, and as a consequence, did not leave suf- liberate change brought about by Rome’s actions.
ficient space for the agency of non-elites, or for resist- Such earlier accounts gave prominence to the active
ance. In this context David Mattingly’s thoughts about intervention of the Imperial Power, often on the
‘Landscapes of opportunity’ versus ‘Landscapes of re- assumption that they were pursuing a conscious
sistance’9 are very useful, if perhaps over-schematic10. ‘civilizing mission’12. It was also grounded in my
This helpfully provides a way of thinking about the direct archaeological experience of southern Britain
relationship between the agency of local people and where the fieldwork evidence indeed seemed to be
imperial power (although I abhor the term ‘discrep- dominated by continuity and transformation, espe-
ant experience’ that Mattingly uses). At a fundamen- cially in the rural sector. Even in the case of urban
tal analytical level, we should question the extent and development, there was at that time clearly emerg-
reach of imperial power, and seek to understand the ing evidence that many major centres in this region
different motivations of all the various inhabitants of resulted from a transformation of pre-existing cen-
incorporated landscapes that framed their responses. tres of population and power, and were not simply
In the contemporary world with its rapid systems of a Roman creation13. What was not taken sufficiently
communication and transport, we are perhaps in- into account was the pattern of more direct Roman
clined to underestimate the issues raised by the ex- intervention that was clearly evident in certain ar-
ercise of power across an area as vast as the Roman eas, with the construction of the limes largely omit-
Empire where communications and movement were ted from discussion. Direct intervention is clearly
always much slower, leaving many areas remote and more evident in certain other areas of the Empire
isolated. In that sense, we should also allow for a third and at other stages in its history. This includes not
category to complement Mattingly’s – ‘landscapes of only the complex phenomenon of Republican col-
mutual indifference’11. This allows conceptually both onization (on which there has been much work
for areas which lay at the margins of Roman interest recently)14, but also the very clear evidence for Ro-
(distant mountainous areas in the High Pyrenes for man action in the Augustan foundation of a town
instance), as well as sections of society in more central at Waldgirmes15. Within Britain, direct Roman inter-
areas whose lives were arguably little touched by the ventions are certainly evident at different places at
reach of Roman power (charcoal makers or shepherds various times. For instance, there is now emerging
for instance). By adding this to the matrix proposed by evidence for the destructive impact of the Roman
Mattingly, we arguably have a more subtle framework military presence on communities just to the north
for investigating cultural change. One might suggest, of Hadrian’s Wall16. Equally, the development of
for instance, that those in landscapes of mutual indif- some key Roman urban centres in the north certain-
ference were more likely to have had to respond to ly do not represent the transformations of indige-
changes in the structures of power and less likely to nous centres as in the south. What is clear is that
have been impacted upon by the deliberate actions of the interpretation of such interventions is complex
agents of Rome. More generally, as discussed further and historically contingent as discussed in the ex-
below, an approach that considers a matrix approach ample of Aldborough (see below). On this basis, we
may be helpful for future thinking. need to move away from simplistic notions of de-
Second, my study did not take enough account liberate and direct intention, and place each action
of more interventionist Roman actions, laying em- in its proper historical and archaeological context,
phasis instead on more a processual approach without assuming any universality or uniformity of
which tended to highlight continuities. This was either negative or positive Roman actions/impacts.
partly a reaction to the opposite presumption that
then dominated the literature on Roman Britain 12 eg. Richmond 1963, 66ff.
13 Millett 1984.
14 See for instance the papers in Stek and Pelgrom 2014;
9 Mattingly 2006, 369; 2011 chapter 6. Terrenato 2019, 219–226.
10 Millett 1990a,100. 15 von Schnurbein 2003; Becker and Rasbach 2007.
11 Millett 2012, 774. 16 Hodgson 2017, 94–100.
66 Martin Millett

This raises a further key point. We should ac- illustrated by the diversity of approaches seen in a
knowledge that interpretations of the past are situ- recent Handbook, which includes a strong focus on
ated in the contemporary world, and inevitably re- a wider social spectrum21. More fundamentally, we
flect current social perspectives and understandings can also detect an increased appreciation that the
whether consciously or unconsciously. In this sense, hybrid cultures that are seen across the whole of the
as S.S. Frere’s Britannia clearly reflects his own back- Roman Empire were not the product of a one-way
ground as the son of a colonial administrator in the process, but rather owed their character to complex
British Empire17, so too the careful reader of The Ro- exchanges of ideas that were not simply or exclu-
manization of Britain will detect my response to the sively elite driven22. The exploration of such phe-
Britain of Margaret Thatcher. However, it is impor- nomena is rightly central to much current research.
tant that we do not simply use studies of the past to Finally, I think that one of the clear lessons of
promote or support our own world views. In that the Anglophone debate over the last few years has
context I would like to underline a comment made been to highlight the need to be very careful and
previously, that by thinking in terms of the awful- precise in our use of language. There is a tendency
ness of imperial power and the exploitative nature for people to use terms like ‘Roman(s)’ ‘native(s)’
of imperial systems there is a danger of creating a and ‘official(s)’ when discussing agents of change
myth of Roman power different only from those of in the Roman world. This often creates ambiguity
past generations for being anti-imperialist rather and imprecision in understanding the processes of
than pro-imperialist18. change, so we need to take great care specifying
Third, it is important to consider the critique whom or what is meant in order to define much
that by ascribing agency to local elites, my account of more precisely the nature of the agency, power/
cultural change ignored others in society and privi- influence exerted. Aside from helping to provide
leged a top-down understanding. In ascribing agen- a better focus to our debates, this can be a useful
cy to others in society, Jane Webster has promoted discipline in forcing us to think through the impli-
the concept of creolization as an alternative model19. cations of our own ideas. This takes us back to my
This contribution was very important in shifting the opening point about the necessity of our thinking
grounds of discussion away from an exclusive focus more carefully about the balance between deliber-
on those holding power and those who became part ate actions and unintended consequences.
of the Roman system, but its practical application
faces the very real problem of finding archaeolog- Consequent issues
ical evidence for more marginalised members of
past societies. So, for instance my own fieldwork Thinking ahead about research on the subject
in parts of East Yorkshire which examined rural of cultural change in the Roman Empire, I would
sites that might be argued to have been occupied like to focus on two different issues. First, it is worth
by poorer people revealed a situation where some thinking further about the role of social centraliza-
local groups had very little engagement with ma- tion in the processes of incorporation and the relat-
terial culture20. In such circumstances it is extreme- ed issue of Rome’s impact on less centralized socie-
ly difficult to distinguish between active rejection ties. Second, I would like to discuss how we address
of Roman culture and exclusion brought about by the changing character of Roman imperialism when
poverty or other factors. Nonetheless, it is clear that considering her incorporation of other societies.
an awareness of the need to focus on people outside
the elite has seen an important shift in the litera- Social centralization
ture on Roman Britain in recent years. This is well

17 Frere 1987; on Frere himself, see Wilson 2016. In past accounts, including my own, considera-
18 Millett 2012. ble emphasis has been placed on indigenous elites
19 Webster 2001; cf. Millett 2003/2004.
20 Halkon, Millett 1999, 221–228; Halkon, Millett, Wood- 21 Millett, Revell, Moore 2016.
house 2017, 542–565. 22 See for instance Versluys 2015.
 ‘Romanization’, social centralization and structures of imperial power 67

as key actors in the processes by which local socie- animal products like leather given the nature of the
ties were integrated into the Roman Empire23. This environment and the lack of large scale arable cultiva-
emphasis has largely been because of the centrality tion25. However, there is no obvious attempt at the in-
of Rome’s use of urban-centred territorial units for tegration of the population, and Roman imperialism
provincial government. This itself results from both has no obvious unintended consequences.
the traditions of city-government in the Mediterra- This may be contrasted some other areas of the
nean that Rome shared with the Hellenic world, in- western Empire which were also apparently occupied
herited and subsequently imposed on her provinces. by Iron Age peoples with largely heterarchical social
It is also something of a necessity given the issue of organization. These may include parts of north-west-
time, distance and communication speeds in the an- ern Iberia26 and areas near the Rhine mouth, although
cient world – at a practical level, some form of de- in this region there was also apparently some newly
centralised administration was arguably essential, settled people after the conquest27. In both cases the
and in areas of pre-existing social centralisation the imposition of military service in the auxilia seems to
structure of such a transformation is clear even if have been used as an alternative mode of taxation
the details are sometimes obscure. Where there were by Rome, with varied unintended consequences that
hierarchically organized Iron Age societies in Tem- brought about changes in indigenous settlement and
perate Europe this also worked as Roman military society. In the example of the Rhine mouth area, a se-
commanders and provincial governors seem to have ries of major and insightful projects have illustrated
become attuned to dealing with them as though how Roman provincial society developed in a dis-
they were city states. Such societies were arguably tinctive manner as a result of long term engagements
straightforward to defeat and then to integrate, be- with the Roman military. What is very clear from this
cause of their centralized power systems. Arguably is not only the particular character of the landscape
less attention and thought has been devoted to are- that emerged, but also the continued absence of any
as where pre-Roman Societies were not strongly or- strongly centralising urban installations like those
ganized centrally, although there has recently been seen in adjacent areas of Gallia Belgica. A different
a greater focus on such apparently heterarchical trajectory occurs in north-western Iberia where there
societies in Iron Age studies24. We might suppose was also a long-term pattern of auxiliary recruitment
that these peoples represented more of a challenge in the early imperial period28. Here, the Iron Age land-
to Rome both for conquest (as they were difficult to scape was dominated by multiple local hill-top cen-
‘nail down’) and for assimilation and thence govern- tres, some of which certainly suggest small scale social
ment (as they lacked the types of powerful central centralisation, but in dispersed communities without
figures whom Rome could draw into her system). As evidence for overarching regional structures29. There
it is a mistake to assume uniformity across these so- is evidence in this region that when men were recruit-
cieties, it is worth looking at some of the variety of ed into the auxilia it was done through newly creat-
experience that is archaeologically documented. ed conventus centres like Bracara Augusta (Braga),
Returning to my concept of ‘landscapes of mu- founded in the Augustan period30, hence these units
tual indifference’ it is worth considering some of the bear names in the form Cohors I Bracaraugustorum. The
uplands on Northern England in the vicinity of Had- same is true of the other conventus centres in this re-
rian’s Wall where we see very little evidence for the gion (Asturica Augusta and Lucus Augusta). How these
impact of Rome away from the obvious installations
of the Roman army. It is usually assumed that such ar- 25 Stallibrass 2018.
eas were the subject of direct rule by the military, and 26 Millett 2001.
on the basis that all areas were subject to taxation, it 27 For the Batavii at the Rhine mouth in general see Roymans
seems likely that taxes in kind rather than in cash were 2004 and Nicolay 2007; for population change at the time
collected. This most likely took the form of animals or of the conquest see Hiddink, Roymans 2015, 83–84.
28 Holder 1980, appendix 3 lists units with a nominal
strength of c. 15,000 men recruited from this area.
23 Millett 1990, 65–101; Mattingly 2006, 266–272. 29 Da Silva 1986; Queiroga 2003.
24 Champion 2016, 154. 30 Martins, Carvalho 2018.
68 Martin Millett

urban foundations functioned in relation to this re- former, although more recent discussions by Iron
cruitment is not entirely clear, nor whether other units Age specialists have tended to push the argument
recruited from the region with more standard ethnic in favour of the latter36. We should probably now ac-
labels (eg. Cohors I Celtiberorum) were a product of the cept the idea that Roman annexation was the cause
imposition of such a system of recruitment. Arguably, of changes, although the extent to which imperial
however, both represent instances where unintended administrators imposed the new pattern, or it was
consequences followed from such large scale military an unintended consequence of their actions or those
recruitment. of competing indigenous leaders is open to debate.
The example of north-western Iberia raises Social and political change in the wake of a military
the question of how far Rome actively promoted conquest is a messy business and it is arguable that
post-conquest centralisation in other areas of social past explanations have been too clean and clear cut.
heterarchy or in those where Roman actions had Where pre-Roman centralization was absent its
led to depopulation and/or social disruption. The significance for administrative purposes required
evidence from Republican colonization and from some action unless a decision was taken to maintain
Waldgirmes shows that there was a history of ac- direct rule as appears to have been the case at slight-
tive urban foundation although its nature and con- ly later period in the vicinity of the limes (see above).
text varied, and traditional explanations of urban Although some form of direct control must have
foundation based on an idealised Roman model been imposed in the immediate aftermath of annex-
have recently been under careful scrutiny31. Even ation, we have very little evidence for the nature of
in the context of Republican colonial foundations this and there seems to have been a preference for
the pattern now appears complex. In the case of quickly handing power to the civil population. In
provinces like Britain the motives for, and the pro- some such contexts in Britain, the locus of admin-
cesses of urban foundation seem to cover a broad istration then seems to have been maintained, with
spectrum, indicating that although Rome governors previously occupied military bases developed to
recognised the need for central places in order to provide the physical infrastructure of towns. This is
facilitate local administration and tax gathering, the clearly illustrated in the civitas centres at Wroxeter37
means by which this was achieved were varied32. and Exeter38, with a parallel process witnessed in
Some social groups were already occupying centres the establishment of the coloniae at Colchester39, Lin-
that they could be encouraged or incentivized to coln40 and Gloucester41. This suggests that Roman
develop as Roman towns (for instance as at Verula- governors were acting pragmatically to facilitate ur-
mium)33, although even in some of these cases, the ban development. In the case of the establishment
development of one local centre may have been at of civitates this raises interesting questions about
the expense of others nearby notwithstanding their who took on political roles in the new cities, how
pre-Roman importance (eg. Braughing or Baldock far they were indigenous to the local area, and what
in the vicinity of Verulamium)34. Such different tra- models were available for them to follow. The res-
jectories may also have resulted from mutual in- olution of such questions is central to understand-
difference. This raises the question of the extent to ing the nature of Roman imperialism at this period.
which Rome was either simply absorbing pre-exist- Recent evidence suggests that the architecture and
ing and stable social units in the formation of civi- planning of all the early urban centres in Britain
tates, or acting in such a way that speeded the pro- is much less Roman in its appearance than earlier
cess and increased the intensity of centralization. commentators had sometimes suggested and this
Many previous commentators (including me in the may offer a clue.
Romanization of Britain)35 have tended to assume the
36 Moore 2011, 352–354.
31 See above note 14. 37 White, Gaffney, Gaffney 2013, 199–204.
32 Mattingly 2006, 275–279. 38 Holbrook 2015, 96–100.
33 Niblett, Thompson 2005. 39 Gascoyne, Radford 2013.
34 Bryant, Niblett 1997. 40 Jones, Stocker, Vince 2003.
35 Millett 1990a, 65–69; Mattingly 2006, 266ff. 41 Hurst 1999; Holbrook 2015, 95–96.
 ‘Romanization’, social centralization and structures of imperial power 69

Appreciation that there was a pattern of re-use of our recent study of the development of Aldborough
military bases is not new, but a better understanding suggests that this model may be more widely applica-
of one alternative pattern has only recently come into ble. Our survey and review of the excavated evidence
focus. This was first exemplified by Londinium, where from Aldborough (Isurium Brigantum), which became
is argued that the development of the urban centre at the civitas capital of the Brigantes, suggests that it too
a location that was not a permanently occupied central may have originated as a trading settlement that de-
place at the time of the conquest was the product of a veloped in the wake of conquest, serving the require-
‘landscapes of opportunity’42. Indeed, London’s situa- ments of the military. There is no evidence that there
tion in a neutral location at the margins of a series of was an Iron Age centre at or near Aldborough, and
pre-Roman polities may actually account for its suc- indeed the landscape evidence may support the idea
cess43. Here, the archaeology has been very extensively that its immediate area was occupied by largely heter-
explored44 and recently the texts on a number of wood- archical societies47. We have concluded that soon after
en writing tablets45 have provided strong support for the military advanced into this area around AD 70, a
the view that, in the wake of conquest, a trading com- trading settlement was established at the highest nav-
munity comprising people drawn from Gaul and pre- igable point on the river Ure, allowing materials to be
sumably elsewhere including parts of Britain, rapidly transported by water close up to the limes. As conquest
established a large settlement for themselves here46. Its progressed further north, culminating with the Agri-
rudimentary planning and timber buildings support colan campaigns, the development of a land route (the
the idea that this was of provincial inspiration rather Roman road now known as the Dere Street) that in-
than the result of a Mediterranean initiative. It took ad- tersected with the river at Aldborough seems to have
vantage of the economic opportunities provided by the enhanced its role and it grew to cover c. 10 ha in the
Roman conquest and subsequent military demand, and later first century AD. Unlike Londinium, we have no
the texts support the idea that the traders were closely evidence of the identity of the community of traders.
connected with the Roman administration. However It may be speculated that they came from areas in both
this functioned, the new settlement both filled a gap southern Britain and the near continent, which was
in the settlement pattern and, by virtue of the develop- readily accessed by water across the North Sea from
ment of the road system in the province, grew rapid- the Humber estuary. As in Londinium, the unintend-
ly to become nodal within the province, becoming the ed consequences of conquest created a ‘landscapes of
seat of the Procurator around AD 60. This development opportunity’. We may also speculate that over a gen-
indicates a pattern of close alignment of interests be- eration or more, social mixing and economic growth
tween those in power and the provincials benefitting created a community rooted within this informal nu-
from the ‘opportunities’ of Empire who also came to cleated settlement that was a natural candidate for the
promote its institutions. It also exemplifies a pattern Roman governor to utilize as an administrative centre,
of dislocation followed by rapid reorientation which so that it was a reasonable choice to become the civi-
created a distinctive provincial Roman culture, neither tas capital of the Brigantes, probably around AD 12048.
entirely imposed, nor entirely indigenous in character. Although it took its name from a pre-Roman Iron Age
Although one might argue that Londinium was people, the civitas itself was arguably as much a Ro-
a special case, and indeed its lack of any initial role man creation as a transformation of the existing social
in the system of local administration underlines this, unit. How Roman power intersected with indigenous
society and incoming traders, who by then were pre-
42 Millett 2016, 1694–1695. Hingley 2018, 13–20 develops the sumably integrated into the population, remains un-
idea that there was a focus of Iron Age activity in the area, clear but is a key issue for future research.
but no settlement as such. Perring (2011, 2015) revives the
idea that there was a conquest period fort; his evidence 47 The role and the extent of influence of the late Iron Age
has been comprehensively refuted by Wallace 2013. complex at Stanwick, seen as the capital of the Iron Age
43 Millett 1990a, 89. people known as the Brigantes is debateable, although
44 Wallace 2014. I do not have space it discuss it here. See Haselgrove
45 Tomlin 2016. 2016; Ferraby, Millett 2020, 90.
46 Millett 2016. 48 Ferraby, Millett 2020, 94–108.
70 Martin Millett

In effect, what this model proposes is that in an outsiders. A site that I think may repay such recon-
area that had previously lacked centralization, dis- sideration is Ribchester in the north-west of England.
location that was an unintended consequence of Its Roman name Bremetenacum Veteranorum as cited
conquest, and the arrival of the army resulted in the in the Ravenna Cosmography is unusual, leading to
growth of new social and economic nodes. These the suggestion that Sarmatian veterans were settled
were a consequence of an interaction between imperi- here. In this context, Richmond dismissed the idea of
al power (specifically the patterns of military deploy- an urban foundation, but this conclusion now surely
ment and communication routes) and the population deserves reconsideration53. Looking at this in an his-
which now included migrants. These new central toriographical perspective, one might note how this
places in the landscape provided opportunities for thinking reformulates ideas concerning the role of
Roman governors to select centres for administrative the military in urban development54. Equally, similar
devolution, comparable to the choices that they had complex processes may also have been important in
made at an earlier period in parts of southern Britain the cases noted above where Roman civitas centres
where pre-Roman nucleation was more common. As were built on the sites of earlier forts as at Exeter and
in the south, the choice of which places were to act as Wroxeter.
civitas centres then generated a further developmen-
tal dynamic, favouring the growth and prosperity of The Changing Character of Roman Imperialism
the settlements that held such functions49.
This suggested model seems to have broader I want to finish this paper by outlining ideas on
utility in explaining the development of other urban how we might move ahead in thinking about social
centres, especially in the vicinity of the limes, where change within the Roman World more generally55. As
the agency of outsiders alongside the military and discussed earlier, recent emphasis has been on how
indigenous peoples has arguably been understated. variations within the structure and nature of indige-
At Corbridge (Coriosopitum) the role of the military nous societies, impacted upon the creation of the cul-
seems to have remained dominant50, but at Carlisle tural mosaic – the bricolage – that we see in the archae-
(Luguvalium) which became the civitas capital of the ology of Empire. I have added to that by suggesting
Carvetii, a situation similar to that at Aldborough is that there may have been a larger and more systematic
not unlikely51. Although it did not obtain any ad- role played by outsiders who were taking advantage
ministrative status, this also provides a model for of economic opportunities in the wake of the disrup-
understanding the development of Piercebridge52. tions of conquest. There has been some consideration
Here, there was a major centre at the point where the of the reach of Roman power, and how this may have
main Roman road north crosses the river Tees. In the been less strong in certain areas, creating ‘landscape
past, much effort has been expended in trying to lo- of mutual indifference’. However, all such approach-
cate an early Roman fort here which, it was assumed, es are arguably too one sided, and I have increasingly
must have existed. Instead, we might suggest that come to recognise the importance of changes in the
development followed the Aldborough model, but nature of Roman imperial power itself. I have previ-
without the superimposition of an administrative ously outlined how very considerable variations in
role, although still allowing for the growth of a suf- the nature and exercise of imperial power occurred
ficiently important centre that it was chosen as the across both time and space, suggesting how this may
location of a key late Roman fort. Pressing this fur- have generated different impacts when intersecting
ther, we might wish to revisit other major sites that with local societies56. I hope that exploring this issue
are currently simply treated as military centres, con- briefly here may stimulate greater debate.
sidering the extent to which they might also be the
product of a more complex agency including other
53 Richmond 1945; Buxton, Howard-Davis 2000.
49 Millett 1990a, 148, table 6.3 on this dynamic. 54 cf. Millett 1984; Burnham 1986.
50 Bishop, Dore 1988; Haynes 2019. 55 I do not have space to develop these ideas fully here,
51 Zant, Howard-Davis 2019, 187-213; Zant 2019. but hope to return to them more fully in future.
52 Cool, Mason 2008, 297–302. 56 Millett 2010.
 ‘Romanization’, social centralization and structures of imperial power 71

Such thinking is not unique, and a recent very whom Rome interacted. In the following table (which
elegant and detailed study of Republican Rome has evolved from that published in 2010)59, I have at-
has shown clearly how the pattern of building pro- tempted to explore this very schematically by period,
jects was closely related to the changing dynam- and omitting the impact on rural settlement. It is de-
ics of power amongst political elites57. Similarly, signed not as a conclusion, but as an aide to thinking
in the context of the early development of Roman about how the changing nature of imperialism may
Italy, Nicola Terrenato has explored the role of in- have been significant. It is clear that this should be com-
teractions between aristocratic families in structur- plemented by matrixes that explore the spatial dimen-
ing power and its archaeological manifestations58. sions of power within particular periods. This would
It is perhaps no coincidence that these studies are allow for what were obviously variations in the nature
both concerned with Italy, where we have excellent and exercise of power. For instance, in the high impe-
written sources as well as strong archaeological ev- rial period we have already noted variations between
idence. It seems to me that we need both to extend ‘landscapes of opportunity’, ‘landscapes of resistance’
such approaches to the whole Empire and to think and ‘landscapes of mutual indifference’ and it may be
how all in society interacted with such power dy- worth thinking about these at a variety of geographical
namics, but to do this it is generally impossible to scales. This links back one of my opening points, lay-
work in such a detailed and nuanced way. ing stress on the fact that there was no ‘normal’, since
Instead, it may be useful to think about develop- Rome’s modus operandi varied enormously across space
ing a schematic matrix that enables us to think in broad and time, as did the responses of the varied peoples
terms about how the changing structures of power may who were brought under her dominion, by agreement,
have had different impacts on the local societies with by threat, or by force of arms.

Tab. 1 Tentative Matrix of changing character and impact of Roman imperial power.

57 Davies 2017.
58 Terrenato 2019. 59 Millett 2010.
72 Martin Millett

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Central and Southern Italy
The Romanization of Rome. Cultural dynamics in the architecture of
Hellenistic Italy
Nicola Terrenato*

Abstract della grande architettura tardorepubblicana e primoimpe-

riale, destinata a sua volta ad avere un peso enorme nella
Il dibattito sulla Romanizzazione dell’Italia si è a lun- Romanizzazione delle province occidentali. Se, com’è uso
go intersecato con i problemi relativi all’Ellenizzazione. corrente dagli albori delle scienze dell’antichità, chiamia-
Nel campo specifico dell’architettura, da secoli si è accet- mo Romana quell’alta cultura che ha il suo apogeo nel pe-
tato un modello che vede i costruttori romani combinare riodo augusteo, ne consegue che si possa provocatoriamen-
influenze dalla Grecia con tradizioni locali per creare un’e- te affermare che Roma stessa dovette essere romanizzata
dilizia monumentale fortemente caratterizzata. Si sarebbe per poterla acquisire. Poiché non aveva precedenti profon-
così definito un linguaggio architettonico nuovo, poi diffu- di nell’Urbe ed era stata in larga parte elaborata altrove
so in tutto il resto della penisola come conseguenza della in Italia, tale cultura rappresentava un’esperienza nuova
conquista romana. Il ruolo assegnato a Roma di mediatore per Roma come lo era per il resto d’Italia e addirittura per
primario dell’Ellenismo in Italia è rimasto essenzialmente alcune realtà provinciali. Un’altra conseguenza di questo
indiscusso fino ad una serie di recenti scoperte archeologi- ragionamento è che l’ellenismo in Italia non si diffuse come
che e revisioni cronologiche, che hanno rimesso in discus- conseguenza diretta del processo di unificazione, ma sem-
sione l’intera questione. L’elemento più saliente è rappre- mai lo rese più facile fornendo a tutte le aristocrazie in gio-
sentato dall’apporto fondamentale che gli Italici appaiono co un linguaggio artistico e intellettuale comune.
avere nella ricezione e nell’interpretazione locale di con-
cetti di provenienza ellenistica, senza intermediazione ro- Introduction
mana alcuna. Specialmente in Italia meridionale e Sicilia,
dove il contatto era facilitato dalla vicinanza con le colonie Romanization as an archaeological term has
greche, Campani, Lucani e perfino Sanniti sperimentarono had a complex trajectory over the last century or so.
la creazione di bagni, teatri permanenti e colonnate molto Notoriously applied by Haverfield and other archa-
prima che tali edifici facessero la loro comparsa a Roma. eologists of the northwestern provinces to describe
Meccanismi di diffusione di questo tipo trovano riscontro the penetration of Roman culture in those areas1,
in molte altre sfere culturali, dalla scultura in marmo alla it was redefined and recycled in a variety of other
filosofia, in cui gli Italici ebbero una funzione essenziale di contexts, only to be radically contested the last few
assorbimento e di rielaborazione, mentre la futura capitale decades as a hopelessly colonialist term2. It is not
imperiale si veniva a trovare in una posizione molto più ar- the purpose of this paper to wade into the atten-
retrata e passiva nella ricezione dell’Ellenismo. È sufficien- dant debate, nor to propose any new theoretical
te rimarcare come vi siano pochissimi elementi di cultura frameworks, primarily because this debate seems
materiale che siano attestati a Roma prima che altrove nel- characterized by a certain disjointedness and for-
la penisola per avere la misura reale di un fenomeno finora
poco discusso, ma chiaramente cruciale per comprendere * Department of Classical Studies. University of Michigan.
la formazione dell’Italia ellenistica e mediorepubblicana. [email protected]
Il risultato finale di questa complessa rete di interazioni e 1 Overview in Hingley 2008, 2014.
di influenze reciproche si ha naturalmente con l’emergere 2 Webster 1996; Barrett 1997.
78 Nicola Terrenato

malism3. On the one hand, especially in British and Campania than in 1st century CE Britain. The debate
Dutch circles, there has often been a marked unwil- on the Romanization of Italy thus struggled to defi-
lingness to redefine the term in less colonial ways ne widely agreed points of reference, resulting in a
and move on with our investigations of actual cul- much less coherent research discourse than that for,
tural processes, in favor of a rather nominalist (and say, Roman Germany; it also failed almost entirely
so far fruitless) search for a perfect one-word sub- to be taken into account within provincial discour-
stitute, with candidates ranging from creolization ses in general, where the whole Italy continued to
to globalization4. On the other hand, in places like be classified as unequivocally Roman, without any
France, Germany or the USA, an empirical approa- need for internal distinctions or timelines8. On a
ch has prevailed, often ultimately predicated on the positive note, precisely the issues encountered in
assumption that Roman traits are self-evident and defining what it meant to be Roman in mid-Repu-
unambiguous, and therefore easy to follow in their blican Italy paved the way for a radical questioning
gradual penetration5. A rare element that connects of some foundational ideas about Romanness and
these two otherwise rather separate discourses is Roman imperialism. For instance, it became clear
that it is tacitly agreed in both debates that what early on that whatever was called Romanization of
is meant by ‘Roman’ is the high culture of central Italy intersected with its Hellenization in extremely
Italy roughly in the period 50 BCE - 50 CE. This cen- complex ways9. Since there was a widely recogni-
tury frames the Augustan era, which represents its zed Hellenistic wave that swept across the whole
unquestionable acme. Earlier and later element are central Mediterranean in early phase of the Roman
often deemed less recognizable and thus not as dia- conquest10, it was necessary to tease apart – if at all
gnostic of cultural influence. possible – the cultural impact of one from that of
Starting in the 1970s, Romanization made its the other. As a result of this ambiguity, what it was
appearance in some works dealing with the archae- exactly that made an object Roman turned out to be
ology of Roman Italy6, where necessarily the terms a much more complex question inside Italy and in
of the question were different. Scholars like Torelli Rome itself, compared to the clearer dichotomy that
and Mansuelli adapted the concept to the transition had been set up in the western provinces.
between pre-Roman cultures (such as the Etruscan The present contribution has the objective of ad-
or the Samnite ones) and a unified Roman com- dressing the issue of Romanization from the Rome
mon one in central and southern Italy7. The process side, rather than that of the incorporated regions, in
would be taking place much earlier, in the 3rd and the belief that trying to define the first term of the
2nd centuries BCE and, consequently, the Roman equation must be a necessary step to approach its re-
culture being diffused would be of mid-Republican solution. Surely, we need to agree on what is Roman in
rather than Augustan age. From the start, it beca- Rome before we go looking for its diffusion anywhere
me apparent that the application of Romanization else. Taking advantage of important new discoveries
to these contexts involved much greater difficulties: in the settlement archaeology of central Italy, there is
reliably telling apart a local vase from a Roman one an attractive opportunity to reconceive the dynamics
turned out to be much harder in 3rd century BCE of cultural elements in unexpected forms, especially
when it comes to architectural forms and techniques.
3 E.g. Mattingly 2002. Building types can act as useful proxies of the broader
4 Webster 2001; Hingley 2005; Versluys 2014, but see also phenomenon, thanks to their ubiquity and rootedness
Slofstra 1983; Ghisleni 2018. in local urban contexts. Tracing them across time and
5 E.g. Reddé et al. 2011; Schattner, Vieweger, Wigg-Wolf space can sometimes allow tracking the movement of
2019; but see Schörner 2005 for a much more critical ideas better than in some portable objects where the
approach. production center is hard to determine. The paradoxi-
6 Romanizzazione had been used since the 1880s by
glottologists and historians (e.g. Poggi 1886; Manni
1933); among the examples of early archaeological use, 8 Terrenato 2001; Stek 2014, an overview in Terrenato 2008.
relative to northern Italy, Uggeri 1975; Brogiolo 1979. 9 Curti, Dench, Patterson 1996; Wallace-Hadrill 2008.
7 Torelli 1984; Mansuelli 1988; see also Volpe 1990. 10 Zanker 1976.
 The Romanization of Rome. Cultural dynamics in the architecture of Hellenistic Italy 79

cal title of this work is of course primarily meant to Italy. On the strength of a careful examination of all
provoke reactions and debates, but it also underscores the main relevant archaeological contexts, M. Mo-
the rapidly changing nature of Rome’s culture throu- getta has concluded that the earliest use of concrete
ghout the first millennium, to the point where, depen- is datable to the mid-2nd century BCE, based on as-
ding on what we mean by Roman, Rome can be con- sociated stratified artifacts14. In turn, this conclusion
sidered to have become Roman only at a certain point (which revises all earlier chronologies downwards
in its trajectory, rather than being inherently, quintes- by up to 200 years) necessitates a radical reorgani-
sentially Roman all along, as it is typically assumed zation of the overall architectural sequence, becau-
without any real reflection. se it pushes later in time the probable chronology
of a vast group of buildings that cannot be dated
Recent developments in mid-Republican otherwise15. Also of great significance is the con-
clusion that the earliest examples of the technique
architecture are found in Campania and in Latium around the
same time. The implications of such a radical chro-
Central Italian cities and buildings between 350 nological shift are multifarious. For a start, it means
and 150 BCE have long been a sort of grey area in ge- a later date must be envisioned for all the attested
neral narratives about Roman architecture, not only building types and architectural elements that exist
compared to the splendors of late Republican and only in forms that require concrete, such as complex
early Imperial construction, but even to the archaic vaults, substructed terraces, monumental baths and
period. In many architecture textbooks, one does not anything else built with superimposed arcades or
find much between the Temple of Saturn and the Por- deep poured foundations. Other kinds of buildings
ticus Aemilia11. For Rome, there are more well-dated that are attested in the sources before 150 BCE, like
and better understood contexts of the late 6th or early basilicas, must have had upper parts built in ways
5th century than of the mid-3rd century BCE, especial- that have not survived or have not yet been disco-
ly when one excludes temples12. The gap is particu- vered16. Discussing in full all the ramifications of the
larly noticeable when it comes to non-religious pu- new chronology would go beyond the scope of this
blic buildings, which would of course become such paper, but one macroscopic result is that the range
a distinctive feature of later Roman architecture. To of public types that are widely known for the 3rd and
give just a blatant example, it still essentially true that early 2nd century has been dramatically shrunk: asi-
we do not have a clear and detailed idea of what the de from a sprinkling of unique buildings here and
Roman Forum (or any other major Forum in Italy, for there17, public construction now appears primarily
that matter) looked like around 250 BCE, for instan- confined to temples and city walls18. These two major
ce13. Even private architecture is only slowly begin- building types are the only ones where a strong and
ning to come into focus, as traditional development well-represented local tradition is present, with an
sequences are being reshaped by new stratigraphic unbroken continuity from the late 6th century BCE
chronologies of buildings previously dated on styli- onwards. No other late Republican building type
stic grounds, especially in the Vesuvian area. Despite can be safely traced back to archaic times.
the persisting uncertainties, there is an overall pat-
tern that is gradually beginning to emerge and that is 14 Mogetta 2015; Morgetta, forthcoming.
tentatively analyzed in the pages that follow. 15 Many of these buildings had previously been assigned
From the point of view that is advanced in this a much higher date and a Roman origin simply on
paper, there can be little doubt that the single most the strength of some general expectations about how
Roman architecture should have developed, e.g.
impactful recent discovery is the revolutionary new
Crawford, Coarelli 1977; Carandini, Papi 1999.
dating for the introduction of concrete in central
16 An important new work on the origins of basilicas is in
preparation by Amelia Eichengreen; see also Welch 2003.
11 E.g. Boëthius 1978; Sear 2002; the problem is only very 17 E.g. the new building from Gabii, Johnston et al.
partially rectified in Yegül, Favro 2018. 2018; the baths from Fregellae, Tsiolis 2012; Praeneste,
12 Ricci, Terrenato 1999. Demma 2011; for an overview, Bernard 2018.
13 Lackner 2008; Ball, Dobbins 2013. 18 Becker 2007; Cifarelli, Gatti, Palombi 2019.
80 Nicola Terrenato

make a case for Rome’s participation in the broader

Hellenization of Italy than for any clear diffusion of
architectural elements from Rome outwards.
A related and remarkable pattern that is beco-
ming apparent is that, despite the evident Greek
influences, central Italian cities in the late 3rd and
early 2nd centuries were significantly less monu-
mentalized than most Greek colonies, but even
some Carthaginian cities. What little we know
of fora in this period suggests rather dismal af-
fairs, with maybe some pillared tabernae or wo-
oden structures (fig. 2)22. It is enough to observe
that we do not know of a single stone colonna-
ded open space or stoa-like structure in central
Italy before the mid-2nd century23; some temples
of course had stone facades since the 3rd century,
Fig. 1 Plan of the baths at Megara Hyblaea. Dating to the but, as far as we know, columns of that kind were
mid-3rd century BCE, they exemplify the role that Sici- not employed in any other type of building24. It
lian innovation had in the formation process of Roman should also be remembered that Rome was rather
bathing culture (Trümper 2019). anomalous in that it had a multitude of temples,
Other studies and discoveries have made the pi- whereas most other cities only had a handful of
cture richer and more complex. Specifically, impor- them, or even just one. As a result, in most urban
tant advances in the study of Hellenistic architecture centers there was not much that stood out inside
in Sicily, Magna Graecia, Lucania and Campania are
revealing a wealth of influences that these regions
had on central Italy and Rome in particular19. A pri-
me example of this is a recent reassessment of Sici-
lian bath complexes, which clearly shows that they
predate any central Italian equivalents and must in-
deed have been a major inspiration for the develop-
ment of Roman bathhouses (fig. 1)20. The diffusion
of bathing thus seems more or less to follow that of
Hellenistic theaters, which, as it is well known, exi-
sted throughout Sicily and southern Italy (and even
in Samnium!) before they finally arrived first in La-
tium and then in Rome21. Too many to enumerate
are the other elements of Greek origin, from stone
columns and reliefs to mosaic floors. In many ways,
all this appears as the tip of a larger iceberg that is
coming into view, little by little. Perhaps it would
Fig. 2 Plan of the forum of Fregellae. Destroyed in 125
be wise to take the impulse from what we already
BCE, this city provides us with a sense of what urbanism
know and work harder to take stock of the massive was like before the great development of the late Repu-
influx of cultural elements into Roman architectu- blic. Aside from the temple, its Forum was a simple affair
re rather than from it. It is proving much easier to without colonnades or basilicas (Mogetta, forthcoming).

19 Osanna, Torelli 2006; Caliò, Des Courtils 2017. 22 Lackner 2008.

20 Trümper 2019. 23 Nünnerich-Asmus 1994; Gros 1996, 95-99.
21 Gros 1996, 272-278; Klar Phillips 2006. 24 Davies 2017.
 The Romanization of Rome. Cultural dynamics in the architecture of Hellenistic Italy 81

the massive city walls. Re-evaluation of the chro- Rome’s place in 4th-1st century central
nologies at the classic urban sites on which our
Italian architecture
presumed knowledge of mid-Republican archi-
tecture was based, like Cosa, Alba Fucens, Pom-
Having provided a brief overview of central Ita-
peii, Fregellae, is showing that they were much
lian urban architecture in the time of the conquest,
emptier of monumental construction than pre-
it is worthwhile to consider the specific place that
viously believed25. Even stone-paved roads and
Rome appears to have had in the cultural dynamics
piazzas are not clearly attested for the 3rd century,
of the period. Many traditional reconstructions saw
when most of them would have been surfaced
the victorious and expanding city as both a mediator
with gravel26.
of imported Hellenistic ideas and as an originator of
In parallel with our rapidly vanishing know-
autochthonous ones – a role that seemed entirely ap-
ledge of monumental centers, recent work on propriate for a world power in the making30. In the
private houses is also unexpectedly producing light of new scholarly advancements, such a view
analogous results. Atrium-based and other kinds appears today difficult to maintain, at least as far as
of houses are well attested from the mid-3rd cen- architecture is involved. A brief review of the main
tury onwards, but they were literally few and far phases in chronological order, even with its unavoi-
between in their urban contexts. Wherever it has dable simplifications, can be revealing. If we go back
been possible to investigate extensively residen- to the 6th century, we can define as a baseline the con-
tial neighborhoods, there are incontrovertible gaps tinuing long-term local elements, such as ashlar ci-
in the urban fabric – a phenomenon confirmed by ty-walls, frontal temples with painted terracottas or
the redating of many Pompeian houses27. Recent corbel-vaulted cisterns (and other underground fea-
excavations at Gabii have revealed that there were tures)31. These elements, destined to remain a staple
entire blocks in the center of the city that were not of Italian architecture, are not attested in Rome si-
built up, to the point where the few stone-socled gnificantly earlier than in other neighboring centers.
houses that are found here and there appear to be In terms of these architectural genealogies coming
down from the late Archaic period, it has long been
the exception rather than the rule28. Comparable
recognized that Rome was simply a peer center in
pictures are emerging from extensively excava-
a regional development that spanned Latium and
ted residential areas at Cosa or Alba Fucens29. It
Southern Etruria, albeit one of larger size and weal-
appears that mid-Republican stone-socled hou- th32. This situation continued essentially unchanged
ses were a luxury that only a few families in each for several centuries, which are not characterized by
town could afford. It is only with the introduction major architectural innovations.
of concrete that central Italian cities filled up with In the period between about 300 and 150 BCE,
row after row of townhouses sharing party walls, central Italian cities began to change their faces with
joining finally the ranks of the rest of Mediterra- the introduction of elements of evident Greek (or
nean urbanism. While such a picture clashes with even more exotic) derivation, such as limestone or
most received ideas about Republican Roman ur- marble columns in temples, mosaics, opus scutula-
banism, it is what emerges from a sober considera- tum, marbled wall paintings, the occasional facility
tion of the available evidence with the help of the for athletic bathing, and – from the 2nd century – per-
most reliable stratigraphic chronologies. manent masonry theaters33. This mounting wave of
Hellenistic influences touched many other regions
of the central Mediterranean, moving them closer
25 Becker 2007.
26 Laurence 1999, 13-21. together towards the creation of a shared architectu-
27 Bon, Jones 1997; Sewell 2010; Mogetta 2016.
28 Mogetta, Becker 2014; it must be kept in mind that 30 E.g. Coarelli 1996; Wallace-Hadrill 2008.
other city dwellers may have lived in more perishable 31 Gros, Torelli 1988.
dwellings. 32 Cifani 1995; Hopkins 2016.
29 Bruno, Scott 1993; Bentz, Reusser 2010. 33 Gros 1996.
82 Nicola Terrenato

An urban transformation of even greater im-

port took place in central Italian cities from 150
BCE onward, primarily in connection with the in-
troduction of concrete. Entirely local ideas (such as
poured foundations or pleasure baths) were com-
bined with imported ones (such as colonnaded
piazzas or terraced sanctuaries) to form a new and
fairly distinctive local architectural tradition, one
that would feed into the great achievements of the
50 BCE-150 CE period. For the first time, cities fil-
led up with houses, workshops, shops, markets,
warehouses, baths, theaters (and later amphithe-
aters), assuming that ‘Pompeian’ appearance that
is so tightly associated, in scholars and the public
alike, with the Roman city. Streets and piazzas were
resurfaced with basalt and limestone pavers; fueled
by the much greater ease of construction afforded
by concrete, foundations were laid much deeper
and building were consequently taller and more
spacious36. In comparison with the century before
Fig. 3 Aerial view of the theater of Teanum. Built in the 150 BCE, the local, central Italian component was
early 1st century BCE, it features an early example of con-
far more marked, while building techniques kept
crete-vaulted radial galleries – a new building technique
becoming more homogeneous and standardized
that would be employed on a much larger scale in the later
Theater of Pompey (Sirano 2011). Photo: Teatro romano-te- across the entire peninsula. As the great Hellenistic
ano.jpg. (2020, February 16). Wikimedia Commons, the free movement waned, central Italy found the space and
media repository. Retrieved 20:27, September 5, 2020 from the energy to develop an urban language of its own,
https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=Fi- in which the revolutionary new glue represented by
le:Teatro_romano-teano.jpg&oldid=394980796. concrete, with its wonderful affordances, tied old
and new elements together. The mature expression
ral language. Rome’s place in the resulting, tangled of this herculean effort at self-definition is what we
web of imitation and derivation was clearly not a currently call Roman architecture.
central one: novelties arrived there no earlier than As is the case for the earlier Hellenistic period,
they did anywhere else, and often, most notably in the place that Rome had in the formation and tran-
the cases of bathing and theaters, significantly later smission of the new architectural forms at this time
than in the rest of the region. When seen through should not be assumed to have been a central one, as
the lens of the evolution of public architecture in the has often been taken for granted. Fine-grained new
Hellenistic period, Rome appears to be much closer work (combined with facts that have been known for
to the tail end of the diffusion tree than to its stem34. much longer, but have not been adequately emphasi-
Despite its skyrocketing political role, the capital of zed before) is again subverting certainties that were
the alliance certainly was not a major gateway that ultimately based on the widespread assumption that
circulated Greek ideas around central Italy thanks a great political capital must have irradiated culture,
to its political dominance. Nor did it develop a par- rather than being a recipient of it. The reality is that
ticularly idiomatic or distinctive form of Hellenistic virtually all the building types mentioned above are
culture, as many other non-Greek metropoleis did attested somewhere else in central Italy earlier than
in this period, from Paestum to Carthage35.
36 It should be noted that concrete was not adopted
everywhere at the same time: for instance, it is scarce at
34 Terrenato 2016. Fregellae, while it abounds at Fabrateria Nova; Betori
35 For Carthage, see the papers in Quinn, Vella 2014. Marandola, Venditti 2013.
 The Romanization of Rome. Cultural dynamics in the architecture of Hellenistic Italy 83

they are in Rome. Pleasure baths and theaters, to cite assumptions that Rome should have been culturally
only two conspicuous new building types are known dominant and influential because of its centrality in
from Pompeii for the 2nd century but do not appear in political terms. Such a paradox is poetically encap-
Rome until the 1st century37. Even regions that were sulated in the quip (by a Greek-adjacent southern
still scarcely urbanized like Samnium were experi- Italian like Horace) that Greece captured its savage
menting with stone theaters before Rome did38. Simi- conqueror42. And indeed, one of the facets of mid-Re-
larly, the amphitheater at Pompeii is at least a couple publican imperialism was that, culturally, the new
of generations older than that of Statilius Taurus in capital was impacted by the Italians that converged
Rome39. Great terraced sanctuaries popped up here on it much more than the other way around. Preci-
and there in Latium and northern Campania earlier sely the increasingly central role that Rome had in
(and more monumentally) than they did in Rome40. the peninsula exposed it to a multitude of cultural
The earliest colonnaded porticoes and piazzas as well stimuli that originated in all the regions that became
as stone temple facades are essentially contemporane- part of the expanding alliance43.
ous, but they were often built with higher quality sto-
ne (marbles and fine limestones) outside Rome, where The Romanization of Rome
stuccoed tuff seems to have persisted longer than el-
sewhere. Perhaps most symbolically, the new disrup- The considerations expounded so far seem to
tive technology – concrete –was not diffused from the indicate very strongly that it was not until the la-
capital, but may have been developed in parallel in the ter 1st century BCE that Rome’s architecture was
private architecture of Campania and Latium (unless entirely caught up with that of the rest of central
it actually originated in Campania, as some elements Italy. It may be counterintuitive that Rome’s archi-
seem to indicate)41. Astoundingly, even colonies foun- tectural centrality was not asserted before this time,
ded by Rome, like Fregellae or Ostia, architecturally, but this is what the evidence indicates. In a way, the
were a few steps ahead of the city that founded them. construction of the Theater of Pompey in the 50s
An unprejudiced, if cursory, consideration of BCE can be taken as a conventional watershed: it
central Italian architecture in the second half of the was certainly the first time in centuries that a pu-
first millennium BCE cannot fail to reveal that Rome blic building was created in Rome that had little or
was not a central place in terms of innovation, or no direct parallels or precedents in the surrounding
accomplishment. If anything, it appears to be at the region44, a building that would be imitated and rif-
margins of a hotbed of experimentation located fur- fed on countless times for generations. However, in
ther to the South, at the intersection of Campanian assessing the impact of such a belated diffusion, one
cosmopolitanism, Latin wealth, Greek urban culture that finally originated in Rome and emanated from
and Samnite dynamism. Analyzing the reasons for it, we must not lose sight of how recent a pheno-
such a counterintuitive pattern of cultural diffusion menon it was. Not only Rome had not been a node
would go beyond the scope of this paper, and would for local innovation or mediation of Greek elements
probably fail to produce a completely convincing ar- during the Hellenistic period45, but the distinctive
gument. There can be no doubt, in any case, that the elements of its architecture had made a relatively
information provided by architecture should be bro- sudden appearance very late in the game. This me-
adly contextualized by comparing it with the ebbs ans that the great concrete-enabled complexes so
and flows that are in evidence in many other spheres,
from figurative art and literature to mass-produced 42 Nenci 1978.
objects and economic infrastructures. This should 43 Terrenato 2019, 268-270.
also happen with a mind free from strong materialist 44 The case of the earlier, much smaller theater of
Teanum (fig. 3), built with concrete arcades, must
37 Klar Phillips 2006; Trümper et al. 2019. be mentioned; Sirano 2011. In a way, it represents an
38 Strazzulla 1971 additional element of innovation that had traveled
39 Welch 2007. from Campania to Rome.
40 Coarelli 1987. 45 As envisaged for instance in Coarelli 1996; Wallace-
41 Mogetta 2015. Hadrill 2008.
84 Nicola Terrenato

closely associated with the heyday of Rome did not Roman only towards the end of the first millennium
have a deep local tradition and were instead entire BCE. What it should be called before then naturally
newcomers to the local scene, as it was the case in becomes an interesting question.
all the other provincial contexts where they were In conclusion, a reconsideration of the broad pat-
also appearing. Their ancestry should instead be terns in the circulation of architectural ideas across
traced to lands and cultures to the south of Rome. the Italian peninsula in the age of the conquest reve-
Assessing critically the antecedents of Augu- als a challenging new picture. Thanks to new disco-
stan culture is very significant to understand cultural veries and revised chronologies, we are in a vastly
dynamics in 1st millennium BCE Italy as well as the improved position to assess the formation process
cultural implications of the Roman conquest further of the golden era of Roman architecture. The monu-
afield – the process known as Romanization to Haver- mental concrete structures of this period represent a
field and his descendants. Seen in the context of a pro- key piece of that Romanness whose penetration in
vince that was incorporated very late in the expansion the provinces was first measured and then harshly
process, such as Britain, 1st century CE Roman archi- debated. A radical deconstruction of what counts as
tecture appeared tightly constituted and profoundly Roman is implicit in the paradox of the Romaniza-
rooted in the urban history of Rome itself. It is only tion of Rome, and must have significant repercus-
once we go back in time and zoom in enough to tell sions on the entire debate. Accepting the fact that
central Italian microregions apart that we realize that many so-called Roman elements were almost as new
what counts as Roman is much less self-evident that in Rome as they were in southern France or Spain ne-
generally believed. To use just one illustrative exam- cessarily redefines the issue of the cultural transfor-
ple, the spread of concrete-arched theaters does have mations that followed the conquest. The diffusion of
Rome as its center (fig. 3)46, but is very compressed in Augustan culture appears as a great wave that im-
time, lacking a deep local tradition of simpler buildin- pacts core and periphery in similar ways, rather than
gs. Grandiose porticoed complexes, complete with the adoption of profoundly Roman ideas by the in-
portraits of emperors and benefactors, made their first corporated elites, as envisioned by many established
appearance in Rome, Caere, Volterra, Verona, Orléans models49. Conceptualizations such as hegemonic
and Merida within the same 60 years47. Therefore, emulation or discrepant experiences inevitably rely
what looks like a quintessentially Roman innovation on the assumption that the Romans conquerors pos-
had in reality no long history in the capital itself. The- sessed a deep-seated and distinctive cultural mindset
se new-fangled theaters were as shocking a novelty in to which locals reacted. Realizing instead that elites
the center as they were in the distant periphery. In fact, everywhere were constantly reinventing themselves
they swept across the whole Mediterranean like wild- in their customs and fashions decouples the cultural
fire over the course of three or four generations, never transformations from the politics of the expansion,
built in comparable numbers neither in the centuries casting a completely different light on the process.
after nor, as we have seen, in those before. If, as it is
common usage, we define theaters, amphitheaters, Acknowledgements
vaulted baths, basilicas and all the rest as coterminous
with Roman culture, then it is not a contradiction in This contribution owes much to the stimulating
terms to speak of the Romanization of Rome48. Since debate that took place at the conference held at Villa
what we call Roman largely originates elsewhere in Vigoni. I am therefore very grateful to the organi-
Italy or was introduced very late in the city, with little zers for the invitation to participate. The paper has
local precedent, we must conclude that Rome became benefited from the comments offered by audiences
at the University of Michigan and at Heidelberg
University. Also of great help have been the conver-
46 Even if has probably been introduced in Campania a
sations (and the joint fieldwork) together with Mar-
generation or two earlier, see note 44.
47 Sear 2006.
cello Mogetta (who also read and commented on a
48 The phrase was first introduced in Keay, Terrenato
2001, ix; see also Stek 2014. 49 E.g. Mattingly 2011.
 The Romanization of Rome. Cultural dynamics in the architecture of Hellenistic Italy 85

draft), and, in distant years, with Jeffrey A. Becker. last of many times I could benefit from his transfor-
The line of thinking pursued here is firmly rooted in mative mentorship, as he passed away soon after.
the work of Mario Torelli, who kindly agreed to read Errors and especially wild oversimplifications, for
a draft and offer suggestions. This was, sadly, the which I am notorious, are patently mine.
86 Nicola Terrenato

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The Pontine region, between colonisation, globalisation and regionalisation
Peter Attema*

Abstract the counterpart of this notion, the ‘deglobalization of the

Roman countryside’ to describe the long drawn-out pro-
In my contribution I look at the common theme of this cess of urban and rural settlement decline characterizing
volume – Roman Empire: Romanization between Coloni- the Pontine region during Late Antiquity and the early
zation and Globalization – from a landscape archaeolog- Medieval period.
ical perspective presenting an empirical study based on
settlement and pottery data collected over many years in Introduction
the Pontine region, south of Rome. The study will serve to
illustrate how various concepts, commonly used in archae- Undeniably, Roman towns have played an
ology to describe and at times explain cultural change may important role in the process of restructuring Old
or may not apply to the specific case of the Pontine region, Latium’s protohistoric landscape, in the case of the
a landscape that historically counts as one of the earliest Pontine region exemplified by the Roman towns
zones of Roman expansion. First of all I ask what Romani- in the Monti Lepini, Cora, Norba, Setia, the coast-
zation might entail in a Latin context of which Rome itself al towns Tarracina, Circeii and Antium and inland
was part. Secondly I look critically at the use of the term along the river Astura Satricum1. Their origin is
Roman colonization in the context of the late 6th and 5th diverse with Cora’s earliest occupational evidence
c. BC in this landscape that I have in earlier research de- now dating back to the late Bronze Age and Setia
scribed as a ‘laboratory of Roman colonization’. Is such a still a relatively young foundation dating in the ear-
label justified if we look at settlement changes connected ly 4th c. BC, according to the sources and the cur-
with the formation of the urban mid-Republican landscape rently available archeological record for this town2.
and if so, from which period on? In any case, I will restrict In fact we lack a coherent picture of how Roman in-
the use of colonization to the act of shaping new urban fluence in the Pontine region came about during the
and rural structures in the landscape, and of shaping new early period of historical colonization, and it is only
land for agricultural production, including infrastructure. from the mid-Republican period onwards, with the
Thirdly we must come to terms with the usefulness of the construction of the Via Appia, that we feel more con-
term ‘globalization’ for this region in terms of analytical fident about integration of the Pontine region in the
gain and explanatory power and with its counterpart ‘de- Roman orbit based on archeological information3.
globalization’. I will argue that globalization is expressed
in quantifiable phenomena of cultural connectivity and
* Groningen Institute of Archaeology. [email protected]
economic integration of the Pontine region in the expand-
1 Attema 2018 for a recent overview.
ing Roman world. In this respect the notion of the ‘global 2 See for the early phases of Cora, Palombi, Tabolli, Viani
Roman countryside’ used in a recent paper by Rob Witcher 2013; see for Setia, Bruckner 2000.
is useful to denote the process of expanding socio-econom- 3 This is the reason why rather than referring to the 5th
ic and cultural relations, such as these become visible in and 4th c. BC as the Early Republican period we use
settlement diversity and settlement appearance, produc- in the Pontine Region Project the label ‘post-Archaic’
tion, trade and consumption. At the same time there is for the 5th and first half of the 4th c. BC.
90 Peter Attema

In the history of progressive Roman influence in the fices to state that institutionalized cultic presence
Pontine region, the colony of Norba, perched on a in the Pontine landscape from the late Archaic pe-
steep cliff overlooking the Pontine plain traditional- riod onwards is a clear sign of the cultural and so-
ly takes in a crucial place as the starting process of cio-economic incorporation of the Pontine region
Roman colonization and thus of the romanization in Latium vetus, considering that the development
of the region4. of urban and rural sanctuaries in the late Archaic
At the same time, the actual historical and ar- period both promoted and was promoted by pro-
chaeological data on Norba epitomize the prob- gressive urban and rural development as part of
lems we grapple with to conceptualize the begin- an overarching urbanization process as recently
nings of Roman expansion in the Pontine region5. described for Latium vetus by Francesca Fulmi-
What exactly was the nature of the ‘arx’ of Norba, nante10. At the same time the current debate allows
that in the description of Livy was implanted here us to take leave from the idea that the landscape
in 492 BC to guard over the Pontine plain (Liv. II, of the Pontine region was systematically subjugated
34)? Archaeology has shown that the hilltop of by Rome and actively romanized. Rather we should
Norba accomodated cult places in the late Archaic embrace the idea that the Pontine region was grad-
period, as indicated by the discovery of late Archa- ually incorporated in the orbit of Latin and Roman
ic terracotta’s on the site in association with Nor- society, despite the complex and at times disrup-
ba’s later Republican temples and the plateau may tive socio-economic, demographic and geopoliti-
have been occupied already before the late Archaic cal developments the ancient sources mention for
period6. Comparable evidence comes from the ru- the 5th and 4th c. BC11. In all respects this would do
ral landscape in the plain below the later Roman more justice to both the ancient texts, which paint
colony of Setia where we also know of late Archaic a colourful ethnic canvas of recurring warfare,
architectural terracotta’s, here found in the con- raids and territorial conquests during the 5th and
text of the later Republican temple of Juno7. Also 4th c. BC in the landscapes of the Pontine region
on the Monte Circeo late Archaic terracotta’s have and to the archaeological sources that indicate sig-
been recorded, which scholars associate with the nificant changes to have occurred in the configura-
Roman colony of Circeii8. However, the debate on tion of the protohistorical settled landscape of the
whether or not the presence of Latial cultplaces in late Archaic and post-Archaic landscape. We have
the Pontine landscape can directly be related to indeed noted in our surveys that with the oncome
early Roman colonization cannot be solved easily, of Norba, nucleated protohistoric occupation in
if at all, and different scenarios exist ranging from the foothills at Caracupa Valvisciolo, below Nor-
plain statist intervention to expansionist activities
of certain powerful persons/gentes9. For now it suf- terracottas and some diagnostic pottery) to support
the idea of Roman presence in many of the early sites
4 On Norba, see especially the many publications by S. of Latium, like Norba, Satricum, and Signia, before the
Quilici Gigli. Useful recent brief overview, Quilici Gigli Volscian invasion”. For alternative scenario linked to
2017. powerful persons/families, mainly instigated by the
5 For a critical evaluation of scenarios of early Roman Lapis Satricanus inscription, see e.g. Coarelli 1990a,
colonization in the Pontine region viewed from an 151-152 with further references in Attema, de Haas,
archaeological perspective, see Attema, de Haas, Termeer 2014, note 4.
Termeer 2014. For a recent view from ancient history 10 Fulminante 2014.
on early colonization, see Chiabà 2017. 11 Cornell 1995, 293-322 for an overview of historical
6 Quilici Gigli 2017. events, mainly concerning warfare between Romans,
7 For an extensive discussion of the excavations at the Latins and inland mountain peoples (Volsci, Aequi).
Tratturo Caniò sanctuary, see Bruckner 2003, 87-97. Cornell 1995, 238 described the nature of war as
8 See Quilici 1990. “a very different kind of phenomenon from the
9 For a positive assessment of the match between organised military activity of the Roman state in
the archaeological evidence and the reality of these the later Republic. What the sources reveal is an
early colonies, see Torelli 1999, 18: “And we do not indistinct pattern of annual razzias”. See more recently
lack archaeological evidence (such as architectural Armstrong 2016, especially 141-232.
 The Pontine region, between colonisation, globalisation and regionalisation 91

ba, stopped just as happened at the settlement of the discourse on globalization, i.e. the rural land-
Caprifico di Cisterna, while Satricum underwent scape as part of supraregional, peninsular broad,
profound transformation12. comparable developments. For the Pontine region
From the mid-Republican period onwards, integration in a growing Roman economy lasted
however, a period of urban and rural growth well into the Early Imperial period after which we
sets in triggered by infrastructural investments. see, however, gradual decline, but such decline is
Among these, the construction of the Via Appia not evenly spread over the entire Pontine land-
and the Decennovium canal along it, takes in a scape. Malfunctioning of the main infrastructure
key role in facilitating traffic and commerce be- of the Via Appia and environmental deterioration
tween Terracina and Rome opening up the Pontine is likely to have disconnected the region’s various
plain for reclamation and subsequent agricultural economic zones, disrupting previous internal eco-
exploitation13. But also more in general we must nomic activities. This was a gradual process that
think of investments in the urban and rural land- ultimately would lead to an overall relatively emp-
scapes of the Pontine region aimed at profit, and ty landscape on the transition from Late Antiqui-
consequently of investments of that profit. A de- ty to the Medieval period17. In this landscape the
cidedly economic attitude by an incoming and church, local and Rome based elites and eventu-
in some instances historically known elite is ex- ally monasteries played a decisive role in reviving
pressed in the improvement of urban and rural in- the past infrastructure by actively promoting a
frastructures, increased production and trade and, new settlement configuration, though admittedly
from the late Republican period onwards, conspic- much of that landscape still escapes us due to in-
uous consumption and display, especially in the sufficient field research and the in general low vis-
coastal context of the villa marittima14. While the ibility of late antique and early medieval vestiges
intensity of such developments were uneven over related to dwelling and landscape exploitation. It
the landscapes of the Pontine region, their net ef- is very clear, however, that this new configuration
fect was a progressive integration of the Pontine was of a very different type than the Roman ur-
region in the wider Roman socio-economic frame- ban and rural landscape of the late Republican and
work bringing with it demographic growth and an Imperial periods. Once again such developments
increase in living standard that we are only now should be read in the light of a wider discourse,
beginning to be able to quantify in the framework but now on the deglobalization of economy and so-
of comparative studies based on survey data in the ciety in peninsular Italy and its trajectory towards
recent Rome Hinterland Project15. While inextri- incastellamento around the turn of the first millen-
cably linked with expanding Rome, this mid-Re- nium AD, culminating in the birth of the medieval
publican trajectory, just described, can at the same city. In the Pontine region, this process cristallized
time be read as part of a wider development that in a row of medieval cities on prominent hilltops in
we can observe in the Hellenistic world, name- the foothills of the Monti Lepini and Ausoni, with
ly that of the productive settled rural landscape some settlements, like Cori and Sezze, continuing
linked to expanding urban cores16. It is this latter Roman towns of old.
aspect that we might view from the perspective of This paper is structured as follows. It starts
with a brief discussion of the point of departure,
12 Attema, de Haas, Termeer 2014; de Haas 2011. For a the Archaic landscape of South Lazio and the geo-
historical and archaeological overview of settlement graphical position of the Pontine plain within the
changes in this period in the wider geographical Archaic settlement constellation south of Rome.
context of the Pontine region, see Palombi 2011. I will then argue how the Lepine-Pontine towns
13 Tol, de Haas et al. 2014. of Cora, Norba and Setia, in the post Archaic and
14 Attema, de Haas, Tol 2011; de Haas, Tol, Attema 2011. mid-Republican period carved out territories in
15 http://comparativesurveyarchaeology.org the Archaic landscape and how, in the mid- Re-
16 See for a quantification of urban expansion in early
Hellenistic Italy, Sewell 2010. For rural expansion
Attema, Burgers, van Leusen 2010. 17 Walsh, Attema, de Haas 2014.
92 Peter Attema

Fig. 1 Model of the late Archaic settlement territoria of Latium vetus, using Thiessen polygons and buffer zones with
radii of 2.5, 3 or 5 km (after Lanjouw 2011, fig. 2.2).

publican period, new land was reclaimed in the Colonization, globalization and region-
Pontine plain. I will then proceed by showing how
alisation in the Pontine region
this resulted in a patchwork of urban, rural and
pastoral landscapes and in coastal landscapes of
‘otium’. Next I comment on the role of infrastruc-
The protohistorical landscape of the Pontine region
tural renewal and maintenance as important fac-
tors in the degree and longevity of integration into
In this paper I take the protohistoric landscape
the Roman global economy of the different land-
at the end of the 6th c. BC as a turning-point in the
scape zones we may discern in the Pontine region,
configuration of the settled landscape of the Pontine
and the effects the demise of such structures had
region within the wider urban configuration of Old
on the vitality of the region. Finally I will discuss
Latium. The Thiessen polygons with buffer zones
the transition from the Roman Republican and
around central settlements in fig. 1 reveal how ur-
early imperial landscape into that of Late Antiq-
ban settlement was regularly spaced-out over the
uity and the early Medieval period, a period that
Latial landscape19. But while the Tiber valley, Alban
is slowly coming into focus through new research
hills and the Campagna Romana have a high density
on the period completed within the ambit of the
of central settlements, and consequently have small
Pontine Region Project in 202018.
19 Attema 2013 based on territorial modelling in Lanjouw
18 Satijn 2020. 2011.
 The Pontine region, between colonisation, globalisation and regionalisation 93

Fig. 2a Superimposed viewsheds of Archaic (6th c. BC) Fig. 2b Superimposed viewsheds of mid-Republican (later
defended sites (T. de Haas, GIA/RuG) 4th/3rd c. BC) defended sites (T. de Haas, GIA/RuG).

buffer zones, the settlements in the Pontine region a large and still unclaimed territory with good soils
were more widely spaced out over the landscape, for agricultural production all along the foothills of
having larger potentially productive territories than the Monti Lepini, in the undulating landscape in
settlements in the Alban Hills or Tiber valley, with the northwestern part below Cora and in the plain
the Pontine plain as an additional potentially eco- below Setia, both having highly productive soils21.
nomically interesting asset. When (partly) drained, To see how control of this area was obtained, Ty-
the vast space of the Pontine plain would offer am- mon de Haas and the present author made a recon-
ple possibilities for agricultural expansion, an oppor- struction of fortifications and strategic locations that
tunity that was seized by, presumably, the Romans were in function during the transitional period be-
during the mid-Republican period, as we will see tween protohistoric and Roman Republican times22.
below. The settlement of ‘Norba’ – the blue dot – is, The analysis shows how already before Livy’s men-
in line with the ancient sources, inserted on the map tioning of an arx at Norba a complex system of forti-
in fig. 1 as a new settlement that, according to Livy, fications dominated the settled landscape controlling
would have functioned for the Romans ‘Quae Arx in routes through the Lepine mountains (fig. 2a). Fol-
Pomptino esset’ i.e., as a bulwark to control the Pon- lowing the Archaic period, Norba became the focal
tine plain, and founded to that end in 492 BC20. point in this system, overseeing a large part of the
This now happened at a time when we have Pontine plain (fig. 2b). Comparing the two views-
evidence for the decline and/or transformation of heds presented in fig. 2, the one for the protohistoric
several Archaic settlements located on the fringe of period, i.e. before the installation of the arx of Norba,
the Pontine plain, Satricum, Caprifico di Cisterna indicates a complex situation of overlapping views-
and Caracupa/Valvisciolo. Without going into de- heds from several control points. From Norba how-
tail concerning the 5th and 4th c. BC transformation ever the viewshed extends far into the plain, cover-
of the Pontine region, South Lazio and the role of ing large parts of the Monti Lepini. At the same time
Rome, which is a complex and still unresolved de- we see how in the 5th and 4th c. BC gradually other
bate, it is important to note that from a purely geo-
graphical point of view, the Pontine region offered
21 Land evaluation of the Pontine region in van Joolen
2003. See also Attema, Burgers, van Leusen 2010, 37-46.
20 But see note 6 on Norba’s possibly older origin. 22 De Haas, Attema 2016.
94 Peter Attema

infrastructure, both intramontane towards the Sac-

co valley (Valle Latina) and along the borders of
the Pontine wetlands along the foothills, the Pon-
tine-Lepine settlements were also vehicles for agri-
cultural production, initially likely self-supporting
but soon carving out larger rural territories for in-
creased production both in the Lepine landscape
facing the Pontine plain and on the other side of
the Lepini, in the Valle Latina (Artena, Signia). For
a number of these colonies, the Pontine Region
Project has studied this process of ruralisation in
detail25. Here we will briefly discuss the develop-
ing countryside of Norba and Setia, located next to
Norba. These settlements were by the mid-Republi-
can surrounded by huge defensive works boosting
Fig. 3 The “Porta Maggiore” or main gate of Norba their status and role as Roman colonies. In fig. 3 we
(photo, author). may appreciate the heavy polygonal masonry of
Norba and its monumental ‘Porta Maggiore’, Nor-
strategic elevated points lining the plain become oc-
ba’s main gate.
cupied with settlements overlooking the vast plain
The Pontine Roman colonies were, apart from
and the sea from elevated parts.
fortifications, also civic centres around which a
Setia, overlooking the inner marsh area, was cre-
busy countryside quickly developed, where Archa-
ated according to the sources in the early 4th c. BC
ic rural structures continued and new mid- and late
(382 BC, Velleius Paterculus, Hist. Rom I, 14.2) while
Republican rural settlement and local infrastructure
Circeo, likewise founded in the early 4th c. BC over-
appeared. In the countryside of Norba and Setia
looked both, plain, coastal strip and sea. Terracina, at
these processes got momentum from the mid-Re-
the far southern end of the plain, overlooked both the
publican period onwards when we witness increas-
vast Pontine plain towards Rome and the Fondi plain
ing rural infill linked to specialization in agricul-
towards Campania, overseeing a large tract of coastal
ture. Fig. 4 shows the outcome of a preliminary and
and inland on both sides. Due to its location Terracina
still unpublished demographic study on Norba’s
was pivotal in controlling both traffic and trade over
rural hinterland26. Critical assessment of all availa-
land between Rome and Campania and over water be-
ble rural site data resulted in a high quality dataset
cause of its suitable harbour23. This growing network of
that allowed a simple functional and chronological
urban settlements, connecting infrastructure and rising
classification in three broad categories of rural set-
population numbers supported the expansion of agri-
tlement for the rural catchment of Norba; hamlets,
culture. Archaeological survey has shown how around
villas and farms. Corrected for differential site re-
the Pontine urban settlements agricultural land was
trieval of the various site classes, an estimation of
made suitable for rural settlement and production in
population levels was arrived at. The histogram in
the post-Archaic and mid-Republican periods24.
fig. 4c shows demographic development in the peri-
od 350 BC to 400 AD and indicates that Roman pop-
Carving out rural territories in the foothills
25 A number of surveys by the Pontine Region Project
Apart from strategically located control points were aimed at establishing rural infill of Roman
to guard over the surrounding landscape and its colonies, see Attema, van Leusen 2004 on surveys in the
agri of Setia, Lanuvio and Signia; Attema, de Haas, Tol
23 Overview in Attema 2018. 2014 on the ager of Setia with site catalogue. De Haas
24 For an overview of publications on the surveys of the 2011 and van Leusen, de Haas et al. 2005 on the ager of
Pontine Region Project, see https://rug.academia.edu/ Norba with site catalogues.
PeterAttema/Pontine-Region-Project 26 Wijnstok 2016.
 The Pontine region, between colonisation, globalisation and regionalisation 95

Fig. 4b Ager of Norba during the Republican period

estimated at 160 km2 (in red outline) as modelled by
Lanjouw 2011. Grey line represents the course of the Via
Appia (Wijnstok 2016, fig. 6.4).

Fig. 4a The map depicts seven datasets that were, fol-

lowing selecting, combined into one high quality data-
set to reconstruct the settlement dynamics in the ager of
Norba (Wijnstok 2016, fig. 3.4).

ulation peaked in the late Republican period with

23.3 inhabitants per km2, while showing a sharp de-
crease in the early Imperial period to 10.3 persons
per km2. Undoubtedly the destruction of Norba by
Sulla’s troops at the outstart of the 1st c. BC made
its mark on the countryside of Norba. In Late An-
tiquity the population level27 would drop to below Fig. 4c Histogram showing classification of rural sites in
2 persons per km2. the ager of Norba and demographic extrapolation from
In contrast with Norba, the rural territory of Se- those data (Wijnstok 2016, graph 6.1). See for the metho-
tia proved more successful in the long run. Found- dology of population extrapolation applied, Attema, de
Haas 2011.
ed according to the sources in the early 4th BC, the
area now known as the ‘Campi di Sezze’ and the
adjacent Lepine mountains soon attracted rural set- tlement that in the late Republican period became
exceptionally dense. In the intensive surveys of the
Pontine Region Project an almost continuous car-
27 Estimations for this period are, however, fraught with pet of pottery was documented over the extreme-
bias on account of the low visibility of rural settlement ly fertile plain, which still today is one of the most
in this period in surveys.
96 Peter Attema

lican period the number of sites drops. However,

sites increase in size in the Late Republican period
and we think that specialization in viticulture may
have taken place, as indicated by the high propor-
tion of Dressel 2-4 wine amphorae at some sites,
supporting the historical evidence on elite involve-
ment in viticulture and more in general the quality
of wine of the zone29. What needs to be stressed is
the growing pressure that the mid-Republican eco-
nomic boost in agriculture must have caused on the
quite limited amount of available land in the Campi
di Sezze and on the slopes of the adjacent Lepine
foothills30. This observation of land scarcity can be
Fig. 5 Chronological trend of all dated diagnostics from linked to a pioneer phase of rural settlement in the
sites and off-site contexts (weighed averages of indivi- lower Pontine plain, recognized in our most recent
dual date ranges summarized by 50 year period). From:
field survey project that targeted the former Pontine
Attema, de Haas, Tol 2014, fig. 5.
marsh area.
A very intriguing phenomenon visible on
air-photo’s in the lower Pontine plain south-east of
Setia are the many traces of north-south orientat-
ed lines, as visible on the interpreted map in fig. 6.
The Italian topographer and archaeologist Marghe-
rita Cancellieri was the first to interpret these as of
mid-Roman Republican date. The lines would, ac-
cording to her, indicate a Roman land division pat-
tern, in time coinciding with the distribution of land
to those enrolled in the tribus Oufentina in 318 BC31.
The initial surveys by Tymon de Haas of a small part
of the extensive gridded territory, near the road sta-
tion of Forum Appii, seemed to confirm a mid-Re-
publican date for the land divisions that from an in-
frastructural point of view could have a relationship
with the construction of the Via Appia in 312 BC. The
fact that quite a number of sites had Republican black
gloss and Graeco-Italic amphora sherds dating to the
later 4th c. BC supports a mid-Republican date for
Fig. 6 Overview of surveyd fields in the lower Pontine the land divisions. De Haas found that pottery scat-
plain with evidence for land divisions, first recorded
ters were often located on slightly elevated parts in
and interpreted by Cancellieri 1990 on air photography
and detailed topographical maps (1:5000) and consistent the landscape, likely small mounds thrown up by the
presence of mid-Republican pottery on many, predomi-
nantly, small sites (de Haas, Groningen Institute of Ar- 29 Sites 10903 and 10915 support the reputation of this
chaeology). area for winemaking as reported on in the ancient
sources on account of the high share of amphorae in the
intensively cultivated areas of the Pontine plain28. ceramic assemblage (Dressel 2-4) of a distinct fabric. See
Fig. 5 shows a peak in rural settlement during the for a discussion Attema, de Haas, Tol 2014, 186. For a
mid-Republican period, while in the late-Repub- discussion based on historical sources, see Coarelli 1990a.
30 See for the exploitation of the slopes of the Monti Lepini
28 Attema, de Haas, Tol 2014 discuss site and offsite between Cora and Setia, de Haas, Attema, Tol 2012.
distribution in the ager of Setia. 31 Cancellieri 1990, 66-70.
 The Pontine region, between colonisation, globalisation and regionalisation 97

inhabitants to keep dry feet in case of failing drain-

age management. Consequently the bulk of these
division lines would have to be interpreted as drain-
age ditches32. Based on de Haas’ pilot survey and re-
constructions further research on this topic was done
within the framework of the research project “Fora,
stationes and sanctuaries: the role of minor centers in
the economy of Roman Central Italy”, henceforward
referred to as the ‘Minor Centers Project’33.

Reclaiming the marshes

In the Minor Centers Project, Tymon de Haas

and Gijs Tol and their team investigate the hypoth- Fig. 7 Chronological trend of rural around Ad Medias.
esis of a mid-Republican land reclamation in the
lower Pontine plain further, applying an interdisci- basis of surface artefact recording and geophysical
plinary approach (soil survey, intensive artefact sur- prospections, Ad Medias, located deep in the for-
vey and artefact studies, geophysical prospection) mer marshes of the Pontine plain, could be estimat-
with the aim to reconstruct the economic role of the ed to have covered a surface of approximately 2 ha
second order settlements Forum Appii and Ad Me- and Forum Appii 10 ha in the Republican period.
dias, the latter located deep in the former Pontine The waystation and minor centre of Ad Medias
marshes. A further aim was to study the develop- is instructive as to the relative success of the reclama-
ment of the countryside in the lower Pontine plain tion project in the lower plain. While in the intensive
linked to these second order settlements along the survey evidence was recorded for a quite dense pat-
Via Appia, now on a larger scale than de Haas had tern of sites in the Mid-Republican period, site num-
been able to do34. The initial observation by de Haas bers drop sharply in the late Republican period. The
that Forum Appii and Ad Medias were established area, which is a very low point in the Pontine plain,
in reclaimed territory was confirmed in the surveys seems to have been largely given up for the scope
on and around these centres. Forum Appii and Ad of farming in this period. The drop is visible in the
Medias had abundant mid-republican ceramics and histogram in fig. 7. The typical recurring assemblag-
many small rural sites were found in their vicini- es of pottery on the mid-Republican sites recorded
ty, with undisputable evidence for mid-Republican in the survey of the Pontine plain consist of sherds
3rd c. BC black gloss. The date ranges of the sites in- of Graeco-Italic amphora, domestic coarse ware pot-
deed overlap the historical date of the construction tery types, black gloss table ware and coarse ware
of the Via Appia and Decennovium canal that, still loom weights. The modest size of the scatters and
functioning today, had the double task of capturing the absence of tiles indicate that we deal with simple
the superfluous waters from the hinterland and of dwellings with a thatched roof. Notable is the fact
transport artery between the port of Terracina in the that in the area around Ad Medias no trace of Iron
south and Forum Appii’s river harbour35. On the Age and Archaic ceramics occur at the surface and
we likely deal with the reclamation of uncultivated
32 De Haas 2011, chapter 4 with catalogue in vol. II land, even if we can think of various economic uses
for a full report on the survey and chapter 8 on the such wetlands had in the ancient and historical econ-
preliminary interpretation. omy, which would have been partly and temporarily
33 Funded by the Netherlands Organization for Scientific abolished by the new agricultural regime36.
Research (NWO), grant no. 360-61-030, 2010-2015.
34 See for the methodology and first results Tol, de Haas
et al. 2014. Full publication of the project is under way. 36 For economic uses of the Pontine wetlands in Roman
35 Preliminary results from the geophysical work in Tol, and historical times, see Traina 1998 and Attema 1993,
de Haas et al. 2014. chapter 2 with references.
98 Peter Attema

Fig. 8 Palaeogeographical reconstructions of the Pontine plain. 1: Bronze age (3600 BP), 2: Iron age (2800 BP), 3: Repu-
blican period (2200 BP). From Feiken 2014, figure 9.2.

Fig. 9 The Pontine mid-Republican drainage as reconstructed by de Haas on the basis of the aerial photography.
 The Pontine region, between colonisation, globalisation and regionalisation 99

At this point it is necessary to outline briefly the presence in those landscapes with better and more
landscape processes that shaped the Pontine plain. reliable spatial resolution based on relatively recent
Geomorphological reconstruction shows how the fieldwork, now in the course of publication39. Pend-
northeastern part of the Pontine plain in the Bronze ing the outcome of this inventory, it is however safe
Age featured an inland lake that in the Iron age was to state that comparable rural infill as e.g. around
gradually covered by sediments37. By the Roman Antium or Setia took place around Terracina and in
period part of the area had become dry land, as in the famous centuriated Valle di Terracina, skirted by
the Campi di Sezze discussed above. However the the Via Appia, and around the Monte Circeo, loca-
Pontine floodplain (indicated in light green in fig. tion of the Roman colony of Circeii. Such rural infill
8.3) through which the Via Appia was constructed continued along the coastal strip on the marine ter-
was still in constant danger of inundation, but none races all the way to Antium, as surveys of the Pon-
the less settled during the mid-Republican period tine Region Project of the beach ridges have shown.
thanks to reclamation. Even if the sample area around the lake of Fogliano
The images in figs. 9a and 9b show the evidence was small, we can postulate that the zone between
for the drainage scheme found on air photos, in cor- Circeii up to Astura experienced substantial Roman
ings and in geophysical prospections38. In combi- Republican and Imperial rural infill, possibly com-
nation with the presence of mid-Republican rural parably dense as that found on the beach ridges and
sites the evidence suggests a planned substantial along the coast between Astura and Antium40.
mid-Republican land reclamation scheme that com- To date, the best dataset for rural infill during
prised beside reclaiming land, the construction of the Roman Republican and Imperial period comes
the Via Appia straight through a water-logged area, from the surveys carried out by the Pontine Re-
connecting Rome with the harbour town of Tarraci- gion Project in the ager of Antium, where different
na-Anxur. Along the Via Appia, the Decennovium overlapping datasets could be combined to recon-
canal was dug to collect the waters from streams struct demographic and economic growth in the
and ditches draining the lower Pontine plain. New countryside41. The sheer density of farms and villae
settlements along the Via Appia provided services indicates also in these landscapes a trend towards
for colonist farmers settling the reclaimed lands surplus production for the urban markets and spe-
with the Via Appia and Decennovium canal secur- cialisation in agricultural production. Of the three
ing trade and transport. In this way a new socio-eco- Roman towns, Terracina and Antium were of ma-
nomic land unit was added to the mosaic of settled jor importance because of their developing har-
landscapes that characterized the Pontine region in bours and connections with the urban network of
mid-Republican times. South Latium and Rome, providing internal mar-
kets for the region as well as functioning as hubs
Carving out rural territories along the coast for transport of local and imported produce. In this
sense, the towns and their territories on the coast
Along the coast a process akin to that witnessed were more integrated in the regional Roman econo-
in the foothills of the Lepini took place in the land- my than the towns in the Pontine-Lepine foothills.
scapes surrounding the harbour towns of Terracina, While we have to envisage the former as bustling
Circeii and Antium. For the former two we still rely
on data assembled by Giuseppe Lugli in the 1920s 39 Lugli 1926; Lugli 1928. An update of Lugli’s inventory
within the framework of his mappings of the terri- of Roman rural sites in the ager of Tarracina-Anxur
tories around Terracina and Circeii, although there based on fieldwork was done by Andrea di Rosa at the
now exists an updated inventory of Roman rural Sapienza University of Rome within the framework of
his graduate thesis.
40 Attema, van Leusen 2004, more in general on the
37 See for a palaeogeographic reconstruction Feiken 2014, distribution of villae over the Pontine region, Attema
259-280 and especially fig. 9.2. Now also van Gorp, 2018 with references to the inventories by Marzano
Seving, van Leusen 2020. 2007 and Venditti 2011.
38 Images by T. de Haas. 41 Attema, de Haas, Tol 2011.
100 Peter Attema

Fig. 10a Classification of rural sites for four intensively Fig. 10c Rural settlement trends from the Archaic to the
surveyed areas in the Pontine region during the Roman Late Imperial period in Norba’s hinterland. From de
Republican period. Note the preponderance of class 1 Haas 2011, fig. 5.30.
sites (modest farmsteads with tiled roofs). From de Haas
2011, fig. 6.12. derance of small farmsteads in all landscape zones
alike stands out, whether we are on the marine ter-
races, in the valley of the Astura, in the lower plain
or on the footslopes of the Monti Lepini. The ratio
of the various classes of farmsteads (from small ru-
ral dwellings to the villa rustica type) in the mosaic
of the Pontine productive landscapes is, however,
variable in time and in space (fig. 10a). Also the
long term rural settlement trends from the Archaic
to the Late Imperial period may differ considerably
between landscape zones, as shown in figs. 10b and
10c showing site numbers on the marine terraces
at Antium and in Norba’s hinterland. While rural
settlement density in Antium’s countryside shows
steady growth from the mid-Republican period on-
wards, Norba’s rural settlement density decreased
significantly in the late Republican period. These
Fig. 10b Rural settlement trends from the Archaic into the
local developments, caused by differential land use
Late Imperial period at Antium on the marine terraces.
suitability, past land use histories, a variable degree
From de Haas 2011, fig. 3.28.
of access to main infrastructure and historical con-
commercial centres operating on an interregional tingency, do, however, not distract from the fact that
level, the latter were rather orientated towards ser- by the mid-Republican period an overall integrated
vicing the local countryside, having a mainly agri- regional economy developed with the opening up
cultural vocation. of the Pontine plain.
Deploying functional network analysis, de
An integrated mosaic of rural landscapes Haas has shown how in the mid-Republican period
the reclaimed land in the Pontine plain became inte-
Looking at analyses of the Roman rural land- grated in the broader urban network of the mid-Re-
scapes of the Pontine region on the level of rural publican productive landscape configuration in the
site diversity – and not only villae, as for instance in Pontine region and how this area became well-con-
Marzano 2007 or Venditti 2011 and more in general nected with Rome through the infrastructural
the volumes in the Forma Italiae series – the prepon- works carried out in the Pontine plain (Via Appia,
 The Pontine region, between colonisation, globalisation and regionalisation 101

Fig. 11 The wider Suburbium of Rome in a diagram by R. Witcher with radii of 50 and 100 km. From Witcher 2005, fig.1.

Decennovium canal and related drainage works)42. in fig. 11 (Witcher 2005)43. While the inland Pontine
Important hubs in this network were, as already agricultural economy gradually declined by the Im-
referred at above, Antium and Tarracina with their perial period, the coastal landscape remained eco-
respective sea-harbours, the latter also equipped nomically successful well into the Imperial period.
with a river harbour. Forum Appii, likewise with a The maps based on our intensive coastal surveys
river harbour, and to a lesser degree also Ad Me- indicate a busy Late Republican and Imperial land-
dias developed in settlements servicing the coun- scape in the ager of the Roman colony of Antium
tryside and acting as respectively a regional and that lasted into Late Antiquity44. Sustainability of
a local hub in the network. With an infrastructure economic activity was undoubtedly linked on one
linking up with that of the Roman Campagna the hand to the port of Antium and on the other hand
Pontine region itself became integrated in the wid- to the presence of elite villae all along the coast be-
er suburbium of Rome as schematically illustrated

43 De Haas 2017.
42 Tol, de Haas, Armstrong, Attema 2014. 44 Attema, de Haas, Tol 2011.
102 Peter Attema

Fig. 12 Ratios of typologically classified amphorae in the

amphora collection of the museum of Nettuno studied by
the Pontine Region Project (De Haas, Attema, Pape 2008).

tween Antium and Circeii. Below we turn briefly to

this subject as it touches in a most direct way on our
theme of globalization.

The coastal villa landscape, production and otium

The earliest investments of the Roman elite in

coastal villae along the Pontine Tyrrhenean coast
date from the end of the 2nd c. BC when the first
phase of the later villa of Nero was built at Antium
and in between Antium and Circeii more elite res-
idences were built, among which the Late Repub-
lican villa complex of Le Grottacce to the south of remains and amphora sherds attesting to in situ
present-day Nettuno45. In the Pontine Region Pro- production during an earlier phase of the villa com-
ject we had the opportunity to study the impressive plex of a local type of Graeco-Roman amphora46.
stratigraphies of this Roman elite residence tower- Importantly, the type of amphora was also found on
ing above the beach exposed by severe marine ero- modest rural sites inland, suggesting an economic
sion. In our studies, we focussed on the sampling of relation between the earlier Republican villa as a
ceramics from the exposures of different functional commercial enterprise and agricultural production
zones, among which a stratigraphy containing kiln in the hinterland47. Inland farmers may have pro-
duced wine or oil for the owners of the coastal vil-
lae in an independent or dependent position. In the
45 See for an overview of villae Marzano 2007 and sources we have indications for entrepreneurship
Venditti 2011. For the investigations by the Pontine
Region Project at the villa of Le Grottacce see Attema,
de Haas, Nijboer 2003. This villa complex was first 46 Tol, de Haas 2013.
mapped by Piccarreta 1977. 47 De Haas, Tol, Attema 2011.
 The Pontine region, between colonisation, globalisation and regionalisation 103

Fig. 13a Cumulative trend of dates fine ware fragments Fig. 13b Cumulative trend of dated amphora fragments
in the coastal landscape of Antium. From de Haas, Tol, in the coastal landscape of Antium. From de Haas, Tol,
Attema 2011. Attema 2011.

of influential families in the wine trade and, as the the desire of the elite to indulge in exotic piscicul-
finds from Le Grottacce show, they may also have ture and related conspicuous consumption, even
been involved in the production of the amphorae48. if a commercial motif, given the sheer size of some
It is likely that sometime after 200 BC slave of these basins cannot be excluded51. The life of lei-
labour was introduced in the agricultural sector sure and luxury of the elite on their villa residenc-
and the elite started investing in agricultural pro- es and all it entailed in terms of supporting labour
duction. This is also the period in which we see an and provisions will have benefitted the surround-
increase in the wealth of elites as expressed in the ing population52. And indeed, the increase of elite
architectural embellishment of the coastal towns wealth on the coast does seem to be reflected in a
and suburban and maritime villae. Affluence is also higher standard of living in the surrounding coun-
reflected in the consumption of imported commod- tryside on account of the presence of fine wares and
ities as expressed in the amphora record. Our anal- imported amphorae reaching modest rural sites in-
ysis of amphorae from the coastal zone, on the basis land (fig. 13).
of a large collection of amphoras housed in the local
museum of Nettuno, reveals the consumption of Decline and continuity in Imperial times and beyond
imported commodities in the coastal zone to well
into Late Antiquity from all over the Mediterranean While in the early imperial period the coastal
(fig. 12)49. This is probably the best evidence for the zone still flourished, the reclaimed Pontine plain
reality of the global countryside, sensu Witcher, al- was turning into a wetland again, due to lack of
beit restricted to the upper echelons of society with maintenance of the road infrastructure and drain-
lesser benefits for the peasant, although we have ar- age e works. This was likely caused by a complex
gued that the overall living standard of the Pontine of socio-economic and ecological factors, which, at
population increased during this period50. the current state of our research, is not easy to dis-
Another much discussed phenomenon is the entangle53. Certainly, the Pontine plain as an agri-
presence of fish basins linked to the Roman elite cultural reservoir had become less important in the
villae along the coast south of Antium expressing face of provincial imports and investments in the
maintenance of hydraulic engineering may have
48 Coarelli 1990b.
49 See the catalogued amphoras of the collection in the 51 Higginbotham 1997; Attema 2018, note 100.
museum of Nettuno in de Haas, Attema, Pape 2008. 52 Maiuro 2012.
50 De Haas, Tol, Attema 2011. 53 Walsh, Attema, de Haas 2014.
104 Peter Attema

become less of a priority. In this scenario, the plain Gijs Tol recorded, collected and studied a range of
will, rather than exploited for intensive cultivation pottery wares, glass and coins that showed how As-
on small plots, have become object of diverse forms tura settlement, known from the sources and from
of land use, such as we know from historical car- archaeological survey in the 1970’s, functioned
tography and post-medieval written sources54. That from the early Imperial period into the early Medi-
villae still played a role in the exploitation of the eval period (mid 8th c. AD) within an interregional
plain is probably best indicated by the presence of network, while he also found evidence for a phase
a large villa slightly to the south of the Via Appia between the 11th and 13th c. AD with evidence for
at Ad Medias, which can be linked to the nearby interregional connectivity56. In recently finished re-
mausoleum of Clesippus found along the Via Appia search carried out within the Pontine Region Project,
at this point. We may surmise that landowners from Olaf Satijn has thoroughly inventoried such focal
Setia, Tarracina-Anxur and Circeii had interests in points in the late antique and medieval landscape,
the plain and, as far as the latter two Roman towns such as recorded at Astura settlement, but now an-
is concerned, also in the lagoonal zones. While de- alysed within the broader geographical framework
cline also set in the countryside of the Lepine towns of Tyrrhenean South Lazio between Rome and Fon-
in terms of numbers of active rural sites, it is likely di. Satijn’s monumental research reveals how the
that the production of wine and oil continued just local economy and infrastructure was revived by
the same, but organised by fewer larger enterprises. new geopolitical and socio-economic drivers, fore-
The survey data from Forum Appii, located on the most the church and monasteries, resulting in a new
Via Appia where the Pontine wetland began, indi- settlement and infrastructural configuration, new
cate that it maintained its relevance as a hub link- forms of land use and landholding, and new forms
ing up with the ‘pedemontana’, the road along the of interregional connectivity based on a thorough
foothills of the Monti Lepini that ran in the direc- analysis of archaeological, cartographical and his-
tion of the Alban Hills and the part of the Via Appia torical sources57.
connecting with Rome. Undeniably, however, pop-
ulation numbers and living standard in the Pontine Concluding discussion: the globalization
region went down as the Imperial period advanced. and deglobalization of Rome’s countryside
Save for continuing activity at some larger villae,
of which the later phases are as a rule poorly re-
Above we have looked at the development and
searched, the region entered a period of relative iso-
integration of the rural landscapes of the Pontine
lation. Of the landscape zones of the Pontine region,
region on a local and regional level from a period
the coastal zone has so far given the best archaeo-
in which, historically speaking, Rome began its ear-
logical evidence for continued connectivity. In our
ly expansion into Italy and Roman urban networks
research at Torre Astura, the Pontine Region Project
and infrastructure expanded. During the Roman
mapped long sections full of archaeological materi-
Republican and early Imperial periods the Pontine
als in the dunes sands that were exposed by marine
region became well integrated into larger economic
erosion55. The materials in these sands, reworked by
networks, as we can deduce from the settlement pat-
the waves, covered all of the Imperial period into the
tern, infrastructure and material culture studied in
early Medieval period, and show that there is scope
the Pontine Region Project. In the course of the Im-
to actually record continuity of settlement and trade
perial period a serious decline occurred and, even
in Late Antiquity into the early Medieval period at
with intermittent fluctuations, the Pontine region
focal points in the settlement system, such as at the
may not have surpassed the degree of economic in-
settlement of Astura that sprang up near the former
tegration we assume it had during the mid-Repub-
Roman harbour site of the Roman villa at Torre As-
lican to Early Roman period until the land reclama-
tura at the mouth of the river Astura. In the sections,
56 Tol, de Haas et al. 2018 with catalogues of diagnostic
54 Satijn 2020. materials.
55 Tol 2012, chapter 6. 57 Satijn 2020.
 The Pontine region, between colonisation, globalisation and regionalisation 105

tions of the 20th c. AD when the Pontine plain was the Pontine region in the economy of Latium Vetus
reclaimed, repopulated and once again ‘tied togeth- and Rome and their wider economic networks. This
er’ with the surrounding settled landscape zones resulted in what Rob Witcher (2017), using a con-
of the Monti Lepini and Ausoni, the margins of the cept of the rural geographer Michael Woods, in a
Campagna Romana and the coastal strip between recent paper has called a ‘global countryside’59.
Anzio and Terracina. Also, if we look at the deep While it would take too long to match the de-
past – in the Pontine Region Project the time frame velopments sketched in this paper with the descrip-
reaches as far back as the Ancient Bronze Age/Mid- tive characteristics of this notion, as provided by
dle Bronze Age transition – we cannot single out a Woods and adapted and illustrated by Witcher for
phase of comparable settlement intensity, economic the Roman countryside, it appears that the Pontine
activity and integration into wider networks such region’s increased connectivity (roads, ports), urban
as occurred in the period discussed in this paper. and rural growth and affluence based on agricultur-
Recalling the geographical approach taken at al production, trade and commerce, contributed in
the outstart of this paper, we can state on a more no small measure to the adoption of consumption
general note that in the settlement history of the patterns reflecting characteristics of a global coun-
Mediterranean the plains presented opportunities tryside. Here I briefly single out only some of them:
for expansion, geopolitical and socio-economic, but the increasing dependency of the region on import-
also that success depended on the degree of politi- ed commodities as reflected, for instance, by the
cal organization and technological know-how. amphora record and finewares; the externalization
To illustrate this point we can refer to Greek of property ownership and investment as can be
settler colonization that targeted the fertile plains of deduced from the rise of the villa; the global coun-
South Italy and Sicily to boost agricultural produc- tryside as user of migrant labour as reflected in the
tion58. While we stated above that traditional no- adoption of slave labour; environmental degrada-
tions of state-driven, military Roman colonization tion as witnessed in the course of the Republican
of the Pontine region have now been revised and period in the plain; the global landscape as the fo-
substituted by more subtle scenarios of Roman geo- cus of leisure and tourism as represented by the elite
political influence, even if still debated, we must not villae maritimae along the coast. At the same time
underevaluate the archaeological data we have re- there is the counterpart of this notion, the ‘deglo-
ferred to in this paper and which show that already balization of the Roman countryside’, a concept that
by the mid-Republican period the Pontine region can be fruitfully used to describe the long drawn-
went through a phase of urban and rural develop- out process of urban and rural settlement decline
ment. Arguably this was part of a much broader characterizing the Pontine region during Late An-
wave of urban and rural expansion in the Mediter- tiquity and the early Medieval period. In a recent
ranean world as has been noticed in recent compar- comprehensive study of Tyrrhenean Southern Italy
ative studies. And while the term Roman coloniza- from Late Antiquity to incastellamento, Olaf Satijn
tion may not be justified – and if used should only has meticulously documented the intricate process
be taken as the act of shaping new urban and rural of the deglobalization of Rome’s countryside south
structures in the landscape, and of shaping new of Rome, including the Pontine region, due to fail-
land for agricultural production, including infra- ing governance, maintenance and investments, at
structure –, it would be naïve to discount any (geo) the same time pointing out how the region in Late
political, proto-capitalistic and ideological motives Antiquity and the Medieval period was gradually
behind the mid-Republican to Early Imperial in- reinvented by the Church, monasteries and elites
vestments in urban and rural renewal in the Pontine creating new forms of connectivity and control.
region. The consequence of (external) investments
led to demographic and economic growth in the late
Republican period and the increased integration of

58 See Attema, forthcoming for an overview article. 59 In his paper Witcher refers to Woods 2007, Woods 2009.
106 Peter Attema

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The introduction of ‘classical’ urban concepts in central Adriatic Italy:
a sign of Romanisation and Hellenization?
Frank Vermeulen*

Abstract enon including political, economic, social, cultural

and psychological dimensions. Roman colonisation
Dopo una contestualizzazione di concetti come la has long been studied as a very centralised and nev-
colonizzazione e l’urbanizzazione romana, la romaniz- er-changing, state-organised instrument of imperial-
zazione e l’ellenizzazione, nel contesto della penisola, ism. The rather positive ‘Roman view’ on events was
questo contributo discute la formazione e il carattere spe- always central in such a discourse. Together with Po-
cifico delle città romane nell’Italia adriatica centrale, con- lybius, who in the second century BCE elaborately
tribuendo così a una migliore comprensione dell’impatto expressed his views on Roman imperialism, many
romano duraturo sulle società conquistate nella penisola modern historians studying this subject were over
nel suo insieme. Negli ultimi due decenni sono stati con- a long period deeply impressed by the contribution
dotti molti lavori archeologici in siti urbani in quest’area, of Roman supremacy to the expansion of knowl-
tra cui fruttifere indagini sul campo, che consentono una edge about distant parts of the earth, by the concern
prima sintesi del fenomeno urbano in una regione carat- of Rome for the welfare of subject states and by the
terizzata da una delle reti di città più fitte dell’Impero. Ci sheer grandeur of its imperial dominion2. Apart from
si concentrerà su diversi aspetti dell’urbanistica repub- their strategic aims, to subjugate or integrate indig-
blicana e primoimperiale nel contesto dei singoli territo- enous populations in newly acquired territories and
ri, nel panorama regionale e peninsulare, anche tenendo to repel enemy inroads3, Roman colonies were also
conto delle influenze indigene ed ellenistiche. seen as useful instruments for settling the landless
poor and maintaining the socio-economic and de-
The tension between colonisation/urbani- mographic equilibrium of Roman society4. Whatever
the main objectives of its foundation, and whatever
sation and Romanisation/Hellenization the exact role of the central State or certain Roman
elite-based driving forces5, a Roman colony was gen-
The phenomenon of colonisation, which in- erally perceived as a stronghold and urban centre
volves the expansion of one state or polity into the from the beginning of its existence, with a regularly
territory of another, and the establishment of settle- organised surrounding territory where the plots of
ments subject to that parent state, has been well stud- land given to the colonists were situated. A portion
ied in history, and Roman colonisation is one of the of the large numbers of colonists lived in the ur-
best treated subjects of classical antiquity1. The ex- ban centre, others lived on rural farms or possibly
pansion of Rome, accomplished by military conquest in hamlets spread over the colonial territory6, which
but also stimulated by trade, is a complex phenom-

2 Baronowski 2012, 173.

* Department of Archaeology, Ghent University. 3 Salmon 1969, Coarelli 1992.
[email protected] ORCID: 0000-0001-7963-0336. 4 Oakley 2002, 18.
1 For a recent historiographical contextualization see: 5 Bradley 2014; Terrenato 2019.
Pelgrom, Stek 2014. 6 Pelgrom 2008.
110 Frank Vermeulen

was organised as a kind of city state to the image of and very partial understanding of the ancient con-
Rome. Still, according to the ancient sources, two ur- text rooted in colonial texts, which had influenced
ban types of colonies existed: ‘Latin colonies’ (until the interpretations of archaeologists in subtle and
181 BCE), or very large and independent communi- not so subtle ways, needed to be countered10.
ties with their own administration often inhabiting It was now realised that Roman colonisation
the site of a former settlement centre; and colonies should not only be studied as a simple instrument
of Roman citizens (‘Roman colonies’), which are of a civilising power, but as historical migration
regarded as often smaller new towns or maritime movements with a broader context, also involving
garrisons whose inhabitants were legally more inte- much action and interaction by and with indige-
grated into the Roman state as they were full Roman nous groups already present in the regions stud-
citizens. The Latin colonies especially were viewed ied11. City foundation and the displacement of large
as “the most successful weapons used by Rome to populations from Rome and Latium to other regions
take possession of Italy and guarantee a rational ex- of Italy provoked an exceedingly intrusive and
ploitation of the agricultural resources offered by the disruptive intervention in the social and economic
vanquished areas”7. This agricultural exploitation landscape. Urbanisation always meant some kind
was in a later stage also achieved by the colonial of upheaval of rights and opportunities in the pro-
‘viritane’ deductions. Such operations, especially in ductive landscape. The connected redistribution of
less-urbanised regions without direct enemy threat, land and the deliberate, often forced, gathering of
were simple attributions of land to new settlers, population for new cities was inseparable from con-
without the founding of a city centre, but probably testation of land and, although it may have been in
supported by pseudo-urban structures without po- certain senses ‘civilising’, it certainly was not cosy
litical autonomy, such as fora, conciliabula, and also for everyone12. Colonisation via the implantation of
later praefecturae8. As such smaller centres later often a new town was for the locals both a catastrophe,
developed into real towns, they are fully part of the as some groups were penalised in the territories of
‘creation of urbanisation’ as it can be viewed within the new colonial town, but also an opportunity, as
this historical tradition of looking at the colonisation indigenous populations eventually profited thanks
effort by Rome. to the land-use intensification and flourishing econ-
Most scholarship on Roman colonisation has omy13. Many colonies in Italy are now increasing-
long been quite comfortable with this centre-driv- ly being viewed not only as massive settlements of
en orientation, based on textual information, ep- ‘Romans’ in ‘native’ lands, but as materialisations
igraphic and numismatic data, locating and dat- of a political and territorial reorganisation, largely
ing the origin of the colonies and looking at the involving non-Roman people already residing in
motivations behind broader moves of colonisa- the area, and carried out by the central power with
tion. Even if research conducted along these tra- the cooperation of the native elites.
ditional lines has produced important results, Another shortcoming of earlier research was
from the 1970s onwards dissatisfaction with these that not enough attention was given to internal
concepts, spurred by the debate on Romanisation transformations in colonies over time. As the written
in north-western Europe, has broadened percep- sources often only inform about the act of founda-
tions9. It was understood that modern imperialism tion and not about subsequent growth of the town,
and the practices of modern colonialism had for and possible adaptations to its structure during the
far too long been grounded in a reverential and decades and generations that follow foundation, a
referential engagement with Roman civilisation very static picture emerges. But colonisation estab-
and its colonial legacy. The strongly interpolated lished a series of settlements, most of which were

7 Torelli 1999, 3. 10 Dietler 2005.

8 Gros, Torelli 1988. 11 See e.g. Tarpin 2014; Bradley 2014; Terrenato 2019.
9 See e.g. Attema, Burgers, van Leusen 2010; de Haas 12 Purcell 2005, 131.
2011 and different contributions in this book. 13 Woolf 1997.
 The introduction of ‘classical’ urban concepts in central Adriatic Italy 111

expected to develop the traits of urban life in the Romae16, but instead pay more attention to the reli-
future. At the time of foundation the site in many gious dimension of colonisation17. It is often within
cases had probably more in common with a gar- this sphere that colonial contact, negotiation and the
rison than with a civilian settlement, with a street integration of newcomers and indigenous groups is
grid that might have been larger than the needs or more fully understood. It is important to realise that
requirements of the initial settlers. Only after dec- these contacts can take place in or near the new ur-
ades, even generations, might a colony have looked ban centre, as well as further afield, inside or even
like a full-grown town as most Romans would like outside the new colonial territory. The creation of
to have seen it. Archaeology obviously offers the cohesion between the colony and the territory oc-
chance to counter this perspective of static settle- curs partly via association of rural cult places in the
ments, but then we need to focus on particular co- hinterland, at some distance from the colonies, but
lonial settlements and their immediate hinterlands. not necessarily on the territorial frontiers18.
A serious look is needed at long-term interactions When looking at the phenomenon of urbanisa-
between colonists, indigenous populations, and tion we must realise that there are many sides to
the founding authority of Rome14, and also at the the impact of Roman colonisation. Apart from the
precise locations where colonists and locals reside. founding of new cities ex novo on mainly uninhab-
Are the towns so ethnically homogeneous during ited sites, the adaptation of sites already since long
their initial decades of existence, as some ancient inhabited also comes into view. The latter can be
sources make us believe? Is there a long-held strict the act of the newcomers, who will possibly import
separation between the territory of the colonists architectural models and adapt them to local cir-
and where indigenous communities congregated? cumstances, but it can also be an initiative of indig-
During the Republic there is certainly co-existence enous groups, or of Romans and other immigrants
of several indigenous and Roman colonial commu- already present in the area. Furthermore, the arrival
nities living in the colonial territory, but the colonies of new waves of viritane colonists in later phases
are in an early phase after their foundation, not nec- of the Republic, who were settled away from cer-
essarily already small ‘territorial states’ and differ- tain already-established colonial towns, might be
ent patchier scenarios, with a distinct evolution in responsible for new initiatives of urbanism in exist-
time, are possible15. And what about the stories of ing smaller settlements. In all of these cases we can
success or failure of certain colonies? If security was expect that Roman power was reproduced by local
not adequately dealt with or if the land given to the communities by way of replicating locally certain
colonists was not suitable or fertile enough, many urban structures which were considered essential to
of the initial settlers might have abandoned the col- the generation of a Roman identity. This concept re-
ony. Only later re-settlement, by veterans or as part lied mainly on the presence of specific elements that
of viritane re-colonisation for instance, could then were related to political, religious, economic and so-
have revived the town. Such developments should cial rituals, and were further loaded with meaning
be readable in the material record, in the form of through the use of epigraphy. The role played by
evolutions or adaptations of the initial town plan, the public architecture of a town away from epicen-
or in short-term enhancements of city infrastruc- tre Rome, in this process of reproduction of power
tures with public buildings and amenities. and of definition of hierarchies and identities, has
A few scholars also rightly advocated that when been well highlighted in the most recent literature19.
considering Roman colonisation we should move Such power is the main agent for the creation of a
away from rather sterile discussions regarding cer- framework – the town that follows the standards of
tain purely military aspects, such as whether town Roman urbanism – within which a certain lifestyle
plans of colonies are derived from castra or whether
the colonial settlements must be seen as simulacra
16 Gros, Torelli 1988, 127.
17 Torelli 1999.
14 Alcock 2005. 18 Stek 2009, 2014.
15 Pelgrom 2014. 19 See e.g. Revell 2009, 150.
112 Frank Vermeulen

is promoted. We need to understand towns also as many decades now, and although there has been
the more visible symbols of a radical ideological criticism of the very adoption of the term, it can be
change in which ‘new’ Roman communities and used simply as a convenient label that refers loosely
local elites participate in the new political and re- to events involved in the creation of a new and uni-
ligious values being created in Rome20. Some of the fied political entity, and a process that brought about
archaeologically visible elements for this are: the the creation of a new cultural universe22. Roman Re-
presence and display of statues, the organisation of publican or Imperial culture was a structured sys-
architectural public space, the use of specific build- tem of differences that was highly differentiated by
ing materials and the introduction of new building region, class, social locale, age and gender23. Urban
types and functions. In this sense the topography, centres both contained the most complete results of
planning and materialisation of some Roman towns the transformative process and were the chief loci of
can be read as a cognitive map within a mind frame its implementation. However, also within the rural
conditioned by the local elite’s perception of the re- landscape certain strong foci, such as roads, large
ligious and political ideals and structures of Rome villas, sanctuaries and marketplaces, activated and
and its leaders. In part the diversity between cities helped the Romanisation process in a considerable
in the same region is a result of competition and way. This process of acculturation is not just about
comparison between towns. But the development the elites but it is about the way all individuals en-
of the urban form in a city can also reflect the re- gaged or disengaged with the dominant culture of
lation of that city with elite networks of patronage ‘Romanness’ in quite different ways to produce a
that could release economic resources for expendi- physical manifestation of their identity. Such an ap-
ture in that particular city. proach, which places the individual in the centre,
It is evident that we cannot fully understand works well from certain perspectives, such as indi-
the connected phenomena of Roman colonialism vidual funeral and religious choices, but it is more
and urbanism without also considering the wider difficult to read the development of collective ide-
and much-discussed concept of Romanisation. The ologies over time, and in particular, when looking
archaeology of colonialism generally focuses on a at city building and use, the population’s collective
number of connected phenomena. The accultura- identity is at stake24.
tion and adaptation of newly arriving people, im- It is within this urban context that we will brief-
porting and altering their familiar ways of doing ly assess some transformations in the material cul-
things, and contacting and mixing with other ethnic ture of the central Adriatic region of Italy. Here, as
groups sometimes leading to the creation of new elsewhere in the peninsula, power and politics that
identities in colonial situations (‘creolisation’), the we call ‘Roman’ play an even more important role in
local consumption by indigenous groups of import- the functioning of society, influenced by Rome and
ed material culture which is often given a specific its rulers. During the long phase of Romanisation,
social importance, and the unequal power relation- which in my opinion covers in central Adriatic Italy
ships – both the efforts of the elite to exert power the whole later Republican and early Imperial peri-
and the power of individuals and classes to resist ods – roughly between the third century BCE and
– can all be studied in the material record21. Within the first century CE – its processes also incorporate
the context of Rome’s expansion and deliberate ac- a particular version of ‘Hellenisation’. Especially in
tions these phenomena are usually studied under the second and first centuries BCE, Hellenic culture
the term ‘Romanisation’, even if this label is now was clearly employed as a form of symbolic capi-
accepted to cover a wider spectrum than the one-di- tal, to garner approbation from certain philhellenic
rectional ‘impact of the Roman conquest on indige- Roman authorities and elites, in order to maintain
nous peoples’. As Versluys has synthesised recent- a sense of separate regional identity. The evidence
ly, the debate on Romanisation has been active for
22 Versluys 2014.
20 Keay 1997. 23 Woolf 1997, 351.
21 Lawrence, Sheperd 2006, 71. 24 Laurence, Esmonde Cleary, Sears 2011.
 The introduction of ‘classical’ urban concepts in central Adriatic Italy 113

from certain towns, and in this region especially

from the important harbour city of Ancona suggests
that the urban elites increasingly adopted Greek
styles in architecture, writing, culture, and cultural
interests25. Rather than praising this as pure ‘Hel-
lenisation’, or a fossilised conservation of an archaic
Greek heritage influenced by earlier Greek colonisa-
tion and commercial presence in the Adriatic Sea26,
it should be seen as part of a wider negotiation of
the town’s position within the dominantly Roman
cultural matrix of central Italy. This again illustrates
the need to study the evolution of colonies and
towns, as these urban centres had to compete for
prestige and status in terms rooted in the antiquity
and purity of Hellenic culture. To play this game in
certain periods, public vocabularies were invoked
that would resonate with other Mediterranean cit-
ies, especially in the east27. Which role non-Roman
Italians played as receptors and interpreters of Hel-
lenistic concepts, independently of Rome, remains
unclear, and especially in the coastal colonies elites
never fully relinquished their Roman identity, as
seen in titulature, coinage, and other public display.
This identity no doubt remained appropriate and
helpful in other contexts and competitions.
Fig. 1 The Roman urban network and road system of central
Town formation and globalisation in Adriatic Italy, in its presumed fully developed state at the
central Adriatic Italy end of the Republic (mapping F. Vermeulen/D. Taelman).

Roman inspired and triggered urbanism reveals ods and material studies as well as some theoretical-
itself quite distinctly in the area between the Apen- ly informed desktop studies, which now succeed in
nines and the central Adriatic coast (fig. 1), that is mapping a wide range of forms of permanent human
essentially the area covered by the early Imperial re- settlement and ritual activity in the landscape, from
gion V (Picenum) and parts of region VI (Umbria et subsistence farms to complex urban settlements and
ager Gallicus) where one of the highest concentrations from ritual cave sites to institutionalised sanctuaries.
of towns in the whole Roman Empire occurs28. The These studies show that the ten colonies founded by
past two decades of fieldwork in central Adriatic Italy Rome in central Adriatic Italy during the third and
have seen an increasing sophistication of field meth- second centuries BCE soon developed a strong link
to their surrounding countryside, and that the rel-
ative late ‘full urbanism’ of this region is very much
25 Colivicchi 2008. a result of direct and indirect intervention by Rome
26 Braccesi 1977. and people from Latium. The region’s urbanism is also
27 Alcock 2005. very much a process conditioned not only by wider
28 For a broad synthesis on Roman urbanism in this region historical events, but also by the specific geographical
the reader is kindly referred to my recently published
context characterised by its subdivision in distinct val-
book (Vermeulen 2017) on which this part of the paper is
based and where the basic data and argumentation can
ley-dominated territories, scattered between the Ap-
be found. For a recent synthesis of Roman urbanisation ennine mountains and the coastal strip, in which the
in the ager Gallicus only see: Silani 2017. urban model could grow and flourish.
114 Frank Vermeulen

Together with these factors of geographic diver- During this first phase the region’s settlement
sity a historically grown population heterogeneity system is shaken by the basic organisation, in the
heavily influenced the particular character of the ur- footsteps of the military apparatus, of a series of
banisation processes in this part of central Italy. The colonies on the Adriatic coast, seen as successful
palimpsest of ethnic and cultural communities liv- weapons used by Rome to take full possession of
ing here at the onset of Roman military intervention central Italy. The testified foundation, between 290
around 300 BCE is partly the result of the region’s and 264 of three Latin colonies (Hatria c. 290 BCE,
somewhat peripheral position regarding epicentre Ariminum 268 BCE and Firmum 264 BCE) and two
Rome – no doubt emphasized by the natural barrier Roman colonies (Castrum Novum c. 290 BCE, Sena
of the Apennine massive – and at the same time by Gallica c. 290 or 283 BCE), which despite their dif-
its natural outlook out to sea. This specific position ferent legal status seemingly have characteristics
always promoted a certain openness to the eastern very similar to those of quite large population cen-
Mediterranean and its innovative impulses and eco- tres, generated a strategically well-balanced urban
nomic opportunities, while the nearness of the fertile strip along the coast, controlling the sea and the
Po-plain resulted in easy access from the North. The now expanded easternmost part of the ager Ro-
Roman drive that initiated a five centuries long pro- manus29. These colonies were, it seems, from the
cess of town formation and consolidation accelerated start fully urban: with city walls, an urban street
in unequal ways certain major adaptations in settle- grid and essential building infrastructure, which
ment organisation, which have been underway since erased most of the earlier structures. The careful
the fifth century BCE when first Etruscan and Greek, geometric regularity, with which these early colo-
and later Celtic influences meddled with indigenous nies of the Adriatic were designed, reinforced and
Italic dynamics. Even if the gradual establishment sometimes even innovated the model that Rome
of more consistently structured agglomerations, in- has applied elsewhere. Excavations such as in Sena
creasingly invading the coast and other lower-lying Gallica and the more northerly colony Ariminium
zones of the landscape, and often coexisting with showed that these towns are possibly in a first
central settlements on hill-site locations, had not yet phase dominated by housing facilities, even if still
lead to real urban morphologies, a certain pattern of of a modest kind, and only gradually were the reg-
things to come was gradually emerging by the time ularly designed and modulated plots filled up30.
Rome decided to stop the growing Celtic influence The colonies soon become very centralised, clos-
over northern Italy. So-called ‘proto-urban’ devel- ing and organising their new territory for system-
opments in certain positions on the coast and in the atic agricultural exploitation, even if the size and
major inland districts of Umbrian, Celtic and Picene position of this territory could still be adapted in
lands, where socio-economic flows were increasing- the future, and the surrounding landscape was not
ly being controlled and regulated, later persisted in yet fully exploited. The nearby stretches of fertile
full Roman urbanisation efforts. In effect, it was only land, however, were drained and simultaneously
in the wake of military and political annexation of delimited, often in full association with the sys-
the indigenous Italic and Celtic territories during tematic town plan and the pioneer road system. It
the first decades of the third century BCE (after the remains object of study whether certain early trea-
famous battle of Sentinum in 295 BCE) that natu- ties with the main pre-Roman centres or ‘oppida’ of
ral attempts by communities to centralise were en- the region, in particular Camerinum, Asculum and
hanced and partly replaced by a typical Roman colo- Ancona, immediately speeded up on-going cen-
nial framework based on coastal and frontier control.
This quite sudden artificial and exogenous impact
resulted in the creation of the first real urban centres 29 For major historical events and dates mentioned here,
in the region, in a gradual development of a dense see Salmon 1969. For recent overviews of the early
network of towns, and ultimately in the cultural an- historical events and their impact in the ager Gallicus
and in Picenum, see e.g. Bandelli 2007 and Paci 2008.
nexation of the central Adriatic into the growing ur-
30 Ortalli 2013 (Rimini) and Lepore, Silani, forthcoming
ban landscape dominated by Rome in Italy.
(Senigallia).
 The introduction of ‘classical’ urban concepts in central Adriatic Italy 115

tralisation processes among the indigenous popu- censors in Rome. These noblemen individually en-
lations. So far, archaeological proof lacks for such a hanced the new towns with state funds, allowing
development before the second century BCE31. us to see the essence of urbanism for Rome at that
The Romanising effect on indigenous popula- time: walls, a forum surrounded by shops, a tem-
tions living around the colonies – especially deep- ple of Jupiter, good water provisioning, and decent
er inland – is anyhow more a secondary effect, not streets. The identical measures found by archaeol-
part of the imperialistic plan of conquest and con- ogists involving the walls of these towns demon-
trol, and it took many decades before this became strate not only that strict architectural schemes were
visible in the material culture of these communities. applied, but even suggest that the same designers
When in the 230-220s BCE military intervention in and builders were active.
the Po-valley necessitated more complete control of The best archaeological evidence for the ap-
the central Adriatic sector, massive viritane immi- plication of a Roman model town on the Adriatic
gration and accompanying road organisation pro- coast in this period comes probably from Potentia,
duced a more in-depth type of colonisation, which a colony of Roman citizens founded in 184 BC in
would more strongly influence developments in northern Picenum, on the flat coastal plain south of
inland territories. In fact the process of populating Ancona (fig. 2). This town clearly falls within the
the wider conquered central Adriatic territories di- latter category of smaller centres, having reached
rectly possessed by Rome, with a massive influx of a walled urban surface in Augustan age of a mere
viritane colonists started soon after the vote in 232 18 hectare, or probably about 2 hectares more than
BCE in the Roman senate of the lex de agro Gallico et the original second century plan. The town builders
Piceno viritim dividundo on the impulse of one of the selected well their area suited for erecting a town
more active members of the populares fraction, Gai-
us Flaminius. Together with the opening of the Via
Flaminia in 220 BCE this created the definitive con-
ditions for full rural infill by newcomers in this re-
gion. This in-depth process of taking a stronger grip
on the land was further reinforced after Hannibal’s
departure from Italy in 203 BCE, with the additional
fortification and urbanisation of new colonies on as
yet undeveloped parts of the coast, and more inland
districts around the middle valleys of river corri-
dors. The new colonial cities of the second centu-
ry wave (Pisaurum and Potentia 184 BCE, Auximum
174 BCE? Aesis and Pollentia / Urbs Salvia around
130-120 BCE?) and the urban-like road centre of
Forum Sempronii, probably all replaced small ham-
lets where Roman citizens had already established
themselves. The strategic places at river mouths, or
dominating fords on the main rivers, had already
been occupied by small pre-Roman communities,
who used the advantages of the crossroads between Fig. 2 Potentia. Simplified plan of the Republican colony of
sea and river systems, and the connections of old Roman citizens, with indication of the presumed Roman co-
land routes with places until where the river was astline and Potenza river mouth, the circuit wall and street
easily navigable. Some of these second century col- network, the central forum with a nearby excavated Repu-
onies near the Adriatic witnessed, shortly after their blican temple, and the cemetery areas developing along
foundation, an unusual direct intervention by the the outgoing roads. Mapping based on excavated data and
non-invasive survey operations between 2001 and 2012,
with a background of recent LiDAR data obtained from the
31 Vermeulen 2017, 93-96. MATTM (mapping F. Vermeulen/D. Taelman).
116 Frank Vermeulen

ex novo: a narrow and slightly elevated beach ridge the town, a large proportion of these colonists and
north of the Roman period Potenza (ancient Flosis) their families – possibly even a majority of them –
river mouth was considered the best location for the must have immediately taken up residence in and
realisation of a quite narrow but regular rectangu- around their allotted plots of land in the adjoining
lar town. Thanks to central Roman intervention, the and partly centuriated territory. Here the settlers no
initial camp-like settlement was soon transformed doubt immediately started to drain the surrounding
into a real town. The financial support in 174 BCE plain and marshy lands by digging ditches, while
from censor Quintus Fulvius Flaccus (cf. Livy 41, perhaps being supported through the first seasons
27, 1 and 10-3) must have been impressive, as the by way of some state provisioning of food. Palyno-
colony soon received: a temple for Jupiter, a circuit logical evidence collected during the west gate ex-
wall with three arched gates, a regular street net- cavations, also suggests that very soon after their
work with sewers, an aqueduct, and a portico with arrival large tracts of the remaining woodland were
shops to close the forum square. Apart from the cut in the lower Potenza plain. This was not only
aqueduct, almost all these historically attested fea- needed for town building, but also to prepare the
tures have now been defined in the field, partly by new territory for agricultural exploitation.
punctual excavations in different parts of the urban A combination of evidence from written sourc-
area from 1980 onwards, and partly by intensive in- es and archaeological research have shown that the
tegrated non-invasive surveys since 2000 (including town centre of Potentia was restructured and en-
full coverage geophysics, artefact survey and aerial larged in the course of the first century BC, when
photography) by a team from Ghent University32. the town wall was rebuilt and a row of addition-
Although some geomorphological constraints al insulae were added on the seaside, enlarging the
mask the visibility of ancient structures in the south- town’s surface area to almost 18 hectares (fig. 3).
ern part of Potentia, probably bordered here by a small The town was hit by an earthquake in the year 54
and still undetected river port, it is now possible to BC (Cicero, De har. Resp. 28, 62) and serious repairs
clearly map and characterise the wall system of the were needed, and additional veteran colonists join-
early second century BCE colony. The ashlar circuit ing the territory of Potentia during the Triumvirate
wall of opus quadratum, was flanked on the city-side (Grom. Vet. 259 L.; CIL IX, 5654), probably had to
by a massive earthen agger. The whole defensive sys- be housed in the urban centre. It was well attested
tem with several towers and three gates was some 11 during the excavations of the west gate that at least
m wide and was probably flanked by a parallel inte- this gate was rebuilt in this later phase, and the sur-
rior street. The gates positioned in the centre of the veys indicated that the walled town was spatially
northern, southern and western city walls, linked up extended some 50 m towards the sea on its eastern
with the regularly subdivided network of streets and side, creating not only more space for housing, but
the forum of the inner city, and in particular with the at the same time realising the building of what is
two formative axes of the town: the so-called cardo presumed to be a theatre. This monumentalising of
maximus coinciding with the coastal road and the so- the town would culminate during the age of Au-
called decumanus maximus coinciding with the final gustus, when especially the area around the forum
stretch of the valley road, leading approximately per- was embellished and refurbished, and when among
pendicularly to the town and coast towards Rome. others temples, administrative buildings and eco-
The number of colonists arriving in the year nomic space were erected and re-organised. While
of the foundation of Potentia was probably close to the town receives a makeover that brings it more in
2000, even if Livy does not communicate a precise line with Roman urban realities in Tyrrhenian Ita-
number33. Apart from organising their houses inside ly, it at the same time receives a new Hellenization
push but then in the changed ‘classical’ format in-
32 For the most recent overviews of archaeological troduced by Augustus.
research and results on the site of Potentia, see: This whole colonisation wave striking Central
Vermeulen 2014 and Vermeulen et al. 2017, 99-111
Adriatic Italy during the third and second centuries
(with full bibliographical references to earlier work).
BCE , creating new towns and associated regulated
33 Vermeulen 2017, 87.
 The introduction of ‘classical’ urban concepts in central Adriatic Italy 117

Fig. 3 Potentia. Visualisation of the early Imperial city (M. Klein/F. Vermeulen).

landscapes, leaned heavily on the development of es for survival and development. These praefecturae
a primary system of consular roads linking Rome were obviously located where the population was
with the Adriatic coast (Via Flaminia, Via Amerina densest and consequently became an incentive for
and Via Salaria), and secondary roads using the full the growth of such settlements. In the inland areas,
potential of militarily and economically strategic many such praefecturae developed during the first
river valleys and certain N-S interconnections (e.g. century BCE, when urbanisation spread more wide-
Via Salaria Gallica) (fig. 1). These roads, consular and ly, into autonomous cities with their own territory.
other, exercised much influence on the layout and Only after the mid-second century BCE do
planning of the new colonies, formed the backbone we see that – in certain former indigenous centres
of future territorial organisation and network, and and small new agglomerations alike – the roots
created the basis for a series of incubation centres were present for a deeper urbanism mirroring the
for new towns to develop in the future. The road socio-economic urban models of Rome and of the
organisation, together with choices made by the nearby colonies. This model was applied in the
Roman state and the new migrant communities to centres of the region in a flexible way, and not al-
establish and develop small centres away from the ways on the same scale or with the full range of op-
colonial towns, was crucial for the fate of existing tions. The materialisation of a change in mentality,
indigenous centres. Some gradually disappeared, but most of all in the demographic composition of
while others took in the new influences, often at the centralised communities, can be seen via the
different speed, according to their relationship with absorption and application of urban features such
the conquering forces or their particular position in as: stone town walls in opus quadratum technique,
the landscape or district. Especially those that host- the regular structuring of houses and plots on the
ed praefecturae, the headquarters of those outlying main road axis, more comfortable and better built
offices (e.g. the tribunal) that were indispensable housing, ‘Latin’ types of temples inside the agglom-
to civilian life far from Rome, had the best chanc- eration or town, etc. Some of these material devel-
118 Frank Vermeulen

opments were of course made possible due to the leads one to suspect that this urbanising impetus
expansion of Roman power to the East supplying meant that each single aristocratic group dug itself
the wealth to finance such initiatives to Italy. On the in around a future or developing urban nucleus.
other hand, with the greater impact of Rome and In this move towards another concept of struc-
the globalisation that goes with it, there is more turing local communities, both the old federated
and more evidence of heightened interconnected- centres and the ‘new style’ agglomerations were
ness and we see this not only in the application of influenced – via the coastal Adriatic colonies and
Tyrrhenian (e.g. Etrusco-Latial) but also of Hellen- ports, or via Roman and ‘Tyrrhenian’ immigrants
istic architectural and urbanistic models appearing – by Hellenistic models that invaded Italy and the
in the region. Characteristic of this evolution are the western Mediterranean sphere. These Greek mod-
Etrusco-Latial temples and their terracotta decora- els were particularly attractive to local elite groups
tions in the colonial cities and in important sanctu- of Picenes and eastern Umbrians whose prestige in
aries in their territories (e. g. Ariminium, Potentia, Rome needed a boost. Roman Picenum, the ager Prae-
Monte Rinaldo)34, the appearance of grids and more tutianus, and most of all the ager Gallicus, were sub-
regular town organisation in befriended towns with stantially shaped by Roman colonists, who had no
indigenous origin (e.g. Asculum, Ancona)35 and the wish to claim continuity with the pre-Roman period,
start of building city walls and gates first in the and emphasised their Roman or Latin identity. The
‘Greek’ style (e.g. at Numana, Septempeda, Potentia, local elite also had to play this game, and although it
Auximum) and later in the ‘Roman’ way (Trea, Fa- is most evident in Ancona, the phenomenon of a cer-
num Fortunae...)36. tain ‘Hellenization’ was probably also widespread in
Partly as a result of the nearby colonial mu- other Adriatic districts with long term commercial
nificence, and of the active integration of very Ro- and cultural contacts overseas with Greece. The fric-
manised veterans in many smaller centres, the tion which some of these manifestations of cultural
existing and real economic foci of mostly inland identity brought about in local communities, togeth-
communities eagerly absorbed the opportunities er with longstanding concerns of the elite about the
provided by the municipalisation process. A fully changing socio-economic system due to so much im-
urban network now developed in inland territories migration, would evidently surface during the Social
in a relatively harmonious way within the regional War. The outcome of this conflict would be one of the
comb-like setting of the narrow river-valleys which motors of urban developments in central Adriatic It-
link the Apennines to the Adriatic Sea. Most of the aly during the decisive first century BC.
inland centres were located on, and grew around, The turbulent first century BCE brought the pro-
positions along the most important valley roads in cesses of town formation in central Adriatic Italy to a
this region, sometimes near crossroads with N-S final phase, where urbanisation reached full maturity
oriented inter-valley axes. Very important in the and a certain state of completion all over the region.
choice of which settlements to develop was prob- With the exception of the high mountainous areas,
ably the presence of sanctuaries that played an ag- the whole region now saw the creation of a dense net-
gregative role, but the economic functionality and work of central settlements which deserve to be called
in particular the service function for the roads and ‘urban’ according to Roman standards, meaning they
surrounding agricultural districts dominated their owned or gradually acquired structures for autono-
growth. A crucial factor in the transformation of mous political institutions (e.g. curia, comitium, basili-
many towns was surely the involvements of the ca…), had a structured market-place (forum) around
elite, who through great deeds of euergetism took which most of the settlement’s political, religious and
their chances for political promotion. The size of commercial architecture was assembled, and a territo-
the urban centres was often relatively small, which ry that was exploited by the settlement’s inhabitants.
The events that triggered all this were first the Social
War (91-88 BCE), between Rome and certain of its Ital-
34 Belfiori 2020.
ic allies, and thereafter a series of civil wars between
35 Giorgi, Demma 2018; Emanuelli, Iacobone 2015.
the main political leaders of the Roman state. The
36 Luni 2003; Perna 2012; Vermeulen 2017.
 The introduction of ‘classical’ urban concepts in central Adriatic Italy 119

Fig. 4 Septempeda. Simplified plan of the municipium, with indication of the circuit wall and main identified gates and street
network, the central forum with west of it the excavated bath house, and a possible arx on the enclosed higher elevations
northeast, and an extramural campus near the outgoing valley road to the east. Mapping based on excavated data and non-in-
vasive survey operations between 2004 and 2019, with a background of recent LiDAR data obtained from the MATTM
(mapping F. Vermeulen/D. Taelman).
gradual municipalisation process that followed these life, emulates examples from elsewhere. At the same
events not only affected the (Latin) colonies, but now time local solutions are found in accordance with the
also led to the transformation of many smaller centres particular needs of the urban and surrounding rural
in municipia37. This process provided central Adriatic communities. Part of the dynamics of this process
Italy not only with a very dense network of small and were clearly driven by the evolutions during the later
medium-sized towns, generally with a size between third and second centuries BCE, and by a new sense
10 and 25 ha (see below), but at the same time created of competition among towns, by logical economic fac-
a remarkable diversity in town morphologies and lo- tors and the presence or will of the local land-based
cal solutions. Various towns are marked by a flexible elite or political heavyweights residing in the capital,
restructuring of earlier plans and of mostly organical- to build and maintain the monumental urban fabric of
ly grown small centres of the street-village type. The these vivid population and service centres.
creation of wall circuits and gates, the elaboration of A good example of these typical smaller towns
forum plazas, and the erection of temples and pub- with a roadside origin and acting as service centres
lic buildings for dynamic communal and political for their economic territories is Septempeda (near
San Severino Marche) located in northern Picenum
37 Sisani 2009, 227. near the contact zone with Umbria (fig. 4). Here the
120 Frank Vermeulen

Fig. 5 Septempeda. Visualisation of the early Imperial city (M. Klein/F.Vermeulen).

recent survey and excavation data provided by ciated with activity by Sulla40, it remains possible
teams of the Soprintendenza of Marche and the Gh- that this was even earlier and should be placed in
ent University archaeological department can now the second half or at the end of the second century
be well linked to some older excavation evidence BCE. If this was the case, this infrastructure could
and the written sources38. The current data suggest be seen as the investment of local elite who, similar
that the agglomeration was first developed during to those in developing towns with the status of prae-
the late third and second century BCE in the vicin- fecturae, such as Umbrian Interamna Nahars (Terni),
ity of the Rome-Ancona road (a diverticulum of the received a wall circuit quite early – even in the third
Via Flaminia) near the Potenza river valley floor. The century BCE at Interamna – but remain almost emp-
core of this settlement was possibly a religious pole ty for a long time, and ‘an invitation to urbanism’
on a low hill (arx ?) dominating a small roadside vil- until municipal status speeds up the process during
lage. The agglomeration, still called oppidum in the the first century BC41. The further dynamics of in-
Liber Coloniarum39, became a municipium around the tramural urbanism follow probably much later than
mid-first century BC. This rise in status was preced- this possible early building of the wall, and happen
ed or followed by the erection of a monumental essentially in the second half of the first century BC
sandstone town wall in opus quadratum incorporat- and in the early phases of the Imperial period, when
ing the habitation nucleus near the river and the the town was further remodelled to exigencies of
possible arx into an enclosed area of approximately Roman-style urbanism (fig. 5). It is highly likely that
15 hectares. It is not yet clear when exactly this wall the monumentalising of the forum square, located
building can be dated, but apart from the possibility in the exact town centre perpendicular to the main
of a date shortly after the Social War, perhaps asso- east-west (valley floor) street, possibly surrounded

38 See mostly: Landolfi 2003, Vermeulen 2012 and 2017. 40 Perna 2012.
39 Blume, Lachmann, Rudorff 1848, 253. 41 Sisani 2007, 242.
 The introduction of ‘classical’ urban concepts in central Adriatic Italy 121

by temples, a monumental basilica, shops and later The creation of urbanitas was in many muni-
by a bathhouse, are part of the intra-mural develop- cipia a rapid affair. Their capacity to apply models
ments from that time. Also the intra-mural addition from outside and adapt them to the exigencies of
of a semi-regular system of housing blocks and par- their cityscape typifies the new towns of the region.
allel streets, possibly emulating the regular towns of This process provided central Adriatic Italy not
the colonial type in the region, can be attributed to only with a very dense network of small and medi-
this phase of development into a comfortable small um-sized towns, but at the same time created a re-
city. Again, the presence from the second Triumvi- markable diversity in town morphologies and local
rate or the Augustan era onwards of newly settled solutions. Various towns are marked by a flexible
veterans might have triggered the provision of ad- restructuring of earlier plans and of mostly organi-
ditional infrastructures. One of these is possibly the cally grown small centres of the street-village type.
in 2019 discovered campus with natatio found imme- The creation of wall circuits and gates, the elabo-
diately outside Septempeda’s eastern city gate42. ration of forum plazas, and the erection of temples
As in many parts of Italy, and the wider Empire, and public buildings for dynamic communal and
the reigns of Augustus and his Julio-Claudian suc- political life, emulates examples from elsewhere. At
cessors, brought the coming of age of the urban land- the same time local solutions are found in accord-
scape of central Adriatic Italy. It is striking that the ance with the particular needs of the urban and sur-
additional colonial impact that the region endured rounding rural communities. Part of the dynamics
in the latter decades of the first century BC greatly of this process were also clearly driven by a sense of
accelerated the acquisition of urbanistic and archi- competition among towns, that due to their proxim-
tectural models from outside. In the older colonies ity sometimes led to complementarity in building
change was surely more limited and less drastic than choices, as we can see from the introduction of spec-
in the ‘new’ municipia, but the greater relative inde- tacle buildings, probably associated with important
pendence from the capital of the communities there market towns. The obvious diversity is also the re-
greatly stimulated the adoption of building types sult of the sustainability of these towns, which not
and embellishment of town infrastructures, giving only depends on logical economic factors and the
these towns even more resonance in the surround- creation of surplus in their hinterland or through
ing area. Externally driven elite investment, espe- commerce, but also on the presence or will of the
cially in wine production and commercial enterprise local land-based elite or political heavyweights re-
associated with some of the coastal towns, allowed siding in the capital, to build and maintain the mon-
them to prosper and, as in many cities of the central umental fabric of these vivid population centres.
Tyrrhenian coastal regions, profit from wide interna-
tional connections. Even if the success and expansion
slowed in the second century AD, they remained a
model fiercely emulated by inland communities.

42 Our original interpretation of this porticoed complex

as a possible open air sanctuary (Vermeulen 2017)
needs to be adapted to the results of a small excavation
conducted here in collaboration with the regional
Soprintendenza.
122 Frank Vermeulen

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Southern Italy in the Roman world: Global versus local in a multicultural region
Kathryn Lomas*

Abstract and seeking to relocate the debate towards non-Ro-

man populations and non-elite social groups1. More
Questo contributo esaminerà la globalizzazione come dynamic models for examining interaction between
un quadro interpretativo per comprendere lo sviluppo cul- cultures, such as the code-switching model pro-
turale dell’Italia meridionale nel mondo romano. Quest’ul- posed by Andrew Wallace-Hadrill2, hybridity and
tima era una regione multiculturale situata all’incrocio tra Middle Ground analysis3, various forms of social
il mondo greco e quello romano e faceva parte di una vasta network analysis4, and globalisation5 are powerful
rete economica, sociale e culturale. Nonostante ciò, le cul- tools precisely because they allows us to explore in-
ture e le tradizioni locali sono rimaste una parte importan- teractions between cultures rather than being large-
te delle identità collettive. Due esempi, Napoli e Velia, sa- ly descriptive, although there are clearly problems
ranno utilizzati per esaminare sia la ‘globalizzazione’ che in applying the model to the ancient world.
la ‘glocalizzazione’ nello sviluppo di queste città. However, globalisation is not without its prob-
lems as an interpretative framework. As many
During the past decades, one of the key debates scholars have noted, a sociological model devel-
in ancient history and archaeology has been how to oped for a modern world of rapid transport and
understand and explain the nature of cultural inter- communications cannot be easily adapted for the
actions within the ancient world, a central issue for ancient world, that it can be difficult to distinguish
understanding the ancient world for both archaeol- between globalisation and intense connectivity, and
ogists and ancient historians, although much of the that it is easier to adapt for the study of material
theoretical work has centred on material culture. culture than of ancient history. One of the most dif-
Concepts such as Romanisation and Hellenisation
have been critiqued and substantially rejected as * Department of Classics and Ancient History. Durham
University. [email protected]
conceptual frameworks, at least within UK scholar-
1 The bibliography on Romanisation and the debate
ship, as being too descriptive and teleological. Crit- about its value as an explanatory model is huge. For a
ics note that they fail to offer an explanatory frame- selection of different approaches and critiques: Woolf
work for understanding the cultural changes taking 1998 and 2014; Hingley 2005; Keller, Roth 2007; Revell
place within the Roman world, or a dynamic model 2008; Wallace-Hadrill 2009 and Mattingly 2011. On
for understanding aspects such as power relation- anti-colonialist approaches, see Versluys 2014, 2-3.
2 Wallace-Hadrill 2009; Winther-Jacobsen 2013; Mullen 2013.
ships, or the agency of non-Roman (or non-Greek)
3 Antonaccio 2013; Malkin 2017.
communities, or the non-elite. A range of alterna- 4 Malkin 2011.
tives have been proposed, many of which have an 5 Hingley 2005; Jennings 2011; Versluys 2015; Hodos
overtly post-colonial (or in Versluys’s view, anti-co- 2017; Pitts 2020. On the question of adapting
lonial) ideological agenda, rejecting Romanisation sociological models and definitions of globalisation
as being too imperialistic, colonialist and elite-based for the ancient world, see Morris 2008; Jennings 2011,
122-142; Pitts, Versluys 2015, 15-21; Pitts 2020, 156-157.
126 Kathryn Lomas

ficult issues is that it is a powerful tool for studying to include many Greek elements9. As such, it is diffi-
spatial networks and connectivity, but perhaps less cult to tease out the different cultural elements con-
so for studying cultural relationships and interac- tained within this koine and it may seem that Hel-
tions over time6. lenism in the Hellenistic and Roman periods should
This paper aims to evaluate whether globaliza- be viewed as an aspect of globalised Roman culture.
tion can provide a framework for our understand- One of the criticisms levelled at globalisation,
ing of the cultural development of the Greek com- however, is that some applications of this model
munities of southern Italy in the Hellenistic and downgrade the importance of individual or collec-
Roman periods. This region offers some particu- tive agency and risk decontextualising cultural ar-
larly fascinating case-studies because it stands at tefacts to a problematic degree10. Study of a region
a cultural crossroads, especially during the Roman which had a complex and multifaceted cultural
period. In areas where Greek culture is preserved history may help to illuminate some of these prob-
after the Roman conquest7, the complex relation- lems, and offer some insight into how individuals
ship between Roman and Greek culture is central and communities interacted with globalised cul-
to our understanding of its development, as are the tural trends. In parts of southern Italy, settlements
long-established interactions between Greek and which identified as being of Greek origin had mul-
Italian communities, and the interactions between tiple layers of Greek culture and their relationship
Roman and Italic cultures. As a highly interconnect- with the hybrid Graeco-Roman cultural koine of the
ed region, with a long history of economic, social Hellenistic and Roman periods was in some ways
and cultural connections with both eastern and rather different to that of other Italian communities.
western Mediterranean, in many respects it fits well By examining the different responses of two exam-
into a model of globalisation in which these net- ples, it may be possible to explore how global and
works shape interactions and identities. However, local cultures interacted in this region.
Greek identities and experiences were diverse, and The complex interaction of globalised and local
the history of these communities embraces both cultures can best be highlighted by two contrasting
a long history of interconnected, but possibly not case-studies in which communities with similar
global, Hellenism8, and the complex relationship cultures, located in adjacent areas, and with simi-
between Greek and Roman culture from the middle lar economic, social and cultural connections, react
Republic onwards. Arguably, the Hellenism of 3rd differently to globalised Graeco-Roman culture and
century BC-1st century AD formed part of a cultural retain their own specific local identities. The com-
koine or hybrid Graeco-Roman culture which came munities selected are Naples and Velia, situated on
to form a common elite cultural ‘language’ shared the coast of Campania and Lucania respectively.
by members of the elite from all areas of the Med- They came into the orbit of Rome in 326 and 290
iterranean and eastern empire, and was therefore BC respectively and enjoyed good relations with it
part of a globalised Roman ‘brand’ which had come
9 Wallace-Hadrill 2009; Versluys 2015, 152-159. See
6 A problem specifically levelled by Morris (2008, 42) Terrenato (this volume) for a discussion of whether
but also crucial for examining how globalisation interactions between Greek and Italic cultures provided
might interact with other factors which shape cultural a longer-term background for this process.
identities, such as power relations, or collective 10 Nederveen Pieterse 2015, 67; Knappett 2017; Osborne,
memory. forthcoming. Pitts 2015, 70-74, notes that a globalisation
7 Principally the communities of Naples, Velia, Rhegium model based on a universal recognition of particular
and Tarentum. For references and bibliography, see objects and symbols, shared across all cultures,
Lasserr 1967; Musti 1988; Bowersock 1992; Lomas 1993, sits uneasily with the recognition, shared by most
161-162; Lomas 1997. archaeologists, that objects must be understood in
8 Hodos (2014; 2017, 3 and 7-8) argues that not all highly context and that objects which may seem typically
networked cultures achieve the threshold necessary to Roman (terra sigillata ware, for instance) may develop
be regarded as a truly global culture and emphasises the local styles, meaning and significance in different
varieties of cultural experience within the Greek world. regions. Cf. Pitts 2020.
 Southern Italy in the Roman World: Global versus local in a multicultural region 127

thereafter11. Both were highly interconnected, main-

taining close commercial and cultural relations with
the eastern Mediterranean, especially via Delos, as
well as plentiful economic and social connections
with Rome. Crucially, both actively maintained and
engaged with their Greek heritage in the post-con-
quest period12. Nevertheless, there are significant
differences in the nature of this engagement and
the ways in which it was expressed, which may
cast light on the balance between global and local
factors in the development of municipal cultures in
Roman Italy.

Global Hellenism: Naples

Naples had a high degree of engagement with
its Greek past, which persisted into the 2nd centu-
ry AD. Ancient sources assert that some Greek
customs and institutions survive. Strabo says that
“many traces of a Greek way of life are preserved
there, [such as] gymnasia and ephebeia and phra-
tries and Greek names, although they [the Neapol- Fig. 1 Naples: Major Roman buildings (after Napoli 1959).
itans] are Romans”13 while Dio describes the Nea- 1: San Paolo Maggiore (Temple of Dioscuri); 2: San Lorenzo
politans as ‘zealous’ (epizeloun) about their Greek Maggiore (macellum); 3: theatre and odeion; 4: Carminello ai
heritage14. The question is: what sort of Hellenism Mannesi (insula and baths); 5: San Gregorio Armeno (insula);
was this, and how does it relate to the contempo- 6: Donnaregina Nuova (baths); 7: Archivio Banco di Napoli
rary globalised Graeco-Roman Hellenism? (houses); 8: Duomo (Greek and Roman buildings); 9: Palazzo
Corigliano (Roman houses); 10: Piazza Nicola Amore (portico
In most respects, the urban environment largely
and temple of imperial cult; possible site of gymnasium).
conformed to the same styles and norms as other
Campanian cities, with private housing and pub- lic buildings constructed in contemporary Roman
styles from the Augustan period onwards, and most
other aspects of material culture (e.g. ceramics) also
11 Naples concluded a highly favourable treaty in 325 seem to have been similar to those of contemporary
BC and was a reliable Roman ally, although it opposed Campania15. The theatre and the adjacent odeion
Sulla, who destroyed its fleet in retribution, in 88 BC. retained their traditional sites close to the agora/fo-
It then became a municipium (Livy 8.22.7-8.29.5; Dion.
rum (fig. 1) but were rebuilt in the Augustan period
Hal. 15.5.1-92, Cic. Balb. 8.21, App. BC, 1.89). Velia was
conquered in 293, also seems to have remained loyal
in opus reticulatum and in the case of the theatre, as a
thereafter, and had municipal status until a colony was semi-circular structure of Roman type. The temple
founded in AD 71 (Livy 10.44.8-45.11, Vecchio 2012, of the Dioscuri in the forum/agora, which was of
601-602). similar date, was also build in the Italic style with a
12 For Naples, see Napoli 1959; Lomas 1997, 2015. On high podium and pediment sculptures which ech-
Velia: Vecchio 2012; Cicala, Fiammenghi, Vecchio, 2005. oed both the style and iconography of the Ara Pa-
13 Strabo, Geog. 5.4.7. It has been suggested that Strabo cis and the mythical origins of Naples, although a
was drawing on earlier sources rather than describing dedicatory inscription commemorating the builder,
contemporary Naples (Lasserre 1967, 10-20; Musti Ti. Julius Tarsus, an imperial freedman, was writ-
1988) but his references to gymnasia, and the survival
of Greek offices and Greek names is corroborated by
the epigraphic evidence. 15 Arthur 1984; Pozzi 1989; Bragantini 1991; Zevi 2003,
14 Cass. Dio, 55.10.9. 910-921; Nava, Salvatore 2009, 707-713.
128 Kathryn Lomas

ten in Greek16. Even the gymnasium (fig. 1), discov- their members or their patrons19. Once again, these
ered during the construction of the extension to the reflect contemporary Hellenistic culture more than
Naples Metro system, was rebuilt in the 1st and 2nd local tradition. The consolation decrees are issued
centuries AD in contemporary Roman style17. As far by the archons, boule and demos adopt the termi-
as the urban environment goes, Naples had adopt- nology of the contemporary Greek world in pref-
ed contemporary Roman architectural styles and erence to that of pre-Roman Naples (in which the
was very similar in appearance to other towns in principal magistrate had the title demarchos rather
Roman Italy. Nevertheless, references to the Greek than archon) and their form and language shows
past were visible in the form of Greek inscriptions the same globalised Hellenistic-Roman influence.
on otherwise Roman buildings and in the sculptur- The practice is found in many cities in Asia Minor,
al decorations of the temple of the Dioscuri, incor- although Leiwo has argued that the language and
porating local features into otherwise globalised consolatory formulae of Neapolitan consolation de-
styles and forms. crees are heavily influenced by examples from Italy
This combination of the global and the local (especially nearby Puteoli)20. Their purpose seems
is even more prominent in other areas of civic life. to have been to use Greek language and culture as
Greek civic offices, those of gymnasiarchos, agonoth- a vehicle for euergetic and honorific activities, but
etes, and laukelarchos, survived into the Roman pe- in a manner which references both Greek euergetic
riod. One, that of laukelarchos, appears to be a local behaviour and Roman forms of elite honours and
priesthood or magistracy the significance of which commemorations.
is obscure, but the posts of gymnasiarchos and agono- One thing which is immediately striking about
thetes are both found throughout the contemporary the epigraphy of Naples is that Greek survived as
Hellenistic world. Other survivals of pre-Roman an epigraphic language21 in much greater quantity
institutions include the phratries and some magis- and variety, and for much longer, than it did in any
tracies, notably the offices of demarchos and archon. other area of Greek southern Italy. Some of these are
However, Latin inscriptions clearly show that ad- public inscriptions – the series of decrees of public
ministratively, Naples was governed, in the usual condolence described above, inscriptions set up by
Roman manner, by quattuorviri and a city council. the city’s phratries, or members of them, inscrip-
Most of the Greek survivals seem to have become tions related to the Greek games (discussed further
honorary posts, held as part of a cursus honorum below). Others are funerary inscriptions, ranging
alongside the usual Roman civic offices, and of- from the 2nd century BC to the 6th century AD and
fice holders included members of the Roman elite crossing all social groups, from probable slaves and
as well as local notables18. The euergetic nature of freedmen to members of the elite. Although the ra-
these Greek survivals is clear from a series of Greek tio of Greek to Latin inscriptions tilted in favour of
public inscriptions which are the source of much of Latin during the 1st century AD, Greek remained in
our evidence for them. common usage as an epigraphic language.
These include decrees of public condolence on The linguistic and cultural complexity can be
the deaths of prominent citizens, Greek agonistic seen most clearly in the funerary epigraphy, and
inscriptions and inscriptions set up by phratries, especially when the inscriptions can be examined
in the context of the monuments on which they
were written and the contexts in which they were
16 The temple was destroyed in an earthquake in displayed. Elite funerary monuments demonstrate
1631 but the temple itself, the sculptures and the similar cultural choices. The best documented buri-
dedicatory inscription were recorded in many 16th als are a series of chamber tombs, which were in use
century drawings. Adamo Muscettola 1985, 200-201;
Taylor 2015; IG 14.714, Miranda 1990, 11-13.
17 Cavalieri Manasse, Giampaola, Roncella 2017; Miranda 2009. 19 Miranda 1990, 115-130; Leiwo 1994, 133-142.
18 Lomas 1993, 150-154; Miranda 2008; Miranda 2011. 20 Leiwo 1994, 134-138.
Demarchoi included the emperors Titus and Hadrian 21 Collected in Miranda 1990 and Miranda 1995, and
(IG 14.729, SHA Had. 1.9.1). discussed further by Leiwo 1994.
 Southern Italy in the Roman World: Global versus local in a multicultural region 129

Fig. 3 Funerary stele of Mamos Mamou. Naples, late 1st

century BC – early 1st century AD. (Museo Nazionale,
Naples. Reproduced by permission of the Soprinten-
denza per i Beni Archeologici di Napoli e Caserta).

non-Greek origin such as Grania Felicla, and others

include non-Greek features, such as depictions of a
figure wearing a toga or seated on a Roman solium
(fig. 3)23. It is clear that at least some of the elite fam-
ilies of Naples still commemorated their dead in a
traditional Greek manner, even those which were
not ethnically Greek, or were of mixed Greek and
Oscan origin, but the adoption of contemporary
Greek styles from the Cycladic world rather than
Fig. 2 Funerary stele of Lamiskos Lamiskou. Naples, late those of Campania suggests a deliberate connection
1st century BC. (Museo Nazionale, Naples. Reproduced with globalised Graeco-Roman culture rather than
by permission of the Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeo- a simple survival of local Greek traditions.
logici di Napoli e Caserta). Perhaps the most striking example of the
repurposing of local Greek culture into something
from the 4th century BC to the 1st century AD located
modelled on contemporary globalised Graeco-Ro-
in the Via Foria and Via Cristallini. They contained
man culture is the Sebasteia, the Greek games cele-
numerous commemorations, ranging from simple
brated in honour of Augustus from AD 2 onwards.
stelae to naiskos monuments with funerary reliefs,
These were probably based on a festival of Parthe-
all with epitaphs written in Greek. The naiskos
nope, one of the key cults of the pre-Roman city.
types are closely based on contemporary Cycladic
Relatively little is known about the nature of this
and Aegean styles and iconography, although spec-
festival, but it seems to have featured a torch-race
trographic analysis demonstrates that they were lo-
as part of the celebrations. The later games seem to
cally produced22. They show a Greek dexiosis scene
have had only a distant connection with this. When
in which the deceased (often seated) bids farewell
they were created in honour of Augustus, they
to the living, and have a simple Greek epitaph using
were ostensibly modelled on the contemporary
the common Greek formula chaire or chreste chaire
Olympic games, with rules, list of events, prizes
(fig. 2). Some, however, commemorate people of

22 Debate about the origins of these items was finally 23 Papadopoulos 1985; Leiwo 1994, 60-85; Miranda 1995,
settled by spectrographic analysis of the stone, which nos. 90, 95, 98, 104, 123, 135, 139, 142-143, 149, 153, 181;
proved to be local. Antonelli, Colivicchi, Lazzarini 2017. Lomas 2003.
130 Kathryn Lomas

life, notably those related to euergetic activity and

civic patronage. However, these were neither a sur-
vival from the pre-Roman history of the city, nor a
straightforward adoption of the prevailing Hellen-
istic cultural koine, but a mixture of the two. Many
Greek elements of civic culture were subsumed into
what Veyne26 termed ‘second Hellenism’, taking its
forms from the contemporary Greek styles and cul-
tural practices. They were shaped by contemporary
Hellenistic culture and interactions with the Roman
elite who were keen consumers of this, and who
had incorporated much of it into their own culture
and adopted many of the norms of globalised Grae-
co-Roman elite culture. However, there are also
traces of local cultural practices which pre-date this
and which have their roots in the traditions of the
pre-Roman city.
Fig. 4 Plan of Velia.

and rituals based on Olympic models24. Despite Glocal Hellenism: Velia

the claims that the games were Isolympia – equal
to the Olympics – and the ostensible close mod- Velia, located c. 120 km south of Naples, likewise
elling on the Olympic programme, there were in maintained close relations with both Rome and the
fact many differences between the Olympics and Greek world, but here there was a somewhat differ-
the Sebasteia. The games at Naples included events ent pattern of development. Roman styles and forms
and categories of competitors which were not part of building were less widely used, suggesting that
of the Olympics. Far from being a close imitation, the urban landscape may have changed less to ac-
they were an attempt to claim global panhellenic commodate Roman norms and have retained more
status while including many local elements, both of its Greek character. This was not due to lack of
traditional and newly created. building activity. During the 3rd-1st centuries BC, a
Excavations during work on the extension to new city gateway, the Porta Rosa, was constructed
the Naples Metro system uncovered the complex (fig. 4), there was rebuilding on the acropolis and in
where the games were held. This consist of a tem- the agora, with changes to existing buildings and ad-
ple, identified as a kaisareion, and part of the gym- dition of new ones, notably an Asklepieion, and the
nasium, suggesting a close connection between the southern quarter of the city, a largely residential area,
Greek games and imperial cult. Amongst many underwent redevelopment. Most of these structures
other finds, a set of inscriptions listing numerous were, however, constructed in Greek style, rather
holders of the office of agonothetes was preserved25. than the Roman styles adopted in the rest of Cam-
This reveals that amongst the holders of this Greek pania, and Italy more widely. The houses of this date
office, charged with overseeing the Greek games, were strikingly similar in style and design to those
were many Roman notables, including consuls and found on Delos27, and although the theatre and some
members of the imperial family.
Many aspects of Greek culture are preserved 26 Veyne 1979.
at Naples, but only in certain specific fields of civic 27 Tocco Sciarelli 1999; Krinzinger, Gassner 1997; Cicala
2005. Although these developments are usually dated
to the early 3rd century BC, studies of the construction
24 IvO 56; Lucian, de Salt. 32; Suet. Aug. 98; Vell. Pat. 2.123; of the walls and the Porta Rosa have suggested that
Strabo, Geog. 5.4.7; Cass. Dio 55.10.9, 56.29; Statius Silv. it should be dated no earlier than the end of the 3rd
3.5.91-2 (Di Nanni 2008). century and possibly as late as the 1st century BC (De
25 Di Nanni 2008; Miranda 2011. Magistris 2008).
 Southern Italy in the Roman World: Global versus local in a multicultural region 131

the Porta Marina Sud, of which Insula I and Insula

IA both contained a fairly typical mixture of hous-
es and commercial properties. Insula II, however,
was a public building, dating to the late 1st centu-
ry BC/early 1st century AD but with some changes
and refurbishment in the 2nd century AD29. It was a
substantial structure (c. 71 x 37 m) occupying the
entire block, approached by a set of steps flanked
by tabernae and consisting of three main areas. The
first room (or possibly a courtyard) was on a lower
level while a second room was reached by a further
set of steps and an entrance ornamented with pilas-
ters and semi-columns and had a basement room
beneath it. The inner room was finely decorated
with stucco and Third Style painting and lined with
exedrae which contained numerous portrait statues,
busts and herms arranged into a carefully assembled
decorative scheme. These were classicising in style
and arranged into a carefully assembled decorative
scheme, including busts and statues of Augustus
and his family and various literary and philosoph-
ical figures. The function of Insula II is not known,
and it has variously been identified as the meeting
house of a collegium, a healing cult of Apollo, a guild
of doctors, or a shrine of the imperial cult.
The sculptural decoration from the inner room
falls into two groups. One consisted of portrait
busts of members of the imperial family – Augus-
tus Livia, Octavia, and Augustus’ potential suc-
Fig. 5 Plan of Insula II (after Napoli 1966). cessors30. The rest consisted of statues, busts and
portrait herms. Many depicted literary and philo-
other areas of the acropolis were extensively remod- sophical figures, especially those with a connection
elled in a more Roman style, this does not seem to with Velia. These include a portrait herm of the
have taken place until well into the empire28. Eleatic philosopher Parmenides, inscribed Πα[ρ]
Perhaps the most striking and complex public μ̣ενείδης Πύρητος Οὐλιάδης φυσικός31. This
building, however, is the structure known as Insula group also includes three other herms and statues,
II (fig. 5). This was located in the southern quarter which, like the statue of Parmenides, are worked
of the city, which expanded rapidly as a residen- in a restrained and classicising style. All have in-
tial area in the 1st century BC-1st century AD. It was scriptions, identified by Vecchio32 as being from
one of a group of three insulae located just inside

28 There is considerable debate about the date of the 29 Napoli 1966, 222-226; Johannowsky 1980; Fabbri, Trotta
rebuilding of the theatre, with some scholars believing 1989; Cicala, Fiammenghi, Vecchio 2005, 44-45; Cicala
that it could have been as late as the 3rd century AD. If 2005, 248-256.
so, the monumental structures on the acropolis seem 30 Napoli 1966, 222-226; De Franciscis 1970; Fabbri, Trotta
to have retained their Greek form and character until 1989; Vecchio 2012, 595-597.
well into the imperial period, unlike those of Naples. 31 SEG 38.1020.1: “Parmenides Pyretos, Ouliades, natural
Daum 1980; Bencivenga Trillmich 1994; Krinzinger philosopher”.
2003; Krinzinger 2005, 171-172. 32 Vecchio 2003a.
132 Kathryn Lomas

the same workshop and possibly even in the same be a strong connection with the healing cult of Apollo.
hand, suggesting that the statues were commis- Whatever the original role, the nature of the office may
sioned as a single unified group: have changed over time and by the Roman period, it
Οὖλις Εὐξίνου Ὑελήτης ἰατρὸς φώλαρχος seems to have been absorbed into the Roman civic ca-
ἔτει τοθʹ (‘Oulis son of Euxinos of Elea, doctor, reer structure, as the title pholarchos appears alongside
Pholarchos, in the year 379’) civic magistracies in honorific or funerary inscriptions
Οὖλις Ἀρίστωνος | ἰατρὸς φώλαρχος | of members of the city’s elite37.
ἔτει σπʹ (‘Oulis son of Ariston, doctor, Pholarchos, There are many views on how to interpret Insu-
in the year 280’) la II and especially its decorative scheme and asso-
Οὖλις Ἱερωνύμου | ἰατρὸς φώλαρχος | ciated inscriptions. For current purposes, however,
ἔτει υμϛʹ (‘Oulis son of Hieronymos, doctor, Pholar- the important factors are that these items share a
chos, in the year 456’)33 traditional and conservative style, that they refer-
All share the same basic format of name, pat- ence the city’s past and especially its philosophical
ronymic, titles (‘iatros’, ‘pholarchos’) and date. The and medical heritage, and that they showcase a lo-
repetition of the name Oulis has variously been in- cal and very distinctive office or priesthood, that
terpreted as evidence that the role of Pholarchos was of the pholarchos. Although it emphasises local and
hereditary and restricted to certain families, or that traditional elements of Velia’s culture, however, the
this was a sacred name or title adopted on taking of- building and its decoration creates an explicit asso-
fice. However, Oulis is not an uncommon personal ciation between these aspects of the city’s past and
name around Olbia and Massalia which, like Velia, the imperial cult, especially the family of Augustus.
claimed to be Phocaean settlements34. Its occurrence Again, we see an interplay between local tradition
here may be an indication that it was a personal and a more globalised Roman present, although in
name favoured by families associated with the medi- this case, the connection is less clear than it is at Na-
cal college because of its links with the foundation of ples. The relationship in this case seems to be driv-
the city as well its character as a theonym35. en more directly by a wish to engage with imperial
The role of the pholarchos has likewise been a mat- power and patronage than a generic embrace of a
ter of debate although the link with a healing cult or globalised Roman culture, particularly since Velia’s
medical school seems secure. Pholarchoi may have fame as a spa stemmed in part from Augustus’ use
been priests or treasurers of the cult of Apollo Oulios, of the cold water cure for which it was known.
leaders of a healing cult which met in a cave or under- On current evidence, the overall trajectory
ground chamber, or a title for the head of a medical of urban development at Velia shows far less en-
school or guild of doctors36. In all cases, there seems to gagement with the norms of Roman urbanism
than is the case in the rest of Italy, including oth-
er communities of Greek origin. While domestic
33 SEG 38.1020, 2-4; Ebner 1962; Ebner 1964; Ebner 1970; architecture does not prove anything conclusive,
Musitelli 1980; Vecchio 2003a, 72-96; Morel 2005. The as Delian housing had an impact on styles of do-
meaning of the dates is unclear. They do not seem
mestic architecture throughout Campania, the
to correspond to any known significant dates in the
conservative style of public architecture is in stark
history of Velia, but it has been suggested that they
may relate to the foundation of the Asklepieion or of a contrast to other areas of Italy, where there was a
medical guild/school (Vecchio 2003a, 93). large amount of building and rebuilding in more
34 Morel 2005, 40-43. Roman style in the period after the Social war. This
35 Ebner 1962; Pugliese Carratelli 1963; Pugliese Carratelli cannot be explained as by lack of economic means,
1970; Nutton 1970; Musitelli 1980; Leiwo 1985; Morel 2005. as Velia seems to have flourished economically in
36 Many cities in Magna Graecia had a tradition of the Hellenistic period/early empire and seems to
medical learning. Croton, for instance, was one of the reflect a cultural choice rather than lack of means
first to appoint public doctors. This tradition seems to
have especially strong at Velia, with its healing cult of
Apollo Oulios and its sanctuary of Asklepios. Nutton 37 Leiwo 1982; Lomas 1993, 157, 176-178; Morel 2005;
1970; Vecchio 2004. Cappelletti 2011, 19-21.
 Southern Italy in the Roman World: Global versus local in a multicultural region 133

to invest in new civic infrastructure. The urban de- The most complete of the civic inscriptions is
velopment of the city seems, therefore, to reflect a a statue base with a bilingual inscription, set up in
tension between the local Greek traditions repre- the propylon of the acropolis in the 1st century AD
sented by the public buildings on the acropolis and honoured a Roman official, G. Julius Naso43:
the adoption of newer styles from the contempo- [ἡ σύ]νκλητος καὶ ὁ δῆμος | Γάϊον Ἰούλιον
rary Hellenistic world. This may well be driven by Γαΐου υἱὸν Νάσωνα | ἀρετῆς καὶ εὐεργεσίας
Velia’s connections with international commercial ἕνεκα - senatus ∙ et - populus - Veliensis | C(aio) -
networks at this date. Members of the Velian elite Iulio - C(ai) - f(ilio) - Nasoni - honoris | et - virtutis
were known to have participated in backing and - causa
trade (particularly in olive oil) and to have close It has been suggested that this is evidence both
connections with Delos38. for the continuation of Greek as the main language
We can also see an emphasis on continuity and of public business and of a Greek civic administra-
connection with the past in epigraphic forms and tion, but both these points are debatable and Greek
in types of funerary monument. A substantial num- seems to be used here as a language of honour,
ber of Greek inscriptions have survived from the something underlined by the placement of Naso’s
3rd century BC to the 1st century AD demonstrating statue in a location which was the ceremonial cen-
that Greek was still in use, at least as a monumen- tre of the Greek city. However, both the Greek and
tal written language and probably also as a spoken the Latin pose problems. Latin honorific inscrip-
one39. However, the epigraphic evidence is uneven tions which had been erected honoris causa are not
in its distribution and presents some contextual dif- unusual, although relatively few reference virtus as
ficulties. Civic inscriptions are limited in number well as honos. The Greek version, however, is more
and most of the surviving inscriptions are funerary, problematic as it is neither a direct translation of the
although most of the Greek epitaphs lack any ar- Latin, nor a common Greek formula44. Greek lan-
chaeological context40. Most of the Greek funerary guage and forms therefore seem to have been an
inscriptions and monuments of the 4th-1st centuries active choice for honouring a civic benefactor, even
BC were found during 19th century excavations. As well into the Roman period, but the form that this
a result, many do not have a securely documented took was not that of contemporary Greek honorific
context and cannot be associated with specific buri- decrees, but used a form heavily influenced by Ro-
als or funerary assemblages41. The recently excavat- man epigraphy.
ed cemetery outside the Porta Maria Sud contained Most of the surviving Greek inscriptions from
many burials, some accompanied by epitaphs in Velia are funerary in nature, but these must be ex-
Latin, but these post-date the foundation of the Fla- amined in the context of the monuments on which
vian colony and many of the dead are probably col- they were inscribed. Greek funerary monuments of
onists and their families42. the 3rd-1st centuries BC were conservative in nature.
The style of both the monuments and the inscrip-
tions themselves is for the most part very simple.
38 Leiwo 1985.
In the 3rd-2nd century, plain cippi of local sandstone
39 Arguments based on epigraphic statistics are
predominate. These show a high degree of continu-
problematic because they reflect patterns of survival
rather than an accurate picture of types of inscriptions, ity from the funerary monuments of the 4th century
language use, etc. Currently, however, the number of and were decorated only with a rudimentary ionic
Greek inscriptions from the period between the Roman capital, triangular pediment, or in some cases, an
conquest and the Julio-Claudian period is higher
than that of Latin inscriptions from same era. The 43 The Senate and People of Velia. To C. Julius C.F. Naso
relationship between epigraphic and spoken language in recognition of his honour and virtue. SEG 18.417;
is complex and there is no way of knowing how widely Lomas 1993, 153, 171; Vecchio 2003a, 67-72.
Greek was spoken at Velia. 44 Only three other examples of the use of ἀρετῆς καὶ
40 Vecchio 2003a, 97-148. εὐεργεσίας ἕνεκα as an honorific formula are known,
41 Vecchio 2001, 2003b, 2005. from Delos and from Olymos in Caria (Insc.D. 1699, Insc.
42 Cicala, Fiammenghi, Vecchio 2005, 55-59. Myl. 868 and 872), all of which are of Hellenistic date.
134 Kathryn Lomas

Fig. 7 Stele of Voconia Iucunda and Sextilius Epaphrodei-

tos, 2nd/1st century BC (after Vecchio 2003b).

stelae with a pediment and columns framing a cen-

tral panel or panels on which the text is inscribed,
but little other decoration (fig. 6). A late 2nd/1st cen-
tury BC marble stele is typical of this new style47.
It is a rectangular stele with a plain pediment and
columns framing the inscription, and two leafy
branches, possibly laurel and olive, in low relief
(fig. 7). The epitaph, commemorating Voconia Iu-
cunda and Sextilius Epaphrodeitos, consists only
Fig. 6 Stele of Dionysios son of Euneikos, 4th/3rd century
of the personal names and family associations, with
BC.
no additional formulae48.
akroterion45. The inscriptions are equally simple, To sum up, Hellenism at Velia seems to have
consisting only of a personal name, sometime with a strong connection with the local traditions of the
patronymic. Typical examples include the epitaphs city. Its funerary monuments show considerable
of Dionysios, son of Euneikos and Kokkys, wife or conservatism of form and language, even amongst
daughter of Prokleos, and Nika, daughter/wife of those citizens whose names suggest that they were
Zoilos46. As at Naples, some of the Greek epitaphs of Oscan rather than Greek origin. The most promi-
commemorate people with non-Greek names, often
suggesting Oscan origin. 47 Vecchio 2003b. Unfortunately, the provenance of
This plain type of monument and simple form the stele is unknown as it was found in the Diocesan
of inscription persists, but during the 2nd-1st centu- Archive of Vallo della Lucania, with no record of its
ries, marble stelae were introduced as an alternative original location. The onomastics suggest that it may
and slightly grander and more elaborate form of have been from Velia as the Sextilii are known from
monument. These take the form of simple naiskos other inscriptions (CIL 10.462).
48 SEG 53.1135; Vecchio 2003b: Οὐο[κωνίας] | [Ἰ]
ουκούν̣[δας] | τῆς Σε[ξτιλί] |ου Ἐπαφ̣ρ̣[οδεί] | του
45 Vecchio 2001; Vecchio 2003a, 97-148. Πυρρ̣[ία] | [Σεξ]τιλίου | [Ἐπαφρ]οδείτ[ο] | [υ Π]υρρία
46 SEG 28.820: Διονυσίου | τοῦ Εὐνείκου (To Dionysios, (To Voconia Iucunda (wife?) of Sextilios Epaphrodeitos,
son of Euneikos); IG XIV 659: Νίκας τῆς Ζωΐλ[ου] (To son of Pyrrhos | To Sextilios Epaphrodeitos, son of
Nika, daughter of Zoilos). Pyrrhos).
 Southern Italy in the Roman World: Global versus local in a multicultural region 135

nent Greek civic office preserved is that of the phol- ly reorganised to conform to the standards of con-
archos, which is without known parallel anywhere temporary Olympic games but with distinctive local
else in the Greek world and Greek cults with a spe- features, despite the Olympic ‘branding’ adopted to
cifical local significant, such as that of Apollo Ou- claim equivalent status with the older panhellenic
lios, were still prominent. The enigmatic Insula II festivals. Greek funerary monuments and iconogra-
was in part a showcase for the city’s intellectual tra- phy are so closely related to contemporary Cyclad-
ditions, particularly those of philosophy and med- ic models that the debate about whether they were
ical knowledge. However, these co-existed with imported or made locally has only been resolved
elements of globalising ‘second Hellenism’ and by analysis of the materials used. At the same time,
aspects of Roman culture. Architectural styles, for the physical form and material culture of the city is
instance, were influenced by those of the Hellenistic closely related to that of its Campanian hinterland.
Aegean, especially in domestic architecture, rath- Naples can, therefore, serve as a possible example
er than those of Italy and Rome. In other respects, of a Greek culture which, although drawing on the
Velia had many features of a Roman municipium. city’s past, was essentially a contemporary Hellen-
Apart from the honorific inscription of Julius Naso, ism which, thanks to its symbiotic relationship with
most epigraphic evidence for its administrative and Roman culture, had become part of a globalized elite
juridical affairs suggest that it had adopted Roman cultural language. The involvement of so many high
administrative features such as government by quat- status Romans, including consuls and members of
tuorviri and a city council. The extensive collection the imperial family, in activities related to the Greek
of imperial portraits from Insula II suggests that the history of the city (as honorary magistrates of Naples,
imperial cult was well established in the city. members or patrons of phratries, or organisers of the
games) suggests that this Hellenism was a useful
Conclusions tool to create and maintain dense networks of social,
cultural and economic contacts which linked Naples
We therefore seem to have two contrasting re- with both the Greek East and to the Roman elite.
lationships with Greek culture, both of which are Velia, in contrast, seems to have been much
too complex and dynamic to be understood within more conservative. Here, we can see greater empha-
a simple descriptive model such as acculturation or sis on continuity and connection with the past in the
hybridisation. However, the globalised and local- development of architecture and urban topography,
ised elements of Greek culture in this region must and in epigraphic forms and types of funerary mon-
be disentangled and three key questions need to be ument. The style of the sculptures of Insula II, the
addressed, namely what determined these cultural styles of inscriptions, and the forms of the funer-
choices, what agency did these communities have, ary monuments of the early Roman period are all
and finally, is globalisation a useful tool for under- more traditional and conservative in form than con-
standing the cultural development of these commu- temporary examples from Naples and Greek fea-
nities in the Roman period? tures of the city’s culture are more likely not only
Firstly, we can see aspects of both globalism and to reference aspects of the Greek past rather than
localism in both communities, but with differences the ‘second Hellenism’ present but also to reference
of emphasis which produce different outcomes. At features with particular local significance, especial-
Naples, Hellenism does seem to be primarily part of ly those connected with Eleatic philosophy and the
a globalised cultural koine. It is very much a contem- tradition of Velia as a centre of healing and medical
porary Hellenism which engaged with the present expertise. We can perhaps see the Hellenism of the
as much as with the past. Greek public epigraphy Roman period as a case of glocalization, in which
is modelled on the forms current in the Hellenistic participation in Mediterranean social, economic
east (condolence decrees; agonistic inscriptions) but and cultural networks, paradoxically, promoted a
with some Roman influence. The Greek games, so- greater emphasis on aspects of the city’s past.
called, are not an original Greek festival, but games The linguistic history of both communities of-
in honour of Augustus, either invented or drastical- fers a striking example of the complexities of using
136 Kathryn Lomas

globalisation as an explanatory model. Greek sur- global cultural koine which is particularly relevant
vived as an epigraphic language, used for both pub- to local traditions and continuing to use it in areas
lic and funerary inscriptions, until the early empire of civic life in which it gave the community an iden-
(Velia) and well into the 2nd century AD (Naples). tity distinct from that of its neighbours.
Taken at face value, this seems like a very pointed One thing which is clear is that any differences be-
cultural choice, as Latin was almost universal as the tween these communities in their cultural choices and
preferred epigraphic language throughout Italy by engagement with a globalised Graeco-Roman cultural
the end of the 1st century BC. Inscriptions are high- koine was shaped by their participation in dense net-
ly visible cultural symbols as well as written docu- works of social, economic and cultural connections,
ments and adoption of Latin epigraphy was (par- operating at a number of different levels ranging from
ticularly in the western empire) one of the classic the local to the long-distance. Architectural styles at
signifiers of globalisation and of the elite engage- Naples demonstrate close economic and cultural ties
ment with Roman culture49. Greek was, in itself, a with the rest of Lucania and Campania, as do ceramic
high-status language, almost universally spoken by styles and production of a range of ceramic objects at
the Roman elite and still the language of public life both locations. Studies of brick, tile and pottery stamps
and public business throughout the eastern prov- have clearly indicated that both sites were part of a re-
inces, but in Italy, Latin epigraphy of an instantly gional network of production and distribution51. Both
recognisable and formulaic type was the norm. By communities were active participants in networks of
continuing to commission and display inscriptions cultural and economic connections with the eastern
which were Greek in language and form, the elites Mediterranean. Inscriptions from Delos demonstrate
of Naples and Velia may have been asserting their that citizens of Velia and Naples were part of the mer-
local identity. However, the issue is not clear cut. As cantile and banking community there, and much of
noted above, many of the Greek inscriptions show Velia’s wealth in the 3rd-1st centuries BC seems to have
influences of Roman epigraphic practice as well come from banking and from trade in olive oil52. Addi-
as contemporary Greek forms, ranging from obvi- tionally, both communities were actively involved in
ous borrowings to more subtle cultural influences. other forms of cultural and social network. Velia had
Some Greek funerary inscriptions from Naples are a reciprocal relationship with important sanctuaries in
direct translations of Latin forms, headed with the the Greek world53, athletes from both cities participat-
formula Θ(ειοις) Κ(αταχθονιοις), the Greek trans- ed in games and festivals in the Greek world54, and
lation of D(is) M(anibus)50, while others, such as the Naples, as discussed above, cultivated a close relation-
condolence decrees, show linguistic and idiomatic ship with Olympia.
influences from both the Roman and Hellenistic Both also had close relations with Rome and the
worlds, reinforcing the point that the very defini- Roman elite. Naples benefitted from proximity to the
tion of what constitutes a ‘Roman’ or ‘Greek’ in- elite luxury villas of Baiae and both ancient sourc-
scriptions is not straightforward and is not defined es and epigraphic evidence attest to frequent and
entirely by language choice. Given the importance close contact with highly placed Romans, from the
of Latin inscriptions as a symbol of global Roman imperial family downwards. Velia, although more
culture, and their almost universal adoption else- geographically remote, also benefitted from the pres-
where in Italy, the continued use of Greek for some ence of villas owned by eminent Romans in the area
(although by no means all) inscriptions in parts of (known examples include Aemilius Paulus, Cicero
Magna Graecia does seem to be a compelling case of and many of Cicero’s friends and correspondents)55,
glocalisation, taking one element of the prevailing
51 Cicala, Vecchio 2017.
52 Leiwo 1985.
49 Häussler 2002. 53 An embassy was sent to the Asklepieion on Kos in 242
50 For example, IG 14.807 (Naples, 2nd century AD): BC. SEG 12.378.
Σαραπιάδι|τῇ καὶ Ἀμμί|ᾳ Λαοδικίδι|Μάρκελλος 54 Lomas 1993, 111-114; Moretti 1953.
| σύμβιος φι|λανδρίας ζη|σάσῃ ἔτη ιθ΄|μῆνας ια΄ 55 Plut. Aem. Paul. 39.1; ­Cic. Att. 7.13, 7.19, 7.20, 16.7; Phil.
ἡμέρ(ας) ε΄. 1.4, 10.4.
 Southern Italy in the Roman World: Global versus local in a multicultural region 137

and enjoyed fame as a spa specialising in cold water intellectual and philosophical culture, a collection
treatments, particularly after Augustus was cured of of cultural attributes which seem to have simultane-
an illness by using cold-water therapy56. ously appealed to the Roman elite, emphasised par-
It is this access to a network of contacts with the ticipation in the globalised elite Hellenistic cultural
Roman elite which may shed some light on ques- koine of the period, and conferred status on these
tions of agency and motivation in the development cities by preserving and showcasing their unique
of material and intellectual culture. At Naples, some pre-Roman Greek identities58.
of the participants in Greek rituals are members of To return to the initial question posed, of wheth-
the local elite but of the names listed as holders of er globalisation is a useful model for understanding
civic offices, patrons of phratries and agonothetes of the cultural development of Greek southern Italy,
the Sebastan games are those of Roman notables, the answer seems to be that it has many strengths. It
including consuls and emperors. This suggests that provides a dynamic interpretative framework rath-
these cultural practices are not necessarily about er than a merely descriptive one, which allows us
preserving local traditions, but about participat- to examine the interaction between different levels
ing in a globalised network of elite activities. They and scales of social and cultural interaction and cul-
are a clear demonstration of how Naples was able tural change.
to leverage its Greek culture to secure the patron- Some of the social, economic and cultural net-
age and good will of the Roman elite but this was works in which they participated are forms of so-
achieved by reinventing its Greek traditions to con- cial connection which were long-established, and
form to contemporary Hellenistic cultural forms although they are undoubtedly evidence of intense
and engage with both contemporary Hellenism and interconnectivity, they may (arguably) fall short of
Roman culture. Given the episodic nature of the ep- globalisation. By the post-conquest period, howev-
igraphic and archaeological record, it is also unclear er, they may have been facilitated by taking place
whether these philhellene aspects were a constant under Roman rule, within a unified political frame-
part of elite Neapolitan culture or whether they work and a protected space and had developed into
fluctuated, but the evidence as it stands suggests a more general Hellenistic cultural koine which was
that there may have been particularly intensive much more clearly globalised.
phases of engagement with contemporary Hellenis- Nevertheless, both of these case studies seem to
tic culture (notably the Augustan, Flavian and Had- exhibit what globalisation theory terms ‘glocalisa-
rianic periods) triggered by external factors such as tion’ to varying degrees, taking elements of global
interaction with a particularly philhellene emperor. contemporary culture and merging them with local
Velia, in contrast, seems to have preserved elements, often looking back to the past history of
much more of its local, pre-Roman, Greek traditions the community. They can perhaps be best defined as
alongside contemporary Graeco-Roman Hellenism. a part of the Hellenistic koine which at the same time
Its identity looks back to its classical past and Pho- retained a distinctive local flavour. It is also notable
caean origins, and particularly those aspects which that these elements of ‘glocalism’ were very locally
emphasised austerity, tradition and conservatism, specific and that even two communities with many
and its reputation as a centre of learning and espe- apparent similarities expressed these local aspects
cially of medical expertise57. It was not alone in this of their identities in different ways and to very dif-
respect. Some other communities which claimed de- ferent degrees. One of the critiques of globalisation
scent from the Phocaeans (notably Massalia) seem as a model has been that it potentially removes both
to have adopted the same cultural traits, emphasis- agency and temporality from our understanding of
ing a tradition of austerity and a reputation for their cultural change but these case studies demonstrate
that individual communities did exercise their own
agency over how much of their previous culture
56 Horace E­ pist. 1.15.1-2, 14-15 contrasts it with Baiae as they retained within a global cultural koine, how
health-giving but austere.
57 Hor. Epist. 1.15.1-2, 14-15; Athen. Deip. 537e; Cass. Dio.
44.6.4; Suet. Aug. 70.1. 58 Dominguez 2004; Lomas 2004.
138 Kathryn Lomas

they expressed it, and how much of that identity tion versus localism, but of a complex web of con-
was drawn from cultural memory and their rela- nections and intersecting networks, both localised
tionship with their own past. What seems clear is and more distant in order to understand cultural
that we need to think not just in terms of globalisa- development in the Roman world.
 Southern Italy in the Roman World: Global versus local in a multicultural region 139

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Africa and the Punic world
Römer werden, punisch bleiben? Kult und Vergangenheit als Ressour-
cen kollektiver Identität auf Pantelleria (Cossyra) vom 3. Jahrhundert
v. Chr. bis in das 3. Jahrhundert n. Chr.
Frerich Schön* - Thomas Schäfer**

Abstract lang, wissen wir von einer Ehreninschrift, die von

seinem Sohn in einem altehrwürdigen Heiligtum
Metanarratives such as romanisation, colonisation or auf der Akropolis seiner Heimatstadt aufgestellt
globalization often deal with questions of the formation of wurde2. Appuleius begann seine Karriere in den Ge-
identities of certain societies or social groups. In contrast, this schworenendekurien in Rom, führte während der
contribution tries to interpret religious cult traditions and the Dakerkriege ein Kohortenkommando, übernahm
local past as entangled resources for the creation, preservation den Militärtribunat in der legio II Traiana und im
and transformation of a collective identity. Using the exam- Anschluss die Alenpräfektur, wurde dann zum pro-
ple of the Sanctuary of Melqart/Hercules and Astarte/Isis on curator ab annona ad Puteolos befördert und beendete
the Acropolis of Cossyra (Pantelleria Island/Italy) for the pe- seinen Dienst als Präfekt der Flotte von Alexandria.
riod from the 3rd century BC to the 3rd century AD, this Dieser beeindruckende cursus honorum eines Auf-
contribution explores the transformation of material culture steigers in den ordo equester aus Pantelleria, das in
from the Punic to the Roman Imperial period. The aim is to dieser Zeit wohl ein municipium civium Romanorum
demonstrate that the material evidence can be used to argue war, kann als Beleg für die erfolgreiche Integration
for a successful integration of the island into the Roman Em- lokaler Eliten einer ursprünglich punischen Insel
pire, but at the same time this evidence suggests that until the in das Römische Reich und mithin für eine muster-
beginning of the late antique period, the collective identity of gültige Romanisierung gewertet werden. Die Praxis
the islanders was driven by Punic cult traditions and maybe der Dedikation einer lateinischen Inschrift in dem
also by the memory of a Punic past. Heiligtum auf Pantelleria ließe sich gleichzeitig als
Hinweis auf eine Romanisierung des öffentlichen
Einleitung Raumes der Akropolis oder des Tempelbauwerks
deuten. Doch was würde Romanisierung in diesem
Fall erklären? Würde der Begriff eine Angleichung
Im letzten Drittel des 1. Jahrhunderts n. Chr.
der lokalen (Material-) Kultur an jene Roms oder
machte sich Marcus Appuleius Insulanus aus Cos-
der römischen Provinzen Sicilia oder Africa pro-
syra, einer einst von Karthago aus besiedelten Insel
consularis erklären? Eine Diskussion dieser Frage
in der Straße von Sizilien, auf, um im römischen
würde dies unter Berücksichtigung des archäologi-
Staatsdienst Karriere zu machen1. Dass ihm dies ge-
schen Kontextes der Insel Pantelleria recht schnell

* SFB 1070 RessourcenKulturen. Universität Tübingen. Ressourcen zwischen Konflikt und Integration im phö-
[email protected] nizisch-punischen Westen des 1. Jahrtausends v. Chr.)
** Institut für Klassische Archäologie. Universität Tübingen. und geht zurück auf das Referat The Importance of Being
[email protected] Punic. Punic Towns in Roman Times – A Central Mediter-
1 Dieser Beitrag entstand im Rahmen des von der DFG ranean Perspective anlässlich der Tagung zu dem Thema:
geförderten SFB 1070 RessourcenKulturen an der Eber- Imperium Romanum: romanizzazione tra colonizzazione e
hard-Karls-Universität Tübingen (Teilprojekt B 05: globalizzazione in der Villa Vigoni vom 04.-07.11.2019.
Kolonisierung? Imperialismus? Provinzialisierung? 2 Alföldy 2005; Schäfer, Alföldy 2015, 785-789.
146 Frerich Schön - Thomas Schäfer

bestätigen, zugleich aber auch zu dem Ergebnis Im Folgenden wird ein erweiterter, kulturwissen-
führen, dass hier wie überall sonst in der römischen schaftlicher Ressourcenbegriff verwendet, wie er
Welt eine starke, lokale Kultur ausgeprägt war3. In im Kontext des Tübinger Sonderforschungsbe-
zeitgemäßeren Begriffen könnte die (Material-)Kul- reichs 1070 RessourcenKulturen entwickelt wurde
tur Pantellerias in einer globalisierten antiken Welt und mit dem Ressourcen als materielle wie imma-
als Beispiel einer hybriden oder ‚glokalen‘ Kultur terielle Grundlagen oder Mittel verstanden werden,
beschrieben werden4. die von Akteuren im Rahmen kulturell geprägter
Diesen Weg möchte dieser Beitrag indes nicht Vorstellungen und Praktiken genutzt werden, um
gehen. Der Begriff der Romanisierung – und da- soziale Beziehungen, Einheiten und Identitäten zu
mit eng verbunden das Konzept der Akkulturation schaffen, zu erhalten und zu verändern8. Es liegt in
– wird in der altertumswissenschaftlichen Kultur- der Natur des archäologischen Befundes, dass die-
kontaktforschung bekanntlich seit längerem prob- se materiellen und immateriellen Mittel aufgrund
lematisiert, da er letztlich sehr stark in kolonialis- der fragmentierten Überlieferung und Erhaltung
tisch geprägten Vorstellungen des 19. Jahrhunderts nur partiell für eine Untersuchung genutzt werden
verwurzelt ist5. Der Begriff ist darüber hinaus be- können. Allerdings treten in diesem Sinne verstan-
sonders problematisch, wenn er im Zusammen- dene Ressourcen niemals isoliert auf. Ein Heiligtum
hang der Diskussion um Identitäten eingesetzt kann als Ressourcenkomplex verstanden werden,
wird, in der eine auf eine einzige römische kulturelle als spezifischer räumlicher Kontext von Akteuren,
Identität reduzierte Romanisierung der Provinzen Dingen und Monumenten in einer Landschaft, von
auf der einen Seite mit einer kulturellen Persistenz Wissen, Praktiken und Ordnungen, die intentional
oder Resistenz punischer Bevölkerungen auf der und funktional aufeinander bezogen sind. Aus dem
anderen kontrastiert wird6. Entgegen einem in Op- Zusammenwirken dieser Elemente lassen sich so-
position gedachten, binären und essentialistischen ziale und kulturelle Dynamiken erklären, die durch
Identitätspostulat möchte dieser Beitrag am Bei- Ressourcen ausgelöst werden9. Der lange, etwa 600
spiel eines sakralen Befundgefüges aus Pantelleria jährige Betrachtungszeitraum, der für diesen Bei-
aus der Zeit des 3. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. bis in das trag gewählt wurde, erlaubt es dabei zu fragen, wel-
3. Jahrhundert n. Chr. untersuchen, wie ein Monu- che Rolle Vergangenheit für den oder neben dem
ment und Dinge aus einem sich im Laufe der Zeit Kult in diesem Heiligtum spielte, indem zum einen
stets verändernden religiösen Kult zu einer Res- kontingente Veränderungen, neue Kontextualisie-
source für die kollektive Identität der Insel und rungen und Bedeutungszuschreibungen im Laufe
ihrer Bewohner wurden. Die Untersuchung eines der Zeit erfasst werden, zum anderen aber auch der
Heiligtums bietet sich für diese Frage an, bildet die- Umgang mit „alten“ Dingen und Monumenten in
ser für antike Gemeinschaften zentrale öffentliche diesem sakralen Kontext untersucht wird.
Raum doch über seine religiöse Funktion hinaus Anhand des Beispiel sakraler Kontexte aus den
einen Ort der Kommunikation und Distinktion so- Grabungen des Instituts für Klassische Archäologie
zialer Gruppen und damit ihrer Identitätsbildung7. der Universität Tübingen auf Pantelleria soll gezeigt
werden, dass eine Romanisierung anhand der ar-
chäologischen Befunde durchaus ablesbar ist, wenn
3 Zu Nordafrika so bereits Millar 1968.
4 Zum Konzept der Hybridisierung, Stockhammer 2012, sie verstanden wird als Integration Pantellerias und
43-58; zur Anwendung von Globalisierungstheorie
als Alternative zu Narrativen über Romanisierung, zu der in Vorbereitung befindlichen Publikation der
Versluys 2014. Tübinger Tagung „Mistaken Identity. Identitäten als
5 Mattingly 1997; Woolf 1998; Schörner 2005; Woolf 2014; Ressourcen im zentralen Mittelmeerraum“ (2016).
van Oyen 2015. 8 Hardenberg, Bartelheim, Staecker 2017, 14; Bartel-
6 Van Dommelen 2007; Hobson 2019. Zu Problematik heim, Hardenberg, Scholz 2016, 85; Bartelheim et al.
punischer Identität(en), vgl. die Beiträge in Quinn, 2015, 39 f.
Vella 2014 sowie Quinn 2018. 9 Zu dem Begriff des RessourcenKomplexes, Harden-
7 Schweizer, im Druck; B. Schweizer sei an dieser Stelle berg, Bartelheim, Staecker 2017, 15; Hardenberg 2017,
herzlich gedankt für die Einsicht in seinen Beitrag 29; vgl. auch Teuber, Schweizer 2020.
 Römer werden, punisch bleiben? 147

seiner punischen Bevölkerung in das Römische

Reich sowie als Ansatz zur Diskussion der Frage,
wie und warum die Materialkultur und soziale
Praktiken sich im römischen Pantelleria veränder-
ten10. Gleichzeitig legen diese Befunde aber nahe,
dass Rom für die Insulaner kulturell stets mehr oder
weniger weit entfernt blieb, dass aber die punische
Vergangenheit bis weit in die römische Kaiserzeit
hinein näher lag und somit eine zentrale Ressource
für die kollektive Identität der Insulaner darstellte.

Pantelleria
Die Vulkaninsel Pantelleria (pun. ‘yrnm, griech.
Kossyra/Cossyra, lat. Cossura) liegt inmitten der
Straße von Sizilien, etwa 70 km nordöstlich des tune-
sischen Cap Bon und 110 km südwestlich von Sizilien
(Abb. 1)11. Nach Ausweis des keramischen Fundma-
terials, das vor allem nach Nordafrika weist, wurde Abb. 1 Die Insel Pantelleria in der Straße von Sizilien.
die Insel ab dem mittleren 8. Jahrhundert v. Chr. wohl Der weitere Verlauf der Kriege zwischen Karthago
von Karthago aus dauerhaft besiedelt12. Die strate- und Rom bedeutete für Pantelleria eine wechselvolle
gisch günstige Lage an den Schifffahrtsrouten von Geschichte: Nach der römischen Eroberung fiel die
Europa nach Nordafrika und vom östlichen in das Insel rasch wieder unter die Herrschaft Karthagos
westliche Mittelmeer machte die Insel zu einem zen- und blieb dies auch nach dem Ende des 1. Punischen
tralen Stützpunkt für die punische Metropole Kar- Krieges, um im Jahre 217 v. Chr. erneut und diesmal
thago, welche ab dem späten 6. Jahrhundert v. Chr. endgültig von Rom erobert und mit einer Garnison
ihren Einflussbereich über die Straße von Sizilien besetzt zu werden. Gegen Ende des 3. Jahrhunderts
hinaus nach Norden erweiterte. Literarische Quellen v. Chr. erfolgte die Eingliederung Pantellerias in die
berichten von der Eroberung Pantellerias durch Rom Verwaltung des Territoriums der ersten römischen
im Zuge der Punischen Kriege13. Demnach kämpf- Provinz Sicilia. Die Bewohner Cossuras dürften mit
ten Truppen der Insel auf Seiten der Karthager im dem von Augustus eingesetzten Bürgerrechtsgesetz
1. Punischen Krieg. Eine Niederlage im Jahre 255 v. gemeinsam mit den Bewohnern Siziliens das römi-
Chr., bei der die Insel verwüstet und eine römische sche Bürgerrecht erhalten haben und wurden in die
Garnison eingesetzt wurde, brachte den römischen Tribus Quirina eingeschrieben. Damit war Cossura
Konsuln Ser. Fulvius Paetinus Nobilior und M. Ae- zu einem municipium civium Romanorum geworden15.
milius Paullus ausweislich der Triumphalfasten ei- Nach ersten historisch-archäologischen Er-
nen maritimen Triumph de Cossurensibus et Poeneis14. kundungen im ausgehenden 19. Jahrhundert und
ersten Ausgrabungen in der zweiten Hälfte des 20.
10 Zur Frage, was Romanisierungstheorie leisten kann Jahrhunderts begann die systematische, archäo-
und was nicht, Woolf 2014, 47. logische Erforschung Pantellerias durch das 1996
11 Zu Lage, Naturraum und Topographie, Schäfer 2015a,
initiierte Projekt Carta Archaeologica di Pantelleria16.
86-102 mit Bibliographie.
12 Schön, Schmidt, Laube 2015, 153-290, bes. 153-160;
Schmidt 2015a, 295 f.; Bechtold 2015a, 335-338; Bech- surenses und Poeni könnte auf eine gewisse politische
told 2015b; Schäfer 2015d, 809 f.; Almonte 2013b, 349 Autonomie der Insel hinweisen, Schäfer 2015a, 93 mit
f.; Bechtold 2013, 414-417. Anm. 27-34. Zur Eroberung Pantellerias vgl. auch die
13 Zonar. 8, 14; Polyb. 3, 96, 13. Zu den Schriftquellen, Beiträge in Abelli 2012a.
Schäfer 2015a, 92-97. 15 Schäfer 2015a, 95-98.
14 Degrassi 1947, 548. Die Unterscheidung zwischen Cos- 16 Zur Forschungsgeschichte s. Schäfer 2015a, 102-107.
148 Frerich Schön - Thomas Schäfer

lis als befestigten Burgberg prägen. Mehrere Mau-

erringe und eine Toranlage im Süden, Bastionen im
Westen, Südwesten und Osten des Hügels von S.
Teresa unterstreichen den militärischen Charakter
der Siedlung in der Zeit zwischen dem späten 4.
Jahrhundert v. Chr. und dem ausgehenden 1. Jahr-
hundert v. Chr.19 Die Vermutung liegt nahe, in den
erhaltenen Baubefunden die Reste einer Garnisons-
siedlung zu sehen, die um einen Kultplatz auf der
Spitze des Hügels herum angelegt wurde20. Für die-
se Interpretation und die Stationierung römischer
Truppen auf der Akropolis sprechen auch die Fun-
de eines Münzhortes mit 107 stadtrömischen Dena-
Abb. 2 Akropolis von Pantelleria, Ansicht von Süden (2020). ren, der aufgrund der Schlussmünze nach 74 v. Chr.
in den Fundamenten einer Befestigungsmauer ver-
In diesem Rahmen ist die Siedlung auf und um die steckt wurde, sowie von Teilen einer Ballista und
Akropolis seit dem Jahr 2000 Gegenstand systema- eines Depots von mehr als 100 Steinprojektilen aus
tischer archäologischer Erforschung. Die Akropolis dem späten 2.–1. Jahrhundert v. Chr.21.
der punisch-römischen Stadt Cossyra liegt etwa 1,5 Die Grabungen im Areal der Akropolis von
km vom modernen wie auch antiken Haupthafen Pantelleria haben eine Reihe von Funden und Be-
der Insel entfernt und war Teil der einzigen städ- funden erbracht, die einen vielschichtigen Blick auf
tischen Siedlung der Antike auf Pantelleria. Sie be- die Frage der Romanisierung der Insel erlauben.
steht aus den beiden stark terrassierten Hügeln S. Im Folgenden werden archäologische und epigra-
Marco im Südosten und S. Teresa im Nordwesten, phische Befunde aus sakralen Kontexten diskutiert,
die sich mit einer Höhe von 127 m üNN vom Um- die einen Einblick in die kollektive Identität der Be-
land abheben und durch einen teilweise künstlich völkerung Pantellerias in der Zeit zwischen dem 3.
aufgeschütteten Sattel miteinander verbunden sind Jahrhundert v. Chr. und dem 3. Jahrhundert n. Chr.
(Abb. 2). Der Fokus der Forschungen lag zunächst erlauben. Im Zentrum der Betrachtungen stehen die
einerseits auf der Untersuchung der Infrastruktur Kulte von Melqart/Hercules und Astarte/Isis. Im
der Siedlung und des Hauptheiligtums auf der Laufe des etwa 600-jährigen Betrachtungszeitrau-
Spitze des Hügels von S. Teresa und andererseits mes, der von den Punischen Kriegen über die römi-
auf landschaftsarchäologischen Fragestellungen, sche Eroberung der Insel bis in die mittlere römische
die durch einen Survey verfolgt wurden17. Seit 2015 Kaiserzeit reicht, haben die Kulte zahlreiche Verän-
sind die Befestigungsanlagen der punisch-römi- derungen, neue Kontextualisierungen und Bedeu-
schen Zeit sowie eine frühkaiserzeitliche Platzanla- tungszuschreibungen erfahren, die aus den archäo-
ge und deren Vorgängerbebauung Gegenstand der logischen Funden und Befunden zu erschließen sind.
Forschungen18. Wie die erste Projektphase gezeigt
hat, sind es gerade die starken Fortifikationen, die
den Siedlungscharakter des Areals auf der Akropo- 19 Zu den Untersuchungen an den Fortifikationsanlagen,
Schön, Cespa, Riehle et al., im Druck.
17 Zu den Ergebnissen der Grabungen im Sakralbereich 20 Polybios (3, 96, 13) berichtet von der Stationierung
auf der Spitze des Hügels S. Teresa, Schafer, Schmiedt, einer römischen Garnison auf Pantelleria durch den
Osanna 2015; zum Survey, Almonte 2013a. Präfekten Cn. Servilius Geminus im Jahre 217 v. Chr.,
18 Die Grabungen werden durch die DFG im Rahmen Appian überliefert den Bau von Befestigungsanlagen
des Projektes „Pantelleria – Brückenkopf Karthagos auf Cossyra durch Sex. Pompeius, während der Aus-
und Vorposten Roms. Vom punischen Stützpunkt zur einandersetzungen mit Lepidus und Oktavian in den
römischen Stadt: Archäologische Untersuchungen Jahren 39-36 v. Chr., Schäfer 2015a, 92-97.
zu Fortifikation und Platzanlage“ sowie durch H.-J. 21 Zu dem Münzhort, Baumann, Ziegert 2018; zu den
Bachofer gefördert. Militaria, Schön, Cespa, Riehle et al., im Druck.
 Römer werden, punisch bleiben? 149

Melqart- und Astartetempel auf der Spitze ist entweder kurz vor oder nach der römischen Er-
oberung Cossyras anzusetzen. Da die Insel offenbar
von S. Teresa
nur kurz unter römischer Kontrolle stand, ist die
bauliche Gestaltung des Kultplatzes auf der Akro-
polis eher mit der Rückeroberung der Insel durch
Heiligtumsterrasse I
Karthago in Verbindung zu bringen als mit der rö-
mischen Besatzung. Spätestens jetzt dürfte, ähnlich
Auf der Spitze des Hügels von S. Teresa wurde
wie auf Pantellerias Nachbarinsel Malta, eine kar-
ein Heiligtum freigelegt, das vom 3. Jahrhundert v.
thagische Garnison auf der Insel stationiert worden
Chr. bis in die mittlere Kaiserzeit bestand und das
sein, um ein erneutes Ausgreifen römischer Truppen
wahrscheinlich Melqart und Astarte geweiht war,
über die Straße von Sizilien zu verhindern oder doch
die in römischer Zeit zunehmend mit Hercules und
zumindest zu erschweren27. Die Gestaltung des Hei-
Isis gleichgesetzt wurden (Abb. 3a-b). Funde, wie
ligtums auf der stark befestigten Akropolis, in deren
Trink- und Libationskeramik22, ein Louterion23, Ter-
Umfeld die Stationierung einer solchen Garnison gut
rakotten und das Goldblech mit der Darstellung
vorstellbar ist, könnte in diesem Kontext als Ausbau
eines phönizisch-punischen Priesters24, legen nahe,
der Fortifikationen mit einer permanenten religiösen
dass die Hügelkuppe bereits seit dem 6. Jahrhundert
Infrastruktur zu verstehen sein. In den folgenden
v. Chr. als Kultplatz genutzt wurde, auch wenn sich
Jahrhunderten wird es dieser Bau mit dem umge-
dieser frühen Phase noch keine baulichen Befunde
benden Areal auf der Spitze von S. Teresa sein, der
zuordnen lassen. In der ersten durch bauliche Struk-
durch kontinuierliche Aus- und Umbauten die Ak-
turen archäologisch fassbaren Phase bestand der
ropolis maßgeblich prägen wird.
Bau aus einem 6,40 x 7,30 bzw. 8,40 m großen, nach
Südosten orientierten Bau über einer etwa 2 m ho- Heiligtumsterrasse II
hen Terrassierung, dem ein kleiner Hof vorgelagert
war25. Der Tempel oder Altar, dem für eine Rekons-
Noch im späten 3. Jahrhundert oder in der ersten
truktion der ersten Bauphase keine Architekturteile
Hälfte des 2. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. erlebte der Sakralbau
sicher zugewiesen werden können, verfügte über
eine erste Phase der Monumentalisierung (Abb. 3c)28.
zumindest zwei hintereinanderliegende Funda-
Der Bau wurde nach Nordosten um eine etwa gleich-
mentkammern, welche die Raumorganisation des
große Terrasse erweitert, wobei die Orientierung des
Aufgehenden wiederspiegeln dürften. Sollte die
Baus nach Südosten nicht verändert wurde. Die ältere
vorgeschlagene Rekonstruktion als Tempel kor-
Terrasse, welche den Sakralbau der punischen Vorgän-
rekt sein, ist demnach von einem kleinen Sakral-
gerphase getragen hatte, wurde dabei nicht abgerissen,
bau mit Vorraum und einem Hauptraum auszu-
sondern in den neuen Bau sichtbar inkorporiert. Ob
gehen, der gut vergleichbar ist mit dem punischen
und in wie weit auch Teile des Aufgehenden des Baus
Heiligtum in Sidi Bou Saϊd nahe Karthago oder der
der ersten Phase in den Tempel der zweiten Phase in-
„Chapelle de l’Aubépine“ bei Thizica26. Das aus den
tegriert wurde, lässt sich aufgrund des archäologischen
Auffüllungen der Terrassierung geborgene kerami-
Befundes nicht entscheiden. Auf dem neuen Doppel-
sche und numismatische Material datiert den Bau
fundament, das nun eine Breite von insgesamt ca. 12
auf der Akropolis von Pantelleria in das 2. Drittel
m und, aufgrund einer schräg geführten Rückwand,
des 3. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. Die Errichtung des Baus
eine Tiefe von 8,40 m bzw. 6,80 m hatte, konnte jeden-
fällt damit in die Zeit des 1. Punischen Krieges und
falls ein Tempel errichtet werden, der nach Ausweis

22 Hering, Schmidt, Schäfer 2015; Schmidt 2015c. 27 Zur Rolle Pantellerias im ersten und zweiten Puni-
23 Seifert-Paß 2015. schen Krieg, vgl. die Beiträge in Abelli 2012a; zu Malta,
24 Schäfer 2015f, 1057 f.; Schäfer 2019a, 143. Sagona 2015, 264. Zur Anlage punischer Heiligtümer
25 Schön, Schmidt, Laube 2015, 171-178; 188-194; 196-199 im Kontext der punischen Kriege, vgl. auch D’Andrea
mit Abb. 60 f.; Schäfer 2015d, 812-815. 2017, 261 mit Anm. 17.
26 Schön, Schmidt, Laube 2015, 199, Anm. 61 mit Litera- 28 Schön, Schmidt, Laube 2015, 206-214 mit Abb. 79-81;
tur. Schäfer 2015d, 817-819.
150 Frerich Schön - Thomas Schäfer

Abb. 3a Sakralbereich auf der Hügelspitze von S. Teresa Abb. 3b Rekonstruierter Grundrissplan der Heiligtums-
(Orthophoto 2011). terrasse I.

der Fundamentkammern über zwei ähnlich breite, je- (ruhenden?) Hercules zusammen mit einer weiblichen
doch unterschiedlich tiefe Cellae verfügte, denen nach Gottheit zeigte, die möglicherweise mit Astarte/Isis
Südosten ein gemeinsamer Pronaos vorgelagert war. identifiziert werden kann31. Der Giebelschmuck ver-
Auch wenn das Aufgehende des Tempels dieser Phase bindet den Tempel auf Pantelleria formal mit von der
nicht erhalten ist, so vermitteln zahlreiche italisch-io- hellenistischen Koine beeinflussten Heiligtümern auf
nische Architekturglieder und Dekorationselemente, der italischen Halbinsel, wo seit dem 3. Jahrhundert
die dem Bau mit hoher Wahrscheinlichkeit zuzuord- v. Chr. figürlich geschmückte Giebel vermehrt auftre-
nen sind, ein konkretes Bild des Tempels und verorten ten, wobei das Thema Melqart/Hercules und Astarte/
ihn in den Formtraditionen Nordafrikas, Sardiniens Isis jedoch der lokalen Kulttradition auf der Akropolis
und der italischen Halbinsel29. Demnach ist ein breit- folgt32. Die Benennung der weiblichen Figur als Astar-
gelagerter Pseudoperipteros zu erschließen, dessen te/Isis wird durch die Analogie zur lokalen Münzprä-
Front über sechs ionische Säulen verfügte. Der Archi- gung Cossyras gestützt33. Vielleicht noch im Verlauf des
tekturschmuck ist in Stuck über grob in Tuff angeleg- 1. Punischen Krieges, spätestens aber nach der Einglie-
ten Grundformen ausgeführt. Die Kapitelle, Zahn- derung der Insel in die Provinz Sicilia setzte die städ-
schnitte, Gesimse, Gebälke und Hohlkehlen stehen tische Münzprägung ein. In einer ersten Serie wurden
in der Architekturtradition Nordafrikas und finden Bronzemünzen, deren punische Legende den Namen
enge Vergleiche im punischen Karthago und Utica30. der Insel ‘yrnm wiedergibt, mit der Darstellung eines
Knapp lebensgroße Skulpturenfragmente im Hoch-
relief, die dem Bau ebenfalls zugeordnet werden kön-
31 Schäfer 2015b; s. auch Schäfer 2006.
nen, dürften zum Giebelschmuck gehören, der einen 32 Schäfer 2015b, 655-658.
33 Schäfer 2015a, 93 mit Abb. 12 und 94 f. Die Bearbeitung
29 Müller 2015. der numismatischen Evidenz der Akropolisgrabung
30 Müller 2015, 473-484, 508 mit Anm. 77 f., 511 mit Anm. erfolgt durch M. Ziegert. Die Ergebnisse werden in
83, 522 f. mit Anm. 115. Band III der Cossyra-Reihe vorgelegt.
 Römer werden, punisch bleiben? 151

Abb. 3c Rekonstruierter Grundrissplan der Heiligtums- Abb. 3d Rekonstruierter Grundrissplan der Heiligtums-
terrasse II. terrasse III.

weiblichen Kopfes geprägt, der übereinstimmend mit Insel im Kontext der römischen Provinz Sicilia lesen.
Isis als Hypostase der Astarte angesprochen wird34. In Die punischen Bildtypen wurden auch später beibehal-
einer zweiten Münzserie, die ebenfalls eine punische ten, allerdings erfolgte vielleicht noch im 2. Jahrhundert
Legende trägt, findet sich auf dem Avers die Darstel- v. Chr., spätestens aber im 1. Jahrhundert v. Chr. die
lung der Bekränzung der Astarte/Isis durch die Sieges- Einführung der lateinischen Legende COSSVRA, der
göttin Nike. Wurden diese Münzen noch während der in einer Münzserie noch das Symbol der Tanit/Tinnit
karthagischen Herrschaft geprägt, so könnte hierin ein hinzugefügt wurde36.
Bezug auf die Wiedereroberung der Insel durch Kar-
thago 254 v. Chr. gesehen werden35. Geht man aber da- 36 Schäfer 2015a, 95 mit Abb. 14. Die Verbindung des
von aus, dass diese Münzserie erst nach 217 v. Chr. ent- sog. Tanit/Tinnit-Symbols mit dem Tanit- und später
standen ist, so ließe sich das Motiv auch als Ausdruck dem Caelestis-Kult ist wahrscheinlich, jedoch nicht
eines gewissen Selbstbewusstseins der nun vielleicht unumstritten, D’Andrea 2014; 2015 und Michelau
weitgehend autonomen, kulturell punisch geprägten 2019. Das Symbol ist vor allem in Nordafrika bis in
die mittlere Kaiserzeit in punisch geprägten Sakral-
34 Die Chronologie der Einführung der lokalen Münzprä- kontexten weit verbreitet. Die Bedeutung von Tanit/
gung und des Wechsels der Legenden von punischer Tinnit für die Bevölkerung Pantellerias wird deutlich
zu lateinischer Schrift ist umstritten. Während Mora- durch einen im Zuge der Grabungen des Jahres 2019
wiecki 1999 den Beginn der Münzprägung im Zuge der freigelegten Kultbau. In einem der Räume fand sich das
römischen Herrschaft über die Insel in Betracht zieht, sog. Tanit/Tinnit-Symbol als Mosaik in das Paviment
bevorzugt Cutroni Tusa 2006 einen früheren chrono- eingelassen. Die Anlage des Sanktuariums dürfte in
logischen Ansatz, bei dem die Münzen mit punischen das 2.-1. Jahrhundert v. Chr. datieren. Bei einem 2020
Legenden vor der römischen Eroberung 217 v. Chr. teilweise ergrabenen Kultbau, der für den Bau einer
eingeordnet werden, während lateinische Legenden kaiserzeitlichen Platzanlage abgetragen wurde, fand
nach diesem Zeitpunkt eingeführt worden seien. sich im Bereich einer der Zugänge als Teil einer Pflas-
35 Schäfer 2015a, 94 f. terung ein Tuffblock, in den ebenfalls ein sog. Tanit/
152 Frerich Schön - Thomas Schäfer

Die skizzierten Baumaßnahmen am Tempel und dem etwa zeitgleich entstandenen Heiligtum des Jup-
der Blick in die Münzprägung unterstreichen, dass piter Anxur auf dem Monte S. Angelo in Terrracina
das Heiligtum auf der Akropolis im 2./1. Jahrhundert ähnlich gewesen sein dürfte40.
v. Chr. ein zentrales Monument für die Identität der Die Kulte der vorhergehenden Phasen wurden bis
Siedlung und eine Ressource für die kollektive Identi- in die römische Kaiserzeit weitergepflegt. Dies legen
tät der Insel geworden war. Als solches wurde es durch Fragmente zweier in das 1. Jahrhundert n. Chr. datie-
eine – für alle weithin sichtbare – architektonische Mo- rende Inschriften wohl lokaler Honoratioren aus der
dernisierung in den sich kontinuierlich verändernden Gens Valeria nahe, die Stiftungen an Isis, der Haupt-
sozio-kulturellen Kontext des zentralen Mittelmeerrau- gottheit im Heiligtum auf der Akropolis, belegen41. Wie
mes integriert37. Dieser fortlaufende Prozess sollte in auch an anderen antiken Sakralorten üblich, verblieben
der folgenden Phase noch deutlicher werden. Gegenstände des alten Kultes im Heiligtum. So fanden
sich in den mittelkaiserzeitlichen Versturzschichten ein
Heiligtumsterrasse III noch in das 5.–4. Jahrhundert v. Chr. zu datierendes
Goldblech mit der Darstellung eines phönizisch-pu-
In einer dritten großen Ausbauphase wurde das nischen Priesters42, der Kopf einer Demeterstatuette43
Heiligtum in der ersten Hälfte des 1. Jahrhunderts v. des 4. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. aus Ton oder das Fragment
Chr. grundlegend umgestaltet (Abb. 3d)38. Während einer ebenfalls in das 4. Jahrhundert v. Chr. datierenden
sich für den Tempel auf der Kuppe des Hügels keine Terrakottastatuette einer Ferkelträgerin sowie die Frag-
Umbauten nachweisen lassen, betraf die Umgestal- mente eines späthellenistischen Perirrhanterions aus
tung vor allem dessen Umfeld. Ältere Bauten wurden parischem Marmor44. Ab dem 1. Jahrhundert n. Chr.
abgetragen, um eine etwa 24 x 40 m große Terrasse wurde aber auch der durch eine inschriftlich gesicherte
in der Art eines Podiums anzulegen, die das Heilig- Statue des Germanicus45 und durch die ebenfalls von
tumsareal erheblich vergrößerte und von der umge- Statuen stammenden Porträts von Caesar, Antonia mi-
benden Siedlung an den Hängen des Hügels deutlich nor (bzw. Drusilla), Titus sowie anderer Angehöriger
abhob. Dazu wurden auf dem Podium zumindest an des Kaiserhauses46 gesicherte Kaiserkult auf der Akro-
zwei Seiten Portiken errichtet, die dem Tempel einen polis etabliert, wofür die Portiken auf der Heiligtums-
neuen Rahmen gaben. Da die älteren Zugänge we- terrasse den geeignetsten Ort geboten haben (Abb. 4).
gen der Terrassierung nicht mehr in Funktion waren, Bis in das 2. Jahrhundert n. Chr. scheint das Heilig-
fügte man jetzt im Süden der Heiligtumsterrasse eine tum auf der Hügelspitze von S. Teresa ein zentraler Ort
monumentale Freitreppe an. Diese zweite Phase der für die Bevölkerung der Insel und die Repräsentation
Monumentalisierung findet einen guten Vergleich der lokalen Eliten gewesen zu sein, wie die eingangs
im Heiligtum der Astarte in Tas-Silġ auf Malta, das diskutierte Ehreninschrift des Ritters aus trajanischer
in etwa zur gleichen Zeit mit Portiken eingefasst und Zeit dokumentiert (s.o.). In der Folgezeit scheint der Ort
somit in Hinblick auf die hellenistisch beeinflusste jedoch an Bedeutung verloren zu haben, weil sich kei-
Architektur dieser Zeit modernisiert wurde39. Diese ne späteren Inschriften, Stiftungen oder Baumaßnah-
Baumaßnahmen transformieren die alte Heiligtums- men mehr nachweisen lassen. Auch im keramischen
terrasse auf Pantelleria aber auch in ein Terrassenhei- Fundmaterial ist ab der 2. Hälfte des 2. Jahrhundert n.
ligtum, das italischen Vergleichen wie beispielsweise Chr. ein deutlicher quantitativer Rückgang festzustel-

Tinnit-Symbol eingeritzt ist. Auch dieser Befund datiert 40 Coarelli 1987, 113-122; Ceccarelli, Marroni 2011, 491-502.
in das 2.-1. Jahrhundert v. Chr. Die Publikation dieser 41 Schäfer, Alföldy 2015, 792-796.
Befunde in Form eines Vorberichtes ist in Vorbereitung. 42 Schäfer 2015f, 1057 f.; Schäfer 2019a, 143.
37 Eine vergleichbare Entwicklung wurde für das Hero- 43 Schäfer 2015d, 807, Abb. 2.
on von Poseidonia/Paestum im 3. Jahrhundert v. Chr. 44 Schäfer 2015e, 1035.
ausgemacht, Schweizer, im Druck. 45 Schäfer, Alföldy 2015, 777-781.
38 Schön, Schmidt, Laube 2015, 224-267 mit Abb. 146-150; 46 Schäfer 2015c. Zur möglichen Identifikation des weib-
Schäfer 2015d, 819-824. lichen Porträtkopfes mit Drusilla, Portale 2017, 209-225
39 Bonzano 2017. und Portale 2018, 69-94 mit Taf. 35.
 Römer werden, punisch bleiben? 153

Kaiserzeit könnte als Ausdruck eines Romani-

sierungsprozesses gelesen werden. Dabei nimmt
ein punischer oder karthagischer Kult sukzessi-
ve römische (Architektur-)formen an, die Gott-
heiten werden mit dem römischen Pantheon as-
similiert und der Bezirk wird schließlich durch
die Etablierung des Kaiserkults zu einem genu-
in römischen Heiligtum, das den lokalen Eliten
den Raum für ihre Selbstdarstellung in römischen
Praktiken bietet. Indes, diese – zweifellos recht
plakative – Darstellung der Transformation des
Heiligtumes greift zu kurz. Die Zerstörung des
Heiligtums auf der Hügelspitze und weiterer Be-
funde auf der Akropolis im 3. Jahrhundert n. Chr.
führte zwar zur Aufgabe dieses Heiligtums, aber
nicht des gesamten Areals und des Kultbetriebs.
Auf einer Straße, die das Heiligtum auf der Hü-
Abb. 4 Porträts von Caesar, Antonia minor bzw. Drusilla
gelspitze mit einer kaiserzeitlichen Platzanlage
und Titus (Inv. 4643, 4644, 5857).
verbindet, konnte ebenfalls ein großflächiger Zer-
len47. Die Aufgabe des Heiligtums erfolgte im späten 2. störungshorizont des späten 2. Jahrhunderts bis
Jahrhundert bis mittleren 3. Jahrhundert n. Chr. wahr- mittleren 3. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. freigelegt wer-
scheinlich in Folge eines Erdbebens, das erhebliche den. Die Zerstörungen hier betreffen die Portiken
Schäden verursacht hat, wie chronologisch einheitli- der Platzanlage, ältere Fortifikationen sowie eine
che Zerstörungshorizonte in den Substruktionsräu- Toranlage aus punischer Zeit und dürften auf das
men, den Zisternen und auf der Straße zum Heiligtum gleiche Destruktionsereignis zurückgehen, dem
zeigen48. Das Heiligtum wurde in der Folgezeit nicht auch das Heiligtum zum Opfer gefallen ist. Auf
wieder aufgebaut. Wie mit dem Gelände des verwüs-
teten Sakralbereichs nach der Zerstörung umgegangen
wurde, ist nicht ganz klar, da moderne Überbauung
und Steinraub den Befund zu stark überformen. Ver-
mutlich fanden Aufräum- und Bergungsarbeiten statt,
um „brauchbares“ Material aus den Ruinen zu holen.
Hierbei dürften die ausgezeichnet erhaltenen Porträt-
köpfe nach einer raschen Bergung aus den Ruinen in
den baulich noch intakten Zisternen deponiert worden
sein, die nach der Fundlage der Köpfe vermutlich mit
Wasser und Sediment gefüllt waren49.

Nachfolgekult am Fuße der Heiligtums-

terrasse III
Die Entwicklung des Heiligtums auf S. Tere-
sa vom 3. Jahrhundert v. Chr. bis in die mittlere

47 Schmidt 2015b, 369; Sichelschmidt 2015, 438 f.

48 Schön, Schmidt, Laube 2015, 270-286; Schmidt 2015b. Abb. 5 Zerstörungs- und Laufhorizonte auf der Straße im
49 Schön, Schmidt, Laube 2015, 280-283; Schmidt 2015b, Torbereich zwischen Heiligtum und Platzanlage (Schnitt
385-389; Schäfer 2015c, 752-756. XIX, Ansicht von Südosten).
154 Frerich Schön - Thomas Schäfer

Abb. 6b Zum Sakralbau umgestalteter Torbau (Schnitt

XIX, Ansicht von Norden).

bis in die Fundamente zerstört und wurde durch

neuzeitliche Terrassierungsmaßnahmen verun-
klärt, der nördliche Teil wurde durch nachantiken
Steinraub erheblich reduziert, so dass das Ausse-
hen nur grob rekonstruiert werden kann (Abb.
6a-b). Demnach wurde das Heiligtum in den Bau-
bestand eines Stadttores integriert. Dessen letzte
Bauphase zeigt einen langrechteckigen Grund-
riss, in dessen hinterem, westlichen Teil zwei nach
Osten geöffnete Räume liegen. Das Paviment des
Baus ist ausgeraubt, allerdings fand sich in der
Präparationsschicht für den Boden eine Münze
aus der Regierungszeit des Alexander Severus,
die diese letzte Bauphase in das mittlere 3. Jahr-
Abb. 6a Torbereich mit Straße zwischen Heiligtum und hundert n. Chr. datiert50.
Platzanlage (Schnitt XIX, Orthophoto 2018).
Die Deutung des Baus als Heiligtum ergibt sich
der Straße und im Torbereich konnten jedoch ei- aus einem Fundkontext, der entlang der die Nord-
nige spätere Aktivitäten im Befund nachgewiesen wand begleitenden Straße in Sturzlage gefunden
werden (Abb. 5). Danach wurde die Straße offen- wurde (Abb. 7). Es handelt sich um einen Votivtisch,
bar zur Hälfte von Trümmern freigeräumt und der mit einer Reihe von Metallobjekten vergesell-
wieder nutzbar gemacht. Auf dem Plattenbelag schaftet war, sowie einen Weihaltar (Abb. 8a-b)51. Der
der Straße konnten mehrere Laufhorizonte aus Tisch besteht aus einer profilierten, 146x72 cm großen
festgetretener Erde festgestellt werden, welche Platte aus peloponnesischem Marmor, die von zwei
die Nachnutzung des Areals anzeigen. In dieser aufwendig verzierten Stützen aus campanischem
Phase entstand südöstlich des Zugangs zur Hei-
ligtumsterrasse in einem Torbau aus punischer 50 Schäfer 2015d, 826 f. Bei der Münze handelt es sich
Zeit ein neues Heiligtum, das bis zur Aufgabe der um den 234 n.Chr. geprägten Sesterz RIC IV 679. Die
Akropolissiedlung Bestand hatte, die sich wahr- Vorlage der Fundmünzen aus den Akropolisgrabungen
scheinlich durch ein zweites Erdbeben in der 2. durch M. Ziegert ist für den Band III der Cossyra-Reihe
in Vorbereitung.
Hälfte des 3. oder im 4. Jahrhundert n. Chr. er-
51 Schäfer 2015d, 809 mit Abb. 7-8; Schäfer 2019a, 141-
eignete. Das neue Heiligtum wurde hierbei er- 143; Schäfer 2019b, 225. Die Vorlage des Tisches erfolgt
heblich beschädigt: der südliche Teil des Baus ist durch Th. Schäfer in Band III der Cossyra-Reihe.
 Römer werden, punisch bleiben? 155

Abb. 8a Votivtisch (Inv. 19763).

Abb. 8b Detail des Votivtisches mit Weihinschrift.

präsentieren sich mit Namen, die im karthagischen

Onomastikon häufig auftreten und einer über zwei
Generationen zurückreichenden Genealogie. Der
Abb. 7 Versturz mit Votivtisch und Kultgerät in Fundlage. Tisch selbst weist auf die in der Antike übliche Sa-
kralpraxis, Gaben an die Götter auf einer solchen
mensa sacra auszustellen54. Gemeinsam mit dem
(?) Kalkstein getragen wird. Am vorderen Rand
Tisch wurden mehrere Metallobjekte55 gefunden,
der Tischplatte ist eine punische Votivinschrift an-
bei denen es sich um Kultgerät und möglicher-
gebracht: „Für den Herrn, den Sohn des Sadiq, ein
weise sogar um diejenigen Votive handeln dürfte,
verzierter (?) Tisch, den herstellten cAbdmelqart,
die zuletzt auf dem Tisch platziert waren (Abb. 9a-
Sohn des cAzarbacal, Sohn des cAbdmelqart, und
d). Es fanden sich der Fuß und die Räucherschale
Adonibacal, Sohn des ‘Abdşid, Sohn des Ḥamilkat.
eines bronzenen Thymiatherions (Abb. 9a) sowie ein
Hier haben sie (ihn, d.h. den Tisch) tatsächlich auf-
kleiner Kandelaber mit Dorn und dreibeinigem Fuß
gestellt/geweiht“52. Die paläographische Datierung
(Abb. 9b), dessen Vergleiche nicht vor die Mitte des
der Inschrift in das 2.–1. Jahrhundert v. Chr. und die
2. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. datieren56. Daneben enthielt
stilistische Datierung der verzierten Tischbeine in
der Kontext einen etruskischen Bronzespiegel, der
das 2. Jahrhundert v. Chr. weisen die Entstehung
wohl in das ausgehende 3. Jahrhundert v. Chr. da-
des Tisches in die republikanische Zeit, als die Insel
tiert und mit zwei sekundär eingeritzten, neupuni-
Teil der römischen Provinz Sicilia war. Die ansons-
schen Inschriften versehen ist (Abb. 9c). Nur eine
ten nur noch aus Sulcis (Sardinien) bekannte Gott-
heit könnte auf ein Epithet des Melqart/Hercules
als Sohn des Baal oder noch wahrscheinlicher auf der Gottheit in Sulcis (CIS I, 150 = ICO Sard. Neopun. 1).
Eshmun/Asclepius hinweisen53. Die Weihenden 54 ThesCRA V (2005) 230-236 (I. Krauskopf).
55 Die Bearbeitung der Metallobjekte erfolgt durch K.
52 Röllig 2014. Riehle.
53 Xella, im Druck, mit Verweis auf eine weitere Nennung 56 Goethert 1994, 361-363; Bailey 1996, 113 f.
156 Frerich Schön - Thomas Schäfer

Abb. 9a Räucherschale und Fuß eines Thymia-

terions (Inv. 19764/1+2).

Abb. 9c Etruskischer Spiegel mit Inschrift (Inv.

18572).

Abb. 9b Kandelaber (Inv. 19764/3).

der Inschriften ist teilweise lesbar, sie endet mit dem

Namensbestandteil -mlq für Melqart und dürfte auf
den ursprünglichen Besitzer oder Weihenden hin-
weisen57. Außerdem fand sich ein lanzettförmiges
Blatt aus getriebenem Goldblech, das wahrschein-
lich zu einem goldenen Lorbeerzweig oder -kranz
gehörte (Abb. 9d)58.
Aus dem gleichen Fundkontext stammt auch
ein ca. 60 cm hoher Weihaltar aus Marmor, der in
zwei Teile zerbrochen ebenfalls in Sturzlage ge-
funden wurde (Abb. 10a). Der den AEQUITATI-
BUS AUG(ustis) geweihte Altar, dessen Seiten mit
Guttus und Patera verziert sind, war vermutlich
in flavischer Zeit von C. Furius Flaccus aufgestellt

57 Die Lesung der Inschriften erfolgte durch W. Röllig.

58 Schäfer 2015f, 1060. Abb. 9d Goldblech (Inv. 16940).
 Römer werden, punisch bleiben? 157

Abb. 10b Schichten des Kalküberzuges von dem Altar.

weder die ursprünglichen Adressaten noch der De-
dikant eine wichtige Rolle gespielt haben, denn der
Altar war auf allen Seiten mit mehreren, ca. 1-2 mm
dünnen Lagen eines feinen, weißen Kalkverputzes
bedeckt (Abb. 10b). Dieser Überzug verdeckte so-
wohl die Inschrift auf der Vorderseite als auch Gut-
tus und Patera auf den Nebenseiten, die somit bes-
tenfalls noch rudimentär sichtbar waren. Bei dieser
Überputzung handelt es sich wahrscheinlich aber
nicht um eine einfache Unkenntlichmachung dieser
Elemente, da die einzelnen Putzschichten jeweils
über ausgehärtete Oberflächen verfügen. Vielmehr
müssen die einzelnen Schichten, von denen bis zu
sieben beobachtet werden konnten, durch wieder-
holtes Auftragen einer Kalktünche in einigem zeit-
Abb. 10a Weihaltar eines Caelestis-Priesters aus Kar- lichen Abstand entstanden sein. Die Verwendung
thago.
von Kalktünche könnte daher auf eine rituelle Rei-
worden, einem wahrscheinlich aus Karthago stam- nigung des Altars, eine dealbatio hinweisen, wie
menden Priester der mit Tanit/Tinnit identifizierten sie aus nordafrikanischen Kontexten belegt ist. So
Dea Caelestis59. Der ursprüngliche Standort dieser erwähnt eine kaiserzeitliche Inschrift aus Henchir
Weihung ist nicht gesichert. In Frage kommen das es-Srira (Tunesien) das Weißeln eines dem Saturn
Heiligtum auf der Hügelspitze oder die kaiserzeit- geweihten Baitylos (petra Saturni)60. In den Trakta-
liche Platzanlage im Südosten. Eine sekundäre Ver- ten des Optatus wird die dealbatio von Altären und
wendung des Altars scheint jedenfalls wegen der Tischen im Kontext des Totenkultes in der Gegend
Vergesellschaftung mit dem Votivtisch und den Me- von Octavum in Numidien erwähnt61. Im Lichte
tallobjekten plausibel. Allerdings dürften hierbei dieser Vergleiche scheint der Altar auf Pantelleria
wiederholt in sakrale Praktiken einbezogen worden
59 PN 13 ACR XIX 6602-2 Inv. 18571: AEQUITATIBUS zu sein, die eine dealbatio erforderte und in denen –
│ AUG(ustis) . SACR(um) │ C(aius). FURIUS . C(ai) .
F(ilius) . ARN(iensia tribu). FLACCUS │ SAC(erdos). 60 CIL 8.23156; Le Glay 1966, 349f.; Schörner 2009, 289.
CAEL(estis) . AUG(ustae) . SOMN(o monitus). POS(u) 61 Optatus, Contra Parm. 3, 4, 6: „In loco Octavensi occisi
IT │ D(ecreto) . D(ecurionum). Die Vorlage des Altars sunt plurimi et detruncati sunt multi quorum corpora us-
erfolgt durch Th. Schäfer und F. Schön in Band III der que in hodiernum per dealbatas aras aut mensas potuerunt
Cossyra-Reihe. numerari“.
158 Frerich Schön - Thomas Schäfer

wie der Fundkontext nahe legt – auch der Votivtisch Chr. de ruinis geborgenes signum Traiani wurde auf
und die zusammen mit ihm gefundenen Gegenstän- einer wiederverwendeten Basis einer Herculessta-
de eine Rolle spielten. Näheres lässt sich über den tue neu aufgestellt63. Im gleichen Kontext erfolgte
praktizierten Kult kaum sagen, auch bleibt unklar, aber auch die Neuaufstellung einer Statue Konstan-
ob eine Kontinuität zu den älteren Kulten an die- tins, die laut Inschrift samt ihrer ursprünglichen In-
sem Ort besteht. Sicher belegen lassen sich weder schrift voller Ehrfurcht aus Ruinen geborgen und
ein Bezug zum Melqart-Kult, der durch den Tisch transloziert wurde (… cum veneratione / de ruinis sig-
und den Spiegel möglich erscheint, noch zu einem no titulis(que) / translatis …) und auf der Basis einer
Tanit/Tinnit- bzw. Caelestis-Kult, der durch den von Statue für Trajan wieder aufgestellt wurde. Ähnlich
einem Caelestis-Priester gestifteten Altar angedeutet erging es zwei weiteren Standbildern, möglicher-
wird. Vielmehr scheint es für die Konstitution dieses weise des Antoninus Pius und des Marcus Aurelius,
Fundkomplexes wichtig gewesen zu sein, dass die die pro beatitudine temporum auf dem neuen Forum
Bestandteile für die Bewohner als altehrwürdig und der Stadt wiedererrichtet wurden64.
„punisch“ galten und damit auf eine Phase der Ge- Diese Maßnahmen, die im Falle der Statue Kon-
schichte der Insel verwiesen, die für ihre kollektive stantins einen im Gedächtnis sicher noch präsenten
Identität von besonderer Bedeutung war. Als Beleg Kaiser des 4. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. fokussierten, bei
für diese beiden Eigenschaften könnten die neupu- den übrigen Statuen aber Kaiser der „älteren“ Ge-
nischen Inschriften gedient haben. schichte Roms des 2. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. betrafen,
erfolgten auf Veranlassung des amtierenden Statt-
Kult und Vergangenheit als Ressourcen halters und damit durch einen Vertreter der Reichs-
aristokratie65. Sie spiegeln eine Praxis wieder, die
Die Vergesellschaftung der Objekte dieses für die Stadt Rom selbst gut belegt ist und die als
Fundkontextes ist bemerkenswert, da sie eine chro- Ausdruck des Versuches der Restituierung einer
nologische Spanne von knapp 500 Jahren aufweisen. glücklichen Vergangenheit gelesen werden kann66.
Wahrscheinlich stammt zumindest ein Teil der Ob- Die Konservierung der Statue Trajans weist darüber
jekte, etwa der Votivtisch, aus dem zerstörten Hei- hinaus jedoch auch auf einen lokalhistorischen Be-
ligtum auf der Hügelspitze und wurde geborgen, zugspunkt, da Thubursicu Numidarum unter eben
um in dem neuen Heiligtum weiter- oder wieder- diesem Kaiser zum Municipium Ulpium Traianum
genutzt zu werden. Der Fundkomplex (Altar – Vo- Augustum Thubursicu erhoben wurde.
tivtisch – Kultgerät – Votive) scheint eine bewusst Wer die Gestaltung des neuen Heiligtumes auf
getroffene Auswahl an Dingen zu sein, die in den Pantelleria veranlasst hat, ist unbekannt, doch ver-
neuen sakralen Zusammenhang überführt wurde. mutlich waren es nicht römische Statthalter, sondern
Dies verdeutlicht auch der Umgang mit den bereits lokale Akteure. Bei der Auswahl der Dinge, die in
genannten Porträts der kaiserlichen Dynastien des das neue Heiligtum transloziert wurden, war des-
1. Jahrhunderts zur gleichen Zeit, die für die Bevöl- halb das Gedenken an die römische Vergangenheit
kerung Pantellerias des 3. Jahrhunderts keine gro- vielleicht weniger bedeutend und nicht handlungs-
ße Rolle mehr spielten. Die Porträts wurden zwar leitend. Vielmehr scheint die Zusammensetzung
aus den Trümmern des Heiligtums geborgen, dann
jedoch in den Zisternen deponiert. Dieser Umgang 63 ILAlg 1, 1247; Kleinwächter 2001, 322 Nr. 30.
mit Monumenten früherer Epochen der römischen 64 ILAlg. 1, 1243 und 1274; Kleinwächter 2001, 321 Nr.
Kaiserzeit hätte auch ein anderer sein können, wie 26 und 323 Nr. 31. Für die Standbilder des Antoninus
ein nur wenig später datierendes Beispiel aus Thu- Pius und des Marc Aurel, Kleinwächter 2001, 326 Nr.
bursicu Numidarum (Khamissa) im Nordwesten 44 und 328 f. Nr. 11-12.
Algeriens zeigt. Der Ort war um die Mitte des 4. 65 Zu den Inschriften vom forum novum in Thubursicu
Numidarum s. auch die Einträge in der Oxforder
Jahrhunderts möglicherweise ebenso Opfer eines
Datenbank Last Statues of Antiquity LSA-1176. 1182.
Erdbebens geworden62. Ein um die Jahre 361/362 n. 2470. 2481. 2482.
66 Für den Umgang mit Monumenten der Vergangenheit
62 Lepelley 1981, 214. im spätantiken Rom, Bauer 2001.
 Römer werden, punisch bleiben? 159

des Fundkomplexes (Altar – Votivtisch – Kultgerät trag für die Zeit vom 3. Jahrhundert v. Chr. bis in
– Votive) einen Rückbezug auf die lokale Geschich- das 3. Jahrhundert n. Chr. die Transformation der
te der Insel zu offenbaren – allerdings in erster Linie materiellen Kultur von der punischen Epoche bis in
auf die punische Vergangenheit. Die „alten“ und die Römische Kaiserzeit.
„punischen“ Objekte wurden durch ihre Rekontex- Das Heiligtum von Melqart/Hercules und As-
tualisierung in einem neuen sakralen Kontext be- tarte/Isis auf der Akropolis war nach seiner ersten
wahrt und mit zusätzlicher Bedeutung aufgeladen. architektonisch fassbaren Bauphase im mittleren 3.
Sie wurden damit Teil eines Sakralkomplexes, der Jahrhundert v. Chr. bis in die Kaiserzeit kontinuier-
eine wichtige Ressource für die kollektive Identität lich Gegenstand von Um- und Ausbaumaßnahmen,
der Bewohner Pantellerias im 3. Jahrhundert n. Chr. die als Neukontextualisierungen oder Erweiterun-
darstellte. gen des ursprünglichen sakralen Raumes verstan-
den werden können. Hierfür bediente man sich
Zusammenfassung jeweils zeittypischer, `globaler´ architektonischer
Formen und Praktiken, die eine erfolgreiche Inte-
Metanarrative wie Romanisierung, Kolonisie- gration der Insel in das Römische Reich vor Augen
rung oder Globalisierung berühren oftmals Fragen führen. Das Heiligtum wurde infolge einer Natur-
der Formierung von Identitäten bestimmter Gesell- katastrophe im späten 2. Jahrhundert bis mittleren
schaften oder sozialer Gruppen. Dies gilt auch für 3. Jahrhundert n. Chr. zerstört und nicht wieder auf-
die kulturelle Transformation vormals karthagi- gebaut. Die Kultpraxis endete damit jedoch nicht.
scher oder punischer Gebiete nach ihrer Eroberung Vielmehr wurde bis in die 2. Hälfte des 3. oder so-
durch Rom. Demgegenüber versucht dieser Beitrag, gar bis in das 4. Jahrhundert n. Chr. ein Nachfolge-
religiöse Kulttraditionen und die lokale Vergangen- kult etabliert, in dem insbesondere Relikte aus pu-
heit als miteinander verwobene Ressourcen für die nischer Zeit eine neue Verwendung fanden. Diese
Schaffung, Erhaltung und Veränderung einer kol- Befunde legen nahe, dass die kollektive Identität
lektiven Identität zu interpretieren. Am Beispiel des der Inselbewohner bis zum Beginn der spätantiken
Heiligtums von Melqart/Hercules und Astarte/Isis Zeit von punischen Kulttraditionen und vielleicht
auf der Akropolis von Cossyra, einer ursprünglich auch von der Erinnerung an eine punische Vergan-
wohl durch Karthago gegründeten Siedlung auf genheit bestimmt wurde.
der Insel Pantelleria (Italien), untersucht dieser Bei-
160 Frerich Schön - Thomas Schäfer

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Coercive urbanism: the Roman impact on North African towns
Elizabeth Fentress*

“Who controls the past controls the future: who con- Andrew Wilson and myself, have also shed new light
trols the present controls the past” on the Roman approach to urbanism in the old Punic
George Orwell and Numidian cities. In the previous paper I exam-
ined the economic and social effects of the Roman con-
Abstract quest of North Africa rather than the cultural changes
brought about by the empire. I was thus interpreting
L’articolo esamina gli effetti dell’urbanistica roma- ‘Romanization’ in terms of the political and, particu-
na su quattro città preesistenti nel Nord Africa: Utica, larly, economic adaptations that conquered territories
Thugga, Simitthus e Mactar. Nelle prime tre possiamo underwent in order to conform to Roman law and
vedere trasformazioni radicali dei monumenti esistenti, taxation: like Hopkins and Thébert, I concentrated on
che vengono eliminati o riproposti. Si esaminano quindi these rather than on social and cultural changes4. How-
le relazioni tra i colonizzatori romani e le comunità pre- ever, the model that emerges from the examination of
cedenti, mettendo in dubbio l’attuale tendenza a vedere North African urbanism is more reminiscent of mod-
l’imperialismo romano in termini di dialogo produttivo ern colonial patterns. If we look at some of the towns
e negoziazione. Un’analogia significativa si può trovare that already existed at the time of the fall of Carthage,
nella storia della colonizzazione francese dell’Algeria. we find that their city centres seem to have undergone
massive remodellings, exercises in a brutal urbanistic
In the thirteen years that have elapsed since I pub- transformation that erased both religious and civil sites
lished an article on the Romanization of North Africa1 I and their memories. I will start with some illustrations
have avoided thinking about the subject – I am sure this of this process, and then return to the nuances of the
is a common experience; indeed, the last decade has ways in which the empire transformed rural and cul-
been notably shy of the term, much less the concept2. tural space, and the human relations that the process
Forced, by the kind invitation to this conference, to entailed. Far from globalization, this history seems to
come to grips with it again I find that I have to some ex- reflect an only slightly less recent history, that of the
tent changed my view of the process. In the meantime French colonization of Africa, and the specificity of the
a whole slew of new research on North Africa has been relationship between the colonizer and the colonized.
published, both of synthesis, like the books of Matthew
Hobson and Lesley Dossey, and of fieldwork, particu- Razing the city centres
larly Mariette de Vos’ Rus Africum3. The Oxford-INP
excavations at Utica, co-directed by Imed Ben Jerbania, Utica

* University College. London. [email protected] In a recent paper my colleagues and I have

1 Fentress 2006. demonstrated the process by which the monumen-
2 For the ‘anti-Romanization’ discussion see e.g.
tal centre of Utica was transformed in the early first
Mattingly 2004.
3 Hobson 2015; Dossey 2010; de Vos, Attaoui 2013 and
https://www.rusafricum.org/en/thuggasurvey/ 4 For criticism of Hopkins in this context Versluys 2015.
166 Elisabeth Fentress

Fig. 2 The plan of Roman Utica (J. Andrew Dufton).

Punic kilns dating to the archaic period, while un-

der the temple the stratigraphy was also cut away
down to the archaic period. We have no idea what
buildings occupied this space previously, although
one large cistern suggests a possible domestic oc-
cupation. Some monumental buildings of the Punic
period were found further to the north, but it is not
impossible that there were others in the neighbour-
hood of the new forum6. The new public centre of
Fig. 1 The monumental centre of Utica in the first century the town thus formed a quite drastic break with the
BCE. The hatching shows the extent of the razing of pre- past, and its construction entailed the razing of all
vious structures. A: podium temple. B: punic-style tem- previous buildings.
ple. 1: previous excavations 2: Oxford-INP excavations. To the south, outside the old Punic fortifications,
3: Certain walls. 4: Integrated walls (J. Andrew Dufton).
a new town was laid out on a grid of 100 insulae, cov-
century BCE. All previous buildings in the centre ering almost 90 ha (fig. 2). The date of this project
of the original Punic town were razed to at least a is not certain, but it must lie in the range of 146-50
metre under contemporary ground level, in some BCE. One building along the new alignment is dated
cases by over two metres5. The flattening of previ- to the beginning of the first century BCE by a black-
ous structures covered almost a hectare (fig. 1). To glaze cup. We do not know how fast this grid was
the north was built a rather curious religious build- occupied, nor who the intended settlers were.
ing, a small porticoed temple without an apparent Now, the case of Carthage is a familiar one, where
podium. A new forum occupied the centre of the we are accustomed to think of the violence done to
space, faced by a temple on its western side. The it as perfectly explicable: the original inhabitants
space to the east was developed more gradually, were the enemy, and Roman urbanism proclaimed
although a curia seems to have been built there in Roman domination. The old Punic town was treat-
the Augustan period. Below these buildings we find ed as a tabula rasa. On the Byrsa at least it was effec-
tively razed, the Punic monuments swept down the

5 Ben Jerbania et al. 2019: for the Punic stratigraphy cut

by the western temple see also Lézine 1968, 103. 6 Ferrer Albelda et al. 2020.
 Coercive Urbanism: the Roman impact on North African towns 167

hillside as landfill, and the great vaults that support dates to the end of the fourth century BC (20.57.4),
the forum and its structures built through and over the earliest structures in other Numidian cities, such
them. The whole city was laid out anew on a grid as Althiburos and Simitthus, date at least four centu-
that preserved only opportunistically the orientation ries earlier, while Diodorus’ description of the site as a
of the Hellenistic settlement on the waterfront. But ‘city of a fine size’ (20.57.4) would leave its status as a
at Utica this behaviour seems much less warrant- town in the fourth century in no doubt9. It passed un-
ed. The city was an ally, and had become capital of der the control of the Numidian king, Masinissa, at the
the province in the years between the destruction beginning of the second century BC, when the splen-
of Carthage and the refoundation of Carthage in 32 did mausoleum of Atban, son of Iepmatah son of Palu
BC. It is impossible to say to what degree the Punic was built10, as well as a central monument to Masinis-
burghers of Utica participated in the razing of their sa, both of which were dedicated with bilingual Lib-
city centre: only the slightly odd temple to the north yan-Punic inscriptions which detail a complex civic
reflects ‘local’ architecture. It bears comparison, to organization in the second century BC11. Although it
some extent, to the neo-Punic temple complexes of was once believed that the Numidian town lay to the
the late Punic or very early Roman period, such as north of the Roman one, it is now clear that it occupied
the third-century sanctuaries of Kerkouane, El Hof- roughly the same space12. Within this, the pre-Roman
ra at Cirta, or the sanctuary of Thinissut, near Siagu civic space, apparently a sort of agora, consisted of an
on the Gulf of Hammamet, built perhaps around the open area containing a monument to Masinissa, two
middle of the 2nd c. BC7. Utica was officially inde- small temples and perhaps a larger one in the Punic
pendent, but at the same time the capital of Africa style with a triple cella and an open courtyard in front
and the seat of the governor. There were certainly a of it. During the reign of Tiberius the level of the pave-
large number of Roman citizens there by 82 BC; these ment was raised over the whole area to create a forum,
rebelled against the governor C. Fabius Hadrianus, and all of the existing monuments were eliminated,
killed him and burned his palace (Cic. Verr. 2.1.70; except, perhaps, for one of the smaller temples. The
Valerius Maximus 9.10.2). The text of the Bellum monument to Masinissa was incorporated into the
Africum speaks on various occasions of the 300 Ro- foundation for a tribune (fig. 3), the larger temple to
man merchants and money lenders installed there in the west – perhaps also dedicated to Masinissa – was
mid-century and described as forming Cato’s ‘Sen- reconstructed and dedicated to Tiberius, and the Pu-
ate’ (BAf 87-88; Plutarch Cato 59; Appian Civ. 95). But nic courtyard temple was transformed into an impe-
the evidence from the stratigraphy of the new temple rial cult building (?) with an altar in the centre and an
suggests that it was built in the beginning of the cen- apsidal fountain at its south end (fig. 4)13. In sum, the
tury, significantly earlier than Cato’s last stand. Rath- previous Numidian cult buildings were buried by the
er than an exercise of ‘self-romanization’ on the part new, imperial city.
of the elite, the drastic refashioning of the city centre Now, the social context at Thugga is very well
was probably undertaken by the governor and the known: there was a pagus of Roman citizen colo-
Roman citizens that surrounded him. nists, settled in the city at the time of Tiberius or
perhaps as early as the reign of Augustus, and a per-
Dougga/Thugga egrine settlement composed of the original inhab-
itants, perhaps first a castellum and later a civitas14.
A socially more complex space is that of Thugga,
an old city closely related to the Numidian monarchy8. 9 For settlement in rectangular houses in the 9th c. BCE
Although the first mention of it, by Diodorus Siculus, at Althiburos see Kalala, Sanmartí 2011.
10 Poinssot, Salomonson 1959.
7 For Kerkouane, Fantar 2009; for El Hofra, Berthier, 11 Chabot 1941, nos. 1-2. The inscription of the temple is
Charlier 1955; for Thinissut, Merlin 1910, and for its dated to the 10th year of Masinissa’s reign, or to 139 BCE.
dating and discussion, Dridi, Sebaï 2008, 110. 12 Khanoussi 2003.
8 I have relied principally here on Khanoussi 2003 and 13 Aounallah, Golvin 2014, 47-140.
on Aounallah, Golvin 2016: the latter gives a complete 14 For the date of the foundation of the pagus Beschaouch
bibliography. 2011. For the pagus and civitas Gascou 1982; Aounallah 2010.
168 Elisabeth Fentress

Fig. 3 The monumental centre of Thugga: survey and interpretation of monuments after Golvin (J. Andrew Dufton).

These two communities were juridically and cul-

turally distinct. Although the pagus itself depend-
ed ultimately on Carthage15, epigraphic evidence
shows that the new forum complex was the work
of one of its members, L. Postumius Chius, togeth-
er with his sons16. Their building program, centred
on a temple to the imperial cult, in a decisive step
removed the shrines and memorials of their fellow
citizens. This was thus an extremely aggressive act,
that expressed in monumental buildings the total
dominance of the newly-arrived Romans over their
Numidian predecessors. Further buildings under-
lined loyalty to Rome. Under Marcus Aurelius a
Capitoline temple was erected at the east end of the
forum, turning its flank to the square17. It is nota-
ble that this latter was built by members of the elite
of the civitas who had achieved citizen status18, and
thus cannot be seen as a deliberate move on the part
of the Roman colonists to suppress the earlier tem-
ple, but rather an affirmation of loyalty on the part
of the indigenous population of the town. However,
the final promotion of Thugga to municipium, and
the elimination of the distinction between pagus and
civitas did not occur until the reign of Commodus,
while it only became a colonia with Gallienus19.

15 Beschaouch 2011; Aounallah 2010.

16 ILAfr 558, 37 CE.
Fig. 4 The monument to Masinissa beneath the tribune 17 CIL VIII, 2606; Quinn, Wilson 2013, 165.
and the Capitolium at Dougga (EF). 18 CIL VIII, 1471.
19 CIL VIII, 1550; Christol 1979.
 Coercive Urbanism: the Roman impact on North African towns 169

Chimtou/Simitthus

Another example of this process is found at Simit-

thus, another Numidian town with a strong emphasis
on the cult of the kings, expressed very beautifully with
the monument in Numidian marble that crowns the
marble hill in the centre of the town. Simitthus was, of
course, one of the great marble quarries, but new AMS
dates show that the site of the town had been occupied
from at least the eighth century BC, far from the earli-
est settlements on the coast20. Rome appropriated the
quarry as part of the imperial domain, installed a pris-
on camp to provide labour, and flattened the imposing
cemetery of well-built tumuli, or bazinas, to create their
forum (fig. 5). The town had certainly received a de-
duction of Roman citizens, probably under Caesar, and Fig. 5 The forum of Simitthus, showing the monumental
was confirmed as a colony by Augustus21. Recent geo- tombs beneath it (EF).
physical survey shows clearly an area of settlement to
the north in which the regular street grid and the small, ventus civium Romanorum: in the one instance where
two-roomed housing units closely resemble those of the a sondage went below Roman levels, in the temple
original plan of Timgad, and may represent housing for of Hother Miskar, the earlier Punic temple (if that is
veterans22. In the subsequent life of the town that result- what was found) revealed an entirely different plan
ed we can find little trace of a surviving Numidian elite: and orientation than the later structures, and seems
the epigraphy records a number of Roman citizens, as to extend beyond them, under the ruins of a rich
well as a handful of veterans23. On the hill above the house of the first century AD25. But the temple was
town the splendid altar decorated in the second cen- rebuilt, although on a smaller scale, and sacrifices
tury BC with low reliefs of spolia was converted into a continued to be made there. Another temple to an
temple to Saturn, eliminating the memory of whatever unknown divinity, identified by a Punic inscription
had been commemorated there24. mentioning Kohanim and banquets, was only re-
placed by a temple to Apollo under Hadrian26. Here,
Mactar too, an earlier agora seems to have been preserved
when a later forum was constructed in the early first
We do not know enough about the archaeology century AD. However, it was precisely within the
of other old Numidian and Punic towns to extend earlier agora that a temple to Augustus and Rome
this list. The case of Mactar is significant, though, was created. It appears that in this case a different
and provides a counter-example in a town with a dynamic was at work, and the local elite managed
certain institutional continuity, including suffetes in to preserve to some extent their urban monuments.
the first century AD and a temple to a Punic deity.
There appears to have been a certain continuity in Double towns and Roman colonization
religious observance in spite of the existence of a con-
The elimination of pre-Roman structures and
cults was thus not entirely systematic, and seems to
20 von Rummel et al. 2016, 101. have been carried out at a local level on the initiative of
21 CIL VIII, 1261=14612, 22197. For individuals from the new settlers rather than as a matter of government
these deductions see the recent examination of the policy. At this level we may also be dealing with some
early imperial epigraphy in Ardeleanu et al. 2019.
22 Ivi, fig. 2.
23 C.8 14608, ILS 2470. 25 Picard 1988.
24 Khanoussi et al. 1994. 26 Derudas 1990.
170 Elisabeth Fentress

of the local elites, anxious

to prove their loyalty to
Rome and its emperors.
This seems to have been
the case at Utica, Simit-
thus and Thugga, but it
was also the nature of the
beast, particularly where
there were new Italian
settlers. We should re-
member that many at
least of these were not
members of the elite (see
Vergil’s Eclogues I.64,
with the departure of the
shepherd to the ‘thirsty
Africans’). New colonists
had little or no interest in
third spaces and success-
ful integration: if integra-
tion were to take place it
was up to the colonized.
The real divisions be-
tween Africans and new
settlers become clearer if Fig. 6 Towns with evidence for autochthonous municipal structures.
we take the case of the op- Most of the ‘double’ towns stayed on the same
pidum of Uchi in the territory of Carthage, a Numidian real estate, however. There are multiple examples in
town again whose inception dates to around the fifth Africa Proconsularis of what French scholars have
century BC. Here an imperial freedman, perhaps M. called ‘communes doubles’: towns, like Thugga, in
Caelius Phileros, carried out the assignation of land to which there is a pagus of Roman citizens and a per-
the inhabitants of Uchi and to the coloni, establishing egrine civitas31. The first was administered by mag-
a boundary between them27. Aounallah believes that istri, the second by suffetes in the Punic tradition.
it was at this moment that Uchi was divided into two These occasionally act together when putting up
communities, Uchi Maior and Uchi Minus, with two dedications. These communities coexisted in some
separate settlements, the new coloni occupying that cases into the beginning of the third century AD.
which came to be known as Uchi Minus, 6 km away, How were these divides crossed, and to what
described on an inscription as an ‘oppidum civium extent? What was, in Greg Woolf’s formulation, the
Romanorum’28. The new coloni, clearly, had no desire “human experience of Roman imperialism”?32 At the
whatsoever for integration, even though the original level of the elite there was clearly less of a problem: we
pagus at Uchi contained some Marian settlers and its find Vitruvius chatting away with a nephew of Mas-
own group of Roman citizens of an earlier date29. Even- inissa who owned various oppida, and had plans for
tually, it would itself develop into a colonia, though not eugenics for his people (de Arch. 7.3.24). Other demon-
until Alexander Severus30. strations of cultural fluency by the Numidian elite are
hardly lacking – I detailed them in my earlier article.
27 C.8 26274 = ILTun 1370. But, on the ground, what sort of timing and what in-
28 AE 2002, 1681; Aounallah 2010, 63; Pliny NH, 5, 29.
29 Aounallah 2010, 59. 31 Aounallah 2010, 59.
30 Ibba 2006, 23-24. 32 Woolf 1992.
 Coercive Urbanism: the Roman impact on North African towns 171

ducements were going to be effective? We have seen ‘civitates LXIII pagi Thuscae et Gunzi’ that we know of
that within cities the Roman component of the popu- from an inscription, and must interpret as sixty-three
lation will have taken the lead in the refashioning of villages in one of the circumscriptions of Roman
the city centres. It is only after the reign of Hadrian Carthage, were administered, apart from by the suf-
that we see the two communities at Thugga acting to- fetes, by a council of elders, similar to those found
gether on public monuments and dedications, where in early modern villages, referred to as seniores and
the phrase uterque ordo is used up to the time of Com- principes. The pre-Roman village world was deep-
modus, when Thugga finally became a municipium. ly embedded in kinship relations and obligations.
Outside these, in a countryside peopled largely with Although the villages were not entirely outside the
villages, the changes would have been even slower. market – for some of their income probably derived
The subject of the communes doubles has been exhaus- from the pay that the men could earn as mercenar-
tively studied by Samir Aounallah and others33. What ies for Carthage – we must assume that the economy
it indicates is the level of diffusion of Italian colonisa- was basically one of subsistence, with taxes paid in
tion throughout the vast territory of Carthage, a diffu- kind. Roman law began to transform the kinship ob-
sion far greater than the relatively few coloniae of the ligations by defining the ownership of land, which
Augustan period would suggest. McMullen puts the will have moved from common ownership of both
figure at 50,000 for the Augustan period34. The individ- arable and pastureland to defined private property.
ual groups of settlers may not have been larger than If, initially, the actual private property was a mix-
100 individuals, but within the small Numidian com- ture of Roman estates, and colonial allotments, land
munities into which they were planted they occupied within individual villages will gradually have be-
an outsized space. That 42 of the towns are known to come disembedded from family structures towards
have had suffetes shows that each of them already private estates, probably heavily slanted towards
had some form of communal institution: fig. 6 shows the more powerful families in the community. The
those towns with evidence for autochthonous munic- model I suggested then was that of the Highland
ipal structures. Numidian – or Punic – people were in clearances36. In those communities in which colonists
occupation, and had a municipal organization, when were settled the effect would have been immediate:
the coloni moved in, and opposed their own. the great land surveys, the centuriation still visible
One of the most obvious effects of the new situ- today, were intended not only to map the new terri-
ation would have been the redefinition of landhold- tories for tax purposes but also to apportion land to
ing around the settlement. Some of the land would, the new settlers. The subtraction of the land of the
of course, have been confiscated and granted to the Numidians must have caused massive friction be-
new settlers. Some, as in the case of Thugga, would tween the communities, but also within the Numidi-
have been appropriated by the emperor himself for an community, where it will have accelerated the pri-
the imperial estates35. But even the status of the re- vatization of the land that remained. It is under these
maining land would have been radically restruc- circumstances that the new, dispersed farms would
tured. Here I would like to return to my original pro- begin to emerge around towns like Thugga, as the
posal, that it was the double influence of Roman law commonly-held pasture of the clans gave way to Ro-
and Roman taxation that effected the disembedding man law. Away from the coastal towns, in the heart-
of the Numidian population. The numerous civitates land of the Mejerda valley, there is little evidence for
stipendiariae of the early Roman province, such as the dispersed settlement before the second century AD.
At Segermes, relatively near Carthage, only four sites
33 Belkahia, Di Vita-Évrard 1995; Aounallah, Maurin were dated by Italian Sigillata to the first century AD,
2008; Quoniam 1959. and all of those were classified as ‘agglomerations
34 Macmullen 1981, 55; Lassère 1977, 143-233. Note rurales’. New colonists established farms outside the
that Caesar organized in all the emigration of 70,000 walls. The Dougga survey identified six probable
proletarii, though we do not know where they ended farms in the neighbourhood of the city with Repub-
up: Brunt 1971, 154.
35 See Abid 2019 for the imperial estate that bordered the
territory of Thugga. 36 Fentress 2006, 20.
172 Elisabeth Fentress

lican settlement indicated by black glaze pottery. For the agency of the individual became separated from
the Julio-Claudian period the number rises to thir- the agency of the clan, or tribe. As we have seen,
teen – but only three of the earlier ones continued however, the presence of Roman colonists through-
in occupation37. Bruce Hitchner has argued from ep- out the area will have complicated the process. How
igraphic evidence that the farms found closest to the did the relationship between the old and the new
town were those of the new settlers of the pagus38. communities change over time? Was the lived expe-
Now, Leslie Dossey has recently disputed the rience simply that of the ‘one happy family’ that the
idea that there was little dispersed settlement, ar- Thugga inscriptions that celebrate the joint actions
guing that it is entirely possible that the Numidian of the pagus and the civitas suggest? And did the
peasants did not ‘buy in’ to the marketing of Roman universal market simply lure the Numidian peasant
ceramics39, but this seems rather unlikely, given the away from his cosy, embedded, life towards a new,
presence of, for example, black-glazed pottery in ru- shared, material culture? Did the agency of that
ral tombs of the Republican period40. I am inclined material culture transform his life?42 What I want
to associate dispersed settlement either with the new to do here is to turn away from models based on
colonists or with indigenous families moving away globalization, and the dialectic between local and
from the tight kinship bonds of grouped settlements. global, towards an older concern, the relationship
The second century CE sees a widespread move to- between the colonizer and the colonized, for which
wards settlement in the countryside, stimulated both the French colonization of Algeria has given us am-
by the profits that could be made there and, with ple evidence. How did the relations of power play
Keith Hopkins, the necessity of commercializing po- out on the ground?
tential produce41. The infrastructure developed to ex- One of the primary debates of the 1960’s cen-
port grain and oil could then be harnessed to other tred on the question of assimilation, the process
products, like African Red Slip, that could piggyback by which the colonized shed their languages and
on the carts carrying grain to the coast and the ships habits and assimilated those of the colonizers. For
that carried it onwards to Rome. Trade flourished. that, of course, is what we are really talking about
But municipal status for the towns came late, if at all, when we talk of Romanization, a process that, in
and certainly followed the new urban and rural de- the post-colonial world, appears to have grown
velopment of the second century. Outside the cities far more touchy-feely than it once appeared, mul-
of the coast, it is only with the Severans, over two ticultural rather than asymmetrical and dominat-
centuries after the creation of the province, that the ed. Hingley justly observes that the history we tell
African boom can be mapped onto the urban stage. is that of our own time, when globalization is on
everyone’s mind, and cultural exchange the order
Globalisation and colonisation of the day43. My thesis was written in another time:
forty years ago it was informed by Franz Fanon,
Of course, even if slower than we might pre- and the recent end of the French colonization of
dict, the picture here looks like a relatively ‘soft’ Algeria44. One of our best informants on the social
transition, as trees were planted and irrigated and realities of French colonisation is Albert Memmi, a
Tunisian Jew educated at the Sorbonne – where it
37 Information kindly supplied by Silvia Polla, whose work was not initially clear that as a Tunisian he could be
on the pottery from the Dougga survey is found in her granted a degree45. His book, The colonizer and the
thesis (Polla 2006). For the survey as a whole, which colonized46, deals in agonizing detail with the fact
includes the territories of other neighbouring towns,
the numbers are 10 sites with black glaze and 26 Julio- 42 See Dietler 2018, 237-239 for a devastating critique of
Claudian sites, of which four showed occupation in the Actor Network Theory and the agency of things.
previous period. See the map in Scheding 2019, 176. 43 Hingley 2015, 19.
38 Hitchner 2016, 307. 44 Fentress 1979.
39 Dossey 2010, 48-54. 45 Professor at Nanterre, he eventually received the
40 Ben Jerbania, forthcoming. légion d’honneur.
41 Hopkins 1978, 16 f. 46 Memmi 1957 (1965). See also Césaire 2000 (1955).
 Coercive Urbanism: the Roman impact on North African towns 173

that “in order to be assimilated it is not enough to vainqueur”50. The initial relationship between the or-
leave one’s group, but one must enter another”47. dinary Roman colonists and the Numidians is hardly
And here the colonized, regularly met with the col- likely to have been more cordial.
onizer’s rejection. “A man straddling two cultures The linguistic situation is even more clearly re-
is rarely well seated”. lated. Far more distant from Latin than, say, Oscan,
I want to use the analogy of the French coloni- the Afro-Asiatic Libyan language had also used a
zation to review the various ways in which coloni- completely different alphabet. But if the entire bu-
zation could play out: the achievement of citizen- reaucracy and court system used the language of the
ship, the use of language, memory and tradition, colonizer, visible as well on everything from monu-
willingness to keep the peace. This is obviously the mental inscriptions to grave markers, bilingualism
reverse of the standard colonial anachronism about was a precondition for all culture, all communica-
bringing civilization to the barbarians, and I am tion and all progress. Learning Latin was a neces-
perfectly aware of its pitfalls, but it is worth at least sary first step for the Punic and Libyan populations.
remembering how analogous it used to seem. As Memmi writes, “Possession of two languages is
A useful index of the process of assimilation into not merely a matter of having two tools, but actu-
French culture was legal status: how many Algerians ally means participation in two psychical and cul-
achieved French citizenship after the first decree that tural realms. Here, the two worlds symbolized and
made the process possible, that of 1865? More than conveyed by the two tongues are in conflict, they
one prefect declared their firm opposition, fearing that are those of the colonizer and the colonized”51. This
giving the ‘indigènes’ the right to vote would put the throws some light on the disappearance of the Liby-
‘real’ French at risk. A law of 1919 limited applicants an languages – though not Punic – by the end of the
to those that had served in the army, or who had a third century in many parts of North Africa.
son who had done so, were property owners, had a Another transition is found in the exchange of
high standing in their community and could read and memories. Famously, early textbooks in Algerian
write French48. It was not until 1945, about a century schools would refer to ‘nos ancêtres les Gaulois’,
after the conquest, that Algerians could be granted just as they did in France: children learned far more
more or less full French citizenship, although they still about the Merovingians than they did about the
voted in a separate, minority electoral college. In the Aghlabids, about Joan of Arc than about the Ka-
entire history of French Algeria only 7000 Algerians hena. I think we can look at the razing of the city
were actually nationalized. Between 1919 and 1930, of centres in much the same way. We have seen that
1547 applications almost 50% were refused, and only the monument to Masinissa in the agora of Thug-
760 were nationalized49. Is it any wonder that even ga was eliminated by the middle of the first centu-
among the richest families of the Thugga civitas only ry AD, and the Punic centre of Utica together with
a tiny few were Roman citizens? Meynier sums up whatever monuments it contained was eliminated
the dynamic creating the barriers between the French over a hundred years earlier. The fate of the Simit-
colons, hardly members of an elite, and the Algeri- thus monument is less certain, but at some point it
ans, as follows: “les «Pieds noirs» étaient les agents in was transformed into a sanctuary to Saturn. These
situ de rapports de domination dont la précarité, face memorials, which to some extent perpetuated a cult
aux Algériens dépossédés et discriminés, renforçait of the Numidian kings, were often replaced with
un racisme anti-algérien de compensation: mépriser buildings to the imperial cult. With that cult came
ces Algériens soumis, c’était projeter sur des tiers le the association of the flaminate which was one of
mépris de soi-même, mais un soi-même transmué en the chief roads into the urban elite, offering a way
for the ambitious local to demonstrate their loyalty
and devotion to the emperor, just as it did for Ital-
47 Memmi 1957 (1965), 168. ian liberti. The promotion of the imperial cult pos-
48 Renucci 2004.
49 https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statut_juridique_des_
indigènes_d’Algérie:_Naturalisation_%C2%BB_des_ 50 Meynier 2014, par. 17.
indigènes (consulted 20/10/2019). 51 Memmi 1965 (1974), 151.
174 Elisabeth Fentress

itively required the elimination of the royal cults look for eventual signs of hybridization, there that
that preceded it, and with the royal cult went his- intermarriage between Romans and Numidians
tory and the memory of local heroes. High culture will have quickly followed the arrival of the army55.
replaced Juba’s histories with Vergil, while even And yet it is difficult even along the frontier to see
the Numidian cavalry was only celebrated outside much fusion: I have argued that the early third-cen-
of Africa. There is only a little evidence for resist- tury elites of Timgad and Lambaesis actually made
ance to the wholescale Romanization of the past: a fetish of Rome and its culture. In the towns of the
Matthew McCarty has pointed out that there was a limes there is little evidence of any Numidian input
burst of tophet construction in the Numidian heart- beyond the nickname ‘Iugurtha’ given to a member
lands after the Roman conquest creating Punic tra- of Timgad’s elite in the Severan period56.
ditions where there had been none before52. I do not believe that we are looking here at sit-
Finally, many authors have commented on the uations brought about by a desire on the part of the
fact that peace, both in Numidia and Africa Pro- Roman state to ‘Romanize’ the African provinces.
consularis, was maintained by only one legion and There was little need to create new cities in the
a few auxiliaries, a tiny military presence in a vast effectively urbanised African landscape. Indeed,
space. This is of course true enough, at least from the there is little uniformity in the various monuments
second century CE, after the revolt of the Musulami constructed to the cult of the emperor: the choices of
had been put down. Numbers were overwhelming- each community or individual created subtle varia-
ly on the Numidian side, why did they not revolt? tions in these expressions of loyalty. But I have no
First, of course, we have seen that Roman colonists, doubt that they were encouraged at some level to
largely veterans, were systematically settled even in profess their devotion in this fashion: the stately an-
the smallest communities, able to report on any mut- nual process of the governor and his suite between
terings against the state. Swift communications also the conventus centres as he presided over the law
played a part: here, too, Memmi sheds light “for each courts will have stimulated and encouraged these
colonist killed, hundreds or thousands of the colo- displays57. The distance between the agents of the
nized have been or would be exterminated”53. state and the colonial elites was bridged by these
There are, of course, various spheres in which occasions, which would have increased commu-
the analogy with French colonization works less nication in both directions. Josephine Quinn and
well. Material culture, for one, undergoes in Africa a Andrew Wilson have demonstrated that a spate of
far less obvious transition than elsewhere: Carthage Capitolia building by local elites took place from
was already producing black glaze pottery. African the Antonine through the Severan period, and pro-
ceramics in a Roman tradition, genuinely recursive pose that it is a symptom of the growing integration
with the preceding sigillata potteries, quickly took of Africans into the institutional structures of the
over the Mediterranean. Housing was rectangular empire: building Capitolia advertised the loyalty
and stone-built from the ninth century BC54. Pol- of both individuals and towns58. But the crushing
ytheism on both sides allowed a greater accept- predominance of the Roman over the native elite
ance of the gods of the others than was found in
French Algeria. But on the ground there seems no
55 Pace Cherry 1998, who seems to imagine that a woman
doubt that the social process of Romanization was with a Roman name on her tombstone was necessarily
long drawn-out and painful. One of the few ‘third a citizen. See for this issue Scheidel 2010, 424, citing
spaces’ available, service in the auxiliaries and, for papyrological evidence (Gnomon of the Idioslogus 53)
eventual citizens, in the legion, was in an area, the that the wives of veterans were allowed to adopt
Numidian limes, very far from the towns of Africa Roman names. He also notes that de facto wives of
Proconsularis. It is there, on the limes, that we might auxiliary veterans tend to have non-Roman names. For
the impact of auxiliary veterans on the frontier zones
see Haynes 2013, 355-367.
52 McCarty 2017. 56 CIL VIII, 2409 - 8.17909; Fentress 1984.
53 Memmi 1965 (1974), 137. 57 On the conventus centres Lepelley 2001.
54 Sanmartí et al. 2012. 58 Quinn, Wilson 2013, 167.
 Coercive Urbanism: the Roman impact on North African towns 175

would have precluded the formation of an authen- mistrust, arrogance, self-complacency, swinishness,
tic ‘third space’. The structure of the state and its brainless elites, degraded masses”61 – we cannot pre-
power relations made that impossible59. tend that these didn’t exist.
That Roman Africa did bloom, and prosper, that The stimulating debate about globalization
its lands become model Roman provinces by the during the conference poses the question as to why
third century, can hardly be denied. Although Hob- it has been taken up (and ‘Romanisation’ discard-
son rightly questions the equal distribution of that ed) with such enthusiasm in Britain and the Neth-
growth, the wide distribution of solid opus africa- erlands. One reason might be that the ancient con-
num farms suggests a relatively comfortable peasant text of Britannia was so very different from that
class60. The African elite found ways to imitate the of Africa: all provinces were not alike. On the one
appropriate model to the point of disappearing into hand, Britannia was not urbanised, and the creation
it, while many of the non-elite found ways to adapt of towns would have been necessary for organiz-
to the system. This is the Africa so often celebrated as ing the collection of taxes and a minimum of infra-
a success story. To quote Memmi again “there is no structure and markets, not least in order to supply
problem which the erosion of history cannot resolve, the army. The new towns replaced, rather than
it is a question of time and generations”. But the flour- imposed themselves on, earlier settlements. Their
ishing, integrated provinces cannot be back-projected foundation often brought with it precisely the same
to the first century AD. The ways in which this took structures of loyalty that we found in the Numidian
place should not be glossed over by simple images of towns: one thinks of the temple of Claudius at Cam-
elite opportunism and competition, although those ulodunum – in the words of Tacitus quasi arx aeterna
certainly existed, nor by a sort of Roman global Zeit- dominationis (Ann. 14.31)62. On the other hand, there
geschichte that gradually permeated the colonized, cre- was no substantial arrival of new settlers besides
ating a recursive exchange of cultures. The inequality the veterans. Soldiers came and went, perhaps set-
of the power relationships between the two parties tling in the frontier zone but not necessarily: in any
was just too great. Rather than by soft penetration case, we do not see much wholescale appropriation
through the heightened connectivity of global trade, of the land of native communities except in the im-
colonial relationships were permeated by extreme mediate vicinity of the frontier. This is of course
imbalances of power, by dominance and by submis- strikingly different from the picture in Africa any-
sion. It is my view that, at the local level, relationships where but in Tingitana. Then, there is the dearth of
between the two communities for many generations epigraphy, replaced, in the case of Vindolanda, by
were characterized more by friction and mistrust than private letters that are the opposite of the myriad
by friendly cooperation, intermarriage and hybrid- public-facing pronouncements of North Africa: this,
ization. We have seen that at Utica and at Simitthus as well as their very diverse archaeologies, renders
a clean sweep was made of the city centre, removing the epistemology of the two areas as radically dif-
any symbolic site where local elites might re-form and ferent as their histories. And, finally, Britain and the
take a stand. At Thugga, instead, existing monuments Netherlands were imperial powers. That experience
were converted: a temple to Masinissa was rebuilt as is slowly being forgotten or repressed. Emphasis on
one to Tiberius. But in none of these cases did the ear- the agency of the colonized and dismissal of that of
lier monuments survive intact. As in Orwell’s 1984, the colonizer deflects attention from their strikingly
the original monuments were either destroyed or unequal fields of action, and the exiguity of spac-
repurposed, their meaning or even existence forgot- es for negotiation within a colony. The ‘others’ may
ten. Without going so far as to limit Roman-Numidian have more voice today than they ever had in their
interaction to Césaire’s characterisation of colonialism own time. The equation of Roman and French col-
– “forced labour, intimidation, pressure, the police, onisation may be anachronistic, simplistic and old
taxation, theft, rape, compulsory crops, contempt, hat, but there are many ways in which it works.

59 For a Marxist analysis of this issue see Faulkner 2007. 61 Césaire 2000 (1955), 42.
60 Hobson 2014. 62 Fishwick 1961, 162.
176 Elisabeth Fentress

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dafrika. Zum Einfluss von mikroregionalen Wirtschafts- und
Britannia and Germania
From colonial discourse to post-colonial theory: Roman archaeology
and the province of Britannia
Richard Hingley*

Abstract change from accounts that focus on Romanization to

counternarratives that contend that identities in the
This paper addresses the development of archaeological Roman past were far more fluid and situational than
research on Roman Britain over the past thirty years. At earlier writers had suggested. This has been charac-
the start of this period, the theory or Romanization formed a terized as part of a transition from colonial discourse
popular explanatory concept, although the development of a to post-colonial theory, during which the concept of
‘post-colonial’ Roman approach was soon to direct critical at- Romanization has been heavily critiqued and aban-
tention to this tradition. The past twenty years of research has doned by many of the archaeologists working in Brit-
witnessed the rise of a focus on the idea that the identities of ain (Hingley 2005). The concept of Romanization cre-
the peoples of Roman Britain were multiple and overlapping ated a theory that provides far too specific a focus on
as interest has been directed to studying the mobility (migra- the role of Rome in the process of social change. What,
tion), ethnicity, status and gender of the disparate commu- indeed, was (or is) the meaning of Rome or Roman
nities that formed the province. This recent scholarship has when we address the people of Britain? The culture
largely turned away from the traditional topics of the actions that spread with Rome was multifaceted and derived
of dominant (male) rulers and historical events, which has from across the entire empire. By seeking to become
been left primarily to ancient historians and classicists. Roman, individuals adopted certain practices and be-
liefs that were derived from a wide range of peoples
Introduction spread across the Mediterranean and western Europe,
but this rarely required the entire abandonment of
their existing identities.
This paper explores the history of the study of Ro-
Traditionally, Romanization studies aimed to
man identity and social change in Britain, focusing at-
get around the conceptual difficulty posed by the
tention on research that has been published since 1990.
idea of a single coherent Roman identity by spec-
This has been a key time for the development of theo-
ifying that different traditions of social change oc-
retical archaeology in Britain and a period in which ar-
curred in particular province or regions, but that
chaeological writings about the province of Britannia
all of them were united by common factors that in-
have had a considerable influence on research in other
cluded the spread of towns and villas. In the case of
countries1. During this time, there has been a gradual
the mainland of Britain, the tradition of study since
the late nineteenth century has established a dis-
* Department of Archaeology. Durham University. tinction between at least three zones, the ‘civilized’
[email protected] south of the province which was swiftly conquered
1 This paper consciously focuses on the British tradition and absorbed with the spread of urban centres and
of critical Roman studies, while not supposing that this
research has developed in an international vacuum.
Scholars working in Britain have always been tied of Roman studies in the United Kingdom and, more
into to international networks of contacts, but in this specifically in England, where the post-colonial agenda
paper the focus is on the changing intellectual context first took a firm root.
182 Richard Hingley

villas, a northern and western ‘military zone’ with tion is directed in this paper to the rise of accounts
forts and soldiers, and the lands that lay beyond the of that draw upon the concept that identities in Ro-
northern frontier in Scotland which were never con- man Britain (and the Roman empire) were multi-
quered by Rome (Hingley, forthcoming). These mil- ple, situational, fluid and transformational. Some
itary and civil districts were first clearly articulated of this work falls into the category of ‘globalization
by Francis Haverfield in his article ‘The Romaniza- studies’, accounts that adopt the idea that identities
tion of Roman Britain’ (1906). This seminal paper within the Roman empire spread so widely because
also outlined a coherent narrative for the process the malleable culture of Rome helped to express in-
through which the elite of the southern part of the dividual identities in powerful new ways (cf. Witch-
province were felt to have been ‘Romanized’ (Hing- er 2017, 643). A proliferation of approaches has
ley 2000, 33-35). Haverfield’s contribution inspired developed as researchers have focused sustained
an extensive body of work during the succeeding attention since around 2000, on the complex identi-
eighty years that elaborated and supplemented this ties of the peoples of Late Iron Age and Roman Brit-
approach to the civil and military populations of ain. These accounts have included detailed studies
Roman Britain. of the mobility of the populations who lived in Ro-
During the course of the twentieth century, man Britain. Additional research has addressed the
however, it was gradually realized that the distinc- highly variable ways that individuals and commu-
tions that Haverfield had defined between military nities responded to the Roman conquest and to the
and civil districts of Roman Britain were far too assimilation of the province, including work upon
specific to characterize the complexity of the land- gender, status and religion (cf. articles in Millett,
scapes that characterized the province of Britannia. Revell, Moore 2016).
Martin Millett’s influential book The Romanization of Identities in Roman Britain are seen, in many
Britain (1990) revigorated Roman studies by provid- recent accounts, to be just as complex, situational
ing a new and comprehensive account of the way and contested as those of the peoples living in Brit-
that Roman identity had, apparently, spread to a ain today (cf. Hingley, Bonacchi, Sharpe 2018). This
large number of people living across the southern sustained attention to the highly variable identities
‘civil’ part of the Roman province. Millett’s account of the disparate peoples of Roman Britain, however,
aimed to give greater agency to the elite groups of has (perhaps) served to erode comprehension of the
the province, arguing that they actively wished to broader imperial context of the province (cf. Hingley,
participate in Roman culture out of a desire to im- forthcoming). People may have adopted new ideas
prove their own lives and to increase their wealth and materials to fashion their identities in creative
and influence. Despite the new insights that this ways, but what actually drove Roman imperial ex-
book offered, the focus on Romanization that Mil- pansion? Who benefited most and who lost out? It
lett pursued failed to appeal to many of a new gen- is suggested at the end of this paper that a renewed
eration of researchers in Britain who were intent on focus is required to address the violence and political
developing approaches that rejected the earlier nar- force that was used by powerful Roman men to kill,
ratives about Roman Britain (cf. papers in Webster, manipulate and marginalize many people during the
Cooper 1996 and Mattingly 1997). conquest and occupation of Britain.
Two themes in the development of Roman stud-
ies in Britain are explored below, focusing upon: The problems with Romanization: tire-
a) the critical reaction to the theory of Romani- less, dedicated (male) servants
sation that occurred during the 1990s,
b) the rise of a focus on the complexity and varia- Martin Millett took an old theory and revital-
bility of the identities of peoples of Roman Britain. ized it for a new age. Romanization was a product
The first of these themes has been discussed of the late nineteenth century, a concept that was
so extensively in earlier work that only a summa- initially developed in the influential publications of
ry will be provided (cf. Webster 1996; Hingley 2000; Thedor Mommsen and Francis Haverfield. Haver-
Mattingly 2002; Hingley 2005, 14-46). Greater atten- field provided a particularly insightful account of
 From colonial discourse to post-colonial theory: Roman archaeology and the province of Britannia 183

‘The Romanization of Roman Britain’ (1906) outlin- als as a result of a process of emulation encouraged
ing an approach that continued to dominate Roman by the system of patron-client relations that was
studies for almost a century. This school of research fundamental to society.
created a substantial body of published work during This general approach to self-Romanization
the twentieth century that addressed the civil and was also very effectively utilized by Greg Woolf in
military populations and infrastructure of Roman his highly-influential book Becoming Roman (1998)
Britain. Barry Cunliffe wrote a memorable review and by John Creighton in his Coins and Power in the
of twelve recently published volumes on Roman Late Iron Age of Britain (2000). It established what
Britain in 1984, commenting on the old-fashioned has been titled a ‘new-orthodoxy’ in Roman stud-
character of these narratives: ies, with many imitators (Hanson 1997, 67). Woolf
The overall impression that one gets reading and Creighton were circumspect in their adoption
the books and papers on Roman Britain published of the term ‘Romanization’ since some of their peers
in the late 1970s and early 80s is of Britannia as an had already become highly critical of the use of the
aged, cosseted old lady, sitting immobile in an air- term and the concepts that it incorporated (Web-
less room reeking of stale scent, fawned on by a ster, Cooper 1996). Nevertheless, the accounts that
bevy of tireless, dedicated servants. Can we not at formed the ‘new orthodoxy’ picked up the earlier
least open a window or two? (Cunliffe 1984, 178). focus on the local elite groups to account for the
Eleven of these twelve volumes were written process of social change within Roman Britain and
by men, and the gender bias in Roman studies that the empire.
privileged men was swiftly picked up in critical ac- The concept of Romanization, whether it was
counts of research upon Roman Britain (Scott 1993; used explicitly or by association, continued in these
cf. Hanscam, Quiery 2018)2. works to provide the explanation for the spread
Millett wished to pursue a very different agen- of a coherent ‘Roman’ identity, although all these
da by outlining an account of Romanization that writings payed far greater attention to the agency
was more in keeping with the views and aspirations of the provincial elite that came into contact with
of his own generation (Millett 1990, xv). The impact Rome. They also assumed that less powerful peo-
of two world wars and the de-colonization of the ples of Roman Britain wished to adopt Roman con-
British empire, which had been largely completed cepts and material practices by emulating the rich
by the late 1980s, resulted in a conscious desire for and powerful (cf. Hingley 2005, 42). This overall
new approaches that de-emphasized the centrality approach provided a new way of comprehending
of influence of Rome on the peoples of its empire. identity and social change that built upon earlier
The Roman elite in southern Britain were now con- accounts of Romanization that had suggested an
sidered to have had rather greater power, or agency, entirely dominant role for the governors, senior ad-
over their lives than many previous scholars had al- ministrators and military personnel that were sta-
lowed. They were felt to have exploited the new cir- tioned in Britannia.
cumstances that resulted from the Roman invasion The works of Millett and Woolf started the pro-
by taking the opportunity to Romanize themselves; cess of undermining the old idea that Romans car-
this was felt to be a process which required far less ried a coherent cultural package with them when
of a direct involvement from the senior Romans, they traveled west and north before finally reaching
emperors and governors, who invaded Britain that Britain. Other works added further insights. Roman
earlier accounts had suggested. Therefore, much of legionary and auxiliary soldiers, of course, had a
the ‘Roman’ culture that spread across Britain was very different type of Roman identity from the ur-
considered to have been adopted willingly by the ban elites of the civil parts of the province (cf. James
elites and passed down to less-powerful individu- 2001; cf. Mattingly 2006). The accounts did rela-
tively little, however, to challenge the central role
played by Rome in the identities of the peoples of
2 It is important to note that several female researchers
the military and civilian populations of Roman Brit-
made highly significant contributions to the study of
ain; they merely incorporated the provincial elites
Roman Britain prior to the 1990s.
184 Richard Hingley

and some of the soldiers into the peoples who had across the Roman province of Britannia are now seen
an active agency as they aimed in their own ways to to have been multiple, complex, situational and trans-
‘become Roman’. Carol van Driel-Murray observed formative, providing a reflection on how far research
that the reading of ‘culture’ inherent in many earli- has changed since 1990. I will consider two of Pitt’s
er accounts obscures a variety of complex archaeo- themes in greater detail.
logical materials by focusing upon the identity of
ill-defined, undifferentiated and apparently entire- Race, ethnicity and diaspora
ly male elite (2003, 200).
While the Victorians and Edwardians were pri- The topics of multiculturalism and diaspora di-
marily interested in the towns (colonies and civitas rectly overlap and have been the subject of detailed
capitals), villas and military sites, archaeologists research, in both the military and civil spheres of
had gradually come to realize that Roman Britain Roman Britain. Students of the Roman military in
could not be adequately characterized by focusing Britain have been fully aware of the widespread
upon the provincial elites, whether civil or military geographical origins of the legionary and auxiliary
(cf. Hingley 2000; Webster 1996). Much of the atten- soldiers that served in Britain for well over a centu-
tion of archaeologists was switching to the study of ry as the result of the inscribed burial monuments
archaeological sites that did not fit so closely into the that have been found in large numbers across the
category of ‘Roman’ sites, including the many nu- province, especially at the legionary fortresses and
cleated settlements (often called small towns) and in the frontier zones (e.g. Tomlin 2018). The exca-
the multitude of rural settlements that were distrib- vations at Vindolanda (Northumberland) have
uted across Roman Britain. The new understanding added considerably to this picture by providing a
derived from this broader range of sites helped ar- wealth of information, including the famous ‘let-
chaeologists to develop a variety of new perspec- ters’, which have provided deep insights into the
tives which have emerged to challenge the rather Batavian and Tungrian auxiliary units stationed at
simplistic character of the theory of Romanization. this late first century and early second century fort
Accounts of Roman Britain have come to critique (Bowman 2003; Bowman 2006).
the idea that Roman identities were easily defined, What has changed substantially over the past
as researchers came to focus greater attention on a two decades is the available information for the
wider variety of people, including the greater atten- mobility of large numbers of civilians in addi-
tion paid to women, children, slaves and migrants. tion to soldiers, including women and children in
addition to the male soldiers. Extensive research
A multiplicity of identities using aDNA and isotope analysis and additional
studies based on cranial measurement has indi-
The focus of study with regard to the Roman past cated that fairly large numbers of migrants came
in Britain has been transformed with a diversifying fo- to settle in Britain from across the Roman world,
cus on multiple identities. David Mattingly has used especially at London and some of the other towns
the concept of ‘discrepant experiences’ to outline an of Britain, including Winchester and York (Eck-
approach that seeks to undermine the centrality of Ro- ardt 2010; Eckardt, Müldner 2016). Evidently, mi-
manocentric perspectives in several works, including gration was not in one direction, into Britain from
his substantial synthetic volume, An Imperial Posses- the Continent, but also occurred in the opposite
sion (2006). This growing diversity of approaches is direction (Ivleva 2016). These studies have also
also fully represented by the papers included in the addressed the types material culture associated
44 individual articles included in the Oxford Handbook with personal adornment and the eating of food
of Roman Britain (Millett, Revell, Moore 2016). Mike that may have been associated with people who
Pitts has observed that this volume contains discus- came to settle in Britain.
sion of topics such as ‘multiculturalism, diasporas, Some accounts have drawn upon concepts of
status, deviancy, power and gender’, issues that con- ethnicity to address the topic while others addressed
cern the past as well as the present (2016). Identities race or multiculturalism, drawing a direct com-
 From colonial discourse to post-colonial theory: Roman archaeology and the province of Britannia 185

parison with contemporary Britain (cf. Tolia-Kelly increasing interest in, and give enhanced roles to,
2010; Nesbitt 2016). Ethnicity has been found to be the non-elite. The development of the database for
a useful concept by many archaeologists address- Roman Britain has played a significant part in this
ing Roman Britain, since rather than being seen as changed perspective, as the Roman Rural Settlement
fixed and stable, it is usually interpreted as having Project directed significant attention to the types
been flexible and transformative (cf. Jones 1997). of rural archaeological sites that were neglected in
Individuals held a complex range of identities of previous studies (Smith et al. 2016; Allen et al. 2017;
which ethnicity was one. The concept of diaspora Smith et al. 2017).
was consciously adopted in one of the key studies Criticism has also emerged of gender imbalanc-
of mobilities into Roman Britain as a reflection of es within academia. As already noted, the themes
the politics of outreach and the relevance of the Ro- behind many studies of the Roman past overlap
man past to the topic of migration in the recent past with the concerns of the present. There has been
(Eckart 2010). Hella Eckardt and Gundula Müldner the development of a more even distribution of
have reflected that the identification of migrants in women and men amongst the active researchers as
the British past is a potentially emotive topic in con- traditional academic power structures have been
temporary Britain and careful engagement with the partly eroded. Table 1 demonstrates the increasing
public is required (2016, 215; cf. Beard 2017). involvement of women in publication by explor-
This work has caused further reflection upon ing three of the edited volumes that have address
the earlier scholarship that addressed Roman Brit- Roman Britain since 2002. Female authors have be-
ain, further eroding the idea that the Romanized come far better represented, as has also been the
peoples of the southern areas of the province were case at the annual Theoretical Roman Archaeology
necessarily descendants of the original Iron Age Conferences (cf. K. Greene 2005, 8-9).
population (Hingley 2017). It has long been accept-
ed that many Roman soldiers came to Britain and Publication
male female
settled in the frontier areas, although it appears authors authors
increasingly likely that the inhabitants of the most The Roman Era: Short Oxford
well connected of the towns of southern Britain History of the British Isles 2002 8 1
were also highly ethnically and culturally mixed. (editor, Peter Salway)
By contrast, we have little idea about the vast ma- A Companion to Roman Britain
2004 17 8
jority of the population that lived in the rural areas (editor, Malcom Todd)
of the province since scientific analysis has rarely The Oxford Handbook of
been undertaken on human remains from the ceme- Roman Britain (editors,
2016 22 22
teries that accompanied these sites and it is suspect- Martin Millett, Louise Revell,
Alison Moore)
ed that there may have been less incomers (Hingley,
Bonacchi, Sharpe 2018). Tab. 1 The gender of the editors and authors of papers in
recent volumes on Roman Britain.
Status, power and gender
There were clearly some highly influential
Roman society was highly stratified and tradi- women in Britain, as indicated by the leadership of
one of the Iron Age peoples, the Brigantes, by Car-
tional studies have tender to focus on the lives and
timandua, and also by Boudica’s role in leading the
actions of elite men. This was one of the central crit-
Iceni and Trinovantes to war with Rome in AD 60.
icisms that was developed by ‘post-colonial’ attacks
Despite this, the writings of the classical authors
on the theory of Romanization; that this theory
who addressed Britain focused their attention to the
placed far too much emphasis on the lives and ac-
dominant men of the Roman empire and military
tions of senior Roman men, including emperors and
and administrative history of the province includes
governors, officers, and legionary and auxiliary sol-
the names of relatively few women (e.g. Birley 2005;
diers. Many works since the 1990s have addressed
Tomlin 2018). Females did not act as governors and
status and power in new ways which have payed
senior administrators and, obviously, were unable
186 Richard Hingley

to join the legionary or auxiliary forces. Research 367). Status is a comparable category of identity that
has begun to give the women of Roman Britain is highly transformative and deeply tied to defini-
more of a voice, as the writing tablets from the early tions of gender.
forts at Vindolanda indicate (E. Greene 2013). Wom- Two additional writing tablets from other sites
en and children clearly formed a significant part of in London refer to female slaves (Tomlin 2003).
the military community at Vindolanda, as shown Male and female slaves will have been common in
by the leather footwear derived from these excava- Roman Britain, although this topic has not been ex-
tions (E. Greene 2005, cf. Allison 2013). We are able plored in sufficient detail. As a result, there is rela-
to see that some senior Roman women had active tively little discussion of slaves in the Oxford Hand-
social lives that involved travelling across substan- book and in some other recent accounts of Roman
tial parts of the empire (Foubert 2013). There will Britain, although others discuss the topic as fully as
certainly have been females involved in agriculture the available information will allow (e.g. Matting-
and craft production, although the gender of such ly 2006; Hingley 2018). Innovative work on human
workers is usually impossible to determine. bones is seeking to document the contribution that
It is important, however, not to underestimate bioarchaeology can make to the study of slavery,
the marginalization of women in the empire. Louise addressing patterns of physiological stress and dis-
Revell has addressed the marginalization of wom- ease that may have been associated with how slaves
en, children and the poor in the Roman past (2016, were treated (Redfern 2018). It is probable that there
2-5). The second most substantial collection of writ- is no straightforward way to distinguish the en-
ing tablets from Britain is for the Bloomberg site in slaved people of Roman Britain from poor indus-
London and these do nothing to help to correct this trial and agricultural workers, although the study
bias (Tomlin 2016). These name a total of almost of human bones from burials does offer the oppor-
100 men with connections with the Roman port tunity to provide insight into the marginalization
and town in the first century AD, including traders of significant proportions of the Romano-British
and troops, but do not name a single woman. There population, providing a counter to the elite focus of
were clearly women living in London and in other much previous research.
towns in Britain, although they are not represented The varying status of peoples across the prov-
in these letters. Attempts have been made to coun- ince requires substantial additional research and
ter the male bias in earlier narratives by addressing recent discoveries raise important issues. Many ac-
the available information for children and women counts focus on the agency of individuals but how
in Roman Britain, particularly drawing on informa- free were many of the less privileged occupants of
tion from burials and bioarchaeology (e.g. Gowland Roman Britain in the choices that they could make
2016; Sherratt, Moore 2016). about their lives? Roman society was dominated by
Some innovative research has also begun to relationships between patron and client and there
challenge the assumptions of earlier scholars that the are also indications from the classical texts that
gender categories in Roman Britain were naturally discuss Gaul and Britain that broadly comparable
and entirely binary by commencing an exploration practices of patronage was fundamental to Iron
of concepts of transgender archaeology (cf. Pinto, Age societies (Hingley, forthcoming). Patron-client
Pinto 2012). Some interesting research has emerged, relationships were fundamental to the Batavian
particularly with regard to several Roman-period and Tungrian military communities described by
burials, including the Harper Road person from the Vindolanda letters, with the commanding of-
Southwark in London, a skeleton in an early Roman ficers of the garrison acting as patrons to many of
burial that is morphologically female but had male the soldiers under their command. The Bloomberg
chromosomes (Redfern et al. 2017; Hingley, Bonac- letters from London have also provided a highly
chi, Sharpe 2018). Gender is performative and not important insight by naming several freedmen who
fixed through biology; like other aspects of identity, were involved in trade in London on behalf of their
it is part of an ongoing project maintained through former masters who were Roman citizens living
practices of everyday living (Sherratt, Moore 2016, abroad (Tomlin 2016).
 From colonial discourse to post-colonial theory: Roman archaeology and the province of Britannia 187

The sustained focus on the agency of the com- in Britain, as in other countries, between the schol-
mon people of Roman Britain has avoided the issue ars who pursue archaeological approaches to the
that many members of the population will have had Roman past and the ancient historians and litera-
only limited power over the many significant choic- ture scholars who focus far more of their attention
es that they made. How realistic is it to suppose that on interpreting classical text. Francis Haverfield
free young men were offered the opportunity to join was a classical scholar who became deeply inter-
the Roman auxiliaries? Their patrons and masters ested in the archaeology of Roman Britain because
may have dominated every important decision that it provided a direct means to interpret the Roman
such individuals were able to make. To what extent past, although relatively few later researchers have
were men and women allowed to set up in trade attempted to cross the divide between material re-
and industry in order to improve their lives by mak- mains and classical text. The discovery of new texts
ing money? The Bloomberg Letters ask the question in Latin on excavations at sites such as Vindolanda,
of exactly how free members of the non-elite may Bath (Somerset) and London has brought archaeol-
have been to pursue career options. Where such in- ogists into a direct engagement with the study of
dividuals really given much of an opportunity by texts. Yet, scholars in different fields retain their
their patrons about the ways that they could to de- own specialisms and focus their interests in differ-
velop their lives under Roman rule? ent ways.
Religion and language are two further topics There are distinct problems in attempting a
that have seen extensive discussion which has fo- study of the past that draws upon both classical
cused on identities. Innovative work on the lan- texts and material remains and during the second
guages spoken and written in Roman Britain has half of the last century archaeologists used to con-
emerged as a result of the discovery of extensive sider that their discipline had been dominated by
sources of ‘new Latin’, uncovered at sites includ- historical accounts, as Cunliffe’s comments (above)
ing Vindolanda, Bath and London. New research reflected. There has been such a wealth of new ar-
has addressed how language evolved from the Iron chaeological research since 1990, however, that we
Age throughout the Roman occupation, addressing can surely be more confident about the strengths
pre-Roman languages and also the spread of spo- (and limitations) of our discipline. The drive to-
ken and written Latin (Williams 2007; Mullen 2016). ward more complex concepts of identity has devel-
The information derived from the Portable Antiqui- oped as a direct reaction to previous scholarship,
ties Scheme, which records artefacts located by met- providing vital new approaches and information
al detector users, allows for example the plotting of about the Roman past. We might, however, wish to
the distribution of styli across the Roman province, rethink approaches to power in Roman Britain and
posing questions about the spread of Latin. Work of the empire.
Roman religion has begun to expand knowledge of Many of the topics that used to form the focus
the wide range of beliefs of the peoples of Roman for an earlier generation of Roman archaeologists
Britain, the flexible ways in which divinities were have ceased to be popular, as the Oxford Handbook
evoked and the wide range of contexts in which ob- clearly illustrates. The Introduction includes an
jects were deposited for ritual reasons (e.g. Smith eight-page timeline for Roman Britain, which pro-
2016; Zoll 2016). vides an extremely brief summary of significant
events in the history of the province. The chronolo-
Issues of history and power gy of the conquest and the roles of senior (invariably
male) Romans, including emperors, governor and
Some concerns remain, however, about the imperial officials, was a prominent feature of many
scope of this wealth of archaeological research. I earlier accounts that aimed to provide summaries
will address two topics, the difficult relationship of Roman Britain (e.g. Salway 2002; Todd 2014). The
between archaeologists and ancient historians/clas- Handbook contains very little of this type of history
sicists who study Roman Britain and the politics of and is far more reflective of the rich body of work
power in the past. There is a very strong division that has emerged on the identities of the peoples of
188 Richard Hingley

Britannia. References in the index of this book to achievements of the post-colonial Roman archaeol-
Claudius, Nero and Hadrian are fairly rare, while ogy movement in Britain. Despite this, the papers
citations that address ethnicity and gender are far included in Handbook include little of the tradition-
more frequent. The focus of research included in al history or information on why Britain was con-
the Handbook is evidently, at least in part, a result of quered by Rome: after all, it is an archaeological
the policy of the three editors and the contributors publication. The themes of conquest and military
that they selected for the volume. It rather suggests, occupation provide topics that continues to fasci-
however, that archaeologists currently have little to nate the public, however, as the sales of novels by
say about leading men and Roman history (cf. Rog- Stephen Scarrow and Adrian Goldsworthy illus-
ers 2015, 1). trates and archaeological theory has played little
Interest in historical events and the senior (usu- part in these popular accounts of life in early Ro-
ally) male leaders involved in the actions of the con- man Britain. Earlier scholarship focused considera-
quest has generally declined among archaeologists ble attention on how much of the mainland of Brit-
since the 1990s, although there have been some im- ain came to be conquered and controlled by Rome
portant exceptions (e.g. Creighton 2000; Creighton (e.g. Frere 1967; Salway 1981).
2006). Roman Britain, of course, directly of interest A substantial body of research has emerged on
to archaeologists from the gender perspective since the strategies of Roman military campaigning on the
it provides information about two influential fe- near Continent (Gaul, Iberian and Germany) (Fernán-
male leaders, Cartimandua and Boudica (cf. Hing- dez-Götz, Roymans 2018; Reddé 2018; Fitzpatrick,
ley, Unwin 2005; Haselgrove 2016). The discussion Haselgrove 2019; Roymans, Fernández-Götz 2019).
of important Roman men and significant histori- Some relevant research has also begun to emerge in
cal events has mainly been left over the past few Britain, including the search for Julius Caesar’s land-
decades, however, to ancient historians, including ing site in Kent and the survey work on the siege
several scholars based in the USA (e.g. Birley 2005; camps and Iron Age hillfort at Burnswark in Dum-
Gambash 2012; Adler 2013; Gambash 2016; Tomlin fries and Galloway (Fitzpatrick 2019; Reid, Nichol-
2018; Roncaglia 2019). Mattingly has also incorpo- son 2019). Much of the recent research on the Roman
rated much of this tradition of historical narrative military in Britain remains focused, however, on the
into his critical account of Roman Britain in An Im- identities of the soldiers and the character of their
perial Possession (2006). As an ideal, perhaps a new fortifications and frontiers (e.g. Haynes 2016; Hodg-
generation of scholars studying Roman Britain son 2017). A new campaign of research could build
might seek to work across the strict dividing lines on the Continental research by exploring the flexible
that separate the archaeologists from the ancient ways in which the peoples of Britain were conquered
historians and Latin specialist. There are already and subdued by Rome (Hingley, forthcoming). Per-
some encouraging signs of the considerable ad- haps new research on the violence of Roman military
vances in knowledge that such research can stimu- campaigning could help to challenge the primarily
late in some of the projects that have been discussed economic focus of some of the previous work that
in this paper. has addressed the globalization of Roman power (cf.
Providing accounts that give voices to the Witcher 2017, 644), while also seeking to work across
poor and dispossessed, to women and children the boundaries that divide ancient historians from
in addition to prominent men, is one of the main archaeologists.
 From colonial discourse to post-colonial theory: Roman archaeology and the province of Britannia 189

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Kelten, Germanen, Römer oder…? – Zur Siedlungsgeschichte am Ober-
rhein um die Zeitenwende
Rainer Wiegels*

Abstract geschichtlichen Wirklichkeit, die zwangsläufig per-

spektivische Raster über die Vergangenheit legen
Based on some reflections on current conceptual und nie das Ganze vollständig erfassen können. So
‘turns’ in historical science and archaeology, a case study verwundert es nicht, dass nicht ohne Beeinflussung
will attempt to uncover some fundamental structures and durch moderne Strömungen und Denkansätze
developments in the population history of the Upper Rhine immer wieder neue Modelle für ein besseres Ge-
region from the Late Latène to the early Roman period. De- schichtsverständnis konzipiert und auf diesem Weg
spite no less open and controversial questions, the analysis Paradigmenwechsel vollzogen werden.
of the various sources testifies to a high degree remarkable Denn wie die Geisteswissenschaften im Allge-
diversity within the comparatively narrow temporal and meinen, so kann sich auch die Geschichtswissenschaft
geographical framework. There is no discernible contrast nicht über einen Mangel an konzeptionellen ‚Turns‘
between Romanization and globalization. beklagen. Im Zuge grundsätzlicher Paradigmen-
wechsel von der Politik- über die Wirtschafts-, Sozi-
Methodische Vorbemerkungen al- oder auch Strukturgeschichte hin zu einer „Neuen
Kulturgeschichte“ gegen Ende des 20. Jahrhunderts
erfolgten nicht wenige, mit Verve als Neuansätze ver-
„Romanisierung oder Globalisierung?“1 lautet
teidigte ‚Turns‘, welche dennoch Fragen nach Trag-
die programmatische Überschrift zum Exposé einer
fähigkeit, Reichweite, Begrifflichkeit und Methoden,
Herbsttagung in der idyllischen Villa Vigoni am Co-
aber auch nach neuem Erkenntnisgewinn aufwarfen
mer See. Dies scheint auf den ersten Blick auf eine
und weiterhin aufwerfen. Jüngst wurde auf der Gro-
Alternative hinzuweisen. Oder sollten und sollen
ßen Mommsen-Tagung in Berlin die Forderung nach
nicht vielmehr lediglich zwei Interpretationsmo-
Rückkehr zum disziplinären Grund-Handwerk in Be-
delle zum Verständnis historischer Vorgänge und
zug auf die Interpretation literarischer Zeugnisse oder
Formationen zur Diskussion gestellt werden, denen
materieller Geschichtsquellen laut und beklagt, dass
im Übrigen weitere beigesellt werden könnten und
sich in der disziplinären Praxis manche dieser mit
die vor allem hinsichtlich Reichweite und Leistung,
großem Nachdruck vertretenen ‚Turns‘ eher als vor-
aber auch Grenzen, bei der Deutung vergangener
dergründige theoretische Überformung altbekannter
Epochen wie derjenigen des römischen Imperiums
Sachverhalte erweisen würden.
hinterfragt werden sollen? Solches schließt dann
Von den ‚großen Turns‘ des späten 20. Jahrhun-
jedenfalls die gegenseitige Beachtung und Akzep-
derts in den Altertumswissenschaften haben vor
tanz im eigens zu definierenden Rahmen nicht aus.
der aktuellen Theoriekritik vor allem der linguis-
Theoretische Modelle und Deutungsmuster sind
tische, memorialtheoretische und praxeologische
Ordnungshilfen zur Erklärung einer komplexen
‚Turn‘ Gnade gefunden2. Allerdings werden etwa

* Universität Osnabrück. [email protected]. 2 Als Wegbereiter eines „linguistischen Turns“ in

1 Kursiv = R. W. der „Neuen Kulturwissenschaft“ im Zuge von
194 Rainer Wiegels

ANT, d.h. Bruno Latour’s „Agency-Network-Theo- unseres Erachtens Fragezeichen. Die geradezu in-
rie“3, oder auch die Praxeologisierung der Ge- flationäre Verwendung von „global“ in der Alltags-
schichte mit Blick auf das „Doing“ und „Making“ sprache6 und dazu die terminologischen Unschärfen
usw. im Anschluss etwa an Pierre Bourdieu oder in Bezug auf „Globalisierung“, für die es eingestan-
Anthony Giddens unter besonderer Berücksichti- denermaßen zumindest bislang keine allenthalben
gung der Mikro-Geschichte von der Ebene der Theo- akzeptierte begriffliche Fassung gibt, lassen zögern,
rie auf diejenige der Methodik verwiesen4. In dieser von einer Globalisierungstheorie zu sprechen7. Die
Diskussion spielt die Materialität der Dinge und ihre Reduktion und Verwässerung von „global“ nach
Verknüpfung bzw. Wirkkraft eine wichtige Rolle, aktuellem Verständnis zu einem Synonym für mehr
und so ist verständlich, dass sol-chem Ansatz insbe- oder weniger in Verbindung stehende Räume oder
sondere bei der auf die materielle Hinterlassenschaft Einzelphänomene erscheint uns jedenfalls prob-
fokussierten Archäologie eine große Bedeutung zu- lematisch, was in einem zum Druck anstehenden
kommt. Aber auch wenn Materialität ein wichtiges Beitrag auf einem Kolloquium in Göttingen Ende
Element bei den Praktiken, also dem Handeln des 2018 näher zu begründen versucht wurde8. Frucht-
Einzelnen ist, und die Praxis als gesamtgesellschaft- bar erscheinen uns jedoch die unter anderem aus
liches Handeln (mit) konstitutiv für das umfassen- Globalisierungskonzepten entwickelten Untersu-
de Geschehen ist, bleibt der Mensch der Akteur, chungsstrategien, welche vor allem Verflechtungen,
welcher die Wirkmacht von Dingen ins Werk setzt also „connectivity“ und Netzwerke jenseits einer
und für die Realisierung von sozialen Handlungen Top-Down-Perspektive, aber in unterschiedlichen,
und die Entwicklung entsprechender Muster ver- auch kleinräumigen Dimensionen in den Blick neh-
antwortlich zeichnet5. Auch hinsichtlich Reichweite men. Dass damit auch eine Sichtweise, welche mit
und Nutzen von „Globalisierung“, „Grokalisierung“ einem bestimmten Verständnis von „romanization“
oder „Grobalisierung“ und verwandter Begriffe in (engl.) verbunden ist, hinterfragt wird, ist einsichtig.
ihrer Anwendung auf historische Erscheinungen Zu diskutieren wäre allerdings, ob die dem Begriff
und Vorgänge in der (römischen) Antike bleiben in seiner Anwendung unterstellte Top-Down- oder
auch in der Umkehrung Bottom-Up-Perspektive
nicht aus einer bestimmten Konzeptionierung dieses
Dekonstruktion und Diskursanalyse als Bestandteile
oder verwandter Begriffe folgt und somit zunächst
eines postmodernen Paradigmas können neben anderen
Michel Foucault, Jacques Derrida und Hyden White Konsequenz eines bestimmten Verständnisses und
gelten. Vgl. zu diesen Autoren wenige ausgewählte damit eine Definitionsfrage ist. Im Deutschen etwa
Verweise. So etwa zu Foucault die Einführung zu impliziert „Romanisation“ als Prozess im Gegen-
seinem Werk von Sarasin 2005, zu Derrida aus seinem satz zu „Romanisierung“ keineswegs zwingend eine
reichen Schrifttum nur Derrida 1974 und zu White koloniale oder – mit Umkehr der Perspektive – eine
etwa White 1986 und White 1987. Vgl. zur Sache postkoloniale Sicht. Ob „creolization“ oder „hybridi-
auch Iggers 1995, Iggers 2001 und Iggers 2007 (hier sation“ als verallgemeinernde Etikettierungen besser
auch zur Geschichte der Globalisierung). – Für einen geeignet sind, kulturelle Transformationsprozesse
„memorialtheoretischen Turn“ seien stellvertretend
Jan Assmann oder Pierre Nora mit unterschiedlicher
Stoßrichtung genannt, s. etwa Assmann 1992 und Nora 6 Im angelsächsischen Bereich ist hinsichtlich der
1984, aber auch die Diskussion bei Flaig 2016. ubiquitären Verwendung von „global“ geradezu von
3 Latour 2007; s. schon Latour 1996. einem diesbezüglichen „buzzword“ die Rede.
4 Vgl. etwa Reckwitz 2008 und Reckwitz 2014. Ferner 7 Aktuelle Diskussionsbeiträge zur Verwendung eines
Schäfer 2015 und Schmidt 2016. Mit Bezug auf die Globalisierungs-Paradigmas in Bezug auf historische
Geschichtsforschung mit Schwerpunkt im Bereich der Formationen und insbesondere das Imperium
Frühen Neuzeit vgl. die Beiträge in Brendecke 2015 Romanum mit weiterführender Literatur s. Beiträge
oder Freist 2015. in Pitts, Versluys 2015, hier insbesondere auch die
5 Zur Vermeidung von Missverständnissen möchte anregenden Ausführungen in der „Introduction“ S. 3-31,
Latour den Menschen als intentional handelnden ein entscheidender Impulsgeber für die Konferenz in
„Akteur“ terminologisch von dem materiellen Como.
„Aktanten“ unterscheiden. 8 Wiegels 2021; vgl. auch schon Wiegels 2016b.
 Kelten, Germanen, Römer oder...? - Zur Siedlungsgeschichte am Oberrhein um die Zeitenwende 195

zu erfassen oder ob nicht doch „Romanisation“ als Bibliographie einer Spezialstudie zur römerzeitlichen
Teilaspekt näher zu charakterisierender symbioti- Besiedlung des südlichen Oberrheingebietes von Lars
scher Transformationen Bestand haben kann, bleibe Blöck aus dem Jahr 2016 umfasst an die 2000 Titel10,
dahingestellt. Grundsätzlich ändert das nichts an der die linksrheinische Zone findet dabei allenfalls am
Notwendigkeit, sich über die den Begriffen unter- Rande Berücksichtigung11. Die Literaturauswahl in
legten Strukturen, also die Definitionsmerkmale, in unserem Zusammenhang ist daher notwendigerwei-
ihrer Reichweite und Zielrichtung zu verständigen. se eklektisch und subjektiv. Die von uns gewählte Per-
spektive gilt insbesondere der Frage nach Vorausset-
Eine Fallstudie zungen und Folgen der Besitznahme des im Thema
genannten geographischen Bereichs durch Rom und
Wie im eingangs zitierten Exposé ausgeführt, dem Einfluss auf die Siedlungsgeschichte im Über-
hatte sich das Colloquium methodologisch zum Ziel gang von der Spätlatène- zur römischen Zeit (Abb.
gesetzt, die Leistungsfähigkeit der genannten Kate- 1)12. Grundsätzlich ist nicht zu übersehen, dass trotz
gorien anhand von Fallbeispielen aus verschiedenen bemerkenswerter Fortschritte der jüngeren Vergan-
Regionen und Zeiten zu überprüfen. Mit dem von uns genheit eines der Hauptprobleme der modernen For-
gewählten Thema und den damit angesprochenen schung zur frühen Geschichte des hier im Zentrum
Akteuren, also Kelten, Germanen und Römern, wird des Interesses stehenden Raumes im sachgerechten
ein komplexer geschichtlicher Problemkomplex um- Verständnis des Übergangs von der protohistorischen
rissen, der sowohl in theoretischer Hinsicht als auch
bezüglich der von der Forschung erzielten konkre- Auswertung von Nierhaus 1966 im Rahmen seiner
ten Ergebnisse seit mehr als 150 Jahren zu intensiven Arbeit zu Diersheim an die Seite zu stellen ist. Genannt
und kontrovers geführten Debatten Anlass gegeben seien ferner Fischer 1988 und Fischer 2006, dazu
hat und weiterhin gibt. Zur Diskussion gestellt wird die weit ausgreifende, grundlegende Studie zu den
das Problem des Selbstverständnisses und der Zu- militärischen Stationen von Schönberger 1985. Vgl.
ferner die verschiedenen althistorischen Arbeiten von
ordnung der Handlungsträger in einem begrenzten
Timpe, die in den Gesammelten Schriften bei Timpe
räumlichen und zeitlichen Rahmen. Die Interpreta- 2006 vereint sind; zuvor u. a. Wagner 1908-1911, Walser
tion der literarischen und archäologischen Quellen, 1956 und 1998 sowie Wells 1972.
der Sprachzeugnisse – hier vor allem der Personen-, 10 Blöck 2016, 471-510. – Ähnlich umfangreich die
Götter- und topographischen Namen – oder auch Bibliographie in der grundlegenden Studie von
der Inschriften und Münzen haben nicht nur unter- Deschler-Erb 2008, die auch den westrheinischen und
schiedliche Perspektiven in Bezug auf die Deutung helvetischen Bereich berücksichtigt.
der geschichtlichen Vorgänge eröffnet, sondern führ- 11 Vgl. dazu aktuell besonders die verschiedenen
ten auch im Detail keineswegs immer zu allenthalben Abhandlungen von Michel Reddé (s. hier in der
akzeptierten Ergebnissen, die sich zudem auch nicht Bibliographie), jeweils mit weiterführender Literatur
und den diesbezüglichen Spezialstudien. Eigens
einfach harmonisieren lassen. Aufgrund dieser For-
genannt seien ferner die früheren Übersichten
schungslage ist einzuräumen, dass an dieser Stelle kei- von Forrer 1935; Hatt 1978 und Goudineau 1996.
nesfalls der Anspruch erhoben wird, die nahezu ufer- Neueren Datums sind Fichtl 2000, Ferdière 2005;
lose und zersplitterte Literatur zum Thema auch nur Roth-Zehner 2005 und 2010a, sowie die Beiträge in
ansatzweise vollständig rezipiert zu haben9. Allein die Poux 2008. – Einem etwas anderen, aber benachbarten
geographischen Raum gelten die Arbeiten von Wieland
9 Einen Überblick mit Forschungsstand um die 1996; Zanier 2004 und verschiedene Abhandlungen
Mitte des 20. Jahrhunderts bietet die Studie von in Hüssen, Irlinger, Zanier 2004. Für den helvetischen
Asskamp 1989, die aber in Teilen durch die jüngeren, Bereich sei hier nur allgemein auf Fellmann 1992
insbesondere archäologischen Forschungen zu verwiesen.
ergänzen und auch zu modifizieren ist. Etwas früher, 12 Etwas ausführlicher als es hier möglich ist, aber
aber mit anderer geographischer Perspektive Filtzinger ebenfalls ohne Anspruch auf Vollständigkeit in
1985. Aus dezidiert historischer Sicht bietet nach der Sache, Wiegels 2017, 37-72. Hier auch einige
wie vor Nesselhauf 1972 (aus 1951) einen wichtigen illustrierende Abbildungen, auf die an dieser Stelle
Ausgangspunkt, dem auch die eingehende historische verzichtet wird.
196 Rainer Wiegels

siedlungsgeschichte […] einen tiefgrei-

fenden Einschnitt darstellt“14. Um ein
wichtiges Ergebnis der intensiven
Forschung der jüngeren Zeit vor-
wegzunehmen: Von einer einheitli-
chen Geschichte dieses Raumes im
fraglichen Zeithorizont kann nicht
die Rede sein, sondern kennzeich-
nend ist im Gegenteil regionale und
sogar lokale Diversität bezüglich
Bevölkerungs-, Siedlungs- und So-
zialstruktur, was zusammenfassen-
de Überblicke nachhaltig erschwert.

Kelten, Germanen, Römer…

Kelten, Germanen und Römer
haben jedenfalls ihren festen Platz
in der historischen Erinnerung. Dies
betrifft nicht nur epochale Vorgänge
und Ereignisse von weitreichender
geschichtlicher Bedeutung, sondern
auch solche von begrenzter zeitli-
cher wie räumlicher Relevanz, wel-
che dennoch bis in die Gegenwart
in der regionalen wie überregiona-
len Erinnerungskultur präsent sind.
Dieses gilt auch für den Bereich von
Ober- und Hochrhein in der Phase
von der Spätlatène- bis in die frühe
Kaiserzeit, eine folgenreiche Epo-
che mit einer eigenen Geschichte,
die selbstverständlich ihrerseits zu-
gleich in übergreifende historische
Prozesse eingebettet ist. Wissen-
schaft und Populärhistorie haben
sich auf ihre Weise mit den verschie-
denen Bevölkerungselementen und
deren Nachweis befasst. Während
aber die Popularität der Kelten auch
Abb. 1 Topographische Karte Ober- und Hochrhein. – © Ausschnitt nach Dier- in der spezifischen, von Caesar ze-
cke Weltatlas; X0077 2 deutsch D 2 BW-1. mentierten Vereinheitlichung als
Gallier nach wie vor ungebrochen
zur römischen Epoche besteht13. Diesbezüglich be- ist15, sind die Germanen durch ihre
tont Blöck in seiner Materialstudie, dass, der Übergang
von der Spätlatène- zur römischen Zeit innerhalb der Be-
14 Blöck 2016, 223.
15 Dies erweist sich nicht zuletzt etwa in der Pop Art
13 Reddé 2009a, 406. durch die weit reichende Beliebtheit der Comics mit
 Kelten, Germanen, Römer oder...? - Zur Siedlungsgeschichte am Oberrhein um die Zeitenwende 197

völkische Ideologisierung der jüngeren Vergangen- über eine politisch-militärische Charakterisierung zu

heit eher diskreditiert, was sie natürlich nicht zu einem Kulturbegriff wandelte. Dies ist aber zunächst
verantworten haben. Lieber bezieht man sich daher ein eher unspezifisches Ergebnis ohne eindeutige Ab-
aktuell im regionalen Umfeld von Süddeutschland grenzungen in der Sache und eröffnet damit ein erst
und der Nordschweiz bei der Suche nach frühen, tra- noch genauer zu analysierendes Problemfeld. Wenn
ditionsbildenden Bevölkerungsgruppen diesbezüg- Kelten oder Germanen auch keine geschlossene ein-
lich auf die Alemannen. Die Römer hingegen standen heitliche kulturelle oder politische Formation bildeten,
und stehen generell hoch im Kurs, wie die zahlreichen so sind doch Elemente eines umfassenden sozialen
Römerstraßen und Römerfeste belegen, wobei zum Systems, also einer Kommunikationsgemeinschaft,
einen die militärische Besitznahme der Rheinlande als unverkennbar. Diese Feststellung hat nicht zuletzt
solche, zum anderen die in den sichtbaren Überresten auch die antiken Autoren dazu veranlasst, die Vielfalt
sich präsentierenden zivilisatorischen Errungenschaf- individueller Erscheinungsformen mit Hilfe einer teil-
ten der nicht von ungefähr ab der Zeitenwende als weise simplifizierenden Typisierung im Spiegel der
‚Römerzeit‘ bezeichneten Epoche faszinieren16. eigenen Lebenswelt als Indiz für die Existenz umfas-
Wenn in der wissenschaftlichen Diskussion von sender Gemeinschaften zu verstehen. Die vereinheit-
Römern, Kelten und Germanen die Rede ist, stellt sich lichende Auffassung von den Völkern der Kelten und
zwangsläufig die Frage nach den Kriterien für entspre- Germanen beruht also zunächst auf einem Konstrukt
chende Zuordnungen. Nicht von ungefähr wird in aus einer Außenansicht, das zwar nicht völlig willkür-
jüngerer Zeit die Existenz der Kelten, Germanen oder lich so errichtet wurde, aber bereits ein Produkt antiker,
Römer als umfassende Einheiten einschließlich einem d. h. griechischer und römischer Systematisierungsbe-
entsprechenden Identitätsbewusstsein bezweifelt oder mühungen und ethnologischer Begriffsbildungen ist,
auch bestritten, was aber von der Metakritik wiede- indem aus gewissen empirisch gewonnenen Beobach-
rum vehement zurückgewiesen wurde und wird. tungen von Gemeinsamkeiten kollektive Individuali-
Nach einer Einlassung von Dieter Timpe ging für den tät abgeleitet wurde. Bei diesem Prozess dürften aber
Fall, dass ethnische Organisation verstanden werden auch Selbstzuordnungen der betroffenen Bevölkerung
kann als institutionell verfestigte, ständige Interaktion mitgespielt haben, ohne dass dieses zu einer übergrei-
einer sich exklusive Identität und Eigennamen zu- fenden Identität geführt hätte. Jedoch bildeten ent-
schreibenden, in einem bestimmten Raum konstant sprechende antike Klassifizierungen zusammen mit
existierenden Menschengruppe, eine solche Organi- der Feststellung von Unterschieden etwa hinsichtlich
sationsform bezogen auf Kelten und Germanen nicht Sprache, Sitte, Kultur und Religion die Grundlage für
über die Ebene der Stämme hinaus17. Dies schließt die Umwertung in moderner Sicht als Hinweise auf
eine gewisse Verwandtschaft zwischen diesen sowie die Existenz dauerhafter ethnischer Organismen und
übergreifende Lebensformen und gleichartige Bedürf- damit völkisch geprägter Formationen.
nisbefriedigung nicht aus, erlaubt jedoch nicht, von Sofern man Kommunikationsgemeinschaften
einem übergreifenden Ethnos (‚Volk‘) etwa der Kelten als partielle soziale Systeme nicht vereinfachend
oder Germanen zu sprechen18. Was die Römer betrifft, mittels einer anachronistischen, romantisch gepräg-
so besteht in der Alten Geschichte zwar weitgehend ten Konzeption von Volkstum mit Ethnien gleich-
Einigkeit dahingehend, dass „Römer-sein“ sich in der setzt und diese dann substantialisiert, erscheint es
antiken Vorstellungswelt aus einem Rechtsbegriff (ci- uns nicht unangemessen zu sein, antikem Sprach-
vis Romanus) im geschichtlichen Verlauf zunehmend gebrauch folgend weiterhin in allgemeiner Form
von Kelten (oder auch Galliern), Germanen und Rö-
Asterix, dem Gallier, oder auch in der Esoterik. mern zu sprechen. Dabei ist es unabdingbar, die be-
16 So feiert man am Oberrhein ‚Keltentage‘, in Augusta sonderen Elemente von Gemeinschaft etwa in der
Raurica/Augst (CH) und an anderen Orten auch‚ Sachkultur, Sprache oder Religion und damit die
Römertage‘, von ‚Germanentagen‘ dagegen keine Spur. für die begriffliche Fassung grundlegenden Krite-
17 Timpe 2006, 9 f. rien ebenso zu bedenken und zu verdeutlichen wie
18 Vgl. dazu auch Brather 2004; Huth 2005; Timpe
deren Grenzen zu bzw. Verwandtschaft mit solchen
1998 und 2006b oder Wiegels 2016a, jeweils mit der
weiterführenden Literatur.
198 Rainer Wiegels

anderer Gemeinschaften19. Binnendifferenzierun- Bekanntlich reichen die ersten Nachrichten

gen und der konkrete Bezug zu Raum und Zeit sind über die Kelten, die wir bei Herodot und Hekata-
zentrale Voraussetzungen für ein sachbezogenes ios von Milet fassen, bis ins 5. Jahrhundert v. Chr.
Verständnis, das offen sein muss für die Kenntnis- zurück. Nach den ethnographischen Ordnungs-
nahme von neuen und eigenständigen Strukturen kriterien der Griechen gliedert sich die Mensch-
als Folge von historischen Prozessen der verschie- heit in Großverbände (Ethne), denen andere Grup-
densten Art und auf den verschiedensten Ebenen. pierungen untergeordnet werden. Als Großethnos
Unterschiede in den realen Verhältnissen und sym- des Nordens galten neben den Skythen die Kelten.
biotische Prozesse werden also nicht infrage ge- Mit zunehmendem Wissen über den Nordbereich
stellt, und ebenso wenig wird damit eine Aussage wurden dann Unterschiede unter den dortigen Völ-
über persönliche oder gruppenspezifische Zuord- kern etwa in Aussehen, Sprache, Lebensweise und
nung im Sinne von individueller oder kollektiver Sitten entweder als Ausweis für zuvor unbekannte
Identität getroffen. Ohnehin lässt sich diese man- Gruppierungen innerhalb der Kelten verstanden
gels aussagekräftiger Selbstzeugnisse in Wort und oder wie etwa bei den Kimbern diese kurzerhand
Schrift vor allem aus vorrömischer Zeit nur in sehr als Mischvolk aus Kelten und Skythen registriert21.
begrenztem Umfang entschlüsseln. Zudem vereint Übernommen von Schriftstellern wie Polybios,
sie in der konkreten Lebenswelt auf unterschied- Poseidonios, Diodor, Livius und vor allem Caesar
liche Weise auch verschiedene und heterogene wurden die Kelten zu einem festen Bestandteil der
Komponenten. Die Subsummierung von Bevölke- Ethnographie in römischer Zeit22. Bei Letzterem
rungsgruppen unter bestimmten vereinheitlichen- gingen sie mit Belgae und Aquitani als dritter Teil
den Benennungen ist demnach nicht das Ergebnis der Bewohner Galliens in die zusammenfassende
von, sondern Ausgangspunkt für konkrete, gerade Bezeichnung der Galli auf oder dienten bisweilen
auch differenzierende Untersuchungen. Jedenfalls
beinhaltet nicht von ungefähr die Festlegung von Petersmann 2016. Zu Kelten am Oberrhein s. besonders
Zeitstufen wie Latènezeit und Römerzeit mehr oder auch die verschiedenen Beiträge in Kelten 2005.
weniger stillschweigend auch einen Hinweis auf ty- 21 Zu den „Kelto-Skythen“ s. Wolters 2000.
22 Diodor, dessen Weltgeschichte (‚Bibliothek‘) von den
pische und übergreifende reale Strukturen.
Anfängen bis zu Caesar und die Zeit der Gallischen
Auf die viel behandelte Frage der ethnischen
Kriege (bis 54 v.Chr.) reichte und im Wesentlichen
Begriffsbildung und Zuordnung von Siedlergrup- aus den ihm vorliegenden Quellen, insbesondere
pen gemäß der antiken literarischen Überlieferung aus Poseidonios, schöpft, behandelt den Bereich der
kann an dieser Stelle nicht mit der erforderlichen Germania magna als Bestandteil der Keltike, vgl. etwa
Gründlichkeit eingegangen werden. Zudem er- Diod. 5,32,1 oder 5,25,4: Caesars Rheinübergang 55
schwert die zersplitterte und zufällige Quellenlage v. Chr., durch welchen dieser die auf dem anderen
ein differenziertes Urteil. Wenige Hinweise sollen Ufer siedelnden Galater (= Germanen) besiegt habe.
daher genügen20. Er differenziert aber zwischen den von Caesar
unterworfenen Kelten, den ‚Galloi‘, und den sonstigen
Kelten, die unter dem Begriff der ‚Galatai‘ subsummiert
19 Hinsichtlich der Kelten Galliens ist das Vorhandensein werden. Diese werden weithin mit ‚Keltoi‘ oder
eines gewissen Gemeinschaftsbewusstseins ‚Keltai‘ gleichgesetzt. Zu Germanien als Bestandteil
unverkennbar. Es beruhte auf wirtschaftlichen und der Keltike bzw. von Galatien vgl. auch Anth. Pal.
politischen Beziehungen ebenso wie auf religiöse 9,283; ferner später u. a. noch Cass. Dio 44,42,4:
und kultische Gemeinsamkeiten, die nicht zuletzt Galatia als ehemaliges Wohngebiet von Kimbern
im Druidentum zum Ausdruck kamen. Rom hat auf und Ambronen, oder 39,49,1 f.: Germanen sind zwar
diese übergreifende ‚Gemeinschaft‘ auf politischer und als eigenständig bekannt, werden aber den Kelten
administrativer Ebene durchaus Rücksicht genommen zugeordnet und Galata als das caesarische Gallien
und diese sogar in gewissem Umfang gefördert. bezeichnet. Auch Dionysios von Halikarnassos, der
20 Verwiesen sei an dieser Stelle nur auf die einschlägigen in der frühaugusteischen Epoche seine Rhomaikè
Artikel zu Kelten und Germanen in RGA2. Dazu archaiología verfasste, scheidet die Nordvölker generell
in Auswahl als Überblicke zu den Kelten Birkhan in Kelten und Skythen, die Germanen sind ein Teil der
1997; Cunliffe 2004; Demandt 2015; Maier 2016 oder Erstgenannten, vgl. Dion. Hal., Antiqu. Rom. 14,1,2-4.
 Kelten, Germanen, Römer oder...? - Zur Siedlungsgeschichte am Oberrhein um die Zeitenwende 199

auch als Synonym für diese Gesamtheit. Name und intention folgend Gallier und Germanen wesentlich
Begriff der Germani ist für uns zuerst durch Erwäh- schärfer gegeneinander abgrenzt, zeigt der von der
nung in den Triumphalfasten zum Jahr 222 v. Chr. Forschung viel behandelte Exkurs über die Sitten
zu fassen, Poseidonios kannte Germanen offenbar bei Gallier und Germanen im 6. Buch im Anschluss
nur als rheinnahes, den Kelten zugehöriges oder an den zweiten Rheinübergang 53 v. Chr. (b. G. 6,11-
verwandtes Ethnos. Besonderheiten in Aussehen 28) oder auch die Charakterisierung der Germanen
und Charakter wurden entsprechend traditioneller durch Pomponius Mela (3,25-28)24. Eine solche eth-
ethnographischer Ordnungsprinzipien mit der Zer- nische Trennlinie musste aber für die römische Öf-
splitterung der Kelten und der Herkunft als Wan- fentlichkeit mit ihrer Vorliebe für klare und markan-
dervölker aus dem hohen Norden erklärt, so dass te Flussgrenzen besonders einleuchtend sein. Sie
noch die Livius-Tradition bei Florus im 2. oder Oro- wurde seit Caesar offenbar allenthalben rezipiert,
sius im 5. Jahrhundert n. Chr. die Germanen den wie unter anderem bereits ein Fragment in Sallusts
Kelten bzw. Galliern zuordnet. Entsprechend sind Historien (1, fr. 11 Maur.) belegt. Wieweit Selbst-
nach Strabo (4,4,2 = 196 C) die Germanen mit den zuordnungen von Bevölkerungsgruppen zu den
Galliern verwandt und ähneln diesen in Aussehen Großethnien eine Rolle spielten, ist umstritten und
und Gemeinschaftsstruktur (políteuma). Welche Kri- auch kaum eindeutig zu klären. Wenn wir also den
terien in antiker Sicht die Unterschiede bestimmen, Blick zurück auf die Oberrheinlande und deren Be-
zeigt die Charakterisierung durch Strabo (7,1,2 = völkerungsgeschichte richten, werden wir zwangs-
290 C): „Gleich jenseits des Rheins wohnen neben den läufig zunächst auf Caesar verwiesen. Nachrichten
Kelten nach Osten gekehrt die Germanen, wenig ver- aus späterer Zeit stehen – soweit wir sie kennen
schieden vom keltischen Stamme außer von größerer – durchweg in mehr oder weniger direkter caesa-
Rohheit, Körpergröße und mit blonden Haaren, im Übri- rischer Tradition. Ihm folgten neben anderen vor al-
gen aber an Gestalt, Sitten und Lebensweise so, wie wir lem Strabo und Tacitus, welche das Bild einer ethni-
die Kelten geschildert haben“.23 Auch Cicero erwähnt schen Grenzscheide zwischen Kelten bzw. Galliern
in einer Rede aus dem Jahr 56 v. Chr. Germanen und Germanen durch den Rhein in simplifizieren-
(de prov. cons. 13,33). Aber es war nach unserem den Vorstellungen der Zeitgenossen und folgender
Wissen erst Caesar, der die Germanen nicht ohne Generationen bis in die Gegenwart festgeschrieben
machtpolitische, aber auch pragmatische Erwägun- haben. Als Akteure treten dann aber in den anti-
gen zu einem umfassenden Großethnos der rechts- ken Schriftquellen in erster Linie organisierte Ethne
rheinischen Bevölkerung einschließlich der Kim- bzw. Civitates als Stämme und politisch formierte
bern erklärte und den Rhein zur Grenze zwischen Einheiten auf. In der Bilanz wird man in den Kon-
keltisch-gallischer, d.h. in seinem Urteil zivilisierter, taktzonen spätestens seit der Zeit Caesars, dann im
und germanischer, d.h. wilder und kriegerischer Be- Verlauf der weiteren Jahrzehnte aber verstärkt, von
völkerung erklärte. Dies erfolgte trotz des Wissens einem mehr oder weniger durchgreifenden Prozess
und Eingeständnisses von Ungenauigkeiten in ver- einer kulturellen Angleichung zwischen Kelten und
schiedenen Hinsichten. Dass Caesar seiner Grund- Germanen ausgehen müssen, wobei die Frage der
Zuordnung der Bevölkerung zu diesen oder ande-
ren übergreifenden und eigenständigen Identitäts-
23 Vgl. zur Charakterisierung der Germanen auch
App. Celt., Frgm. 1,3). – Ausführlich zur Frage des gruppen mangels Selbstzeugnissen kaum eindeutig
Germanenbegriffs und dessen Voraussetzungen sowie zu lösen ist. Spätestens seit augusteischer Zeit wur-
Rezeption bei den antiken Autoren vgl. Dobesch de ein Germanien als Raum bis zur Elbe auch aus
1983; Ament 1984; Wenskus 1986 oder Timpe 1998
sowie in seinen verschiedenen Beiträgen, welche 24 Zugleich aber beurteilt Caesar etwa die Ubier wegen
sich gesammelt bei Timpe 2006 finden; s. ferner der Nachbarschaft zu den Galliern als zivilisierter,
Wiegels 2017. In allen diesen Abhandlungen werden weil sie sich an gallische Sitten gewöhnt hatten (Caes.
die Quellen und die umfangreiche weiterführende b. G. 4,3,3). Damit sind auch für ihn die Unterschiede
Literatur eingehend diskutiert. Aufs Ganze gesehen graduell und können im zivilisatorischen Prozess
kann die Problematik geradezu als ein eigenständiges ausgeglichen werden. Solches ist auch für die
Forschungsfeld angesehen werden. Germanen am Oberrhein zu bedenken.
200 Rainer Wiegels

politischen Gründen zu einem unmittelbaren römi- als ein Eckpunkt der Interpretation für gültig erach-
schen Interessengebiet. Tacitus setzte dann in seiner tete Ansicht, dass germanische Triboker, Nemeter
„Germania“ die Bevölkerung der rheinnahen und und Vangionen auf Grund einer Mitteilung in Cae-
angrenzenden Stämme deutlich von den Sueben ab sars Commentarien zu den Tribokern (b. G. 4,10,3)
(nunc est de Suebis dicendum – Germ. 38,1), die nicht zu dessen Lebzeiten auf die linke Rheinseite über-
aus einem einzigen Stamm (gens) bestehen, sondern siedelten. Die Nachricht steht in einem Exkurs, der
in verschiedene nationes gegliedert sind. Strittig jedoch zweifellos aus späterer Zeit stammt und in
sind aber Verständnis und der genauere Zeit- und das caesarische Corpus eingeschoben wurde, aber
Raumbezug in seiner wie ein Exkurs anmutenden sich auch fast gleichlautend bei Strabo (4,3,4 = 193 f.
Bemerkung (Germ. 29,1), in welcher er urteilt: Non C) findet26. Vermutlich basiert sie auf einem irrigen
numeraverim inter Germaniae populos, quamquam trans Schluss aus Caesars Mitteilung über das nach Stäm-
Rhenum Danuviumque consederint, eos, qui decumates men aufgestellte Heer des Ariovist, in welchem
agros exercent. auch Triboker, Nemeter und Vangionen genannt
Der Perspektive der antiken literarischen Quel- werden (b. G. 1,51,2), möglicherweise handelt es
len folgend dominierte in der älteren Forschung zur sich aber auch bei dieser Nachricht lediglich um
Siedlungsgeschichte von Ober- und Hochrhein am eine später eingeschobene Glosse. Nach eigenem
Übergang von der Latène- zur Römerzeit das Be- Bekunden Caesars sind die Germanen aus Gallien
mühen, von dieser Quellengattung ausgehend in herausgeworfen worden (b. G. 3,7,1: Germanis expul-
den archäologischen Funden und Befunden die Be- sis; vgl. auch Dio 38,50,4 f.; Plut. Caes. 19,11 f.). Eine
wohner innerhalb der typisierten übergreifenden Folge des rigiden Vorgehens Caesars ist darin zu
Ethnien als Volksgruppen nachzuweisen. Diesen sehen, dass aus Südwestdeutschland jegliches ge-
Ansatz hat in den letzten Jahrzehnten eine ande- sicherte archäologische Zeugnis der germanischen
re Vorgehensweise ersetzt, die – nicht zuletzt um Wanderscharen der Zeit Ariovists fehlt. Nicht von
Missverständnissen vorzubeugen – im Zusammen- ungefähr drängten in den folgenden Jahren die
hang mit der Siedlungsgeschichte weitgehend auf Germanen vor allem an Mittel- und Niederrhein
ethnisch gefärbte Benennungen der Bevölkerung gegen die Rheinfront, nicht selten ihrerseits durch
verzichtet und neutralere Bezeichnungen wie „Be- Vorgänge im Osten in Bewegung gesetzt. Die An-
wohner“ oder „Siedler“ bevorzugt oder soziale siedlung von Tribokern, Nemetern und Vangionen
Gruppen als Akteure hervorhebt. Für eine vor- auf der linken Rheinseite, welche nicht zwingend
urteilslose Forschung erscheint uns dies jedenfalls in einem Akt erfolgt sein muss, dürfte vielmehr in
hilfreich, zumal die Verflechtungen in den Sach- die Regierungszeit des Augustus datieren, dessen
strukturen nur bedingt Aussagen über die konkret Kehrtwende in der Ansiedlungspolitik von Grup-
Handelnden selber und deren Einstellungen ermög- pierungen aus dem Bereich jenseits von Rhein und
lichen. Das lange Zeit betriebene Bemühen, Kelten, Donau gegenüber der Politik Caesars auch an an-
Germanen und Römer als Angehörige von Volksge- deren Grenzabschnitten nachweisbar ist. Bei Plinius
meinschaften in der Sachkultur nachzuweisen, hat (n. h. 4,106) sind sie jedenfalls unter den linksrhei-
jedenfalls häufig die kritische und vorurteilsfreie nischen Völkerschaften gelistet. Strabo (4,3,4 = 193
Analyse literarischer oder materieller Quellen ver- C) nennt von den drei Stämmen allein die germani-
hindert, ebenso aber auch die Entwicklung neuer schen Triboker, welche aus ihrer Heimat jenseits des
und vorurteilsfreier Forschungsansätze. Stromes gekommen sind, und Tacitus (Germ. 28,4)
Enttäuschung oder sogar Desillusionierung ist betont mit Nachdruck (haud dubie), dass es sich bei
man geneigt, dem Titel eines Beitrags des Straßbur- Vangiones, Triboci und Nemetes – so in ungeordneter
ger Gelehrten Jean-Jacques Hatt aus dem Jahr 1968
auf der Suche nach Germanen links des Rheins zu
entnehmen, der lautet: „Triboques où êtes-vous?“25 26 Dazu überzeugend Nesselhauf 1972 (= Ndr. aus 1951),
Sachlich nicht zu halten ist jedenfalls die lange Zeit bes. 134-137; übernommen und als wichtigen Baustein
für die Rekonstruktion der Siedlungsverhältnisse an
Ober- und Mittelrhein in diesem Zeitabschnitt von
25 Hatt 1968. Nierhaus 1966, 182-234 verwendet.
 Kelten, Germanen, Römer oder...? - Zur Siedlungsgeschichte am Oberrhein um die Zeitenwende 201

geographischen Reihung – um populi Germanorum Jean-Jacques Hatt war es aber auch, der – wenn-
handelt. Offen ist die Frage nach ihren früheren gleich nicht als erster – nicht müde wurde, gestützt
Wohnsitzen und auch der Grad ihres ‚Germanen- auf eine Mitteilung beim Historiker Florus (Epit.
tums‘. Intensive Erforschung ihrer neuen Sied- 2,30,26) über die Errichtung von mehr als 50 römi-
lungsräume in Gallien haben nur äußerst spärliche schen Kastellen, die Drusus im Zuge seiner Feldzüge
Spuren sichern können, die Kontakte zum Bereich 12-9 v. Chr. entlang des Rheins errichtet haben soll,
der Germania magna belegen könnten; im Namens- diese Anlagen auch am Oberrhein zu suchen und
material fehlen sie praktisch völlig, und hinsichtlich dann auch zu finden30. Sowohl die Quellenkritik als
der archäologischen Spuren bleiben deren Zeitan- solche als auch die archäologische Forschung ist ihm
satz und die Frage einer kontinuierlichen Rückbin- dabei nicht gefolgt31. Klar ist, dass Florus sich diese
dung an die einst übergesiedelten Gruppen offen27. Aussage nicht völlig aus den Fingern gesogen haben
Von den zeitgenössischen Schriftstellern nach kann. Aber eine kritische Überprüfung der Tragfä-
Caesar erhofft man sich weitere Informationen über higkeit dieser dem Stil des Autors entsprechenden,
die Bevölkerung am Oberrhein. Dies gilt insbeson- auf Effekte beim römischen Lesepublikum des 2.
dere für Strabo, der unter Augustus sein geogra- Jahrhunderts abzielenden Mitteilung erfolgte eben-
phisches Werk mit manchen historischen Notizen so wenig wie die unhinterfragte Einbeziehung einer
verfasst und bald nach dessen Tod abgeschlossen Straßburger Weihinschrift eines treverischen Reiters
hatte. Er berichtet im vierten Buch (4,3,3-5 = 192-194 der ala Petriana (CIL XIII 11605) in die Interpretation.
C) über die linksrheinischen sowie im siebten Buch Hatt hatte diese willkürlich mit Robert Forrer32 in die
(7,1,2-5 = 290-292 C) über die rechtsrheinischen Sied- Jahre 12-10 v. Chr. datiert, jedoch wurde sie so gut
lungsverhältnisse in augusteischer Zeit, soweit ihm wie sicher nicht vor der Regierungszeit des Tiberius
diese bekannt waren. Dabei dienten ihm Informati- erstellt. Ähnliches gilt für das von ihm postulierte
onen aus früherer, nicht zuletzt caesarischer Zeit als augusteische Legionslager in Argentorate/Straßburg,
Grundlage, was er aber nicht immer ausdrücklich und auch für die von ihm angenommene Lokali-
vermerkt und welche dann von ihm durch aktuelle sierung weiterer Kastelle in augusteischer Zeit ent-
Erkenntnisse aufgrund von Veränderungen der fol- lang des Oberrheins fehlt bislang der entsprechen-
genden rund 60 Jahre ergänzt werden. Dies gilt na- de sichere archäologische Beleg33. Die Forschungen
turgemäß vor allem für die Verhältnisse im Bereich zu Vindonissa, Basel und Breisach haben für diese
der Germania im engeren Sinn. Vollständigkeit wird Plätze wie auch für den Titelberg34 und andere Orte
man nicht von einem Autor erwarten dürfen, der Galliens ergeben, dass in bestehenden Siedlungen
selber zu seinen Prinzipien der Berichterstattung ansässige Bewohner und militärische Abteilungen
vermerkt (4,1,1 = 176 C): „Alles, was durch die Natur Roms – welcher genauen Art auch immer – zeitweise
und durch die Völker geschieden ist, muss der Erdbe- neben- und miteinander existierten35. Zudem wur-
schreiber darstellen, sofern es jedenfalls der Erwähnung de die einheimische Bevölkerung auf verschiedene
wert ist […]“28. Dies mahnt zur Vorsicht bei Benüt-
zung des Werkes. Kritisch zu prüfen sind aber auch
30 Vgl. in Hatt 1978 und Hatt 1980.
Angaben im geographischen Werk des Klaudios
31 Dazu eingehend mit Überprüfung der archäologischen
Ptolemaios, das dieser um 140 n. Chr. abgefasst hat.
Befunde Schönberger 1984; Reddé 2005 und 2015, 300-306.
Jedenfalls weist die Lokalisierung und Zuordnung 32 Forrer 1927; s. auch Forrer 1935 im Rahmen seines
von Orten und Völkerschaften entlang des Rheins Überblicks zum römischen Elsass.
(2,9,8 f.) so viele Fehler und Irrtümer auf, dass Vor- 33 Möglicherweise bestand ein solches Kastell in Cambete/
sicht angebracht ist bei der Übernahme aller Anga- Kembs; aber dessen genauere Datierung ist offen.
ben, die anderweitig nicht abgesichert oder wenigs- 34 Vindonissa: Hagendorn et al. 2003; Basel: Deschler-Erb
tens wahrscheinlich gemacht werden können29. 2004, 2005 und 2008; Breisach: Wendling 2005b, 2006a
und 2007; Titelberg: einschlägig Metzler 1995.
35 Generell mit aktueller Diskussion des Forschungsstandes
27 S. auch weiter unten mit Anm. 59. Reddé 1987; vgl. auch Reddé 2011, 69-71 zum Verhältnis
28 Dazu Nesselhauf 1972, 124-126. zwischen römischer Armee und einheimischer
29 Ebd. 126-128. Bevölkerung in Gallien nach der Eroberung.
202 Rainer Wiegels

Abb. 2 Römische Militärlager zwischen 15 v. Chr. und 25 n. Chr. – © LBS BW Karte B 1; LMZ 962252. - CC BY 4.0 In-
ternational.
Weise in die militärischen Maßnahmen einbezogen. rung in tiberische Zeit trifft aber auch für das Legi-
Soweit bekannt, datieren eigenständige Militäranla- onslager in Vindonissa und Militäranlagen in Augst,
gen am Oberrhein erst ab tiberische Zeit, was Über- Zurzach und Konstanz sowie insbesondere für das
wachungsposten natürlich nicht ausschließt. Auch seit einigen Jahren nachgewiesene früheste Kastell in
wenn aus Tacitus (ann. 1,37) hervorgeht, dass bei der Biesheim-Oedenburg zu37. Anders als etwa in Straß-
Revolte nach dem Tod des Augustus die XIII. und burg, wo es bislang keine gesicherten Siedlungsspu-
II. Legion Teile des obergermanischen Heeres waren,
bleibt deren Stationierung in Vindonissa bzw. Straß- 37 Auswahlliteratur mit weiteren Hinweisen: Vindonissa:
burg vor diesem Zeitpunkt ungesichert. Jedenfalls Hagendorn et al. 2003; Augusta Raurica: Deschler-
reichen in Straßburg die ältesten Spuren römischen Erb, Peter, Deschler-Erb 1991 und Deschler-Erb 1999;
Militärs nicht vor 14 n. Chr. zurück, allerdings muss Zurzach: Hänggi, Doswald, Roth-Rubi 1994; Konstanz:
auch hier wie grundsätzlich für das gesamte Elsass Mayer-Reppert 2003; Biesheim-Oedenburg: Reddé
2009a. – Zur Besetzungsgeschichte im Heeresbezirk
mit Forschungslücken gerechnet werden36. Datie-
von Vindonissa vgl. Hartmann, Speidel 1991. –
Einführende Studie zum römischen Heer s. Keppie
36 Vgl. etwa Reddé 1987, 363-367; Reddé 2015. 1989; umfassende Bibliographie bietet Le Bohec 2015.
 Kelten, Germanen, Römer oder...? - Zur Siedlungsgeschichte am Oberrhein um die Zeitenwende 203

ren aus vorrömischer Zeit gibt, konnten solche in Oe- bar sind auf jeden Fall räumlich unterschiedliche
denburg vor wenigen Jahren zumindest im Bereich Entwicklungsvorgänge entsprechend den unter-
eines Bezirks einheimischer Heiligtümer aus der Zeit schiedlichen geographischen, wirtschaftlichen und
kurz nach der Zeitenwende nachgewiesen werden. politischen Voraussetzungen; zu bedenken ist aber
Sie belegen die Nutzung eines beschränkten Areals auch der unterschiedliche Forschungsstand in den
um 3/4 n.Chr. vor Errichtung des ersten Lagers, wel- verschiedenen Zonen. Generell ist auf der rechten
ches aber auch erst in die Jahre 15-20 n. Chr. datiert38. Rheinseite bis in den nördlichen Bereich der Ober-
Dagegen sind Funktion und Datierung einer römer- rheinlande ein deutlicher Abbruch der Besiedlung
zeitlichen Befestigungsanlage auf dem rechtsrheini- ab ca. 85/80 v. Chr. festzustellen, ein Hiatus, der
schen, beim Kaiserstuhl gelegenen Limberg bei Sas- sich offenbar bis in die spätaugusteische Zeit fort-
bach nach wie vor umstritten39. setzte und sich auch an verschiedenen Orten durch
Zusammenfassend ist festzuhalten, dass jeden- das Aufgeben landwirtschaftlich genutzter Flächen
falls unter Kaiser Tiberius insbesondere nach Abbe- mit der Folge von rascher Bewaldung derselben zu
rufung des Germanicus eine Neuausrichtung der erkennen gibt40. Dies gilt nicht in gleichem Maße für
Sicherungspolitik an Hoch- und Oberrhein erfolgte die linksrheinischen Gebiete am Hochrhein, also der
(Abb. 2). Die Kernbesatzung der Kastelle bildeten Schweiz, und auch nicht für einige unmittelbar am
Hilfstruppen, die in teilweise weit entfernten Re- Rhein gelegene Siedlungen in Rückzugslage. Erst
gionen rekrutiert worden waren, deren Angehörige ab der späteren augusteischen Zeit und verstärkt
aber auch im jeweiligen Umfeld in kleineren Posten ab Tiberius bezeugen zahlreiche archäologische
und Stationen eingesetzt wurden. Eine strikte Ab- Fundstellen auf beiden Seiten des Oberrheins eine
grenzung der Funktionen zu den in der Frühzeit des zunehmend dichtere Besiedlung sowie eine inten-
Principats überwiegend in Italien rekrutierten Bür- sivierte direkte militärische Kontrolle durch Rom.
gertruppen der Legionen ist nicht zu erkennen, man Angesichts der zahllosen Funde und Fund-
muss auch mit gemischten Besatzungen aus Legio- stellen – dabei handelt es sich allerdings weit über-
nären, Hilfstruppen und Milizionären rechnen. wiegend um Streufunde – müssen wir uns hier auf
Während die literarische Überlieferung ihrer einige grundlegende Beobachtungen und markante
Eigenart entsprechend eher größere Räume und Fallbeispiele beschränken. Für die voraufgehende
Zusammenhänge im Blick hat, bieten die archäo- Zeitstufe LT D1, also etwa zwischen 150 und 80 v.
logischen Zeugnisse primär punktuelle Interpreta- Chr., lässt sich jedenfalls generell in den hier inter-
tionsansätze. Dabei kommen die historischen Pro- essierenden Landstrichen ein beachtliches Zivilisa-
zesse aus einer etwas anderen Perspektive in den tionsniveau in Großsiedlungen feststellen, welches
Blick als durch die literarischen Quellen mit ihrer insbesondere durch die Kontakte mit den antiken
romzentrischen Sicht. Trotz bemerkenswerter Fort- Kulturen des Mittelmeerraumes bedingt war (Abb.
schritte in den letzten Jahren hat die archäologische 3). Handel und ein spezialisiertes Handwerk bezeu-
Forschung aber noch keine letzte Klarheit erbracht gen neben der weiterhin dominierenden Landwirt-
über die Besiedlungsgeschichte an Oberrhein und schaft mit Siedlungen in Einzelgehöften, Weilern und
Hochrhein von der Spätlatènezeit der Stufe D 2 bis kleinen Dörfern eine arbeitsteilige Wirtschaftsstruk-
in die tiberische bzw. frühclaudische Zeit, d. h. von tur. Erste Formen einer Geldwirtschaft sind auszu-
ca. 85/80 v. Chr. bis etwa 50 n. Chr. Dieses betrifft machen, personifizierte Gottheiten und auch Tem-
nicht nur die Interpretation verschiedener Funde pelbauten belegen entwickelte Ausdrucksformen
und Befunde als solche, sondern auch mögliche der Frömmigkeit. Vor allem aber legen protourbane
Organisationsformen der Bevölkerung. Nachweis- Siedlungsstrukturen mit Höhensiedlungen (oppida)

40 Vgl. die verschiedenen Beiträge in Kelten 2005

38 Reddé 2009a, bes. 403-421. und besonders Blöck 2016, 223-277: Archäologisch-
39 Fingerlin 1973 und 1975; Schönberger 1984, 354 f. und historische Auswertung – Der Verlauf der Besiedlung
434 A 46; Reddé 2015, 307; Blöck 2016, 404 f., Nr. 496: im rechtsrheinischen westlichen Hoch- und
Funktion und genaue zeitliche Einordnung unbekannt, südlichen Oberrheingebiet. Ebd. 278-283 eine konzise
jedenfalls vorflavisch (augusteisch?). Zusammenfassung der Ergebnisse.
204 Rainer Wiegels

Abb. 3 Zentrale keltische Oppida im Oberrheingebiet. – Abb. nach Kelten 2005, S. 9.

und größeren Ansiedlungen im flachen Gelände un- dürfte nach den archäologischen Untersuchungen
ter anderem als Warenumschlagplätze entlang des der jüngeren Vergangenheit das mächtige oppidum
Rheins als Verkehrsachse Zeugnis ab von wirtschaft- auf dem Bergsporn Fossé des Pandours bei Saver-
licher und sozialer Vielfalt. Diese war offensichtlich ne/Zabern, das nördlich der Burgundischen Pfor-
auch mit einer differenzierten Machtstruktur und so- te die nächste günstige west-östliche Traversale
mit einer gewissen elitären Oberschicht verbunden, zwischen dem zentralen Gallien und dem Rhein
ohne dass es zu einer umfassenden staatlichen Ord- kontrollierte, ein oder auch der Zentralort der Me-
nung mit entsprechenden Verwaltungsstrukturen diomatriker gewesen sein41. Dieser wurde um 70 v.
gekommen wäre. Bekanntlich setzt ein Kulturraum Chr. offenbar auf äußeren Druck hin, über den ja
keineswegs die politische Einheit voraus wie auch auch Caesar (b. G. 1,37,3) berichtet, verlassen und
das Umgekehrte nicht zwingend gilt. in das weiter im Inneren Galliens gelegene Divodu-
Aber ab dem frühen 1. vorchristlichen Jahr- rum/Metz verlagert. Damit war auch Raum für die
hundert lassen sich an verschiedenen Orten vom spätere Ansiedlung der Triboker geschaffen.
Hochrhein bis zum Unterelsass die Aufgabe offener
spätlatènezeitlicher Siedlungen und ein Rückzug in
besser geschützte Plätze feststellen. Im Unterelsass 41 Siehe dazu Fichtl 2004 und Fichtl, Pierrevelcin 2005.
 Kelten, Germanen, Römer oder...? - Zur Siedlungsgeschichte am Oberrhein um die Zeitenwende 205

Abb. 4 Tarodunum im Dreisamtal mit Befestigung (1) und unbefestigter Siedlung (2). – Abb. nach Kelten 2005, Abb.
95 (Denkmalpflege, RP Freiburg).
Aus sachlichen wie aus forschungsgeschicht- archäologischen Beobachtungen vermutete man
lichen Gründen ist zudem die Geschichte von Taro- in Tarodunum eine umfangreiche, stark befestigte
dunum östlich von Freiburg besonders aufschluss- Stadt, also ein bedeutendes oppidum, von dem die
reich, zumal sie auch als exemplarisch gelten kann Umwallung in der Tat bis heute im Gelände sicht-
für eine sich bis in die Gegenwart immer wieder bar ist. Aber innerhalb des ca. 200 ha umfassen-
verändernde Forschungslage (Abb. 4). Der bereits den Areals wurden so gut wie keine Gebäudespu-
genannte Ptolemaios listet nämlich in einem Strei- ren nachgewiesen. Vor ca. 30 Jahren gelang aber
fen längs der Donau (!) (2,15,1-3) als erstes die fol- in Zarten im unmittelbaren Vorfeld des von dem
genden Städte (poleis) auf: Tarodunum, Arae Flaviae, Wall umschlossenen Areals die Entdeckung einer
Riusiava usw. Die Nennung von Arae Flaviae, dem ca. 14 ha umfassenden Siedlung der Spätlatène-
heutigen Rottweil, belegt den Ursprung dieses zeit, die man mit der lange gesuchten polis Tarodu-
Teils der Ortslisten nicht vor der Zeit Vespasians, num gleichsetzte, was jüngst allerdings schon wie-
andererseits aber noch vor der formellen Einrich- der infrage gestellt wird42. Hier wurden keltische
tung der Provinzen Ober- und Untergermanien Goldmünzen als Imitate griechischer Statere ge-
um 85 n. Chr., da das Gebiet von Ptolemaios noch prägt, und es gibt zuverlässige Hinweise darauf,
der römischen Provinz Belgica und nicht der Ger- dass die Bevölkerung nicht ausschließlich von der
mania superior zugeordnet wird. Dass sich der kel- Landwirtschaft, sondern auch vom Handwerk leb-
tische Name Tarodunum im heutigen Zarten bzw. te. Dies zeigt die Fertigung keramischer Produkte,
Kirchzarten am Ausgang des Höllentals erhalten von Schmuck aus Glas oder die Verarbeitung von
hat, ist unstrittig, nicht dagegen, ob er bis in die
vorrömische Zeit zurückreicht und mit welchen 42 Wendling 2005b; Dehn 2005; Wendling 2005c. Dazu
Siedlungsresten er zu verbinden ist. Nach älteren besonders Blöck 2016, 360-363.
206 Rainer Wiegels

Erzen, die in der Regel aus den nahen Lagerstätten inwieweit in diesen Zusammenhang auch die bei
des Schwarzwaldes stammten. Scherben italischer Ptolemaios (2,11,6) erwähnte und in der Konkreti-
Weinamphoren belegen zudem einen beachtlichen sierung umstrittene Helvetier-Einöde einbezogen
Lebensstandard mit mediterranen Einflüssen. werden kann, bleibe dahingestellt44.
Offenbar war mit Errichtung einer weitläufigen Hinsichtlich des Hiatus in der Besiedlung nach
Befestigung eine Konzentration der Einzelsied- Abbruch während der Phase LT D 2 lässt sich am
lungen im Umfeld geplant, was aber nicht mehr Oberrhein lediglich noch im Bereich von unmittel-
realisiert wurde. Die vor den Toren des Walles ge- bar am Fluss und in geschützter Position gelegenen
legene Siedlung war jedenfalls um 85/80 v. Chr., Plätzen eine Besiedlung, wenngleich auf verschie-
also noch vor der Eroberung Galliens durch Cae- dener Basis und in unterschiedlichen Phasen, nach-
sar, verlassen worden. Über die spezifischen Grün- weisen. So wurde etwa auf dem Limberg bei Sas-
de des Abzugs und das Schicksal der Siedler kön- bach eine Kleinbefestigung mit einer im Stil eines
nen wir nichts aussagen. Neben äußerem Druck murus Gallicus (Pfostenschlitzmauer) errichteten
können auch wirtschaftliche Gründe oder Verwer- Abschnittsmauer aus der Zeitstufe Latène D 1 er-
fungen innerhalb der Bevölkerung oder auch alles graben, die Siedlung jedoch erst um 60/50 v. Chr.,
zusammen nicht ausgeschlossen werden. Neuer- vielleicht auch wenig später aufgegeben45. In Brei-
dings möchte Blöck jedoch den Namen Tarodunum sach war zwar ebenfalls die Siedlung im Flachland
erst mit einem römerzeitlichen vicus frühestens aus (Breisach-Hochstetten) mit auch hier nachgewiese-
der Zeit um die Mitte des 1. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. nen bemerkenswerten Importen aus Italien zu Be-
verbinden, zu dem auch spärliche römerzeitliche ginn des 1. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. verlassen worden,
Baureste innerhalb des Wallbereichs gehören. Die der Münsterberg wurde jedoch nach derzeitigem
Folgerung einer frühen Wegetrasse über das Drei- Kenntnisstand erst ca. 20 Jahre später um 80/70
samtal in den Schwarzwald und die Postulierung v. Chr. als Kleinbefestigung eines spätkeltischen
einer militärischen Verbindungslinie vom Rheintal Potentaten besiedelt46. Dabei ist die zeitliche Lü-
zu den Kastellen an der oberen Donau vor der fla- cke bislang nicht schlüssig zu erklären. Nach der
vischen Zeit wird damit wieder problematisch. Sie römischen Eroberung Galliens blieb die befestigte
war ebenso wie die Annahme eines claudischen Ansiedlung bis etwa 40/30 v. Chr. bestehen, wobei
Kastells in Riegel am nördlichen Rand des Kaiser- anscheinend eine einheimische Besatzung in Diens-
stuhls zunächst behauptet, dann negiert, vor weni- ten Roms die Rheingrenze kontrollierte. Dann aber
gen Jahren wiederum vertreten worden, wird jetzt wurde Breisach geräumt und nicht weiter vom rö-
aber erneut abgelehnt bzw. als unbewiesen in Fra- mischen Militär direkt oder indirekt als Grenzpos-
ge gestellt mit Folgen auch für die Rekonstruktion ten verwendet. Etwas anders war die Situation auf
der militärischen Besetzungsgeschichte in früher dem Basler Münsterhügel, der nach Aufgabe einer
römischer Zeit43. im Vorfeld in der Ebene gelegenen Siedlung („Basel
Zusammengefasst ist mit Blick auf die Jahr- Gasfabrik“) ab ca. 80/70 v. Chr. bis in die römische
zehnte unmittelbar vor der römischen Besitznahme Kaiserzeit dauerhaft genutzt wurde. Hier überwog
generell eine deutliche, auch über die unmittelbar zunächst deutlich der militärische Charakter mit
an Hoch- und Oberrhein angrenzenden Zonen hin- einer starken Befestigung in Form eines murus Gal-
ausreichende Tendenz festzustellen, offene Siedlun- licus und Funktion als Grenzschutz, der wohl seit
gen aufzugeben oder in mehr oder weniger befes- Caesar in erster Linie Kriegern aus der ansässigen
tigte Anlagen überzusiedeln. Dies dürfte vor allem Bevölkerung unter adliger Führung und wenigen
zunehmender äußerer Bedrohung geschuldet sein, römischen Soldaten gleichsam als „Aufsichtsperso-
allerdings mahnt die Forschungslage vor voreiligen nen“ anvertraut war, aber nicht durch eine regulä-
verallgemeinernden Schlussfolgerungen. Ob und

44 Dobesch 1999.
43 Zur Straßenverbindung Fingerlin 2006; zu Riegel 45 Weber-Jenisch 1995; Wendling 2005b; Wendling 2005c,
Dreier 2005 – beides aber von Blöck hinsichtlich 97-99; Blöck 2016, 405.
Datierung und Funktion wieder in Frage gestellt. 46 Wendling 2005b; Stork 2007.
 Kelten, Germanen, Römer oder...? - Zur Siedlungsgeschichte am Oberrhein um die Zeitenwende 207

re römische Auxiliareinheit versehen wurde47. Wie gen in Basel und zunächst in Breisach können in der
für Basel ist auch für Vindonissa eine militärische caesarischen bis frühaugusteischen Zeit wohl als re-
Funktion nachweisbar48. Sowohl im Oppidum sel- gionale politische, militärische und wirtschaftliche
ber als auch am Fuß desselben sind dort seit etwa Zentren angesehen werden, wobei die ansässige
dem 2. Jahrzehnt v. Chr. kleinere militärische Ab- Bevölkerung unter Führung der Eliten auch in die
teilungen nachzuweisen. Gerechnet wird mit der Sicherungspoilitik einbezogen wurde53.
Anwesenheit von Angehörigen der römischen Während aber aus dem Bereich östlich und
Armee insbesondere in der Zeit der Stationierung nördlich von Ober- und Hochrhein nur vereinzel-
der legio XIX am Hochrhein in Dangstetten49 wäh- te Streufunde vor allem aus dem Umfeld von Basel
rend und nach den Alpenkriegen, welche sich mit vorliegen, welche einer Periode von Latène D2 bis in
der Zivilbevölkerung mischten. Charakteristisch die augusteische Zeit zugerechnet werden können,
für diese Zeit ist die Verbindung von Militärstütz- wurde bereits in frühaugusteischer Zeit in Basel
punkt und einheimischem oppidum, was besonders der zivile Charakter mit einer offenen Bebauungs-
die Situation auf dem Titelberg in Luxemburg ab struktur bestimmend. Vielleicht wurde hier in die-
etwa 30/29 v. Chr. verdeutlicht50. Auch bei anderen ser Zeit auch eine kleinere römische Militäreinheit
Orten Galliens konnte gezeigt oder wahrscheinlich stationiert. Zieht man das gesamte Helvetiergebiet
gemacht werden, dass in bestehenden Siedlungen mit in die Betrachtung ein, ordnet sich der Über-
ansässige Bewohner und militärische Abteilungen gang von einer stark militärisch geprägten in eine
Roms – welcher genauen Art auch immer – zeitwei- weitgehend zivile Phase ein in einen seit dem spä-
se neben- und miteinander existierten51. Ob allent- teren 1. Jahrhundert v. Chr. einsetzenden Prozess, in
halben und in welcher Zahl jeweils auch Legionäre dessen Verlauf vielfach befestigte oppida ohne oder
oder römische Hilfstruppen den Einheimischen an eher mit römischer Order zugunsten von offenen,
die Seite gestellt wurden oder ob Letztere auf Kos- kleinstädtischen vici aufgegeben wurden. Dabei
ten Roms auf römische Weise militärisch ausgerüs- blieben häufig die traditionellen sakralen Orte der
tet wurden, lässt sich nicht in allgemeiner Form be- Einheimischen bestehen. In diesem Zusammen-
antworten. Grundsätzlich kann jedenfalls aus der hang werden auch Anlage und frühe Geschichte
Bezeugung römischer militaria in Siedlungen nicht der colonia Augusta Raurica bei Basel diskutiert, was
ohne weiteres auf eine militärische Anlage bzw. Be- nach Auffinden zweier größerer Bruchstücke von
satzung Roms geschlossen werden52. Die Siedlun- zwei Bronzetafeln mit parallelem Text in Augst zu
intensiven Diskussionen, aber auch Kontroversen
47 Basel-Gasfabrik: Spichtig 2005; Basel-Münsterhügel: geführt hat54. Umstritten ist die genauere Datierung
Deschler-Erb 2004; Deschler-Erb, Hagendorn 2005; der Anlage einer colonia an diesem Ort, welche nach
Deschler-Erb 2008. einer Angabe auf seinem Grabdenkmal im itali-
48 Hagendorn et al. 2003.
49 Vgl. dazu die Grabungsergebnisse von Fingerlin,
bes. Dangstetten I und II, die inzwischen generell „Postface“ von Reddé; ferner Reddé 2009b und 2011,
als wichtiger Eckpfeiler der frührömischen bes. 65-69.
Okkupationsgeschichte unter Augustus gelten. Das 53 Erwähnenswert ist in diesem Zusammenhang auch das
Lager von Angehörigen der legio XIX und Hilfstruppen weiter rheinaufwärts gelegene spätkeltische oppidum
wurde im Kontext des Alpenfeldzuges 16/15 v. Chr. Altenburg-Rheinau, dazu bes. Fischer 2004; Bräuning
angelegt und bestand bis etwa 9/8 v.Chr. Auf die 2005.
umfangreiche weitere Forschung zur römischen 54 1. AE 1974, 435 = AE 2000, 1030; s. Epigraphica Helvetica
Militärgeschichte im zeitlichen und regionalen Umfeld 2018, 4: L(ucio) Octa[vio . f(ilio)] / nuncu[patori] / colonia
kann hier nicht weiter eingegangen werden, nähere P[aterna] / [[M[unatia Felix]]] / Apollinaris / Augusta
Angaben bei Lehmann 2018. Emerita / Raurica / publice]. 2. AE 2000, 1031: [Imp(eratori)
50 S. dazu schon weiter oben S. 193 mit Anm. 34. Caesari / Divi f. / Augusto / conditori /colonia Paterna /
51 Überblicke bei Goudineau 1996. Vgl aber auch Reddé [[Munatia Felix]] / Apollin]aris / [Augusta E]merita / [Raur]
2008 (u. a. zu traditionellen Ansichten etwa von E. M. ica / publ]ice. Die Ergänzung des Beginns des zweiten
Wightman) sowie Reddé 2011 und 2015. Titulus ist unsicher. Vgl. dazu auch AE 2000, 1032a-c,
52 Vgl. dazu die Beiträge bei Poux 2008 mit dem verschiedene Graffiti auf diesen Bronzen.
208 Rainer Wiegels

schen Gaeta Munatius Plancus ebenso wie diejenige täranlagen wie Sasbach oder Riegel entweder dem
der (colonia) Copia Felix Munatia Lugudunum vorge- Schutz einer frühen Straßenverbindung vom Ober-
nommen hat55. Plancus war 44/43 v. Chr. Statthal- rhein über den Schwarzwald zur Donau dienten
ter in der Gallia Comata. Mit diesem Datum wur- oder eine Vorfeldsicherung für die linksrheinischen
de gewöhnlich die Gründung der beiden Kolonien Militäranlagen darstellten, postuliert die aktuelle
verbunden, was aber insofern durch die besagten Forschung eine zunächst völlig militärfreie Zone
Bronzetafeln infrage gestellt wird, weil diese auf nördlich und östlich von Hoch- und Oberrhein.
eine Gründung oder besser Neugründung – viel- Diese wird als ein militärisch vor allem von Argen-
leicht nach Abgang der ersten Anlage an welchem torate, Argentovaria und Vindonissa aus überwachtes
genauen Ort auch immer; ernsthaft erwogen wird Glacis interpretiert, welches zwangsweise von Be-
Basel – deutlich in die augusteische Zeit verweisen. siedlung freigehalten wurde57. Grundsätzlich schei-
Neuerdings wird auch in Erwägung gezogen, dass nen also staatliche Eingriffe und organisatorische
Plancus, der noch im Jahr 22 v. Chr. als Censor am- Maßnahmen auf die Siedlungsstrukturen in diesem
tierte, die Ansiedlung erst in den 20er Jahren vorge- Gebiet fördernd wie hindernd je nach Interessenla-
nommen haben könnte. Angesiedelt wurden aber ge eine wichtige Rolle gespielt zu haben. Die Dis-
offenbar in erster Linie entlassene Soldaten aus den kussion um militärische Aktionen und Anlagen aus
Legionen, also römische Bürger. Den komplexen, vorflavischer Zeit auf der rechten Rheinseite am
wenngleich hochinteressanten Sachzusammenhang Oberrhein ist somit erneut voll in Gang gekommen
können wir hier nicht auflösen. und keineswegs abschließend entschieden. Später
Nach Stefanie Martin-Kilcher „hat die Okkupa- sei der Raum östlich des Rheins bis zum Schwarz-
tionsmacht Rom seit etwa Mitte des 1. Jahrhunderts v. waldrand dann in der südlichen Zone von Neu-
Chr. neue Prioritäten gesetzt, die Auswirkungen auf siedlern mit der Anlage von Villen und Einzelhof-
die regionale Schicht der grundbesitzenden Aristokratie siedlungen kolonisiert worden, ohne dass sich diese
hatten […]“56. Der Prozess von den spätkeltischen, zwingend an den großen Verkehrswegen orientiert
befestigten oppida zu den zunächst offenen provin- hätten. Dabei deuten verschiedene Indizien darauf
zialrömischen Städten und vici seit der Mitte des hin, dass Neusiedler aus Gallien die entscheidende
1. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. ist demnach als Folge der Rolle spielten, was die viel verhandelte Bemerkung
Herrschaft Roms und seiner Politik und als Teil des des Tacitus (Germ. 29,3) in Erinnerung ruft, wonach
damit erfolgten Kulturwandels zu verstehen, wobei levissimus quisque Gallorum et inopia audax dubiae
die einheimische Führungsschicht sich gegebenen- possessionis solum occupavere. Genauer wird diese
falls als Elite in einer Gemeinde mit einer römischen Aussage allerdings mit den agri decumati verbun-
Verwaltungsstruktur etablierte. den. Eine eingehende, chronologisch differenzierte
Eine intensive zivile römerzeitliche Besiedlung Analyse des dann einsetzenden Prozesses mit ver-
setzt im südlichen Oberrheingebiet erst wieder in schiedenen Siedlungstypen wie Streuhofanlagen,
tiberisch-frühclaudischer Zeit ein, im nördlich daran vici oder villae ist an dieser Stelle nicht möglich.
anschließenden Bereich im Wesentlichen jedoch erst Besonders hingewiesen sei aber auf die villa urbana
unter Nero. Es handelt sich dabei zunächst primär bei Heitersheim, südlich von Freiburg mit Beginn
um ländliche Einzelsiedlungen, nicht um vici, mit bereits um 30 n. Chr., eine Anlage im besten Baustil
Kontakt vor allem in den Raum westlich des Rheins italischer Landhäuser mit mindestens 20 km2 Land-
mit den dortigen eher stadt- und dorfartigen bzw. besitz58. Sie ist die größte bislang bekannt geworde-
militärisch strukturierten Siedlungen. Im Gegen- ne römische Einzelsiedlung am rechten Oberrhein
satz zur Ansicht, dass die rechtsrheinischen Mili- mit einer zentralen Lage im dortigen Straßennetz
und fruchtbarem Umfeld. Neben ihr verdient die
römische Villa von Laufenburg am Hochrhein aus
55 CIL X 6087. – Der vollständige Name ist für Lugudunum
durch Münzemissionen belegt. Der Bestandteil
Munatia wird später unterdrückt, die Gründung damit
gleichsam Augustus zugeschrieben. 57 Blöck 2016, 223-244.
56 Martin-Kilcher 2015, 273. 58 Nuber 1997; Blöck 2016, bes. 352-354.
 Kelten, Germanen, Römer oder...? - Zur Siedlungsgeschichte am Oberrhein um die Zeitenwende 209

derselben Zeit besondere Beachtung59. Weitere grö- genüber dem früher ergrabenen größeren Gräber-
ßere Anlagen in Form von villae rusticae existierten feldes vor wenigen Jahren hat sich deren aus den
spätestens um die Mitte des 1. Jahrhunderts n.Chr. Sachgütern erschlossene Zuordnung zu den Swe-
auch an anderen Orten. Dies und andere Hinweise ben erneut bestätigt. Rom tolerierte sichtlich diese
legen Zeugnis dafür ab, wie eine neue Generation elbgermanischen Gruppen, welche sich gleichsam
der einheimischen Oberschicht ihren Lebensstil zu- als Militärsiedler an der Verteidigung der Grenzen
nehmend nach mediterranem Vorbild veränderte. beteiligen sollten, aber sich erst sekundär in der
Landwirtschaft und Kleingewerbe dominierten of- ersten Hälfte des 1. nachchristlichen Jahrhunderts
fenbar die Wirtschaft. Etwas unklar sind die diesbe- im rechtsrheinischen Raum niedergelassen hatten.
züglichen Entwicklungen im linken Oberrheintal, Aufgrund der Funde in den Waffengräbern, die zu
wo sich anscheinend die traditionellen Strukturen dieser Zeit auch andernorts in Gallien nachzuwei-
in den ländlichen Bereichen länger hielten, was sen sind, wurde früher ein sukzessives Vordringen
vielleicht auf eine geringere Bevölkerungsfluktuati- swebischer Gruppen mit oder ohne römische Wei-
on zurückzuführen ist. Allerdings beschränken sich sung von Nord nach Süd vermutet. Der zeitliche
die hier nachgewiesenen Siedlungsspuren in erster Beginn der Ansiedlung bei Diersheim kann jetzt
Linie auf den Umkreis der oppida, im Bereich des aber bereits in die tiberische Zeit datiert werden,
Sundgaus fehlen sie mit Ausnahme von Sierentz60 so dass sie sich in den Horizont der tiberischen
bislang nahezu völlig. Erkennbar ist an manchen Grenzpolitik am Rhein einfügt. Damit lässt sich
Orten eine Siedlungskontinuität zwischen der Spät- auch die Annahme eines vergleichsweise langsa-
latène- und der Römerzeit, aber ohne Veränderung men, abschnittsweisen Vordringens dieser Grup-
der materiellen Kultur oder Siedlungsformen bis in pen nach Süden in dieser Form nicht mehr halten.
die tiberische Zeit. Betont wird, dass es in diesem Ein Übriges ist einem bemerkenswerten aktuellen
Bereich nur wenige Siedlungen gibt, die noch vor Inschriftfund aus dem Offenburger Raum zu ent-
Beginn des 1. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. Einflüsse aus nehmen. In dieser Inschrift wird ein princeps Sue-
dem Mittelmeerraum erkennen lassen. Grundsätz- borum genannt, der offenbar Ordnungsfunktio-
lich müssen in der linksrheinischen Zone verstärkt nen und Verwaltungsaufgaben in diesem Raum
Forschungslücken vor allem wegen des Rebanbaus übernommen hatte62. Zugleich wird damit das
im Vorfeld der Vogesen und der schwierigeren Sied- Ethnikon Suebi gesichert, ähnlich wie bei den Sue-
lungsbedingungen in der Ebene mit den Feuchtzo- bi Nicrenses um Lopodunum/Ladenburg, beides
nen in Betracht gezogen werden. Dennoch besteht Hinweise auf künstliche Benennungen seitens
kein Anlass zu unterschiedslosen Verallgemeine- Rom. Entsprechende germanische Funde lassen
rungen, welche auch nicht aus den archäologischen sich bei den auf die linke Rheinseite übergesie-
Funden und Befunden abzuleiten sind. In diesem delten germanischen Stämmen nur gelegentlich
Zusammenhang darf der Hinweis auf swebische, nachweisen, wobei zudem zu fragen wäre, ob sie
aber offenbar nicht stammesmäßig organisierte eine ungebrochene Tradition bezeugen. Bemer-
Siedlergruppen im nördlichen Oberrheintal östlich kenswert sind die nachzuweisenden dauerhaften
des Stromes nicht fehlen61. Von den Gruppen um Kontakte der „Oberrheinsweben“ in den elbger-
Groß Gerau, den sogenannten Neckarsweben um manischen Raum bis an die Wende zum 3. Jahr-
Ladenburg und Oberrheinsweben bei Diersheim hundert, ohne jedoch eine gewisse Eigenständig-
im rechtsrheinischen Vorfeld von Straßburg sind in keit zu verkennen.
unserem Zusammenhang besonders Letztere von Es fällt schwer, auch nur eine vorläufige, sach-
Interesse. Nach Entdeckung eines weiteren und ge- lich abgesicherte Bilanz zu ziehen. Unterschiedliche
Perspektiven der verschiedenen Wissenschaftsdis-
59 Blöck 2016, 366-369. ziplinen mit eigener Methodik führen zu differen-
60 Wolf 2005; Murer, Roth-Zehner 2009. zierten Erkenntnissen, die nicht immer leicht zu
61 Grundlegend Nierhaus 1966. – Aufschlussreiche harmonisieren sind. Zudem sind manche Quellen-
aktuelle Grabungsergebnisse s. Schrempp et al. 2016;
2017. Zu den Neckarsweben Schlegel 2000; auf breiterer
Grundlage Lenz-Bernhard, Bernhard 1991. 62 Blöck, Lauber, Tränkle 2016, 497 = AE 2016, 1159.
210 Rainer Wiegels

zeugnisse und konkreten Beobachtungen bei kriti- renden Veränderungsprozessen zuzumessen, die
scher Würdigung offen für ganz unterschiedliche aber auch durch äußere Anstöße oder begleitende
Deutungen, so dass generalisierende Urteile nur Maßnahmen in Gang gesetzt sein können.
mit der gebotenen Vorsicht und unter Berücksichti- Kelten, Germanen, Römer oder wer oder was?
gung der zugrunde gelegten Kriterien erlaubt sein Eine belastbare Aussage darüber, ob und in welchem
sollten. Im Zweifelsfall empfiehlt es sich jedenfalls, Maße diesbezüglich eine identitätsstiftende Selbst-
Fragen eher offen zu halten als sie aufgrund mehr zuordnung der Bewohner erfolgte, lässt die Quel-
spekulativ vermuteter als überprüfbar gesicherter lenlage kaum zu. Davon unabhängig aber wäre der
Erkenntnisse als gelöst zu behaupten. Dennoch sei- Frage des Näheren nachzugehen, wie umfassend so-
en in unserem konkreten Zusammenhang einige ziale oder ökonomische Interaktionen waren, welche
nicht unbedingt überraschende Schlussfolgerungen Folgen sie hatten und auf welche Weise davon die
erlaubt: In der Phase von der Zeitstufe LT 1 bis in verschiedene Bevölkerungsgruppen beeinflusst wa-
die frühe Kaiserzeit wurde die Siedlungsgeschich- ren. Das Forschungsfeld ist alles andere als ein be-
te an Hoch- und Oberrhein stark von äußeren Vor- reits abschließend beackertes Gelände.
gängen geprägt. Sie führten aber nicht unbedingt „Globalisierung oder Romanisierung?“, hieß
zu flächendeckenden Umwälzungen, so dass sich es eingangs. Unsere Antwort mit Bezug auf unsere
den verschiedenen, insbesondere natürlichen Vor- Fallstudie ist: „Globalisierung und Romanisierung“.
aussetzungen entsprechend in großen Teilen auch Allerdings „Globalisierung“ im unspezifischen
nach umfassenden, insbesondere politischen oder Sinn von „connectivity“ im Rahmen und unter
militärstrategischen Veränderungen im Bereich von den Bedingungen des orbis Romanus und „Romani-
Siedlungs-, Wirtschafts- und Sozialstruktur traditi- sierung“ im Sinne von Prozessen, welche selbst in
onelle Elemente beharrlich über lange Zeit hinweg vergleichsweise kleinräumigem Ausmaß grundle-
durchhielten. Selbstverständlich erschöpft sich die gende und somit zur Erklärung nötigende Diversi-
Geschichte der Bewohner an Hoch- und Oberrhein tät zeitigt und zugleich entscheidender Bestandteil
an der Zeitenwende nicht im Prozess der Rezeption jener zeitbezogenen „Globalisierung“ ist63.
aufgezwungener oder freiwillig adaptierter poli-
tischer, wirtschaftlicher und kultureller Einflüsse
aus der Mittelmeerwelt oder auch deren Resistenz
dagegen. Erhebliche Bedeutung ist den gleichsam 63 Wiegels, im Druck.
autonomen, aus eigenen Voraussetzungen resultie-
 Kelten, Germanen, Römer oder...? - Zur Siedlungsgeschichte am Oberrhein um die Zeitenwende 211

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Hispaniae
About the variety and change of structural frameworks in the Hispaniae
during the 1st century AD on the example of Baetian Munigua
Thomas Schattner*

Abstract entific languages, the term lacks this specific aggra-

vation that is inherent in the German term. The dic-
In the Hispaniae, and especially in the Baetian Mu- tionaries translate English ‘business model’ or more
nigua, the 1st century AD proved to be the epoch of de- general ‘framework’ or ‘regulatory framework’,
cisive changes that would shape the following centuries. French ‘cadre réglementaire’, which, however, re-
With the Pax Augusta a period of peace began. With the main more general in comparison to German. The
Claudian interest in the expansion of the infrastructure, Spanish ‘marco reglamentario’ and the Italian trans-
especially of the Hispanic West (apparently with regard lation ‘quadro normativo’ come closer to German.
to the conquest of Britain and the necessity of supply- This specific intensification of the German
ing the army), with the Vespasian award of Latin law terms ‘Ordnung’ and ‘Ordnungsrahmen’ can be
to whole Hispania (universa Hispania) the Hispani traced back above all to the research of the Austri-
achieved legal equality. Against the background of mas- an School of Economics. These have given them a
sive immigration from Italy at the end of the 1st century concrete social, economic, philosophic and political
BC, these historical changes led to corresponding chang- orientation2. For their considerations, the concept
es in the political, legal, social, religious, cultural and lin- of order is central3. The Enlightenment philoso-
guistic frameworks. In the province of Baetica, the effect phers Charles de Secondat, Baron de Montesquieu
is particularly profound, since the largest number of reg- (1689-1755), David Hume (1711-1776) and Adam
ulatory frameworks is affected. Using the example of the Smith (1723-1790) had already dealt with these is-
small town of Munigua, which is particularly suitable sues with regard to their questions about freedom
due to its good research situation, this article examines and the institutions which make freedom possible,
the most important regulatory frameworks. It is shown about social relations and morality. The concept of
that these often correspond to spontaneous orders and spontaneous order plays a special role here. This is
thus have a dynamic character. Changes are usually ex- “the spontaneous, unplanned emergence of order
tensions. Some of the frames stretch considerably, they from supposed or actual chaos”4. Thus Friedrich
become larger and more permeable, some, such as the mil- August von Hayek repeatedly refers to the Scottish
itary, almost disappear. At the end of the 1st century AD moral philosopher and enlightener Adam Ferguson
Munigua is integrated into the empire in every respect. (1723-1816)5. According to Ferguson, the spontane-
ous, unplanned emergence of order is not a “result
Introduction of a reading in advance (Wiegels 2020) R. Wiegels/
Osnabrück. The scientific bibliography on the topics
The1 central concept of the following remarks is touched upon in this article is legion. In this respect, the
‘regulatory framework’. In the other European sci- cited works are to be understood as examples, so to speak,
as entrances into the respective specific problems.
* Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, Madrid. 2 For example, Hayek 2003a; Hayek 2003b, 37-56.
[email protected] 3 Petsoulas 2001; Gedeon 2015.
1 For tips and suggestions I thank M. Blech/Bad Krozingen, 4 Wikipedia (access on 25.10.2019).
A. Krug/Berlin and I. Krumm/Madrid, for the possibility 5 Hamowy 2005.
220 Thomas Schattner

Fig. 1 Development of the regulatory frameworks in Hispaniae.

of human design, but of human action”6. Hayek unsuccessful planning and the corresponding cha-
takes up this idea on several occasions, and in his os and to transfer them into order. In the present
considerations of the conflict between the planned case, the regulatory framework means the structure
economy and the market economy he assigns it cen- and new establishment of the various sets of rules
tral argumentative power. Thus, the planning inter- that were changed or newly introduced by Rome in
vention presupposes a degree of knowledge of the Hispaniae. The sum of the measures ultimately led
authors (pretendence of knowledge) that can never to Romanization8. The main focus of this article lies
be achieved. In this respect, the planning promise therefore on the most important Roman regulatory
can never be fulfilled. On the contrary, the inevita-
ble gaps in knowledge may have consequences that the price as a controlling body. In this way, the
are rather unintended. market makes possible a “more efficient allocation of a
Against it, the market economy, by virtue of its company’s resources than any type of design”, quoted
quality as a spontaneous system of order, is not only by Petsoulas 2001, 2.
8 The use of the term at this point is as usual “weniger
in a position to absorb the knowledge deposited in
auf dem Hintergrund von Anschauungen […], die
many places and the information scattered among
bewusst oder unbewusst, positiv wie negativ, aus
individuals more efficiently, to bind and bundle it modernen Vorstellungen zu Kolonisierung oder auch
together and thus to form a balanced basis for deci- Kolonialismus rezipiert wurden, sondern gleichsam
sions7, but also to better assess the consequences of naiv und eher deskriptiv, also beschreibend, als
begrifflich exakt definierte […] Romanisierung”
6 Ferguson 1767; Waszek 2004. (Wiegels 2016, 55, Anm 4; see also in this sense Wiegels
7 It is crucial that it can rely on the mechanism of 2020, 16, note 65).
 About the variety and change of structural frameworks in the Hispaniae 221

frameworks in Hispaniae. This concern the regional zation in each historical epoch in question and its
as well as the local muniguensian level. They are corresponding, time-related conceptuality13. It is an
embedded in the overall Roman frameworks. Due adaptation of the term Romanization to the respec-
to the obvious limitations their development (fig. 1) tive contemporary discourses. Thus, the colonial
can only be briefly outlined. period of the 19th century forms the background
The spontaneous order described, which is in- for the concept of Romanization as an assimilation,
herent in the concept of order and can be observed according to which the Romans would have con-
again and again in certain processes of life, describes sciously adapted the world of the provincials to the
well the Roman policy of conquest after the Second political and cultural peculiarities of Rome. In the
Punic War. In fact, this policy did not aim at the Ro- period of decolonization up to the 1960s, howev-
manization of provincial societies, nor to the subse- er, Romanization was understood as acculturation,
quent administration of the subjugated territories9. for which the provincials themselves strove to take
As Umberto Laffi states, Rome in Hispania, unlike in over Roman living conditions “by learning Latin,
Central Italy and Gallia Cisalpina, for almost a cen- running Roman villas or acquiring Roman citizen-
tury acted without any plan and without a conclu- ship for themselves and their communities”14. The
sive, long-term concept, to which it only gradually difference between the two diffusion models lies in
found its way in the course of the 2nd century BC, the understanding of the respective epoch of the ac-
especially after Numantia and the Lusitanian wars10. tion‘s location. In the first case, the weight of action
This concept will later be based on the firm will to is recognized by the Romans, whereas in the second
integrate Hispaniae as a province into the Roman case it is recognized by the provincials. The next
Empire11. It is performed above all in the provinces epoch from the 1970s onwards is marked by multi-
of the Citerior and the Ulterior, in the Mediterranean lateralism. Dualistic explanations emerge which are
coastal areas and in the southern region of the Gua- characterized by the interaction of both sides15.
dalquivir-Valley (Baetis), but it will take until Cae- The equation now put forward by M. Pitts and
sar’s and Augustus’ time, this to say up to 200 years, M.J. Versluys16, according to which ancient Roman-
to establish an efficient administration. ization finds an explanation through the modern
The first interventions of Rome are military, concept of globalization17, is, strictly speaking, noth-
political, administrative and economic. In these ar- ing more than a renewed updating and adaptation
eas, hard facts were created and the corresponding to the common way of today‘s conceptualism; for it
regulatory frameworks established. As structural continues the tradition of the described approaches.
measures, they affect nearly all areas of life. They The term globalisation has been on everyone’s
are the components of the process that since the 19th lips since the end of the XXth century18. As an un-
century has been collectively referred to as Roman- planned action, globalization is also a spontaneous
ization. The problem of the term has always been order. As part of it, an infinite number of individu-
seen and its limited hermeneutic expressiveness al activities from intertwined paths and unwanted
has always been recognized, which has led to con- results of human action have an effect, but as a re-
tinuous redefinitions, especially in the Anglo-Sax- sult of human action, globalization is no historical
on-Dutch bibliography, which, as is well known, necessity. Under sufficiently drastic circumstances
led to a complete rejection, so that new terms came it can collapse. To spread, it needs a stable politi-
up, which, however, were also seen controversially cal order and a functioning legal frame. Its mod-
and found no consensus12. From the point of view ern driving forces are economically the reduction
of research history, a direct connection can be seen of transport costs and socially the acceleration of
between the understanding of the term Romani-
13 Gutsfeld 2019, 4.
14 Gutsfeld 2019, 4.
9 Gutsfeld 2019, 5. 15 Gutsfeld 2019, 4.
10 Summing up Laffi 2002, 19 ff. 16 Pitts, Versluys 2015; reviews Wiegels 2016.
11 Gutsfeld 2019, 6. 17 Engels 2015.
12 Gutsfeld 2019. 18 Summary of history of research, e.g. Wiegels 2020.
222 Thomas Schattner

the exchange of information, which make global the origin of each of its subprocesses can be local-
expansion possible in the first place. Like any pro- ised but its spread into the world can hardly be
cess, globalization is dynamic, which means that stopped. The typical feature of this characteristic is
once positions have been reached, they can only be its dynamism, since it has different effects depend-
maintained through ever new efforts. It is not only ing on place and time. And this is also an essential
an economic phenomenon, but is characterised by difference from the previous understanding of Ro-
the fact that it affects almost all areas of life such manization, which is usually regarded by research-
as life forms and consumption, politics and law, ers as a firmly anchored model that is assumed to
procedures and technology, language, cult and be uniform and stable from the outset, while – as
culture. It thus crosses in a general way the thresh- described at the beginning – it has affected Roman
old from foreign policy to world domestic policy, reality in very different ways depending on time,
while Romanization remains first and foremost place and extent22.
inside the Roman Imperium, perhaps including Finally, however, the difference in speed should
the adjacent areas outside the limes, and is thus be noted. While today’s globalization overcomes
primarily a domestic matter of inner affairs. This national borders at a rapid pace just as it creates
requires institutions with the appropriate compe- new scientific-technical, economic, political and so-
tence and the ability to act. For the states it covers, cio-cultural relations between the continents, which
this means that the interface between state respon- ultimately span the entire globe, so long was the
sibility and individual responsibility must be rede- process of Romanization, which, as is well known,
fined because the individual has a leading role to did not proceed uniformly in the regions of vary-
play. As the bearer of the information in question ing strength at different times and in different social
and at the same time the agent of implementation, contexts and only led to unification after four cen-
he has to assume a larger share of responsibility. turies, so that all citizens of the Roman Empire were
Some components of globalization are also indeed Romans and felt themselves to be part of a
present in Romanization. They were, however, as- common world23.
sessed differently in the course of the above-men- Another difference concerns the desire and the
tioned epochs, which - as described - developed a possibility to participate, which in Romanization is
specific understanding of Romanization. linked to certain conditions of legal status. The var-
At various points in the present article, diver- ious social classes had limited opportunities to par-
gences with the understanding of Romanization ticipate. Thus, everyone could use Terra sigillata as
have already flashed up19. Romanization has so tableware, especially since there had been no choice
far been understood in older studies unilaterally in Baetica since the advanced 1st century AD, but
above all as cultural change20. Its other facets, es- not visit to the thermae, participation in banquets,
pecially the legal ones, remained unheeded even etc. On the other hand, participation in globaliza-
though these two dimensions of the process were tion is from the outset theoretically at the discretion
seen together in antiquity21. Accordingly, and in of the individual and finds its limits in his decisions
contrast to this older opinion, the model of Roman- and economic possibilities.
ization recently put forward and described below Against the background described above, it is
also understands it, very similarly to globalization, no wonder that recently an attempt has been made
as a comprehensive process that encompassed all to look back and to rehabilitate the concept of ro-
realities of life. manization with the aim of saving it as an impor-
Romanisation also contains one of the essential tant heuristic category for the studies oft he Roman
characteristics of globalization, according to which World24.

19 For a general vision see the relevant bibliography at

Wiegels 2016; Wiegels 2020. 22 Gutsfeld 2019, 4.
20 Common definition by Woolf 2001, 1122. 23 Gutsfeld 2019, 5.
21 Gutsfeld 2019, 4. 24 Gutsfeld et al. 2019, 199.
 About the variety and change of structural frameworks in the Hispaniae 223

Regulatory Use of Latin Thermal

Impact Diffusion Emulation
Framework or – in the culture;
Paideia -
Human East – Greek Roman-
Cultural humanitas;
and as an official Mediterranean
otium
material and cultural food
losses language culture etc.
due to the Cults of
Military conquest; traditional
Roman Roman
military deities
New cults, in
camps; (Jupiter Pietas as
particular the
imperial etc.); obedience
Religious imperial cult
roads Roman to gods and
and the cult of
End of Oriental emperors
the Dea Roma
diplomatic cults
and (Isis, Kybele,
Roman Mithras etc.);
military
ideology Christianity
independence;
of Fights
secondment
domination, (gladiator
of auxiliary
Political connected Civilian- and circus);
soldiers to
with urban city
Rome;
emperor, calendar,
founding
senate, etc.
of colonies and
army Linguistic Latin Latin
municipalities;
Imperial Amphitheatre;
calendar triumphal
arches;
Foedera aequa Architectonical
supra-regional
and iniqua;
road network
establishment
Administrative etc.
of the Concrete,
provincial brick
administration construction,
Confiscation of roof tiles,
lands, mines, Technological
bridge
etc.; cadastral construction;
registration; terra sigillata;
tax collection, codex, etc.
at least in part Aristocratic
with payment rule;
Economical
in Roman municipal
currency; new Institutional
institutions
production and honorary
methods and offices
trade routes; Model of urbs;
construction of urban life
villae forms
Fides between (banquets,
Establishment Civilian-
patrons culture, plays);
Social of provincial social
and clients; buildings
governors
euergetism (amphitheatres,
Change in Roman triumphal
personal or citizenship; arches)
Juridical
Community legal status
legal status of a city Tab. 1 Framework of romanisation based on the processes
impact, diffusion and emulation (according to Gutsfeld 2019
on the basis of Inglebert 2005).
224 Thomas Schattner

This attempt is based on a fundamental study baths, which is typologically clearly identifiable as Ro-
by Hervé Inglebert, who distinguishes three steps man. In early Flavian times the Forum with the Curia
in the Romanization process. The impact sets the and then the Basilica were added. Thus, at the foot of
frameworks within which the inhabitants of the Im- the city hill, there is a closed structural unit of an in-
perium Romanum have to move. It fundamentally sula containing all public buildings. At the same time,
influences their possibilities of action and poten- to the east of Thermae street, downhill, the first closed
tially demands a self-positioning. This framework row of houses with town villas of the usual Roman
is supported by the corresponding military, fiscal, style, such as those found in Pompeii, is being built.
legal and administrative facts created by Rome. The terrace sanctuary, which dominates the town,
Within this framework, the diffusion of elements of also dates from the early Flavian period. Its architec-
material and immaterial Roman culture takes place ture stands in the late Republican tradition of terrace
through a broad exchange. This in turn can trigger sanctuaries in central Italy. Its construction presup-
imitation/emulation among the inhabitants25. The in- poses the demolition of the above-mentioned older
terplay of these facts forms the frameworks of the Turdetan settlement, which had functioned there until
Roman Empire. This model structures because it then30. Thus the Flavian phase proves to be the most
takes life habits into account and better reflects his- important construction phase of the city. Almost all the
torical conditions and differences. It has the advan- buildings, both public and private, will be constructed
tage over the older models, which resulted from the during this period. Thus the city possessed the usual
consideration in individual provinces of the Roman building equipment of Roman provincial cities and
Empire, as for instance the northwestern26, that all was fully functional. The phase coincides with the
provinces, those of the Greek east like those of the award of the Ius latii31 by Vespasianus32, whereby in
Latin west, are contemplated and included. the Hispaniae more than 300 municipalities were giv-
en city rights as colonies or municipiums at one go33.
Munigua In the following time only a few new buildings will be
built. A further section of the city wall and some Co-
The following study refers to the Municipium Fla- rinthian capitals, which have not yet been assigned to
vium Muniguense, Munigua (Villanueva del Río y Mi- a building, document construction activity in Severan
nas, Province of Seville, Spain, fig. 2). His example is times34. From the later time only graves are known35.
used to describe the main regulatory frameworks to Muniguas’s abandonment was effective after the Al-
which it was subjected during its development. The mohad Period in the XIIth century36.
foundation date of Munigua27 is likely to be in view
of the finds of Attic rf. pottery in the second or third Regulatory Frames
quarter of the 4th century BC. If one were to justify the
dating with stockage or kitchen pottery, an earlier date With the setting of the regulatory frameworks
in the late 5th century would perhaps be possible28. of emperor, law37 and coin, Rome has created a state
This Turdetan settlement seems to have been limited order which must be regarded as one of the most
to the hilltop of the city hill. Our knowledge on ear-
ly Munigua is very scarce29. On its eastern slope there 30 Griepentrog 1991, 151-152 ff.
was a whole series of smelting furnaces that bear wit- 31 Abascal Palazón, Espinosa Ruiz 1989, 42-44, 71.
ness to metal extraction and processing. At the begin- 32 Schattner 2013, 348; on the importance of this legal act
ning of the imperial period - in the epoch of Claudius in the Hispanic provinces Guichard 1993.
– the first public building was erected with the thermal 33 Abascal Palazón, Espinosa Ruiz 1989, 225.
34 City wall: Schattner 2003, 52-60; Schattner 2019, 159-
162; capitals: Ahrens 2004, 399 f.
25 Gutsfeld 2019; Gutsfeld et al. 2019, 193. 35 To the Roman tombs of the 4th century AD Raddatz
26 Gutsfeld 2019, 4. 1973, 39-41; to the Late Antique and Early Islamic
27 Summary now by Schattner 2019. Tombs Eger 2006, 2009, 2016.
28 Schattner 2006, 46; Schattner 2019, 20. 36 Schattner 2003, 2019.
29 Griepentrog 1991; Schattner 2019. 37 Hammond 1972, 279-302.
 About the variety and change of structural frameworks in the Hispaniae 225

Fig. 2 Phase plan of Munigua.

stable and successful ones in the history of man- in the provinces40. All social, economic and cultural
kind. Rome ruled over 60-80 million inhabitants development took place through these cities. The
in Europe, Africa and the Middle East, an area of verticality of the state apparatus, held by the throne,
5 million square kilometers38, whose borders were stood in an orderly relationship to the horizontality
ensured by an army of (depending on the epoch) of the urban system. The system contained a sta-
350,000-600,00039 men under arms, the latter num- bility that did not allow for a drift apart or even a
ber in case of urgent necessity. The borders stretched thought on independence through division in the
from Scotland to the Sahara and from the Atlantic to cities. On the contrary, the balance achieved made
the Euphrates. The structure was held together by it possible to combine the various interests, which
two axes: the vertical, in the form of the monarchy could be local, regional or worldwide in character,
with its central legislative and military powers, and in the unity of the Roman Empire. Accordingly, in
the horizontal, by the cities, which kept the balance his famous Rome-speech, Aelius Aristides could
describe the political structure of the empire as a
38 Abascal Palazón, Espinosa Ruiz 1989, 194.
39 Kolb 1984, 247. 40 Abascal Palazón, Espinosa Ruiz 1989, 195 f.
226 Thomas Schattner

Fig. 3 Munigua’s location in the Baetis/Guadalquivir valley.

community of poleis41. Ultimately, it represents When a new governor took office in the province,
a global balance based on municipal autonomy, he brought his comitiva of friends and helpers with
which was embedded in the general structural reg- him, as he could not count on local expertise. The 44
ulatory framework and classified in the form of the provinces in the 2nd century AD were therefore ad-
urban communities, the municipalities. ministered by very few personnel. However, these
The system was based on an administrative were sufficient to achieve the state goals of the pro-
apparatus which was so small by today’s stand- vincial administration. The task was not to care for
ards that it seemed astonishingly meagre. The Ro- social needs, but to represent the power of Rome
man Empire was controlled by about 150 persons, by invoking the stability (aeternitas) of the state and
senators and knights, who were dependent on the the solidarity ties of the provincials with this state.
imperial favor42. A total of about 6000 people as- The stability of the political system (securitas) was
sisted the governors in the provincial administra- achieved through internal and external peace under
tions43. A total of about 4000 people worked in the the shield of respect for the ancient order. Aeterni-
tax authorities of the respective provinces44, which tas was achieved by observing the pietas, by pay-
acted independently of the provincial government. ing homage to the state gods and by subordinating
These figures do not include the military, which oneself to the social hierarchy (mores maiorum). The
could take over such tasks, or Italy as a territory in army guaranteed the outer peace, the universal rule
its own right. But even if Italy were included, the of the law (lex) guaranteed the inner peace. The pro-
number would not have exceeded 12,000-15,000 vincial governors watched over its observance46.
people responsible for the administration of the Ro- All this is not comparable with modern state
man Empire. The army consisted normally of about tasks. Nobody demanded from the Roman state a
350,000 men in the legions, including the auxiliary functioning health system, school or court system or
troops that secured the borders. A curiosity: a prov- social housing. At the same time, however, the an-
ince like the Hispania Citerior with more than 150 cient world – like the modern world – legitimized
cities and 300.000 sqkm did not have more person- any political action through the willingness of the
nel in the administration available like the smallest state to provide its citizens with what they needed.
province Cyprus with 16 cities and 9000 sqkm45. This task was charged to the cities47. Thus, the city
by itself receives a task as the most important pillar
41 Bleicken 1966. of the state. The framework for the representation
42 Millar 1977, 275 f., 300-341. of the state public, the administration and the social
43 Abascal Palazón, Espinosa Ruiz 1989, 194; on the role development in the imperial period is therefore not
of provincial governors, Jacques 1984, 664-670; Jacques
2012, 165-168.
44 Abascal Palazón, Espinosa Ruiz 1989, 194. 46 Abascal Palazón, Espinosa Ruiz 1989, 195.
45 Abascal Palazón, Espinosa Ruiz 1989, 195. 47 About these tasks Mackie 1983, 118-124.
 About the variety and change of structural frameworks in the Hispaniae 227

formed by the state, but by the local nodes, i.e. the these are the fundamental pillars of Roman con-
cities. It was the smallest administrative settlement quest policy; these frameworks were narrow, stable
unit, the municipality, which appeared as a res pub- and firm right up to the imperial period.
lica48 and thus as a kind of small state49, the point of In the course of the Assyrian, Babylonian and
reference and contact for the citizens and other in- Persian expansion in the 6th century BC. Tyros lost
habitants of the empire to get in touch with the state. his sphere of influence in the west, so that Carthage
In this respect, their legal and political reach succeeded among other things in taking control of
went far beyond what modern cities can achieve the Phoenician colonies of the Iberian Peninsula56.
in this respect. Local administrations were the first In the course of the next three centuries this was
legal authorities both for (lower) administrative extended to the Mediterranean coastal areas of the
acts50 as disputes and prosecutions51. Prosperity Hispanic south, but also to the Central Hispanic
and progress was expected from the local adminis- plateau57. As a Barkid domain, the Iberian Penin-
tration through the beneficium52. The cities got their sula was caught in the maelstrom of events in the
legitimacy only from Rome53. Thus, the cities were course of Carthage’s confrontations with Rome
also the cheapest way for Rome to administer the and was particularly the scene of the Second Punic
provinces. The state confined itself to taking over War58. The foundation of Carthago Nova as a war
the military and legal power54, the rest, such as the port around 230 BC, the Ebro Treaty of 226 BC, the
tax revenues, were taken care of by the cities55. Casus belli of Saguntum in 219 BC, and the begin-
Against this background it seems logical to ning of the Second Punic War (218-201 BC) with the
place the small town of Munigua at the centre of the departure of Hannibal towards Italy and the cross-
following considerations. The different frameworks ing of the Alps with the elephants (219/218 BC) bear
are dealt together in the sections when their themes witness to this59. Rome’s idea to cut off Carthage’s
belong closely together and are intertwined. supply and replenishment with food, raw materi-
als such as metals and mercenaries from Hispania
Military, political, administrative and quickly led to success60. With the victory in the Bat-
economic regulatory frameworks tle of Ilipa in 206 BC the Barkid rule over Hispania
was broken. From then on, the Roman army’s thrust
was directed against the native tribes. These were
These frameworks, namely the military ones,
defeated through a persistently pursued policy of
are the results of the historical events that shaped
perfidy, brutality and skillful exploitation of the in-
the history of southern Hispania in the second half
ternal strife of the locals (divide et impera) over the
of the 1st millenium BC. They are characterized by
course of the following two centuries61. The Sertori-
the fact that through the respective military actions
facts were created which immediately entailed po- 56 On the history of Hispania, for example Montenegro
litical and administrative measures, especially tax Duque, Blázquez 1982; Cabo, Vigil Pascual 1990;
measures, in the form of tribute payments. In sum, Blázquez, del Castillo 1991; Koch 1993a (stimulating
overview in German language); Roldán, Santos
Yanguas 2004; Bravo 2007; Richardson 2007; Koch
48 For the use the term Dardaine 1993. 2014. As a rule, the following do not include individual
49 Written sources on the municipalities at Jacques 2012, bibliographical references.
31-47; for a list of the municipia in Hispania Bravo 2007, 57 Map, e.g. in Blázquez, del Castillo 1991, 221.
163-165. 58 Map of the Iberian Peninsula at this time e.g. at
50 Kolb 1984, 188. Montenegro Duque, Blázquez 1982, 13, fig. 8; 27, fig. 20.
51 Mackie 1983, 104-106; but the emperor also was 59 Map of the respective spheres of influence on the
addressable as a first instance in Rome, Millar 1977, Iberian Peninsula e.g. at Montenegro Duque, Blázquez
516-527; Jacques 2012, 141-146. 1982, 25, fig. 18.
52 Mackie 1983, 133 f. 60 Map, e.g. in Roldán, Santos Yanguas 2004, 47.
53 Mackie 1983, 176. 61 Map of the Roman advance in the first half of the 2nd
54 Mackie 1983, 152. century BC e.g. at Montenegro Duque, Blázquez 1982,
55 Jacques 2012, 146-152. 66, fig. 42.
228 Thomas Schattner

an Wars62 as well as the disputes between Caesar63 Hispaniae. Thus, at least nominally, the time came
and the sons of Pompeius, who ended in the battle to an end in which the provincial administration
of Munda (17 March 45 BC)64 belong into the series was exercised by virtue of an imperium proconsu-
of civil wars which generally characterize the his- lare, which left much room for ad hoc decisions and
tory of Rome in the 1st century BC. They had dif- also arbitrariness. The system of the administration
ferent locations in the Mediterranean area. This era of Rome in the provinces at the time of the republic
ended with the Cantabrian Wars (26-19 BC)65. Thus, is generally described by ancient historical research
the Iberian Peninsula was united for the first time as a disaster70: the provinces were not administered,
in its history as a European subcontinent under one but dominated71. The Imperium was now replaced
roof, the Roman one. Augustus will for the first time by a certain institutional continuity and normality
subject the so different landscapes of Hispania to a with the annually changing praetors, which, how-
new order which is distinguished by the fact that ever, in view of the constant rebellions of the natives,
it was created on the basis of the same principles. could only have a provisional character, especially
Accordingly, the graphic fig. 1 shows a decreasing since a reliable and sustainable administration was
presence of the army from this time on. As is known not established. For the population of Munigua,
from Vespasian time onwards only one legion stood this meant in any case that everyone had to position
in whole Hispania (in Legio/León)66. In the next themselves within this political and administra-
two centuries almost no military will be stationed tive framework, which had been created by Rome
in Hispaniae. with military means. This necessity of positioning
For southern Hispania in particular, the Battle certainly also applied to the later periods of Viria-
of Ilipa meant the establishment of the first military thus72, Sertorius and the other civil fights in which
regulatory framework, which was administratively the Baetica was also involved in the turmoil of war.
sanctioned by the first provincial division in 194 BC Unfortunately, there is no evidence that would al-
into an Citerior and an Ulterior Province. This is the low a more precise assessment of the respective mu-
third province to be established by Rome the later niguan position. In any case, Munigua is a Civitas
Baetica, which was established under Augustus to- peregrina in the well-known and often quoted and
gether with Lusitania. Munigua was located in the discussed Hospitium-Treaty (fig. 6a), which can
Province Beyond (Ulterior)67. This meant, in addi- probably be dated to the late Augustan or Tiberian
tion to the permanent presence of the army68 the period73 and shares this legal status74 with the vast
existence of the first Roman howeversoever ad- majority of communities in the Hispaniae, the num-
ministration. In the year 197 BC in Rome the num- ber of civitates foederatae is known to be very low75.
ber of Praetors69 of the provinces was raised to six, In view of the importance of the muniguensi-
so that two of them were now responsible for the an mineral resources, namely the copper deposits
exploited at that time, it can be assumed that these

62 Map of Hispania at the time of Sertorius e.g. at

Montenegro Duque, Blázquez 1982, 133, fig. 79. 70 Roldán, Santos Yanguas 2004, 84: “…el sistema
63 Map, e.g. with locations visited by Caesar e.g. in provincial de la República […] constituyera un rotundo
Montenegro Duque, Blázquez 1982, 163, fig. 99. fracaso…”.
64 Map, e.g. in Montenegro Duque, Blázquez 1982, 162, 71 Abascal Palazón, Espinosa Ruiz 1989, 193.
fig. 98. 72 Map of Hispania at the time of the Lusitanian and
65 Map, e.g. in Richardson 2007, 130. Celtiberian wars e.g. at Montenegro Duque, Blázquez
66 Richardson 2007, 291. 1982, 85, fig. 51; 96, fig. 57; 114, fig. 69.
67 Maps, e.g. in Montenegro Duque, Blázquez 1982, 55, 73 Schattner 2013, 348 with footnote 2. Documents on
fig. 35; Blázquez, del Castillo 1991, 260; Roldán, Santos Hispanic peregrine communities Jacques 2012, 19, 27
Yanguas 2004, 47; Bravo 2007, 85. f.; for the administration of these municipalities Stylow
68 Only one legion since 205 BC, Roldán, Santos Yanguas 1993.
2004, 52. 74 In principle to obtain a legal status for example Millar
69 List of the Praetors of the 2nd century BC at Bravo 1977, 394-410.
2007, 98. 75 Mackie 1983, 102 f.
 About the variety and change of structural frameworks in the Hispaniae 229

heaps measuring half a football field and eight me-

tres high, which still characterise the landscape in
the surrounding area of Munigua today. As small
mines they should not have fallen under confisca-
tion78, which primarily affected the large mines79.
As described above, economic issues have
played an important role in the Hispaniae since
time immemorial and especially since the Punic
Wars. Especially the mines are to be mentioned,
but also grain and olive oil. For example, in 203 BC
the price of grain in Rome fell considerably due to
deliveries from Hispania80. The production of ol-
ive oil, which had its largest centre in Astigi/Écija,
was supplied in large quantities everywhere in the
Roman Empire. For the military station Rödgen in
the province Germania for example U. Ehmig states
that “...more than four fifths of the heavy transport
containers […] originate from the Iberian peninsu-
la” and states this frequency as characteristic for the
Rhine area81. The graph in fig. 1 reflects the signif-
icance of this development, which was, however,
likely to have suffered losses during the wars and
turmoil of the 2nd century BC.
Also with regard to the confiscation of proper-
ties no statement can be made for the area of Mu-
nigua (fig. 4), since neither archaeologically nor ep-
igraphically there is a basis for argumentation. The
farmsteads and buildings of the surrounding coun-
Fig. 4 Hypothetic assumption of Munigua‘s Territory. tryside (fig. 5), which occasionally also possessed
sculptural finds and can therefore probably be con-
were possibly used as political and economic pledge sidered villas82, are generally dated to the imperial
in the field of the needed positioning described; for period without a more precise cronological delimita-
the extent of the city’s involvement in mining and tion being possible for lack of excavation so far. This,
smelting was corresponding. It has led to its as- however, makes them simultaneous with the other
sessment as the Sierra Morena’s largest metal pro- villa foundations in the Baetica, the development of
ducer76. Nevertheless, in Hispanic comparison the which spread massively in the last years of the rule
mines are small, therefore they may always have of Augustus and continued into the late antique ep-
remained in private hands. There is nothing in Mu-
nigua to indicate any external (state) intervention
in the administrative or technical processes of min-
78 Schattner, Ovejero Zappino, Pérez Macías (in
ing operations77. The introduction of underground
preparation).
mining and the corresponding mines from shafts 79 Tovar, Blázquez 1975, 193 f.; Montenegro Duque,
and tunnels, as in the largest mine in Munigua, La Blázquez 1982, 299-319; Cabo, Vigil Pascual 1990, 284;
Pepa, does not provide a basis for this, nor does the Blázquez, del Castillo 1991, 349 f.; Roldán, Santos
increase in production, which has left the large slag Yanguas 2004, 439-451; Bravo 2007, 216-219; Richardson
2007, 163.
76 Schattner 2019, 50. 80 For example Roldán, Santos Yanguas 2004, 54.
77 Schattner, Ovejero Zappino, Pérez Macías (in 81 Ehmig 2012, 201 f.
preparation). 82 For the difficulty of a definition see Gorges 1979, 11 f.
230 Thomas Schattner

Fig. 5 The hypothetical division of the properties in the territory of Munigua on the basis of Thiessen polygons.

och83. The reconstruction of the estates around the there have been important traffic routes85. According
farmsteads using Thiessen-polygons shows a small to Polybios (III 39,8), milestones have been known in
scale picture (fig. 5). In combination with the quite Hispaniae since the 2nd century BC86, even though
close installations and buildings, the typological con- surprisingly few have survived in the Baetica87.
clusion is a scattered settlement in the surrounding
area of the city. The traffic connection of the city and Legal and social regulatory frameworks
the farms and villas was given by the proximity to
the Guadalquivir-valley (16 km distance). However, The changes in the legal framework during the
they were always close to what happened and there- 1st century AD can be described particularly clear
fore always affected by all events. Even if according in Munigua in view of the fortunately found of the
to our state of knowledge the development of the Hospitium-Treaty described above (fig. 6a). To the
imperial roads in Hispania has only been systemat- same extent the evaluation of the preserved inscrip-
ically promoted since Augustan times (via Augusta,
Vicarello-cups)84, especially in this valley, which at all
times was home to Hispanic advanced civilizations, 85 Sillières 1990, 322-326, fig. 18 (map); Richardson 2007,
250.
86 Sillières 1984; Sillières 1990, 41; list of milestones of
83 Gorges 1979, 29, 32, fig. 5. the 3rd century AD at Bravo 2007, 232 f.
84 Bravo 2007, 136 with map on 139. 87 Sillières 1990, 44.
 About the variety and change of structural frameworks in the Hispaniae 231

they expanded with the expansion of Latin law by

Vespasian and reached their greatest extension with
the Constitutio antoniniana.
As Civitas peregrina Munigua was tributary at
the beginning of the imperial period and had a sen-
ate. This senate was transferred to an Ordo decurio-
num by Vespasian (69-79), of whom Pliny (Pliny nat.
3,30: universa Hispania) reports, with the granting
of the Latin right to whole Hispania. The decurions
mentioned as addressees in the well-known and fa-
mous Titus-letter (fig. 6b) belonged to him, they are
addressed together with the Quattuorviri (Duoviri
and Aediles)89. From Emperor Domitian onwards
these new Flavian municipalities probably received
their respective city law (lex municipalis) at the be-
ginning of the 90s. As a result Munigua owned at
the latest since Titus (79-81)90, an Ordo, but prob-
ably even before that. Vespasianus‘ edict created
the great legal framework according to which per-
egrine communities could organize themselves as
Latin municipalities, so that the well-known Domi-
tian Municipal Law, introduced according to a uni-
form scheme, only had to regulate details91. It is a
two-step-strategy. The statement is confirmed by the
fact that in the inscriptions of some Baetian commu-
nities typical municipal officials (IIviri, IIIIviri, aediles)
are already mentioned in the mid-70s, who according
to Latin law had gained Roman citizenship through
their asumption of a public cargo. Thus, the earliest
testimonies of decurions in a Latin, i.e. Flavian, mu-
nicipality come from Sabora (Cañete la Real) in the
year 77 and from Munigua in the aforementioned
Titus’ letter of the year 7992. Even if these are cer-
tainly termini ante quem for the existence of Or-
dines decurionum, the process of municipalization93,
which, according to Pliny, as mentioned, covers all
of Hispania94, in Munigua is attested epigraphically
Fig. 6 Epigraphical documents from Munigua, a. Hospi-
tium-Treaty, b. Titus‘ letter.
89 Schattner 2013, 348 with footnote 3.
tions results in a meaningful picture of the society, 90 Stylow 1986, 302, footnote 39.
which may not only be typical of the Baetica but 91 Stylow 1999.
92 Stylow 1986, 302, footnote 39.
for many small towns. At the beginning, the corre-
93 On municipalization Tovar, Blázquez 1975, 126-128;
sponding regulatory frameworks were kept tight
Montenegro Duque, Blázquez 1982, 209-217; Cabo,
and extended also to the adoption of a new time Vigil Pascual 1990, 339-348; Blázquez, del Castillo 1991,
as the gift of a watch to the recently founded city 354-357, 369-371; Roldán, Santos Yanguas 2004, 367-372;
of Igaedus (?) in Lusitania88 may indicate, but then Bravo 2007, 171-173.
94 Different opinion by Galsterer 1971, 37-50, who
88 Fabião 2015, 127. thought of a limited impact just on the southern and
232 Thomas Schattner

quite early. The most extreme terminus post quem sign, in the name of Munigua, the aforementioned
would be Vespasian’s entry into government in 69, Hospitium-Treaty (fig. 6a)98 with the Quaestor Sex-
which through its decree made possible a develop- tus Curvius Silvinus.
ment according to which the peregrine communi- In addition, the names of the Great Families99
ties used the newly created legal status – certainly in bear witness to Munigua’s widely ramified con-
close contact with Rome – to constitute themselves nections, especially in the cities in the immediate
as Latin municipalities. The previous Senate, whose vicinity. Most of these surnames are not limited to
size and composition remains unknown, was trans- the muniguensian Municipium, but are also found
formed into an Ordo decurionis. This transfer must elsewhere, the phenomenon of the dispersion of
not necessarily have meant a break with the tradi- the families is widespread100, although one has to
tional structures, on the contrary the old leading be cautious as these names could be adopted by
families, who were related to each other by blood anybody. The surnames Aelius, Fabius, Aemilius
ties, as elsewhere, will have remained in a leading and Licinius are testified to in Celti/Peñaflor, the
function95. eastern neighboring town of Munigua101. This con-
From Munigua inscriptions are relatively nu- gruence results conspicuous, as it is largely identical
merously preserved (approx. 80)96. Public inscrip- with Munigua. Furthermore, one branch of the Aelii
tions predominate, i.e. honorific or consecrations. is equally located in Naeva/Cantillana, the western
Funerary inscriptions are – contrary to what is neighbouring town of Munigua, further members
otherwise known from most Roman cities of His- of the family are documented in Hispalis/Sevilla
pania – rare with five ex. The circumstance aston- and in Italica/Santiponce102 (40-50 kms away). As
ishes, since two necropoleis are excavated and over is well known, the branch of this town reached the
168 graves are known and published97. While the rank of senator, its stemma can be traced back over
public inscriptions bear witness to the elite of the one and a half centuries103. In fact, the Aelii, carriers
city, the opposite is the case with the grave inscrip- of an imperial family name, form the most widely
tions, since they almost exclusively refer to humil- branched dynasty, they are found in more or less
iores, which are however so well situated that they large numbers throughout Hispania with a particu-
could afford graves with inscriptions in which their lar concentration in the Baetica, namely in the Lower
names are written. In the public inscriptions about Guadalquivirtal in Hispalis and just in Italica104. Ac-
30 names of persons are mentioned, who may be cording to the epigraphical evidence, they or some
counted among the elite of the city: Magistrates, of them were active in the metal and oil trade105. The
seviri augustales and freed people. Even a Flaminica Fabii may also have been active in this business, if
is among them, Quintia Flaccina, which is, however, the identification based on the amphorae stamps is
an exception. There is no mention of representatives
of the imperial house, the senators or the knights.
Since some names like Lucius Lucceius or L. Octavi- 98 Nesselhauf 1960, 142-148.
us are not very widespread in the inscriptions of the 99 On the term Koch 1993b; Koch 2009, 159.
100 Melchor Gil 2011, 277, 297 describes the Gens Fulvia,
Baetica, one could conclude that they were foreign-
whose members have gained some importance both in
ers who lived in the Civitas of Munigua in Augustan
Celti/Peñaflor and in Arva/Peña de la Sal.
times and who perhaps came from Italy. Perhaps it 101 Caamaño-Gesto 1972, 140 (Q. Aelius Optatus); Remesal
was only here that they accumulated the fortune Rodríguez 2000, 171-172.
that allowed them to be politically active and to 102 From Hispalis: P. Aelius Aemilianus; C. Aelius; C.
Aelius Avitus. From Naeva: L. Aelius Aelianus; L.
Sergius Aelius Rusticus. From Italica: T. Aelius Assatus;
Mediterranean parts of the peninsula. Aelius Pontianus (Caamaño-Gesto 1972, 137-142).
95 Munigua: Gimeno Pascual 2003; Volubilis: Jarrett 1971, 103 Caamaño-Gesto 1972, 145.
533. 104 Caamaño-Gesto 1972, 136; Caballos Rufino 2006, 261;
96 On all the issues raised in this section Gimeno Pascual Abascal Palazón 1994, 64-67 counts 181 mentions of the
2003. name Aelius in Baetica.
97 List at Schattner 2003, 126-129. 105 Chic García 1992, 1-2.
 About the variety and change of structural frameworks in the Hispaniae 233

correct, they also came from the Baetica106. With re- of Latin as an official language culminated in the
gard to the Licinii, Leonard A. Curchin and Antonio Claudian period in that knowledge of Latin was
Caballos Rufino suspect, despite the frequency of required in order to obtain civil rights112. Research,
the common name Licinius Victor, with good rea- however, agrees that the indigenous languages and
sons family ties between the corresponding name cultures113 were not completely suppressed114 either
bearers in Munigua and Italica107. In short: the mu- at that time nor well into late antiquity, precise-
niguan elite was well networked with the elites of ly against the background of the sheer size of the
neighbouring cities including the Conventus capital country and the long period of conquest that led to
Hispalis and also Italica. various speeds of Romanization, even though cor-
The description shows the typical image of an responding contemporaneous non-Latin epigraphy
aspiring Roman community. Particularly in the ear- is largely lacking as also in Munigua115. While the
ly days, when Munigua was still Civitas and on its population in the Baetica had probably already ab-
transition to a Municipium, the family ties through sorbed Latin in Claudian times, remote regions of
which the citizens were connected with the cities of the Peninsula remained in their native way of life
the region may have been an advantage. The perme- until the 3rd century AD, retaining and practicing
ability of the social system can be seen in three cases their language116. In this respect Strabo’s statement,
in Munigua, which are apparently liberated. At the according to which the indigenous people at Bae-
grave altar of Stertinia Rhodine108, at the dedication- tis had accepted the Roman way of life to such an
al inscription of the Augustalis L. Fulvius Ge[...]109 extent that they had forgotten their own language
and on the foundation inscription of the temple of about it and had become Latins, who accepted the
Mercurius by a person who had received his free- Romans as colonists, so that they were close to be-
dom from a certain Ferronius110. On the whole, the coming whole Romans (Strab. 3,2,15) seems to re-
urban society is regarded as quite homogeneous. flect real conditions.
Apart from the family connections described above, The cultural upheaval is particularly evident
they hardly had any external contacts. The city’s in the religious sphere, in the sacred topography, in
freed people, were welcomed into the community; the sanctuaries and temples. While in pre-Roman
in turn, they tried to ascend to the leading families times the panorama was dominated by rural sanc-
via family ties111. Figure 1 illustrates the social de- tuaries, in the course of Romanization a shift to the
velopment which, according to the evidence, begins predominance of cities took place. The period from
in the Augustan period and gains strength in the the 2nd/1st century BC to the 1st century AD forms
following period. a kind of intermediate stage, during which the old
custom is still practiced, since a whole series of new
Cultural, linguistic and religious fra- sanctuaries are being built in the countryside, such
meworks as the sanctuary in Montaña Frontera/Sagunt, which
represents older Iberian sanctuary types117, but also
the Tempel at the Ermita de la Encarnación/Cara-
Among the regulatory frameworks, these are
vaca de la Cruz (Murcia)118, which has monumental
considered to be more permeable, as they concern
dimensions and an exceptional character as it is an
softer criteria. It is well known that the triumph
Ionic temple with eight front columns, or finally the

106 The determination as Fabii depends on the correct 112 Bravo 2007, 129.
deciphering of the amphora stamp indication: F(), but, 113 Distribution map e. g. Cabo, Vigil Pascual 1990, 217,
as Jacques 1990, 896 f. points out, this is not completely fig. 4.
assured (“...sans être absolument certain”). 114 Roldán, Santos Yanguas 2004, 574; Bravo 2007, 130.
107 Curchin 1990, 152, nr. 149; Caballos Rufino 2006, 258. 115 De Hoz 2019, 143-144.
108 CILA SE 1086. 116 Resuming Díaz Ariño, Estarán Tolosa, Simón Cornago
109 CILA SE 1061; Gimeno Pascual 2003, 180. 2019.
110 CILA SE 1063; Gimeno Pascual 2003, 180. 117 Schattner 2020b.
111 Gimeno Pascual 2003, 187. 118 Ramallo Asensio, Brotóns Yagüe 1996.
234 Thomas Schattner

old sanctuary on the Cerro de los Santos, which in tive alternative to the followers and worshippers.
the time in question of the 2nd century BC, i.e. un- Obviously, a selection process is taking place which,
der Roman influence, underwent a change in votive in the long run, usually leads to the end of rural
practice, since the spectrum of consecrated offerings, sanctuaries. These react differently, whether it is that
statues, was reduced in order to cease operation in some types of sanctuaries – as described – come to an
the course of the 1st century AD119. But the tendeny end, whether it is that new types are founded in the
goes to the cities, as the imperial cult later shows, cities, whether it is that in the use of the sanctuaries
which remains a purely urban phenomenon and gets and votive depots a reorientation in terms of content
widespread in Flavian times120. is emerging123. The addition of the corresponding
New settlement and city-foundations establish Latin epithets to the native names of the gods will
new cult locations. By setting new centres, as the have promoted the selection process, facilitated the
transformation of a native settlement into a Roman classification of these gods in the Roman pantheon,
municipium also represents, the territorial order is re- and levelled access for the worshippers124.
designed, the space is rearranged or newly created, Munigua, as a small town, occupies a kind of
the rural spaces with their sanctuaries and cult sites, intermediate position between a provincial capital
which until now have represented a centre, are mar- and the flat country. There is a striking number of
ginalised or possibly transferred. The new cult sites temples and sanctuaries (fig. 2) and a whole series
in the cities attract cult worshippers. As an example, of inscriptions in which the names of gods are men-
Augusta Emerita can be considered, in whose sur- tioned. The question of the respective assignment
roundings no extra-urban or rural sanctuaries have of the inscribed or figuratively documented deities
so far been observed121. According to the inscriptions, to the existing temples and sanctuaries is open in
the city itself had apparently hardly any native pop- some cases. The following table provides an over-
ulation, hardly any native cults122 and is therefore the view of the situation:
example of imposition and occupation that imposed
its laws on the surrounding countryside.
While the epigraphic and archaeological find- Epigraphically Archaeologically
Location
ings show that this city contains a purely Roman Deity of the
testified testified
inscription
pantheon, deities with indigenous names are wor-
shipped in rural sanctuaries of indigenous structure Ceres Augusta,
that lie far outside. If, however, these sanctuaries are X Basilica
statue base
abandoned in the course of the advancing imperial
Northern
period, this cannot be justified by a lack of popula- Fortuna Crescens
annex
tion, abandoned areas or the failure of the elite. On Augusta, X to the
the contrary, the relevance of these cults for everyday Terrace
statue base
life weakened, which was reflected in the decline of sanctuary
visitors and gifts. The desire to visit these sanctuaries
and offer gifts to their deities with indigenous names
123 In detail now Schattner 2020b.
has apparently receeded. The cities, which are now
124 In the combination of the names of the gods and
changing their outward appearance everywhere ac- epithets all imaginable variations between Roman
cording to the Roman pattern, with the sanctuaries and indigenous are possible, see for example the
and temples located there, obviously offer an attrac- lists at Barberarena Núñez, Ramírez Sádaba 2010:
indigenous epithets for Roman deities (Barberarena
Núñez, Ramírez Sádaba 2010, Tab. 1); Roman epithets
119 Schattner 2020b. for indigenous deities (Barberarena Núñez, Ramírez
120 Status of research at Panzram 2010, 368-374; map of Sádaba 2010, Tab. 4); indigenous deities, to whom a
the spread of the imperial cult e.g. Tovar, Blázquez Roman deo (Barberarena Núñez, Ramírez Sádaba 2010,
1975, 184, fig. 7. Tab. 5) or Deo sancto (Barberarena Núñez, Ramírez
121 Schattner 2020b. Sádaba 2010, Tab. 6) is prefixed; see also Richert 2005,
122 Ramírez Sádaba 1993, 396. 18-48 (Catalogue of the names of the gods).
 About the variety and change of structural frameworks in the Hispaniae 235

Hercules the urbanistic-architectural embedding described

Eastern
Augustus, X slope results in a graduation that certainly cannot have
of city hill remained without effect on the significance of the
statue base
deities worshipped in the sanctuaries and temples.
Thermae For the Terrace sanctuary on the city hill one could
Pantheus
street in
Augustus, X front of assume these two deities there in view of the loca-
the tion of the statue base of Fortuna Crescens Augus-
statue base
Thermae ta and Hercules Augustus. This would be a double
Mercurius, Temple of sanctuary. This graduation would certainly be ap-
X X
Plaque Mercurius propriate, since these are large figures of the Ro-
Numen Ditis Sanctuary man Pantheon with outstanding significance for
of Dis the empire. If this were the case, only the assign-
Patris, X X
Pater, ment of Ceres Augusta and Pantheus Augustus
statue base Forum to the Podium-Temple and the Forum-Temple re-
Genius municipii, spectively would remain. Instinctively one would
X Basilica
Inscription-plaque place Ceres in the forum because of the content
North proximity to Bonus Eventus but also to Dis Pater
Bonus Eventus,
X Porticus (Macr. Sat. 1,16,16), so that for Pantheus would re-
statue base main the Podium-Temple. Minerva forms a triad
of Forum
Nymph, statue X Thermae with Jupiter and Juno, so that as a place for this
Drain of statue also the Podium-Temple is possible. The
Minerva, statue X the constellation of temples for Ceres on the one hand
Thermae and for Pantheus on the other hand results in an
interesting situation of opposite poles. Pantheus is
Tab. 2 List of the epigraphically or archaeologically a deity, which carries all gods within itself, it finds
known deities in Munigua.
wide spreading especially in Hadrianic times. Not
in Hispania but otherwise the name appears fre-
Within its walls the city contains a pantheon,
quently in connection with Jupiter as Jupiter Pan-
which appears quite Roman judging by the names
theus, just in Rome both deities appear integrated in
of the gods. On the other hand, the archaeologi-
triads: Jupiter, Juno and Minerva as well as Ceres,
cal findings as the sanctuary of Dis Pater show a
Liber and Libera. Each of these triads was assigned
hybrid picture, since the cult image is represented
sanctuaries in the early Roman republic, they were
by a horse statue125. It shows that a Roman deity
counterparts, their temples formed the two reli-
can apparently find worship in a native form of
gious poles of the Roman early period, their clien-
representation in the city, even in the forum itself
tele was different in each case, here the patricians,
where it possesses its sanctuary.
there the plebeians. These are included in the cen-
In the muniguensian municipium we can ob-
turies-old conflict between the patricians and the
serve furthermore a topographical analogy to the
plebeians insofar as they are connoted with the re-
Urbs, which is indicative of the dynamic stability of
spective clientele. Ceres is traditionally understood
the respective framework.
by researchers as the plebeian deity itself. If the
The assignment of the remaining names of the
above-mentioned localization in the Forum-Tem-
gods to the sacred buildings has been attempt-
ple were correct, the forum would also prove to
ed126. It led to the result shown in fig. 7. With re-
be the place where the people come together in sa-
gard to the effect of the buildings in the cityscape,
cral terms. With its flavian dating, the Forum-Tem-
ple would thus perhaps stand in the tradition of
125 Schattner 2020a; for general remarks see Aston 2008. Claudius’ revival of the Ceres cult in Rome. In
126 Schattner 2018. The following explanations are set
the context of imperial image propaganda, Ceres
out in this essay and therefore do not require separate
depictions on coins, for example, also played a
references at this point.
236 Thomas Schattner

Fig. 7 Temples and sanctuaries in Munigua and hypothetical reconstruction of the way of the imperial cult‘s procession.

notable role and thus referred to the successes of Munigua Great Families, Valerius Firmus, who con-
the emperors in agricultural policy. In Munigua, secrated the entire Forum with the Temple, an Exe-
the two temples in question would not have been dra and the Tabularium, and Lucius Aelius Fronto,
equal in their urbanistic appearance. The plebeian who had built the Sanctuary of Dis Pater.
temple of Ceres, forced into the forum, would be In all the corresponding cases of Ceres, Fortuna,
opposed by the patrician, stately Podium-Temple Hercules and Pantheus a connection with the impe-
on the other side of the street, enthroned halfway rial cult would be possible via the epithet Augustus.
up the city hill. The corresponding social qualifica- The corresponding procession could have led past
tion, however, can only refer to the clientele and not all the larger temple buildings in Munigua, as the
to the founders. They are two representatives of the plan shows (fig. 7).
 About the variety and change of structural frameworks in the Hispaniae 237

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Greece and Asia Minor
Linguistic choices in the framework of a globalizing Empire: Latin and
Greek in the Greek cultural context
Athanasios D. Rizakis*

Abstract ural competition between the language of the dom-

inants and that of the dominated. This competition
During the first two centuries of the Roman domin- resulted in different situations in the provinces of
ion, Latin was, with the exception of Delos, very little the Empire. In the West Latin was quickly imposed
spread in mainland Greece and the islands, despite the as the only language for written communication,
installation of several communities of Italian or Roman while in the East the presence of a language with an
businessmen, especially after the Mithridatic wars. The important cultural weight (i.e. Greek) led to the op-
foundation of Roman colonies on the Greek soil and the posite result, namely the progressive Hellenization
greater cultural homogenization, under the Empire, fa- of the Roman settlers established in various cities of
cilitated the spread of the Latin language and culture, the Greek peninsula2. This in no way means that the
yet in very different ways from one site to another. Lat- Roman world was divided into two antagonistic
in language dominated, at least until Hadrian’s reign, cultural camps; neither the West nor the East have
in the linguistic landscape of the Roman colonies (with remained completely resistant to reciprocal linguis-
the notorious exceptions of Patrai and Philippi), but its tic and cultural influences, and one can easily dis-
impact was insignificant in the framework of free or per- tinguish areas in which the influence of one or the
egrine status cities. In contrast, ‘Latinization’ was great- other language is decisive.
er among populations of non-Greek origin that were part- It should be noted that the idea we have about
ly Hellenized but even these communities did not resist the regional spread of Latin is based on heteroge-
the movement of Hellenization, which began in the 2nd neity and unequal data found only on inscriptions.
century. In the 3rd century AD, Greek found its preem- The ‘nonliterary’ evidence on materials other than
inence and completely dominated linguistic landscape of stone has not yet been evaluated in the discussion
the 4rd century AD. of this question. Today we have epigraphic corpora

Introduction: linguistic geography in the The large number of new corpora and modern studies,
Hellenic Peninsula prompted me to resume and update my study, published
in 1995. The new details provided by the actual study
enrich our knowledge and bring new and interesting
One of the major consequences of the Roman nuances on the cultural changes in the Greek peninsula
conquest, and perhaps the most important, was the under the Roman rule.
spread of Latin language and culture in the subju- 1 Dubuisson 1982, 169-173.
gated countries. Although Rome did not have a real 2 The literature on this question is enormous; we will
linguistic policy and its attitude towards sociolin- only refer here to Palomé 1983, 509-553 (West) and
guistic problems was flexible and adapted to the Schmitt 1983, 554-586 (East with the exception of the
real requirements of each situation1, there was a nat- Aegean Greece and Macedonia). Several studies on
the influences between Greek and Latin, in the eastern
provinces of the Empire, can be found in the same
* National Hellenic Research Foundation. [email protected] volume, as well as in ANRW II 29.3, 554-586.
244 Athanasios Rizakis

for the great majority of cities, but there are still a The epigraphic habit is also changing. Little
few whose epigraphic material is scattered in vari- flourished during the two centuries following the
ous publications3. Unfortunately, the majority of in- conquest, it experienced a stable progression be-
scriptions come from urban areas, small towns and tween the Augustan era and the period after Trajan’s
vici in the countryside, with a few rare exceptions in reign, ultimately reaching its peak during the sec-
the Greek peninsula (e.g. Philippi, Dium, Photike, ond half of the second century and the first half of
Dyrrachium or Upper Macedonia)4 are generally the third century6. Epigraphic documents are scarce
represented in inverse proportion to their demo- thereafter; the regression is abrupt and general un-
graphic importance. Finally the civic elites whose til the fourth century AD. A further difficulty in any
members are often rewarded with the civitas roma- estimation of the use of the two languages is found
na, are best represented in any kind of written doc- in the large number of fragments, which are difficult
ument. The poorer sections of the population are to identify and date; this fact makes any statistics,
represented only by documents of a private nature sometimes, illusory. These uncertainties concerning
(votive dedications, burial, manumission of slaves) the dating also relate to the funerary inscriptions, a
and so they are hardly visible within the epigraphic fact which led Kent to exclude them from his calcula-
documentation. tions on the use of Greek and Latin in Corinth7.
Epigraphic visibility also experiences signifi-
cant changes over time; this depends enormously 1. The border line between Latin and Greek
on the systematic excavations carried out or not on in the north of the Balkan Peninsula
a site. While some cities have been relatively well
excavated (e.g. Delos, Corinth, Athens, Sparta, Mes-
Specialists have sought – relying on epigraph-
sene, Argos, Epidaurus, Olympia, Delphi, Delos,
ic material – for a dividing line between Greek and
Dium, Philippi and Thessaloniki in part) others
Latin and their respective cultures. The course of this
only offer inscriptions from rescue operations or ex-
line, called the line of Jireçek, grosso modo follows the
cavations, especially of cemeteries. For example, the
northern border of the provinces of Macedonia, Moe-
vast majority of the known documents from Patrai,
sia Inferior and Thrace8 as well Dalmatia, Upper Moe-
an Augustan colony, are funerary inscriptions,
many of which date from the first generation of the
and the votives by 10 documents (6%); finally, the varia
Roman colonists. On the other hand, we have much are represented by 9%; there are only two bilingual
less public texts (e.g. honorary decrees or dedica- ones (1%); Rizakis 1998; cf. Clearly 2016, 48, n. 48.
tions, votive dedications, lists of winners in the var- 6 It is supposed that this epigraphic boom, which is gen-
ious athletic competitions, etc.) since the religious eral during the 2nd century AD, is linked with economic
and administrative center of the city has not been and demographic growth, schooling as well as other
excavated5. factors which have been analyzed by scholars (Mac-
Mullen 1982, 233-246; Meyer 1990, 74-96; for Macedonia,
3 The inscriptions, for example, of Dium are scattered Panayotou-Triantaphyllopoulou 2007, 1087-1092).
in several publications: see ILGR 1979, 77-84, nos. 7 Kent 1966, 19, n. 7. These facts show that greater rigor
174-195 to which we should add Cormack 1970, 49-66; is needed to establish better corpora of dated inscrip-
1975, 103-114; 1974, 51-55; Pandermalis 1981, 283-294; tions, which might be compared region-by-region or
1982, 271-277, pls. 1-4. The corpus of Démaille 2013, city-by-city. To establish an approximate dating, one
which contains only the published texts, unfortunately must have recourse to elements other than paleographic
remains unpublished. P. Nigdelis, M. Voutiras and I. criteria (e.g. nomenclature, funerary formulas, shape of
Sverkos are currently preparing a new corpus, with all the monument or style of decoration), which can help
the published and unpublished documents. to place these documents in plausible chronological
4 For Philippi, Collart 1937, 285-289; Pilhofer 2009, periods. This would also allow us to include in our as-
66-145; 479-816. For Dium, Demaille 2013, passim; for sessment the very large number of funerary texts and it
Dyrrachium, Destephen 2012, 295; for Photike, Sam- lets us have a more complete idea about the distribution
saris 1994a, 79-108. of the use of the two languages over time.
5 Among the known inscriptions, 77% are epitaphs, the 8 Jireçek 1893, 98 ff.; 1902, 13 ff.; 1911, 38 ff.; Skok 1934,
honorifics are represented by only 13 examples (8%) 175-180, also Gerov 1965 and the summary of the dif-
 Linguistic choices in the framework of a globalizing Empire 245

sia and Dacia. Yet the limited presence of Greek in the al Roman enclaves are scattered south of this line
latter does not justify their classification alongside ar- (along the via Egnatia, in Epirus and the Pelopon-
eas where Greek language and culture play a leading nese)12. Finally, the relationship between the two
role9. New studies have come to slightly different con- languages differed throughout space and time.
clusions, the points of disagreement are located on the The impact of Latin was insignificant in the cities
linguistic border in Illyria and in the territory which of peregrine status; its role was more dynamic in
stretches between Mount Aemus and the Danube10. the Roman colonies. Thus we are led to consider the
Over time, the question of the linguistic bor- line of Jireçek no longer as a linguistic or ethnic line
der between Greek and Latin became much more but “as a simple line of separation between two cul-
complicated. First of all, it was observed that in tures, the Greek and the Roman, which shows how
some border areas, like Thrace, which was part far their respective influences extended”13.
of Greek-speaking areas, there are significant in- H. Mihaescu has tried, in several studies, to
ter-penetration of the two languages on the two shed a little more light on this thorny question, by
sides of the linguistic borders11. Moreover, sever- drawing up a table of Latin inscriptions, located in-
side each Balkan province and by fixing the place
ferent points of view apud Mihaescu 1978, 72-73 (cf. of their origin on the map. The idea of C. Partsch14,
Schmitt 1983, 556-558). Also, Kaimio 1979, 87 and nn.
however, concerning the need for a simultaneous
115-118; see map in Mihaescu 1978 (at the end of article)
and parallel examination of the Greek inscriptions
and Besevliev 1970, map on p. XV.
9 The use of Greek in Dalmatia is much greater than in containing Roman names, did not convince him,
neighboring provinces (Upper Moesia and Dacia), al- because apart from the practical difficulties of such
though the number of preserved Latin inscriptions is a search, he thought, quite rightly, that the mere
greater than in any other Roman province in Southeastern presence of Latin names in Greek inscriptions does
Europe (Mihaescu 1971, 659-677; 1972, 83-93; 1978, 86-106, not necessarily imply that the persons thus desig-
particularly conclusion, 106). As a result of the Roman nated spoke Latin at home15. He believed that the
colonization, which was very strong in these regions presence of Latin inscriptions in certain localities
and, despite the arrival of immigrants from the East and and especially “their frequency and their continu-
the increase of the Greek-speaking population (as shown
ous repetition” constituted incontestable proof of
private documents), official documents were written in
the existence of Latin speakers16; this statement, cor-
Latin (cf. Kaimio 1979, 88; Alfoldy, Mocsy 1965).
10 Gerov 1980. On the exact course of the northern bor- rect in principle, deserves, as we will see, to be even
der of the province of Macedonia, Papazoglou 1979, more nuanced.
331-334; cf. Kaimio 1979, 86-89, with the most recent
bibliography on this question (map I: pl. 87), illustrat- Phil. 43, 108-115; cf. Sharankov 2011, 139, nn. 22-23, who
ing the various propositions (cf. Dubuisson 1982, 188 offers us a new synthesis on these questions.
and n. 12). 12 This observation is due to the Austrian scholar Partsch
11 The linguistic landscape is a little less clear in the 1932, 154-162, particularly, 160.
middle valley of Axios, between Upper Moesia to the 13 Jireçek 1893; this point of view was supported by Gerov
north and Macedonia to the south (Destephen 2011, 1951-1952, 326-331; Rubin 1960, 83 and finally by Be-
133 and n. 9). In Epirus the border is located between sevliev 1970, 92-124 (cf. Mihaescu 1971, 499; 1978, 74).
Apollonia and Dyrrachium, Destephen 2011, 133-134 According to these authors, alongside the Greek or Latin,
with notes 9 and 10. It seems that there is an area of the ancient indigenous languages – Thracian, Illyrian,
linguistic coexistence between the Latin-speaking Celtic, Venetian and others – continued to be used by the
and Greek-speaking worlds, which stretches over 600 peoples of the northern part of the Balkan peninsula; this
kilometers, from the shores of the Adriatic Sea to the question, often tinged with considerations more political
lower Danube valley. Within this zone, however, we than scientific, during the second half of the previous
find either islets of Latinity (Marcianopolis) or islets century, would deserve to be seriously re-examined. 
of Hellenism, such as Nicopolis ad Istrum, two cities 14 Partsch 1932, 160; cf. Mihaescu 1971, 499 and n. 6.
of Lower Moesia (Destephen 2011, 134 with notes and 15 On the diffusion of Roman names in the Greek pen-
bibliography). On the spread of Greek in Thrace, Gerov insula, Rizakis, Zoumbaki 2001; Rizakis, Zoumbakis,
1980; on the inter-influences between Greek and Latin, Lepenioti 2004; Byrnes 2003; Tataki 2006; cf. Rizakis 2018.
B. Gerov, Yearbook of the University of Sofia, Fac. Hist- 16 Mihaescu 1971, 498-499; cf. Salomies 1996; 2010.
246 Athanasios Rizakis

Mihaescu has undertaken a difficult task and These principles do not have absolute value ei-
some of his weaknesses are mainly due to the vast- ther in space or time and there is no actual rule that
ness and practical difficulties of this undertaking.17 could apply automatically to any class of material.
But despite these problems, one should not lose What is important to know, in each case, apart from
interest in his method, which alone would make it the date of the document is its exact character, the
possible to understand to what extent urbanization sender and the addressee – in the case of public
was – as in other regions – the primordial means of documents – as well as the origin or the quality of
the introduction and the diffusion of Latin. But we the persons who erect the dedications or for which
should, at the same time, look for explicit referenc- funerary monuments are erected. Kaimio’s conclu-
es to contemporary Greek inscriptions because this sions are, of course, correct, but they can only have
juxtaposition gives the possibility of measuring the a very limited value, because ultimately the use of
resistance of Greek and the assimilative capacities Latin, in this kind of documents (i.e. public), is not
of the Hellenic milieu, which did not function – as spontaneous and is often bound by unknown con-
one often tends to believe – in an automatic and straints. In contrast, private documents, which are
uniform way. more numerous, can provide us with more objective
Kaimio, for his part, in his study of the Romans information. Funerary inscriptions are, for example,
and the Greek language, argued that Mihaescu’s above all erected by individuals belonging to upper
approach had not brought the expected results social classes, most often in towns and less frequent-
and considered that research based on the status ly in villages. The evaluation of religious documents
of cities presented great difficulties18. He thus pre- seems even more complex. Dedications to the deities
ferred categorical analysis to geographic analysis, are erected by people belonging to all social strata of
classifying documents according to their function the population, without exception, and the use of a
into two broad categories: imperial administration specific language does not mean that the individual
and local administration. Latin is also widely used spoke it and even less that he wrote it; in this kind of
in certain other categories of documents such as documents one must look for other clues21.
miliaria and border regulations. The most impor- Summarizing, it can be said that there are enor-
tant and unmistakable results of this study is that mous variations in the use of the Latin both in space
the use of Latin was extremely limited and rare in and time; it was different from one city to another
the East, where Greek quickly established itself as and depends enormously on local tradition and the
the official language for the drafting or translating surrounding cultural context. The penetration of this
of public documents. Only public documents ad- language was insignificant in the context of Greek or
dressed to Roman magistrates are written in Latin. strongly Hellenized cities. But it was greater, in the
Furthermore, the use of Greek in public documents context of less Hellenized populations. However, if
addressed to cities is easy to understand because the latter resisted longer the movement of re-Hel-
their main purpose was to be understood19. Ded- lenization, which began in the 2nd century, Greek
ications to Emperors and Roman magistrates are regained its place in the linguistic landscape, in the
also written in Greek, in the framework of free cit- 3rd and completely in the 4th century AD, that it was
ies or cities of peregrine status, and exceptions to everywhere before the arrival of the Romans.
this rule are rather rare20. In this study, a comparative method will be ap-
plied on carefully selected and satisfactory evidence
17 The main problem is the origin or the exact date of found in cities of similar status22. The thematic anal-
certain inscriptions, which are absolutely necessary
in order to understand the social environment of the 21 Gerov 1965, 233-242 and 1959, 173-191; see also Mi-
diffusion of Latin and its changes over time. hailov 1986, 28 who shares the same point of view on
18 Kaimio 1979, 88; cf. also Dubuisson 1982, 188. the use of Latin and Greek, particularly in the areas
19 See Dubuisson 1982, 192; this rule knows, however, situated north of the Mont Haemus.
some exceptions: cf. Kaimio 1979, 85-86. 22 Some statistics will be provided being aware, like Ad-
20 Kaimio 1979, 74-86 and especially the last two pages ams (2007, 625) that “is not so much the accumulation
(conclusion). of figures that is difficult as their interpretation”.
 Linguistic choices in the framework of a globalizing Empire 247

ysis of the documents will be able to reveal, in each part in various expeditions (e.g. Trajan against the
case, the dynamic confrontation of the two languag- Parthians)27 and also veterans who, at the end of
es in space and time, a confrontation which, if it ends their service, are either officially sent to a colony or
with the triumph of Greek, does not erase the trac- individually choose, for various reasons individual-
es of the influence of Latin, at least in some areas. It ly decide to settle in a city28. It is not surprising that
is interesting to understand what the vectors of the almost all of the material produced by such persons
transmission of Latin were, the ways of penetration, is written in Latin29. It was not until the 3rd century
the zones favorable to its diffusion, the populations AD that Latin begins to be gradually abandoned by
and the social classes most willing to use it. There the military of Roman or Western origin.
is no doubt that the penetration and the diffusion Furthermore, the Greeks or Hellenized Orien-
of Latin, was carried out here as elsewhere, through tals, who were involved in the Roman army30, only
various important factors: the army, the Roman im- used Latin in their epitaphs when they were bur-
migrants installed in the conquered countries, the ied far from their homeland31. In contrast, the use
Roman foundations were vectors of the transmission
of Latin in the various provinces. Finally, there is no mines); ILS 214 (Tegea: road construction). A frumen-
doubt that the pax romana, which brought economic tarius is in charge of constructions, at Delphi, under
Hadrian (ILS 9473 = Syll.3 830). For another, Bourguet
growth, never seen before, created favorable condi-
1929, 205; cf. Sherk 1957, 61 with notes.
tions for mobility of all kinds, exchanges and inter-
27 Epitaphs of Roman soldiers and sailors, found in
actions, also in the linguistic field. The globalization Athens, are dated in the second century, especially the
of the Mediterranean world has played an important period 113-120 AD, although dating to the time of L.
role in expanding Latin and Roman culture. Verus is not entirely improbable (Oliver 1941, 244-249;
1942, 90). Starr (1960, 19) proposed a later date (late
2. The army and the spread of Latin second and early third century), for some epitaphs of
sailors of the fleet of Misene.
28 Legionaries were buried in Kassandreia, Dium (IV
The role of the army as an agent of transfer of
Scythica), Stobi (IV Scythica and VII Augusta), Hera-
cultural goods is well known and the Roman army clea of Lyncestis (IV Scythica and VII Claudia), Patrai
was among the first factors in the diffusion of Lat- (X Equestris and XII fuiminata) and Philippi (various
in23. We know that several legions were temporarily legions, CIPh II.1, passim); cf. Sherk 1957, 60 and n. 23.
stationed in Macedonia during the 2nd century BC, Apart from the veterans of Patrai classified in the tribe
in order to face the barbarian invasions24, and sub- Quir(ina) and those of Philippi classified in the Volt(in-
sequently in the Greek peninsula during the wars ia), the colonists in other colonies belong to various
against Mithridates, the war against the pirates or tribes (Rizakis 2010). It is difficult, in many cases, to
the civil wars. With the pax augusta there are no know the precise ethnic origin of the veterans; Sherk
longer any legions permanently installed in Achaia 1957, 59-61; Sarikakis 1977, 432.
29 Démaille 2013, nos. 12, 100, 144, 165 [Dium]; Rizakis
and Macedonia (provinciae inermes throughout the
1998, passim [Patrai]; CIPh II.1, passim [Philippi]; cf.
Empire), as for example in Syria25. The only soldiers Sverkos 1999, 1095, nn. 22-23.
are those who formed the governor’s escort, con- 30 The engagement of the Greeks, in land forces or in the
trolled the mines and helped in the construction of fleet, began during the period of civil wars (Sarikakis
roads26. Furthermore there are soldiers who took 1977; Sverkos 1999; cf. Raggi 2004) and continued
under the Empire. The most important source of re-
23 Watson 1969, 23. cruitment is, of course, mainly the military colonies
24 Papazoglou 1979. (for Philippi, Collart 1937, 293-294; Papazoglou 1990,
25 The presence of the Roman legions had a linguistic 111-124) but also certain Macedonian regions, such as
impact, in this province, especially on the populations Pelagonia (Papazoglou 1974, 271-297) and Lynkestis
who were not deeply Hellenized; the colonial context (Papazoglou 1961, 16 -19); cf. the list compiled by
(i.e. Roman colonies) favored this kind of linguistic Sverkos 1999.
integration, Yon 2004, 313-336; 2008, 195-212. 31 In this case they often mention their origo which is
26 Sherk 1957, 62, n. 39 with bibliography (governor’s either the city (Sverkos 1999, 1092-93) or the ethnic
escort in Corinth); ILS 8717 = CIL III 12286 (control of origin: natione Macedon (CIL III 6592 = ILS 2345) or
248 Athanasios Rizakis

of Greek is almost the rule for those who are lucky of cives Romani or Italici, engaging in activities relat-
enough to return and die in their country32. A char- ed to production, trade or banking; they thus had
acteristic example is that of the soldiers engaged in direct and daily contact with local populations. The
the two Macedonian legions, formed by Caracalla, oldest and most important community is undoubt-
some of them bear historical Macedonian names edly that of Delos, whose new status as a free port
(i.e. cognomina) that mark their identity of which (after Pydna in 167 BC), offered Italian migrants the
they are proud33. When they return to their country hope of great profits for their business35. This ex-
not only do they use Greek but some of them aban- ample was followed, after the destruction of Delos
don the onomastic formula of the tria nomina and (during the Mithridatic war), by many similar com-
are named ‘à la grecque’, either with their Greek munities established on the Greek mainland and
individual name followed by their patronymic or other islands. The list, which was drawn up long
simply with their individual name34. ago by Hatzfeld, has been expanded by new dis-
coveries, which have added very interesting details
3. The communities of Italian or Roman and nuances36. The example of Macedonia is charac-
immigrants and the diffusion of Latin teristic in this regard. The few Roman communities
that were known in this province at the beginning
of the 19th century led Hatzfeld to believe that dur-
Apart from the military, there was a continuous
ing the Republican era the via Egnatia was above all
movement of people – of Roman or Italic origin –
a military road used for the comings and goings of
who came to the East, generally voluntary, alone
armies and officials and that the negotiatores were
or in groups to do business. They initially accom-
little attracted by Macedonia. The new documenta-
panied the Roman armies, which operated in the
tion shows that several communities were formed,
East and took care of their supplies; others settled
from the first half of the 1st century BC, particularly
in different cities and early on formed communities
in cities which are on the via Egnatia as well as its
vicinity37.
simply Maced(o) (ILS 2163), or even other variants (Sa- There is no doubt that the most important busi-
rikakis 1977, 342; Sverkos 1999, 1092-1093, nn. 5-9). For
ness community was that of Delos. There were com-
those from the Philippi region buried abroad, Pilhofer
munities of Greeks and Orientals on the island at
2009, 705-710, 755-767; CIPh II.1, 391-405. These people
served in legions, in urban cohorts and more rarely in the same time, which gave a cosmopolitan image to
auxiliary corps, Sarikakis 1977, 434-437; Papazoglou this small place. Thanks to the rich epigraphic doc-
1979, 347-351. From the list drawn up by Sverkos umentation revealed by the French excavations, we
(1999, 1095, n. 21) we will mention, as an example, C. can follow their development and their relations as
Iulius C. I. Longinus domo Voltinia Philippis Macedonia well as their role in the formation of a new linguis-
(CIL IX 4684 = ILS 2460: Reate); Aei Aerernalis mil.coh. tic landscape on the island of Apollo. While sever-
III pr. Victor. nat. stat. Provinc. Macedoniae Lychnidum al languages were used in the private and family
(CIL IX, 1602). domain, the written expression, public and private,
32 See the examples cited by Sverkos 1999, 1096-1097 with
were represented by the two dominant cultures,
notes and the list drawn up by the same author (1999,
Latin and Greek. Latin was the written language
1199-1200).
33 Spomenic 71, 1931, n. 449 (AE 1968, 465): Lynkestis;
cf. Sverkos 1999, 1997, n. 31; 2017, 287-348; Brélaz, 35 For the list of the negotiatores in Delos, Hatzfeld 1912;
Demaille 2017, 154; see also Nigdelis (2006, 212-215, Ferrary, Hasenohr, Le Dinahet 2002, 181-239; cf. Adams
275-276) who noticed that the notables of Thessalon- 2002, 103, n. 2 (with bibliography).
iki borrow names from the idealized Argead dynasty 36 Hatzfeld 1919; Wilson 1966; Hasenohr, Müller, 2002
and they invoked the Heraclids as ancestors of their and numerous new studies on previously neglected
families. regions, in Badoud, forthcoming.
34 E.g. EAM 127 and 49 (Eordea and Elimiotis: Greek 37 Hatzfeld 1919, 22 and n. 2. For the Roman emigration
name + patronymic); CIG II, 2002 and EAM 125; cf. in Macedonia, Papazoglou 1979, 356-357; Rizakis 1986,
Sverkos 1999, 1997, n. 33 (individual name without 511-524; 2002; for the Roman emigration, in Epirus,
patronymic). Zoumbaki 2011.
 Linguistic choices in the framework of a globalizing Empire 249

of Westerners, Greek of the Greeks and of those their own linguistic tradition and their desire for
who were of Eastern origin38. The Westerners used openness, i.e. a desire to share things with the Hel-
Latin in official or honorary documents. The same lenic community of the island43. These texts mark
language prevails in private documents (i.e. votive their willingness to consider themselves, as mem-
dedications) which apart from their religious sig- bers of a Greco-Roman community44. It was the first
nificance, “do not become vehicles of ethnic prop- step, which will lead to their gradual assimilation
aganda”39. Naturally, the linguistic divide did not into the Hellenic environment of the island45 and
prevent communication between the members of Adams rightly thinks that over time, Greek became
the various communities, which, at least initially, the first language of oral communication between
was done with the help of freedmen of Eastern ori- the various communities settled on this island46.
gin, who could understand both languages. There is no other Roman community in
The inscriptions of Delos show that the negoti- Greece, which reaches the proportion of the De-
atores, installed in this island, tried to adapt to their lian one. These are generally small communities
new linguistic and cultural environment. Hasenohr whose members very quickly realize that it should
clearly saw that Latin is used in the dedications, by be difficult for them to cope with the linguistic and
the magistri of Delos, only within the framework of
their function as representatives of the Italian com-
tions, is not a faithful reproduction but sometimes an
munity; this language is used, as Adams thought,
abbreviated version of the original, Adams 2002, 106;
simply because they are official documents and not McCleery 2016, 44-45; for the date of such documents,
because they had the desire to highlight their su- Kaimio 1979, 81; Adams 2002, 106-108.
periority40. The proof is that, when they leave the 43 This is the opinion of Adams 2002, 103 and 106 and n.
charge, they write their dedications in Greek, in oth- 11 with reference to Siebert 1999, 101.
er words, they conform to local customs in order to 44 One could think the same thing about the commu-
perform their integration into the Delian society41. nities installed in mainland Greece, which frequently
Similarly, the frequent use of bilingual texts by the use Latin but also the two languages or even Greek in
businessmen, who appear in Delos in the second their dedications frequently erected with the cooper-
ation with polis’ institutions, Van Andringa 2003, 49-
half of 2nd c. BC 42 betray their desire to display both
60; Terpstra 2013. For the bilingual texts, in the Greek
peninsula and the islands see generally Touloumakos
38 This is, for example, the case of the members of the col- 1995, 79-129; 1996, 43-54; Adams 2003; particularly in
legium of competaliasts, slaves of Greek eastern origin, the Peloponnese, Zoumbaki 2008; Rizakis, forthcoming;
whose mother language was Greek (Hasenohr 2008, in Delos: Pocetti 1984; Adams 2002; Hasenohr 2008 and
67) but also of the members of other collegia (Hasenohr generally for Greece and Asia Minor, Bauzon 2008.
2008, 67-68). 45 Another sign of adaptation is the use of the accusative
39 McCleery 2016, 44 and 47, n. 38 who cites for that for the honored person instead of the dative, used in
question Rauch 1993; Adams 2002, 106, n. 111; 2003, Latin. There is no doubt that this syntactic adaptation
who did not see in the use of Latin signs of linguistic to Greek is due to the influence of the Hellenic cul-
‘nationalism’. tural and linguistic environment and becomes for the
40 Maybe with the exception of freedmen who want Italici of the island a sort of ‘trademark’, according to
to display their new status as cives romani; on this Adams, indicating a complex identity “in the eyes of
question, Petersen 2006, 84-120 and 184-226; Borg Latin-speaking outsiders to the region”: Pocetti 1984;
2012, 25-49. For their attitude in the eastern provinces, Adams 2002, 115-117; 2003, 658-661; Hasenohr 2008,
Dubuisson 1982, 187-210; Bauzon 2003; 2008. 61-63. Such use of the accusative is known in other
41 Hasenohr 2008, 68-69 who noticed, on the occasion, cities, during the republican and imperial period
that Greek has been used by members of other collegia, (e.g. in Dium: Brélaz, Demaille 2017, 135). An inverse
apart from that of the competaliasts; on their integra- syntactic phenomenon is observed in the Greek East,
tion in the Delian society, Adams 2003, 645-649. later, in the dedications (honorific and votive) or in the
42 It is especially the dedications of the various collegia, funeral consecrations, written in Greek. In these cases,
which are bilingual: Hatzfeld 1919, 337 and n. 2. In all the dative of Latin inscriptions is often adopted instead
cases, the original document is written in Latin, which of the accusative.
precedes the Greek text; the latter, with some excep- 46 See the examples cited by Adams, 2002, 104-105.
250 Athanasios Rizakis

cultural pressures of the surrounding Hellenic el-

ement. The progress of their affairs required good
understanding and collaboration with the natives;
so the use of bilingual texts was the first step, as in
the case of their counterparts in Delos, for cooper-
ation and a better understanding with the much
larger local community. Αn example of the will-
ingness of the Romans to adapt to their new en-
vironment was the adoption of the Greek naming
standard; they are presented ‘à la grecque’ (prae-
nomen + patronymic), as early as the 2nd century
BC47. In this way they are cited in the various lists
(e.g. dedications, ephebic lists, accounts or inven-
tories, Pythaid members, priests or dedicators,
winners in various contests etc.)48. Others go even
further by adopting local citizenship, a quality that
gave them the right to take an active part in the
administration of the city and appear on lists of
civic magistrates (e.g. Athenian lists)49. As Greek
has always been the language of business in the
East, this language gradually became the language
of contacts and expression of all kinds50.

4. Urbanization, re-urbanization and the

diffusion of the Latin language
Fig. 1 Roman foundations in Achaea, Epirus and Macedonia.
There is no doubt that urbanization was the tions into its political and socio-cultural system. In
factor, par excellence, for the spread of Latin in the Greece, in contrast, there were urban centers for a
West. It was one of Rome’s instruments for the rap- long time, Rome only rarely created new ones (e.g.
id and effective integration of indigenous popula- Nikopolis, colony of Pella or Photike), but re-ur-
banized many old depopulated cities by establish-
47 Adams 2002, 104-106; Rizakis 2018. Iconographic ele- ing Roman settlers. This policy, which began with
ments, inspired by both traditions, are also observed Caesar and the triumvirs, gained considerable mo-
in a small number of funerary monuments whose mentum under Augustus. A series of Roman colo-
shape (large rectangular plaques) and use are Roman nies were then founded or re-established (fig. 1) in
but their style Hellenistic. They are dated to the end Illyria and Epirus (Dyrrachium, Buthrotum, Byllis,
of the Republic (ca. the middle of the 1st century BC) Photike, Nicopolis), in the Gulf of Corinth (Dyme,
and they sometimes bear a Latin or bilingual text (the Patrai, Corinth) as well as in Macedonia (Pella,
deceased are freedmen, Rizakis, Touratsoglou 2016,
Dium, Kassandreia and Philippi)51. The main rea-
122; Papagianni 2017).
48 But as this nomenclature risked creating confusion
with the Greeks who adopted themselves, as individu- 51 On the Roman colonies, founded along the western
al names, particularly Roman praenomina (e.g. Αὖλος, Greek coasts, the Gulf of Corinth (on the seaway joining
Γάιος, Λούκιος κλπ.), they sometimes added, in their Greece with Italy, Rizakis 1996a, 255-324) and along
new nomenclature the adjective Ῥωμαῖος, in order the via Egnatia, in Macedonia, Vittinghoff 1952, 85-86;
to clarify their status as Roman citizens and their real Kienast 1982, 386-496 (with the earlier bibliography);
identity that they did not want to abandon, Rizakis 2018. Papazoglou 1979, 357-369; 1988b, passim; 1990, 111-124.
49 Rizakis 2018. On those of the province of Achaea, Bowersock 1965,
50 Hatzfeld 1919, 337. 62-72 and 85-100; Rizakis 1996a, 255-324; 1998 (Patrai);
 Linguistic choices in the framework of a globalizing Empire 251

sons for the creation of this vast network of Roman that, in the colonial framework, the two languages
foundations are the social pressure in Rome and follow parallel paths, especially in places considered
the desire of Caesar and his successors to control quasi-public and quasi-private, such as sanctuaries
the communication axes on water and land. The and necropoleis54. It is noteworthy that bilingualism
politicians who developed these great projects had remains exceptional, in the colonial context; the ma-
perhaps the hope that these enclaves of Latin lan- jority of the bilingual documents date from the ear-
guage and culture, directly linked with the capital, lier colonial period and are frequently lined either
could in the long term act as poles for the economic with freedmen or negotiatores living there55.
growth of the peninsula52 and eventually as centers
for the diffusion of the Latin language and culture. 4.1. The use of Latin and Greek in the Roman
The fact is that the colonists, unlike the Roman colonies
businessmen based in Delos, do not show the same
respect for the Greek population and their language The massive settlement of the Roman veter-
and there is no desire, at least in the beginning, to ans put an end to the long domination of written
integrate into the surrounding cultural environment.
Latin becomes the official written language of all the
Philippi, CIPh II.1, passim) and also on the social structure,
colonies, the symbol of the distinction of the Roman
because it is only in the Latin inscriptions that is regularly
settlers; by the exclusive use they made of it, colo-
indicated the social status of the person.
nists want to make the indigenous populations un- 54 In these places the two languages are presented from
derstand that they were henceforth their absolute the beginning, side by side: Millis 2010, 25 with n. 42
masters. Until the 2nd century AD, this language (Corinth); we find [6] honorary or votive dedications in
has been the monopoly of written communication Dium, dated in the Augustan period ; two are written
in documents of public nature as well as in votive in Greek (Pandermalis 1981, 290-291 ; AE 1998, 1207 =
dedications or epitaphs, erected by or for people of SEG XXXIV 630) and four are bilingual (AE 1950, 20 =
Roman origin53. Analysis of epigraphic data reveals ILGR, no. 180; AE 1998, 1208 = SEG XXXIV 630 adn.-AE
1998, 1210 = SEG XXXIV 631 and AE 1998, 1211 = SEG
XXXIV 632). It should be noted that the massive use
2008, 36-102 nos. 1-60b (Dyme). On those of Epirus and of Greek in this kind of documents is only observed,
Illyria, Samsaris 1994a; Deniaux 2006; 2017; Destephen in Dium as well in the other colonies, from the second
2011; 2012. The problems relating to the urbanization half of the 2nd and especially in the third c. AD.
of the province of Macedonia are more systematically 55 There is only one example in Corinth: Meritt 1931, 130;
studied by Papazoglou, 1979, 351-369 and especially in see also Millis 2010, 25, n. 39, which mentions another
his synthesis on Macedonian cities in the Roman peri- more ambiguous case. In Patrai there is only two bilingual
od (1988b). For Achaea there is no recent synthesis, in texts (Rizakis 1998, 49-52; cf. Clearly 2016, 48, n. 48). A
the meantime one can use the excellent monograph of greater number (4) of bilingual dedications – honorific
Bowersock 1965 and to a number of studies (in ANRW or votive – are known in Dium (supra n. 54); they all date
II 7.1) concerning particular cities. from the beginning of colonial life (Augustan period)
52 Alcock 1989, 87-135; 1993, 93-128; Rizakis 2014, 241-267. with the exception of the funeral epigram for a gladiator,
53 The Latin inscriptions provide us with information on the which falls under the second half of the 2nd c. AD (AE
civil and religious institutions of the colony (some lifelong 1994, 1558 a et b = SEG XLIV 1994, 525). There are two
priesthoods are rare while the flamines of the imperial cult, bilingual inscriptions in Pella which date from the earlier
appointed for one year, are more frequent in the inscrip- period of the colonia (1st c. BC-1st c. AD): ILGR 200 and
tions), on religious professional or funerary collegia (for 202 and AE 2003, 1587 = SEG LIII, 621, cf. Giannakopou-
Philippi, Collart 1937, 269-273 and especially now CIPh II.1, los 2017, 112. There is no bilingual inscription in Philippi
passim), professional or religious collegia (for Philippi, Col- (except the milarium of Gn. Egnatius of the 2nd c. BC), fact
lart 1937, 269-273 ; Kloppenborg, Ascough 2011, passim). In characterized by Brélaz (2015, 386, n. 107) symptomatic
some colonies particular offices or honors are mentioned, and ‘paradoxical’ but it is almost the rule in the context of
such as the office and Irenarch, in Philippi (Collart 1937, the Roman colonies of the Hellenic Peninsula. In Photike
262-263; Brélaz 2007, 1217-1219). The inscriptions finally we know only a bilingual epitaph for an imperial slave
give information on the benefactions of the wealthy Roman dated in the 2nd or 3rd c. AD (Sironen 2009, 192, no. 7).
citizens of the colonies (for Corinth, Kent 1966, 20-23; for For Dyrrachium, Shpuza 2014, 498-501.
252 Athanasios Rizakis

Fig. 2 Greek and Latin inscriptions in Roman foundations.

Greek in cities transformed into Roman colonies. seems that the position of Greek is better in the
The visibility of Greek is very limited before Had- colony of Dium in Macedonia, but this marginal
rian’s reign, even in documents of a private nature presence does not naturally call into question the
(i.e. votive dedications and epitaphs) and particu- overall pre-eminence of Latin58. The change in the
larly in the colonies of Patrai and Philippi. It was linguistic landscape is more marked in the military
rightly assumed that in these two cases the quality colonies of Patrai and Philippi. The dominance of
of the colonists should have played a role in the Latin is almost unquestionable in the first colony
process of Latinization, unlike Corinth and Dium, before Hadrian’s reign59. Greek is hardly visible,
where most colonists were freedmen and proletar-
ians (fig. 2)56. In Corinth, as Kent observed, Latin is
an’s reign, 101 (i.e. 97,11%) are in Latin and only 3 in
used in the first generations exclusively for official Greek (i.e. 2,88%), Kent 1966, 18; cf. Millis 2010, 24.
purpose “by a factor just over 5:1 in favor of Latin” 58 Globally, before Hadrian’s reign, Latin is represented
(i.e. 83,33%) and it is more or less the same, accord- by 69,38% and Greek by 30,61%; cf. Brélaz, Demaille
ing to Millis, for funerary inscriptions (fig. 3)57. It 2017, 135, n. 124.
59 Latin is represented by 90% of the known documents
56 For Corinth, Kent 1966, 18-19; Millis 2010 and 2014; of all kind and Greek only by 10% (forty-six other texts,
similarly in Dyrrachium (Destephen 2012, 287-298) written in Latin, against four in Greek, are placed in
and Dium (Demaille 2013, passim; 2015) there is a good the 1st-2nd century AD, Rizakis 1998). All public docu-
number of freedmen; on the Italian manpower, which ments are written in Latin. Among the fifteen epitaphs
moved to the East, Brunt 1971. belonging to the first century AD, nine are attributed
57 From the 104 public documents that are prior to Hadri- with certainty to the first generation of veterans of
 Linguistic choices in the framework of a globalizing Empire 253

Fig. 3 Chronological variarions of Greek and Latin in Corinth (official documents).

during this period, even in private documents60. centuries of colonial life. Greek is seldom visible in
Similarly, Latin completely dominates the linguis- the epigraphic documentation of the same period
tic landscape of Philippi throughout the first two (fig. 4a)61.
The hegemonic position of Latin began to be
contested from the 2nd century onwards in all the
the the legio X equestris and legio XII fulminata which colonies. Greek, hardly visible throughout the 1st
was settled in this city by Augustus around the last century AD, begins to manifest itself with force,
quarter of the 1st century BC (Rizakis 1998, 151-157 from the reign of Hadrian onwards, but the progress
and loc. cit., nos. 368-369). It is noteworthy to say that in the use of this language follows different lines in
the pretty Hellenistic stele, with triangular pediment
the various colonies and categories of documents62.
or geison and a rectangular frame above the architrave
(Rizakis 1998; Papapostolou, Rizakis 1993), mostly rare
in the 1st century BC, disappeared completely after the 61 Before Hadrian’s reign Latin is represented by 88%
arrival of the colonists. The disappearance of this form and Greek only by 12%, Pilhofer 2009 and CIPh II.1,
of monument goes hand in hand with the almost total passim.
absence of epitaphs written in Greek. 62 Even if, in general, Greek appears more quickly in
60 Rizakis 1998, nos. 82, 144, 202, 270 (texts in Greek). the religious documents of the colonies we cannot say
However, three other steles, which have been dated by that it has a privileged position, Levick 1967, 133-136;
myself (Rizakis 1998, nos. 79-81), in the 1st c. BC/1st cf. Kaimio 1979, 167. Outside the colonies, Latin was
c. AD), are to be placed, following a re-examination of never used in the domain of worship; the choice of the
the form of the respective monuments, the formulas language for the inscriptions concerning the imperial
and the letters, later, under the Empire. cult was left to the practitioners of this cult but in the
254 Athanasios Rizakis

Fig. 4a Chronological variarions of Greek and Latin in Roman colonies (all kind of documents) before Hadrian’s reign.

In Corinth, according to the formula used by Kent, AD, public documents were drafted in Greek and
“the pendulum swings in the other direction”, since speakers gave their speeches in this language to the
the reign of Hadrian when Greek supplanted Latin, descendants of the settlers in Corinth66.
even as an official language; this tendency has been Similarly in Dium, the balance between the two
accentuated in the following period63. Kent linked languages had been completely overthrown by the
this change with Hadrian’s philhellenism64, but a second and particularly by the third century AD in
number of other factors played a role, according to
Millis, in the rapid linguistic Hellenization of the
old city65. Already in the first half of the 2nd century of its original population, its traditional commercial
vocation and the professional activities of its new
inhabitants: Millis 2010, 10-33; 2014, 38-53; Pawlak
cities of the eastern provinces the use of Greek is a 2013, 143-162.
common practice; cf. Herz 1986. 66 Dio of Prusa, Or. XLI; cf. Raggi 2004. On Favorinus,
63 Of the 25 texts from Hadrian’s reign, 15 are in Greek Or. to Corinthians, § 26 see the comments of König 2001,
and 10 in Latin. In the Hadrianic period 49 (i.e. 69,01%) 141-171; Goeken 2005, 327-351; White 2005, 61-110. Two
texts are in Greek and 22 (i.e. 30,98%) in Latin (Kent centuries later Himerius (Or. XL, 1-2) praises, with
1966, 19). emphasis, the glorious Athenian and Macedonian past
64 Kent 1966, 19; this idea was contested by Kaimio 1979, of Philippi (Brélaz 2015, 395, n. 164; 2018; Brélaz, De-
85-86. Kent thinks that in general the period of tran- maille 2017, 151-152) and does not hide his disdain for
sition towards greater use of Greek in some colonies the administrative and cultural realities of his time, a
began during the reign of Trajan. common posture of the authors of the Second Sophistic
65 These factors are the social and linguistic composition (cf. Pernot 2008).
 Linguistic choices in the framework of a globalizing Empire 255

Fig. 4b Chronological variarions of Greek and Latin in Roman colonies (all kind of documents) after Hadrian’s reign.

favor of Greek. Latin was maintained for dedica- of votive dedications or the funerary texts but by
tions to emperors, miliaria, delimitation boundaries the second century the linguistic balance (especial-
and monetary legends67. The use of Greek and Lat- ly in the field of funerary inscriptions) changed in
in knows a parallel evolution in Stobi (municipium favor of the Greek69. This tendency was followed in
civium romanorum since Augustus or the Flavians)
in Upper Macedonia68. In the beginning, Latin is 69 Before Hadrian’s reign 80% are in Latin and 20% in
used in public inscriptions as well as in the majority Greek, but after Hadrian’s reign 36,4% are in Latin
and 63,59% in Greek (see fig. 3). Among the 28 votive
dedications (Babamova 2012, 1-28) six, dating mainly
67 Latin is represented only by 4,45% and Greek by 95,54% from the 1st century AD, are in Latin (Babamova 2012,
of the known documents. This analysis is based on the nos. 6, 15-18, 25) but the twenty-two which are in Greek
published inscriptions (Démaille 2013; Brélaz, Demaille date in the 2nd/3rd century AD. Among the honorary
2017, 135 with n. 124). The majority of the dedications dedications to the emperors or high dignitaries of the
addressed to the Greek or Egyptian gods are written in Empire (Babamova 2012, 29-45), six, which are written
Greek (21) with the exception of one addressed to Sara- in Latin, date from the 1st-2nd century AD (Babamova
pis, Isis and Anoubis. Latin is only used for dedications 2012, 29-33) but the majority of those dating from the
to Roman deities (11). The ratio for funerals is similar 2nd-3rd century, are written in Greek. Among the 92
(2:1) in favor of the Greek. According to Brélaz, Demaille funerary documents (Babamova 2012, 45-137) 42 are
(2017, 135 with n. 124) in the 2nd-3rd century four out of written in Latin (note that a very large number of the
five inscriptions are written in Greek. For the monetary deceased are soldiers); among them 13 date from the
legends, Kremydi-Sicilianou 2005. 1st century BC and 29 from the 2nd or 3rd century AD.
68 Papazoglou 1986, 213-237. Greek is represented by 50 funerary texts which, ex-
256 Athanasios Rizakis

the third century, but Greek began to dominate the extremely few exceptions – are in Latin till the 4th
linguistic landscape, in documents of all kinds, only century AD74. The hegemonic position of Latin, also
from the 4th century onwards (fig. 4b)70. shapes Philippi for a very long time75. The prepon-
It seems that the evolution is no different in the derance of Latin is absolute not only in the urban
colonies of Pella and Kassandreia where, however, center, but also in the suburban area and on the coun-
the known material is weaker. Here, as elsewhere, tryside76. Greek has a dominant position only in the
the reign of Hadrian is the starting point for chang- small zone of Mount Pangaion77.
es in the linguistic and cultural landscape71. The use Hadrian’s reign is certainly, here as elsewhere,
of Latin is gradually reduced and frequently related the starting point for a larger use of the Greek lan-
either with the purely roman character of the civ- guage but its progress happens only gradually in
ic or the religious magistracies. In contrast, Greek Philippi. The known inscriptions show even a tem-
becomes the language in the documents of private porary renaissance of Latin during the Antonin
character during the second and third century AD period78, which, however, does not go further than
and since the end of the second century AD, its use is
extended to the public documents. It is noteworthy (i.e. 39,55%) in Greek. This language is primarily used
that this language was used not only by Greeks of in epitaphs erected for gladiators; there is only one
epitaph in Latin, Rizakis 1998, 163-170, 172-173).
peregrine status but also by the novi cives of Greek
74 The honorific dedication to Hadrian and two other
origin despite some exceptions which, as has been
honorific dedications dated to the 2nd-3rd c. AD are
noted by Giannakopoulos, did not alter the superior- written in Greek, Rizakis 1998, 24, 40-41. In the 3rd
ity of the Greek during this period (2nd-3rd c. AD)72. c. AD, there is one imperial dedication in Greek and
The linguistic Hellenization required much more one in Latin (Rizakis 1998, 26, 31). The overwhelming
time in the military colonies (e.g. Patrai and especial- majority of the known epitaphs (17), mostly from the
ly Philippi). The progress Greek follow slower rates 3rd c. AD, are written in Greek (Rizakis 1998, passim).
in these cases and the Latin language maintained its 75 The idea (Collart 1937, 300-305, 311-315) that there is
power until the middle of the 3rd century AD. The a balance in the use of the Greek and the Latin in the
number of known documents written in Greek in inscriptions of Philippi needs to be nuanced.
76 Mottas 1994, 16; Rizakis et al. 2007, 1213; CIPh II.1, 40-55.
Patrai is between 150 and 250 AD slightly lower (53
77 On the large use of Greek in the valley of ‘Pieres’, Pil-
i.e. 39,55%) than the respective texts written in Latin
hofer 2009, 577-649. One thing that is surprising is the
(81 i.e. 60,44%)73 but all the public documents – with wide use, in this area, of the provincial or the actian
era, which were only used in the cities of the province
tremely rare during the 1st century, began to multiply of Macedonia (Papazoglou 1955, 15-28). Should we
after the 2nd century AD. believe that such uses reflect the cultural influence of
70 Among the various inscriptions, dated from this period the city of Amphipolis closer than the colonial urban
(Babamova 2012, 256-303), Latin is only used in two center? The use of the two languages seems equivalent
documents. in the area of Neapolis (actually Kavala: Pilhofer 2009,
71 A document from Pella (a copy of an official document 1-30) and that of Philippi (urban center and peri-urban
file concerning a complaint submitted to the provincial area), Pilhofer 2009, 54-397. In contrast, the preemi-
authorities) shows that the colony could address the nence of the Latin is indisputable in the majority of
proconsul in Greek (from the end of the second c. AD vici of the territorium (Pilhofer 2009, 31-53 and 398-545),
or the beginning of the third c. AD), EKM II, 432 (AE with a greater concentration to the northwest of the
2014, 1178). Note that Greek deities and traditional cults Philippian pertica, in the region of Prosotchani and
became the prevailing iconographic types in all the co- Alistrati (Pilhofer 2009, 510-534; cf. Mottas 1994, 15-24;
lonial coins in Macedonia (Papageorgiadou-Bani 2002; Brélaz 2015, 380-381, nn. 65-66; Rizakis, Touratsoglou
Kremydi-Sicilianou 2005) with the notorious exception 2018) as well as in the praefectura of the colony, near
of Philippi (Katsari, Mitchell 2008). the city of Serres (on the use of Latin and Greek in the
72 ILGR 203-204 (examples in Pella); cf. Giannakopoulos praefectura of Philippi, Rizakis 2006 and 2012).
2017, 110-112. Greek seems having an important place 78 This bloom of Latin goes hand in hand with the great
in the social life of Kassandreia, especially in the world architectural works undertaken by the Antonins; Pil-
of the private associations: Giannakopoulos 2017, 98-99. hofer 2009, 198, 201, 228, 233; cf. Collart 1937, 341-351;
73 81 documents (i.e. 60,44%) are written in Latin and 53 Sève 2004, 107-119. But as observed by Collart (1937,
 Linguistic choices in the framework of a globalizing Empire 257

the reign of Caracalla79. It is noteworthy that Lat- number of Latin texts found there, mark the linguis-
in survived, in Philippi until the middle of the 3rd tic change during in the 1st century AD, and shows a
century, as the language not only of the official doc- high degree of Latinization in this region, at least dur-
uments of the colony but also in documents of a pri- ing the High Empire. Latin is the exclusive language
vate nature80. It is, however, remarkable that during of public documents dating from the High Empire.
this same period there are honorific dedications in However, from the 3nd century AD onwards, Greek
Greek erected in honor of civic notables, some of completely replaces Latin even in this type of doc-
which are members of the equestrian order81 and ument86. The larger use of the Greek language be-
that Romans citizens (novi cives or descendants of gan here, as elsewhere, during the 2nd AD and grew
freedmen) use Greek in their epitaphs82. The pro- even more in the 3rd century AD. Yet it represents
gress of Greek is suggested by the names of Philip- only the 12% of the known material while Latin
pian notables engraved on the theater stands indi- occupies 88%87. Finally, very few Latin inscriptions
cating the seats reserved for them; half of these are have been found in Nicopolis whose exact status is
in Greek and probably date to the period when Lat- the object of a long debate (civitas libera or double
in was no longer used in official documents83. Greek community)88. The official inscriptions are written in
will dominate the linguistic landscape of this city Latin, at least at the beginning, in Dyrrachium, Byl-
from the 4th century onwards although dedications lis and Buthrotum, which are also colonies founded
to the Emperors or miliaria are still written in Latin by Caesar and Augustus in the present-day Albania.
during the late 3rd and early 4th century AD84. Only one public text from Buthrotum is written in
Interesting is the use of Latin in Photike in Epi- Greek89. ‘Latinization’ appears stronger in Dyrrachi-
rus, which was probably transformed into a Roman
colony (or municipium) by Caesar or Augustus85. The example in Kassandreia and Photike are descendants
of the colonists, partisans of Antony (Dio Cassius 51,
305) “tant au forum qu’au théâtre, les tailleurs de pierre 4, 6) , who were forced by Augustus to leave Italy and
avaient gravé, comme marques d’assemblage ou de to settle there on the occasion of their re-foundation,
tâcheron, des lettres grecques”. after Actium, in Dium, Kassandreia or Philippi but
79 After Hadrian’s reign Latin is still represented by 75% also in Dyrrachium, Byllis, Buthrotum and possibly
and Greek by 25%. Photike, in Epirus.
80 Collart 1937, 300-317; CIPh II.1, 47, 64, 129. Latin is also 86 The use of Greek in dedications to the Emperors begins
the official language in several parts of its territory: e.g. from the first half of the 3rd century, while the first
Pilhofer 2009, 437, 519. decree written in this language dates from the end of
81 Pilhofer 2009, 306, 309, 345; cf. also Pilhofer 2009, 248; the 3rd or the beginning of the 4th century AD. The
Brélaz 2015, 394, n. 157. dedications are in honor of Maximinus the Thracian
82 Pilhofer 2009, 133, 266a, 266, 290, 291, 468; cf. Brélaz (235-238) while the decree dates from the co-reign of
2015, 386, n. 113 who rightly notes that their cognomina Diocletian and Maximian (286-305 AD); cf. Hammond
indicate that they are either of Greek or Thracian origin. 1967, 736, n. 15 and 738, n. 23 = D. Euangelidis, Praktika
83 CIPh II.1, 364; cf. Brélaz 2018, 81. 1930, 63 (cf. Hatzopoulos 1980, 102, n. 23). For new
84 Collart 1937, 314-315. Out of thirty-five early Christian inscriptions, see the researches of the Finnish Institute
documents in Philippi (dated from the 4th-6th century at Athens, during the last decades, Sironen 2009; Kor-
AD), only two (probably dated from the 4th century honen, Forsén 2019.
AD), are in Latin: St. Pélékanidis, ArchEph 1955, 171- 87 Hatzopoulos (1982) counted 74% for Latin (27) and only
172, nos. 12-13 = Feissel 1983, nos. 251-252; cf. also 26% for Greek. Now that the number of published texts
Brélaz 2018, 90-94. has more than doubled, the balance is even more marked
85 The oldest inscriptions, written in Latin, date to this pe- in favor of Latin. It should be noted that the majority of
riod (Samsaris 1994a; Kohronen, Forsén 2019, 237-238); the Latin documents of Photike are epitaphs.
all scholars have assumed, based on various criteria, 88 Only seven of the known inscriptions are written in
that the city had the status of a Roman colony (Sam- Latin against 172 in Greek, Samsaris 1994b: see ILGR,
saris 1994a, 113-117, nos. 1-3; Rizakis 1996a, 270-271 69-71; Samsaris 1994b. On the ambiguous status of the
and 1998, 266-267, n. 76) but the decisive proof has still city (civitas libera or double community), Ruscu 2006,
not been found. Samsaris (1994a, 21, n. 2; cf. also 1987, 247-255; Guerber 2013, 149-173; cf. Brélaz 2018, 78.
358 n. 5) supposed that the Antonii which we find for 89 AE 49, 265; BE 1948, 98.
258 Athanasios Rizakis

um where one finds 140 of the 285 Latin inscriptions framework of the Isthmian Games, the lists of the
discovered in present-day Albania90. Greek is not, victors are written in Greek, even at the beginning
however, completely forgotten; it survives in a few of colonial life. Only the dedications honoring the
funerary texts. In contrast in Byllis and Buthrotum, agonothetes were written in Latin since they were
the use of Greek is wider and, in any case, domi- considered public documents, which concerned in-
nates the linguistic landscape of these colonies after dividuals and not competitions94.
the reign of Hadrian91. The context sometimes requires the choice of bi-
Despite oral multilingualism of the Roman lingual texts; the bilingual dedication addressed by
colonies, Latin and Greek have hegemonic plac- A. Korniphikios Tarantinos to the Gymnasion of Kas-
es in writing, for reasons of tradition or prestige. sandreia is explained by the cultural context that is a
The two languages coexist from the outset, and the Greek institution surviving in the colonial context95.
choice of one of the two languages depends on the Similarly, the dedications raised in the Panhellenion
spatial context, the social status of the dedicator or by the various colonies (Dium, Philippi, Alexandria
the cultural identity claimed by him. In the public Troas, Corinth, Antioch of Pisidia)96 were written in
spaces (e.g. the Forum), where the reorganization Latin since they want to highlight their status as Ro-
allowed the Roman settlers to legitimize their dom- man colonies, but at the end of the text, in a separate
ination and distinction in their new city, there is no line, the city’s ethnicity is in Greek. Finally, the quali-
place for Greek92. The use of another language than ty of the honored person or other considerations can
Latin in this space would be unthinkable93. Latin re- lead to a particular choice of the language, which
flected the Roman power and its values, but outside does not coincide with the prevailing linguistic pref-
of the forum, the context may impose deferred lin- erence. So it was probably the fame of the historian,
guistic choices. Thus in Corinth, in the traditional A. Claudius Charax, that prompted the Roman colo-
nies of Alexandreia Troas and Patrai to set up honor-
90 Deniaux 2017, 67. ary dedications to him, in Greek97.
91 In Buthrotum there are 64 Latin and 56 Greek inscrip-
tions and in Byllis we have 40 Latin and 50 Greek 4.2. The ‘Latinization’ of peregrini in the fra-
inscriptions from all periods (Deniaux 2006; 2007).
mework of the colonies
Archeology and epigraphy reveal that Byllis became
a powerful city of Antiquity late (Deniaux 2017, 67).
92 In the military colonies, such as Philippi, dedications in The peregrini-incolae, who lived in a true Ro-
Greek could be displayed, even in the 3rd century AD, only man environment (i.e. Roman colonies) politically,
near the forum, precisely in the macellum area. It is first of
all, the dedications to their benefactors by the members of 94 Millis (2010, 23, n. 32 and 23-24) is inspired by Kajawa
a religious collegium, relating to the Egyptian gods (CIPh 2002 who noticed that Greek remained the official lan-
II.1, 54, 55; cf. Brélaz 2018, 82 who at n. 403 reminds us of guage of the Isthmia: “even at the time when the civic
contemporary dedications in honor of Nemesis (Pilhofer documents were written in Latin, Greek remained
2009, 142-144); note that a few decades earlier, in a similar the official language of the Isthmia” (cf. Millis 2010,
context, the members of the same collegium use Latin to 15, n. 9: with all the relative bibliography). This ob-
honor a civic magistrate (CIPh II.1, 134). servation led Millis to conclude, rightly, that in these
93 The same reason explains the fact that the colonial coins cases the choice of language has nothing to do with
are always in Latin unlike in the Greek East (only in the the ethnicity and quality of the settlers (freedmen or
coins of the duoviri of Corinth “Latin was the official military) but with “the spatial and symbolic context
language, as late as AD 69”: Kent 1966, 18, n. 5; Amandy of the inscription”.
1988). In contrast, the iconographic themes, draw gener- 95 Samsaris 1987, 407, no. 59; cf. Giannakopoulos 2008,
ally inspiration from Greek myths and legends, already 97-98 and n. 20.
from the beginning in some colonies (e.g. Corinth, 96 Camia, Corcella, Monaco 2018, 477-485.
Walbank 2003; Dium or Kassandreia, Kremydi-Sicilia- 97 The dedication of Patrai was displayed in Pergamum,
nou 2005) and from Hadrian’s reign onwards, with a Hellenic city, AE 2011, 1292; Rizakis 1998, no. 364.
the exception of Philippi, for the others (RPC, passim; However, such a decision can, sometimes, be the result
Papageorgiadou-Bani 2002; Kremydi-Sicilianou 2005; of other motivations, see the case of a honorary dedi-
Katsari, Mitchell 2008). cation in Philippi (CIPh II.1, 47; cf. Brélaz 2018, 81).
 Linguistic choices in the framework of a globalizing Empire 259

socially and culturally speaking, were constantly man colonies surrounded by an authentic Greek en-
under the pressure and influence of the Latin lan- vironment (e.g. Byllis, Buthrotum, Dyrrachium or
guage and culture. But despite this pressure, the in- Philippi, in the province of Macedonia)105. There is
colae of the colonies and the residents of eastern or- no doubt that the most interesting example is that of
igin generally exclusively used Greek98. Adherence the incolae of Thracian origin, who lived in the ter-
to the dominant language can be observed either in ritory of Philippi. Their language choice in the new
the case of a mixed marriage99 or for social prestige, colonial environment depends on their level of Hel-
but this last figure is mostly exceptional. In gener- lenization. Those who were completely Hellenized
al, each community remains loyal to its own tradi- have remained attached to the Greek language and
tions, but exceptionally, Latin found fertile ground culture, as did their compatriots who live in the
with minorities whose Hellenization was superfi- Greek cities of the valley of Strymon, in Thasos or
cial. This process could be supported by other el- in the neighboring province of Thrace and Moesia
ements, such as the community’s proximity to the Inferior106. In contrast, the Thracian tribes who were
Latin speaking part (e.g. Dyrrachium)100, its location probably not completely Hellenized, were ready to
by an important communication route, like the via adopt the language and partly the culture of the col-
Egnatia101 or the quality of provincial capital102. Fi- onists107. However, the acculturation of the incolae of
nally the coexistence of the incolae with a powerful Thracian origin, which is not limited in the use of
colonial community, which was constantly renewed Latin, is sometimes sketchy, precisely in certain in-
(e.g. Philippi), helped the adoption by the less Hel- scriptions transcribing Latin with Greek characters.
lenized populations, of the language and culture of These texts show that Latin is still spoken in the 3rd
the dominant community103. century AD, but it is no longer written108. Should we
Brélaz drew up the list of these communities of
incolae in the East, which were ‘Romanized’ from a or trilingual public dedications, but what seems ex-
linguistic point of view. These communities are lo- ceptional is the use of Palmyrian language, alongside
cated in some less Hellenized zones of the province Latin and Greek (Yon 2004; 2008); for the spread of the
of Syria (e.g. Heliopolis, in the plain of Bekaa and Latin in the Middle-East, Eck 2014, 125-149.
105 On the bibliography cited in Brélaz 2015, 392, nn. 144-
Palmyra)104, but we can find similar examples in Ro-
145 it should be added Destephen 2011; 2012; Deniaux
2006; 2017.
98 Brélaz (2015, 377, n. 43) cites the examples of Alexan- 106 Pilhofer 2009, 538-541, 545, 552, 553, 555-556, 557α,
dria Troas, Patrai and Corinth and we could add Dyme 560, 565, 567-568α, 572-576 (cf. Brélaz 2015, 379, nn. 53-
(Rizakis 2008a, 1-50) and the other Roman colonies 54); on the spread of Greek and Latin in Moesia Inferior
of Macedonia, namely Dium, Kassandreia or Pella and particularly in Thrace, Sharankov 2011, 139-140.
(Giannakopoulos 2017), in Epirus, namely Photike 107 In Philippi there are about twenty texts written in
(Samsaris 1994a; Korhonen, Forsén 2019), Buthrotum Latin by the Thracian incolae of which seven come
and Byllis (Deniaux 2006; 2007; 2017). from the region of Drama (see the list drawn up by
99 See the cases of mixed-mariages reported in Philippi Brélaz 2015, 380-381, nn. 63-66). It is noteworthy that
by Brélaz 2015, 385-386 with nn. 100-106, in Dium by their votive dedications addressed to local deities are
Demaille 2013, passim and Kassandreia and Pella by written in Latin (e.g. Rincaleus), sometimes in their
Giannakopoulos 2017, 101-102. This interesting ques- Latinized form (Bendis-Diana, Dionysos-Liber Pater)
tion of mixed marriages has not yet been the subject of and exceptionally some are addressed to purely Roman
a great synthesis (see the recent article of Youni 2018, deities (e.g. Vertumnus): Brélaz 2015, 383-384; Brélaz,
243-264). forthcoming; Rizakis 2017, 197-198.
100 For the spread of Latin in Dyrrachium, Destephen 108 Pilhofer 2009, 48, 180, 614; cf. Brélaz 2015, 387-388.
2011 and 2012; Deniaux 2017; cf. Brélaz 2018, 89, n. 447. This phenomenon is equally observed in some rare
101 For the role of the via Egnatia, Collart 1937, 510-523; examples, in Corinth (West 1931, 65-66 and 152; cf. the
cf. Brélaz 2018, 87. commentary by Millis 2010, 25 and n. 40) or in other cit-
102 E.g. Ephesos or Thessaloniki. ies of the East: Brélaz 2015, 396-398. The oldest example
103 For Philipppi, Mottas 1994; Brélaz 2015; 2017. certainly comes from Delos (McCleery 2016, 44, 47, n.
104 For the case of Heliopolis, IGLS VI 2908, 2928 B, 2946. 39), which Adams (2007, 680) has explained by saying
Latin appears, in Palmyra, mostly in some bilingual that “the writer did not know the Latin but wanted
260 Athanasios Rizakis

believe Collart109 that we must moderate “our as- and cultural modes of expression. Rome was the
sessment of the degree of acculturation of the Thra- reference of the provincial elite class that ran the af-
cian incolae to the Latin language that is suggested fairs of the cities. This class, usually rewarded with
from the inscriptions that they were written in that the civitas, shamelessly shared the Latin language
language”? and many of the Roman values. This new class of
Resuming we can say that for many genera- privileged provincials played an important role in
tions, after the arrival of the colonists, language exciting linguistic emulation among outsiders in the
has remained a field of separation and distinction western provinces. But the cultural environment in
between settlers and Greek-speaking populations. the East was not favorable to such evolution. Lat-
During this period, the use one of the two languages in is hardly visible in most of the free or peregrine
clearly marks a deliberate choice for one of the two cities. It is the same with the great famous sanctu-
cultures110. But the large number of Latin inscrip- aries (Olympia, Delphi, Eleusis), where the number
tions in the colonies reflects the practice of epigra- of Latin inscriptions rarely exceeds the number of
phy and not the language that was spoken daily by fingers on one hand112.
the population. The gap between the two written This language is, of course, better represented
languages was probably less marked in their oral in some large cosmopolitan cities113, such as Athens
communication. Greek continues to be the language or Thessaloniki (with the surprising, exception of
for the daily communications of the Greeks or Hel- Nikopolis)114 and to a much smaller degree in medi-
lenized incolae and Latin for the Roman colonists. It um-sized cities such as Argos, as well as Beroia and
is very likely that the ‘Latinized’ Thracian incolae did Edessa in Macedonia115. Inscriptions in Latin are less
not use Latin in their daily communication. The lan- than 4% in Thessaloniki and much less in Athens116
guage of their daily communication was Thracian,
which has almost always been an oral language111. 112 Among the numerous dedications in Greek at Olym-
pia four in all – including one bilingual – are in Latin,
5. Cultural globalization, economic growth the texts of the other categories are also rare (two are
and the linguistic landscape in the free and pe- imperial letters, a bronze plaque and 2-3 fragments).
The situation is no different at Epidaurus, whereas
regrine cities at Delphi the greater number of Latin or bilingual
inscriptions must be explained by the international
The pax romana brought growth and prosperity character of the sanctuary and the public character
to all the provinces. It facilitated mobility and ex- of the documents (cf. Kaimio 1979, 78). Finally, one
changes and the development of common artistic should not be surprised by the presence of Latin texts
in Samothrace, because this sanctuary and its mysteries
had the preference of the Romans (ILGR 1979, 106-198,
to follow the conventions of the community in using nos. 250-254, cf. Kaimio 1979, 86).
‘Greek’ for epitaphs”. For the inverse phenomenon, 113 McCleery (2016, 43, nn. 13-17 with figs. 1-3) classifies
that writing Greek with Latin letters, during the Late Athens with Delos, Patrai and Corinth among the cit-
Empire, Feissel 2004. ies of the province of Achaea, which provide the vast
109 Collart (1937, 11) explained the presence of the Greek majority of documents in Latin (86%); Corinth, Roman
in the transliterated inscription found near Philippi colony and provincial capital has the lion’s share, just
(Pilhofer 2009, 48) by the fact that the Thracians con- over 50%.
tinued to make use of the Greek despite the diffusion 114 Supra n. 88.
of Latin around of the capital. This explanation seems 115 On those of Argos, ILGR, 43-45, nos. 84-92; on Beroia:
more obvious in the analogous example, coming from ILGR, 84-87, nos. 196-199; EKM I, passim and on Edessa
Moustheni (Pilhofer 2009, 614), i.e. a village situated ILGR, 89-90, nos. 205-209; EKM II, passim. The majority
in an area where Greek maintained its preeminence, of the known Latin texts, particularly in these last two
even under the Empire (supra, n. 77). cities, date from the 1st and the 2nd century AD.
110 In contrast, a similar distinction is less visible in the 116 In Thessaloniki there are 46 Latin inscriptions of all
various uses of material goods corresponding to aes- categories, placed from the 1st to the 4th century of our
thetic choices or to fashion, McCleary 2016, 43 with n. 4. era; the majority of them are funerary; there are also 7
111 Sharankov 2011, 135-155. bilingual, see IG X 2.1 (inscriptions related to Philippi-
 Linguistic choices in the framework of a globalizing Empire 261

but here we find a number of several bilingual texts, civitas romana – which was not very generous until
certainly less important than in Delos but more im- the reform of Caracalla (212 AD)119 – is certainly an
portant than in the colonies117. Latin is mainly used indicator of the success of the Roman system and a
in official texts (e.g. decrees, laws, letters, border form of integration. But this privilege linked with
arbitrations, militaries, letters or edits of the pro- the knowledge of Latin was not followed by the
consul) edited either by the Roman authorities (i.e. use of this language by the novi cives, particularly in
the Senate, the imperatores, the imperial chancellery their civic context120. In Greece, the civitas was in no
or the high-ranking Roman magistrates) or excep- way accompanied by the abandonment of Greek121,
tionally by the civic authorities (dedications drawn unlike their counterparts in the western provinces,
up by the cities or notables in honor of the Roman where the acquisition of the civitas was marked by
generals, officers or the emperor)118. The use of this the abandonment of their native language and the
language in documents of a private nature is exclu- use of Latin122. In Greece Latin is used exceptionally
sively linked to various categories of persons of Ro-
man origin, such as passing soldiers, businessmen, 119 In Athens, the percentage of novi cives in charge of a
pilgrims, tourists, students, artists or athletes. public office did not exceed 25% for the period before
The use of Latin by Greeks – of peregrine status Caracalla (Kapetanopoulos 1965, 52 which refers to his
unpublished PhD in Yale University, 1963); for the Pelo-
or novi cives – is exceptional. The concession of the
ponnesian cities, Höet-van Cauwenberghe 2010, 173-
192; finally for Macedonia, Samsaris 1982; 1988; 1990;
ans, except no. 924, are not included): 268, 328, 339, 358, 1992. Among the Macedonian cities Thessaloniki seems
385, 386bis, 600, 661, 668, 671, 668, 690, 701, 717, 718, 740, to be by far the place where we find the largest number
880, 910, 924, 927 and IG X 2.1s: 1084, 1171, 1177, 1197, of novi cives and that from the 1st century AD (Samsaris
1206, 1229, 1233, 1235, 1280, 1284, 1336, 1337, 1359, 1360, 1988, 320-323). Papazoglou (1990, 118), rightly thought,
1369, 1385, 1402, 1661. Of the 46 Latin inscriptions, 15 that there are extremely few Greeks awarded with the
date from the 1st century AD; 23 from the 2nd c. AD; 5 civitas, at the beginning of the Empire, in the Roman
of 3rd c. AD and 4 from the 4th-5th century AD. Much colonies founded in Macedonia. New studies have
rarer are those dating to the Republican period: e.g. IG been shown that their number is higher in Kassandreia,
X 2.1s, 1357 (2nd/1st c. BC); IG X 2.1s, 1359; IG X 2.1s Pella and Dium (Giannakopoulos 2017, 100-105), or
1358 (bilingual). Finally, the nos. 1493, 1516 and 1540 are Dyrrachium (Destephen 2012) than in Philippi (Brélaz,
Christian and date to the Lower Empire. Among the 73 Rizakis 2003; Brélaz 2017, 145; 2018, 262-270). On this
Latin and bilingual inscriptions found in Athens, the topic, Tataki 1996, 105-109; Sverkos 2017.
majority are funerary (34 i.e. 47%), followed by honorific 120 Nicolet 1976, 95-113; this minimal knowledge of the
(15 i.e. 21%) and dedications to Emperors (10 i.e. 14%), language was necessary if he wanted to fully enjoy
Clearly 2016, 47-48. Almost half of the epitaphs (15) his rights (cf. also Dubuisson 1982, 189, n. 16 and n.
belong to passing Roman soldiers or sailors, the rest 208), although no law required such a condition (cf.
to other categories of people all of Roman origin. The Kaimio 1979, 135). In fact, the level of knowledge of
almost exclusive use of Latin by the military shows that Latin depended on individual cases. Those who had
they would like to address their counterparts as only succeeded to rise to the equestrian or even imperial
fellow soldiers could understand the indications of their order wrote and spoke both languages (utraque lin-
military career (Clearly 2016, 48). gua) but Latin is only used by them, occasionally, and
117 In Athens they represent 29% (i.e. 21 among 73 Latin only in Latin-speaking milieu. I will recall, by way
texts: McCleery 2016, 47) and although this figure is of example, the case of Spartan notable who make a
much lower than that of Delos (53%), it is higher than career in the equestrian order and use either Latin in
the average (12%) for the province. In Thessaloniki they the Corinthian colonial context (West 1931, 68: C. Iulius
represent the 14% of the text in Latin (i.e. 7 of the 46 Laconis f. Eurycles; cf. Kent 1966, 19, n. 6: for the date in
Latin texts); the majority of bilingual texts in Athens Neron’s reign) or Greek [Meritt 1931, 70: Γάιον ‘Ιούλιον
date to the 2nd century AD. In Thessaloniki – where Σπαρτιατικόν (Claudius period)]. Since Hadrian’s
the majority, as in Delos, are freedmen (Bauzon 2008, reign onwards such texts are written in Greek, Mer-
127) – six are from the 1st century AD (IG X 2, 878, 1083, itt 1931, 76, 80-83: honorary dedications to Γναῖον
1198, 1199, 1204 and 1358) and only one date from the Κορνήλιον Ποῦλχρον (Hadrian reign).
2nd-3rd century AD (IG X 2.1, 666). 121 Rizakis 2008b.
118 Kaimio 1979, 60-86. 122 Cooley 2002.
262 Athanasios Rizakis

in honorific dedications that ‘philorômaioi’ nota- The pax romana created more favorable con-
bles address to the imperial authorities or simply to ditions for the mobility of goods and people and
representatives of that power123. This is, for exam- brought growth within the framework of a unified
ple, the case for the two honorary Latin inscriptions Mediterranean empire of Rome. This globalization
in Athens (in honor of Hadrian and of a proconsul), was not limited only to material goods but also in-
which were brought up by non-native Latin speak- cluded the culture of which language could not be
ers124. This kind of gesture of friendship and be- an exception126. However, the linguistic impact of
nevolence towards the authorities of the dominant this change is very poor in the linguistic landscape,
power, obeys various motivations and one has to which remains ‘monolinguistic’ and Greek keeps
believe they were not deprived of ulterior motives. its traditional hegemonic place in the context of
Concluding we can say that, within the frame- free and peregrine cities. In contrast, the linguis-
work of the free or peregrine cities, Greek was the tic landscape will experience a real change within
exclusive written language not only for individuals the framework of the cities transformed into col-
of peregrine status but also for those granted with onies127. In the beginning, the two languages and
the civitas romana and gradually became the written cultures coexisted in the same place, resulting in
language of all Romans living in these cities. the development of new identities. Latin became
the dominant language in all areas of written ex-
Concluding remarks pression until the reign of Hadrian. The colonists
unlike businessmen were willing to highlight their
In the first two centuries of the Roman rule, Lat- legal superiority by the use of Latin and were less
in was very little diffused in mainland Greece and disposed to make any concessions in the linguistic
the islands (with the exception of Delos), although field. This attachment to the Latin language was
several communities of Italian or Roman business- stronger in military colonies such as Philippi and
men settled, especially after the Mithridatic wars. Patrai, and less so in colonies where freedmen
The reason is simple: the persons who formed these and proletarians were more common among the
relatively small communities of Latin language colonists (e.g. Corinth, Dium, Kassandreia, Pella,
were incited to make efforts of adaptation under Dyrrachium etc.). In any case the powerful posi-
the pressure of the Hellenic environment in order tion of Latin in the colonial framework should not
to advance their business. The bilingual texts illus- be understood, as Concannon noted128, as these
trate their early attempts to address both people of cities having been completely transformed into
Roman origin and the local population and show imagines parvae Romae – to refer to the passage of
the political and cultural affiliation with Rome and Aulus Gellius – but “as appropriations and nego-
their Greek new environment. This way of express- tiations within an asymmetric field of provincial
ing their identity did not conduct in the develop- power relations”.
ment of a ‘bilingual epigraphy’125. It is interesting to note that the linguistic land-
scape was not static but evaluated within the polit-
ical, economic and socio-cultural changes. Despite
the efforts of the colonists to mark, at least at the
123 That means, according to Concanon 2014, 73, that
their romanitas was defined by their relationship with beginning, their alterity by highlighting their ro-
the imperial family. manitas, the colonies were subjected to the game of
124 The first is a dedication to Hadrian and the other to a interactions with the local populations. The reign
proconsul of Achaea (Clearly 2016, 48, nn. 41-42). The
Latin text with the career and the titles is accompanied 126 Hingley 2005.
by the Greek text which indicates the author of the ded- 127 The extent and consequences of this upheaval have
ications (i.e. the Areopagus, the boule and the demos); not yet been measured and as Dubuisson said (1982,
on this practice, in Asia Minor, Brélaz 2008. 188, n. 11, with the bibliography collected on this ques-
125 Roman colonists and local population did not consti- tion), “l’analyse sociolinguistique de la Méditerranée
tute separate communities in daily life (Belayche 2017, est une tâche énorme à peine entreprise”.
on the Pisidian colonies). 128 Concannon 2014, 73.
 Linguistic choices in the framework of a globalizing Empire 263

of Hadrian constitutes from this point of view a Latin in the 4th century, for various reasons which
key date, which announces the evolution to follow. cannot hide the real decline of the language and
Greek comes again into play to gain lost ground, the triumph of Greek133.
yet the decline of Latin did not have the same in- It should be noted that despite the linguistic
tensity or the same speed everywhere. This lan- evolution in favor of Greek, the colonies remained
guage was maintained longer in the military col- cities with Roman institutions134 in the framework of
onies (i.e. Patrai and Philippi), where it was used a Greek-speaking and Christian empire135. In other
for the drafting of public documents even during words, the progress of Hellenization did not ques-
the third and fourth century129. In contrast, the tion the fundamentally Roman character of the col-
progress in the use of Greek, even in public docu- onies but it is difficult to speak at least in the third
ments130, has been extremely rapid in Corinth and century AD of “an adequacy between the statute of
similarly in Dium, Pella, Kassandreia, Photike, the colony and the model of the omnipresent Greek
Buthrotum and Byllis or in the municipium of Stobi. city in the context of the Roman provinces of Greece
Greek gradually became the language of oral com- proper and Asia Minor”136. The duality in the colo-
munication for everyone, long before it had been nies is preserved, since there is both continuity and
established in writing. The descendants of the col- change, as they became at the beginning of the low-
onists probably already understood Greek in the er Roman Empire, Greek. Even though they stayed
first century AD131. This change accelerated after Roman as well, despite the ‘rhetorical emphasis’
the Constitutio Antoniniana (212 AD), because the used by some authors about Corinth, saying that the
use of Latin, which recalled in the previous period Greek city and the Roman colony and their respec-
the status of Roman civis, lost its symbolic force. tive populations had been largely elided137.
But the linguistic Hellenization132 of the colonies There is no doubt that the long Roman rule
was not linear and irreversible. We observe at least brought inevitable changes in the linguistic land-
in some colonies (e.g. Patrai, Philippi) a return of scape, albeit on different scales from city to city. But
even if Latin is better visible in some communities
in Macedonia138, this fact does not justify the claim
129 The exceptions are rare: for Philippi, CIPh II.1, 54, 55,
57-58, 24, 129. 133 Supra, 257, n. 84 and 259, n. 108.
130 Supra, 253-258. 134 Even in Corinth, according to Kent (1966, 18-19: list
131 The fact that Paul wrote his letters in Greek to Cor- of dedications to Emperors), Latin “would never be
inthians or Philippians with the intention of reaching completely supplanted by Greek as long as the Roman
the wider segments of Corinthian or Philippine society provincial government lasted, or at any rate until the
means that this language was understood not only by second half of the second century, when the Emperor
the Greeks but also by the descendants of the settlers. himself chose Greek rather than Latin as the medium
This is a plausible hypothesis of Millis (2010, 26-29) of his meditations”. The maintenance of the colonial
who extended, for this purpose, his research on graf- institutions is observed in all the colonies, even the
fiti (of the 18 tablets on pottery all but one is written honorary ones (Brélaz 2018, 73-74). Another sign of
in Greek, Millis 2010, 27, n. 48) and mason marks and this conservatism is the maintenance of the Latin in the
stamps (e.g. on tiles). In the first two categories the legends of the colonial coins until the end of this coin-
use of Greek is dominant while for the latter the use of age, in the middle of the 3rd century A.D. (supra, n. 93).
Latin is essential since these items of public ownership 135 Lemerle 1945; cf. Brélaz, Demaille 2017, 149.
manufactured for the city. 136 Brélaz 2017, 388-389.
132 As has been noted by Brélaz, Demaille 2017, the use 137 Millis 2017, 52 (with reference to Millis 2010, 14-16)
of the term re-Hellenization is improper since the who notes that the prime example of this rhetorical
Greek language and culture were never abandoned elision is Favorinus, in his Corinthian oratio and Dio Chr.
even in the colonies. What changed was the system of 37, 26 (supra n. 66). See also, on this point, the remarks
political and social organization of these cities which of Howgego 1989, 109-208.
was maintained even after the 3rd century AD when 138 These Macedonian cities are located in major commu-
Greek regained supremacy both in public and private nication roads, which are the via Egnatia ensuring the
documents. West-East communication and the Singidunum-Serdi-
264 Athanasios Rizakis

made by Partsch139 that this province was bilingual. the linguistic choices went in the opposite direction
The use of Latin in the Macedonian cities remains and it was the Romans who adopted the Greek lan-
extremely marginal and almost absent in areas with guage much more quickly in the peregrine cities,
low urbanization140, as for example Pelagonia and less quickly, of course, in the case of the colonies,
especially Derriopos, which completely escaped whose identity evolves differently and becomes
any Roman influence141. If one of the meanings giv- more complex. However, it would be naive to be-
en to ‘Romanization’ is that of “rallying the natives lieve that the use of Latin did not leave any trace for
to the culture, the organization, the Roman lan- several centuries. More so, it is unwise to claim that
guage”, that is to say integration142, neither Greece its influence can be completely disregarded. Exten-
nor Macedonia cannot be cited as an example. sive studies show that the Latin language and cul-
In the Greek-speaking provinces Latin appears ture have left their mark in several areas. The influ-
to be an imported language, initially reserved ex- ences were numerous and reciprocal and they can
clusively for a minority of people of Italic or Ro- be found as well the vocabulary and the formulas,
man origin (immigrants or settlers). But with time the morphology or the grammar143.

ca-Byzantion road, which began to play a more import-

ant role after the end of the first century AD. Another
very important north-south axis linked Thessaloniki
to the Danube (via Skopje, Naissus, Singidunum/
Belgrade); one of the main stations on this route was
the municipium of Stobi, Papazoglou 1988, 314, n. 38; 143 Hahn 1906, 203-210; Hatzfeld 1919, 338-340. More pre-
319, n. 74. cisely, the use in Greek inscriptions of Latin formulas,
139 Partsch 1932, 162. observed by Millis 2010, 24-25 (for Patrai, Rizakis 1998;
140 Papazoglou 1979, 362-363. A very large number of small for Macedonia, Rizakis, Touratsoglou 2016, 230) from
agglomerations organized in civitates (πολιτεῖαι), distinct the end of the 1st century AD and not only in the colo-
administrative units, as the koinon or ethnos of Elimeans, nies, is the product of a fashion which was widespread
Eordeans, Lyncestes, Pelagones etc. continue to exist in the Empire. Thus it cannot be considered as a sign
alongside urban centers in Upper Macedonia. But even in of ‘Romanization’. On the other hand, brief Hellenis-
these koina, “the urban element prevailed as a framework tic funerary formulas are used, sometimes in Latin
of political life” (cf. Papazoglou 1959, 163-171; 1979, 354 or bilingual epitaphs, erected for Romans; the Greek
and n. 229. On the other hand, Hammond 1972, 85-92 greetings form, χαῖρε, is translated into Latin either by
and 203-204 believes that the tribal organization still in ave: e.g. ILGR 70, n. 161 (Nikopolis) or by salve: IG X
Roman times remained alive in north-western Macedonia 2.1, 688 (1st/2nd AD), 878 (1st century AD), IG X 2.1s,
and in the territories east of Axios (Mihailov 1986, 18-19, 199 (1st century BC); 1290 (2nd AD), 1358 (1st century
approves Hammond’s thesis). BC) (Thessaloniki); CIL III 7295 (Athens). For the use of
141 The latter appears in Roman times “as a Hellenic accusative for the honored person instead of the dative,
country, the most Hellenic of the regions of North supra, n. 45. On the inter-influences of the two languag-
Macedonia”, according to Papazoglou (1988, 294 and es, general but useful considerations can be found in
n. 7) who specifies that inscriptions and numismatic Mihailov 1986, 18-20 and 26-30 with regard to Macedo-
discoveries show that the region was ‘Hellenic’ and nia. In all the settlements words or borrowed formulas
not ‘Hellenized’ and that it had relations with the from one of the two languages are used, Concannon
great Greek cities since the 5th century BC. On the 2014, 70-72 (Corinth); Collart 1937, 304-306 (Philippi).
‘Romanization’ in the Upper Macedonia, Babamova The influences of Latin go beyond the framework of
2009, 181-188. the Roman colonies and they are important in certain
142 Pflaum 1972, 55-72, particularly 68 (abstract apud fields, Mihaescu 1983, 1140-1144. On the grammar of
Mihailov 1986, 29). Latin inscriptions in the East, Galdi 2004.
 Linguistic choices in the framework of a globalizing Empire 265

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Romanization of religion in Roman Asia minor? Some considerations
on the appropriateness of modern concepts
Günther Schörner*

Abstract tion, colonization and globalization for describing

and explaining political and cultural phenomena in
The main topic of my paper will be the critical as- different parts of the Roman Empire but – to antici-
sessment of the utility and appropriateness of the term pate one result – in this paper it will be strenuously
Romanization in Roman archaeology in general and in advocated that we should not cling to one single con-
the analysis of cults in Roman Asia minor in particular. cept (and especially not Romanization) as explana-
After a short overview of the use of the terms Romani- tory model2. Since a comprehensive treatment of the
zation/Romanisierung I will have a closer look on religious
practices in Roman Asia minor, especially sacrifices and 2 The quantity of literature to the topic is overwhelming.
their representations in various media, and discuss the To cite only a few recent titles on Romanization (after
characterisation of (changes of) cults in Asia minor as re- 2012): Fiches 2013, 111-115; Häussler 2013; Lo Schiavo
sults and/or symptoms of Romanization. In a final step it 2013; Rubel 2013; Barrier 2014; Mihailescu-Bîrliba 2015;
shall be considered if Romanization is a helpful heuristic Nikoloska 2015; Roselaar 2015; van Oyen 2015, 205-
concept for the description or explanation of the phenome- 226; Bispham 2016, 5-14; Zimmermann 2017; Ghisleni
na observed and if some current alternatives and proposals 2018; Wodtke 2018; Gutsfeld 2019. Especially important
and fundamental for further discussions is a series of
are suitable to replace the concept ‘Romanization’.
discussion papers responding to each other: Versluys
2014a; Hingley 2014; Stek 2014; van Dommelen 2014;
Introduction Woolf 2014; Versluys 2014b. It is interesting to note that
most papers adhering to the use of Romanization were
As the general theme of the conference is Ro- written by scholars stemming from France, Italy or
manisierung zwischen Kolonisierung und Globalisi- Central resp. South-Eastern European countries even
erung the term Romanization is emphasized and if the papers are written in English whereby the critical
discussion has been omitted (e.g. Gutsfeld 2019). For the
shall be addressed more intensively but also colo-
divergent use of the concept in Italy, Germany and the
nization and globalization will be considered at the
UK (+ the Netherlands) see Schörner 2016.
end of the paper1. Since all concepts are very con- ‘Colonization’ and ‘Colonialism’ are commonly
tested and intensively discussed in recent years it is investigated in the context of archaeology in general:
not expected that an agreement will be reached on Gosden 2005; Stein 2005; Carstens 2006; Dietler 2010; a
the (exact) meaning and usefulness of Romaniza- more general approach is followed by Sommer 2011. The
nature of Roman republican colonies is a topic of intense
* Institut für Klassische Archäologie. Universität Wien. discussions in the last years: Broadhead 2007; Roselaar
[email protected] 2011; Stek, Pelgrom 2014. Globalization has become one
1 I would like to thank Oscar Belvedere and Johannes key term in the research on the Roman Empire in the last
Bergemann who organized the conference and invited years: Witcher 2000; Hingley 2005; Pitts 2005; Geraghty
me to present a paper. Thanks also to Richard Hingley 2007; Hitchner 2008; Gardner 2013; Pitts, Versluys 2015a;
(Durham), Thomas Schattner (Madrid), John Miquel Witcher 2017; van Alten 2017; van Oyen, Pitts 2017.
Versluys (Leiden) and Greg Woolf (London) for their Criticism: Naerebout 2006-2007; Greene 2008; Naerebout
contributions to the discussion. 2014; a more balanced review: Wiegels 2016.
274 Günther Schörner

topic Romanization in or of Asia minor is not feasible Romanization in the Western part of the Empire10.
due to the enormous amount of written, epigraph- This suggests that both started with two basic hy-
ical, numismatic and archaeological sources only a potheses which are not called into question: firstly,
few aspects shall be touched: after a short glimpse that there was something like Romanization. Sec-
on attempts to define the term Romanization in the ondly, Roman Asia minor it is considered as a world
specific context of Asia minor main focus is laid on of its own and comparisons to developments in oth-
rituals and their representation. er provinces of the Roman Empire are not consid-
ered necessary.
Romanization in Asia minor: a brief In contrast to the older writings of S. Mitchell
look on earlier research and M. Waelkens Maurice Sartre’s article from 2007
on ‘Romanisation en Asie mineure?’ is an excep-
tion because he discusses recent mostly apologetic
In order to get an impression how ‘Romaniza-
literature on Romanization11. His definition of ro-
tion’ has been understood thus far three prominent
manization as “adoption volontaire ou non, imposé
voices out of a larger number of scholars have been
par Rome ou librement choisie” is similar to that
chosen: Stephen Mitchell, Marc Waelkens and Mau-
M. Waelkens but stresses especially the ‘traits cul-
rice Sartre3.
turels’12. In contrast to Mitchell and Waelkens he re-
According to Stephen Mitchell Romanization is
jects the concept by drawing the conclusion: “Je suis
“a vague and difficult term”4. He uses it “specifically
plus que réticent à parler de ‘romanisation’ tant ce
to refer to the ideological orientation of the cities and
terme me paraît chargé de connotation culturelle”13.
the governing elites in support of the aims and ide-
So, he does not reject the concept Romanization but
als of the Roman state”5. He focuses especially on the
he thinks that it does not apply well to Asia minor
highest segment of provincial society which under-
because the Roman hegemony did not (have to)
went a “Romanisierung im Kopf”6. He comes to the
introduce the same cultural changes as in western
conclusion, at least for Pisidia, that social change may
provinces. Also in terms of religion Maurice Sartre
be summarized as a “thorough ideological Romani-
distinguishes practices in Asia minor clearly from
zation of the local aristocracy” based on the changing
those in other provinces, e.g. Roman Gaul14. He fo-
habits of nomenclature and buildings, coins and fes-
cuses mostly in a quasi-biographical approach on
tivals echoing the imperial propaganda7.
gods and remains vague, especially concerning Ro-
Marc Waelkens defines Romanization in a
man impact, but also the question on ‘la Romanisa-
broader way as ranging “from a deliberate transfor-
tion des dieux’ is not put15.
mation organized by Roman authorities, to a pro-
cess of acculturation, to a tool adopted and adapted
by local elites for social promotion”8. After studying ‘Romanizing religion’ in Asia minor?
Sagalassos and Pisidia at all he came to the conclu- Questioning the question
sion that there is no evidence of a “deliberate Roman A problem: Roman religion as export item
policy of ‘Romanization’ of the native population”9.
What is interesting is that both do not cite In order to achieve a more precise and prac-
the then – both wrote in the late Nineties or early tice-oriented picture the focus is laid on one spe-
Noughties – actual literature critically discussing cific topic, religion and religious practices and rep-

3 Mitchell 1999; Waelkens 2002; Sartre 2007. 10 One exception is Millett 1990.
4 Mitchell 1999, 421. 11 Especially Le Roux 2004.
5 Ibidem. 12 Sartre 2007, 229.
6 Also in the text in German and with inverted commas: 13 Sartre 2007, 243.
ibidem. 14 Sartre 2007, 241-243.
7 Mitchell 1999, 433. 15 The question on the Romanization of gods is often put
8 Waelkens 2002, 311. by French scholars, for example by Cadotte 2007, but see
9 Mitchell 1999, 359. the reviews by Dondin-Payre 2009 and Schörner 2014.
 Romanization of Religion in Roman Asia minor? 275

resentations in Roman Asia minor. The question many, and what rites will be performed publicly,
‘Was there a Romanization of religion in Asia mi- and who shall perform them”21. Furthermore, the
nor?’, however, is worded in very general terms and lex specifies the institutionalization of two priest-
has to be put more specifically. hoods, pontifices and augures. These priesthoods are
It has to be questioned first: How shall we well-known from Rome but the colonial regulations
conceive Romanization in terms of religion at all? assign them practically no powers or responsibili-
Modern ideas and experiences of empires and im- ties in contrast to Rome, where the pontifices control
perialism stress the point that empires were agents the calendar and the augurs are enabled to bring
of cultural change, and that an outstanding role public actions to a halt by the announcement of
among their aims and instruments was the imposi- unfavorable omen, the so-called through obnuntia-
tion or at least the desired spread of their culture, an tio22. As a consequence, authority over public reli-
important part of which is religion16. In that line it is gion in colonies is removed from life-long priests
assumed that Rome has to export her religion to the and transferred to elected magistrates and the city
provinces as a common system of religious symbols council23. That means that the structure of religious
and practices valid for the entire Empire17. practice in coloniae differs considerably from Rome
It has been stated, however, by Clifford Ando, and is determined by local institutions. Because of
Jörg Rüpke and others that there were substantial that fact the evidence from coloniae shows a bewil-
impediments to the dissemination of Roman cults18. dering range of diversity which can include the rep-
Roman religion was in first line a corpus of rituals lication of Roman institutions, deities and practices
and practices of and for a community of persons but these similarities are not mandatory24. The only
with Roman citizenship19. fixed point is flexibility caused by local initiatives
which permits also implementations of new cults
Roman religion in coloniae and changes. This fluidity is for example attested in
colonies in Asia minor, where – at Olbasa in Pisidia
Since Roman religion is foremost a matter of – Zeus Kapetolios and Hera Kapetolia are venerated
Roman citizens scholars have traditionally turned showing that original Roman deities were replaced
to coloniae in seeking Roman religion outside Rome by their Greek counterparts25.
because it is widely believed that these settlements This impression is confirmed by iconography:
copy the forms and institutions of Rome20. Strong Although specific Roman religious motifs like the
evidence, however, points out that the traditional sulcus primigenius are minted on the obverse of coins
view, that inhabitants of colonies practice a kind issued by the colonies their use was thought not as
of unchanged Roman religion, is not true. So, the a religious statement but in order to highlight the
only extensive colonial charter preserved, the lex co- legal status as colony and to communicate the close
loniae Iuliae Genetivae of Urso near modern Osuna links with Rome26. Thus, more often the connections
in Spain testifies to a large degree of local initiative with Rome are not expressed by religious topics but
to determine “which days will be festal, and how by depicting the signa as the representation of the
army. Furthermore, the study of A. Filges on the
16 For example: Pagden 1995; Ando 2007, 430 claims that
according to early modern experience empires “should 21 ILS 6087; FIRBruns 28; FIRA2 21; Rüpke 2006a; Rüpke
have a Reichsreligion”. 2006b; Ando 2007, 435 f.; Bertrand 2010 (critical).
17 Whether this kind of ‘Reichsreligion’ exists has been 22 Lex Ursonensis c. 66-68; Ando 2007, 435.
investigated inter alia by a DFG-Forschungsschwer- 23 Rüpke 2006b.
punktprogramm: Rüpke 2009; Rüpke 2011a; Rüpke 24 See the study on the religion practices of single
2011b. coloniae; e.g. Belayche 2003; Boos 2011. The comparison
18 Scheid 1985; Ando 2000; Ando 2007; Rüpke 2015. with the Feriale Duranum as a more normative charter
19 Scheid 2001, 47-76; Ando 2007, 429. is revealing; summarising: Ando 2007, 435.
20 Ando 2007, 431-436. For coloniae in the Greek East: 25 Talloen 2015, 152.
Magie 1950; Sartre 2001; Salmeri, Raggi, Baroni 2004; 26 For the sulcus primigenius as a newly ‘invented’ rite:
Alcock 2005; Filges 2011. Ando 2007, 432-434; for the rite: Stevens 2019.
276 Günther Schörner

Fig. 1 Çanakkale Museum inv. 2330, votive relief of Pontius Auctus, from Ilion (photo author).

mintage of Roman colonies in Asia minor revealed erable interest in local cults on the part of Romans
that coloniae acted like other cities27: There was no in provincial communities but that does not mean
common colonial agenda but all the colonies acted that direct interventions were made. What we know
as single cities and followed their own aims28. As a about municipia hints also to far-reaching autonomy
consequence, the design of the coins should mainly in religious matters34. For more detailed informa-
form a distinctive assemblage of recognizable and tion we have to look again to the west, to Hispania.
assignable images which can be used to express a The lex Flavia municipalis, a municipal charter, was
city-specific identity29. That local alignment is artic- drafted at Rome for the cities of Spain, to which area
ulated in Flavian times at the latest through a clear in its entirety Vespasian granted Latin status35. The
orientation to local themes and deities of the city’s chapter clearly sees a continuity of practice before
pantheon30, whereby most gods are represented in and after the change in status. It can be questioned
Greek iconography even if the wording is Latin31. how relevant this charter is for Asia minor but in
Therefore, also the corpus of images provided by those regions for which we have more comprehen-
the coinage of Roman coloniae does not indicate that sive studies like Pisidia it is evident that cults for
the colonies were bridgeheads of Roman religion specifically Roman deities had no impact on the
in a provincial setting suited to the distribution of province outside the colonies and the gods vener-
Roman cults and religious iconography. To the con- ated before the incorporation to the Roman empire
trary there are strong hints for assimilation to the were venerated without changes36.
religious landscape of Asia minor and the use of That the observance of Roman cult regulations
coinage as means of a discourse between cities32. and adherence of Roman style rituals is not a priori
a matter of the legal status of the city but depends
Roman religion in municipia on the status of the person who performs the ritual
and who wants to communicate this by depicting it
If we look at other cities and towns we have to is shown by a relief from Troia/Ilion (fig. 1), now in
consider the general regulations regarding muni- the museum of Çanakkale37, since Troia/Ilion was a
cipia33. Much surviving evidence points to consid-
34 The municipalia sacra according to Festus 146L are an
27 Filges 2015, 297. important element of the argument, see e.g. Rüpke
28 Filges 2015, 102. 2015, 347.
29 Filges 2015, 300. 35 Galsterer 1988; Ando 2007, 438-440; Wolf 2011.
30 Klose 1996, 56; Filges 2015, 104. 36 Talloen 2015, 151-154.
31 E.g. Talloen 2015, 153. 37 Ricl 1997, 102-103, nr. 77; the relief has not been found
32 See for this Schörner 2006, 147 f. at Alexandreia Troas, as indicated by Ricl, but was
33 Ando 2007, 436-440. found at Ilion/Troia (I thank Prof. Dr. E. Schwertheim,
 Romanization of Religion in Roman Asia minor? 277

civitas libera et immunis, although with close links to particular religion, at least the religion of Rome. But
Rome38. According to the inscription it is an ex voto, there might be two exceptions, the imperial cult,
probably an altar, donated by the curator Pontius on the one hand, and on the other the intensifica-
Auctus to the river God Skamandros. The dating tion of loyalty cults like the annual public vows on
of the monument is difficult, most likely is a date behalf of the emperor, the vota pro salute imperato-
in the 2nd c. CE39. The relief is composed of three ris. So already the lex Flavia municipalis determined
different elements, a charriot ride, a horseman and certain days “for the sake of honoring the imperial
a sacrifice to a heros on a kline. The main person, house”44.
according to the inscription the river Skamandros, In context of the imperial cult three points
is depicted three times. The sacrifice takes place in which are results of recent research are of particular
the context of the ‘banquet couché’40. At the right importance shall be mentioned in advance:
two children drive a sheep and a pig. A man offers Firstly, there is no such thing as the imperial
incense on a rectangular altar. The inscription indi- cult in Asia minor, not to mention the variations in
cates that he was curator, a higher Roman official41. different provinces. In Asia minor we have to differ-
In his left hand he holds an acerra, in his right a vol- entiate at least between the provincial cult, the cult
umen. He wears a Roman toga, his head is veiled. of regional koina, the cult of the individual poleis,
The reading is clear-cut: a Roman citizen is depict- the cult of the associations and of course the private
ed during a sacrifice to a local divinity since he per- emperor cult45.
forms the ritual in the Roman way capite velato. The Secondly, there are fundamental differences
relief is in first place addressed to Roman citizens between Roman cult forms and even ideas of the
and Latin-speaking provincials, as Latin is used for divinity of the emperor, for example the lack of the
inscription42. So the altar is indeed a proof for the concept of divus in Asia minor46.
performance of private rituals in a Roman style but Thirdly, the initiative to establish imperial cult
it is also an example for the inclusion of local dei- in the cities in Asia minor was often local and has
ties in the pantheon and the adoption of local ideas been promoted by individuals47.
how the god has to look like and which pictorial How ruler cult is conceptualized is perfectly
representation is appropriate43, because the entire seen by the iconography of emperor worship in
relief follows older heros-reliefs in composition Asia minor. Although there are no monumental
and design. sculptural complexes which portray that ritual in
detail it is topic of images on coins minted by dif-
Imperial cults: organisation and iconography ferent cities.
So two coins depicting sacrifices for the emperor
The archaeological, numismatic and written are minted in Pergamon at the beginning of the third
evidence indicates that neither the emperor nor the century CE, one (fig. 2) during the reign of Septimius
empire’s governing class contributed in any con-
certed and sustained way to the propagation of any 44 Ando 2007, 440.
45 E.g. Pfeiffer 2013, 9 f. Symptomatic a statement made
Münster, for that information). For the following see by W. Ameling: “Der Kaiserkult ist ein modernes
Schörner 2006, 141 f. Konstrukt, für das es in der Antike keinen einheitlichen
38 Hertel 2003, 266. Namen gab”: Ameling 2011, 16. Treatment of various
39 Ricl 1997, 103. forms of imperial cult: Pfeiffer 2013, 17-24; the
40 Examples: Pfuhl, Möbius 1979, 353-377, z. B. 375, nr. discrepancies are differently valued: Holler 2016.
1521. Competent phenomenology of the imperial cult in the
41 For the office of a curator: Burton 1979; Camodeca 1980 Greek East: Chaniotis 2003.
(with bibl.). 46 Price 1984, 75.
42 For Troia as Roman ‘lieu de memoire’ : Hertel 2003, 47 Price 1984, 65 f. Here it is to discern between the
274-292. various levels of emperor cults, see above; cf. Madsen
43 The difficulty of the modern concept ‘pantheon’ is 2016. For the involvement of individuals: Chaniotis
discussed by Bendlin 2006, 282-286. 2003, 18.
278 Günther Schörner

show an altar and a tied up bull as well50. These stelai

are dedicated to Men Askaenos, thus a typical indig-
enous god51. In the abbreviated depiction of the ritu-
al the iconography of the ruler cult is adopted to that
of the traditional already existing Greek or Anatolian
cults. As Annette Hupfloher put it, emperor worship
is fully integrated in the symbol system of the poleis52.
In the context of the ruler cult, however, is to find
the best example of the adoption or better adapta-
tion of a Roman model for a depiction of a sacrifice in
Asia minor: a medallion from Laodikeia at the river
Lykos in Phrygia (fig. 3) shows the emperor offering
in presence of soldiers and cult personnel in front of a
temple53. Reason for its issue was probably the visit of
the emperor Caracalla at Laodikeia during his journey
through Asia minor in 21554 and the renovation of the
title ‘neokoros’55. The entire layout follows a Roman
iconographical model. The closest parallel is a medal-
lion (fig. 4) minted during the reign of the emperor
Commodus dated 18556. On the Roman issue a bull
Fig. 2 ‘Greek Imperial’. Septimius Severus. Pergamon
(von Fritze 1910, pl. 8,15). and victimarius are depicted on the left, followed by
a lictor with fasces, a flute player and a young ‘camil-
Severus, the second under that of Caracalla48. The com- lus’. The emperor in toga performs the sacrifice capite
position of the sacrifice is similar on both coins: we have velato at a tripod surrounded by further attendants in
a bull lashed, which is struck down by a servant with a toga. The front of the Iuppiter Capitolinus temple in
double-axe. The emperor (or his statue) is represented Rome forms the background57. As the coin minted at
as the recipient of the ritual. On both coins we can see Laodikeia is younger than the Roman one it is more
ritual peculiarities specific to Asia minor like the zebu than likely that the former is minted following the
and the lashing. Clearly Roman elements, however, are iconography of the latter. The medallion from Asia
not depicted. Thus the ritual performance has a decid- minor, however, is not an exact copy since significant
edly local appearance. In iconography no differences differences between the two pieces can be detected:
were made between the sacrifice in the cult for the Ro- the Phrygian coin shows a soldier instead a lictor. The
man emperor and any other deity. emperor does not sacrifice capite velato, but in Greek
This will be still more evident by abbreviated, em-
blematic depictions of sacrifice: on the side of the altar 50 For example Z.B.: Istanbul, AM Inv. 2649: Lane 1971,
before the temple of Domitian at Ephesos the sacrifice 112, no. 177 (with bibl.).
is represented only by a lashed zebu and the altar49. 51 Latest to the cult: Blanco-Perez 2016.
Despite or – maybe even – because the depiction is 52 Hupfloher 2006, 239.
53 Price, Trell 1977, 129, fig. 126; Rebuffat 1997, 305, pl.
composed of only a few components the striking re-
27, 1; Karwiese 1999, 65, fig. 17, 75; Burrell 2004, 121 f.;
semblance with monuments for other gods becomes
for the following see Schörner 2006, 139-141.
evident. The affiliation to the ruler cult is due only to 54 Caracalla’s travels: Harl 1987, 55; Johnston 1983,
the context. That kind of pictogramm has close par- especially 70, no. 43; Halfmann 1986, 229 f.
allels to reliefs from Antiocheia and Pisidiam, which 55 Extensive discussion how many neokoros titles
Laodikeia held by Burrell 2004, 119-125. She tentatively
48 Septimius Severus: von Fritze 1910, 76 f., 93, 106, pl. proposes that the coin represents a sacrifice at Ephesus
8,15; Caracalla: von Fritze 1910, 72 f., 106, pl. 7,16. For or Magnesia (122).
the following see also Schörner 2006, 143 f. 56 Gnecchi 1912, 34, no. 60; 70, no. 166, 167; Scott Ryberg
49 E.g. Keil 1932, 55 f., fig. 38; Landskron 2017, 251-262, 1955, 180 f., fig. 108.
fig. 4. (with far-fetched relation to Zeus). 57 For example: Küthmann, Overbeck 1973, 48-50, nos. 88-95.
 Romanization of Religion in Roman Asia minor? 279

Fig. 3 Medallion. Caracalla. Laodikeia at Lykos (Price, Fig. 4 Fig. 4 Medallion. Marcus Aurelius. Rome (Gnecchi
Trell 1977, fig. 226). 1912, pl. 89, 2).

manner with unveiled head. The architectural back- tion clearly follows Roman prototypes but is clearly
ground has changed, too: the front of an octostyle adapted to local concepts. Therefore, the medallion of
ionic temple without architectural sculpture but three Laodikeia does not refer to the fact that there are any
windows or doors in its pediment takes the place of Roman influences to the ritual and its depiction. On
the front of the hexastyle Iuppiter Capitolinus tem- the contrary: the emperor adopted the typical eastern
ple. These changes can be interpreted only in such a habit or he is at least shown in this way. Decisive both
way that the Roman iconographical model had to be for the adaptation of the model and its conversion was
adjusted to its new context. Especially the connection the polis of Laodikeia and its ruling class, the local elite,
with the city of Rome had to be dissolved. Thus the and nothing suggests Roman agency in the sense of a
architectural background had to be changed and the forced adoption60. It is to take into account, however,
Capitoline temple was replaced by a temple typical that the citizens of Laodikeia used a Roman medallion
for Asia minor since pediments with windows are as prototype for a coin struck in honour of the impe-
attested in Ephesos, Magnesia ad Maeandrum and rial visit of Caracalla at their hometown. Considering
Antiocheia as Phrygiam58. A further link to Rome has that pictures were one of the most effective agents for
been constituted by the sacrifice more Romano which behaviour and attitudes in antiquity so the iconogra-
has been replaced by the emperor depicted as sacri- phy of ruler cult was not used for the constitution of
ficing in a way usual in Asia minor59. Thus, the depic- dependence from Rome or only in the broader sense
that the cult of the emperor as loyalty cult fostered the
coherence of the Empire. On a closer look, however,
58 Windows resp. doors in the pediments of temples in
the iconography attests the incorporation in still exist-
Asia minor: Hommel 1957. Temples at Ephesus and
Magnesia ad Maeandrum: Bingöl 1999; Fleischer 2002. ing religious systems.
A list of all known temples with doors in the pediment
is provided by Rheidt 1999, 244-245 with n. 39.
59 The differentiation is made already by ancient authors: 60 ‘Greek Imperials’ as means of urban representation:
Macrobius, Saturnalia 3.6.17; Servius, Scholia to Vergil. Aeneis Harl 1987, 23-33; Nollé 1997; Stephan 2002, 116-120
3.407, 8.288. The veiled head during sacrifices as sign of (with further bibliography). A survey of cities and their
Roman influence (in another context): Glinister 2009. mintage: Howgego, Heuchert, Burnett 2005.
280 Günther Schörner

them stands an altar and a bull tied up. In the

background is a tetrastyle temple with a statue
of a togatus offering, probably an emperor. In the
tympanon you can read B W T A, the Latin vota in
Greek transcription. After the convincing analysis
of Simon Price the temple was used for sacrifices
to the gods on behalf of the emperors. Interesting
is on the one hand the naming of the ritual with
Latin vota as terminus technicus and on the other
hand the depiction in a typical, indigenous iconog-
raphy. This coin is not the only example of the use
of the Latin vota in connection with non-Roman
iconography65. In general these issues are impor-
tant hints that the perception of that Roman ritual
had been transformed and that at least the public
representation changed.

Conclusion
Fig. 5 ‘Greek Imperial’ Macrinus. Ephesus (Price, Trell These few examples from a restricted field –
1977, fig. 438). religious rituals and their depictions in Asia minor
– show – according to my opinion – convincingly
Vota pro salute imperatoris that Romanization, being it a centralised policy by
the Roman authorities or a locally driven transfor-
As mentioned one of the most important and mation, as far to one-sided and simplistic a term
therefore most quoted rituals in the Roman empire which obscures more than it describes.
for the constitution of a coherent religious sphere The general problem with the concept is, that
are the vows on behalf of the emperor61. At the first it is applicable only in its broadest sense, as en-
sight, there is indeed strong evidence that those sac- compassing all processes of socio-cultural change
rifices are performed in the same way everywhere in resulting from the integration of indigenous social
the Imperium. It is sufficient to mention the inscrip- groups into the Roman Empire, but in that case the
tions of Cyrene and Ptolemais published by Joyce term losses any explanatory value66. If we adopt
Reynolds in the early Sixties or the letters of Pliny62. that weak definition of Romanization what does it
But nothing hints at the constitution of a uniform encompass? Even resistance and revolt since it is
iconography of these vows as believed by Scott Ry- also a process of socio-cultural change? Further-
berg and others63. That is at least the impression we more, the use of Romanization does not rule out the
gain by studying the images in Asia minor.
During the short reign of Macrinus a coin (fig.
5) minted with slight variations in Ephesos depicts
the ritual64. We see a set of men in chlamydes, their 65 See also a coin from Colophon: Milne 1941, 102, no.
hands raised in a gesture of adoration. Between 263, pl. 18; Price, Trell 1977, 211, fig. 440.
66 Weak definitions, for example: “Romanisation is
61 See for example Moralee 2004 (with earlier generally applied to all those processes of socio-cultural
bibliography) change resultant upon the integration of indigenous
62 Reynolds 1962; general: Ando 2000, 359-362. societies into the Roman Empire”: Talloen 2015, 151;
63 Scott Ryberg 1955, 140. “Mit dem Begriff Romanisation sollen im Folgenden die
64 Price, Trell 1977, 211, fig. 438; Price 1984, 214 f., 256 f., politischen, sozialen, wirtschaftlichen und kulturellen
no. 36, pl. 3a; Scott Ryberg 1955, 182, fig. 109c interprets Veränderungen in einer neuen römischen Provinz
the coin as representation of a sacrifice to the emperor. beschrieben werden”: Zimmermann 2017, 11.
 Romanization of Religion in Roman Asia minor? 281

possibility to understand culture as normative and Finally Globalization: although its use for
in that case we would perpetuate the shortcomings pre-modern times has been criticized recently glo-
of out-dated concepts like acculturation67. balization is much better a concept than Romani-
Then, I see – as many others did before – the zation or colonialism70. There are some difficulties
problem that Romanisation did not help to differ- with it, too. Globalization is better since it does not
entiate between process and result. Is it homogeni- presuppose centrally enforced socio-economic and
zation or homogeneity? Here at least Italian is more cultural processes in the Roman Empire, nor does
consequent in discerning romanizzazione and piena it favor certain social structures and mechanisms as
romanità68. Lastly, it is not clear that the phenomena, explanations for various sorts of changes and prac-
explained or described by Romanization, are really tices71. It is to be agreed with the plea for “investi-
causally related or purely coincidental. gating diversity within a single cultural framework,
Finally some remarks shall be made on the oth- with complex power structures between all kinds
er concepts and terms mentioned in the title of the of different groups that have shifting boundaries,
conference. but also with unintentional results of connectivi-
Firstly Colonization: According to my opin- ty and communication”72. Using globalization as
ion colonization is also not suitable as concept. If model, however, harbors the risk to depersonalize
we understand colonization as expansion resulting all of these processes, to dismiss relations of power
from permanent mobility of many ordinary peo- and domination and to implicitly make them un-
ple so too much emphasis is put on the spread of escapable historical processes with no cause or hu-
Roman citizens whose influence was been rather man agency visible. So, it is to be feared – at least
limited as we have seen. Even worse than coloniza- for studying religion in the Roman Empire or other
tion is colonialism. It is suffice to cite one definition socio-cultural practices – that globalization alone is
of a historian of colonialism in modern times: Jür- not sufficient as explanatory model.
gen Osterhammel defines colonialism as “the rule I would like to close to advocate for a point Greg
of one collectivity over another, with the life of the Woolf made in the 2014 dossier, namely to abandon
ruled being determined, for the sake of external in- the creation of higher-order abstractions like Ro-
terests, by a minority of colonial masters, which is manization and to devise a series of less grand the-
culturally ‘foreign’ and unwilling to assimilate; this ories, each one directed more precisely at a small-
rule is underpinned by missionary doctrines based er target also by simply looking at how things are
on the colonial masters’ conviction of their being made, used, exchanged and consumed by humans
culturally superior”69. Even if we not fully embrace and then seeing what patterns emerge73.
that definition it becomes evident that (almost) no
point does apply for the Roman Empire and its atti-
tude to Asia minor.

67 Fundamental: Redfield, Linton, Herskovits 1936; SSRC

1954; critics: Cusick 198; Lakey 2003.
68 See Schörner 2016.
69 Osterhammel 1997, 16: “Eine Kolonie ist ein durch
Invasion (Eroberung und/oder Siedlungskolonisation) in 70 Critics formulated especially by Naerebout 2006-
Anknüpfung an vorkoloniale Zustände neu geschaffenes 2007; Naerebout 2014; further criticism is limited to
politisches Gebilde, dessen landfremde Herrschaftsträger the rejection of a term developed for modern times as
in dauerhaften Abhängigkeitsbeziehungen zu einem not applicable to the Roman Empire, but see Versluys
räumlich entfernten ‘Mutterland’ oder imperialen 2014b.
Zentrum stehen, welches exklusive Besitzansprüche auf 71 See especially Pitts, Versluys 2015b.
die Kolonie erhebt”. English translation after Sommer 72 Versluys 2014a, 14.
2011, 188. 73 Woolf 2014, 47 f.
282 Günther Schörner

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Vom Staatsmarkt zum Kaiserforum? Überlegungen zur Oberen Agora
von Ephesos
Dirk Steuernagel*

Abstract zufassen1. Für Ephesos und seine Obere Agora im Be-

sonderen kann man an eine seit längerem anhaltende
The paper deals with the architectural develop- Forschungsdiskussion anknüpfen, der zufolge die
ment of the Upper Agora at Ephesos between Hellen- Veränderungen dieser Platzanlage zwischen Helle-
istic Times and the early Imperial Age. Two previously nismus und früher Kaiserzeit als Teile einer geplan-
prevailing hypotheses are put to the test on the basis ten und absichtsvollen Umgestaltung im Rahmen der
of newly resumed fieldwork. As a result, it is neither Romanisierung/Romanisation der Stadt anzusehen
demonstrable that the Upper Agora had been a gymna- sind. Diese Interpretationslinie soll hier, nicht zuletzt
sium-complex in the beginning nor that it was trans- auf Grundlage neuer Forschungen im Rahmen eines
formed according to established models of precincts for von der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft geför-
the imperial cult under Augustan rule. Instead it is ar- derten Projektes2, kritisch hinterfragt werden.
gued that the architectonical conception of the Upper Zur Einführung sei kurz der städtebauliche
Agora – as it appeared in the early Imperial age – was und historische Rahmen umrissen. Die Obere Ago-
easily perceptible as a ‘Imperial forum’ in the view of a ra (Abb. 1, 1) ist eine der beiden großen öffentlichen
Roman (or ‘occidentally’ socialised) observer, as a ‘free’, Platzanlagen des hellenistisch-römischen Ephesos,
‘civic’ or ‘holy agora’ for a Greek-Hellenistic point of neben der Unteren Agora, die in der Antike, wie
view. Thus, it was apt to answer expectations of differ- inschriftlich belegt, auf Grund ihres charakteris-
ent groups within the civic élite.
* Institut für Klassische Archäologie. Universität
Regensburg. [email protected]
Einleitung 1 Dazu z. B. Martin 1972, 903-904; Hölscher 1998,
29; Kenzler 1999, 7, 317-318; Dickenson 2013, 40-42;
Als Objekt einer Fallstudie zum Verhältnis zwi- Sielhorst 2015, 7-8; vgl. Bielfeldt 2012, bes. 91: „The
schen Romanisierung, hier verstanden als durch die Greek agora was no place for contingencies. It was
römische Zentralgewalt intendierte Übertragung von conceived as the ideal face of the community both for
politischen, sozialen und kulturellen Organisations- the present and the future“.
und Ausdrucksformen, Romanisation, im Sinne einer 2 Das von der DFG geförderte Forschungsprojekt widmete
sich der baulichen und funktionalen Entwicklung der
selbstgewählten Adaption römischer Institutionen
Oberen Agora von Ephesos. Es wurde vom Autor
und Gebräuche durch provinziale Bevölkerungsgrup-
gemeinsam mit Thekla Schulz-Brize geleitet und in enger
pen, und ‚globalisierenden‘ Trends in der antiken Welt Kooperation mit dem Österreichischen Archäologischen
bietet sich der sog. Staatsmarkt, die Obere Agora von Institut unter der Direktion von Sabine Ladstätter
Ephesos unmittelbar an. Ganz allgemein sind Agorai durchgeführt. Mein Dank gilt diesen und allen anderen
als bevorzugte Orte von konfliktärer Verhandlung, Projektpartnern und -mitarbeitern, insbesondere
diskursiver Formierung und prägender Manifestation Stefan Langer und Daniel Musall, die wesentliche Teile
des Selbstbildes städtischer Gesellschaften in Relation der Projektergebnisse in ihrer archäologischen bzw.
zu anderen Städten und hegemonialen Mächten auf- bauhistorischen Dissertation vorlegen werden, für die
Zusammenarbeit und den wissenschaftlichen Austausch.
288 Dirk Steuernagel

Abb. 1 Übersichtsplan der Stadt Ephesos in der römischen Kaiserzeit (ÖAW/ÖAI, Ch. Kurtze 2014; Beschriftung D.
Steuernagel).
tischen Grundrisses auch als tetragonos agora be- renz aus. Demnach diente die Untere Agora in erster
zeichnet wurde (Abb. 1, 5)3. Während letztere in der Linie als Handelsmarkt, während die Obere Agora
Nähe des Hafens angesiedelt ist, bildet die Obere das politische und kultische Zentrum der Stadt bil-
Agora, deren antiken Namen wir nicht kennen, das dete, entsprechend einem in der politischen Theorie
Herzstück des auf das Hinterland orientierten, mit der Griechen entwickelten, insbesondere in der Poli-
diesem durch das sog. Magnesische Tor (Abb. 1, 3) tik des Aristoteles greifbaren Modell5. Von ihm ließ
kommunizierenden Ostteils der Stadt. Beide Agorai sich auch Wilhelm Alzinger leiten, der einen Groß-
sind durch eine innerstädtische Hauptstraße verbun- teil der Grabungen im Areal der Oberen Agora wäh-
den, die sog. Kuretenstraße, die in der Antike mög- rend der 1960er und 1970er Jahre durchgeführt hat.
licherweise Embolos hieß (Abb. 1, 4)4. Schon von den ersten Feldarbeiten an bezeichnete
In der modernen Forschung – beginnend schon Alzinger den freien Platz, der sich südlich des zuvor
in einer Phase, bevor die beiden Agorai archäolo- freigelegten und an Hand von Inschriften zweifels-
gisch untersucht bzw. überhaupt sicher lokalisiert frei als Prytaneion identifizierten Gebäudes (Abb. 2,
waren – ging und geht man meist von einer zwischen 4) abzeichnete, als „Staatsmarkt“ und den gesamten
jenen Platzanlagen bestehenden funktionalen Diffe-
5 Aristoteles, Politica VII 12 = 1331 a 30 - 1331 b 13. Dazu
3 Scherrer, Trinkl 2006. und zu der Übertragung auf Ephesos durch die ältere
4 Zur Benennung der Straße Thür 1995, 85-86; Thür 1999, 421. Forschung: Steuernagel 2020b.
 Vom Staatsmarkt zum Kaiserforum? Überlegungen zur Oberen Agora von Ephesos 289

Abb. 2 Ephesos, Zustandsplan der Oberen Agora und ihrer Umgebung (S. Langer, D. Steuernagel; Grundlage: digitaler
Stadtplan ÖAW-ÖAI, Stand 2018).
Komplex mitsamt der umliegenden Bebauung als griechischen Provinz eine Vorstellung von römischer
„Regierungsviertel“6. Was für unsere Fragestellung Macht und Größe vermitteln sollte. Für diese Annah-
hier entscheidend ist: Alzinger ging von einer „voll- me wird, je nach Autor unterschiedlich gewichtet,
kommene(n) Neuplanung“ des Komplexes während eine charakteristische Architekturkonzeption und
der augusteischen Zeit aus, mit Ansätzen bereits in eine starke Präsenz von Stätten des Kaiserkults gel-
der Zeit des Zweiten Triumvirats. Dieser Neupla- tend gemacht8.
nung habe ein „einheitliches Konzept“ zugrunde ge- Solche Annahmen werden hier nun unter ver-
legen7. Tatsächlich lassen sich verschiedene Bauten schiedenen, miteinander verknüpften Aspekten
an und auf der Oberen Agora mit einiger Gewiss- diskutiert: Lassen sich die entscheidenden Schritte
heit in die augusteische oder tiberische Zeit datieren: des Wandels im Erscheinungsbild der Oberen Ago-
außer dem bereits erwähnten Prytaneion etwa der ra auf die augusteische Zeit eingrenzen? Folgt der
unmittelbar angrenzende Bau des sog. Rhodischen Wandel identifizierbaren Mustern, die sich bei Kai-
Peristyls (Abb. 2, 5), die südlich davon gelegene, in sareia oder Sebasteia anderer griechischer Städte wie-
der Bauinschrift Basilike Stoa genannte Halle (Abb. 2, derfinden lassen? Welche Gruppen innerhalb der
2) sowie der auf der Längsachse des Platzes platzier- Gesellschaft haben die Transformation betrieben
te Tempel (Abb. 2, 1). Weniger Alzinger selbst als an- und wie lassen sich deren kulturelle Erfahrungsho-
dere Archäologen und Historiker haben in der Fol- rizonte und Wahrnehmungsmuster möglicherweise
gezeit die postulierte „Neuplanung“ dahingehend beschreiben?
interpretiert, dass mit ihr die Obere Agora in einer
Weise gestaltet worden sei, die den Bewohnern der
8 In diesem Sinne u. a. Gros 1996, 116; Scherrer 2001,
69-71; Halfmann 2001, 34; Kenzler 2006; Kenzler 2013,
6 Alzinger 1972-1975, bes. 241; vgl. Eichler 1962, 42; 120-129; Krinzinger 2011, 124; um Differenzierung
Eichler 1965, 96. bemüht: Thomas 2010, bes. 128-129, 140; Raja 2012,
7 Alzinger 1972-1975, 283; Alzinger 1974, 149. 85-87; vgl. Steuernagel 2020a, 94-95.
290 Dirk Steuernagel

Das architektonische Design der Oberen werden Überlegungen Alzingers hinfällig, der den
Tempel noch in die Zeit der ausgehenden Republik
Agora: vom Gymnasion zum Sebasteion?
datierte und ihn als Stätte eines von Marcus Anto-
nius und Kleopatra propagierten Isiskultes deu-
Als einschneidende Baumaßnahme innerhalb
ten zu können glaubte12. Gleichermaßen scheidet
der frühkaiserzeitlichen Transformation der Obe-
eine Interpretation als von Cassius Dio erwähnte,
ren Agora von Ephesos gilt, und das sicher nicht
29 v. Chr. in Ephesos durch die ortsansässigen rö-
zu Unrecht, die Errichtung von Basilike Stoa und
mischen Bürger auf Geheiß Octavians errichtete
zentralem Tempel. Dass die beiden Gebäude kon-
Kultstätte für Roma und Divus Iulius aus13. Auch
zeptionell eng aufeinander bezogen sind, hat man
eine Identifizierung mit einem in mehreren zwei-
schon lange gesehen9: Die Platzfläche, auf deren
sprachigen ephesischen Inschriften genannten Se-
ost-westlicher Symmetrieachse der Tempel liegt,
basteion bzw. Augusteum ist nicht plausibel, weil
existiert in dieser Form und Ausdehnung erst seit
diese Inschriften ebenfalls früher und mit einiger
dem Bau der Basilike Stoa, die sich wesentlich weiter
Gewissheit auf das außerhalb der Stadt gelegene
nach Süden ausdehnte als ihr hellenistischer Vor-
Artemisheiligtum zu beziehen sind14. Dennoch ist
gänger, eine wohl ebenso lange, aber nur knapp 10
eine Funktion des Tempels auf dem Staatsmarkt im
m tiefe Halle (vgl. Abb. 4, 1 und 5)10. Seit der ab-
Rahmen des Herrscherkultes nicht auszuschließen,
schließenden Auswertung der Baugrubenkeramik
ja sogar wahrscheinlich, wenn man die systemati-
des Tempels steht auch fest, dass letzterer etwa
sche Schleifung, ja geradezu Auslöschung des Baus
gleichzeitig mit der laut Dedikationsinschrift spät-
in der Spätantike berücksichtigt – ein Schicksal, das
augusteischen Halle entstanden sein muss11. Damit
er mit dem Neokorietempel auf der nahegelegenen
Tempelterrasse teilt (Abb. 2, 10)15. Zudem könnte
9 Felten 1983, 100; Scherrer 2007, 70; Thür 2007a, 85; auch der östliche Annexbau der Basilike Stoa (sog.
Krinzinger 2011, 126-127. Chalcidicum) ein Kaiserkultraum gewesen sein,
10 Alzinger 1972-1975, 280-281; Alzinger 1974, 32, wurden hier doch – wenngleich in spätantiker De-
49-50; Alzinger 1988, 21; Lang-Auinger 2007, 5-6. ponierung – zwei Standbilder von Augustus und
Unverständlich ist die Längenangabe von 92 m (ebenda
Livia gefunden16.
6), die nicht nur Alzingers Angaben, sondern auch der
Somit steht eine Frage im Raum, die bereits von
eigenen Beschreibung widerspricht. Die seit Alzinger
angenommene Einschiffigkeit der hellenistischen verschiedener Seite an den Befund herangetragen
Halle ist möglich, aber diskutabel, da die Reihe wurde: Inwieweit ist die architektonische Neukon-
der Nordsäulen der Basilike Stoa recht genau mit
der Längsachse des Vorgängers übereinstimmt: die Καίσαρι Σεβασ[τοῦ υἱῶι δημαρχικῆς ἐξουσίας τὸ ---
Fundamente einer Mittelstützenreihe dieses Baus καὶ τῶ]ι δήμ[ωι Ἐφεσίων Γάϊος Σεξτίλιος Ποπλίου
hätten demnach weiterverwendet werden können. Ich υἱὸς Οὐοτουρία] Πω[λλίων σὺν Ὀφελλίαι Αὔλου
danke Daniel Musall für diesen Hinweis. θυγατρὶ Κορνηλία Βάσσηι τῆι γυναικὶ καὶ Γαΐωι
11 Mitsopoulos-Leon 2005; Inschrift der Basilike Stoa: Ὀφελλί]ωι Κορ[νηλία Πρόκλ]ωι τῶι υἱῶι [καὶ τοῖς
Knibbe, Büyükkolancı 1989: basili[cam Dianae Ephesiae λοιποῖς τέκνοις ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων ἀνέθηκεν].
et Imp(eratori) Caesari Divi f(ilio) Augusto pontifici 12 Alzinger 1972­-1975, 288-292; vgl. Hölbl 1978, 27-32,
maximo tribunicia potestate XXX[---] co(n)s(uli) XIII der einen Dionysos-Osiris-Kult für denkbar hält.
imp(eratori) XX patri patriae et Tiberio C]aesa[ri A] 13 Cassius Dio 51, 20, 6; vgl. Scherrer 2007, 69-70, der an
u[gusti f(ilio) tribunicia potestate --- co(n)s(uli) II dieser Stelle eigene frühere Deutungen korrigiert.
imp(eratori) --- et] civitati Eph[esiorum C(aius) Sextilius 14 Engelmann 1993, 279-283, gegen Jobst 1980, bes. 257;
P(ublii) f(ilius) Vot(uria) Pollio cum] Ofil[lia A(uli) vgl. Kirbihler, Zabrana 2014. Inschriften: CIL III 6070;
f(ilia) Cor(nelia) Bassa] uxor[e sua] e[t C(aio) Ofillio] IEph 1522 (6/5 v. Chr.).
A(uli) f(ilio) Cor(nelia) Pro[culo f(ilio) suo cetereisqu] 15 Vgl. Ladstätter 2020, bes. 35­-36.
e le[ibereis sueis] d(e) s(ua) [p(ecunia) f(aciendam) 16 Alzinger 1972-1975, 260-263; Jobst 1980, 256­-257, Taf.
curavit.] [βασ]ιλι[κὴν στοὰν Ἀρτ]έμι[δι Ἐφεσίαι καὶ 96-97; Alzinger 1984, bes. 187, und 1999, 392, bezeichnet
Αὐτοκράτορι Καίσαρι θεοῦ] υἱῶ[ι Σεβαστῶι ἀρχιερεῖ das östliche Chalcidicum der Basilike Stoa wegen
μεγίστωι δημαρχικῆς ἐξουσίας τὸ λʹ ὑπάτωι τὸ ιγʹ der Skulpturenfunde als „Kultraum“ bzw. sogar als
αὐτοκράτορι] τὸ κʹ [πατρὶ πατρίδος καὶ Τιβερίωι] „Augusteum“; vgl. Boschung 2002, 66-67.
 Vom Staatsmarkt zum Kaiserforum? Überlegungen zur Oberen Agora von Ephesos 291

zeption der Oberen Agora durch eine funktionale Temene wie dem für Ptolemaios II. und Arsinoe
Neuausrichtung des Platzes, eben auf den Kaiser- in Hermopolis Magna und stellte es als einen von
kult, bedingt? Da die Schriftquellen, wie angedeu- Säulenhallen umrahmten Tempelbezirk vor19. Die
tet, schon wegen ihrer oft unsicheren Zuordnung damit verbundenen Probleme hat bereits Klaus Tu-
keine solide Ausgangsbasis für die Suche nach Ant- chelt 1981 aufgezeigt. Vor allem hat er, wie ich glau-
worten bieten, müssen die Bauformen und Prinzi- be zu Recht, darauf hingewiesen, dass die einzige
pien der Raumordnung selbst berücksichtigt wer- ausführlichere Charakterisierung des Kaisareion in
den. Ich will mich diesbezüglich nicht eingehender der antiken Literatur, bei Philon von Alexandria,
mit den Bauten im Einzelnen beschäftigen, obwohl am ehesten auf ein vielgestaltiges Architekturen-
die vorliegenden Rekonstruktionen von Tempel semble nach Art hellenistischer Paläste schließen
und Basilika einer Überprüfung im Detail bedürf- lässt, nicht aber auf eine geschlossene, symmetrisch
ten. Recht überzeugend scheint immerhin, dass der konzipierte Platzanlage20.
Tempel, dem Typus nach sicher ein Peripteros, an Der zu größeren Teilen erhaltene Baukomplex
griechisch-hellenistische Bautraditionen anknüpfte, des Caesareum von Kyrene, auf den Sjöqvist seine
während die Basilike Stoa allein schon durch die- Thesen außerdem stützte, ist ebenso wenig dazu ge-
se Bezeichnung, die zweisprachige Dedikations- eignet, als Beleg für eine typenhafte Grundkonstel-
inschrift und architektonische Eigenheiten eine lation eines Kaiserkultbezirks zu dienen. Auch Jobst
Mischung von römisch-westlichen und hellenis- bezieht sich auf diesen Komplex „wegen seiner be-
tisch-griechischen Elementen darstellte17. Hier geht sonderen Ähnlichkeit zu Ephesos“21, und tatsächlich
es vorderhand aber darum, ob die Bauten – als En- weist der Grundriss auf den ersten Blick oberfläch-
semble betrachtet – „das Bild eines hervorragenden liche Übereinstimmungen mit der Oberen Agora von
Kaiserkultplatzes, eines Sebasteion-Augusteum“ Ephesos auf: Die basilikale Halle an einer Langseite
evozierten, wie Werner Jobst formulierte. Kann „die der von Stoai umrahmten Anlage in Kyrene sowie
Verbindung des zentral gelegenen Tempels mit der die Position des Tempels auf der Längsachse bilden
Basilika“ als „signifikantes Merkmal“ solcher Hei- Jobst zufolge ‚signifikante‘ Übereinstimmungen
ligtümer gelten, gewissermaßen als typologisches (Abb. 3). Allerdings ist die (Sjöqvist noch in vielen
Muster?18 Punkten unbekannte) Baugeschichte zu berücksich-
Die Idee, es habe eine für Kaiserkultbezirke tigen, worauf wiederum bereits Tuchelt hingewiesen
im Osten des Reiches typische architektonische hat22. So ist die Basilika in Kyrene erst im späteren
Konstellation gegeben, übernimmt Jobst von Erik 1. Jh. n. Chr. hinzugefügt worden, der Tempel sogar
Sjöqvists „study in architectural iconography“ mit erst im Laufe des 2. Jhs. n. Chr. Seinem Ursprung
dem Titel „Kaisareion“ aus dem Jahr 1954. Sjöqvist handelt es sich gar nicht um ein Heiligtum, sondern
nahm an, das Architekturkonzept für die frühesten um ein öffentliches Gymnasion hellenistischer Zeit,
Kaiserkultbezirke sei im vormals ptolemaischen das zwar wahrscheinlich als Ptolemaion bezeichnet
Herrschaftsbereich entwickelt worden. Das durch
Erwähnungen in der antiken Literatur bekannte,
19 Sjöqvist 1954, 86-97; zum Temenos von Hermoupolis
allerdings nur grob in Hafennähe lokalisierbare
Magna: Wace et al. 1959. – Eine „weitgehend nach
Kaisareion von Alexandria sah er als Nachfolger von
axialen und symmetrischen Gesichtspunkten“
konzipierte Anlage vermuten für das Kaisareion
17 Zu erhaltener Substanz und Rekonstruktion der von Alexandria bzw. ein damit verbundenes, durch
beiden Gebäude grundlegend Fossel 1972-1975; Inschrift bzw. Papyri bezeugtes Forum Iulium bzw.
Fossel-Peschl 1982; vgl. Pohl 2002, 57, 202-203; zur Forum Augusti auch Hänlein-Schäfer 1985, 216-219,
Traditionsgebundenheit der Architekturformen z. B. und Alföldy 1990, 47-48, wobei diese Annahmen in der
Alzinger 1974, bes. 34, 149-150; Thür 2007a, 84-85; Analogie anderer, v. a. westlicher Kaiserkultanlagen
Basilike Stoa als Mischung römischer und griechisch- gründen.
hellenistischer Elemente: Coulton 1976, 182-183; Yegül 20 Philon, de legatione ad Gaium 150-151; dazu Tuchelt
2000, 143; von Hesberg 2002; Stinson 2007, 91-94; Barresi 1981, bes. 173-174; vgl. Ruggendorfer 1996, 218-219.
2011, 81; Gros 2012, 14-16; Plattner 2017, 295-298. 21 Sjöqvist 1954, 98-102; Jobst 1980, 259.
18 Jobst 1980, 258. 22 Tuchelt 1981, 176-177.
292 Dirk Steuernagel

Abb. 3 Schematisierte Grundrisse des Caesareums von Kyrene (rot) und der Oberen Agora von Ephesos, überein-
andergelegt, maßstabsgerecht (Montage D. Steuernagel, auf Grundlage von Plänen von Gros 1996, 112 Abb. 1, und R.
Goodchild, Kyrene und Apollonia, 70 Abb. 3, Zürich: Raggi 1971).

wurde, aber wohl nicht unmittelbar oder jeden- Die entscheidenden baulichen Veränderun-
falls nicht exklusiv dem Herrscherkult diente. Seit gen der Oberen Agora von Ephesos hin zu einer
julisch-claudischer Zeit sind mehrere aufeinander- im Prinzip axialsymmetrisch konstruierten Anlage
folgende Restaurierungsarbeiten bezeugt. In ihrem gehen also der Umgestaltung und Umnutzung des
Verlauf bekam der Komplex sowohl seinen neuen Caesareums von Kyrene zeitlich um ein knappes
Namen als auch neue Funktionen, als eine Art zwei- halbes Jahrhundert voraus. Eine Abhängigkeit von
ter Agora oder Forum von Kyrene. Beides ist, wie der oder auch nur Inspiration durch ptolemäische Ar-
erwähnte Bau der Basilika zeigt, erst nach der Mitte chitekturkonzepte ist insgesamt wenig wahrschein-
des 1. Jhs. n. Chr. erfolgt23. lich. So hat man in jüngerer Zeit die vermeintlichen
Ähnlichkeiten der Baukomplexe von Ephesos und
23 Allgemein zur Baugeschichte Luni 1990. – Zur Kyrene auf anderem Wege zu erklären versucht,
Bezeichnung des Baus als Ptolemaion s. Stucchi 1975, nämlich durch die Konstruktion eines Typus der
127-128; vgl. Gasperini 1971, 20, Anm. 6. Von einem ‚Agora-Gymnasien‘. In Analogie zu den ‚Ther-
Caesareum sprechen zum ersten Mal explizit die men-Gymnasien‘ wäre dieser Typus, Pierre Gros
Inschriften des östlichen Propylon aus flavischer (?) folgend, aus der Verschmelzung hellenistischer
Zeit: porticus C[a]ẹsaṛ[ei], s. Gasperini 1971, 9-10 C 3-4; und römischer kultureller und architektonischer
AE 1977, 667; Luni 1992, bes. 140-143 II a-b. Traditionen entstanden. Vor dem Hintergrund
 Vom Staatsmarkt zum Kaiserforum? Überlegungen zur Oberen Agora von Ephesos 293

einer wachsenden Bedeutung von Gymnasien für plex sowie eine Reihe von in der Umgebung ge-
die städtische Öffentlichkeit und Festkultur schon fundenen Inschriften, die sich auf den Betrieb von
seit dem Hellenismus konstatiert Gros eine enge Gymnasien beziehen. Diese Argumente, im We-
Verzahnung und sogar Überlappung von Gymna- sentlichen bereits durch die oben genannten Auto-
sien und Agorai. Im Fall von Ephesos folgt er einer ren vorgebracht25, liefern jedoch keinen schlüssigen
von Hartmut Engelmann und Hilke Thür, vor al- oder gar endgültigen Beweis. Zunächst ist einzu-
lem aber von Peter Scherrer entwickelten These, räumen, dass hellenistische und auch kaiserzeitli-
wonach die Obere Agora in hellenistischer Zeit ein che Agorai grundsätzlich als Austragungsorte für
Gymnasion gewesen sei. Erst durch den Bau der Agone genutzt werden konnten26. Das macht sie
den Platz beherrschenden Basilike Stoa, mehr noch aber nicht zu Gymnasien, und auch die Länge der
als durch den Bau des Tempels, sei der Charakter hellenistischen Nordhalle weist nicht zwingend in
des Ensembles entscheidend verändert und seien diese Richtung. Man denke etwa an die nach ihrer
die gymnasialen Funktionen hauptsächlich auf die Stadionlänge benannte Halle am Südmarkt in Milet
an der Ostseite des Platzes gelegene Thermenanla- ([στοὰ στα]δίαια), die Antiochos I. zu Beginn des 3.
ge verlagert worden. Mit dem Einsatz der kulturell Jhs. v. Chr. noch als Kronprinz für Apollon gestiftet
hybriden Bauform der Basilika wäre folglich ein hatte, und die doch nichts mit einem Gymnasion zu
einschneidender, aber „schleichender“ funktionaler tun hatte27. Für die Beurteilung der anderen Argu-
Wandel verbunden gewesen, unter dem Vorzeichen mente müssen wir etwas weiter ausholen und neu-
einer Hommage an die in der Dedikationsinschrift ere Erkenntnisse über die bauliche Entwicklung der
des Gebäudes angesprochene kaiserliche Macht. Oberen Agora von Ephesos zwischen Hellenismus
Ähnliche Vorgänge meint Gros nicht nur an ande- und früher römischer Kaiserzeit einbeziehen. Ich
ren Orten Kleinasiens – Aphrodisias (Südagora) werde hier kurz einige vorläufige Ergebnisse des
und Hierapolis (Nordagora) – im späteren Verlauf bereits erwähnten Forschungsprojekts referieren,
der römischen Kaiserzeit beobachten zu können, deren ausführlichere Publikation jedoch an anderer
sondern eben auch in Kyrene24. Stelle erfolgen soll.
Ohne hier Gros’ gesamten Gedankengang und Zunächst einmal ist festzuhalten, dass der
alle angeführten Beispiele argumentativ abklopfen durch immer wieder reproduzierte, oft stark sche-
zu können oder zu wollen, möchte ich mich einer matisierte Pläne entstehende Eindruck einer ge-
wesentlichen Prämisse zuwenden: der Annahme, schlossenen, von Portiken eingerahmten Platzanla-
die Obere Agora von Ephesos sei ursprünglich ein ge trügt, zumindest was die hellenistische Periode
Gymnasion gewesen. Gros führt hierfür im We- angeht28. Damals existierten beispielsweise weder
sentlichen drei Indizien an: erstens, die Dimensio- die Oststoa, die erst in der Spätantike, nicht vor
nen des hellenistischen Vorgängerbaus der Basilike dem fortgeschrittenen 4. Jh. n. Chr. entstanden ist
Stoa, einer Halle, die mit 180 m ungefähr die Länge (Abb. 2, 11), noch der sog. Sockelbau A, der im
eines Stadions erreichte (vgl. Abb. 4, 1); zweitens, Südwesten einen ehemals an dieser Stelle anzu-
die Existenz von Sitzbänken im Innern der an der nehmenden Zugang blockiert (Abb. 2, 9)29. Hier,
Südseite des Platzes gelegenen Halle (Abb. 2, 6);
drittens die Existenz von Propyla im Südosten und
25 Engelmann 1993, 288-289; Scherrer 2001, 71-72;
Südwesten des Platzes, die Eingängen zu Palästren Scherrer 2007, 68-69; Thür 2007b.
ähnelten (Abb. 2, 8). Hinzu kommen der schon er- 26 Sielhorst 2015, 33; Dickenson 2017, 108-113.
wähnte, unmittelbar angrenzende Thermenkom- 27 Bringmann, von Steuben, Ameling 1995, 341-343, Nr.
281 (E), Z. 12-13.
24 Gros 2005, bes. 104-106 (Ephesos), 116 (Kyrene); 28 So übrigens bereits richtig vermerkt von Tuchelt 1981,
vgl. Gros 1996, bes. 115-116; Gros 2012, bes. 21. 180-181.
Dieser Argumentation schließt sich Arianna 29 Zur Datierung der Osthalle s. Alzinger 1970, 1601;
Trifogli (2014, nbes. 191–193) an und beschreibt den vgl. Eichler 1968, 82-83; auf einem Missverständnis
Transformationsprozess des Gymnasions-Caesareums beruht offenbar die Frühdatierung der Osthalle bei
von Kyrene in Analogie zu dem der Oberen Agora von Thür 2007a, 80; ihr folgend Lang-Auinger 2015, 406-
Ephesos. 407; zum Sockelbau A s. unten Anm. 39.
294 Dirk Steuernagel

vor der Nordfront der auf die erste Hälfte oder die ersten Hälfte bis Mitte 2. Jh. v. Chr., ließ sich durch
Mitte des 2. Jhs. n. Chr. zurückgehenden Südstoa, die bei der Grabung des Jahres 2016 aufgedeckte
wurde das Platzareal vermutlich von einer Straße Euthynterie der ersten Ostabschlussmauer nach-
passiert, die auf ein Stadttor im äußersten Osten weisen34. Nach der Verkürzung fluchtete die jünge-
des ummauerten Stadtgebiets hin orientiert war. re Ostmauer der Südstoa (Abb. 4, 2a) ungefähr mit
Dieses Szenario kann sich auf Forschungen von der westlichen Ante des Propylons. Der Torweg des
Alexander Sokolicek zum Magnesischen Tor stüt- Propylons setzte sich gen Norden nun in einer Art
zen, wonach eben dieses Tor erst gegen 100 v. Chr. lang gestreckter Terrasse fort, die vom Platzareal
errichtet worden ist und einen Vorgänger nicht an der Oberen Agora wohl durch eine Stufe abgesetzt
derselben, sondern wahrscheinlich an einer weiter war und es an seiner Ostseite begrenzte35. Zumin-
nördlich gelegenen Stelle hatte30. Die vom späthel- dest in der nördlichen Hälfte des Platzes lag jenseits
lenistischen Tor (Abb. 1, 3) in die Stadt führende, der Terrasse ein Gebäude mit außen umlaufender
sog. Magnesische oder Südstraße (Abb. 1, 2), die Bankreihe (Abb. 4, 3; vgl. Abb. 2, 7). Davon sind
südlich an der Oberen Agora vorbeiläuft, ist folg- substantielle Reste im Nordosten in wiederum spät-
lich erst um 100 v. Chr. trassiert oder erst dann zu antike Strukturen einbezogen worden und dadurch
einer Hauptverkehrsachse aufgewertet worden31. erhalten geblieben, doch ist seine Funktion bisher
Als Reaktion darauf ist die Errichtung des südöstli- unbekannt. Vom Vorgänger der Basilike Stoa, der
chen Propylons zu verstehen, das seither einen der hellenistischen Nordhalle, war es durch einen etwa
Hauptzugänge zur Oberen Agora bildete (Abb. 2, 8; 10 m breiten Zwischenraum abgesetzt, der eine Zu-
Abb. 4, 4). Dieser Bau ist heute in einem gegenüber gangsmöglichkeit von Osten eröffnete.
der originalen Gestalt stark veränderten, spätanti- Der in dieser Art skizzierbare Zustand des mitt-
ken Rumpfzustand erhalten. Ursprünglich muss es leren 2. Jhs. bis mittleren 1. Jhs. v. Chr. entspricht
sich um einen freistehenden Torbau nach Art des nun gerade nicht der exklusiven, nach außen hin
Propylons im Apollonheiligtum von Klaros gehan- baulich abgeschlossenen Anlage hellenistischer
delt haben32. Eine Sondage im Fundamentbereich Gymnasien, wodurch sich diese von den Agorai
des ephesischen Propylons, die 2016 durchgeführt unterschieden, noch jener peristylartiger, von Mau-
wurde, erbrachte starke Indizien für eine Datierung ern umschlossener Temene36. In der ersten monu-
in die erste Hälfte des 1. Jhs. v. Chr.33 Im selben Zuge mentalen Ausbauphase muss die Obere Agora um
wurde die Südstoa, das die gesamte Länge der Süd- die Mitte des 2. Jhs. v. Chr. vielmehr dem Typus ei-
seite der Oberen Agora einnehmende Gebäude, an ner ‚ionischen Agora‘ entsprochen haben, der u. a.
ihrem Ostende um gut sieben Meter verkürzt. Der
ursprünglich längere Bauzustand, aus der Zeit der 34 Steuernagel 2020b, 191 und Abb. 4. – Die Südstoa war
also, entgegen einer Vermutung von Claudia Lang-
30 Zuletzt Sokolicek 2020, bes. 110-111; er vermutet Auinger (2015, 406) auch in ihrem ersten Zustand
einen Vorgänger an der Stelle des sog. Ostgymnasions: weniger lang als die Nordstoa.
Sokolicek 2010, 378. 35 Vgl. Alzinger 1974, 50. – In der Kampagne 2016 wurde
31 Das Areal der Oberstadt, östlich und südlich der Oberen in einer Sondage im Bereich der spätantiken Osthalle
Agora, scheint erst im Späthellenismus systematisch ein älterer Boden angetroffen, dessen Niveau um ca.
bebaut worden zu sein, vgl. Groh, Ladstätter, Waldner 0,30 m über dem anzunehmenden Laufniveau der
2013, 142. hellenistischen Platzfläche liegt. Der Boden war, wie
32 Zum Propylon und seiner ursprünglichen Gestalt: Einträge in den Grabungstagebüchern des Jahres
Thür 1996; für die Propyläen von Klaros s. Étienne, 1965 zeigen, schon bei den damaligen Ausgrabungen
Varène 2004. In seiner ursprünglichen Form gehörte gefunden und durchschlagen worden, findet aber
das Propylon jedenfalls nicht dem von Lauter (1986, in Publikationen der Zeit keine Erwähnung. Er
203-205) definierten ‚angefügten‘ oder ‚integrierten‘ lässt sich vorsichtig einer Terrasse als Vorläufer der
Typus an, sondern stand frei. späteren Osthalle zuweisen. In jedem Fall ist die
33 Für Auskünfte auf Grund vorläufiger Sichtungen des von Lang-Auinger (2015, 406-407) vorgeschlagene
keramischen bzw. numismatischen Fundmaterials Rekonstruktion in diesem Punkt zu korrigieren.
danke ich Johanna Struber-İlhan, Bettina Springer- 36 Vgl. Lauter 1986, 110-112; von den Hoff 2009, bes. 253-
Ferazin und Nikolaus Schindel. 254, 261; Emme 2013, bes. 54-55, 156-157.
 Vom Staatsmarkt zum Kaiserforum? Überlegungen zur Oberen Agora von Ephesos 295

Abb. 4 Ephesos, Obere Agora: Skizze der Bauphasen (S. Langer, D. Steuernagel; Grundlage: digitaler Stadtplan ÖAW-
ÖAI, Stand 2018).

durch eine an einer Langseite passierende Straße teischen Zeit. Hier ist an erster Stelle wiederum die
charakterisiert ist, und mit Platzanlagen in Milet Basilike Stoa zu nennen (Abb. 4, 5). Durch ihre grö-
und Priene vergleichbar gewesen sein37 (vgl Abb. ßere Tiefe im Vergleich zum Vorgängerbau (Abb 4,
4). Veränderungen setzen mit der Verlagerung der 1) schob sich die Basilika weiter in die Platzfläche
Hauptstraße ein, die nun den Platz nicht mehr un- hinein und blockierte den einst im Nordosten be-
mittelbar tangiert, so dass ein neuer Anschluss ge- stehenden Durchgang. Wie ein bei Feldarbeiten der
schaffen werden muss. Erst in diesem Zusammen- Jahre 2016 und 2018 nochmals kontrollierter, unpu-
hang wird das südöstliche Propylon errichtet, das blizierter Grabungsbefund von 1968 zeigt, stießen
Gros an die Festtore der Gymnasien erinnert hat die Stufen der Basilikafront bzw. ihres östlichen
(Abb. 4, 4)38. Der Prozess der räumlichen Abschlie- Annexbaus (sog. Chalcidicum) unmittelbar an die
ßung ist damit gewissermaßen eingeleitet, aber außen umlaufende Bankreihe des oben erwähnten
keineswegs abgeschlossen, stehen doch weiterhin Nordostbaus an bzw. zogen über diese Bankrei-
breite Zugänge im Südwesten und im Nordosten he hinweg39. Zu einem nicht genau bestimmbaren
des Platzes offen. Erneute Schritte hin zu einer ten- Zeitpunkt, aber wohl noch in der frühen Kaiserzeit
denziellen Abriegelung folgen dann in der augus- wurde im Südwesten des Platzes der ebenfalls be-

37 Dazu Steuernagel 2020b, bes. 196; vgl. Alzinger 1974,

150, Anm. 571; anders z. B. Sielhorst 2015, 24. 39 Steuernagel 2020a, 103 und Abb. 5.7; Steuernagel
38 Gros 2005, 105; ähnlich Scherrer 2001, 71; Thür 2007b, 407. 2020b, 193 und Abb. 6.
296 Dirk Steuernagel

Abb. 5 Ansicht des Sockelbaus A und des Westendes der Abb. 6 Ansicht des Westendes der Südstoa und des
Südstoa von Südwesten (Universität Regensburg. Foto: Sockelbaus A von Osten (ÖAW/ÖAI. Foto: N. Gail, 2014).
D. Steuernagel, 2014).
reits kurz erwähnte Sockelbau A errichtet (Abb 4, 7; demnach ein nach Osten orientierter Monumen-
vgl. Abb. 2, 9)40. Dies ist wohl als Konsequenz der talaltar gewesen sein, doch fehlen jegliche Spuren
Verlagerung der Hauptroute vom Magnesischen des einstigen Aufbaus (Abb. 5; Abb. 6, b)41.
Tor ins Stadtinnere zu verstehen, die zu einer deut- War die Zugänglichkeit des Platzes mithin an
lichen Verringerung des Durchgangsverkehrs an entscheidenden Stellen eingeschränkt, so entstan-
der betreffenden Stelle geführt haben muss. Lei- den etwa gleichzeitig neue Eingänge. Vermutlich
der ist die Funktion des Sockelbaus A bisher un- ein oder zwei davon führten in der frühen Kaiser-
geklärt. Es handelt sich um ein in der Fläche 12,3 zeit beispielsweise vom sog. Clivus Sacer (Abb.
x 7,6 m großes Bauwerk mit massivem opus-cae- 2, 3), d.h. von der Nordseite der Basilike Stoa her
menticium-Kern, das sich über die westlich pas- durch deren Rückwand42. Aber auch an der Süd-
sierende sog. Domitiansgasse mit einer Schale aus seite des Platzes wurden durch – hier nachträglich
großen Kalksteinquadern erhebt und das ein nach eingebrachte – Öffnungen der Südstoa neue Zu-
Osten hin abgetrepptes Profil aufweist. Es könnte gangsmöglichkeiten geschaffen. Einer dieser Zu-
gänge befindet sich etwa in der Mitte der Rück-
wand der Südstoa (Abb. 4, 2b) und wurde 2014 und
40 Eine Datierung des Baus ist nur in Relation zu anderen 2015 untersucht, leider ohne dass stratigraphische
Bauten möglich. Er ist sicher früher entstanden als Befunde echte Anhaltspunkte für seine Datierung
die an ihn ansetzende Reihe der die Domitiansgasse erbracht hätten. Ein Ansatz in der frühen Kaiser-
begleitenden sog. Ostkammern, die wiederum auf zeit ist für diese, mindestens einmal umfassend
die gleiche Zeit wie die auf der gegenüberliegenden, wiederhergestellte, aus Spolien konstruierte, den-
in die Substruktionen des großen Neokorietempels noch unzweifelhaft monumentale Toranlage (Abb.
integrierten Westkammern zurückgehen dürften, also
7) immerhin am wahrscheinlichsten. Sie stellte, ne-
(spätestens) auf die flavische Zeit; vgl. Eichler 1961,
73; Eichler 1962, 48; zu spätantiken Umgestaltungen ben dem erwähnten, späthellenistischen Propylon
der Kammerreihen Vetters 1972-1975, 317-320; zur im Südwesten, eine unmittelbare Anbindung an
Chronologie des Tempels zuletzt Ladstätter 2020, die sog. Südstraße her sowie an eine von Süden her
21-22 (eine neronische Datierung ist demnach nicht anlaufende Querstraße. Ein anderer Zugang wur-
auszuschließen). Dass der Sockelbau später als die
Südstoa errichtet worden sein muss, zeigt sich daran, 41 Vetters 1972-1975, 329-330, dachte wegen zahlreicher
dass die untersten Stufen an seiner Ostseite auf der Skulpturenfunde in der unmittelbaren Umgebung an
Euthynterie bzw. der ersten Stufe der Krepis der „ein großes Denkmal“; vgl. auch Eichler 1961, 73.
Halle sitzen (Abb. 6, die Stelle ist mit einem Pfeil 42 Fossel-Peschl 1982, 16; nur eine Öffnung ursprünglich
markiert). nach Lang-Auinger 2015, 406.
 Vom Staatsmarkt zum Kaiserforum? Überlegungen zur Oberen Agora von Ephesos 297

und vor allem auch Durchgangsmöglichkeiten in

der ersten monumentalen Ausbauphase, im 2. Jh.
v. Chr. Dadurch glich sie den schon zitierten Ago-
rai in einigen Nachbarstädten von Ephesos. Die tat-
sächlichen Nutzungsformen mögen gegenüber an-
deren Agorai jedoch eingegrenzt oder spezifiziert
gewesen sein. So fehlen eindeutige Hinweise auf
kommerzielle Aktivitäten, die wohl hauptsächlich
an der Unteren Agora konzentriert waren. Statt des-
sen weisen gerade die langen Bankreihen innerhalb
der Südstoa und entlang der Ostseite des Platzes
darauf hin, dass ein ruhiges, tendenziell rezeptives
Verhalten der Platzbesucher intendiert war, z. B.
als Zuschauer von auf dem Platz sich vollziehen-
Abb. 7 Ansicht des mittleren Eingangs in die Südstoa von
den, zeremoniellen Handlungen. Das entspricht in
Nordosten (ÖAW/ÖAI. Foto N. Gail, 2015).
etwa dem Idealbild einer ‚freien Agora‘ bzw. eines
‚Staatsmarktes‘, wie es die politische Theorie des
de durch die Öffnung der Westwand der Südstoa 4. Jhs. v. Chr. zeichnete und das im hellenistischen
möglich (Abb. 4, Nr. 2 c). Dieser Vorgang ist am Ephesos, mit der funktionellen Differenzierung
heute vorliegenden Zustand der auf einen Stumpf zwischen Unterer und Oberer Agora, vielleicht tat-
verkürzten Wand ablesbar (vgl. Abb. 6, a)43. Die sächlich umzusetzen versucht worden ist46. Demge-
Ausgräber der frühen 1960er Jahre, die an dieser genüber müssen wir uns das Erscheinungsbild der
Stelle überhaupt zum ersten Mal auf die Südstoa Platzanlage in der frühen Kaiserzeit deutlich modi-
gestoßen waren, missverstanden die Situation fiziert vorstellen. Durch Verschließung einiger der
und deuteten die Baureste als Propylon. Dieses wichtigsten Zugangswege ist der Durchgangsver-
Missverständnis hat sich im Laufe der Jahrzehn- kehr unterbunden; neu geschaffene, in die großen
te verfestigt44, so dass noch in dem oben zitierten Hallenbauten integrierte Toranlagen fungieren als
Aufsatz von Pierre Gros von einem Propylon im eine Art von Schleusen. Dadurch scheint die Obe-
Südwesten die Rede ist. Die Torbauten, die als ein re Agora von ihrem städtebaulichen Umfeld nun
Argument für die vermutete Gymnasionsfunktion bis zu einem gewissen Grad isoliert, die räumliche
genannt werden45, haben folglich so nicht existiert Konzeption quasi introvertiert, was durch den Tem-
bzw. gehören nicht der ersten baulichen Ausstat- pel auf der Zentralachse noch betont ist. Zwar ist
tung des Platzes an. diese Neukonzeption in erster Linie an diesem letz-
Nach diesem Exkurs kommen wir zurück zur teren Gebäude und mehr noch an der platzbeherr-
räumlichen Konzeption und den Funktionen der schenden Basilike Stoa festzumachen. Doch bleibt
Oberen Agora. Dass es sich bei dem Komplex ur- festzuhalten, dass jene Konzeption nicht etwa in
sprünglich um ein Gymnasium gehandelt hätte, einen einheitlichen Gegenentwurf zur ursprüngli-
ist nach dem Gesagten fast sicher auszuschließen. chen Platzstruktur in augusteischer Zeit umgesetzt
Dagegen sprechen die zu vielfältigen Zugangs- wurde47. Ein erster Schritt, Vorbedingung für alle
weiteren Entwicklungen, war vielmehr schon im
43 Steuernagel 2020a, 100-103, Abb. 5.6; Steuernagel früheren 1. Jh. v. Chr. mit der Verlegung des wich-
2020b, 191 und Abb. 5.
44 Die erste publizierte Erwähnung des angeblichen 46 Vgl. hier Anm. 5 und Steuernagel 2020b.
Südwest-Propylons findet sich m. W. bei Alzinger 47 In diesem Punkt unterscheidet sich meine Rekonstruktion
1974, 50; soweit ich sehe, hat nur Claudia Lang- der Baugeschichte von der, die Florens Felten entworfen
Auinger (2015, 406) diese Deutung korrigiert, während hat, indem er „zwei Stadien“ deutlich unterschied,
zahlreiche andere Autoren sie wiederholen, zuletzt z. B. wobei „eine völlig moderne und zeitgemässe Anlage“
Sielhorst 2015, 118. in augusteischer Zeit den Zustand der „hellenistischen
45 Vgl. o. Anm. 25. Vorphase“ abgelöst habe: Felten 1983, 100, 103.
298 Dirk Steuernagel

tigen südöstlichen Zugangs getan, der sich u. a. in der Einzug des Kaiserkultes keine Umkehr oder
der Verkürzung der Südstoa und dem Bau des Pro- Richtungsänderung der zuvor angelegten Entwick-
pylons niederschlägt. Insofern ist die Wandlung des lung mit sich, vielmehr fungierte der Altar für C.
Erscheinungsbildes der Oberen Agora nicht allein und L. Caesar als ein die zentripetalen Tendenzen
aus einem Bestreben zu erklären, einen Ort für die verstärkendes Element51. Generell kann der zentra-
Repräsentation der römischen Herrschaft bzw. zur le Tempel auf der Oberen Agora von Ephesos, ent-
Verherrlichung der julisch-claudischen Dynastie zu gegen der Meinung von Ulf Kenzler, keineswegs
schaffen. Vielmehr war der Prozess in Neustruk- als dezidiert römisches, griechischen Traditionen
turierungen des oberen (östlichen) Stadtareals von widersprechendes Element angesehen werden52.
Ephesos im späten Hellenismus einbezogen und Sollte ein solcher Widerspruch in früheren Epochen
folgte langfristigen Trends der architektonischen bestanden haben, so wurde er bereits in hellenisti-
Gestaltung öffentlicher Plätze. Scheint doch auch scher Zeit offenbar kaum noch empfunden. Auf den
andernorts eine sich verdichtende architektonische Platzflächen verschiedener Agorai (z. B. in Messene
Rahmung der Platzflächen, vornehmlich durch und Magnesia am Mäander) wurden damals Tem-
Hallen- und Torbauten, die Fokussierung der An- pel errichtet. Obgleich deren Position in der Regel
lagen, z. B. auf einen zentralen Tempel gewisser- nicht zentral war und die Bauten auch von ihrer
maßen vorzubereiten, ohne dass diese Vorgänge Größe her wohl nicht platzbeherrschend wirkten,
jeweils einem vorgefertigten Plan gefolgt wären48. darf ihre Bedeutung für das funktionale Gefüge der
Agorai nicht unterschätzt werden53. Es gibt außer-
2. Hellenistische oder römische Tradi- dem durchaus Beispiele für ‚heilige Märkte‘, die
tion, Alteingesessene oder Zuwanderer? eindeutig von auf der Symmetrieachse platzierten
Tempeln geprägt wurden und wohl von Anfang an
Heiligtums- mit Agorafunktionen verbanden. Dazu
In der Diskussion über Tendenzen der bau-
zählen etwa die Obere Agora von Pergamon und
lichen Fassung von Agorai griechischer Städte in
eine Platzanlage unweit des Palastes der antigoni-
der römischen Kaiserzeit ist wiederholt darauf auf-
dischen Residenzstadt Demetrias, für die inschrift-
merksam gemacht worden, dass viele vermeintlich
lich der Name Hiera Agora bezeugt ist – eine „Agora
‚römische‘ Merkmale tatsächlich in der hellenisti-
als Tempelbezirk“ (Peter Marzolff) (Abb. 8)54.
schen Architekturtradition verwurzelt sind. Mögen
etwa auf den ersten Blick Formprinzipien wie Axi-
alität und Symmetrie in den Fora des Caesar und 51 Marc 2001, bes. 511–514; vgl. Sielhorst 2015, 49-50, 156-
des Augustus in Rom paradigmatisch vorgebildet 159. – Simon Price (1984, bes. 145-146) konstatiert eine
Tendenz zur Formalisierung von Architekturkonzepten
scheinen, sind gerade die Entwürfe dieser Platz-
die einer schon im Hellenismus einsetzenden
anlagen, wie schon die ältere Forschung erkannte, Regulierung der politischer Handlungsspielräume
ihrerseits nicht denkbar ohne die rezipierende An- griechischer Bürgerschaften entspreche, so dass der
schauung von Temene und Agorai in Griechenland Kaiserkult ohne größere Probleme in den entsprechend
und Kleinasien49. Es bedurfte folglich in Ephesos vorstrukturierten urbanen Raum zu integrieren
keineswegs des Rekurses auf stadtrömische Muster, gewesen sei.
als man die ursprüngliche Form der Oberen Agora 52 Kenzler 2006, 170-171, 175-176; Kenzler 2013, 130: „The
modifizierte50. Die beschriebene Einwärtswendung Greek people would have been reluctant to accept
und gleichzeitige Abschließung gegen den umge- a temple as a central element of a square that was
benden Stadtraum, die ja bereits im 1. Jh. v. Chr. ein- important to the formation of the polis’ identity“.
53 Gros 1996, 111-112; Sielhorst 2015, bes. 29, 102-105,
setzt, lässt sich in großen Zügen analog etwa an der
167-168; Messene (dorischer Tempel): Müth 2007, 73-76.
Agora von Thasos beobachten. Auch dort brachte 79; Themelis 2010, 114-116; Magnesia (Tempel des Zeus
Sosipolis): Humann, Kohte 1904, 141-161; zur Position
48 Coulton 1976, 169-172; vgl. Lyttelton 1987, 47. des Tempels: Hoepfner 1990, 18; zur (möglichen)
49 z. B. Gjerstad 1944, bes. 57-62; von Blanckenhagen Bezeichnung der Agora von Magnesia als hieron Kern
1954, 23-24; Martin 1972, 913-917; Kyrieleis 1976. 1900, 145, Nr. 230-232; Bingöl 2006, 64.
50 Vgl. z. B. Alzinger 1974, 149-150; Thür 2007a, 85. 54 Pergamon: Sielhorst 2015, 139-144; zur Frage Heiligtum
 Vom Staatsmarkt zum Kaiserforum? Überlegungen zur Oberen Agora von Ephesos 299

Abb. 8 Plan (Ausschnitt) der Stadt Demetrias (Thessalien) (bearbeitet, nach Marzolff 1976, Taf. 1).

Ohne also die Relevanz der in der augusteisch-ti- banistische Neuerungen und ideologische Botschaf-
berischen Zeit vorgenommenen baulichen Verände- ten absichtsvoll in den Griechen vertraute Architek-
rungen der Oberen Agora abwerten zu wollen, fällt turformen gekleidet worden wären. Diese Annahme
es dennoch schwer, sie ohne weiteres unter dem – so vor allem von Ulf Kenzler vertreten55 – basiert
Schlagwort ‚Romanisierung‘ zu rubrizieren. Auch auf einer zumindest diskussionswürdigen Konturie-
sehe ich keinen Anlass, von einer Art Camouflage rung des Kreises möglicher Auftraggeber von öffent-
auszugehen, bei der ihrem Wesen nach römische ur- lichen Bauten im augusteisch-frühkaiserzeitlichen
Ephesos. Keinerlei Hinweise gibt es etwa, anders als
oder Agora s. auch Rheidt 1992, bes. 258-259, 282;
Bielfeldt 2010, 168-188; Demetrias: Marzolff 1976, bes.
57-58; Marzolff 1994, 62-64; Bezeichnung als Hiera 55 s. z. B. Kenzler 2013, 125, 135: „New Roman elements
Agora: IG IX 2, 1105, i; vgl. Lauter 1986, 79; Dickenson were hidden behind a Hellenistic shape or Greek
2017, 65-67. function“.
300 Dirk Steuernagel

beispielsweise von Werner Jobst angedeutet56, für es kaum angeraten, eine Planung allzu einseitig auf
eine unmittelbare Initiative des Kaisers in Bezug auf die Gewohnheiten und Erwartungen nur eines Teils
den Umbau der Oberen Agora. Auch der Statthalter der Stadtbevölkerung und der städtischen Elite aus-
oder Mitglieder der Provinzverwaltung wurden of- zurichten. Vor diesem Hintergrund will ich abschlie-
fenbar nicht tätig57. Unbestritten ist allerdings, dass ßend diskutieren, ob und unter welchen Aspekten
eingewanderte Italiker wie der inschriftlich benannte die Obere Agora von Ephesos seit augusteischer Zeit
Stifter der Basilike Stoa, C. Sextilius Pollio, und auch möglicherweise ein provinziales Gegenstück zu den
kaiserliche Freigelassene auf Grund ihres enormen stadtrömischen Kaiserfora darstellte.
Vermögens große Aufträge vergeben und dadurch Vergleiche zwischen der Oberen Agora und
Einfluss nehmen konnten. Oft werden diese als eine dem Caesar- und dem Augustusforum in Rom sind
Art lokaler Vermittler der kaiserlichen Interessen ge- zuweilen wegen recht allgemeiner Übereinstim-
sehen58. Doch ist zu beachten, dass die seit Längerem mungen der räumlichen Disposition von Säulen-
ortsansässigen, kulturell griechisch geprägten Fami- hallen und Tempel gezogen worden60. Dass diese
lien bis in tiberische Zeit hinein die wichtigsten öf- Parallelen nicht auf eine Übertragung römischer
fentlichen Ämter mehrheitlich für sich reklamieren Architekturkonzepte zurückgehen, habe ich hier
konnten. Damit war, wie François Kirbihler in seiner zu zeigen versucht. Nicht beantwortet ist damit je-
gründlichen prosopographischen Untersuchung doch die Frage, ob funktionale Übereinstimmungen
herausgearbeitet hat, ein Interessensausgleich zwi- zwischen der Oberen Agora und den Kaiserfora be-
schen den verschiedenen Gruppierungen der städ- standen. Claudia Lang-Auinger hat diesbezüglich
tischen Elite notwendig, was sich wiederum auch kürzlich nochmals auf eine viel zitierte Stelle im
auf größer angelegte Bauprojekte und insbesondere Geschichtswerk des Appian (bella civilia 2, 102) hin-
auf die Obere Agora ausgewirkt haben dürfte59. Das gewiesen, an der es um Caesars Intentionen beim
heißt nicht, dass alle Einzelprojekte über einen Zeit- Bau des von ihm gestifteten Forums geht61:
raum von mehreren Jahrzehnten perfekt aufeinander ἀνέστησε καὶ τῇ Γενετείρᾳ τὸν νεών […]: καὶ
abgestimmt gewesen wären. Vielmehr wurden mit τέμενος τῷ νεῲ περιέθηκεν, ὃ Ῥωμαίοις ἔταξεν
ihnen sicher zuweilen auch widerstreitende Zwecke ἀγορὰν εἶναι, οὐ τῶν ὠνίων, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ πράξεσι
verfolgt. Doch bedurfte zweifellos jedes Projekt einer συνιόντων ἐς ἀλλήλους, καθὰ καὶ Πέρσαις ἦν τις
Genehmigung durch den Stadtrat und musste folg- ἀγορὰ ζητοῦσιν ἢ μανθάνουσι τὰ δίκαια.
lich so konzipiert und präsentiert werden, dass es Er (Caesar) errichtete den Tempel für (Venus)
auf breite Zustimmung hoffen durfte. Von daher war Genetrix […]. Und den Tempel umgab er mit einem
abgegrenzten Bezirk, den er dazu bestimmte, eine
Agora für die Römer zu sein, nicht für den Handel,
56 Jobst 1980, 258; vgl. aber Pont 2010, 91: in keiner klein-
sondern als Treffpunkt für jene, die Angelegenhei-
asiatischen Stadt, und ebensowenig in Ephesos, ist ein
ten miteinander zu regeln hatten, (eine Agora) so
direktes kaiserliches Eingreifen in die bauliche Gestaltung
wie bei den Persern, wo sie das Recht suchen und
einer Agora dokumentiert.
57 Kirbihler 2016, 422. studieren.
58 Scherrer 1997, bes. 94-96; Scherrer 2007, bes. 69; Caesar wollte demnach die Kultstätte verknüp-
Halfmann 2001, bes. 24, 32; Kenzler 2006, bes. 169, fen mit einem Ort für juristische und wohl auch
177–178; Kenzler 2013, 133-134; Barresi 2011, 79-81. politische Verhandlungen, nicht aber für einen
59 Kirbihler 2016, 403-458, bes. 420-427 zur Oberen
Marktbetrieb. Das entspricht recht genau der De-
Agora. Obwohl die dort (vgl. auch ebenda 388-400)
skizzierte Baugeschichte der Oberen Agora von der finition einer ‚freien Agora‘ (ἐλευθέρα ἀγορά) bei
hier vorgelegten Darstellung in wichtigen Punkten Aristoteles. Noch unmittelbarer scheint Appian
abweicht, halte ich Kirbihlers Rekonstruktion des mit seinem Verweis auf Persien an Xenophon an-
sozialgeschichtlichen Hintergrunds für stimmig. Ein zuknüpfen. Dieser beschreibt in der Cyropaedia (1,
anderes Bild entwirft Helmut Halfmann (2001, bes.
21-22, 32-33), der eine weitgehende Verarmung der 60 z. B. Kenzler 2006, 171-172; Lang-Auinger 2015;
ortsansässigen Bevölkerung und eine eindeutige Kirbihler 2016, 425 und Anm. 112
Dominanz der „fremdstämmigen cives Romani“ 61 Lang-Auinger 2015, 407-408; zur Stelle vgl. auch
konstatiert. Martin 1951, 539–540; Martin 1972, 917-919.
 Vom Staatsmarkt zum Kaiserforum? Überlegungen zur Oberen Agora von Ephesos 301

2, 3) die ‚freie Agora‘ persischer Residenzstädte, An der Oberen Agora von Ephesos hingegen zielten
die sich in der Nähe des königlichen Palastes und die Baumaßnahmen der augsteisch-tiberischen Zeit
anderer Regierungsgebäude befinde62. Von dieser darauf ab, eine repräsentative Anlage zu schaffen, in
Agora seien Händler ausgeschlossen, damit ihr Ge- der sich verschiedene Gruppierungen innerhalb der
schrei, ihre Geschmacklosigkeiten und das ganze städtischen Bevölkerung gleichermaßen wiederfin-
Durcheinander nicht den gesitteten Umgang der den konnten, eine Anlage, die grundsätzlich für alle
Gebildeten störten. Unter Rekurs auf das Konzept ‚lesbar‘ war, ebenso wie die zweisprachige Inschrift
der ‚freien Agora‘ bzw. des ‚Staatsmarktes‘, das er am Architrav der Basilike Stoa65. Und wie diese In-
bei Autoren des 4. Jhs. v. Chr. fand, verdeutlichte schrift signalisierte die gesamte Obere Agora wohl
Appian also seinen Lesern, welche Motive Caesar nicht nur städtisches Selbstbewusstsein, sondern
mit seinem Bauprojekt verfolgt hatte. Man könnte zugleich gutes Einvernehmen mit der kaiserlichen
sagen, er übersetzte Caesars Motive in die Sprache Zentralgewalt. Basilica oder stoa, agora oder forum,
der griechischen politischen Philosophie. Wenn griechisch oder römisch – solche Unterscheidungen
aber griechisch sozialisierte Leser ein Kaiserforum traten demgegenüber in den Hintergrund und wur-
als Staatsmarkt begreifen konnten, so ist umgekehrt den wahrscheinlich gar nicht diskutiert66. Es ging
ebenso möglich, dass Römer bzw. römisch soziali- um die Entwicklung einer allgemeinverständlichen,
sierte Betrachter einen Staatsmarkt, als den wir die ‚oikumenischen‘ Architektursprache. Die Intention
Obere Agora von Ephesos wegen der vornehmli- dürfte, wie Maurice Sartre und Anne-Valérie Pont
chen Ausrichtung auf öffentliche Zeremonien wohl m. E. zu Recht betont haben, hier wie in vielen ande-
betrachten dürfen, als Pendant eines Kaiserforums ren Fällen im griechischen Osten eher in einer ‚Mo-
wahrnahmen. Aus beiden Perspektiven heraus dernisierung‘ des Stadtbildes denn in einer ‚Romani-
konnte die Errichtung des zentralen Tempels auf sierung‘ oder ‚Romanisation‘ gelegen haben67. Ohne
der Oberen Agora, der die eleuthera agora gleichsam leugnen zu wollen, dass im Verlauf der Zeit neue Im-
zur hiera agora machte, als mögliche oder sogar fol- pulse mehr und mehr vom Zentrum ausgingen und
gerichtige Option erscheinen. in provinziale Formen ‚übersetzt‘ wurden68, würde
Die Neugestaltung der Oberen Agora ist dem- ich für das frühkaiserzeitliche Ephesos von weniger
nach weder als fremd- noch als selbstbestimmte einseitigen, komplexen Zentrum-Peripherie-Bezie-
Übernahme einer ihrem Ursprung nach römischen hungen ausgehen.
Bauidee aufzufassen. Weder sollte der Platz zu
einem römischen Forum umfunktioniert werden, Abkürzungen
noch wollte man Ephesos in eine römische Stadt ver-
wandeln63. Hierin besteht ein deutlicher Unterschied AE: L’Année Épigraphique.
etwa zu römischen coloniae, in denen keine ortsan- CIL: Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum.
sässige Elite mitzubestimmen hatte. Nur exempla- IEph: Inschriften griechischer Städte aus Kleinasien.
risch nenne ich hier das pisidische Antiochieia, mit Inschriften von Ephesos, 8 Bände (1979-1984). Bonn: Habelt.
dem vermutlich der Verehrung des Kaisers geweih- RE: Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Alter-
ten Kultbezirk, der sich hinsichtlich des Architektur- tumswissenschaft.
konzepts und der Bauformen (dreitoriges Bogentor,
Podiumstempel, Kreissegmentportikus usw.), Stil
und Motivik des Bauschmucks und der Skulpturen
sowie Inschriften (Kopie der Res Gestae) stark und
eindeutig auf italisch-römische Vorbilder bezog64. 65 Vgl. aber Halfmann 2001, 26; Kenzler 2006, 178.
66 Tuchelt 1983; Waelkens, Mitchell 1998; Pohl 2002, 42-
62 Vgl. hier Anm. 5. 43, 107-108, 198-199; Mert 2008.
63 Nur am Rande sei vermerkt, dass die hier beschriebene 67 Vgl. o. Anm. 11.
Lage recht genau mit jener der Hiera Agora von 68 Vgl. Dickenson 2017, 13-14, der darauf hinweist,
Demetrias und der Oberen Agora von Pergamon dass antike im Gegensatz zu modernen Autoren die
korrespondiert. Begriffe forum und agora ohne weiteres als Synonyme
64 Vgl. Felten 1983, 104. verwenden.
302 Dirk Steuernagel

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Sicily
Aspects of identity: Provincia Sicilia during the Roman Empire
Roger J.A. Wilson*

Abstract culture during that period was negligible. Rather the

island developed a brand of a widespread Hellenistic
Alla fine dell’età repubblicana, anche se era stata una koine, one nevertheless with distinctively Sicilian char-
provincia romana per 200 anni, la Sicilia aveva ancora acteristics and one capable also of some remarkable
una cultura prevalentemente greco-ellenistica; il greco era innovations. Sicily at that period, in other words, is
la lingua dominante. Quanto è cambiata quella situazione an example of what some would call ‘glocalization’2,
durante l’età imperiale? La cultura romana ha mai avuto the outcome of the globalizing processes of Hellenis-
un impatto sostanziale? Questo saggio proverà a identifi- tic culture at work, but with a local Sicilian twist. The
care e separare i fili principali che costituiscono l’identità character of that culture during later Hellenistic times
siciliana durante l’impero romano. Vengono esaminati i (i.e. the period, politically, of the late Roman Repub-
cambiamenti nello status urbano nella seconda metà del I lic) I attempted to sketch in a paper published in 2013,
sec. a.C., soprattutto la concessione dello ius Latii e la de- and I do not intend to revisit it here3.
duzione di sei coloniae di veterani da parte di Augusto, in- Apart from temple building, where shrines on
sieme all’impatto, desumibile dalle iscrizioni, che il latino ha Italic-style podia appear in Sicily as early as the third
avuto in diverse parti dell’isola in tempi diversi. L’identità century BC (at Selinus) and continue into the first
della Sicilia durante l’impero è stata però modellata anche century BC, and apart from a very small scatter of
dalla sua interconnettività con altre parti del mondo me- Latin inscriptions, the majority of which are likely to
diterraneo globalizzato: la sua posizione al centro del Me- have been put up by Roman magistrates or Italian
diterraneo le offriva eccellenti opportunità di esportazione residents in the island rather than by Sicilians, there
per i propri prodotti e manufatti e la esponeva ad una vasta were few inroads into the predominantly Hellenistic
gamma di influenze esterne. Queste sono venute soprattut- Greek culture of the province4. Its epigraphic culture,
to dall’Africa del Nord ma anche dall’Oriente e si riflettono
nell’eclettismo del materiale importato e in alcuni elementi revised and slightly expanded version of the paper that
della cultura artistica. Ma non è mai emersa alcuna identità I presented there, the conversational style of which I
‘romano-siciliana’ distintiva e, sebbene variasse di intensità have deliberately retained here.
nel tempo e da regione a regione, la corrente sotterranea del 2 Witcher 2019, 643; Hingley 2005, 111. On the phe-
patrimonio greco della Sicilia è rimasta forte. nomenon of ‘globalization’ in the Roman world more
generally, see also the essays in Pitts, Versluys 2015;
By the middle of the first century BC much of the and, for a rural perspective, Witcher 2017. On global-
ization in the context of Mediterranean islands, see now
island of Sicily had been a Roman province for close
Kouremenos, Gordon 2020, with useful discussions of
on two hundred years1. The impact of Rome on its Roman Crete (Francis 2020) and Roman Cyprus (Gor-
don, Caraher 2020) from this perspective. I am grateful
* University of British Columbia. [email protected] to the editors and authors of this book for sharing their
1 I thank most warmly Johannes Bergmann and Oscar contributions with me in advance of publication.
Belvedere for inviting me to the conference and for 3 Wilson 2013a; cf. also 2013b.
their hospitality at the splendid Villa Vigoni. This is a 4 On Selinus (Temple B), Marconi 2008 and 2012, 279-282
310 Roger J.A. Wilson

in the words of Jonathan Prag, reflects a “distinctive- ter’s regime to an end. The colonia of Taormina was
ly Sicilian epigraphic tradition that belongs within probably founded in that year, because Diodorus
the wider Hellenistic Mediterranean context, and is mentions it, and it is generally agreed that events
almost wholly unaffected by Roman practices until after about 30 BC are not recorded in his Historike
the Augustan period”5. How far did this predom- Bibliotheke9. Four more coloniae were founded by the
inantly Hellenistic culture of late Republican Sicily now Emperor Augustus in 21 BC, at Termini Imer-
change, under and after Augustus, during the near- ese and Tindari on the north coast, and at Syracuse
ly 500 further years that Sicily remained a province and Catania on the east. Palermo was also an Au-
of the Roman Empire? Was a distinctive but differ- gustan veteran colonia but it is not described so in
ent identity forged during that long period, that we Pliny the Elder’s list10. Either Pliny made a mistake
might for want of a better label define as character- or the settlement came later than Pliny’s source for
istically ‘Romano-Sicilian’? Or does the distinctive- Sicily, which may have been compiled soon after 21
ness, the sparks of originality that Sicily displayed in BC. Since the process of founding veteran coloniae
the last centuries BC, get subsumed within a greater ceased in 14 BC, Palermo must in that case have be-
Mediterranean cultural koine, a cultural ‘globalism’, come one between 21 and 14 BC. All of this is well
which simply obliterates the emergence of an indi- known. What is less well known is what impact
vidual provincial identity?6 these colonial settlements had on the existing towns
A critical turning point in the history of Sicily, where they were planted (because none were new
as of course for the whole Mediterranean world, foundations), when, if Brunt’s figures are right11,
were the events of the second half of the first cen- between 2,000 and 3,000 largely Latin-speaking re-
tury BC. In 44 BC, Mark Antony announced that tired soldiers arrived to live in each. Not surprising-
Latin rights (the ius Latii) would be awarded to ly Latin inscriptions began to appear in Augustan
all Sicilians (by which he meant all Sicilian poleis) and Julio-Claudian times, and it would be surpris-
because such had been Julius Caesar’s intention. ing if there was not also a considerable building
Mark Antony is supposed to have upgraded that to programme going on in all these places during the
full citizenship for all freeborn Sicilians, although same period, although we lack the details12. Strabo
it seems unlikely that that was actually implement- implies that Augustus initiated one at Syracuse and
ed7. Cicero did not approve8, but modern scholars Catania13, and new Roman-style monuments like
are agreed that the grant of ius Latii was in place for the first phase of the amphitheatre at Syracuse with
all Sicilian communities from 44 BC down at least to its use of opus reticulatum, surely betraying the pres-
the battle of Naulochus in 36 BC, when Octavian tri- ence of Italian work-gangs, may belong now (and
umphed over Sextus Pompey and brought the lat- there were changes at the theatre there also at the
same time)14. Certainly rubble aggregate construc-
with figs. 483-484; Wolf 2016, 91-93. Latin inscriptions
in Hellenistic Sicily: Prag 2018a, 139-140 (there are only 9 Cf. most recently Muntz 2017, 3-4 and 219: “Although
twenty or so for a period of 200 years). it certainly cannot be ruled out that Diodorus was
5 Prag 2018a, 131. working well into the period after Actium, there is no
6 As my title implies, trying to define Sicilian ‘identity’ in solid evidence to show that he was, and the lack of any
all its variety is central to this essay, as it has been in other references to events after 36 suggests he was not”.
studies of Roman provincial archaeology, e.g. Lawrence, 10 Plin., NH. 3.86-94; Wilson 1990, 35-38. Palermo: Strabo
Berry 1998; Pitts 2007; Revell 2009 and 2016, and Koure- 6.2.5; CIL X.7279 (I.Sicily 21): col(onia) Aug(usta) Panh[or]
menos 2018. Cf. also Whitmarsh 2010 (for the Greek East) m(itanorum).
and Mattingly 2010, 283 and 287: “Identity has become 11 Brunt 1971, 259-261 and 331; Keppie 1983, 97-100, who
a key concept in archaeology and classical studies […] it notes that larger numbers (e.g. 4,000 to Vibo) were rare.
fundamentally concerns heterogeneity and diversity”; 12 Belvedere 1997.
also Witcher 2019, 645: “the cultural identity of the Roman 13 Strabo 6.2.4; Centuripe (not a colonia) is also mentioned.
world was characterised both by unity and diversity”. Pensabene (2016, 319-320) notes a Corinthian marble
7 Wilson 1990, 34-35 (and discussed many times since: capital of early Augustan date at Syracuse (via Nizza),
see n. 23 below). which presupposes a massive monument some 9 m high.
8 Ad Atticum 14.12.1. 14 Wilson 1990, 82 and 322 with n. 26 on 416. An example
 Aspects of identity: Provincia Sicilia during the Roman Empire 311

tion (opus caementicium) makes its appearance in the And what about the rest of the Sicilian urban
island for the first time under Augustus. The earli- communities? Did their status change during the Au-
est versions of monumental aqueducts at Catania, gustan settlement of the island? Nearly thirty years
Termini Imerese and possibly Syracuse (the Galer- ago I thought, in line with Otto Cuntz and others, that
mi aqueduct?)15 might also belong to the Augustan Augustus must have revoked Mark Antony’s grant
or Julio-Claudian periods16; and other building pro- of ius Latii, even though no ancient source explicitly
jects that either certainly or probably belong not lat- says so20. That is because Pliny’s text appears to state
er than the mid-first century AD include an honor- clearly that only three communities, Centuripe, Noto
ific arch, public baths and (repairs to?) the city walls and Segesta, were Latinae condicionis, and that most
at Syracuse17, a revamped forum and public baths of the rest were stipendiarii21. I further suggested that,
also at Termini Imerese18, and possibly major works because the title municipium and the mention of duo-
in the forum at Taormina19. viri occurs unequivocally at some places on inscrip-
tions and coinage of Augustan date, Augustus must
at Halaesa is as late as the Antonine period: Scibona, have relaxed his stance and granted municipal status
Tigano 2009, 115-132 (G. Tigano) and 133-151 (R. Burgio). to selected communities before the end of his reign22.
15 I have suggested elsewhere (Wilson 2000, 14-15) that There is no need to review again here the evidence,
this aqueduct, some 25 km long, might be of Roman
which has been the subject of intensive study23, but
imperial date, not least because of a monumental
I do want to make one point, since I have changed
arched construction near Sortino on its route, which is
unlikely to be pre-imperial in the provinces (the Aqua my mind since 1990 in the light of new evidence.
Marcia and the Aqua Tepula serving Rome, both not It concerns a discovery 15 years ago on Pantelleria,
earlier than the second half of the second century BC, ancient Cossyra, the tiny island which was part of
are the earliest to have arches). The alternative view is the Roman province of Sicilia but in fact lies closer
that of Bouffier 2020, 164-171, who in presenting the to Africa than it does to Sicily. Part of an inscription
first modern survey of this important monument sug- from a statue base in honour of Germanicus, not ear-
gests that it was a Hieronian building project; she does lier than 1st January AD 18 when Germanicus took
not mention the (antiquarian) evidence for an arched his second consulship, was found in fragments in
aqueduct bridge. Her downplaying the importance of
three separate cisterns on the acropolis of the town
Syracuse in the imperial period (“when it seemed to
(fig. 1)24. The dedication was made by the municipes
become a small provincial town”: Bouffier 2020, 175) is
particularly curious – it was the provincial capital, and Cossyrae ‘by decree of the decurions’, wording which
extra investment in water technology, not least to supply indicates that this little town had the title of municip-
new public bath buildings, might have been expected. ium (and decurions in its town council) by the early
16 Wilson 2000, 18-19. The aqueduct systems at Taormina (on years of Tiberius’ reign. The inscription was proba-
which see now Castrianni, Di Giacomo, Ditaranto et al. 2018)
are tentatively ascribed to the first and second century AD. machia’ cistern on lower agora Augustan or Julio-Clau-
17 I would include also the square and pool beside the dian, Augustan work [temple?] on upper agora). On
Altar of Hieron at Syracuse, which fits well with similar the Naumachia, see also Tigano, Burgio, Venuti 2019,
palaestrae of this date in Campania (Wilson 2012, 258); 254-258.
Wolf (2016, 33-56, at 47-49), however, believes they 20 Wilson 1990, 36 (earlier discussions cited in 357, n. 23).
belong together with the Altar to the Hieronian build- 21 Plin., NH 3.91.
ing programme (would not then a stoa have defined a 22 Wilson 1990, 41-42.
temenos and extended around all four sides of the Altar?); 23 Prag 2019, 117, has noted that in the past twenty years
cf. now, for a rejection of a Hieronian dating for the pool alone at least eight papers have been published discuss-
and stoa, Trümper 2018, 46-48. Syracuse arch: Gentili ing the same evidence (listed in his n. 38, to which two
1951, 263-277; Wilson 1990, 567 with fig. 45; baths: found more can now be added – Soraci 2018 and Kohonen,
on Ortygia in 1552 (Fazello 1560, 83), made of brickwork Soraci 2018). Prag asks whether “there is any meaning-
and furnished with lead pipes bearing Claudius’ name ful advance in the sum of knowledge from one study to
(CIL X.7140); walls: Suet., Cal. 21. the next”, and finds the “degree of repetition of effort
18 Forum: Belvedere, Burgio et al. 1993, 26-33, esp. 30-31. in each subsequent study […] extremely depressing”
Baths: Belvedere, Forgia 2017 and 2018. (Prag 2019, 118).
19 Campagna, La Torre 2008, especially 142-143 (‘Nau- 24 Schäfer, Alföldi 2015, 777-781 (Kat. 1).
312 Roger J.A. Wilson

of evidence: the smaller of the two civic coin issues of

Cossyra had a countermark with the letters DD, ‘by
decree of the decurions’, which had puzzled Andrew
Burnett in 199226.
By accepting that the grant of Latin rights to the
Sicilian communities in 44 BC stayed in place, we
do not therefore have to invent any revocation by
Augustus, which has usually been assumed despite
the absence of ancient evidence. The grant can be
seen in the context of a top-down policy by Rome
to be more inclusive of the regions geographical-
ly closest to it: first, the grant of citizenship to the
Italian peninsula after the social war of 91-89 BC, to
encourage the concept of tota Italia, then to the com-
munities of Cisalpine Gaul in 49 BC, who were also
granted citizenship, and then Julius Caesar’s grant
in c. 45 of ius Latii to the cities of Narbonensis27. Per-
haps both Caesar and Augustus had a vision of Sic-
ily, lying as it does at the very foot of the Apennine
peninsula, being brought more firmly into the Ital-
ian orbit. It is also possible that the allowing of sen-
ators to travel there without imperial permission,
a concession unique for a province, formed part of
the same policy: although it is not mentioned in our
sources before AD 4928, it might well go back to Au-
gustus. But a problem remains with Pliny’ text: how
do we understand the singling out of three places
only, Segesta, Centuripe and Noto, as being Latinae
condicionis? Beloch suggested long ago that some-
Fig. 1 Pantelleria, acropolis at S. Teresa, suggested recon- thing must be missing from Pliny’s text: he suggest-
struction of the inscription in honour of Germanicus, c. AD ed that immunes needs to be added 29, the distinction
18/20 (the inscribed panel was an estimated 65 cm wide). being that whereas these three communities were
granted tax-free status30, the rest were not. Beloch’s
bly erected after Germanicus death on 10th October solution may very well be the correct one.
AD 19, perhaps in response to the call for the erection
of memorial statues in the coloniae and municipia of 26 In Burnett, Amandry, Ripolles 1992, 181 on no. 676.
both Italy and the provinces, as recorded by the Tab- Burnett thought the coin should be Augustan but hes-
itated, as “there is no reason to suppose that Cossyra
ula Siarensis25. If a place as small and as relatively in-
was privileged in this way”.
significant as Cossyra had received municipal status
27 Sherwin-White 1973, especially 150-173 and 230-236.
at such an early date, the conclusion must surely be 28 Tac. Ann. 12.23.1.
that all the urban communities of Sicily had retained 29 Beloch 1886, 327, proposed that Pliny’s text read (his
the grant of ius Latii and the title of municipium that additions in italics): intus autem Latinae condicionis
they had received in 44 BC. That Cossyra enjoyed immunes Centuripini, Netini, Segestani, Latinae condi-
this rank had in fact already been foreshadowed, be- cionis stipendarii Assorini…
fore the discovery of the inscription, by another piece 30 A case can be made for Segesta, which controlled the
Eryx sanctuary visited by Aeneas on his way to found
25 Tabula Siarensis, fragment b, column II, 22-26; Craw- Rome (Diod. 4.83.4; Virg., Aen. V.759-760); Centuripe,
ford 1996, 518. For the Tabula as a whole, Sánchez-Os- which had sided with Octavian rather than Sextus
tiz 1999. Pompeii before Naulochus (Strabo 6.2.4), also had
 Aspects of identity: Provincia Sicilia during the Roman Empire 313

Other fresh discoveries cause further need for

revision. In 1990 I rather naively thought that any
communities granted the ius Latii would have want-
ed proudly to boast their Latinitas by erecting public
inscriptions exclusively in Latin31. Any references to
municipium or duoviri in Greek, therefore, I suggest-
ed, should be assigned to the seven years of Sextus
Pompey’s regime. That this is manifestly untrue has
been shown above all by the discovery in the 1990s
of further portions of seat inscriptions in Agrigen-
to’s gymnasium32. The new texts include references
both to Augustus and to the city’s status as a munic-
ipium, all expressed in Greek33. They unequivocally
document for the first time the use of Greek in the
Augustan period for official inscriptions, even in
municipia and with duoviri; they also show the ex-
Fig. 2 Segesta, limestone inscription honouring L. Julius
istence of a municipal emperor cult, and give us the Agrippa, first half of the first century AD (I.Segesta L8;
name of its first known flamen, Lucius Egnatius son I.Sicily 3325; it measures 73.5 x 58.4 cm).
of Lucius; and they further demonstrate the surviv-
al of that very Greek office, the gymnasiarch (held the coloniae35. Elsewhere, in the municipia there was
by Lucius, son of Lucius), and indeed the institution for the first time a partial use of Latin in public in-
of the gymnasium itself, at least into the Augustan scriptions, and sometimes a hesitant one, but the
period and no doubt beyond. How long, however, change to Latin was not exclusive, for Greek by no
it continued in use is unclear, but the building must means disappeared, as already noted at Agrigento;
have been disused by the fourth century AD, when and even in Latin inscriptions we sometimes see
other structures were built over its ruins34. the continued influence of Greek phraseology and
With the Augustan period, then, Latin began Greek nomenclature. Two inscriptions from Seges-
to have a more lasting impact on the epigraphic ta illustrate this point particularly well. One (fig. 2)
culture of Sicily, especially and not surprisingly in names Lucius Julius Agrippa as euergeta, ‘benefac-
tor’, using a Latin transcription of the Greek word
ancestral ties with Italy (AE 1966, 165). The reason for rather than a Latin one like patronus; and in the
Noto being granted privileged status is unknown. following line the word platea is the word used to
31 Wilson 1990, 40-42. refer to a major street artery36. Platea in fact occurs
32 Griffo 1963. again (with slightly different spellings) on three
33 Fiorentini 2009, 85 with figs. 23-30 = Fiorentini 2011, 78 Latin inscriptions at Marsala and a fragmentary
with Tav. XXXI-XXXII. For a summary of Agrigento’s
one at Catania, all of second- or third-century date;
epigraphic culture in the Roman period, Prag 2018b.
34 Fiorentini 2009, 91-97 = 2011, 85-95. On Sicilian gym- so perhaps this transliteration of Greek terminolo-
nasia in general, Prag 2007, 87-96: he identifies (89) 16 gy (πλατεῑα) rather than the word decumanus was
certain and 5 speculative examples in the hellenistic normal usage in imperial Sicily to refer to a princi-
period. The evidence for their survival into the Princi- pal urban street-axis37. Another Segesta inscription
pate (except at Agrigento) is exiguous (Trümper 2018
offers no clear examples): the sphaeristerium (ball-court) 35 An exceptional example of such is AE 1988.625 (= AE
on a Centuripe inscription (CIL X.7004 = I.Sicily 4, sec- 1996.788; I.Sicily 662), from Taormina, of Luna marble,
ond century AD) may indicate one still in use in the a unique example of a Roman calendar in a provincial
mid-imperial period (Prag 2007, 93-94 for other slight colonia anywhere in the Empire.
evidence), but such a feature might just as easily have 36 AE 2003, 783 (I.Sicily 3325); Tribulato 2012, 314; Am-
been part of a balneum: the only comparable Latin in- polo, Erdas 2019, 126-128 (I.Segesta L8).
scription referring to one (AE 1946, 239) comes from a 37 AE 1964, 181-182 (I.Sicily 816-817, plataea) and I.Sicily
bath-building (at Avenches, Switzerland). 3459 (platia; Marsala) and 3207 ([pla]teia, Catania).
314 Roger J.A. Wilson

names L. Caecilius Martiales Aretaius, but Apetaios the Greek and the Latin texts, most egregiously the
is in fact what was written by the scribe, muddling use of cum (qum) with the genitive case at the end of
the Greek rho and the Latin P38. In fact, Caecilius’ the Latin version, has led to a suggestion that per-
cognomen is given twice, since Aretaios is a direct haps the owner of the workshop was proficient in
translation into Greek of Martiales. Also of interest neither Greek nor Latin but that his native language
here is the reference to deos forenses – clearly a literal was Punic42. Perhaps, however, the niceties of cor-
translation of the Greek theoi agoraioi, ‘the gods of rect grammar were simply beyond the grasp of this
the agora’, but terminology otherwise unattested in ancient technician, keen to produce a showy if rath-
a Roman context. er small business sign to encourage customers43.
We can only speculate what motives led these Taken as a whole, Sicilian inscriptions on stone
members of the elite, at Segesta and elsewhere, to belonging to the period of the Roman Empire, over
erect inscriptions in Latin when, one suspects, Greek 2,500 in total, are split approximately 60:40 between
was the language of everyday speech. To show pride Greek and Latin44. The distribution is not, however,
in the ‘Roman’ status of their community, perhaps, even: on the east coast, for example, the number of
or to express loyalty to Rome? Or to demonstrate texts in each language at Messina and Taormina is
to fellow-citizens proficiency in more than one lan- approximately equal, at Catania Latin inscriptions
guage? A particularly interesting case is Claudius outnumber Greek, and at Syracuse the reverse is
Theseus at Messina, who suffered the tragic loss of true, swelled by the texts emanating from the cata-
his wife and three of his children in turn (we do not combs, where 90% of inscriptions are in Greek. By
know in what order), and the four gravestones all contrast along the north and west coasts, Latin is
survive, that of his wife and teenage son in Latin, the dominant language at Tindari, Halaesa, Termini
and of his younger children in Greek39. His name Imerese, Palermo and Marsala45. In rural districts,
alone, Claudius Theseus, serves as an illustration while there is a modest scatter of Latin texts every-
of the hybrid Graeco-Roman character of provincia where, Greek inscriptions are considerably more
Sicilia. Presumably he was bilingual, but quite why
he chose Latin for two members of his family and
14.5 cm across and 15.5 cm high. Archaic spelling for
Greek for two others is unknowable. Kalle Korho-
some Latin words (e.g. heic for hic, sacreis for sacris)
nen has suggested that, because the quality of the
suggests that it is not later than the Julio-Claudian
carving of the Greek inscriptions is markedly infe- period. Its precise provenance is not recorded, but it is
rior to that of the Latin, the choice was made on fi- likely to be Sicilian, and probably comes from Palermo.
nancial grounds, the cheaper stonemason, capable 42 Tribulato 2011; 2012, 316-319. Against: De Simone 2017.
of turning out Greek texts, being employed for the 43 AE 1923, 75 = I.Sicily 2753 (Casalotto near Catania) is
grave-markers of the two youngest children40; but another example of a Greek/Latin bilingual text, with an
surely factors other than cost were at work here, abbreviated Latin version below the Greek. One might
and, in a city where Greek and Latin were neatly have expected more instances of genuinely bilingual
balanced in the inscriptions of imperial date, stone- inscriptions in imperial Sicily than in fact there are.
44 The figures, an interim total (September 2020) repre-
masons were surely trained to carve texts in both
senting those recorded on the I.Sicily database (http://
languages in order to maximize the number of their
sicily.classics.ox.ac.uk/inscription), are the work of
potential customers. In this connection the Paler- Jonathan Prag, whom I thank most warmly. At present,
mo shop sign, advertising the services of what we for the period between c. 50 BC and AD 600, a total of
would call today a monumental mason, is an inter- 1570 Greek inscriptions and 1019 Latin ones have been
esting example of bilingualism41. Mistakes in both listed, but this does not (so far) include the catacomb
inscriptions at Syracuse, which will swell the Greek
38 AE 1997, 740; I.Sicily 2737; Tribulato 2012, 313; Ampolo, figure still further. Because a precise chronology can
Erdas 2019, 113-115 (I.Segesta L1). only be established for a handful of texts, dividing
39 I.Sicily 787-788 (AE 1981, 465-466), 3529 (AE 2005, 669) these totals up by half century or century in order to
and 3530. measure changes over time is not feasible.
40 Korhonen 2011, 16 and 20. 45 Cf. also Korhonen 2011, 13-14, and passim; Korhonen
41 CIL X.7296; AE 2011, 437; I.Sicily 470. It measures only 2012 for a full discussion.
 Aspects of identity: Provincia Sicilia during the Roman Empire 315

numerous in south-eastern Sicily, for example, than marble statuary was even more of a novelty at the
Latin ones. This balance between Greek and Latin time, such as Gaul, Spain and Africa. I will return
texts in imperial Sicily is a distinctive phenomenon, to the problematic theme of the sculptural tradi-
unique to this province in the Roman Empire46, and tion in Sicily below, but the vast majority of impe-
an important ingredient shaping its identity. rial images for example, which would have been
Let us now turn to the built environment of Si- in demand as soon as the Empire was established,
cilian cities under the Empire. How far do they con- not least for municipal shrines of the emperor cult,
form to a Mediterranean-wide koine found across were surely initially imported from metropolitan
the Mediterranean world in the middle centuries workshops50. The three remarkable imperial heads
of the Roman Empire? Or do they have a distinc- found in 2003 in cisterns on the acropolis at Pan-
tive, peculiarly Sicilian character of their own? Let telleria, and probably also once adorning a shrine
us take the temple at Agrigento north of the bouleu- dedicated to the imperial family there, are a case in
terion, excavated since the 1990s. Of unknown point: their quality left their excavator in no doubt
dedication, it is an Italic-style podium temple, that they were products of a metropolitan work-
probably built in the later second century BC; but shop in Rome51.
sometime in the early Empire it was altered, when How quickly marble was introduced in Sici-
the original frontal access staircase was encased in ly for building is not precisely certain, but at least
new masonry with a vertical front to it (turning it some of the white marble entablatures, like that
into a ‘templum rostratum’), with access now pro- built into the Duomo at Termini Imerese, or other
vided via new staircases at either side47. This is a building elements including capitals in the old ar-
feature borrowed directly from Rome, where it is chaeological museum at Syracuse, are likely to be
found in temples such as those of Castor and Pol- Augustan or at the latest Julio-Claudian and must
lux and of Divus Julius in the Forum Romanum, come from buildings of that date: so marble-clad
and only very occasionally in the provinces48. Also buildings with columns of marble probably came
new in the early imperial period are statues of lo- early to Sicily, inspired by the Augustan building
cal benefactors and members of the imperial fam- programme in Rome52. By the second half of the
ily, in white marble, a material which must have first century floors and wall veneers in polychrome
made a considerable impact on the visual culture marble first appear, and by early in the second cen-
of city centres when it first appeared in quantity49. tury AD columns in the same material start arriving
But once again we are talking about an impact that in Sicily, like those for scaenae frontes of theatres, or,
was felt across other provinces of the West where a little later, those of portasanta from Chios for the
forum at Syracuse53. But once again the important
46 For the numbers of Latin texts in the Greek-speaking point to stress is that this is no different from the
provinces of the eastern Mediterranean (none comes situation to be found in any moderately prosperous
close to the total recorded from Sicily), see Beltrán city around the Mediterranean at this time, and in-
Lloris 2015, 138-139. deed often at some considerable distances inland
47 De Miro, Fiorentini 2011; Caminneci, Parello, Rizzo
as well. Sicily is merely sharing in a Mediterrane-
2015. Revised date for original temple: Liviadotti, Fino
an-wide koine. Indeed its very geographical position
2017, 100-103.
48 Stamper 2005, 57 and 109-110 with figs. 37 and 80 (also at the heart of the Mediterranean meant that the is-
the Temple of Apollo Sosianus: 127, fig. 95D). For a land was in pole position to take advantage of these
provincial example, the temple of Rome and Augustus
at Lepcis Magna, Kenrick 2009, 112 with fig. 44.
49 The few marble sculptures that have survived from the 50 E.g. Portale 2018, with earlier references to her work
late Hellenistic period in Sicily generally show gods or on the same theme.
semi-divine figures, such as the Hercules of 200/100 51 Schäfer 2015, at 761.
BC in Syracuse, Muses from the theatre there, or the 52 Termini Imerese: Belvedere, Burgio et al. 1993, 30-31
two marble Nikai from the theatre at Tindari (Portale with fig. 19. Syracuse: see n. 13 above.
2019, 239-245; for the Syracuse pieces, and others of 53 Wilson 1990, 76 with n. 139 on 366. For Syracuse, see
marble, Bonacasa, Joly 1985, pls. 318, 320-326). n. 73 below.
316 Roger J.A. Wilson

phitheatres at these two Sicilian towns – it has nothing

to do with a lack of fondness for the games. Theatres
had long been part of the urban civic scene in Sicily of
course, but the buildings were upgraded in line with
current fashions. Sear has convincingly shown, for ex-
ample, that the Taormina theatre’s scaenae frons (fig. 4)
almost certainly closely reflects that of the Domitianic
remodelling of Pompey’s theatre in Rome, as known
from the Marble Plan55. Catania was even wealthy
enough to invest in an odeum alongside the theatre.
Then there are the bath-houses of which there is a be-
wildering variety, in scale and in the details of their
fixtures and plans, all over the empire, but all of them
Fig. 3 Syracuse, amphitheatre, view from the north-west. containing the same basic components. The examples
in Sicily, where public bathing had taken early root (at
least as early as the third century BC), are just part and
parcel of an Empire-wide phenomenon56.
The same may be said of aqueducts. Much less
common in a provincial context are the middle-class
house-tombs of which Taormina possesses a doz-
en well-preserved examples. With their inscribed
panels above the doorways (all sadly lost) and
their niches inside for funerary urns, the Sicilian
examples recall very closely the well-known series
of such tombs at Isola Sacra and elsewhere in and
near Rome, and were probably therefore shaped
by metropolitan models. Scattered examples of the
type are known elsewhere, not only in coloniae such
as Syracuse and Tindari, but also at Halaesa57. The
Fig. 4 Taormina, theatre, detail of the scaenae frons of bri-
ck-faced concrete and granite columns; first half of the metropolitan link at the latter is reinforced by its
second century AD. use of opus reticulatum, otherwise a rarity in Sicily,
but that indicates only that the builder responsible
changes in building fashion which affected so many for its construction was probably an Italian or some-
parts of the Mediterranean world, especially in the one trained in central Italy (fig. 5). The masonry
second century. style cannot be interpreted as some sort of cultural
The same applies to the buildings themselves. status-symbol, because quite simply it would have
The amphitheatre (fig. 3), that quintessential symbol been covered by plaster inside and out, and so in-
of Romanitas, makes an appearance in Sicily, at Syra- visible to the viewer when the tomb was complete.
cuse (from already in Augustan times), Catania and
Termini Imerese, and theatres at Tindari and Taormi-
55 Sear 2006, 87.
na underwent conversion jobs to enable them to stage 56 Of smaller establishments, the Indirizzo Baths at Cat-
amphitheatrical shows, as happened also at Cyrene54 ania are among the best preserved anywhere in the
and often in the Greek East: in any case topographical Empire: Liuzzo, Margani, Wilson 2018. For recent work
considerations (the absence of suitable terrain to con- on two Sicilian public baths of Roman imperial date
struct one) explain the absence of full-bloodied am- (Agrigento and the Rotonda Baths at Catania), Medri,
Pizzo 2019, 20-31 and 96-113; for Hellenistic baths and
54 Sear 2018 studies this conversion process, comparing bathing in Sicily, Lucore 2013, 151-180; Trümper 2019.
Tindari’s with that at Cyrene; in general, Sear 2006, 57 Wilson 2003; Burgio 2017. Halaesa and opus reticulatum
43-44. in Sicily: see n. 14 above.
 Aspects of identity: Provincia Sicilia during the Roman Empire 317

characteristics. Some of the Taormina tombs have

stepped bases61, perhaps a concession to Greek tem-
ple architecture, unlike their counterparts in Rome
and Isola Sacra which lack bases, but this is hard-
ly a significant difference. Of course, the material
of which all these structures are built differs, both
from place to place within Sicily, but also from the
endless brick-faced concrete used for public and
private buildings over much of the Italian peninsu-
la by the time of the middle Empire. But architects
everywhere have used locally available materials
for construction since time immemorial, so there
is nothing remarkable about that. Only Taormi-
Fig. 5 Halaesa, interior view of tomb made of brickwork na with plentiful supplies of local clay took to the
with opus reticulatum walling, second half of the second Italian fashion of facing the local rubble aggregate
century AD. with bricks, of which the Naumachia reservoir, the
theatre and the odeum are outstanding, well-pre-
So in general terms, the macro-identity of the served examples62. But even with brickwork, all is
built environment in the major Sicilian towns is not quite what it seems. Sicilian bricks are gener-
one of conformity to the types of building found ally much thicker than contemporary brickwork in
over much of the Mediterranean world in the early Italy. In the second-century buildings in Taormina
empire. They are an example of Sicilian globalism. and elsewhere bricks as thick as 8 cm wide are not
But what about the micro-identity, the local as op- uncommon, at a time when in Italy 3-3.5 cm is the
posed to the global? Are there features which give norm. A recent suggestion that the Taormina Nau-
such buildings a distinctive Sicilian identity? The machia, for example, must be Augustan because
absence of one building, the basilica, may be signif- bricks c. 9/11 cm thick are attested elsewhere at that
icant, although it may of course only be by chance date, while it might be true, is not a watertight con-
that Sicily has produced no such structures to date. clusion, as bricks of that thickness continued in use
Certainly they do not exist in thoroughly excavat- in Sicily very much later63. This is in contrast to the
ed Hellenistic towns such as Monte Iato, Solunto situation in the Greek colony of Patras, where 7.5
or Morgantina, and it is very tempting to suggest cm thick bricks of Augustan date had, under Ital-
at Halaesa, where the word basilica occurs in two ian influence, thinned down to 3.5 cm by the end of
stone Latin inscriptions and also in Greek in the the first century AD64. Forty years ago I suggested
pair of bronze Hellenistic decrees58, that the grand that the reason for the thickness of Sicilian bricks
stoa on the agora served as the town’s basilica for may have been the lingering importance of mud
the purpose of hearing legal cases, much as stoai in
Morgantina and Monte Iato had done in the Hellen-
istic period59, and as stoai in the eastern provinces, 61 Burgio 2017.
at Smyrna, Ephesus and elsewhere, continued to do 62 E.g. Wilson 1990, 70-79 and 96-97.
so during the Roman Empire60. 63 Tigano, Burgio, Venuti 2019, 258 giving Hellenistic
examples (third/first century BC) 8 cm thick; cf. Gerace
But what about local features in the rest of the
(5th century AD), 8.5 cm thick (reference in n. 66 below).
public buildings that are to be found in Sicily? One 64 Petropoulos 2019; for the 36 monumental elite tombs
has to hunt hard to find ‘local’ as opposed to ‘global’ themselves, Dijkstra 2015. It is unsurprising that Latin
epitaphs are very strong in Patras from the time of
58 Prag, Tigano 2017, nos. 11, 24 and 34-35. On the sig- Augustus to c. AD 200, but interesting that a prefer-
nificance of its occurrence in the bronze decrees, Prag ence for Greek was growing again over the following
2018c, 122-125. century, with the result that Greek and Latin texts are
59 Wilson 2012, 254-255 and 257. in approximately equal numbers c. AD 300; Greek
60 Coulton 1976, 180-183. epitaphs outnumber Latin ones from then on.
318 Roger J.A. Wilson

brick65, and since then the use of mud bricks and/

or pisé (rammed earth) have been detected archae-
ologically in Sicily in buildings of imperial date in
villas near Marsala in the west and at Gerace near
Enna, as well as in a Roman farm at Castagna and
in a village settlement at Campanaio, the latter two
sites both in the Agrigentino66. The mud bricks used
at Gerace in the fifth century AD were up to 8.5 cm
thick. The employment of mud brick and pisé in do-
mestic buildings in both town and country during
the Roman Empire is not of course a feature unique
to Sicily67, but it does seem to have been responsible
in Sicily for ensuring that kiln-fired bricks followed
similar dimensions to those of mud-brick, a mate- Fig. 6 Tindari, the ‘Basilica’, of disputed date but pro-
rial that had been used in the island for centuries. bably fifth century AD, grand passageway and hall at the
A further interesting micro-identity for Sicily entrance to the Roman forum (?).
is raised by questions of metrology. This requires
using the Roman foot measurement of 29.6 cm long,
the availability of very accurate measurement and
may in fact, in the Sicilian architect’s mind, be us-
surveying in order to try and establish with some
ing Attic feet, which are virtually of the same length
confidence the ancient architect’s choice of the unit
(29.7 cm). If so there is remarkable conservatism in
of measurement. I have suggested elsewhere that a
Sicilian building practice, with local architects still
large store-building at Gerace of c. AD 275/300 was
using Greek units of measurement down into late
using the Greek Samian or Ionian foot (348 mm long;
antiquity70.
compare 296 mm for the Roman foot), since its walls
In general terms, however, there are not enough
appear to have been exactly 2 ft and 4 ft wide, and
distinctive architectural features about Sicilian build-
the building is 142 Ionian feet long and 51 wide68.
ings, public or private, which enable us to talk of a
The brick underpinning of a ripped-up marble floor
Sicilian ‘school’ with its own distinctive identity: the
in a cold pool in a later bathhouse at Gerace (c. 380),
public buildings and the villas of the elite with their
on the other hand, included very large bricks which
central peristyles are all part of a wider pan-Medi-
are even bigger than Roman two-footers (bipedales).
terranean koine. One building that does break that
The latter, widely used in the Roman world in hy-
mould is the curious structure at Tindari straddling
pocausts to span the gap between pilae, are 59 cm
a road leading to the forum of the colonia (fig. 6).
square, whereas the bricks at Gerace are consider-
Despite the prevailing view in Sicily that this is an
ably larger, at between 64 and 67 cm per side. They
early imperial building71, I take it to be a late Roman
probably represent a unit of two Doric feet, the Dor-
structure, partly overlying an insula destroyed by
ic foot varying between 32.5 and 32.8 cm in length69.
earthquake c. AD 400, and containing in one of the
Other buildings at Gerace, which appear to be built
foundation trenches fragments African lamps with
chi-rho symbols which cannot be earlier than AD
65 Wilson 1979, 15. 42572. It is, therefore, a building fully of the fifth cen-
66 Gerace: Wilson 2019a, 272, fig. 15 and 311 (mud brick);
298-330 (pisé). Others: Wilson 1985, 21, with fig. 15;
2018c, 197 and 216, n. 23. 70 Wilson 2017, 259, n. 8; 2018, 233, n. 33.
67 Russell, Fentress 2016; Wilson 2019a, 299–300, n. 87. 71 E.g. La Torre 2017, 237-242 (mid-first century AD).
68 Wilson 2015, 220; 2017, 287-289; 2018, 225 (conceived as 72 Most recently in Wilson 2018a, 454-457. Bernabò Brea
a 1:3 building, 150 ft x 50 ft, but inaccurately surveyed (1966, 115), an excellent excavator, was very specific
in antiquity?). about the finding of these lamps in the building’s
69 Wilson, forthcoming (a discovery of 2019). Doric units foundation trenches. The plentiful early and mid-im-
of measurement seem to have been in use at Tindari and perial statues found in its ruins do not in themselves
Agrigento down into the early Empire: Basile 2018, 39-41. date the structure: they were probably gathered from
 Aspects of identity: Provincia Sicilia during the Roman Empire 319

tury AD, probably designed as a grandiose propylon

to the forum, albeit of unique type, and representing
a last hurrah as the town struggled to find its feet
again after devastating seismic damage to large parts
of the town. It displays Sicilian conservatism in its
use of large sandstone blocks, a traditional building
material in use at Tindari for centuries, but uses con-
crete barrel vaulting for the individual bays within
the structure to create an upper level of rooms. It is a
rare piece of Sicilian architectural idiosyncracy.
So far I have presented imperial Sicily as dis-
playing a certain tension between a fundamental
Greekness, still ubiquitous in the Sicily of the late
Republic, and the introduction of new elements un-
der Roman influence which made an impact to var-
ying degrees in different places during the Empire. Fig. 7 Syracuse, lotus and acanthus capital, Pentelic mar-
But the cultural mix of Roman Sicily is far more ble, probably early second century; ht: 50 cm (Syracuse,
complex than that. One influence that had a part to Museo Archeologico Regionale).
play in the cities on the island’s east coast was the lotus and acanthus capitals by contrast in Syracuse
world of the eastern Mediterranean. Patrizio Pen- museum (fig. 7) must be the work of Attic crafts-
sabene has identified the capitals and bases used in men rather earlier in the second century76. The
the forum of Syracuse in the late second century as marble sculptural decoration of the scaenae frons at
being of Asiatic type and of Proconnesian marble73, Catania’s theatre, of around AD 200, also shows ev-
and the so-called Ginnasio, a theatre-temple com- idence for the likely presence of eastern craftsmen,
plex in the same city, which I have suggested might probably from both Attica and Asia Minor77.
have been dedicated to Dea Syria74, has a plain Asi- Then there is the impact to consider of an even
atic-type convex frieze, as well as palmettes and closer neighbour, North Africa. It is not surprising
lion heads in the sima, and pointed acanthus leaves to see at Marsala, the closest point of contact be-
in friezes elsewhere on the site, which are likely to tween Sicily and North Africa apart from Pantell-
have been carved by craftsmen from Asia Minor eria, examples of opus Africanum, the characteristi-
working in Sicily in the late second century75. The cally North African style of walling with orthostats
at intervals, and neat coursed rows of small stone
ruined buildings in various parts of the city after the blocks between78; but equally it can be interpreted
earthquake of c. 400, and placed here to adorn a new, as a legacy of Sicily’s own past, as such walling was
ambitious public building that was designed to kick-
commonplace in Carthaginian-controlled western
start civic life again at Tindari in late antiquity. An
early imperial structure would surely not have been Sicily before its fall to Rome in the third century
set on such an irregular axis, ignoring the street grid, BC. The same is true of the use of the Punic foot,
nor would it have trespassed onto a regular insula (it which was still in use in Lilybaeum (Marsala) in the
does so because that insula like its neighbour was left
in ruins and not rebuilt). For the relationship between
the two, see most strikingly the 3-D terrain model notes other Asiatic capitals (including ones closely paral-
published in D’Agostino, Galizia, Mangiameli et al. leled at Pergamum) in the garden of the Museo Archeo-
2018, 371, fig. 3. logico Regionale at Syracuse.
73 Pensabene 2016, 317-319 (late Antonine or early Sev- 76 Pensabene 2016, 320, fig. 5, citing parallels from theatre
eran). The columns are of fior di pesco marble from scaenae frontes in Sparta (Flavian) and Corinth (Hadri-
Euboea (and not from S. Marco d’Alunzio in Sicily, as anic). For the former (AD 78), Waywell, Wilkes, Walker
suggested by Wilson 1990, 51). 1998, 111, with fig. 9.33.
74 Wilson 1990, 110-111. 77 Pensabene 2005, 194-212.
75 Wilson 1990, 109 with fig. 100. Pensabene 2016, 321-322, 78 Wilson 1990, 417, n. 39.
320 Roger J.A. Wilson

third century AD79, and possibly later too. Interlock-

ing tubular tiles for vaulting (tubi fittili in Italian),
almost certainly a Sicilian invention in the third
century BC, reappear in Sicily in the second half of
the second century AD (i.e. 400 years later), when
they are best seen as a re-introduction from North
Africa80. And of course, as far as imported goods are
concerned, it was the mass-produced African table
wares (African Red Slip ware) which swamped the
market in Sicily from the Flavian period onwards,
down into the seventh century; very few fine-ware
competitors penetrated the Sicilian market, and
then only in small quantities81.
In many provinces of the west it is the visual cul-
ture that often provides an important index when
identifying the ‘local’ elements in any cultural ma-
trix. In Sicily, however, such was the overwhelming
impact of globalizing uniformity, that it is extreme-
ly difficult to evaluate the contribution of Sicilians
in shaping the artistic heritage. Take sculpture in
the round for example. I suggested above that in the
Augustan period marble statues of the early impe-
rial period were likely to have been imported from
Italy, but in time Sicilian sculptors surely learnt the
skills to produce their own works for local markets,
using imported marble as there is no high-quality
source in Sicily itself. The question is how to recog-
nize them82. Statues like the Landolina Venus from Fig. 8 Case Adotta, near Partinico, marble portrait head,
Syracuse or the closely similar one at Marsala, or the c. AD 125/150 (?); ht. 30.5 cm (Palermo, Museo Archeo-
fine head, possibly of Aesculapius, also from Syra- logico Regionale).
cuse, conform very closely to a pan-Mediterranean
marble sculpture production so that it is often im- ed from Italy or from the eastern Mediterranean83.
possible to say confidently whether they represent Of course one can spot examples of lesser quality,
the output of Sicilian workshops or were import- competent without being exceptional84, which one
suspects might have been carved locally; but then
one is in danger of falling into the trap of saying
79 Basile 2018, 41-42. that things which are ‘bad’ must be Sicilian, where-
80 Lancaster 2015, 99-128, with Sicilian distribution map as ‘better’ pieces were imported. That is almost cer-
on 101 (and WebCat 5). For recently excavated exam- tainly a false distinction. The superb head from an
ples at the rural site of Gerace, Wilson 2018b, 256-260,
unexcavated villa site from Case Adotto near Parti-
with figs. 21-23; Wilson 2020, 494 with fig. 19 and on-
line fig. 17.
nico in western Sicily, which might be the portrait of
81 African red slip in Sicily: Malfitana, Bonifay 2016;
other fine tables wares present in Sicily include Eastern 83 Aesculapius: Wilson 1990, 339-342; Andreae 1990, 46-
sigillata A, Corinthian mould-made ware (Malfitana 47 and 53-54 with pls. 20-35 (late second-century AD
2007, 151 lists 17 finds for Sicily), and Phocaean and copy of a second-century BC original by Phyromachos
Tripolitanian red slip wares. in Pergamon).
82 The question has been rarely raised in accounts of 84 E.g. (at random) the marble statue of Ceres dedicated
Romano-Sicilian sculpture, Portale 2012 (esp. 153-155) at Halaesa by Iulius Acilius Hermes c. AD 200: Scibona,
being a rare exception. Tigano 2008, 30.
 Aspects of identity: Provincia Sicilia during the Roman Empire 321

AD rather than earlier88. I suggested that the bean-

shaped pupil of the eye, although in widespread
use from the second century onwards, is already
attested (if rarely) in Julio-Claudian bronze sculp-
ture89, and we know that the reputation of Syracu-
san bronze-smiths in Augustan times was such that
they were summoned to work on the bronze cap-
itals of Agrippa’s Pantheon in Rome90. I proposed
then that the ram might therefore be a masterpiece
of Syracusan bronze-smithing from Augustan or Ju-
lio-Claudian times; but even if it is somewhat later
in date, I see no reason why it could not have come
Fig. 9 Syracuse, bronze recumbent ram, Augustan/Ju- from a local workshop, if the city’s high reputation
lio-Claudian (?) or later; 1.29 m long, 0.78 m high (Pa- for skilled bronze-working was maintained over
lermo, Museo Archeologico Regionale). several generations.
Similar difficulties apply to relief sculpture like
the villa owner, is a case in point (fig. 8)85. This strik- sarcophagi. This is not a problem unique to Sicily: in
ing, accomplished, high-quality piece at first glance 2005 a conference about distinguishing in the prov-
might be taken to be an imported work from Italy. inces local copies from genuine imports only served
If so, was the villa-owner therefore an Italian who to underline the difficulty of doing so91. Sicily was
owned Sicilian properties, or was he a Sicilian who only marginally discussed in that conference, but
sat for his portrait while on his travels in the Italian the problem applies to our province too. The ma-
peninsula? Or was it the work of an itinerant Ital- jority of sarcophagi in Sicily are likely to represent
ian sculptor, or else an Italian settled in Sicily and imports, above all from Italy, a few from Attica, one
working there? Or was it carved by a highly profi- of Sidamara type from Asia Minor, and even a strig-
cient Sicilian sculptor, perhaps one trained in Italy, illated limestone sarcophagus from Carthage92. So
who was responding to a local need for high-quali-
ty portraits of rich estate owners? The range of pos-
sible scenarios is wide, and definitive answers are 88 Ridgway 1997, 308 with 320, n. 57 (Hadrianic/An-
lacking86. The absence of clear evidence for trying to tonine); Gans 2005 (Antonine); Villa, Carruba 2009;
Villa 2008, 2013 (late first or second century AD).
evaluate the contribution of Sicilian sculptors to the
89 E.g. the Camillus in the Conservatori Museum in
visual culture of the island is one of the downsides Rome (eyeballs inserted in silver, pupils in hollow
of the dominating effects of ‘globalization’. crescent shape now missing their black filling): Stuart
Another case in point is the bronze recumbent Jones 1926, 47-49 (Sala dei Trionfi 3), with pl. 66 (there
ram from Syracuse, now in Palermo, once one of a taken to be late Republic/Augustan); Helbig 1966,
pair (fig. 9). Thirty years ago I suggested on stylis- 270-272, no. 1450; Simon 1986, 119 with fig. 156 (who
tic grounds that it ought to be considered a Roman thinks it not before AD 40); also the right eye (but not
piece rather than a Hellenistic one of the third cen- the left) of the bronze statue of the standing Augustus
tury BC, as it had been up to then87. A Roman date from Herculaneum, perhaps also Claudian (Lahusen,
for it has now been accepted, although it is gener- Formigli 2007, 16, 18 and 25, fig. 22). The possibility of
both being later restorations and so not original to the
ally placed in the late first or the second century
statues has been raised to ‘explain away’ the ‘inconve-
nient’ early occurrence of the crescent-shaped pupil;
85 Bonacasa 1964, no. 109; Wilson 1990, 214 with pl. 174b. but is circularity of argument at work here?
86 Bonacasa (1988, 315 and 320), on the other hand, 90 Plin., NH 34.13 (27 BC).
thought that nearly all portrait sculpture in Sicily was 91 Koch, Baratte 2012.
the product of Italian workshops, with local ones only 92 Outstanding examples of the first two categories are
in Tindari, Termini Imerese and Syracuse producing the Adelphia sarcophagus from Syracuse (Constantin-
lower-quality work. ian, from Rome) and the child sarcophagus (Italian)
87 Wilson 1990, 343-346. and the Phaedra sarcophagus (Attic) at Agrigento:
322 Roger J.A. Wilson

tinctiveness of these and other Sicilian-produced

sarcophagi display is not exactly eye-catching, and
the general picture is one of conformity to a Medi-
terranean-wide sarcophagus koine.
The same problems concern Sicilian mosaic
pavements, dominated first by the Italian tradi-
tion of black and white floors, and then, from c.
AD 200 onwards by the African polychrome style,
whether figured or geometric, in a riot of colours.
One pavement of the former type, at Tindari, can
be securely identified as laid by a Sicilian mosaicist
because of its unusual subject matter – the triskeles,
the thee-legged symbol of Sicily (fig. 10), and here
Fig. 10 Tindari, baths, motif of the triskeles in black and
we even know the name of the mosaicist, signed as
white mosaic, c. AD 200; in situ. adjacent floor in Greek, ‘Neikias, slave of Dionys-
ios’97. But there is absolutely no reason why more
what did the Sicilians themselves produce? One can competent black and white figured mosaics in Sic-
identify relatively easily the ‘bad’ ones that nobody ily could not also have been laid by Sicilians: local
would have paid good money to import from over- workshops copied and adapted the Italian style, but
seas93, but that is not the whole story. Likely also did not need to import mainland cratftsmen98.
to be the products of Sicilian workshops are those For the later Empire one gets the distinct im-
with unusual mythological subject matter, not read- pression that for really ambitious commissions in-
ily paralleled elsewhere, such as one in Messina de- volving figured scenes, African mosaicists were
picting the myth of Icarus94, and another in Catania summoned from overseas. There are two exam-
showing the blinding of Polyphemus, a theme with ples of different dates in the fourth century where
obvious local topicality95. A local workshop of strig- the case for African work seems to me to be over-
illated sarcophagi can be identified in north-west whelming, Villa Casale near Piazza Armerina, and
Sicily, perhaps operating at Palermo96. But the dis- Caddeddi on the Tellaro near Noto; the case for the
former in particular has been accepted for decades,
Tusa 1995, nos. 1, 9 and 83. Sidamara-type (at Catania), and I need not dwell on it here99. By contrast, the
Carthage (Agrigento): Tusa 1995, nos. 15 and 10. large and showy Patti Marina villa, approximate-
93 E.g. those in local Etna volcanic basalt at Catania (Tusa ly contemporary with that at Piazza Armerina, has
1995, nos. 19-25); one from Syracuse with crude exe- competent geometric pavements throughout the
cution and the poor composition of a boar hunt (Tusa villa and only very limited figured work, mainly
1995, no. 96); and a third from Mazara del Vallo with a in the triclinium100. No villa-owner is going to pay
simple hunt scene (one dog, one huntsman, one boar) expensive fees to overseas craftsmen for them to ex-
not filling up the field with the usual endless bustle of
ecute a commission where the figure work achieva-
figures (Tusa 1995, no. 36). Others: Koch, Sichtermann
ble was of such poor standard; the pavements here
1982, 293 (and 292 for likely local copies of Italian
models).
94 Tusa 1995, no. 39; Portale 2012, 155. ing local from metropolitan production of strigillated
95 Tusa 1995, no. 29; Koch, Sichtermann 1982, 292; An- sarcophagi.
dreae 1999, 189, fig. 74 (‘Nebenseite eines provinzial- 97 Von Boeslager 1983, pls. 36-39.
römischen Sarkophages’, c. AD 180/190) and 204; for 98 E.g. the Castroreale San Biagio (Vigilatore Terme) fish-
a differing opinion, Barresi 2016, 399-400, who doubts ing mosaic, c. AD 125: von Boeselager 1983, pl. 26.52.
this relief comes from a sarcophagus, and thinks it 99 For recent discussion on Caddeddi, and the case for
might be the work of Asia Minor craftsmen. Africans working at both, Wilson 2016, 111-117 and
96 Wilson 1990, 244-245 (Tusa 1995, nos. 30 and 52, pls. 124-130.
32 and 52, Cefalù and Palermo). Cf. Huskinson 2015, 100 Unpublished in detail; for a summary and references,
41-43, with bibliography, for the problem of identify- with some mosaic illustrations, Wilson 2016, 10-15.
 Aspects of identity: Provincia Sicilia during the Roman Empire 323

Fig. 11 Polychrome floor mosaics: (a) Piazza Armerina (Villa Casale), corridor of the Great Hunt, detail of tigress with
mirror; (b) Patti Marina, dining room of the late Roman villa, detail of tigress with mirror; both in situ, both first half
of the fourth century AD.

were surely the work of Sicilian mosaicists, compe- monograms in each of the circles (one is destroyed)
tent at laying geometric mosaics, but less confident and an inscription around all four sides, apparent-
with figured work. The contrast between the treat- ly uniquely so in the entire Roman Empire. While
ment of the same theme – the tigress and the mirror shield patterns combined with regular hexagons
trap101 – at both Piazza Armerina and Patti Marina and squares are quite common in the Roman Em-
speaks for itself (figs. 11a-b)102. pire, only one other mosaic employs an overlapping
Elsewhere in Sicily, however, the same question and tangent shield pattern, at Djemila in Algeria,
– African or Sicilian? – can arise even with geomet- 70 or so years later than the Gerace floor104. There
ric mosaics. Take, for example, the frigidarium mo- is an undeniable African feel overall to the Gerace
saic of c. AD 380 in a rural bath-house at Gerace, mosaic, suggested above all by its use of typically
uncovered in 2018 (fig. 12)103. Approximately 6 m African laurel-leaf borders, but pattern books of Af-
square, the mosaic has a pattern of tangent over- rican designs could have, and surely did, circulate
lapping truncated hexagons (a so-called scuta or in Sicily without the need for Africans themselves
shield pattern) outlined in laurel-wreath. There are to be present. The other mosaics in the bath-house
were very simple, hardly of a complexity to war-
101 Claudian, De raptu Proserpinae 3.263-268: a tigress, rant the presence of Africans to lay them105. I think
pursuing a hunter who has stolen her cubs, is momen- on balance, therefore, that Sicilians probably did lay
tarily deceived by her own reflection in the convex this and other floors at Gerace. Local, then, rather
mirror (dropped by the huntsman as a delaying tactic) than global, or Africanizing (if one can use an -iz-
into thinking she has found one of the cubs. The Patti ing word) rather than African. One point of interest
mosaicist may not have understood the story: the scene here is the extremely rare use of two square Cs on
there looks more like a tigress playing with a ball. one side of the mosaic (at the top in fig. 12). They
102 Another very obvious example of Sicilian work is perhaps suggest that the mosaicist was more famil-
the Labours of Hercules mosaic in a rural bath-house
iar with Greek than with Latin, because at this date
at Falabia near Acrae (SR), where the figures, in red,
there were two forms of sigma available, the lunate
black and white, are very two-dimensional: Guzzardi
2014, 32-35. The mosaics were there dated to the third
century, but the overlapping scale-pattern design in 104 Wilson 2020, 487 with n. 51 and on-line fig. 10.
another room is probably not before the late fourth 105 Other floors: Wilson 2019b, 21-24, figs. 13, 15 and 17;
century (Darmon, Gozlan 2015, 119); a date early in 2020, 491 and 493, figs. 15 and 17. For an alternative view
the fifth century for these mosaics is not impossible. (that the villa mosaics were laid “molto probabilmente”
103 Wilson 2019b, 24-28; 2020, 486-489 and 495. by North Africans), Bonanno 2013, 182-183 with n. 8.
324 Roger J.A. Wilson

the last quarter of the first century BC108. I know of

no incontrovertible examples of imperial date in
Sicily of the narrow round-ended cisterns of Punic
type, like the Hellenistic examples on the acropolis
at Cossyra109. But we do have Apuleius in the sec-
ond century AD acknowledging that the Sicilians
were triligues, presumably in Greek, Latin and Pu-
nic110. There are no Punic inscriptions in Sicily data-
ble with certainty to the first century AD111, nor are
there any in Africa beyond the early second century
AD, although Latino-Punic inscriptions continue
later; yet Augustine makes it clear that Punic was
still widely spoken in rural communities there in
the late fourth century, and that being instructus in
Punic was a pre-requisite for candidates seeking a
bishopric112. I see no reason why for Sicily Apulei-
us’ testimony should not be taken at face value, as
evidence that Punic was still being spoken in some
Fig. 12 Gerace, near Enna, villa estate (the praedia Philip- parts of Sicily, presumably western and rural ones,
pianorum), mosaic pavement in the frigidarium, c. AD 380; in the second century AD.
6.25 m x 5.85 m, in situ. One final aspect of Sicilian identity that needs
emphasis is its interconnectivity. I have referred
and the square106, and the mosaicist seems to have above to Sicily’s central Mediterranean position;
thought, erroneously, that there were also two ver- and, although it is the largest island in that sea, no-
sions of the Latin C to choose from. A Greek-speak- where is very far from the coast (a maximum of 50
ing or bilingual mosaicist fits well in a Sicilian con- km as the crow flies), so a micro-identity of cultural
text; and although the argument is not conclusive isolation, such as has been detected in (for example)
– African mosaicists, after all, could and did occa- rural Asia Minor, is simply not applicable to Sici-
sionally create mosaics with Greek texts on them – it ly. Imported goods are numerically more plentiful
might be considered a further element that points in on the coast, but they also penetrated far inland as
favour of a Sicilian workshop being responsible for
the Gerace floor.
108 Burnett in Burnett, Amandry, Ripolles 1992, 181, no.
One other comment about African ‘influence’: 675 with (in Volume I, Part II) pl. 39.
how far was Punic material culture and the Punic 109 Schön, Schmidt, Laube 2015, 182, 187-188, 196 (250/150
language represented in Sicily during the Roman BC); 217-218, 223-224 (150/100 BC); 236-247 (100/40
Empire? Elements of both were still strongly detect- BC). For other Hellenistic examples in Sicily (Motya,
able in the archaeology of the late Republic, such Marsala, Solunto), Wilson 2005, 913 with fig. 8.
as the so-called Tanit symbols seen painted on ter- 110 Apul. Met. 11.5.
racotta votive aediculae at Marsala, or in relief on 111 Possibly one or two at Grotta Regina (Coacci Polselli,
two terracotta ‘altars’ at Solunto107. The last closely Guzzo Amadasi, Tusa 1979, 106) and conceivably one
at Palermo (De Simone 1998, 428 with E2 on 433-434,
datable example of a Tanit symbol in Sicily (to my
“databile al I sec. a.C.-I sec. d.C.”). Guzzo Amadasi
knowledge) is on a coin of Cossyra (Pantelleria) in
2012, 126 observes that inscriptions “show that the
Punic language continued to be used at least until the
106 For a Sicilian Greek inscription using the two let- first century BC and that it was written with a kind of
ter-types indiscriminately, cf. IG XIV.350; Manni Piraino neo-Punic script with local letter shapes”. Evidence for
1973, no. 11 with pl. VI (Cefalù). Cf. a Latin square C its use later is elusive.
on a gold-glass in Oxford (Walker 2017, 190, no. 48, 112 Brown 2000, 132 (with references in his nn. 5-6), 444
“suggesting an engraver more familiar with Greek”). (with n. 14) and 468-469 (with his nn. 115 and 117);
107 Wilson 2005, 910-912, figs. 4-6. Jongeling, Kerr 2005, 2-6.
 Aspects of identity: Provincia Sicilia during the Roman Empire 325

well. And being a place at the central cross-roads focus of this conference? Sicily engages fully in a
of major Mediterranean trading routes was of huge Mediterranean-wide Roman market economy, and
economic importance: it enabled the island to max- shares many physical characteristics, both urban
imize the large-scale export of goods to far-flung and rural, with counterparts elsewhere in the Ro-
parts of the Empire. Sicily’s importance as an ex- man Mediterranean world, such as the ubiquitous
porter of grain had already been established during bath-buildings in town and country or grand rural
the Republic, and some of its wines were already villas with their central peristyles. To that extent,
famous on the tables of Rome in the first century Sicily plays its part in a fully ‘globalized’ Mediter-
AD; but whereas the trade then was largely directed ranean koine. As for the direct impact of Rome, we
to central Italy, the possibilities of a far greater vol- have seen how the initial impetus towards a more
ume and distance of exports became possible under ‘Roman’ province with the granting of the ius Latii
the Empire. The distinctive, small, flat-bottomed and later an influx of ‘colonists’, were the result of
Sicilian wine amphora of mid-imperial date, made direct intervention by the Roman state and had a
at a number of places in the province, took Sicilian lasting impact, especially along the north coast and
wine as far afield as Portugal and Britain113. A more in the west of the island. The Latin language came,
specialized product, alum of the Aeolian islands, as we have seen, to stay. But if Caesar’s and Au-
was transported in two distinctive amphora types, gustus’ vision of Sicily was to turn it into a largely
one of which was very extensively exported across Latin-speaking area like the rest of Italy, that simply
the western Empire114. But the globalization of the never happened. Obviously, some individuals (most
market place and Sicily’s central position in the notably members of urban elites) might have affect-
Mediterranean also meant that a very wide range ed Latin for their own personal advantage, but the
of imported goods also reached its shores, includ- converse – that others stuck to Greek in conscious
ing some unusual eastern imports, such as an En- ‘resistance’ to Rome –116 I do not think formed part
nion glass cup from the Lebanon found at Solunto, of the Sicilian mind-set: things turned out as they
a fragment of another inscribed glass cup probably turned out, Rome’s attitude to Sicily after Caesar’s
made in Cyprus, glazed Tarsus pottery from central and Augustus’ interventions being almost entirely
southern Asia Minor, Samian wine amphorae from one of laissez-faire. In the east, at Taormina and at
Greece in the late empire – to name only a few115. Catania there is some evidence that Greek began to
The Cypriot glass and the glazed ware come from be used once again for official inscriptions from the
a low-status farm site in the Agrigentino, and indi- third century, even if alongside Latin ones, a prac-
cate that in a Sicilian context such objects are not tice that continued down into the fifth century, but
necessarily to be taken as exotica, destined only for the numbers are too small for meaningful statistical
the tables of the elite. analysis. Korhonen has shown how the funerary
Sicily’s cultural identity is, therefore, a com- epigraphy of Catania, a more considerable body of
plex one. Where does it fit into the ‘globalizaton’/ evidence numerically, shows a resurgence in the use
‘Romanization’/colonization debate that is the of Greek as the Empire wore on117. The most telling
evidence for a process of reverting to Greek roots
comes from Taormina, responsible for setting up a
113 Franco, Capelli 2014.
114 Borgard, Brun, Picon 2005, 157-169 and 211-213, with statue base near Rome to Iallia Bassiana by order of
full earlier bibliography. the ‘boule kai demos of the glorious city of the Tau-
115 Solunto: Basile, Carreras Rossell et al. 2004, 78-79,
no. 119 with pl. XXXI. I follow Lightfoot 2014, 19-21, 116 E.g. Korhonen 2011, 19 and 21 (also rejecting it). I am
in thinking that all Ennion products were probably thinking here of Sicilians: obviously there was an ele-
imported from the East rather than manufactured in ment of the population in Sicily during the Empire that
addition in “branch workshops” in the West. Cypriot was non-Sicilian (immigrant traders, craftsmen, land-
glass cup and Tarsus ware (from Castagna west of owners), for whom Latin was their native language.
Agrigento): Wilson 1996, 27-28 with figs. 5.2-3 and 117 Korhonen 2004, 243-244: 223 pagan inscriptions of
5.6. Samian wine amphorae (from Gerace near Enna): which 38% are in Greek; 150 Christian inscriptions of
Wilson 2018b, 275-277 with fig. 36. which 79% are in Greek.
326 Roger J.A. Wilson

romenitans’118. The text is lost and its precise date erful influence. The west and north coasts, where
uncertain; but whenever it was, it shows total disre- the Greek heritage was less deep-rooted, showed a
gard for the city’s official titulature and its status as stronger ‘Roman’ presence, but the cultural mix no
a colonia refounded by Augustus, harking back in- doubt changed from place to place and from cen-
stead to standard phraseology (‘the council and the tury to century. The individualism, however, the
people’) of its still earlier, Hellenistic, past. Syracuse distinctive identity and the creative energy that
and the interior of eastern Sicily retained a predom- characterized Sicily during the late Republic, disap-
inant Greek cultural ethos (some mostly ‘public’ peared under the globalizing impact of the imperial
inscriptions apart) throughout the imperial period system. Despite some identifiable ‘local’ elements,
down into late antiquity. There and elsewhere, the no clearly defined Romano-Sicilian identity ever
cultural memory of Greek temples and theatres, still emerged throughout the long centuries of Empire.
visible in the landscape, continued to exert a pow-

118 IG XIV.1091; La Regina 2005, 79-80 (from a hilly

area south-west of the Vatican), there suggested as
“perhaps” third century (on grounds of reported
letter forms), but a fourth-century date has also been
proposed (Manganaro 1982, 378). The bricks at the
Naumachia from the municipal brickyards (stamped
ΤΑΥΡΟΜΕΝΙΤΩΝ), and many of those in the sec-
ond-century theatre, continued to be inscribed in Greek
in the first two centuries of the Empire: Wilson 1979,
18; Tigano, Burgio, Venuti 2019, 258-260 with fig. 4.
 Aspects of identity: Provincia Sicilia during the Roman Empire 327

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Graeco-Roman Cityscapes (Berlin Studies of the Ancient World son ed., 24-41. Nottingham: University of Nottingham,
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Wilson, R.J.A. 2000. “Aqueducts and Water Supply in Wilson, R.J.A. 2018c. “Roman Villas in Sicily.” In The
Greek and Roman Sicily: The Present Status Quaestionis.” Roman Villa in the Mediterranean Basin. Late Republic to
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Stichting BABesch. Villa at Gerace (EN), Sicily. Results of the 2017 Season.”
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Wilson, R.J.A. 2003. “A Group of Roman House-Tombs
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Luigi Bernabò Brea, a cura di G.M. Bacci & M.C. Martinelli, at Gerace near Enna, Sicily.” Mosaic. Journal of the Asso-
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cura di A. Spanò Giamellaro, 907-917. Palermo: Univer- Wilson, R.J.A., forthcoming. “The Praedia Philippianorum:
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Edizioni della Normale. Witcher, R. 2017. “The Global Roman Countryside: Con-
Wilson, R.J.A. 2013a. “Hellenistic Sicily, c. 270-100 BC.” In nectivity and Community.” In The Economic Integration
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in Late Roman Sicily: Unpacking the Myth of the terrae of Dr. Francesca Spatafora. Fig. 11b: C. Aiello (Rome), by
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Sicily from the Augustan period to the Middle Empire: what ‘romani-
zation’?
Oscar Belvedere*

Abstract period in Sicily (it was published a few years lat-

er), I thought of broadening the theme to allow for a
Dal punto di vista politico-culturale l’impatto del- more extensive reflection on the process of the ‘Ro-
la conquista romana della Sicilia può essere visto sotto manization’ of the island during the imperial era1.
diversi aspetti: per esempio, la politica di conquista, l’af- Following on from the general discussions on this
flusso fin dal II sec. a.C. di Italici nell’isola, l’adozione theme that have appeared in recent years, my con-
già dall’età ellenistica di forme architettoniche, soprat- tribution to the topic of ‘Romanization’ allows me
tutto nell’architettura templare, di ascendenza italica. In today to grasp the opportunity that this colloquium
realtà, la situazione della Sicilia è particolarmente com- affords by offering here some new considerations.
plessa perché i Romani non vennero a contatto con una First, I would like to return to the topic of Augus-
sola cultura, ma almeno con tre diverse: quella indigena tan colonization and its role in changing the urban
(“ellenizzata”), quella punica e quella greca (nella sua landscape of Sicily. The problem of urban landscapes
forma occidentale). Se il rapporto con la cultura puni- remains, in my opinion, fundamental – not in order
ca può essere visto all’interno del più ampio quadro del to understand the action of the central power in the
contatto tra cultura romano-italica e cultura punico-elle- transmission of ideological or political values, to
nistica, e se rispetto alle comunità indigene, soprattutto which more or less spontaneous adhesion was adopt-
della Sicilia occidentale, si può utilizzare efficacemente ed by provincial peoples, but to detect what percep-
la formula “diventare Greci per essere filoromani”, più tion the inhabitants of the cities might have had of the
difficile è comprendere il rapporto con la cultura greco-el- new ‘Romanized’ landscape. From this point of view,
lenistica dell’isola. I believe that we cannot ignore the particular division
Ancora più complesso è il problema se lo affrontiamo of society that must have occurred within the new Ro-
da altri punti di vista non geografici, come la differen- man colonies2. There were three principal categories
ziazione tra città e campagne o la reazione rispetto alla of ‘actor’ in this process. First were the new settlers,
cultura romana all’interno di diverse classi sociali. In who were the holders of political and administrative
questo lavoro vogliamo esplorare maggiormente il ruolo power. Secondly there was the pre-colonial ruling
dei diversi ceti presenti nell’isola: i coloni romani, gli ita- class, who should not be seen (and this applies also
lici stanziatisi in Sicilia anche da lungo tempo, le classi to the settlers themselves) in a ‘monolithic’ manner,
dirigenti locali ellenistiche, la popolazione subalterna. E for its number would have included both people of
rivolgere il nostro sguardo alle campagne, per cercare di
cogliere segni continuità e di discontinuità con la situa-
* Dipartimento Culture e Società. Università di Palermo.
zione precedente o con la realtà contemporanea delle cit- [email protected]
tà, soprattutto nei territori delle colonie romane. I am grateful to Roger Wilson for reading and improving
my English text.
When in 2009 I was invited to present a paper 1 Belvedere 2012.
on the transformation of Greek agorai into fora in the 2 Social stratification in Imperial Sicily, Korhonen 2012,
Roman colonies which were settled in the Augustan 348-349.
334 Oscar Belvedere

Fig. 1 Dedication of the city of Laodicea of Syria from the Fig. 2 Agrigento. Dedicatory inscription of the seats in the
forum of Catina (Kajava 2005-2006, fig. 1). gymnasium (Archaeological Superintendence, Agrigento).

Italian origin3, already in possession of Roman citi- exclusive use of the Latin language at an official level8.
zenship, who formed part of the new elite by right, This does not mean that forms of mediation, above all
and also Roman citizens of local origin, who would with local elites, could not be found even in an official
also have become easily integrated into the new ruling political setting (one that was displayed voluntarily, I
class (e.g. men like Gnaeus Pompeius Philon at Tyn- believe). An example is a dedication in Greek language
daris, or Quintus Caecilius Dio at Halaesa in the time by the city of Laodicea of Syria in the forum of Catania,
of Verres, Lucius Caecilius Martialis at Segesta at the which explicitly recalls the values of the asylia and the
same time, or a little later)4; and also part of this group autonomia of the city, demonstrating clearly the persis-
would be those without Roman citizenship, perhaps, tence of Hellenistic traditions in the two cities, which
but already possessing strong ties with Rome (such as still wish to be seen as ‘hellenistic’ in a fast-disappear-
the Lapirones family at Halaesa)5. Finally, there was the ing hellenistic world (fig. 1)9. A second but fragmentary
subordinate class6: they were certainly less well pre- inscription, of even greater significance, is that which
pared to deal with the complex intercultural relations, refers to a vote of the boule, if one accepts the restoration
and the multiple negotiations, that arose from the new of the text proposed by some scholars10. The boule here
situation in which they found themselves7. actually comprised nothing more than the curiales of
That is why I emphasize that these negotiations Catina, now dominated by the newcomers.
would have taken place in a non-neutral setting: the Even more evident is the mediating role that
urban landscape of the colonies acquired a strong ide- the gymnasium must have assumed, as for exam-
ological value, and the political scene at those places ple in Agrigentum. Here L. Egnatius engraved the
changed profoundly, as demonstrated by the almost dedicatory inscription of the seats in Greek11, a man

3 Presence in Thermae Himeraeae, probably prior to 8 Transformation of the linguistic landscape, Korhonen
the foundation of the colony, of gentes of Italian origin, 2011, 8-11. Different linguistic landscape between
Bivona 1994, 77; Salmeri 2004, 278. colonies and municipia, Korhonen, Soraci 2019. For
4 Philon, Fasolo 2013, 116-117; Caecilli, Ampolo, Erdas the same phenomenon in Roman colonies of Greece,
2019, 113-114. Others Pompeii, Fasolo 2013, 116, footnote Rizakis, this volume, 251-258, with bibl.
562. 9 Korhonen 2004a, 172-173, n. 27; Korhonen 2004b, 239-
5 Prag 2017, 25. We can also remember Herakleios 240; Kajava 2005-2006. In a context of loyalty to Rome if
Aristofylou, decurion at Centuripe, Korhonen, Soraci the dedication was in honour of Cn. Domitius Corbulo
2019, 106-107, 112. or his daughter Domitia Longina, wife of the emperor
6 James 2001, 199-202. Domitian, Kajava 2005-2006, 537-541.
7 Keay 2001, 116; Hingley 2005, 45-48. Generally 10 Korhonen 2004a, 183, n. 43.
speaking, Pitts, Versluys 2015, 15. 11 Meaning of the intervention of Egnatius, Belvedere
 Sicily from the Augustan period to the Middle Empire: what “Romanization”? 335

Fig. 4 Inscription in honour of Lapyron from Halaesa

(Prag 2017, n. 16).

Bivona 1994, n. 8 them seems to be a relative of Egnatius. Therefore,

L(ucio) Acilio L(uci) f(ilio) Qui(rina tribu)
if these examples demonstrate a will to mediate or
Rufo compromise, they were done in a long-established
q(aestori) pro pr(aetore) provinc(iae) and indisputable framework.
Sicil(iae) tr(ibuno) pl(ebis) pr(aetori) The funerary inscriptions in Greek related to
praef(ecto) frum(enti) dand(i)
people of middle class without Roman citizenship
ex S(enatus) c(onsulto)
Hispellates public(e) (e.g. Attikòn Agathinou at Thermae Himeraeae)13
d(ecurionum) d(ecreto) show that only a portion of the pre-colonial people
patrono participated in a limited way in these forms of me-
Dedication to Lucius Acilius Rufus (first senator from provincia diation (e.g. Markos Aimilios Rhodon at Halaesa,
Siciliae, probably born in Thermae, family origin from Northern agoranomos and a Roman citizen, and perhaps Olos
Italy) to their patronus by the Hispellates (inhabitants of Hispel- (Aulos) Papios Agatharchos at Thermae Himerae-
lum in Central Italy)
ae)14. Moreover it is significant that the first Sicilian
Fig. 3 Inscription in honour of L. Acilius Rufus (Bivona senator (Lucius Acilius Rufus) was of Italian pen-
1994, pl. V). insular origin (fig. 3)15. Conditions in Sicily appear
to have been different from those in other provinc-
who acted as flamen Augusti, and a gymnasiarca es and their absence in Sicily may also imply that
(fig. 2)12. The use of this latter term in association members of the pre-colonial elite had limited access
with the former is a clear sign of mediation, as well to the most important positions (i.e. few possessed
as the use of the Greek language; but the duumvi-
ri have typically Italian names, and at least one of
13 Brugnone 1974, 235, n. 8. Language choice in funerary
epigraphy, Korhonen 2011, 12-13.
1997, 22-23; Belvedere 2012, 214. 14 Prag 2017, 33-34, n. 6; Brugnone 1974, 233-235, n. 7.
12 If, as is likely, he is the same person. 15 Bivona 1994, 77, 100, 118-120; Salmeri 2004, 281-282.
336 Oscar Belvedere

the necessary qualifications to enter the network16 cuse, unfortunately lost (its greatly mutilated text is
of the Latin-speaking polity). One successful ex- preserved only through antiquarian transcription),
ample may have been T. Flavius Ionius, benefactor mentions a priestly college of the Syrian goddess
of the theatre in Catina17; another about whom we (dea Syria). Five of its members (the sacerdos and four
know more is Lapiron at Halaesa, member of a fam- praesides) bear Latin nomina without cognomina (may-
ily already publicly honoured in the late Hellenis- be they are Romans or Italians who moved to Sicily,
tic period (fig. 4)18. We may also mention the two negotiatores perhaps, dealing with East Mediterrane-
brothers M. Onasus and M. Sopolis at Segesta, prob- an trade?), and two others have Greek names (locals
ably Roman citizens and perhaps even duumviri19. or immigrants from Syria?)22. The inscription could,
In other words, these examples imply that the real however, document the commitment of members of
power remained firmly in the hands of Italian fam- the local elite in the religious sphere23.
ilies, a status quo favoured by the practice of grant- Of course, this ambiguous situation raises the
ing Roman citizenship to freedmen, as is clear from question of the supposed recovery of a Greek identity
funerary inscriptions (e.g. Gaios Seios Ptolemaios in the island in late antiquity. Did the Greek identity re-
at Thermae, in Greek, or M. Albius Philocalus, in main hidden for the first two centuries of the Empire,
Latin)20. As a result, the new urban landscape need- and then re-emerge after the second or third century,
ed to be perceived differently by the inhabitants – a or was it the result of deliberate ‘reinvention’? Many
landscape of belonging for some, of opportunities for scholars have adopted this latter position24. More re-
others, but also of indifference and uncertainty, if not cently, however, Kalle Korhonen has emphasized the
unfamiliarity or downright exclusion, for yet others. persistence of a Greek ‘linguistic identity’ in Sicilian
It is worth speculating, therefore, whether this sit- cities, even in the colonies, throughout the imperial
uation explains why a large part of the Greek-speak- period, and the likely presence of substantial bilin-
ing elite may have refused political posts, but instead gualism, at least among the upper classes. He has also
chose other ways to express their civic commitment. emphasized that there were many different reasons
This may have included involving themselves in re- for choosing one or the other language in funerary in-
ligious activities, as happened in many cities in Asia scriptions or in personal names25. Both Greek and Lat-
Minor. However, both the literary and the epigraphic in were used in the literary field in the first centuries
record for Sicily does not document anything similar of Empire, as well as in late antiquity26.
happening there, and there is no known equivalent The distancing from all this of much of Sicilian
in the island to someone like Gaius Iulius Demos- society is expressed by the middle classes with their
thenes, procurator centenarius in Sicily, who founded use of the Greek language in funerary inscriptions,
a festival in his mother city, Oenoanda, during the and by some who engaged even in outbreaks of re-
age of Hadrian21. A Greek inscription from Syra- volt27, while the non-involvement in the whole pro-
cess of the most marginalized classes, especially in
the countryside, were to be expressed again in the
16 Networks, Morley 2015, 62-64; Lomas 2019, 65-67 with bibl. third century AD by episodes of violent insurrec-
17 Korhonen 2004a, 174-175, n. 30; Wilson 1990, 69. Maybe
tion, comparable almost to a bellum servile28. This
through a marriage alliance, Salmeri 2004, 281; Sartre 2001,
130.
18 Prag 2017, 44-45, n. 16. 22 IG XIV 9. http://www.theatrum.de/1082.html for
19 Ampolo, Erdas 2019, 119-124. For Cossyra, see Schön- text.
Schaefer, this volume. 23 Korhonen 2011, 10. I thank Kalle Korhonen for
20 Brugnone 1974, 232-233, n. 6; Bivona 1994, 155-156, n. discussing this inscription with me.
44. Other inscriptions, Bivona 1994, 153-154, n. 42. 24 E.g. Lomas 2000, 172.
21 Reitzenstein 2011, 108-112, 187-188, n. 36. He was 25 Korhonen 2011, 12-13; Korhonen 2012, 361-367;
also tribunus of the legio VI Ferrata, stationed in Syria, Tribulato 2012, 322-325; Rizakis 2008.
veterans of which were previously settled by Augustus 26 Korhonen 2012, 358-360.
in Thermae Himeraeae, including the tribunus Cn. 27 Korhonen 2012, 348; Clemente 1979, 470; Manganaro
Pollienus, Bivona 1994, 125-127, nos. 13-14; Korhonen, 1988, 70-71.
Soraci 2019, 104-106. 28 Clemente 1979, 470-471.
 Sicily from the Augustan period to the Middle Empire: what “Romanization”? 337

be considered as a clear demonstration of the strong

interest that central authority had in the control of
communications and coastal sites, and also of the
role that these structures assumed, as in other re-
gions of the Empire, for the dissemination of ide-
as, political and ideological propaganda, ‘lifestyles’
and material culture, in areas which were far from
the colonies and the main cities32.
Nor should we forget the focal points constitut-
ed by centres of worship with regional significance
(such as the sanctuary of Aphrodite/Venus at Er-
yx)33. I would also like to emphasize the introduction
of new Roman divinities into the city pantheon34, and
the introduction of Festkalenders and priesthoods35
such as pontifex, flamen Augusti and augur. All of
these were closely linked to the exercise of power, as
shown by the fact that priestly offices are often attrib-
Fig. 5 Relief with an Emperor and Vestal Virgins from uted to individuals who were political office-holders
Caronia Marina or from Raffadali (Palermo, Museo Ar- (duumviri) in the colonies. In this context the persis-
cheologico). tence of traditional cults and priesthoods could be
was a conflict that occurred after a long period of seen as a form of resistance, or rather in my opin-
mutual indifference in the uplands of Sicily and in ion as a form of dialectic between global and local,
marginal areas. Neville Morley reminds us, if any as has been argued36. All this is evidence of a clear
were needed, that not everyone benefits from glo- demand for political loyalty to local citizens, in line
balization, nor can everyone take advantage of it29. with the introduction of the imperial cult37, through
The colonies, therefore, but also the municipal- exhibitions of portrait statues of the imperial fami-
ities with Roman rights, were the main ‘imperial’ ly and through the dedication of altars that required
drivers in the process of the ‘Romanization’ of the the same display of loyalty from both Romans and
island, even if the distance between them and other non-Romans38.
communities of lower municipal rank does not ap- At this point it seems appropriate to leave the
pear as marked as it is in other provinces of the Ro- urban landscape and move from the cities to the
man Empire. In fact, the acceptance of the imperial countryside. Of course, the Sicilian countryside
cult appears to play an important and parallel role cannot be seen in the same way as the countryside
in municipalities with Latin rights, such as Halaesa, of Spain, Gaul or Britannia39, nor can its ability to
albeit in modest architectural forms30. adapt to ‘Romanization’ be evaluated in the same
Among the ‘imperial’ nodes of connectivity we
can also include the stationes of the cursus publicus. 32 The meaning of the relief and our interpretation do not
Their role is shown by the relief with an Emperor change even if it came from the territory of Raffadali,
and Vestal Virgins (if it was actually found in Ca- near Agrigento, in which case it is probably from
ronia Marina, the statio of Calacte on the Messa- Terravecchia di Modaccamo, an important Roman-
na-Lilybaeum road, the via Valeria, fig. 5)31. This can period site overlooking the Agrigentum-Panormus road.
33 Kunz 2008, 140-141.
34 Kunz 2008, 134.
29 Morley 2015, 61-62. 35 Kunz 2008, 133-134.
30 Scibona 2009, 32-35 (Halaesa); Ampolo, Erdas 2019, 129 36 Woolf 2010.
(Segesta). We continue to use the traditional distinction 37 Kunz 2006, 248-264; Kunz 2008, 141-142.
between Latin and Roman municipia; see however 38 Whitmarsh 2010, 6-8. Generally speaking, Ando 2000,
Korhonen, Soraci 2019, 98-101. 406-412.
31 Portale 2007, 156; Kunz 2006, 194-196; Wilson 1990, 321. 39 Woolf 1998, 142-168; Keay 2001; James 2001.
338 Oscar Belvedere

tify different agents in the country-

side compared with those that we
see acting in the cities, and different
relationships from those managed
in urban contexts. In the absence of
clear indicators in the material cul-
ture, as we shall see, we still get a
sign of it in the differing distribution
of inscriptions using the Latin and
Greek languages in the countryside,
by comparison with those in the cit-
ies41.
The analysis of the rural land-
scape of the imperial period tells us
little, but the exercise is not entirely
meaningless. If we first examine the
territories of the cities in which the
Roman colonies were settled, and try
to understand the effects that land
distribution to the new settlers must
have had, as well as its economic and
also social and cultural impact, we
must record that there is no obvious
change at all in the agricultural land-
scape: the new distributions of land
did not bring about the centuriation
of the territory, as it did in other prov-
inces (a distribution viritim during
the reign of Vespasian, in the territo-
ries of Panormus and Segesta, is our
only evidence)42.
Quite apart from an absence of
evidence for agrarian division, we
can detect different forms of land
management, with an increase or
a decrease in dispersed settlement
even in areas which were part of the
Fig. 6 Territory between the Torto river and the Roccella stream: settlement territory of the same colony (fig. 6),
of the imperial era. as we have pointed out in our pre-
vious work on the territory of Ther-
way40. Nor can we can evaluate in the same way
mae. It is not easy from the evidence of field survey
discordant traits by comparison with what was de-
to detect the presence of Roman colonists, or the es-
fined as ‘standard development’ mainly on the ba-
sis of evidence from the cities. However, what has 41 Salmeri 2004, 285-286 and note 160; Wilson 1990,
been concluded from studies of other areas of the 313-319. See Korhonen 2012, 335, for a more nuanced
Roman world is valid also for Sicily: we can iden- position; Korhonen 2012, 360-367, for substantial
bilingualism in Sicily.
40 Hingley 2005, 89; Witcher 2017, for the ‘globalization’ 42 Liber Coloniarum I (12-21, Lachmann, 211); Campbell
of the countryside, 2000, 167.
 Sicily from the Augustan period to the Middle Empire: what “Romanization”? 339

Fig. 8 Latin inscription from Abakainon (Sofia 2017, fig. 3).

tablishment of large estates, of a type that we might

expect to have been formed by local senatorial fam-
ilies (such as the Maesii Titiani, from the 3rd century
onwards at Thermae, but there were also the Acilii
already in 1st century)43.
Elsewhere, but still staying in the territory of a
colony, we may note that at Tyndaris an apparent
continuity of settlement between the pre-colonial
phase and the post-Augustan one conceals a signif-
icant change in land management, with the estab-
lishment of luxury villas already in the first century
AD (Castroreale S. Biagio, S. Leo east of Tyndaris,
and Patti to the west of the city) (fig. 7)44. It would
seem that various types of inhabitant are present in
different areas of the territory, as we noted in the
hinterland of Thermae. The area assigned to the
colonists was located along the valley of the Timeto
river, even in the territory of the urban centre of
Abakainon, which lies far from the city of Tyndaris.
An inscription was found at Abakainon mention-
ing a duumvir (fig. 8), which must refer without
doubt to a magistrate of the colony45. Although all

43 Belvedere 2012, 215.

Fig. 7 Floor in opus signinum and mosaics from the villa 44 Calì 2009 (Castroreale); Fasolo 2014, 30-31, n. 28, 214
of Patti or from the villa of S. Leo (Fasolo 2014, figs. 35- (Patti), 156-161 (S. Leo).
37-39). 45 Sofia 2017, 25, fig. 3.
340 Oscar Belvedere

pressed in urban public areas, as in Tyndaris itself,

is here reflected also in the countryside. It seems
plausible, therefore, to see in the Patti villa, assum-
ing that this relief came from the Augustan villa on
the site, a clear proof of the impact that the founda-
tion of the colony had on the countryside, because
the ideological evidence in this case belongs to the
personal and private sphere. If we ask ourselves
who the owner of this Augustan villa could have
been, we must undoubtedly think of a member of
the town’s aristocracy, with strong ties and direct
relations with Rome, who was keen to show his
explicit support for Octavian’s party48.
So we must ask what role was played by the ties
of patronage49, clientela and vicinitas, in promoting
not only an ideological loyalty, but also a strong-
Fig. 9 Relief with Apollo and Nike from the villa of Patti ly-bonded identity, with Rome. I believe that, in the
(Fasolo 2014, fig. 31). case of Patti, vicinitas was in play, a concept to which
K. Lomas has drawn attention50, whereas we can as-
three villas mentioned above are built on earlier sume that the system of clientela acted out mainly
settlements of the Hellenistic period46, they certain- in the cities, where the supply of projects, techni-
ly represent more a moment of divergence than of cians and workers for the construction of buildings
continuity by comparison with the previous land and public works functional to the ‘lifestyle’ of the
tenure arrangements. new settlers was facilitated by their ties of clientela
Of particular interest is the discovery of a ne- with Rome. Vicinitas could act both in the municipal
oclassical relief with a mythological scene in the sphere and in wider geographical areas, as Lomas
Patti villa, to which E.C. Portale47 drew attention, emphasizes in her work, both among Roman citi-
the subject matter of which refers to the Augustan zens and between Romans and provincials51.
ideology and is correctly linked at the period of the The role of the villae in the construction of a
Roman colony (fig. 9). The total adherence to the landscape of identity has been much discussed in
Augustan ideology, which we have seen so far ex- recent years. Greg Woolf considered it fundamental
for the diffusion of common cultural values52, while
Richard Hingley stressed the distinction between the
46 See note 4 above for Philon, owner of a ‘villa’ in the villa and the non-villa landscape53. More recently,
territory of Tyndaris. We can also mention Sthenius Roymans and Derks have continued to emphasize
of Thermae, owner of ‘villae’ according to Cicero. the values of social distinction, emulation and com-
Belvedere 1988, 210 for the meaning of the word ‘villa’
petition, as expressed by the elites in the villa land-
in this context.
scape54. But Roymans and Derks also remind us once
47 Portale 2007, 156-157. Roger Wilson thinks that the
relief may have been exhibited in the late antique again of something we all know well: the complexity
villa, without completely excluding, however, that of the structure and the differentiation of the social
it may come from an earlier villa on the site (Wilson organization of estates, and the different perception
2016, 15, footnote 29). Wilson himself has recently
suggested to me (personal communication) that the 48 Portale 2007, 156.
artefact might have been found in a Byzantine-period 49 Rizakis 2004, 87.
wall on the site (as some other architectural pieces 50 Lomas 2019. Defining vicinitas, Lomas 2019, 55-58.
certainly were), but such a suggestion obviously does 51 Lomas 2019, 61.
not clarify the original location of the relief in the villa. 52 Woolf 1998, 162-168.
Unfortunately the exact find-spot of this relief has not 53 Hingley 2005, 95.
yet been published. 54 Roymans, Derks 2011.
 Sicily from the Augustan period to the Middle Empire: what “Romanization”? 341

of landscape among the different components of this else small marginal ones58. In one of them, howev-
stratified social community55. While the landscape er, a fragment of Sicilian red-slip pottery was found,
of the villa could be an expression of common cul- proof of the use of at least one fine tableware at that
tural values for elites, as Woolf has pointed out, this site59, even in the absence of sigillata.
means that it was also a factor of common identity. It is also noteworthy that in some of the larger
But I do not think that subordinates participated in settlements we found pottery shapes of greater eco-
these same values. If the landscape of the villas ex- nomic value, such as cups and goblets decorated in
pressed any identity for them, it was doubtless only relief60. However, the results of all Sicilian surveys
an awareness of their own subordination. should be analysed in detail to fully understand the
If these data allow us to identify elements of problem, and perhaps we even need a supra-region-
discontinuity between the Hellenistic age and the al investigation61. Even today, the rapid and ubiq-
imperial period, material culture does not provide, uitous spread of ceramic products of the imperial
at least in my opinion, any useful information to period seems to me an indication of market availa-
identify processes of ‘Romanization’. My experi- bility and the outcome of competition and technical
ence leads me to stress that the major productions innovation in the lands around the Mediterranean,
of Roman ceramics, such as Italian sigillata and an area that had already been ‘globalized’ since the
African red-slip ware, are equally common in cit- Hellenistic period. The rapid disappearance from
ies and in smaller towns, as well as throughout the the market, during the first century AD, of fine ta-
countryside. bleware produced by Sicilian workshops (which
A survey of results from archaeological excava- had tried to compete with Eastern Sigillata through
tions in smaller settlements, such as Calacte, which their own local red-slip products), compared to the
we cited above as a road junction and a statio of the flourishing state of these workshops in the first cen-
cursus publicus, confirms this assumption56. Data tury BC, does not testify to an acculturation with
from surveys in the countryside point to the same Rome, nor represent any change in eating or drink-
conclusion. From those carried out by the Ancient ing habits, but rather a simple economic collapse in
Topography Laboratory of the University of Paler- the face of market competition. Social and cultural
mo, in the territories of Himera, Halaesa, Palma di differentiation was now expressed by the display
Montechiaro (AG), the Monti of Palermo, Castrore- of dining services in precious metal (rather than ce-
ale S. Biagio (Tindari), and in areas of western Sicily, ramic) at table, and by the decorative schemes of
such as that of Salemi, as well as from the results of residences, for example their wall decorations and
similar research elsewhere in the island, we can be their floor mosaics62.
sure that the distribution of these tableware products I used to consider the possibility that the spread
was very widespread, even in smaller settlements. of ubiquitous ceramic products and the standardi-
African red-slip A and African cooking wares zation of kitchen and domestic vessel-forms might
are almost always attested alongside Italian sigillata, have favoured the development of a common so-
proof of a continuity of inhabitant and land manage- cial identity, or at least a sense of belonging. From
ment between the early and middle imperial periods. the perspective of globalization, however, mass
The few sites that can be securely dated in the first
century AD where Italian sigillata was not found are 58 Burgio, Lauro 2002, 156-157, nos. 104-105, on the high
minor sites, closely related to larger settlements57, or hills, on the edge of the forest.
59 Himera, farm n. 100.
55 Roymans, Derks 2011, 9, 27-28, fig. 9. 60 Himera: Vassallo 1988, 144, nos. 12, 14-16 (large farm
56 Excavations of the Swedish Institute of Classical n. 36); Burgio, Lauro 2002, 129, nos. 14-16 (large farm
Studies at Rome, Lentini, Görasson, Lindhagen 2002, n. 84); Burgio 2002, 109, nos. 25-26 (large farm n. 53).
95-97; Lindhagen 2019. Halaisa: Burgio 2009, 85, n. 5. Gela: Bergemann 2010,
57 Himera: site 85, to be connected to the large farm n. 84, 55, n. 54.
Burgio, Lauro 2002, 125-132; farm n. 100, Burgio, Lauro 2002, 61 Survey projects in Sicily, Burgio 2017.
146-151. Tyndaris: Fasolo 2014, 216. Halaisa: Burgio 2009, 62 Portale 2007. Value of appearance: van de Liefvoort
121-123, nos. 85-87. Gela: Bergemann 2010, 103, n. 100. 2016.
342 Oscar Belvedere

consumption of particular goods does not promote ty had a role in defining the identity of the inhabit-
the formation of homogeneous identities63. While a ants of an island. The results are very different in my
sense of common belonging could indeed be felt by opinion also, fluctuating between an interpretation
those who travelled throughout the Empire, such of insularity as isolation on the one hand, and as an
as the senatorial or even some provincial elites, or identity response to outside cultural pressures on the
merchants, all of whom could observe similar ur- other hand67. Surprisingly, however, there is no es-
ban and rural landscapes or object-scapes and life- say on Sicily in this book. Whether that is because a
styles in different parts of the Empire with which scholar could not be found to deal with the problem,
they could identify64, this certainly did not apply or because Sicily was considered an island not affect-
to the lower classes, who were tied firmly to their ed by the problems posed by insularity, is not clear.
place of origin. From what I have said so far, I do not believe
The massive consumption of ceramic imports that a Sicilian specificity emerges, the fruit of an in-
should, therefore, be seen as a result of Sicily’s con- sular identity, but rather a Sicilian specificity that is
nectivity with the wider Roman world, and its easy rooted in the history of the island and its geograph-
accessibility to overseas markets, without any par- ical position, which takes on a greater importance
ticular significance as evidence for acculturation or and a different role in the imperial period. It is nec-
an ability to adapt or ‘negotiate’, even in the coun- essary to get away, even in ancient historical stud-
tryside. Perhaps, at the start of the imperial period, ies, from the standard perception of Sicily as being
the presence of goblets and cups in Arretine ware in ‘exceptional’, which pervades so much historiogra-
urban upper-class houses (but also in those of the phy of the island68.
middle class) could indicate a desire on the part of Concepts such as ‘coloniality’ and ‘locality’ have
the owner to stand out in the context of the new so- been proposed to define the cultural contacts be-
cial situation, acquiring the most expensive types of tween Greek colonists and native peoples in archaic
imported Italian tableware. But finds of this same and classical Sicily. Paradigms of interpretation like
tableware even in rural areas does not support such global and local seem to me to be more appropriate
a hypothesis, and if there was any competition be- for Roman Sicily, whereas I believe they are mislead-
tween individuals it was a competition to lose, since ing when applied to most of the other periods of an-
now – as noted above – the real difference in status tiquity. However, the dialectic between global and
was made by the presence of table services made of local in the island cannot be adequately described
precious metals, and by the interior decoration of by a term like ‘Romanization’, which, in my opinion,
their houses. must be abandoned for the island. It seems to me
Even the continuing production of widely cir- more useful to speak of the ‘Romanness’ of Sicily, a
culating cooking-ware fabrics such as Pantellerian term proposed again by Le Bohec69 and now increas-
ware, as well as of idiosyncratic domestic shapes ingly used, which I think better describes the Sicilian
(often largely standardized and based on African response to its inclusion in the Roman Empire. There
models), should not be seen as an affirmation of is not a Romanized Sicily, but rather a ‘Romanness’
identity, as has been proposed for Malta65. Howev- of Sicily, understood as a dialectical response to the
er, this reference to Malta may be useful in order colonization of the Augustan period, a Romanness
to try understand if another interpretative catego- that, starting from the 3rd century, and above all
ry can be effectively applied to the Sicilian cultural from the 4th century onwards, dissolves into the Ital-
context: that of insularity. ian identity of late antiquity.
In a collection of recently published essays66, an
attempt was made to understand whether insulari-

63 Pitts 2015, 78.

64 Travel and movement, Laurence, Trifilò 2015, 113-114. 67 Angliker 2019; Smith 2019.
65 Anastasi 2018, 136-140. 68 Benigno, Mineo 2020.
66 Kouremenos 2018. See also Kouremenos, Gordon 2020. 69 Le Bohec 2008.
 Sicily from the Augustan period to the Middle Empire: what “Romanization”? 343

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