RRL Perception of Abm Students
RRL Perception of Abm Students
International
The rapid growth of world population, requirement of quality and quantity assurance in
food supply, need for protein of animal origin, increasing consumer awareness and preferences
in terms of healthy and balanced nutrition have brought the broiler sector to the situation of a
large industry having a significant place in rural and national economy in Turkey as in many
countries.
Despite factors such as the demand reduction and sudden drops in chicken meat prices
due to causes economic crises experienced in Turkey, various sensational comments, Highly
Pathogenic Avian Influenza (HPAI) outbreaks etc., broiler production has made significant
progress in recent years in quality, productivity and capacity (BesdBir, 2006). Herein, factors
such as using high-yield broiler parent stock, modernization of poultry farms and
consumer demand, advance in sales and marketing organization, export potential have acted.
The major problem in broiler sector is dependence on external resources in the supply of
parent stock, feed raw materials (especially corn and soybean), vaccines-medicines, feed
additives to a certain extent, and this situation affects the competition of the sector in foreign
markets adversely as a result of increasing production costs (Cicek and Tandogan, 2007).
Many factors affect chicken meat prices such as input costs (feed, chick etc.), income
level, purchasing power and consumption choices of the consumer, substitute product prices,
economic conjuncture and external trade. Chicken meat prices in Turkey are influenced rapidly
from seasonal and periodic demand variations, and instability in markets due to speculations
and epidemics.
The aim of this study was to determine the effects of factors such as the economic crisis,
some speculative comments related to broiler sector (hormone usage, antibiotic residual, etc.)
and HPAI outbreaks on the chicken meat prices and to identify the variations and seasonal price
fluctuations between chicken meat and feed prices that occurred in Turkey in 1994-2006 period.
Meat and poultry consumption in Japan over the last three decades has two main
characteristics: an increasing trend in meat and poultry consumption; and a rapid increase of
meat imports. Historically, increases in per capita income in Japan have accelerated meat
consumption. Figure 5.1 illustrates annual per capita beef, pork and poultry consumption and
shows how per capita consumption of meats and poultry has been steadily increasing since
1960. Pork consumption increased until the early 1980s, but its growth seems to have levelled
off thereafter. Over the last 30 years, the average consumption of beef has not increased as
rapidly as that of pork and poultry. However, the increase in beef consumption has accelerated
since the mid-1980s, and in recent years beef has been increasing more rapidly than pork and
poultry consumption. In 1960, per capita consumption of beef, pork and poultry was 1.1, 1.1 and
0.8 kg, respectively. Ten years later, beef consumption had nearly doubled, and pork and
poultry consumption had increased fourfold. By 1980, beef consumption had tripled, and pork
and poultry consumption had increased tenfold. By 1995, beef consumption was seven and a
half times its 1960 level, and poultry consumption had increased by nearly 14 times.
The Japanese Government protected beef producers with import quotas. Before the
1988 BMAA, all beef imports, except a small portion under the private quota, were monopolized
by the Livestock Industries Promotion Corporation (LIPC) (see Hayami, 1979; Alston et
al., 1990). Under the BMAA, quotas were raised by 60 000 tonnes each year from April 1988 to
April 1991 (Persaud and Chern, 1999). Thereafter, the quota restriction was replaced by an
import tariff. This agreement significantly curtailed LIPC's intervention in the beef market.
Consequently, the Japanese beef market became freer; the Japanese cattle industry had to
adjust its supply and pricing to the market situation, and consumers enjoyed the benefits of
The increases in meat imports since the 1988 agreement have been remarkable. Trends
of beef, pork and poultry imports and shows how all meat imports increased rapidly after the
mid-1980s, with beef imports surpassing pork imports during most of the 1990s. Poultry imports
have been lower than those of beef and pork during the last three decades. Domestic beef
production has been stagnant since the mid-1980s, and beef imports have grown at an even
faster rate than before. These figures clearly show that beef imports have exceeded domestic
production since 1992. Given the historical restrictive beef quota and its trade liberalization in
1988, the relatively high growth rates of beef consumption were stimulated by increased imports
in the late 1990s. Beef prices have been more volatile than those of pork and poultry. Since
trade liberalization, beef prices have shown a downward trend, although the magnitude of this
Food prices in Japan have generally been considered high, relative to other developed
countries. Hayami (1979) reports the price differentials of food commodities based on 1977
data. Two decades ago, the retail price of beef in Tokyo was seven to nine times higher than in
the capitals of other developed countries. In order to have an overview of the price differentials,
MAFF regularly issues price comparisons for food items in major cities of the world. As shown
on Table 5.1, which is based on 1996 data, beef is still more expensive in Tokyo than it is in
other major cities, although the price differential ranges from twice to none. The pork price
varies among major cities, and poultry is cheaper in Tokyo than in several other major cities.
Combined with Hayami's survey, the price differentials among large cities in developed
Estimation results on the own-price elasticities of meat demand in Japan, the United
States and Canada vary considerably. Hayami (1979) investigated the consequences of
Japanese beef trade liberalization and reported the results of own-price elasticities for beef from
other studies: the results vary from -1.3 to -1.8. Applying the Rotterdam demand system, Sasaki
(1995) estimated various meat demand elasticities in Japan. The own-price elasticities of beef,
pork, poultry and meat products are -1.26, -1.53, -0.68 and -0.81, respectively. These results
are consistent with Hayami's survey: beef and pork are highly price-elastic, while poultry is
relatively inelastic.
There are many studies on United States and Canadian meat and poultry consumption.
Eales and Unnevehr (1993) conducted a survey of meats and poultry demand elasticity studies
in Canada. Table 5.2 shows excerpts from their results. In their survey, the estimates of own-
price elasticity are considerably lower in absolute value than those from Hayami's study,
particularly for beef and pork. Using the AIDS model estimated with United States data, Chen
and Veeman (1991) reported own-price elasticities for beef, pork and poultry to be -0.77, -0.87
and -0.95, respectively. The Chen and Veeman study on United States meat demand yields
estimates that are far closer to those obtained from Canadian data. The studies' comparisons
between Western countries and Japan indicate that the own-price elasticities of meats and
poultry are higher in Japan than in the United States and Canada.
Expenditure elasticity is one of the key determinants of future meat demand, and it is
important to have an accurate estimate of expenditure elasticity in order to forecast the medium-
to long-term demand for meat. Eales and Unnevehr (1993) surveyed the results of Canadian
expenditure elasticity studies. Table 5.3 shows part of their survey results. Using United States
data, Moschini and Meilke (1989) reported various expenditure elasticities on meat demand.
The estimated expenditure elasticities of beef, pork and poultry were, respectively, 1.39, 0.85
and 0.21 in the post-structural change period of the fourth quarter of 1975 and in the 1967-1987
data set. There are only slight differences between the estimates made from Canadian and
those made from United States data. In the Eales and Unnevehr study, expenditure elasticities
for beef, pork and poultry are positive, but only the beef expenditure elasticity exceeds one in
Sasaki (1995) reported the income elasticities of meats and poultry in Japan, and found
elasticities for beef, pork, poultry and other meat products of 0.80, 1.29, 1.42 and 2.10,
respectively. It is interesting to note that Sasaki's study shows beef to be a normal good,
although pork, poultry and meat products are superior goods. These results are quite different
from the findings of the Canadian and United States studies. Sasaki's estimates depend on the
specification of the Rotterdam model and the use of time series data. In the present report, the
AIDS model with cross-sectional data has been applied, which should yield more reliable
favourable economic conditions (Nestle, 1999). Recently, red meat consumption has fallen in
response to food scares, the Bovine Spongiform Encephalopathy (BSE) debacle and the initial
banning and subsequent authorisation of beef exports, the foot and mouth crisis, general health
concerns and putative links to bowel cancer (Bingham, 1996; DOH, 1998; FSA, 2002a; WCRF,
1997). Reduction in red meat consumption, however, is not a recent phenomenon, but reflects
an historic trend owing much to industrialised farming which has made cheaper, more efficient
production of other animal proteins such as poultry and fish, available on an large scale
(Fernandez-Armesto, 2001).
As a result, poultry has overtaken red meat as the most commonly purchased meat for
the home in the UK (MAFF, 1997). Poultry per capita consumption has reportedly increased
from 20.2 to 28.1 kg per head over the last decade (Poultry World, 2000). Red meat
consumption is currently estimated at 14.1 kg per head (FSA, 2002b) reflecting a complete
reversal in the traditional market dominance of beef over chicken (Mannion et al., 2000). Poultry
now accounts for 40 per cent of all meat eaten in the UK (MAFF, 2000a, b). The type of chicken
meat purchased has also changed. Whereas roast whole chicken has been the traditional way
of cooking and serving chicken as part of a family meal, now chicken has become a regular
component of most meals and not just for special occasions (Mitchell, 1999).
Accordingly, quality expectations and perceptions are likely to have changed and differ
greatly among cultures and between individuals. The changing commercial and consumer
climate in regard to meat and poultry indicate an emerging need to understand better factors in
determining the choice of meat and particularly chicken. Consumers expect good quality
products derived from healthy animals raised in a healthy environment, to be natural, fresh
tasting and nutritious (Morrisey et al., 1998). Earlier studies on perceptions of meat have in the
main, used quantitative methodologies (Lennerna¨s et al., 1997; Morrissey et al., 1998) which,
although providing a wealth of information which can be summarised, analysed statistically and
generalised, have rarely provided sufficient insight into consumer perceptions in relation to
poultry meat.
The value of qualitative studies in studying the factors that motivate consumer opinions
and behaviours that may explain product choices, is now recognised (Munoz, 1998). A
qualitative study of beef carried out in four countries reported that the most important aspects of
quality to consumers were that it tasted good and was tender, fresh, lean, healthy and nutritious
(Grunert, 1997). More recent qualitative research carried out in Scandanavia, implied that meat
on raw meat, expressing a preference for chicken over red meat for this reason (Kubberød et
al., 2002). A small-scale qualitative study (Holm and Møhl, 2000), identified four main
areas/themes that influenced choice, two of which related to the perceived origins of meat. They
are: first, the way in which meat is produced and processed in modern agriculture and industry;
second, the idea that meat derives from dead animals; third, the food culture associated with
Although consumers expressed critical and often negative attitudes towards meat, this
was not necessarily associated with decreased meat consumption, but with the restructuring of
meals and a change in the role assigned to meat (Holm and Møhl, 2000). These existing
studies, however, have almost exclusively focused on consumer perceptions of beef. There
given the degree to which chicken consumption has increased. This study therefore, explores
Theoretical frameworks have been put forward to explain how different factors interact to
determine food product quality judgements. Perceptions of fresh meat quality are likely to reflect
the ways in which consumers’ process information (Becker, 2000). According to the “perceived
quality” approach certain cues are used by consumers to predict product quality attributes
(Northen, 2000). Product attributes can be categorised according to whether they relate to the
production process, including animal welfare and food safety issues or to specific product
attributes associated with nutritional content, sensory factors, and product image (Caswell et al.,
1998).
Such cues convey information which is taken in when shopping or during product
consumption and can be used to make inferences as to product quality (Olson and Jackoby,
2000). Intrinsic cues associated with meat include visual factors such as flesh colour, leanness
as indicated by visible fat and marbling, and odour, whilst packaging and information/labels are
examples of extrinsic product attributes (Northen, 2000). The present study aims to establish
which of these cues and perceived attributes are most important in the selection of chicken
meat and to understand how such factors interact to influence decisions relating to the selection
and consumption of poultry meat. The purpose of this exploratory research has been to
generate hypotheses and inform methods for further sensory studies involving novel chicken
products.
Local
Research on meat production worldwide indicates that poultry is the fastest growing
livestock sector, especially in the developing countries (Delgado et al. 1999; Taha 2003; Landes
et al. 2004; Conroy 2004). The Philippines is no exception (Costales et al. 2003). The outlook
for the Philippine chicken industry appears optimistic because the demand for chicken products
is expected to increase, along with population and income growth (DA and NAFC 2002a, b).
of food processing, the modernization of the retail sector (e.g., growth in supermarkets and
hypermarkets), and increasing refrigeration ownership, are additional drivers for future demand
However, there are increasing concerns about the threats from imports due to the more
liberalized trade policies (Gonzales 1995; Mangabat 1998; Mateo 2001; Arboleda 2001). As in
most countries, and for many years, the Philippine poultry industry (including chickens and
ducks) has been protected from foreign competition through tariffs and other non-tariff
measures. However, the forging of trade agreements in both global (e.g., World Trade
Organization) and regional forums (e.g., Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation and ASEAN Free
Trade Area) since the mid-1990s has resulted in the lowering of tariffs and the removal of
quantitative restrictions on agricultural products. Imports of poultry products (mainly frozen
It is envisaged that as trade barriers are reduced further, the Philippine poultry industry
will face increasing competition from overseas. The continuing survival and growth of the
Philippine poultry industry therefore depends on its ability to compete in the global market,
which, in turn, depends largely on the efficiency of its production and marketing systems. A
number of studies have looked at the impact of trade liberalization on the commercial poultry
sector in the Philippines. In most cases the Philippine commercial poultry sector was found to
be high-cost producers and hence uncompetitive in a more liberalized trade environment (e.g.
SEARCA 1999; SIKAP/STRIVE 2001; DA and NAFC 2002a, b; Delgado et al. 2003; Costales et
al. 2003). However, to date, little attention has been given to the backyard poultry sector and
The backyard poultry sector, which is defined by the Bureau of Agricultural Statistics
(BAS 1987) as having less than 100 birds per household, deserves more attention because it
comprises the majority of the poultry inventory in the Philippines. For example, the backyard
production of native chickens accounted for about 54% of the total chicken inventory in 2005
(BAS 2006a), while backyard duck production accounted for about two-thirds of total duck
inventory (BAS 2006b). It is also worth a separate investigation because it differs from the
commercial sector not only in terms of the scale of operation but, more importantly, the
Therefore, a clear distinction is made between the commercial and backyard operations
in this paper, with a focus on future developments in the chicken meat industry.1 The objectives
of the paper are to identify the issues and opportunities facing the Philippine chicken meat
industry and to suggest policy responses for both the commercial and backyard sectors. The
analysis is based on a survey of the literature; secondary data; informal discussions with
farmers, researchers and policymakers; and lastly, the author’s personal observations from field
trips. The paper is organized as follows. First, an overview of the production and consumption of
major meat products is provided. Second, the commercial and backyard sectors are defined in
the Philippine context. Problems and opportunities facing the commercial and backyard sectors
of the chicken industry are then identified, followed by policy recommendations and concluding
remarks.
Earlier qualitative studies of meat have indicated that freshness, sensory factors and
perceived healthfulness are the most important drivers of product choice (Munoz, 1998;
Verbeke and Viane, 1999) and that poultry tends to be perceived more favourably than beef or
pork in terms of these attributes (Verbeke and Viane, 1999). This dialogue implies that flesh
colour/appearance and convenience were the most important cues referred to in choosing
chicken. Flesh appearance was taken to indicate product freshness and healthfulness (including
fat content). Convenience was discussed with reference to preferred cut of chicken and product
versatility. Chicken fillets were perceived to be convenient in that that minimal preparation and
cooking was required especially if pre-prepared sauces were used, and versatile in that it could
be used for various meals using pre-prepared sauces. Choice of chicken was also related to
concepts of added value. Chicken fillets were considered good value in that there was no waste.
The perceived blandness of chicken fillets was also considered a positive functional product
attribute because it rendered the product amenable to the addition of pre-prepared sauces.
Interrelationships between issues associated with the four main themes of appearance,
convenience/ versatility, added value and the changing culture surrounding meat