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CONTENTS

10 The sculptor Soldani’s attempt to market Filippo Baldinucci’s

collection of paintings
C HAR LES AVERY

34 Francisco Ribalta’s Vision of Father Simó: British taste and the legacy
of Sebastiano del Piombo in Spanish painting
PI ERS BAKER-BATES

52 Love, lies, and litigation: the saga of Alessandro Vittoria’s

Saint John the Baptist
EMMA JON ES

68 On a new Dead Christ on the Cross by Alonso Cano

JOSÉ MAN U EL C RUZ VALDOVI NOS

92 The taste for Paolo Veronese in early Stuart London

PETER H UMFR EY

116 Rediscovering the Master of the Saint George and the Princess:
new paintings
ALB ERTO VELASCO GONZÀLEZ

150 Reworking and erasure in two drawings by the aged Michelangelo

PAU L JOAN N I DES

162 Enbíes tu graçia e acreçientes sus virtudes. Female power, virtue

and the Querelle des femmes in Constanza de Castilla’s tomb
DIANA LUC IA GÓMEZ-C HACÓN

178 Pedro Orrente, the Spanish Bassano, as a painter on copper

JOSÉ GÓMEZ FR EC H I NA
 11

The sculptor Soldani’s attempt to market

Filippo Baldinucci’s collection of paintings
C HAR LES AVERY

I enclose the note of the pictures that the was exploiting Soldani’s “special relationship” with the
Avvocato Baldinucci has given me, from British Grand Tourists or “milordi,” but Soldani was
which you can see if there is anything to scrupulous about attempting to verify the authenticity of
your taste. If there is, do let me know and the attributions.4 The letters provide a fascinating insight
then I shall go and examine whatever into the workings of the Anglo-Florentine art market
you wish to buy – and have a painter during the early years of the eighteenth century and the
friend of mine look at them as well. But central period of the Grand Tour, while the list of nearly
the Avvocato said that if you were to fifty paintings bears witness to the taste of a pioneering
acquire the collection en bloc, it would be art historian, information that was previously unknown.5
advantageous.
The four hundred folios of correspondence between
Massimiliano Soldani-Benzi to Gian Soldani and Signore Gian Giacomo Zamboni in
Giacomo Zamboni, 15 July 1717. 1 London are preserved among the latter’s business
papers, which are now lodged in the Bodleian Library.6
This letter quoted above and an accompanying list Zamboni lived in the newly constructed Golden
of paintings (see Appendix I) have been recently Square, in the fashionable West End of London, and
rediscovered amongst a tranche of correspondence in by 1720 he had personally amassed enough money to
the Bodleian Library in Oxford. This consists of a long purchase £5,000 worth of the ill-fated South Sea stock,
series of letters written between 1711 and 1740, and sent which – like Sir Isaac Newton, but unlike Thomas Guy7
by the Florentine medallist and sculptor Massimiliano – he shortly lost, after the “Bubble” burst. Service as
Soldani-Benzi (1656-1740) to Gian Giacomo Zamboni, a go-between, middle-man or commission-agent was
a fellow-Florentine based in London, concerning the the essence of the unscrupulous Zamboni’s career. In
sale of the former’s bronze sculptures to the British the event he did not deal fairly with the high-minded
“milordi” in Florence and in their homeland.2 sculptor, a minor aristocrat.

However, among the letters, there is a strand of It is the purpose of this paper to publish the list of
correspondence in which Soldani endeavours instead Baldinucci’s paintings and to attempt to identify and
to market this fine collection of paintings, formed by illustrate a selection of the most significant of these
the seventeenth-century art historian Filippo Baldinucci paintings (or their possible originals).
Fig. 1 / Antonio Selvi, (1624-1697), to potential buyers in their native
Medal of Massimiliano country. These artworks were being offered for sale by Massimiliano Soldani-Benzi (1656-1740) was Master
Soldani-Benzi, 1715,
bronze, 86 cm diameter,
Baldinucci’s son, Francesco Saverio (1662-1738).3 In of the Mint in Florence (fig. 1), but he extended
Private Collection. an attempt to secure good prices for his inheritance, he his range of production beyond coinage to weighty
12 Soldani’s attempt to market Filippo Baldinucci’s collection of paintings Soldani’s attempt to market Filippo Baldinucci’s collection of paintings 13

portrait medallions that fit comfortably into the palm The correspondence begins on 15 October 1716, just
of one’s hand: they had therefore to be cast, rather after the visit to Florence of the twenty-year-old Earl
than struck, like Pisanello’s pioneering portraits from of Burlington (1694-1753), and it covers the latter half
two centuries earlier.89 Soldani portrayed several of Soldani’s career, until his death in 1740. Burlington
Englishmen, the most influential of whom, in 1707, had visited Florence on his Grand Tour in 1715 and
was Sir Henry Newton, the British representative at purchased from Soldani a magnificent set of bronze
the grand-ducal court, who proved to be a crucial narrative reliefs of the Four Seasons. At an unknown date
go-between for Soldani, introducing as clients several they were presented to King George II and are still in
fellow-countrymen. the Royal Collection (fig. 2).11

Apart from Soldani’s splendid portrait medallions, it BALDINUCCI AND HIS COLLECTION
was probably statuary after the Antique that initially Filippo Baldinucci was a Florentine businessman,
attracted Grand Tourists from Great Britain to his curator, collector, and writer, deeply imbued with
studio at the Mint. This studio was conveniently Catholicism. Baldinucci became revered as one of the
situated, opposite the entrance to the Uffizi Gallery; most erudite polymaths of his day, as demonstrated
while half-listening to his lofty sales-patter they loved in a superb allegorical painting by Pietro Dandini
to run their eyes and fingers appreciatively over his (1646-1712), where he is flanked by attractive and
highly polished, glistening, golden-coloured bronzes, studious young women (fig. 3). He is still famous to art-
as well as his luscious pale pink terracotta and wax historians today for his series of Notizie de’ Professori del
models. For instance, the 1st Duke of Marlborough disegno da Cimabue in qua of the 1680s, in which he set
(1650-1722) commissioned Soldani to produce for the out to up-date, revise, and expand Vasari’s Vite that had
Marble Hall in Blenheim four life-size casts in bronze last been printed just over a century earlier in 1568.12
after the principal ancient marble statues in the Filippo was also an amateur artist, skilled in drawing
Tribuna of the Uffizi. 10 and modelling. He avidly collected Old Master drawings

and – as we now know – paintings too. His first of Filippo’s collection, with whom Soldani (face to face)
collection of drawings was ceded to Cardinal Leopoldo and Zamboni (indirectly) were involved in the present
de’ Medici, his main patron, who was deeply interested correspondence and the ultimately abortive transaction.
in the dynastic collection and eventually had Baldinucci
catalogue it. Leopoldo also established the singular THE CORRESPONDENCE AND NEGOTIATIONS
collection of artists’ self-portraits, which his successors The list of forty-nine items (see Appendix 1) indicates
have continued into the twenty-first century and which that Filippo, without being a man of means, but
used to line the “secret” corridor that had been built presumably through his personal and professional
Fig. 2 / Massimiliano by Vasari to secure communications for the Grand contacts, had amassed quite a considerable and varied
Soldani-Benzi, Spring, 1711,
Dukes between the Palazzo della Signoria, via the Uffizi collection. Until now, its contents were known only
cast bronze, 48 x 66.3 cm,
London, The Royal Collection. Gallery and above the Ponte Vecchio, to the Pitti Palace. through sparse references in his biographies of the
relevant artists, some cited below. It turns out to have
Fig. 3 / Pietro Dandini,
Following suit, Baldinucci also owned several portraits of ranged from representatives of what were already by
Filippo Baldinucci, with
Personifications of the artists, perhaps duplicates of ones that he had acquired his day “Old Masters” from Florence, with a couple of
Accademia della Crusca and for Leopoldo. Three further volumes of the Notizie were “big names” from elsewhere (Mantegna and Titian), to
the Accademia del Disegno
published posthumously, in 1701 and 1728, by his son a good holding of devotional paintings by his Baroque
(detail), Florence, Accademia
della Crusca, Villa di Castello, Francesco Saverio (1663-1738), a lawyer (avvocato) by predecessors and contemporaries in Florence, for
Florence. profession. As heir, the latter became the would-be vendor instance his particular friend, Carlo Dolci (1616-1686).
14 Soldani’s attempt to market Filippo Baldinucci’s collection of paintings Soldani’s attempt to market Filippo Baldinucci’s collection of paintings 15

Baldinucci in his Notizie claims ownership15 of some of The picture in the List for Sale (7) is described further down the first page simply as “two life-size
Dolci’s narrative pictures (storiette) and holy images on only as Peace, holding an olive-branch, but without heads in pastels by Volterrano” (14) – also given a
a small scale (di piccola proporzione), among which are: any reference to a further, real identity for the passing mention in the Notizie under Volterrano, but
“a pair of ovals with life-size heads of Saint Antoninus sitter. In her two monographs on the artist, without names of the sitters 20 – can be identified, by
as Archbishop of Florence in mitre and cope, with a Francesca Baldassari mentions only one other a process of elimination, as a delightful and rare one
morse beautifully bejewelled with pearls and gems, version of the subject, and it is in an oval, while – depicting his younger brother Antonio (1665-1717)
and Saint Philip Neri, with strong colours (colorita con implicitly and by default – the one on the market (fig. 6), along with another, now lost, which one might
gran forza). These are in one lot, second in the List for was rectangular. Can Francesco Saverio really have surmise was of a further sibling.21 Antonio became a
Sale (2-3).16 Alas, a pair of little pictures (quadretti: 73 been ready to sell the portrait of his own mother, Jesuit Novice (which must have overjoyed his devout
x 43 cm) of Saint Francis and Saint George half-length, his father’s beloved wife, simply as an Allegory father), on 19 April 1681 in Bernini’s church and
further down on the List (46-47), is not at present of Peace? It seems so, if only because it might monastery of Sant’Andrea al Quirinale, Rome, and
identifiable.17 have made better money than an image of “Mrs led such an exemplary life before his premature
Baldinucci.” In any case, as things turned out, death in 1717 that he was immediately proclaimed
A painting which has, however, survived and which along with most of the rest of the paintings, this “Venerable,” though he had to wait nearly two
obviously had a particular significance for Baldinucci one was to remain on his hands.19 centuries before being beatified in 1893.
is the portrait of his wife as Peace (fig. 5), which he had
personally commissioned from Dolci, presumably to Furthermore, to confirm Francesco Saverio’s steely In complete contrast to the Christ-like appearance of
celebrate their wedding in 1658: determination to raise funds from his father’s Antonio is that of another portrait by Volterrano (1611-
collection, it seems that one of two pastels listed 1690), this time in oil, of a garrulous old retainer (fig. 7).
But, beautiful beyond belief and
definitely one of the most meritorious
works that ever issued from the
brush of Dolci, is a half-length,
life-size, figure of Peace, which is
It should be noted that the dimensions given are “sight- a portrait from life of Catherine
measurements” and probably include the frames, some delli (sic) Scolari, [my] wife. She is
of which may have been quite substantial Baroque holding up with both hands a strip
Fig. 4 / Ludovico Cardi
ones: they are therefore very approximate, though of paper, on which may be read the
Cigoli, Ecce Homo, 1607, oil they suffice to rule out any painting whose surface following words: “She has broken in
on canvas, 175 x 135 cm, dimensions are larger.13 The confusingly haphazard pieces the bow and the shield, the
Florence, Palazzo Pitti.
listing of pictures of various dates and schools points sword and war.” She also holds in
Fig. 5 / Carlo Dolci, Caterina to the inventory having been made on a room to room her right hand an olive sprig. In this
degli Scolari (Signora Filippo basis (as is normally the case with such lists, in effect for painting a certain freshness of palette
Baldinucci) as Peace, oil on
canvas, 57.5 x 31.2 cm, Private
probate, even today). To help navigate through the lists, is noticeable, along with a way of
Collection. therefore, the items have been numbered sequentially, finishing that is more masterly than
given in brackets. usual; so much so that she seems to be
Fig. 6 / Baldassare
Franceschini, called
done in the freest manner of the best
Volterrano, Portrait of the The first item (1), an oval Ecce Homo by Cigoli, cannot be colourists. (Dolci) lets his authorship
Blessed Antonio Baldinucci found, though he painted several rectangular versions be known just through his handling of
(1665-1717), 1681 or earlier,
pastels, 43 x 38 cm, Florence,
(fig. 4). All are based on Correggio’s rendering of the paint and the diligence of application
Palazzo Pitti. subject, now in London (National Gallery).14 for which he was unique.18
16 Soldani’s attempt to market Filippo Baldinucci’s collection of paintings Soldani’s attempt to market Filippo Baldinucci’s collection of paintings 17

This is clearly identifiable from Baldinucci’s Notizie as

“a nice portrait in oils of an old man” in the author’s
possession,

who was a very pleasant personality and

one of our domestics, who – on a label that
he is holding in his hands – has written
down the following verses:

Son l’Esopo Toscano,

E più del Frigio arguto,
Onde mi fece muto,
Perch’io nol motteggiassi, il Volterrano.
(I am the Tuscan Aesop,
Quicker-witted than the Phrygian,
So I am keeping quiet,
In order not to mock Il Volterrano)22 collection, it would not be surprising if Baldinucci
had commissioned a copy for his own collection.
This rhyme, with its “in-jokes”, climaxes significantly in The original image formed the model for the artist’s
the painter’s name, forming a kind of signature. This woodcut portrait in Vasari’s Lives, where the author
may have been the first out of a lot of three “life-size devotes a charming domestic anecdote to it:
heads, one with shoulders and the other two just down to
the neck” by Volterrano, with their subjects unspecified, ... having finished the portrait of a
on the first page of the list (9-11).23 clerk of the monks of Vallombrosa …
there remained some colours and some
Baldinucci’s collection also included several lime, so Andrea, picking up a tile, called
distinguished portraits of artists, reflecting his patron Lucrezia his wife and said, “come here,
Cardinal Leopoldo de’ Medici’s fascination with such because there is some colour left over
imagery. Most important is the Self-Portrait by Andrea and I would like to make a picture of you
del Sarto (1486-1530), which is described as painted to show how well preserved you are for
on paper and then glued down on to a wooden panel. your age, even though your appearance
This work must have been a copy of the self-portrait has changed and you look different from
Fig. 7 / Volterrano, A Servant my first portraits of you.” But his wife
that the artist is known to have painted in fresco or
of Baldinucci, Nick-Named
The Aesop of Tuscany, 1675- oil on a terracotta tile which, in 1610, was placed refused, perhaps because she thought
1680, oil on canvas, 49.5 x on display in the Tribuna; in the second half of the otherwise, and stood still. Andrea, almost
37.5 cm, Private Collection. as though he guessed that his own end
seventeenth century it was added to the collection
Fig. 8 / Andrea del Sarto, of Cardinal Leopoldo de’ Medici and remains in the was approaching, took a mirror and
Self-Portrait, 1528, painted Uffizi (fig. 8).24 The painting is listed (34) as “life-size,” portrayed himself on this tile so well that
in fresco or oil on terracotta, he appeared alive and very natural. This
which corresponds well with the Uffizi picture’s actual
47 x 34 cm, Florence,
Galleria degli Autoritratti, dimensions of 49 x 36 cm. Given the importance of the portrait is with Madonna Lucrezia his
Uffizi Gallery. original and its inclusion in Florence’s most prestigious wife, who is still alive.25
18 Soldani’s attempt to market Filippo Baldinucci’s collection of paintings Soldani’s attempt to market Filippo Baldinucci’s collection of paintings 19

Andrea died in 1530, but his wife survived him by forty this he did with great confidence in a picture
years, until 1570.26 of his head on a panel, as was the general
custom then. This portrait is said to have
The Del Sarto self-portrait was followed by three come into the possession of Pietro Tacca,
portraits of heroic artists from the later sixteenth who had been a fellow-pupil of his (under
century: those of the sculptors Giambologna 27 (fig. 9) Giambologna), and is today is owned by the
and his younger Franco-Flemish colleague Francavilla present writer. Francavilla is shown in the
(fig. 10), as well as of their fellow Northerner, a Dutch act of looking at the viewer and is dressed
painter colleague, Bijlevelt, who was known in Italy as in an overcoat, opening with his left [sic, for
Giovanni Bilivert (1585-1644). right] hand a book that is resting on a table
or some such thing. On the flat page of the
Of the portrait of Giambologna, Baldinucci wrote in book that is revealed, the plan of a building
his Notizie: is to be seen, while on the opposite page that
is being lifted up are written the following
In conclusion, I may say that a portrait of words: Petrus Francavillus belgius etat. 42. 1589.
Giambologna painted from life by the hand In his left hand he is holding a small finished
of Bassano the Elder, a head and shoulders, model of a statue. There are also depicted
made – as is to be believed without a compasses, an inkstand, some medals, a
shadow of doubt – when he was travelling set-square, and a ruler, on which is written
in Lombardy [sic, for the Veneto?], is Gio. Batista Paggi. Everything is imitated and
kept carefully among his most treasured coloured wonderfully.
possessions by the present writer.28
Baldinucci’s Portrait of the Painter Bilivert as a Youth, painted
This portrait may well be identical with one of similar by Bilivert’s master Cigoli (13), is mentioned in his Notizie
dimensions formerly owned by the sculptor himself on the younger man,34 in which he dated his arrival as an subjects, the earliest was one of several versions of Saint
that was listed in his posthumous effects: “A portrait of apprentice about 1590, when he was fourteen: Jerome by Andrea Mantegna (1431-1506), perhaps, in view
Mr Cavaliere Giambologna, similar [...i.e., about one of the wooden mount and dimensions specified in the
braccio (58 cm) high], with a simple walnut frame.”29 ... because I myself, among other pictures by inventory entry, the one now in São Paulo, Brazil (fig. 11).38
A date of 1589 or before – the same year incidentally the hand of notable artists, have a portrait Surprisingly, this work is undocumented prior to 1936
that Baldinucci’s portrait of Francavilla was signed of him made when he was at the age of and, although the question of whether it should be
by Giambattista Paggi (1554-1627) (see below) – is fourteen: for the likeness shows him as a boy, attributed to Mantegna or Zoppo has dominated
established through its use by Gijsbrecht van Veen to with a full face that was neither short nor scholarship ever since, it seems now to have settled as
produce a dated engraving in Venice, at the behest of long, with tender and well-coloured skin, an autograph by the former; if it is his picture, this
Jakob K(o)enig of Fischen.30 If, as has been argued, the and long fair hair, painted by the very hand would vindicate Baldinucci’s description, discernment,
portrait is not by Bassano, but by Hans von Aachen, it of his master Ludovico Cigoli.35 and good taste, even in a “foreign” school. The
may have been painted in 1585, when he portrayed the unusual degree of detail must have appealed to
Grand Duke Francesco I wearing his newly awarded A life-size head of a girl by Cigoli, “not completely Baldinucci, as well as the great artist’s name and the
Order of the Golden Fleece,31 as well as their colleague finished but beautiful” (20), is inadequately described fact that it was a perfect example of a distinctively
Fig. 9 / Attributed to Jacopo Bilivert; this would date the portrait to 1586, to be identifiable. foreign and early school of painting, recalling the style
Hans von Aachen, Portrait though by then Aachen was back in Venice (see below).32 of the Florentine Donatello who had spent a decade in
of Giambologna, oil on
canvas, Douai Musee de la Last of Baldinucci’s images of artists is a self-portrait by Padua (from 1443-1453).
Chartreuse. Baldinucci wrote in the Notizie more effusively of his Onorio Marinari (1627-1715), which he painted in 1709,
picture of Francavilla, because the painting has far at the ripe old age of age of eighty-two – about twice the Important representatives of the High Renaissance in
Fig. 10 / Giambattista Paggi,
Pietro Francavilla, Sculptor more incident and is more colourful (see fig. 10): 33 average life-expectancy of the period. Much darkened Florence follow, including no fewer than three works
and Anatomist, Aged 42, by age and neglect, this now hangs in the gallery of self- by Fra Bartolomeo (1472-1517): the first (43), Saint
1589, oil on canvas, Brussels, In the same year of 1589, when Giambattista portraits in the Vasari Corridor of the Uffizi Gallery.36 Francis Embracing Saint Dominic, “A panel-painting over
Private Collection.
Paggi the celebrated Genoese painter Fortunately it was engraved two hundred years ago, 87 cm high, with full-length figures by the hand of the
Fig. 11 / Andrea Mantegna, happened to be in Florence, who knew when it was in more legible condition.37 famous Friar of San Marco”, remains to be identified,
Saint Jerome in the (Francavilla) well by reputation, on account though presumably it would have resembled the fresco
Wilderness, ca. 1449-1450,
oil on panel, 48 x 36 cm, São of the beautiful works that he had made in Turning to Baldinucci’s narrative paintings which, owing of the subject once in the Ospizio della Maddalena at
Paulo, Museu de Arte. Genoa, he wanted to make his portrait in oil: to his personal predilections, were mostly of Christian Le Caldine near Florence (fig. 12).39
20 Soldani’s attempt to market Filippo Baldinucci’s collection of paintings Soldani’s attempt to market Filippo Baldinucci’s collection of paintings 21

The third and most singular of Filippo Baldinucci’s

treasures is Fra Bartolomeo’s Head of Christ as Man of
Sorrows (44), which is still in Florence, in the Museo
Nazionale di San Marco, the Friar’s monastery (fig. 14).
This painting is securely identifiable on account of its
unusual materials, fresco on terracotta.41

Baldinucci also owned some Madonnas ascribed

optimistically to “big names” – Raphael,
Parmigianino, and Correggio (27), which were
seemingly not all that Filippo had hoped. The
description of one work by Correggio (1489-1534) is
precise enough to identify the composition easily: “A
picture four palms high (ca. 116 cm) with a landscape,
in which are a Virgin in the act of adoring the Baby
Jesus, lying on the ground on some hay, by the hand
of Correggio, of which there is also a print.” 42 This
Fig. 12 / Fra Bartolomeo,
Saint Francis Embracing Saint description corresponds to the Virgin Adoring the Christ
Dominic, ca. 1511, detached Child, a famous and popular gem of the Uffizi Gallery
fresco from Ospizio della (fig. 15), however, the Uffizi painting was given by
Maddalena Le Caldine, 108 x
189 cm, Florence, Museo di Marchese Ferdinando Gonzaga to Grand Duke
San Marco. Another work by Fra Bartolomeo, the Rest on the Flight Cosimo II in 1617 and hung in the prestigious location
into Egypt (45), is said to be in his “early style” (prima of the Tribuna. So Baldinucci must have owned a
Fig. 13 / Fra Bartolomeo, Rest
on the Flight into Egypt, ca. maniera) and measures some 145 cm square. The copy, presumably one made in Florence after the
1495-1505, tempera and oil painting corresponds with a version of this subject on arrival of Correggio’s painting.43
on canvas, 135 x 113.5 cm, canvas, measuring about this size (allowing, as usual in
Pienza, Palazzo Vescovile.
this list, for the frame as well), now in the Archbishop’s Baldinucci also owned some Mannerist paintings. The
Fig. 14 / Fra Bartolomeo, Palace in Pienza, though the support may have been presence of a Virgin and Child with the Young Saint John the
Christ Crowned with Thorns, different (fig. 13). The Pienza picture’s provenance Baptist (38), given to Rosso Fiorentino (1494-1540), in
fresco on terracotta, 52 x
37 cm, Florence, Museo remains to be checked, however, before a conclusion Baldinucci’s collection could fill an alarming gap in the
Nazionale di San Marco. about its candidature can be reached.40 provenance of an extant work depicting this subject,
22 Soldani’s attempt to market Filippo Baldinucci’s collection of paintings Soldani’s attempt to market Filippo Baldinucci’s collection of paintings 23

Fig. 15 / Antonio Allegri, called which is untraced before 1852 (fig. 16). The painting has Marchese Andrea Gerini (1691-1760), a descendant
Correggio, The Adoration of
been much discussed in the twentieth century, with the of an ancient Florentine family, inherited a notable
the Child, ca. 1526, oil on
canvas, 81 x 67 cm, Florence, great Anglo-Saxon experts, Shearman and Freedberg private galleria from Carlo Gerini (1616-1673). Deeply
Galleria degli Uffizi. (following illustrious Italian predecessors like Venturi interested in the arts, Andrea was a great protector of
and Longhi), independently arguing in favour of Rosso’s young artists, among them the painter and engraver
Fig. 16 / Rosso Fiorentino,
Virgin and Child with the authorship; the record of this work in Baldinucci’s Giuseppe Zocchi (1711-1767), whose study-years he
Young Saint John the Baptist, collection helps to corroborate its authenticity. It supported, later commissioning a series of drawings
1515, oil on panel, 105 x
was acquired purportedly “from the Gallery of the for engravings of the streets and views of Florence in
82 cm, Frankfurt-am-Main,
Städel Museum. Marchesi Gerini in Florence,” via a London dealer 1744; and of villas and palaces in Tuscany in 1757. He
called Farrer in 1852, for the Picture Gallery of the was a contemporary of the vendor, Francesco Saverio
Städelschen Kunstinstituts in Frankfurt-am-Main.44 Baldinucci, and could easily have purchased the Rosso
from him, as well as other pictures that were left on the
latter’s hands by the failure of the English sales-initiative
in 1717.45 The present writer’s research supports this
identification, as examining the family’s history, it
emerges that Francesco Saverio Baldinucci was Gerini’s
lawyer from 1707-1719 and rented a wing of their
palace at the time. The two men had known each other
since childhood, and Andrea Gerini probably followed
with interest the writing and publication in 1725-1730
of the later volumes of what had become by then the
Baldinucci family’s publication on artists.46 He may
therefore have been more than averagely impressed by
the immediate provenance of the painting.

Being a broad-minded and well-educated art-historian,

Filippo also possessed representative, if not “top”
examples of the sixteenth-century Venetian school (23):
“A full-length figure depicting Saint Sebastian Martyr
around 8 palms (236 cm) high by the hand of Titian,
said to be the full-scale modello for the Saint Sebastian
by the said Titian, in the famous panel of Venice.” This
description corresponds well with a painting signed
“Ticianus” of ca. 1530, now in a Private Collection,
whose measurements, allowing for a substantial frame
to support this large canvas, match those of Baldinucci’s
picture (fig. 17).47

Later in the transaction, on 16 March 1719, Soldani

was to admit to Zamboni: “a few days ago I saw a copy
of the picture that he says is by Titian in the house of
Mr Gabbiani, our premier painter, who told me that the
24 Soldani’s attempt to market Filippo Baldinucci’s collection of paintings Soldani’s attempt to market Filippo Baldinucci’s collection of paintings 25

now in Madrid in the Prado Museum; purchased by The last painting in this selection, whose authorship you had received had been entirely to your taste, and
Velázquez in Venice, this set may have originally been oscillated alarmingly between the Florentine Cigoli you will recall how many times I wrote to you on this
painted for Philip II, but not initially sent to Spain.49 and the Venetian Tintoretto, nevertheless found favour, aspect, in good time for you to extricate yourself from
Nothing similar seems to feature in the recent book judging from the description in London: it was to be the deal.” A month later the deal did begin to fall apart,
about Baldinucci’s alternative candidate, Cigoli. exchanged by Baldinucci for a couple of eye-catching with recriminations on both sides, each claiming unfair
gold medals of the successive British monarchs of play in business dealings, short-changing and so forth.
A life-size “Little boy with a Puppy”, by the hand of the period, Queen Anne and King George I, from
Veronese, may prove to be identifiable with further Zamboni. Almost predictably, Soldani’s awkward clients By 16 March 1719, after his friend the Medici Court
research. Rather than a lost portrait of a child with then fell out over the exchange-rate for the Spanish painter Gabbiani had grandly, but unfairly, proclaimed
his pet, Paul Joannides has suggested that it may have doubloon, and for gold (just as business-minded people that all Baldinucci’s pictures were copies, Soldani
been a detail (like one that he recalls noting in a sale), might today in the world market, each trying to get became desperate to wash his hands of the whole affair
copied from Veronese’s masterpiece, Venus, Mars, and even the slightest financial advantage over the other). and, after a few more expostulations on either side, it
Cupid now in Edinburgh (see Humfrey, fig. 1).50 ground to a halt on 27 July 1719.
However, by 12 May, Soldani was relieved by the modest
In general, one can detect that Baldinucci, a amount that Tuscan customs had charged for exporting CONCLUSION
Florentine, was understandably on weaker ground to the free-port of Livorno (Leghorn to the British) the Still today, the Old Master art market is dominated
with these “foreign” pictures. From this medley, in an picture that he referred to in short as the “Cigoli” and, and dictated to by concerns over authenticity and
intervening (but lost) letter, Zamboni evidently made a feeling on home ground now, dwelt conscientiously on attribution, which can cause the value of a painting or
selection of a few of the biggest names among the Old its careful waterproof packing and safe transport. By 17 sculpture to vary enormously. In spite of scientific tests
Masters.51 The desired transaction came to nought on July he was able to report, with a sigh of relief, that the nowadays providing some parameters, the final decision
account of the continuing uncertainty (in some cases work had finally left Italy for London. is normally down to connoisseurship. As in the case of
unfairly) over the authenticity of the pictures left to Baldinucci’s pictures, qualified academic art historians
Baldinucci’s sons by their father, the great art-historian This painting was evidently sent off on its own to are still often loath to enter the ring, and the attempt to
and connoisseur. In spite of his having vouchsafed Zamboni as a “taster”, but alas it (allegedly) failed determine authenticity is frequently left to art dealers,
them, the experts of the day, primarily contemporary to please him, as one can infer from a letter of art agents, independent consultants, or auctioneers and,
painters, did not wish to risk their reputations, in case remonstrance that Soldani sent on 5 November 1718: in a last resort, to buyers themselves: plus ça, change, plus
they were subsequently proven wrong.52 “I had imagined that the little picture by Cigoli that c’est la même chose.

Unhappily for Soldani, the haggling between Saverio

Baldinucci, a beady-eyed, but over-cautious vendor,
and Zamboni, Soldani’s shifty agent in London, went
original is on an altarpiece in Venice, and that his and on for some two years. Far from clearing the walls of
Baldinucci’s copies are smaller than the figure on the said Baldinucci’s home and making him a fortune, it achieved
altarpiece and – being composed of more figures – must be only one sale, and that quite early on in the negotiations.
reproductions based on prints (deve essere alla stampa).”
However, in March 1718, Soldani, still optimistic,
A “Portrait of a Venetian Senator, about 87 cm high, summarized what seemed to be a reasonable deal over
by the hand – or school – of Titian” (40) is too vague a tranche of the collection with several of the “big
a description to permit identification, as is a similar name” items as follows:
portrait (32): “life-size and more than half-length by the
hand of Tintoretto.” Challenging too is “A small picture the offer that you have made him,
one and a half palms high and about three palms wide over both the watches and the cash
(44.25 x 87 cm), depicting the Finding of Moses in the in the form that you prescribed, for
Fig. 17 / Titian, Saint Basket with many little figures, which was thought to be the five pictures, i.e. The Holy Family
Sebastian, ca. 1530, oil on by Tintoretto or Cigoli”(24)! The prime version of this by Raphael or Giulio Romano; The
canvas, 190 x 96 cm, Private attractive subject by Tintoretto is perhaps that now in Madonna by Correggio; Saint Sebastian
Collection.
New York (fig. 18), though that painting measures nearly by Titian; The Nativity by Parmigianino;
Fig. 18 / Jacopo Tintoretto, twice the recorded size.48 Baldinucci’s mysterious picture The finding of Moses in the basket by
The Finding of Moses, is nearer in size and may have been related to the Tintoretto or Cigoli. These total 230
ca. 1550s, oil on canvas,
77.5 X 134 cm, New York, relevant one in a series of seven scenes from the Old Spanish doubloons, or the equivalent
Metropolitan Museum of Art. Testament (for the frieze of a room, or bed-canopy), value, including the watches.
26 Soldani’s attempt to market Filippo Baldinucci’s collection of paintings Soldani’s attempt to market Filippo Baldinucci’s collection of paintings 27

D O C UM E N TARY A PPEN DIX I DO CUM E N TA RY A P P E N DI X I I

All transcriptions of documents in appendix I and appendix II (online, including letters [28-29] Due paesi di palmi 4 e mezzo lunghi, e 3 lati in circa con poche figurine di mano Excerpts from Correspondence relating the sale of Baldinucci's collection The prices you see on this note are written by the Avvocato Baldinucci, who says that
regarding the transaction included in the same manuscript) are my own. The numbering, for del Borgognone, che uno non finite of paintings contained in Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS Rawlinson 132. All the above listed pictures have been "baptized" by many contemporary painters as being
ready identification, has been added by the author. [30-31] Due paesini alte tre palmi in circa, con alcune figurine, che il paese e del P(adre?) translations are my own. originals and by the authors assigned to them, but that he does not intend to guarantee this,
Mattia, e le figure del Borgognone because none of the men who have assessed them actually saw them being painted.
Doc. 1
An itemized list of all the pictures belonging to Avvocato Francesco Saverio [32] Un ritratto al naturale piu di mezza figura di un Senator Veneziano, di mano del
f. 42r [25], 18 September 1717 Doc. 2
Baldinucci. Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS Rawlinson 132, f. 34 r-35v. Tintoretto
Replying to a short list sent by Zamboni, Soldani sends a note with prices and f. 50r [33], 12 December 1717
[33] Un quadretto di due palmi, rappresentante una mezza figura di S Giovannino includes some comments. Excerpt from a letter in which Soldani tries to mediate between Zamboni and
Nota dei Quadri del S(ignor)e Avvocato Baldinucci del Passignano the vendor, who had forced him to forward a legal-sounding letter of his own.
[34] Una testa a olio su la carta attacata all’asse dell’autore, di mano di Andrea de As to the pictures, you will see the prices that Mr Baldinucci is asking from the enclosed note. I Soldani avows his own good faith as a middle-man and offers advice about how
Sarto, al naturale have been to see them and they appear to me to be beautiful, but one cannot get a judgement to handle the negotiation.
[1] Un Ecceomo mezza figura al natural in asse ovato, alto 4 palmi in circa di mano
as to whether they are originals, despite the fact that he asserts it, adding many reasons, which
del Cigoli [35] Un quadro di (5?) palmi in c(irc)a a mezzo tondo, e largo 4, entrovi un Presepio
I shall omit for the sake of brevity: the strongest is that his father (Filippo) understood these In fact he is relying entirely on me and I do not think that he will break the agreement with
[2, 3] Due ovati simili in tela, ritratti di S. Antonino Arciv:o di Firenze e di S. Filippo con una bellissima prospettiva, e paesino con la S(antissim)a Vergine, S. Giuseppe, e piu
things and that having them re-examined afresh by painters will confirm their authenticity. me, and as I ought to be serving you well, but at the same time not doing a disservice to
Neri al naturale con mezzo busto, mano di Carlin Dolci angijoli, e una figurina di Pastore di mano di Andrea de Sarto f. 35 r.
Avvocato Baldinucci, I feel that you should take the available pictures to avoid inconvenience
[4] Una testa al naturale di Gregorio Pagani [36] Un quadretto in legno di due palmi, entrovi un S. Girolamo nel Deserto The one held to be either by Cigoli or by Tintoretto is not finished, but the rest are in quite and extra expense. Even if they were not judged to be by the authors claimed, it is still a
d’Andrea Mantegna good condition. Only the one by Parmigianino for which he is asking 90 Louis d’or is rather fact that the pictures are very beautiful and are worth – even if some attributions are put in
[5, 6] Due teste al naturale d’una femmina, e d’un fanciullo, mano di Andrea
Commodi [37] Un quadro largo 6 palmi, e alto 4 in circa, entrovi piu uccelami Ochi polli etc al dark in places. So – if you were interested – you would need to make him an offer and – as I doubt – quite a lot more than he is asking: He is only coming down to the price quoted above
naturale di mano di Alfonso Boschi have said – ignore the fact that he maintains that they are originals. because he needs to get some money for some important business of his own.
[7] Una femmina rappresentante la Pace con Vliva in mano al natural mezza figura
di Carlo Dolci [38] Un quadro in tavola alto 4 palmi, entrovi la S(antissim)a Vergine, Gesu, e S.
The picture where the Virgin is adoring the Child by Correggio seem to me quite beautiful, [22] I believe that you have his bill, but as I have the arbitration in hand over the 200
[8] Una testa al naturale di femmina di Carlin Dolci Giovannino al naturale di mano del Rosso
but as you know, if it was painted in the days when Correggio was alive it is very difficult to doubloons you have offered, I am telling you without more ado that you could offer him 220
[9-11] Tre teste al naturale, che una con busto, l’altre due con mezzo busto di mano del [39] Un quadro di 3 palmi in circa, entrovi un fanciullo con un canino al naturale, di know if it could be by his hand. Spanish doubloons and a pocket watch, with a fashionable silver case, but without a repeater;
Volterrano mano di Paolo Veronese also in my opinion, he would be content to take three or four similar watches to diminish the
[40] Un quadro alto 3 palmi in circa, entrovi un ritratto di Senator Veneziano, o di A price-list is provided on a separate sheet. A selection of its contents follows: price, for he could get their value back here, even if he did not make a profit. Let me know
[12] Un ritratto mezzo busto del famoso Gio: Bologna Scultore, di mano del Bassan
mano, o della scuola di Tiziano as soon as possible, for I am well aware that I have been told not to tell you, but he has some
Vecchio
The final prices required are as follows: offer to sell the picture-collection as a lot, but I have made him hold back on accepting it.
[13] Una testa d’un giovanetto ritratto del Pittore Biliverti, mano di Cigoli [41-42] Due ovati di 3 palmi, entrovi un S. Bastiano, mezza figura, e un altro mezzo
bustoignudo, che uno del Vignali, l’altro del Furino (?)
[14-15] Due teste di pastelli al naturale m[an]o del Volterrano A life-size half-length portrait in armour said to be of the Duke De Guise and by the hand This is copied verbatim from the brief written me by the Lawyer. But make up your mind
[43] Un quadro in tavola, alto piu di 3 palmi, entrovi un S. Fran(ces)co e con S.Domenico, of Van Dyck. This has been sold some days ago. [Indeed, it is vigorously crossed out] if you want to make this expenditure in spite of the uncertainty about the above-mentioned
[16] Un ritratto al naturale mezzo busto con armature in dosso, si dice il Duca di
che si abbracciano, figure intere di mano del famoso frate di S. Marco di Firenze paintings. Write me a reply so worded that I can freely let him see your letter, in order that
Guisa, mano del Vandick
[44] Una testa d’un Salvadore al natural su un tegolo, fatta afresco su la calcine, di A full-length figure representing Saint Sebastian martyr about 8 palms high, by the hand he can see that we are dealing fairly, and make him whatever offer you wish.
[17] Un ritratto di piu mezza figura al naturale si dice Francavilla famoso scultore di
mano del Frate of Titian and said to be the full-size model for the Saint Sebastian by Titian in the famous
m[an]o di Gio: Ba Paggi
altarpiece in Venice – 60 Spanish doubloons. As to the picture by Cigoli or Tintoretto, I shall have another look at it and, as he wants
[18] Un quadretto in rame di tre palmi incirca, entrovi un paesino con Gesu Maria, e [45] Un quadro alto (5) Palmi in circa, e largo cinque in circa, entrovi una figura
not less than 10 doubloons, I shall get it and send it to Mr Fredoli well packed. I told the
Giuseppe, figure di mezzo bracci, mano di Cesare Dandini intera della S(antissi)ma Vergine, Gesu e S. Giuseppe, tutte al natural con Paese di
A little picture 1 ½ palms high and around 3 palms wide, representing the Finding of Moses Avvocato that when he calculated in Doubloons he meant Italian doubloons and that they
mano del d(ett)o Frate, prima maniera
[19] Un ritratto al naturale in legno, si dice di Sisto quinto S(antissimo) Ponte(fic)e di in the basket with many little figures, thought to be by Cigoli, or by Tintoretto – 10 doubloons are worth 20 lire each, but now that he has been informed of this he replied that they are
mano del Bronzino [46-47] Due quadretti compagni alti due palmi e mezzo, e larghi uno e mezzo, che in worth 21, meaning that he wants 10 doubloons of 21 lire for the picture. For the sake of
uno vi e S. Francesco mezza figura, e nell’altro un S. Giorgio, di mano di Carlin This is not finished and is made for use as a bozzetto. clarity he will contract for the rest in Spanish doubloons.
[20] Ritratto al naturale d’una femmina mezzo busto di d(ett)o Bronzino
Dolci
[21] Una testa al naturale d’una giovane del Cigoli, non totalm(en)te finite ma
[48] Un quadretto d’un palmo, e mezzo con una Vergine in Gloria, di mano di A picture on canvas 4 palms high and a similar width, with a group of the Blessed Virgin, If you decide to make this purchase, I trust that it turns out well, for this sort of material
bellissima
Carlino Saint Anne, the little Saint John and Saint Joseph in a beautiful landscape estimated to is difficult to judge, and if they were copies made in the time of a certain author, as is
[22] Un ritratto di mezza figura al naturale fatto di se mede(si)mo da Onorio Marinari f. 34 v. be either by Raphael or by Giulio Romano, but commonly believed to be by Raphael on believed, they would have aged equally and so would be almost impossible to tell apart
[49] Un quadro in Tavola largo incirca a p(a)lmi cinque, e lato quattro, entrovi il
[23] Una figura intera rappresentante un S. Bastiano Martire di otto Palmi incirca di account of an engraving of it – 100 doubloons. [from originals].
Salvadore, che porta la Croce al Calvario, con dodici figure di manigoldi,
mano di Tiziano, si dice il modello al naturale del S. Bastano fatto da d(ett)o
e due ladri, tutti di teste caricate ridicolosam[en]te eccetto quella del Salvadore,
Tiziano, nella famosa tavola di Venezia [It is interesting to note that an engraving with a caption was produced in evidence as early Doc. 3
tutta decorosa di mano del Brugolo o Bruges. Tutti I sopradetti quadri sono stati
[24] Un quadretto alto un palmo e mezzo, e lungo palmi tre in circa, rappresentante as this.] f. 66r [49], 4 March 1718
sempre tenuti per le mani, che si notano, e cosi stimati dal famoso Volterrano, Livo
l’invenzione di Mose nel Cestello con moltissime figurine, si crede del Cigoli, o Letter from Soldani to Zamboni restating the complex terms of the payment,
Meho, Luca Giordano, Morandi, Dandini, e altri forestieri, che gl‘anno veduti
del Tintoretto On the verso: in cash and in kind, commenting further.
e (f. 35v) tali gli ha tenuti, e acquistati Filippo Baldinucci, Padre dell’Avvocato
A little picture 3 palms high and around 2 palms wide, within it a Nativity all with complete
[25] Un quadro in tela di palmi 4, alto, e largo a proporzione, entrovi la S(antissim) Fran(ces)co Saverio che presentemente le tiene e di come persona intendissima
figures by Parmigianino – 50 doubloons I have spoken to Avvocato Baldinucci concerning the pictures under discussion. He realizes
a Vergine, S. Anna S. Giovannino, il Bambino Gesu e San Giuseppe con bel delle maniere de’Pittori, era in comunemente stimato, ed altre ad’essersi anche
that I am dealing with him in an above-board manner. He made me read him the brief
paese, tutte in un gruppo, stimato, o di Raffaello, o di Giulio Romano, ma dilettato delle Professioni di Pittura, e Scultura colle proprie mani ha scritto le vite
A picture 4 palms high, with a landscape in which are the Virgin in the act of adoring the in the letter that you wrote to me and even wanted a copy of it, for he wanted to keep
comunem(en)te di Raffaello, (per esservi) la stampa del mede(si)mo de Pittori, intitolati notizie de professori del disegno, con altre opera appartenenti a
Baby Jesus lying in some straw on the ground by the hand of Correggio, of which there is it carefully, as it consents and agrees to the offer that you have made him, over both the
[26] Un quadretto alto tre palmi, e due largo in circa, entrovi (deleted: “una Vergine”) tali professioni. Onde con tutti si posse per tali giudicare non ostante, che vi possano
also an engraving – 100 doubloons watches and the cash in the form that you prescribed, for the five pictures, i.e. the Holy
un Presepio con tutte figurine intere del Parmigianino essere altri, o non tanto periti, o appassionati, che diversamente gli giudichino
Family by Raphael or Giulio Romano; the Madonna by Correggio; Saint Sebastian by
[27] Un quadro di palmi Quattro con paese, entrovi una Vergine in atto di adorare essendo certo, che ne gl’uni, ne gl’altri gl’abbino veduti fare. A picture of about 3 palms high, with in it a life-size boy and dog by the hand of Paolo Veronese Titian; the Nativity by Parmigianino; the Finding of Moses in the basket by Tintoretto or
il Bambino Gesu, posto in Terra sul fieno, di mano del Correggo [sic], di cui Dove si dice Palmo in ordine alla grandezza, s’intende di Palmo naturale misurato Cigoli. These total 230 Spanish doubloons, or the equivalent value, including the watches.
anch’ivi la stampa con una mano giusta. [This item by Veronese is cancelled, and the author notes that it was given away.]
28 Soldani’s attempt to market Filippo Baldinucci’s collection of paintings Soldani’s attempt to market Filippo Baldinucci’s collection of paintings 29

D O C UM E N TARY A PPEN DIX I I

I noticed that Avvocato Baldinucci agreed on the above-mentioned price very readily, which and put something else in with it; but I have not received the order for any bronzes and is really keen on this bit of business, for I do not think that he has received any similar offer satisfied yourself in advance, for you had them in your hands for many days. To offer him
makes me wonder [about his veracity], because he said that he did not want to maintain so I am sending it on its own. In this connection I am telling you in all sincerity that the for his paintings, even though he told me that he wanted to write on his own account, but now the bracket-clock for 70 Louis d’or will create thousands of difficulties and he will
that the aforesaid pictures were all originals. I told him what I thought about this aspect, but Avvocato presses me continually to write to you that he is awaiting the completion of this be careful to control things to your advantage, for he is only out to make a profit. want to give the picture that you like and not that one that pleases me. So I would like you
you should consider the matter carefully and if you decide to, you can remit all the money; business, because he would like to dispose of them. He must have found Mr D. and his to employ someone more capable than I in this affair, so that you can be sure of looking
but as to the watches he told me to write and ask you to have them packed up without any brother and had a chat with them over this matter and he must have replied to them that he Doc. 10 after your own interests: a few days ago I saw a copy of the picture that he says is by Titian
adornments, all the more so because they are ordinary ones. did not want deceive in any respect. Wherefore, his haste makes me suspect that the pictures are not f. 97r [80], 14 July 1718 in the house of Mr Gabbiani, our premier painter, who told me that the original is on an
originals, for I learned that he tried to get an attestation from several painters that they were originals but they Soldani sends a long bill to Zamboni, dating one item that is relevant here. altarpiece in Venice, and that his and Baldinucci’s copies are smaller than the figure on the
I have also shown him the two gold medals that you wish to give for the picture by Tintoretto did not want to provide it, which makes me anxious (see the letters, in which I have always conveyed some said altarpiece and – being composed of more figures – must be reproductions after prints.
or Cigoli, but because the intrinsic value of the gold is not as high as you told us (which I no doubt) [my emphasis]. 24 zecchini paid to Avvocato Baldinucci for the picture by Cigoli, over and above the two I asked him if he had seen the other pictures belonging to Baldinucci, and he said yes, and
longer recall), I have not been able to persuade him for now to agree to the barter. But I hope gold medals that I have already received that he thought them to be copies.
to stimulate him afresh, now that he is telling me that he wanted 10 Spanish doubloons for the Suppose that you do take the pictures and that then they do not turn out to your satisfaction
aforesaid painting. This sum is meant to be included in the total offer referred to above and so or you cannot find a market for them to your liking, I would not want you to regret it on This is explained by a simultaneous receipt (f. 98r [81]) that Soldani sends: You had better satisfy your desires with something else, for I don’t want you to be fed up
if he does not want the medals you will have to turn them into cash. any account of mine. But you should wait to complete the deal until after you have received with me, bearing in mind that he himself declares that Baldinucci himself is not insisting on
the picture by Cigoli, which is quite dark, and on this account you could make an excuse to Two gold medals, one of the dead Queen and the other of the living King of England their originality, and I have not managed to find anyone who is prepared to back the idea
Doc. 4 reply whatever your own prudence suggests: then, if you wanted to get out of the contract, [presumably Queen Anne and George I] and these have been given in [part]-payment to that they are not copies. I am talking to you with complete and sincere confidence, in order
f. 69v [52], 15 March 1718 you would not be short of a fair and weighty pretext. When you write to me about this I Avvocato Baldinucci for the picture by Cigoli. that – as it involves such a good sum of money – you do not subsequently suffer a big loss:
Excerpt from Soldani's reply to a letter from Zamboni received on 11 March. would like you to make the passage in the letter stand out clearly, so that I can show just the and the fact that he is so keen to get rid of them gives me ever more grounds for suspicion.
relevant passage openly to Avvocato Baldinucci: better still, put it on a separate sheet. Tell Doc. 11 So – in order that I shall not have any further worry on this, I beg you to make use of another
As to Baldinucci’s painting, you will by now have heard from my letter how things have me frankly what you would like to do and then everything will go well. f. 109v [92], 5 November 1718 intermediary, a trustworthy and intelligent person, without letting them know what my attitude is [my
been left, and now I shall see afresh if he wants to have the two gold medals, and I shall do On holiday at his country villa, Soldani writes reverting to the single painting emphasis]. Please also deign to burn this letter so that it cannot be read by anybody, and
what I can on your behalf: if your brother could kindly pay me 90 thalers, I would be in a Doc. 7 that Zamboni had so far acquired. then do whatever you want.
better position to make the deal progress… f. 83r [66], 12 May 1718
Excerpt from a further letter of Soldani referring to the sale and shipment of I had imagined that the little picture by Cigoli that you had received had been entirely to Doc. 14
Doc. 5 the Cigoli. your taste, and you will recall how many times I wrote to you on this aspect, in good time f. 129v [113], 28 June 1719
f. 72r [55], 24 March 1718 for you to extricate yourself from the deal. Baldinucci still rates his pictures very highly and Soldani makes a passing reference the sale.
Soldani reports the price secured for Zamboni’s English gold medals in I had feared that at the Tuscan customs you would have to pay quite a lot more on the does not want to maintain that they are originals, as you have heard many times before: if I
Florence, and refers to the sale of the Cigoli. Cigoli picture, but I spent 32.10, apart from the expenses of making the crate, wrapping it wrote to you with some pressure it was due to the pressing insinuations of Mr Baldinucci. …Mr Baldinucci, believing that the deal is off, is not pestering me anymore;
in waterproof material, and the transport to Livorno, all of which I have minutely noted I suppose that he has had written or has himself written on his own account to you,
As I could get only around 19 scudi for the two gold medals of yours that I have, I resolved down to account for them to you in due course. (f.84r [67]) You will have heard once again appearing every hour a thousand times, to dispose of the aforesaid pictures. Doc. 15
to give them to Avvocato Baldinucci for 25 thalers, as you will see from the enclosed receipt. my thoughts about Mr Baldinucci’s paintings: he is trying desperately to get rid of them in f. 131r-v [114] 27 July 1719
Apart from the medals I had to give him another 4 thalers for the picture by Cigoli that I have any way possible and I daresay that he has never had an opportunity to dispose of them, Doc. 12 One month later Soldani writes of the deterioration of the matter.
with me, and after I have had it packed I shall send it to Mr Fredoli so that he can send it off less still an offer like the one you have made: so ponder your part of the bargain, for I would f. 111r [94], 1 December 1718
to you at the earliest opportunity. I thought that this was the best way to proceed, for there was not wish you to have anything to regret. Having returned to Florence, Soldani writes to Zamboni complaining of his Mr Gabbiani does not want on any account to guarantee that the said pictures are originals
no other way to dispose of the said medals to greater advantage. Their gold value was only 19 double-dealing and entreating Zamboni to conclude the matter. and, having talked to Avvocato Baldinucci, it seems that it is now clear to him that you
Florentine ducats and if you had to pay 10 Louis d’or at 22 zecchini each, it would have been Doc. 8 want to get out of the undertaking and – although he shows signs of anger, as he is working
for you a greater loss. I hope to have served you as you would wish, and as is my duty. Now f. 79v [62], undated, but content indicates its place in chronology of letters With great embarrassment, I have communicated the passage in your letter concerning for his own ends – I did not fail to take your side in a heated fashion. If he writes to you,
you will face only some expenses at the customs that is unavoidable, as well as the cost of Soldani replies to a long awaited reply from Zamboni. the negotiation of the pictures with Baldinucci. He is very surprised at your way of doing you can reply with whatever propriety your conscience dictates, in order to halt the whole
the crate, duly sealed and of carriage to Livorno, which I will let you have a note about. business, for while he was expecting to see the amount owed after a year had passed since business, as you seem to have indicated to me in your last letter.
Mr Baldinucci came to see me and told me that he had seen your brother and asked him the contract had been concluded and agreed, he has seen the cards in his hand being
I trust that this little picture will please you and I hope with all my heart that it will turn about you: changed in the way that you write. He wanted to proceed to the question of sequestration of Doc. 16
you a profit, though it seems to me rather dark and not highly finished and here you cannot goods or some other solution, but I managed to persuade him to send the two pictures that f. 135r [118]), 28 September 1719
lament about me, because you have in hand a list of all the pictures, with their description he told him that I had received your letters and so I confirmed the same. As he had accepted had been asked for, as soon as he saw the watches on offer had arrived here, at the price that Soldani makes final reference to the negotiation which has come to a definitive
and measurements. These things should be examined closely and I have always written to the offer that you had made him for the pictures, he would have shortly received the watches they cost you. He had agreed several times with me to allow four months to elapse for the end.
you with any doubts. This one is certainly an original and I believe that it is by Cigoli and as and other effects sufficient to make up the amount of money in the form agreed, as per what remittance of the balance of the money, not just for the two pictures, but for the other ones
such it is now yours. he had read in the section of your letter. Mr Baldinucci is showing signs of pressure to reach agreed upon, as you have pledged to. Furthermore, the wall-clock seems to him and to me Avvocato Baldinucci is not saying anything to me anymore and I think that he realises that it
completion of the deal, as he says that he wants to do some other business on his own account. to be too dear and difficult to dispose of, but he is prepared to lower the price, for otherwise was fair that you should have been comforted with a declaration that the pictures contracted
Doc. 6 As you will have learned from my letters, I sent the picture by Cigoli to Mr Cozzini some days he will have to get rid of it for less than he intends should go into his account. Please for were originals.
f. 73r [56], 20 March 1718 ago, so that he could consign it to Mr Fredoli, to address it to you. Yesterday I wrote again bring this negotiation to a conclusion and keep to your word, which has been given and
Excerpt from a letter in which Soldani sends Zamboni a formal, dated to Cozzini to see if the painting had been sent: and if it was still in the hands of Mr Fredoli, confirmed so many times, for I no longer have any desire to go round to the said Baldinucci
receipt, made out to him by Baldinucci, and warns that doubts are mounting to try and get it back, saying that there was a mistake over the price and that it needs to be who is bothering me continually over this matter, and with good reason.
about the authenticity of the paintings. reconsidered. It cannot be sent for some time and if he has it in his hand, Cozzini is to hang
on to it for some days and then re-consign it to Mr Mucotti… Doc. 13
Baldinucci does not want to hand any of them over until he has received the full price and f. 121r [104], 16 March 1719
– as he has told you many times – he is delivering them for what they are, without intending Doc. 9 Three months later, Soldani includes a passage about the Baldinucci affair in
to maintain their authenticity as originals. The sum you are giving is not so small as not to f. 92r [75], 7 July 1718 a long letter, and on the back of the same sheet appends a lengthy post-script,
think it over really well. Soldani alludes to the eventual despatch of the Cigoli picture. hoping to wash his hands of the ill-starred venture.

In all confidence, I have to advise you that – as regards the pictures of Mr Baldinucci – I When the Cigoli picture arrives, you must decide what to do about Mr Baldinucci: I have [24] Avvocato Baldinucci has spread a great rumour that he made a loss when he received
have put off sending you the one by Cigoli for a day or two, because I was wanting to wait already told him that it is a while since I have received any letters from you, but I see that he the gold medals and the 4 thalers extra for the picture by Cigoli, when you could have
30 Soldani’s attempt to market Filippo Baldinucci’s collection of paintings Soldani’s attempt to market Filippo Baldinucci’s collection of paintings 31

N OTES

1. The material in this paper was first aired briefly at the on his attribution alone.” A prescient remark, for, in Baldassari, Carlo Dolci (Turin: Artema, 1995), p. 91, architettori (1550 and 1568) ed. Gaetano Milanesi, V A et J. Picard, 1968), pp. 53-57; Herbert Keutner, Fine Arts, Kimbell Art Museum, and The Pierpont
symposium The Collector and Circle Workshop organized by the absence of reliable corroborative authentication, figs. 27w -28w. See also Francesca Baldassari, Carlo (Florence: G. C. Sansoni, 1906), pp. 48-49. “Pietro Francavilla in den Jahren 1572 und 1576”, Morgan Library, 1990), pp. 210-213, no. 55.
the Wallace Collection and the Warwick University/ so it turned out with the abortive attempt to sell them Dolci (Florence: Centro della Efimi, srl, 2015), p. 172, 26. In his monograph on Del Sarto, John Shearman, Andrea in Festschrift Ulrich Middeldorf, ed. Antje Kosegarten 41. Another version of this subject, but with different
IESA MA in the History and Business of Collecting on his “say so”. no. 77, under copies. del Sarto (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1965), pp. 274-75, (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter & Co., 1968), pp. 305-306. dimensions is now in the Getty Museum, inv.
and the Collecting and Display Seminar Group, held 6. Oxford, Bodleian Library: Ms Rawlinson 132. Since 17. They do not appear in Baldassari’s monographs of no. 87, gives its provenance as: “Lucrezia [di Baccio] 34. Compare Avery and Radcliffe Giambologna, 1978, nos. 96.PB.15. This picture has recently been connected
on 1-2 July 2014 in the Wallace Collection and the some of my earlier publications, it has been decided to 1995 or 2015. del Fede [the painter’s wife since 1518]; subsequently 217-220. to the a work once in the Salviati collection. See
Institute of Historical Research, London University. adopt the alternative system of page numbering given 18. Baldinucci, Notizie, V, p. 348: “Ma bella ogni obscure.” It is not included in Ritratti de’ più celebri 35. Baldinucci, Notizie, IV, p. 302: “perchè io medesimo, Charles S. Ellis, “Documentation for Paintings by Fra
The author thanks Adriana Turpin and Suzanne on the manuscript and so there will be discrepancies. credere, e senza dubbio, delle più degne che professori di Pittura dipinti di propria mano …(Florence, fra altre pitture di mano di segnalati artefici, Bartolomeo,” Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in
Higgott for their invitation to contribute. Being the 7. See Charles Avery, David Le Marchand (1674-1726): uscissero del pennello del Docli, è una mezza figura 1748), but it does appear in Museum Florentinum, 1752 conservo un rtiratto di lui, fatto quando egli era in Florenz 54 (2010-2012): pp. 377-386.
first fruits of current research, the identifications An Ingenious Man for Carving in Ivory (London: Lund di grandezza quanto il naturale rappresentante la (vii, 68; with a woodcut by Carlo Gregorisi). età di quattordici anni, come mostra l’effigie, che 42. For the painting see Serena Padovani, ed., L’età di
of some of the paintings are tentative: some may Humphries, 1996), p. 75, no. 42. Pace, che egli mesdesimo dipinse, ritratto al vivo 27. This painting was attributed by Baldinucci to Bassano è di fanciullo, di faccia nè corta, nè lunga, piena Savonarola: fra Bartolomeo e la scuola di San Marco, exh. cat.
turn out to be copies, as Soldani feared at the time. 8. Klaus Lankheit, Florentinische Barockplastik. Die Kunst am Caterina degli Scolari, sua consorte. Sostiene ella the Elder but is now sometimes given to Hans von di tenerissime e ben colorite carni, cappelli bassi e (Florence: Pitti and Museo di San Marco, 1996), no. 59. 
One is not discussing the pictures as works of art in Hofe der Letzten Medici 1670-1743 (Munich: Bruckmann con ambe le mani una striscia di carta, per entro la Aachen (1552-1615). biondicci, fatto per mano dello stesso Lodovico Cigoli 43. “Un quadro di palmi Quattro con paese, entrovi una
their own right, but the problem – then as now – of Verlag, 1962); Susan F. Rosen, The Twilight of the quale si leggono le seguenti parole: confregit arcum et 28. Baldinucci, Notizie, II, pp. 583-583: “Dico finalmente, suo maestro.” Vergine in atto di adorare il Bambino Gesu, posto in Terra
establishing the authenticity of historic works of art to Medici: Late Baroque Art in Florence, 1670-1743, exh. cat. scutum, gladium et bellum, ed in oltre ha nella mano che un ritratto al vivo di Gio. Bologna dipinto per 36. A possible analogy is a painting of a Head of a Youth sul fieno, di mano del Coreggo, di cui anch’ivi e la stampa.”
an ethical standard. I would like to dedicate the present (Detroit and Florence: Detroit Institute of Arts and destra un piccolo ramicello di ulivo. In questa mano del Bassan Vecchio, testa con busto, fatto in Profile Looking Upwards and to the Right, oil on canvas 44. Piero Bianconi, Tutta la Pittura di Correggio (Milan:
study to Professor Edward Goldberg of the Medici Palazzo Pitti, 1974); and M. Davis, ed., Kunst des Barock figura si scorge una certa freschezza di tinte, con (siccome credesi senz’alcun dubbio) nel tempo, ch’egli (45 x 32 cm), sold by Cheffins, Cambridge, 4 March Rizzoli, 1953), p. 41, plate 80; David Ekserdjian,
Archive Project in Florence, in gratitude for his life’s in der Toskana: Studien zur Kunst unter den letzten Medici, un modo di finire più maestrevole del suo solito; viaggiò in Lombardia, conserve fra le sue più care cose 2015, lot 615: it is attributed to Bilivert himself, partly Correggio (New Haven and London: Yale University
work on the period in question and his spontaneous Italienische Forschungen des Kunsthistorischen Instituts in tanto ché coll’assomigliarsi che ella fa all più quegli che scrive”; Michel Florisoone, “Jacopo Bassano on account of an old and seemingly authentic label Press, 1997), pp. 150-154, pl. 168; Lucia Fornari
encouragement to research and publish these Florenz, III, 9 (Munich: Bruckmann, 1976). spedita maniera degli ottimi coloritori, non lascia portraitiste de Jean de Bologne et d’Antonio del Ponte,” glued to the back by former owners, the Arnaldi Schianchi, Correggio, exh. cat. (Parma: Galleria
documents (see note 5 below). 9. Fiorenza Vannel and Giuseppe Toderi, La Medaglia di farsi conoscere per di sua mano, e di avere in Arte Veneta (1956): pp. 107. Rüdiger an der Heiden, family of Florence, who sold it c. 1870. My thanks to Nazionale, 2008-2009), pp. 270, 312, no. III.16.
2. Unfortunately Zamboni’s intervening replies to Barocca in Toscana (Florence: Studio per edizioni scelte, sé la diligenza, in che egli fu singolare.” See also “Die Porträtmalerei des Hans van Aachen,” Jahrbuch Sarah Flynn of Cheffins for her prompt and gracious 45. Heinrich Weizsacker, Catalog der Gemälde-Galerie
Soldani are missing at the Florentine end, so that their 1987); Charles Avery, “Medals and Bronzes for Milordi: Baldassari, Dolci 1995, pp. 132-133, no. 105, and der Kunsthistorischen Sammlungen in Wien 66 (1970): pp. help over this picture. If not an immediate candidate des Städelschen Kunstinstituts in Frankfurt-am-Main, II,
content has to be inferred from the tenor and wording Soldani, Selvi and the English,” Medal 24 (1994): pp. Baldassari, Dolci 2015, p. 229, no. 123. See Eve 135-226; Charles Avery and Anthony Radcliffe, eds., on account of its being traditionally attributed to Die Werke der älteren Meister vom vierzehnten bis zum
of Soldani’s missives. 10-20; Charles Avery, “Who was Antonio Selvi? – new Straussman-Pflanzer, Francesca Baldassari, Edward Giambologna, Sculptor to the Medici, exh. cat. (London: The Bilivert and not to his master Cigoli, and because of achtzehnten Jahrhundert (Frankfurt-am-Main: Broschiert,
3. They were supposedly by the following artists: Documentary Data on Medal Production in Soldani’s L. Goldberg, Lisa Goldenberg Stoppato, and Arts Council of Great Britain, 1978), no. 215. its apparent hair-colouring (which could hardly be 1900). See now Roberto Paolo Ciardi and Alberto
Bassano the Elder, Borgognone, Boschi, Bronzino, Workshop,” Medal 26 (1995): pp. 27-41. Scott Nethersole, The Medici’s Painter: Carlo Dolci 29. “Uno (ritratto) del Signor Cavaliere Gian Bologna, described as “biondicci”, unless it has been darkened Mugnaini, Rosso Fiorentino, Catalogo Completo. I Gigli
Cigoli, Commodi, Correggio, Dandini, Dolci, 10. The casts of the Venus de’Medici and the Dancing and Seventeenth-Century Florence, exh. cat. (Wellesley, simile (i.e. circa un braccio), con cornice di noce by deteriorated later varnish), the picture at least dell’Arte, 20 (Florence: Cantini, 1991), pp. 60-61, no.
Van Dyck, Giulio Romano, Mantegna, Marinari, Faun have been bought by the Reigning Prince of MA and Durham, NC: Davis Museum, Wellesley semplice.” See Gino Corti, “Two Early Seventeenth- provides some idea of what Baldinucci’s portrait of 8; Rudolf Hiller von Gaertringen, Italienische Gemälde
Pagani, Paggi, Parmigianino, Passignano, Rosso Liechtenstein, Vaduz/Vienna (see Alexis Kugel, College and Nasher Museum of Art, Duke Century Inventories Involving Giambologna,” The Bilivert by Cigoli might have looked like. im Städel 1300-1550; Toskana und Umbrien (Mainz am
Fiorentino, Del Sarto, Tintoretto, Titian, Veronese Les Bronzes du Prince de Liechtenstein; Chefs-d’oeuvre de la University, 2017-2018). Burlington Magazine 118 (1976): pp. 629-634. 37. Onorio Marinari, Self-Portrait, 1709, oil on canvas, Rhein: Philipp von Zabren, 2004), pp. 462-468;
and Volterrano. Renaissance et du Baroque, exh. cat. (Paris: Galerie Kugel, 19. See Baldassari, Carlo Dolci 1995, pp. 132-133, or 30. Avery and Radcliff, Giambologna, no. 214. 72.5 x 58 cm, inv. 1732, Galleria degli Uffizi; see Bastian Eclercy, ed., Maniera: Pontormo, Bronzino and
4. Filippo Baldinucci, Notizie de’ professori del disegno da 2008), nos. 25-26, and p. 104); the casts of the Wrestling Baldassari, Dolci 2015, p. 229, gives the provenance 31. Galleria Palatina, Florence, Appartamenti Reali, Luciano Berti, Caterina Caneva, and Alia Ferrari, Medici Florence, exh. cat. (Frankfurt am Main: Städel
Cimabue in qua: per le quali si dimostra come, e per chi le bell’ Boys and the Knife-grinder are with Galerie Kugel, Paris. as “by descent until the eighteenth century, until it inv. OAP no. 767, see Bernard Aikema in Hans von eds., Gli Uffizi: catalogo generale (Florence: Centro Di, Museum, 2016), pp. 50-51, no. 5.
arti di pittura, scultura, e architettura lasciata la rozzezza delle 11. Charles Avery, “Lord Burlington and Soldani: the was eventually purchased by the 5th Earl Cowper for Aachen (1552-1615), Court Artist in Europe, ed. Thomas 1979), p. 927, no. A573. 46. This may have been after a list of the paintings in
maniere greca, e gottica, si siano in questi secoli ridotte all’ Anglo-Florentine art trade in the Age of the Grand Panshanger, Hertfordshire”. Fusenig, exh. cat. (Aachen: Suermondt-Ludwig- 38. Pietro Benvenuti, ed., La Reale Galleria di Firenze Illustrata, their house was drawn up “in the early eighteenth
antica loro perfezione / opera di Filippo Baldinucci fiorentino, Tour”, in Edward T. Corp, ed., Lord Burlington, The 20. Baldinucci, Notizie, V, p. 177: “Ha similmente di sua Museum, 2010), p. 133, no. 22. 12 vols. (Florence: Giuseppe Molini, 1817-1833). century” in which the Rosso is not to be found,
distinta in secoli, e decennali (1681-1688), ed. Ferdinando Man and his Politics, Questions of Loyalty, Studies in British mano due ritratti di pastelli e altri disegni.” 32. Aikema in Fusenig, Hans von Aachen, pp. 67-68, fig. 76. 39. Mantegna, Saint Jerome, ca. 1448-1449, tempera on according to Hiller von Gaertringen, Italienische
Ranalli (Florence: V. Batalli,1846). History 48 (Lampeter: Edwin Mellen Press Ltd., 1998), 21. Maria Cecilia Fabbri, Alessandro Grassi and Riccardo 33. Baldinucci, Notizie, III, pp. 63-64: “Dello stesso anno wood, 48 x 36 cm, inv. 15.1952, Museo de Arte, São Gemälde, p. 464, note 10.
5. Edward Goldberg wrote in a private letter in 1994: “I pp. 27-49, figs. 2-15. Spinelli, Volterrano, Baldassare Franceschini (1611-1690) 1589, trovandosi in Firenze Gio. Battista Paggi celebre Paolo. The rough measurement of “two palms” given 47. See Martina Ingendaay, I migliori pennelli: i marchesi
have never seen a list of Filippo Baldinucci’s pictures, 12. Baldinucci, Notizie: for full title, see note 4. (Florence: Edifir, 2013), pp. 318-319, and p. 374 pittore Genovese, che ben conosceva per fama il in the list is 58 cm, which would allow for a frame of Gerini mecenati e collezionisti nella Firenze barocca: il palazzo
published or in manuscript – though I would dearly 13. The Florentine palmo that is used is 29.13cm, and in for the lost pair: after its provenance from Filippo nostro artefice, per le belle opere ch’egli avea fatte 5 cm, or 2 in, in thickness. See Keith Christiansen in e la galleria, 1600-1825, I (Milan: Biblion 2013), pp.
love to do so! …I was never aware, however, that he effect half a braccio. Baldinucci, the pastel then seems to have come into in Genova, volle fare a olio il suo ritratto, il quale Andrea Mantegna, ed. J. Martineau, exh. cat. (London 136 and 146.
had very many of them, nor particularly important 14. Franco Faranda, Ludovico Cardi, detto Il Cigoli (Rome: the hands of Ignazio Hugford, from whom it was condusse con gran franchezza in quadro da teste sopra and New York: The Royal Academy and The 48. I am grateful for the help of Professor Paul Joannides
ones, since they are seldom mentioned in the Notizie. De Luca, 1986), pp. 180-81, nos. 112-116. purchased in 1775 by Pietro Leopoldo of Lorraine for legname, come allora usavasi per lo più. Il qual ritratto Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1992), pp. 115-117, over the various examples of this composition that
And throughout his life (he) consistently pleaded 15. “...possiede pure quegli, che queste cose scrive.” the Galleria Palatina (Inv. 1890, no. 2758). This allows dicesi che venisse in potere di Pietro Tacca, stato suo no. 3; Giovanni Agosti and Dominique Thiébaut, might be candidates for the one that Baldinucci owned
poverty.” After seeing the list, he kindly responded: “It 16. The Saint Philip Neri is readily distinguished from the for it to be the picture under discussion. condiscepolo, ed oggi è posseduto da chi queste cose Mantegna, 1431-1506, exh. cat. (Paris: Musée du (see his entry in San Sebastiano; Belleza e integrità nell’arte
is exactly the sort of ‘Florentine insider’s’ collection standard rectangular pictures of him (such as the 22. Baldinucci, Notizie, V, p. 177: “e (Baldinucci ha di scrive. Vedesi il Francavilla in atto di guardare chi Louvre, 2008-2009), pp. 72-74, no. 7. Interestingly, tra Quattrocento e Seicento, ed. Vittorio Sgarbi, exh. cat.
that one would expect, and the mixture of portraits prime version from San Firenze, Florence, now in a sua mano) un bel ritratto a olio d’uomo vecchio, che ‘l mira, è vestito d’un palandrano, apre colla mano this catalogue identifies the rectangular plate with two (San Secondo da Pinero: Castello di Miradolo, 2014),
(largely of artists) and religious pictures is predictably Private Collection), by conforming to Dolci’s favourite fu persona molto piacevole e familiare di sua casa, il sinistra un libro, che posa sopra tavola o simile, in hammers balanced on it (described by Christiansen pp. 68-71, no. 13). See also David Rosand, “Titian’s
Baldinucci-esque…. We can assume that the shape, typical of the Baroque – the oval, however the quale, in una cartella che tiene in mano, porta scritti i quella faccia di esso libro che torna in piano vedesi only as “A strongly foreshortened wooden plank, Saint Sebastians,” Artibus et Historiae 30 (1994): pp.
attributions of the Florentine pictures are basically only extant version in this shape is now considered seguenti versi (see text)”. figurata la pianta d’un edificio, e nella faccia, che viene from which hang two wooden mallets”), which hangs 30-37, figs. 8-10; Paul Joannides, “Titian and the
accurate, that in regard to the Emilian and Venetian a copy; while Saint Antoninus appears to be unique, 23. Fabbri, Grassi and Spinelli, Volterrano, pp. 303-304, no. 111. alzata, sono scritte le seguenti parole: Petrus Francavillus by strings on the wall of the cave, over the saint’s Extract,” Studi Tizianeschi 4 (2006): pp. 135-148; Peter
things he at least got the school right, and that the their dimensions are close enough (Neri: 58 x 43; 24. See most recently Julian Brooks, Andrea del Sarto: The belgius etat. 42. 1589, e colla mano sinistra tiene un makeshift desk, as a semantron, the instrument used in Humfrey, Titian: The Complete Paintings (Ghent: Ludion
Brueghel might be anything on earth. The most Antoninus: 64 x 42 cm) that they may be the pair Renaissance Workshop in Action exh. cat. (Los Angeles piccolo modellino d’una statua; sonovi seste, calamaio, the Orthodox faith to call monks to prayer. Press, 2007), p. 127. Joannides has also graciously
consistent group of pictures, and probably the most owned by Baldinucci. Their identification was first and New York: The Getty Museum and The Frick alcune medaglie d’oro, una squadra e un regolo, in cui 40. Chris Fischer, Fra Bartolomeo: Master Draughtsman of the shared with the present writer a paper summing up
easy to trace, are the Dolcis.” He ended: “Though published in 1995 by Francesca Baldassari on the basis Collection, 2015-2016), pp. 153-154, and n.16, p. 157, si vede scritto: Gio. Batista Paggi; il tutto imitato e colorito High Renaissance. A Selection from the Rotterdam Albums the status quo concerning the various versions of this
Baldinucci was an enlightened connoisseur for his of the present information, which was communicated for further bibiliogrpahy. mirabilmente…”. See Robert de Francqueville, Pierre de and Landscape Drawings from various Collections, exh. cat. image of Saint Sebastian, among which a couple of
period, I personally would not wish to buy a picture to her by the present writer at the time: Francesca 25. Giorgio Vasari, Le vite de’ più eccellenti pittori, scultori ed Francqueville, sculpteur des Medicis et du Roi Henri IV (Paris: (Boston, Fort Worth, and New York: Museum of candidates for Baldinucci’s example may lurk.
32 Soldani’s attempt to market Filippo Baldinucci’s collection of paintings Soldani’s attempt to market Filippo Baldinucci’s collection of paintings 33

N OTES

49. Tintoretto, The Finding of Moses, oil on canvas, 77.5 X

134 cm., 1550s, The Metropolitan Museum of Art,
inv. 39.55. See Hans Tietze, Tintoretto: The Paintings and
Drawings (London: Phaidon, 1948), p. 357, fig. 287, and
Rodolfo Palluchini and Paola Rossi, Tintoretto: Le opere
sacre e profane, I (Venice: Electa, 1982), pp. 241, 249, 251-
252, no. A74. The painting measures 77.5 x 134 cm,
as against Baldinucci’s attributed example. Described
as “unfinished” and “possibly form the 1550s”, it was
first recorded in the collections of the painters Richard
Westall, R.A. (before his death in 1836), and later of G.
D. Leslie, R.A., in London, who acquired it in 1856.
50. Tintoretto, The Finding of Moses, oil on canvas, 56 x
119 cm., ca. 1555, Museo Nacional del Prado inv.
no. P 396; see Miguel Falomir, ed., Tintoretto, exh. cat.
(Madrid: Museo Nacional del Prado, 2007), pp. 258-
265, no. 24. See also Carlo Ridolfi, La vita di Giacopo
Robusti, detto il Tintoretto, celebre pittore, cittadino veneziano,
II (Venice: Gugliemo Oddoni, 1642), p. 56.
51. Paolo Veronese, Mars and Venus with Cupid and a
Dog, ca. 1580, oil on canvas, 165 x 126.4 cm, The
National Galleries of Scotland, Edinburgh, inv. no.
NG339. See Giandomenico Romanelli and Claudio
Strinati, eds., Veronese: Miti, Ritratti, Allegorie, exh. cat.
(Venice: Museo Correr, 2005), pp. 138-139, no. 26.
Interestingly, in the present context of Soldani as
art-agent, the original big painting was in Britain by
1761, when it was published as being in the collection
of Sir Sampson Gideon (1699-1762), the financier
behind some of Sir Robert Walpole’s campaigns in
the Spanish War. It was recorded in Belvedere, his
elegant house near Erith in Kent, overlooking the
Thames Estuary (Robert and James Dodsley, London
and its Environs Described (London: R. & J. Dodsley,
1761), where it would have hung in the gallery, while
two of Soldani’s fabulous bronze reliefs of The Four
Seasons were mounted in the lobby. See Charles Avery,
“Soldani’s bronze reliefs of ‘Summer’ and ‘Autumn’:
New Documentation and Observations on their Date,
Patronage and Technique of Manufacture,” The
Register of The Spencer Museum of Art, University of Kansas,
7 (1995-1996): pp. 1-17.
52. See Appendix II (link to http://colnaghifoundation.
org/studies-journal.php.
53. Soldani also tried to help dispose of other collections:
one, belonging to Senator Tornaquinci, comprised
pictures by Bronzino, Pietro da Cortona, Livio Mehus,
Raphael and Andrea del Sarto, as well as maiolica
and antiquities (Soldani thought that the prices were
too high and that some might be copies). Another,
belonging to Signor Ambra, he tried to get the painter
Sagrestani to authenticate. The sculptor himself also
acquired a possible Annibale Carracci Holy Family in a
Landscape, with a view to selling it on, so he was more
than dabbling in the trade, in order to supplement
his income (as was normal for ambitious artists at the
time, and so was not frowned on). These will be the
subject of a further article.
34 35

Francisco Ribalta’s Vision of Father Simó:

British taste and the legacy of Sebastiano
del Piombo in Spanish painting
PI ERS BAKER-BATES

Francisco Ribalta’s Vision of Father Jeronimo Simó (fig. 1) This commission must have been executed by
has been among the more neglected paintings in the Ribalta rapidly after the event. Father Simó had only
National Gallery. It is one of the only two of Ribalta’s died – in the odour of sanctity, to use the evocative
works that are still in a UK collection – and of which Catholic phrase – on the 25th of April of that same
there have only ever been three.1 The subject, Jeronimo year. So great were the crowds at the funeral sermon
Simó, a parish priest from Valencia, within his lifetime on the 27th of that month, in his own parish church
was already a venerated ascetic and mystic and had of San Andrés, that neither the viceroy nor the city
become well known for his visions. Perhaps the most councillors could reach their assigned seats.3 The news
remarkable was of Christ Carrying his Cross which immediately reached the court at Madrid where Simó’s
came to Father Simó on one of the walks he took each sanctity and a number of miracles already attributed to
Friday along the Calle de los Caballeros, a street through him became topics for discussion; competition began
which condemned criminals were led to their execution. for relics too.4 News had also made it to Rome very
He heard a sound of trumpets and saw Jesus bearing quickly, but it was not until just over a year later, on
his cross approaching him accompanied by a crowd. 7 September 1613, that an official process for Simó’s
Falling into a swoon, he was found insensible in the street beatification was begun there.5
the next morning and never again rose from his bed,
enduring the same sufferings as Christ. He was just thirty- The intended destination of Francisco Ribalta’s
three years old, the same age as Christ at his death.2 painting of the Vision of Father Jeronimo Simó, and
its immediately subsequent fate, remain matters
Ribalta’s painting of this vision is dominated by the of speculation. The painting first came to public
figure of Christ advancing towards us, bearing his attention when the English writer and traveller
Cross. To Christ’s right is a kneeling figure, Father Richard Ford purchased it from a private collection
Simó, in priestly garb and in a pose common in donor in Valencia in September 1831. At that point, Father
portraits, reaches out, as if to embrace his Saviour. To Simó had been painted over and the whole surface
the left, a procession, led by a trumpeter and including covered with a heavy layer of varnish (fig. 2). The
Saint John and the Virgin, follows Christ down the painting had also been at some point cut down
narrow street. All these other figures are subordinated considerably at both the sides and the top – losing
to the central event, and Christ’s gaze is fixed firmly various additional figures including Mary Magdalene
on the kneeling priest. The painting is signed on the in the process. The French critic, Marcel Nicolle, on
scroll in the foreground: “Franciscus Ribalta Fecit Anno seeing the painting in the National Loan exhibition
Fig. 1 / Francisco Ribalta, 1612.” The position of this signature draws the viewer of 1910 in London, dismissed it as: “pastiche amolli et
Vision of Father Simó, 1612, oil
on canvas, 210.8 x 110.5 cm,
into the sacred drama as if he or she were receiving the enfumé du célèbre Sebastiano del Piombo del Prado, signé et daté
London, National Gallery. vision for him- or herself. de 1612.” 6
36 Francisco Ribalta’s Vision of Father Simó: British taste and the legacy of Sebastiano del Piombo in Spanish painting Francisco Ribalta’s Vision of Father Simó: British taste and the legacy of Sebastiano del Piombo in Spanish painting 37

The kneeling figure of Father Simó was only Its two volumes were dedicated to Sir William Eden,
uncovered, and the painting correctly identified, Baronet: “These pages are dedicated, in remembrance of
when it was cleaned at the National Gallery between pleasant years spent in well-beloved Spain, by his sincere
1945 and 1946.7 friend, Richard Ford.”13 Eden’s seat was at Windlestone
Hall, and Eden too became a collector of Spanish
Despite the parlous condition of the painting, Ford paintings. These included the third Ribalta at one
was an admirer of Ribalta’s work and described his time in England, which Eden also bought in Valencia
purchase in a letter to his friend, Henry Addington, in 1831: an extraordinary double portrait, A Knight of
British Minister in Madrid, the very same month in Santiago and his Lady (fig. 3), an uncommon type in Spain
glowing terms: at this period. This work was then assumed to be a
self-portrait by Ribalta, although that identification
I have been tempted by a certain has since been problematized.14 The painting was sold
picture of Ribalta, and have given in 1975 and is now in the University of Kentucky
11,000 reals for it, a large sum here, Art Museum. Ribalta was always a left-field choice in
or anywhere; but it is a stupendous English collections, with no paintings by him bought
picture and one of the very grandest into the country after 1831. Having made his purchase
class and worth £500.8 of Ribalta’s Virgin and Child with Musical Angels, William
Bankes had had to write to reassure his parents on 20
What makes Colnaghi Studies a particularly appropriate October 1814: “…I am (surprised) that you do not
destination for this article is that in a later letter of think more highly of the Ribalta, I thought it both
December 1831 to another friend, the art dealer BY WAY OF BACKGROUND: a good & an agreeable picture, & had the opinion of
with whom he most often dealt, Dominic Colnaghi, ENGLAND AND VALENCIA several good judges before I bought it.”15
Ford said of the painting: “I think [it] will astonish all This is also an appropriate moment to be writing this
England.”9 It was Colnaghi who received the Ribalta article, for it comes just over a hundred years after the The enthusiasm for Spain that was shared between
when Ford sent his first consignment of purchases purchase of the Vision of Father Jeronimo Simó (see fig. 1) Richard Ford and Sir William Eden can also be seen in
back to England in September 1832. by the National Gallery in 1913, and coincides with a letter that describes a visit Ford had paid to his friend
the painting’s re-appearance on public display. The in the summer of 1850, almost twenty years after their
Ribalta’s painting, which has been in the National complex and intellectually difficult subject matter has return to England:
Gallery since 1910, in both style and subject matter meant that this painting has not always received the
has not since received the attention it merits, in reception that Richard Ford expected. Despite Ford’s Mrs Ford who is a learned ecclesiologist has
England at least. I have long been interested in high hopes as to what he could sell it for, the Ribalta been enchanted with the cathedrals… but
this picture therefore, not only in order to unpick was bought-in at the sale of his Spanish pictures in June most of all with princely Durham. How
the artistic sources for the striking subject matter, 1836 for a mere sixty-five pounds and two shillings.10 In fine the position is! Really it recalled time-
but also as a notable example of the English June 1913, it was ultimately sold by his grandson, also honoured Toledo; among our visits, we have
taste for Spanish art. In fact, it offers a dual Richard Ford, for £1000, to the National Gallery to been to Eden’s – Windlestone, a noble casa solar
study of reception: that of the reception of the which it had been on loan for the previous three years. … which cost some 100000£ in building...16
art of Sebastiano del Piombo into Spain and Richard the younger employed a potent mixture of
that of Spanish art in England. Jeronimo Simó’s playing hardball and sentimentality to encourage this Fords’s romantic view of Spain suggests that he was
case has been studied in recent historiography as purchase of a painting which: quite unaware of the very specific circumstances that
a classic example of frustrated sainthood at the had motivated the commission of his own painting by
vital, transitional moment of the early seventeenth “My grand-father Richard Ford, the writer Ribalta. It is ironic that this great masterpiece of the
century, and attention has also turned to the artistic on Spain, and his friend Stirling Maxwell, Spanish mystical tradition, mis-identified, should end up
manifestations of his cult. No study, however, thought very highly of… and I should be sorry in the hall of Ford’s country house outside Exeter where
has knitted together the original circumstances if they were not acquired by the nation.”11 Ford describes its hanging in a letter of December 1845
of the creation of the painting and its intended to the Oxford don, Sir Edmund Head.17
destination. Furthermore, the National Gallery The Gallery, however, turned down the other painting
painting remains the seminal example of how the Fig. 3 / Unknown Artist, offered by Ford, a Murillo, Two Franciscan Monks, which Despite the now correct identification of both the
Fig. 2 / Francisco Ribalta, Roman art of Sebastiano del Piombo, its ultimate Portrait of a Knight of is now in the National Gallery of Canada.12 subject and the artist, a label in Ford’s handwriting,
Vision of Father Simó (prior to Santiago, ca. 1610, oil on
source, came to be not only copied and adapted still pasted to the back of the painting, leaves various
conservation treatment), 1612, canvas, 110.2 x 143.8 cm,
oil on canvas, 210.8 x 110.5 cm, but also repurposed by Spanish artists in the post- Lexington, University of The elder Richard Ford is chiefly remembered today questions unanswered. In it Ford states his belief that his
London, National Gallery. Tridentine climate. Kentucky Art Museum. as the author of the 1845 Handbook for Travellers in Spain. purchase was the painting by Ribalta that was described
38 Francisco Ribalta’s Vision of Father Simó: British taste and the legacy of Sebastiano del Piombo in Spanish painting Francisco Ribalta’s Vision of Father Simó: British taste and the legacy of Sebastiano del Piombo in Spanish painting 39

are by two of the artists with whom he was to be most

closely associated – Luis de Morales and Juan Sariñena
respectively. Despite the difference in age, the long, skull
– like face and ascetic features of Ribera are instantly
recognizable in both.

Perhaps the most extraordinary image of Ribera

though is another painting, signed by Sariñena also in
the year 1612: Archbishop Juan Ribera Adoring the Eucharist
(fig. 6). Here, the prelate is on his knees, hands clasped
in prayer, before a monstrance raised upon an altar,
the simplicity of the depiction enhancing the solemnity
of the act. This painting emphasizes Ribera’s devotion
to the Blessed Sacrament, as he preached in a sermon
of 6 June 1577: “The Eucharist is the most principal
of all [Sacraments], and worthy of greater reverence
and admiration.”23 The painting is particularly relevant
to our argument here as from Ribera’s mouth issue
the words, Tu es Sacerdos, taken from Psalm 110, an
illustration of the importance he had placed upon the
role of parochial clergymen such as Jeronimo Simó.

Juan de Ribera had been born at Seville in 1532, the

illegitimate son of the future 1st Duke of Alcalá. Ribera
grew up amid the collections, and in the cultured
atmosphere, of the famous Casa de Pilatos that had
been the creation of his great-uncle, Fadrique Enríquez
in 1800 by the art critic, Juan Agustín Ceán Bermudéz, as a whole. One candidate is the Italian family, the de Ribera. The unusual name of the palace was a
in the convent of Santa Catalina at Saragossa: Marquesses of Pescara, but they do not appear to have result of the elder Ribera’s pilgrimage to Jerusalem in
settled in Valencia until the late nineteenth century. 1519.24 Ribera’s father, heir to the Casa, was a noted
Christ bearing the Cross Francisco/ For now, this remains an open question, along with collector when he served as viceroy from 1559-1571.
Ribalta. This solemn specimen of the what else the Gallery of Pescuera may have contained His early artistic experiences in Seville remained a point
great Spanish imitator of Sebastiano/ that made it “celebrated” in Ford’s eyes. of reference for Juan de Ribera ever after.25 He began
del Piombo was painted by him in 1612 his studies at Salamanca at the age of 12, and the
for/the convent of Santa Catalina at Despite what Ford thought, as well as being a significant connections of his family at court helped his youthful
Zaragoza... It was/stolen from the convent commission for Ribalta in and of itself, the Vision of elevation to the bishopric of Badajoz in 1562.
by the French. I bought it/at Valencia in Father Jeronimo Simó was intimately bound up with the
Sept. 1831 out of the ce/lebrated Gallery religious climate in Valencia in 1612. At that time, Fig. 4 / Luis de Morales, Saint Ribera commissioned numerous works of art from the From Badajoz, he was swiftly promoted in 1568 to be
Juan de Ribera, ca. 1566, oil on
of Pescuera; there is a/replica of it in Valencia was still among the three or four largest and artists he supported, first as Bishop of Badajoz and Archbishop of Valencia and titular Patriarch of Antioch.
oak panel, 52.3 x 40 cm, Madrid,
Magdalen College Oxford/ Rich. Ford.18 most important cities of Spain, although suffering from Museo Nacional del Prado. then as Archbishop of Valencia, and he has therefore Ribera also served as Viceroy of Valencia, occupying
ever-increasing economic decline.21 The patriarch, been much discussed as a patron.22 His commissions the highest civil and ecclesiastical offices coterminously
Fig. 5 / Juan Sariñena, The
According to Ceán Bermudéz, the Saragossa Juan de Ribera – who had done so much during his are perhaps the supreme expression of the intricate between 1602 and 1604. He was one of the leading
Patriarca Saint Juan de Ribera,
painting was, “A large painting which represents the forty-three year archepiscopacy to foster a religious 1607, oil on canvas, 76 x 53
and intimate nexus of art, religion, and society in Early prelates of the Spanish Church after the Council of
Lord carrying the Cross when he appeared to Saint climate consistent with the new norms of the Catholic cm, Valencia, Real Colegio Modern Spain (at least within Spain itself) and reflect Trent and indeed a paradigm for the post-Tridentine
Ignatius of Loyola.”19 This vision was a frequent Reformation – had died the previous year, and the city Seminario de Corpus Christi. the mentality and mission of the man himself. Through prelate; upon his promotion to Valencia in 1568, Ribera
subject for altarpieces at this time as it was a seminal was under an ecclesiastical interregnum. Francisco works of art, Ribera was intent on constructing a was referred to, by Pope Pius V as lumen totius Hispaniae.26
Fig. 6 / Juan Sariñena,
episode in the foundation myth of the Jesuits.20 The Ribalta’s altarpiece of the Vision of Father Jerónimo Simó Archbishop Juan de Ribera hagiography fit for the renewed spiritual climate that Juan de Ribera was beatified in 1796 and eventually
second question concerns “the celebrated Gallery is among the last, and most striking, examples of a Adoring the Eucharist, 1612, oil he had inaugurated with his appointment to Valencia. canonized by Pope John XXIII in 1960. He is most (in)
on canvas attached to panel,
of Pescuera,” which has never been satisfactorily particular genre of pietistic art that Ribera had fostered Two contrasting portraits of Ribera survive, one when famous today for his leading role in 1609 in the expulsion
199.5 x 137.4 cm, Valencia, Real
identified: there is no noble title of that name in in Valencia and which continued briefly after his death. Colegio Seminario de Corpus he was a young bishop in 1564 (fig. 4), and another, of the Moriscos, Christianized Arabs, who at his accession
contemporary Valencia or in the Spanish peerage There is no other example of his genre in Britain. Christi. post mortem, of 1611, still in Valencia (fig. 5). These still inhabited large parts of the Kingdom of Valencia.27
40 Francisco Ribalta’s Vision of Father Simó: British taste and the legacy of Sebastiano del Piombo in Spanish painting Francisco Ribalta’s Vision of Father Simó: British taste and the legacy of Sebastiano del Piombo in Spanish painting 41

There is a painting of 1864 by the Valencian artist, RIBERA AND THE AFTERLIFE visually his spiritual program. Despite his early
Francisco Domingo Marques, El Beato Juan de Ribera en la OF SEBASTIANO DEL PIOMBO IN SPAIN promise, Morales might never have achieved any
expulsión de los Moriscos (fig. 7), that shows how historical In his artistic patronage, Ribera supported certain artists success outside Extremadura without the appointment
memory of this event remained vivid. in particular – the paradigm being Luis de Morales from of Juan de Ribera to the diocese of Badajoz. Luis de
whom Ribera had commissioned work while at Badajoz Morales deserves far greater attention than he has
The episcopal activities of Juan de Ribera were also – but, at Valencia, Ribera gathered about him a much received, if only because of their relationship – one in
controversial. His lack of episcopal promotion beyond larger circle of artists.29 The paintings he commissioned which Ribera used the art of Morales as a vehicle to
Valencia, his failure to reach the cardinalate, and the from Morales and others later in his career concentrate express his own spirituality and to spread it to a wide
relatively recent date of his canonization, despite earlier largely on episodes from the Passion of Christ, such as audience.32 There are several episodes of the Passion
interest in his cause, may be a reflection of the fact that the Carrying of the Cross. Furthermore, as Ford had that Morales painted repeatedly, such as the Christ
Ribera proved unusually responsive to the spiritual already noted and as will be discussed here in greater Carrying the Cross or Ecce Homo, many of them derived
needs of his flock. To quote Benjamin Ehlers, instead detail, these works are derived either directly, or are from Sebastiano del Piombo.
of a rigid enforcement of the decrees of Trent, “he at one remove from, paintings by the early sixteenth-
engaged rather in a process of exchange, or interplay, century veneto-roman artist, Sebastiano del Piombo. Here I shall discuss just one episode that concerns our
between official activity and popular religion.”28 Ribera Works of this kind became widespread in Spain and argument: Christ Carrying his Cross. The significance
had indeed engaged closely with local holy men and show the extraordinary impact that Sebastiano’s of each individual Christian bearing his own cross
women in Valencia – figures such as Jeronimo Simó, paintings had there. in imitation of Christ was derived from the Gospel
– and his interest in and support of such visionary according to Saint Matthew, and was central to a
religious practices attracted the interest of the Ribera’s commissions focused not only on the Passion, number of late medieval devotional texts.33 In the most
Inquisition from the very beginning of his episcopal but in particular on specific episodes of bodily anguish popular of them all, Thomas à Kempis’s Imitatio Christi,
career, at Badajoz. in which the suffering of Christ was made manifest written in the early fifteenth century, there appears the
following striking passage:

Why then do you fear to take up the

Cross, which is the road to the kingdom?
....There is no salvation of soul, nor hope
of eternal life, save in the Cross. Take up
the Cross, therefore, and follow Jesus, and
go forward into eternal life. Christ has
to the faithful. In these brutal works, the various ways gone before you, bearing His Cross.34
in which the body of Christ was torn, bloodied and
bruised in the course of his Passion are made very This subject was also given a significant role in the
clear and were intended to provoke a visceral response Contemptus Mundi, a work that is revealingly subtitled
from the pious viewer. Perhaps because of this aspect mensosprecio del mundo y imitación de Cristo, and was the first
of his work, despite Luis de Morales’s painterly skill Castilian translation of the Imitatio Christi.
and subsequent success with collectors, the amount of
research devoted to his career has been relatively sparse This translation, the first published work of the
– at least in the Anglophone world. The same applies Dominican, Fray Luis de Granada, was issued in
to Francisco Ribalta, who after his move to Valencia in Ribera’s native Seville in 1536.35 It would run to over
1598, became the leader and founder of a flourishing thirty editions by the end of the sixteenth century,
artistic scene in the city nurtured by Juan de Ribera. and Fray Luis became a life-long correspondent and
confidant of Archbishop Ribera.36 Christ Carrying
Fig. 7 / Francisco Domingo Antonio Palomino, writing in 1724, entitled his brief the Cross also played a large role in Jesuit spirituality,
Marqués, The Blessed Ribera
and the Expulsion of the
life of Morales “el divino Morales”, the first use of this which drew on many of the same traditions from which
Moriscos, 1864, oil on canvas, particular titular.30 According to Palomino, Morales the Imitatio Christi had emerged. Indeed, as mentioned
146 x 189 cm, Valencia, Museu was so called because “everything he painted had a above, when Richard Ford first acquired Ribalta’s
de Belles Arts.
sacred subject.” Gabriele Finaldi has added more painting, he had assumed that it represented Saint
Fig. 8 / Luis de Morales, Christ recently that Morales deserved the title because of Ignatius’s well-known vision of Christ Carrying the
Carrying the Cross, ca. 1567, oil “his success in expressing the fervid and impassioned Cross. Juan de Ribera as patriarch was closely allied to
on panel, 81 x 62 cm, Valencia,
Real Colegio Seminario de
spirituality of Spanish society.”31 In Morales, Juan the nascent Jesuit order and assisted its spread in the
Corpus Christi. de Ribera had found the first artist suited to render Kingdom of Valencia against established opposition.37
42 Francisco Ribalta’s Vision of Father Simó: British taste and the legacy of Sebastiano del Piombo in Spanish painting Francisco Ribalta’s Vision of Father Simó: British taste and the legacy of Sebastiano del Piombo in Spanish painting 43

As well as the paintings’ textual fidelity, it is important

to consider the intended impact of their style. Morales
and Ribalta both derived their versions of Christ
Carrying the Cross from those that had been painted by
Sebastiano del Piombo for Spanish clients, at least one
of which was available to Ribalta in Valencia. These
images of Christ Carrying his Cross were almost always
created as stand-alone images – or as Erwin Panofsky
characterized them, Andachtsbild. A comparison of
another by Sebastiano, of uncertain provenance and
now in the Prado (fig. 9), with Morales’s version reveals
the exaggerated piety of the latter. The original calm
and almost introspective piety of Sebastiano’s Christ
has been replaced in Morales by something far more
empathetic and emotive.

Morales has added not only the Crown of Thorns but

also great drops of blood from where the thorns have
gouged Christ’s scalp. Perhaps the most emblematic
example of the diffusion of Sebastiano del Piombo’s
type of Christ Carrying the Cross is a small painting
(fig. 10) now in the church of San Miguel, Valladolid,
which was painted by the Florentine emigré, Beneditto
Rabuyate.40 It is derived from a painting of the same
subject by Luis de Morales, who in turn was inspired by
one of the several paintings of this subject by Sebastiano
that were sent to Spain. This small devotional image
is an excellent example of the fluid cultural world that
existed across the Tyrhennian sea by the end of the
sixteenth century – and in which Francisco Ribalta too
became immersed.

In Ribalta’s painting (see fig. 1), Father Simó’s vision

of Christ Carrying the Cross is somewhat different.
So, Father Simó’s vision of this subject was dramatic in Rather than an anachronic single image intended for
and of itself, but it was also a reflection of a particular meditative devotion, Ribalta has followed the account
focus on the subject of Christ Carrying his Cross in one of the depositions before the commission of
during the period. One treatment of this subject by inquiry deliberating Simó’s canonization, in a deliberate
Morales (fig. 8) remains part of the collections of the attempt to create a hagiography appropiate for a saint.41
Real Colegio Seminario del Corpus Christi – more Ribalta also depicts a contemporary event for a pious
colloquially called the Colegio del Patriarca.38 audience who, even if they had not experienced the
Fig. 9 / Sebastiano del This was the seminary founded by the archbishop miracle itself, would probably have known the visionary Richard Ford compared Ribalta to better-known Italian Only in 1995 was it revealed that, until 1646, a
Piombo, Christ Carrying the in Valencia in 1583; at that time it fell within the and venerable priest in question and the very streets in masters when bringing his work to the attention of his number of Sebastiano’s paintings were in the private
Cross, ca. 1533-1536, oil
on slate, 104.5 x 74.5 cm, boundaries of Jerónimo Simó’s parish of San which it took place. Indeed, the tower of the Palau de readers, describing the artist in 1845 as “the Spanish collection at Valencia of the Vich – among the leading
Madrid, Museo Nacional del Andrés.39 The central patio of the Colegio was a la Generalitat, the government building situated at the Domenichino, and Sebastian del Piombo combined”, families of the city and themselves patrons of Ribalta.
Prado. deliberate imitation of that of the Casa de Pilatos in end of the Calle de los Caballeros, can just be glimpsed while Sir William Stirling Maxwell in 1891 referred to The head of the family between 1608 and 1624 was
Fig. 10 / Beneditto Rabuyate which Ribera had grown up. Building works continued in the background. Ribalta as “successful in his imitation of Sebastiano Alvaro Vich who commissioned work from both
(?), Christ Carrying the Cross, for eighteen years and to furnish the Colegio, Ribera del Piombo.” 42 In terms of both men’s acute artistic Ribalta and his son, Juan.44 In his city palace were a
after 1550, oil on panel, 55 not only commissioned works of art and brought Otherwise, Ribalta’s altarpiece is as much a composite judgement it is important to note that at this early date now dispersed group of paintings by Sebastiano del
x 43 cm, Valladolid, Parish
Church of San Miguel and artists from Italy in the manner of his father, but he of Sebastiano del Piombo as the Morales, and the none of Sebastiano’s pictures had yet been connected Piombo commissioned by his great-grandfather, Don
San Julián. also turned to those closer to home. influence of Sebastiano on Ribalta has long been noted. specifically and securely to Valencia or Ribalta.43 Jeronimo de Vich, when ambassador at Rome in the
44 Francisco Ribalta’s Vision of Father Simó: British taste and the legacy of Sebastiano del Piombo in Spanish painting Francisco Ribalta’s Vision of Father Simó: British taste and the legacy of Sebastiano del Piombo in Spanish painting 45

What is most interesting about them is how thoughtfully

Ribalta has adapted Sebastiano for his own pious
purposes. The body of Christ in the Vision is taken from
the Descent into Limbo, once a wing of the Vich triptych,
a group that Ribalta also copied as a whole. The upper
half of Christ, and some of the accompanying figures,
were taken from the Christ Carrying the Cross. This was
Sebastiano’s earliest version of this subject and more
elaborate than any others that he painted.

Furthermore, while Ribalta’s art was already connected

with that of with Sebastiano, thanks to Ford’s acquisition
of the Vision of Father Jerónimo Simó, Ribalta’s name was
becoming associated in England with the subject of
Fig. 11 / Sebastiano del early sixteenth century. These were a Christ Carrying Christ Carrying the Cross in another way too. Rather
Piombo, Christ Carrying the
the Cross (fig. 11) and a triptych with a central panel dwarfed by the gothic splendour of Magdalen College
Cross, ca. 1513-1514, oil on
canvas, 121 x 100 cm, Madrid, of the Lamentation, a Descent into Limbo (fig. 12) on one Chapel in Oxford is its high altarpiece, a large Christ
Museo Nacional del Prado. side, and an unknown subject to the other.45 Alvaro’s Carrying the Cross (fig. 13), seized during a British naval
brother and heir, Diego, commissioned from Ribalta’s raid on Vigo in 1702.48 Here again is a life-size Christ
Fig. 12 / Sebastiano del
Piombo, The Descent into
son, Juan – among others – a series of portraits of Carrying the Cross, who dominates the picture surface
Limbo, 1516, oil on canvas, thirty-one Valencian worthies, including an image to an even greater extent. There is much less incidental
226 x 114 cm, Madrid, Museo of Jerónimo Simó, which unfortunately does not detail, although in the background the procession to
Nacional del Prado.
survive.46 Calvary winds past. Ford mentioned this as a painting
Fig. 13 / Unknown Artist, by Ribalta in 1845, and the same attribution can
Christ Carrying the Cross on Francisco Ribalta had evidently carefully studied these be found on the label on the back of the National
his way to Calvary, after 1600,
works by Sebastiano, for there are innumerable copies Gallery painting – where it is described implausibly as
oil on canvas, 199 x 159 cm,
Oxford, Magdalen College and versions by him, or his workshop, of the Vich a “replica”.49 In 1891, Stirling Maxwell followed this
Chapel. paintings, particularly of the Christ Carrying the Cross.47 opinion. His sentence is worth quoting in full:
46 Francisco Ribalta’s Vision of Father Simó: British taste and the legacy of Sebastiano del Piombo in Spanish painting Francisco Ribalta’s Vision of Father Simó: British taste and the legacy of Sebastiano del Piombo in Spanish painting 47

It was then ascribed to Morales, probably – that would have involved the pious audience more Simó’s cause was raised in word and image both at
because he was the only artist of the deeply in the subjects depicted. This was the tradition the royal court in Madrid, and at the papal court
Peninsula whose name had yet reached of the Pasos, elaborate processions of images such as in Rome, although the odds were always against
Oxford. With more justice it has since Christ Carrying the Cross and other similar events his canonization. Besides competition from other
been attributed to one of the Ribaltas.50 from his Passion. These processions wound their would-be saints in Rome, in Valencia the mendicant
way through the streets of contemporary cities on orders, the Inquisition, and even the new patriarch,
The British tendency was always to associate such important feast days and became a prominent feature the intransigent Dominican Isidoro Aliaga (whose
pious subject matter with the names of certain artists of Spanish religious practice, which continues to this powerful brother, Luis, was confessor to Philip III and
in particular; but what the Oxford painting in fact day.52 Indeed, the composition of the Vision seems to would become Inquisitor General in 1619) were all
demonstrates is the popularity of this subject matter recall these processions quite deliberately. Ribera, as opposed.60 Worse was to come in 1618 when the chief
throughout the Iberian Peninsula. The origins and archbishop, had encouraged their expansion; this was supporter of the “Simonistas” at court, the royal valido,
dating of this particular painting are still disputed but one means of inspiring popular devotion and, as such, the Duke of Lerma, fell from power. The previous
it is probably Andalusian, of the seventeenth century. he played, a prominent part in them himself. Besides his year he had donated various images of Simó for his
Currently it goes by a longstanding attribution to Juan annual participation in the Corpus Christi devotions, for private cell in the Dominican house he had founded at
de Valdes Leal – although that appears to me unlikely.51 example, the patriarch carried the Holy Grail, Valencia’s Lerma.61 Nonetheless unsuccessful attempts to ensure
most revered relic, through the streets of the city in 1588 Father Simó’s canonization continued in both Madrid
What the Oxford painting also demonstrates vividly is to ensure the success of the Armada sent by Philip II and Rome for a further half-century.62
the increasing pietism and drama of these Spanish against England.53 After his death, on 13 June 1612 the
versions of Christ Carrying the Cross compared to Butchers’ guild held a grand procession and included In 1619, the brief flourishing of Simó’s cult at Valencia
their Italian predecessors. This might be because the among the floats was one of: “mosen simo ab manteu y was successfully prohibited by Archbishop Aliaga and all
various artists involved would have been able to draw sotana vestit y descubert lo cap” “(mosen simon dressed in his images of the visionary priest were explicitly forbidden.
inspiration of a different kind – unknown to Sebastiano mantle and cassock and with his head uncovered).” 54 Religious imagery of holy men and women before their
official canonization was considered scandalous by many
FRUSTRATION AND FAILURE clergy such as Aliaga. Such images had technically been
The Vision of Father Jeronimo Simó is not the only example prohibited in a decree promulgated in December 1563
of Archbishop Ribera’s commissioning works celebrating at the last session of the Council of Trent, although,
the visions of local religious figures in Valencia. There as in the instance being discussed, they had clearly
are at least three surviving images, all now in the Collegio continued to be produced.63 Simó’s public cult enjoyed a
del Patriarca, commissioned from 1600 onwards, that brief flicker of a decade or so before it would appear to
depict Sor Margarita Agullona. Two of these are by vanish without a trace (although this was not in fact so),
Ribalta, one of them his first commission from the and he failed to be included in the canonization of no
patriarch, while the third is by Juan Sariñena (fig. 14).55 fewer than four Spanish saints that took place in Rome
Sariñena had also made an image (now lost) of the holy on the 12 March 1622.64
woman as she lay on her deathbed. Sor Margarita
was a Franciscan nun, author and mystic – and, like With the cleaning of the National Gallery painting
Jeronimo Simó, Sor Margarita too had visions. 56 immediately after the Second World War, various
artistic manifestations of Simó’s cult first began to
Her visions, celebrated in these paintings, were of a be reconstructed. Since then, additional discoveries
Cross, larger than life size. The patriarch, who was her Becoming a saint was not easy and the politics of cult demonstrate that the Vision is not the only work
confessor, had brought her to live close to him; indeed, formation were tortuous: canonization was as much a of material culture that can be connected to the
she died in his presence in 1600. All of these paintings political as religious process, and all means necessary propagation of the cult of Jeronimo Simó. For
Fig. 14 / Juan Sariñena, Sister of Sor Margarita, as with those of Father Simó, were were employed.57 Recent, detailed studies of the example, an equally dramatic altarpiece appeared
Margarita Agulló, 1605, oil executed post mortem. Attempts to promote Sor actual process of canonization in the years at the end on the art market in 1985, and is now in the Museo
on canvas attached to panel,
151 x 93 cm, Valencia, Real Margarita’s canonization led nowhere, and it is rather of the sixteenth century, particularly in relation to the Nacional in Valladolid (fig. 15).65 Here the viewer sees
Colegio Seminario de Corpus ironic that the only figure of this group who made the nascent cults of Filippo Neri and Ignatius Loyola, have Jeronimo Simó again, in the vision that followed almost
Christi. step to sainthood was Archbishop Ribera himself. These illustrated these difficulties clearly.58 Nonetheless, there immediately on that in the National Gallery, that of
Fig. 15 / Unknown Artist, images are relatively generic, however, and of all the have been only a few case studies of the propagation of Christ on Calvary. This time Simó kneels to one side
Father Jerónimo Simó’s Vision various works of art that Juan de Ribera encouraged, more local cults such as that of Jeronimo Simó. Spain, of the Cross, from which Christ looks down directly at
of Calvary, 1612-1616, oil those surrounding the cult of Jeronimo Simó are the although united in the late fifteenth century, could only him. On the other side Veronica holds the veil, and her
on canvas, 187 x 129 cm,
Valladolid, Museo Nacional most intimately and directly connected to the religious claim one saint until the canonization of the Castilian figure is a neat mirror image of Father Simó’s. Behind
de Escultura. climate that he had fostered as archbishop in Valencia. Franciscan, Diego of Alcalá, by Sixtus V in 1588.59 Veronica the three Maries lament.
48 Francisco Ribalta’s Vision of Father Simó: British taste and the legacy of Sebastiano del Piombo in Spanish painting Francisco Ribalta’s Vision of Father Simó: British taste and the legacy of Sebastiano del Piombo in Spanish painting 49

Unfortunately, no trace of the altarpiece’s original yet even beatified – indeed its use in his images was *****
location survives as the church of San Andrés was specifically prohibited by the Inquisition as early as 24 Taking these examples together demonstrates
rebuilt in 1686, and then sacked in the Spanish Civil June 1614.70 The central figure of Jeronimo Simó is that the cult of Jeronimo Simó forms an excellent
War.66 Within a further four months, on 24 January described as a viva imago and is remarkably close to the illustration of the dramatic confluence between
1613, Ribalta on commission of the Cathedral two painted examples already examined. art, society and religion in the Hispanic Baroque
Chapter of Valencia was paid to paint three portraits within the Iberian Peninsula. More specifically, they
of Jeronimo Simó, all now lost.67 It is specified that Images of Simó became widespread rapidly in also reveal, I hope, why Francisco Ribalta’s, Vision
these were intended to be presented by the Chapter to contemporary print culture and as book illustrations. of Father Jeronimo Simó deserves a more prominent
Philip III, to his chief minister, the Duke of Lerma, A copy of an engraving of Simó was sent to no less place in the National Gallery’s collection. Besides its
and to the pope, Paul V. It is likely that Ribalta had a figure than Peter Paul Rubens in Antwerp. Rubens history, it represents a very unusual moment in the
himself met or seen Father Simó while alive, or at employed Cornelis Gallé to copy it as the frontispiece British collecting of Spanish art. Above all, Ribalta’s,
the very least examined the corpse of the recently for the Vita B Simonis Valentini by Jan van Wouwers, Vision of Father Jeronimo Simó shows how profoundly
deceased priest. Produced immediately after Simó’s which was printed in the city in 1614 and dedicated the art of Sebastiano del Piombo penetrated in
death, these images show how the move for his to the Regent, Archduke Albert of Austria.71 The Spain. It was not just a case of a handful of copies
canonization had acquired not just a purely Valencian appearance of Simó’s cult in Flanders and the made directly. These are merely suggestive of a much
or even Spanish dimension, but also international publication of Wouwers’s Vita can be traced back to deeper and widespread impact, whereby Sebastiano
impetus. the support for his cause by Archduke Albert, Regent became the referent for depicting the sacred image in
of the Netherlands, both brother-in-law and cousin to many different forms in the Spain of Philip II. The
Ribalta also provided the group of drawings that King Philip III of Spain and a firm believer in the cult influence of Sebastiano presents a powerful case for
formed the basis of an engraving by the Frenchman, of saints and relics.72 the reconsideration of the Spanish religious image
Michel Lasne, of which only one example survives of the second half of the sixteenth century more
(fig. 16). This engraving was first mentioned in Marcos The archduke believed that he had been cured of the generally; but that is another story.
Antonio Orellana’s work on Valencian painters gout by a piece of silk thread from Simó’s clothing
written in 1782, where he notes he had seen some that belonged to his wife, and presented Simó’s parish
of these images himself, but a surviving example was church of San Andres with a valuable silver lamp that
only found and published in 1957.68 The engraving was intended to burn in perpetuity before his tomb.73
itself is of high quality and shows Simó in the central Wouwer’s text meanwhile was only one of at least
In this image once again it is Christ who dominates. panel – this time surrounded by no less than seventeen three vitae of the Valencian priest that were published
The participation of Father Simó in the event miraculous events that should have been the grounds in both southern and northern Europe during the
is increased by the position of his hands, which for his canonization.69 Seven of these cover Simó’s years immediately after his death.74 One appeared in
would have been immediately recognizable to childhood and seven his early and holy death, while the the very same year, 1612, and two more in 1614. All
contemporaries as the orantes gesture: that is, the middle three, including both of the episodes in the two were part of the same sustained push for canonization.
gesture made by the priest as the bread and wine are paintings discussed, describe his visions of the Passion Archbishop Ribera had himself commissioned a similar
transubstantiated into the body and blood of Christ. of Christ. In envisioning several of these scenes, Ribalta life for Sor Margarita Agullona, published in 1607 and
These hands draw a direct link between Simó’s has drawn again on the intimate knowledge he had for which he himself wrote the prologue.75
priestly role and its consequences, the re-enactment of acquired of the work of Sebastiano del Piombo.
Christ’s crucifixion. The reference is still more explicit, Nonetheless in both cases the campaign failed and
although now this is not immediately clear on a first The compositions had to be somewhat altered in detail on 3 March 1619 all images of Simó were banned
viewing. In this vision, as Father Simó knelt at the in order to fit the format of the print; Simó’s vision by the Inquisition.76 Furthermore, at Rome, within a
foot of the Cross, he received a gentle spray of blood, of Christ Carrying the Cross has now been changed short time of his election in 1623, Urban VIII moved
directly from the wound in Christ’s side made by the from a vertical to a horizontal format. Simó himself to tighten up the regulations surrounding candidates
lance of Longinus, thereby increasing the priest’s interacts with the miracle to a far greater extent; he for canonization and their images, with decrees of
active role in the miracle. now embraces the figure of Christ directly instead 13 March and of 30 October 1625.77 The National
of being placed to one side. Each scene is further Gallery’s altarpiece by Ribalta was removed from
Nothing is known of the original location of the accompanied underneath by an explanatory text in the church within ten years of its installation and is
Valladolid painting, but the National Gallery painting Latin. Such prints were a common form of devotional now precious surviving evidence of this brief episode.
is probably the altarpiece that was commissioned by tract in this period; in all cases the saint in question Its immediate removal is also indicative of the over-
Fig. 16 / Michel Lasne after
designs by Francisco Ribalta, the clergy for the church of San Andrés, Valencia, forms the central figure, surrounded by miraculous all failure of Juan de Ribera’s wider campaign to
Scenes from the Life of Blessed upon the death of its parish priest. This was placed episodes of their life and accompanied by a stirring, engage with the “religiosity of the laity” of which the
Father Simó, 1610, engraving,
in the chapel in which he was buried, above his tomb, moralizing text. It is interesting specifically to note paintings of Luis de Morales were a more generic
Barcelona, Museo Nacional
d’Art de Catalunya. and was dedicated as early as 5 September 1612. the use of the halo here, even though Simó was not feature.
50 Francisco Ribalta’s Vision of Father Simó: British taste and the legacy of Sebastiano del Piombo in Spanish painting Francisco Ribalta’s Vision of Father Simó: British taste and the legacy of Sebastiano del Piombo in Spanish painting 51

N OTES

1. The other Ribalta still in England is The Virgin and 15. A passage from a letter published in Maclarnon, Art, ed. Jane Turner, 34 vols. (1996), XXII, pp. 72-73. 48. Thomas S. R. Boase, Christ Bearing the Cross Attributed 61. Patrick Williams, The Great Favourite. The Duke of 74. Francisco Martínez, La Exequias y Fiestas Funerales
Child with Musical Angels at Kingston Lacy: Kathleen “William Bankes,” p. 124. 32. Alfonso Rodríguez de Ceballos, “El mundo espiritual to Valdés Leal at Magdalen College, Oxford: A Study in Taste Lerma and the Court and Government of Philip III of Spain, que hizo la Santa Iglesia de Origuela y sus Parroquias, a la
Maclarnon, “William Bankes and his Collection 16. Ian Robertson, Richard Ford 1796-1858 Hispanophile, del pintor Luis de Morales. En El IV Centenario de su (Oxford and New York : Oxford University Press, 1955). 1598-1621 (Manchester and New York: Manchester dichosa muerte del Venerable y Angelico Padre Mossen Francisco
of Spanish Paintings at Kingston Lacy,” Burlington Connoisseur and Critic (Norwich: Michael Russell, muerte,” Goya 196 (1987): pp. 194-203; Ruiz Gómez, 49. Maclaren, The Spanish School, pp. 90-91, n. 14. University Press, 2006); Sarah Schroth, “A New Style Geronymo Simó (Origuela: Agustín Martínez, 1612);
Magazine 132 (1990): pp. 114-125. 2004), p. 259. The Divine Morales, pp. 186-211. 50. Stirling Maxwell, Annals, II, pp. 580-581. of Grandeur: Politics and Patronage at the Court Domingo Salzedo de Loayza, Breve y sumaria relación de la
2. There are many descriptions of this miraculous event 17. Hugh Brigstocke, “British Travellers in Spain 1766- 33. Matthew 16: 24-26. 51. Boase, Christ Bearing the Cross, pp. 13-14 ; this painting of Philip III,” in Kasl, Sacred Spain, pp. 77-121 (105); vida, muerte y milagros del venerable Pres. Mos. Fr. Hier Simon
but one that is taken directly from a report to the 1849,” Walpole Society 77 (2015): p. 417. 34. Thomas a Kempis, The Imitation of Christ, ed. and trans. is not, however, included in any of the more recent Lisa Banner, The Religious Patronage of the Duke of Lerma, Valenciano (Segorbe,1614); Wouverius, Vita.
commission of enquiry can be found in the unpublished 18. This wording is now damaged but was transcribed Leo Sherley Price (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1952), literature on this artist specifically. 1598-1621 (Farnham and Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 75. Jaume Sanchis, Relación breve de la vida, virtudes y milagros
Isidoro Aparici Gilart, Vida del Venerable Mosen Francisco verbatim in 1939 and published in Maclaren, The pp. 84-85. 52. Yolanda Gil Blasco and Armando Pavon Romero, 2009), pp. 132 and 135. de la humilde sierva del Señor y Virgen sor Margarita Agullo,
Geronymo Simon, that was written around 1705-1706 and Spanish School, pp. 90-91, n. 14. 35. Luis de Granada, Contemptus Mundi (Seville: Juan, “Ceremonias religosas en la Valencia del Patriarca 62. The city government of Valencia for example kept natural de la ciudad de Xativa (Valencia: Juan Crisotomo
is now in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid. 19. “Un quadro grande que representa al Señor con la Cromberger, 1536). Ribera,” in Callado Estela, El Patriarca Ribera y su tiempo, ambassadors at Madrid for this purpose: Archivo del Garriz, 1607).
3. Juan Porcar, Coses evengudes en la ciuta y regne de Valencia cruz a cuestas quando se apareció a S. Ignacio de 36. Rodríguez de Ceballos, “El mundo espiritual”; pp. 775-788 (786-788). Reyno de Valencia, Maestre Racional 12468; Callado 76. Falomir Faus, “Imágenes de una santidad frustrada,”
Dietario de Mosen Juan Porcar, capellan de San Martin Loyola.” Juan Agustín Ceán Bermudéz, Diccionario Alexander Wilkinson, Iberian Books. Books Published in 53. Ehlers, Between Christians and Moriscos, pp. 22-29. Estela, Devocion Popular. p. 178; Callado Estela, Devoción popular y convulsión social,
(1589-1629), ed. Vicente Castaneda Alcover (Madrid: histórico de los mas ilustres profesores de las bellas artes en Spanish or Portuguese or on the Iberian Peninsula before 1601 54. Porcar, Coses evengudes, p. 135. 63. The Canons and Decrees of the Sacred and Oecumenical Council pp.167-173.
Imprenta Gongora, 1934), pp. 128-129. España, 6 vols. (Madrid: En la Imprenta de la Viuda de (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2010), pp. 465-474. 55. Fernando Benito Domenech, ed., Los Ribalta y la Pintura of Trent, ed. and trans. James Waterworth (London: 77. Miguel Gotor, I beati del papa Santita, Inquisizione e
4. Luis Cabrera de Cordoba, Relaciones de las cosas sucedidas Ibarra, 1800), IV, pp. 174-175. 37. Franco Llopis, “El Patriarca Ribera y el uso del arte,” Valenciana de su tiempo (Madrid: Museo del Prado, C. Dolman, 1848), pp. 235-236; Francois Soyer, obbedienza in eta moderna (Florence: Leo S. Olschki,
en la corte de Espana desde 1599-1614, (Valladolid: Junta 20. Alison C. Fleming, “St Ignatius of Loyola’s ‘Vision at pp. 596-597. 1987), pp. 104-105; Juan Sariñena (1545-1619) Pintor “Inquisition, Art, and Self-Censorship in the Early 2002), pp. 285ff.
de Castilla y Leon, 1997), pp. 472-477. La Storta’ and the Foundation of the Society of Jesus,” 38. Four versions of Christ Carrying the Cross by Morales de la Contrarreforma en Valencia (Valencia: Generalitat Modern Spanish Church, 1563-1834,” in The Art of Veiled
5. Ramón Robres Lluch, “En torno a Miguel de Molinos y in Foundation, Dedication and Consecration Rituals in the Early are listed in Carmelo Solis Rodriguez, Luis de Morales Valenciana, 2007), pp. 106-109; Franco Llopis, Borja, Speech Self-Censorship from Aristophanes to Hobbes, eds. Hans
los órigines de su doctrina. Aspectos de la piedad barroca Modern World, Intersections, Yearbook of Early Modern Studies, (Badajoz: Fundacion Caja de Badajoz, 1999); Felipe “El Patriarca Ribera”, pp. 604-605. Baltussen and Peter J. Davis (Philadelphia: University of
en Valencia (1578-1691),” Anthologica Annua 18 (1971): pp. 22, eds. Maarten Delbeke and Minou Schraven (Leiden Pereda, “Luis de Morales, Divine Painter,” in Ruiz 56. Ehlers, Between Christians and Moriscos, pp. 69-72. Pennsylvania Press, 2015), pp. 269-292 (269-272).
353-465 (372ff); Emilio Callado Estela, Devoción popular and Boston: Brill, 2012), pp. 225-249. Gómez, The Divine Morales, pp. 44-57 (55-57). 57. Peter Burke, “How to be a Counter-Reformation 64. Copeland, “Spanish Saints.”
y convulsión social en la Valencia del seiscientos: el intento de 21. James Casey, The Kingdom of Valencia in the Seventeenth 39. Ehlers, Between Christians and Moriscos, pp. 58-79; Jose Saint,” in Religion and Society in Early Modern Europe, 65. Fernández Aparicio, Carmen, “Obras de Francisco
beatificación de Francisco Jeronimo Simó (Valencia: Institucio Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979). Segui Cantos, “El Colegio Seminario de Corpus Christ. 1500-1800, ed. Kaspar von Greyerz (London: Allen Ribalta dedicadas al Padre Simó, Un lienzo del Museo
Alfons el Magnanim, 2000), pp. 111-113. 22. Borja Franco Llopis, La pintura valenciana entre 1550 y Un legado del patriarca Ribera,” in Callado Estela, El and Unwin, 1984); reprinted in Peter Burke, The Nacional de Escultura,” Goya 225 (1991): pp.142-151;
6. A Catalogue of the Pictures and Drawings in the National 1609: cristología y adoctrinamiento morisco (Lleida: Edicions Patriarca Ribera y su tiempo, pp. 423-439. Historical Anthropology of Early Modern Italy Essays on Miguel Falomir Faus, “Imágenes de una santidad
Loan Exhibition in aid of National Gallery Funds Held in the de la Universitat de Lleida, 2008); Borja Franco 40. Manuel Arias Martínez, “El testamento de Benedito Perception and Communication (Cambridge: Cambridge frustrada: el culto a Francisco Jerónimo Simón, 1612-
Grafton Galleries, London (1909-1910) (London: William Llopis, “El Patriarca Ribera y el uso del arte a finales Rabuyate, un pintor florentino en el Valladolid de la University Press, 1987), pp. 48-62; Simon Ditchfield, 1619,” Locus amoenus 4 (1998-1999): pp.171-183.
Heinemann, 1909), p. 36; Marcel Nicolle, “L’exposition del siglo XVI en Valencia,” in El Patriarca Ribera y su segunda mitad del siglo XVI. Devociones y producción “Thinking with Saints: Sanctity and Society in the 66. Mercedes Gomez-Ferrer-Lozano, “La Antigua iglesia
nationale de maîtres anciens a Londres,” La revue de l’art tiempo. Religión, cultura y política en la Edad Moderna, ed. artística,” in Valladolid la muy noble Villa (Valladolid: Early Modern World,” Critical Enquiry 35 (2009): pp. parroquial de San Andres de Valencia y la arquitectura
ancien et moderne 27 (1910): p. 144. Emilio Callado Estela (Valencia: Institucio Alfons el Diputacion de Valladolid, 1996), pp. 41-47; María 553-584. Valenciana en la transición al siglo XVII,” Academia
7. An Exhibition of Cleaned Pictures (1936-1947), exh. cat. Magnanim, 2012), pp. 591-607. José Redondo Cantera,“Beneditto Rabuyate (1527- 58. Simon Ditchfield, “Coping with the ‘Beati Moderni’: Boletin de la Real Academia de Bellas Artes de San Fernando 80
(London: The National Gallery, 1947), pp. 45-46; 23. Juan de Ribera, Sermones. Edición Crítica, ed. Ramon 1592), Un Pintor Florentino en Valladolid,” in El Canonization Procedure in the Aftermath of the (1995): pp. 235-258.
Neil Maclaren, The Spanish School, rev. Allan Braham Robres Llluch, 6 vols. (Valencia: Ediciones Corpus modelo italiano en las artes plásticas de la Península Ibérica Council of Trent,” in Ite Inflammate Omnia: Selected 67. Francisco Talon, “Dos Pinturas Valencianas (Notas
(London: The National Gallery, 1988), pp. 86-91. Christi, 1987-2001), vol. IV, 19, p. 49. durante el Renacimiento, ed. María José Redondo Cantera Historical Papers from Conferences Held at Loyola and Rome in Documentales),” Boletin de la Sociedad Española de
8. Rowland E. Prothero, The Letters of Richard Ford 1797- 24. Philippa Joseph, “Travel, Acquisition, Display: (Valladolid: Universidad de Valladolid, 2004), pp. 341- 2006, ed. Thomas M. McCoog, S.J. (Rome: Institum Excursiones 26 (1918): pp. 202-204.
1858 (London: John Murray, 1905), p. 58. Concerning Don Fadrique Enríquez de Ribera (1476- 375; Pereda, “Luis de Morales”. Historicum Societatis Iesu, 2010), pp. 413-439; 68. Marcos Antonio Orellana, Biografía pictórica valentina
9. Thomas Bean, “Richard Ford as Picture Collector and 1539) and the Casa de Pilatos, Seville, c.1520-1540,” 41. Aparici Gilart, Vida del Venerable. Ruth S. Noyes, “On the Fringes of Center: Disputed o Vida de los pintores, arquitectos, escultores y grabadores
Patron in Spain,” Burlington Magazine 137 (1995): p. 105. (Ph.D. diss., Oxford Brookes University, 2010). 42. Sir William Stirling Maxwell, Annals of the Artists of Spain, Hagiographic Imagery and the Crisis over the Beati valencianos, ed. Xavier de Salas (Valencia: Ayuntamiento
10. Bean, “Richard Ford,” p. 107. 25. David Gimilio Sanz, “Poder, humanismo y religiosidad 4 vols. (London: John C. Nimmo, 1891), II, p. 576. Moderni in Rome ca. 1600,” Renaissance Quarterly 64 de Valencia, 1967), p.129; Juan Ainaud de Lasarte,
11. National Gallery Archive NG7/426/14; NG2930. en tiempos del Patriarca Juan de Ribera en Valencia: su 43. Manuela Mena Marques, ed., Sebastiano del Piombo y (2011): pp. 800-846; Clare Copeland, “Spanish Saints “Francesco Ribalta, notas y comentarios,” Goya 20
12. Myron Laskin Jr and Michael Pantazzi, eds., Catalogue of colección de escultura clásica,” Espacio, Tiempo y Forma 2 España, exh. cat. (Madrid: Museo del Prado, 1995) in Counter-Reformation Italy,” The Spanish Presence in (1957): pp. 86-89.
the National Gallery of Canada, Ottawa, European and American (2014): pp. 13-39. 44. Francisco Almarche Vasquez, ed., Dietario Valenciano Sixteenth-Century Italy, eds. Piers Baker-Bates and Miles 69. Javier Portus and Jesusa Vega, eds., La estampa religiosa
Painting, Sculpture, and Decorative Arts, 2 vols. (Ottawa: 26. A document that is reprinted in Juan Jimenez, Vida del (1619 a 1632) por D. Alvaro y D. Diego de Vich (Valencia: Pattenden (Farnham and Burlington, VT: Ashgate, en la España del Antiguo Régimen (Madrid: Fundación
National Gallery of Canada, 1987), vol. I, pp. 198-201. Beato Juan de Ribera (Valencia: Joseph de Orga, 1798). Acción Bibliográfica Valenciana, 1921). 2015), pp. 103-123. Universitaria Española, 1998), pp. 161 and 281-283.
13. Richard Ford, A Hand-Book for Travellers in Spain, ed. Ian 27. Benjamin Ehlers, Between Christians and Moriscos: Juan 45. Piers Baker-Bates, Sebastiano del Piombo and the World of 59. Saint Vincent Ferrer (1350-1419), the Valencian 70. Porcar, Coses evengudes, p. 185.
Robertson, 3 vols. (Fontwell: Centaur Press, 1966), I. de Ribera and Religious Reform in Valencia, 1568-1814 Spanish Rome (London and New York: Routledge, 2016), Dominican friar, was canonized in 1455. L. J. Andrew 71. Joannes Wouverius, Vita b. Simonis Valentini sacerdotis
14. Sotheby’s, London, Old Master Paintings, 9 July (Baltimore: The John Hopkins University Press, 2006); pp. 95-130; the Christ Carrying the Cross and the Descent Villalon, “San Diego de Alcalá and the Politics of Saint (Antwerp, 1614); J. Richard Judson and Carl van de
1975, p. 17; David Howarth, The Invention of Spain: Nicole Reinhardt, Voices of Conscience: Royal Confessors into Limbo are now in the Prado, the Lamentation in the Making in Counter Reformation Europe,” The Catholic Velde, eds., Corpus Rubenianum Ludwig Burchard, XI/I
Cultural Relations Between Britain and Spain 1770-1870 and Political Counsel in Seventeenth-Century Spain and France Hermitage. Historical Review 83 (1997): pp. 691-715. (London and Philadelphia: Harvey Miller and Heyden
(Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2007); (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016), pp. 195-217. 46. Justo Pastor Fuster, Biblioteca Valenciana de los Escritores 60. Emilio Callado Estela, “Los Dominicos Valencianos & Son, 1978), pp. 116-117.
Fernando Benito Domenech, “Portrait of Jeronimo 28. Ehlers, Between Christians and Moriscos, p. x. que florecieron hasta nuestros días, 2 vols. (Valencia: José y su oposición a la santidad del ‘Paré Simó’,” Archivo 72. Luc Duerloo, “Archducal Piety and Habsburg Power,”
Funes y Munoz and his Wife, ca. 1610,” in Sacred Spain: 29. Leticia Ruiz Gómez, ed., The Divine Morales, exh. cat. Ximeno, 1827), I, pp. 253-255; Delphine Fitz Darby, Dominicano Anuario 23 (2002): pp. 307-317; Emilio in Albert & Isabella 1598-1621 Essays, eds. Werner
Art and Belief in the Hispanic World, ed. Ronda Kasl (New (Madrid: Museo Nacional del Prado, 2015), pp. 31 Francisco Ribalta and his School (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Callado Estela, “El final de los tiempos. Caida, Tomas and Luc Duerloo (Turnhout: Brepols, 1998), pp.
Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2009), pp. and 186-211. University Press, 1938), pp. 205-209. destierro y muerte del Inquisidor general fray Luis 265-279 (276-279).
296-297; email correspondence with Janie Welker, 30. Antonio Palomino, The Lives of the Eminent Spanish Painters 47. Fernando Benito, “Sebastiano del Piomby y Espana,” Aliaga,” Estudis Revista de Historia Moderna 42 (2016): 73. Luc Duerloo, Dynasty and Piety Archduke Albert (1598-
Curator of Collections at the Museum, has revealed and Sculptors, trans. Nina Ayala Mallory (Cambridge: in Marques, Sebastiano del Piombo y España, pp. 41-79, pp. 87-106; Reinhardt, Voices of Conscience, p. 223, 1621) and Habsburg Political Culture in an Age of Religious
that the painting is currently instead believed to be by Cambridge University Press, 1987), pp. 38-39. (66-78); José Gómez Frechina, Sebastiano del Piombo Christ speculates that Luis de Aliaga may have engineered his Wars (Farnham and Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2012),
an unknown artist. 31. Gabriele Finaldi, “Luis de Morales,” in Grove Dictionary of Carrying the Cross (London: Colnaghi, 2016). brother’s succession to Archbishop Ribera. p. 393.
 53

Love, lies, and litigation: the saga of Alessandro

Vittoria’s Saint John the Baptist
EMMA JON ES

On 6 December 1601, Alessandro Vittoria (ca. This article examines the Baptist’s commissioning
1525-1608), seventy-six years old and for many years history, discusses how it came to remain with Vittoria,
the most successful and highly regarded sculptor in and considers why it became one of his most cherished
Venice, requested that a notary come to his house possessions. Based on an analysis of new archival
in Calle della Pietà, as he wished to write his eighth evidence and a re-assessment of previously published
and what would prove to be his penultimate will.1 documents, the statuette’s story is a fascinating tale of
Ever concerned to ensure that all of his affairs were in love, lies and litigation.
order, Vittoria – a widower twice over and childless
– left precise instructions about the fate of his beloved The Baptist’s story begins in April 1550,5 when the twenty-
marble statuette of Saint John the Baptist (figs. 1 & 2).2 five-year-old Vittoria had been in Venice for some seven
These are worth citing in full, as they shed light on the years (fig. 3), working as an assistant in the busy workshop
statuette’s importance to the elderly sculptor: of the sculptor and architect, Jacopo Sansovino (1486-
1570).6 By this date, Vittoria is documented as having
I leave the Reverend Mothers of San assisted with a number of Sansovino’s most important
Zaccaria my marble Saint John, which Venetian commissions, including cleaning the three
should be placed in a tabernacle that bronze castings of the reliefs of the north singing gallery
opens on four sides, tall enough that it for Saint Mark’s Basilica and the wax models for the
will fit inside comfortably, and it should Sacristy Door (fig. 4).7 By the end of March 1550,
be lined in satin, or crimson velvet, as Sansovino had tasked Vittoria with carving four stone
seems best to them, and entirely gilded on River Gods for his Library in the Piazzetta, paying the
the outside. And I desire that it should be young sculptor twenty ducats for his work (fig. 5).8 It is
preserved in perpetuity, and placed on the at this point that Vittoria was commissioned to carve
altar of Saint Zacharias during Eastertide, the marble Baptist – highly significant in being his first
and on the feast of Saint Zacharias, and documented independent commission.
looked after the rest of the year in the
place that seems most secure to them, While the original contract has yet to come to light,
because it is worthy of being held in great a record in Vittoria’s account book of 26 April 1550
esteem, and I implore them to do so.3 indicates that the Saint John had been commissioned
Fig. 1 / Alessandro
Vittoria, Saint John the not long before.9 In this entry, Vittoria notes that on
Baptist, 1550, marble, On Vittoria’s death on 27 May 1608, his little Baptist was this date he was paid two ducats by nobleman Angelo
San Zaccaria, Venice. indeed placed in the care of the nuns of San Zaccaria, Priuli as a first instalment for a marble figure of Saint
Fig. 2 / Alternative and today can be found on the right-hand water stoup John, two Venetian feet tall, which was to crown the
view of fig. 1. as one enters the church.4 baptismal font of San Geremia.10
54 Love, lies, and litigation: the saga of Alessandro Vittoria’s Saint John the Baptist Love, lies, and litigation: the saga of Alessandro Vittoria’s Saint John the Baptist 55

sixty-six, and for fifteen years the documentary record

for the statuette falls silent.15 While it has been known
for some time from Lorenzo Finocchi Ghersi’s research
that litigation had arisen between San Geremia and
Vittoria at some point before mid-May 1565, the
events leading up to Vittoria gaining custody of the
statuette were unknown.16 Thanks to the present
author’s discovery of three documents dating to April
1565 in the Venetian state archives, new light can now
be shed on the saga.
been commissioned by the late Angelo Maria Priuli,
when he had been a procurator of San Geremia,
It transpires that, on or shortly before 3 April 1565,
especially since Priuli had paid Vittoria the agreed
Vittoria responded to a (as yet untraced) complaint
fee of ten ducats, citing as proof an entry in the
levelled against him by the parish priest of San
nobleman’s account books. The chapter proceeded to
Geremia and one of its lay procurators, Girolamo
inform Vittoria that this evidence would be presented
da Pozzo.17 In his autograph statement, Vittoria first
to the Giustizia Vecchia, to which, they declared,
outlined the circumstances of the commission. These
Vittoria had falsely complained.21 Therefore, they
details are virtually identical to those recorded in his
continued, should Vittoria persist in claiming that he
aforementioned account book, with the important
had only ever received two ducats, he was doing so in
addition that Priuli had provided the marble for the
vain, and he was absolutely forbidden from giving the
statuette. Vittoria stated that he had carved the Baptist,
statuette to anyone else, since it legally belonged to
in accordance with the contract, but that after the
their church.
death of the patron, the statuette had remained in his
possession without him having been paid the balance
Four days later, on 14 April, Vittoria responded in an
of the final eight ducats. He then issued the church
equally indignant and forthright fashion:
with an ultimatum:

And because it’s not right for me to hang

on to the said figure permanently so that
no-one gets to look at it: I am therefore
making it known to you, Magnificent
Mr Girolamo da Pozzo, Procurator of
the aforesaid church and also to you,
The agreed price for the statuette was ten ducats upon Reverend Parish Priest, that should you
its satisfactory completion. The down payment of two want the aforesaid figure, you should
ducats had been witnessed by one Salvador tagliapietra, come and collect it, paying me the sum
presumably the stonemason of the same name who also that such a work of art deserves within
Fig. 3 / Giovanni Battista
Moroni, Portrait of worked regularly for Sansovino.11 ten days. Otherwise, should the said
Alessandro Vittoria, ca. deadline expire, I declare that I mean The parish priest and his clerical colleagues responded
1552-1553, oil on canvas, The patron, Angelo Maria Priuli (1504-1551), was a to keep the above-mentioned money for quickly to Vittoria’s complaint.19 On 10 April, one
87.5 x 70 cm, Vienna,
Kunsthistorisches Museum, lay procurator of San Geremia, a parish church in the myself as is right and proper, and that I Paolo Fontana, an officer of the Sopragastaldo
Gemäldegalerie. district or sestiere of Cannaregio (figs. 6 & 7).12 It is not will dispose of the said figure as I see fit delivered their written response.20 The notary
clear whether the Baptist was personally-financed by as my own property, in the event that, recorded that Fontana went to Vittoria’s house and,
Fig. 4 / Jacopo Sansovino
and assistants, Sacristy Door, Priuli, perhaps to commemorate his time in office, or by the said deadline, you have not made finding the sculptor not at home, spoke first to an
1546-1569, bronze, Venice, whether it was commissioned by him on behalf of the any resolution.18 unnamed apprentice and then to the sculptor’s wife.
San Marco. church chapter.13 San Geremia was the parish church She read the church’s reply and kept it in order
Fig. 5 / Alessandro Vittoria(?), of Priuli, who lived with his family in a nearby palace A note appended by the notary in Latin recorded to hand it over to Vittoria on his return. In this
River God, ca. 1550, Istrian on the Cannaregio canal, and so it is hardly surprising that, on 3 April 1565, copies of Vittoria’s response document, the chapter of San Geremia responded
stone, right spandrel of that he should have been involved in its administration had been delivered to both the parish priest of San vehemently to Vittoria’s “false and deceitful”
the bay third from the
Campanile, Venice, Marciana and the upkeep and decoration of its fabric.14 Less Geremia and to the lay procurator, Girolamo da complaint, declaring that he had no right to give the
Library, Piazzetta. than a year later, on 4 February 1551, Priuli died aged Pozzo. marble Saint John to anyone, considering that it had
56 Love, lies, and litigation: the saga of Alessandro Vittoria’s Saint John the Baptist Love, lies, and litigation: the saga of Alessandro Vittoria’s Saint John the Baptist 57

Your discourteous reply – which is just what

I expected from you, Reverend Parish Priest
and priests of San Geremia of Venice – to
me, Alessandro Vittoria, Sculptor, in response
to my very honest protest, does not merit a
further response: only this shall I tell you: that
if you intend to take any action concerning
the statue of Saint John which I made,
without having satisfied my deserving protest
[which I have] already put to you, then you
must inform the Giustizia Vecchia of this
within fifteen days after the holidays, so that
you cannot use the impediment of divine
offices as an excuse. Otherwise, as outright
owner of the said statue, I will dispose of
it as my own property. I also tell you that I
have only ever had two ducats from the late
Magnificent Priuli and the marble to make
this statue. Should you not want this statue baptismal font, and also that he acknowledge that he On the same date, Vittoria noted the twelve-and-a-half- items, which the church chapter was then usually
for the amount it will be valued by mutual had, in fact, received full payment from Priuli.24 On ducat payment to the chapter of San Geremia in his instructed to rectify. Although the visitation records do
friends, or be willing to go to the Giustizia the other hand, Vittoria claimed that he had to be paid record book declaring that he was now “absolute owner not list San Geremia as one of the churches inspected
Vecchia as above, I, out of sheer courtesy on in full for the said figure, on the understanding that he of the marble Saint John.”27 during Trevisan’s patriarchate, the prospect of such
my part and not out of any obligation, am had only ever received two ducats from Priuli.25 The a visit may well have been motivation enough for the
happy to give back the two ducats to the document concludes: Apart from the more obvious facts outlined above, an chapter to redress the issue of the missing font figure.
church and also pay you for the marble if examination of these documents reveals considerable Alternatively, the litigation may simply have been
you can demonstrate how much it cost.22 Both parties having gone before the Giustizia supplementary information not just about the prompted by a member of Priuli’s family, or by a
Vecchia in dispute, now to avoid litigation and commission itself and its outcome following Priuli’s diligent new lay procurator, who had learnt about the
The documentary evidence picks up the saga of the expense, have come together in the present death, but also about the ways in which problems in earlier commission and saw that there was nothing on
statuette again on 14 May 1565, when a further agreement. That is, that the Reverend Mr the commissioning process could be resolved, and the font to show for it.29
notarial act recorded the final resolution of the discord Priest Marcuola Zamoro, Deacon of the said about Vittoria himself. In terms of the commission,
between the two parties, in what is evidently an out-of- church … has had and received from the said Fig. 6 / Jacopo de’ Barbari, it would seem that after Priuli’s death, the statuette Certainly, the language of Vittoria’s initial declaration
court settlement.23 As a whole month had passed since Misser Alessandro here present twelve and a Bird’s Eye View Map of Venice, had been forgotten for fifteen years until something of 3 April 1565 supports the supposition that the
(detail of San Geremia in the
Vittoria’s reply with his threat that San Geremia act half ducats in cash … as settlement for all that induced the chapter and procurators to pursue the litigation was instigated by the church and not by
upper right corner), 1500,
within fifteen days or the statuette remain his and his the said Church Chapter was claiming from woodcut, 134 x 280.8 cm, case. Why such a long period of time had elapsed him. With its indignant tone, it reads like a defensive
alone, it seems likely that further, as yet undiscovered Mr Alessandro in order for him to have the London, British Museum. remains a mystery, but the chapter may have been response to a complaint lodged against him. After all,
(or perhaps purely verbal), discussions between the two said figure. Therefore, this figure should now mindful of the fact that some parish churches were why would Vittoria go to the trouble of instituting
Fig. 7 / Giovanni Antonio
parties had taken place. The final settlement begins remain with this Mr Alessandro as his outright Canal, known as Canaletto, undergoing Pastoral Visitations under the aegis of legal proceedings when he had already been paid in
with a summary of both parties’ grievances. On the property, and he can do with it and dispose San Geremia and the Entrance Patriarch Giovanni Trevisan (r. 1560-1590).28 Part of full and had retained possession of the statuette? It
to the Cannaregio Canal, ca.
one hand, the chapter and procurators of San Geremia of it howsoever he sees fit, thus bringing the the remit of such inspections was the assessment of a would have made much more sense for him to keep
1726-1727, oil on canvas,
demanded that Vittoria consign the figure of Saint John above [dispute] for both parties to a mutual 78.5 x 47.2 cm, London, Royal church’s interior, noting unfinished or inappropriately quiet in the hope that the church chapter would not
the Baptist to them so that they could place it on their end and permanent settlement.26 Collection. adorned areas, such as altars, or missing liturgical remember the undelivered commission.
58 Love, lies, and litigation: the saga of Alessandro Vittoria’s Saint John the Baptist Love, lies, and litigation: the saga of Alessandro Vittoria’s Saint John the Baptist 59

From the newly discovered documents, we also learn common way to proceed was to opt for the republic’s
that the marble had been provided by the patron, celebrated arbitration process, which sought to solve
and how much it was worth. Archival research has problems amicably and avoid the expense of taking
shown that it was common for patrons, rather than a case to court. Arbitration was effected through the
sculptors, to supply marble when it was the chosen appointment by each conflicting party of an arbiter or
medium for sculptural commissions.30 Marble was an arbitrator, who would then investigate the problem and
expensive sculptural material, and it was impractical seek to settle it definitively.34 If the two arbiters could
and uneconomic for most stonemasons and sculptors not come to an agreement, they could formally request
to stock large quantities for speculative sale in Venice, more time to consider the matter, and if still undecided,
it being a sea-girt city where space was at a premium. then a third arbiter would be appointed to facilitate
Indeed, it appears to have been more cost effective a resolution. This situation occurred, for example,
for many patrons in Cinquecento Venice to source in the dispute between the retired admiral Giovanni
marble directly as no profit margin could be added Vrana and the sculptor Domenico da Salò over the
by the sculptor (or stonemason), and it undoubtedly completion of the Altar of the Nativity in San Giuseppe
allowed patrons greater control over the quality of the di Castello in 1573, with no less than three extensions
stone supplied.31 In this case, it is not at all surprising and the eventual intervention of a third arbiter.35 In the
that Priuli should have supplied it rather than Vittoria case of San Geremia versus Vittoria, arbitration was It also dealt with civil justice, such as small claims cases, number of gaps in his surviving payment books.44 One
– even such a small piece – given that the sculptor one of three solutions suggested by the sculptor in his under which category the dispute between San Geremia might ask whether, once San Geremia began legal
was then at the start of his career, with few resources rebuttal of 14 April 1565, with his reference to having and Vittoria fell. As Shaw has observed, emotionally- proceedings, Vittoria thought that he could “pull a
to draw upon. While it is impossible to know whence the statuette valued by “mutual friends” implying the charged language rather than legal reasoning tended fast one” and extract more money out of the church,
Priuli obtained the marble, it seems probable that he arbitration route.36 The other two avenues Vittoria to be used in complaints, to appeal to the judges’ given that the original patron was dead? Unfortunately
had either purchased it from a local stonemason or proposed were either for both parties to appear before consciences and pull at their heart-strings, such as that for him, the documents show that San Geremia’s
had a piece left over from some other project, such as the Giustizia Vecchia (which, it should be remembered, found in Vittoria’s colourful statements.41 Small claims representatives were able to offer written proof to the
the rebuilding of the family’s palazzo in 1528, which already knew about the case) or for him to pay back cases (which from 1537 had been assigned a maximum contrary – something he was clearly not expecting.
he had overseen.32 Whatever the case, the marble was Priuli’s initial down payment of two ducats and the value of fifty ducats) could entail an exchange of What is startling is that even after the production of
relatively inexpensive: as Vittoria’s work on the statuette value of the marble.37 As the latter option was clearly numerous complaints between plaintiff and defendant. this irrefutable evidence, Vittoria still refused to back
was valued at ten ducats and as he reimbursed San unacceptable to the church (given that the chapter While some cases did result in a final hearing before down – whether out of pride or sheer pig-headedness
Geremia a total of twelve and a half ducats, one can had proof of Priuli having paid Vittoria in full) and the court’s judges, many were eventually resolved out – repeatedly claiming that he had only ever been paid
deduce that the marble had originally cost two and a the arbitration route does not appear to have been Fig. 8 / Alessandro Vittoria, of court to save money, as was the case here.42 Indeed, two ducats and not the full amount.
Feminoni, ca. 1553-1555,
half ducats. desirable, the disputed parties went before the Giustizia the final settlement between San Geremia and Vittoria
limestone, possibly bronzo
Vecchia, as the subsequent document of 14 May da Verona, Venice, Marciana recorded that, having appeared before the Giustizia So why did Vittoria decide to buy his statuette
With regards to the litigation process, the documents 1565 records.38 While there were other magistracies in Library entrance. Vecchia, a mutually-acceptable agreement had been back? By 1565 he was well on his way to becoming
shed light on some of the ways in which disgruntled Venice through which legal redress could be sought, the reached “to avoid litigation and expense.”43 Venice’s leading sculptor, with numerous successful
Fig. 9 / Giangiacomo de’
patrons and artists could resolve problems when things evidence examined here reflects James Shaw’s extensive Grigi (project manager), independent commissions under his belt, such as the
went awry in artistic commissions in Venice.33 The research on the Giustizia Vecchia’s role in dealing with Francesco de Bernardin As to Vittoria himself, the documents suggest that he colossal Feminoni (ca. 1553-1555; fig. 8) at the entrance
Smeraldi (stonemason)
process instigated here was the exchange of notarized private disputes of relatively small value.39 The Giustizia was being dishonest and was not averse to lying when to Sansovino’s Library in the Piazzetta; the sculptural
and Alessandro Vittoria
complaints and rebuttals (generally recorded as a Vecchia was a lower ranking but widely used magistracy (sculpture), Altar of Saint he thought he could turn a situation to his advantage. decoration for Marc’Antonio Grimani’s funerary
“protestatio” and “refutatio” in the margins of notarial based in the Rialto district of Venice, with a variety of Anthony Abbot, with Could he have simply forgotten about the final chapel in San Sebastiano (early 1560s); and the
Saints Roch and Sebastian,
documents), to which people frequently resorted for all responsibilities. Overseen by elected amateur patrician payment? This seems doubtful: Vittoria was a diligent sculptures for the Montefeltro Altar in San Francesco
1557-1564, Istrian stone
manner of disagreements if direct negotiation proved judges, with no formal legal training, it administered and marble, Venice, San record keeper – although it should be acknowledged della Vigna (ca. 1563-1564; fig. 9).45 He was now quite
unsuccessful. Having reached this point, the most what Shaw has termed “market justice.”40 Francesco della Vigna. that the final settlement of eight ducats is one of a well off and ran a busy sculpture workshop, employing
60 Love, lies, and litigation: the saga of Alessandro Vittoria’s Saint John the Baptist Love, lies, and litigation: the saga of Alessandro Vittoria’s Saint John the Baptist 61

is unknown, but his next will of 6 December 1601 death. After all, why keep something so precious for
As early as October 1566, in his second will, Vittoria
reveals that Vittoria was, once again, keen to secure over fifty years only to be separated from it on death,
bequeathed the statuette to one of his executors, his
the Baptist’s fate and, as seen in the excerpt cited at the especially when the subject matter was so apt for a
local parish priest, friend, and future brother-in-law
start of this article, left particularly detailed instructions church dedicated to and indeed possessing the relics
Gianmaria Lazzarini, asking that the Baptist be placed
for its long-term care. By this date Vittoria had of the Baptist’s father? An additional incentive may
on the high altar of San Giovanni in Bragora on all
begun the concessionary process to have a funerary have been that he had appointed the Abbess, Priora
major feast days, and guarded the rest of the time
monument (which he designed and partially executed and Sacrestana of San Zaccaria, as well as the convent’s
as “such a thing merits.”51 By the time of his next
himself) and a floor tomb in San Zaccaria, a highly most senior lay procurator as his sole executors in this
will (7 November 1570), his friend had died, and so
prestigious convent, close to his home (figs. 11 & 12).58 will.59 Thus by bequeathing the convent his Saint John,
Vittoria decided to leave the Baptist to San Giovanni
It is therefore really no surprise that he should also he was continuing the tradition that he had established
in Bragora itself in memory of Lazzarini, who had
have bequeathed his Saint John to the nuns’ care in in five of his earlier wills of leaving the statuette to
been the church’s parish priest; while in his fourth will
perpetuity, a bequest that Vittoria stipulated again in one of his executors (always a religious official), or the
(before 29 July 1576), the Baptist was again bequeathed
his ninth and final will of 4 May 1608, the year of his church with which they were associated.60
to San Giovanni, most likely because Vittoria wished
to be buried there.52 His fifth will (6 May 1584) differs
from the others in that he ordered both the statuette
and the Parmigianino Self-Portrait to remain in his
various assistants on different projects and training house for as long as his wife Veronica Lazzarini lived,
a number of apprentices.46 Vittoria had also begun but on her death they were to be sold “honourably”
in recent years to assemble what would become an by his executors.53 When he came to write his sixth
impressive art collection, including the purchase in 1561 testament in February 1595, Veronica had already
of Parmigianino’s Self-Portrait (ca. 1523-1524; fig. 10), and died, and so Vittoria left the Baptist to another
in 1563 what he believed to be an autograph terracotta clergyman, one Vincenzo di Agazi, parish priest
model by Michelangelo of a foot of Day in the Medici of Sant’Antonin (another church close to Vittoria’s
Chapel, Florence.47 Having secretly held onto what home), who was also appointed one of his executors.
Manfred Leithe-Jasper aptly called his “first-born” Vittoria may have first met Agazi in the late 1580s at
for fifteen years, Vittoria clearly decided during the the church of San Polo, when he was commissioned to
course of the dispute that the Baptist was worth far produce the sculptural decoration for the church’s new
Fig. 10 / Francesco Mazzola, more to him psychologically than it could ever be to cappella maggiore (1585-1595) by parish priest Antonio
known as Parmigianino, Self- San Geremia.48 Indeed, it is possible, as Victoria Avery Gatto.54 Agazi was at that time attached to San Polo as
Portrait, ca. 1523-1524, oil has suggested, that Vittoria was prompted to buy back a titular priest and would later oversee the completion
on canvas, 24.4 cm diameter,
Vienna, Kunsthistorisches and retain the statuette by the example of his recently of the project (which included a sizeable funerary
Museum. deceased hero, Michelangelo (1475-1564), who had monument with a marble portrait bust of Gatto by
himself kept two of his earliest works in his house Vittoria) as requested by Gatto in his will of May
Fig. 11 / Alessandro Vittoria
and workshop, Funerary until his death: the reliefs of the Madonna della Scala 1591.55 As Gatto died in September that same year,
monument to Alessandro (ca. 1490) and the Battle of the Lapiths and Centaurs (ca. Agazi no doubt had considerable contact with Vittoria
Vittoria, monument: 1602- 1490-1492).49 until the project was finished.56
1603, portrait bust: 1590s,
caryatids: mid-1560s, marble,
stucco and Istrian stone, Whatever Vittoria’s reasons for buying it back, the Perhaps somewhat surprisingly, the Baptist was not
Venice, San Zaccaria. little Saint John quickly became one of his most mentioned specifically in Vittoria’s seventh will of
Fig. 12 / Church of San cherished possessions, as the instructions he left for its 22 October 1597, nor in fact were any of his other
Zaccaria, Venice. care in seven of his nine wills attest.50 works of art or valuables.57 Why this was the case
62 Love, lies, and litigation: the saga of Alessandro Vittoria’s Saint John the Baptist Love, lies, and litigation: the saga of Alessandro Vittoria’s Saint John the Baptist 63

Furthermore, as has been noted elsewhere, Vittoria’s

implicit desire to be buried in close proximity to a DO CUM E N TA RY A P P E N DI X I
treasured work of his own making recalls the burial
wishes of his erstwhile master, Sansovino, who in his
will of 1568 had asked to be buried in Santa Maria Note on transcriptions Doc. 1 à voi per il quondam Clarissimo Misser Anzolo Maria di
All documentary transcriptions in this appendix and 3 April 1565 Priuli tunc temporis Procurator della ditta chiesa, et da sua
Gloriosa dei Frari, by the chapel of the Florentine
appendix II (online) are my own. The original spelling Autograph complaint (‘protestatio’) issued by Magnificenza pagatovi per tal conto, et mercede vostra ducati
community, “next to the door of the said church found in the documents has been retained, excepting the Vittoria in response to a complaint levelled against diese, come per li libri di sua Magnificenza Clarissima tenuti
where the Saint John by my own hand is on the font of letters ‘j’ and ‘u’, where ‘i’ or ‘v’ respectively were intended. him about the statuette of Saint John the Baptist by veridicamente appar, ne pensate vi releverà posto appresso la
Abbreviated Italian words have been expanded, and a the parish priest of San Geremia and one of its lay Giustizia lo haverne cosi vanamente protestato.
the Giustiniani.” 61 Like Vittoria’s Baptist, Sansovino’s
modicum of modern punctuation and capitalization of procurators, Girolamo da Pozzo.
marble Saint John (early to mid 1530s; fig. 13) was names and places has been inserted to assist the reader. Imperoche è in potestà di qualunque persona à suo piacere
a wholly autograph work and one of his earliest L’anno 1550. Lo Magnifico quondam Domino Angelo Priuli citar, protestar, et dar del capo nel muro servendovi etiam
sculptural commissions in Venice following his arrival […] editorial ellipsis Procurator della chiesa di Santo Hieremia contratto con di seminar nel ditto vostro protesto contra la verità de haver
[?] suggested transcription of a word me Alexandro Vittoria Scultor chio li facessi una figura di havuto solùm [fol. 119r] ducati doi à conto di tal figura
in the city in 1527.62
Santo Giovanni di marmo longha doi piedi da poner sopra havendo come vi habbiamo predetto havuto per vostra
Venetian Currency un baptisterio in detta chiesa di Santo Hieremia. A conto mercede, et satisfattione ducati diese.
Vittoria’s Saint John did indeed go to San Zaccaria Account-books, contracts and other related documents della quale mi furono da sua Magnificenza contadi ducati
after he died. It was transferred there shortly after his which recorded sums of money and financial transactions doi da L. 6 s. 4 con condition et patto trattado et concluso Però vi protestiamo de ogni nostro danno, spesa, et interesse,
generally employed one of two main systems of money of in presentia de Maestro Salvador Tagliapietra che sua che per cio ne potesse quovis modo occorrer replicandovi,
death on 27 May 1608, together with an autograph
account. Using money of account was a practical book- Magnificenza mi dessi il marmo, et che lo marcado di essa che in alcuno modo non dobbiate dar ad altri ditta figura
terracotta statuette of Zacharias.63 Vittoria had added keeping method, as it did not rely on actual silver and gold figura stessi da ducati .X. in sopra al iudicio di esso Magnifico per esser cosa di ragione della ditta nostra chiesa.
the statuette of the Baptist’s father to his bequest in coins, the value of which could fluctuate. The money of Messer Angelo: In exeqution del qual contratto io Alexandro
account used in the documents presented here was based antedetto ho scolpita detta figura: et essendo successa la morte Et haec dicimus omni meliori modo.
his final will of 1608, asking simply that the pair be
on the lira di piccoli, and were recorded as lire (L.), soldi (s.), di esso magnifico gentilhomo la figura e rimasta nelle mie
placed on either side of the Altar of Saint Zacharias.64 and sometimes denarii (d.). The breakdown was: 1 ducat mani absque[?] eo[?] chio sii stato sodisfato. Et perche non è La qual nostra risposta sarà registrata nelli atti de Misser
It remains unclear whether the nuns ever placed either (of account) = 6 lire 4 soldi, 1 lira = 20 soldi, or 240 denarii. cosa conveniente chio tenga detta figura à contemplatione di Rocho di Benedetti Nodaro Publico in Piazza di San Marco.
statuette on the Altar of Saint Zacharias, nor is it yet 1 ducat of account = 124 soldi. There was also an actual alcuno perpetuamente: Pero faccio intendere á voi Magnifico (ASV, Notarile-Atti, busta 432, fols. 118v-119r. Unpublished)
gold coin called a ducat or zecchino and this was worth 10 Messer Francesco Mozenigo [sic] Ierolimo da Pozo Procurator
known at what date the Baptist was first placed on the
lire at this time. della predetta chiesa et á voi Reverendo Plebano che volendo Doc. 3
holy-water stoup.65 Giannantonio Moschini was the la predetta figura veniate a levarla facendomi la sodisfatione di 14 April 1565
first to record its presence on the stoup in his 1815 quel tanto che merita simil opera et lavoro in termine di giorni Vittoria refutes San Geremia’s claim that he was
guidebook to Venice.66 Sadly, today, one is not able to .x. Altramente passato detto termine le protesto che intendo paid in full by Priuli for the statuette and issues an
che li dannari per me ut supra habuti restino mei come è il ultimatum to the church.
see the Baptist, as he is shrouded in cloth, after an act
dovere et che della ditta figura disponero come meglio mi
of vandalism resulted in his right arm being snapped tornera come di cosa mia, caso che in detto termine non La pocco cortese scrittura de voi Reverendo Piovan et Preti
off (fig. 14).67 Given the importance of Vittoria’s Saint habbiate fata rissolutione alcuna. de San Hieremia di Venetia fatto a me Alessandro Vittoria
Sculptor in risposta del mio realissimo protesto, come degna
John the Baptist as the first independent work of one of
1565 die martis tertio mensis aprilis ad cancellum de voi non merita altra risposta, questo solo io li diro, che
the greatest sculptors of sixteenth-century Venice, it [Latin notarial postscript] se voi pretendete cosa alcuna actione nella statua de San
is to be hoped that conservation might be undertaken Ioanni per me fatta quando non vi sodisfi el meritevole
to allow the statuette to be seen and admired once (ASV, Notarile-Atti, busta 5602, loose sheet between fols mio protesto gia fattovi dobbiate farlo conoscer alla Iustitia
223v and 224r. Unpublished. For the unpublished notary’s [Vecchia] in termine de giorni quindeci doppo le feste
again. After all, it is rather wonderful that within San
copy, see ASV, Notarile-Atti, busta 5602, fols. 223r-224v) accio non possiate iscusarvi con l’impedimento delli divini
Zaccaria one finds two deeply personal works which ufficii, altrimenti io come libero patron della detta statua di
so aptly bookend Vittoria’s glittering career in Venice: Doc. 2 quella disporó come di cosa mia, vi dico ancho ch’io non
his treasured first independent commission and his last 10 April 1565 hò havuto dal quondam Magnifico Prioli salvo che ducati
The parish priest and lay procurators of San dui et il marmoro per far essa statua, li quali non vollendo
work, his own funerary monument.
Geremia respond to Vittoria’s complaint. essa statua per quello sera stimato per comuni amici òvero
MDLXV. Indictione viii. Die martis .X. aprilis. Ad cancellum. non facendo altro conoscer dalla Iustitia come di sopra, io
per pura mia cortesia et non per alcun obligo son contento
Referi Ser Paulo Fontana Comandador al Sopragastaldo esser restituirli alla chiesa et pagarli ancho el marmo quanto si
stato questa matina à casa dell’infrasciptos [sic] Alessandro mostrera esserli costato, salvis in reliquis quibuscumque
Vittoria, dove li fù detto per il garzone, che lui non era in casa, iuribus meis quomodocumque.
ma che venne poi giu sua moglie, la qual tolse la presente
scrittura, et dopo che ella l’hebbe letta la ritenne appresso di Et la presente sera referta nelli atti de Messer Zuan Figolin
Fig. 13 / Jacopo Sansovino, se per darla al detto suo marito. Et questo ad instantia del Nodaro di Venetia della quale volendone copia andarete da lui
Saint John the Baptist, early Piovan, et Procuratori della chiesa di San Hieremia.
to mid 1530s, marble, Corner 1565 die sabbati 14 mensis aprilis ad cancellum
Chapel, Santa Maria Gloriosa Per non lassar senza qualche risposta il vano, et bugiardo [Latin notarial postscript]
dei Frari, Venice. protesto de voi Misser Alessandro Vittoria Scultore fatto
à noi Piovano, et Preti della chiesa di San Hieremia di (ASV, Notarile-Atti, busta 5602, loose sheet between fols
Fig. 14 / Alessandro Vittoria’s Venetia li dicemo, che non dobbiate dar ad alcuno la figura 247v and 248r. Unpublished. For the unpublished notary’s
Saint John as it is currently. di San Giovanni di marmo fatta come dite, et gia ordinata copy, see ASV, Notarile-Atti, busta 5602, fols. 247v-248r)
64 Love, lies, and litigation: the saga of Alessandro Vittoria’s Saint John the Baptist Love, lies, and litigation: the saga of Alessandro Vittoria’s Saint John the Baptist 65

D O C UM E N TARY A PPEN DIX I I

Doc. 1 Ricordo io Alessandro Vitoria chome questo di soprascritto ho’sborssatto ducati dodici et Doc. 8 Praesentibus ad praedicta Ser Aloysio quondam Ser Nicolai supradicto,
1550, 26 April mezo, al Capitolo de preti di Santo Hieremia di Venetia & io sono rimasto assoluto patrone 1595, 25 February
Vittoria records that he was paid two ducats by Angelo Maria Priuli as a first di Santo Giovani di marmo che io aveva fatto per loro, chome apare per istrumento fato per Excerpt from Vittoria’s sixth will. et Ser Matheo ab Acquila quondam Sigismundi Sculptore testibus vocatis, et rogatis.— […]
instalment for a marble figure of Saint John the Baptist, two Venetian feet high, Misser Rocho di Benedeti notaro in Piaza di Santo Marcho sotto il Palazo Serenissimo Val
to go on a baptismal font in San Geremia. Ducati – numero – 12½ – […] Lasso il mio Santo Zuanne de marmo che tengo nella mia cassa al Reverendo Signor (ASV: San Zaccaria, busta 18, Commissaria Vittoria I, fols. 116v-117r. First published
Piovan, et commissario sopranominato [Prete Vicenzo di Agazi piovano di Sant'Antonino Predelli “Memorie,” pp. 228-237. See also Avery, “Documenti,” pp. 355-361, doc. 158)
† Yesus adi .26. aprille .1550. (ASV: San Zaccaria, busta 18, Commissaria Vittoria I, fol. 55r. First published Predelli, de Venezia] […]
“Memorie,” p. 132. See also Avery, “Documenti,” p. 184, doc. 5[ii])
Ricordo ogi chome io ho ricevuto dal Magnifico Misser Anzolo de Priuli duchati dua de Lire (ASV: Notarile-Testamenti, busta 402, no. 11, fol. 1v. Partially transcribed by Gerola, “Nuovi
6. e soldi .4. a bon conto de una figura de Santo Giovani di marmo alga piedi dua il quale va Doc. 4 documenti,” pp. 354-356. First published in full Avery, “Documenti,” pp. 337-339, doc. 138)
sopra uno batisterio in Santo Ieremia e tuto questo merchado sta in iudicio dil soprascritto 1566, 24 October
Doc. 9
gentiluomo da .10. duchati in suso presente Maestro Salvadore Taliapietra ducati .2. Excerpt from Vittoria’s second will.
1601, 6 December
Excerpt from Vittoria’s eighth will.
(ASV: San Zaccaria, busta 18, Commissaria Vittoria I, fol. 79r. First published Predelli, […] Item lasso al detto Reverendo Misser lo Piovan di San Zuane Bragola Misser
“Memorie,” p. 176. See also Avery, “Documenti,” p. 184, doc. 5[i]) Zuanmaria Lazarino una statuina d’un San Zuan Batista di marmo che mi atrovo in
[…] Lasso alle Reverende Madri di San Zaccaria il mio San Zuanne di marmo, il quale
casa, con questo che tutte le feste principale la meti sopra lo altar grande di chiesa – et il
sia posto in un tabernaculo che s'appra in quattro faccie de altezza, che capisca dentro
Doc. 2 resto del tempo el sii conservato per esser cosa che merita di esser molto ben custodita per
commodamente, et sii dentro fodrato di raso, overo veludo cremesino come meglio a loro
1565, 14 May benevolentia. et per molti apiaceri havuti da Sua Reverentia. […]
parerà, et di fuori tutto dorato, et desidero che sii perpetuamente conservato, et posto sopra
Final settlement between Vittoria and San Geremia, following an appearance
l'altare di San Zaccaria nelli giorni de Pasqua, et della festivita di San Zaccaria, et costodito
before the Giustizia Vecchia. (ASV: Notarile-Testamenti, busta 657, behind no. 13, fol. 1v. Partially transcribed Giuseppe
l'altro tempo dell'anno in loco che à loro parerà piu sicuro, perche è degno d’esserne fatta
Gerola, “Nuovi documenti veneziani su Alessandro Vittoria,” Atti del Reale Istituto Veneto di
gran stima, et gli lo raccommando quanto posso. […]
MDLXV. Indictione Viii. Die lunæ xiiii. maii. Ad cancellum scienze, lettere ed arti 84 (1924-1925): pp. 342-345. First published in full Avery, “Documenti,”
pp. 231-232, doc. 60)
(ASV: Notarile-Testamenti, busta 56, no. 23, fol. 2r. Partially transcribed Gerola, “Nuovi
Pretendendo il Reverendo Capitolo della chiesa di San Hieremia sive la fabrica, et
documenti,” pp. 357-358. First published in full Avery, “Documenti,” pp. 344-346, doc. 147)
Procuratori di detta chiesa che Misser Alessandro Vittoria Scultor debba dar, et consignar Doc. 5
ad esso Capitolo una figura di San Zuan Battista per metter sopra il battisterio della sua 1570, 7 November
Doc. 10
chiesa con asserire, che gia hebbe il pagamento di essa inanci tratto dal quondam Misser Excerpt from Vittoria’s third will.
1608, 4 May
Anzolo Maria di Priuli olim Procurator della chiesa, come appar per certa partida notada
Excerpt from Vittoria’s ninth will.
sopra il libro di sua Magnificencia di sua mano. Et all’incontro pretendendo esso Misser […] Item lasso il San Zuanino di marmo alla chiesa di San Zuan in Bragora per memoria
Alessandro, che li debba esser pagata tal figura quello vale con dire, che per capara di essa di Misser Prete Zuanmaria di Lazarini fu Piovano di essa chiesa et mio cognato con
[…] Lasso il mio Santo Zuanne de marmo, che m’attrovo in casa insieme con un San
non hà havuto altro che doi ducati dal ditto quondam Magnifico Misser Anzolo Maria conditione che le feste principale di Natale, Pasgua, et San Zuane, el sii posto fuori in chiesa
Zaccaria della medesma grandezza alle Reverende Madre de San Zaccaria, accioche siano
di Priuli et essendo sopra di cio esse parti in controversia alla Giustitia Vecchia, hora per sopra lo altare [fol. 2r] grande, et prego lo Illustrissimo Monsignor Patriarcha di Venetia che
posti sopra l’altare de San Zaccaria in detta chiesa uno per banda. […]
fugger le lite et spese sono venute al presente accordo cio è che il Reverendo Misser Pre sera per tempo ad haverne cura che cosi bella statua non vadi in sinistro. […]
Marcuola Zamoro Diacono di detta chiesa facendo come legitimo [fol. 165v] commesso (ASV: Notarile-Testamenti, busta 58, no. 117, fol. 126v. Published Predelli, “Memorie,” pp.
della ditta chiesa come appar della sua commissione con libertà di far le cose infrascritte (ASV: Notarile-Testamenti, busta 657, behind no. 13, fols. 1v–2r. Partially transcribed Gerola, 227-228. See also Avery, “Documenti,” pp. 352-354, doc. 155)
da me Nodaro in publica forma vista, et letta sotto di .14. Mazo .1560. nelli atti de Misser “Nuovi documenti,” pp. 345-349. First published in full Avery, “Documenti,” pp. 241-243, doc. 77)
Vettor Zordan Nodaro Veneto hà havuto, et ricevuto dal detto Misser Alessandro qui Doc. 11
alla presentia in contanti ducati dodese, e mezo da L. 6 s. 4 per ducato per tutto quello Doc. 6 1608, 29–30 May
pretendeva, ut sopra detto Capitolo havesse havuto esso Misser Alessandro per conto della Pre-1576, 29 July In the posthumous inventory of Vittoria’s house and workshop, the Saint John
ditta figura. Qual però figura debbi rimaner ad esso Misser Alessandro come cosa sua Excerpt from Vittoria’s fourth will. is recorded as having been removed and taken to San Zaccaria on 27 May
libera, et di quella ne facci, et disponi quel meglio gli parerà facendosi sopra di cio una 1608, together with a statuette of Saint Zachariah and other items bequeathed
parte all’altra reciprocamente fin, et quietation perpetua. […] Item lasso che il mio Santo Giovani di marmo sia posto ogni anno le feste principale su to the nuns.
laltar grando, e perche glie pericoloso da manegiare, il resto dil tempo sia logato dal Piovano
Testes Dominus Petrus Leurerius quondam Domini Vincentii de dita chiesa, in una chasseta col bombaso, e perche ela non sia mai strabalzata. Voglio che Die dicta, In Parlatorio Monasterii Sancti Zaccariae Venetiarum.
Monssignor suo Patriarcha di tempo in tempo ne tenga per sua cortesia, registro et cura […].
Dominus Franciscus Varisco quondam Domini Iacobi Alla presentia di me Nodaro, et testimonii infrascritti il sopradetto Magnifico
(ASV: Notarile-Testamenti, busta 13, no. 8, fol. 1v. Partially transcribed Gerola, “Nuovi Signor Ottavio d'Avanzo ha’ con effetto dato, et consignato alla Molto Reverenda
(ASV: Notarile-Atti, busta 432, fol. 165r-v. Partially cited Finocchi Ghersi, Alessandro Vittoria, documenti,” pp. 349-353. First published in full Avery, “Documenti,” pp. 280-281, doc. 96) Madre Suor Andriana Gradenigo Abbadessa del detto monasterio di San Zaccaria,
p. 38. First published in full Avery, “Documenti,” p. 184, doc. 5[iii]) alla Reverenda Suor Virginia Moresini Priora, et Reverenda Suor Maria Querini
Doc. 7 Sacrestana, presenti, et che per nome loro, come commissarie del detto quondam
Doc. 3 1584, 6 May Signor Alessandro Vittoria, et per nome anco dell’Illustrissimo Signor Zorzi Foscarini
1565, 14 May Excerpt from Vittoria’s fifth will. Procurator più vecchio del detto monasterio loro concommissario hanno recevuto li
Vittoria records paying twelve and a half ducats to the chapter of San Geremia sopradetti dinari ritrovati nel detto scrignetto, et insieme anco il sopradetto rettratto
in settlement for his Saint John the Baptist, as recorded by notary Rocco de […] Il retrato del Parmesano et il San Zuane picolo di marmo voglio che restino in casa del Parmesano, il San Zuanne de marmo, et San Zaccaria de cotto di sopra nominati,
Benedetti. sino che Veronica vive et in caso che venisse partito di venderli honoratamente lasso questo et ch’erano stati dati in mano del detto Magnifico Signor Ottavio per consignarli alle
carico in parte delli sudetti mei commissarii […] dette Reverende Commissarie. Confessando in oltre dette Reverende Madri, come di
Santo Giovani di marmo sopra intervenienti haver anco recevuto li altri dinari tolti fuori del detto scrignetto
(ASV: Notarile-Testamenti, busta 657, no. 13, fol. 1r. Partially transcribed Gerola, “Nuovi sotto di .27. instante, come di sopra é stato [fol. 117r] detto nella quantitá, et valuta di
Adi .14. magio .1565. documenti,” pp. 353-354. First published in full Avery, “Documenti,” pp. 310-311, doc. 121) sopra notata, et dechiarite.
66 Love, lies, and litigation: the saga of Alessandro Vittoria’s Saint John the Baptist Love, lies, and litigation: the saga of Alessandro Vittoria’s Saint John the Baptist 67

N OTES

1. This article is based on a paper given at the The Sculpture of Jacopo Sansovino, 2 vols. (New Haven and 22. Appendix I, doc. 3, from “La pocco cortese scrittura” Liberties in the Urban Economy, 1550–1700 (Oxford: Francis Ames-Lewis and Paul Joannides (Aldershot 61. “Item lasso d’essere sepellito a frati minori a pie della
“Renaissance Encounters” symposium at St John’s London: Yale University Press, 1991), I, p. 194, doc. to “quanto si mostrera esserli costato.” Oxford University Press, 2006), pp. 22-44. and Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2003), p. 167. In his capella della natione fiorentina acanto la porta di detta
College, University of Cambridge on 28 June 2013, 90; for the Sacristy Door wax models, p. 201, doc. 112. 23. Avery “Documenti,” p. 184, doc. 5(iii). See also 40. Shaw, Justice, pp. 18-19. life of Michelangelo, Vasari recorded that the Battle chiesia dove el Santo Giovanni di mia propria mano
held in honour of Professor Deborah Howard. 8. Avery, “Documenti,” p. 183, doc. 4. appendix II (online), doc. 2. 41. Shaw, Justice, p. 14. relief remained in the late sculptor’s house, while the sulla pila de’ Giustiniani.” See Boucher, Jacopo Sansovino,
Sincere thanks go to the staff of the Archivio di Stato 9. Avery, “Documenti,” p. 184, doc. 5(i). See also 24. Appendix II (online), doc. 2, from “Pretendendo il 42. Regrettably, few of the Giustizia Vecchia’s sixteenth- Madonna was highly cherished by his nephew Leonardo, I, p. 234, doc. 256, discussed p. 156. Sansovino was,
di Venezia (hereafter ASV), the Archivio storico del appendix II (online), doc. 1. Reverendo Capitolo” to “di sua mano.” century records have survived, and it has not proved who later gifted it to Cosimo de’ Medici: Giorgio in fact, eventually buried in San Geminiano, the
Patriarcato di Venezia (hereafter ASPV) and the 10. Appendix II (online), doc. 1.Two Venetian feet equates 25. Appendix II (online), doc. 2, from “Et all’incontro” to possible to find the magistracy’s own documents Vasari, Delle vite de’ piu eccellente pittori, scultori er architettori now-destroyed church that once faced the basilica in
Biblioteca del Museo Correr, Venice. I am most to ca. 69 cm. The actual height of the Saint John is 65 “Anzolo Maria di Priuli.” regarding this case. (Florence: Giunti, 1568), p. 719. Piazza San Marco. In June 1570, only five months
grateful to Victoria Avery for kindly reading earlier cm. 26. Appendix II (online), doc. 2, from “essendo sopra di 43. Avery “Documenti,” p. 184, doc. 5(iii). See also 50. See appendix II (online), docs. 4-10. For further before his death, he and his son, Francesco, were
drafts of this article, and for her excellent photography. 11. Salvador quondam Vettor tagliapietra has been traced cio” to “quietation perpetua.” appendix II (online), doc. 2, “per fugger le lite et spese.” discussion of Vittoria’s wills and the Saint John, see awarded the rights to the Chapel of the Crucifix. See
The findings presented here form part of my doctoral at various intervals in the archival record, including 27. Avery “Documenti,” p. 184, doc. 5(ii). See also 44. For Vittoria’s extensive, surviving personal records, Avery, “Early Works,” II, pp. 392-394, no. 2. See also Boucher, Jacopo Sansovino, I, pp. 232-233, doc. 254.
thesis “The Business of Sculpture in Venice, 1525– his employment by Sansovino on the Fabbriche Nuove appendix II (online), doc. 3. see ASV: San Zaccaria, busta 18, Commissaria Finocchi Ghersi, Alessandro Vittoria, pp. 39-40. For Vittoria’s emulation of Sansovino with regard to
1625” (University of Cambridge, 2016), the research at Rialto in 1556, on the Podocataro Tomb in San 28. For the Trevisan visitation records, see ASPV: Archivio Vittoria I and II; and San Zaccaria, busta 19, 51. See appendix II (online), doc. 4, from “et il resto del their respective Baptist figures and burial wishes, see, for
for which was generously funded by the Arts and Sebastiano in 1557, and his appointment by Sansovino Segreto, Visite Pastorali, 1560-1590, “Trevisan.” Commissaria Vittoria. First published by Riccardo tempo” to end. Published in full Avery, “Documenti,” example, Avery, “Early Works,” II, pp. 392-393, no. 2;
Humanities Research Council of Great Britain; the as one of his executors in his 1568 will. See Boucher, 29. Very few Cinquecento records survive for San Predelli, “Le memorie e le carte di Alessandro pp. 231-232, doc. 60. and Finocchi Ghersi, Alessandro Vittoria, p. 43.
Kettle’s Yard History of Art Travel Fund, University Jacopo Sansovino, I, p. 125. Geremia, and of those that do, none is relevant to this Vittoria,” Archivio Trentino 23 (1908). For the documents 52. See appendix II (online), docs. 5 and 6 respectively. 62. For Sansovino’s Saint John, see Boucher, Jacopo Sansovino,
of Cambridge; and the Gladys Krieble Delmas 12. San Geremia as it was at the time of Priuli’s commission. See ASPV: Parrocchia di Santi Geremia e collated differently (in date order and then grouped Published in full Avery, “Documenti,” pp. 241-243, I, pp. 47-49, 125-126; II, pp. 323-324, no. 13.
Foundation, New York. This article is dedicated to commission no longer exists: it was later completely Lucia di Venezia. by commission or personal matter), see Avery, doc. 77, and pp. 280-281, doc. 96 respectively. 63. See appendix II (online), doc. 11. Published in full
Deborah Howard with love, gratitude and admiration. rebuilt from the mid-eighteenth century and was only 30. For the supply of marble and stone to sculptors by “Documenti.” 53. See appendix II (online), doc. 7. Published in full Avery, Avery, “Documenti,” pp. 355-361, doc. 158. The
Much has been written on Vittoria’s life and work. completed in 1871. For a brief description of the patrons, including the practice of recycling pieces for 45. For the Feminoni, see Leithe-Jasper, “Alessandro “Documenti,” pp. 311-312, doc. 121. terracotta Saint Zacharias is now lost and was later
The most thorough examinations remain Manfred church as it was in the sixteenth century, see Francesco use in other projects, see Emma Jones, “The Sculptural Vittoria,” pp. 64-66; Avery, “Early Works,” I, pp. 54. Alternatively, the commission could have been awarded replaced by a marble copy on the pendant holy-water
Leithe-Jasper, “Alessandro Vittoria: Beiträge zu einer Sansovino, Venetia città nobilissima et singolare (Venice: Stones of Venice: the Selection, Supply and Cost of 110-114; II, pp. 420-421, no. 25; and Finocchi Ghersi, to Vittoria because of an already existing friendship stoup. For further discussion, see Finocchi Ghersi,
Analyse des Stils seiner figürlichen Plastiken unter Giacomo Sansovino, 1581), p. 53v. For an overview of Marble and Stone in Sixteenth-Century Venice,” in Alessandro Vittoria, pp. 95-96. For the Grimani chapel, with Agazi, to whom Gatto also appears to have been Alessandro Vittoria, pp. 44-46.
Berücksichtigung der Beziehungen zur Gleichzeitigen its history, see Umberto Franzoi and Dina di Stefano, Making and Moving Sculpture in Early Modern Italy, ed. see Leithe-Jasper, “Alessandro Vittoria,” p. 123; Avery, close. For this commission, of which only certain 64. See appendix II (online), doc. 10. Published in full
Malerei in Venedig” (PhD diss., University of Vienna, Le chiese di Venezia (Venice: Alfieri, 1975), pp. 104-106. Kelley Helmstutler Di Dio (Farnham and Burlington, “Early Works,” I, pp. 147-152; II, pp. 454-456, no. 51; elements survive, see Emma Jones, “Priestly patronage Avery, “Documenti,” pp. 352-354, doc. 155.
1963); Victoria Avery, “The Early Works of Alessandro 13. Lay procurators were essential to the successful VT: Ashgate, 2015), pp. 117-119; and Jones, Finocchi Ghersi, Alessandro Vittoria, pp. 142-153; and in Late Renaissance Venice: Antonio Gatto’s cappella 65. While my examination of the surviving archival records
Vittoria” (PhD diss., 3 vols., University of Cambridge, running of parish and monastic churches in Venice. “Business,” vol. 1, pp. 90-93. Martin, Alessandro Vittoria, pp. 52-3, 109-110, no. 10. For maggiore in San Polo,” in Carvings, Casts and Collectors: The for San Zaccaria in both the ASV and ASPV has thus
1996); Lorenzo Finocchi Ghersi, Alessandro Vittoria: Elected by the chapter, they assisted, for example, in 31. Jones, “Sculptural Stones,” pp. 119-120; and Jones, the Montefeltro Altar, see Leithe-Jasper, “Alessandro Art of Renaissance Sculpture, eds. Peta Motture, Emma far come to nought, Finocchi Ghersi, Alessandro Vittoria,
Architettura, scultura e decorazione nella Venezia del tardo the maintenance of the fabric and the management “Business,” I, pp. 94-95. Vittoria,” pp. 112-18; Avery, “Early Works,” I, pp. 152- Jones, Dimitrios Zikos (London: V&A Publications, p. 46, suggested that the placement of the statuettes
Rinascimento (Udine: Forum, 1998); Thomas Martin, of any investments and church-owned properties. 32. Given that Salvador tagliapietra witnessed the contract 158; II, pp. 458-60, no. 53; Finocchi Ghersi, Alessandro 2013); and Jones, “Business,” I, passim; and III, pp. on the altar is unlikely ever to have happened, as the
Alessandro Vittoria and the Portrait Bust in Renaissance Venice For lay procurators as patrons of art in Venice, see between Priuli and Vittoria, might he have sold the Vittoria, pp. 133-141; and Bacchi, Camerlengo, and 66-80, no. 7. disparity in their respective materials would have been
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998); and Andrea Bacchi, Allison Sherman, “‘Soli Deo honor et gloria?’ Cittadino marble to the patron, if Priuli did not already have a Leithe-Jasper, “Bellissima maniera,” pp. 314-318, no. 66, 55. The bust was last recorded in July 1830 and its current aesthetically displeasing.
Lia Camerlengo and Manfred Leithe-Jasper, eds., “La Lay Procurator Patronage and the Art of Identity piece to hand? Until further links between Salvador entry by Sandro Sponza. location is unknown. See Jones, “Priestly patronage,” 66. Giannantonio Moschini, Guida per la città di Venezia
bellissima maniera”: Alessandro Vittoria e la scultura veneta del Formation in Renaissance Venice,” in Art, Architecture and Priuli can be established beyond the 1550 payment 46. From 1553 to 1569, Vittoria lived and worked in a pp. 225 and 234, n. 59; and Jones, “Business,” III, p. all’amico delle belle arti opera di Giannantonio Moschini, 2 vols.
Cinquecento, exh. cat. (Trent: Castello del Buonconsiglio, and Identity in Venice and its Territories, 1450–1750, eds. document (appendix II (online), doc. 1), this must rented space in Ca’ Gritti, in Calle della Pietà, in the 80, no. 7, doc. 7.8. (Venice: Alvisopoli, 1815), I, p. 104. The first mention
1999). Nebahat Avcioglu and Emma Jones (Farnham and remain a mere suggestion. For the rebuilding of the sestiere of Castello. See Victoria Avery, “The House 56. That Agazi did fulfil his executorial duties and ensure of the Zacharias in San Zaccaria occurs on 10 July 1821,
2. The Baptist has been completely covered up and Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2013). family’s palace in the Cinquecento, see Farinati, of Alessandro Vittoria Reconstructed,” The Sculpture the project’s completion is confirmed by a statement to when it was noted during a Pastoral Visitation under
hidden from view for some years now, following an act 14. For further discussion of this branch of the Priuli “Architettura,” pp. 119-120. Journal 5 (2001): pp. 9, 22, n. 8. He would go on to this effect included in a now lost inscription on Gatto’s the aegis of Patriarch Ladislao Pirker: see Finocchi
of vandalism and so it was not possible to undertake family and their nearby palace, see Valeria Farinati, 33. For litigation and legal redress in sculpture commissions purchase a large property with garden in the same funerary monument, which was recorded in 1830 by Ghersi, Alessandro Vittoria, p. 46, n. 45.
new photography for the present article. For further “Architettura e committenza nel primo Settecento in sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century Venice, see street in spring 1569, which he repurposed into a Emmanuele Cicogna. See Jones, “Business,” III, pp. 67. Prior to the damage, the right upper arm had been
discussion of its current state, see below, and note 67. veneziano: l’intervento di Andrea Tirali in palazzo Jones, “Business,” I, pp. 151-160. large home-cum-workshop. For his employment 66-67, no. 7. cracked and reattached at an unknown date. The left
3. See appendix II (online), doc. 9. For a full transcription Priuli Manfrin a Cannaregio (1724–1731),” Annali di 34. See Susan Connell, The Employment of Sculptors and of apprentices and assistants, see Victoria Avery, 57. For a full transcription of this will, see Avery, hand, left leg, and parts of the drapery were damaged.
of the will, see Victoria Avery, “Documenti sulla vita architettura 3 (1991). Stonemasons in Venice in the Fifteenth Century (New York “La bottega di Alessandro Vittoria,” in Bacchi, “Documenti,” pp. 339-341, doc. 141. The inscription was worn and certain parts almost
e le opere di Alessandro Vittoria (c. 1525-1608),” 15. For Priuli’s death record, see ASV: Provveditori alla and London: Garland, 1988), pp. 208-221, for the Camerlengo, and Leithe-Jasper, “La bellissima maniera”, 58. Although the formal concession between San Zaccaria illegible. The marble was suffering from problems
Studi Trentini di Scienze Storiche, Sezione Prima, 78/1, Sanità, busta 795, “Necrologio” 1550–1552, n.p., processes and use of arbitration in the sphere of pp. 127-139; and Jones, “Business,” I, pp. 134-135, and Vittoria was not drawn up until 3 August 1602, the caused by moisture absorption, unsurprising given its
Supplemento (1999): pp. 344-346, doc. 147. All under date. fifteenth-century sculptors and stonemasons; and 136. eighth will records that the rights had been discussed long-term placement on a holy-water stoup.
translations are my own. 16. See appendix II (online), doc. 2. Partially-cited Finocchi Jones, “Business,” I, pp. 156-157 for the same in the 47. For Vittoria’s record of purchasing the Parmigianino and voted on by the convent chapter in Vittoria’s
4. For a record of the statuette’s transfer to San Zaccaria, Ghersi, Alessandro Vittoria, p. 38. First published in full in sixteenth century. (now Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum, inv. 286), see favour on 5 November 1601. For a full transcription
see appendix II (online), doc. 11. Published in full Avery “Documenti,” p. 184, doc. 5(iii). 35. See Jones, “Business,” I, p. 157. Avery, “Documenti,” p. 219, doc. 44 (14 January 1561), of the will, see Avery, “Documenti,” pp. 344-346,
Avery, “Documenti,” pp. 355-361, doc. 158. 17. Appendix I, doc. 1. 36. Appendix I, doc. 3. and for the purported Michelangelo (whereabouts doc. 147, and for the notarized concession, pp. 346-
5. See most recently Emma Jones, “The Business of 18. Appendix I, doc. 1, from “Et perche” to “rissolutione 37. That the Giustizia Vecchia knew about the dispute is unknown), see p. 222, doc. 51 (20 April 1563). For his 347, doc. 148(i). For the concession of spaces to third
Sculpture in Venice, 1525–1615” (PhD diss., 3 vols., alcuna.” confirmed by the church chapter’s declaration that art collection in general, see Victoria Avery, “Alessandro parties in Venetian ecclesiastical buildings generally, see
University of Cambridge, 2016), I, pp. 158-159; and 19. Appendix I, doc. 2. Vittoria had already complained to the magistracy in Vittoria Collezionista,” in Bacchi, Camerlengo and Jones, “Business,” I, pp. 43-48. For Vittoria’s funerary
III, pp. 33-40, no. 3, with full bibliography. 20. The Sopragastaldo was a magistracy charged with their “protestatio” of 10 April 1565. See appendix I, Leithe-Jasper “La bellissima maniera”, pp. 141-157; and monument, see Avery, “Early Works,” II, pp. 565-569,
6. Vittoria recorded his arrival date in Venice from implementing civil sentences. For further discussion, doc. 2. Avery, “House,” as above. no. 110; Finocchi Ghersi, Alessandro Vittoria, pp. 182-
Trent in his personal records, for which see ASV: San see Andrea Da Mosto, L’Archivio di Stato di Venezia: 38. Avery “Documenti,” p. 184, doc. 5(iii). See also 48. Leithe-Jasper, “Alessandro Vittoria,” p. 11. 188; and Avery, “Alessandro Vittoria,” pp. 170-177.
Zaccaria, busta 18, Commissaria Vittoria I, fol. 107v; Indice generale, storico, descrittivo ed analitico, 2 vols. (Rome: appendix II (online), doc. 2, “et essendo sopra di cio 49. Victoria Avery, “Alessandro Vittoria: the Michelangelo 59. See Avery, “Documenti,” p. 352, doc. 155.
published Avery, “Documenti,” p. 183, doc. 1. Biblioteca d’Arte Editrice, 1937), I, p. 102. esse parti in controversia alla Giustitia Vecchia.” of Venice?” in Reactions to the Master: Michelangelo’s 60. See appendix II (online), docs. 4 (second will), 5 (third
7. For the singing gallery payment, see Bruce Boucher, 21. For the Giustizia Vecchia, see below. 39. See James Shaw, The Justice of Venice: Authorities and Effect on Art and Artists in the Sixteenth Century, eds. will), 6 (fourth will), 8 (sixth will), and 9 (eighth will).
 69

On a new Dead Christ on the Cross

by Alonso Cano
JOSÉ MAN U EL C RUZ VALDOVI NOS

Alonso Cano’s Christian name derives from his baptism It is also certain that in addition to his formal
in the parish church of San Ildefonso in Granada on apprenticeship, Cano worked with his father as an
the feast day of Saint Joseph in 1601.1 In 1658, as ensamblador and probably studied the art of sculpture as
witness to the concession to Diego Velázquez of the well, inspired by Juan Martínez Montañés.
ceremonial habit of the Order of Santiago, Cano
declared that he had known Velázquez for 44 years.2 These biographical details highlight two principal
This, along with the last documented mention of his facts relevant to the analysis of the work studied here,
father in Granada in 1613, indicates that Cano had a recently discovered Dead Christ on the Cross, acquired
already moved to Seville by 1614.3 Velázquez was from Colnaghi by a Private Collector in 2016 (fig. 1).
at that time coming to the end of his apprenticeship Cano studied with Pacheco, as did Velázquez. If we
with the painter Francisco Pacheco (1564-1644). This are to believe Cano, they met before Velázquez left
apprenticeship had lasted six years starting from 1 Pacheco’s workshop and Cano entered it, although in
December 1610, according to the contract signed by any case they would have overlapped there for four
the young artist’s father on 17 November 1611 and months in 1616. Their relationship did not, however,
by the master himself ten days later. 4 On 17 August end with the completion of Velázquez’s training: his
1616 – only a few months after Velázquez’s departure wedding in 1618 to Pacheco’s daughter, Juana, explains
– Alonso’s father, Miguel (an ensamblador or architect of why neither the painter’s ties to his master, nor those to
retables, who was by that time a resident of Seville) also Cano who was apprenticed to him, were ever severed.
signed a letter of apprenticeship, this time entrusting Nor did the friendship between the young painters
his own son to Pacheco for five years. 5 Lázaro Díaz come to an end when Velázquez moved to court in
del Valle and Antonio Palomino noted that Alonso Madrid in 1623. Cano was still in Seville on 13 July
was only with the master for eight months,6 Palomino 1638, but the first notice of his arrival in Madrid
adding that he then went on to the studio of Juan del occurs on 16 August of the following year, when he
Castillo and also trained with Francisco de Herrera was made godfather to Inés Manuela, the daughter
the Elder.7 This seems unlikely, given that Cano took of Juan Bautista Martínez del Mazo and Francisca,
a few years longer than usual to sit the exam and gain the daughter of Velázquez.10 These two facts – the
approval as a maestro pintor de imaginería – title given to apprenticeship with Pacheco and the friendship with
figure painters – not doing so until 12 April 1626.8 It Velázquez – are important, as we shall see, in the
is noteworthy that he signed and dated a painting in analysis and evaluation of the Dead Christ studied here.
Fig. 1 / Alonso Cano, 1624,9 and married the widow María de Figueroa in
Dead Christ on the January of that year: the former act defied the rules of One of the iconographical questions which has over
Cross, oil on canvas,
203.7 x 126.2 cm, the Sevillian painters’ guild; the latter was unusual prior the past few decades received considerable attention
Private Collection. to an artist’s attainment of the title of “master”. from scholars of Spanish painting of the first half of
70 A LO NSO CA NO / A new Dead Christ on the Cross A LON SO CA N O / A new Dead Christ on the Cross 71

to this fact, which makes identification difficult. It is, features which distinguish it from many examples by
nevertheless, of fundamental importance, hence our Pacheco, Velázquez and Cano. It is also exceptional in
reference to the fact of his death in the painting’s title. featuring a titulus (inscription) in Hebrew, Greek, and
Latin, as discussed further below.
Pacheco wrote his Arte de la Pintura over many years; the
original manuscript is conserved in the Instituto Valencia The passage dedicated by Pacheco to Dürer is also of
de Don Juan in Madrid and the first edition was produced considerable interest:
posthumously in 1649.12 In the two chapters which
end the text – XV and XVI of the third book – he “Albrecht Dürer, who was an extremely
deals with representation of the Crucified Christ.13 He diligent, learned and devout craftsman,
entitles chapter XV, “En favor de la pintura de los cuatro drew nearly a hundred years ago a Crucifix
clavos con que fue crucificado Cristo nuestro redentor” (In favour that I found in a book of things by his hand,
of painting the four nails with which Christ our redeemer which belonged to our Catholic King Philip
was crucified). The chapter consists of several letters from II, with four nails and a ledge, just like the
Francisco de Rioja, written in 1619, and a text by Pacheco ones which I paint.”16
himself dating to 1620. At the outset Rioja explains
that his discourse in defence of the four nails has been As I have observed elsewhere,17 Panofsky argued, on
dedicated to the painter “because he executes this with the basis of a pen drawing depicting a Calvary from
such felicity in the images which he paints.” He then starts 1521, that Dürer had planned an engraving of the
a long account citing numerous ancient authors, many of Crucifixion, known only from posthumous prints pulled
them saints, with Latin and even Greek texts that refer to from two copper plates that survived the artist: the first
the four nails. He ends again referring to Pacheco who: was supposedly engraved, but left unfinished by the
artist himself;18 the second – for which Dürer evidently
... was the first in these days in Spain to executed studies – was dated 1523. Reproducing
return to the old use in some images of an impression of this engraving conserved in the
Christ, which he has painted, with four British Museum in London (fig. 3), Benito Navarette
nails, in accordance with everything said discussed in detail its influence on Pacheco, and later
by the ancient authors; because he paints Velázquez, Cano, Zurbarán and, ultimately, Goya.19
the cross with four extremes and with the Noting Pacheco’s admiration for Dürer, Navarette drew
ledge where the feet are nailed together. attention to another paragraph by the Spaniard on the
The figure appears to be standing; his face German master which had, it seems, gone unnoticed:
majestic and decorous, with no ugly grimace
or decomposition, and thus appropriate to “…and our very prudent monarch Philip II
the sovereign greatness of Christ our Lord.14 esteemed his drawings very much. I saw one
by his hand from a book which belonged to his
Pacheco’s response is full of new arguments and Majesty, worthy of the highest veneration.”20
the seventeenth century, is the number of nails which additional citations, including the views of the Jesuit
fixed Christ to the Cross. The painting published here cardinal Roberto Belarmino,15 whose work had In my opinion, it is possible to go one step further,
features in this debate, as it belongs to the model known been published in Rome in 1618. He continues by specifying that the drawing to which Pacheco referred
Fig. 2 / Juan Martínez as “de cuatro clavos” (“with four nails”), less common than citing sculptures and paintings from many periods must be the one in the Musée du Louvre (fig.4), which
Montañés, Christ of Mercy,
polychrome wood, 190 cm, representations in which only three nails are used (with representing four nails. Amongst the contemporary Panofsky considered to be a study for the unfinished
Seville Cathedral. a single one hammered through both feet). Amongst works, he refers to a painting (now lost) by Antonio engraving. In this work Christ appears on his own –
the painters who produced images of Christ featuring Mohedano for Doctor Álvaro Pizaño de Palacios, corresponding to Pacheco’s reference to the Crucifix
Fig. 3 / After Albrecht Dürer,
Crucifixion, engraving, 32 four nails are Pacheco and Velázquez, another apparent canon of Antequera. He also mentions the Cristo de rather than to a Crucifixion (which would include
x 22.6 cm, London, British confirmation of their close relationship to Cano. la Clemencia (in Seville Cathedral) by Juan Martínez multiple figures) – and it is a drawing, as mentioned by
Museum. Montañés (fig. 2), which Mateo Vázquez de Leca, Pacheco on two occasions, rather than a print. Christ is
Fig. 4 / Albrecht Dürer, I start this analysis by pointing out that the image studied Archdeacon of Carmona, gave to the charterhouse of attached to the Cross by four nails, and it is just visible
Crucifixion, 1523, here is of the dead Christ. This status does not depend Santa María de las Cuevas, specifying in the contract through the legs as is the niche on which appears the
metalpoint on blue-green on his eyes being closed, but rather on the wound in of 1603 that Christ should be shown alive with his eyes date of 1523. 21 In both the engraving and the drawing,
prepared paper with white
heightening, 41.3 x 30 cm, his side, as described in the Gospel according to Saint John, open and head inclined. Although there are four nails, Christ is still alive, but this did not especially interest
Paris, Musée du Louvre. John being a witness to the event.11 Few authors allude the feet are, however, crossed and there is no ledge, Pacheco, who referred only to the number of nails.
72 A LO NSO CA NO / A new Dead Christ on the Cross A LON SO CA N O / A new Dead Christ on the Cross 73

painted on a smooth wooden cross. Today this work

is held in the sacristy of the parish church of Nuestra
Señora de la Consolación in El Coronil (Seville)(fig. 5),
although it may have come from the former convent
of the Discalced Carmelites as its size (40.6 x 25.6 cm)
and characteristics correspond to images that nuns and
friars kept in their cells.27 The figure has his right foot
placed over the left, with three nails according to the
vision of Saint Bridget, which leads us to conclude that
this was produced before he had seen Dürer’s drawing,
in the first few months of 1611. Christ is shown about
to expire, as in Dürer’s drawing, looking towards the
viewer’s right with an intense, upward gaze and his head
level with his hands. The Saviour’s head is resplendent,
with rays of light emanating from it, and a loincloth
partially covers him, with a cord visible only on the
right. The titulus is inscribed in Hebrew, Greek and
Latin, as written by John, but it seems that there was
not yet a debate about this as it does not begin with HIC
EST.28 The stem of the Cross is quite long and very
bloody, and on the ground beneath Christ’s feet there is
an overturned skull.

Pacheco’s knowledge of Dürer’s drawing would

transform the model of Christ employed in his
subsequent depictions of the subject: from then on
Christ was always shown as dead. The first known
Whilst is true that in the engraving Christ directs his example of this (following Pacheco’s return from his
gaze towards the Virgin on the right, whereas in the sojourn at court) is now in the Fundación Rodríguez
drawing he looks the other way, this is the result of the Acosta in Granada (fig. 6), signed and dated 1614.29
inversion caused by the printing process. Pacheco does Another panel of similar size (50 x 38 cm), featuring the
not mention this detail, which does not appear to be of same signature and dated 1615, was published when it
importance to him. was in the collection of Teresa López-Dóriga, although
its present whereabouts are unknown.30
Pacheco refers on four occasions to a trip that he made to
Cordoba, Toledo, Madrid, el Pardo and el Escorial.22 He A third example, undated and on canvas, survives in the
also states that this took place in 1611, though provides Museo Nacional de Bellas Artes in Buenos Aires (fig. 7).
no further details. Various authors have hypothesized that It is similar in size to the other panels and is dated 1614-
this journey lasted from September 1610 until October 1615. The canvas was acquired in Seville, on 23 June
1611,23 with Bassegoda suggesting that it perhaps took 1906, by the museum’s then director, Eduardo Schiaffino,
place “towards the spring-summer of that year.”24 The from José María López Cepero, great-grandnephew
master signed a document in Seville on 25 October of the dean and collector of the same name. The 1813
1611,25 which suggests Bassegoda is right: Pacheco would inventory of the López Cepero Collection lists “un Cristo
Fig. 6 / Francisco Pacheco,
have taken advantage of the months of good weather for de Pacheco” (no. 153) and, in a catalogue of 1860 (no. Crucified Christ, signed and
his visit to court with stops in the two large cities en route. 625), it was noted that it measured one foot and eleven dated 1614, oil on panel,
inches by one foot and four inches (53.3 x 37.2 cm). The 58 x 37.5 cm, Granada,
Fundación Rodríguez Acosta.
Fig. 5 / Francisco Pacheco, It is important to determine as precisely as possible painting entered the museum in 1995.31
Crucified Christ, oil on panel, the date of this trip, as it helps establish when Pacheco Fig. 7 / Francisco Pacheco,
40.6 x 25.6 cm, El Coronil might have seen Dürer’s drawing in el Escorial and, in The innovation common to all three paintings is that Crucified Christ, oil on
(Seville), Parish church canvas, 56 x 41 cm, Buenos
of Nuestra Señora de la consequence, when he painted his Crucifixions. The first Christ’s feet appear to be nailed separately and rest on a Aires, Museo Nacional de
Consolación. known example is signed and dated 1611,26 with Christ ledge attached to the Cross with a trapezoidal support, Bellas Artes.
74 A LO NSO CA NO / A new Dead Christ on the Cross A LON SO CA N O / A new Dead Christ on the Cross 75

on which Pacheco places his signature in the first two Francisco de Zurbarán’s paintings of the Dead Christ on the crossbeam, heavily inclined but initiating a strong
works. Christ wears the Crown of Thorns and has a the Cross are also relevant to the present discussion. His vertical axis; the loincloth is ample but falls to the left
halo. His head is at the same height as the hands and three-year apprenticeship with Pedro Díaz de Villanueva and is shorter than the ones cited previously; the feet,
is slightly inclined, but without breaking the verticality was signed in Seville in 1614, but it is not certain if he in parallel, hang over the ledge, as they do in those of
of the composition. His right leg is somewhat curved completed this as he appears in Llerena in 1617.35 It is Pacheco. The titulus is in the three languages, but does
rather than rigid, with one knee close to the other, and clear that Zurbarán knew Pacheco’s treatise on the four not include the HIC EST. On this basis, we think that it
his feet are separated at an oblique angle from the heels, nails and had seen some of his works, either during his was painted ca. 1630, before the work produced for the
with toes just overhanging the ledge. The loincloth is apprenticeship or upon his return to Seville in January Sevillian Capuchins.
tied, falling along the line of the thighs, longer on the 1626, when he signed a contract for a series of twenty-
right and shorter between the legs, so that the vertical one paintings for the Dominican convent of San Pablo. The presence of four nails in all the images of Christ
emphasis of the image remains uninterrupted. The Dating from the following year, his Dead Christ on the Cross on the Cross painted by Zurbarán continued until a very
arms of the Cross are smooth, like the ledge, and since (Art Institute of Chicago, 290.3 x 165.5 cm; 3½ x 2 late date. The Dead Christ with a Donor now in the Prado
the bottom of the Cross is not shown, the previously varas) was produced for the sacristy of the same convent. is dated to 1640 (244 x 167.5 cm; 3 x 2 varas), while the
depicted skull is not included. This depiction includes four nails, with feet resting on the Christ Expiring with the Virgin, Saint John, and the Magdalene
ledge, in parallel, although turned slightly to the right.36 (Private Collection, London) is signed and dated 1655
The tituli of the Dead Christs from 1614-1615 are In 1988 José Milicua observed that the prior of the (212 x 163 cm; 2 ¾ x 2 varas).42 These feature most of the
inscribed in Hebrew, Greek and Latin, as was the convent of San Pablo, fray Vicente Durango, was one same iconographic characteristics even if in the second
case in the work in El Coronil from 1611 (although of the learned men who approved the text by Pacheco version, the movement of the head and cloth varies from
the writing is now rather indistinct). Unlike the earlier on the four nails, 37 meaning that the painter must in the work painted for the Capuchins; the presence of half
painting, however, the Latin inscription in these later all probability have had the benefit of his counsel. In figures does not interfere with the formal aspects.
versions starts with HIC EST (followed by IESVS other ways Zurbarán’s picture is quite different from
NAZARAENVS/REX IVDAEORUM). The painter the examples produced in 1614-1615 by Pacheco: It is also worth mentioning the two paintings of Christ
follows John in using all three languages, but he takes the figure hangs and the tilt of the head and torso are on the Cross produced by Velázquez after his first trip
from Mark and Luke the opening words.32 A few years pronounced, the latter diverging from a vertical axis; the to Italy (1629-1630) which are today in the Museo del
later, in 1619, Fernando Enríquez Afán de Ribera, legs are also turned slightly in the opposite direction, Prado. These Crucifixions – like those of Pacheco and
the 3rd Duke of Alcalá, visited Pacheco’s workshop putting pressure on the feet; the loin cloth, which is Zurbarán – shed light on Cano’s treatments of the
and saw a Christ on the Cross with four nails which he very wrinkled, mainly falls to the left and does not have subject. The first, Christ on the Cross (fig. 8), showing the
praised although it generated a philological polemic. a knot as in Pacheco’s versions; the Cross is rustic, the Saviour alive, is relatively small, but approximately
In this same year or perhaps 1620, the duke wrote his ledge a simple piece of wood, the nails are numerous double the size of those by Pacheco. I will not address
tract, Del título de la cruz de Cristo nuestro Señor, laying out and the titulus is a crossed piece of wood on which at length the question of Velázquez’s authorship,
his position on the basis of an example which he had there is no Hebrew text, nor the words HIC EST.38 rejected by many scholars, but accepted here.43 Signed
seen in the church of Santa Croce in Rome. He was and dated “D. Velazquez fa/1631”, it comes from
answered by Francisco de Rioja.33 Later depictions of the Dead Christ on the Cross by the monastery of the Bernardines in Madrid which
Zurbarán present different characteristics, even if they gave it to the State after the Civil War. Its authenticity
The final Dead Christ on the Cross by Pacheco is now maintain the four nails. The work in the Museo de is supported by the inclusion of a work of the same
in a private collection in Madrid. Dated 1637 and Bellas Artes of Seville (which comes from the Capuchin dimensions in an inventory of goods drawn up on the
signed with the same initials as the Granada painting Convent) is also large (255 x 193 cm; 3 x 2½ varas).39 It death of Velázquez: no. 582, “Un Cristo crucificado
of 1614,34 it is painted on a smooth wooden cross like has been dated between 1627 and 1640, but I believe, de vara y cuarta de alto y tres cuartas de ancho.”
the El Coronil version and is similar in size to the works like Juan Miguel Serrera,40 that it would have been The work could have been an ex-voto given to the
from 1614-1615 (55 x 35 cm – two tercias by a palmo painted before Zurbarán arrived at court in 1634. Bernardines after the artist’s safe return to Spain.
and sexma de vara). The titulus also commences with HIC Christ lifts his head and turns to the right, which causes Its relationship to other pieces by the master is clear.
EST. The depiction of Christ is the same as in the three his body to twist slightly. The loin cloth, overblown It has four nails and the feet in parallel, the figure is
pictures discussed above, although the panel is extended and wrinkled, is tied on the viewer’s right and hangs completely vertical, and the face looks upwards to our
slightly at the top and the arms are spread further down to the knee. The titulus does not include the left; the head is resplendent, but there are no rays or
from the Cross. Christ’s feet are, however, attached phrase HIC EST. The Dead Christ now in the Museo de halo around it; the figure bends four fingers of each
with four nails, with the left crossed over the right, in Bellas Artes in Asturias, similar in size to the previous hand. It differs from the work of Pacheco in that the
reverse to how they appear in the El Coronil painting. ones (271 x 177 cm.; 3 ¼ x 2 ¼ varas), is dated by figure hangs heavily, the head is beneath the crossbeam,
As no intermediary versions by Pacheco are known, it is the museum to 1638-1640.41 From the point of view Fig. 8 / Diego Velázquez, and the loincloth is short and tied in a central knot with
impossible to determine when he abandoned the model of its iconography, it is very different to the versions Crucified Christ, signed and no ends falling on either side. The Cross is smooth but
dated 1631, oil on canvas,
with feet shown in parallel and instead adopted this last mentioned above and, despite some variations, is closer 102 x 57 cm, Madrid, here the grain and knots are visible. The titulus with the
pose which originated with Michelangelo. to those produced by Pacheco. The head is still under Museo Nacional del Prado. triple legend occupies some of the crossbeam, perhaps
76 A LO NSO CA NO / A new Dead Christ on the Cross A LON SO CA N O / A new Dead Christ on the Cross 77

doubt about its authenticity. Its entry into the convent

of San Plácido in Madrid – given by Jerónimo de
Villanueva, Protonotary of Aragon and trusted aid
of the conde duque de Olivares – is controversial: as I
have explained elsewhere, it was an act of reparation
by Villanueva in 1633, atoning for his role in doctrinal
misdemeanours involving the monastery that resulted
in the intervention of the Inquisition, which also went
after Villanueva himself.44

The similarities between Velázquez’s small work

of 1631 and those by Pacheco from 1614-1615 are
notable. The figure of Christ is frontal and vertical,
his head falling to the side without tilting; the feet,
joined at the heels, are close together. Christ hangs less
heavily in the smaller version, his resplendent head
hardly touching the crossbeam – less so than in those
of Pacheco. The bending of the fingers is similar as are
the ledge and beams of the Cross, which is painted to
show the grain and knots. The titulus is placed at the
very top, as in Pacheco’s works, but it lacks the HIC
EST. There are many rivulets of blood and a dark
background, as in the paintings by Pacheco.

Turning now to the treatments of this theme by Alonso

Cano, in order to understand better their individual
characteristics, it is worth examining them one at a
time, especially as the datings proposed for these works
are by no means definitive.

a) Dead Christ on the Cross (fig. 10) (Madrid, formerly

in the Gregorio Diego Curto collection): 45 Wethey
dated this painting to 1643, considering it a donation
by the conde duque de Olivares to the Dominican
to fill up the empty space; a surprising detail is that nuns of Loeches, whose convent he had funded. His noted that the painting belonged to Godoy in 1808 It should also be noted that Cano lived in the calle
the parchment has begun to come away and only part dating was based on the fact that at this time Philip IV and was sent to Paris in 1813, whence it returned in de las Hileras, in front of the Benedictine monastery
of the HIC EST is visible. Another difference from granted Olivares’s petition to retire from Court. The 1815 and was given to the Real Academia.46 Álvarez (his house and the monastery situated, respectively, on
Pacheco is that the ledge does not have a trapezoidal composition features three nails with the right foot on Lopera doubted that this was the painting belonging blocks 390 and 392 of the Planimetría) from September
Fig. 9 / Diego Velázquez, piece. At the foot of the Cross is a skull, as in the top of the left. Frontal and upright, Christ’s head tilts to to Godoy (which came from the Discalced Carmelite 1641 to June 1644,53 which tends to support this
Dead Christ, oil on canvas, painting from El Coronil. The most distinctive aspect the left, at a slightly greater angle than in Velázquez’s convent of San Hermenegildo in Madrid), as it was hypothesis.
250 x 170 cm, Madrid,
Museo Nacional del Prado. is the landscape with ill-defined buildings suggestive depictions. The Saviour’s thumbs, on the other hand, already hanging in the Academia in 1810 when
perhaps of Jerusalem, woods, vegetation, mountains, are positioned in a very similar manner. The body Godoy’s paintings and others destined for France were The Real Academia composition depicts the four nails.
Fig. 10 / Alonso Cano, Dead and a blueish horizon with clouds in the upper half. hangs less, and the head is higher up on the crossbeam. being prepared for removal.47 He concluded that the Christ is frontal and vertical, hanging more heavily than
Christ on the Cross, oil
on canvas, 248 x 166 cm, Although this landscape is puzzling, it may be explained The narrow loincloth is arranged horizontally, with painting in fact came from the Benedictine monastery in the Loeches version. His head is below the crossbeam
Madrid, previously Gregorio by his stay in Rome, prefiguring – with its bands of a large section floating out to the left. The titulus of San Martín in Madrid, citing Ponz,48 Bosarte,49 as in the painting by Velázquez in San Plácido, which
Diego Curto Collection. colour, from the light foreground to the darker area reads simply INRI – which, in the only known image, Ceán,50 and the Conde de Maule51 who had seen it at it also resembles in terms of the inclination of the head
Fig. 11 / Alonso Cano, about the crossbeam – the landscapes of his later works. published by Wethey, appears to be repeated three the Academia. Wethey dated the work to ca. 1646 in and placement of the fingers. Both ends of the loincloth
Dead Christ on the Cross, times. The Cross is rustic, made from rounded beams. relation to other paintings by Cano – the Noli me Tangere drift to the left, partly revealing the rope which holds it
oil on canvas, 242 x 160 The second Dead Christ by Velázquez is a large in Budapest and Dead Christ Sustained by an Angel at the up and leaving the body largely uncovered. The titulus
cm, Madrid, Real Academia
de Bellas Artes de San work (fig. 9), like those of Zurbarán. It has rightly b) Dead Christ on the Cross (fig. 11) (Madrid, Real Prado.52 Álvarez Lopera believed it could have been features the acronym INRI, with full-stops between
Fernando. attracted great praise and there has never been any Academia de Bellas Artes de San Fernando): Wethey painted ca. 1640-1643, before the work in Loeches. each letter and a short line in the stroke of the R.
78 A LO NSO CA NO / A new Dead Christ on the Cross A LON SO CA N O / A new Dead Christ on the Cross 79

The Cross has a curved crossbeam and is situated on a of Cano’s period in Granada following his departure
small mound with a skull at its foot. The background from court.55 The composition displays three nails
includes a landscape with a very low horizon, in which with the right foot placed over the left. The head,
buildings can be glimpsed, although these are in ochre, resplendent, is inclined slightly to the left and barely
almost reddish, tones, very far from those used by rises above the crossbeam. The loincloth covers very
Velázquez in his smaller first version. little and the ends hang down on both sides. The Cross
is smooth with the titulus bearing the acronym. The
c) Dead Christ on the Cross (fig. 12) (Madrid, Museo Nacional landscape presents little trees with crossed trunks,
del Prado): loosely dated by the museum to the period resembling the Prado canvas.
1635-1665, the painting entered the collection in 1998
in lieu of tax from José Palacio Carvajal.54 It represents Other Crucifixions attributed to Cano that are not by
the dead Christ, although the wound in his side is his hand, in my opinion, include the Living Christ from
hardly visible. The composition has three nails with the the Augustine convent of Corpus Christi in Granada
right foot placed over the left. The head is only just on (185 x 122 cm; 2¼ x 1½ varas). Dated to 1653-1657,
the crossbeam, vertically inclined and resplendent with it is probably mentioned by name three times in the
more visible rays than in the Real Academia painting, convent’s accounts and must have been retouched at
although the fingers are similarly positioned. The an early date. 56
close-fitting loincloth exposes the cord at the right and
falls on both sides, disappearing into the surrounding Finally, two sculpted crucifixes by Cano are also
gloom. The Cross is smooth and the lettering of the relevant to this discussion. The 1692 inventory of the
titulus is similar to the version in the Real Academia. This daughter-in-law of the influential Castilian councillor
painting also has a landscape background, lighter than José González, whose portrait Cano painted ca. 1640,
the previous one although still in brownish tones. The mentions a small carved crucifix with an ebony cross,
presence of two trees, the fine trunks of which cross, is silver ends, a titulus and small stepped ledge made of
noteworthy, similar to the manner of Annibale Carracci black pear wood. It is the only documented sculpture
with little leaves of great transparency. from Cano’s first period at court.57

d) Dead Christ on the Cross (see fig. 1) (Private Collection): The so-called Cristo de Lécaroz (fig. 13) is of great
Recently discovered in a Private Collection in Madrid, importance. This is now in the Capuchin convent of
this work is published here for the first time. San Antonio in Pamplona. Made of wood, it measures
185 x 155 cm (2 ¼ x c. 2 varas) although Wethey gave
The composition includes four nails, the feet in parallel, its height as 212 cm.58 The work was originally placed
and a vertical body in which the right leg is slightly in the chapel on the epistle side of the Benedictine
turned inwards. The head is inclined slightly to the monastic church of Montserrat in Madrid. It seems
viewer’s left, beneath the crossbeam and resplendent, that Cano had started it before leaving for Granada
similar to the Christ by Velázquez formerly in San in 1652, finishing it in early 1658.59 The sculpture had
Plácido. The folded thumbs rest on the second finger entered the Real Academia de San Fernando by 1813,
of each hand, as in the other works by Cano. The end was removed in 1824 on account of the ecclesiastical
of the loincloth is more visible on the left side, where confiscations, and then returned in 1837. In 1891,
the cord is exposed. The Cross is smooth and extends having been mistaken for another work of little value, it
further beneath the ledge than in the Real Academia was sent to the missionary college in Lecároz.60 In 2002
work. The titulus, with the acronym INRI, is less oblong it was moved to its present home. It features three nails
than the others. Again there is a landscape background, with the right foot resting on top – like all the other
perhaps closer in its chromatic bands and tonality to examples by Cano with this number of nails – and
the small Christ by Velázquez, with mountain peaks a loincloth similar to the version in the Academia in
descending from right to left; on the right there are small Granada. Hanging beneath the crossbeam, the head
golden trees similar to those in the Prado canvas. is inclined as in the work newly presented here, even if
Fig. 12 / Alonso Cano, the face is somewhat more visible.
Dead Christ on the Cross, e) Dead Christ on the Cross (121 x 88 cm.; 1 ½ x 1 vara;
oil on canvas, 130 x 90 cm,
Madrid, Museo Nacional Granada, Academia de Bellas Artes). This work was It is not easy to date the above-mentioned works by
del Prado. dated by Wethey to 1652, that is to say at the beginning Alonso Cano, excepting the sculpture from Lecároz.
80 A LO NSO CA NO / A new Dead Christ on the Cross A LON SO CA N O / A new Dead Christ on the Cross 81

The overview provided of Pacheco’s Crucifixions, as oratory. By the time Ardemans was born, the painter
well as those by Velázquez and Zurbarán, is intended had already left court in 1662, returning definitively to
to clarify this issue. No Crucifixions are known from Granada, but the work could have been acquired from
Cano’s period in Seville – in which he produced little its first owner at a later date.
painting – and the examples by Pacheco are from
very different dates, except for the 1637 painting, It is difficult to date the other examples by Cano
which Cano could not have known. From the time he featuring three nails. The version which arrived at the
arrived in Madrid in 1638, he was in close contact with Prado in 1998 is close to those discussed above, so it
Velázquez and undoubtedly saw the two examples by may have been painted in Madrid between 1645 and
this artist discussed above. Following the fire at Buen 1651 – making it earlier than the ones in Granada
Retiro in 1640, Velázquez and Cano travelled together and the Lecároz sculpture. The most difficult example
through Old Castile in search of paintings to replace in this respect is the canvas thought to come from
those that had been damaged; I date this journey to Loeches: if it was commissioned by the conde duque,
the final months of 1641 and the first of 1642.61 As I it would date to his first years in Madrid, but the three
have proposed, the Crucifixion for San Martín (today in nails on a dark background as well as the extended
Madrid, Real Academia) must have been painted when loincloth suggest a later execution and thus complicate
Cano was a neighbour of the monastery. This narrows the dating.
its dates to mid-1642 to June 1644, taking into account
the above-mentioned trip. The influence of Velázquez’s Cano’s Crucifixions – in addition to having the
painting of 1631 formerly in San Plácido is evident, frontality and verticality of those by Velázquez – tend
despite minor differences in the titulus and movement to reduce the stomach in relation to the thoracic cage,
of the loincloth. a feature clearly seen in the unpublished work studied
here. The blood flows in a natural manner, running
Although it is half a vara shorter in height than the down from the nails and staining the hands and arms. It
San Martín Dead Christ, the painting under study streams down the stem of the Cross beneath the ledge,
here resembles this work very closely. For this reason as well as from the wound in the side to the loincloth,
we are inclined to date it to before the painter’s staining the inner leg. The face of Christ, with its
escape to Valencia in June 1644, even if it cannot straight nose, beard and hair falling heavily to the right,
be discounted that he made it just after his return to resembles the other Crucifixions by Cano, especially the
court, documented in September 1645. Cano retains version in the Academia de San Fernando.
the lettering of the acronym on the titulus, but gathers
up the loincloth. He brings the feet closer together, I will not enter here into the usual discussion of the
like Velázquez, and even the resplendence of the head drama and emotion, which these works incite. The
resembles the latter’s composition more closely. The careful modelling, the realism of the nails and blood,
colour and structure of the landscape also recall that and the solitude evoked by the backgrounds, were
in Velázquez’s small Christ of 1631; the little leaves are clearly moving enough to awaken the sorrow and
similar to those in Philip IV Hunting Wild Boar (London, profound devotion sought by Cano’s clients.
National Gallery), which Velázquez had finished
in 1638 for the Torre de la Parada; the little trees
foreshadow those depicted by Cano in the Prado and
the Academia in Granada canvases.

It is noteworthy that the measurements of the

picture presented here (203.7 x 126.2 cm) coincide
exactly with a painting of 2 ½ x 1 ½ varas listed in
the 1726 will of the painter and architect Teodoro
Fig. 13 / Alonso Cano,
Christ of Lecároz, Ardemans, which was left to his executor Juan
polychrome wood Gregorio de la Fuente.62 I do not know of any other
sculpture, 185 x 155 cm, documentation concerning a Dead Christ by Cano with
Pamplona, Capuchin
monastery of San these measurements. Despite this considerable size, it
Antonio. might have been a private commission for a house or
82 A LO NSO CA NO / A new Dead Christ on the Cross A LON SO CA N O / A new Dead Christ on the Cross 83

N OTES

1. Ángel Aterido Fernández, ed., Corpus Alonso Cano less precise than the one published by Panofsky which 31. Valdivieso and Serrera, Pintura sevillana, no. 137, cited 38. According to Milicua, the titulus was made “sin moved to one of the chapels.
(Madrid: Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deporte, leads one to suppose they are different impressions. the López Cepero painting and thought that it could demasiadas contemplaciones” (without too many 51. Nicolás de la Cruz y Bahamonde, Conde de Maule,
2002), no. 8. The citation of documents here will Furthermore Panofsky does not cite it. See Cruz have been the one belonging to López Dóriga. They complications). Viage de España, Francia e Italia…, 14 vols. (Cadiz: En
conform to their numbering in the Corpus which also Valdovinos, Velázquez, p. 159. Now we believe they were also included as no. 139 a work in a private collection 39. This measurement seems to be incorrect. The second la Imprenta de D. Manuel Bosch, 1813), XI, p. 31.
provides original sources. “Alonso” is a Castillian the one and the same. in Buenos Aires, noting only that it was on canvas figure should be 168 cm. Álvarez Lopera thought it must have entered before the
variant of “Ildefonso.” 20. “… y nuestro prudentísimo monarca Filipo segundo and a variant of the one then in the Gómez Moreno 40. Juan Miguel Serrera, “Crucificado,” in Zurbarán, exh. cat. War of Independence.
2. Aterido Fernández, Corpus, no. 339. estimó, grandemente, sus dibuxos. Yo alcancé uno de collection. There is no doubt that the picture now in (Madrid: Museo Nacional del Prado, 1988), pp. 194-196. 52. Wethey, Alonso Cano, p. 63. I believe that the first is from
3. Aterido Fernández, Corpus, no. 14. su mano de un libro que fue de su Majestad, digno the museum in Buenos Aires is the one that had been He thinks that it was on the choir stairs in the convent. before January 1643 and the second from before June
4. We wish to draw attention to the common error in de suma veneración,”Pacheco, Arte, p. 553; Navarrete in the private collection and which belonged to Dean 41. See the information provided by the museum. An 1644; José Manuel Cruz Valdovinos, “Alonso Cano
dating the contract to September. See our discussion of Prieto, “Durero,” p. 8. Bassegoda, in his comments López Cepero. See Teresa Espantoso Rodríguez and inscription on the reverse indicates that it belonged en Madrid,” in Arte y Cultura en la Granada renacentista y
this matter in José Manuel Cruz Valdovinos, Velázquez. on Pacheco text, discusses the author’s remarks on María Cristina Serventi, “Un ‘Cristo en la cruz’ de to the Marqués de Villafuerte in Seville. It was in the barroca; relaciones e influencias, ed. José Policarpo Cruz,
Vida y obra de un pintor cortesano (Saragossa: Caja Dürer’s Apocalypse, a matter which does not concern Francisco Pacheco en el Museo Nacional de Bellas Valdés collection by the twentieth century, and, acquired (Granada: Universidad de Granada, 2014), pp. 200-201.
Inmaculada 2011), pp. 23-24. our study. Artes de Buenos Aires,” Boletín del Instituto de Teoría e by Pedro Masaveu, it entered the museum as a donation 53. José Manuel Cruz Valdovinos, “Encargos y clientes de
5. Aterido Fernández, Corpus, no. 16. 21. Panofsky, Vida y arte, fig. 281. Historia del Arte Julio E. Payró. Buenos Aires 7 (1997): pp. in lieu of tax. The remains of a date are illegible. Alonso Cano en la Corte de Felipe IV,” in Alonso Cano.
6. Aterido Fernández, Corpus, no. 339, pp. 389, 514. 22. Pacheco, Arte, p. 36. 101-105, and María Cristina Serventi, Pintura española 42. The first comes from the Hueto y Lezama-Leguizamón La modernidad del siglo de oro español, exh. cat. (Madrid:
7. Antonio Palomino, El Museo pictórico y escala óptica, III. El 23. Enrique Valdivieso and Juan Maria Serrera, Pintura (siglos XVI al XVIII) en el Museo Nacional de Bellas Artes collection and entered in 1996 through the Villaescusa Fundación Santander Central Hispano, 2002), pp.
Parnaso español pintoresco laureado (1724), ed. Juan A. Ceán sevillana del primer tercio del siglo XVII (Madrid: Consejo de Buenos Aires (Buenos Aires: Asociación Amigos del legacy. The second comes from the collection of the 79; Cruz Valdovinos, “Alonso Cano en Madrid,” pp.
y Bermúdez (Madrid: Aguilar, 1947), p. 985. Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1985), p. 18. MNBA, 2003), p. 129. Marqués de Almeida in Río de Janeiro; see Milicua, 195, 200.
8. Aterido Fernández, Corpus, no. 339. 24. Pacheco, Arte, p. 36. 32. Gospel according to Saint Matthew, 27, 37: “And they Crist a la creu, pp. 88-93, pp. 218-220. 54. I have not seen the example sold at Sotheby’s in April
9. San Francisco de Borja, in the Museo de Bellas Artes, 25. Valdivieso and Serrera, Pintura sevillana, p. 39. put over his head his cause written: THIS IS JESUS 43. Cruz Valdovinos, Velázquez, pp. 154-155. I have for 1997, which measures 130 x 96 cm and could be the
Seville. 26. Valdivieso and Serrera, Pintura sevillana, p. 76, no. 134, THE KING OF THE JEWS.” Gospel according to a number of years defended Velázquez’s authorship same painting as this one.
10. Aterido Fernández, Corpus, nos. 184, 185. pl. 22; Enrique Valdivieso and Juan Maria Serrera, Saint Luke, 23, 38: “And there was also a superscription on account of the work’s technical, iconographic and 55. Wethey, Alonso Cano, p. 73, n. 14, pl. 107.
11. Gospel according to Saint John, 19, 33-34: “But Inventario artístico de Sevilla y su provincia, 2 vols. (Madrid: written over him in letters of Greek, and Latin, and dramatic characteristics. The similarities to the famous 56. J.J. Justicia Segovia, “Crucificado,” in Alonso Cano.
after they were come to Jesus, when they saw that Ministerio de Cultura, 1985), II, p. 231, fig. 50. The Hebrew: THIS IS THE KING OF THE JEWS.” example of the Dead Christ reinforce the attribution. Espiritualidad, pp. 239-241.
he was already dead, they did not break his legs. But abbreviated signature is O.F.P. See Juan Luis Ravé (Douay-Rheims Bible.) 44. Cruz Valdovinos, Velázquez, pp. 157-160. 57. Cruz Valdovinos, “Alonso Cano en Madrid,” p. 198.
one of the soldiers with a spear opened his side, and Prieto, “Crucificado expirante,” in Pacheco. Teórico, artista, 33. Some explanation is given in Juan Luis Ravé Prieto, 45. Harold E. Wethey, Alonso Cano: Painter, Sculptor, Architect 58. Wethey, Alonso Cano, p. 79, n. 96, plate 106. I date
immediately there came out blood and water.” (Douay- maestro, ed. Luis Méndez Rodríguez, exh. cat. (Seville: “Un nuevo Crucificado de Francisco Pacheco,” (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1955), p. 64, no. it ca. 1650 and do not include it on account of the
Rheims Bible.) Museo de Bellas Artes de Sevilla, 2016), pp. 160-161. Laboratorio de Arte 5 (1992): pp. 305-316, which refers to 12, pl. 165. Wethey gives its origin as the chapterhouse restorations that have left little of the original work.
12. Francisco Pacheco, Arte de la Pintura (1649), ed. 27. Ravé Prieto, “Crucificado expirante,” notes that the duque the example in El Coronil. of the Dominican convent in Loeches (Madrid) and Wethey probably allowed for the inclusion of a Cross
Bonaventura Bassegoda i Hugas (Madrid: Cátedra, de Alcalá, señor del Coronil, gave a Cross to the parish 34. Igancio Cano Rivero, “Cristo crucificado,” in Méndez lists its earlier twentieth-century provenance as property in its height.
1990). described as “de pincel y plata” (painted and with Rodríguez, Pacheco, pp. 164-165 (with the bibliography of the Marqués de Valverde de la Sierra in 1920- 59. Cruz Valdovinos, “Alonso Cano en Madrid,” p. 220.
13. Pacheco, Arte, pp. 713-749. silver) – which could be this one – and said that the given above). This discusses the relations between 1921; it was at the time of Wethey’s publication in the 60. María Concepción García Gainza, “Sobre el envío del
14. “…ha sido el primero que estos días en España ha silver was later melted down. This hypothesis does not Pacheco and the Carmelite college of San Alberto collection of Gregorio Diego Curto who died in 1967; Cristo de Cano a Lecároz,” in Alonso Cano y su época,
vuelto a restituir el uso antiguo con algunas imágenes seem possible in our opinion. in Seville, for which he painted a San Miguel also in it is possible that it still belongs to his heirs, however, Actas: Symposium Internacional, Granada, 14 -17 febrero 2002
de Cristo, que ha pintado, de cuatro clavos, ajustándose 28. Gospel according to Saint John, 19, 19-20: “And Pilate 1637 (present location unknown) and he included two I do not know of anyone who has studied it since (Seville: Consejería de Cultura, 2002), pp. 151-159.
en todo a lo que dicen los escritores antiguos; porque wrote a title also, and he put it upon the Cross. And the Carmelites in his Libro de retratos. His proposal that Wethey, who examined it in person. 61. Cruz Valdovinos, “Alonso Cano en Madrid,” pp. 197-198.
pinta la cruz con cuatro extremos y con el supedáneo writing was: JESUS OF NAZARETH, THE KING the painting comes from the college is reasonable. He 46. Wethey Alonso Cano, pp. 63-64, no. 13, plate 104. 62. Aterido Fernández, Corpus, no. 514, 19-3-1726: “Otro
en que están clavados los pies juntos. Vése plantada la OF THE JEWS. This title therefore many of the Jews suggests that it could be the Crucifix which was on the 47. José Álvarez Lopera, “Cano desconocido. Sobre quadro de dos varas y media de alto y vara y media de
figura sobre él como si estuviera en pie; el rostro con did read: because the place where Jesus was crucified altar according to Ceán Bermúdez. conjuntos diversos y pinturas desaparecidas,” in Alonso ancho de Cristo crucificado, original de Alphonso Cano
magestad y decoro, sin torcimiento feo o descompuesto, was nigh to the city: and it was written in Hebrew, in 35. José Manuel Cruz Valdovinos, “Sobre el maestro de Cano. Espiritualidad y modernidad artística. IV Centenario, con marco negro y perfil dorado en mil y quinientos
así, como convenía a la soberana grandeza de Cristo Greek, and in Latin.” (Douay-Rheims Bible.) Zurbarán y su aprendizaje,” Boletín del Seminario de Arte exh. cat. (Granada: Hospital Real de Granada, 2001), reales de vellón.” (Another painting 2 ½ varas high and 1
nuestro Señor.” 29. Valdivieso and Serrera, Pintura sevillana, p. 77, no. y Arqueología 57 (1991): pp. 490-492; José Manuel Cruz pp. 171, 238-239. ½ wide, of Christ crucified, original work by Alphonso
15. Roberto Belarmino (1542-1621) was proclaimed a saint 135, pl. 32; J. Moya Morales, “Cristo crucificado,” in Valdovinos, “Zurbarán,” in Francisco Calvo Serraller 48. Antonio Ponz, Viage de España…, 13 vols. (Madrid: Cano, in a black frame with gilded edge, 1500 reales.)
and doctor in the twentieth century. The work to which Méndez Rodríguez, Pacheco, pp. 162-163. The signature et al., Veintitrés biografías de pintores (Madrid: Fundación D. Joachin Ibarra, 1776), V, p. 225: “En el descanso Given the profession and trajectory of the craftsman
Pacheco refers is De septem verbis a Chisto in Cruce prolatis is the same initials as in the El Coronil version but the Amigos del Museo del Prado/Mondadori, 1992), pp. de una escalera que sube al claustro alto está el bello from Madrid, this attribution should be accepted.
(1618). ‘F’ and ‘P’ are inside the ‘O’. It comes from the Gómez 247-273. Crucifijo de Alonso Cano, pintura casi del tamaño del
16. “Alberto Durero, diligentísimo, docto y santo artífice, Moreno collection, where it was already located by 36. In the Apparition of the Crucifixion of Saint Peter to Saint natural. Es lástima que no se coloque en mejor sitio.”
habrá casi cien años que dibuxó un Crucifixo que 1916. The support is a single panel made out of cedro Peter Nolasco (Museo Nacional del Prado), signed and In fact it is life-size.
yo hallé en un libro de cosas de su mano, que fue de de Indias (María del Valme Muñoz Rubio, “Francisco dated 1629, which he painted for the convent of the 49. Álvarez Lopera provided the citation, “Bosarte 1793”,
nuestro católico Rey Felipo segundo, con cuatro clavos Pacheco: Teoría y práctica,” in Méndez Rodríguez, Merced Calzada in Seville, the apostle - still alive - which did not figure in the general bibliography. See
y el supedáneo, bien así como yo los executo.” Pacheco, p. 54). appears with nails on each foot, horizontal arms with Isidore Bosarte, Gabinete de lectura española o colección de
17. Cruz Valdovinos, Velázquez, p. 159. 30. Valdivieso and Serrera, Pintura sevillana, p. 77, no. 136, his head higher, a loincloth without long ends and a muchos papeles curiosos de escritores antiguos y modernos de
18. Erwin Panofsky, Vida y arte de Alberto Durero (1955), trans. pl. 33. It was published by Matías Díaz Padrón, “Un rustic cross. la nación (Madrid, 1793), p. 38. The Secretary of the
María Luisa Balseiro (Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 1982), nuevo Cristo crucificado de Pacheco,” Archivo Español de 37. José Milicua, Crist a la creu amb la Mare de Déu, la Academy points out similarities to the Velázquez from
pp. 234-235, figs. 280 & 281. According to Panofsky, Arte 38 (1965): pp. 128-130. The work was acquired in Magdalena i sant Joan al peu en Zurbarán al Museu Nacional the sacristy of San Plácido.
the print measures 32 x 22.5 cm. Paris in 1901 by the ancestors of the above-mentioned d’art de Catalunya (Barcelona: Editorial Planeta, 1988), 50. Juan Agustín Ceán Bermúdez, Diccionario histórico de
19. Benito Navarrete Prieto, “Durero y los cuatro clavos,” owner. It cannot be the painting once belonging to pp. 90-91, p. 219; Pacheco, Arte, pp. 741-742. It is the los más ilustres profesores de las Bellas Artes en España, 6
Boletín del Museo del Prado 34 (1995): pp. 7-14. The Dean López Cepero at the end of the eighteenth sixth approbation, dated 29 April 1629, which figured vols. (Madrid: En la Imprenta de la Viuda de Ibarra,
reproduction of the print which Navarrete includes is century, as explained below. in chapter XVI, the last of the third book. 1800), I, p. 220, notes that the Crucifix had already been
84 A LO NSO CA NO / A new Dead Christ on the Cross A LON SO CA N O / A new Dead Christ on the Cross 85

SPA N I S H TEXT

A propósito de un nuevo Cristo Crucificado Muerto de Alonso Cano

J OSÉ MA N U EL C R UZ VA L D OV I N O S

Alonso Cano fue bautizado en la iglesia parroquial de San Ildefonso noticia sobre su llegada a Madrid, del 16 de agosto siguiente, es que cuatro extremos y con el supedáneo en que están clavados los pies consecuencia de la estampa incompleta. En él aparece sólo la figura
de Granada – de donde sus padres escogieron el nombre – el día apadrinaba a Inés Manuela, hija de Juan Bautista Martínez del Mazo juntos. Vése plantada la figura sobre él como si estuviera en pie; el de Cristo –el Crucifijo citado por Pacheco y no una Crucifixión,
de san José de 1601.1 Declaró Alonso en 1658 como testigo en la y de Francisca, la hija de Velázquez.10 Este doble hecho: aprendizaje rostro con magestad y decoro, sin torcimiento feo o descompuesto, que incluye múltiples figuras – y se trata de un dibujo, tal como
información para la concesión del hábito de la orden de Santiago a con Pacheco y amistad con el sevillano, tiene importancia, como así, como convenía a la soberana grandeza de Cristo nuestro menciona el tratadista en las dos ocasiones, en vez de una estampa.
Diego Velázquez, que le conocía desde hacía 44 años,2 lo que indica expondremos, al analizar y valorar este nuevo Crucificado. Señor”. La respuesta de Pacheco abunda en la posición con nuevos Cristo está unido por cuatro clavos a la cruz apenas insinuada tras las
que se había trasladado a Sevilla ya en 1614; en efecto, su padre argumentos y citas de más autores, incluido el cardenal jesuita piernas, lo mismo que sucede con el supedáneo, donde está la fecha
está documentado en Granada en 1613 por última vez.3 Velázquez Un aspecto que, desde el punto de vista iconográfico, ha ocupado Roberto Belarmino,14 cuya obra acababa de publicarse en Roma de 1523.19 En la estampa, como en el dibujo, aparece Cristo vivo,
estaba entonces cumpliendo su aprendizaje con el pintor Francisco con insistencia a los estudiosos de la pintura española de la primera en 1618. Continúa citando imágenes de esculturas y de pintura de pero este punto no interesaba especialmente a Pacheco, sino sólo
Pacheco (1564-1644), que duraba seis años contados a partir del 1 mitad del siglo XVII hace ya unas décadas, ha sido el del número varios tiempos en que se representaron los cuatro clavos. Entre las el número de clavos. Es cierto que, en la estampa, Cristo dirige su
de diciembre de 1610, según el contrato firmado por el padre del de clavos que fijan a Cristo a la cruz. De ello vamos a tratar aquí, obras contemporáneas, se refiere al pintado por Antonio Mohedano mirada a su derecha, donde está la Virgen, y en el dibujo mira al lado
aprendiz en 17 de noviembre de 1611 y por el maestro el siguiente pues nos encontramos ante un inédito cuadro de Alonso Cano que para el doctor Álvaro Pizaño de Palacios, canónigo de Antequera, contrario, pero hemos de considerarlo normal si el dibujo se inspiró
27.4 El 17 de agosto de 1616, cuando faltaban a Velázquez apenas responde al modelo llamado “de cuatro clavos”, que son una minoría que se desconoce en la actualidad. Y también al Cristo de la Clemencia en la plancha y no en la estampa, donde la impresión invertía las
unos meses para concluir su aprendizaje, Miguel, padre de Alonso, frente a los más comunes de tres clavos donde uno solo atraviesa (catedral de Sevilla) de Montañés (fig. 2) que donó a la cartuja posiciones grabadas. Tampoco menciona el tratadista este particular,
ensamblador y ya vecino de Sevilla, firmó la carta de aprendizaje ambos pies. Entre los pintores que realizaron figuras de Cristo de Mateo Vázquez de Leca, arcediano de Carmona, quien exigió en que no parece que le importe.
por la que ponía a su hijo con Pacheco por tiempo de cinco años.5 cuatro clavos se encuentran Pacheco y Velázquez, motivo por el que el contrato de 1603 que Cristo estuviera vivo, antes de expirar, con
Lázaro Díaz del Valle y Antonio Palomino6 señalaron que solo estuvo hemos insistido en destacar su relación con Cano. los ojos abiertos y la cabeza inclinada. Pero hay que advertir que, sin Pacheco se refiere en cuatro ocasiones a un viaje que hizo desde
con él ocho meses, y el segundo añadió que pasó luego con Juan del embargo de los cuatro clavos, los pies aparecen cruzados y no existe Sevilla; estuvo en Córdoba, Toledo, Madrid, el Pardo y el Escorial.20
Castillo y que aprendió también con Francisco de Herrera el viejo.7 Comenzaremos nuestro análisis señalando que nos hallamos ante supedáneo, lo que le distancia de muchos ejemplares de Pacheco, Indica que fue en 1611, sin mayores precisiones. Varios autores han
No suele aceptarse en la actualidad, si bien tardó unos años más una figura de Cristo muerto. La exacta verificación de la muerte Velázquez y Cano. Destaca, por excepcional, el título de la cruz en propuesto que fuera desde septiembre de 1610 hasta octubre de
de lo común en presentarse al examen y aprobación como maestro no depende de que tenga los ojos más o menos cerrados, sino de la hebreo, griego y latín, asunto que luego estudiamos. 161121 en tanto Basegoda piensa que tal vez tuvo lugar “hacia la
pintor de imaginería – que era el título usual para los pintores de herida de su costado, según narra san Juan, testigo presencial11. Son primavera-verano de dicho año”.22 El maestro firma una escritura
figuras –, pues no lo hizo hasta el 12 de abril de 1626.8 Sin embargo, pocos los inventarios y autores que aluden a este aspecto, lo que es Del mayor interés es el párrafo que dedica a Durero: “Alberto en Sevilla en 25 de octubre de 1611,23 por lo que nos mostramos
conocemos una pintura suya fechada en 16249 y se casó en enero de lamentar, pues facilitaría las identificaciones. Es fundamental, a Durero, diligentísimo, docto y santo artífice, habrá casi cien años que plenamente conformes con Basegoda: Pacheco aprovecharía los
de 1625 con la viuda María de Figueroa, lo primero en contra de nuestro entender, y por eso hemos incluido este dato en el título del dibuxó un Crucifixo que yo hallé en un libro de cosas de su mano, meses de bonanza meteorológica para su visita a la Corte con parada
las ordenanzas de pintores sevillanos y lo segundo desacostumbrado cuadro. que fue de nuestro católico Rey Felipo segundo, con cuatro clavos y el en las dos grandes ciudades que se hallaban a su paso.
antes de alcanzar el título de maestro. No cabe duda de que, supedáneo, bien así como yo los executo”. Según comentamos hace
además de su aprendizaje de pintor, practicó con su padre el arte de Pacheco escribió su Arte de la Pintura a lo largo de bastantes años; unos años,15 Panofsky señaló que, a partir de un dibujo a pluma de Nos interesa fijar con la mayor exactitud posible la fecha del viaje,
ensamblador o arquitecto de retablos y probablemente rudimentos el manuscrito original se conserva en el Instituto Valencia de Don un Calvario de 1521, Durero ideó una gran composición de Crucifixión pues conlleva la visión del dibujo de Durero en el Escorial y, en
de escultura con inspiraciones de Juan Martínez Montañés. Juan de Madrid y la impresión primera se hizo en 1649, póstuma solo conocida a través de impresiones póstumas de dos planchas consecuencia, determinaría los cuadros del Crucificado que pintó.
por tanto.12 En los dos capítulos que cierran su texto – XV y XVI de cobre, la primera, al parecer, grabada por el propio artista pero El primer ejemplar conocido está firmado y fechado precisamente
Hemos resumido estos aspectos biográficos no tanto por hacer una del libro tercero – se ocupa de la representación del Crucificado.13 inconclusa,16 y la segunda –de la que reproduce un ejemplar – que en ese año de 1611.24 Cristo está pintado sobre una cruz plana de
presentación del artista cuanto por destacar dos hechos principales Titula el XV: “En favor de la pintura de los cuatro clavos con fecha en 1523. Benito Navarrete trató con detalle la influencia en madera (40,6 x 25,6 cm), se conserva en la sacristía de la iglesia
para nuestro análisis de la obra que comentamos (fig. 1). Cano que fue crucificado Cristo nuestro redentor”. Está compuesto por Pacheco – y después en Velázquez, Cano, Zurbarán y, por excepción, parroquial de Nuestra Señora de la Consolación de El Coronil
aprendió con Pacheco, lo mismo que Velázquez, y si hemos de creer sendas cartas a Francisco de Rioja de 1619 y del propio Pacheco en Goya – de la estampa dureriana de 1523, reproduciendo el (Sevilla)(fig. 5) y quizá proceda del extinto convento de carmelitas
al granadino, se conocieron antes de que el sevillano hubiera salido de 1620. En el comienzo, Rioja explica que su discurso en defensa ejemplar conservado en el British Museum de Londres. (fig. 3)17 descalzos, pues el tamaño y características corresponde a las que
de su obrador y de que Cano hubiera entrado en él. Allí coincidieron de los cuatro clavos ha sido forzoso dedicárselo al pintor “porque lo Navarrete destacó otro párrafo de Pacheco sobre Durero que, al se hallaban en celdas de monjas y frailes.25 La figura tiene su pie
cuatro meses de 1616. Su relación no terminó con la aprobación del executa con tanta felicidad en las imágenes que pinta”. Inicia luego parecer, había pasado inadvertido: “… y nuestro prudentísimo derecho sobrepuesto al izquierdo, de tres clavos siguiendo la visión
sevillano en 1617, pues la boda de éste en 1618 con Juana, la hija un largo recorrido por numerosos autores antiguos, varios de ellos monarca Filipo segundo estimó, grandemente, sus dibuxos. Yo de santa Brígida, lo que nos lleva a concluir que está pintado antes
de Pacheco, explica que nunca se interrumpieron sus lazos con su santos, con textos latinos y aún griegos en que se referían a los cuatro alcancé uno de su mano de un libro que fue de su Majestad, digno de de conocer el dibujo del alemán, por tanto, en los primeros meses
maestro y su obrador, y, por ende, con Cano, que asistía allí como clavos, y finaliza de nuevo con Pacheco: “…ha sido el primero que suma veneración”,18 señalando la general admiración de Pacheco por de 1611. No es óbice que se trate de un Cristo a punto de expirar,
aprendiz. Tampoco cesó la amistad de ambos pintores cuando estos días en España ha vuelto a restituir el uso antiguo con algunas Durero. Por nuestra parte, iremos un paso más allá precisando que el como el de Durero, que mire hacia nuestra derecha de manera
Velázquez marchó a la Corte en 1623. Baste recordar que Cano imágenes de Cristo, que ha pintado, de cuatro clavos, ajustándose en dibujo al que se refiere el sanluqueño debe de ser el que se conserva muy acusada y que la cabeza esté a la misma altura de las manos.
estaba en Sevilla todavía el 13 de julio de 1638 y que la primera todo a lo que dicen los escritores antiguos; porque pinta la cruz con en el Museo del Louvre (41,3 x 30 cm) (fig. 4) que Panofsky considera En torno a la cabeza hay un resplandor con rayos y el paño cubre
86 A LO NSO CA NO / A new Dead Christ on the Cross A LON SO CA N O / A new Dead Christ on the Cross 87

parcialmente, pues a la derecha sólo se ve la soga. El titulus lleva la obrador de Pacheco y vio un Crucificado de cuatro clavos que alabó, capuchinos es también de gran tamaño (255 x 193, que parece error se desvía del eje; tiene resplandor –y no aureola– pero sin rayos en
inscripción en hebreo, griego y latín, como lo escribe san Juan, pero aunque generó una polémica filológica. El duque escribió: “Del por 168 cm; 3 x 2 varas). Se ha datado al menos desde 1627 a 1640, torno a la cabeza; dobla cuatro dedos de cada mano. Se distancia
parece que no se había planteado todavía la polémica a la que luego título de la cruz de Cristo nuestro Señor” en este mismo año o quizá pero opinamos, con Juan Miguel Serrera37 que se pintaría poco antes de Pacheco en que es muy colgante y la cabeza queda por debajo
nos referiremos, pues carece del inicio HIC EST.26 El palo inferior de en 1620, fundamentando su posición a partir de un ejemplar que de llegar a la Corte en 1634. La figura levanta la cabeza hacia lo alto del travesaño, el paño es corto y ceñido con nudo en el centro y sin
la cruz se prolonga bastante, muy ensangrentado, y bajo los pies de la había visto en la iglesia de Santa Cruz de Roma. Fue contestado por inclinándola a su derecha y queda por debajo del travesaño; de esta caídas por los lados. La cruz es plana y ofrece la novedad de mostrar
figura de Cristo y en el extremo hay una calavera volcada. Francisco de Rioja.31 manera, el torso se ladea un poco en aquella dirección. El paño, muy vetas y nudos. El título con la leyenda triple ocupa en parte el
ampuloso y arrugado, se anuda a nuestra derecha y cuelga por ese travesaño para evitar quizá tanto espacio libre; detalle sorprendente
El conocimiento del dibujo de Durero transformaría en adelante el Antes de dejar a Pacheco conviene observar que el siguiente ejemplar lado hasta la altura de la rodilla. El título no tiene el HIC EST. El es que el pergamino ha empezado a desprenderse y no se ve
modelo de Cristo crucificado, ahora muerto, de Pacheco. El primer de Cristo muerto se conserva en colección particular de Madrid, Cristo muerto del Museo de Bellas Artes de Asturias, de tamaño similar completo el HIC pero sí el EST, otro punto de contacto con Pacheco
ejemplar conocido tras el regreso de su viaje es el de la Fundación firmado un poco más abajo de los pies de Cristo con las iniciales a los anteriores (271 x 177 cm; 3 y ¼ x poco más de 2 varas), se data que no existe, en cambio, en el supedáneo, que no muestra la pieza
Rodríguez Acosta de Granada (fig. 6), sobre tabla, de dos tercias como en el granadino de 1614, y datado en 1637.32 Está pintado por el Museo en 1638/1640.38 Desde el punto de vista iconográfico, trapezoidal; al pie coloca una calavera, como en el ejemplar de El
de vara por un palmo y jeme (58 x 37,5 cm), firmado y fechado en sobre una cruz plana de madera como el de El Coronil aunque mide es muy diferente de los antes mencionados y aun con variantes Coronil, aunque no volcada. El aspecto más destacable es el fondo
1614.27 Con la misma firma y datado en 1615, también sobre tabla y 55 x 35 cm (dos tercias por palmo y sexma de vara) como los de parece que está más cerca de los ejemplares de Pacheco. La cabeza de paisaje con construcciones imprecisas que rememoran Jerusalén,
con medidas similares (50 x 38 cm) se publicó, cuando pertenecía a la 1614 y 1615 y también conserva el HIC EST de los tres últimos en el sigue por debajo del travesaño, muy inclinada pero iniciando un arboleda, vegetación y montañas al fondo, azulado el horizonte y
colección de Teresa López-Dóriga, otro ejemplar ahora en paradero letrero. La representación es semejante a éstos, pues apenas importa riguroso eje vertical; el paño amplio pero con caída por la izquierda nublado en la mitad superior. Ha extrañado a muchos el paisaje, pero
que desconocemos.28 Sin fecha pero en todo semejante aunque en la prolongación de la tabla arriba y en los brazos más allá de la cruz, más corta que en los antes citados; los pies, paralelos, sobresalen su permanencia en Roma lo justifica y rememora, con sus franjas
lienzo es un tercer ejemplar que se conserva en el Museo Nacional pero los pies de Cristo, sujetos con cuatro clavos, están cruzados del supedáneo que se parece a los de Pacheco. El título en las tres de color, desde la claridad del primer término a la mayor oscuridad
de Bellas Artes de Buenos Aires (fig. 7)(56 x 41 cm; con exactitud dos el izquierdo sobre el derecho, al revés que en El Coronil. No se lenguas no incluye las dos palabras en cuestión. Por todo lo cual, nos sobre el travesaño, los países de otras obras posteriores.
tercias por media vara), donde se data en 1614/1615 comparando conocen eslabones intermedios en su producción que puedan ilustrar inclinamos a pensar que está pintado hacia 1630, incluso antes que el
con los precedentes citados. El lienzo fue adquirido por el director el momento en que el sanluqueño abandonó el modelo de los pies de los capuchinos sevillanos. El Crucificado muerto es de gran tamaño (fig. 9) (250 x 170 cm; 3 x
Eduardo Schiaffino el 23 de junio de 1906 en Sevilla de José María paralelos para adoptar éste, de procedencia miguelangelesca. 2 varas) como los de Zurbarán; objeto justificado de los mayores
López Cepero, sobrino biznieto del conocido deán y coleccionista del La permanencia de los cuatro clavos en las imágenes de Cristo elogios, no ha ofrecido nunca dudas sobre su autenticidad. Su ingreso
mismo apellido. En el inventario de 1813 de la colección de López Hemos de prestar también atención a las pinturas de Cristo crucificado que pintó Zurbarán llega hasta fechas avanzadas. El en el convento madrileño de San Plácido –regalado por Jerónimo de
Cepero figuró en el gabinete “un Cristo de Pacheco” (nº 153) y en un crucificado que hizo Francisco de Zurbarán. Su contrato de Cristo muerto con donante del Prado está fechado en 1640 (244 x 167,5 Villanueva, protonotario de Aragón y hombre de la mayor confianza
catálogo de 1860 (nº 625) se indica que mide un pie y once pulgadas aprendizaje por tres años con Pedro Díaz de Villanueva se firmó en cm; 3 x 2 varas), y el Cristo expirante con María, san Juan y la Magdalena del conde duque de Olivares– es objeto de controversia, pero ya
por un pie y cuatro pulgadas (53,3 x 37,2 cm). La pintura ingresó en Sevilla en 1614 y no es seguro que lo concluyera allí, pues aparece en de colección particular de Londres, tiene firma y fecha de 1655 expusimos nuestra posición entendiéndolo como acto de reparación
el Museo en 1995.29 Llerena en 1617.33 Es indudable que conoció la doctrina de Pacheco (212 x 163 cm; 2 y ½ x 2 varas).39 Permanece la mayor parte de de este personaje en 1633 por la desgraciada influencia que había
sobre los cuatro clavos y que había visto algunas de sus obras, bien sus características iconográficas aunque en el segundo varían el tenido en las desviaciones doctrinales de ese monasterio que
La innovación común de estos tres ejemplares es que los pies de durante su aprendizaje o a su vuelta a Sevilla tras firmar el contrato movimiento de la cabeza y los paños respecto al de los capuchinos; la provocaron la intervención de la Inquisición, que alcanzó también a
Cristo aparecen clavados separadamente y apoyan en un supedáneo, en enero de 1626 para hacer una larga serie de 21 pinturas para el presencia de medias figuras no interfiere en los aspectos formales. Villanueva.41
pieza que se fija a la cruz con un fragmento de planta trapezoidal. En convento dominico de San Pablo. Al año siguiente está datado el
esta pieza firma Pacheco los dos primeros Crucificados. Cristo lleva Cristo crucificado muerto (The Art Institute, Chicago; 290,3 x 165,5 cm; Hemos de mencionar aún las dos figuras de Cristo en la cruz que Conviene destacar tanto las similitudes con la obra de 1631 como
corona de espinas y sobre la cabeza una aureola calada; la cabeza 3 y ½ x 2 varas), que hizo para la sacristía del mismo convento. La hizo Velázquez al regreso de su primer viaje a Italia (1629-1630) y con las de Pacheco de 1614 y 1615. La figura de Cristo repite la
queda a la altura de las manos y se inclina levemente, sin romper figura es de cuatro clavos con los pies sobre el supedáneo, colocadas se conservan en el Museo del Prado. Estos Crucificados velazqueños estructura frontal y vertical, pues la cabeza cae sin desviación lateral,
la vertical de todo el cuerpo. Su pierna derecha no se extiende con en paralelo aunque un poco desviados hacia la derecha.34 Hace años pueden ayudar a comprender los de Cano, del mismo modo que los los pies, unidos por los talones, apenas se separan, es menos colgante
rigidez sino que se curva ligeramente acercando una rodilla a la otra; que Milicua observó que el prior del convento de San Pablo, fray de Pacheco y Zurbarán. que el ejemplar pequeño, la cabeza, con resplandor, apenas roza el
los pies se separan desde los talones en oblicuo y los dedos sobresalen Vicente Durango, fue uno de los hombres doctos que escribieron las travesaño –menos que lo hacía su maestro– y el doblado de los dedos
un poco del supedáneo. El paño se anuda cayendo en vertical junto aprobaciones del texto de Pacheco sobre los cuatro clavos,35 por lo El Cristo crucificado vivo (fig. 8) es relativamente pequeño (102 x 57 es similar, como también el supedáneo y los tablones de la cruz, con
a los muslos, con más longitud a nuestra derecha, y más corto entre que el pintor debió de actuar con toda probabilidad bajo su consejo. cm; 1 ¼ x 2/3 de vara), pero aproximadamente doble que los de vetas y nudos. El titulus se coloca sobre el extremo superior, como
las piernas, de modo que la rotunda verticalidad de la imagen no En otros aspectos es bastante diferente de los ejemplares de los Pacheco. No entraremos a fondo en la cuestión de la atribución, hizo Pacheco, pero prescinde del HIC EST. Los hilos de sangre son
queda interrumpida. Los tablones de la cruz son planos, como el años 1614 y 1615 de Pacheco: la figura cuelga y la cabeza cae muy negada por muchos autores con los que no estamos de acuerdo.40 numerosos y el fondo oscuro, como en el sanluqueño.
supedáneo, y, al no verse su final inferior, no da lugar a la colocación inclinada a la vez que el torso, que no sigue el eje vertical; también Firmado y fechado D.Velazquez fa/1631, procede del monasterio de
de la habitual calavera. las piernas giran un poco al lado contrario, obligando a los pies; el bernardas de Madrid que lo donaron al Estado tras la guerra civil y Corresponde, por fin, ocuparnos de Alonso Cano. Aunque se han
paño, muy arrugado, cae largamente al lado izquierdo y no muestra su autenticidad viene respaldada por el hecho de que en el inventario hecho propuestas cronológicas diversas para los varios ejemplares
Los títulos de los Crucificados de 1614-1615 presentan la leyenda en el nudo de Pacheco; la cruz es rústica, el supedáneo una pieza simple, de bienes a la muerte del pintor aparecía en la partida nº 582 “Un de Cristo crucificado del granadino, no son definitivas y convendría
hebreo, griego y latín, como ya sucedía en el de El Coronil –bastante los clavos son numerosos y el título una pieza cuadrada en que no se Cristo crucificado de vara y cuarta de alto y tres cuartas de ancho,” examinar las obras una a una para destacar sus características.
borroso en la actualidad–, pero, a diferencia de éste, la inscripción ve el texto hebreo y donde falta el HIC EST.36 exactamente las de este ejemplar, que podría tratarse de un exvoto
latina comienza por HIC EST antes de IESVS NAZARAENVS/ tras su feliz regreso y por ello guardado en su poder. Las relaciones a) Cristo crucificado muerto (fig. 10) (antes colección Gregorio Diego
REX IVDAEORUM. Sigue a san Juan en la triple lengua, pero toma Otros ejemplares sucesivos en el tiempo presentan características con las piezas de su maestro son evidentes. Tiene cuatro clavos Curto, Madrid).42 Mide 248 x 166 cm (3 x 2 varas). Wethey lo dató
de san Marcos y san Lucas el inicio.30 Pocos años después, en 1619, diferentes, si bien conservan los cuatro clavos. El Cristo expirante con los pies paralelos, la figura conserva una rigurosa verticalidad en 1643. Consideró sin dudas que era un regalo del conde duque
Fernando Afán de Rivera y Enríquez, III duque de Alcalá, visitó el del Museo de Bellas Artes de Sevilla que procede del convento de y el rostro con la mirada hacia lo alto a nuestra izquierda apenas de Olivares a las dominicas de Loeches, cuyo convento patrocinó y
88 A LO NSO CA NO / A new Dead Christ on the Cross A LON SO CA N O / A new Dead Christ on the Cross 89

costeó. De ello deduce que el cuadro ha de ser de la fecha citada, en José Palacio Carvajal.51 Mide 130 x 90 cm; poco más de 1 ½ x 1 menciona a su nombre por tres veces en las cuentas53– que debió de inclinamos a datarlo antes de que el pintor escapara a Valencia en
que Felipe IV accedió gustosamente a su petición de licencia para varas). En el museo lo datan de manera laxa en el periodo 1635- ser retocado tempranamente. junio de 1644, aunque no puede descartarse que lo hiciera justo
retirarse de la Corte. Es figura de tres clavos con su pie derecho sobre 1665. Es una representación de Cristo muerto, aunque apenas tras su regreso a la Corte, que se documenta ya en septiembre de
el otro. Frontal y vertical, su cabeza hacia la izquierda tiene un desvío sea visible la herida del costado; de tres clavos con el pie derecho En último lugar haremos mención de dos Crucificados de talla. En el 1645. Conserva Cano el acrónimo en el letrero con el mismo dibujo
un poco mayor que el de Velázquez; en cambio, los dedos pulgares sobre el otro. La cabeza se coloca un poco sobre el travesaño, con inventario de bienes de 1692 de la nuera del influyente consejero de de letras, pero recoge el paño; une más los pies como Velázquez y
de sus manos se colocan sobre los otros de forma muy parecida a la inclinación vertical y resplandor con rayos más visibles que en el Castilla José González, a quien retrató Cano hacia 1640, figura un hasta el resplandor le es más cercano. El paisaje, por su estructura
del sevillano. El cuerpo es menos colgante, la cabeza con un ligero ejemplar de la Real Academia, pero los dedos de las manos tienen pequeño Crucificado de talla con cruz de ébano, remates y título de y color recuerda también en este ejemplar al que sirve de fondo al
resplandor queda más alta sobre el travesaño. El paño se dispone posición semejante. El paño ceñido muestra la soga a la derecha y plata y peana escalonada de peral dado de negro. Es la única obra de pequeño Cristo velazqueño de 1631; las hojitas de los árboles se
horizontalmente, muy estrecho, pero volando largamente a la cae por ambos lados en la sombra. La cruz es plana y el letrero del escultura que se documenta de su primera etapa cortesana.54 acercan a las de La tela real (National Gallery, Londres) que Velázquez
izquierda. El titulus se reduce a un INRI –que, extrañamente, en la título son semejantes. También en esta obra hay fondo de paisaje, había terminado en 1638 para la Torre de la Parada y anuncian los
única imagen conocida, la fotografía que publicó Wethey, parece que más claro que en el citado, aunque siempre en tonos amarronados, Gran importancia tiene el llamado Cristo de Lecároz (fig. 13), en arbolillos de los ejemplares canescos del Prado y de la Academia
se repetía tres veces– y la cruz es rústica, de maderos redondeados. destacando la presencia de dos árboles que cruzan sus finos troncos, la actualidad en el convento de capuchinos de San Antonio de granadina.
como lo empezó a hacer Annibale Carracci, y con hojillas de gran Pamplona. De madera, mide 185 x 155 cm (2 ¼ x casi 2 varas)
b) Cristo crucificado muerto (fig. 11) (Real Academia de Bellas Artes transparencia. aunque Wethey dio como altura 212 cm.55 La obra estuvo colocada Conviene indicar que las medidas coinciden exactamente con
de San Fernando, Madrid). Tiene medidas semejantes al anterior originariamente en la capilla del lado de la epístola de la iglesia del un ejemplar tasado a la muerte del pintor y arquitecto Teodoro
(con pequeña diferencia en las citas, 242 x 160 cm; cerca de 3 x 2 d) Cristo crucificado muerto (colección particular) (fig. 1). La obra monasterio benedictino de Montserrat de Madrid y, al parecer, la Ardemans en 1726 que fue legado a su albacea Juan Gregorio de la
varas). Wethey señaló que la pintura era de Godoy en 1808 y que que sirve de fundamento a este trabajo procede de una colección había iniciado antes de ir a Granada en 1652, quedando concluida Fuente.59 No conocemos ninguna otra mención documental de un
fue enviado a París en 1813, de donde regresó en 1815 entregándose madrileña de la que no se conocen los datos. Mide 203,7 x 126,2 a comienzos de 1658.56 Pasó a la Real Academia de San Fernando, Crucificado de Cano con estas medidas. A pesar de que el tamaño
a la Real Academia.43 Álvarez Lopera dudó de que se tratara del cm (2 ½ x 1 ½ varas), algo menos que los dos primeros ejemplares donde se hallaba ya en 1813; fue devuelta en 1824 para volver en es considerable, pudo ser encargo de un particular para su casa o
cuadro de Godoy (que procedería del convento de carmelitas canescos citados. 1837 por la desamortización. En 1891, por confusión con otro de su oratorio. Ardemans nació cuando el pintor había dejado ya la
descalzos de San Hermenegildo de Madrid), pues estaba expuesto poco valor, fue enviado al colegio de misioneros capuchinos de Corte en 1660, marchando definitivamente a Granada, pero pudo
en la Academia cuando ya, en 1810, las pinturas de Godoy y otras Es de cuatro clavos y pies paralelos, cuerpo vertical en que su Lecároz.57 En 2002 fue trasladado a su sede actual. Importa destacar adquirirlo de su primer propietario poco después.
destinadas a Francia estaban preparadas para su traslado;44 concluye pierna derecha se desvía levemente hacia dentro hasta la altura de que es de tres clavos con su pie derecho por encima –como los demás
que el cuadro procede del monasterio benedictino de San Martín de la rodilla, cabeza un poco inclinada a nuestra izquierda, por debajo ejemplares canescos con este número de clavos– y un paño colocado Es difícil datar el resto de los ejemplares de tres clavos de Cano. El
Madrid, citando a Ponz,45 a Bosarte46 y Ceán47 y al conde de Maule,48 del travesaño y resplandor en torno, similar al del Cristo velazqueño de manera parecida al de la Academia de Granada. La cabeza se que llegó al Prado en 1998 está cerca de los comentados, por lo que
que lo vio ya en la Academia. Wethey dató la obra hacia 1646 en de San Plácido. El pulgar de las manos se dobla sobre los otros, inclina como el que se presenta en este trabajo, si bien con el rostro pudo pintarse en Madrid en el periodo 1645-1651 y es anterior al de
relación con otras pinturas de Cano: Noli me tangere de Budapest y como acostumbra el granadino. El paño cae por la izquierda más algo más visible; en la actual disposición, la cabeza cuelga por debajo Granada y al de Lecároz. El más confuso en este aspecto es el que se
Cristo muerto en brazos de un ángel del Prado.49 Álvarez Lopera entiende visible que por la derecha, donde se descubre la soga, pero formando del travesaño. considera procedente de Loeches, pues si fue una obra encargada por
que pudo pintarse hacia 1640/1643, anterior al de Loeches. Por casi un semicírculo. La cruz es plana y se prolonga más que en el el Conde duque sería de sus primeros años en Madrid, pero los tres
nuestra parte, destacamos que Cano vivió en la calle de las Hileras, ejemplar de la Real Academia por debajo del supedáneo con tres No resulta fácil datar las obras citadas de Alonso Cano si clavos y sobre todo el fondo oscuro y el paño extendido retrasan la
frente al monasterio benedictino (respectivamente en las manzanas clavos más señalados. El título con el acrónimo INRI es menos exceptuamos la talla de Lecároz. El repaso que hemos hecho de los fecha y aumentan la confusión.
390 y 392 de la Planimetría) desde septiembre de 1641 a junio de apaisado que otros. De nuevo aparece el fondo de paisaje, quizá más Crucificados de Pacheco –que es, sin olvidar Durero, el origen–,
1644,50 algo que apoya esta hipótesis. cercano en sus franjas cromáticas y tonalidades al del Cristo pequeño Velázquez y Zurbarán, pretende aclarar si es posible esta cuestión. Los Crucificados de Cano, además de la frontalidad y verticalidad
de Velázquez, con picos de montaña descendiendo de derecha a No se conoce ningún Crucificado de Cano en su etapa sevillana, en que de los de Velázquez, suelen recoger el vientre respecto a la caja
La figura es de cuatro clavos, frontal y vertical, más colgante que el izquierda; a la derecha aparecen arbolillos dorados parecidos a los de se dedicó poco a la pintura, y los ejemplos de Pacheco son de fechas torácica y se marca el ombligo, unas características que se aprecian
de Loeches, pues la cabeza queda por debajo del travesaño como la pieza del Prado. alejadas a los suyos excepto el de 1637, que no tuvo que conocer. bien en el cuadro inédito que comentamos. La sangre fluye de forma
en el de San Plácido, al que se parece también en la inclinación de Desde su llegada a Madrid en 1638, mantuvo estrecho contacto con natural, y desde los clavos mancha manos y brazos, corre de los
la cabeza, repitiendo la colocación de los pulgares de las manos. El e) Cristo crucificado muerto (Academia de Bellas Artes, Granada). Mide Velázquez y contempló sin duda los dos ejemplares del sevillano pies al madero bajo el supedáneo y desde la herida del costado se
paño vuela doblemente por la izquierda y deja muy descubierto el 121 x 88 cm (1 ½ x 1 vara). Wethey data la obra hacia 1652, es decir, que hemos mencionado aquí. Tras el incendio del Buen Retiro en extiende un reguero que llega al paño y mancha la entrepierna. El
cuerpo mostrando en parte la soga que lo sujeta. El título recoge al comienzo del periodo granadino tras el abandono de la Corte.52 1640 viajaron juntos por Castilla la Vieja para recoger pinturas rostro de Cristo, de nariz recta, barbado y con un mechón que cae
el acrónimo INRI con puntos tras cada letra y un corto trazo que sustituyeran a las deñadas, en un periodo que hemos datado extensamente a su derecha es semejante al de los demás Crucificados
en la pata de la R. La cruz es de travesaño curvo, hincada en un Es figura de tres clavos con su pie derecho sobre el otro. La cabeza, en los últimos meses de 1641 y primeros de 1642.58 Según hemos pintados por Cano, especialmente al de la Academia.
pequeño montículo, y a su pie se ve la calavera. Hay que destacar con resplandor, se inclina un poco a la izquierda y apenas queda propuesto, el Crucificado para San Martín (ahora en la Real Academia)
finalmente que el fondo es de paisaje con horizonte muy bajo en que sobre el travesaño. El paño cubre poco y cae por ambos lados. La hubo de pintarse cuando era vecino del monasterio, lo que restringe No vamos a extendernos en las habituales consideraciones acerca del
se vislumbran edificaciones, todo en tonos ocres casi enrojecidos, cruz es plana y el título con el acrónimo. Fondo de paisaje y a la su datación desde mediados de 1642 a junio de 1644, teniendo en dramatismo y de la emoción que estas obras suscitan. El cuidadoso
muy alejados de los empleados por Velázquez en su primer ejemplar, izquierda, arbolillos que cruzan sus troncos, como en el ejemplar del cuenta el aludido viaje. La influencia de la pintura de San Plácido es modelado, la realidad de los clavos y de la sangre que provocan y la
incluso en la dirección compositiva, que aquí va de izquierda a Prado. clara, sin embargo del diferente letrero y de la agitación del paño; el soledad que acompaña en el fondo son elementos suficientes para
derecha. Otras pinturas que se le han atribuido nos parece que no son de su fondo, en cambio, está más cerca del ejemplar pequeño del sevillano. despertar los dolorosos sentimientos y la devoción profunda que los
mano. Incluso el Cristo vivo de tres clavos del convento de agustinas clientes pretendían.
c) Cristo crucificado muerto (fig. 12) (Museo Nacional del Prado, Madrid, recoletas del Corpus Christi de Granada (185 x 122 cm; 2¼ x Aunque es media vara menor en altura que el de San Martín, el
P07718). Ingresó en 1998 como dación en pago de impuestos de 1½ varas) datado en 1653/1657 –que probablemente es el que se cuadro que nos ocupa está muy cerca del anterior por lo que nos
90 A LO NSO CA NO / A new Dead Christ on the Cross A LON SO CA N O / A new Dead Christ on the Cross 91

N OTES

1. Corpvs Alonso Cano (ed. y coord. Ángel Aterido 23. VALDIVIESO y SERRERA, op. cit., p. 39. 31. Algunas explicaciones en José Luis RAVÉ su origen en la sala capitular del convento de 55. WETHEY op. cit., p. 79, nº 96, lám. 106. Lo dató
Fernández), Madrid: Ministerio de Educación, 24. Ibidem, p. 76, nº 134, lám. 22 y VARIOS, Inventario PRIETO, «Un nuevo Crucificado de Francisco dominicas de Loeches (Madrid) y la propiedad del hacia 1650 y lo relegó por considerar que las
Cultura y Deporte, 2002, (en adelante Corpvs), nº 8. artístico de Sevilla y su provincia II, Madrid (Ministerio Pacheco», Laboratorio de Arte, 5 (1992), pp. 305-316, marqués de Valverde de la Sierra en 1920-1921. A restauraciones habían dejado poco de su estado
Las citas de documentos se harán por el número que de Cultura), 1985, p. 231, fig. 50. La firma abreviada que se refiere al ejemplo de El Coronil. pesar de la fecha del libro figura como propietario original. Es probable que su altura incluyera la cruz.
tienen en esta obra, donde se menciona la fuente es O.F.P. Juan RAVÉ PRIETO, «Crucificado 32. Ignacio CANO RIVERO, «Cristo crucificado» Gregorio Diego Curto, que falleció en 1967; es 56. CRUZ CRUZ VALDOVINOS 2014, «Alonso
original. expirante» en Pacheco. Teórico, artista, maestro (cat. en Pacheco… 2016, op. cit., pp. 164-165 (con la posible que permanezca en poder de sus herederos Cano en Madrid», op. cit., p. 220.
2. Ibidem, nº 339. exp.), Sevilla: Junta de Andalucía, 2016, pp. 160- bibliografía precedente). Expone las relaciones de pero no conocemos que nadie lo haya estudiado 57. María Concepción GARCÍA GAINZA, «Sobre el
3. Ibidem, nº 14. 161. Pacheco con el colegio carmelita de San Alberto de desde el autor norteamericano, que alcanzó a verlo. envío del Cristo de Cano a Lecároz » en Alonso Cano
4. Advertimos del común error de señalar que el 25. RAVÉ 2016, op. cit., p. 160, señala que el duque de Sevilla, para el que pintó un San Miguel en el mismo 43. Ibidem, pp. 63-64, nº 13, lám. 104. y su época, Granada: Junta de Andalucía, 2002, pp.
contrato se firmó en septiembre. Véanse nuestras Alcalá, señor del Coronil, donó una cruz “de pincel 1637 (paradero ignorado) e incluyó a dos carmelitas 44. José ÁLVAREZ LOPERA, «Cano desconocido. 151-159.
consideraciones al respecto en José Manuel CRUZ y plata” a la parroquia, que bien podría ser ésta, en su Libro de retratos. Es aceptable su propuesta de Sobre conjuntos diversos y pinturas desaparecidas» 58. CRUZ VALDOVINOS 2014, «Alonso Cano en
VALDOVINOS, Velázquez. Vida y obra de un pintor y que la plata se fundió con posterioridad. No nos que esta pintura proceda del Colegio. Señala que en Alonso Cano. Espiritualidad y modernidad artística. IV Madrid», op. cit., pp.197-198.
cortesano, Zaragoza: CAI, 2011, pp. 23-24. parece posible esta hipótesis. podría tratarse del Crucifijo que Ceán Bermúdez Centenario, Granada: Junta de Andalucía, 2001, pp. 59. Corpvs, nº 514, 19-3-1726: “Otro quadro de dos
5. Corpvs, nº 16. 26. Evangelio de San Juan, 19, 19-20: “Redactó Pilato un citó en la mesa del altar. 171 y 238-239. varas y media de alto y vara y media de ancho de
6. Ibidem, pp. 389 y 514. título y lo puso sobre la cruz; estaba escrito: Jesús 33. José Manuel CRUZ VALDOVINOS, «Sobre el 45. Antonio PONZ, Viage de España…, Madrid: Por D. Cristo crucificado, original de Alphonso Cano con
7. Antonio PALOMINO, El Museo pictórico y escala Nazareno, rey de los judíos… en hebreo, latín y maestro de Zurbarán y su aprendizaje», Boletín Joachin Ibarra, 1776, V, 5ª división, p. 225: “En el marco negro y perfil dorado en mil y quinientos
óptica, III. El Parnaso español pintoresco laureado, Madrid griego”. del Seminario de Arte y Arqueología, LVII (1991), pp. descanso de una escalera que sube al claustro alto reales de vellón”. Dada la profesión y trayectoria
1724 (ed. Aguilar, Madrid 1947), p. 985. 27. VALDIVIESO y SERRERA op. cit., p. 77, nº 490‑492; IDEM, Zurbarán en Veintitrés biografías de está el bello Crucifijo de Alonso Cano, pintura casi del artífice madrileño, la atribución debe de ser
8. Corpvs, nº 36. 135, lám. 32. Javier MOYA MORALES, «Cristo pintores, Madrid: Fundación Amigos Museo Prado, del tamaño del natural. Es lástima que no se coloque aceptada.
9. San Francisco de Borja (Museo de Bellas Artes, crucificado » en Pacheco…, 2016, op. cit., pp. 162- 1992, pp. 247‑273. en mejor sitio”. En realidad es de tamaño natural.
Sevilla). 163. La firma tiene iniciales como el ejemplar de El 34. En la Aparición de San Pedro Crucificado a San Pedro 46. Álvarez Lopera citó simplemente “Bosarte 1793”,
10. Corpvs, nos 184 y 185. Coronil pero la F y la P. van dentro de la O. Procede Nolasco (Museo Nacional del Prado), firmado y lo que no fue recogido en la bibliografía general de
11. Evangelio según san Juan, 19, 33-34: “Pero al llegar a de la colección Gómez Moreno, donde estaba ya datado en 1629, que hizo para el convento de la la publicación. Es Isidoro BOSARTE, Gabinete de
Jesús, como le hallaron ya muerto, no le quebraron en 1916. El soporte es una sola tabla de cedro de Merced Calzada de Sevilla, el apóstol –vivo aún– lectura española o colección de muchos papeles curiosos de
las piernas, sino que uno de los soldados le atravesó Indias: Mª del Valme MUÑOZ RUBIO, «Francisco aparece con sendos clavos en los pies separados, los escritores antiguos y modernos de la nación (1793), p. 38. El
el costado con una lanza, y al instante salió sangre Pacheco: Teoría y práctica» en Pacheco…, 2016, op. brazos horizontales y la cabeza más alta, el paño sin secretario de la Academia advierte semejanzas con
y agua”. cit., p. 54. la larga extensión y la cruz rústica. el de Velázquez de la sacristía de San Plácido.
12. Francisco PACHECO, Arte de la Pintura, (ed., 28. VALDIVIESO y SERRERA, op. cit., p. 77, nº 136, 35. José MILICUA, Crist a la creu amb la Mare de Déu, 47. 47 Juan Agustín CEÁN BERMÚDEZ,
introducción y notas de Bonaventura BASSEGODA lám. 33. Lo dio a conocer Matías DÍAZ PADRÓN, la Magdalena i sant Joan al peu en Zurbarán al Museu Diccionario histórico de los más ilustres profesores de las
I HUGAS), Madrid: Cátedra, 1990. «Un nuevo Cristo crucificado de Pacheco», Archivo Nacional d’art de Catalunya, Barcelona: Generalitat, Bellas Artes en España, Madrid: En la Imprenta de
13. Ibidem, pp. 713-749. Español de Arte, XXXVIII (1965), pp. 128-130. 1988, pp. 90-91 y 219; PACHECO 1990, op. cit., la Viuda de Ibarra, 1800, I, p. 220. Señala que el
14. Roberto Belarmino (1542-1621) fue proclamado La obra fue adquirida en París en 1901 por los pp. 741-742. Es la sexta aprobación, datada el 29 de Crucifijo había sido trasladado ya a una capilla de la
santo y doctor en el siglo XX. La obra a que se antecesores de la propietaria citada. Hay que abril de 1629, que figura en el capítulo XVI, último iglesia.
refiere Pacheco es De septem verbis a Chisto in Cruce rechazar la posibilidad de que fuera la pintura que del tercer libro. 48. Nicolás de la CRUZ Y BAHAMONDE, Conde de
prolatis. perteneció al deán López Cepero a finales del siglo 36. Según Milicua, el título fue rehecho “sin demasiadas MAULE, Viage de España, Francia e Italia…, Cádiz:
15. CRUZ VALDOVINOS 2011, Velázquez…, op. cit., XVIII, como luego se explica. contemplaciones”. En la Imprenta de D. Manuel Bosch, 1812, t. XI,
p. 159. 29. VALDIVIESO y SERRERA, op. cit., nº 137, citaron 37. Juan Miguel SERRERA, Crucificado en Zurbarán, p. 31. Álvarez Lopera pensó que debió de ingresar
16. Erwin PANOFSKY, Vida y arte de Alberto Durero, el cuadro de López Cepero y pensaron que podía ser Madrid: Ministerio de Cultura, 1988, pp. 194- antes de la guerra de la Independencia.
Madrid: Alianza Forma, 1982 (traducción a partir el de López Dóriga. También inventariaron con el 196. Piensa que estaba en la escalera del coro del 49. WETHEY op. cit., p. 63. Opinamos que la
de la edición de 1955), pp. 234-235, figs. 280 y 281. nº 139 uno de colección particular de Buenos Aires convento. primera es anterior a enero de 1643 y la segunda
Según Panofsky, la estampa mide 32 x 22,5 cm. del que solo conocían que era en lienzo y variante 38. Véase la información del Museo. Una inscripción al antes de junio de 1644; José Manuel CRUZ
17. Benito NAVARRETE PRIETO, «Durero y los del entonces Gómez Moreno. No ofrece duda de dorso indica que fue del marqués de Villafuerte de VALDOVINOS, «Alonso Cano en Madrid» en Arte
cuatro clavos», Boletín del Museo del Prado, 34 (1995), que el del museo bonaerense es el que estaba en Sevilla. Ya en el siglo XX fue de la colección Valdés, y Cultura en la Granada renacentista y barroca; relaciones
pp. 7-14. La reproducción de la estampa que incluye colección particular y que fue del deán López y, adquirido por Pedro Masaveu ingresó en el Museo e influencias (coord. José Policarpo Cruz), Granada:
Navarrete es menos precisa que la publicada por Cepero. Conviene citar la ficha del museo redactada por dación en pago de impuestos. Los restos de una Universidad, 2014, pp. 200-201.
Panofsky, por lo que llegamos a pensar que eran por Patricia Corsani, además de la siguiente fecha son ilegibles. 50. José Manuel CRUZ VALDOVINOS, «Encargos y
diferentes, pues el alemán no citó la sede (CRUZ bibliografía: Teresa ESPANTOSO RODRÍGUEZ 39. El primero procede de las colecciones Hueto y clientes de Alonso Cano en la Corte de Felipe IV»
VALDOVINOS 2011, op. cit., p. 159). Ahora y María Cristina SERVENTI, «Un “Cristo en la Lezama-Leguizamón e ingresó en 1996 mediante en Alonso Cano. La modernidad del siglo de oro español,
opinamos que es la misma. cruz” de Francisco Pacheco en el Museo Nacional el legado Villaescusa. El segundo procede de Madrid: Fundación Santander Central Hispano,
18. PACHECO 1990, op. cit., p. 553. NAVARRETE de Bellas Artes de Buenos Aires», Boletín del Instituto la colección del marqués de Almeida de Río de 2002, pp. 79 y CRUZ VALDOVINOS 2014,
PRIETO, op. cit., p. 8. Bassegoda se ocupa de lo que de Teoría e Historia del Arte Julio E. Payró. Buenos Aires, Janeiro; MILICUA, op. cit., pp. 88-93 y 218-220. «Alonso Cano en Madrid», op. cit., pp. 195 y 200.
a continuación refiere Pacheco sobre el Apocalipsis de 7 (1997), pp. 101-105; María Cristina SERVENTI, 40. CRUZ VALDOVINOS 2011, Velázquez…, op. cit., 51. No conocemos el ejemplar subastado en Sotheby’s
Durero, que no afecta a nuestro estudio. Pintura española (siglos XVI al XVIII) en el Museo pp. 154-155. Llevamos muchos años defendiendo en abril de 1997 que medía 130 x 96 cm y que
19. PANOFSKY, op. cit., fig. 281. Nacional de Bellas Artes de Buenos Aires, Buenos Aires: la autoría de Velázquez por las características podría ser este mismo.
20. PACHECO 1990, op. cit., p. 36. Asociación Amigos del MNBA, 2003, p. 129. técnicas, iconográficas y dramáticas de la obra. Las 52. WETHEY op. cit., p. 73, nº 14, lám. 107.
21. Enrique VALDIVIESO y Juan Miguel SERRERA, 30. Evangelio de san Mateo, 27, 37: “Sobre su cabeza similitudes con el famoso ejemplar de Cristo muerto 53. Juan José JUSTICIA SEGOVIA, Crucificado en
Pintura sevillana del primer tercio del siglo XVII, Madrid: pusieron escrita su causa: Este es Jesús, el Rey de los refuerzan la atribución. Alonso Cano. Espiritualidad ..., op. cit., pp. 239-241.
CSIC, 1985, p. 18. judíos”; Evangelio de san Lucas, 23, 38: “Había una 41. Ibidem, pp. 157-160. 54. CRUZ VALDOVINOS 2014, «Alonso Cano en
22. PACHECO 1990, op. cit., p. 36. inscripción sobre él: Este es el Rey de los judíos”. 42. WETHEY, op. cit., p. 64, nº 12, lám. 165. Indica Madrid», op. cit., p. 198.
 93

The taste for Paolo Veronese

in early Stuart London
PETER H UMFR EY

In the hierarchy of the Italian painters most admired Charles V with a Hound (Madrid, Prado).4 In any case, as
and sought after by the princely collectors of the he no doubt realized, the upheavals of the Civil War
seventeenth century, Paolo Veronese was generally would have provided his agents with plenty of other
accorded a high place: fourth, perhaps, after Raphael, Veroneses to select. There were good examples not only
Titian, and Correggio; but among the great Venetians in the Buckingham and royal collections, but also in
decidedly second only to Titian.1 The conviction that the two other most important collections in London,
works by Veronese would be an ornament to even the those of the Earl of Arundel and of the Marquess of
greatest of art collections was expressed in June 1646 Hamilton (raised to a dukedom in 1643). On the basis
by none other than Philip IV of Spain, in a letter sent of inventories of these four collections it is possible
to his ambassador in London, Alonso de Cárdenas. In to calculate that before their dispersal in the 1650s
response to the news that the celebrated collection of the number of works in London by (or attributed to)
the former royal favourite, the Duke of Buckingham, Veronese totalled at least sixty – more than anywhere
was about to be sold – and further, that the even more outside Venice. Although as events unfolded, the
celebrated collection of Charles I was also likely soon majority of these were to end up in the hands of
to come on the market – Philip urged Cárdenas to look Philip’s Habsburg cousin, the Holy Roman Emperor –
out for pictures “which might be originals by Titian and Philip did not recuperate his Venus, Mars, and Cupid
or Veronese, or other old painters of distinction.” 2 – a respectable number did indeed gravitate to Spain.
Whereas, however, the king was already the owner of
by far the greatest collection of Titians in the world, as The main purpose of the present article is to attempt
yet he possessed very few paintings by Veronese. In fact, to clarify, as far as is now possible, the identity of
he possessed one fewer than he had inherited, since on these sixty or so works, and to trace the circumstances
the occasion of Charles’s disastrous visit to Madrid in both of their arrival in London, and of their onward
1623 to woo the Infanta, Philip had actually presented journeys after the Civil War. But in passing, some
to him as a diplomatic gift one of the rare works by even more difficult questions will be raised about the
the master to have reached Spain by the early years taste for Veronese at the courts of Charles I and of his
of the seventeenth century: a Venus, Mars, and Cupid father James I. To some extent, the numbers speak for
(Edinburgh, National Gallery of Scotland ) (fig. 1), themselves; yet is there any evidence that the leading
Fig. 1 / Paolo Caliari, previously in the collection of the Duke of Lerma.3 collectors deliberately sought out his work – as Philip IV
called Veronese, Venus,
Mars, and Cupid,
was apparently keen to do? Or was Veronese just
ca. 1580-1585, oil Perhaps it now occurred to Philip that this was an another master whose work happened to be available
on canvas, 165.2 x opportunity to regain his imprudent gift – as he was through the newly established diplomatic channels in
126.5 cm, Edinburgh,
National Gallery of
successfully to do in the case of another important Venice? And is it possible to discern any differences
Scotland. picture that Charles had taken home with him, Titian’s among the collectors in their appreciation of him?
94 The taste for Paolo Veronese in early Stuart London The taste for Paolo Veronese in early Stuart London 95

AN ELIZABETHAN AND A JACOBEAN PRELUDE Nijs, apparently on the instructions of the English
Some three decades before the first Venetian paintings, ambassador to Venice, Sir Dudley Carleton, who in turn
including by Veronese, began to reach London in had been instructed, at the time of his appointment in
significant numbers, an inventory of the collection of 1610, to acquire “any ancient Mrpeeces of paintings at
the Earl of Leicester at Leicester House on the Strand, a reasonable price,” on behalf of the Lord Treasurer,
dated May 1582, records a newly acquired portrait “of the Earl of Salisbury, and of Henry, Prince of Wales.
Mr Phillipp Sydney when he was a Boye.” 5 Although Presumably the group assembled by Nijs was originally
the artist is not named, the picture was almost certainly intended for one or the other of these, and after they
identical with the portrait of the earl’s nephew, the both died in 1612, the paintings were sent by Carleton
courtier-poet Philip Sidney, which is known to have instead to Somerset, at whose apartments in Whitehall approximately 125 by 300 cm, was much larger than
been painted by Veronese when the sitter visited Venice they had arrived by January 1616. But by this time, the other two, which are described as a pair, with only
in the spring of 1574. The nineteen-year-old Sidney Somerset had fallen from grace and was imprisoned in three figures each, and measuring about 100 by 140
had commissioned it as a gift for his mentor and friend the Tower; and by July of the same year, Carleton had cm.10 Subsequently Haro donated these two to the king,
Hubert Languet; but when he and his uncle happened succeeded in passing on three of the paintings to Lord and they are identifiable with the pair of very similar
to visit Antwerp soon after Languet’s death there at Henry Danvers, and the other twelve to Arundel. dimensions (102 x 153 cm) now in the Prado, and
the end of 1581, they were able to recover it from his respectively entitled Young Man Between Virtue and Vice and
estate. Sidney’s premature death in 1586 was followed A list of the fifteen Venetian paintings destined for the Family of Cain (figs. 2 & 3).11 In the former, although
by that of Leicester in 1588, and thereafter the portrait Somerset itemizes their subjects and authors: sixteen by the youth dressed in a fashionable crimson doublet and
– which is known to have shown the sitter as looking Tintoretto, five by Veronese, and one each by Titian, hose hardly looks Herculean, it is easy to imagine that
even younger than his age, and almost certainly in a Jacopo Bassano, and Schiavone. While clearly they do Nijs, or whoever compiled the list of Somerset’s pictures,
modest, bust-length format – disappeared. not reflect a marked taste for any master in particular, could have been reminded of the story of the Choice of
but simply represented works by generally reputable Hercules, especially because it apparently formed one
The loss of the portrait by Veronese of Sidney is masters that happened to be on the market, the arrival of an intended pair. In the latter picture (the real subject
much to be regretted, not least because of its historical of five paintings by Veronese with mythological or of which remains very rare indeed), it would have been
significance as a very rare instance of the commission allegorical subjects must have done much to introduce natural to identify the couple as Hercules, dressed in
by an Elizabethan of a work by a major Italian artist, the artist to the London cognoscenti. The vagueness a lionskin and holding a club, and his wife Iole – even
and as one of the very first Venetian paintings to enter of the titles and the lack of recorded dimensions though he bears no resemblance to the youth in crimson,
an English collection. Its significance, however, as a unfortunately make it impossible to identify the two and the couple are not recorded as having a child.12
precursor to the Veroneses brought to London in the works by him described simply large in scale and
reigns of James and Charles should not be exaggerated. as “poetical histories.” But the search for the other By contrast, the larger Birth of Hercules was initially
Sidney, although described by Nicholas Hilliard as “a three – supposedly representing scenes from the life of retained in the Haro family collection, although it is no
lover of all vertu and cunning” 6 seems, from the way Hercules – is made possible by their likely reappearance longer recorded in the collection of Luis’s son and heir,
he wrote to Languet (“This day one Paul of Verona has in the Arundel inventory of 1655, and then in a list Gaspar, and is now lost.13
begun my portrait”) never to have heard of Veronese of Arundel pictures sent to Spain and in subsequent
before he sat to him. Furthermore, the Leicester Spanish inventories. From this it may be concluded that the two paintings
inventory of 1582 is typical of its period in naming now in the Prado, together with the other three
the sitter, but not the artist. Very striking is the contrast Of the various works by Veronese listed in the Arundel Veroneses originally destined for Somerset, were
with the Arundel inventory of 1655, which, as will be inventory – again without dimensions – only two refer displayed for nearly thirty years in the Picture Gallery
seen below, lists four portraits by Veronese, three of explicitly to Hercules: a “Nascita d’Ercole” and an of Arundel House on the Strand, from 1616 until the
which were of unknown sitters. The very fact that the “Iola & Hercule.” But it may be suggested here that outbreak of the Civil War in 1642. Unless, as seems
Sidney portrait disappeared after 1588 also indicates the third of Somerset’s paintings thought to represent unlikely, Arundel himself had already acquired another
that it did not catch the eye of the collectors of the next a story of Hercules is one in the Arundel inventory example from another source, these would have been
generation, who were in pursuit of Venetian paintings entitled, “Vertu & Vitio,” 8 and that at one point it was the earliest works by the painter to be seen in London,
of a quite different type. interpreted as, and entitled, the Choice of Hercules. In Fig. 2 / Paolo Veronese, Young and would have served as a basic source of reference for
1659 these three paintings are included in a list of works Man Between Virtue and Vice, other collectors and their advisers. It may be admitted
ca. 1580-1585, oil on canvas, that the Prado pair, modest in scale and composition,
More indicative of future developments was an episode purchased from the collection of the late Countess of
102 x 153 cm, Madrid, Museo
of 1613-1615, involving the shipment from Venice of Arundel by Cárdenas on behalf of Philip IV’s chief Nacional del Prado.
are not particularly spectacular by Veronese’s standards;
fifteen paintings by major Venetian masters, together minister of the period, Luis de Haro.9 This time the nevertheless, the Virtue and Vice, with its display of
with some antique sculptures, to the current favourite of listing includes dimensions and a note of the number Fig. 3 / Paolo Veronese, Family luxurious fabrics and its glimpse of luminous Palladian
of Cain, ca. 1581-1585, oil on
James I, Robert Carr, Earl of Somerset.7 These works of figures represented, and it becomes clear that the canvas, 105 x 153 cm, Madrid,
architecture, may well have done much to whet the
of art had been assembled by the Flemish dealer Daniel Birth of Hercules, which had nine figures and measured Museo Nacional del Prado. appetite among amateurs for more of the same.
96 The taste for Paolo Veronese in early Stuart London The taste for Paolo Veronese in early Stuart London 97

architect he admired above all, Andrea Palladio. On TABLE I Veronese in the Arundel Collection The inventory of 1655 consists of a list of paintings
the other hand, unlike the other three, Arundel never from the Arundel collection sold in Amsterdam
went to Spain, where the work of Titian made such Title in 1655 inventory Destination post-1655 Present whereabouts
following the death of the Earl’s widow there the
an overwhelming impression not only on the future (Cust and Cox, 1911,
previous year. Although by this date some of the
king, but also on his companions, Buckingham and pp. 282-286, 323-324) collection had already been dispersed, the total
Hamilton, during the ill-fated visit of 1623. To judge of eighteen (or twenty-five) paintings by Veronese
from the Arundel inventory of 1655, Titian and 1. ritratto di gentildonna listed in Table I was roughly equal to that owned by
Veronese were just two of a number of artists whose Buckingham, as was roughly also their overall quality.
2. altro ritratto di gentildonna
work the earl sought to acquire during a collecting The six portraits – three male and three female (I. 1, 2,
career of at least thirty years. 3. Assentione di Nr Sigre Imstenraedt. Cologne Olomouc (fig. 7) 5, 6, 7, 14) – are the hardest works to trace, especially
4. St Helena De Flines, Amsterdam NG, London (fig. 6) since in only one case (a supposed self-portrait) is the
The inventory, which dates from nine years after 5. ritratto di gentilhomo Haro, Madrid (?)
sitter named. The list of works acquired from the
Arundel’s death in exile in Padua in 1646, lists Arundel collection by Cárdenas for Haro, however,
6. ritratto di donna
eighteen works by, or attributed to Veronese – itemizes another male portrait, in full length, by
or rather twenty-five, if four paintings of The 7. ritratto di homo vecchio then identified as Marcantonio Colonna18 – and this
Seasons and five designs for tapestries are counted 8. Anunciata Haro, Madrid presumably corresponds to no. 5 on the Table (“ritratto
individually. In the absence of any proper record di gentilhomo”). Colonna (1535-1584) was a personage
9. Nascita d’Ercole Haro, Madrid
of the chronology of the earl’s acquisitions – it is not well known in Spain, as a military ally in the wars
known, for example, what, if any, paintings he might 10. quarto stagioni 4 pezzi Haro, Madrid against the Turks and as viceroy of Spanish Sicily,
have acquired during his visits to the Veneto in 1613, 11. Le tre Re Haro, Madrid and he visited Venice in 1570 immediately before the
1614, and 1645-1646 – this document provides by Battle of Lepanto. On the other hand, there is no
12. Iola & Hercule Haro/ Philip IV Prado (fig. 3)
far the fullest source of information for his interest record that he sat to Veronese, and it may well be that
in the artist. Otherwise – apart from his purchase of 13. Vertu & Vitio Haro/ Philip IV Prado (fig. 2) the identification of him as the sitter was a matter of
the Somerset pictures in 1616 – the documentation 14. ritratto di Paulo Veronese fantasy. In any case, the portrait was soon to disappear
consists essentially of only two items. One is the from inventories of the Haro family collection.
15. Venus et Cupido
record of the visit by the Dutch painter Joachim
16. 5 pezzi fatto per tapesseria More importantly, as can be seen from Table I,
Sandrart to Arundel House in 1627, in which he
makes tantalizing mention of portraits “by Raphael of 17. il Centurione grande Haro/ Philip IV Prado (fig. 5) Luis de Haro was unquestionably the recipient
Urbino, by Leonardo da Vinci, by Titian, Tintoretto 18. il Centurione piccolo
of the cream of Veronese’s subject pictures in
and Paul Veronese” on display in the Long Gallery – the Arundel collection. In addition to the three
but without specifying what these works were.15 The “Hercules” paintings already discussed (I.9, 12, 13),
other principal document regarding Veronese is a Cárdenas bought for him at least two large narrative
passing comment in the Voyage through Italy of 1670 paintings measuring nearly two by three metres – an
by Richard Lassels to the effect that Arundel had Annunciation and a Christ and the Centurion (nos. I.8, 17),
once offered two thousand pistols for the magnificent together with the Four Seasons (no. 10), and a somewhat
THE ARUNDEL COLLECTION Martyrdom of Saint George in the church of San Giorgio smaller Adoration of the Magi (I.11).19 Of all these, the
in Braida in the painter’s native city of Verona.16 Since Christ and the Centurion is the only one now definitely
Hailed by Horace Walpole as the “Father of Vertu
Arundel’s agent William Petty is known to have been recognizable, in the painting of ca. 1570-1572
in England,” the Earl of Arundel has always been
in Verona in October 1637, it has been suggested now in the Prado (fig. 5), which, like two of the
recognized not just as a pioneer, but as one of the
that the offer was made on this occasion – and that “Hercules” paintings, Haro donated to the king.20
most intelligent and discriminating of all British art
furthermore, since so tall a work would hardly have This noble masterpiece is surely exactly the kind of
collectors (fig. 4).14 His collection was built up over
fitted comfortably into his Long Gallery, Arundel work that Philip had in mind when in 1646 he asked
a much longer period than those of his rivals at the
courts of James and Charles; he liked to choose wished to present it to Saint George’s Chapel at Cárdenas to look out for paintings by Veronese;
carefully, and tended to avoid bulk purchases; and his Windsor Castle, the seat of the Order of the Garter.17 and perhaps equally impressive was the now lost
taste was catholic, extending to drawings and antique Certainly, the acquisition of a large and splendid Annunciation, which according to a Haro inventory of
sculptures, as well as paintings, and extending to celebration of the patron saint of England would 1689 showed the holy figures complemented by an
German as well as the much more fashionable Italian have been symbolically a highly appropriate one by architectural foreground with four columns, and a
Fig. 4 / Peter Paul Rubens,
Portrait of Thomas Howard, art. Unlike Charles, Buckingham, and Hamilton, none the Earl Marshal, quite independent of any particular Fig. 5 / Paolo Veronese, background of cypress trees.21 The same inventory
2nd Earl of Arundel, 1629-
of whom went to Italy, Arundel had visited Venice taste for Veronese. The offer, however, was evidently Christ and the Centurion, mentions that the Adoration of the Magi contained one
1630, oil on canvas, 67 x ca. 1570, oil on canvas,
54 cm, London, National
and the Veneto, and he clearly shared the general not accepted by the canons of San Giorgio, and the 192 x 297 cm, Madrid,
of Veronese’s trademark figures, “a page-boy dressed
Gallery. admiration for the Venetian contemporaries of the altarpiece remains in place to this day. Museo Nacional del Prado. in white.”22
98 The taste for Paolo Veronese in early Stuart London The taste for Paolo Veronese in early Stuart London 99

possession of the Contarini family in 1646, how was

it possible that they could have passed into the hands
of Arundel, who died in October of that very year? In
fact, however, Ridolfi uses the word “erano” in relation
to the Contarini pictures – implying that they were
formerly in the palace – and it may be that Arundel
acquired the pictures soon after his arrival in Padua to
settle there in the first half of 1645. By this late date
he was ailing and short of money, and he and his wife
had already begun to sell off parts of their collection;
but perhaps the opportunity to acquire six Veroneses,
at least two of which were of outstanding quality, was
too tempting to resist. In that case, the paintings are
likely to have remained with him in his villa in Padua
until his death, and then to have been sent to his
widow in Amsterdam. If so, it follows that they can
never have formed part of his collection in London.

Unlike the Christ and the Centurion and the Four Seasons,
the Vision of Saint Helena (fig. 6) was not acquired
by Cárdenas, but remained for another generation
in Amsterdam, where it is recorded – probably by
1671 and certainly by 1681 – in the house of the
Italophile collector Philips De Flines.24 Otherwise, the
fate of only one of Arundel’s Veroneses is recorded:
the “Assentione di Nr Sigre” (I.3), which formed part
of the residue of the collection acquired in 1662 by
the brothers Franz and Bernhard von Imstenraedt
of Cologne, and which was sold on by them to the
Prince-Bishop of Olmütz (Olomouc) in 1673.25 Until
recently in Prague but now back at Olomouc, this
painting represents just a group of apostles (fig. 7);
but it has been recognized as the lower half of an
altarpiece of the Ascension, painted by Veronese for the
Capodivacca chapel in the church of San Francesco
Of all these works, the Christ and the Centurion is also Grande in Padua.26 According to an inscription on the Of the remaining works in the 1655 inventory, the the painter among French collectors, it is surprising that
of special interest because of its provenance. It is altarpiece, which remains in the church, a new lower “Venus et Cupido” (I.15) and the various portraits are none of the works by Veronese that came to France in
generally accepted that it is identical with a painting half for Veronese’s upper half was supplied in 1625 described too generically to be identifiable. It is perhaps the 1650s and 1660s, either through Jabach or from
of this subject recorded by Carlo Ridolfi in his Life by the painter Pietro Damini, but it remains unclear worth speculating, however, whether the “Centurione any other source, were from the Arundel Collection or
of Veronese, first published in 1646, in the Contarini when and under what circumstances the original lower piccolo” (I.18) is identical with the version of the subject indeed, from any other English collection.30 Perhaps
palace in Padua.23 Ridolfi records that the family half was removed. On the basis of a comment by now in Kansas City – which is indeed very similar in this was simply because French collectors, and most
owned no less than twelve works by the painter, which Richard Symonds, writing in 1652, Horace Walpole composition to the “Centurione grande” in the Prado, but particularly Louis, realized that they could achieve
Fig. 6 / Paolo Veronese, were perhaps all commissioned by their sixteenth- thought that Arundel himself was responsible for somewhat smaller in scale.29 better results by turning directly to the original source
Vision of Saint Helena,
century forebears; and in support of the identification commissioning this act of vandalism;27 it seems more of supply: Venice itself. Thus it was that in 1664 the
ca. 1570, oil on canvas,
197.5 x 115.6 cm, London, of this version of the Centurion with the Arundel-Haro likely, however, that the vandal acted speculatively, The Imstenraedt brothers, who bought the Ascension French crown acquired the Supper in the House of Simon
National Gallery. picture is the fact that, surely not coincidentally, five of and that Arundel, while realizing that the fragment fragment, were the nephews of none other than (still at Versailles), previously in the convent of the
Fig. 7 / Paolo Veronese,
the other Contarini Veroneses – the Four Seasons and had been stolen from the church, acquired it through Everard Jabach, the wealthy banker and collector Servi – a painting by Veronese more monumental in
Group of Apostles the Vision of Saint Helena – likewise correspond to items a middleman. In that case, it is perhaps more likely who is known to have kept a close eye on the sales scale and more spectacular than any that had been
(fragment of an Ascension), in the 1655 inventory (I.10 and 4). The implications of that he bought it when visiting Padua in 1613 or 1614, of English collections after the Civil War, and who seen in London in the preceding decades, and one that
ca. 1575, oil on canvas,
170 x 178 cm, Olomouc,
these identifications seem, however, not to have been than that he authorized its purchase subsequently at subsequently sold some of the spoils to Cardinal was to inspire Louis to pursue the even larger and even
Archbishop’s Palace. considered. If Ridolfi recorded these six works in the long range.28 Mazarin and Louis XIV. Considering the avid taste for more spectacular Wedding Feast at Cana.31
100 The taste for Paolo Veronese in early Stuart London The taste for Paolo Veronese in early Stuart London 101

from the expertise of his agent and curator Balthazar TABLE II Veronese in the Buckingham Collection The task of identifying the non-Aarschot Veroneses is
Gerbier, who made several shopping expeditions on his more problematic, since most of those included in 1635
behalf to the continent, and who was apparently free (II.1, 2, 3, 6, 7, 9, 11, 16, 21) had disappeared by 1650.
Title in 1635 inventory Number in 1650 inventory Present whereabouts
to spend from Buckingham’s generous purse as he saw One of these, however, an Adoration of the Magi, is perhaps
(Davies, 1906-1907, pp. 379-81) (Fairfax, 1758, pp. 6-8)
fit.33 On the very first of these trips, in 1619, Gerbier identifiable with the picture later recorded in the Arundel
travelled to Antwerp to negotiate the purchase of a 1. An Italian Lady at length 1 collection (I.11; see above), before it was sent to Spain.41
group of no less than eleven paintings by Veronese Another, Benedetto’s Mars, Venus, and Cupid (II.7) appears
2. The Poland Ambassador at length (p. 11 no. 11, as Tintoretto)
from the collection of the duke of Aarschot. The owner on the 1650 list, but was retained by Buckingham’s
had died in 1612, and soon afterwards Somerset and 3. The 3 wise men offering -- son, the 2nd Duke, instead of being sold to Leopold
Arundel had both been alerted to the probability that 4. The Anointing 12 KHM, Vienna inv. 140 (fig. 11) Wilhelm.42 A third, described in the 1635 inventory
the collection was to be sold, but neither had seized the as “The Poland Ambassador at length” by “Paolo
5. Our Saviour Washing his Apostles’ Feet 11 Prague Castle (fig. 10)
opportunity.34 Two years after Buckingham had taken Veneziano” is almost certainly identical with “The
possession of his haul, in 1621, Gerbier moved on to 6. Two other Evangelists -- picture of a Russian ambassador sitting,” which by 1650
Italy, and while in Venice he secured what was to be 7. St Jerome -- had been reattributed to Tintoretto.43 And a fourth, the
the jewel in the crown of the Buckingham collection: Washing of the Disciples’ Feet (II.5) (fig. 10), which is often,
8. Mars and Venus (Benedetto Veronese) (p. 8)
Titian’s great Ecce Homo (Vienna, Kunsthistorisches but probably incorrectly thought to have been one of
9. St John --
Museum). Although an account for his purchases the Aarschot group,44 was, nevertheless, included in the
on this occasion does not include anything by 10. Abraham’s Servt and Rebecca 5 NGA, Washington sale to Leopold Wilhelm, and, like the Nativity (or rather,
Veronese,35 it is clear that the painter’s work remained 11. Venus and Adonis liveing -- Adoration of the Shepherds), it remains in Prague.
a desideratum for the collection, and that during the
12. The Samaritan Woman and our Saviour 6 KHM, Vienna inv. 19
course of the 1620s – although under circumstances Surprisingly, perhaps, the Buckingham Veroneses
unfortunately unknown – the Aarschot group was to be 13. The woman found in adultery 9 KHM, Vienna inv. 15 included very few mythological subjects – the two
complemented by some further ten examples. 14. The Centurion and our Saviour Christ 2 KHM, Vienna inv. 3675 exceptions being the highly erotic Leda (II.23) and
a mysterious Venus and Adonis (II.11) – as well as
15. The Birth of our Saviour Christ 7 Prague Castle
Of the two known inventories of the Buckingham Benedetto’s Mars, Venus, and Cupid. As in the Arundel
collection, the earlier, dating from 1635, records the 16. St John Baptising our Saviour Christ -- inventory, the sitters of the three portraits are not
works that were still kept, seven years after his death, 17. Susanna and the two Elders 3 KHM, Vienna inv. 3676 named - even though one of them, a full-length
at his residence of York House.36 They are listed by “Italian lady” (II.1), was of the very grand format of
18. Agar and Ishmael 8 KHM, Vienna inv. 3673
artist and subject, and are arranged by room. The six foot three inches high. Of the ten extant Aarschot
later inventory, dating from 1650, was compiled 19. Lott and his two Disciples 4 KHM, Vienna inv. 3672
pictures, the Anointing of David (II.4) (fig. 11) stands
as a list of works to be sent for sale in Antwerp, 20. King Assuerus and Queen Hester 10 KHM,Vienna inv. 3677 (fig. 13) apart from the others for its larger scale and more
and this time they are arranged by artist, and their complex composition, and especially for its much
dimensions are provided.37 The 1635 list includes Not in 1635 inventory higher quality.45 Probably dating from the artist’s early
twenty paintings by Veronese, plus a Mars, Venus, career in his native Verona, this outstandingly beautiful
THE BUCKINGHAM COLLECTION 21. Italian lady sitting on chair 13
and Cupid with an interestingly refined attribution to painting certainly represents one of the finest works
In his activity as a collector, as well as in his flamboyant “Benedetto Veronese”– in other words, Paolo’s brother 22. Flight into Egypt -- by Veronese to reach England before the arrival of
personality and meteoric political career, the 1st Duke and long-time assistant Benedetto Caliari (Table II.8). 23. Leda and the Swan -- Ajaccio (fig. 9) the Orléans collection at the end of the eighteenth
of Buckingham has always provided a striking contrast Not included in the 1635 inventory is a Leda and the century – especially if, as argued above, Arundel’s
with his rival Arundel (fig. 8).32 The favourite first Swan (II.23)(fig. 9), because in the previous year the Christ and the Centurion never actually came to London.
of James and then of Charles, Buckingham began duke’s widow had given it to the king in exchange for By comparison, the other nine are generally agreed
to collect seriously only about ten years before he a work by Fetti.38 Also missing is a Flight into Egypt (or to be late works executed with a considerable degree
was assassinated in 1628; yet in this brief decade he perhaps a Rest on the Flight) (II.22), which is included in In contrast with so many of the Veroneses recorded of workshop collaboration, and for the most part
succeeded in amassing an astonishing total of more the inventory of the Aarschot collection,39 and which in inventories of the period, all ten of these paintings (including, for example, the Centurion, no. I.14) they
than three hundred paintings. He had less interest therefore was almost certainly bought with the others in are extant and recognizable, thanks to the fact that the represent simplified variants of existing compositions.
in sculpture and none in drawings, and his preferred 1619, but which may have been damaged in transit, or greater part of the Buckingham collection was bought Yet they, too, are of an impressive scale, and display
painters were above all the Venetians, and also given away, or excluded for some other reason from the en bloc by the Archduke Leopold Wilhelm, governor of a typically Veronesian repertoire of noble classicizing
Fig. 8 / Peter Paul Rubens, honorary Venetians, such as Rubens. At the same time, collection before 1635. Dominating the list of works by the Spanish Netherlands, on behalf of his brother, the architecture, landscape, luxurious fabrics, exotic
Portrait of George his aesthetic preferences were determined much less Veronese in both inventories are the ten other paintings Emperor Ferdinand III. Of the ten, eight are now in costumes, and animals; and cumulatively they must
Villiers, the 1st Duke of by any refined connoisseurship than by conformity to from the Aarschot collection, all with subjects drawn Vienna and one in Washington, while the tenth remains have done much to enhance the visual splendour of
Buckingham, ca. 1625, oil
on panel, 60.9 x 47.3 cm, fashion, and by a desire to impress the king and other from the Old or New Testaments (II.4,10, 12, 13, 14, in Prague, the former imperial city for which it was the Picture Gallery at York House. Gerbier was clearly
Glasgow, Pollok House. courtiers. In forming his collection he benefited greatly 15, 17, 18, 19, 20).40 destined by the archduke. proud of his purchase, and writing to his patron from
102 The taste for Paolo Veronese in early Stuart London The taste for Paolo Veronese in early Stuart London 103

Boulogne in November 1624, Gerbier urged him, for same year – perhaps following a suggestion from his
the sake above all of presenting his Veroneses to the agent – he sent a presumptuous message to the Venetian
best possible effect, to “dress” the hitherto bare walls of government by way of its ambassador in London: “The
Fig. 9 / Paolo Veronese, ca. the room, as was the practice in the mansions of Paris.46 Duke of Buckingham desireth by any means possible to
1580, Leda and the Swan, oil
on canvas, 113 x 94.5 cm, It may be noted that in 1635, and so probably already have certain pictures, made by Paul Veronese, that are
Ajaccio, Musée Fesch. in 1624, eight of the nine in the homogenous group of in a certain room or passage towards the great library
Aarschot pictures were hung together in the showpiece in the palace of St Mark at Venice.”48 The description
Fig. 10 / Paolo Veronese
(and workshop?), Washing space of the Gallery. of the site is garbled, probably as a result of being sent
of Disciples’ Feet, ca. 1580s, through more than one intermediary, but it almost
oil on canvas, 139 x 283 cm, Buckingham no doubt shared Gerbier’s obvious certainly refers to Veronese’s three large roundels on
Prague, Prague Castle.
enthusiasm for Veronese; indeed, this may in part the ceiling of Sansovino’s Library, which Gerbier must
Fig. 11 / Paolo Veronese, account for his patronage of Orazio Gentileschi, whom have admired on his visit to Venice in 1621 and thought
Anointing of David, ca. 1550, he may have regarded as a modern reincarnation of would look very well on a ceiling at York House. But
oil on canvas, 364 x 173 cm,
Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Veronese on account of his light, cool colour range although the ambassador pointed out to his government
Museum. and shimmering surfaces.47 In any case, earlier in the that Buckingham was a highly influential personage, and
104 The taste for Paolo Veronese in early Stuart London The taste for Paolo Veronese in early Stuart London 105

by first-class masters as in the royal palace and in the some important examples, notably on the Spanish trip
house of the late Duke of Buckingham.”50 Nine years of 1623; and as king he benefited further from a number
earlier, the young Van Dyck clearly also had access to of diplomatic gifts, from foreign states, and from his own
the collection – even though it was not yet installed courtiers.53 But the nucleus of his celebrated collection
at York House. During his first, brief visit to London was always to remain the purchase from Mantua,
in the winter of 1620-1621, the painter executed in terms both of sheer quantity and of individual
at least one major commission for (or on behalf of) masterpieces – and fortunately for his particular love of
Buckingham: the Continence of Scipio (Oxford, Christ Titian, these included several outstanding examples by
Church) (fig. 12). As is only to be expected, Van Dyck’s the great Venetian. Veronese, however, had never been
main source of inspiration in this work was Rubens, employed by the Gonzaga court, nor had his works been
both in its pictorial handling and in the indebtedness of particularly collected there; this, more than any lack of
Fig. 14 Anthony Van Dyck,
the composition to a recent version of the same subject interest by Charles, is certainly the main reason for the
Charles I in Garter Robes.
by the elder master; 51 yet it is arguable that at this Royal Collection. rather small number of works by the painter in the royal
moment of Van Dyck’s earliest encounter with the art collection – especially as compared with those in the
of Veronese, the Scipio also pays homage to the recently collections of Arundel and Buckingham.
acquired group from the Aarschot collection. Although
there is no literal quotation, the silvery colour scheme The two major documents recording the contents of
and the show of sumptuous silks and brocades are Charles’s collection are provided by the impressively
generically Veronesian, while the frieze-like foreground detailed catalogue compiled by Abraham van der Doort
composition, the white background architecture, and in about 1639, and by the records of the sales of the
the placing of the principal male figure all seem to collection after the king’s execution in January 1649.54
reflect similar scenes by Veronese – and perhaps in Although both of these documents are incomplete, and
THE COLLECTION OF CHARLES I the works they itemize only partly match up, together
particular, Buckingham’s Esther and Ahasuerus (II.20)
(fig. 13). Furthermore, Van Dyck’s preparatory study In his letter from London to Peiresc in August they confirm that Charles owned only five paintings
(Louvre) shows a vertical division of the scene into 1629 Rubens expressed enthusiasm not just for the by Veronese (Table III), to which may be added a
three by tall, straight columns, as in the Susannah and the Buckingham collection, but also for the royal collection, misattribution and a probable copy.55 Of the definite
Elders (II.7), as well as the characteristically Veronesian which had just been immeasurably enriched by the works, two – both of considerable quality – have already
motif of the halberds silhouetted against the sky; arrival of a substantial number of pictures from the been mentioned above: the Mars, Venus, and Cupid, now
the finished work resembles the Rebecca (no. II.10) in Gonzaga collection in Mantua, and which by now in Edinburgh (III.6) (see fig. 1), which Charles brought
showing a juxtaposition of a pallid heroine with an must have totalled more than one thousand. Before back with him from Spain; and the Leda (III.3), which the
African servant; and details such as the similarly placed his accession in 1625 Charles (fig. 14) already enjoyed Duchess of Buckingham gave Charles in part exchange
architectural fragment in the left foreground, and the a reputation for his love of painting and had acquired for a religious picture by Fetti.
similarly elaborate silver ewer, echo similar details in
the Anointing of David (II.4). This was to be the prelude
Fig. 12 / Anthony van Dyck, that there could be some political advantage in acceding for Van Dyck’s further and closer engagement with
Continence of Scipio, 1620-
TABLE III Veronese in the Collection of Charles I
to his request, the government very properly refused it. the art of Veronese during his subsequent stay in Italy
1621, oil on canvas, 183 x
232.5 cm, Oxford, Christ
(1621-1627).52
Van der Doort inventory Commonwealth Sale Present whereabouts
Church Picture Gallery. Perhaps it was the failure of this initiative that gave
Buckingham the idea of commissioning a ceiling Because of losses, difficulties of identification, and (Millar, 1958-1960) (Millar, 1970-1972)
Fig. 13 / Workshop of
Veronese, ca. 1585, Esther roundel for York House from Rubens – who would also uncertainties of chronology, it is not easy to make a
1. Allegorical Figure of Faith p. 47 --
and Ahasuerus, oil on canvas, have known those by Veronese at first hand – when he direct comparison between the group of Veroneses
141 x 289 cm, Vienna, met him in Paris in the following year, 1625.49 In any displayed at York House with that less than a mile 2. Portrait of a Man in Armour p. 48 p. 269
Kunsthistorisches Museum.
case, when Rubens came to London in the year after to the east at Arundel House. But on the whole, 3. Leda and the Swan p. 59 p. 186 Ajaccio (fig. 9)
Fig. 14 / Anthony van Dyck, the duke’s death, he stayed in Gerbier’s apartments in it is probably true to say that the Buckingham
4. Finding of Moses p. 78 p. 262 Prado (fig. 15)
Charles I in Three Positions, pictures made a bigger visual splash, and had a more
the house and was deeply impressed by the collection,
1635-1636, oil on canvas, 5. Mars, Venus, and Cupid -- p. 205 Edinburgh (fig. 1)
84.4 x 99.4 cm, London, The writing to his antiquarian friend Peiresc that he “had productive impact – not only on Van Dyck, but also on
Royal Collection Trust. never seen such a huge quantity of excellent paintings other collectors, notably Hamilton.
106 The taste for Paolo Veronese in early Stuart London The taste for Paolo Veronese in early Stuart London 107

by Charles II in 1660.59 Perhaps similarly, neither

the Faith nor the portrait were by Veronese at all. Of
equally dubious status was a large mythology recorded
in a memorandum of pictures formerly in the royal
collection, sent by Alonso de Cárdenas to Haro in 1654.
The ambassador commented to the minister that this
work was on sale as an original, with the high valuation
of 800 ducats, but that professional artists he had
consulted thought that it was a copy.60 Subsequently, no
more was heard of the picture.

By contrast, a painting that Cárdenas did send to Spain

is not only the most beautiful of Charles’s Veroneses,
but is arguably the most beautiful of any of the artist’s
works that came to England in this period: the Finding of
Moses, now in the Prado (III.4) (fig. 15).61 Executed on a
scale that requires intimate viewing (50 x 43 cm), with a
delicacy and vibrancy of touch that anticipates the fêtes
galantes of Watteau, this is surely a work that reflects the
aspect of Charles as a refined connoisseur rather than
as a powerful ruler. Specialists on Veronese have been All three, in fact, were carefully selected: the Mars, Venus, acceptability to either collector. In this connection,
slow to catch up with the fact that it was demonstrated and Cupid by Charles himself, no doubt from many other however, it may be noted that in March of the previous
more than thirty years ago that Cárdenas bought this possible treasures in the Lerma collection; the Leda, year Feilding had sent Hamilton a large and complex,
picture for Haro – and ultimately for Philip IV – at the again by Charles, from other candidates for an exchange but rather weak Esther before Ahasuerus (fig. 16) – and if
Commonwealth sale at Somerset House in 1650.62 It in the Buckingham collection; and the Moses by Nijs, on its arrival in London Charles’s reaction had been less
is presumably therefore identical with the one of this who would certainly have recognized its quality, and than enthusiastic, Feilding was perhaps now inclined to
subject, in which there were “eleven little intire figures,” chose it specially for the king. Given these circumstances be cautious about offering any more works that the king
listed in the Van der Doort catalogue – despite the fact – and given Charles’s known love of Titian and of might consider to be below the artist’s best.
that the dimensions are here given as one foot three Venetian painting in general – it is hard to know what
square (38 cm square), and it is described as “painted to make of a now often quoted remark by Basil, Lord Whatever Charles’s own attitude to Veronese, there
upon a thinn paisted board” rather than on canvas.63 Feilding in a letter of May 1637 to his brother-in-law, can be little doubt that he was greatly admired by
Perhaps this board was not in fact the pictorial support, the marquess of Hamilton. At the time Feilding was the several of the leading painters at his court. Most
and its existence can be explained by the fact that in English ambassador to Venice, and like his predecessors conspicuously of all, and as has often been pointed
Both of these mythologies have a strong erotic content, Charles’s collection the painting was framed back-to- Wotton, Carleton, and Wake, combined his diplomatic out, the magnificent glorification of the Stuart
and the fact that as part of the exchange of 1634 back with an Annunciation to the Shepherds by Bassano. In duties with an active search for pictures to send back to dynasty by Rubens on the Whitehall ceiling is deeply
Charles also acquired a Venus Disrobing after Titian any case, this arrangement was only a temporary one, London – notably to Hamilton, on behalf of the king. indebted to Veronese’s ceiling in the church of San
suggests that in these instances, at least, any aesthetic and at the Commonwealth sale the two paintings were In this letter Feilding makes one of the most explicit Sebastiano in Venice – both in its overall design and
taste for Veronese may have been combined with one sold separately.64 Van der Doort also notes that the of all known references to Charles’s aesthetic taste: “I in the composition of the individual canvases. But
that was more sensual.56 Veronese was bought from “Daniell Neece at Venice”; have seen 4 large pieces by Veronese, wch will hardly Orazio Gentileschi, too, unmistakably pays homage
and although it was Nijs who brokered the bulk sale of be bought for 1300 Duckettts but they are of his best to Veronese in his two versions of the Finding of Moses
Two of Charles’s other Veroneses, an Allegorical Figure the Gonzaga pictures, these are consistently designated manner, though that I heare is not verie acceptable (Private Collection, Prado),68 more generally in the
of Faith and a Portrait of a Man in Armour (III.1 and 2), as a “Mantua peeces” in the catalogue, and this to the King and therefore is not much esteem’d shimmer of light-toned silks and the feathery trees,
are described quite circumstantially by Van der Doort, Fig. 16 / Workshop of
different designation implies that Charles bought the by your lordship.”66 Especially since it has been but perhaps in particular – despite the great difference
Veronese, Esther and
and do not correspond to any extant work by the Moses from him under a separate deal.65 Ahasuerus, ca. 1580s, oil convincingly suggested that these four large paintings of scale – to Charles’s own picture of the same
artist.57 The Faith formed part of a group of twenty- on canvas, 208 x 284 cm, were none other than the four masterpieces then in subject. And finally, although it is usually the influence
three pictures acquired from the dealer William Frizell Florence, Galleria degli
Although Charles’s Veroneses were few in number Palazzo Cuccina (now Dresden Gemäldegalerie),67 it of Titian that is mentioned in connection with Van
Uffizi.
in 1637, together with a Diana and Actaeon attributed compared with those of Arundel and Buckingham (and is difficult to imagine that they would not have been Dyck’s sensuous late mythology, Cupid and Psyche (Royal
Fig. 15 / Paolo Veronese, to Veronese,58 but about which Van der Doort already also of those of Hamilton), and the three recognizable Fig. 17 / Anthony van Dyck, very acceptable indeed to Charles if they had been Collection) (fig. 17), the decorative elegance and the
Finding of Moses, ca. had some doubts – justifiably, since it is almost certainly Cupid and Psyche, 1639-
ones are all relatively unimposing in scale, it may be presented to him, and therefore also to imagine why silvery colours, as already twenty years earlier in
1581-1582, oil on canvas, 1640, oil on canvas, 200.2 x
57 x 43 cm, Madrid,
identical with a decidedly weak picture in the style of observed that these are also of high quality – and also 192.6 cm, London, The Royal Feilding drew Hamilton’s attention to them, while the Continence of Scipio, arguably make it even more
Museo Nacional del Prado. Schiavone, which was recovered for the royal collection that they were not acquired as part of bulk purchases. Collection Trust. at the same time expressing diffidence about their reminiscent of Veronese.
108 The taste for Paolo Veronese in early Stuart London The taste for Paolo Veronese in early Stuart London 109

much greater prize: almost the entire collection,

consisting of more than two hundred paintings,
of the merchant and very refined connoisseur
Bartolomeo della Nave.73 Eleven of these were by
Veronese (Table IV); and although as part of a bulk
purchase Hamilton did not deliberately choose
them, his correspondence suggests that he was
much more interested in the painter than the king
seemed to be. In particular, in response to the letter
from Feilding of May 1637, Hamilton admits that
the four canvases would be overpriced if they were
not very large and of excellent quality, but asks for
further information about their scale, the number of
figures they contained, and also wonders whether
the asking price of 1300 ducats could be reduced.74

If the canvases in question were indeed the stellar

Cuccina pictures, Hamilton was quite right to make
further enquiries; and perhaps if his career as a
collector had not been curtailed by the deepening
political crisis at home, he might have eventually
secured them. Even so, this episode suggests that
he would have taken particular satisfaction with
the eleven Della Nave Veroneses, six of which
were narrative scenes from the Old and New
Testaments – resembling smaller versions of the
Buckingham series – and two, representing Venus
and Adonis (fig. 19) and Hercules and Deianira, were
THE HAMILTON COLLECTION mythologies. His enjoyment of them, however,
The other great collector of Charles I’ s reign, the was to be short-lived. Only three years after the
3rd Marquess of Hamilton (created 1st Duke in 1643) Della Nave haul reached his house in Chelsea in
(fig. 18), did not begin his collecting career until 1639, the Civil War erupted; and when he left the
1636 – despite the fact that in the previous reign his capital to take up arms for the king, his collection
father, the 2nd Marquess, had put together a very was confiscated by Parliament. In March 1649,
respectable group of pictures, which included a now five weeks after the execution of his royal master,
untraced Agony in the Garden by Veronese.69 A golden Hamilton suffered the same fate.
opportunity for the politically highly-ambitious
Hamilton to assemble an outstanding collection of Less than a month later, the entire Hamilton
predominantly Venetian paintings, and to thereby collection had been bought by the Archduke
gain the favour of the king, came in 1634, when his Leopold Wilhelm in Brussels – and after his death
brother-in-law was appointed ambassador to Venice.70 in 1662 it went, unlike the Buckingham pictures,
The moment was also opportune in the sense that an not to Prague but Vienna. This direct continuity
Fig. 18 / Daniel Mytens, of ownership from Della Nave to Hamilton,
economic downturn meant that a number of Venetian
James Hamilton (1606-1649),
1st Duke of Hamilton, 1629, families and collectors were now feeling more obliged Leopold Wilhelm and the Austrian Emperors, and
oil on canvas, 221 x 139.7 cm, than previously to sell.71 In March 1636 Feilding sent the survival of at least one inventory from each
Edinburgh, Scottish National collection, make the identification of all thirteen of
Hamilton a list of thirty-five paintings currently on the
Portrait Gallery.
market, including three by Veronese, one of which, the Veroneses on Table IV entirely unproblematic:
Fig. 19 / Paolo Veronese, heading the list, was the above-mentioned Esther before apart from a now lost Flagellation (IV.4), and the
Venus and Adonis, ca. 1585, Esther (IV.12), which was sent to Florence in 1792
Ahasuerus, which he noted “hath twenty-five figures”,
oil on canvas, 68 x 52 cm,
Vienna, Kunsthistorisches and which Hamilton duly bought.72 But two years as part of an exchange, all of them are now in the
Museum. later, following protracted negotiations, he secured a Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna.75
110 The taste for Paolo Veronese in early Stuart London The taste for Paolo Veronese in early Stuart London 111

TABLE IV Veronese in the Hamilton Collection

somewhat mechanical in its re-use of motifs (notably
the dog, repeated from the San Sebastiano ceiling)
Title in Della Nave list, ca. 1634 Hamilton inventory, 1649 Present whereabouts
and in its handling; while the biblical stories likewise
(Waterhouse, 1952, pp. 16-17) (Garas, 1967, pp. 76, 78)
seem to be workshop pictures, although dating from
1. Resurrection of the Widows Son of Nayme 85 KHM, Vienna inv. 52 rather later.76 Several degrees feebler in quality are
the two Madonnas and Saints (IV.9, 13). Only the paired
2. Adam and Eve with their children 75 KHM, Vienna inv. 1514
mythologies (IV.10, 11), each scarcely larger than
3. Sacrifice of Abraham 79 KHM, Vienna inv. 3825 Charles’s little Finding of Moses,77 reveal the artist at
4. Scourging of Our Lord 76 Ex-Vienna, lost his poetic best: in both, the lovers are enveloped in
a highly atmospheric woodland setting, evoked with
5. Visit of the Wise men 77 KHM, Vienna inv. 1515
fitful lighting and expressively broken brushwork.
6. Resurrection of Christ 78 KHM, Vienna inv. 1542

7. St Sebastian 86 KHM, Vienna inv. 1538 Apart from those recorded in the four great collections
discussed above, very few other paintings by Veronese
8. St John Baptist 80 KHM, Vienna inv. 1545
appear to have reached early Stuart England. None,
9. Our Lady with 6 figures 81 KHM, Vienna inv. 50
for example, are included in the lists of works owned
10. Venus and Adonis and Cupid 82 KHM,Viennainv.1527(fig.19) by the 4th Earl of Pembroke, or by the 10th Earl of
11. Adonis or Hercules and Dianira 83 KHM, Vienna inv. 1525 Northumberland.78 On the other hand, in 1651,
another Spanish envoy in London, the Count of
Fuensaldaña, sent to Haro a batch of forty-four
Not Della Nave
paintings, including eight attributed to Veronese,
12. Esther before Ahasuerus 84 Uffizi (fig. 16) from a variety of dispersed English collections.79
13. Mystic Marriage of St Catherine --* KHM, Vienna inv. 1529 Although their provenances are unfortunately
unnamed, five of the Veroneses can still be identified.
* Not included in the 1649 inventory, but listed in 1642/1643 inventory, 21st case They include three that were given to Philip IV, and
(“The virgin Mary Christ 1 other Virenes”) (Garas, 1967, p. 72). which are now in the Prado: the Sacrifice of Abraham
(fig. 20); the Penitent Saint Mary Magdalene; and the
Wedding Feast at Cana (a studio work, perhaps by the
master’s nephew Alvise dal Friso). Two others, a Mary
Even the lost Flagellation is known from an etching Magdalene in the Desert and a Susannah and the Elders, From all this it may be concluded that while many very high reputation he enjoyed in Italy, and even
after Teniers for the Theatrum Pictorium volume of apparently always intended as a pair, are identifiable of the sixty or so paintings by Veronese brought to more in France in the later seventeenth and earlier
1660, and several of the canvases feature prominently with paintings now in the Doria collection in Genoa. England in the decades before the Civil War were eighteenth centuries,83 British collectors remained
in Teniers’s various painted views of The Picture Gallery Apart, perhaps from the Feast at Cana, these are all run-of-the-mill productions, a significant minority largely indifferent to Veronese, while critics such
of the Archduke Leopold Wilhelm. Despite the prestige works of remarkable quality, and the same may have was of very high quality indeed. But only one of as Richardson and Reynolds were downright
they apparently enjoyed when in the possession of been even more true of a sixth painting, an Ecce them – the Venus, Mars, and Cupid brought back by disapproving. Only from about the 1770s, and
the archduke, the Hamilton Veroneses with religious Homo. This has now disappeared, but it was described Fig. 20 / Paolo Charles from Spain in 1623 – was (presumably) not especially following the exhibition and sale of the
subjects are not nowadays regarded as of very high in Fuensaldaña’s list as “one of the best works ever Veronese, Sacrifice of re-exported;81 and at most two others were ever to Orléans collection in London in 1798-1799 – a
painted by Veronese,” and by 1667 it was hanging Abraham, ca. 1580s,
quality. The Esther, although in composition and return.82 The next century and a half was to be collection astonishingly rich in major works by the
oil on canvas, 129 x
colour range closely resembling several of the master’s in very distinguished company in the sacristy of the 95 cm, Madrid, Museo a fallow period in the history of the appreciation painter – was there a revival of the taste for Veronese
most celebrated works of the 1550s and 1560s, is Escorial.80 Nacional del Prado. of Veronese in Britain. In striking contrast to the that had existed in the days of King Charles.
112 The taste for Paolo Veronese in early Stuart London The taste for Paolo Veronese in early Stuart London 113

N OTES

1. I am grateful to Jeremy Wood and to Paul Joannides I (1989): pp. 167-177; Albert R. Braunmuller, “Robert and 1689 published in Marcus Burke and Peter was made when it was in the possession of Philips de Bracken and Robert Hill, “Sir Isaac Wake, Venice group and of their iconographical programme,
for their helpful comments on an earlier draft of this Carr, Earl of Somerset, as Collector and Patron,” in Cherry, Collections of Paintings in Madrid, 1601-1755, 2 Flines in Amsterdam (by 1671, when De Bisschop and Art Collecting in early Stuart England. A New see Beverly Louise Brown, “The so-called Duke of
paper. For a sketch of the sixteenth-century painters The Mental World of the Jacobean Court, ed. Lindy Levy vols. (Los Angeles: The Getty Institute, 1997), I, pp. died). See Amy E. Golhany, “Jan de Bisschop’s St Document,” Journal of the History of Collections 24 Buckingham series,” in Gemin, Nuovi Studi su Paolo
whose work was most keenly sought by seventeenth- Peck (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 726-786, doc. 109, and pp. 830-877, doc. 115. Helena after Veronese,” Master Drawings 29 (1981): pp. (2012): pp. 183-198. Veronese, pp. 231-240; and Friderike Klauner, “Zu
century collectors, see Francis Haskell, The King’s pp. 230-250; Jonathan Brown, Kings and Connoisseurs: 14. For Arundel as a collector, see Hervey, Life, 25-27. 36. For the 1635 inventory, see Randall Davies, “An Veroneses Buckingham-Serie,” Wiener Jahrbuch für
Pictures. The Formation and Dispersal of the Collections of Collecting Art in Seventeenth-Century Europe (New Haven Correspondence and Collections; and David Howarth, Lord 25. For the Imstenraedt collection, see Fritz Grossmann, Inventory of the Duke of Buckingham’s Pictures, etc, Kunstgeschichte, 44 (1991): pp. 107-119.
Charles I and his Courtiers (New Haven and London: and London: Yale University Press, 1995), p. 19; Arundel and his Circle (New Haven and London: Yale “Notes on the Arundel and Imstenraedt Collections,” at York House in 1635,” Burlington Magazine 10 (1906- 41. Although Arundel and Buckingham were not on
Yale University Press, 2013), pp. 33-47. A brief survey Robert Hill, “The Ambassador as Art Agent: Sir University Press, 1985); Jonathan Brown, Kings and Burlington Magazine 84 (1944): pp. 151-155, 173-176; 1907): pp. 376-382. friendly terms, it cannot be excluded that Arundel might
of Veronese in collections in early seventeenth-century Dudley Carleton and Jacobean Collecting,” in The Connoisseurs. Collecting Art in Seventeenth-Century Europe Henry Ley, “The Imstenraedt Collection,” Apollo 94 37. For the 1650 inventory, see Brian Fairfax, A Catalogue sometimes have made an offer for a picture that the duke
London is provided by Klara Garas, “Veronese e il Evolution of English Collecting. The Reception of Italian Art (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, (1971): pp. 50-59. of the Curious Collection of Pictures of George Villiers, Duke – or perhaps, more likely his widow – could not refuse.
collezionismo del nord nel XVI-XVII secolo,” in Nuovi in the Tudor and Stuart Periods, ed. Edward Chaney (New 1995), pp. 17-22; Haskell, The King’s Pictures, p. 16. 26. See Eduard Safarik, “Un capolavoro di Paolo of Buckingham (London: W. Bathoe, 1758). For the 42. See McEvansoneya, “The Sequestration and
studi su Paolo Veronese, ed. Massimo Gemin (Venice: Haven and London: Yale University Press), 2003, 15. For Sandrart’s visit to Arundel House, see Hervey, Life, Veronese alla Galleria Nazionale di Praga,” Saggi e circumstances of the compilation of the inventory, Dispersal,” p. 143.
Arsenale Editrice, 1990), pp. 16-24 (pp. 20-22). pp. 241-255; Christina M. Anderson, The Flemish Correspondence and Collections, pp. 255-256. The term memorie di storia dell’arte 6 (1968): pp. 81-110; Pignatti, see Philip McEvansoneya, “The Sequestration and 43. Fairfax, Catalogue of the Curious Collection, p. 10.
2. “que sean originales de Ticiano, Pablo Veronese o Merchant of Venice: Daniel Nijs and the Sale of the Gonzaga he used for these works was “Contrafäte”: in other Pedrocco, Veronese, II, pp. 330-331. Dispersal of the Buckingham Collection,” Journal of 44. The Washing of the Feet is recorded in 1650 with the
oltras pinturas antiguas de opinion.” See Albert J. Art Collection (New Haven and London: Yale University words, they were certainly portraits and not paintings 27. Horace Walpole, Anecdotes of Painting in England, ed. the History of Collections 8 (1996): pp. 133-154. same dimensions as those of the Aarschot pictures
Loomie, “New Light on the Spanish Ambassador’s Press, 2015), pp. 81-89. in general. Ralph Wornum, 3 vols. (London: Chatto and Windus, 38. Abraham van der Doort’s inventory of Charles’s (except for the Anointing of David). It is not, however,
Purchases from Charles I’s Collection 1649-53,” 8. For the Arundel inventory, see Lionel Cust and Mary 16. Richard Lassels, Voyage or a Complete Journey through Italy 1876), I, p. 293, n. 3: “Old Earl fece rubare pezzo di collection of ca. 1639 lists a “Leda on a white bed, listed in the Aarschot inventory (for which see
Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 52 (1989): L. Cox, “Notes on the Collections Formed by Thomas (Paris, 1670), p. 437. quell quadro di Veronese a Padova, but it was spoiled, with a white swan holding her right hand, under a above, note 39), and as pointed out by Klauner, “Zu
pp. 258-259. In a comparable episode a decade earlier, Howard, Earl of Arundel and Surrey, K.G.,” Burlington 17. Howarth, Lord Arundel, p. 142. says Mr Jer. Lanier.” purple curtain”, and notes that it had been acquired Veroneses,” p. 110, its proportions were originally
the papal nephew Cardinal Francesco Barberini had Magazine 19 (1911): pp. 278-286, 323-325; the three 18. “un retrato intero en lienzo de Marco Antonio Colona 28. He cannot, however, have bought it in Padua in 1645- from the Duchess of Buckingham in exchange for “a somewhat different: ca. 30 cm less in width, but
the papal nuncio to Venice look out for paintings by “Hercules” paintings are listed on p. 286. See also de mano de Paolo Veronés”; Brown, Elliot, Sale of the 1646, since Symonds clearly implies that it was seen Mantua picture”. This was Fetti’s Vision of Saint Peter rather taller. This alteration of format presumably
Veronese to buy for him. In a letter to the Cardinal of Mary Hervey, The Life, Correspondence and Collections Century, p. 293. in London by Jerome Lanier, uncle of the king’s agent (now lost), and the exchange took place in 1634; see took place while the painting was in the possession of
July 1632, the nuncio’s secretary, Giovanni Antonio of Thomas Howard, Earl of Arundel (Cambridge: 19. In a memorandum by Cárdenas of April 1659 the Nicolas (see previous note). Oliver Millar, “Abraham van der Doort’s Catalogue Buckingham or his estate.
Massani, wrote that the artist’s works had become Cambridge University Press, 1921), pp. 473-500 (with dimensions of the Centurion are given as 2 ¼ by 3 ¼ 29. For this work (142 x 208 cm), the early provenance of of the Collection of Charles I,” The Walpole Society 37 45. For the Anointing, see Pignatti, Pedrocco, Veronese, I, pp.
almost as much in demand on the Venetian market as the Veroneses listed on p. 490). vara; the Four Seasons as 2 ½ by 1 2/3 vara each; and the which is unknown, see Pignatti, Pedrocco, Veronese, II, (1958-1960): pp. 59, 190. The dimensions are given 80-82.
those of Titian: see William Barcham and Catherine 9. See Brown, Elliot, Sale of the Century, pp. 292-293. Adoration of the Magi as more than a vara high by more pp. 511-512. as 3 foot 10 inches by 3 foot 2 inches (ca. 116.8 x 96.5 46. “Je supplie que vos. Exc. voye les chambres de cést
Puglisi, “Paolo Veronese e la Roma dei Barberini,” 10. The Birth is described as: “otro cuadro en tela del than two wide; Brown, Elliot, Sale of the Century, pp. 30. For an overview of the taste for Veronese in France, cm), which are very close to those of the painting Esvecque de Paris, et icelle voira en quell bel ordre
Saggi e memorie di storia dell’arte 25 (2001): p. 86. Naçimiento de Hércules, en que ay 9 figuras, de mano 292-293. The Annunciation is not listed in this document, see Jean Habert, “Le goût pour la peinture de in Ajaccio (121 x 100 cm). The first definite record les tableaux sont acommodéz & comment tout est
3. For this episode, see Sarah W. Schroth, “Charles I, the del dicho Veronés, de vara y media de alto y tres y but in the inventory of Gaspar de Haro of 1651-1653, Véronèse en France à l’époque classique,” in Venice & of the latter dates from no earlier than the mid- riche. Et pour la mor de Paolo Veronnese, qu’il plaise
duque de Lerma and Veronese’s Edinburgh Mars and media de ancho.” The other two are described as: its dimensions are given as 2 ¼ by 3 vara, and in that Paris 1500-1700. La peinture vénitienne de la Renaissance et nineteenth century: see Splendeur de Venise 1500-1600. à vos. Exc. d’abiller les murailles de la gallerie: povres
Venus,” Burlington Magazine 139 (1997): pp. 548-550; see “dos quadros de un tamaõ, en tela, uno de Hércules of 1689 as 2 by 3 2/3 vara; Burke, Cherry, Paintings in sa réception en France, ed. Michel Hochmann (Geneva: Peintures et Dessins des Collections Publiques Françaises, exh. murailles blanches, elle moureront de froid cést hiver!”
also Jonathan Brown, “Mars and Venus,” in The Sale of y otro de la uirtud y el uicio, con tres figuras en Madrid, I, p. 472, doc. 49, and p. 844, doc. 115. Droz, 2011), pp. 299-348. The author lists six cat. (Bordeaux and Caen: Musée des Beaux-Arts de See Godfrey Goodman, The Court of King James the First,
the Century. Artistic Relations between Spain and Great Britain, cada uno menores que al natural, de mano de dicho 20. For the Prado Christ and the Centurion (192 x 297 cm), Veroneses acquired by Louis XIV from Jabach in Bordeaux and Musée des Beaux-Arts de Caen, 2005), 2 vols. (London: Richard Bentley, 1839), II, p. 343.
1604-1655, eds. Jonathan Brown and John Elliott Veronés, de vara y sesma de alto y uara 2/3 de alto see Pignatti, Pedrocco, Veronese, I, pp. 282-283; Matilde 1662, but none of them had English provenances. p. 262. It accordingly seems reasonable to identify 47. See Jeremy Wood, “Orazio Gentileschi and Some
(New Haven and London: Yale University Press, (sic)”; Brown, Elliot, Sale of the Century, 2002, p. 293. A Miquel Joan, “Christ and the Centurion,” in Brown, 31. Although the Feast at Cana (Louvre) was not brought it with the Buckingham-Charles I picture, and then Netherlandish Artists in London: the Patronage of
2002), pp. 190-191, no. 23. Schroth points out that the vara was equivalent to ca. 84 cm. Elliot, Sale of the Century, pp. 272-273, no. 62. to Paris until 1798, Louis XIV was already attempting with the one in the Orléans and Stafford collections: the Duke of Buckingham, Charles I and Henrietta
Lerma collection possessed a number of copies after 11. For these two works, see Terisio Pignatti and Filippo 21 “Un quadro de la Anunziazion de nra sra Con el to buy it, together with the Family of Darius before see Peter Humfrey, “Veronese in the Collection of Maria,” Simiolus 28 (2000-2001): pp. 103, 111-113.
Veronese, but only one other original, an unidentified Pedrocco, Veronese, 2 vols. (Milan: Electa, 1995), II, pp. Angel quarto Colunas y un pais con zipreses original Alexander (London, National Gallery), in 1663-1664. the 2nd Marquess of Stafford in Early Nineteenth- 48. Calendar of State Papers, Venice, vol. 18 (1623-1625),
Four Seasons. In addition, the Spanish royal collection 428, 482-483. Here, conventionally, the Virtue and Vice de Pablo Verones”; Burke and Cherry, Paintings in See Habert, “Le goût,” p. 311. Century London,” in Paolo Veronese. Giornate di Studio, ed. Allen B. Hinds (London: His Majesty’s Stationary
possessed the Annunciation, commissioned by Philip II is identified with a work recorded by Ridolfi in the Madrid, I, p. 844, doc. 115. 32. For Buckingham as a collector, see Lita-Rose eds. Bernard Aikema, Thomas Dalla Costa and Paola Office, 1912), p. 258. The message is usually
as part of the retablo for the high altar of the Escorial. palace of Giovanni Battista Sanudo in Venice shortly 22. Burke, Cherry, Paintings in Madrid, I, p. 851, doc. 115. Betcherman, “The York House Collection and its Marini (Venice: Lineadacqua editore, 2016), pp. interpreted as referring to a room in the Doge’s
4. See Jonathan Brown, “Portrait of Charles V with Hound,” before 1646: see Carlo Ridolfi, Le maraviglie dell’arte 23. Ridolfi, Le maraviglie, I, p. 318. Keeper,” Apollo 92 (1979): pp. 250-259; Brown, Kings 125-135 (pp. 129-130). The picture is judged to be of Palace, but McEvansoneya, “Documents Concerning
in Brown, Elliot, Sale of the Century, pp. 188-189, no. 22. (1648), ed. Detlev von Hadeln, 2 vols. (Berlin: G. 24. See Nicholas Penny, National Gallery Catalogues: The and Connoisseurs, pp. 23-33; Philip McEvansoneya, workshop quality by Pignatti, Pedrocco, Veronese, II, p. the Patronage and Collections,” pp. 29, 34 (see also
5. See Elizabeth Goldring, “A Portrait of Sir Philip Sidney Grote, 1914-1924), I, p. 338. Indeed, the description Sixteenth-Century Italian Paintings, Volume I: Venice 1540- “Italian Paintings in the Buckingham Collection,” in 504, no. A1, but this assessment seems unduly severe. McEvansoneya, “Italian Paintings in the Buckingham
by Veronese at Leicester House, London,” Burlington corresponds closely, and it is theoretically possible 1600 (London: The National Gallery, 2008), pp. Chaney, The Evolution of English Collecting, pp. 315-336, 39. For the Veroneses listed in the Aarschot inventory, Collection,” p. 321 and p. 335, n. 21) was surely correct
Magazine 154 (2012): pp. 548-554. Earlier discussions that the Sanudo picture could have been briefly in 391-392. The author expresses some uncertainty with references; Haskell, The King’s Pictures, pp. 16-20. see Alexandre Pinchart, “La collection de Charles de to infer that Buckingham’s request was for Veronese’s
of the lost portrait of Sidney by Veronese include the Arundel collection before being acquired by about whether the National Gallery Saint Helena is 33. For Gerbier, see I. G. Philip, “Balthazar Gerbier Croy, duc d’Arschot, dans son château de Beaumont,” paintings still in place on the Library ceiling.
David Rosand, “Dialogues and Apologies: Sidney and Cárdenas for Haro. But Ridolfi makes no mention of identical to the one in the Contarini collection, and and the Duke of Buckingham’s Pictures,” Burlington Archives des Arts, Sciences et Lettres 1 (1860): pp. 163-164. 49 For Rubens’s ceiling canvas for York House (destroyed
Venice,” Studies in Philology 88 (1991): pp. 236-249; and any pendant representation of a Family of Cain, and leaves open the possibility that the Arundel version Magazine 99 (1957): pp. 155-156; Betcherman, “The No. 47, entitled “La Vierge Marie fuyant en Égipte”, by fire at Osterley House, 1949), see Gregory Martin,
Roger Kuin, “New Light on the Veronese Portrait of on balance it seems more likely that the Prado pair is may be that listed in the collection of Rubens in 1640. York House Collection”; Haskell, The King’s Pictures, was presumably a variant of several extant versions “Rubens and Buckingham’s ‘fayrie ile’,” Burlington
Sir Philip Sidney,” Sidney Newsletter & Journal 14 (1997): identical rather with two of the “Hercules” paintings Yet there is no particular reason to link the Arundel pp. 5-6. of the subject of the Rest on the Flight by the late Magazine 108 (1966): pp. 613-618.
pp. 19-43. sent to England in 1613. The Sanudo picture was and the Rubens versions, whereas the very fact that 34. See Philip McEvansoneya, “Some Documents Veronese. 50. “Confesso che per conto di pitture excellenti delle
6. Quoted by Hilary Maddicott, “A Collection of the presumably, then, another version of the same Arundel clearly did acquire the Christ and the Centurion Concerning the Patronage and Collections of the 40. For this series of pictures, see Pignatti, Pedrocco, mani de maestri della prima classe, non ho giamai
Interregnum Period. Philip, Lord Viscount Lisle, and composition. and the Four Seasons from the Contarini collection Duke of Buckingham,” Rutgers Art Review 8 (1987): p. Veronese, II, pp. 466-472. For the circumstances of the veduto una si gran massa insieme, come nella casa
his Purchases from the ‘Late King’s Goods’, 1649- 12. All this leaves open the question of whether, if the makes it highly probable that he also bought the Saint 29, n. 18. acquisition of the Buckingham pictures by Leopold real e del gia ducca di Buckingam.” Charles Ruelens
1660,” Journal of the History of Collections 11 (1999): p. 2. present titles of the two paintings are correct, and if Helena from there at the same time. Presumably the 35. See the list in Philip, “Balthazar Gerbier”. Nor is Wilhelm on behalf of the emperor, see Klara Garas, and Max Rooses, eds., Correspondance de Rubens et
7. For this episode, see Timothy Wilks, “The Picture neither has anything to do with Hercules, they were engraving by Lucas Vorsterman dates from the period anything by Veronese included in a list of Venetian “Die Sammlung Buckingham und die kaiserliche documents épistolaires concernant sa vie et ses oeuvres, 6 vols.
Collection of Robert Carr, Earl of Somerset (1587- originally painted as pendants. when the picture was owned by the Countess, between paintings acquired for Buckingham in Venice in 1626 Galerie,” Wiener Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte 40 (1987): (Antwerp: Veuve de Backer, 1887-1907), V, p. 152.
1645) Reconsidered,” Journal of the History of Collections 13. See the inventories of Gaspar de Haro of 1682-1683 1646 and 1654, and the drawing by Jan de Bisschop by the English ambassador of the period: see Susan pp. 111-121. For further discussions of the Aarschot 51. For the borrowing from Rubens, as well as for the
114 The taste for Paolo Veronese in early Stuart London The taste for Paolo Veronese in early Stuart London 115

problem of the commission in general, see Jeremy 63. Millar, “Abraham van der Doort’s Catalogue,” p. 78. 75. For the exchange of 1792, see Luciano Berti, “Profilo
Wood, “Van Dyck’s Pictures for the Duke of 64. Millar, “Inventories and Valuations,” pp. 262 and di storia degli Uffizi,” in Gli Uffizi: catalogo generale,
Buckingham. The Elephant in the Carpet and the 266 respectively. In another record, dated 2 April eds. Luciano Berti, Caterina Caneva, and Alia
Dead Tree with Ivy,” Apollo 136 (1992): pp. 37-47. 1650, a Finding of Moses by Veronese from the royal Ferrari (Florence: Centro Di, 1979), p. 32. For the
52. See Bert W. Meijer, “Per la fortuna di Paolo Veronese collection was sold to the painter Lely, see Millar, biblical series, see Hans H. Aurenhammer, “’Quadri
fino al 1664,” in Veronese e Verona, ed. Sergio Marinelli “Inventories and Valuations,” p. 65; but there is no numero sette esistenti nella sagrestia de San Giacomo
(Verona: Distributzione Edizioni Valdonega, 1988), other record of a possible second version of the della Zueca fatti per mano del q. Paolo Veronese.’
pp. 112-115. subject owned by the king. Zur Provenienz und ursprünglichen Bestimmung
53. For surveys of Charles I’s collection of paintings, see 65. Anderson, Daniel Nijs, p. 136. From this it may be einiger Bilder Veroneses und seiner Werkstatt im
Francis Haskell, “Charles I’s Collection of Pictures,” concluded that the picture was not identical with a Wiener Kunsthistorischen Museum,” Jahrbuch des
in The Late King’s Goods, ed. Arthur MacGregor Finding of Moses by Veronese earlier recorded in the Kunsthistorischen Museums in Wien I (1999): pp. 151-187.
(London and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989), Gonzaga collection: for which see Alessandro Luzio, 76. For the Esther, see Pignatti, Pedrocco, Veronese, II,
pp. 203-231; Brown, Kings and Connoisseurs, pp. 33-47; La Galleria dei Gonzaga venduta all’Inghilterra nel 1627- pp. 509-510. Not all the ex-Hamilton Veroneses are
Lucy Whitaker and Martin Clayton, The Art of Italy 1628 (Milan: L. F. Cogliati, 1913), p. 92. catalogued in this standard monograph, but for some
in the Royal Collection: Renaissance and Baroque, exh. cat. 66. See Paul Shakeshaft, “’Too much bewiched with thoes of the other religious works see pp. 483-484, 525-526.
(London: The Royal Collection, 2007), pp. 17-30; intysing things’: the Letters of James, first Marquis of 77. 68 x 52 cm each. See Pignatti, Pedrocco, Veronese, II,
Haskell, The King’s Pictures. Hamilton and Basil, Viscount Feilding, Concerning pp. 388-390.
54. See Millar, “Abraham van der Doort’s Catalogue”; Collecting in Venice 1635-1639,” Burlington Magazine 78. These two collections, housed in the Strand on either
Oliver Millar, “The Inventories and Valuations of the 127 (1986): p. 124. In his reply Hamilton confirms side of York House, are both described by Richard
King’s Goods 1649-1651,” Walpole Society 43 (1970- Feilding’s impression of Charles’s taste, but still Symonds in 1652. See respectively Mary Beal, A Study
1972). wants him to pursue the four canvases: “As for those of Richard Symonds: His Italian Notebooks and their Relevance
55. According to Pierre-Jean Mariette in his Recueil 4 Large peeises of poulo Veronese, if they be no to Seventeenth-Century Painting Techniques (London and
d’Estampes d’après les plus Beaux Tableaux…(Paris: extraordinarie greatt and of his best manner they New York: Garland, 1984), p. 313; and Jeremy Wood,
L’imprimerie royale, 1742), no. 69, Veronese’s ar excessif deire, he being a master not verie much “Van Dyck and the Earl of Northumberland: Taste
Pietà, then in the Crozat collection and now in the estimed by the King and so consequently by folk eales and Collecting in Stuart England,” in Van Dyck 350,
Hermitage, was previously in the collection of Charles yeitt I woold intreatt you to send me word how bige Studies in the History of Art 46, eds. Susan J. Barnes and
I. There is indeed a gap in its provenance between they ar and how mani figoures ar in them and their Arthur K. Wheelock (Washington, DC: The National
its presence in Venice in 1582 and in the Liancourt lowest pryse.” Gallery of Art, 1994), p. 303.
collection in Paris in 1664; see Marco Boschini, Le 67. Shakeshaft, “Letters of James, first Marquis of 79. See W. Alexander Vergara, “The Count of
Minere della Pittura (Venice: Francesco Nicolini, 1664), Hamilton,” p. 124. Fuensaldaña and David Teniers: Their Purchases
pp. 221-222, but there is no record of it either in the 68. Wood, “Orazio Gentileschi,” pp. 106-107, and in London after the Civil War,” Burlington Magazine
Van der Doort catalogue or in the Commonwealth Haskell, The King’s Pictures, p. 211, have both discerned 131 (1989): pp. 127-132. For the five recognizable
sale. Veronesian echoes in Gentileschi’s Prado painting. Veroneses, see Pignatti, Pedrocco, Veronese, II, pp. 366,
56. For the Venus Disrobing, still in the Royal Collection, see 69. “Christ in a gardin of Paulus de veronese”. The 2nd 455-457, 488-489; Brown, Elliot, Sale of the Century,
John Shearman, The Early Italian Pictures in the Collection Marquess had been to Venice and may have bought pp. 240-241, pp. 262-265.
of Her Majesty the Queen (Cambridge: Cambridge his Venetian pictures there with the help of Wotton or 80. Vergara, “The Count of Fuensaldaña,” p. 132, no.
University Press, 1983), pp. 274-275 (as “Partial copy Carleton; see Philip McEvansoneya, “An Unpublished 44; Brown, Elliot, Sale of the Century, p. 295.
after Titian”). Inventory of the Hamilton Collection in the 1620s 81. After it was sold at the Commonwealth sale in 1650,
57. “Item the Picture of ffaith in a white habbit wth a and the Duke of Buckingham’s Pictures,” Burlington the whereabouts of the picture are unknown until
Communion Cupp in her raecht hand and in the Magazine 134 (1992): pp. 524-526. 1761, when it is recorded in the collection of Sampson
sam arme also houding te Cross”; “Item the Venician 70. For the 3rd Marquess as a collector, see Ellis K. Gideon at Belvedere House, Kent. It cannot be
Capteyne in armoure houding a yallowe Scarfe in Waterhouse, “Paintings from Venice for Seventeenth- excluded, therefore, that in the interim it went abroad.
his right hand and with his left hand leaning uppon a Century England: Some Records of a Forgotten 82. Namely Arundel’s Saint Helena (if indeed it was ever
pillar houlding a handkercher”; see Millar, “Abraham Transaction,” Italian Studies 7 (1952): pp. 1-23; Klara in his collection in London); and the Buckingham-
van der Doort’s Catalogue,” pp. 47-48, 204. Garas, “Die Entstehung der Galerie des Erzherzogs Charles Leda, which returned in the 1790s with the
58. See Brian Reade, “William Frizell and the Royal Leopold Wilhelm,” Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen Orléans collection, but which was later sold back
Collection,” Burlington Magazine 59 (1947): pp. 70-75. Sammlungen in Wien 27 (1967): pp. 39-80; Shakeshaft, to France (see above, note 38). It is last recorded in
59. See Shearman, Early Italian Pictures, p. 275 (as “Partial “Letters of James, first Marquis of Hamilton”; Brown, England in the Sir Harry Englefield sale, Christie’s, 18
copy after Titian”). Kings and Connoisseurs, pp. 49-57; Haskell, The King’s March 1823, lot 69.
60. Document in Brown and Elliot, Sale of the Century, p. Pictures, pp. 23-7. 83. See various essays in Jürg Meyer zur Capellen and
285. 71. See Shakeshaft, “Letters of James, first Marquis of Bernd Roeck, eds., Paolo Veronese. Fortuna Critica und
61. Pignatti, Pedrocco, Veronese, II, pp. 394-5. It has often Hamilton,” with a detailed analysis of the Hamilton- Künstlerisches Nachleben (Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1990);
been suggested that the Prado picture corresponds to Feilding correspondence. Habert, “Le goût”; Linda Borean, “Paolo Veronese
one recorded by Ridolfi, Le maraviglie, I, p. 319, in the 72. Shakeshaft, “Letters of James, first Marquis of Revisited. Art Collecting and Connoisseurship in
Della Torre collection in Verona, but there is no good Hamilton,” Appendix II, pp. 131-132. Eighteenth-Century Venice,” in The Enduring Legacy
reason for such an identification. 73. For Della Nave and his collection, see Rosella Lauber, of Venetian Renaissance Art, ed. Andaleeb Badiee Banta
62. Loomie, “New Light on the Spanish Ambassador’s “Bartolomeo dalla Nave,” in Il Collezionismo d’arte a (London and New York: Routledge, 2016), pp. 89-101,
Purchases,” p. 263, n. 23. The reference was noted Venezia: il Seicento, eds. Stefania Mason and Linda with references.
by Brown, Kings and Connoisseurs, p. 79, and by Matilde Borean (Venice: Marsilio, 2007), pp. 258-261. In his
Miquel Joan “Finding of Moses,” in Brown, Elliot, Sale Life of Veronese of 1646, Ridolfi, Le maraviglie, I, p.
of the Century, 2002, p. 240, no. 43; but there is no 336, provided a list of the works by him that Feilding
mention of it, for example, in the entries on the work had sent to London, mostly but not all from the Della
in the catalogues of the recent Veronese exhibitions in Nave collection.
London and Verona. 74. See above, note 66.
 117

Rediscovering the Master of the Saint George

and the Princess: new paintings
ALB ERTO VELASCO GONZÀLEZ

The Master of Saint George and the Princess is one of and the Princess. Others, although published, have not
the most enigmatic figures of Late Gothic painting in been included in the artist’s catalogue. In other words,
the Crown of Aragon. The present article will present this essay will focus on works that have so far received
a number of unpublished paintings by this master little attention and which have been linked in general
(some of which have only recently appeared on the terms to other painters from the same environment.
market), as well as other works which are better known The resulting expansion of the oeuvre of the Master
but not as yet attributed to him.1 Although the location of Saint George and the Princess clarifies our view of
of his workshop is not known, it can be assumed that this figure and provides a better understanding of his
this must have been Saragossa, the capital of Aragon. trajectory and relevance.
He is known to have worked on one occasion for the
monastery of San Pedro de Siresa (Huesca), located FROM JAUME HUGUET TO THE MASTER
in the Pyrenees, as well as for the Cabrera family, an OF SAINT GEORGE AND THE PRINCESS
important lineage originating in Catalonia; it was for On 11 July 1923 the Junta de Museus de Barcelona
this family that he produced the Altarpiece of Saint George gave the collector Emili Cabot (1854-1924) a sixteenth-
and the Princess (fig. 1), the work from which his current century Catalan glazed and enamelled jar and 20,000
appellation derives. Only one section of this altarpiece pesetas, and in return received a fifteenth-century
is conserved in the Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya. painting representating Saint George and the Princess
Other sections, which were destroyed in a fire in 1945 (Barcelona, Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya, inv.
at the Kaiser Friedrich Museum in Berlin, are known 15868.90 x 58.5 x 2.3 cm) (see fig. 1). The painting was
only from photographs. Lastly, he is recognized as the attributed at that time to the Catalan painter Jaume
author of a small panel of the Prophet Daniel, today kept Huguet (doc. 1412-1492), and until then had been
in the Museo del Prado. the property of the collector.2 This was an unusual
operation that can only be understood in the context
It is perhaps surprising that a painter about whom so of a very specific moment in Catalan collecting at the
little is known and by whom so few works are conserved beginning of the twentieth century. On the one hand,
can be considered one of the main representatives of Huguet was beginning to be seen as the great Catalan
Late Gothic in the Crown of Aragon. This question painter of the fifteenth century, a period which was
will be answered in the following pages by means of an itself causing a sensation among the Catalan cultural
Fig. 1 / Master of Saint George
outline of the historiography about – and mythification elite.3 On the other, Catalan enamelled glassware of
and the Princess, Saint George of – the painter, and of the incorporation into his the sixteenth century, of great beauty and technical
and the Princess, tempera catalogue of a series of new works. Some of these perfection, were especially valued by Catalan and
on panel, 90 x 58.5 x 2.3 cm,
Barcelona, Museu Nacional
paintings are unpublished and have not until now been foreign collectors. The jar in question had been for
d’Art de Catalunya. related to the author of the Altarpiece of Saint George sale in Paris, and the Junta de Museus acquired it from
118 Rediscovering the Master of the Saint George and the Princess: new paintings Rediscovering the Master of the Saint George and the Princess: new paintings 119

representative,5 for example at the Museu Nacional

d’Art de Catalunya where it has iconic status. The
historiographic fortune of the work has also been
exceptional, and it is one of few Hispanic works
that has its own monograph analyzing it from
different points of view.6

The Saint George and the Princess is a panel from an

altarpiece broken up in the nineteenth century. As
noted above, other sections survived in the Kaiser
Friederich Museum in Berlin until the Second
World War when they were destroyed by fire along
with the rest of the museum. The origin of the
ensemble is unknown, but there was from an early
date speculation that it may have been of Aragonese
provenance, based on similarities with the works
of such painters as Martín de Soria, as well as a
the antiquarian who had bought it in order to satisfy tradition that it came from the area of Roda de
Cabot’s desire to own it. In return Cabot gave the Isábena (Huesca).7 The relationship between the
Junta de Museus a Gothic painting which possessed panel from Barcelona and those from Berlin was
its own critical fortune in erudite Barcelona circles,4 proposed by Émile Bertaux, just as it was being
fulfilling the needs of an organization that had a policy attributed to Jaume Huguet, and it was considered
of acquisitions particularly focused on great works of that the three panels could have formed a triptych.8
medieval Catalan art. The sections in Berlin showed the donors of the
altarpiece, a man and a woman reminiscent of Van
The painting continued to gain prestige among Eyck, together with Saint John the Baptist and Saint
specialists and came to be seen as especially Louis of Toulouse, respectively (figs. 2a & 2b).9 On
representative of the work of Jaume Huguet. This the back of the panel of the male donor were Saints
was further enhanced by the work’s theme, a popular Peter and John the Evangelist, and of the female
legend in the Crown of Aragon, and its dedication donor, Saints Paul and James, both sets of figures
Figs. 2a & 2b / Master of Saint to the patron saint of Catalonia. The peculiar painted in grisaille (fig. 3).10
George and the Princess, Saint aesthetics of the work also attracted attention, with its
John the Baptist and Donor,
Saint Louis of Toulouse and
unfinished appearance and the contrasting heads of In the monograph that Benjamin Rowland
Donor, formerly in Berlin, Kaiser figures creating a melancholy mood; in addition the dedicated to Huguet in 1932, both the Saint George
Friedrich Museum. subject of a medieval knight and a princess recalled and the Princess and the panels from Berlin were
Fig. 3 / Master of Saint George
a glorious era for Catalonia, an era of chivalric deeds definitively given to this Catalan painter.11 However,
and the Princess, Saint Peter and courtly love. These factors helped to create an it was only with the monograph that Josep Gudiol
and Saint John the Evangelist, almost mythical aura about the panel, making it one Ricart and Joan Ainaud de Lasarte dedicated to the
Saint Paul and Saint James,
formerly in Berlin, Kaiser
of the most widely-reproduced works of Catalan master in 1948 that the panels were more widely
Friedrich Museum. Gothic painting and considered one of the most accepted as a fundamental part of Huguet’s ouvre.
120 Rediscovering the Master of the Saint George and the Princess: new paintings Rediscovering the Master of the Saint George and the Princess: new paintings 121

Indeed, the Altarpiece of Saint George and the Princess recognition for having intuited the Aragonese origin
became the central work of the painter’s Aragonese of the master. It was not until 1991 that Joan Sureda
period, with a series of other paintings from Aragon followed the path opened up by Post, proposing to
grouped around it. Nevertheless, recent literature remove the Aragonese works and the Altarpiece of
on this group has established that they are in fact by Saint George and the Princess from Huguet’s catalogue.16
different masters.12 Nevertheless, the monograph dedicated by Sureda to
the artist in 1994 continued to list the altarpiece within
Jaume Huguet’s putative journey to Aragon not only the master’s works, based on a putative trip to Italy.17
added novelty to the artist’s historiography, it also The previous year, Joan Ainaud de Lasarte’s catalogue
influenced the study of Aragonese painting in the entry for the panel in the Museu Nacional d’Art de
identity behind the Master of Alloza, since he was
following decades.13 Formal relations between Aragonese Catalunya’s exhibition dedicated to Jaume Huguet had
documented in Aragon between 1458 and 1489.27
and Catalan Late Gothic painting attracted a great deal defended the traditional attribution, although he had
Later, when she expanded the works attributed to
of attention, although it is now clear that a mistaken expressed a slight hesitation and pointed tentatively
Master of Saint George and the Princess, “Bernat
– or at least poorly focused – interpretative paradigm towards Martín de Soria.18
Ortoneda” also became a possible name to be identified
prevailed. Huguet was thus was considered to have
with this anonymous master.28 Her suggestion remains
exerted a decisive influence over a large group of painters More recently, there has been increasing agreement
hypothetical, and for this reason it seems prudent to
active in Saragossa and Huesca through the works he that the work should be attributed to the Master of
continue to refer to our principal subject as the Master
produced in Aragon. This led to his “canonization” as Saint George and the Princess, an artist who, little by
of Saint George and the Princess.
both the main Catalan painter of the second half of little, is being recognized as one of the key figures of
the fifteenth century and a leading light amongst a large Aragonese painting in the second half of the fifteenth
The present author concurs with the view that the
proportion of the painters active in Aragon. century.19 This master’s ability to capture subtle
Master of Saint George and the Princess was of
detail and depict emotion distiguished him from his
Aragonese origin. The lack of evidence for Huguet
Today this hypothesis is no longer accepted. Huguet’s contemporaries. Rosa Alcoy in 2003 was the first art
having visited Aragon, the removal of the Saint
influence over such painters as Pere García de historian to separate the painting decisively from the
George and the Princess from his catalogue, and other
Benavarri, Tomás Giner, the Zahortiga brothers production of Jaume Huguet and associate it instead
arguments in the literature indicate that the genesis
(Martín and Nicolás), Martín de Soria, Bernardo with the Master of Saint George and the Princess.20
and implantation of the Flemish model in Aragon
de Arás, the Master of Belmonte, and the Master of Nonetheless, Alcoy did this in a very confusing way,
came about through a juxtaposition of agents and
Morata or Juan de la Abadía, has been relativized. The appearing to merge his personality with that of the
causes rather than through the powerful influence of
similitudes of their work to that of the great Catalan Master of Alloza to whom are attributed two panels
a single painter who dominated the artistic scene in
master is explained by means of other factors. These of the Annunciation and the Epiphany from the church
both Catalonia and Aragon. Moreover, it is likely that
artists, whose paintings are relatively homogenous from of Alloza (Teruel), today in the Museo de Zaragoza,
Huguet’s influence reached Aragon after his success
a stylistic point of view, were grouped together as part as well as a painting on cloth (sarga) of the Virgin and the of the Holy Sepulchre of Saragossa.25 There is no
in Catalonia, probably not before 1455.29 By that time
of the “naturalist current or style” or as “followers of Custodian Angel from the Saragossan monastery of the doubt that the two artists in question were responsible
there were already painters in Aragon experimenting
Jaume Huguet in Aragon”. They were differentiated Holy Sepulchre (also in the city’s museum).21 In her for different workshops, even if they were stylistically
with the new Flemish forms, especially in the circle of
from a second set of painters aligned with Bartolomé book on the painting (published a few months after her connected through a shared geographic and temporal
Blasco de Grañén and Archbishop Dalmau de Mur.30
Bermejo, including Martín Bernat, Miguel Ximénez, original catalogue entry on Huguet), Alcoy comments enviroment.26
The Master of Saint George and the Princess appeared
and Pedro Díaz de Oviedo, identified as part of the that the works of the Master of Saint George and the
on the scene shortly afterwards.
“Flemish or Hispano-Flemish current”. A third group Princess and those attributed to the Master of Alloza, Alcoy made it clear in 1993 that the panels from Alloza
– in fact, an amalgamation of the other two – has also must be placed “… under the same star, possibly that of and the sarga of the monastery of the Holy Sepulchre
appeared in the literature, represented by painters from a master who led an important workshop in Aragon;” 22 were the work of a painter familiar with the pictorial NEW WORKS
Calatayud including Juan Rius and Domingo Ram.14 elsewhere in the book, however, she underlines “the culture of Barcelona led by Jaume Huguet, although Excluding the works of the Master of Alloza, only
need to distinguish between both painters,” especially without relating these paintings to the panel of Saint two additional paintings have been attributed to the
It was Chandler Rathfon Post who in 1938, and more when referring to the author of a Prophet at the Museo George and the Princess. Searching for the identity of the author of the Altarpiece of Saint George and the Princess: a
forcefully in 1941, first suggested that the Altarpiece of del Prado whom she relates to the Master of Alloza.23 Master of Alloza, Alcoy proposed Bernat Ortoneda, small panel of the Prophet Daniel preserved in the Museo
Saint George and the Princess was not the work of Jaume Perhaps as a result of this confusion, some authors have the son of the Tarragona painter Pascual Ortoneda. del Prado (30 x 26 cm) (fig. 4),31 formerly related to
Huguet, but of an Aragonese painter connected continued to maintain the traditional attribution of Pascual is documented in Aragon from 1423, and Huguet’s Aragonese phase; and a set of two panels
stylistically with the Catalan context. Post mistakenly the Saint George and the Princess to Jaume Huguet.24 It is Bernat – who trained in Catalonia, having entered of Saint John the Baptist and Saint James preserved in
attributed it to Martín de Soria, a painter documented argued in the present article that both the Prado Prophet Fig. 4 / Master of Saint Bernat Martorell’s workshop in 1446 – corresponds to the church of the monastery of San Pedro de Siresa
George and the Princess,
in Saragossa between 1449 and 1487.15 Although this and the Saint George and the Princess are by the same artist the profile of a painter active in Aragon and familiar (Huesca) (figs. 5a & 5b).32 It is significant that the two
Prophet Daniel, 30 x 26 cm,
proposal was not quite right – and was not followed who is not, however, the same person as the painter Madrid, Museo Nacional
with the art of Jaume Huguet. In Alcoy’s opinion, panels in Siresa remain in situ, as this supports the
up for many years – the Harvard professor deserves of the Alloza panels and the sarga from the monastery del Prado. Bernat Ortoneda was the ideal candidate for the argument for the Aragonese origin of their author.
122 Rediscovering the Master of the Saint George and the Princess: new paintings Rediscovering the Master of the Saint George and the Princess: new paintings 123

Stylistic analysis shows that the Altarpiece of Saint Judas kissed and embraced him. A motley group of The format of the panel, its measurements, and its The painting perfectly accords with the style of the
George and the Princess, the two panels from Siresa, and soldiers, wearing mail and silver helmets, make up carpentry indicate that it was one of the cases in the author of Saint George and the Princess in the Museu
the head of Daniel in the Museo del Prado form a the retinue tasked with carrying out the arrest, this predella of a retable, of which this seems to be, for Nacional d’Art de Catalunya. The painter’s chromatic
homogenous group.33 The present article proposes action indicated by the gestures of two soldiers who the time being, the only extant element. Based on the treatment of faces is unusual, with a yellowish tone
to add to this catalogue six more paintings, some grab Christ by the arm. In the foreground left is Saint panel’s theme, the predella must have been dedicated that has no doubt increased with time. That of Christ,
of which have appeared on the market in the last Peter who has already cut off the ear of Malchus, the to the Passion. The panel is in good condition, with however, is more greyish, very much in line with the
few years. The first of these paintings was recently servant of the High Priest who collaborated in the its original gilded carpentry, which nevertheless Saint Sebastian preserved in Gaasbeek Castle (Belgium),
Figs. 5a & 5b / Master of Saint auctioned at Christie’s (New York) and represents the arrest (although here Malchus also appears dressed presents some losses. The woodwork incorporates discussed further below. This peculiar approach to the
George and the Princess, Saint Betrayal of Christ (fig. 6).34 This panel formerly belonged as a soldier). At the same time, Christ is represented architectural motifs common during the Late Gothic chromatic range of certain faces should thus be added
John the Baptist, Saint James, performing the miracle described in the scriptures,
to the Vilallonga Collection in Barcelona, where it was period, with two pinnacles flanking the panel and a to what little we know of the painter from a technical
Siresa (Huesca), monastery of
Saint Peter. seen by Post who attributed it to the Morata Master.35 when he heals the wounded ear which nevertheless three-lobed arch topped with a florón emerging from point of view. The style, on the other hand, is similar to
The work shows the moment of Christ’s arrest while still bleeds in the painting. The figures of Christ and it, with fronds on its outer profile. The intrados of the that of the few works known to date by the master. Thus,
Fig. 6 / Master of Saint Peter have gilded and embossed gesso concentric
praying in the Garden of Gethsemane, following the arch is polylobulated, while the area of the extrados the face of the soldier who holds the right arm of Christ
George and the Princess,
Betrayal of Christ, 98.1 x 67.7 canonical accounts (John, 18: 1-12; Mark, 14: 43-52; haloes as is common in Aragonese painting of the has been decorated with a continuous frieze of is concomitant with Daniel in the Museo del Prado and
cm, Private Collection. Matthew, 26: 47-66; Luke, 22: 47-53) in which Late Gothic period.36 flamboyant tracery. Saint George in Barcelona.
124 Rediscovering the Master of the Saint George and the Princess: new paintings Rediscovering the Master of the Saint George and the Princess: new paintings 125

His beard – ethereal and delicate, the disheveled hair mouths, painted schematically in a soft carmine tone, Further works can be added to this group. Among these
rendered with glazes – is very similar to that of Saint with the lips separated by a simple black line. In some are an additional two panels (each measuring 59.5 x
John the Baptist in Siresa. All the figures present the of the faces, the painter has added light touches of 36.5 cm) of the Virgin Mary and Archangel Gabriel
same melancholy look, with half-opened eyes and white also found in the prophet in the Prado, the which together comprise an Annunciation. These panels
white eyeballs which contrast with light brown irises panels in Siresa, and in other paintings that we will were acquired some years ago by the Government
and black pupils. The same type of relationship applies discuss below. of Aragon and are today in the Museo de Zaragoza
to noses, lips, eyebrows, and earlobes which are again (figs. 8a & 8b). They were auctioned in December
resolved in a similar manner. In some cases even the Saint Peter’s beard has been painted in a similar way 2009 in Barcelona (Balclis, lot number 1018), listed in
shading at the level of the cheekbones is identical to to that of Saint John the Baptist in San Pedro de the catalogue as the work of an anonymous Aragonese
that in the Prado panel. Siresa, the many tiny brushstrokes making it appear painter ca. 1460 in the circle of Arnau de Castellnou.
sparse. The ear is treated analogously to that of the Until then the panels had only been known through
Another work that can be added to the catalogue is a Archangel Gabriel in an Annunciation discussed below. old photographs 38 and were described as belonging
second unpublished painting on the same theme, the In addition to this, a small compositional detail to the collection of the painter Marian Espinal
Betrayal of Christ (fig. 7). At the time of writing, this panel should be noted: the circular shield that Malchus (1897-1974).39 Surprisingly, the literature has paid
was on the market in Madrid (José Alavedra, Galería holds with his left hand and rests on the ground, a little attention to these works other than several
Bernat), having come from a German collection. It solution identical (even in terms of the morphology brief mentions.40 The paintings were included in the
presents only the left part of the composition, with of the shield itself) to that in the Betrayal auctioned at doctoral thesis of Guadaira Macías (2013), in which
Saint Peter raising his arm, sword in hand, preparing to Christie’s. Malchus’s face also repeats the caricatural the author affirmed that despite similarities with the
cut off Malchus’s ear, the latter lying on his hands and and expressive features found in some of the soldiers Master of Saint George and the Princess, the panels
knees on the ground, and three soldiers standing in the in the panel sold by Christie’s, for example, the could not be attributed to this painter. Instead, Macías
background. One of them carries a lantern in his hand, upturned nose and protruding eyes reinforcing the suggested – albeit in an equivocal manner – that they
while another shows a shield bearing the heraldic gold negative portrayal of this figure. could be placed in the orbit of Bernardo de Arás.41
and gules of Aragon. In the upper part of the fragment
there are important remains of the original gold ground
with reliefs of vegetal motifs made from embossed and
gilded stucco as well as carefully-executed punching.
The nimbus of Saint Peter, articulated from concentric
semi-circles similar to those we have seen previously, is
also executed by means of embossed gesso reliefwork.

The fragment is composed of four conifer boards laid

horizontally, indicating that it almost certainly comes
from a predella. Remains of gesso and hemp fibres
applied to counteract the contractions and expansions
of the wood are visible on the reverse. The use of
wedges in the joins between the boards – again to avoid
damage from movement of the wood – is also evident.
These wedges, like the aforementioned gesso and fibre
preparation, were not intended to eliminate movement
completely, but instead to ensure that it did not damage
the polychrome surface.37

The style, once again, identifies the painting as a

Fig. 7 / Master of Saint
new work by the Master of Saint George and the George and the Princess,
Princess. The faces of the soldiers are directly related Betrayal of Christ (fragment),
56.5 x 19 x 2.5 cm, Madrid,
to the Prophet Daniel in the Museo del Prado, with
Galería Bernat.
noses typical of the painter. Peter’s gaze, likewise, is
characterized by the same melancholy look described Figs. 8a & 8b / Master
of Saint George and the
above relating to the depiction of half-opened eyes.
Princess, Annunciation, 59.5
Parallels can also be made with the Saint George and x 36.5 cm, Saragossa, Museo
the Princess in this respect and in the treatment of the de Zaragoza.
126 Rediscovering the Master of the Saint George and the Princess: new paintings Rediscovering the Master of the Saint George and the Princess: new paintings 127

In the first panel, the Virgin appears before a lectern To my knowledge, there are no works with similar
on which rests a book. Resting her left hand on the technical characteristics from this period in the Crown of
lectern, she greets the Archangel Gabriel with her other Aragon. This is clearly because these paintings present
hand. To the left of the viewer, a large jug with white an anomaly: the panels were never finished. According
lilies and the letters alpha and omega recall her virginal to the technique of estofado commonly practiced at that
purity. In the second panel, Gabriel holds a phylactery time, it was unnecessary to make the outlines of punched
which bears no inscription. Both figures wear tunics shapes very precise as any lack of definition would be
and mantles of pink and light blue tones, treated with disguised by the final layer of polychromy.44 Given that
a certain delicacy. Gabriel looks straight ahead, while the interiors of the punched shapes in the background of
Mary, interrupted from her reading, turns her head in the Gabriel panel are not polychromed, it is obvious that
surprise at the angel’s arrival. Unusually, the episode the master did not complete the decoration of the panel.
does not take place in a defined interior space. Instead
the two figures, the jug, and the lectern float against In my opinion, there is a second detail that shows
a gold background that gives a supernatural aura to that the fragments were unfinished. This is the blank
the episode. This is so pronounced in the case of the phylactery held by Gabriel (which normally would
archangel that he appears to levitate. The decoration of present the angelic salutation: “Ave Maria gratia plena
the panels includes embossed and gilded gesso used to Dominus tecum ...”). On the other hand, at the edges
depict the concentric forms of the haloes, the borders of of this phylactery there is a vegetal decoration painted
the mantles, and the cuffs of Gabriel’s tunic. in red. This begs the question of why the painter did
not finish the work, which is difficult to answer, as there
Macias points out some additions and repainting on the is no doubt that the fragments were mounted in the
bottom of both panels, although these do not affect the altarpiece to which they belonged. It is more challenging
faces of the figures.42 The additions are best understood to specify when the modifications were made, although
when the two panels are viewed side by side (where they everything indicates that these were undertaken when
meet there is a kind of triangular shape representing the panels entered the art market, in order to give them
these restorations). It is clear that these modifications a more finished and saleable appearance.45 If this is
were not made on additional wood inserts, since the so, it would be reasonable to suppose that the original
original support – two pinewood wood boards – is support is found underneath the repainting, and that
visible on the reverse in its original state.43 In other in the triangular zone marked by the additions, some
words, the addition – comprising the lower part of the type of structural element of the altarpiece is missing.
tunics of both characters and an important part of the This hypothesis coincides with what was affirmed at the
gilding – was made directly on the original support. time by Macías,46 who supposed that originally these
fragments did not occupy the side calles of the altarpiece,
This strange situation forces us to make allowances for a but were located in the interstices at the top of the
series of unusual characteristics presented by the panels. retable, as in the Altarpiece of the Epiphany of the Museu
The first of these is the gold background on which the Episcopal de Vic attributed to Huguet.47 This would
figures, the jug, and the lectern are painted. As noted explain the fact that the triangular zone of the lower
above, this background replaces the usual location of the part had been left undecorated.
Annunciation within a domestic interior, and gives the
panels a manifest unreality. Nevertheless, the solution In any case, the faces of Mary and Gabriel leave no
is not strange in the context of works attributed to our doubt as to the attribution of these paintings (figs. 9a
painter, since it also occurs in the small panel of Daniel in & 9b). They are clearly the work of the Master of
the Museo del Prado, where the head appears to be almost Saint George and the Princess. We see the peculiar
stuck onto the gold leaf background. It is also striking treatment of the faces, with the self-absorbed looks
that the gilded surface of the panel of the archangel so characteristic of the master. The half-opened eyes
includes punched vegetal motifs, whereas the panel again feature white eyeballs with brown spots for the iris
with the Virgin Mary does not. The resulting effect is and contrasting black pupils. We also detect the slight
strange, not only because one panel includes punchwork white brushstrokes that produce brightness on the nose, Figs. 9a & 9b / Master
of Saint George and the
and the other does not, but also because the punching cheekbones and chin, as in the fragmentary Betrayal of
Princess, Annunciation
is very summary and schematic, executed without the Christ, and these recur in a Lamentation over the Dead Christ (details), Saragossa, Museo
detail and definition that a work of this type required. analyzed below. de Zaragoza.
128 Rediscovering the Master of the Saint George and the Princess: new paintings Rediscovering the Master of the Saint George and the Princess: new paintings 129

The treatment of the hair is again characteristic of some works by the painter Martín Bernat (doc. 1450-
the painter, emphasizing Gabriel’s loose brown mane 1505) such as the Saint Sebastian from the church of
tinged with darker tones as in the Prophet Daniel in the Piedratajada (Saragossa), today preserved in the Museo
Museo del Prado, the Saint James in Siresa, and the Diocesano de Jaca; in another work formerly conserved
no-longer-extant Saint Paul from Berlin. Eyebrows, lips in the collection of Dámaso Escudero de Corella;49 and
and profiles also match those in the works mentioned in an anonymous painting which was many years ago in
above. Thus, although the panel of Saint George and the the Esteve Collection (Barcelona).50
Princess is better finished, the faces of the archangel and
Mary closely resemble those in the master’s eponymous Stylistically, the face of the saint exhibits many of the
painting. The concomitances with this work are evident, details discussed above. Two of the clearest parallels
not only in the aspects already indicated, but also in are with Saint Peter and with the soldier who holds
the configuration of the heads and their orientation. Christ by his right arm in the Betrayal auctioned at
Moreover, the archangel’s face faithfully replicates the Christie’s. The Saint Sebastian also shares with that
characteristics of the face of the donor accompanying work the curious chromatic treatment of unrealistic
Saint John the Baptist in one of the missing panels from and dingy skin-tones, which in the case of the panel in
the Kaiser Friederich Museum in Berlin. Gaasbeek are greyish. The facial features of the Saint
Sebastian in Gaasbeek are furthermore concomitant
Another work that can be attributed to the Master with those of Saint John the Baptist and Saint Peter
of Saint George and the Princess is a panel of Saint formerly in Berlin. Sebastian’s face is also not far from
Sebastian today in Gaasbeek Castle (Lennik, Belgium) that of Saint John the Baptist in Siresa, although the
(fig. 10). This panel was published by Post who linked latter is a work of less quality. In short, the face of the
it (with a certain amount of equivocation) to Martín figure in Gaasbeek is a type similar to that of Saint
de Soria, noting that the stylemes on the saint’s face George in Barcelona and of the prophet at the Prado,
were the same as those of the male donor of the panel with whom it shares, additionally, the same-shaped ear
in Berlin.48 The painting is of exceptional quality and which in Gaasbeek is half hidden by the saint’s hair.
stands out as one of the best works by the Master of This detail also appears in Saint John the Baptist in the
Saint George and the Princess. The saint is portrayed in monastery of Siresa, and is a constant in the works of
full length, wearing olive green calzas (a type of trousers) the painter.
as well as a carmine tunic bordered with ermine.
Above the figure there is a luxurious layer of gold Another outstanding work presented here is a
with floral decorations made in estofado which imitates Lamentation over the Dead Christ preserved in the Museu
contemporary silk fabrics. In his hands he holds a bow Maricel de Sitges (Barcelona) (fig. 11). It is a little
and an arrow, his most usual iconographical attributes, known painting which has sometimes been related
rendered in embossed and gilded gesso. This technique to the Master of Belmonte,51 a painter active in the
was also used in the gold background, for the spurs Calatayud area in the second half of the fifteenth
on the saint’s boots, and for some of the elements century. My recent revision of the oeuvre of that
of the sheath that hangs from his belt. The halo also master has led me to discard such an attribution.52
features embossed gesso with concentric shapes very Instead, this panel seems to me to be one of the most
close to those of the paintings previously analyzed. interesting works by the Master of Saint George
Saint Sebastian appears here in a more or less credible and the Princess. Although nothing is known of its
space, standing on a distinctive tiled floor and before a provenance, an Aragonese origin seems beyond doubt
majestic wooden throne. not only on the basis of its formal characteristics,
but also on account of the fact that it belonged to
The overall result is very effective. The saint appears the collection of Jesús Pérez Rosales which included
as a true medieval knight with spurs like those of the numerous Gothic paintings from Aragon.53
donor in the Altarpiece of Saint George and the Princess. His
status is evident from his clothing, as well as from the The painting has a horizontal composition and
Fig. 10 / Master of Saint golden cape and ermine cuffs of his tunic. He is the format, meaning that it is likely to have been the main
George and the Princess,
archetypal fifteenth-century nobleman. This type of compartment of a predella. Mary presides over the
Saint Sebastian, Gaasbeek
(Lennik, Belgium), representation was a successful model in Aragonese composition, holding in her lap the dead Christ. The
Gaasbeek Castle. lands during the Late Gothic period, also seen in Virgin’s affliction is evident from her facial expression
130 Rediscovering the Master of the Saint George and the Princess: new paintings Rediscovering the Master of the Saint George and the Princess: new paintings 131

the pommel of the dagger stuck into Mary’s chest, in the in Gaasbeek, and the soldier to the right of Christ in
pincers and hammer, and in the nail that still remains in the Betrayal auctioned at Christie’s. The figure’s nose
one of the arms of the Cross. The chromatic range used and mouth, in addition, recur in the prophet in the
is typical of the Master of Saint George and the Princess, Prado. The prominent and thick beard, with its loose,
for example in the red and green tones of the characters’ individually depicted hairs, has been painted in the
clothing. The green reproduces the colour of Saint same way as that of Saint James in one of the panels
Sebastian’s calzas in Gaasbeek, while the red recalls Saint in Siresa, and of Saint Paul formerly preserved in the
George’s bonnet in the Barcelona panel and the garment Kaiser Friederich Museum in Berlin. The face of Saint
of the Prophet Daniel in the Museo del Prado. John the Evangelist is very similar to that of Gabriel in
the Annunciation of the Museo de Zaragoza, while that
One of the most remarkable aspects of this painting of the male figure holding the hammer (fig. 13) finds
is its repertoire of faces (fig. 12). Some are to be found a good parallel in the Saint Louis of Toulouse from
in other works by the painter, such as that of the male Berlin. The latter presents a completely uncovered ear,
figure holding the pincers which recalls Saint Sebastian with a very wide auditory canal, identical to that of the
aforementioned Saint Paul and those of the donors of
the altarpiece of Saint George and the Princess. The face
of Christ, in turn, resembles that of the Saint John the
Baptist formerly in Berlin, especially in the treatment of
facial features.

The female faces, on the other hand, have fewer

parallels in the works already attributed to the master.
Neither the Princess from the Barcelona panel, nor the
female donor formerly conserved in Berlin, resemble
the women represented here, apart from very obvious
coincidences of style. The clearest parallels are found
with the Virgin of the Annunciation in the Museo de
Zaragoza which shows some similarities to both the
Magdalene and Mary who puts her finger to her mouth
in the painting from Sitges (fig. 13). The Magdalene’s
long hair is, for example, similar to that of the Virgin
as well as from the way she holds the bloodied wrist The figures are represented in the foreground, Annunciate in Saragossa.
of her Son; it is further emphasized by a symbolic occupying a large part of the composition and leaving
dagger stuck in her breast. The body of Christ is little space for the representation of Golgotha. On Another habitual characteristic of the painter that can
arranged diagonally, with his back slightly raised so the right side, a landscape is suggested through a few be detected in the Sitges Lamentation is the use of slight
that Mary supports it with her right hand (which is geographical features. The horizon is quite high so that touches of white color in certain parts of the faces, such
not visible). Christ’s body is naked, although a delicate the sky, with a brown, twilight hue, sits a little more as the nose, lacrimal area, and other parts of the face.
veil of transparent gauze, of great visual effect, than half way up the panel. The upper section has been This technique is used to create highlights, as in the
Fig. 11 / Master of Saint covers his pubis and part of his legs. He does not rest rendered with many little diagonal lines, as in the Saint Daniel in the Museo del Prado, the Annunciation in the
George and the Princess, directly on Mary’s blue mantle but on a white shroud George and the Princess. Museo de Zaragoza, the panels in Siresa, and the Betrayal
Lamentation over the Dead
Christ, 56 x 80 cm, Sitges held at the edges by Saint John the Evangelist and of Christ on the market in Madrid.
(Barcelona), Museu Maricel. the Magdalene. In the background are other figures From the point of view of decoration, one of the details
common to pictorial representations of the episode. that draws the viewer’s attention is the prominence of The last of the works presented in this article is a small
Fig. 12 / Master of Saint
George and the Princess, Two of them are Joseph of Arimathea and Nicodemus, the haloes which occupy a large part of the pictorial panel (39 x 27 cm), with its original frame, depicting
Lamentation over the who hold a hammer and pincers, underlining their surface. Their presence is so overwhelming that they Saint Bernard of Clairvaux and Saint Benedict Flanking the
Dead Christ (detail), Sitges role in taking Jesus down from the Cross. They have almost obscure the Cross from which Christ has been Pietà (fig. 14). Based on its small size and iconography,
(Barcelona), Museu Maricel.
polygonal haloes as conventional in representations of taken down. All (except those of Joseph of Arimathea it is likely to have been intended for private devotion.
Fig. 13 / Master of Saint characters of the Old Law. The remaining two figures and Nicodemus) are based on concentric forms. They It is preserved in the Fundación Francisco Godia
George and the Princess, are female and can be identified with two Marys or are the result of the same procedure already described (Barcelona), and​​ was studied by the present author
Lamentation over the
Dead Christ (detail), Sitges “Holy Women”, normally identified as Mary Salome in embossed and gesso gilded with gold metal leaf. This a few years ago.54 Until that time this understudied
(Barcelona), Museu Maricel. and Mary Cleopas. technique has also been used in smaller details such as in little work, had been related to Arnau de Castellnou,55
132 Rediscovering the Master of the Saint George and the Princess: new paintings Rediscovering the Master of the Saint George and the Princess: new paintings 133

one of the authors of the altarpiece of the hermitage the Lamentation from Sitges, where we also find the detail
of the Coronation of Erla (Saragossa) – nowadays in of the dagger stuck in the chest of the Virgin. Mary
the parish church in the same village, next to Tomás raises her left hand, with fine and stylized fingers, in a
Giner. In a previous study of the work I proposed its manner similar to that in the Annunciation from Saragossa.
attribution to Huguet’s “Aragonese circle,” although I
have since rejected the link to the altarpiece in Erla due The self-absorbed glances, with half-opened eyes and
to the scarcity of knowledge about Castellnou’s activity subtle colouring, are those of the master, as is the
apart from his work on the said altarpiece. treatment of mouths and noses. Together these features
create a facial type very similar to those discussed
As already noted, the painting is of reduced dimensions over the course of this article. This especially applies
and was not part of an altarpiece. The theme represented to Saint Benedict who closely resembles the figure of
is suited to private devotion, presenting Mary’s anguish Mary on the left side of the Sitges Lamentation and the
expressed through the dagger stuck in her chest as in Virgin Annunciate in the Museo de Zaragoza, as well
the Lamentation from Sitges. In her lap lies the inert body as Gabriel (although the similarity between the saint
of Christ, bloodied and with the marks of the Crucifixion and the archangel is not so direct). The position of
clearly visible. On the crossbeam of the Cross we find the the heads and the downcast gaze of both saints also
Arma Christi, reinforcing the relationship of this painting reappear in the Saint Peter in the fragmentary panel on
with the Passion. It is a work of highly emotional content, the art market in Madrid, and in the Saint James in the
related to the spirituality preached by Devotio Moderna monastery of Siresa.
on the basis of texts like the Meditationes Vitae Christi
of Pseudo-Bonaventure. This type of representation The faces of the figures in this small painting are less
sought to inspire the most profound feelings of religious carefully executed and finished than those by the same
faith, encouraging the viewer to empathize with the painter in his larger-scale works. This is no doubt due
pain experienced by both the Virgin and Christ. to the different technical requirements of working on
big altarpieces, versus producing paintings for private
Mother and Son are accompanied by Saints Benedict devotion which could be sold by the master “on spec”
of Nursia and Bernard of Clairvaux, the founder of the directly from his workshop as a source of extra income.
Benedictine Order and figurehead of the Cistercians, However, with a few examples of the latter preserved
each identified by an inscription in the lower part of the in the Crown of Aragon (such as a few triptychs), it
panel. They kneel holding croziers that identify them as is evident that the Master of Saint George and the
abbots of their respective communities. As saints revered Princess also dedicated himself to the realization and
for their great spirituality, their presence reinforces what sale of these kinds of modest works for private clients.
is expressed above.
Finally, mention should be made of a panel from
Decoratively, the painting stands out on account of the the parish church of Tosos (Saragossa) which has
abundant use of gold leaf which gives it a radiance and not been seen for years and is known only through
otherwordly atmosphere. The frame, background and an old publication.56 The present author has certain
haloes of Mary, Benedict, and Bernard, made from doubts about this panel. It depicts Saints Fabian and
embossed gesso with punchwork motifs on the insides, are Sebastian, and it is clear from a photograph published
all gilded, as is the halo of Christ, which is configured from in 1967 that it had by then been completely repainted,
rays. The same technique has been used for the croziers distorting its original style. Despite this, the faces of
of the saints, and – as we have seen in the Lamentation from both figures relate directly to the Master of the Saint
the Museu Maricel in Sitges – for the nails that still remain George and the Princess, especially comparing Saint
on the crossbeam of the Cross, as well as for another on Fabian’s face with Saint George’s in the painting that
the ground on top of Mary’s mantle. gives the master his “name”. Further research into this
matter – including a physical analysis of the work – is
Fig. 14 / Master of Saint
George and the Princess, Despite the reduced format, which requires subtle necessary, but the painting was sold after 1967 and is no
Saint Bernard of Clairvaux changes in the configuration of the characters, the style longer preserved in Tosos. Scholars will have to hope
and Saint Benedict Flanking
of this Pietà with saints refers directly to the Master for its appearance on the art market in order to confirm
the Pietà, 39 x 27 cm,
Barcelona, Fundación of Saint George and the Princess. The head of Mary, if it is a new work by the painter whose oeuvre has been
Francisco Godia. covered with a toque and mantle, follows the model of examined and expanded in this article.
134 Rediscovering the Master of the Saint George and the Princess: new paintings Rediscovering the Master of the Saint George and the Princess: new paintings 135

N OTES

1. This article has received support from the research 7. Chandler Rathfon Post, The Aragonese School in the Hispaniae, vol. IX) (Madrid: Plus Ultra, 1955); José of the altarpiece of Saint George and the Princess, although 33. Rosa Alcoy defends the attribution of the prophet Aragonese painter. See also Alcoy, San Jorge, p. 147,
project “Expresividad, sentimiento y emoción Late Middle Ages: A History of Spanish Painting, 14 Camón Aznar, Pintura Medieval Española (Summa this is beyond the scope of the present article. in the Museo del Prado to the Master of Alloza, a n. 214, but here she only establishes an iconographic
(siglos XII-XV)” (Ministry of Economy, Industry vols. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, Artis, vol. XXII) (Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1966); 26. In her PhD, Guadaira Macías also distinguishes proposal with which I do not agree (Alcoy, San Jorge, parallel with one of the panels in Alloza, without
and Competitiveness, Spanish Government, ref. 1941), VIII, pp. 336-352, mentions on p. 345 the María del Carmen Lacarra, Primitivos aragoneses en el between the one and the other painter. See Macías, p. 155). On the other hand, the prophet has evident any comments about style. Another reference is
HAR2016-75028-P, Universitat de Lleida, senior “vague tradition” that placed its origins in this town Museo Provincial de Saragossa (Saragossa: Institución “La pintura aragonesa.” analogies with a counterpart on the guardapolvo of in Macías, “Noves aportacions,” p. 60, n. 58, also
researcher: Dr. Flocel Sabate). in Huesca. An earlier mistaken tradition claimed “Fernando el Católico”, 1970); Gudiol, Pintura 27. Rosa Alcoy, “Un proemi a Jaume Huguet. Reflexions the altarpiece in Ejea de los Caballeros (illustrated without any concrete attribution.
2. Joaquim Folch i Torres, “El retaule de Sant Jordi, de it was from Valencia. See Francesc Quílez, “La Medieval; Mañas, Pintura gótica. sobre la pintura en l’àrea tarragonina entre el 1412 i in María del Carmen Lacarra, Blasco de Grañén, 41. On Bernardo de Arás, see Didier Martens, “Una
Jaume Huguet, al museu de la Ciutadella,” Gaseta de les història del col·leccionisme públic a la Barcelona 15. Chandler Rathfon Post, The Catalan School in the Late el 1448,” in Jaume Huguet. 500 anys, p. 47. pintor de retablos (1422-1459) (Saragossa: Institución huella de Rogier van der Weyden en la obra de
Arts 3 (1924): pp. 1-3; Laia Alsina, “Francesc Miquel vuitcentista,” in Col·leccionistes, col·leccions i museus. Middle Ages. A History of Spanish Painting, vol. VII 28. Thus, in the last study Alcoy has made of the panel “Fernando el Católico”, 2004), p. 85, fig. 35), which Bernart d’Aras, ‘pintor vecino de la ciudat de
i Badia (Barcelona 1840-1899): crític, tractadista Episodis de the història del patrimoni artístic de Catalunya, (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1938), of Saint George and the Princess, the authorship is given certainly shows that the painter exists within the Huesca’,” Archivo Español de Arte 81 (2008): pp. 1-18;
i col·leccionista d’art,” (PhD diss., Universitat eds. Bonaventura Bassegoda and Ignasi Domènech pp. 170-171; Post, The Aragonese School, pp. 337-352. to “Bernat Ortoneda (?)”. See Rosa Alcoy, Pintura same figurative culture as Martín de Soria (Alcoy, San Macías, “La pintura aragonesa,” pp. 200-211, figs.
Autònoma de Barcelona, 2015), pp. 339 and 409-410. (Bellaterra: Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 16. Joan Sureda, “Problemes entorn a Jaume Huguet: catalana. El gòtic (Barcelona: Enciclopèdia Catalana, Jorge, p. 176), the author of this part of the altarpiece 151-156. Taking into account the scarce catalogue
3. For a discussion of the phenomenon of the collecting 2007), p. 57, note 106. proposta d’un nou catàleg,” Cultura 511 (1991): pp. 11-14. 2017), pp. 372-373. in Ejea. of works given to this painter, I take this opportunity
of Gothic painting in Catalonia, see Alberto Velasco, 8. Bertaux, “Das Katalanische Sankt-Georg,” pp. 17. Joan Sureda, Un cert Jaume Huguet, el capvespre d’un 29. It is possible that certain aspects of the art of the 34. Chritie’s Old Master Pictures Sale, New York, 31 to add a Lamentation Before the Dead Christ recently
“L’exposició retrospectiva de Barcelona de 1867 187-192. somni (Barcelona: Lunwerg, 1994), pp. 87-89. great Catalan master reached Aragon later on. There October 2017, lot 4, with an attribution to the auctioned in Paris (Cornette de Saint Cyr maison
i els inicis del col·leccionisme de pintura gòtica a 9. On the identification of the donors, see Francesc 18. Joan Ainaud de Lasarte, “Sant Jordi i la Princesa,” in is a documentary reference supporting this in the Master of Morata. According to the auction house, de ventes, Collection Marie Laforet: Dessins et Tableaux
Catalunya,” Lambard. Estudis d’art medieval 22 (2012): Ruiz Quesada, “Consideracions sobre el Sant Jordi Jaume Huguet. 500 anys, pp. 224-227. journey that Martín Bernat and Miguel Ximénez the panel came from a collection in Florida. Anciens - Sculptures Ethnographie - Mobiliers et Objets d’Art,
pp. 9-65; Bonaventura Bassegoda, “L’apreciació de i la princesa i els seus donants,” in Jaume Huguet. 500 19. One of the most recent works about the artist is the made to Barcelona in 1489 to examine the altarpiece 35. Post, The Aragonese School, p. 407, fig. 186. A 28 November 2017, lot number 451, 86 x 66 cm,
l’art medieval a les primeres col·leccions catalanes,” anys, exh. cat. (Barcelona: Departament de Cultura, PhD of Guadaira Macías, “La pintura aragonesa that Jaume Huguet had made in the church of Sant photograph of the work is kept at the Institut attributed to the circle of Jaume Huguet), and also a
in Mercat de l’art, col·leccionisme i museus. Episodis sobre Generalitat de Catalunya, 1993), pp. 104-108; Alcoy, de la segona meitat del segle XV relacionada amb Agustí el Vell, of which there are some panels in the Amatller d’Art Hispànic in Barcelona (negative Resurrection on the art market in Barcelona (Galeria
el patrimoni artístic a Catalunya als segles XIX i XX, San Jorge, pp. 77-122; Joan Valero, “La promoció l’escola catalana: dues vies creatives a examen”, (PhD Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya. They were sent number Mas C-3332), and was taken when it was Bernat, 74 x 62 cm).
eds. Bonaventura Bassegoda and Ignasi Domènech artística femenina dins del llinatge dels Cabrera a diss., Universitat de Barcelona, 2013), pp. 171-215. there, however, to familiarize themselves with a rather part of the Vilallonga Collection. It is also published 42. Macías, “La pintura aragonesa”, p. 210. In addition
(Bellaterra: Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, l’època baixmedieval,” Lambard. Estudis d’art medieval 20. Alcoy, “Jaume Huguet*,” pp. 312-317. It is curious exceptional iconographic cycle, as they had been in Ana Galilea, La pintura gótica española en el Museo de to the additions that pointed out by Macías, I note
2014), pp. 25-50. 25 (2013-2014): pp. 93-105, where a number of to see that in this catalogue entry Alcoy presents commissioned to produce an altarpiece dedicated Bellas Artes de Bilbao (Bilbao: Museu de Bellas Artes some strips of wood added to the panels at the sides
4. The work had been cited briefly, without being interesting questions, apart from the identity of the some arguments regarding the new attribution to the same saint for the church of San Agustín in de Bilbao, 1995), p. 174, fig. 98, where the author and top; these are clearly detectable both on the
reproduced, in a Barcelona guidebook in 1884: donors, are analyzed. that were not shared by the Museu Nacional d’Art Saragossa. See Manuel Serrano Sanz, “Documentos notes that it had been on the art market in Paris. front and on the back.
Josep Roca, Barcelona en la mano: guía de Barcelona y 10. The use of grisaille is significant since the first de Catalunya, the organizing institution of the relativos a la pintura en Aragón durante el siglo XV,” Also see Macías, “La pintura aragonesa,” pp. 435- 43. The joins were filled with wooden wedges, as can be
sus alrededores (Barcelona: E. López, 1884), p. 197. It documented altarpiece in the Hispanic kingdoms exhibition. Since the museum was reluctant to Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos 31 (1914): pp. 436, fig. 332, where she lists it in “la pintura sorgida seen on the back of one of the panels.
was not until 1909 that it was attributed to Huguet where this technique was used was made in withdraw the attribution to Huguet, the entry was 448-451, doc. VII. About the surviving panels from de l’entorn de Calatayud i Daroca a la segona 44. The gilded background was one of the techniques
by Émile Bertaux, “Das Katalanische Sankt-Georg Saragossa. This altarpiece decorates the chapel headed with the name of Huguet accompanied the altarpiece in Barcelona, see Francesc Ruiz, “El meitat del segle XV” (the painting developed in the Hispanic painters of the late Middle Ages used most
Trptychon aus der Werkstatt des Jaime Huguet,” of the ancient City Council, which combined by an asterisk and an annotation where the retaule de sant Agustí de Jaume Huguet. Un referent surroundings of Calatayud and Daroca in the second often to convey magnificence. In the Crown of Aragon,
Jahrbuch der Königlich Preussischen 30 (1909): pp. 187-192. painting and sculpture and was commissioned from discrepancies between the author and the institution singular en l’art pictòric català del darrer quatre- half of the fifteenth century), without detailing any its use continued during the late Gothic period, even
5. In the words of Rosa Alcoy, “La taula de Sant the sculptor Pere Joan in 1443. On this altarpiece, were manifest. Alcoy developed her theses in much cents,” Quaderns de Vilaniu 37 (2000): pp. 3-40. specific attribution. when large landscape backgrounds started to become
Jordi i la Princesa és una d’aquelles obres d’art que, see Alberto Velasco Gonzàlez, “‘Para que sus more depth in the book published the following year 30. See Alberto Velasco, “Pintura tardogòtica a l’Aragó 36. Stefanos Kroustallis, Marisa Gómez González, popular following Flemish models. Fascination with
transcendint la seva evidència immediata, el seu deliberaciones y consejos no vayan herrados sino (Alcoy, San Jorge). i Catalunya: Pere Garcia de Benavarri,” (PhD diss., Matilde Miquel Juan, Rocío Bruquetas Galán and gold’s visual effects and suggestion of wealth often led
estat fragmentari i les seves debilitats, ha esdevingut acertados.’ Gonzalo de la Caballería y el retablo de 21. On these works, see María del Carmen Lacarra, Universitat de Lleida, 2015), pp. 83-103; Alberto Olga Pérez Monzón, “Gilding in Spanish panel to its prevailing over the representation of nature which
un objecte pictòric de culte. Hem d’acceptar, doncs, la capilla del Concejo de Zaragoza (1443),” Tvriaso “Anunciació i Epifania. Dos compartiments de Velasco, “Some questions about the Flemish model painting from the fifteenth and early sixteenth was not part of the local tradition. This went hand in
que enfrontem un producte rar i carismàtic, amb 22 (2014-2015): pp. 295-340. The grisaille images of retaule,” in Jaume Huguet. 500 anys, pp. 228-231; Joan in Aragonese painting (1440-1500),” forthcoming. centuries,” Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies (2016): hand with a techniques enabling the use gold to create
una inèrcia pròpia, que la modernitat que arrela Saint John the Evangelist and Saint James are only Sureda, “Sarja de la Mare de Déu i l’àngel custodi,” 31. Joan Molina, “Atribuido a Jaume Huguet. El profeta pp. 1-31, accessed 1 December 2017, DOI: contrasts, plays of light, and perception of relief and
als inicis del segle XX ha anat convertint en un fragmentary since the panels have been sawed off in Jaume Huguet. 500 anys, pp. 232-235; María del Daniel,” in Cataluña medieval, exh. cat. (Barcelona: 10.1080/17546559.2016.1230273. See also Alberto depth. See the numerous examples quoted in Velasco,
veritable símbol, sostingut sovint com una de les at the top. Hence, the identification of the second Carmen Lacarra, “La qüestió aragonesa de Jaume Generalitat de Catalunya, 1992), pp. 294-295; Velasco, Virgin and Child with Musician Angels. The Virgin and Child, p. 94 and ff.
banderes de la pintura catalana” (The panel of Saint saint is complex. On the reverse side of the Saint Huguet,” in L’art gòtic a Catalunya. Pintura. III. Darreres Milagros Guardia, “Cap del profeta Daniel,” in Master of Belmonte and Late Gothic Aragonese Painting 45. It is plausible that at that time the strips of wood and
George and the Princess is one of those works of art George and the Princess compartment there is a manifestacions (Barcelona: Enciclopèdia Catalana, Jaume Huguet. 500 anys, pp. 222-223. (Buenos Aires: Jaime Eguiguren, 2017), pp. 94-155. gold frames were added.
that, transcending their immediate evidence, their representation of an heraldic emblem related to the 2006), pp. 147-149. 32. These paintings now are part of a fictitious set 37. Tamara A. González and Consuelo Dalmau, “Las 46. Macías, “La pintura aragonesa,” p. 210.
fragmentary state and their weaknesses, has become Cabrera family. 22. “... bajo un mismo halo, posiblemente el de un remodelled in all probability in the seventeenth cuñas de madera en la pintura sobre tabla: presencia 47. Rosa Alcoy, “Retaule de l’Epifani,” in Jaume Huguet.
a cult painting object. We have to accept, then, that 11. Benjamin Rowland, Jaume Huguet. A Study of Late maestro que debió dirigir un importante taller en century. The attribution has been defended by y procedencia,” in Afilando el pincel, dibujando la voz. 500 anys, pp. 202-205.
we face a rare and charismatic product, with its Gothic Painting in Catalonia (Cambridge, MA: Harvard tierras aragonesas.” See Alcoy, San Jorge, p. 157. Guadaira Macías, “Noves aportacions al catàleg de Prácticas pictóricas góticas, eds. Matilde Miquel, Olga 48. Post, The Aragonese School, pp. 372 and 376, fig. 167.
own inertia, that with the adevent of modern times University Press 1932), pp. 154-159. 23. “…la necesidad de distinguir entre ambos pintores.” dos mestres aragonesos anònims. El Mestre de Sant Pérez, and Pilar Martínez (Madrid: Ediciones In a more recent publication, it is linked to an
in the early twentieth century has become a true 12. Josep Gudiol Ricart and Joan Ainaud de Lasarte, See Alcoy, San Jorge, pp. 156-157. Jordi i la princesa i el Mestre de Sant Bartomeu,” Complutense, 2017), pp. 15-30. anonymous Spaniard from the sixteenth century. See
symbol, often held up as one of the flags of Catalan Huguet (Barcelona: Instituto Amatller de Arte 24. Joan Sureda, “Jaume Huguet i l’eixir de la dignitat Butlletí del Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya 11 (2010): 38. Institut Amatller d’Art Hispànic in Barcelona, Herman Vandormael, Château de Gaasbeek, (Brussels:
painting). See Rosa Alcoy, “Jaume Huguet*. Sant Hispánico, 1948), pp. 34-50. See the studies of the humana,” in L’art gòtic a Catalunya. Pintura. III. Darreres pp. 38-40, figs. 4-5. Previously, I related them to the negative number: Espinal 41. Credit Communal, 1988): pp. 107-108. The panel is
Jordi i la princesa,” in La pintura gòtica hispanoflamenca. works included in this debate in Jaume Huguet. 500 manifestacions (Barcelona: Enciclopèdia Catalana, circle of Miguel Ximénez or to Arnau de Castellnou 39. For this collector, see Bonaventura Bassegoda, not in its original frame.
Bartolomé Bermejo i la seva època, exh. cat. (Barcelona anys, pp. 222-239 and 246-249. 2006), p. 90; Eva March, “Jaume Huguet”, in L’art de Navailles, thinking that the latter could be “Marian Espinal (1897-1974). Pintor y 49. Nuria Ortiz, “Martín Bernat. Saint Sebastian,”
and Bilbao: Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya, 13. See, for instance, Josep Gudiol, Pintura medieval gòtic a Catalunya. Pintura. III. Darreres manifestacions one of the leading candidates to be the Master of coleccionista,” in Nuevas contribuciones en torno al mundo Spanish Painting (Madrid: Coll & Cortés Fine Arts,
Museo de Bellas Artes de Bilbao, 2003), p. 312. en Aragón (Saragossa: Institución “Fernando el (Barcelona: Enciclopèdia Catalana, 2006), pp. 97-102. Saint George and the Princess, although we did del coleccionismo de arte hispánico en los siglos XIX y XX, 2012): pp. 26-35. Strangely, Ortiz did not include
6. Rosa Alcoy, San Jorge y la Princesa. Diálogos de la Católico”, 1971); Fabián Mañas, Pintura gótica 25. There is sufficient stylistic evidence to differentiate not present the argument in detail. See Alberto eds. Immaculada Socias and Dimitra Gkozgkou this painting in her monograph dedicated to the
pintura del siglo XV en Cataluña y Aragón (Barcelona: aragonesa (Saragossa: Guara Editorial, 1979). between, on the one hand, the painter of the Alloza Velasco, “Revisant Pere Garcia de Benavarri. Noves (Gijón: Trea, 2013), pp. 53-62. painter. See Nuria Ortiz, Martín Bernat, pintor de retablos,
Publicacions i Edicions de la Universitat de 14. These approaches appear, e.g., in Gudiol and panels and the cloth from the monastery of the Holy precisions a l’etapa saragossana,” Locus Amoenus 8 40. The first mention is in Galilea, La pintura gótica, p. documentado en Zaragoza entre 1450 y 1505, (Saragossa:
Barcelona, 2003). Ainaud, Huguet; Josep Gudiol, Pintura Gótica (Ars Sepulchre of Saragossa, and, on the other, the author (2005-2006): p. 85. 170, where it appears as the work of an anonymous Institución “Fernando el Católico”, 2013).
136 Rediscovering the Master of the Saint George and the Princess: new paintings Rediscovering the Master of the Saint George and the Princess: new paintings 137

50. Institut Amatller d’Art Hispànic de Barcelona,

negative number: Movil Weissberger 36.
51. Elisenda Casanova, “La presencia aragonesa en el
patrimonio de los museos de Sitges,” Artigrama 20
(2005): p. 62, figs. 21-22.
52. On the Master of Belmonte, see Velasco, Virgin and
Child.
53. Many of them were provided by the antiquarian
Josep Bardolet, who had travelled widely through
Aragon buying medieval art since before the Spanish
Civil War (1936-1939) and continued to do so
during the postwar period. See Vinyet Panyella, “La
col·lecció Pérez Rosales, un capítol de la història dels
museus de Sitges,” in Antiquaris, experts, col·leccionistes
i museus. El comerç, l’estudi i la salvaguarda de l’art a la
Catalunya del segle XX, eds. Bonaventura Bassegoda
and Ignasi Domènech (Bellaterra: Universitat
Autònoma de Barcelona, 2013), pp. 177-205.
54. Alberto Velasco, “Anònim aragonés. Pietat amb
Sant Benet i Sant Bernat,” in La col·lecció. Fundación
Francisco Godia (Barcelona: Fundación Francisco
Godia, 2008), pp. 98-99.
55. Luis Monreal, El Conventet IV: colección de pintura antigua
(Barcelona: Francisco Godia, 1978), pp. 70-71, no.
15; Románico y Gótico de la colección Francisco Godia, eds.
Sara Puig and Mercè Obón (Barcelona: Fundación
Francisco Godia, 2001), p. 89, no. 40; Mercè Obón,
ed., Coleccionar arte. Obras de la Fundación Francisco Godia
(Sevilla: Junta de Andalucía, 2014), pp. 44-45, no. 6.
56. Prudencia Giménez, Margarita Díaz, and María del
Carmen Nachón, “El Retablo de Tosos (Un retablo
inédito),” Universidad de Zaragoza: Cuadernos de Filosofía
y Letras 1 (1967): pp. 29-31, fig. 24.
138 Rediscovering the Master of the Saint George and the Princess: new paintings Rediscovering the Master of the Saint George and the Princess: new paintings 139

SPA N I S H TEXT

Redescubriendo al Maestro del San Jorge y la Princesa: nuevas obras

ALB E RTO V ELASCO G O N ZÀ L EZ

El Maestro de San Jorge y la Princesa es una de las figuras más De Jaime Huguet al Maestro de San Jorge y la Princesa remarcarse que es una de las pocas pinturas hispanas que tienen un a través de las obras que realizó en Aragón. Esto le llevó casi a
enigmáticas de la pintura del tardogótico en la Corona de Aragón. El 11 de julio de 1923 la Junta de Museos de Barcelona cedió al libro monográfico para ella sola, un trabajo que la analiza desde ser historiográficamente canonizado, pues se le presentó en el eje
En el presente artículo presentaremos una serie de pinturas inéditas coleccionista Emili Cabot (1854-1924) un jarra catalana de vidrio diferentes puntos de vista.6 principal de la pintura en Cataluña en la segunda mitad del siglo
de este maestro (algunas de las cuales han aparecido recientemente esmaltado del siglo XVI y 20.000 pesetas, y a cambio la institución XV, y se ubicó bajo su influencia a una gran proporción de los
en el mercado), así como otras conocidas pero aún no atribuidas a recibió una tabla pintada del siglo XV con la representación de San El San Jorge y la Princesa es el compartimento principal de un pintores activos en Aragón en esa época. Como podemos ver, la
él.1 Poco sabemos del pintor. Ni siquiera su nombre. Ni la ciudad Jorge y la Princesa (Barcelona, Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya, retablo fragmentado en el siglo XIX y del que sobrevivieron otros propuesta no solo implicaba atribuir una serie de obras a Huguet,
desde la que debió trabajar, aunque cabe suponer que debió ser inv. 15868) (fig. 1). La pintura se atribuia en ese momento al pintor compartimentos en el Museo Kaiser Friederich de Berlín hasta sino que suponía suponer que una buena parte de la pintura
Zaragoza, la capital de Aragón. Sí sabemos, en cambio, que realizó Jaume Huguet (doc. 1412-1492), y hasta ese momento había sido 1945, cuando fueron destruidos por un incendio que afectó el aragonesa de la segunda mitad del siglo XV dependía de él.
uno de sus encargos para el monasterio de San Pedro de Siresa propiedad del coleccionista.2 Se trata de una operación insólita que museo. Se desconoce la procedencia del conjunto, pero en el pasado
(Huesca), ubicado en pleno Pirineo. Conocemos también que debe entenderse en un momento muy concreto del coleccionismo se especulaba con un origen aragonés por las similitudes con obras Hoy en día, esta hipótesis ha quedado en el camino y, por tanto,
trabajó para la familia Cabrera, un importante linaje con orígenes catalán de inicios del siglo XX. Por un lado, Huguet se estaba de pintores como Martín de Soria, y por una tradición del mercado debe relativizarse la influencia de Huguet sobre pintores como Pere
en Cataluña. Para un miembro de dicha estirpe realizó la obra que configurando en la historiografía como el gran pintor catalán del de antigüedades que decía que procedía del área de Roda de García de Benavarri, Tomás Giner, los hermanos Zahortiga (Martín
da nombre al pintor, el retablo de San Jorge y la Princesa, del que siglo XV, en el marco de un fenómeno cultural donde la época Isábena (Huesca).7 La relación entre la tabla de Barcelona y las de y Nicolás), Martín de Soria, Bernardo de Arás, los Maestros de
solamente conservamos un compartimento en el Museu Nacional medieval causaba sensación entre las élites culturales catalanas.3 Berlín fue propuesta por Bertaux, justo en el momento de atribuirlas Belmonte y Morata, o Juan de la Abadía, ya que las similitudes de
d’Art de Catalunya (fig. 1), aunque conocemos otros a través de Del otro, los vidrios esmaltados catalanes del siglo XVI, de gran a Jaume Huguet, y consideró que las tres podían haber formado su trabajo con el del gran maestro catalán deben ser explicadas por
fotografías que fueron pasto de la llamas en un incendio acontecido belleza y perfección técnica, eran especialmente valorados por parte de un tríptico.8 Los dos compartimentos de Berlín mostraban otras vías. Este grupo de artistas, relativamente homogéneo desde
en 1945 en el Kaiser Friedrich Museum de Berlín. Y, finalmente, coleccionistas catalanes y extranjeros, y Cabot era uno de ellos. a los donantes de la obra, un hombre y una mujer de ecos eyckianos, el punto de vista estilístico, se agrupó bajo denominaciones como la
sabemos que el Maestro de San Jorge y la Princesa es el autor de La jarra en cuestión había salido a la venta en París, y la Junta de junto a San Juan Bautista y San Luis de Toulouse, respectivamente de “corriente o estilo naturalista” o “seguidores de Jaume Huguet
una tabla de pequeñas dimensiones con la imagen del profeta Museos la adquirió al anticuario que la había comprado para así (fig. 2).9 En el reverso, San Pedro y San Juan Evangelista, en el en Aragón”. Se diferenciaron, además, de un segundo grupo
Daniel, hoy custodiada en el Museo del Prado. A partir de ahí, poco poder satisfacer el afán de posesión de Cabot. Este último, por primero; y San Pablo y Santiago o San Juan Bautista, en el segundo, formado por pintores alineados con el arte de Bartolomé Bermejo y
más. O mejor dicho, nada más. su parte, entregaba a la Junta una pintura gótica con una cierta todos ellos en grisalla (fig. 3).10 las propuestas de influencia nórdica, como Martín Bernat, Miguel
fortuna entre los círculos eruditos barceloneses del momento,4 y Ximénez o Pedro Díaz de Oviedo, que fueron incluidos dentro
El lector se preguntará cómo un pintor de quien se sabe tan poco que colmaba los deseos de un organismo que tenía una política de En la monografía que Benjamin Rowland dedicó a Huguet en de la corriente hispanoflamenca. Un tercer grupo – en realidad,
y del que se conservan escasas obras puede considerarse uno de adquisiciones especialmente focalizada a la adquisición de grandes 1932, la tabla con el San Jorge y la Princesa, así como las de Berlín, una amalgama de los otros dos – apareció en la historiografía,
los principales representantes del último gótico en la Corona de obras del arte medieval catalán. ya se presentaban de forma definitiva como parte del catálogo del representado por pintores de Calatayud como Juan Rius o Domingo
Aragón. Es una muy buena pregunta que intentaremos responder pintor catalán.11 Con todo, la consolidación de esos fragmentos de Ram.14
en las páginas que siguen. Y lo haremos a través de un breve Con el paso del tiempo, la tabla fue ganando prestigio entre los retablo como obra fundamental del catálogo de Huguet llegó con
recorrido por el proceso historiográfico que ha llevado a ello, el especialistas y se convirtió en una obra especialmente representativa la monografía que Josep Gudiol Ricart y Joan Ainaud de Lasarte Pero el tiempo acabó poniendo todo en su sitio y, finalmente,
cual no se encuentra exento de una cierta mitificación del pintor y de Jaume Huguet. Tanto el tema, basado en una leyenda muy dedicaron al maestro en 1948, libro en que el retablo del San Jorge se demostró lo que ya había supuesto Post en 1938, y afirmado
de la célebre tabla que le dio nombre. Además, con la aportación difundida popularmente en la Corona de Aragón, como la y la Princesa pasó a ser el eje central del período aragonés del con más contundencia en 1941: que el retablo de San Jorge y la
que presentamos pretendemos sumarnos al debate sobre el maestro dedicación al santo patrón de Cataluña, así lo fomentaron. Lo pintor, con una serie de otras pinturas agrupadas a su alrededor. Princesa no era obra de Jaume Huguet, sino de un pintor aragonés
incorporando una serie de nuevas obras a su catálogo. Algunas de acabó de adobar la peculiar estética de la obra, con esa apariencia Sin embargo, la literatura reciente sobre este grupo de trabajos ha conectado estilísticamente, eso sí, con el contexto catalán. El
ellas son completamente inéditas, nunca hasta ahora relacionadas inacabada donde contrastan las dos cabezas de los personajes, que se establecido que fueron realizados por distintos maestros.12 especialista norteamericano la atribuyó equívocamente a Martín
con el autor del retablo de San Jorge y la Princesa. Otras, a pesar funden en una melancólica mirada que suena a despedida antes de de Soria, un maestro documentado en Zaragoza entre 1449 y
de haberse publicado, tampoco se habían incluído en el catálogo la batalla, o a premio después de ella. Un caballero medieval y una El periplo aragonés de Jaume Huguet era una novedad en la 1487.15 Hay que reconocer que su propuesta no tuvo seguimiento
de dicho artista. En otras palabras, este ensayo se centrará en princesa. La viva imagen de una época gloriosa en tierras catalanas historiografía del artista, y su formulación condicionó el estudio en años sucesivos, pero aunque no acertase del todo, al profesor
trabajos que hasta ahora han recibido poca atención y que han y de buena parte de lo que representaba para algunos el período de la pintura aragonesa en las décadas siguientes. 13 Las relaciones de Harvard hay que reconocerle el mérito de haber intuido el
sido vinculados en términos generales a otros pintores del mismo medieval: lo caballeresco y el amor cortés. La particular percepción formales entre la pintura aragonesa y catalana del tardogótico han origen aragonés del pintor. Quien retomó la senda de Post fue
entorno. Así las cosas, el acrecentamiento resultante del catálogo que se tenía de la obra ayudó a que sobre la tabla se creáse una llamado la atención de los especialistas desde hace tiempo, aunque Joan Sureda, que en 1991 propuso retirar del catálogo de Huguet
de obras del Maestro de San Jorge y la Princesa aclarará nuestra aura casi mítica que la convirtió en una de las obras más difundidas, debe decirse que durante buena parte del siglo XX prevaleció un las obras aragonesas y el retablo del San Jorge y la Princesa.16
visión de su figura y proporcionará una mejor comprensión de su reproducidas y representativas de la pintura gótica catalana.5 Y paradigma interpretativo equivocado – o al menos mal enfocado. Con todo, en la monografia que dedicó al artista en 1994 prefirió
trayectoria y relevancia. qué duda cabe, en uno de los iconos del Museu Nacional d’Art de De esta forma, se consideró que Huguet influyó decisivamente mantener esta última entre los trabajos del maestro, en base a un
Catalunya. Su fortuna historiográfica ha sido excepcional, y debe en un nutrido grupo de pintores activos en Zaragoza y Huesca supuesto viaje italiano.17 El año anterior, Joan Ainaud de Lasarte
140 Rediscovering the Master of the Saint George and the Princess: new paintings Rediscovering the Master of the Saint George and the Princess: new paintings 141

fue el encargado de redactar la ficha catalográfica de la tabla del Huguet. En opinión de Alcoy, Bernat Ortoneda era el candidato apresado mientras reza en el Huerto de los Olivos. Lo representado que encontramos en las dos obras hasta hoy atribuidas al pintor,
Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya en el catálogo de exposición ideal para descubrir la identidad del Maestro de Alloza, ya que se se ajusta perfectamente al relato canónico (Juan, 18, 1-12; Marcos, donde sobre el globo ocular blanco destaca la niña de marrón
dedicado a Jaume Huguet, donde todavía defendía la autoría encuentra documentado en Aragón entre 1458 y 1489.27 Más tarde, 14, 43-52; Mateo, 26, 47-66; Lucas, 22, 47-53), con Judas besando claro sobre y la pupila negra. Lo mismo podemos decir de la forma
tradicional, aunque ya manifestando ligeras vacilaciones que cuando agregó al grupo las obras atribuidas al Maestro del San a Cristo en rostro y disponiéndo sus manos sobre los hombros del en que se resuelven narices, labios, cejas o lóbulos de las orejas.
apuntaban hacia Martín de Soria.18 Jorge y la Princesa, el nombre de “Bernat Ortoneda” se incorporó Hijo de Dios. Un abigarrado grupo de soldados integran el séquito Hallamos en algunas de esas caras incluso el mismo sombreado a
también como una posibilidad para el de este otro maestro que ejecutará el prendimiento, que se materializa en el gesto de dos la altura de los pómulos que encontramos en el profeta del museo
Más recientemente, ha habido un acuerdo creciente acerca de anónimo.28 En cualquier caso, se trata de una simple hipótesis y, por ellos, cada uno de los cuales agarra a Jesús por el brazo. Todos ellos madrileño.
la atribución de la obra al Maestro del San Jorge y la Princesa, tanto, continuaremos refiriéndonos a nuestro tema principal como el lucen indumentaria militar, con cotas de malla y yelmos plateados.
que poco a poco se está desvelando como uno de los personajes Maestro de San Jorge y la Princesa. En la parte izquierda de primer término, como es habitual, se ha Curiosamente, últimamente ha aparecido una segunda obra
sobre los cuales pivotó la pintura aragonesa de la segunda mitad representado a San Pedro, que ya ha cortado la oreja de Malco, el inédita del Maestro del San Jorge y la Princesa con el mismo
del siglo XV.19 Se trata de un maestro que muestra sutileza en El autor del presente artículo coincide con aquellos que han sirviente del Sumo Sacerdote que colaboró en el arresto – aunque tema, aunque fragmentaria (fig. 7). Actualmente se encuentra en
la captura de determinados detalles y una cierta habilidad en la defendido que el Maestro del San Jorge y la Princesa era alguien aquí aparece también vestido de soldado. Jesús, con todo, vemos comercio en Madrid (José Alavedra, Galería Bernat), después de
representación de la emotividad, un aspecto que lo hace destacar de origen aragonés. Además, la falta de evidencias de que Huguet que se encuentra realizando el milagro del que nos hablan las haber pasado por una colección alemana. Únicamente conserva la
entre sus contemporáneos. Fue Rosa Alcoy quien, después de las visitase Aragón, la eliminación del San Jorge y la Princesa de escrituras, el de la sanación de la oreja herida, todavía sangrante parte izquierda de la composición, con San Pedro alzando el brazo,
dudas expresadas anteriormente por otros especialistas, decidió su catálogo, y otros argumentos expuestos por la historiografía, en la pintura. Jesús y Pedro lucen nimbos de formas concéntricas machete en mano, disponiéndose a cortarle la oreja a Malco, que
separar la tabla de la producción de Jaume Huguet y asociarla de indican que la génesis e implantación del modelo flamenco en realizados con la técnica del yeso embutido y dorado con hoja yace a cuatro patas en el suelo, y tres soldados en la parte posterior.
manera definitiva a dicho pintor.20 Con todo, a nuestro parecer, tierras aragonesas se produjo a través de una yuxtaposición de metálica (pan de oro), muy habitual en la pintura del tardogótico en Uno de ellos porta un farolillo en la mano, mientras que otro lleva
Alcoy lo efectuó de forma confusa, puesto que en determinados agentes y causas, más que a través de la poderosa influencia de la Corona de Aragón.36 un escudo con los esmaltes de oro y gules de Aragón. Se intuye la
momentos parece fusionar su personalidad con la del Maestro de un solo pintor que dominó la escena artística tanto en Cataluña vegetación que acostumbra a aparecer en este tipo de episodios.
Alloza, un autor a quien se atribuyen dos tablas con la Anunciación como en Aragón. En este sentido, es probable que la influencia El formato del compartimento, sus medidas y el trabajo de En la parte superior se conservan importantes restos del fondo
y la Epifanía procedentes de la iglesia de Alloza (Teruel), hoy en el de Huguet llegase a Aragón después de su éxito en Cataluña, carpintería seguramente indican que se trataba de una de las dorado lucía el compartimento en origen, con motivos vegetales en
Museo de Zaragoza; y una sarja con la Virgen y el Ángel Custodio probablemente no antes de 1455, 29 pero para entonces ya había diferentes escenas que debían integrar la predela de un retablo, del relieve realizados con yeso embutido, y un picado muy minucioso
del mismo museo zaragozano.21 En su libro sobre la tabla del San pintores en Aragón experimentando con las nuevas formas cual este parece ser, de momento, el único testimonio conservado. efectuado a punzón. El procedimiento técnico del embutido aparece
Jorge y la Princesa (publicado unos meses después de una ficha flamencas, especialmente en el círculo de Blasco de Grañén y La temática indica que dicha predela debió estar dedicada a la también en el nimbo de san Pedro, que se articula a partir de formas
de catálogo previa), Alcoy comenta que las obras de su autor y el Arzobispo Dalmau de Mur.30 El Maestro de San Jorge y la Pasión. La obra se conserva en buen estado de conservación, con concéntricas similares a las que hemos visto en la otra tabla con el
las atribuidas al Maestro de Alloza deben colocarse “(…) bajo un Princesa apareció en la escena poco después. su carpintería dorada original, que presenta algunas pérdidas. El mismo tema anteriormente analizada.
mismo halo, posiblemente el de un maestro que debió dirigir un trabajo de la madera muestra los motivos de filiación arquitectónica
importante taller en tierras aragonesas.”22 En otras partes del libro, Nuevas obras habituales en el tardogótico aragonés, con dos pináculos Morfológicamente, el compartimento está integrado por cuatro
sin embargo, Alcoy subraya “la necesidad de distinguir entre ambos Hasta el momento, y diferenciándolo del autor de las tablas de flanqueando el compartimento de los cuales surjen un arco tableros de madera de conífera que disponen horizontalmente,
pintores”, especialmente cuando se refiere al autor de un Profeta Alloza, al autor del retablo del San Jorge y la Princesa solamente trilobulado con frondas en su perfil exterior y que se remata con lo que seguramente indica que se trataba de un compartimento
conservado en el Museo del Prado que ella relaciona con el Maestro se le atribuían solamente dos obras más, una pequeña tabla un florón. El intradós del arco es polilobulado, mientras que en la de predela. En la parte posterior todavía se conservan restos de
de Alloza.23 Quizás com resultado de esta confusión, otros autores conservada en el Museo Nacional del Prado con la representación zona del extradós se ha decorado con un friso contínuo de tracería la preparación de yeso y estopa que se aplicó para contrarestar
prefirieron seguir con la atribución tradicional a Huguet.24 Sea como del profeta Daniel (inv. P02683) (fig. 4),31 relacionada de antiguo flamígera. las contracciones y dilataciones de la madera. Se detecta también
sea, nuestra posición es que tanto el Profeta del Museo del Prado con la fase aragonesa de Huguet; y un conjunto de dos tablas con el uso de cuñas en las juntas de los diferentes tableros, las cuales
como el de San Jorge y la Princesa son del mismo artista, un pintor San Juan Bautista y San Jaime aun hoy conservadas en la iglesia La obra se ajusta perfectamente al estilo del autor del San Jorge y también tenían la misión de evitar los daños producidos por
que cabe diferenciar del que realizó los paneles de Alloza y la sarga del monasterio de San Pedro de Siresa (Huesca), de atribución la Princesa del Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya. Destaca, con los movimientos de la madera. Dichas cuñas, al igual que la
del monasterio del Santo Sepulcro de Zaragoza.25 No hay duda de reciente (fig. 5).32 Es importante apuntar que el hecho que las todo, el curioso tratamiento cromático que el pintor ha concedido preparación de yeso y estopa mencionada, no pretendían anular
que ambos fueron responsables de diferentes talleres, y si se hallan dos tablas de Siresa se conserven en el lugar para el cual fueron a los rostros, con un tono amarillento que seguramente se ha los movimientos, sino favorecer que los mismos no produjesen
estilísticamente conectados es porque compartieron un mismo pintadas es un argumento importante a la hora de justificar el acrecentado por el paso del tiempo. El de Jesús, en cambio, es más daños en la superficie polícroma.37
entorno geográfico y temporal.26 origen aragonés de su autor. grisáceo, muy en la línia del que veremos más adelante en un San
Sebastián conservado en el castillo de Gaasbeek (Bélgica). Esta El estilo, nuevamente, revela que nos hallamos ante una nueva obra
Alcoy dejó en claro en 1993 que los paneles de Alloza y la sarga del El análisis estilístico muestra que la obra que da nombre al pintor peculiar manera de abordar el cromatismo de ciertos rostros será del Maestro de San Jorge y la Princesa. Los rostros de los soldados
monasterio del Santo Sepulcro en Zaragoza eran obra de un pintor y los dos paneles de Siresa, junto con la cabeza de profeta en el necesario incorporarla a lo poco que sabemos a día de hoy del se hallan directamente emparentados con el profeta Daniel del
familiarizado con el entorno pictórico de Barcelona liderado por Museo del Prado, forman un grupo homogéneo.33 Este exiguo pintor desde el punto de vista técnico. El estilo, en cambio, apunta Museo del Prado, y muestran las características narices del pintor.
Jaume Huguet, aunque sin relacionar estas pinturas con el panel catálago de obras hoy lo incrementamos con seis obras más, algunas hacia las pocas obras conocidas hasta hoy del maestro. Así, el rostro Su mirada, igualmente, luce esa melancolía que el pintor consigue
de San Jorge y la Princesa. Buscando la identidad del Maestro de las cuales han aparecido en comercio en fecha reciente. La del soldado que sujeta el brazo derecho de Cristo es absolutamente con la representación de los ojos entreabiertos. Los paralelos pueden
de Alloza, Alcoy propuso a Bernat Ortoneda, hijo del pintor de primera de dichas tablas es una tabla subastada recientemente en concomitante con el profeta Daniel del Museo del Prado o con el extrapolarse a la tabla con el San Jorge y la Princesa en aspectos
Tarragona Pascual Ortoneda. Pascual está documentado en Aragón Christie’s (New York), con la representación del Beso de Judas (fig. del San Jorge en Barcelona. Su barba, etérea y delicada, de pelo como los señalados, o como el tratamiento de las bocas, pintadas
desde 1423, y Bernat – quien se formó en Cataluña, habiendo 6).34 La tabla se conservó antiguamente en la colección Vilallonga revuelto resuleto a través de veladuras, es muy similar a la que esquemáticamente a partir de un tono carmín suave, con los labios
ingresado en el taller de Bernat Martorell en 1446 – responde al de Barcelona, donde fue vista por Post, que la atribuyó al Maestro luce el San Juan Bautista de Siresa. En línieas generales, todos los separados por una línea negra muy simple. Detectamos también en
perfil de pintor activo en Aragón que conocía el arte de Jaume de Morata.35 La escena muestra el momento en que Jesus es personajes presentan esas miradas melancólicas de ojos entreabiertos algunos rostros, como el de Pedro, los ligeros toques de color blanco
142 Rediscovering the Master of the Saint George and the Princess: new paintings Rediscovering the Master of the Saint George and the Princess: new paintings 143

que hallamos en el profeta del Museo del Prado, las tablas de Siresa, el jarro y el facistol aparecen añadidas sobre un fondo dorado que fuese efectuando un picado o con un simple dibujo inciso. No era caras del arcángel y María se parecen mucho a las de San Jorge y
o en otras tablas que estudiaremos más adelante. atorga naturaleza sobrenatural al episodio. Ese fondo, además, hace necesario efectuar el dibujo de manera muy precisa, ya que esa la Princesa. Las concomitancias con la obra principal del grupo
que personajes y objetos aparezcan flotando en el aire, sensación indefinición se disimularía con la aplicación final de la pintura. Todo son muy evidentes, no solo en los aspectos señalados, sino en la
La barba de Pedro se ha resuelto de forma similar a la del San Juan que se acrecenta en el caso del arcángel, que parece levitar. La ello explica el acabado un tanto burdo que hallamos en la tabla del misma configuración de las cabezas, su orientación y el efecto final
Evangelista en San Pedro de Siresa, esto es, a través de una multitud decoración de los compartimentos se complementa con el uso del arcángel Gabriel. resultante. Además, la cara del arcángel reproduce fielmente las
de puntos para que parezca poco espesa. Y la oreja, además, yeso embutido y dorado, que hallamos en los nimbos a base de características del rostro del donante que aparece junto a San Juan
muestra un tratamiento análogo al que vemos en el arcángel Gabriel formas concéntricas, en los ribetes de los mantos, y en los puños de En nuestra opinión, hay un segundo detalle que demuestra que las Bautista en uno de los compartimentos desaparecidos del Museo
de una Anunciación que analizaremos a continuación. A todo ello la túnica de Gabriel. tablas no se finalizaron. Nos referimos al filacterio sin inscripción Kaiser Friederich de Berlín.
debemos añadir un detalle compositivo que es ni mucho menos que sujeta el arcángel Gabriel, que no presenta en su interior el
baladí. Se trata del pequeño escudo circular que Malco sostiene Macías señaló unos añadidos y repintes en la parte inferior habitual texto de la salutación angélica: “Ave Maria gratia plena Otra de las obras que se pueden atribuir fácilmente al pintor
con su mano izquierda y que apoya en el suelo, una solución que de ambas tablas que, con todo, no afectan a los rostros de los Dominus tecum…”. En cambio, en los extremos apreciamos una es un panel con la imagen de San Sebastián hoy en día en el
hallamos de manera indéntica en la tabla subastada en Christie’s. personajes.42 El añadido se aprecia perfectamente si juntamos decoración vegetal pintada en color rojo. Todo ello nos obliga a Castillo de Gaasbeek (Lennik, Bélgica) (fig. 10). Se trata de un
El mimetismo se repite incluso en la morfología del propio escudo. las dos tablas, con lo que en la parte interior se nos dibuja una preguntarnos porqué el pintor no acabó su trabajo. Es difícil dar una trabajo publicado en su día por Post, quien lo relacionó (no
El rostro de Malco, además, repite las facciones caricaturizadas y especie de forma triangular. Con todo, estas modificaciones no respuesta a esta cuestión, pero de lo que hay ninguna duda es de sin dudas) con Martín de Soria, señalando que los estilemas
expresionistas que encontramos en los de algunos soldados de la se efectuaron sobre añadidos de madera que se adhirieron a los que las tablas llegaron a montarse en el retablo al que pertenecían. de la cara del personaje eran los mismos que los del donante
tabla subastada en Christie’s, repitiéndose la nariz respingona y los tableros originales, ya que en el reverso de ambos compartimentos Más difícil es precisar cuando se añadió lo señalado más arriba, masculino del panel en Berlín.48 La tabla muestra un resultado
ojos saltones que refuerzan el carácter negativo de los personajes. se detecta perfectamente que el soporte original – dos tableros de aunque todo indica que fue a raíz de que las tablas entrasen en el plástico realmente excepcional y se erige como uno de los mejores
madera conífera – se encuentran en su estado original.43 Por tanto, mercado de arte, y que se buscó otorgar a las tablas una apariencia trabajos del Maestro del San Jorge y la Princesa. El santo aparece
Otras obras deben agregarse a este grupo de pinturas. Me refiero lo que se añadió – básicamente la parte baja de las túnicas de más acabada y comercial.45 De ser esto así, cabría suponer que representado de cuerpo entero y luce unas calzas verde oliva,
a dos compartimentos de retablo (cada uno de 59,5 x 36,5 cm) ambos personajes y una buena zona de dorado – , se hizo sobre el debajo de lo añadido se encuentra el soporte original, y que en esa además de una túnica carmín rematada con un ribete inferior
que representan la Anunciación, adquiridos hace algunos años soporte original. zona triangular que marcan los añadidos debía acoplarse algun tipo de armiño. Por encima, presenta una lujosa capa dorada con
por el Gobierno de Aragón, y hoy en día custodiados en el Museo de elemento estructural del retablo. Esta hipótesis entronca con decoraciones vegetales realizadas con la técnica del estofado, que
de Zaragoza (fig. 8). Fueron subastados en diciembre de 2009 en Esta extraña situación nos obliga a analizar con un cierto detalle lo afirmado en su momento por Guadaira Macías,46 que supuso imita los tejidos de seda contemporáneos. En sus manos sostiene
Barcelona (Balclis, lote 1018), y aparecieron en el catálogo como una serie de características poco habituales que presentan las tablas. que en origen estos compartimentos no ocupasen espacios de las el arco y una flecha, sus atributos iconográficos más habituales,
obra de un pintor anónimo aragonés de hacia 1460, del círculo de La primera de ellas es el fondo dorado sobre el que se recortan calles laterales del retablo, sino que en realidad se ubicasen en los que fueron realizados con la técnica del yeso embutido y dorado.
Arnau de Castellnou. En ese momento, las tablas solo se conocían las figuras, la jarra y el facistol. Efectuado con lámina metálica de intersticios ubicados justo por encima del remate del conjunto, Dicha técnica también se utilizó para realizar el fondo dorado
a través de fotografías en el Institut Amatller d’Art Hispànic de oro, dicho fondo substituye a la habitual localización de personajes como vemos en el retablo de la Epifanía del Museu Episcopal de Vic que aparece en los laterales y la parte superior, las espuelas que
Barcelona38, donde figuran como pertenecientes a la colección y objetos de la Anunciación en un interior, y confiere a las tablas atribuido a Huguet.47 Esta posibilidad ligaría con el hecho que la luce el santo en los pies, o en algunos de los elementos de la
del pintor Marian Espinal (1897-1974).39 Sorprendentemente, una irrealidad manifiesta. La solución, con todo, no es extraña en zona triangular de la parte baja quedase sin decorar. funda de espada que cuelga de su cinto. Con embutido dorado se
la historiografía casi no les había prestado atención, excepto dos la producción de nuestro pintor, ya que la hallamos también en la realizó también el nimbo, de formas concéntricas absolutamente
menciones breves, ambas recientes.40 Las pinturas también fueron pequeña tabla con el profeta Daniel del Museo del Prado, donde En cualquier caso, los rostros de María y Gabriel no dejan ningún semejantes a las de las obras hasta ahora analizadas. La figura
incluidas en la tesis doctoral de Guadaira Macías (2013), donde la vemos que la cabeza se recorta sobre un fondo con placha metálica. tipo de dudas en cuanto a la atribución de las tablas (fig. 9). Se trata, aparece ubicado en un espacio más o menos creíble donde destaca
autora afirmó que, aunque las similitudes con el Maestro del San Lo que sí llama la atención es que la tabla del arcángel presente en claramente, del Maestro de San Jorge y la Princesa. Nuevamente un pavimento de baldosas cerámicas y, sobretodo, el majestuoso
Jorge y la Princesa eran evidentes, las tablas no podían atribuirse el fondo una serie de motivos efectuados a punzón que reproducen vemos ese tratamiento tan peculiar de los rostros, con las miradas trono de madera ante el cual se ubica la figura.
a dicho autor. Por el contrario y, en nuestra opinión, de forma motivos vegetales, mientras que el compartimento con la Virgen ensimismadas tan características. Los ojos entreabiertos se
equívoca, la autora afirmó que se podían situar en la órbita de María no los muestra. El efecto resultante es extraño, no solamente configuran con un empaste blanco que resuelve el globo ocular, y El resultado general conseguido con la repesentación es muy
Bernardo de Arás.41 por el hecho que una tabla lo presente y la otra no, sino por la una mancha marrón para la niña, sobre la cual contrasta el negro efectista. San Sebastian aparece como un auténtico caballero
apariencia física del mismo. El punzonado es excesivamente sumario de la pupila. Detectamos igualmente las ligeras pinceladas blancas medieval que, incluso, lleva espuelas de rueda, como el donante
Ambas tablas muestran a los protagonistas de la Anunciación, y esquemático, pues no está resuelto con el detallismo y la definición que producen brillos en nariz, pómulos y barbilla, como hemos del retablo de San Jorge y la Princesa. El lujo de la indumentaria
la Virgen María y el arcángel Gabriel. Ella aparece ante un que requería un trabajo de ese tipo. visto en el Prendimiento de Cristo fragmentario, y que nuevamente y su clase social se hace evidente en ese detalle, y también en el
facistol sobre el que reposa un libro y donde dispone su mano hallaremos en una Lamentación ante el Cristo muerto que de la capa dorada y los remates de armiño de la túnica. Es la viva
izquierda, mientras con la otra saluda al arcángel. A la izquierda Analizando técnicamente ese trabajo técnico en su globalidad, analizaremos a continuación. imagen de un noble cuatrocentista. Este tipo de representación
del espectador, un gran jarro con lirios blancos con las letras alfa y rápidamente se advierte que no hallamos resultados semejantes del santo ataviado lujosamente responde a un modelo que gozó
omega recuerda la pureza virginal de María. Gabriel sostiene en sus en toda la Corona de Aragón. Y no los hallamos porque nos El tratamiento del cabello vuelve a ser el habitual del pintor, de un cierto éxito en tierras aragonesas durante la segunda mitad
manos un filacterio donde no hallamos ninguna inscripción. Ambos encontramos ante una anomalía. Más que una anomalía, de lo que destacando la melena suelta y castaña de Gabriel, que se matiza del siglo XV, como vemos en algunas obras del pintor Martín
personajes lucen túnica y manto de tonos rosáceos y azulados claros, se trata, en realidad, es que las tablas que no fueron terminadas. con la introducción de tonos más oscuros, como vemos en el Bernat (doc. 1450-1505), entre ellas, el San Sebastián procedente
tratados con una cierta exquisitez. Gabriel mira al frente, mientras Salta a la vista que el maestro no ultimó la decoración del fondo, profeta del Museo del Prado, el San Jaime de Siresa o en el San de la iglesia de Piedratajada (Zaragoza), hoy conservado en el
María, que se encontraba leyendo, parece sorprenderse por la ya que todo el interior de las formas que dibujan los punzonados Pablo de las tablas desaparecidas de Berlín. Cejas, labios y perfiles Museo Diocesano de Jaca, o la antiguamente conservada en la
visita angélica y gira su cabeza para dirigir la mirada a Gabriel debían policromarse siguiendo la técnica del estofado, como era en general coinciden plenamente con los trabajos mencionados colección de Dámaso Escudero de Corella;49 o en una tabla de
y corresponderle con el saludo. El episodio no transcurre en un habitual en aquel momento.44 El procedimiento técnico de ese tipo anteriormente. Por lo tanto, aunque se aprecia un mejor acabado autor anónimo conservada antiguamente en la colección Esteve
interior definido, a diferencia de lo que es habitual. Las dos figuras, de decoración implicaba dibujar esas formas con el punzón, ya en el panel del Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya, vemos que las (Barcelona).50
144 Rediscovering the Master of the Saint George and the Princess: new paintings Rediscovering the Master of the Saint George and the Princess: new paintings 145

Estilísticamente, el rostro del santo comparte muchos de los detalles que sostienen herramientas en sus manos – un martillo y unas tenazas de los donantes del retablo de San Jorge y la Princesa. El rostro de los Arma Christi, que refuerzan el contenido pasional de la pintura.
que hemos venido comentando. Dos de los paralelos más claros los – para señalar que fueron los que desclavaron a Jesús de la cruz. Cristo, a su vez, se asemeja al San Juan Bautista también de Berlín, Se trata de una obra de alto contenido emocional y emotivo, afín a
hallamos en el San Pedro y en el soldado que sujeta a Cristo por su Para distinguirlos, se les representó con el nimbo poligonal, que los especialmente en tratamiento de las facciones. la espiritualidad propuesta por la devotio moderna que hallaba textos
brazo derecho en la tabla subastada en Christie’s. Con esta obra, el identifica como personajes de la Antigua Ley. Las dos figuras restantes, de apoyo en obras como las Meditationes Vitae Christi del Pseudo-
San Sebastián comparte, además, ese curioso tratamiento cromático femeninas, cabe identificarlas con dos Marías o Santas Mujeres, Entre los rostros sin tantos paralelos entre las obras conocidas del Buenaventura. Este tipo de representaciones buscaban despertar los
de las carnaciones de color apagado y poco realista, que en el caso normalmente identificadas con Maria Salomé y María Cleofás. pintor, cabe destacar los femeninos. Ni la Princesa de la tabla de sentimientos religiosos más íntimos de los fieles, sobretodo aquellos
de la tabla conservada en Gaasbeek es de color grisáceo, y que Barcelona, ni la donante femenina antiguamente conservada en que le permitiesen experimentar de forma empática el dolor de María
vemos también en las manos del santo. A parte de estos paralelos, Los personajes aparecen representados en primerísimo plano, Berlín se asemejan a las mujeres aquí representadas, más allá de las al perder a su Hijo, o el que padeció Jesús durante la Pasión.
las facciones del San Sebastián de Gaasbeek són absolutamente ocupando buena parte de la composición y dejando poco espacio coincidencias de estilo que puedan detectarse a la hora de resolver
concomitantes con las del San Juan Bautista o el San Pedro de las para la representación del entorno geográfico del Gólgota. las facciones. Los paralelos más claros los hallamos en la Virgen Madre e Hijo se hallan acompañados, de forma extemporánea,
tablas de Berlín. Su semblante no se halla lejos tampoco del que Solamente intuimos algo de paisaje en la parte derecha, donde de la Anunciación del Museo de Zaragoza, que guarda algunas por dos importantes santos y abogados espirituales, San Benito
muestra el San Juan Bautista de Siresa, aunque en este último caso aparecen unos accidentes geográficos. La línea de horizonte es semejanzas con la Magdalena y con la María que se lleva el dedo a de Nursia y San Bernardo de Claraval, el fundador de la orden
el resultado final sea de menos calidad. En suma, se trata de un tipo bastante elevada, y de ahí que el cielo, de tonalidad marronosa y la boca en la tabla de Sitges (fig. 13). En el caso de la primera, vemos benedictina y el principal representante de los cistercienses, ambos
de rostro semejante al del San Jorge de Barcelona, o al del profeta del crepuscular, se situe a poco más de media altura. La parte superior que el tratamiento de su larga melena es similar al que vemos en la identificados por sendas inscripciones en la parte baja. Aparecen
Museo del Prado, con quien comparte, además, la misma solución del mismo se ha resuleto a partir de un rayado en diagonal como el tabla de Zaragoza. arrodillados y sostienen sendos báculos que les identifican como
a la hora de resolver la oreja, que queda medio escondida entre los que vemos en la tabla con el San Jorge y la Princesa. abades de sus respectivas comunidades. Su presencia no hace más
cabellos y de la que solo se intuye una parte. Este detalle aparece Otra de las características habituales del pintor que detectamos en que reforzar lo expresado más arriba, pues se trata de dos santos
también en el San Juan Bautista de Siresa, y es una constante en las Decorativamente, uno de los detalles que llama más la atención es la Lamentación de Sitges viene dada por los ligeros toques de color especialmente recordados por su gran espiritualidad pasional.
obras del pintor. el gran protagonismo de los nimbos que lucen todos los personajes, blanco que el maestro aplica en determinadas partes de los rostros,
pues ocupan buena parte de la superfície pictórica. Su presencia como la nariz, la zona del lagrimal, o en otras partes de la cara, una La tabla, decorativamente, destaca por la importante presencia
Otra de las obras más destacadas que presentamos en este trabajo es tan apabullante que casi no dejan ver la cruz de la cual se ha técnica con la que buscaba resaltar algunos brillos, y que hemos de los dorados, que lo otorgaban fulgor y presencia. Los hallamos
es una Lamentación ante el Cristo muerto conservada en el Museu desclavado a Cristo. Todos son a base de formas concéntricas, visto en el profeta Daniel del Museo del Prado, la Anunciación del en todo el marco, en los nimbos y en el fondo. El yeso embutido
Maricel de Sitges (Barcelona) (fig. 11). Se trata de una tabla poco exceptuando los de José de Arimatea y Nicodemo, como ya hemos Museo de Zaragoza, las tablas de Siresa, o el Prendimiento de Cristo aparece en los nimbos concéntricos de María, Benito y Bernardo,
conocida, y que en alguna ocasión se la relacionó con el Maestro de visto. Técnicamente se han resuleto siguiendo el procedimiento ya que se halla en comercio en Madrid. que en su interior muestran motivos punzonados; y también en el
Belmonte,51 un pintor activo en la zona de Calatayud en la segunda descrito de yeso embutido y dorado con lámina metálica de oro, que de Jesús, que se ha configurado a partir de un haz de rayos. Con la
mitad del siglo XV. La revisión reciente que hemos efectuado de las también se utilizó en detalles menos relevantes, como en el pomo La última de las obras que presentamos en este trabajo es una misma técnica se realizaron los báculos que portan los dos santos, y
obras de dicho maestro nos ha llevado a descartar tal atribución.52 de la espada que se clava en el pecho de María, en las tenazas y el pequeña tabla, con su marco original, que representa a San al igual que hemos visto en la Lamentación de Sitges, también los
Hoy, en cambio, presentamos la tabla como uno de los trabajos más martillo o en el clavo que todavía permanece en uno de los brazos Bernardo de Claraval y San Benito flanqueando a la Piedad clavos que aún permanecen en el travesaño de la cruz, así como el
interesantes del Maestro de San Jorge y la Princesa. A pesar que de la cruz. La gama cromática utilizada es la propia del Maestro de Cristo de los Dolores (fig. 14). Se conserva en la Fundación Godia que aparece en el suelo, sobre el manto de María.
desconocemos su procedencia, su origen aragonés parece fuera de San Jorge y la Princesa, como vemos en los tonos rojizos y verdes de de Barcelona, y pudimos estudiarla hace unos años.54 Hasta ese
toda duda no sólo por la atribución que proponemos, sino también la indumentaria de los personajes. El verde, por ejemplo, reproduce momento la tabla, de escasa bibliografia, se había relacionado A pesar del formato reducido, que implica cambios sensibles
por el hecho que perteneciese a la colección de Jesús Pérez Rosales, el color de las calzas del San Sebastian conservado en Gaasbeek, con Arnau de Castellnou,55 uno de los autores del retablo de la en la configuración de los personajes, el estilo de la obra remite
quien atesoró numerosas pinturas góticas con ese origen.53 mientras que el rojo recuerda al del bonete del San Jorge en la tabla ermita de la Coronación de Erla (Zaragoza) – hoy en día en la directamente al Maestro de San Jorge y la Princesa. La cabeza de
de Barcelona, o al del manto del profeta Daniel del Museo del Prado. iglesia parroquial del mismo pueblo – , junto a Tomás Giner (circa Maria, cubierta con la toca y el manto de forma similar, sigue el
El compartimento es de formato apaisado. Por lo que es muy posible 1466). En esta publicación previa propusimos su vinculación con el modelo que hemos visto en la Lamentación del Museu Maricel de
fuese el compartimento prinicipal deuna predela de retablo. María Uno de los aspectos más destacables de la pintura es el repertorio de “círculo aragonés” de Huguet, aunque rechazamos los vínculos con Sitges, donde también hallamos el detalle de la espada que atraviesa
preside la composición, sujetando en su regazo al Hijo de Dios, rostros que presenta (fig. 12). Aparecen algunos que reencontramos el retablo de Erla por lo espinoso del asunto y el poco conocimiento el pecho de la Virgen. La Virgen levanta su mano izquierda de
que yace muerto. El gesto de aflicción de la Madre es evidente en en diversas obras del pintor, como el del personaje que sostiene las que se tiene de lo que realizó Castellnou, a parte de su trabajo en manera similar a como lo hace en la Anunciación del Museo de
su rostro, aunque también lo detectamos en la forma como sujeta tenazas, que recuerda al San Sebastian de Gaasbeek, o al soldado dicho retablo. Hoy, gracias al incremento del catálogo de obras del Zaragoza. Se trata de manos configuradas plásticamente de manera
la muñeca del débil y ensangrentado brazo de su Hijo. El dolor se de la derecha de Cristo en el Prendimiento subastado en Christie’s. Maestro de San Jorge y la Princesa, nos decantamos por atribuirle la similar, con finos y estilizados dedos.
hace completamente evidente también con el puñal que se clava Su nariz y su boca, además, las reencontramos en el profeta del tabla de la Fundación Godia.
en el pecho de la Virgen. El cuerpo de Cristo, se dispone de forma Museo del Prado. La prominente y espesa barba, técnicamente, se Las miradas ensimismadas de ojos entreabiertos, conseguidas con
diagonal, con la espalda ligeramente erguida debido a que María ha trabajado de la misma manera que la del Santiago en una de las La tabla es de dimensiones muy reducidas y no formaba parte de una sutil mancha blanca y otra de color marrón y negro, son las
parece incorporarlo con su mano derecha, que no está a la vista. dos tablas de Siresa, o en el San Pablo antiguamente conservado ningún retablo. Se trata de una obra de devoción privada, destinada propias del maestro, así como la manera de tratar bocas y narices.
Va completamente desnudo, aunque un delicado velo de gasa en el Kaiser Friederich Museum de Berlín, esto es, con cabellos a reforzar la piedad intimista de algún fiel, que la debió disponer Estos detalles configuran un tipo de rostros muy característicos que
transparente, de gran efecto visual, le cubre el pubis y algo de las sueltos y individualizados. La cara de San Juan Evangelista es muy en el interior de su domicilio particular. El tema representado es entroncan con los hasta ahora vistos. Lo apreciamos claramente en
piernas. El yacente no reposa directamente sobre el manto azul de similar a la del arcángel Gabriel de la Anunciación del Museo de ideal para este tipo de práctica religiosa, pues nos muestra a María el de San Benito, que se asemeja por completo con la María que
María, sino que lo hace sobre un sudario blanco que sostienen por Zaragoza, mientras que la del personaje que sostiene el martillo, en su pleno dolor, con la espada clavada en el pecho de la misma aparece en el extremo izquierdo de la Lamentación de Sitges, y con
las puntas San Juan Evangelista y la Magdalena. En segundo plano encuentra un buen paralelo en el San Luis de Tolosa de Berlín. Esta forma que hemos visto en la Lamentación de Sitges. En su regazo el arcángel Gabriel de las tablas del Museo de Zaragoza, aunque en
se situan el resto de personajes, los habituales en las representaciones figura presenta una oreja completamente descubierta, de pavellón yace el cuerpo inerte de su Hijo, ensangrentado y con las marcas este caso el vínculo es menos intenso. El rostro de San Benito, por
pictóricas del episodio. Dos de ellos son José de Arimatea y Nicodemo, auditico muy amplio, idéntica a la del San Pablo mencionado y a las de la crucifixión bien visibles. En el travesaño de la crux, resposan su parte, encuentra un paralelo perfecto en la María que se lleva
146 Rediscovering the Master of the Saint George and the Princess: new paintings Rediscovering the Master of the Saint George and the Princess: new paintings 147

el dedo a la boca también en la tabla con la Lamentación, y en la

Virgen de la Anunciación del museo zaragozano. La posición de la N OTE S
cabeza y la mirada cabizbaja de ambos santos la reencontramos,
por su parte, en el San Pedro que se dispone a cortar la oreja de
Malco en la tabla que se encuentra en comercio en Madrid, o en el
1. Este artículo ha recibido el apoyo científico del vuitcentista”, en Col·leccionistes, col·leccions i museus. Pintura Medieval; Mañas, Pintura gótica.
Santiago de la iglesia de Siresa. proyecto de investigación “Expresividad, sentimiento Episodis de the història del patrimoni artístic de Catalunya, 15. Chandler Rathfon Post, The Catalan School in the Late
y emoción (siglos XII-XV)” (Ministerio de Economía, eds. Bonaventura Bassegoda e Ignasi Domènech Middle Ages (A History of Spanish Painting, vol. VII)
En líneas generales, los rostros de los personajes de la pequeña tabla Industria y Competitividad, Gobierno de España, (Bellaterra [y otras]: Universitat Autònoma de (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1938),
ref. HAR2016-75028-P, Universitat de Lleida, Barcelona [y otras], 2007), p. 57, nota 106. pp. 170-171; Post, The Aragonese, pp. 337-352.
de la Fundación Francisco Godia muestran un acabado menos
investigador principal: Dr. Flocel Sabate). 8. Bertaux, “Das Katalanische,” pp. 187-192. 16. Joan Sureda, “Problemes entorn a Jaume Huguet:
perfeccionista y más apresurado que los que el pintor realizaba 2. Joaquim Folch i Torres, “El retaule de Sant Jordi, de 9. Sobre la identificación de los donantes, véase Francesc proposta d’un nou catàleg”, Cultura 511 (1991), pp.
en obras de mayor formato. Ello se debe a la naturaleza distinta Jaume Huguet, al museu de la Ciutadella”, Gaseta de les Ruiz Quesada, “Consideracions sobre el Sant Jordi 11-14.
del tipo de trabajo, ya que mientras los retablos para iglesias eran Arts 3 (1924), pp. 1-3; Laia Alsina, “Francesc Miquel i la princesa i els seus donants”, en Jaume Huguet. 500 17. Joan Sureda, Un cert Jaume Huguet, el capvespre d’un somni
i Badia (Barcelona 1840-1899): crític, tractadista anys, cat. exp. (Barcelona: Departament de Cultura, (Barcelona: Lunwerg, 1994), pp. 87-89.
encargos que requerían acabados más precisos por sus dimenciones
i col·leccionista d’art” (tesis doctoral, Universitat Generalitat de Catalunya, 1993), pp. 104-108; Alcoy, 18. Joan Ainaud de Lasarte, “Sant Jordi i la Princesa”,
y la exigencia de los cleintes en los contratos, las pinturas de Autònoma de Barcelona, 2015), p. 339 y 409-410. San Jorge, pp. 77-122; Joan Valero, “La promoció en Jaume Huguet. 500 anys, cat. exp. (Barcelona:
devoción privada eran pinturas que el maestro debió comercializar 3. Una aproximación al fenómeno del coleccionismo artística femenina dins del llinatge dels Cabrera a Departament de Cultura, Generalitat de Catalunya,
directamente desde su taller y que realizaba como trabajos de tipo de pintura gótica en Cataluña en Alberto Velasco, l’època baixmedieval”, Lambard. Estudis d’art medieval 1993), pp. 224-227.
“L’exposició retrospectiva de Barcelona de 1867 XXV (2013-2014), pp. 93-105, donde a parte de 19. Una de las últimas aportaciones sobre el artista es
nutritivo o alimenticio. Sea como sea, en la Corona de Aragón i els inicis del col·leccionisme de pintura gòtica a la identidad de los promotores se analizan otras la tesis doctoral de Guadaira Macías, “La pintura
se han conservado escasas muestras de este tipo de realizaciones, Catalunya”, Lambard. Estudis d’art medieval XXII (2012), interesantes cuestiones relativas a la obra. aragonesa de la segona meitat del segle XV
exceptuando algunos trípticos, cosa que nos indica que el Maestro de pp. 9-65. Cfr. Bonaventura Bassegoda, “L’apreciació 10. El uso de la grisalla es un tema a tener en cuenta, relacionada amb l’escola catalana: dues vies creatives
de l’art medieval a les primeres col·leccions ya que la primera obra documentada en los reinos a examen”, (tesis doctoral, Universitat de Barcelona,
San Jorge y la Princesa también se dedicó a la realización y venta de
catalanes”, en Mercat de l’art, col·leccionisme i museus. hispanos donde se utilizó dicha técnica se pintó, 2013), pp. 171-215.
obras más modestas para clientes particulares que las destinaban a Episodis sobre el patrimoni artístic a Catalunya als segles XIX precisamente, en Zaragoza. Nos referimos al 20. Alcoy, “Jaume Huguet,” pp. 312-317. Es curioso
las estancias de sus residencias. i XX, eds. Bonaventura Bassegoda e Ignasi Domènech desaparecido retablo de la capilla de la Casa de la ver que en esta publicación Alcoy expuso unos
(Bellaterra [y otras]: Universitat Autònoma de Ciudad, que combinaba pintura y escultura y fue argumentos en cuanto a la nueva atribución que no
Barcelona [y otras], 2014), pp. 25-50. contratado por el escultor Pere Joan en 1443. Sobre eran compartidos por el Museu Nacional d’Art de
Finalmente, es necesario mencionar un compartimento de
4. La obra se había citado escuetamente, sin dicho retablo, véase Alberto Velasco Gonzàlez, “«Para Catalunya, institución organizadora de la exposición
retablo conservado hace años en la iglesia parroquial de Tosos reproducirse, en una publicación local barcelonesa en que sus deliberaciones y consejos no vayan" herrados que dio origen a la publicación en cuestión. Puesto
(Zaragoza), y que solo conocemos a través de una publicación 1884: Josep Roca, Barcelona en la mano: guía de Barcelona sino acertados». Gonzalo de la Caballería y el retablo que el museo se resistía a retirar la atribución a
antigua.56 Nos hallamos ante una pintura que genera más dudas. y sus alrededores (Barcelona: E. López, 1884), p. 197). de la capilla del Concejo de Zaragoza (1443)”, Tvriaso Huguet, la ficha se encabezó con el nombre de
No fue hasta 1909 que se relacionó con Huguet: XXII (2014-2015), pp. 295-340. Las imágenes en dicho artista acompañado de un asterisco, donde
Representaba a los santos Fabián y Sebastián y, como se ve en una Émile Bertaux, “Das Katalanische Sankt-Georg grisalla de San Juan Evangelista y Santiago o San se manifestaban las discrepancias entre la autora y
fotografía publicada en 1967, había sido completamente repintada, Trptychon aus der Werkstatt des Jaime Huguet”, Juan Bautista se conservaban muy fragmentariamente la institución. Alcoy desarrolló sus tesis con mucha
distorsionándose así su estilo original. A pesar de esto, los rostros Jahrbuch der Königlich Preussischen XXX (1909), pp. puesto que las tablas habían sido serradas por la parte más profundidad en el libro publicado justo al año
187-192). superior. De ahí que la representación del segundo siguiente (Alcoy, San Jorge).
permiten que la obra sea atribuida al Maestro del San Jorge y la
5. En palabras de Rosa Alcoy: “La taula de Sant Jordi i la santo sea compleja. En el reverso de la tabla del 21. Sobre estas obras, véase María del Carmen Lacarra,
Princesa, especialmente si comparamos la cara de san Fabián con Princesa és una d’aquelles obres d’art que, transcendint San Jorge y la Princesa, en cambio, encontramos la “Anunciació i Epifania. Dos compartiments de
la de san Jorge. Para certificarlo sería necesario efectuar un análisis la seva evidència immediata, el seu estat fragmentari representación de un emblema heráldico relacionado retaule”, en Jaume Huguet. 500 anys, cat. exp.
físico de la obra, pero lamentable, parece que fue vendida después i les seves debilitats, ha esdevingut un objecte pictòric con la familia Cabrera. (Barcelona: Departament de Cultura, Generalitat
de culte. Hem d’acceptar, doncs, que enfrontem un 11. Benjamin Rowland, Jaume Huguet. A Study of Late de Catalunya, 1993), pp. 228-231; Joan Sureda,
de 1967 y hoy ya no se conserva en Tosos. Cabrá esperar a que
producte rar i carismàtic, amb una inèrcia pròpia, que Gothic Painting in Catalonia (Cambridge, MA: Harvard “Sarja de la Mare de Déu i l’àngel custodi”, en Jaume
aparezca nuevamente a la venta para poder estudiarla con detalle la modernitat que arrela als inicis del segle XX ha University Press 1932), pp. 154-159. Huguet. 500 anys, cat. exp. (Barcelona: Departament
y, así, poder confirmar si se trata de una nueva obra del pintor que anat convertint en un veritable símbol, sostingut sovint 12. Josep Gudiol Ricart y Joan Ainaud De Lasarte, Huguet de Cultura, Generalitat de Catalunya, 1993), pp.
hemos tratado en este artículo. com una de les banderes de la pintura catalana” (Rosa (Barcelona: Instituto Amatller de Arte Hispánico, 232-235; María del Carmen Lacarra, “La qüestió
Alcoy, “Jaume Huguet*. Sant Jordi i la princesa”, en 1948), p. 34-50. Véanse los estudios de las obras aragonesa de Jaume Huguet”, en L’art gòtic a
La pintura gòtica hispanoflamenca. Bartolomé Bermejo i la seva incluidas en dicha problemática en Jaume Huguet. 500 Catalunya. Pintura. III. Darreres manifestacions (Barcelona,
època, cat. exp. (Barcelona-Bilbao: Museu Nacional anys, cat. exp. (Barcelona: Departament de Cultura, Enciclopèdia Catalana, 2006), pp. 147-149.
d’Art de Catalunya, Museo de Bellas Artes de Bilbao, Generalitat de Catalunya, 1993), pp. 222-239 and 22. Alcoy, San Jorge, p. 157.
2003), p. 312. 246-249. 23. Véase Alcoy, San Jorge, p. 156-157.
6. Rosa Alcoy, San Jorge y la Princesa. Diálogos de la 13. Véase, por ejemplo, Josep Gudiol, Pintura medieval en 24. Joan Sureda, “Jaume Huguet i l’eixir de la dignitat
pintura del siglo XV en Cataluña y Aragón (Barcelona: Aragón (Zaragoza: Institución “Fernando el Católico”, humana”, en L’art gòtic a Catalunya. Pintura. III. Darreres
Publicacions i Edicions de la Universitat de Barcelona, 1971), and also Fabián Mañas, Pintura gótica aragonesa manifestacions (Barcelona, Enciclopèdia Catalana,
2003). (Zaragoza: Guara Editorial, 1979). 2006), p. 90; Eva March, “Jaume Huguet”, en L’art
7. Chandler Rathfon Post, The Aragonese School in the Late 14. Entre otras publicaciones, estas aproximaciones gòtic a Catalunya. Pintura. III. Darreres manifestacions
Middle Ages (A History of Spanish Painting, vol. VIII) aparecen en Gudiol y Ainaud, Huguet; Josep Gudiol, (Barcelona, Enciclopèdia Catalana, 2006), pp. 97-102.
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1941), Pintura Gótica (Ars Hispaniae, vol. IX) (Madrid: Plus 25. Aunque no podemos desarrollar la propuesta por falta
pp. 336-352, con mención en la p. 345 de la “vague Ultra, 1955); José Camón Aznar, Pintura Medieval de espacio, en nuestran opinión, existen evidencias
tradition” que situaba su origen en esta localidad de Española (Summa Artis, vol. XXII) (Madrid: Espasa- estilísticas suficientes para diferenciar entre el pintor
Huesca. Una equívoca tradición anterior apuntaba Calpe, 1966); María del Carmen Lacarra, Primitivos que realizó las tablas de Alloza, y el autor del retablo
que procedía de Valencia. Véase Francesc Quílez, aragoneses en el Museo Provincial de Zaragoza (Zaragoza: de San Jorge y la Princesa.
“La història del col·leccionisme públic a la Barcelona Institución “Fernando el Católico”, 1970); Gudiol, 26. En su tesis doctoral, Guadaira Macías también
148 Rediscovering the Master of the Saint George and the Princess: new paintings Rediscovering the Master of the Saint George and the Princess: new paintings 149

N OTES

distingue entre uno y otro. Véase Macías, “La pintura argumentos con el debido detalle. Véase Alberto 40. La primera mención en Alcoy, San Jorge, p. 147, publicación más reciente se ha relacionado con un
aragonesa”, passim. Velasco, “Revisant Pere Garcia de Benavarri. Noves n. 214, pero solo para establecer un paralelismo pintor anónimo hispano del siglo XVI. Ver Herman
27. Rosa Alcoy “Un proemi a Jaume Huguet. Reflexions precisions a l’etapa saragossana ", Locus Amoenus 8 iconográfico con uno de los paneles en Alloza, y sin Vandormael, Château de Gaasbeek, (Brussels: Credit
sobre la pintura en l’àrea tarragonina entre el (2005-2006), p. 85. ningún comentario a nivel estilístico. La segunda Communal, 1988), pp. 107-108, con reproducción a
1412 i el 1448”, en Jaume Huguet. 500 anys, cat. exp. 33. Rosa Alcoy defiende la atribución del profeta del referencia en Macías, “Noves aportacions”, p. 60, color. La tabla se presenta actualmente con un marco
(Barcelona: Departament de Cultura, Generalitat de Museo del Prado al Maestro de Alloza, propuesta con nota 58, donde tampoco hallamos ningún tipo de no original.
Catalunya, 1993), p. 47. la que no estamos de acuerdo (Alcoy, San Jorge, p 155), análisis estilístico o atribución. 49. Nuria Ortiz Valero, “Martín Bernat. Saint Sebastian”,
28. En la última aproximación que Alcoy ha hecho a pues se trata de un pintor distinto. Por otro lado, el 41. Sobre Bernardo de Arás, véase Didier Martens, Spanish Painting (Madrid: Coll & Cortés Fine Arts,
la tabla del San Jorge y la Princesa la autoría que profeta muestra analogías evidentes con un fragmento “Una huella de Rogier van der Weyden en la obra 2012), pp. 26-35. Extrañamente, Ortiz no incluyó la
aparece referenciada es “Bernat Ortoneda (?)”. de guardapolvo del retablo de Ejea de los Caballeros de Bernart d’Aras, <pintor vecino de la ciudat de tabla de Piedratajada en su monografía dedicada al
Véase Rosa Alcoy, Pintura catalana. El gòtic (Barcelona: (reproducido en María del Carmen Lacarra, Blasco Huesca>”, Archivo Español de Arte LXXXI, 321 (2008), pintor. See Nuria Ortiz Valero, Martín Bernat, pintor
Enciclopèdia Catalana, 2017), pp. 372-373. de Grañén, pintor de retablos (1422-1459) [Zaragoza: pp. 1-18, Macías, “La pintura aragonesa”, pp. 200- de retablos, documentado en Zaragoza entre 1450 y 1505,
29. Sin embargo, no podemos descartar que aspectos Institución “Fernando el Católico”, 2004], p. 85, 211, figs. 151-156. A la vista del escaso catálogo de (Zaragoza: Institución “Fernando el Católico”, 2013).
específicos del arte del gran maestro catalán llegasen fig. 35, lo que pone de manifiesto que nuestro pintor obras conocido del pintor, aprovechamos la ocasión 50. Institut Amatller d’Art Hispànic de Barcelona, cliché
a Aragón más tarde, pues hay una referencia pertenece a la misma cultura figurativa que Martín de para añadir una Lamentación ante el Cristo muerto Movil Weissberger 36.
documental que respalda. Nos referimos al viaje Soria (Alcoy, San Jorge, p. 176), a quien debe atribuirse subastada recientemente en París (Cornette de Saint 51. Elisenda Casanova, “La presencia aragonesa en el
que Martín Bernat y Miguel Ximénez hicieron a esa parte del retablo de Ejea. Cyr maison de ventes, Collection Marie Laforet: Dessins patrimonio de los museos de Sitges”, Artigrama 20
Barcelona en 1489 para examinar el retablo que 34. Subasta Old Masters del 31 de octubre de 2017, lote 4, et Tableaux Anciens - Sculptures Ethnographie - Mobiliers (2005), p. 62, figs. 21-22.
Jaume Huguet había pintado en la iglesia de Sant con atribución al Maestro de Morata. Según la casa et Objets d’Art, 28th november 2017, lote núm. 451, 52. Sobre el Maestro de Belmonte, véase Velasco, Virgin
Agustí el Vell, del que se conservan algunos paneles de subastas, la tabla procedía de una colección de 86 x 66 cm, atribuida al círculo de Jaume Huguet), and Child, passim.
en el Museo Nacional de Arte de Cataluña. Con todo, Florida (Estados Unidos). así como una Resurrección en el mercado de arte de 53. Muchas de ellas le fueron proporcionadas por el
fueron enviados allí para familiarizarse con un ciclo 35. Post, The Aragonese, p. 407, fig. 186. Se conserva una Barcelona (Galeria Bernat, 74 x 62 cm). anticuario Josep Bardolet, quien se movía con soltura
iconográfico bastante excepcional, ya que les habían fotografía de la obra en el Institut Amatller d’Art 42. Macías, “La pintura aragonesa”, p. 210. A parte de lo por tierras aragonesas comprando arte medieval
encargado hacer un retablo dedicado al mismo santo Hispànic de Barcelona (cliché Mas C-3332), que apuntado por Macías, hacemos notar que a las tablas desde antes de la Guerra Civil española (1936-
para la iglesia de San Agustín en Zaragoza. Véase fue tomada cuando formaba parte de la colección se les añadieron unos listones en los laterales y la parte 1939) y todavía durante la posguerra. Véase Vinyet
Manuel Serrano Sanz, “Documentos relativos a la Vilallonga. También la publicó Ana Galilea Antón, superior, que son perfectament detectables tanto en el Panyella, “La col·lecció Pérez Rosales, un capítol de
pintura en Aragón durante el siglo XV”, Revista de La pintura gótica española en el Museo de Bellas Artes de anverso como en el reverso. la història dels museus de Sitges”, en Antiquaris, experts,
Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos XXXI (1914), pp. 448-451, Bilbao (Bilbao: Museu de Bellas Artes de Bilbao, 1995), 43. Las juntas de unión de los cuales se rellenaron con las col·leccionistes i museus. El comerç, l’estudi i la salvaguarda
doc. VII. Sobre las tablas supervivientes del retablo p. 174, fig. 98, comentado que había pasado por el cuñas de madera mencionadas más arriba, tal como de l’art a la Catalunya del segle XX, eds. Bonaventura
de Barcelona, véase
​​ Francesc Ruiz, “El retaule de sant mercado de arte de París. Véase también Macías, “La podemos en el reverso de una de las tablas. Bassegoda e Ignasi Domènech (Bellaterra [y otras]:
Agustí de Jaume Huguet. Un referente singular en pintura aragonesa”, pp. 435-436, fig. 332, que la situa 44. Entre los pintores hispanos de finales de la Edad Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona [y otras], 2013),
l'art pictòric català del darrer quatre-cents”, Quaderns entre “la pintura sorgida de l’entorn de Calatayud Media, el fondo dorado fue una de las técnicas más pp. 177-205.
de Vilaniu 37 (2000), pp. 3-40. i Daroca a la segona meitat del segle XV”, sin recurrentes para transmitir magnificencia a sus 54. Alberto Velasco, “Anònim aragonés. Pietat amb
30. Véase Alberto Velasco, “Pintura tardogòtica a especificar ninguna atribución concreta. obras. En la Corona de Aragón su uso continuó Sant Benet i Sant Bernat”, en La col·lecció. Fundación
l’Aragó i Catalunya: Pere Garcia de Benavarri”, (tesis 36. Stefanos Kroustallis, Marisa Gómez González, durante el período tardogótico, incluso cuando los Francisco Godia (Barcelona: Fundación Francisco
doctoral, Universitat de Lleida, 2015), pp. 83-103; Matilde Miquel Juan, Rocío Bruquetas Galán y grandes fondos del paisaje comenzaron a predominar Godia, 2008), pp. 98-99.
Alberto Velasco, “Some questions about the Flemish Olga Pérez Monzón, “Gilding in Spanish panel debido a la adopción del modelo flamenco. Esto 55. Luis Monreal, El Conventet IV: colección de pintura antigua
model in Aragonese painting (1440-1500)”, en prensa. painting from the fifteenth and early sixteenth se debió a la fascinación que el oro causaba entre (Barcelona: Francisco Godia, 1978), pp. 70-71, cat.
31. Joan Molina, “Atribuido a Jaume Huguet. El profeta centuries”, Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies, 2016, los promotores, debido a su gran efecto visual y a 15; Románico y Gótico de la colección Francisco Godia, coord.
Daniel”, en Cataluña medieval, cat. exp. (Barcelona: pp. 1-31, consulta: 1 December 2017, DOI: la sensación de riqueza que proporcionaba; por lo Sara Puig y Mercè Obón (Barcelona: Fundación
Generalitat de Catalunya, 1992), pp. 294-295; 10.1080/17546559.2016.1230273. Véase también tanto, en innumerables ocasiones prevaleció sobre Francisco Godia, 2001), p. 89, cat. 40; Coleccionar arte.
Milagros Guardia, “Cap del profeta Daniel”, en Jaume Alberto Velasco, Virgin and Child with Musician Angels. la representación de puntos de vista de la naturaleza Obras de la Fundación Francisco Godia, dir. Mercè Obón
Huguet. 500 anys, cat. exp. (Barcelona: Departament The Master of Belmonte and Late Gothic Aragonese Painting que tenían poco que ver con la tradición autóctona. (Sevilla: Junta de Andalucía, 2014), pp. 44-45, cat.
de Cultura, Generalitat de Catalunya, 1993), pp. (Buenos Aires: Jaime Eguigurem 2017), pp. 94-155. Asimismo, los artistas favorecieron su uso continuo núm. 6.
222-223. 37. Tamara Alba González y Consuelo Dalmau, “Las gracias a una serie de medios técnicos destinados 56. Prudencia Giménez, Margarita Díaz y María del
32. Estas pinturas hoy en día son parte de un conjunto cuñas de madera en la pintura sobre tabla: presencia a crear contrastes, juegos de luces, así como a la Carmen Nachón, El Retablo de Tosos (Un retablo inédito)
ficticio remodelado con toda probabilidad en el y procedencia”, en Afilando el pincel, dibujando la percepción de relieve y profundidad. Véanse los (Zaragoza: Cuadernos de Filosofía y Letras, series 1,
siglo XVII. La atribución ha sido defendida por voz. Prácticas pictóricas góticas, eds. Matilde Miquel, numerosos ejemplos que se citan en Velasco, Virgin and num. 60, 1967), pp. 29-31, fig. 24.
Guadaira Macías, “Noves aportacions al catàleg de Olga Pérez y Pilar Martínez (Madrid: Ediciones Child, p. 94 y siguientes.
dos mestres aragonesos anònims. El Mestre de Sant Complutense, 2017), pp. 15-30. 45. Es posible que en ese momento se añadiesen los
Jordi i la princesa i el Mestre de Sant Bartomeu”, 38. Institut Amatller d’Art Hispànic in Barcelona, listones mencionados y las molduras doradas que
Butlletí del Museu Nacional d'Art de Catalunya 11 (2010), negative number: Espinal 41. actualmente enmarcan ambos compartimentos.
pp. 38-40, figs. 4-5. Personalmente, los relacionamos 39. Sobre este coleccionista, véase Bonaventura 46. Macías, “La pintura aragonesa”, p. 210.
en su momento con el círculo de Miguel Ximénez Bassegoda, “Marian Espinal (1897-1974). Pintor y 47. Rosa Alcoy, “Retaule de l’Epifania”, en Jaume Huguet.
o, mejor, Arnau de Castellnou de Navailles, y lo coleccionista”, en Nuevas contribuciones en torno al mundo 500 anys, cat. exp. (Barcelona: Departament de
hicimos pensando que este último podría ser uno del coleccionismo de arte hispánico en los siglos XIX y XX, Cultura, Generalitat de Catalunya, 1993), pp. 202-
de los principales candidatos para ser el Maestro de eds. Immaculada Socias y Dimitra Gkozgkou (Gijón: 205.
San Jorge y la Princesa, aunque no presentamos los Trea, 2013), pp. 53-62. 48. Post, The Aragonese, p. 372 y 376, fig. 167. En una
150 MICHELANGELO / Two drawings 151

Reworking and erasure in two drawings

by the aged Michelangelo
PAU L JOAN N I DES

In an impeccably documented and visually perceptive reason for, on the verso (fig. 4), is a copy of the left arm
article of 1993, Andrew Morrogh established that sketched by Michelangelo on the verso of the original
Michelangelo’s detailed involvement with the Palazzo (fig. 5), a superfluous element if the copyist’s priority
dei Conservatori began later – ca. 1560 – than had was the architectural study. The Fogg sheet is, in fact,
previously been assumed and continued later. In the a facsimile of the Oxford sheet before Michelangelo
course of his discussion he demonstrated that two reworked the recto and added sketches for the drum
drawings (figs. 1 & 2), previously placed in the late of Saint Peter’s to the verso. The creation of such a
1540s and assumed to be preparatory for windows and facsimile perhaps implies that the draughtsman wanted
doors in Palazzo Farnese, could instead be connected to create a corpus of copies; its exactness suggests deep
with two doors in the Palazzo dei Conservatori, and reverence for the master’s graphic production.
concluded that they should be dated accordingly.1
However, although the drawings were largely executed It is well known that several sheets by Michelangelo
in that combination of thick chalk lines, loosely carry drawings of different dates on recto and verso,
handled brown wash and lavishly applied body colour and it seems that he sometimes looked to old visual
characteristic of Michelangelo around 1560, the initial ideas for inspiration.4 But reworking earlier drawings
line work – and the inscription in the tablet on one (see seems to have been a feature only of his final years.
fig. 2) – supported the earlier date when Michelangelo’s The Fogg sheet also demonstrates that Michelangelo
hand was firmer and his line-work thinner. Thanks to allowed another draughtsman to record his work.
a sheet of drawings that came to light only in 1998, it This draughtsman cannot securely be identified,
became clear that both views of the purpose and dating but the most likely candidate in the present case is
of these drawings were correct: Michelangelo indeed Tiberio Calcagni (1532-1565) on whom the aged
made them in the later 1540s with Palazzo Farnese in Michelangelo placed great reliance: it was Tiberio
mind, but reworked both of them a dozen years later who made the fair copy of Michelangelo’s final plan
for the Capitoline scheme.2 for San Giovanni dei Fiorentini.

The recto of this sheet (fig. 3), in the Fogg Museum That some of Michelangelo’s figure drawings
of Art, copies one of the Ashmolean drawings (see were made available to other artists has long been
Fig. 1 / Michelangelo, Study fig. 1) in its original state.3 It is the same size as, and appreciated: copies exist by Giulio Clovio, Alessandro
for a Door, ca. 1548 and ca.
1560, black chalk, reworked was probably traced from, the original and must have Allori, and perhaps Marcello Venusti. Most frequently
with brown wash and lead- been made between ca. 1548 and ca. 1560. One might copied were the highly finished presentation drawings
white gouache, reworked assume that an assistant of Michelangelo wished to that Michelangelo made in the 1530s. But it can
again with black chalk,
41.9 x 28.7 cm, Oxford, The record the original architectural concept before the now be shown that Michelangelo allowed another
Ashmolean Museum. master submerged it, but this cannot have been the only draughtsman to copy a late figural composition and
152 MICHELANGELO / Two drawings MICHELANGELO / Two drawings 153

Fig. 2 / Michelangelo, Study

for a Door, ca. 1548 and ca.
1560, black chalk, reworked
with brown wash and lead-
white gouache, reworked
again in black chalk, 41.2
x 25.9 cm, Oxford, The
Ashmolean Museum.

Fig. 3 / Unidentified
draughtsman (Tiberio
Calcagni?) after
Michelangelo, Study for
a Door, ca. 1548-1560,
black chalk, 39.6 x 25.7 cm,
Cambridge, MA, The Fogg
Museum of Art.
154 MICHELANGELO / Two drawings MICHELANGELO / Two drawings 155

moreover, a figural composition that he subsequently re- The new drawing bears two scales, not found on the
worked. This previously unknown drawing (fig. 6), whose Windsor original, presumably geared to a projected
owner kindly allowed me to examine and reproduce enlargement of the composition. One, comprising two
it, is made on paper bearing a watermark of a Fleur short horizontals about 5 cm apart, is at the left edge,
de Lys in a double circle, reasonably close to, but level with the Virgin’s knee; the other, on the left side
not identical with, Briquet 7125 (Vicenza 1577). It of the Cross’s upright, consists of two small crosses, in
Fig. 4 / Unidentified represents Christ on the Cross Between Mary and Saint which the horizontal is favoured, about 4.5 cm apart.
draughtsman (Tiberio
Calcagni?) after John and is the same size as, and was obviously copied Between them is a faint inscription which can be read
Michelangelo, Study of a from, a famous drawing in the Royal Collection, one either as 16 or as 1b. A simple number has no apparent
Left Arm (verso of fig. 3), of those painful spiritual exercises that Michelangelo sense in this context, but if we read 1b or 1 braccia,
ca. 1548-1560, Cambridge,
MA, The Fogg Museum undertook towards the end of his life (fig. 7).5 The the size of the enlargement would be enormous. It is
of Art. copy makes it clear that the Saviour’s form on the more probable that 1b should be interpreted rather
Windsor Christ on the Cross was originally like that in as 1 balmo, a phonetic spelling of palmo found also on Fig. 6 / Unidentified
Fig. 5 / Michelangelo, draughtsman after
Studies of a Left Arm, the the new drawing, but that it was then erased and new a drawing of ca. 1560 by Michelangelo in Haarlem.6 Michelangelo, Christ on
Drum of Saint Peter’s, possibilities superimposed, never finally to be resolved. Perhaps the copyist planned to execute an altarpiece to the Cross Between the
and Other Architectural This copy is similar to that in the Fogg in showing this design: if so, it might lend credence to a suggestion Virgin and Saint John, ca.
Sketches, (verso of fig. 1), 1555-1560, black chalk,
ca. 1548-1560, Oxford, The the earlier state of a drawing that Michelangelo later made by Alessandro Nova with reference to another 37.9 x 22 cm, Private
Ashmolean Museum. decided to rework. Crucifixion drawing by Michelangelo, that he was Collection.
156 MICHELANGELO / Two drawings MICHELANGELO / Two drawings 157

Figs. 6 a, b, c & d /
Unidentified draughtsman
after Michelangelo, Christ
on the Cross Between
the Virgin and Saint John
(details), ca. 1555-1560,
black chalk, 37.9 x 22 cm,
Private Collection.
158 MICHELANGELO / Two drawings MICHELANGELO / Two drawings 159

planning a painting of the subject as an altarpiece for been able to compare them directly. Their existence
the Capella Paolina to be executed by another, perhaps demonstrates that, in addition to making full replicas,
Marcello Venusti.7 copyists were allowed to extract single figures.

The appearance of this copy, of considerable interest in Giulio’s copies (see figs. 8 & 9) show Christ’s forms
itself, compels me to correct an error in my catalogue in higher definition than one would expect from an
of drawings by and after Michelangelo in the Louvre. original by Michelangelo of ca. 1550-1560, and it is
Fig. 8 / Unidentified In discussing a drawing of the Crucified Christ (fig. 8) as likely that he sharpened them. The same is true of
draughtsman after an isolated figure, I dated it to the 1540s and assumed the new drawing, in which Saint John and the Virgin
Michelangelo, Christ on it to be complete; Charles de Tolnay had reached a are also drawn with considerably greater precision
the Cross, black chalk, 29.2
x 22.7 cm, Paris, Musée du similar conclusion, so I was at least in good company.8 than those figures on the Windsor original, which
Louvre, Département des Now, however, it has become clear that this and a Michelangelo did not re-model. It follows, as a general
Arts Graphiques. second, virtually identical, drawing – long known from principle, that we must be careful in estimating the date
Fig. 7 / Michelangelo, Christ
on the Cross Between the Fig. 9 / Unidentified an outline engraving by Landon, but which reappeared of an original from a copy: we are so accustomed to
Virgin and Saint John, ca. draughtsman after only in 2006 (fig. 9) – are both partial copies from seeing near-facsimiles of Michelangelo’s most highly
1555 and ca. 1560, black Michelangelo, Christ on the Windsor drawing before Michelangelo erased the finished drawings that we may be too ready to accept
chalk and body-colour, 38.2 the Cross, black chalk,
x 21 cm, Windsor Castle, 37.6 x 24.5 cm, Present figure of Christ.9 The two copies seem to be by the the accuracy of copies made after drawings that
The Royal Collection. whereabouts unknown. same hand, that of Giulio Clovio, although I have not Michelangelo brought to a lesser degree of finish.
160 MICHELANGELO / Two drawings MICHELANGELO / Two drawings 161

N OTE S

1. Andrew Morrogh, “‘The Palace of the Roman People’:

Michelangelo at the Palazzo dei Conservatori,”
Römisches Jahrbuch der Biblioteca Hertziana 29 (1994): pp.
129-186. The drawings are Ashmolean Museum, inv.
1846.78 and inv. 1846.79.
2. Paul Joannides, The Drawings of Michelangelo and
his Followers in the Ashmolean Museum (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2007), pp. 264-276,
nos. 55 and 56; Charles de Tolnay, Corpus dei disegni
di Michelangelo, 4 vols. (Novara: Istituto geografico De
Agostini, 1975-1980), IV, nos. 589 and 605.
3. Fogg Museum of Art, Cambridge, MA, inv. 1998.194,
first discussed in Joannides, Drawings of Michelangelo, pp.
266-268.
4. For example his study for the statue of Victory is on the
verso of a drawing made for the Battle of Cascina some
twenty years earlier: De Tolnay, Corpus, I, no. 50.
5. Royal Collection, Windsor, inv. 12775; Arthur E.
Popham and Johannes Wilde, The Drawings of the 15th
and 16th Centuries in the Collection of His Majesty the King at
Windsor Castle (London: Phaidon Press, 1949), no. 436;
De Tolnay, Corpus, III, no. 418.
6. Carel van Tuyll van Serooskerken, The Italian Drawings
of the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries in the Teyler Museum
(Haarlem, Ghent, and Doornspijk: Snoeck-Ducaju
& Zoon, and Davaco, 2000), pp. 140-144, no. 67; De
Tolnay, Corpus, I, no. 50.
7. The Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, inv. 1846.89,
Joannides, Drawings of Michelangelo, pp. 276-280, no.
57; De Tolnay, Corpus, III, no. 415; Alessandro Nova,
“Hat Michelangelo ein Altarbild für die Cappella
Paolina geplant?” in Michelangelo als Zeichner, Akten des
Internationalen Kolloquiums Wien, Albertina-Museum, 19-20
November, 2010, eds. Claudia Echinger-Maurach, Achim
Gnann, and Joachim Poeschke (Münster: Rhema,
2013), pp. 365-391.
8. Musée du Louvre, inv. 843; Paul Joannides, Michel-Ange,
elèves, copistes (Paris: Réunion des musées nationaux,
2003), pp. 234-235, no. 88; De Tolnay, Corpus, III, pp.
66-67.
9. Christie’s, New York, 24 January 2006, lot 10;
Joannides, Michel-Ange, pp. 234-235, under no. 88.
10. Joannides, Michel-Ange, pp. 265-266, no. 126, and pp.
176-178, no. 40. For the other two Louvre drawings
Who made the new drawing? Particularly evident as the author both of fig. 11 and the companion copy (inv. 698 and inv. 720) see also De Tolnay, Corpus, III,
in the figure of Saint John, and a little less so in the of the Virgin (black chalk, 24.8 x 13.4 cm), the original nos. 413 and 412.

Fig. 10 / Unidentified Virgin, is a distinctive type of curvilinear hatching. of which is also in the Louvre (black chalk, 23 x 10 11. Georg W. Kamp, Marcello Venusti, Religiose Kunst im
Umfeld Michelangelos, Deutsche Hochschule Schriften, 495
draughtsman after It might be by the same hand – Clovio’s – as the cm), but noted that an alternative candidate might
(Egelsbach: Hänsel-Hohenhausen, 1993), p. 128, nos.
Michelangelo, Saint John, copies of the isolated Christ (see figs. 8 & 9); but, in be Marcello Venusti, whose authorship had been
ca. 1555-1560, 25.2 x 44 and 45; Dr. Donati’s view was expressed to me
10.3 cm, Paris, Musée du those drawings hatching has been carefully fused by sustained by Georg W. Kamp, and which is also now orally.
Louvre, Département des stumping, and I do not think a common authorship favoured by Andrea Donati.11 I think that the matter
Arts Graphiques. can be established with any security. However, another remains open: I would not insist on Clovio and Venusti
Fig. 11 / Michelangelo, drawing in the Louvre (fig. 10), a copy after a study of Saint may well be the correct answer, however, among the
Saint John, ca. 1555, John by Michelangelo also in the Louvre (fig. 11), shows very few independent drawings by Venusti that can be
black chalk, 25 x 18.2 cm, hatching of the same curvilinear kind and can fairly identified with any conviction, none offer unequivocal
Paris, Musée du Louvre,
Département des Arts be claimed to be by the same hand as the Crucifixion support for the attribution to him of these black chalk
Graphiques. copy.10 In my Inventaire I tentatively suggested Clovio copy drawings after Michelangelo.
 163

Enbíes tu graçia e acreçientes sus virtudes.

Female power, virtue, and the Querelle des femmes
in Constanza de Castilla’s tomb
DIANA LUC IA GÓMEZ-C HACÓN

Despite its historical and artistic significance, the In 1416, probably soon after her arrival in Madrid,
female Dominican convent of Santo Domingo el Constanza de Castilla is documented as prioress of
Real de Madrid, founded in 1219, was demolished Santo Domingo el Real de Madrid.4 She remained in
in 1869.1 Some of the works of art it contained, such that position for fifty years, a long period of time during
as the so-called Madona de Madrid, are now housed which the conventual Chapter’s decision-making power
in a new convent constructed on the site of the old is likely to have been reduced to a minimum.5 In 1444,
one, while other objects – including the tomb of its she also eliminated the figure of the prior, a position
prioress, Constanza de Castilla, originally located held since the foundation of the female branch of the
in the conventual choir (fig. 1) – were transferred to Order of Saint Dominic by a Dominican friar, whose
the National Archaeological Museum of Madrid. In main responsibility was the cura monialium, the nuns’
the present paper I will briefly examine Constanza’s spiritual well-being. Constanza and her sisters no longer
priorate, with a special focus on the privileges she needed a prior, as the prioress had obtained, for herself
enjoyed thanks to her royal lineage, as well as her artistic and for the rest of the sisters, the licence to appoint their
and pioneering spiritual, political and social interests. own confessors as well as the convent’s estate manager.
All were partly expressed in her exceptional sepulchre, Although a prior was again elected in Santo Domingo
worthy of a wise woman ahead of her time. el Real de Madrid in 1474, only 10 years after the end
of Constanza de Castilla’s priorate, his power was no
SISTER CONSTANZA DE CASTILLA, doubt significantly diminished.6
AN UNCONVENTIONAL PRIORESS
Constanza de Castilla (before 1405-1478) was grand- Under Sister Constanza’s administration, the Madrid
daughter of the deposed King Peter I of Castile (1350- convent experienced progressive gentrification
1369) and Juana de Castro. She is first recorded in 1416 and privatization, with the admission and religious
under the protection of Queen Catherine of Lancaster profession of several women who were members
(1373-1418), her beloved cousin, for whose soul she prays of powerful Castilian lineages, such as the Villena-
in her Book of Devotions (Devocionario), written between 1465 Lunas, the Mendozas and, especially, the Castillas.7
and 1478.2 Although she is likely to have tried first Throughout her long tenure as prioress, Constanza de
to enter the Dominican convent of Santo Domingo Castilla not only renewed Santo Domingo el Real de
el Real de Toledo, she would ultimately move to Santo Madrid’s religious community, but also remodelled the
Fig. 1 / Tomb of Domingo el Real de Madrid. This decision, which caused architectural complex, paying particular attention to
Constanza de a thirty-year legal battle with the Toledan convent, was her own rooms.8 It is possible that these architectural
Castilla, 1464-1478, probably motivated by both family strategy and Sister changes were carried out to cope with the increase in
Madrid, National
Archaeological Constanza’s desire to be near Catherine of Lancaster and size of the religious community as well as reflecting
Museum. her cousin’s son, King John II of Castile (1406-1454).3 the prioress’s desire to dignify the building.
164 Female power in Constanza de Castilla’s tomb Female power in Constanza de Castilla’s tomb 165

Constanza’s quarters, located above the wine cellar, The private institution that Constanza de Castilla Constanza de Castilla also located her tomb in her
included a private portal, a cloister, a kitchen and a created at the convent of Santo Domingo el Real convent’s choir. However, in an apparent break with
garden.9 in Madrid enabled her to promote her own lineage. Dominican practices, she did not opt for a simple
Her main concerns were to recover and legitimize tombstone. On the contrary, Constanza chose a
Her expenditure was so great that the prioress was King Peter I of Castile’s legacy,16 and to establish monumental alabaster tomb, which was placed in
subject to an audit instigated by the archbishopric the prestige of the Castilla family in the Castilian an arcosolium. This decision, which may have been
of Toledo, but, as on other occasions, Constanza kingdom.17 Constanza thus ordered a family pantheon motivated by the prioress’s desire to leave behind an
was protected by the Crown. The inspection was to be built in the main chapel of the Dominican idealized image of herself, would serve as the model
immediately frustrated in 1454 by Lope de Barrientos, church,18 construction of which was completed in for the rest of the nuns over the course of centuries.
royal confessor, bishop of Cuenca, auditor of the 1444.19 In 1446, she obtained authorization from At the same time, the coat of arms of the Castilla
Royal Audience, member of the Royal Council, John II to transfer to the convent the remains of her lineage and her epitaph (fig. 2) reminded beholders of
High Chancellor of Prince Henry and former prior father (the infante Juan), of three of her brothers who Constanza’s royal ancestry:
of Santo Domingo el Real de Madrid,10 who duly died during childhood,20 and of her grandfather, Peter
approved Constanza’s major financial expenditures.11 I of Castile who was until then interred in oblivion Here lies buried / the very noble and
As a consequence, the Madrid convent obtained in Puebla de Alcocer (Badajoz).21 This initiative was very religious lady / doña Constanza
independence from Toledo’s archbishop.12 interpreted as the definitive reconciliation between the de Castilla / daughter of the infante don
Trastamara and petrista branches of the ruling house of Juan / granddaughter of King Pedro
The first concessions granted to Constanza de Castile.22 Desire for political reconciliation may have / She was a nun in this house / and
Castilla date from 1419, indicating that she enjoyed motivated the exceptional double patronage of the prioress for many years / She died in
a privileged position from the beginning of her royal chapel; so although John II founded the chapel – 1478.31
priorate.13 Throughout her tenure Sister Constanza in response to his aunt’s “contemplation and constant
was for example exempted from any ecclesiastical supplication,”23 so that its officials would pray for his The idealized, recumbent statue of Constanza
sentence and even excommunication.14 She was relatives’ souls24 – and financed the construction of with her eyes closed, slightly larger than life-size, is
also permitted to build her own palace inside the the tombs,25 Constanza de Castilla was appointed as mourned and guarded by two praying female figures
enclosure, hear Mass from her room, choose her the chapel’s patron.26 She was, thus, responsible for without veils (figs. 3 & 4). Constanza is dressed in
confessor, leave the convent whenever she needed choosing the chapel’s officials,27 and she wrote the the Dominican habit and wears a rosary around
or wanted to, and she had at her service three dueñas chapel’s second, and definitive, constitution, dated 5 her neck. She also holds a closed book (19.6 x 15 x
(María González, Isabel Rodríguez and Catalina November 1464.28 4.5 cm), kept inside a chemise binding, which has
de Castilla), two laywomen and a nun (clériga), who been identified both as the Order’s constitutional
were excused from obligations of the Order of Friars CONSTANZA DE CASTILLA’S TOMB document and her own book of devotions.32 It
Preachers. She also had a personal servant (Juana The extraordinary simplicity of the tombs of several could not, however, be the latter because, as Ángela
Martínez), a chaplain (Juan de Iniesta), and other Castilian Dominican prioresses belonging to the Franco Mata has indicated, Constanza’s book (11.7 x
servants that lived above her quarters. She enjoyed female branch of the Order of Preachers reveals the 11.3 cm) is much smaller than the one represented
lunch in her own room, accompanied by three or four exceptionality of Constanza’s sepulchre.29 The choir on her tomb.33 The tomb base is decorated with the
other nuns (dueñas); she used linen sheets and clothes; of the convent of Santo Domingo el Real of Toledo coat of arms of the Castilla lineage,34 held by two
she did not wear the veil as it bothered her; her family houses the body of Teresa de Ayala, prioress between angels and flanked by the allegorical figures of four
members could visit her freely; her female relatives 1403 and 1424, who chose a humble tombstone as her virtues (two on each side): Prudence, identified by an
(parientas), even those who were pregnant, could eat funerary monument.30 The remains of Sister Leonor Fig. 2 / C. Pizarro and inscription beneath; Faith, who carries a Cross; Hope,
or sleep in her chamber; her letters could not be de Castilla, who is documented as the prioress of the E. Ancelet, Tomb of who looks out expectantly, with the palm of her
Constanza de Castilla,
intercepted; and she was excused from attending choir, convent of Sancti Spiritus in Toro (Zamora), also rest Madrid, Museo Español right hand raised,35 and Temperance, pouring water
refectory and sleeping in the dormitory.15 under a tombstone in the nuns’ choir. de Antigüedades, 1875. into wine (figs. 5-8).36
166 Female power in Constanza de Castilla’s tomb Female power in Constanza de Castilla’s tomb 167

Figs. 3 and 4 / Unveiled Fig. 5 / Prudence, Tomb Fig. 6 / Faith, Tomb of

praying female figures, Tomb of Constanza de Castilla, Constanza de Castilla,
of Constanza de Castilla, 1464-1478, marble, Madrid, 1464-1478, marble, Madrid,
1464-1478, marble, Madrid, National Archaeological National Archaeological
National Archaeological Museum. Museum.
Museum.
Fig. 7 / Hope, Tomb of Fig. 8 / Temperance, Tomb
Constanza de Castilla, of Constanza de Castilla,
1464-1478, marble, Madrid, 1464-1478, marble, Madrid,
National Archaeological National Archaeological
Museum. Museum.
168 Female power in Constanza de Castilla’s tomb J OA N D E J OA N E S / Holy Family 169

According to Ángela Franco Mata, the prioress’s tomb Condestable de Castilla, Álvaro de Luna, in the chapel
was most likely built between 1490 and 1500, that is to of Saint James in the Toledo Cathedral, dated around
say, after Constanza de Castilla’s death.37 Nevertheless, 1489 and made by “Sevastian de Toledo, entallador de
José María Azcárate attributed the tomb to the school ymagineria”. Furthermore, the tombs of Álvaro de Luna,
of Egas Cueman, linking it to the sepulchre of Inés de Constanza de Castilla and Alfonso Carrillo de Acuña
Ayala (died 1453), currently located in the main chapel of have been related, from a stylistic point of view, to
the church of Santa Isabel in Toledo.38 This hypothesis the workshop of this Sebastián de Toledo.43 However,
has also been supported by Sonia Morales Cano.39 while various scholars identify Sebastián de Almonacid
as a sculptor trained in Egas Cueman’s workshop,
It should be remembered, as noted above, that according to others, Sebastián de Toledo and Sebastián
Constanza de Castilla promoted the foundation of a de Almonacid were two different people. A precise and
royal chapel in Santo Domingo el Real in Madrid complete catalogue of works by Sebastián de Toledo
where the tomb of Peter I of Castile was originally and/or Sebastián de Almonacid awaits publication.44
located. His praying effigy is currently preserved next
to his granddaughter’s tomb in the Archaeological In the Condestable’s tomb, Álvaro de Luna’s coats of
Museum of Madrid (fig. 9). This funerary sculpture arms are also flanked by allegorical representations
has been dated to 1446, 1504 and more broadly, to of virtues, replaced by apostles on his second wife’s
the beginning of the sixteenth century. Nevertheless, tomb, a detail to which I will return later. Matilde
as David Chao Castro and David Nogales Rincón Miquel Juan and Olga Pérez Monzón have noted
have pointed out, the funerary sculpture of Peter I was traces of simulated brocade fabric under Álvaro de
likely executed between 1446 and 1464:40 in the royal Luna’s recumbent statue, no doubt specified by his
chapel’s constitution, Constanza de Castilla indicates daughter, María de Luna, who commissioned her
that she paid for both the transfer of her grandfather’s parents’ tombs. According to the above-mentioned
remains and the creation of his funerary monument. authors, this textile element would have simulated
Peter I of Castile’s effigy must therefore have been the lit de parade commonly used in funeral
finished by 1464.41 ceremonies.45 Curiously, this same textile detail is
present in Constanza de Castilla’s tomb (fig. 10). It
For this reason, it would not be farfetched to think that may, therefore, be that the inferior quality of Sister
Constanza de Castilla perhaps commissioned her own Constanza’s sepulchre is due to the fact that it was
tomb once this funerary effigy was completed, that is one of the first tombs made by Sebastián de Toledo,
to say, between 1464 and her death in 1478. Indeed, repeated and improved upon in future works.
as María del Pilar Rábade Obradó has noted, in 1464
Constanza de Castilla seemed to fear the proximity CONSTANZA DE CASTILLA, A WOMAN,
of her own death, perhaps due to ill health, as in that AND YET VIRTUOUS
year she not only finished writing the constitutional Manuel Núñez Rodríguez has interpreted the
document of her convent’s royal chapel, but retired inclusion of four virtues in the iconography of
from the position of prioress after a fifty-year tenure, Constanza’s tomb as a panegyric to her moral
Fig. 9 / Effigy of King keeping herself discreetly in the background from that perfection in the battle against death, as well as
Peter I of Castile, moment onwards.42 a summary of the Order of Preachers’ spiritual
1446-1464, marble, aspirations.46 As I will argue below, however, these
Madrid, National
Archaeological The iconographic layout of Constanza de Castilla’s sculpted allegories may in fact relate to Constanza’s
Museum. sepulchre is similar to that of the tomb of the gender (figs. 5-8).
170 JFemale
OA N Dpower
E J OAinNConstanza
E S / Holy Family
de Castilla’s tomb Female power in Constanza de Castilla’s tomb 171

It was not unusual in Castile, during the second half Two of these treatises in defence of women were
of the fifteenth century, for sepulchres and other written by Álvaro de Luna and Diego de Valera, both
monuments to be decorated with these allegories.47 clearly influenced by Boccaccio’s De claris mulieribus
Representations of virtues were carved on the tombs (ca. 1361),53 in which women are considered virtuous
of John II of Castile and his second wife, Elisabeth when behaving as men.54 This should come as no
of Portugal, in the charterhouse of Miraflores outside surprise: in several letters, Saint Catherine of Siena,
Burgos (1489-1493); on the tomb of Álvaro de Luna in whom Constanza de Castilla mentions in her Book of
the chapel of Saint James in Toledo Cathedral (1489); Devotions,55 recommends that her recipients aspire to
and on the tomb of Alfonso Carrillo de Acuña, in the the same ideals of love of God and virtues as men.56
Magistral of Alcalá de Henares (1482-1489).48
In his Libro de las claras e virtuosas mugeres (1446) Álvaro
A comparison of these sepulchres and that of de Luna is unequivocal in his defence of gender
Constanza de Castilla demonstrates, once more, the equality: “as for virtue and the goal for which they
singularity of the prioress’s tomb, which was probably are raised, men as well as women, are both equal.”57
sculpted between 1464 and 1478, in other words before The Condestable says that he wrote this because “it
the others. This fact once more highlights the pioneering seemed inhuman that so many works of virtue and
nature of her monument, and reflects the ambitions of a examples of kindness found in women’s lineage were
powerful royal abbess such as Constanza de Castilla. silenced and buried in the darkness of oblivion.”58
Diego de Valera, who dedicated his Tratado en defensa
The royal sepulchre of Miraflores was conceived to de virtuosas mugeres (ca. 1444) to Mary of Aragon (died
contain the remains of John II and his second wife. 1445), the first wife of John II of Castile,59 states
The virtues that decorate the sepulchre refer to both that virtue is practiced “by both women and men.”60
sovereigns as representatives of royal power, and Likewise, Brother Martín de Córdoba, in his Jardin
not Elisabeth of Portugal per se. With regard to the de nobles doncellas (1467-1476), claims that the pain he
tombs of Álvaro de Luna and Alfonso Carrillo de feels because of Prince Alphonse’s premature death
Acuña, it should be noted that both belong to men. is eased when he contemplates his sister Elisabeth’s
Indeed, as has already been indicated, the sepulchre flourishing virtues.61
of Álvaro de Luna’s second wife, Juana Pimentel,
located next to that of her husband, features a Constanza’s sepulchre could thus be seen as an artistic
similar decorative scheme, but on this occasion the expression of the so-called Querelle des femmes, which
virtues have been replaced by eight apostles.49 The has been described as “the vehicle through which
sepulchre of Constanza de Castilla was possibly one most early feminist thinking evolved.”62 This debate
of the first female Castilian tombs decorated with was carried on mostly by “the female members of a
virtues, an iconographic and literary theme that distinctively modern, literate class,”63 a class to which
seems to have originally been mainly masculine.50 Constanza de Castilla and her noble sisters belonged.
This would not have posed a major problem to Sister As María del Mar Graña Cid has claimed, it is
Fig. 10 / Effigy of
Constanza de Castilla
Constanza when designing her tomb’s iconography. In important to highlight the existence of a “feminine
(detail), Tomb of fact, she may have been encouraged by the discourse Humanism” at the end of the Middle Ages, promoted
Constanza de Castilla, of certain Castilian courtesan writers51 who, during by privileged and literate women who became
1464-1478, marble,
Madrid, National
the mid-fifteenth century, defended female virtue, in involved in the creation of important literary and
Archaeological Museum. contrast to others whose message was misogynistic.52 artistic works.64
172 Female power in Constanza de Castilla’s tomb Female power in Constanza de Castilla’s tomb 173

Female monasteries and convents, such as Santo de Valera defines cardinal virtues, “as the door or
Domingo el Real de Madrid, would have offered entrance for all the others.”69 Thus, Juan Rodríguez
an ideal architectural and spiritual environment del Padrón refers to the cardinal virtues when
for the establishment and development of this defending women. In his Triunfo de las donas (1439-
new intellectual trend, which continued into the 1441), he claims that while women embody Prudence
Renaissance period. and Temperance – precisely the two cardinal virtues
that Constanza included in her tomb’s decoration –
Constanza de Castilla has thus been compared to men embody capital vices such as greed and envy.70
other late-medieval/early modern female religious Aristotle considered Prudence to be an intellectual
writers in this current of “feminine Humanism”, virtue, obtained through study; hence, its presence
who seem to have followed in Christine de Pizan’s on Sister Constanza’s sepulchre presents her as a
(died ca. 1430) footsteps, such as Sister Teresa de wise and learned woman. The demand for women’s
Cartagena (1425-?), and, especially, Sister Isabel education was one of the main pillars of the Querelle
de Villena (died 1490),65 with whom Constanza de des femmes.71 In her Admiraçión operum Dey (ca. 1478),
Castilla had many things in common. Both Teresa de Teresa de Cartagena alludes to the expectations
Cartagena and Isabel de Villena shared family ties raised by the writers.72 On the other hand, during
with the Trastamara dynasty, and therefore became the second half of the fifteenth century, Temperance,
the monarchs’ protégées. Considered two of the most fostered by mendicant orders, was intimately linked to
important Hispanic female writers of the second half Observance, representing the renunciation of earthly
of the fifteenth century, both showed a special interest pleasures and the moderate use of speech.73
in artistic patronage and were responsible for major
building renovations at their respective convents.66 CONCLUSION
Constanza de Castilla seems to have been a woman
Most likely due to a lack of space, Sister Constanza ahead of her time, harbouring devotional, intellectual,
de Castilla was forced to choose just four of the seven social and political interests that had been reserved,
virtues to decorate her tomb. Faith and Hope flank the until then, for men. Thanks to her status as a royal
Castilla coat of arms, while Prudence and Temperance protégée she occupied a privileged position inside the
are relegated to the corners at the tomb base. In her convent, and this allowed her to remain in her priorate
Book of Devotions, Sister Constanza implores Christ: for fifty long years and to enjoy unprecedented freedom
“Give me hope fulfilled in You so that I die confessing for a cloistered, contemplative nun. transformed Constanza’s sepulchre into a statement of
Your Faith;”67 a few lines later she continues: “Oh, intent, asserting the virtuous condition of women at
Holy Cross, for You I beg mercy from He who was With the commission of her own tomb, originally a time when equality between men and women was a
crucified on You, so that He may give You to me as located in the convents’ choir, reserved for the nuns, matter of debate in Castilian courtesan environments.
a shield between me and my enemies at the time of Constanza de Castilla bequeathed an important and Indeed, her Book of Devotions, shows special concern
my death, when they will try to accuse me of faults timeless message to her sisters in religion. Constanza is for the nuns’ virtues rather than for the health of their
and take with them my soul to where there is no represented lying on her lit de parade, shrouded in the souls. She even implores Christ: “I beg you to send
Fig. 11 / Effigy of
redemption.”68 Dominican habit in which she was probably buried. Constanza de Castilla your grace to all of the nuns in this convent, and to
The base of her tomb is decorated with the coat of (detail), Tomb of increase their virtues.”74 After all, virtues would equate
Prudence and Temperance, as cardinal virtues, decorate arms of the Castilla family, to which she belonged, Constanza de Castilla,
them with men and would, therefore, make them
1464-1478, marble,
the corners whereas the front is reserved for theological as well four virtues, iconography generally reserved Madrid, National wise, independent, and, finally, free to make their own
virtues. In his Doctrinal de príncipes (1475-1476), Diego for men. The presence of these four allegories Archaeological Museum. decisions.
174 Female power in Constanza de Castilla’s tomb Female power in Constanza de Castilla’s tomb 175

N OTES

1. This paper is published in the framework of the 7. Romero Fernández-Pacheco, Santo Domingo el Real de Media, eds. Mª Isabel del Val Valdivieso, and Juan 25. Gaspar Barreiros, Corografia de algunos lugares, in Viajes 31. “AQUÍ YACE SEPULTADA / LA MUI NOBLE 42. “Es muy significativo que se promulgaran ya avanzado
research project “HAR2017-82170-P Promoción Madrid, pp. 112, 120, 124-125, and 437. Francisco Jiménez Alcázar (Murcia-Lorca: Sociedad de extranjeros por España y Portugal. Desde los tiempos más Y MUI RELIGIOSA SEÑORA / DOÑA el año 1464 [las constituciones de la capilla real], pues
artística y cultura cortesana en Castilla durante los 8. González de Fauve and Las Heras, “Los cargos Española de Estudios Medievales-Editum, 2013), pp. remotos hasta comienzos del siglo XX, ed. José García CONSTANZA DE CASTILLA / HIJA DEL unos meses después Constanza dejó de ser la priora
reinados de Juan II y Enrique IV (1405-1474)”. eclesiásticos y religiosos,” p. 245; Rábade Obradó, 383-391, p. 387. Mercadal, 6 vols. (Valladolid: Junta de Castilla y León, INFANTE DON JUAN/NIETA DEL REY del convento, pasando a un discreto segundo plano,
Juan Ramón Romero Fernández-Pacheco, Santo “Religiosidad y memoria política,” pp. 230-231. 18. “Que la dicha capilla del dicho señor Rey don Pedro 1999), II, p. 154; Nogales Rincón, “La representación DON PEDRO / FUE MONJA PROFESA DE situación en la que permaneció hasta su fallecimiento,
Domingo el Real de Madrid. Ordenación económica de un 9. Romero Fernández-Pacheco, Santo Domingo el Real de fuese servida contynua e perpetuamente en el dicho religiosa de la monarquía,” II, p. 1489. ESTA CASA/I PRIORA EN ELLA MUCHOS unos años después. Es como si, presintiendo
señorío conventual durante la baja edad media (1219-1530) Madrid, pp. 167, 253, and 491. monesterio de Santo Domingo el Real de la dicha villa 26. “E después del finamiento del dicho señor Rey don AÑOS / MURIÓ AÑO DE CUATROCIENTOS una muerte ya no muy lejana, la anciana priora
(Salamanca: Editorial San Esteban, 2007), p. 172. 10. Constanza de Castilla and Lope de Barrientos were de Madrid, en el altar mayor del dicho monesterio, Juan, el muy alto, e muy poderoso, e muy exçelente, Y SETENTA Y OCHO”: Franco Mata, Museo pretendiera atar todos los cabos de una fundación
2. Luis Alonso Getino, “Centenario y Cartulario de old acquaintances, as Brother Lope had been prior donde están puestos e sepultados los huesos del dicho triunfante e virtuoso señor Rey don Enrrique, terçero Arqueológico Nacional, p. 111. en la que había puesto un gran empeño”: Rábade
nuestra Comunidad,” Ciencia Tomista 59 (1919): pp. of Santo Domingo el Real de Madrid in 1431, during señor Rey don Pedro, ençima de los quales está la [sic], su fijo, a ynstançia e devota suplicación de la 32. Núñez Rodríguez, “El sepulcro de doña Constanza de Obradó, “Religiosidad y memoria política,” p. 234.
131-132; Manuel Núñez Rodríguez, “El sepulcro de Constanza’s priorate: Romero Fernández-Pacheco, su imagen e vulto de alabastro”: Rábade Obradó, dicha señora priora, patrona de la dicha capilla”: Castilla,” pp. 56, and 58-59; Rubén Espada, Sepulcro 43. Juan Nicolau Castro, “Las tumbas de don García
doña Constanza de Castilla. Su valor memorial y su Santo Domingo el Real de Madrid, p. 128. “Religiosidad y memoria política,” p. 248. Rábade Obradó, “Religiosidad y memoria política,” de Constanza de Castilla (Madrid: Museo Arqueológico Osorio y doña María de Perea procedentes de
función anagógica,” Archivo Español de Arte 245 (1989): 11. Alonso Getino, “Centenario y Cartulario de nuestra 19. Nogales Rincón, “La representación religiosa de la pp. 247, 248, 255, and 259. As David Nogales Rincón Nacional, 2010), p. 1. la desaparecida iglesia de San Pedro de Ocaña y
p. 47; Ángela Franco Mata, Museo Arqueológico Nacional. Comunidad,” p. 137; Romero Fernández-Pacheco, monarquía,” II, pp. 1487 and 1488. has pointed out, “posiblemente el cargo de patrona 33. Espada, Sepulcro de Constanza, p. 1. conservadas en el Victoria and Albert Museum de
Catálogo de la escultura gótica (Madrid: Ministerio Santo Domingo el Real de Madrid, pp. 167 and 256. 20. González de Fauve and Las Heras, “Los cargos efectiva que doña Constanza de Castilla tenía respecto 34. “De gules de sinople y de plata terciado en banda Londres,” in Libro homenaje a Rafael Sancho de San Román
de Cultura. Dirección General de Bellas Artes y 12. Romero Fernández-Pacheco, Santo Domingo el Real de eclesiásticos y religiosos,” p. 245; Nogales Rincón, de la capilla habría que ponerlo más en relación con un filete en lo alto de la misma, engolada en dos (Toledo: Real Academia de Bellas Artes y Ciencias
Archivos, 1993), p. 109; Ángela Muñoz Fernández, Madrid, p. 256. “La representación religiosa de la monarquía,” II, pp. con la personalidad emprendedora de la priora y cabezas de dragón de oro movientes en los ángulos Históricas de Toledo, 2006), pp. 264-265; Morales
Acciones e intenciones de mujeres en la vida religiosa de los 13. Núñez Rodríguez, “El sepulcro de doña Constanza de 1485-1486 and 1492. las demandas que esta realiza a los reyes que con las y acompañada de jefe de castillo de los mimos, Cano, Símbolos, formas y espacio de la escultura gótica
siglos XV y XVI (Madrid: Dirección General de la Castilla,” p. 130. 21. “Señores capellán mayor e capellanes, asy rreligiosos excepcionales circunstancias de su fundación o con la donjonado, adjurado de azur y en punta de un león funeraria en Castilla-La Mancha: Toledo, 2 vols. (Cuenca:
Mujer, 1995), p. 127; Ronald E. Surtz, “Las oras de 14. Romero Fernández-Pacheco, Santo Domingo el Real de e clérigos, ya sabédes commo la muerte es general. condición de doña Constanza como nieta de Pedro de púrpura”: Ángela Franco Mata, Museo Arqueológico Ediciones de la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha,
los clavos de Constanza de Castilla,” in Caballeros, Madrid, p. 122. Yo espero salir de esta presente vida quando a I”: Nogales Rincón, “La representación religiosa de la Nacional. Catálogo de la escultura gótica, (Madrid: 2010), I, p. 225.
monjas y maestros en la Edad Media. Actas de las V Jornadas 15. González de Fauve and Las Heras, “Los cargos nuestro señor plaserá. Conosçiendo que soy grand monarquía,” II, pp. 1514-1516. Ministerio de Cultura. Dirección General de Bellas 44. Patrick Lenaghan, “Commemorating a Real Bastard:
Medievales, eds. Lillian von der Walde Moheno, eclesiásticos y religioso,” p. 244; Rábade Obradó, pecadora, e syn virtudes e syn meritos, yo vos pido 27. “Bien sabedes commo yo tengo liçençia e facultad Artes y Archivos, 1993), p. 110. the Chapel of Alvaro de Luna,” in Memory and the
Concepción Company Company, and Aurelio “Religiosidad y memoria política,” p. 230; Romero de mucha gracia que por rreverencia de nuestro del dicho señor Rey, que está asentada en sus libros 35. Carlos Miranda García has highlighted the singularity Medieval Tomb, eds. Elizabeth Valdez del Álamo and
González (Mexico: Universidad Nacional Autónoma Fernández-Pacheco, Santo Domingo el Real de Madrid, pp. señor, des que sea mi fyn, ayades memorya de los de lo salvado, para que yo pueda nombrar e elegir, of this image: “siguiendo un modelo poco frecuente, Carol Stamatis Pendergast (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2000),
de México, 1996), p. 158; Constanza de Castilla, 123-124; David Nogales Rincón, “La representación trabajo e gastos que yo he pasado, ansy en faser esas e nombre e elija, para en la capilla del señor Rey como es representar la Virtud con los ojos muy pp. 129-153, p. 130; Teresa Pérez Higuera, “El foco
Book of Devotions. Libro de Devociones y Oficios, ed. religiosa de la monarquía castellano-leonesa: la pocas guarniçiones de ornamentos que pertenesçen don Pedro, que santa gloria aya, que es en el dicho abiertos, anhelantes, y mostrando la palma de su toledano y su entorno,” pp. 282- 283. For a brief
Constance L. Wilkins (Exeter: University of Exeter capilla real (1252-1504)” (PhD diss., Universidad al servicio de la dicha capilla, e ganar el previllejo, monesterio, un capellán mayor, e otros tres capellanes, mano derecha hacia abajo”. This same iconography approach to the discussion regarding the identity of
Press, 1998), p. 31; María Estela González de Fauve Complutense de Madrid, 2009) II, p. 1484. el más fuerte que yo pude, lo qual todo con buena e dos guardas, e un sacristán, e que el dicho capellán, is found in the sixteenth-century tombs of Martín Sebastián de Toledo/Sebastián de Almonacid see
and Isabel J. Las Heras, “Los cargos eclesiásticos y 16. “Evidentemente, la decisión de instalar la sepultura de voluntad lo pongo en vuestras manos, e por vuestra e capellanes, e guardas, e sacristán que yo asý eligiere García and María Rodríguez; Carlos Miranda García, Javier Martínez de Aguirre, “La obra del escultor
religiosos como estrategia de recuperación del poder Pedro I en la capilla mayor de la iglesia del convento propia virtud vos plega de aver memorya de mi e nonbrare, guarden e fagan guardar todo lo que yo “Las virtudes en la escultura castellana del siglo Sebastián de Almonacid en Sevilla (1509-1510),”
de los descendientes de Pedro I de Castilla,” En la respondía al deseo de la priora de reivindicar la ánima e de las ánimas de mi señor mi padre e ordenare, e mandare, e dexare ordenado para después XV. Iconografía y focos de influencia,” Antiqvaria. Boletín del Seminario de Estudios de Arte y Arqueología 58
España Medieval 24 (2001): p. 244; María del Pilar memoria de su abuelo, estaba claramente imbricada de mi señora mi madre en vuestros sacrifiçios, lo de mis días, so las penas contenidas en la ordenança Antigüedades, arte y coleccionismo 62 (1989): p. 34 and n. 6. (1992): pp. 315-317.
Rábade Obradó, “Religiosidad y memoria política: en la estrategia de recuperación del prestigio del qual dexo a vuestra ordenança”: Rábade Obradó, e constituçion que yo dexare fecha e establesçida”: 36. Núñez Rodríguez, “El sepulcro de doña Constanza de 45. Matilde Miquel Juan and Olga Pérez Monzón, “Entre
las constituciones de la capilla de Pedro I en Santo linaje, algo que tal vez solo era posible si los restos “Religiosidad y memoria política,” pp. 232 and 260; María del Pilar Rábade Obradó, “Religiosidad y Castilla,” p. 51. imaginería, brocados, colores, pinceles y el arte nuevo.
Domingo el Real de Madrid (1464),” En la España de Pedro I eran ubicados en un lugar adecuado, Nogales Rincón, “La representación religiosa de la memoria política,” p. 246. 37. Franco Mata, Museo Arqueológico Nacional, p. 109. Patronato artístico femenino de María de Luna y
Medieval 26 (2003): p. 230; Romero Fernández- donde pudieran realizarse los ritos necesarios para monarquía,” II, pp. 1482, 1484-1485, and 1511-1514; 28. María del Pilar Rábade Obradó, “Religiosidad y 38. José María Azcárate, Manuel Fernández Álvarez, la memoria paterna,” e-Spania. Revue interdisciplinaire
Pacheco, Santo Domingo el Real de Madrid, p. 124; Maria garantizar la salvación de su alma, pero también David Chao Castro, “La estatua sepulcral de Pedro memoria política,” pp. 233 and 238; Nogales Rincón, “La and Antonio López Gómez, Castilla-La Nueva, 2 vols. d’études hipaniques médiévales et modernes 24 (2016): p. 24.
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Selección de textos del Devocionario de sor Constanza de memoria desprovista de las connotaciones negativas in El intercambio artístico entre los reinos hispanos y las 29. “Doña Constanza lograría conformar una verdadera 39. Sonia Morales Cano, Moradas para la eternidad. La Castilla,” p. 51.
Castilla (Barcelona: Universitat de Barcelona, 2015), de antaño, gracias a las nuevas circunstancias cortes europeas en la Baja Edad Media, eds. Concepción capilla funeraria dinástica para los Castilla, escultura funeraria gótica toledana (Madrid: Biblioteca 47. Miranda García, “Las virtudes en la escultura
p. 42. propiciadas por la entronización de Juan II, por cuyas Cosmen Alonso, María Victoria Herráez Ortega, and reivindicativa incluso de su propia ascendencia Nueva, 2012), pp. 122-123; Sonia Morales Cano, castellana del siglo XV. Iconografía y focos de
3. Muñoz Fernández, Acciones e intenciones de mujeres, p. 127. venas, al fin y al cabo, también corría la sangre del María Pellón Gómez-Calcerrada (Leon: Universidad regia […] al tiempo que parece retomar la tradición Escultura funeraria gótica. Castilla-La Mancha (Madrid: influencia,” pp. 32-36.
4. Alonso Getino, “Centenario y Cartulario de nuestra desafortunado soberano. Así, y gracias a la capilla de León, 2009), pp. 104-105. leonesa-castellana en cuanto al papel desempeñado Sílex, 2017), p. 163. According to Teresa Pérez 48. García, “Las virtudes en la escultura castellana,” p. 32.
Comunidad,” pp. 130-131; Franco Mata, Museo funeraria impulsada por su nieta, Pedro I se hacía otra 22. The petristas were the partisans of King Peter I of por infantas-prioras en la fundación, mantenimiento y Higuera, the two praying figures in Constanza de 49. Joaquín Yarza Luaces, La nobleza ante el rey. Los grandes linajes
Arqueológico Nacional, p. 109; González de Fauve and vez presente entre los vivos, y esa presencia, de alguna Castile, even after his death: Núñez Rodríguez, cuidado de capillas regias ubicadas en sus monasterios Castilla’s tomb would be similar to the two missing castellanos y el arte en el siglo XV (Madrid: El Viso, 2003), pp.
Las Heras, “Los cargos eclesiásticos y religiosos,” forma, contribuía a consolidar la situación de aquellos “El sepulcro de doña Constanza de Castilla,” y conventos. Estos y otros parámetros […] tuvieron angels from the sepulchre of Bishop Gonzalo de 134-135; Morales Cano, Moradas para la eternidad, p. 72.
p. 244; Rábade Obradó, “Religiosidad y memoria de sus descendientes que, a través del apellido Castilla, p. 50; González de Fauve and Las Heras, “Los asimismo que condicionar, necesariamente, el Illescas, in the cloister of the monastery of Guadalupe 50. “Los denigradores del sexo femenino contaban con el
política,” p. 230; Romero Fernández-Pacheco, Santo se empeñaban en alcanzar la posición que crecían cargos eclesiásticos y religiosos,” p. 245; Rábade soberbio sepulcro de la propia priora doña Constanza, (Cáceres), completed in 1460: Teresa Pérez Higuera, respaldo del magisterio teológico; entre los Padres de
Domingo el Real de Madrid, pp. 118, 201, and 337. merecer en función del linaje de que procedían”: Obradó, “Religiosidad y memoria política,” p. 229; sin parangón en la Castilla del momento para una “El foco toledano y su entorno,” in Actas del Congreso la Iglesia, figuras como Ambrosio y Jerónimo habían
5. A similar situation took place during the priorates of Rábade Obradó, “Religiosidad y memoria política,” Nogales Rincón, “La representación religiosa de la mujer de su condición”: Chao Castro, “La estatua Internacional sobre Gil Siloe y la Escultura de su época, considerado que todas las virtudes asociadas con la
other powerful nuns, such as Sisters Sol (1247, 1249, pp. 232-233. monarquía,” II, p. 1553. sepulcral de Pedro I,” p. 107. Burgos 13-16 octubre de 1999 (Burgos: Caja de Burgos, salvación…eran característicamente masculinas”:
1252, 1256 and 1263), Leocadia (1266, 1272, 1273, 17. González de Fauve and Las Heras, “Los cargos 23. Rábade Obradó, “Religiosidad y memoria política,” 30. Verardo García Rey, “La famosa priora doña Teresa Universidad de Burgos, 2001), pp. 263-286, 264 and Mercedes Pampín Barral, “Las virtudes cardinales en el
1283, 1284, 1285 and 1287), Urraca Díaz (1294 and eclesiásticos y religiosos,” p. 245; Nogales Rincón, pp. 234 and 247: “contemplacion e ynstante suplicaçion.” de Ayala (su correspondencia íntima con los monarcas 266. Triunfo de las donas de Juan Rodríguez del Padrón (I)”, in
1297), and Sister Urraca Sánchez (1363): Romero “La representación religiosa de la monarquía,” II, 24. Rábade Obradó, “Religiosidad y memoria política,” de su tiempo),” Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia 40. Chao Castro, “La estatua sepulcral de Pedro I,” p. Actas del IX Congreso Internacional de la Asociación Hispánica
Fernández-Pacheco, Santo Domingo el Real de Madrid, pp. 1549-1552; Covadonga Valdaliso Casanova, pp. 241 and 247: “por las ánimas del dicho señor 96 (1930): pp. 693 and 710; Sonia Morales Cano, “La 112. Nogales Rincón, “La representación religiosa de de Literatura Medieval (A Coruña, 18-22 de septiembre de
pp. 117, 120, and 121. “La problemática de la autoría femenina en la Rey don Pedro, e suya, e de la señora Reyna doña escultura funeraria gótica en la provincia de Toledo,” la monarquía,” II, p. 1494. 2001), eds. Mercedes Pampín Barral and Carmen
6. Romero Fernández-Pacheco, Santo Domingo el Real de Edad Media: una lectura política en la Castilla de la Catalina, su madre, e de la señora Reyna Doña Anales de Historia del Arte (extraordinary volume 2011): 41. Nogales Rincón, “La representación religiosa de la Parrilla García, 3 vols. (La Coruña: Universidade da
Madrid, pp. 122 and 258. primera mitad del siglo XV,” in Las mujeres en la Edad María, su muger.” p. 356. monarquía,” II, pp. 1493-1496. Coruña, 2005), III, p. 267.
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mujeres, ed. Julio Vélez-Sainz (Madrid: Cátedra, 2009), 68. “O cruz santa, por ti pido merçed a Aquel que en ti
preámbulo III, p. 150. fue crucificado que te me dé a la ora de mi muerte por
58. “inumana cosa nos paresció de sofrir que tantas obras escudo entre mí e mis enemigos quando afincadamente
de virtud e enxemplos de bondad fallados en el linage acusarán mis culpas e querrán rebatar mi ánima
de las mugeres fuesen callados é enterrados en las por me levar consigo adonde no ay redempçión,”
escuras tiniebras de olvidança,” Luna, Libro de las claras Constanza de Castilla, Book of Devotions, p. 29.
e virtuosas mugeres, p. 20; Luna, Libro de las virtuosas e 69. “porta o entrada para todas las otras,” Pampín Barral, “Las
claras mujeres, ed. Vélez-Sainz, proemio, p. 138; Vargas virtudes cardinales en el Triunfo de las donas,” p. 267.
Martínez, La Querellas de las Mujeres, pp. 140-145. 70. Pampín Barral, “Las virtudes cardinales en el Triunfo
59. Diego de Valera, Tratado en Defensa de las Virtuosas de las donas,” pp. 267, 272; Juan Rodríguez del Padrón,
Mujeres (Madrid: El Archipiélago, 1983), p. 49; Gómez Triunfo de las donas / The Triumph of Ladies, ed. Emily
Redondo, Historia de la prosa medieval castellana. III, pp. C. Francomano (New York: The University of Iowa
3220, 3222, 3256; Eric Bousmar, “Le ‘Triunfo de las Libraries, 2016), pp. 50, 60; Vargas Martínez, “Sobre
donas’ et la cour de Bourgogne (1460). Contexte et los discursos políticos a favor de las mujeres,” p. 275;
réception d’une traduction,” in Diplomates, voyageurs, Vargas Martínez, La Querella de las mujeres, pp. 128-129.
artistes, marchands entre pays bourguignones et Espagne 71. Pampín Barral, “Las virtudes cardinales en el Triunfo
aux XVe et XVIe siècles, ed. Jean-Marie Cauchies de las donas,” p. 273; Susan G. Bell, “Christine de
(Neuchâtel: Publications du Centre Européen d’Etudes Pizan (1364-1430): Humanism and the Problem of a
Bourguignonnes XIVe-XVIe siècle, 2010), p. 33; Jesús Studious Woman,” Feminist Studies 3 (1976): pp. 173-
D. Rodríguez Velasco, “Autoglosa,” p. 28; Ana Vargas 184; Vargas Martínez, “Sobre los discursos políticos a
Martínez, “Sobre los discursos políticos a favor de las favor de las mujeres,” pp. 281-282; Vargas Martínez,
mujeres (El Triunfo de las donas de Juan Rodríguez de La Querella de las Mujeres, pp. 267-283.
la Cámara),” Arenal 20 (2013): pp. 266, 270-275. 72. “Asý que, muy venturosa señora, no me paresçe
60. “por las mugeres como por los varones,” Valera, c’ay otra causa deste maravillar que los prudentes
Tratado en Defensa de las Virtuosas Mujeres, p. 53. varones se maravillan […]: no ser vsado en el estado
61. Alfredo Alvar, “La educación de Isabel la Católica,” Torre fimíneo este acto de conponer libros e tractados, ca
de los Lujanes. Boletín de la Real Sociedad Económica Matritense todas las cosas nuevas o no acostumbradas syenpre
de Amigos del País 48 (2002): p. 227; Vargas Martínez, La causan admiración”: Pampín Barral, “Las virtudes
Querella de las Mujeres, pp. 158, 161 and 163. cardinales en el Triunfo de las donas,” p. 274, n. 35;
62. Joan Kelly-Gadol, “Early Feminist Theory and the Mónica Bolufer and Montserrat Cabré, “La querelle
Querelle des Femmes, 1400-1789,” in Women, History des femmes en Espagne: bilan sur l’histoire d’un
and Theory. The Essays of Joan Kelly (Chicago and débat (1400-1800),” in Revisiter la «querelle des femmes».
London: The University of Chicago Press, 1984), Discours sur l’égalité/inégalité des sexes en Europe, de 1400
pp. 65-66; Ana Vargas Martínez, “‘La Ciudad de aux lendemains de la Révolution, ed. Armel Dubois-Nayt,
las Damas’ de Christine de Pizan: obra clave de la Marie-Élisabeth Henneau, and Rotraud von Kulessa
178 179

Pedro Orrente, the Spanish Bassano,

as a painter on copper
JOSÉ GÓMEZ FR EC H I NA

The recent discovery of two previously unpublished Bassano. Both Palomino and Jusepe Martínez mention
works by Pedro Orrente, the Adoration of the Magi (fig. 1) this period of study in Venice. The latter, in his Discursos
and Adoration of the Shepherds (fig. 2), represents a significant practicables del Nobilísimo Arte de la Pintura, describes how
contribution to our understanding of this artist’s corpus Orrente, presumably a fully formed artist by the time
and career. The paintings are exceptional in being the of his arrival in Italy, assimilated some of Bassano’s
first identified works by Orrente executed on copper. features, but not all: “while Bassano devoted himself
They rank amongst very few extant examples of paintings more to painting half-length figures, our Orrente used
on this support in early seventeenth-century Spain and a larger scale, in which he revealed his great spirit; and
are also of considerable size for works of this kind. while Bassano was so excellent and superior in painting
According to his contemporary, Jusepe Martínez, Orrente animals, our Pedro Orrente was no less so.”4
spent an extended period training with Leandro Bassano
in Venice, where he is likely to have learnt the practice of Orrente’s time in Italy came to define his artistic
painting on copper. This practice was probably developed legacy in the canon of Spanish art and is referred to
by sixteenth-century Italian artists following the lead of by several other contemporary and subsequent writers
Sebastiano del Piombo in experimenting with supports on art. Pacheco, in a chapter entitled “De la pintura de
perceived to be more durable than wood or canvas.1 animales i aves, pescaderías i bodegones, i de la ingeniosa
Several extant paintings relate to the newly discovered invención de los Retratos del Natural,” in his Arte de la
Adorations, both by Orrente himself and by other artists Pintura (1649), praised Orrente’s ability as a painter of
working in Valencia around the time of his settlement animals, again comparing, but also differentiating, his
there ca. 1630. These works indicate the success and work from that of his Venetian master:
popularity of Orrente’s compositions.
Although he differs from Bassano’s
Pedro Orrente, who was born in the city of Murcia manner and paints in his own way which is
– where he was baptised in the church of Santa celebrated, for being equally natural... it has
Catalina on 18 April 1580 – contributed to the rise and been of benefit not just to him but to many
dissemination of naturalism in Castile and particularly Painters who live off copies of his work,
in Valencia.2 His initial training probably took place in making use of fine landscapes in the Italian
his native city, although the first documentary reference manner and very natural...5
Fig. 1 / Pedro
Orrente, Adoration to Orrente dates from 11 September 1600, when he
of the Magi, oil on was contracted in Toledo to execute paintings for an Likewise the painter and writer on art José García
copper, 86 x 68.5 altarpiece for the small church of the Virgen del Saz in Hidalgo (1645-1717) praised Orrente in his Principios
cm, acquired from
Colnaghi in 2017 by the town of Guadarrama.3 According to various sources para estudiar el arte de la Pintura (1691), relating him to
a Private Collector. he travelled to northern Italy to study with Leandro the Venetian artist, calling him “a second Bassano
180 PEDRO ORRENTE / The Spanish Bassano PEDRO ORRENTE / The Spanish Bassano 181

and a leading draughtsman and history painter in his Rome before moving on to the workshop of Leandro
judgement and daring.”6 Bassano in Venice.

Further links to Italy are suggested by Orrente’s Orrente’s time in Italy, and in particular in the Venetian
association with the Tuscan painter Angelo Nardi workshop of Bassano, explains the artist’s exploitation
(1584-1664). The two men probably overlapped in of copper as a support in the newly discovered Adoration
Venice, and Nardi subsequently arrived in Spain in of the Magi (see fig. 1) and Adoration of the Shepherds (see
1607, the year in which Orrente is documented as fig. 2). The use of copper supports became popular
back in Murcia. A document of 31 January 1612 throughout Europe in the sixteenth and seventeenth
connects the two men and shows Nardi acting on centuries following the probable development of the
Orrente’s behalf in the retrieval of a painting for technique in Italy around the 1520s, although the
Fig. 2 / Pedro Orrente, which payment had evidently not been received.7 An earliest extant examples are a bit later.9 Vasari credits
Adoration of the Shepherds, earlier document dated 27 August 1605 also provides the invention to Sebastiano del Piombo, who, he claims,
oil on copper, 86 x 68.5 cm,
acquired from Colnaghi in
evidence of Orrente’s presence in Italy, as recounted “showed how to work on silver, copper, tin and other
2017 by a Private Collector. by the writers quoted above. This document metals.” In fact no works by the artist on the material
authorizes in Venice a certain Gasparo Manart from survive.10 Nevertheless, Sebastiano’s invention of
Fig. 3 / Anonymous artist
after Antonio Allegri, called
Rome to collect a sum of money from the artist based painting on stone supports may have inspired artists to
Correggio, Magdalene on a letter of exchange signed in Alicante on 25 experiment with other materials perceived to be more
Reading, oil on copper, 27 October 1602 before Giovanni Battista Paravicino.8 durable than wood or canvas. The use of copper as a
x 37 cm, Sold by Bonham’s
in 2011 (original painting
It seems likely that Orrente departed for Italy shortly support probably also relates to developments in print-
formerly in Dresden). after this in 1602, and it is possible that he stopped in making and the experiments in etching of painters
like Parmigianino, by whom there is at least one
documented (though untraced) work on copper.11

Because of collaboration between printers and

painters, copper plates would have been widely
available, easy to prepare, and durable, smooth
alternatives to wood and canvas. Artists found paint
easy to manipulate on the metallic surface, the rigidity
of which made the depiction of fine detail possible,
and its non-absorbent property meant that paint
retained its saturation.12 A Magdalene Reading, painted
on copper ca. 1530, was traditionally attributed to
Correggio and survived in the Gemäldegalerie in
Dresden until the Second World War (fig. 3).13 By the
1560s, Vasari himself, along with Allori and Bronzino
– working for Francesco I de’Medici in Florence – all
favoured copper. Paintings on copper were prized in
collectors’ cabinets for their jewel-like surfaces, and
the practice soon spread to northern Europe via artists
such as Peter Paul Rubens and Adam Elsheimer.
182 PEDRO ORRENTE / The Spanish Bassano PEDRO ORRENTE / The Spanish Bassano 183

Although Martínez focuses on Leandro Bassano as a

portraitist, he was, by the time of Orrente’s arrival,
also one of the most famous artists in Venice, having
been knighted by the doge around 1595. As a result he
received several private and public commissions, among
them a Last Judgement painted on copper and now in
Birmingham, Alabama (fig. 4).14 Generally dated 1596-
1605, this work includes a portrait of Doge Marino
Grimani, who may have been the patron; Orrente
might have been in Bassano’s studio at time of this
important commission, and his devotional images on
copper may have been inspired by it.

By 22 September 1607 Orrente is documented

back in Spain.15 Martínez cites his success at court
in Madrid where he was celebrated for depicting
subjects from “the Old and New Testament, including
in them landscapes with the figures so well combined
that few equalled him in this genre.”16 After a few
years in Madrid, he must have returned to his native
Murcia, where he is documented in 1612, the year
of his father’s death. Around this time he executed
a Blessing of Jacob (Contini Bonacossi Collection).17
Shortly after this, in 1614, he painted a Saint
Sebastian, now in Valencia Cathedral (fig. 5).18 And
in 1617, by then in Toledo, he was commissioned
by Cardinal Sandoval to paint a Miracle of Saint
Leocadia for the city’s cathedral (fig. 6). For several
years thereafter, Orrente continued to move between
Murcia and Toledo, and documents associate him
with fellow artists including Alejandro de Loarte,
Eugenio Cajés, and El Greco’s son, Jorge Manuel
Theotocópuli. Recent archival research has illustrated
Fig. 4 / Leandro Bassano,
Last Judgement, ca. 1596- that Orrente was in Valencia by 1632, and that he
1605, oil on copper, 69.9 largely remained there until his death in 1645.19 In
x 49.5 cm, Birmingham, Valencia, he produced numerous altarpieces and
AL, Birmingham Museum
of Art. paintings of biblical series, influencing a younger
generation of artists including Juan Ribalta, Vicente
Fig. 5 / Pedro Orrente, Castelló, Jerónimo Jacinto de Espinosa, Mateo Gilarte,
Saint Sebastian, ca. 1616,
oil on canvas, 306 x 219 Pablo Pontons, Esteve March, and Cristóbal García
cm, Valencia Cathedral. Salmerón.
184 PEDRO ORRENTE / The Spanish Bassano PEDRO ORRENTE / The Spanish Bassano 185

LOW RES

Although in many ways inspired by his time with In Spain, small paintings on metal supports, known event” is similar to Orrente’s Bassano-like, rustic
Bassano in Venice, the newly discovered Adorations as láminas, were often used in the decoration of treatment of biblical subjects. This is confirmed
(see figs. 1 & 2) were probably painted shortly before oratories.21 Although they were highly valued at by compositional similarities in the Adoration
the artist’s permanent settlement in Valencia. As has court, works on copper in Spanish collections of the Shepherds by Orrente presented here: both
been observed, the paintings are remarkable not only generally came from Italy and Flanders. A recent paintings feature the subject entering from the left
for their support, but also for their size (86 x 68.5 cm article by Peter Cherry on an Adoration of the to find the Holy Family by a shed with a pitched
each). In the context of Spanish painting of the first Shepherds on copper now in the Museo de Bellas wooden roof set in a deep landscape. The figure
Fig. 6 / Pedro Orrente,
Miracle of Saint Leocadia, half of the seventeenth century, works on copper are Artes de Bilbao (fig. 7) highlights the dearth of the shepherd with a lamb slung across his
1617, oil on canvas, 250 x uncommon; works on this scale are an extreme rarity. of paintings on metal produced by artists in shoulders in the Ribalta, furthermore, recalls the
300 cm, Toledo Cathederal. In their text on the artist, Diego Angulo and Alfonso Valencia.22 The work in Bilbao, painted by Juan de figure on the far left in the Orrente. Orrente was
Fig. 7 / Juan Ribalta, Pérez Sánchez referred to an Adoration of the Magi Ribalta around 1620, is one of very few Valencian Francisco’s rival in Valencia, and the relationship
Adoration of the on copper belonging to the Marchioness of Agüero works on copper discovered by Cherry (along with between Juan and Orrente’s works, not only
Shepherds, ca. 1620, oil in Madrid, but without providing the dimensions.20 those documented by Juan’s father, Francisco), and compositionally but also in terms of support is
on copper, 15 x 29.5 cm,
Museo de Bellas Artes de Presumably this was executed on the smaller scale of it is the only one known to have survived. Cherry an interesting reflection of how artistic practice
Bilbao. most works on this medium. notes that the casting of the scene as a “real developed in the local context.
186 PEDRO ORRENTE / The Spanish Bassano PEDRO ORRENTE / The Spanish Bassano 187

The paintings presented here, of extremely high quality a woman holds a wicker basket with swaddling clothes
and chromatic richness, are clearly indebted to Venetian for the new-born child. The standing Saint Joseph,
painting, not only to the work of Leandro Bassano, but also wearing a hat, is shown leaning on a stick. As in all
also of Titian, Tintoretto and Veronese. Both paintings of Orrente’s depictions of this episode, the ox and ass
make use of an open, horizontal composition with a are present, reflecting his fame as a painter of animals.
paired setting of architectural fragments reused with At the top of the composition is a cloud of glory in
wooden beams to create an improvised shelter. In the which child angels hold a scroll with the text of the
scene of the Adoration of the Shepherds, the seated Virgin, hymn “Gloria in excelsis Deo et in terra pax hominibus bonae
Fig. 8 / Jacopo Bassano, who holds up with both hands the white cloth that voluntatis.” At the upper left, the angel announces to the
Adoration of the Shepherds, emphasizes the nudity of the Divine Infant, derives shepherds the good news of the Saviour’s birth.
1568, oil on canvas, 240 x
151 cm, Bassano, Museo from Bassanesque models, like Jacopo Bassano’s
Civico. Adoration of the Shepherds altarpiece now in Museo Civico The exotic, decorative elements characterizing the
Bassano (fig. 8). A similar Virgin appears in Orrente’s companion to this panel, the Adoration of the Magi, recall
Fig. 9 / Pedro Orrente, Birth
of Christ from the altarpiece Birth of Christ from the altarpiece of the Conception for the pictorial language of Paolo Caliari (1528-1588),
of the Conception, oil on the Franciscan monastery of the Concepción, now in known as Veronese. This artist’s two magnificent,
canvas, 149 x 84 cm, Murcia, the Museo de Bellas Artes de Murcia (fig. 9). Next to monumental altarpieces depicting the subject, one formerly
Museo de Bellas Artes.
the manger, which has two chickens underneath it, is in Venice but now in the National Gallery (fig. 10), and one
Fig. 10 / Paolo Veronese, a shepherd kneeling in adoration. He has a traditional still in situ in Vicenza, might have been seen by Orrente
Adoration of the Magi, satchel on his back, a knife in his belt, and he shows during his Venetian sojourn. Like Veronese’s Holy
1573, oil on canvas, 355.6 x
320 cm, London, National the soles of his bare feet. Another shepherd wearing a Family, Orrente’s sacred group is set within classical ruins
Gallery. red cap has a lamb on his shoulders, while beside him that have been transformed into a rustic shelter, where
188 PEDRO ORRENTE / The Spanish Bassano PEDRO ORRENTE / The Spanish Bassano 189

they receive the homage and adoration of the kings of the Asunción in Yeste (Albacete): the Adoration of the
and their retinue. The star that guided them from the Shepherds (fig. 12) and the Adoration of the Magi (fig. 13).
Orient is visible above the makeshift structure at the The upper register of the altarpiece is dated 1628,
top left. The naked Christ Child sits on the lap of the while the bottom, forming a kind of a predella, is
Virgin, who is seated on a rock, while Saint Joseph – comprised of busts of Saint Peter and Saint James the
once again leaning on a stick – stands behind Mary. Apostle. The two canvases for Yeste were undoubtedly
In the foreground, the kneeling Melchior, his head executed close to 1629 when Orrente painted the
uncovered and with a long white beard, looks towards principal altarpiece and the lateral altarpieces for the
the Christ Child. Two pages hold up his ornate brocade town’s Franciscan monastery, established following the
mantle. In general, the figures’ clothing reveals the type arrival of the Discalced Franciscans in 1618.
of broken folds typical of Orrente.
In the Adoration of the Shepherds in Yeste – which occupies
These two paintings on copper relate compositionally, the second tier of the altarpiece – the composition is
with almost no variants, to two canvases by Orrente reduced at the bottom compared to the present version
produced for his altarpiece (fig. 11) in the parish church on copper.

Fig. 11 / Pedro Orrente,

altarpiece of the Epiphany,
1628-1629, Yeste, church
of the Asunción.

Fig. 12 / Pedro Orrente,

Adoration of the Shepherds,
1628, oil on canvas, 190 x
124 cm, Yeste, church of
the Asunción.

Fig. 13 / Pedro Orrente,

Adoration of the Magi,
1629, oil on canvas, 222 x
152 cm, Yeste, church of
the Asunción.
190 PEDRO ORRENTE / The Spanish Bassano PEDRO ORRENTE / The Spanish Bassano 191

The canvas is also painted in an earthier palette, and is in horizontal format, is a replica with variants of
the kneeling shepherd has brown rather than grey the composition examined here. The Medina Sidonia
hair. The success enjoyed by Orrente’s composition canvas should be considered a work by the artist’s
is indicated by the existence of a smaller version on studio. In contrast, its pair, the Adoration of the Shepherds,
canvas (117 x 82 cm) on loan from a Private Collection is undoubtedly an autograph work by Jerónimo Jacinto
to the Museo Etnográfico in Zamora,23 which also de Espinosa (1600-1667). The same altarpiece includes
follows the present version on copper very closely. two further Valencian canvases depicting apostles –
The stylistic characteristics of the Zamora version painted by the Valencian artist Miguel March (ca.
suggest that it is by a follower of Orrente, rather 1633-1670) – which are clearly indebted to José de
than the master himself. In turn, the Yeste Adoration Ribera’s apostles and philosophers.
of the Magi is almost identical to the version on
copper, aside from the use of a darker palette and Following his return from Italy, Orrente was a
a different, more schematic pattern of Melchior’s celebrated and influential artist who not only worked
mantle. Orrente would again make use of the Yeste for preeminent patrons, but was also a well-regarded
compositions, albeit with some slight variations, in member of the Inquisition.26 The emergence of
two canvases now in the church of San Sebastián these two Adorations sheds light on a previously
in Salamanca and formerly in the church of San unrecognized aspect of this important artist’s work
Bartolomé in that city: a signed Adoration of the Magi and presents critical new evidence for understanding
(fig. 14) and an Adoration of the Shepherds. the development of and demand for works executed
on copper in Valencia in the early seventeenth
Mention should also be made of an autograph replica century. While the precise chronology of the various
of the Adoration of the Magi (fig. 15) in the sacristy of versions of the Adoration compositions is impossible
Toledo Cathedral. The mantle of the king kneeling to determine at this stage, the considerable number
before the Christ Child bears the same pattern as that of variants must reflect the popularity of Orrente’s
in the copper panel and differs from the Yeste version, treatment of the subject. Could this in part stem from
which has a simpler decoration. The bearded man the originals having been painted on a rare and novel
on a white horse is different to the figure in both the support, which rendered a jewel-like, enamel effect to
versions on copper and those in Yeste and Salamanca. Orrente’s exquisite depiction of surface detail?
He supports a bridle with his left arm while stretching
out his right to point to the Christ Child. The Toledo
Adoration of the Magi, for which Orrente was paid
3,350 reales in 1630, forms a pendant to an Adoration
of the Shepherds that has a different composition to the
Fig. 14 / Pedro Orrente,
model under discussion here. Adoration of the Magi, oil
on canvas, 170 x 130 cm,
Enrique Valdivieso attributed to Orrente an Adoration Salamanca, Church of
San Bartolomé.
of the Magi and an Adoration of the Shepherds incorporated
into the Altarpiece of Nuestra Señora de la Antigua in Fig. 15 / Pedro Orrente,
the church of Santa María la Coronada in Medina Adoration of the Magi, oil
on canvas, 175 x 120 cm,
Sidonia (Cadiz); 24 previously this was given incorrectly to Toledo, Sacristy of Toledo
Zurbarán or his school.25 The Adoration of the Magi, which Cathedral.
192 PEDRO ORRENTE / The Spanish Bassano PEDRO ORRENTE / The Spanish Bassano 193

N OTES

1. See Jill Dunkerton, Susan Foister, and Nicholas Penny, 11. See Dunkerton, Foister, Penny, Dürer to Veronese, p. 276, 24. Enrique Valdivieso, “Dos nuevas pinturas de Pedro
Dürer to Veronese (New Haven: Yale University Press, and David Ekserdjian, Parmigianino, (New Haven and Orrente,” Laboratorio de Arte 5 (1993): pp. 353-356.
1999), pp. 276-277. London: Yale University Press, 2006), p. 150, who 25. Enrique Romero de Torres, Catálogo monumental de la
2. His baptism certificate provides the names of his suggests the work, listed in the Baiardo inventory, provincia de Cádiz (Madrid: Ministerio de Instrucción
parents: Jaime Orrente, of French origin, born in might be the Portrait of a Bearded Man now in a Private Pública y Bellas, 1934), p. 447.
Marseille and a merchant by trade, and Isabel Jumilla. Collection. 26. José Luis Morales y Marín, El pintor Pedro Orrente familiar
See José Crisant López Jiménez, “Hallazgo de las 12. Isabel Horovitz, “Paintings on Copper: A Brief del Santo Oficio (Madrid: Aula Universitaria, 1977),
partidas de bautismo de Orrente y Villacis,” Archivo de Overview of their Conception, Creation and unpaginated, and Sánchez Cantón, Fuentes literarias, II,
Arte Valenciano (1961): pp. 74-79. Conservation,” in Paintings on Copper and Other Metal pp. 367-368.
3. Diego Angulo Iñiguez and Alfonso E. Pérez Sánchez, Plates: Production, Degradation and Conservation Issues, eds.
Historia de la pintura española. Escuela toledana de la primera Laura Fuster Lopez, Inmaculada Chulia Blanco, M.
mitad del siglo XVII (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Francisca Sarrio Martin, M. Luisa Vazquez de Agredos
Investigaciones Científicas, Instituto Diego Velázquez, Pascual, Leslie Carlyls, and Jorgen Wadum (Valencia:
1972) p. 228. University of Valencia, 2017), pp. 18-19.
4. “...aunque el Bassano se ejercitó más en hacer figuras 13. David Ekserdjian, Correggio (New Haven and London:
medianas, nuestro Orrente tomó la manera mayor Yale University Press, 1997), p. 175.
en que dio a conocer su grande espíritu. Y, aunque el 14. For this painting, which is very similar to one in
Bassano fue tan excelente y superior en hacer animales, the National Museum of Western Art, Tokyo, see
no fue menos nuestro Pedro Orrente.” Jusepe Martínez, Michiaki Koshikawa, Kokuritsu-Seiyõ-Bijutsukan, Tokio 34
Discursos practicables del nobilísimo arte de la pintura (Madrid: (2000-2001): pp. 16-19, and Chiyo Ishikawa, Marylin
Real Academia San Fernando, 1866), p. 454, and the Perry, and Edgar Peters Bowron, A Gift to America:
more recent edition Jusepe Martínez, Discursos practicables Masterpieces from the Samuel H. Kress Collection, exh. cat.
del nobilísimo arte de la pintura, ed. María Elena Manrique (Raleigh, Houston, Seattle, and San Francisco: the
Ara (Madrid: Cátedra, 2006), p. 268. North Carolina Museum of Art, the Museum of Fine
5. “...aunque se diferencia en el modo del Basan y hace Arts, Houston, the Seattle Arts Museum, and the Fine
manera suya conocida por el mesmo natural... pues ha Arts Museum, San Francisco, 1994), pp. 90-95, no. 7.
sido provechoso no sólo a sí, pero a muchos pintores que 15. Muñoz Barberan, Pedro Orrente, p. 6.
se sustentan con sus copias,” Francisco Pacheco, Arte de 16. “.. historias del testamento viejo y nuevo, y en ellos
la pintura (1649), ed. Francisco Javier Sánchez Cantón, 2 accomodando países con tal unión a las figuras que
vols. (Madrid: Instituto de Valencia de Don Juan, 1956), en este género pocos le igualaron.” Martínez, Discursos
II, p. 134, and the more recent Francisco Pacheco, Arte practicables, p. 454.
de la pintura (1649), ed. Bonaventura Bassegoda i Hugas 17. For this work see Roberto Longhi and Augusto L.
(Madrid: Cátedra, 1990), p. 517. Mayer, Gli antichi pittori spagnoli dalla collezione Contini-
6. “...segundo Bazán y primer dibujante e historiador Bonacossi, exh. cat. (Rome: Villa Giulia, 1930), pp. 34-35,
en los aciertos y valentía;” Francisco Javier Sánchez no. 52, ill. 45.
Cantón, Fuentes literarias para la historia del arte español, 5 18. Originally thought to have been painted in Valencia
vols. (Madrid: Centro de Estudios Históricos, 1934), in 1616, it was in fact purchased in in 1614 by María
III, p. 107. Díez de Covarrubias, widow of the vice-chancellor of
7. The artist authorizes the Tuscan artist, resident at the the Council of Aragon, Diego de Covarrubias, from the
court in Madrid, either to retrieve a painting of Saint Marquis of Caracena. See Maria José López Azorin,
Catherine from the Madrid silversmith Pedro Pérez “En defensa de los acuerdos artísticos: un proceso entre
de Carrión, or to charge him its value of 20 ducados. pinturas en Valencia promovido por Joan Sariñena”, in
Manuel Muñoz Barberan, Pedro Orrente (Nuevos documentos In sapientia libertas. Escritos en homenaje al profesor Alfonso E.
murcianos) (Murcia: Impresor Belmar, 1981), pp. 6-7. Pérez Sánchez (Madrid and Seville: Museo Nacional del
8. Wilfrid Brulez, Merchands flamands a Venise, 2 vols. (1568- Prado, 2007), pp. 263-267.
1605) (Brussels and Rome: Academia Belgica, 1965), 19. He was buried in the parish church of San Martín.
I, p. 558; Miguel Falomir Faus, Los Bassano en la España See Maria José López Azorín, Documentos para la
del Siglo de Oro, exh. cat. (Madrid: Museo Nacional del historia de la pintura valenciana en el siglo XVII (Madrid:
Prado, 2001), pp. 40-41. Fundación de apoyo a la Historia del Arte Hispánico,
9. Joyce Hill Stoner and Rebecca Rushfield, eds., Conservation 2006), pp. 68-72.
of Easel Paintings (Abingdon: Routledge, 1995), p. 100. Also 20. Angulo Iñiguez and Pérez Sánchez, Historia de la pintura
see Edgar Peters Bowron, “A Brief History of European española, p. 308.
Oil Paintings on Copper 1560-1775,” in Copper as Canvas: 21. Peter Cherry, “Juan de Ribalta’s The Adoration of the
Two Centuries of Masterpiece Paintings on Copper 1575- Shepherds,” Boletín Museo de Bellas Artes de Bilbao 4 (2009): p. 8.
1775, ed. Michael K. Komanecky (Oxford: Oxford 22. Cherry, “Juan de Ribalta,” pp. 8-9.
University Press, 1998), p. 25. 23. Carlos Piñel Sánchez, “El pintor Pedro de Orrente en
10. Giorgio Vasari, Le vite de’ più eccellenti pittori, scultori, e una colección particular de Zamora” in Sic non vobis:
architettori italiani (1550 and 1568), ed. William Gaunt, 4 Colección de estudios en honor de Florián Ferrero, ed. José Lusis
vols. (London: Everyman’s Library, 1963), III, p. 118. Hernández Luis, (Zamora: UNED, 2015), pp. 509-522.
194 PEDRO ORRENTE / The Spanish Bassano PEDRO ORRENTE / The Spanish Bassano 195

SPA N I S H TEXT

Dos incorporaciones nuevas al corpus pictórico de Pedro Orrente1

J OSÉ G ÓM EZ FR EC H I N A

Pedro Orrente, nacido en la ciudad de Murcia donde fue bautizado en la El pintor y tratadista José García Hidalgo nacido en Villena mes “porque os he de servir de guisar de comer y hacer roscadas y en que contrae matrimonio con María Matamoros. En 1617, ya en
iglesia de Santa Catalina el 18 de abril de 1580, contribuyó a la formación (Alicante) el mismo año en que fallece Orrente y muerto en Madrid coser y remendar lo necesario y acudir a la cría de la seda si la criare Toledo, Orrente cobró el cuadro del Milagro de santa Leocadia para la
y difusión del naturalismo en Castilla y, especialmente, en Valencia. La en 1717 citaba tras pasar por Roma y regresar a Valencia a Orrente el dicho Pedro Orrente, de forma que sirva en todo aquello que catedral pintado por orden del cardenal Sandoval. Sus idas y venidas
formación inicial de Orrente debió quizá desarrollarse en su ciudad natal. con elogio en sus Principios para estudiar el arte de la Pintura (1691): “El bueno y honesto sea”9 . desde Murcia a Toledo se suceden. Diversas noticias lo relacionan
natural cariño y conveniencia de mi salud, me restituyeron a mi con otros compañeros de oficio: Alejandro de Loarte, Eugenio Cajés
En la partida de bautismo del pintor se da cuenta de sus padres: Patria, y desembarcado en Alicante, pasé a ver la hermosa y amena Del trato de Orrente y Nardi da fe una carta de poder con fecha 31 y con el hijo del Greco, Jorge Manuel Theothocópuli.
Jaime Orrente, de origen francés, nacido en Marsella y de oficio ciudad de Valencia, donde asenté lo deambulativo de mi natural de enero de 1612 al pintor toscano residente en la corte madrileña
comerciante, e Isabel Jumilla2 . y satisfice lo curioso de mi afición, viendo obras de tan grandes para que rescate de Pedro Pérez de Carrión, platero de Madrid, Últimas investigaciones de archivo adelantan a 1632 el retorno de
artífices como del célebre español Pedro Orrente, segundo Bazán y un cuadro de Santa Catalina o que le cobre su precio de veinte Orrente a Valencia donde al parecer residió con algún intervalo en
Jusepe Martínez, pintor de Felipe IV y tratadista, al igual que primer dibujante e historiador en los aciertos y valentía; y el diestro ducados10. Murcia hasta su muerte en 1645, siendo enterrado en la parroquia
Palomino remite a la formación veneciana de Orrente en sus Francisco Ribalta, Corezo Español; y no menos lo fue, aunque con de San Martín14. La impronta orrentiana en Valencia, donde dejo
Discursos practicables del Nobilísimo Arte de la Pintura: “Al cabo de algunos más valentía; Juan Ribalta, su hijo, a quien la temprana muerte José Luis Morales y Marín documentó que Orrente fue familiar numerosos cuadros de altar y series de temática bíblica, se deja ver
años llegó a esta misma ciudad (Valencia) un pintor de grande cortó los más altos vuelos que jamas se veron en otro; y un Juanes, del Santo Oficio de la Inquisición en Murcia11 . Las negociaciones en obras de Juan Ribalta, Vicente Castelló o Jerónimo Jacinto de
ingenio, que se llamó Pedro Orrente; dicen que fue natural de segundo Rafael en la misma escuela, pasmo de su tiempo en todas entre el Tribunal Supremo y el de Murcia se iniciaron en 1624 y se Espinosa y marcó significativamente la formación de otros pintores
Murcia, estuvo en Italia mucho tiempo y en Venecia, doctrinose lo las partes que a la especulativa y corrección y hermosa conducción alargaron hasta el 28 de febrero de 1633 en que Orrente obtuvo el como Mateo Gilarte, Pablo Pontons, Esteve March o Cristóbal
más con Leandro Basán, donde con sumo estudio cogió su manera convienen”6. fallo afirmativo a la concesión de la familiatura. García Salmerón.
de obrar, que aunque el Basán se ejercitó más en hacer figuras
medianas, nuestro Orrente tomó la manera mayor, en que dio a La primera noticia referente a Orrente como pintor se retrotrae al La condición de familiar del Santo Oficio ya fue señalada por Lázaro La Adoración de los Reyes (Fig. 1) y la Adoración de los Pastores (Fig. 2),
conocer su grande espíritu; y aunque el Basano fue tan excelente y 11 de septiembre de 1600 en que contrata en Toledo las pinturas Díaz del Valle en la breve semblanza que dedica a Orrente y que pinturas inéditas de Pedro Orrente, propiedad de Colnaghi y objeto
superior en hacer animales, no fue menos nuestro Pedro Orrente”3 . de un retablo para la ermita de la Virgen del Saz en la villa de después sería aprovechada por Palomino: natural de Murcia familiar de investigación en este estudio, aportan una novedad significativa al
Guadarrama7. del Santo Oficio de la Inquisición, pintor insigne, estuvo en esta villa corpus de obras autógrafas del pintor murciano ya que son los dos
El propio Jusepe Martínez nos habla de sus viajes y de la realización de Madrid y en ella hizo famosas obras, y en el Buen Retiro hay primeros cobres que se dan a conocer. Cabe señalar por su rareza
de series del Antiguo Testamento: “En España, y en particular en Un documento con fecha 27 agosto de 1605 ha permitido verificar muchas pinturas de su mano que se recogieron por orden del Conde el inusual tamaño de los mismos (86 x 68,5 cm, cada uno) en el
Madrid, hizo emulación a los mejores pintores de aquella corte, no la andanza italiana del pintor murciano señalada por los tratadistas Duque de Olivares Don Gaspar de Guzman primer ministro del Rey conjunto de la pintura española de la primera mitad del siglo XVII.
quedando menos celebrado que los demás; hizo muchas obras, y en españoles. Otorgó en Venecia un poder a Gasparo Manart, de N.S.D. Felipe 4 para adorno de aquel palacio. Hizo asi mismo en Angulo y Pérez Sánchez citan en su estudio sobre Pedro Orrente
particular cuadros para adornos de piezas de grandes señores, como Roma, para el cobro de una cantidad a cuenta de una carta de su patria muchas e insignes obras y en particular el retablo de N.Sª una Adoración de los Reyes en cobre propiedad de la Marquesa de
historias del Testamento Viejo y Nuevo, y en ellos acomodando cambio firmada en Alicante el 25 de octubre de 1602 ante Giovanni de la Concepción en la iglesia de su advocación y un cuadro de un Agüero en Madrid sin citar medidas15.
países con tal unión en las figuras, que en este género pocos le Battista Paravicino8 . Pastor bueno en la portería de S. Francisco de la ciudad de Murcia y
igualaron. Tuvo algunos discípulos, que, aunque buenos, no llegaron otro retablo en la Murta de religiosos de la orden de S. Gerónimo de Los dos cobres compañeros, de gran calidad y variada paleta
a la raya que él llegó: fue hombre de mucha estimación; tratóse con La partida del joven Orrente hacia la península itálica a fines de diferentes historias de Cristo y de N. Sª y también pintó en la ciudad cromática, presentan claros débitos con la pintura veneciana
toda grandeza y ganó muchos ducados; fue muy vario en mudar 1602, su posible paso por Roma y su posterior estancia en Venecia de Valencia un martirio de Santiago el menor siguiendo la escuela especialmente con Leandro Bassano, así como el conocimiento de la
tierras; al cabo de algunos años tomó por patria a Valencia, donde explican el estilo que ofrecen sus obras y el conocimiento cierto veneciana imitando al Basano. Fue grande dibujante y colorista. producción pictórica de Tiziano, Tintoretto y Veronés.
vivió algunos años con grande reputación y muy estimado”4. de las pinturas de Leandro da Ponte (Bassano del Grappa 1557 Falleció dejando gran fama cerca de los años de 1644”12.
– Venecia, 1622), más conocido como Bassano por su lugar de Ambas pinturas ofrecen una composición vertical al abierto
Francisco Pacheco en su Arte de la Pintura (1649) alaba la nacimiento. Hoy sabemos que el San Sebastián de Orrente de la catedral de con una escenografía pareja formada por restos arquitectónicos
capacidad del pintor murciano como pintor de animales en su Valencia no fue realizado por el pintor en la ciudad del Turia reaprovechados con vigas de madera para improvisar un cobertizo.
capítulo: De la pintura de animales i aves, pescaderías i bodegones, i de la La estancia del pintor toscano Angelo Nardi (Vaglia de Mugello, en 1616 si no que fue comprado en Murcia en 1614 al marqués
ingeniosa invención de los Retratos del Natural: “Este genero de pintura a 1584 – Madrid, 1664) en Venecia desde 1600 y su posterior de Caracena por doña María Díez de Covarrubias, viuda del La Virgen sentada sujetando con ambas manos el lienzo blanco
acreditado en España nuestro Pedro Rente; aunque se diferencia presencia a partir de 1607 en España seguramente no fue ajena a vicecanciller del Consejo de Aragón don Diego de Covarrubias13. que muestra la desnudez del Divino Infante es una derivación
en el modo de Basan i haze manera suya conocida, por el mesmo Pedro Orrente que se documenta ya en Murcia en 1607. Con fecha del obrador de los Bassano. De forma parecida lo trata también
natural, con nueva alabança i gloria, pues a sido provechoso no solo 22 de septiembre de 1607 hay una carta de servicio y soldada de Conocido pues como el “Bassano español”, Orrente aparece Orrente en el Nacimiento del retablo de la Concepción del convento
a sí, pero a muchos Pintores que se sustentan con sus copias, usando Lucía Hernández que acomoda con Pedro Orrente, vecino de esta documentado en Murcia en 1612, año en que muere su padre, firma franciscano de la Concepción, actualmente en el Museo de Bellas
de valientes países a lo italiano i mui naturales…”5. ciudad, por tiempo de un año y por doce ducados, uno por cada un cuadro de la Bendición de Jacob en la colección Contini Bonacossi y Artes de Murcia.
196 PEDRO ORRENTE / The Spanish Bassano PEDRO ORRENTE / The Spanish Bassano 197

Junto al pesebre, a cuyos pies descansan dos gallinas, aparece Buena nota de la fortuna de la composición de la Adoración de
postrado de rodillas en adoración un pastor con morral a la espalda los Pastores de Orrente es un lienzo (117 x 82 cm) cedido por una N OTAS
y cuchillo al cinto, ofreciendo las plantas desnudas de ambos colección particular al Museo Etnográfico de Zamora16 que sigue
pies. Otro pastor cubierto con gorro rojo porta a sus hombros puntualmente la pintura sobre cobre de Colnaghi. La pintura de
un cordero y a su lado una mujer sujeta un cesto de mimbre con Zamora a juzgar por sus características estilísticas es de un seguidor
1. Versión original del artículo, antes de revisión y
paños y fajas para el recién nacido. San José en pie cubierto con de Orrente.
traducción.
sombrero descansa apoyado sobre un cayado. Como en todas las 2. J.C. López Jiménez, “Hallazgo de las partidas de
composiciones de Orrente de este asunto no faltan el buey y el asno La Adoración de los Reyes de Yeste sigue con apenas cambios la bautismo de Orrente y Villacis” in Archivo de Arte
que reflejan su fama como pintor animalista. composición del cobre ofreciendo también una gama terrosa y Valenciano, Valencia, 1961, pp. 74-79.
3. J. Martínez, Discursos practicables del Nobilísimo Arte de
oscura y un diseño diferente y más esquemático en la capa de la Pintura, Madrid, Real Academia de San Fernando,
En alto, un rompimiento de gloria con ángeles niños sosteniendo Melchor. 1866, p. 454.
una filactería con el himno: Gloria in excelsis Deo et in terra pax 4. Ibid., p. 454.
5. F. Pacheco, Arte de la Pintura, preliminar, notas e índices
hominibus bonae voluntatis. En el lado superior izquierdo, se Orrente volvió a pintar las mismas composiciones de la población de
F.J. Sánchez Cantón, Madrid, Instituto de Valencia de
escenifica el anuncio a los pastores de la buena nueva del nacimiento Yeste con pequeños cambios en dos lienzos conservados en la iglesia Don Juan, 1956, tomo II, p. 134.
del Salvador. de San Sebastián de Salamanca, procedentes de la iglesia salmántina 6. F. J. Sánchez Cantón, Fuentes literarias para la Historia del
de San Bartolomé: una Adoración de los Reyes (170 x 130 cm) firmada Arte Español, Madrid, 1934, tomo III, p. 107.
7. D. Angulo Iñiguez y A.E. Pérez Sánchez, Historia de
El cobre compañero de la Adoración de los Reyes recuerda por sus notas por Orrente y una Adoración de los pastores (170 x 130 cm).
la Pintura Española. Escuela toledana de la primera mitad del
exóticas y decorativas al universo personal de Paolo Caliari (Verona, siglo XVII, Madrid, Instituto Diego Velázquez, 1972,
1528 – Venecia, 1588) también conocido como Paolo Veronese. Cabe mencionar también la réplica autógrafa de Orrente de la p.228.
Protegidos en las ruinas de un edificio clásico, la Sagrada Familia Adoración de los Reyes (175 x 120 cm; Fig. 6) custodiada en la sacristía 8. W. Brulez, Merchands flamands a Venise I (1568-1605),
Bruselas-Roma, 1965, p. 558 y M. Falomir Faus, Los
recibe el homenaje y adoración de los Reyes y su cortejo. En alto, la de la catedral de Toledo que ofrece la misma decoración en el Bassano en la España del siglo de Oro, catálogo exposición
estrella que guió a los Reyes desde Oriente. El Niño Jesús desnudo manto del rey postrado ante el Divino Infante que nuestro cobre y a Museo Nacional del Prado, 2001, pp. 40-41.
descansa en el regazo de la Virgen que aparece sentada sobre una diferencia del de Yeste que la decoración del manto es más simple. 9. M. Muñoz Barberan, Pedro Orrente (Nuevos documentos
murcianos), Murcia, 1981, p. 6.
roca. San José, en pie, se sitúa por detrás de María apoyando su El hombre barbado que monta el corcel blanco presenta un cambio
10. Ibid., p. 6-7.
cuerpo en un bastón. respecto a las composiciones del cobre, de Yeste y de Salamanca. 11. J. L. Morales y Marín, El pintor Pedro Orrente familiar del
Sujeta la brida con su brazo izquierdo y alarga su brazo derecho Santo Oficio, Aula Universitaria, Madrid, 1977, s/p.
Melchor en primer termino hincado de rodillas con la cabeza señalando al Niño Jesús. 12. F. J. Sánchez Cantón, Fuentes literarias para la Historia del
Arte Español, Madrid, 1933, tomo II, pp. 367-368.
descubierta y su larga barba blanca dirige su mirada al Divino
13. M. J. López Azorin, “En defensa de los acuerdos
Infante. Dos pajes sujetan la ornada capa de brocado del rey mago. Esta Adoración de los Reyes de Toledo por la que se le pagó 3350 reales artísticos: un proceso entre pinturas en Valencia
Las indumentarias de los personajes ofrecen el típico juego de a Orrente en 1630 está hermanada con una Adoración de los pastores promovido por Joan Sariñena”, in In Sapientia Libertas.
pliegues quebrados de Orrente. pero que sigue una composición diversa a la que aquí presentamos. Escritos en homenaje al profesor Alfonso E. Pérez Sánchez,
Madrid/Sevilla, Museo Nacional del Prado /
Fundación Focus-Abengoa, 2007, pp. 263-267.
Las dos pinturas objeto de este estudio siguen con apenas variantes Enrique Valdivieso17 dio a conocer una Adoración de los Magos y una 14. M. J. López Azorín, Documentos para la Historia de la
dos lienzos firmados por Pedro Orrente en un retablo (Fig. 3) de la Adoración de los Pastores como obras de Pedro Orrente en el retablo Pintura Valenciana en el siglo XVII, Madrid, Fundación
de Apoyo a la Historia del Arte Hispánico, 2006, pp.
parroquia de la Asunción de Yeste (Albacete): Adoración de los pastores de Nuestra Señora de la Antigua en la Iglesia de Santa María la
68-72.
(lienzo, 190 x 124 cm; Fig. 4) y Adoración de los Reyes (lienzo, 222 x Coronada en Medina Sidonia (Cádiz) que tenían una atribución 15. D. Angulo Iñiguez y A.E. Pérez Sánchez, Historia de
152 cm; Fig. 5). En la parte superior de la mazonería del retablo incorrecta a Zurbaran o de su escuela18 . La Adoración de los Reyes la Pintura Española. Escuela toledana de la primera mitad del
aparece la fecha de 1628 y en la base a modo de banco los bustos de con formato horizontal es réplica con variantes de la composición siglo XVII, Madrid, Instituto Diego Velázquez, 1972,
p. 308.
San Pedro y Santiago apóstol. orrentiana que aquí estudiamos. Este lienzo de Medina Sidonia
16. 16 C. Piñel Sánchez, “El pintor Pedro de Orrente
debe considerarse como obra del taller de Orrente. En cambio el en una colección particular de Zamora” in Colección de
Estos dos lienzos de Yeste seguramente corresponden a una fecha lienzo compañero de la Adoración de los pastores es obra autógrafa sin Estudios en Honor de Florián Ferrero (José Luis Hernández
próxima a 1629 cuando Orrente pintó el retablo mayor y colaterales duda de Jerónimo Jacinto de Espinosa (Cocentaina, Alicante, 1600 Luis, ed.), Zamora, 2015, pp.509-522.
17. E. Valdivieso, “Dos nuevas pinturas de Pedro
del convento de franciscanos de la villa de Yeste. Los franciscanos – Valencia, 1667). En el mismo retablo hay dos lienzos valencianos Orrente”, in Laboratorio de Arte 5, 1993, pp. 353-
descalzos se establecieron en esta población de la provincia de más con dos ápostoles que son obra del pintor valenciano Miguel 356.
Albacete en 1618. March (Valencia, ca.1633-1670) con débitos claros a los apóstoles y 18. E. Romero de Torres, Catálogo monumental de la provincia
de Cádiz, 1934, p.447.
filósofos de José de Ribera.
La Adoración de los pastores de Yeste, que ocupa el segundo cuerpo
del retablo, aparece la composición cortada en la parte baja en
comparación con la que ofrece el cobre. Otros cambios son una
gama de color más terrosa y la cabellera morena del pastor postrado
en hinojos que en el cobre se muestra canosa.
PU B L I CATI O N C R EDITS P HOTO GRA P H I C C R E DI TS
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Fig. 6. © Instituto Gómez-Moreno. Fundación Rodríguez Acosta. Figs. 1 and 2 © Colnaghi.
London Fig. 3 © Bonhams.
Fig. 3. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Fig. 10 © The National Gallery, London.
M adrid M urcia
Fig. 1. Private Collection. Fig. 9 © Archivo Museo de bellas Artes de Murcia.
Paris S alamanca
Fig. 4. © Musée du Louvre. Fig. 14 © Fundació Fundació Institut Amatller d Art Hispànic. Arxiu Ma.
S evilla Toledo
Fig. 5. © Parroquia de Ntra. Sra. de Consolación. El Coronil. Fig. 6 © Catedral Primada de Toledo.
Fig. 15 © David Blázquez.
The taste for Paolo Veronese in early Stuart London Valencia
All rights reserved. A jaccio Fig. 5. © Paco Alcántara
Fig. 9 © Classicpaintings / Alamy Stock Photo.
No part of this publication may be transmitted in any Y este
E dinburgh Figs. 11, 12 and 13 © Paco Alcántara.
form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including Fig. 1 Purchased by the Royal Institution 1859; transferred to the National Gallery of Scotland 1867.
photocopy, recording, or any storage and retrieval system, Fig. 18 Purchased with help from the Art Fund, the National Heritage Memorial Fund and the
without the prior permission in writing from the publisher. Pilgrims Trust 1987, National Galleries of Scotland.