CHAPTER ONE

Introduction and Historical Background

Copper mining in Zambia commenced in 1926. At first, the mining companies, Anglo American

Corporation (AAC) and Rhodesian Selection Trust (RST), reluctantly encouraged married

African labour; they resented the cost of housing and feeding women and children. However the

percentage of married stabilized workers increased steadily as management realized that married

labour was more efficient, healthier, more contented and remained at the mine longer than the

single workers. Management also realized that the presence of women in the mine compounds

discouraged gambling, fights and general disorder.1

At Roan mine, for instance, the proportion of married workers was 20 percent in 1927. In 1931,

married miners stayed, on the average, twice as long as single workers. The proportion of

married workers grew to 37.3 percent in 1932. Labour turnover fell from 24.09 percent in 1927

to 7.5 percent in 1933. By 1936, married labour had reached 65.11 percent.2

In 1940 the Labour Commissioner observed that the skill gained by a stable African worker,

unlike the migrant worker, was worth more than the extra cost of looking after his family. As at

3rd September 1940, according to the Labour Commissioner, the proportions of married African

workers at different mines were 40 percent at Nkana, 58 percent at Roan, 44.5 percent at

Nchanga and 55 percent at Mufulira.3

Although the real cost of married African workers against single men was difficult to obtain with

absolute accuracy, since it included items such as amortizing of buildings, proportionate cost of

compound services in relation to the number and age of the children, medical services and
others, an estimate figure could be arrived at. In 1944 one compound manager showed that this

was at 5.07 pence and not exceeding six pence per day.4

Therefore in 1944, the Northern Rhodesia Chamber of Mines officially adopted the employment

of married African workers as a policy. By 1946, all compound managers were of the opinion

that the employment of married African workers was in the interest of the mining companies.

On average, over the years, the ratio of African mine employees living with their families rose

from 30 percent in 1930 to 81 percent in 1961. The African labour turnover equally fell from 60

percent in 1930 to 8.3 percent in 1964.5

Besides the officially authorized wives, there were also single women who migrated from rural

areas to Copperbelt on their own. These lived with relatives or single miners and managed to

stay for long periods in the mine compounds through temporary marriages. Although not legally

allowed in the mine compounds, these single women were tolerated by company authorities

because they served the companies the same way the wives did in the stabilization of labour.6

Worker consciousness existed as early as work commenced on the Copperbelt of Zambia.

However, mineworkers’ struggles for better working and living conditions intensified with the

coming of women to the mine compounds. Meebelo demonstrated that, during the period under

study, the Copperbelt became a centre of struggle between African mine workers and mining

companies. This entailed, therefore, that there was a relationship between the presence of

women in the mine compounds and the struggle for better working and living conditions.

Women encouraged and supported industrial action against poor conditions of work in the mine

compounds.7

This study, therefore, examines the critical input of women in the mineworkers’ struggles on the
Copperbelt of Zambia by focusing on their experiences in the mine compounds, their coping

strategies, the influence of their mere presence in the mine compounds on the struggle and their

physical participation in collective action.8

Statement of the Problem

The role of women in the mineworkers’ struggles on the Copperbelt of Zambia has not seriously

been researched by scholars. Women are mentioned in most of the studies to underline their

subservient role in labour stabilization through the family concept. There is a gender deficiency

in the historiography of labour struggles in Zambia. This study bridges the gap. It demonstrates

the critical role of women in the mineworkers’ struggles on the Zambian copper mines.

Purpose of study

The purpose of study is to examine the role of women in the mineworkers’ struggles on the

Zambian copper mines. Therefore, this paper explore potential role on how the women were

involved in the struggles on Zambian copper mines.

Objectives

This study seeks to accomplish the following objectives;

 Assess challenges faced by women in the copperbelt mines of Zambia

 Examine the role of women in the mineworkers’ struggles in the Copperbelt of Zambia

 Ascertain why women were consequently allowed to work in the mines at the copperbelt.
RATIONALE

The motivation to undertake this study emanates from the fact that among the numerous works
by many scholars, there was still a dire lack of literature on role of women in the mineworkers’
struggles in the Copperbelt of Zambia. The study will add on the already existing body of
knowledge the role of women in the miners’ struggles.

Literature Review

There is a fair amount of literature on the experiences and struggles for better working and living

conditions by African mineworkers on the Zambian Copperbelt. The literature provided glimpses

into the issues of women in the mine compounds. These insights were used as landmarks in

investigating the relationship between women and African mine workers’ struggles. The

literature provided clues on four aspects of women’s issues that brought them into the struggle

for better working and living conditions for African families in the mine compounds.9

One aspect was that, African women’s well-being and experiences in the mine compounds.

Barnes, whose work was on mine workers in colonial Zimbabwe, suggested that in order to

illuminate the experiences of women one could trace the trail of married miners, acknowledging

that the term “married” meant that the worker had a wife with whom he shared his experiences.

Barnes also emphasized the importance of primary sources for the study as it barely had

literature deliberately written for reference. Primary sources therefore became the pillar for this

research and yielded vital information for the study.10

Chauncey described the exploitation of African miners’ wives on the Zambian Copperbelt

through their duty of ensuring daily reproduction of labour by supplementing the meager

resources provided by the mining companies11. This provided an avenue for research into
exploitation as a potential reason for women’s involvement in the struggle for better working and

living conditions in the mine compounds.

Kalusa’s work gave the study insights on how the working and living conditions provided by the

mining company at Roan mine affected the African families in the mine compounds. The poor

working and living conditions at Roan Antelope mine led to prevalence of diseases and death

especially among children in the mine compounds. Naturally, mothers were more affected by

illnesses and deaths among their children than men. Hence, given an opportunity to pressure for

better living conditions, women in the mine compounds would not hesitate to participate for their

children’ sake.12

In her work on the role of women in stabilization of labour at Mufulira mine, Sakala echoed the

poor living conditions in the mine compounds. Like Chauncey, she was of the opinion that

working and living conditions offered by the mining companies failed to stabilize African labour

because they were not worth staying for. It was the exploitation of women through their

supplements that made stabilization of labour possible. Women provided relishes to supplement

rations supplied to African miners’ families by the mining companies. Sakala further pointed out

that women were vocal in miners’ demands for better working and living conditions since they

were at the centre of the distribution of the meager resources. This encouraged the research to

explore the possibility of women involvement in the physical struggle for better working and

living conditions in the mine compounds.13

Coulter and Heisler brought out another women’s issue in the mine compounds on the Zambian

Copperbelt; their desperate coping strategies in the midst of poor wages and rations. These were

gathering, gardening, beer brewing and sex selling. Sex selling among miners’ wives was equally
cited by Van Onslen in his work on mine workers in Southern Rhodesia. Mapetla and Machai

also cited beer brewing among women in urban Lesotho as a last resort for economic survival.

Mayer gave the research ideas on the difficulties that women faced while carrying out their

economic activities which transformed them into tough women. He commented that urban

women brewers in South Africa needed a strong personality in order to cope with drunken

customers, competitors and the police.14

The research was, therefore, prompted to examine change of character among African women on

the Copperbelt during the period in question. Women were compelled to supplement their

husbands’ poor wages and family rations, sometimes using dehumanizing means. This made

them potential initiators and supporters of the struggle for better working and living conditions in

the mine compounds.15

Another aspect revealed by the literature was the influence that the mere presence of women in

the mine compounds had on the African miners’ struggle for better working and living

conditions. Mulenga, in his examination of development of worker consciousness among African

railway workers in Northern Rhodesia, observed that the need for higher wages was accentuated

by the requirements of a wife and children. Barnes, in her analysis of the Southern Rhodesian

situation, asserted that family responsibilities encouraged the struggle for better working and

living conditions. The workers’ understanding of how prevailing economic system affected their

families contributed to the willingness to strike.16

The literature also explored the physical participation of women in protest movements against

poor working and living conditions. Meebelo, while looking at the growth of worker

consciousness on the Zambian Copperbelt, mentioned a protest by miners’ wives at Bwana

Mkubwa mine in 1927. Parpart also mentioned women participation in the 1935 strike. Both

Perrings and Parpart asserted that the 1940 Copperbelt strikes were triggered by a woman who

confronted a compound assistant at Nchanga, querying him over underweight rations.

Mwendapole also highlighted women co-operation in the 1952 strike, women vigilance in the

1954 strike 30 and women involvement in the rolling strikes of 1955 and 1956. Apart from the

literature by Parpart, these insights were not gender intended. However they assured the research

that there was information on participation by women in mine workers’ collective action against

poor working and living conditions in the mine compounds.17

Other literature also highlighted the part of women played in times of protests through the power

of the tongue. Gossip on labour matters was a women’s hobby in the mine compounds of the

Zambian Copperbelt as illustrated by Powdermaker. They shared seditious information on

industrial situation in the mines and made it easier for the union leaders to communicate their

strategies to the inhabitants of the mine compounds. Beinart and Bundy, in their description of

protests against the exploitative migrant labour regime in the South African gold mines observed

women involvement. The women spoke of the protest movement in a mocking manner to

encourage their men to put more energy in the struggle 18. They even challenged them to take off

their pairs of trousers and wear frocks because they were cowards who feared fellow men. This

trait in women was pursued by the research on the Copperbelt and found that it was the African

mineworkers union’s most treasured weapon especially during the rolling strikes.

In her biography of Julia Chikamoneka, Nyawa gave a clue on another way through which

women registered displeasure against mistreatment of African workers in colonial Zambia;

stripping naked in public. This helped the research to look out for such extreme actions in the

mine workers’ struggles in the primary data that was used.19

Research Methodology

The University of Zambia library will be consulted for books, journals, dissertations and theses.

These will provided secondary information that will guide the direction of the research. The

Hansards in the Special Collections section will provide primary data on women involvement in

industrial politics from Legislative Council discussions on unrest in the mining towns. The

National Archives of Zambia (NAZ) in Lusaka and the Zambia Consolidated Copper Mines

(ZCCM) Holdings Investment Archives in Ndola will provide primary information on wages,

rations and general industrial situation in the Copperbelt districts through reports of the

commissions of inquiry into various aspects of the mining community. Correspondence by

managers and compound managers will also furnish this research with valuable information on

the state of affairs in the mine compounds. Oral interviews will be carried out in Mufulira,

Ndola, Luanshya, Chingola, Kitwe and Chililabombwe yielded information on women’s

economic activities in the mine compounds and their participation in the rolling strikes.

Area of Study

The Copperbelt of Zambia is situated more or less on the boundary between the Democratic

Republic of Congo and Zambia. This whole area is endowed with copper deposits, and copper

mining has been the major economic activity since colonial times. The mining towns are

Mufulira, Kitwe, Chililabombwe, Luanshya, Ndola, Chingola and Kalulushi.

 RESEARCH TIMETABLE

PERIOD ACTIVITY NUMBER OF DAYS

15-25 March Writing of proposal 10 days
5- 10 APRIL Organizing of instruments 5 days
11-26 APRIL Data collection 26 days
28-10 MAY Drafting of research 12 days
11-26 MAY Writing of report 15 days
30 MAY Submission of report 1

ESTIMATED BUGDET

S/N ITERMS QUANTINTY COST IN KWACHA

1 TRANSPORT K500
2 REAM OF PAPER K50
3 PRINTING/PHOTOCOPY K50
4 BINDING K20
5 REFRESHMENT K200
TOTAL K820

ENDNOTES

1 Jane Parpart, ‘The Household and the Mineshaft: Gender and Class Struggle on
The Zambian Copperbelt, 1926-1964’ Journal of Southern African Studies , 1,
(October 1986),p36
2 George Chauncey. Jr, ‘The Locus of Reproduction: Womens Labour in the
Zambian Copperbelt, 1927-1953. Journal of Southern African Studies , 7, 2,
 (April 1981): 146. See also ZCCM, 16.16A, NORCOM, Confidential for Circulation
to Members only. Memorandum on Native Labour, Kitwe, September 1944: 17
3 Charles. W. Coulter, ‘The Sociological Problem’ in Merle Davis, Modern
Industry and the African: An Inquiry into the Effects of Copper Mines of Central
Africa upon Native Society and the Work of Christian Missions . (London: Frank
Cass and Company Ltd, 1967):p. 61.

4 C. F. Spearpoint, “The African Native and Rhodesian Coppermine”, Supplement to

the Royal African Society , 36 144, (July 1937),p. 34.

5 ZCCM, 16 . 1. 6A/1, NORCOM, Memorandum in Native Labour, September

1944: 17. See also Chauncey, ‘The Locus of Reproduction’: 37.

6 NAZ, SEC 1/1370/20, Labour Commission to Honourable Chief Secretary, 3 rd

September, 1940. P.20

7 ZCCM, 16.16A, NORCOM, Confidential for Circulation to Members only.

Memorandum on Native Labour. Kitwe, September 1944: 18.

8 Parpart, ‘The Household and the Mineshaft’:Situations at all the mine

compounds on the Copperbelt of Zambia during the period under study were
similar due to the co- operation that existed among the mining companies through
the Northern Rhodesia Chamber of Mines (NORCOM) which formulated their
policies. p.38.

9 ZCCM, 16.16A, NORCOM, Confidential for Circulation to Members only.

Memorandum on Native Labour, Kitwe, September 1944: 17.

10 Parpart, ‘The Household and the Mineshaft’: p. 40.

11 George Chauncey. Jr, ‘The Locus of Reproduction: Womens Labour in the

Zambian Copperbelt, 1927-1953. Journal of Southern African Studies , 7, 2,
 (April 1981): 146. See also ZCCM, 16.16A, NORCOM, Confidential for Circulation
to Members only. Memorandum on Native Labour, Kitwe, September 1944: 17.

12 Walima Kalusa, ‘Aspects of African Health in the Mining Industry in Colonial

Zambia: A Case Study of Roan Antelope Mine, 1920-1964’, MA Dissertation,
University Zambia 1993: 17.

13 Forster Sakala, ‘The Role of Women in the Stabilization of Labour at Mufulira

Mine, 1930-1964’, MA Dissertation, University of Zambia, 2003: 65

14 Henry. S. Meebelo, African Proletarians and Colonial Capitalism: The Origins,

Growth and Struggles of the Zambia Labour Movement to 1964. Lusaka: Kenneth
Kaunda Foundation, 1986: 174-182.

15 Theresa Barnes, ‘So that a Labourer could Live with his Family: Overlooked
Factors in Social and Economic Strife in Urban Colonial Zimbabwe, 1945-1952’,
Journal of Southern African Studies , 21, 1, (1995): 95.

16 Barnes, ‘So that the Labourer Could Live with his Family’: 113.

17 Charles Van Onsleen, Chibaro: African Mine Labour in Southern Rhodesia

1900-1933. (London: Pluto Press Ltd, 1976): 175.

18 Philip Mayer, Townsmen or Tribesmen: Urbansation in a Divided Society. (Cape

Town: Oxford University Press, 1963): 248.

19 Parpart, ‘The Household and the Mineshaft’: ‘The Sociological Problem’: 77