Tanzania Livelihood Baseline Profile

Tabora Singida Midland Maize, Millet, Sunflower &

December, 20151
Livestock Livelihood Zone (TLZ 24)
Zone Description

The Tabora Singida Midland Maize,

Millet, Sunflower & Livestock
Livelihood Zone is located in parts of
Singida and Tabora regions and
includes the district councils of
Ikungi, Manyoni (in Singida) and
Uyui (in Tabora)2. The main ethnic
group living here is Nyaturu, but
Sukuma, Nyiramba and Warangi
also reside in the zone. Although the
zonal boundaries contain villages
that are more or less similar in
terms of livelihood pattern, a few
exceptions can be found. For
example, households in an isolated
area of the zone, around Muhintiri
Village, pursue traditional gold
mining; and households in Nkuninkana, Village, in Puma Ward, grow a range of vegetables that are not
common elsewhere, such as onions, tomatoes and sugarcane. Aside from these anomalies, a consistent
livelihood pattern is found throughout the zone – one based on a mix of crop and livestock production, with
sunflower and millet the most important cash crops.

The topography of this semi-arid midland zone is made up of flat plains with a mixed vegetation of bush and
grass-covered savannah. There are two major seasonal rivers – the Kideka and Muyanji. A number of major
roads run through the zone, including one that connects Dodoma-to Singida; another that runs from Singida
to Arusha; and a third connecting Singida to Mwanza. The Dodoma-Tabora Railway provides another
important thruway. The population density is 28 people per km3.

Most of the zone lies between 1,200 and 1,550 meters above sea level. Temperatures range from 15-300 C,
and rainfall averages 350-600 mm per year, although rains here can fluctuate a good deal from year to year
and droughts are a common occurrence. Fertile clay soils predominate along with some sandy loams, which
means that when rains are good, agricultural production can do well.

Rain fed agriculture and livestock production form the foundation of the local economy. Maize and bulrush
millet are the two main staple grains grown here. Sorghum is also grown in smaller quantities along with
sweet potatoes. Sunflower and finger millet are the two main cash crops, although some maize and bulrush

1 Fieldwork for the current profile was undertaken in October 2015. The information presented in this profile refers to the reference
year, which was the consumption year that started in April 2014 and ended in March 2015. Provided there are no fundamental and
rapid shifts in the economy, the information in this profile is expected to remain valid for approximately five to ten years (i.e. until 2020-
2025). All prices referred to in the document are for the reference year.
2The zone includes the following wards in Ikungi DC: Mwaru, Sepuka, Minyughe, Ihanja, Puma, Dungunyi, Ikungi, Issuna, Mkiwa,
Mgungira, Muhintiri; the following wards in Manyoni DC: Manyoni, Kilimantinde, Sasajila, Aghondi, Sanjaranda, Itigi, Ipande; and
Kizengi Ward in Uyui

Tabora-Singida Midland Maize, Millet, Sunflower & Livestock Livelihood Zone Profile 1
 millet is also sold. All crops are harvested just once a year. Poorer households cultivate using hand hoes,
while those in the upper wealth groups use ox ploughs and even tractors. Better off and middle households
cultivate more land than they can manage on their own, so they hire local seasonal labourers, who come from
poorer households. throughout the agricultural season. Land preparation, weeding and harvesting are the
most labour-intensive times of the year. Farmers do not apply chemical fertiliser, however some use animal
manure, and insecticides are purchased by better off households who need them. Quelea birds pose a
significant threat to the bulrush millet crop and stalk borers and maize streak both threaten the maize harvest
on a regular basis.

Livestock is almost equally important as a source of cash for middle and better off households – cash that
allows them to hire poorer households and to invest in their land. Cattle and goats are the main livestock kept
(mainly by the two upper wealth groups), along with chickens, which are owned by all households. Oxen are
used for traction; cows are used for milk, and bulls and goats are slaughtered for meat during festivals and
also sold to generate cash. Chickens are eaten as well throughout the year as well as being sold whenever
cash is needed. All livestock graze and/or browse freely, with chickens being fed crop residues and kitchen
scraps. Rainy season water sources for livestock include seasonal pools and rivers as well as shallow wells dug
in seasonal river beds. In the dry season livestock rely on water from deep wells. In some villages households
purchase water for livestock during the dry season. Men are responsible for taking care of cattle and goats,
whereas women manage the chicken flock.

Livestock are even more important in years when rainfall levels are too low for crop production, but good
enough to sustain pastures. Part of Ikungi D.C. experiences crop-based food deficits one out of every three
years; likewise, part of Manyoni D.C. can have a deficit one out of every two years. Livestock helps households
reduce their risks in bad years, giving them a means of generating cash even when crops fail; and it helps
them consolidate gains when rains are good. Not all households benefit from the contributions livestock
make, however. Only those in the top two wealth groups own cattle (including oxen) and most poorer
households do not own substantial numbers of goats, which means the poorer two wealth groups lack access
to animal traction to cultivate their fields, animal manure to fertilise their fields, milk for both consumption
and sale, occasional meat from animals that are slaughtered, and sizeable cash income from the sale of
livestock on the hoof.

Poorer households, because they have smaller plots for crop production and very few livestock, depend
heavily on seasonal agricultural labour to generate cash income. They also piece together additional cash
resources by burning and selling charcoal, collecting and selling firewood, making and selling bricks, brewing
and selling beer, and small petty trade activities. Most of these sources depend on demand from urban
dwellers in local towns.

Services in this zone are quite limited. Water is obtained from open wells, where potable clean water is not
always ensured. Sanitation facilities are the same as in most of rural Tanzania, with households dependent
on pit latrines and garbage disposed of by burning. Most villages have a dispensary, which provides basic
drugs and medicines; however more complicated medical procedures need to be dealt with at hospitals,
which are found in the regional towns. In general, though, it is not easy to get access to good quality medical
care unless you are better off and can afford to pay for care at one of the private hospitals. Primary schools
are found in all villages, and secondary schools are available in the ward centres. Better off households
typically send their children to private schools if they can afford the costs of uniforms, stationery, and
transportation. Poorer households are often not able to afford to send their children beyond primary school.
There is no electricity in this zone, and households depend on kerosene and torches or – in the upper wealth
groups – solar lanterns for light. Households in all wealth groups have mobile phones, although the network
is not reliable everywhere. Credit facilities are available, but tend to be open only to better off households
who meet the minimum requirements to take out loans. Village Community Banks (VICOBA) offer households
a chance to save money, operating according to agreements established by the members. A local NGO, the
Tanzania Social Action Fund (TASAF) provides support to a small number of very poor households, supplying
grants for education, buying livestock (gifts of dairy goats to feed children), and otherwise supporting
livelihoods.

Tabora-Singida Midland Maize, Millet, Sunflower & Livestock Livelihood Zone Profile 2
 Markets

The transportation infrastructure in this zone is moderately well developed. The major roads in the zone are
in good condition and vehicles can travel throughout the rainy season. A main tarmac road connects Dodoma
and Singida; another one runs between Singida and Arusha; yet a third connects Singida to Mwanza. The
Dodoma-Tabora Railway also runs through part of the zone. Smaller roads connect Singida to Itigi and
Mgungira. However, smaller feeder roads to village centres are rough dirt tracks which quickly become
impassable in the rainy season. Nevertheless, traders are able to reach most villages in the zone at harvest
time by small vehicle or truck, since the harvest season occurs after the rains have stopped for at least a
month; and people travel by foot, bicycle or boda (motorcycle taxi) from village to village. Many villages have
only a weekly market, although wealthier households in some villages own kiosks where they sell things like
soap, salt, kerosene, batteries and stationery goods. These are brought to the village on motorcycles or by
ox-cart. In the lean season poorer households buy grain directly from better off households, somewhat
mitigating the need for a physical market in the village.

Singida is a central intermediary market connecting villages in this zone to terminal markets like Kenya and
Dar es Salaam. Kenya is the main terminal market for sunflower and sunflower products; and Dar es Salaam
is the terminal market for livestock. Households depend on middlemen to sell their crops and livestock; these
traders come to collect commodities at the farm gate, which leaves local households without much bargaining
power. Maize is sold from July to October, transported from local villages to the Matongo farm gate, where
it is collected and taken to Singida and then on to Arusha where it may get sold on to Kenya. Some surplus
maize is retained by middle and better off households; they hold on to these stocks until January and February
when local demand for maize (and corresponding prices) are highest. This is when poorer households have
run out of their stocks and need to buy food. Sunflower seeds are collected in Mwaru and then transported
to Singida and Arusha; from there they are transported to Kenya. An alternative route is from Iglansoni to
Singida. This trade takes place from June to November. Sunflower oil is processed in Singida and then taken to Arusha,
where it is transported to Dar es Salaam; and sunflower seed cake may be sent from Singida either to Kenya via Arusha
or to Dar es Salaam. Finger millet is transported to commercial breweries in Arusha and Moshi for beer production.

Cattle, goats and chickens are the main livestock sold by households in this zone. Although livestock are sold
throughout the year there are two peak periods. One peak is from May through August, when livestock are
in the best condition and prices are highest. The second peak is in December and January, the lean season -
when poorer households need to buy food. Households sell one or two animals at a time at the local market
in the ward centres, including Sepuka and Mtavira for cattle and Sepuka, Ikungi and Njiapanda; traders collect
and transport livestock to Dar es Salaam. The urban demand for meat drives the livestock trade, and Dar es
Salaam is the main terminal market for livestock. Chickens provide small amounts of cash to households in
all wealth groups; these are sold throughout the year in local markets, with sales peaking at times when
expenditure requirements are high, such as June and December, when school fees need to be paid; or when
unexpected medical costs arise.

Poorer households run out of food from their own harvests by December or January, even in good production
years. They need to buy food at this time to cover their staple food needs. This maize is sourced from local
households who produce a surplus (those in the upper wealth groups) and it also comes from other surplus
areas in Tanzania via the Singida market. The external supply of maize becomes more important in bad years,
when local stocks, even for better off households, dry up quickly. Beans are also purchased by all households,
and especially by those on the upper end of the wealth spectrum. Beans come from Kagera to Singida and
are then distributed to local village markets throughout the zone. Non-food essentials, like salt, soap,
batteries and kerosene, are sold in local kiosks, often owned by better off farmers.

Charcoal is sold by poorer households to raise cash for food and other essential goods. The season for
charcoal production is June through October. There is a high demand for charcoal from urban dwellers in
Singida. Urban demand for building materials, like building poles and bricks, also generates income for poorer
households in this zone.

Tabora-Singida Midland Maize, Millet, Sunflower & Livestock Livelihood Zone Profile 3
 Seasonal labour opportunities here are almost entirely local, driven by the demand for agricultural labour on
the larger farms. It was estimated that in the reference year, 90% of casual labour was found within the zone.
An additional 5% of labour demand comes from local towns and the final 5% is from outside the livelihood
zone. Both men and women take on paid agricultural work. There are three peak periods of labour demand:
September to December for land clearing, land preparation and planting; January and February for weeding;
and May through July for harvesting. A very small number of people also find work outside the zone, but most
people do not travel outside the zone for work unless it is a bad year. Bad years mean the demand for local
agricultural labour dries up and people are forced to travel outside the zone, finding work on neighbouring
tobacco cultivating farms in Mgandu. The period for migratory work during bad years is December to
February. There is no labour migration into the zone from other areas in any year.

Timeline and Reference Year

The baseline assessment refers to a very specific time period called the reference year. In Tabora Singida
Midland Maize, Sunflower & Livestock Livelihood Zone the reference year covered the consumption period
from March 2014 to February 2015. During community leader interviews, informants were asked to rank the
last five years in terms of seasonal performance with ‘1’ indicating a poor season and ‘5’ an excellent season.
Due to poor recollection, only four years were recorded. The table below, which summarizes the response of
the community leaders, shows year quality by production year (which starts with the planting season in
November/December and ends with the harvest in March-June of the following calendar year). Thus, the
production year of 2013-2014 corresponds to the consumption year of 2014-2015. As shown in the table, the
reference year was the best of the four years shown, with good rainfall, good farm management practices
and good crop yields. The baseline information presented in this profile, therefore, provides a view into how
households in this livelihood zone make ends meet in a slightly above average year, drawing on a normal
range of options.

Production Year Rank Critical Events

2014-2015 2 Below average rains, inadequate for crop production in some areas

2013-2014 4 Good rains, good farm management, good crop yields

2012-2013 3 Average rainfall, good farm management, average crop yields, normal crop prices
2011-2012 2.5 Average rains, good farm management, average crop yields.

5 = an excellent season for household food security (e.g. due to good rains, good prices, good crop yields, etc.)
4 = a good season or above average season for household food security
3 = an average season in terms of household food security
2 = a below average season for household food security
1 = a poor season (e.g. due to drought, flooding, livestock disease, pest attack) for household food security

Seasonal Calendar for Reference Year

There is one long rainy season in this livelihood zone, starting in November and lasting until April. Land
preparation (clearing and ploughing), by hand for poorer households and with animal traction for better off
households, starts in September and lasts until November. Most planting takes place in November, once the
rains are established. Maize is intercropped with groundnuts. Sunflower, finger millet and bulrush millet are grown in
single stand plots. Once crops germinate and begin to grow, weeding becomes the activity that occupies most
people’s time. This takes place in January and February and typically involves a good deal of hired labour on
the bigger farms. The weeding period coincides with a time in the year when poorer households have run out
of their stocks from the previous year’s harvest. Some, in fact, run out as early as November or December,
but by January none of the poorer households have food stocks left at home. These households find
themselves having to purchase all of their staple foods during these months, just when the price of staple

Tabora-Singida Midland Maize, Millet, Sunflower & Livestock Livelihood Zone Profile 4
 foods is highest; and as this is also the time of year when malaria is most prevalent, spending on health care
may also become a pressing need. Thus, demand for labourers from middle and better off households helps
provide needed cash to poorer households, allowing them to bridge the gap until March, when the green
harvest comes in. However, by spending their time on the farms of their richer neighbours, rather than
investing in their own fields, poorer households have less to harvest in the next season, as their yields and
area cultivated decrease.

The graph to
the right
shows
average
monthly
rainfall (mm)
in Dodoma
Region based
on a recent
10-year
period (2005
– 2014)
Source: TZ
Meteorology
Department

In late March the green maize harvest is ready, helping poorer households bring an end to the lean season.
The main harvest period starts in May, with maize, millet and sunflower, followed by sorghum in June. Maize,
millet and sunflower are sold during the months following their respective harvests.

The post-harvest period is when the festival season occurs, since there is more cash in the local economy and
people can afford to take some time off after the heavy demands of the agricultural season. Trading, much
of which involves livestock, and some of which revolves around transporting and re-selling crops, is highest
at this time of year. Poorer households take advantage of the post-harvest dry season to increase charcoal
production and to brew and sell beer (which flows freely in the festival season) in an effort to put money
together for the coming agricultural season and to pay back any loans accrued in the past year.

Livestock sales occur throughout the year, but peak at two particular periods: better off households sell most
livestock from March through July, when livestock body condition is good and prices are high. This is a time
when middle and better off households prepare for the coming agricultural season, putting away money to
buy seeds and tools and to hire labour. Poorer households sell chickens (and goats if they have them) in
January and February because they need cash at this time to cover their food needs during the lean season.
For better off and middle households, who sell milk as well as livestock and crops, milk sales are highest from
December through May.

Tabora-Singida Midland Maize, Millet, Sunflower & Livestock Livelihood Zone Profile 5
 Wealth Breakdown

Note: The percentage of household figures represent the mid-point of a range.

Wealth in this livelihood zone is determined mainly by the amount of land a household is able to cultivate,
which is related to a number of factors, including how much land it owns, the amount of household labour on
hand to work the fields as well as the ability of the household to hire additional labour. Whether or not the
household owns plough oxen or can hire them, or hire tractors, is also a factor. Better off households cultivate
8-12 acres. These households own multiple sets of plough oxen and ox ploughs and are able to hire labour to
help during critical times of the year. Very poor households, on the other hand, cultivate 1-3 acres by hand
and do not have the cash available to hire either plough oxen or extra labour. In fact, these households, as well
as poor households, are the ones who provide the additional labour force for middle and better off households,
acting as a pool of local seasonal labourers. Poorer households need to work on the farms of others in order
to secure enough cash income to make ends meet. This means that they are often not able to time the labour
inputs into their own land in an ideal way, resulting in lower yields on less land.

Livestock ownership is another determinant of wealth. Cattle, goats and chickens are owned by middle and
better off households, whereas poor households own just goats and chickens, and may keep some cattle
borrowed from relatives or neighbours; and very poor households have only chickens. Plough oxen are owned
exclusively by the top two wealth groups. The more livestock a household owns, the more income it can
generate, and the more food it produces (in the form of milk). Poorer households cash in on their chickens and
goats during the lean season, selling them so that they can buy food. Better off households, on the other hand,
tend to sell their livestock in the post-harvest period when livestock condition is at its peak and prices are
highest. The cash generated from these sales is used in large part to fund agricultural inputs and to pay for
labourers.

Intra-community labour exchanges are critical here. Better off and middle households rely heavily on the help
provided by poor and very poor households. This agricultural labour provides substantial cash and food for
those on the lower end of the wealth spectrum, and it provides those on the upper end with the ability to
glean more productive outputs from their land. While a certain amount of redistribution takes place through
these labour arrangements, it also means that when production is badly affected, due to a drought, or other
natural hazard, not only do people’s harvests take a hit, but so does the cash income earned from agricultural
labour.

Tabora-Singida Midland Maize, Millet, Sunflower & Livestock Livelihood Zone Profile 6
 There is a fairly even distribution of wealth in this zone. The very poor (24%) and the poor (30%) together
comprise just over half of the household population. Middle (30%) and better off (16%) households combined
represent just under half the population. However, as middle and better off households are slightly larger on
average (7-9 people) than the very poor and poor households (5-8 people), the proportion of people (as
opposed to households) in the top half would be more or less the same as, and possibly even more than, the
bottom half.

Sources of Food

The graph to the right presents

the sources of food for
households in different wealth
groups in the livelihood zone for
the period April 2014 to March
2015. April represents the start
of the consumption year because
it is when people begin to
consume green crops and it
marks the end of the hunger
period. Food is presented as a
percentage of 2100 kcal per
person per day for the 12-month
period.
In the graph, food access is expressed as a percentage of minimum food
Households here obtain their requirements, taken as an average food energy intake of 2100 kcals per person per
food in three ways: they grow it day.
or produce it themselves (shown on the graph to the right as all four categories of own crops as well as ‘own
milk/meat’); they purchase it from the market (shown as ‘purchase’); and they receive it in exchange for work
they do (‘payment in kind’).

Even though the reference year was a relatively good year, and despite this being primarily an agricultural zone,
none of the households relied exclusively on crop production to meet all of their food needs. Crop production
covered 45-75% of households’ minimum calorie requirements in the reference year, with maize and bulrush
millet accounting for the majority of this. All households grow maize, sorghum, bulrush millet, and sweet
potatoes; some households in the middle wealth group also grow groundnuts and better off households grow
beans for consumption. Maize was the most important crop, providing 25-45% of households’ required calories;
this included the maize that was eaten green, or fresh, in the months before the main harvest. Poorer
households consumed more of their maize green than better off households because their stocks from the
previous year’s harvest had been depleted by December, leaving them with a gap of around four months to fill
with purchased food. As soon as the green harvest is available, therefore, these households take advantage of
the fresh maize in order to preserve diminishing cash stocks. This also means they have less to harvest and store
for the coming year, which contributes to their perpetual impoverishment. In addition to maize, all households
grow and consume bulrush millet, a drought-tolerant crop that helps reduce the risks associated with unreliable
rainfall – a problem that is common in this zone. Bulrush millet comprised 15-19% of minimum food needs in
the reference year. The other crops (sorghum, sweet potatoes, beans and groundnuts) made up an additional
5-15% of annual food needs. The groundnuts and beans – only available for middle and better off households -
provided an important source of protein and fat, which is missing from the maize-heavy diet of poorer
households.

Food purchased from the market accounted for around 30-45% of household annual calorie requirements in
the reference year, making it the second most important source of food for all households. The relative
importance of purchased food decreases with wealth because the richer you are, the less you need to buy food
and the more you rely on your own crop production to meet your food needs. Very poor and poor households

Tabora-Singida Midland Maize, Millet, Sunflower & Livestock Livelihood Zone Profile 7
 bought over a fifth of their staple food needs in the reference year, filling a sizeable gap in calories, whereas
middle and better off households bought only 10-16% of their staple calories. In addition, while very poor and
poor households almost exclusively purchased the cheapest staples – maize grain and millet – better off
households bought mostly rice, which costs more than three times as much as maize grain, along with a small
amount of wheat, also more expensive than maize and millet. Non-staple purchases included beans, sugar, oil
and dried fish for the bottom three groups; better off households added meat to this list.

Taking a closer look at the data, it is clear that middle and better off households buy food to diversify their diets
rather than to meet a production deficit. If these upper two wealth groups had kept everything they produced
during the reference year for consumption, they would have been able to cover 191-285% of their minimum
calorie requirements with crop production alone. Very poor and poor households would have covered 100-
127% of their minimum needs if they did not sell any of their own crops. Although that might seem to suggest
that poor households actually produce a surplus, the reality is that selling some crops is essential to generate
sufficient cash income to buy the basic goods and services necessary to survive – such as agricultural inputs,
school and medical expenses, and salt, soap and other household goods, etc. Thus, poorer households are left
with a deficit when they sell the minimum needed to survive, and therefore need to purchase food. Middle and
better off households, on the other hand, choose to buy food because it helps them diversify their diets and
reduce the monotony of a staple-only diet.

The poorer two wealth groups also depend on ‘payment in kind’ to help fill their food gap. These households
get paid in both food and cash for a wide range of seasonal agricultural tasks which they perform for middle
and better off households. Although cash is the most common way to be paid, land clearing and weeding are
sometimes paid in food. Weeding takes place at a time of year when poor households have run out of their
previous year’s stocks and staple food prices are high, so payment in food can be advantageous for them.
Nevertheless, because cash payment is far more common, this activity accounted for only around 4-6% of
poorer households’ minimum calorie requirements in the reference year.

Milk obtained from households’ own cattle also made a contribution in the reference year. A typical better off
household had around 6 cows milking for seven months of the year; a typical middle household had around 4
cows milking; and poor households, who borrow cows from better off relatives or neighbours, typically had
around 1 cow milking. During the rainy season, when pastures and water supplies were plentiful, cows provided
around 1.5 litres a day. In the dry season this dropped down to 0.5 litres a day. On average, throughout the
reference year better off households could expect to generate a total of around 1,350 litres of milk; middle
households produced around 900 litres, and poor households around 225 litres. Poor households consumed all
of this, whereas middle and better off households consumed 65-80% of the milk they produced, selling the rest.
The proportion kept for consumption accounted for 8-10% of minimum calorie requirements for the two upper
wealth groups in the reference year.

It is important to note that very poor households are left with a small deficit (around 3% of annual calorie
requirements). These households find it difficult to make ends meet even in a good year like the reference year,
which suggests that a bad year would be particularly harsh for very poor households in this zone.

Tabora-Singida Midland Maize, Millet, Sunflower & Livestock Livelihood Zone Profile 8
 Sources of Cash Income

The main sources of cash

income in this zone are crop
sales, livestock and milk sales,
labour sales, self-
employment and petty trade.
Crop and livestock-related
income, as well as petty trade,
are the most important
sources for middle and better
off households. Labour sales
and self-employment are the
most important sources for
the bottom two wealth
groups.

All households sell sunflower The graph provides a breakdown of total annual cash income in Tanzanian Shillings
and a mix of other cash crops, according to income source.
depending on the village. In INCOME SUMMARY TABLE (in Tanzanian Shillings)
some villages the main cash Wealth group Very poor Poor Middle Better off
crop is finger millet, whereas
Annual income 960,000 – 1,200,000 – 2,000,000 – 3,300,000 –
in others it is sweet potatoes,
per household3 1,200,000 2,000,000 3,300,000 4,750,000
onions, sugarcane, or lentils.
Better off households also sell
sweet potatoes and all wealth groups except for the very poor sold maize in the reference year. Maize sales,
were insignificant in relation to the main two cash crops: millet and sunflower. In the reference year, mixed
cash crop sales, comprised 20-55% of the crop-based income for all wealth groups, increasing in line with
wealth. Sunflower was the second most important crop-based income earner for most wealth groups. For very
poor households, sunflower is, by far, the most important cash crop, accounting for almost 80% of their crop-
based income in the reference year. For the other three wealth groups, sunflower sales made up 25-40% of
crop income, decreasing in line with wealth. Thus a failure of the sunflower crop, or a drop in the price of
sunflower seeds will have a bigger relative impact on very poor households than on the better off group,
whereas a failure of the finger millet crop, or drop in finger millet price will affect better off households most
severely.

Livestock sales are another important source of cash in this zone, especially for the top two wealth groups.
Direct sales of livestock were more important than crop sales for middle households in the reference year
(accounting for around 40% of cash income, compared to crop sales, which accounted for around 30%), and
equally important for very poor households (both sources contributed only 5% of cash income). For better off
households livestock sales were the second most important source of cash income, generating 30-35% of
annual cash income, compared to crops, which brought in 40-45% of annual income. Middle and better off
households are the only wealth groups who own cattle; poor households own goats and chickens, as do the
upper two wealth groups. Very poor households have only chickens. Cattle are worth around ten times as much
as goats. A typical household in the upper two wealth groups sold 3 cattle in the reference year, generating
930,000-1,050,000 TZS. Better off households can sell cattle at a higher price than middle households because
their animals tend to be in top condition and they also sell at markets where prices are higher, and at the time
of year when cattle bring in the most money. Cattle sales alone account for 85-90% of the total income from
livestock sales for these upper two groups and 25- 35% of total annual cash income. A typical poor household
sold only 1 goat in the reference year along with around 5 chickens. The income generated from these combined

3 The average exchange rate from April 2014-March 2015 was 1 USD = 1,675 TZS

Tabora-Singida Midland Maize, Millet, Sunflower & Livestock Livelihood Zone Profile 9
 sales was less than a third of what middle households obtained from the sale of just one of their cattle. Overall,
better off households earned from livestock sales more than 17 times what poor households earned in this
same category. This is important because it highlights the capacity of middle and better off households to
convert their productive assets into cash, which enables them to invest in productive activities in good years
and to make it safely through bad years. Poorer households, in large part because they do not own cattle, have
serious barriers to doing either.

Another advantage offered with cattle ownership is the cash income earned from milk sales. In fact, milk sales
alone accounted for 5-10% of the annual cash income for households in the top two wealth groups. Neither of
the bottom two groups had milk for sale, but they did sell eggs. The income from egg sales, however, was
negligible, barely showing up on the graph above.

Poorer households, unable to accrue and keep herds of cattle, turn to their own labour to help them generate
the rest of the cash they need in the year. Seasonal agricultural labour and self-employment combined
accounted for between 75% and 90% of all the cash earned by these two bottom groups in the reference year.
Poorer households typically had at least one to two people working in the fields of middle or better off
households during the entire agricultural season. Both wealth groups provided labour for land clearing, weeding
and harvesting; very poor households also helped with threshing and miscellaneous other tasks. Very poor and
poor households earn similar amounts of cash in the pre-harvest period, although poor households earn slightly
more because they tend to have more productive labour within the household that can be deployed. For
harvest labour, however, very poor households earn more than poor households, possibly because poor
households are busier on their own farms at that time.

When the demand for agricultural labour slows, from July through September, poorer households find ways to
earn cash on their own, taking on ‘self-employment’ activities. For very poor households this may mean
brewing, which is done mostly by women, or selling firewood (done by women) and charcoal (done by men).
Poor households do all of these things as well as selling bricks. Because poorer households are so dependent
on the income earned from their own labour, it is especially important for them to stay healthy and productive.
A sick member of the family can quickly turn into an income deficit. It also means that changes in wage rates
have a large impact on the welfare of these households.

Middle and better off households supplement their crop and livestock income with trade and, for middle
households, brewing. Middle households are able to earn more from brewing than the poorer two groups
because they have on hand more of the supplies needed for brewing, such as maize, millet, sorghum and sugar.
‘Petty trade’ for better off and middle households tends to be in the livestock trade. It also might mean that
they buy up local harvests and re-sell at a higher price; or they may own small kiosks, where they sell a range
of household items, such as batteries, stationery, salt, and sugar. Brewing accounted for around 15% of the
annual cash income for middle households in the reference year and cash earned from petty trade accounted
for around 15% of the annual cash income of better off households. In addition, better off households used
their oxen to earn additional money, renting them out for traction during the cultivation period, and renting
them for transport purposes, especially at harvest time.

Tabora-Singida Midland Maize, Millet, Sunflower & Livestock Livelihood Zone Profile 10
 Expenditure Patterns

The graph presents expenditure

patterns for the reference year
April 2014 to March 2015. While
absolute expenditure increases
with wealth in line with total cash
income, the expenditure
breakdown by percent in this
graph shows the relative amount
of income spent on different
categories.

As in other parts of Tanzania,

households here need to spend
money on a range of essential
items and services throughout
the year, including: food (both
The graph provides a breakdown of total annual cash expenditure according to
staple and non-staple), category of expenditure
household items, agricultural
inputs, social services, like schooling and health, along with clothing and other miscellaneous items. The
patterns shown in the graph above highlight that very poor and poor households must devote a larger
proportion of their annual cash to meeting immediate food needs; middle and better off households, on the
other hand, invest a large proportion of their annual cash into their farming and livestock so that they are able
to generate as much cash as they can from their productive assets.

In the reference year, the poorer two wealth groups bought 30-35% of their minimum calories in the form of
staple food, in particular maize grain and millet, the two cheapest local staples. Without this purchased grain,
they would have been left with a sizeable deficit, even though the reference year was a relatively good one.
Middle and better off households also purchased staple food, but they did so to diversify their food profile, not
to fill a real gap, buying rice (much more expensive than either millet or maize) and wheat to supplement their
home-grown millet and maize. Middle and better off households spent a good deal more money on non-staple
foods than poorer households. For example, better off households spend 5 times more than very poor
households on meat, 3 times more on sugar and fish, and 2 times more on oil. Overall, better off households
purchase 19% of their minimum calories in the form of non-staple foods, while spending around 23% of their
annual income on this area of expenditure, whereas very poor households spent a larger proportion of their
cash income on non-staple foods (33%) but derived only around 10% of their annual calorie needs from these
purchases.

Taking a look at what households spent on productive inputs helps us understand difference in the priorities
and potential constraints for each of the wealth groups. In this livelihood zone, expenditures on inputs during
the reference year included: livestock drugs, water for animals, ploughing, seeds and tools, labour hire, livestock
purchase, and phone credits. Of these items, the poorer two wealth groups spent money only on seeds, tools
and phone credit. Middle households invested in everything but water for animals; and better off households
spent money on all of the items, investing more than any other wealth group in maintaining and expanding
their livelihood potential. Over the year as a whole, better off households devoted over a quarter of the annual
income to productive inputs; for the poorer two wealth groups, on the other hand, money spent on inputs
comprised only 5-6% of total expenditure. Spending on phone credit took up the largest proportion of the inputs
budget for the two poorer wealth groups, equivalent to over five times what they spent on seeds and tools.
Better off households spent most of their inputs budget on hiring poorer household members to work on their
farms, followed by livestock purchase and then phone credit. Better off households also spent a portion of their
budget on water for their animals in the reference year, devoting 4% of their inputs budget to this expense. On

Tabora-Singida Midland Maize, Millet, Sunflower & Livestock Livelihood Zone Profile 11
 average, better off households spent over 16 times more on inputs than very poor households did in the
reference year.

The ‘hh items’ category includes basic household goods, such as tea, salt, soap, utensils, batteries, kerosene,
and grinding services. Households tend to buy these items week by week in incremental amounts. Within this
category, poorer households spent the most money on payment for grinding. Better off households spent the
most on soap. On an annual basis, spending on basic household goods comprised 7-14% of total expenditure,
generally decreasing as a proportion of annual expenditure as you move up the wealth scale.

The ‘social services’ category includes what households spent on education and medical services, including
school fees, uniforms, stationery and transportation, where relevant. On a per capita basis, holding household
size constant, middle households spend on education about 1.8 times more than the poorer two wealth groups
and better off households spend over 3 times more than the poorer two wealth groups. This additional
expenditure reflects the fact that poorer households are not able to afford to send their children beyond
primary school, whereas those at the upper ends of the wealth scale are likely to send them through secondary
school and even on to tertiary levels. The costs of secondary school are prohibitive for poorer households,
including things like transportation, boarding, higher fees and more expensive uniforms and supplies.

Spending on clothes and other miscellaneous items are the last two categories included here. The ‘other’
category includes things like beer, tobacco, cigarettes, cosmetics, hair braiding, transportation and festivals.
This is discretionary spending that can be reduced or redirected in bad years to buy more essential items if
necessary. In both absolute are relative terms, those at the upper end of the wealth spectrum have the most
available in this discretionary budget; and because the reference year was a relatively good year, the two
bottom wealth groups have more in this budget than they would in a bad year.

Hazards

There are two chronic hazards for all wealth groups in this zone: crop pests and diseases and livestock diseases.
Crop pests, such quelea quelea birds and Stalk Borer cause significant destruction on a regular basis. Maize
streak regularly reduces the maize harvest. East Coast Fever and Foot and Mouth disease plague cattle and New
Castle Disease can wipe out an entire flock of chickens. Livestock diseases cause significant income losses in a
zone where livestock income is critically important.

One of the most devastating, periodic hazards is drought, which leads to severe crop failures, degradation of
pastures, drying up of local water sources and spikes in food prices. These can occur as frequently as once every
three years. Floods are another natural hazard that also occur once every three years. Floods damage crops,
homes and infrastructure, causing prices to rise and blocking people from accessing markets. There can be
positive after-effects from flooding, however, if residual moisture in low-lying areas offers people the
opportunity to re-plant; and pastures can be renewed in areas where flood waters recede.

Response Strategies

In response to hazards and years with bad production, households attempt to meet their minimum food needs
and cash requirements through a number of strategies. These strategies are detailed for this livelihood zone
below:

 All households try to reduce expenditure on non-essential or more expensive items first, buying less sugar
and rice, for instance, and using that money to buy the cheaper staple – maize – instead, or cutting down
on festivals and beer.

 Poorer households increase their collection/production and sale of firewood and charcoal, although there
are limits on the effectiveness of this strategy; with more supplies of firewood and charcoal on the market,

Tabora-Singida Midland Maize, Millet, Sunflower & Livestock Livelihood Zone Profile 12
 prices drop, so the increased effort is not rewarded with a proportional pay out. There are also serious
environmental concerns related to this strategy.

 Very poor and poor households try to increase cash income through finding more local agricultural work,
and migrating to nearby zones, especially in the neighbouring livelihood zone (TLZ 77) where tobacco is
produced and extra workers are often needed. The expandability of this option is also limited in bad years
because of the increase in labour supply as more and more people look for work, which puts a downward
pressure on wages. So even if people do find more days of work, they may earn less per day, making it hard
to substantially increase cash income above normal year levels.

 The upper two wealth groups try to increase their cash income through selling more livestock. However,
the value of livestock tends to drop in bad years, both because supplies increase as more people try to earn
cash in the same way, and because their body condition deteriorates as grazing and water resources
decline.

 Middle and better off households also try to increase their income from selling more crops. Better off
households produce a surplus even in bad years. This means they are able to hold onto their stocks until
prices reach their peak and then sell them at a profit. In bad years, crop prices tend to increase substantially,
allowing better off households to offset some of their losses.

Key Parameters for Monitoring

The key parameters listed in the table below are food and income sources that make a substantial contribution
to the household economy in the Tabora-Singida Midland Maize, Sunflower & Livestock Livelihood Zone. These
should be monitored to indicate potential losses or gains to local household economies, either through on-
going monitoring systems or through periodic assessments.

It is also important to monitor the prices of key items on the expenditure side, including staple and non-staple
food items.

Item Key Parameter - Quantity Key Parameter – Price

Crops  Green maize – amount produced  Beans – producer price
 Maize – amount produced  Maize – producer price
 Sorghum – amount produced  Finger millet – producer price
 Finger millet – amount produced  Bulrush millet – producer price
 Bulrush millet – amount produced  Sunflower – producer price
 Sunflower – amount produced
Livestock production  Cow milk – yields  Cow milk – price
 Cattle – herd size  Cattle – producer price
 Goats – herd size  Goats – producer price
 Chickens – herd size  Chickens – producer price
 Oxen transport – number of trips  Oxen transport – price of trip
Other food and cash  Agricultural labour (land clearing and  Agricultural wage rates (land
income preparation, planting, weeding) – clearing and preparation, planting,
number of jobs weeding)
 Agricultural labour (harvesting) –  Agricultural labour rates
number of jobs (harvesting)
 Demand for charcoal, firewood, bricks,  Prices of charcoal, firewood, bricks,
beer, building poles beer, building poles

Expenditure  Maize grain – consumer price

 Millet – consumer price
 Rice – consumer price

Tabora-Singida Midland Maize, Millet, Sunflower & Livestock Livelihood Zone Profile 13
 Programme Implications

The longer-term programme implications suggested below include those that were highlighted by the wealth
group interviewees themselves and those made by the assessment team following detailed discussions and
observations in the field. All of these suggestions require further detailed feasibility studies. All four wealth
groups highlighted the same concerns, listed below:

1) Improve access to and availability of water

2) Improve access to health services and improve the quality of health services
3) Improve road infrastructure, especially feeder roads
4) Provide subsidised agricultural inputs to increase the availability of affordable fertilisers and seeds for
poorer households

Tabora-Singida Midland Maize, Millet, Sunflower & Livestock Livelihood Zone Profile 14