INTERNATIONAL

RELATIONS
This page intentionally left blank
INTERNATIONAL
RELATIONS
BRIEF EDITION

ERIC B. SHIRAEV
GEORGE MASON UNIVERSITY

VLADISLAV M. ZUBOK
LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS

NEW YORK OXFORD

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the
University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing
worldwide.

Oxford New York

Auckland Cape Town Dar es Salaam Hong Kong Karachi
Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Nairobi
New Delhi Shanghai Taipei Toronto

With offices in
Argentina Austria Brazil Chile Czech Republic France Greece
Guatemala Hungary Italy Japan Poland Portugal Singapore
South Korea Switzerland Thailand Turkey Ukraine Vietnam

Copyright © 2015 by Oxford University Press.

For titles covered by Section 112 of the US Higher Education

Opportunity Act, please visit www.oup.com/us/he for the
latest information about pricing and alternate formats.

Published in the United States of America by

Oxford University Press
198 Madison Avenue, New York NY 10016
http://www.oup.com

Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced,

stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means,
electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise,
without the prior permission of Oxford University Press.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Shiraev, Eric, 1960-

International relations / Eric B. Shiraev, George Mason University, Vladislav M. Zubok,
London School of Economics. — Brief ed.
pages cm
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-19-976556-0
1. International relations. I. Zubok, V. M. (Vladislav Martinovich) II. Title.
JZ1242.S555 2014
327—dc23
2013020426
987654321
Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper
 Brief Contents
Preface xii
Maps of the World xxiii

PART I. STUDYING INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

CHAPTER 1 Introducing International Relations 1
CHAPTER 2 Realism and Liberalism 39
CHAPTER 3 Alternative Views 79

PART II. THREE FACETS OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

CHAPTER 4 International Security 119
CHAPTER 5 International Law 149
CHAPTER 6 International Political Economy 182

PART III. TWENTY-FIRST-CENTURY CHALLENGES

CHAPTER 7 International Terrorism 219
CHAPTER 8 Environmental Problems and International Politics 257
CHAPTER 9 Humanitarian Challenges 293

CONCLUSION: Forecasting the World of 2025 327

Appendix 333
Glossary 336
References 343
Credits 360
Index 362

v
Contents
Preface xii Intelligence 21
CASE IN POINT Facts and Lies 22
Maps of the World xxiii Surveys 22
Experimental methods 23
DEBATE The Corruption Perceptions Index 24
PART I. Analyzing Information 24
STUDYING INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: The importance of theory and its applications 24
FOUNDATIONS AND THEORIES Critical Thinking in International Relations 25
Distinguishing facts from opinions 25
Looking for multiple causes 27
CHAPTER Being aware of bias 27
Introducing International
1 Relations 1 How Do We Apply It? 28
The Individual Context 29
What Do We Study, and Why? The Field
The State Context 29
of International Relations 2
The Global Context 31
What Is International Relations? 3
Past, Present, and Future: Can Democracy
Key Concepts 6
Be Exported? 32
Sovereignty 6
CASE IN POINT The End of a French-German Legacy of ethnic and religious rivalry 33
Obsession: Alsace-Lorraine 7 History of modern institutions and democratic
Nations and states 8 governance 33
Key Actors 9 Geography and territory 34
Economic development 34
State government and foreign policy 9
Political mobilization during occupation 34
Intergovernmental organizations 10
Legitimacy of occupation 34
Nongovernmental organizations 11
International support 34
Global Issues 12
CONCLUSION 35
Instability, violence, and war 13
Weapons of mass destruction and their CHAPTER SUMMARY 36
proliferation 14 KEY TERMS 36
Environmental problems 14 VISUAL REVIEW 37
Poverty 15
Human rights 15
Population and migration problems 17 CHAPTER

Finding a path to peace and economic

improvement 17
2 Realism and Liberalism 39
What Do We Study? 40
How Do We Study It? 18
Realism: Main Principles 41
Gathering Information 18
Power 41
Governmental and nongovernmental reports 18
Anarchy and power distribution 42
Eyewitness sources 19
International order and balancing 42
Communications 20
Neorealism 45
vi
 Contents vii

DEBATE Can Realism Be Ethical? 46 CHAPTER

Liberalism: Main Principles 46
Sources of liberalism 46
3 Alternative Views 79
Liberalism on anarchy and cooperation 47 What Do We Study? 80
Liberal institutionalism 48
Liberalism and wars 49 How Do We Think About It? 80
Liberal diplomacy 49
DEBATE When Should Liberals Go to War? 50
The Constructivist View 81
Socially constructed meanings 81
CASE IN POINT Diplomatic Efforts in an India-
Pakistan Conflict 51 Three types of international environments 82
Democratic peace 51 History lessons 84
Soft power 52 Conflict Theories 84
Marxism and Leninism 85
How Do We Think About It? 53 Dependency and world-systems theory 86
Examining Realpolitik 53 The politics of gender 88
Rules of engagement 53 Race and ethnic conflict 89
Power shifts 54 Identity Factors 89
Neorealist strategies 55 Political culture 90
Nonmilitary responses 55 Identities and civilizations 92
Examining Liberal Policies 56 Nationalism and other political attitudes 93
Wilsonianism and the League of Nations 56 DEBATE Who Are Patriots and Nationalists? 94
CASE IN POINT The North Atlantic Treaty Political Psychology 95
Organization (NATO) 57 Rational decision-making 95
New beginning for liberalism 59 Biased decision-making 96
Liberal unilateralism and multilateralism 59 Group pressure 97
Comparing Realism and Liberalism 60 Political socialization 98

How Do We Apply It? 62 How Do We Apply It? 99

Applying Realism: Critical Evaluations 62 The Individual Context 99
The individual context 62 Visionaries and fanatics 99
DEBATE Individual Leaders and Their Foreign Rational and biased choices 100
Policy 63 Analogies and individuals 100
The state context 63 Irrational decision-making 101
The global context 65 Early and late socialization 101
Applying Liberalism: Critical Evaluations 66 Conflict theories tested 102
The individual context 66 CASE IN POINT Obama’s Missing Father 102
The state context 67 The State Context 103
CASE IN POINT U.S. Public Opinion and the Use of Bureaucracy and cognitive maps 103
Force Abroad 67 Access to information and statesmanship 104
The global context 70 Two-level games 105
The democratic-authoritarian continuum 105
Past, Present, and Future: The European
Collective experiences 107
Union 72
The Global Context 108
CONCLUSION 74 International factors and state interests 108
CHAPTER SUMMARY 75 Hybrid political cultures 108
Do cultures clash? 110
KEY TERMS 76
Gender and social conflict perspectives 110
VISUAL REVIEW 77
viii Contents

Past, Present, and Future: The Cuban CASE IN POINT GRIT and the Spiral of Insecurity 138
Missile Crisis 111 The State Context 138
Public opinion 138
CONCLUSION 115
Ideology 139
CHAPTER SUMMARY 115 Lobbying and security bureaucracy 140
KEY TERMS 116 The Global Context 141
VISUAL REVIEW 117 Geopolitics 141
Regional security 141
Energy, resources, and security 142
PART II. Past, Present, and Future: Ending the Cold
THREE FACETS OF INTERNATIONAL War 143
RELATIONS
CONCLUSION 145
CHAPTER SUMMARY 146
CHAPTER
KEY TERMS 146
4 International Security 119
VISUAL REVIEW 147
What Do We Study? 120
CHAPTER
Security 120
Types of War 122 5 International Law 149
Security Policies 124 What Do We Study? 150
How Do We Study It? 127 Law, the Role of IGOs, and International
Relations 150
Realism 127
Realist principles of security 127 Principles and Sources of International Law 151
The security dilemma 128 Development of International Law 154
Nuclear deterrence 129 Laws of the sea 154
The domino theory 129 Laws of war 155
Security regimes 130 Humanitarian issues 156
Liberalism 130 Human rights 156
Liberal principles of security 130 Early legal international institutions 157
International organizations and the security From the League of Nations to the United
community 131 Nations 158
Constructivism 131 How Do We Study It? 159
Perceptions, identities, and attitudes 132
Militarism and pacifism 133 The Realist View of International Law 159
Sovereignty 160
Conflict Theories 133
State interest 160
Marxism 133
CASE IN POINT Norway’s Moral Objection 160
DEBATE Why Has Obama Engaged in Several Armed
Conflicts? 134 Law enforcement 161
Feminism 134 The Liberal View of International Law 161
Reason and shared principles 161
How Do We Apply It? 135
DEBATE Why Can’t We Outlaw War? 162
The Individual Context 135 Extraterritoriality and supranationalism 163
Leaders and advisers 136 Universal jurisdiction 164
The legality of war 164
DEBATE Are Veterans More Likely than Non-veterans
to Support the Use of Force? 136
Peace psychology 137
 Contents ix

Constructivism and Other Views of International International organizations 193

Law 165 Regional trade agreements 194
Constructivism’s view of ideology and law 165 Constructivism 195
Perceptions of international law 165 National purpose 196
Conflict theories 166 Economic climate 196
DEBATE From Kosovo to the Russian-Georgian Conflict Theories 196
War 167
Marxism 197
How Do We Apply It? 168 Economic dependency 197
DEBATE Fair Trade 199
The Individual Context 168
Political authority 168 How Do We Apply It? 200
The State Context 170 The Individual Context 200
International law and the United States 170 Political leadership 200
The Global Context 171 Microeconomics 202
From nationalism to supranationalism 173 CASE IN POINT Discoveries and Innovation 203
Back to reality 173
The State Context 204
CASE IN POINT Rwanda and Belgium Law 174 Domestic politics 204
Past, Present, and Future: War Surplus or manageable deficit? 204
Crimes, Genocide, and the Legacy The Global Context 206
of Nuremberg 175 Which economic policy? 206
North–South divide and development 207
CONCLUSION 178 Global interdependence 209
CHAPTER SUMMARY 179 International institutions and the global
KEY TERMS 179 economy 209
Economic globalization and conflict 210
VISUAL REVIEW 180
Past, Present, and Future: “The Beijing
Miracle” 211
CHAPTER International Political CONCLUSION 215
6 Economy 182 CHAPTER SUMMARY 216
KEY TERMS 216
What Do We Study? 183
VISUAL REVIEW 217
The Major Factors of IPE 184
Production and consumption 184
Finances 184 PART III.
Trade 185 TWENTY-FIRST-CENTURY CHALLENGES
DEBATE Global Interdependence and Local
Prices 186
CHAPTER
How Do We Study It? 188
Mercantilism: An Economic Realism? 188
7 International Terrorism 219

Principles of mercantilism 188 What Do We Study? 221

Mercantilism and realism 189
Terrorism and Counterterrorism 222
Economic Liberalism 190
Why Definitions Are Important 222
The roots and principles of economic
liberalism 190 Legitimization of military actions 223
Mobilization of international law 223
DEBATE National Pride and Foreign Ownership 190
Justification of other policies 224
The Keynesian challenge 192
x Contents

DEBATE The Terrorism Label Can Be Misused 225 CONCLUSION 253

How Terrorism Works 225 CHAPTER SUMMARY 253
Assumptions and methods 225 KEY TERMS 254
The “logic” of terrorism 227
VISUAL REVIEW 255
DEBATE Terrorism and Global Interactions 228
Terrorism: In the Name of What? 228
Anarchism 228
CHAPTER
Extreme nationalism 229 Environmental Problems and
Radical socialism 229 8 International Politics 257
Religious fundamentalism 230
What Do We Study? 258
DEBATE Assumptions and Misconceptions About
Terrorism, Radicalism, and Violent Groups 231 Environmental Problems 259
How Do We Study It? 231 Acid rain 259
CASE IN POINT A Disappearing Sea 259
The Realist View of Terrorism 231 Air pollution 260
Power balance 232 Ozone depletion 261
Asymmetrical threats and preventive actions 232 Climate change 261
DEBATE Power Balance and Terrorist Attacks in 1914 Deforestation 263
and 2001 232 Loss of wildlife 263
Counterterrorism 233 Loss of clean water 264
The Liberal View of Terrorism 235 Disasters and Accidents 264
Understanding causes of terrorism 235 Environmental Policies Today 265
Criminalizing terrorism 235
Restriction and regulation 265
Liberalism and counterterrorism 236
Green investments 267
The Constructivist and Other Views of Terrorism 237 Comprehensive policies 269
CASE IN POINT Northern Ireland 238 Policy implementation 270
Three pillars of terrorism 239
Ideology, identity, and international context 239 How Do We Study It? 270
DEBATE On Moral Relativism and Terrorism 240 Realism 270
Conflict theories 241 Accidents, disasters, and security 270
Global commons 271
How Do We Apply It? 241
Liberalism 272
The Individual Context 241 International treaties and organizations 272
The terrorist’s profile 241 Nongovernment organizations 274
Rehabilitation as counterterrorism 243 Public awareness 274
The State Context 243 DEBATE “Environmental Offenders” 275
Domestic costs of counterterrorism 244 Constructivism 276
Terrorism as a means to gain state power 245
Alternative and Critical Views 277
Democratic governance and terrorism 245
The Global Context 246 How Do We Apply It? 278
Threats to the global order 247
Global waves 248
The Individual Context 278
Global counterterrorism 249 Environmentalism and skepticism 278
CASE IN POINT Alarming and Skeptical Voices 279
Past, Present, and Future: Al-Qaeda 250 A sense of mission and leadership 280
Key formative events 251 The State Context 281
Goals and methods 251 National purpose and partisan politics 281
Lessons 252 The democratic context 282
 Contents xi

The Global Context 283 Constructivism 313

The environment and business 283 CASE IN POINT Global Compact 314
The need for global efforts 285 Conflict Theories 315
Global policies 286
How Do We Apply It? 316
Past, Present, and Future: Greenpeace 287
The roots of Greenpeace 287 The Individual Context 316
Methods and goals 287 Leaders’ choices 317
In the end, values 289 Denying or hiding problems 317
CONCLUSION 290 The State Context 318
The political climate 318
CHAPTER SUMMARY 290
Favorable conditions 318
KEY TERMS 290 The Global Context 319
VISUAL REVIEW 291 New and evolving concerns 319
Policy arguments 320
CHAPTER Efficiency of aid 320
Sustainability of success 321
9 Humanitarian Challenges 293
Past, Present, and Future: Celebrity
What Do We Study? 294 Activism 322
Types of Humanitarian Challenges 295 CONCLUSION 324
Pandemics and infectious diseases 295 CHAPTER SUMMARY 325
AIDS 297
Chronic starvation and malnutrition 297 KEY TERMS 325
Acute suffering 298 VISUAL REVIEW 326
Causes of Humanitarian Crises 298
Natural disasters 298
Mismanagement 299 CONCLUSION: Forecasting the World of 2025 327
Politics 299
Mass violence 300
Extreme poverty 301 Appendix 333
Overpopulation 301
Involuntary migration 302 Glossary 336
DEBATE Preventing Migration 304
Interconnected problems 304 References 343
Humanitarian Policies 305
Credits 360
Humanitarian intervention 305
Relief efforts 306 Index 362
Crisis prevention 307
Population policies 307
CASE IN POINT Population Control in China 308
Antipoverty policies 309
Refugee policies 309
How Do We Study It? 310
Realism 310
Liberalism 311
Theoretical principles 311
Global governance 313
Preface

W
E WROTE THIS BRIEF BOOK TO ADDRESS A NEW GEN-
ERATION OF STUDENTS WHO HAVE UNPRECEDENTED
ACCESS TO GLOBAL INFORMATION YET LACK THE
background to fully understand and evaluate it. Statistics, video clips,
tweets, maps, eyewitness reports, scholarly articles, and biographies—
all are just a click away. But how can we effectively navigate through this
wealth of data and opinions? We wanted to guide students through this
information by paying special attention to the rigorous, critical evalua-
tion of facts and by discussing several frameworks of analysis—at least
two major tasks in teaching international relations today.
With that in mind, we designed this book to offer a consistent framework,
one that helps students approach the field of international relations with an
engaged, serious mindset and a critical eye. This brief edition of International
Relations retains the most distinctive features of the comprehensive edition
while covering the major themes and discussions in a more concise way. Like
a handbook to the field, in this book we steer students through major inter-
national issues, offer contending approaches, and consider real-world applica-
tions of analysis. The educational tools we have built into this book will equip
students not only with facts and concepts for a solid background but also with
the skills for critical thinking. Students will learn to distinguish opinions
from scholarly concepts, superficial judgments from theory-guided reasoning.
We tell students that the complexities of today’s world are not likely to fit a
single approach. We encourage them, with the help of case studies and ques-
tions, to cross the boundaries of research traditions and think independently.

A Consistent Learning Framework

The consistent chapter outline centers on three basic questions: (1) what do we
study, (2) how do we study it, and (3) how do we apply it? Every chapter fol-
lows this format so that students know what to expect.

What How Apply

xii
 Preface xiii

1. What do we study? In an engaging opening case in every chapter we intro-

duce the chapter’s main theme. Following this case, we present chapter learn-
ing objectives to focus students on the essential information to look for. Next
we cover basic concepts and definitions, key facts and developments, and
major international problems related to the chapter’s theme.

Opening case

Chapter Learning Objectives

Concepts and definitions

Key events and issues

2. How do we study it? In the second section of each chapter we present the
main frameworks and approaches used to analyze these facts, events, and
problems. The book reflects a wealth of conceptual discussions, including the
growing prominence of alternatives to realism and liberalism. Through real
issues, case studies, and frequent questions, in this book we help students
cut across research traditions to look for their own answers. In the process,
students will see that any single approach or model cannot in itself explain
the complexities of today’s world.

Major approaches

Diversity of views
and interpretations

3. How do we apply it? In the third section of each chapter, we show students
how to apply these approaches in individual, state, and global contexts. In
an extended, chapter-ending application called “Past, Present, and Future,”
we consider a new case in depth. This case concludes the discussion of ap-
plications by focusing on real-life ramifications and posing new questions.

Applications in
individual, state,
and global
contexts

Extended application:
“Past, Present, and
Future”
 xiv Preface

A Guide to Critical Thinking

We introduce the critical thinking approach in Chapter 1 and then apply it
in every chapter. Rather than merely presenting facts and theories of interna-
tional relations, we show students how to explain and evaluate them critically.
Emphasis on critical thinking helps students achieve at least two goals. First, it
shows them how to extract more valuable, complex information from apparently
simple facts or research data. Second, it teaches them to be informed skeptics.
Several features of the text include a critical-thinking component:

DEBATE > WHY HAS OBAMA ENGAGED IN SEVERAL ARMED CONFLICTS?

Few state leaders support war as the withdraw immediately from Iraq and consistent to you? Do you think
only security option, whereas even and even increased U.S. military he succeeded in finding a good bal-
the most passionate advocates of presence in Afghanistan in 2010. ance between seeking peace and
peace often see preparations for
war as vital security measures. Do-
Moreover, in 2011, he intensified
missile strikes against suspected ter-
relying on military force? “Debate” boxes include “What’s Your View?”
mestic critics of President Obama rorists in several counties and or- sections, asking students to consider their own views
before he took office often charged dered military operations against
him of being dovish. Indeed, Obama the Qaddafi regime in Libya.
on controversial questions and issues.
Book review: “In Bob
was very critical of Washington’s Woodward’s ‘Obama’s
military engagements overseas and WHAT’S YOUR VIEW? Wars,’ Neil Sheehan sees parallels to
moved to reduce nuclear weapons Does Obama’s attitude toward Vietnam.” Find more on the
(Parker, 2010). But Obama did not armed conflicts seem reasonable companion website.

CASE IN POINT > Diplomatic Efforts in an India-Pakistan Conflict

In December 2001, in the wake of a to stop cross-border infiltrations of such as during the conflict between
terrorist attack on India’s parliament civilian combatants into Indian- the United States and Iraq in 2003?
by Pakistan-based militant groups,
India and Pakistan amassed over a
controlled Kashmir. India, in ex-
change, withdrew its navy from
Compare these two conflicts by
paying attention to (1) the willing- “Case in Point” boxes, in which we examine
million troops on the Indo-Pakistani the North Arabian Sea and lifted ness of the involved governments current or historical events and issues, contain
border. These countries had gone to the over-flight ban imposed on to communicate with each other
war several times before, the last Pakistani commercial jets. India and (2) the ability of the interna- Critical Thinking questions that ask students to think
time in 1971. Now they threatened also agreed to upgrade diplomatic tional community to influence the
each other with nuclear missiles. ties with Islamabad. Indo-Pakistani conflicting sides. Can you think of
deeply about the cases discussed. These questions
The entire international commu- relations remain tense and difficult, other, more contemporary conflicts make excellent prompts for class discussion or writing
nity joined urgent efforts to avoid but international diplomacy proved that lead to a peaceful resolution
what appeared to be imminent its efficacy in easing military threats. because of diplomatic efforts? assignments.
violence. After weeks of relentless
diplomatic talks, the standoff eased CRITICAL THINKING
out, and reciprocal concessions Why did diplomacy work in this
began. Pakistan’s leaders promised particular conflict but fail in others,

• Compare and contrast the realist, liberal, constructivist, and alternative perspec-
Critical tives on security.
Thinking • Explain two applications of security policies at each of the following levels: indi-
vidual decisions, government politics, and global developments.
04-Shiraev-Chap04.indd 134 • Give an example of a security policy you consider effective and one you consider
19/08/13 3:29 PM

ineffective. Explain your choices.

04-Shiraev-Chap04.indd 147 Critical Thinking questions within “Visual Reviews”

23/10/13 8:16 PM

at the end of every chapter prompt students to

think further about the chapter’s key topics and
conclusions.

02-Shiraev-Chap02.indd 52 04/10/13 11:33 AM

 Preface xv

Examples and Cases:

Connecting Context, Examples, and Real-World
Applications
We know from experience that students need substantial context to fully un-
derstand contemporary issues and to see the relevance of an analytical frame-
work. We therefore provide abundant examples throughout the book, many
examining parallels between past and present yet considering the limits of
historical analogies. This carefully integrated context not only gives students
a way to frame information and make connections but also helps correct
misconceptions.
Three features in particular demonstrate the kinds of examples and cases
we provide throughout:

CASE IN POINT > The End of a French-German Obsession: Alsace-Lorraine

Each chapter begins with a vivid historical example Crossing the border between France It is only appropriate that after obvious: The disputed territories
and Germany today is hardly notice- many years of disputes and vio- have natural resources, and this is
that includes several framing questions. able. It wasn’t in the past. Consider lence, Strasbourg, the principal city what countries care about above
the case of Alsace-Lorraine, a rela- in this region, became the official all. Although resources play a big
tively small territory that Germany seat of the European Parliament role in territorial conflicts, could
“Case in Point” boxes feature brief, practical and France contested for centuries
in several bloody wars (see Map 1.1).
where representatives from France,
Germany, and other member-states
you suggest other reasons contrib-
uting to such disputes? Consider
examples from the past and the present to illustrate France consolidated its sovereignty jointly discuss and resolve common issues such as a country’s concern
over the territory during the revolu- issues of the united continent. for its “prestige,” the importance of
the relevance of the chapter’s concepts. tion of the end of the 18th century. a territory for a people’s national
After the war of 1871, the newly CRITICAL THINKING identity, pressures of domestic
formed German Reich annexed Later in this book we will learn political forces, and the impact of
Alsace-Lorraine. In 1919, after about territorial conflicts that are public opinion. Imagine for the
Germany lost in World War I, France causing international tensions. sake of the argument that Mexico
reclaimed its sovereignty over the India and Pakistan, Armenia and asked the United States to return—
territory. Not for long. After Germany Azerbaijan, China and Japan, as a sign of a good gesture—some
attacked France in 1940, the resi- Argentina and the United Kingdom, small territories of California and
dents of the region became citizens and many other countries are deal- New Mexico that previously be-
of Hitler’s Third Reich. Only in 1944, ing with their unresolved territorial longed to Mexico. How do you think
after the British-American troops de- disputes. Why is there so much ten- the United States would react to
feated the Nazis, did Alsace-Lorraine sion over territories? Some might this request?
join France one last time. think the answer to this question is

NETHERLANDS

UNITED KINGDOM
BELGIUM
GERMANY

AUSTRIA
SWITZERLAND
FRANCE

AT L A N T I C
OCEAN

ITALY

0 km 70 140

Mediterranean Sea
0 miles 70 140 SPAIN

MAP 1-1 Alsace-Lorraine

The extended analytical cases

called “Past, Present, and
Future” at the end of every 01-Shiraev-Chap01.indd 8
What new questions 19/08/13 12:39 PM

chapter feature detailed accounts What is this What are this about international
of noteworthy developments case about? case’s applications? relations does
from the past several decades. this case bring up?
In each one we consider critical
assessments and address three
interconnected questions:
 xvi Preface

Summary of Features
Chapter-opening cases provide
After reading this chapter, you should be able to: Learning vivid examples that set the stage for the
define terrorism, explaining its logic, strategies, and methods;
explain how states, international organizations, and the entire
Objectives chapter and pose framing questions.
global system deal with the challenge of terrorism;
distinguish among different views of terrorism and counterterror-
ist policies; and Learning Objectives focus students
apply your knowledge about terrorism and counterterrorism on the key information to look for in each
at three levels of analysis.
chapter. These are echoed in the Critical
Thinking section of the Visual Review at
the end of the chapter.
What Do We Study?
Most states agree that problem of international terrorism needs immediate at-
tention. They only disagree as to how terrorism can be defeated. Journalists
and security experts debate definitions and policies to deal with terrorism.
Governments and international organizations have committed huge resources
to study, understand, and combat it. Thousands of people have died. Many
areas of our lives, including public safety procedures and international travel,
have been altered. In this chapter we will define terrorism, examine its histori-
cal roots, discuss counterterrorism, and critically examine various views of
terrorism and counterterrorism.

Terrorism and Counterterrorism

Terrorism is violence by nonstate actors, such as individuals or groups, to
achieve radical political goals. Terrorism is thus a form of political radicalism—
ideas and methods to produce rapid, dramatic change in the social or political
order. Terrorism can be state sponsored, in that a foreign government can pro-
vide financial, military, or logistical support to terrorists to further its policy
goals. Yet in essence it remains a nonstate phenomenon.

DEBATE > WHO ARE PATRIOTS AND NATIONALISTS?

In “Debate” boxes we ask students
The labels “nationalist” and “pa- nationalist, patriot, patriotic, or country’s policies and its leaders?
triot” are often confusing. Just what unpatriotic are often deliberately Give an example of an unpatriotic
to consider their own views on a
does it mean to be a Korean, misused to boost one’s popularity statement or behavior. controversial question. In these boxes we
Mexican, or American patriot? In and scorn political opponents.
public discourse, as research shows,
also point to online resources for further
to be a “patriot” has always been WHAT’S YOUR VIEW?
You can easily search for the
media’s interpretation of
research on the topic.
more suitable than to be a “nation- Do you think it is patriotic to sup- “unpatriotic” acts or statements—
alist” (Kosterman and Feshbach, port your country’s leaders uncon- for example, “Fox Accuses Google
1989). “Patriotic” behavior is some- ditionally and at all times? Why or of Being Unpatriotic” by Chris
times associated with agreeing with why not? When do you think it Matyszczyk (June 2012). See the
a majority. Moreover, the terms
07-Shiraev-Chap07.indd 221
can be patriotic to criticize your companion website.
19/08/13 3:31 PM

Environmental pollution
and trash scattered in
the crowded Makoko
neighborhood of Lagos,
Nigeria. Although
megalopolises grow
rapidly, in the countries
where governments are
inefficient and economic
infrastructure is poor,
acute environmental
problems are inevitable.

Define a humanitarian intervention.

What is a pandemic?
CHECK YOUR
KNOWLEDGE
“Check Your Knowledge” questions
Who are the internally displaced? appear throughout, checking student
What is human trafficking?
comprehension at key points in the text.
 Preface xvii

In “Past, Present, and Future” sections we

conclude each chapter’s narrative by applying the
material to both classic and contemporary cases
(such as the Cuban missile crisis, “misperceptions
and realities” in the war on terror, and “celebrity
interventions” in humanitarian issues).

An icon in the margin and in “Debate” boxes

indicates that relevant readings or links are
available on the companion website, www.oup. Visual Review INTERNATIONAL SECURITY
com/us/shiraev. 1. What do we study?

KEY CONCEPTS TYPES OF WAR SECURITY POLICIES

Key terms are boldfaced, listed at the end of • National security: protection
of a state’s sovereignty, terri-
• Intentions and policies: offen-
sive, defensive, preemptive,
How many states are involved in
the policy?
each chapter, and defined in the glossary at the torial integrity, and interests preventive
• unilateral
• International security: • Scope and consequences:
back of the text. bilateral or multilateral local, regional, global
• multilateral
How do states address foreign
• Conflict: antagonism • Strategies: conventional, non-
threats?
between states or interna- conventional, weapon types
tional organizations • isolationism
Bulleted chapter summaries recap key • War: organized violent
confrontation
• Purposes: predatory,
retaliatory, political, ethnic,
religious
• interventionism

points at a glance. • cooperation

2. How do we study
y it?
In “Visual Reviews” at the end of each chapter REALISM LIBERALISM CONSTRUCTIVISM ALTERNATIVE AND
CONFLICT THEORIES
we map out the key concepts according to each • Security depends on
the quantity and
• Neither economic nor
military power alone
• States act according to
experience, ideologies, • Security policies reflect

chapter’s consistent structure: (1) what do we quality of armed

forces and their
can bring lasting
security
perceptions, and social
norms
and protect the key
interests of the domi-
mobility nant social groups
study, (2) how do we study it, and (3) how do we • States try to maxi-
• States almost always
have options for
• Militarism: glorifies
war, conquest, • Marxism: critical of

apply it, followed by Critical Thinking questions mize their power

• Security dilemma:
negotiation
• Collective
domination
• Pacifism: principled
political and economic
elitism

that reflect the chapter learning objectives. A state’s attempt to

improve its security
security: the security of
one state is the concern
opposition
to war; disputes should
• Feminism: critical of
exclusion of women
creates insecurity in of all be settled nonviolently from policy-making
other states

Bulleted chapter summaries recap key

3. How do we apply it?
points at a glance.
INDIVIDUAL LEVEL STATE LEVEL GLOBAL LEVEL
• Leaders and advisers • Public opinion • Geopolitics

In an appendix on IR careers we provide • Psychology • Ideology • Regional security

• Lobbying • Global energy and resources
descriptions of the major career categories as
well as resources for finding positions in the field
• Compare and contrast the realist, liberal, constructivist, and alternative perspec-
of IR. Critical tives on security.
Thinking • Explain two applications of security policies at each of the following levels: indi-
vidual decisions, government politics, and global developments.
• Give an example of a security policy you consider effective and one you consider
ineffective. Explain your choices.

04-Shiraev-Chap04.indd 147 23/10/13 8:16 PM

Organization and Coverage

The book contains nine chapters and is divided into three parts:
• In Part I, Studying International Relations (Chapters 1–3), we introduce
the field. We offer key definitions, introduce essential facts, and describe major
methods used in this field. Main actors, including states, international govern-
mental organizations, and nongovernmental organizations are introduced in
the section. In this section we also present the major approaches to interna-
tional relations—realism, liberalism, and constructivism—as well as several
alternative approaches, including conflict theories, feminism, and political
psychology.
xviii Preface

• In Part II, Three Facets of International Relations (Chapters 4–6), we dis-

cuss three major, classic facets of international relations: international secu-
rity, international law, and international political economy. We discuss main
concepts, including international security, war, economic policy, free trade,
territoriality, universal jurisdiction, and human rights—to name a few—in
this section.
• In Part III, Twenty-First Century Challenges (Chapters 7–9), we explore
domestic and global challenges of today’s world that are likely to continue into
the future. These topics include terrorism and nonstate violent radicalism,
global environmental problems, and humanitarian challenges. In the con-
cluding section of the book we provide critical evaluations of various predic-
tions about the future of international relations.

After Chapter 1, in which we introduce the discipline and the critical-

thinking approach, we provide two full chapters on main approaches: real-
ism and liberalism (Chapter 2), and alternative views (Chapter 3). The next
three chapters cover the issues of international security (Chapter 4), interna-
tional law (Chapter 5), and international political economy (Chapter 6). We
give special attention to terrorism (Chapter 7) as well as to environmental
and humanitarian challenges and their solutions (Chapters 8 and 9). A brief
Conclusion serves as a capstone for the book and is essentially an extended
exercise, guiding students in making predictions about the future of interna-
tional relations.

Supplements
Oxford University Press offers instructors and students a comprehensive an-
cillary package for qualified adopters of International Relations.
• Companion Website at www.oup.com/us/shiraev
• For instructors, this site includes the teaching tools described below,
available for immediate download. Contact your local OUP sales
representative for access.
• For students, the companion website includes a number of study tools,
including learning objectives, key-concept summaries, quizzes and
essay questions, Web activities, and Web links.
• Instructor’s Resource Manual with Test Item File
• The Instructor’s Resource Manual includes chapter objectives, a de-
tailed chapter outline, lecture suggestions and activities, discussion
questions, video resources, and Web resources. Available on the In-
structor’s Resource CD or as a download from the Web at www.oup
.com/us/shiraev.
• The Test Item File includes over 7,000 test items, including multiple-
choice, short-answer, and essay questions. Questions are identified as
factual, conceptual, or applied; and correct answers are keyed to the
text pages where the concepts are presented.
 Preface xix

• Computerized Test Bank—Using the test authoring and management

tool Diploma, the computerized test bank that accompanies this text is
designed for both novice and advanced users. Diploma enables instructors
to create and edit questions, create randomized quizzes and tests with an
easy-to-use drag-and-drop tool, publish quizzes and tests to online
courses, and print quizzes and tests for paper-based assessments. Avail-
able on the Instructor’s Resource CD.
• PowerPoint-Based Slides—Each chapter’s slide deck includes a succinct
chapter outline and incorporates relevant chapter graphics. Available on
the Instructor’s Resource CD or as a download from the Web.
• Instructor’s Resource CD—This resource puts all of your teaching tools in
one place. The CD includes the Instructor’s Resource Manual with Tests,
the Computerized Test Bank, the PowerPoint-based slides, and the graph-
ics from the text.
• CNN Videos— Offering recent clips on timely topics, this DVD provides
up to 15 films tied to the chapter topics in the text. Each clip is approxi-
mately 5–10 minutes in length, offering a great way to launch your lec-
tures. Contact your local OUP sales representative for details.
• Ebook—This text is also available as a CourseSmart Ebook
(978-0-19-933630-2).
• Facebook page—Regular updates, links, and discussions relevant to
the textbook can be found at: https://www.facebook.com/International
RelationsTextbook
• Course Cartridges are also available.
To order the Instructor’s Resource CD, CNN Videos, Ebook, or Course
Cartridges, or to arrange for a packaging option (see details following), please
contact your Oxford University Press sales representative at (800) 280–0280.

Packaging Options
Adopters of International Relations can package ANY Oxford University Press
book with the text for a 20 percent savings off the total package price. See our
many trade and scholarly offerings at www.oup.com, then contact your local
OUP sales representative to request a package ISBN. In addition, the follow-
ing items can be packaged with the text for free:
• Oxford Pocket World Atlas, Sixth Edition—This full-color atlas is a handy ref-
erence for international relations students (package ISBN 978-0-19-935648-5).
• Very Short Introduction Series—These very brief texts offer succinct intro-
ductions to a variety of topics. Titles include Terrorism, Second Edition, by
Townshend (package ISBN 978-0-19-937348-2), Globalization, Third Edition,
by Steger (package ISBN 978-0-19-937350-5), and Global Warming, Second Edi-
tion, by Maslin (package ISBN 978-0-19-937349-9), among others.
• Now Playing Video Guide—Through documentaries, feature films, and You-
Tube videos, Now Playing: Learning Global Politics Through Film provides video
examples of course concepts to demonstrate real-world relevance. Each video
is accompanied by a brief summary and 3–5 discussion questions. Qualified
adopters will also receive a Netflix subscription that enables them to show
xx Preface

students the films discussed in the Now Playing guide. Please use package ISBN
978-0-19-935643-0 to order.
• The Student Research and Writing Guide for Political Science—This brief
guide provides students with the information and tools necessary to conduct
research and write a research paper. The guide explains how to get started writ-
ing a research paper, describes the parts of a research paper, and presents
the citation formats found in academic writing. Please use package ISBN
978-0-19-935645-4 to order.

Acknowledgments
Invaluable contributions, help, and support for the brief edition of this book
came from many individuals. We are grateful for the insightful feedback and
critical advice of colleagues and reviewers, the thorough efforts of research
assistants, and the patience and understanding of family members. We also
take this opportunity to acknowledge the tremendous support we received at
virtually every stage of this project’s development from the team at Oxford
University Press. Executive Editor Jennifer Carpenter championed this proj-
ect from the start; Associate Editor Maegan Sherlock arranged reviews, saw
to the details, and kept the project on schedule; Development Editor Lauren
Mine provided constant support and good ideas during the writing stage; and
Production Editor Theresa Stockton guided the book through production.
Special thanks to William Wohlforth from Dartmouth University; Mark
Pollack, Richard Immerman, and Petra Goedde from Temple University; Mark
Kramer and Mary Sarotte from Harvard University; Norman Naimark, David
Holloway, and Mikhail Bernstam from Stanford University; Thomas Blanton
from the National Security Archive; William Taubman from Amherst College;
Odd Arne Westad and Mike Cox from the London School of Economics; John
Ikenberry from Princeton University; Ted Hopf from the National University of
Singapore; David Sears from UCLA; James Sidanius from Harvard University;
David Levy from Pepperdine University; Peter Stearns, Bob Dudley, and
Priscilla Regan from George Mason University; Cheryl Koopman from Stanford
University; Philip Tetlock from the University of Pennsylvania; Christian
Ostermann, Robert Litwak, and Blair Ruble from the Woodrow Wilson Center;
Andrew Kuchins from the Center for Strategic and International Studies; Alan
Whittaker from the National Defense University; and Scott Keeter from the
Pew Research Center for inspiring us early and throughout our careers.
We received constant help, critical advice, and validation from our col-
leagues and friends in the United States and around the world. We express our
gratitude to Hohn Haber, Mark Katz, Ming Wan, Colin Dueck, Dimitri Simes,
Paul Saunders, Henry Hale, James Goldgeier, Eric John, Eric McGlinchey, Peter
Mandaville, Barbara Saperstone, Jason Smart, Richard Sobel, Henry Nau,
Martijn Icks, Stanislav Eremeev, Konstantin Khudoley, and Vitaly Kozyrev.
A word of appreciation to Olga Chernyshev, Elena Vitenberg, Michael Zubok,
John and Judy Ehle, Dmitry Shiraev, Dennis Shiraev, and Nicole Shiraev. We
can never thank them enough.
 Preface xxi

We also thank the reviewers commissioned by Oxford University Press for

the comprehensive edition of this text, as well as the following reviewers of
this brief edition, for their insightful and valuable comments:
Victor Asal, State University of New Eric A. Heinze, University of
York at Albany Oklahoma
Abdalla Battah, Minnesota State Marcus Holmes, Fordham University
University, Mankato Lisa Kissopoulos, University of
Dylan Bennett, University of Cincinnati Clermont College
Wisconsin-Washington County Tobias Lanz, University Of South
Austin Carson, The Ohio State Carolina–Columbia
University Jeffrey Lewis, Cleveland State
Suheir Daoud, Coastal Carolina University
University Patrice McMahon, University of
Jose de Arimateia da Cruz, Nebraska—Lincoln
Armstrong Atlantic State Andrea Neal-Malji, University of
University Kentucky
Daniel Friedheim, Drexel University James Rae, California State
Nathan Gonzalez, California State University, Sacramento
University, Long Beach Christopher J. Saladino, Virginia
Gregory Granger, Northwestern Commonwealth University
State University of Louisiana
We would be remiss if we did not express a word of gratitude to the ad-
ministration, faculty, staff, and students at our academic institutions where
we have consistently been provided with an abundance of encouragement, as-
sistance, and validation.
The journey continues.

Eric Shiraev and Vladislav Zubok

WASHINGTON, DC—LONDON—PHILADELPHIA—ROME—MOSCOW

To the Student
Imagine that to study international relations you have obtained the power to
travel back in time and space. How far back and where would you go? Would
you pick a seat in a crowded room among revolutionary conspirators? Would
you be a fly on the wall in the White House, listening to a president’s top-
secret discussion with a foreign leader? Would you like to be present at the
peace conference in Yalta in 1945, watching how Franklyn Roosevelt, Joseph
Stalin, and Winston Churchill decided the future of the world? Or would you
prefer to climb atop the Berlin Wall on November 9, 1989, to chip off a chunk
of this monstrous barrier, the symbol of the Cold War? Would you rather be
among the few physicians contemplating Doctors Without Borders in 1971?
Or maybe you would like to attend the NATO meeting when a decision to
bomb Libya was made in 2011?
xxii Preface

Too many choices, too many people. . . . But even if you saw everything
you wanted and met everybody you planned, what exactly could you learn
from that experience? And what lessons could you draw when everything in
the world is so rapidly changing? During just the last two decades, the world
has witnessed the September 11 attacks, two wars launched by the United
States, the birth of several new sovereign states, the rapid growth of economic
superpowers in Asia and Latin America, the global financial crisis, and the
turbulent revolutions in the Middle East. As you are reading these pages,
something highly important is likely to be happening in some part of the
world. Is it feasible to draw any serious lessens from a kaleidoscope of rapidly
unfolding events, let alone study something that happened ten years, twenty
years, or even longer ago?
We believe such valuable lessons exist and that we need to study them
and study carefully. Reliable knowledge of international relations takes more
than observing things unfolding at this hour. Experts in international politics
do more than register a perpetual chain of events. They analyze the inner logic
of these events. Therefore, we will need serious analysis, or the breaking up
of something complex into smaller parts, to comprehend their important fea-
tures and interactions.
And even this is not enough. If you want to become a successful profes-
sional dealing with international relations—a politician or diplomat, re-
searcher or military officer, blogger or college professor, lawyer or president—
you cannot focus merely on analysis of events without understanding their
context. How would you know which events to analyze and what their sig-
nificance is? Which news stories deserve immediate action—and what action?
To answer these questions, you will have to gain a broader knowledge about
international relations. To make conclusions, you have to study, analyze, and
generalize not only the headlines popping up on the screen of your mobile
device but also the rich database of facts, opinions, and theories accumulated
over the years. You will need to familiarize yourself with some general “rules”
and patterns of international behavior as well as exceptions to these rules: for
example, the ways countries, leaders, and international organizations like the
United Nations are likely to act and the ways they almost never act.
The more you become educated about international relations, the more
you will realize that there are many things you don’t know. This awareness of
the limitations of your knowledge will be a sign that you are mastering the sci-
ence of international relations—that you are ready to patiently test your con-
clusions against the stubborn realities of this ever-changing, complex world.
Now back to your earlier choices: did you pick the most outstanding
events or individuals to meet? What questions will you ask? What lessons do
you think you may learn by observing these events and conversing with these
individuals? Consider your answers as your entry-level contribution to the
studies of international relations. Welcome to the journey!
Maps of the World

WORLD MAP, xxiv

MAP OF ASIA, xxvi

MAP OF AFRICA, xxvii

MAP OF EUROPE, xxviii

MAP OF NORTH AMERICA, xxix

MAP OF SOUTH AMERICA, xxx

MAP OF AUSTRALIA, xxxi

xxiii
xxiv Maps of the World
Maps of the World xxv
xxvi Maps of the World
Maps of the World xxvii
xxviii Maps of the World
Maps of the World xxix
xxx Maps of the World
Maps of the World xxxi
This page intentionally left blank
INTERNATIONAL
RELATIONS
 CHAPTER

1
CHAPTER OUTLINE
What Do We Study, and Why? The
Field of International Relations 2
> What Is International Relations? 3
> Key Concepts 6
Case in Point The End of a French-
German Obsession:
Alsace-Lorraine 7
> Key Actors 9
> Global Issues 12
How Do We Study It? 18
> Gathering Information 18
Case in Point Facts and Lies 22
Debate The Corruption Perceptions
Index 24
> Analyzing Information 24
> Critical Thinking in International
Relations 25
How Do We Apply It? 28
> The Individual Context 29
> The State Context 29
> The Global Context 31
Past, Present, and Future:
Can Democracy Be Exported? 32

CONCLUSION 35

CHAPTER SUMMARY 36

KEY TERMS 36

VISUAL REVIEW 37

Until recently, Cubans could not

leave their country. Now things
are changing. Cuban dissident
blogger Yoani Sanchez has her
documents checked at passport
control before leaving Cuba to
travel to Brazil and other countries
in 2013. People today travel and
migrate from one place to another
on a scale previously unknown
in human history. How has such
freedom of global travel affected
international relations?
Introducing
International Relations
It is possible to live in peace.
—MAHATMA GANDHI (1869–1948)

W
E LIVE IN A FASCINATING AND RAPIDLY CHANGING
WORLD. CONSIDER THE FOLLOWING:

• Not long ago, the European Union was the best example of an economi-
cally successful and stable regional organization. Today, many are asking
if this union will survive the decade.
• In 2010, it seemed that corrupt dictators would govern the Arab countries
of the Middle East and North Africa for many years to come. Yet the
beginning of the Arab Spring one year later turned the entire region into
an area of change and instability.
• Thirty years ago, textbooks published in the United States identified
Soviet nuclear threats as the major challenge to international peace. What
are today’s greatest security challenges?

Even the most permanent-seeming aspects of international relations

cannot be taken for granted. People today travel and migrate from one
place to another on a scale previously unknown in human history. The
Internet and social networks such as Facebook and Twitter bring billions
of people together across national borders and have helped many people
challenge authoritarian governments. How can we predict what the
world will be like ten or twenty years from now?
In this book, we contrast traditional and novel views of interna-
tional relations. We also reflect on current global and local processes,
though of course we do not possess ultimate wisdom to explain them
definitively. Some experts call today’s world “flat,” no longer divided
into the superior West and “the rest.” Others, on the contrary, warn
1
2 CHAPTER 1: Introducing International Relations

about the deep divisions between the countries of the prosperous and
arrogant “North” and the poor and desperate “South.” Some believe
that today’s environmental problems are more important than the
issues of borders, wars, and state security. Their opponents insist that
borders, wars, and nuclear weapons will not disappear and require con-
stant attention.
We want to include as many views as possible to show that the world
is a diverse, dynamic place. We will see that international relations in-
volves not only big states like the United States and China but also, criti-
cally, nonstate or intergovernmental organizations like the European
Community or the United Nations. We will see, too, how their roles are
changing in an era of globalization. We will see the urgency of studying
international relations in a world facing matters of war, the environ-
ment, poverty, human rights, and other pressing issues. Welcome to the
field of international relations.

Learning After reading this chapter, you should be able to:

define international relations as a discipline;
Objectives identify major actors and decision makers in international
relations and the main areas in which they interact;
recognize major challenges and problems the world is facing
today;
understand the methodology of international relations and the
ways critical thinking might be applied to study and analyze
information; and
apply the knowledge you gathered in this chapter to a critical
analysis of a case related to war and democracy.

What Do We Study, and Why? The Field

of International Relations
To study international relations (IR) is to examine interactions among states
and the international activities of nonstate organizations. These interactions
take many forms. They may be negotiations about territorial disputes, migra-
tion of people across borders, trade agreements, charitable activities, court
decisions about an international criminal gang, or food deliveries to the
 What Do We Study, and Why? The Field of International Relations 3

population of a country suffering from a natural disaster. International relations

can also refer to the foreign affairs of states and of intergovernmental (IGOs)
and nongovernmental (NGOs) organizations.

What Is International Relations?

International relations is both an academic and an applied field because it
seeks to understand the realities of today’s world as well as to suggest solutions
to the world’s many problems. Even an abridged list of the issues related to
international relations can be overwhelming, but several topics remain promi-
nent year after year. We can group these into three main areas: (1) international
politics, (2) international political economy, and (3) international law.
International politics is the analysis of how states pursue and protect their
interests. Countries naturally try to secure their borders and to reduce outside
threats and aggressions, and one of the most important topics in relations
among states is the issue of war and peace. Typically, in today’s world, most
countries try to avoid the use of military force and act through diplomacy. At
the same time, however, military confrontations continue. War has been part
of international politics for centuries.
International relations also revolves around economic, financial, and trade
issues. Countries buy and sell their resources and products, offer and accept
financial assistance, and support or block certain economic transactions with
other countries. The study of complex interactions of international economic
and political factors is called international political economy. Economic and
security issues are interconnected and affect all areas of international relations.
For example, oil and gas as energy sources have become significant factors in
world’s politics.
International law, the third main area of study, is about mutually agreed
formal rules and regulations concerning interactions among states, institu-
tions, organizations, and individuals involved in international relations. As we
will see later in this book, international law is effective only as long as coun-
tries recognize and follow it; there is no a supreme power above states to en-
force it.
The field of international relations differs from comparative politics,
which focuses more on comparing political systems rather than on how they
interact. Yet the interests of both disciplines frequently overlap. Moreover, the
study of international relations has become increasingly multidisciplinary.
A specialist in international relations nowadays should know the basics of
fields such as government, economics, history, sociology, cultural studies, and
military studies, to name a few. For instance, if you study the relations be-
tween Saudi Arabia and Iran, you have to know the history of the Arab
Caliphates and of the Persian and Ottoman Empires. You have to understand
the basic traditions of Islam, the official religion of these two countries. And
you have to be familiar with oil politics, issues related to regional security, the
changes happening in Muslim countries, and the directions of U.S. foreign
policy. If we want to explain why certain events take place in today’s world and
how they affect our lives, we have to be ready to gather data from many fields.
(See Figure 1.1.)
4 CHAPTER 1: Introducing International Relations

Humanities Economics Social Sciences

International relations
as a discipline
Academic Applied

Understanding Applying knowledge to

the world’s issues the world’s issues

FIGURE 1-1 The field of Political Science History Psychology

international relations.

Let’s now turn to a few simple questions. These only hint at the potential
depth and scope of international relations as a discipline, but they may high-
light a few educational or professional pursuits that interest you.

WHAT DOES THE UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL DO? In 1945, the United
States, the Soviet Union, and the United Kingdom, the victors of World War II,
created a global international organization called the United Nations. Together
with their war allies, China and France, they proposed a governing body of
the United Nations—the Security Council. These five states became perma-
nent members of this council, with the right to veto any decision voted by all
other members of the United Nations. Ten temporary members also join the
Security Council on a rotating basis, yet they have no veto power. Is the
Security Council a democratic institution? There are almost 200 countries in
the world today. Do you believe that the “big five” should lose their perma-
nent status and veto power? Would it be a good idea to give other countries
permanent membership on the Security Council? Which countries would you
recommend?
When studying international relations, you will learn how the contempo-
rary international system was built and that some countries have gained more
power than others in various international organizations. You will also learn
that it is desirable but often very difficult to conduct international affairs in a
democratic way.

WHO DRAFTED THE CURRENT JAPANESE CONSTITUTION? In 1946, after defeat

in World War II and occupation by American forces, Japan adopted a new con-
stitution based on the principles of liberal democracy. The constitution, which
survived for more than half a century, was drafted by American officers and
legal scholars.
International relations provides lessons in how foreign powers make changes
in other countries not only in times of war, but also in peace. Involvement into
 What Do We Study, and Why? The Field of International Relations 5

The Security Council,

the upper body of the
United Nations, meets
at its headquarters in
New York in 2012. A
permanent member of
the Security Council may
veto any UN resolution.

other countries’ politics can be a success story, like in Japan, but also of tragic
mistakes and spectacular blunders. Could you name them? By learning from
such mistakes, we can hope to avoid them in the future.

IDENTIFY THE AUTHOR OF THIS REMARK: “WHETHER YOU LIKE IT OR NOT,

HISTORY IS ON OUR SIDE. WE WILL BURY YOU.” That was Nikita Khrushchev,
leader of the Soviet Union. He was speaking in 1956, and “you” meant
Western countries. Russia then was building its own nuclear arsenal and
challenging the nuclear supremacy of the United States by launching the fi rst
Sputnik, a space capsule. Khrushchev appeared to be threatening Western
leaders. In reality, he meant to express a belief that Communism, as an eco-
nomic and political system, would eventually prevail over American-style
capitalism.
Examining the past and present status of international relations we will
find examples of how words and their interpretations and misinterpretations
affect foreign policies and the actions of world leaders.

HOW MUCH DOES IT COST TO PROTECT THE UNITED STATES FROM FOREIGN
THREATS? Exact numbers are difficult to produce, and the reports are always
dated. Back in 2012, the U.S. defense budget was close to $1 trillion. Out of this
amount, $141 billion went to support veterans, and about $55 billion was spent
to support foreign allies. About $56 billion was allocated to the Department
of Homeland Security, and over $50 billion was spent on intelligence. The
Defense Department received the biggest share. Keep in mind that military
6 CHAPTER 1: Introducing International Relations

operations in Afghanistan and Iraq were funded through separate bills. Does
Washington spend too much, too little, or just about right on protecting
America? Is it better to be safe than sorry? Or maybe many foreign threats are
simply exaggerated?
As you explore international relations, you will be able to form your own
opinion about the costs of security and defense policies. You will also critically
examine other factors and forces, different from defense and intelligence, that
may contribute to peace and security in international relations.
The range of events and developments in international relations may
appear too complicated and chaotic to understand. Yet there is logic in all these
developments. To understand it, we have to examine some basic definitions.

Key Concepts
State sovereignty is a central concept in the study of international relations.
A state is commonly defined as a governed entity with a settled population oc-
cupying a permanent area with recognized borders. Sovereignty refers to the
independent authority over a territory. Let’s consider these terms in some detail.

SOVEREIGNTY
A sovereign state, in theory, should make its decisions independently. There is
no higher authority such as a foreign power or international organization tell-
ing a sovereign state what to do within its territory. India and Pakistan, for
example, became sovereign states in 1947, after the United Kingdom, their
former colonial ruler, had partitioned India and transferred power to local au-
thorities in the two newly formed sovereign states.
Sovereignty refers to a territory and also to the allegiance of the people
living on it. Territorial disputes, as history shows, frequently cause military
confrontations. European states began to develop and protect sovereignty a
few hundred years ago. In 1648, a handful of Christian kingdoms and princi-
palities in Europe agreed that only they (and not the Roman Catholic Church)
should determine religious identity of their subjects. After the 1800s, the most
important markers of sovereignty became the ethnic identity of the people
living on that territory. (At the time spoken language was the prime indicator
of ethnic identity.) Disputes over territorial issues have always been common
causes of international conflict. (See “Case in Point.”)
International treaties and economic and military capacities of states support
their sovereignty. Therefore, some states’ sovereignty today may be strong,
whereas others’ remain weak. For instance, in Africa most state boundaries
emerged as a result of colonization by Western powers within the last two hun-
dred years. Politicians guided cartographers and ethnographers, mostly from
Britain, France, Belgium, Portugal, Germany, and Italy, who drew state lines—
often with a simple ruler. Some African governments, such as Central African
Republic and Somalia, are unable to control their own territory efficiently, bat-
tling numerous warlords and rebel groups that challenge state power. Have you
heard of Somaliland and Puntland? They declared independence from Somalia
in the 1990s, but most other countries do not consider them independent states.
 What Do We Study, and Why? The Field of International Relations 7

CASE IN POINT > The End of a French-German Obsession: Alsace-Lorraine

Crossing the border between France It is only appropriate that after obvious: The disputed territories
and Germany today is hardly notice- many years of disputes and vio- have natural resources, and this is
able. It wasn’t in the past. Consider lence, Strasbourg, the principal city what countries care about above
the case of Alsace-Lorraine, a rela- in this region, became the official all. Although resources play a big
tively small territory that Germany seat of the European Parliament role in territorial conflicts, could
and France contested for centuries where representatives from France, you suggest other reasons contrib-
in several bloody wars (see Map 1.1). Germany, and other member-states uting to such disputes? Consider
France consolidated its sovereignty jointly discuss and resolve common issues such as a country’s concern
over the territory during the revolu- issues of the united continent. for its “prestige,” the importance of
tion of the end of the 18th century. a territory for a people’s national
After the war of 1871, the newly CRITICAL THINKING identity, pressures of domestic
formed German Reich annexed Later in this book we will learn political forces, and the impact of
Alsace-Lorraine. In 1919, after about territorial conflicts that are public opinion. Imagine for the
Germany lost in World War I, France causing international tensions. sake of the argument that Mexico
reclaimed its sovereignty over the India and Pakistan, Armenia and asked the United States to return—
territory. Not for long. After Germany Azerbaijan, China and Japan, as a sign of a good gesture—some
attacked France in 1940, the resi- Argentina and the United Kingdom, small territories of California and
dents of the region became citizens and many other countries are deal- New Mexico that previously be-
of Hitler’s Third Reich. Only in 1944, ing with their unresolved territorial longed to Mexico. How do you think
after the British-American troops de- disputes. Why is there so much ten- the United States would react to
feated the Nazis, did Alsace-Lorraine sion over territories? Some might this request?
join France one last time. think the answer to this question is

NETHERLANDS

UNITED KINGDOM
BELGIUM
GERMANY

AUSTRIA
SWITZERLAND
FRANCE

AT L A N T I C
OCEAN

ITALY

0 km 70 140

Mediterranean Sea
0 miles 70 140 SPAIN

MAP 1-1 Alsace-Lorraine.

8 CHAPTER 1: Introducing International Relations

Demonstrators wave
the flag of the self-
declared republic of
Somaliland as they hold
a pro-independence
rally in London in 2012.
Most countries do not
recognize Somaliland as
a sovereign state.

According to the definition, sovereignty allows the state to claim that ev-
erything taking place inside its borders belongs to its internal affairs, and no
outside authority may interfere in this state’s activities. For centuries, sovereign
states were expected to have armies, print their own money, and issue laws.
This expectation is no longer accurate. States themselves can limit their own
sovereignty and delegate authority to international organizations (such as the
United Nations) or to international treaties. The members of the European
Union, for example, voluntarily gave up on their currencies (such as marks,
franks, liras, and pesos) to establish one common currency, the Euro. In study-
ing international relations, you will find that sovereignty can be limited by
other states or taken away forcefully. The ultimate violation of sovereignty is
occupation by foreign powers. This happened in Afghanistan in 2001 and Iraq
in 2003. Both states lost their sovereignty as a result of military actions taken
by the U.S.-led coalitions against their governments. These states began to re-
store their sovereignty under foreign occupation.

NATIONS AND STATES

The terms state, country, and nation are often used interchangeably. In most
cases, however, we prefer to speak about states, because the term nation has
several meanings. We may think of a nation as a legal term or as a collective
identity. In legal terms, about 193 countries in existence today (and the number
is changing) consider themselves nations, recognized by other states. The term
has the clearest meaning when it applies to a homogeneous country, usually
populated by one ethnic group with no large ethnic minorities. For example, it
is common to say the “Finnish nation,” referring to people who live on the ter-
ritory of Finland, speak the Finnish language, and have ancestors of the Finnish
 What Do We Study, and Why? The Field of International Relations 9

origin. The meaning of the “French nation” is more complicated. Until the
early 1960s, Algerians were considered French nationals; Algeria in Africa was
considered not a colony but a French “department” overseas. The war of
Algerian independence, however, required French politicians, lawyers, and the
general public to narrow the definition. Algeria and the majority of its Islamic
population (Arabs, Berbers, etc.) became excluded from the “French nation.”
In contrast, some Algerian Christians (called pieds-noirs) and Jews resettled in
France and were accepted as French (Shepard, 2006).
Many believe that nations can be “invented” or constructed even before
they acquire a physical space and gain sovereignty over it. Kurdish nationalists
in Turkey and Iraq often speak about the Kurdish nation, although there is no
Kurdistan as a state. Separatism is advocacy of or attempts to establish a sepa-
rate nation within another sovereign state. States almost always reject national
separatism, seeing it as a grave threat to state sovereignty. In Turkey, the pursuit
of Kurdish national identity is outlawed. China fights against separatism in its
predominantly Muslim area Xinjian. The list of examples goes on.

Define and explain state sovereignty. CHECK YOUR

What is separatism? Is separatism always dangerous for international KNOWLEDGE
peace?
Give two interpretations of the term nation.

Key Actors
People today cannot act like the citizens of ancient Greek and Roman city-
states: they do not gather on a central square to vote on international trade
agreements or foreign wars. Instead, they have representatives who possess
the authority to deal with international affairs. These officials are either elected
or appointed to represent a state government (which we may also call a national
government or simply a government)—an institution with the authority to for-
mulate and enforce its decisions within a country’s borders.

STATE GOVERNMENT AND FOREIGN POLICY

State governments conduct foreign policy—actions involving official deci-
sions and communications, public and secret—with other state governments,
nongovernmental organizations, corporations, and international institutions.
A country’s foreign policy is usually directed by Ministries of Foreign Affairs
through embassies or other official offices in foreign countries. Diplomacy is
the practice of managing international relations by means of negotiations. In
cases when formal diplomatic relations do not exist between two states, there
may be informal channels of communication involving third parties, special
emissaries, and even personal contacts.
For example, for many years Iran and the United States did not have offi-
cial diplomatic relations. The embassy of Pakistan to the United States served
as a mediator through a specially established “interests section.” The content of
10 CHAPTER 1: Introducing International Relations

foreign policy ranges from peace treaties to threats of force; from trade agree-
ments to trade sanctions; from scientific, technical, and cultural exchange pro-
grams to visa and immigration policies. State governments usually prefer
diplomatic means of interaction, but violence or a threat of it frequently backs
diplomatic moves.
In today’s developed democracies, all three branches of state government
commonly participate in foreign policy, although their roles differ. Within the
executive branch, government structures dealing with international relations in-
clude a ministry or department of foreign affairs. (In the United States, this is
called the State Department; in India it is the Ministry of External Affairs; in
the United Kingdom, it is the Foreign Office.) The legislative branch passes laws
about the direction and handling of foreign policy. In many countries, parlia-
ments ratify (or approve) international agreements signed by state executive
leaders. In the United States, Congress allocates money to conduct foreign
policy according to the Federal budget. Congress may also instantly finance
specific policies or actions related to foreign policy.
The judicial branch is involved in foreign policy in several ways. For exam-
ple, courts can make assessments of and about the applicability of certain in-
ternational laws or agreements on the territory of the state. The courts also
decide on claims submitted by foreign countries including businesses and pri-
vate individuals. (In Chapter 5, we will discuss international law in more
detail.) In some countries—in the United States and Russia, for example—their
presidents have significantly more influence on foreign policy of their coun-
tries compared to the executive in the United Kingdom or the Netherlands.
Differences between democratic and nondemocratic governments are also im-
portant, as we will see in every chapter. (See Figure 1.2.)

INTERGOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS
Besides sovereign states, another major player on the field of international rela-
tions is intergovernmental organizations (IGOs). These are associations of sev-
eral states such as the United Nations, formed in 1945 to increase the collective
responsibility of its member states, keep peace through a voluntary collective
effort, and serve as an authoritative mediator in international conf licts.

Legislative Intergovernmental
Individuals
branch organizations

Embassies and
Executive Foreign
foreign
branch policy
missions

Judicial
branch NGOs Businesses

FIGURE 1-2 Foreign

policy of a democratic
International events
state.
 What Do We Study, and Why? The Field of International Relations 11

(We will learn about its role in Chapters 2 and 5.) Other IGOs are created for a
combination of strategic and political purposes. We will see later how the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) led a military action against the
Libyan government in 2011. Still other IGOs pursue primarily economic goals,
like the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), which sets
standards for how much oil member states should produce and sell on the
global market. Of course, economic and political goals of IGOs are often
interconnected.
International institutions are created to promote mutual security, create a
climate of trust, monitor international treaties, and encourage financial stabil-
ity and economic development. IGOs increase global accountability of indi-
vidual states and, to some degree, limit their sovereignty. States receiving loans
from international financial institutions, like International Monetary Fund
(IMF), must modify their financial and economic policies according to some
standards.
IGOs may suffer from corruption, incompetence, bureaucratic delays, po-
litical and ideological biases, and internal political disagreements, as we will
discuss in Chapter 2. Yet their model of voluntary cooperation among states is
playing an increasingly important role in international relations today.

NONGOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS
For centuries, only specially designated government officials and their staff
were entrusted with steering foreign policy of their states. However, over several
decades now, a growing set of nongovernmental actors plays an increasingly
important role in foreign policy of many countries. Nongovernmental organi-
zations (NGOs) are public or private interest groups attempting to influence

Laboratory workers
sort tuberculosis test
samples at a clinic for
transmittable diseases
funded by Médecins
Sans Frontières (Doctors
Without Borders) on
the outskirts of Yangon,
Myanmar, in 2012.
Myanmar ranks among
the lowest countries in
nearly every category of
health care funding.
12 CHAPTER 1: Introducing International Relations

foreign policy, raise international concerns about a domestic problem or do-

mestic concerns about a global issue, and offer help in the solution of these
problems. The NGOs we will study deal mostly with international issues. (There
are also NGOs dealing with domestic problems.) NGOs today support environ-
mental protection; relief programs in poor regions; and the distribution of
medication, educational services, and other forms of humanitarian help. NGOs
are usually the product of individual volunteer efforts or civic movements.
What explains the increased role of NGOs in today’s world? In many
democracies, government bureaucracies and political appointees are held
more accountable to the public and their actions become more transparent
with the help of the media. NGOs also grow stronger because democracies
improve access to information related to foreign policy. For instance, the U.S.
Freedom of Information Act (FOIA), strengthened in the 1970s by the U.S.
Congress, led to the establishment of the National Security Archive by a group
of investigative journalists, a public group that urges the U.S. government to
declassify and release foreign policy-related information. This information, for
example, became crucial in the public investigation of the so-called Iran-
Contra scandal that broke out in 1986 and involved illegal foreign policy op-
erations by some members of the Reagan administration.
A second reason for the new prominence of NGOs is globalization and the
growing complexity of international problems. Even the most powerful gov-
ernment organizations cannot pay equal attention to every world’s problem.
After the end of the Cold War, for example, many Western powers were paying
only limited attention to Africa. Hundreds of NGOs then responded by raising
funds to address the spread of AIDS, small arms, and violence, along with the
collapse of infrastructure and health services.
Finally, NGOs have benefitted from new communication and information
technology. Because of the spread of technology, most governments, government-
controlled media, and business elites cannot keep their long-established monopoly
on printed information. Compared to corporate news organizations, NGOs are
becoming increasingly attractive as reliable sources and analysts. The Internet
enables NGOs to raise funds, solicit volunteers, and organize complex projects
without relying on governmental bureaucracies.

CHECK YOUR What is diplomacy?

KNOWLEDGE In democracies, which three branches of government commonly
participate in foreign policy?
What is the difference between NGOs and IGOs as international
organizations?

Global Issues
Understanding international relations will provide you with analytical tools
and confidence for explaining and addressing the significant problems of today
and tomorrow. You will be better prepared to influence discussions about your
 What Do We Study, and Why? The Field of International Relations 13

Why do we study international relations

and international politics?
To address the key challenges:

Instability, violence, and war Nuclear proliferation

Environmental problems
Poverty
Human rights

Population and migration Finding a path to peace and FIGURE 1-3 Why we
problems economic improvement study international
relations.

country’s foreign policy and build a more prosperous and stable world. What
are the most significant challenges and issues that the world is facing today?
What can be done to address these challenges? What role would you choose for
yourself? Here we will mention just a few issues to get going. (See Figure 1.3.)
We will revisit these issues in the following chapters.

INSTABILITY, VIOLENCE, AND WAR

Conflict and violence—internal as well as international—are major sources of
instability. Violent conflicts disrupt international trade, damage the environ-
ment, and require substantial human and material resources. Instability, in
turn, serves as a source of new conflicts and wars. Each war has its own origin,
history, and consequences. Nevertheless, several important trends have
emerged. Military dictatorships conducting brutal policies against their own
population are likely to act violently against their neighboring states. Unstable
or failing governments unable to exercise their basic functions are often prone
to use radical and violent measures to defend themselves. Unsettled ethnic
conflicts frequently result in violence and threaten international peace. Small
radical groups, not affiliated with any state, can also cause international insta-
bility. They try to achieve their political goals by violence or threats of hostility
against authorities or the civilian population. International terrorism has
emerged as a threat to stability and a serious international problem as well, as
we will see in Chapter 7.
There is no single or simple policy to prevent violent conflicts or to end
them quickly. Would you agree that powerful countries have no other viable
options except preserving stability by force? Stronger, more powerful states, in
this view, can best maintain regional and global stability themselves. A range
of preventive policies, including military action, should reduce the threats of
instability and violence, including international terrorism. Or would you
rather support the view that force cannot address the political and social causes
of most conflicts? From this position, the international community should act
to reduce poverty and injustice, and eliminate other causes of instability and
violence. What specific measures would you propose to reduce violence in
14 CHAPTER 1: Introducing International Relations

international relations? We look in depth at security in a global world in

Chapter 4, and we address violence and injustice throughout.

WEAPONS OF MASS DESTRUCTION AND THEIR PROLIFERATION

Nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons can quickly and indiscriminately
kill tens of millions of people. Therefore they are called weapons of mass de-
struction (WMD). The United States dropped two atomic bombs on Japanese
cities Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945. The Soviet Union tested its atomic
bomb in 1949. The nuclear race between these two countries lasted until the
end of the 1980s. Nuclear weapons were relatively inexpensive to produce, but
the means to deliver them (missiles, strategic bombers, and submarines) cost
hundreds of billions of dollars. In the past, the Soviet Union, the United States,
and the United Kingdom have worked on new types of chemical and bacterio-
logical weapons. London and Washington closed their chemical and bacterio-
logical labs in the 1960s. The Soviet Union, however, continued its secret
chemical and bacteriological program out of bureaucratic inertia. The Soviets
also mistrusted the West. Soviet scientists produced dangerous chemical weap-
ons and stored viruses of plague and anthrax capable of killing the entire popu-
lation of Western Europe and North America (Hoffman, 2010).
Today, chemical and bacteriological weapons are banned and their sup-
plies destroyed. Only a few countries today openly possess nuclear weapons,
including the United States, Russia, China, France, United Kingdom, India,
and Pakistan. North Korea and Israel, as many experts believe, have nuclear
weapons without declaring it, and South Africa had them but later destroyed
them. Overall, the nuclear states have proved capable of restraining themselves
and even agreeing in some cases to limit their nuclear arsenals.
However, one of the biggest concerns today remains nuclear proliferation—
the spread of nuclear weapons, materials, information, and technologies. Why
does it remain a serious challenge? For one thing, an unstable government
could make frantic decisions costing millions of lives, or it could be too weak
to protect its nuclear arsenals or prevent its scientists, in possession of secrets
of WMD, from selling their knowledge to terrorist groups. The danger of such
proliferation was strong after the sudden collapse of the Soviet Union. Some
international terrorist groups believe today that their ultimate prize will be the
possession of nuclear weapons.
How can the world address the danger of WMD and the nuclear danger in
particular? Do you support global nuclear disarmament, which would mean
that every state gives up its nuclear weapons? How can this be achieved? How
can further proliferation of WMD be stopped? We will consider these ques-
tions and related arguments in Chapter 4.

ENVIRONMENTAL PROBLEMS
Environmental problems caused by human activities threaten human health
and well-being. Industrial development, the rapid growth of urban areas, and
increased consumption all play a role. We can think of two broad categories of
environmental problems: contamination and depletion. The first includes pollu-
tion of the air, water, and soil. The second includes threats to forests, sources
 What Do We Study, and Why? The Field of International Relations 15

of fresh water, and many plants and animals. As a result, many governments
have implemented programs to reduce pollution and conserve resources.
They have opened national parks and restricted the use of land and water in
their countries. Where governments are slow to act, NGOs frequently take the
initiative.
Public opinion, NGOs, and international institutions are all important in
persuading governments. However, there is no universal agreement on how to
address such international environmental problems as global climate change.
How do we keep our environment safe and at the same time guarantee eco-
nomic development? There are no easy answers. International relations teaches
us that every decision about the environment is a trade-off, and we discuss
how to evaluate the gains and losses in Chapter 8.

POVERTY
Over two centuries ago, British scholar Thomas Robert Malthus pointed to a
disequilibrium that threatened world stability. Food supplies, he wrote, cannot
keep up with a growing population. This, he warned, would result in wars and
violence. Today our planet has enough resources to supply every human being
with food, water, and basic medical care. In the 1950s and 1960s, spectacular
progress in agriculture, often called the green revolution, seemed to remove the
danger of mass famine. Why then does poverty and famine persist in some
parts of the world? According to the United Nations, today more than one billion
people live on less than $1 per day. More than a quarter of the world’s popula-
tion does not have access to running water. Preventable infectious diseases
continue to kill hundreds of thousands of children every year. In 2010 alone,
malaria, a deadly infectious disease, killed approximately 900,000 children,
mostly in Africa (WHO, 2012).
Can we significantly reduce poverty? Many argue for the benefits of free-
market economies, like those in the United States and most Western countries.
Here companies can form, people can purchase the goods they need, and
prices rise or fall with relatively little government planning or regulation.
Almost every prosperous country in today’s world is a market democracy. But
is that the whole story, and can it really address poverty and inequality? Critics
argue that free-market principles work in some but countries but not others
and that global poverty needs different approaches. What other solutions can
you see as effective in solving world poverty? Would you, for example, support
a global tax on wealthy countries to help the world’s poor? If not, why? If yes,
how high should this tax be? We will discuss the global economy and develop-
ment in Chapters 3 and 6 and poverty in Chapter 9.

HUMAN RIGHTS
It has become increasingly accepted that human beings regardless of their origin
or status have certain basic rights. International pressure grows on govern-
ments to protect their citizens threatened by the brutality of injustice, system-
atic violence, unlawful seizure of property, and physical abuse. However, for
billions of people, access to justice, fair hearing of grievances, licensed lawyers,
or binding contracts enforced by transparent courts are beyond their reach.
16 CHAPTER 1: Introducing International Relations

The Amazonian town

of Acailandia, Brazil,
produces pig iron. Brazil
is fueled with charcoal
from illegal felling of
rainforests. The Brazilian
Amazon, home to
60 percent of the world’s
forest and 20 percent
of the Earth’s oxygen,
is threatened by rapid
development.

In many parts of the world, property rights and civil rights are guaranteed only
to small groups of people—commonly political, business, and government
elites. The real power belongs to a few influential individuals whose power is
likely to run through generations or has been obtained through force or dis-
honesty. Corruption, not the law, sets the criteria for right and wrong in many
parts of the world.
Persecution continues today in many countries based on race, gender, eth-
nicity, religious beliefs, party affiliation, or sexual orientation. In the past, a
totalitarian ideology was a major source of these violations. Ideologies such as
Nazism, Fascism, and Communism have emerged as official policies in
Germany, Italy, Soviet Union, the People’s Republic of China, and Cuba.
Racism was a governing ideology of South Africa and other countries. For the
past few decades, these ideologies have been in decline, and yet violations of
human rights continue. Although allowing some elements of freedom, the
Chinese and Iranian governments do not think twice before jailing and exe-
cuting people for political dissent. Many governments conceal violations of
human rights behind the arguments of “cultural specificity,” “traditions,” and
“values.” In some African and Asian countries, women but not men can be
brutally punished for adultery. The physical and sexual exploitation of chil-
dren remains widespread. However, the world is far from agreeing on what
rights should be considered universal and which are subject to cultural
traditions.
Do you think the world should have a universal constitution that would
clearly spell out the basic rights of people regardless of their nationality? If you
disagree, explain why. If you agree, which rights do you want to see as univer-
sal and which international agency should enforce them? Chapters 5 and 9
explore the debates about international law and human rights.
 What Do We Study, and Why? The Field of International Relations 17

POPULATION AND MIGRATION PROBLEMS

Population growth presents significant challenges. The world’s population is
about 7 billion now and is projected to grow to 8 billion by 2025. Overpopulation
threatens the minimum conditions to sustain a reasonable quality of life. It
can lead to serious health, environmental, and social problems. At the same
time, many affluent countries are actually experiencing a decline in popula-
tion, including Western Europe and Japan, and the results here, too, will be felt
in the years ahead. Birth rates are declining in many Latin American and Asian
countries.
A related topic is the movement of populations. Violence, hardship, or the
threat of either can force people to move across state borders in search of better
living conditions and jobs. Millions of people continue to be victims of invol-
untary migration: they are forced to move from their homes and often cross
international borders for fear of their lives.
Do you believe that wealthy countries must assist other countries in solv-
ing their population problems? If yes, how? Do you think that to fight over-
population, some countries should establish an official limit on the number of
children a family could have? Do you believe that states should allow people
to move across borders without restrictions? We will discuss the full range of
these problems in Chapter 9.

FINDING A PATH TO PEACE AND ECONOMIC IMPROVEMENT

International relations as a discipline does not focus solely on threats and
problems. One of the most important reasons we study international relations
is to create a stable, healthy, and prosperous world. Informed opinion can be
learned from success stories, and there are many examples of conflict resolu-
tion and sound political management. Here we mention just two.
In 1992, the Czech and Slovak leaders of Czechoslovakia discussed and
reached an agreement to split the country and establish two independent states.
Most partitions in the past resulted in mass casualties and destruction. But this
case was a dramatic example of a peaceful separation. After the partition, both
countries joined the European Union, and they remain close economic and
political partners. Could other countries deal with separatist movements in a
peaceful and civilized way, without resorting to violence? If these two ethnic
groups achieved a peaceful separation, could others as well? We explore these
questions in Chapters 3 and 7.
A second example is China. During the lifetime of one generation China
evolved from an isolated and poor country into a second largest world economy.
The government abandoned revolutionary slogans and encouraged entrepre-
neurship. Hundreds of millions of people have formed the middle class. China
became an assertive player in international affairs. Can this country’s eco-
nomic model become a standard for the rest of the world to follow? In Chapter 6
and other places in the book we will explore this question in more detail.
Which other countries’ positive experiences and policies do you think
should become models for the world to follow? Which cases would you like to
examine in detail in class?
Important political decisions lie ahead, with our future at stake. We will be
returning to these and many other problems in every chapter. In the concluding
18 CHAPTER 1: Introducing International Relations

section of the book, we will revisit them once more, as we ask you to consider
what solutions your generation may find.

CHECK YOUR What is nuclear proliferation?

KNOWLEDGE What are the main sources of regional and global instability?
What proportion of the world’s population does not have access to
running water?
What does the term “human rights” mean?

How Do We Study It?

The study of international relations includes three basic kinds of investigation.
The first activity is informational: We gather facts to describe events and develop-
ments. The second is interpretive: We analyze the facts to explain why events
take place. In this stage, we rely on concepts or schemes to organize and interpret
what we know, and Chapters 2–3 take up some of the most important approaches,
theories, and tools for studying international relations. The third activity is criti-
cal thinking: We look critically at the facts and their interpretations.

Gathering Information
Policy makers, their advisers, and researchers must all rely on information
about countries, their actions, and their intentions. How do we gather unbi-
ased information?

GOVERNMENTAL AND NONGOVERNMENTAL REPORTS

The Federal Reserve—the central banking system of the United States—submits
a semiannual report to the Congress about the country’s economic growth,
inflation, and international trade. Foreign governments, international finan-
cial organizations, and individual investors from all countries eagerly await
such reports to formulate and correct economic, trade, and investment
policies.
Go online to Other statistical reports, too, contain facts related to foreign policies, eco-
read the most
nomic production, finances, accomplishments, conflicts, and other relevant
recent reports and
issues. Governments and nongovernmental organizations release periodic
review the initiatives of
The Center for Global publications about the economy, defense, commerce, tourism, employment,
Development related to education, and other developments. For example, The Center for Global
foreign aid, migration, Development, a nonprofit organization in Washington, DC, conducts research
education, and global and publishes informational analyses about how rich countries’ policies and
environmental issues. their foreign aid impact people in the developing world.
How reliable are these reports? To judge their accuracy, we have to consider
three factors. The first is the self-interest of the organization publishing a report.
Even statistical publications can be distorted for political or other purposes.
A second factor is the professional prestige of the institution providing a report.
A high reputation is earned by accurate past publications. The third factor is
competition from other sources of information: A competitive climate leads to
 How Do We Study It? 19

Former World Bank

President Robert Zoellick
at a news conference in
Beijing in 2012. He said
that China would have
difficulty sustaining its
growth over the next
two decades without
substantial structural
changes to its economy,
financial system, and
society. The Chinese
government disagreed
with his predictions.

higher-quality reports. Because of the complexity of today’s world, statistical

reports should be obtained from several sources.
In developing democracies or nondemocratic countries, the quality of re-
ports may be in doubt because it is difficult to confirm their accuracy. For in-
stance, before its collapse in 1991, the Soviet Union often released annual
reports suggesting that it had been reducing its defense budget. In fact, defense
spending grew significantly. Some nondemocratic governments deliberately
distort statistics on the spread of HIV and violence against women. In demo-
cratic countries, in contrast, international sources and NGOs can more easily
challenge official reports—and often do.

EYEWITNESS SOURCES
Professionals frequently use their own observations, or eyewitness accounts.
Personal testimonies can offer success stories, reveal problems, disclose viola-
tions of international law, and describe political events. In some cases, they
may be the only available source of information.
Investigative journalism has brought a new dimension to eyewitness re-
ports. A journalist accredited by a news organization or working indepen-
dently enters a foreign country or a zone of conflict (often without obtaining
permission from local officials), conducts interviews, takes pictures, uploads
them, and makes the information available to the world. Representatives of
NGOs visit places where formally accredited journalists or diplomats are pro-
hibited. Thanks to such reports, the world learned about violence in Chile in
the 1970s; ethnic cleansing in Bosnia in the 1990s; human trafficking in con-
temporary Southeast Asia; and serious violations of human rights in Sudan,
Somalia, and many other countries. Providing eyewitness accounts, however,
20 CHAPTER 1: Introducing International Relations

can be risky. Reporters Without Borders, an international NGO, regularly posts

reports about journalists imprisoned, persecuted, or killed for doing their job.
Government officials, especially when they retire, may provide informa-
tion about their foreign-policy decisions, the reasoning behind their actions,
and their interactions with foreign leaders. Political memoirs often include
details previously unavailable even to experts. Beware though: People do not
write memoirs to emphasize their mistakes. They want to show off their
achievements. Even when witnesses try to describe facts truthfully, they almost
inevitably put their spin on them.

COMMUNICATIONS
Official documents are often the best available sources on how states interact
with each other. A communiqué, which is an official report about an interna-
tional meeting, often provides clear and unambiguous information about the
intentions, expectations, and actions of two or more states. Correspondence
between state leaders is often helpful in understanding policy strategies.
Letters exchanged between President Roosevelt and the Soviet leader Joseph
Stalin during World War II reveal that these leaders carefully masked serious
ideological disagreements to defeat Germany and to establish a postwar peace.
One tool for examining texts like these is content analysis—a research
method that systematically organizes and summarizes both the manifest con-
tent (what was actually said or written) and the latent content (the hidden
meaning) in speeches, interviews, television or radio programs, letters, news-
paper articles, blogs, and other reports. For example, specialists have found
that the more ideologically driven a U.S. president’s speech is, the less sophis-
ticated are the explanations of foreign policy (Tetlock, 2011).
Speeches and press conferences are also valuable sources of information
because they articulate domestic political goals, such as public mobilization.
British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, for example, delivered one of his
most famous speeches in Fulton, Missouri, on March 9, 1946. He criticized the
Soviet Union and hoped that his words would convince the American public
and others of the dangers posed by international Communism.
Most government documents remain classified for years: usually states are
interested in keeping their secrets away from the public as long as possible. In
the United States, however, the FOIA allows any person, even a noncitizen, to
submit a claim for declassification of state secrets, making them available to
the public. NGOs use the FOIA to promote public knowledge and awareness
about foreign policy as well as the government’s sense of responsibility and
accountability before the public. The WikiLeaks scandal of 2010—when tens of
thousands of classified documents related to international communications
among governments were stolen and posted on the Web—gave everyone
access to valuable information related to global diplomacy. The scandal also
posed an important question: May journalists and policy experts obtain infor-
mation by illegal means? May they use this information in their professional
activities? Declassified documents often reveal facts that governments want
to conceal.
Of course, some secrecy is essential in diplomatic communications. But in
a democratic state, the public still has the right to know if the government
 How Do We Study It? 21

Founder of the WikiLeaks

website, Australian
Julian Assange, at a press
conference in London in
2010. The website posted
tens of thousands
of stolen classified
documents from
the correspondence
between U.S.
embassies and the
U.S. government. This
incident along with
the 2013 case involving
Edward Snowden were
the biggest leaks of
secret information in U.S.
history.

made the best possible decision and did not misuse its power in the past.
Further, the more information available for the public, the less room exists for
rumors and conspiracy theories. When Lee Harvey Oswald assassinated
President John Kennedy in November 1963, it turned out that the suspect had
lived in the Soviet Union for a year and spent time in custody of the Soviet
government. This could have led to rumors that the Soviets had a hand in the
assassination—a politically dangerous proposition. Realizing the danger, the
Soviet government quickly released a dossier on Oswald that suggested that
he was a psychologically unstable loner and not a Soviet agent.

INTELLIGENCE
Leaders and diplomats rely on open sources, like newspapers and blogs, but
also on intelligence sources. Intelligence is any information about the inter-
ests, intentions, capabilities, and actions of foreign countries, including gov-
ernment officials, political parties, the functioning of their economies,
activities of NGOs, or the behavior of private individuals. Intelligence can
be open and covert, electronic or human (in professional lingo, “elint” and
“humint”). Today, approximately 80 percent of intelligence information comes
from published and open sources such as blogs, press briefings, or newspaper
articles. The 2013 scandal involving former US intelligence employee Edward
Snowden not only revealed that governments had access to private communi-
cations of hundreds of millions of people but also raised important legal ques-
tions related to intelligence gathering in today’s global world.
Not all this information or intelligence influences decision-making by state
governments. First, to do so, the materials should have particular relevance for
security and foreign policy. Information about a new plant being built in Iran
might be irrelevant to foreign governments unless it is a nuclear plant. Second,
the information needs to come from a reliable source or checked against other
22 CHAPTER 1: Introducing International Relations

CASE IN POINT > Facts and Lies

Sometimes governments or indi- Union, Great Britain, and the United openly acknowledge the murders,
viduals spread deliberate lies and States. Stalin’s government re- calling the tragedy a “military
fabricate documents. By creating sorted to denial, accusing the Nazis crime.”
“fake” facts and news, political of committing the murders. The
forces hope to manipulate public Western allies of the Soviet Union, CRITICAL THINKING
opinion, gather sympathy and sup- willing to keep strategic relations We learn from history that politi-
port, justify their actions, or receive with Moscow, accepted the Soviet cians have often lied to their people
political and material gains. Con- government’s version and down- about significant international de-
sider the Katyn massacre. played reports of an international velopments. Have the incentives
In April 1940, Soviet authorities medical commission suggesting and opportunities to lie changed in
ordered the execution of more that the murders were committed today’s world? Can you think of im-
than 22,000 Polish officers after the by the Soviet secret police portant factors that may reduce a
Soviet Army had occupied a por- (Zaslavsky, 2004). During the leader’s incentive to mislead the
tion of Polish territory. The Nazis Nuremberg trials in 1945 and 1946, domestic and international com-
discovered the mass graves in 1943 the Katyn massacre was, with con- munity? Consider, among other
and began to use them as a propa- nivance of Western powers, as- things, the technological changes
ganda tool in hopes of splitting the cribed to the Nazi regime. Only in of the past ten years as well as the
anti-Nazi coalition of the Soviet 2010 did the Russian government growing influence of NGOs.

sources. There are professional intelligence organizations gathering, verifying,

and interpreting intelligence. Third, to become intelligence, the information
needs to be trusted and accepted by political leaders, who often believe they are
better judges of international relations than intelligence officials. For instance,
Joseph Stalin ignored numerous signals from Soviet intelligence about Nazi
Germany’s surprise attack on the Soviet Union on June 22, 1941.
Another big problem is the multiplicity of intelligence signals, none of
which are conclusive enough alone. In the United States, United Kingdom,
Russia, and China, several intelligence services report to different government
agencies. They may be in competition and not well coordinated. In retrospect,
many intelligence failures are, in reality, the failures of the leadership to recog-
nize foreign threats (Goodman, 2008). For instance, the U.S. government over-
looked the impending attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon
in 2001 despite intelligence signals that indicated a possible criminal use of
civilian aircrafts by foreign nationals.

SURVEYS
In surveys, groups of people answer questions on topics such as foreign policy.
In the United States, presidential approval ratings are important indicators of
popular support for U.S. foreign policy. Although public opinion does not set
foreign policy directly, it does constrain it. Presidents and other decision
makers are unlikely to go against overwhelming public opinion. To avoid an
electoral defeat, a democratic government has to generate public support for its
foreign actions and international programs (Shiraev and Sobel, 2006).
 How Do We Study It? 23

Two types of surveys are most valuable for the study of international rela-
tions: opinion polls and expert surveys. Opinion polls gather information, usually
on a national sample, about attitudes related to other countries, international
events, or their own country’s foreign policy. Expert surveys reflect profes-
sional opinions about a country, a country’s foreign policy, or an international
problem. For example, NGO Freedom House in Washington, DC, publishes
annual reports on the degree of democratic freedoms in most countries. Based
on experts’ evaluations, The Freedom in the World survey provides an annual
evaluation of the state of global freedom. These ratings determine whether a
country is later classified as Free, Partly Free, or Not Free. Transparency
International (TI) is another NGO that uses surveys. To create its Corruption
Perceptions Index, TI compiles surveys that ask international entrepreneurs
and business analysts to express their perceptions of how corrupt a country is
(see Table 1-1).
Focus groups are another survey method used intensively in foreign-policy
planning, conflict resolution, or academic research. A typical focus group
contains from seven to ten experts who discuss a particular situation and ex-
press their opinion about issues raised by the group’s moderators. They are
given the opportunity to analyze issues in an informal atmosphere, relatively
unconstrained by their government, military rank, or academic position.

EXPERIMENTAL METHODS
The study of international relations can also rely—surprising as it may sound—
on experiments. In experiments (often called laboratory experiments or simula-
tions), scholars put participants in controlled conditions as in a game. By
varying these conditions, the researchers can examine behavior and learn
about stereotypes, perceptions, and habits (Kydd, 2005). Certainly nobody
stages a small war to find out how countries would behave under extreme cir-
cumstances. Yet scholars have reconstructed “real-life” situations for decades.
One early contribution of experimental methods related to group decision-
making, such as within a government team or the president’s cabinet. It
was shown, for instance, that when people make decisions in groups, they

TABLE 1-1 Corruption Perceptions Index, 2012 (Updated January 21, 2013)
Selected Ranks and Countries
Rank Country
Top 5 (least corrupt) Denmark, Finland, New Zealand, Sweden, Singapore
20–25 Chile, Uruguay, Bahamas, France, St. Lucia
50–55 Rwanda, Georgia, Seychelles, Bahrain, Czech Republic
Bottom 5 (most corrupt) Myanmar, Sudan, Afghanistan, North Korea, Somalia
The lower the rank of a country, the less corrupt the country is perceived to be. The United States is ranked 19 on
the list.
24 CHAPTER 1: Introducing International Relations

DEBATE > THE CORRUPTION PERCEPTIONS INDEX

This index has become valuable in which can be influenced by a score WHAT’S YOUR VIEW?
international business and political of factors possibly unrelated to cor- What other subjective factors
decisions. Private companies and ruption. A traveling diplomat may might influence perceptions of
governments often consider it in give a country a low score partly be- other countries?
their decisions about international cause luggage was mishandled at a
investments, loans, and agreements. local airport, for example, or a busi-
We shouldn’t forget, however, that nessperson making a substantial Go online to see the
this index has its biases. It is based profit in another country may over- most recent Corruption
mainly on experts’ perceptions, look serious corruption. Perceptions Index.

often become less critical to proposals initiated by the leader. This phenome-
non is groupthink—the tendency of groups to make rushed or illogical deci-
sions because of a false sense of unity and support for the leader (Janis and
Mann, 1977).
Most experiments study conflict analysis and resolution. Participants play
different roles and represent conflicting sides, such as Israeli and Palestinian
authorities or the leaders of Iran, Syria, and the United States.

Analyzing Information
Facts, even the most comprehensive and accurate ones, have to be summarized
and explained. Theory is a powerful tool in the studies of international rela-
tions. Theory allows analysts and decision makers to transform a formless
heap of numbers and files into a logical construction. Theories can then be
applied to evaluate specific situations and decision-making.

THE IMPORTANCE OF THEORY AND ITS APPLICATIONS

Knowledge of international affairs takes more than observation. Analysis is the
breaking of something complex into smaller parts to understand their essential
features and relations. This is difficult enough, but even more is needed. If poli-
ticians and diplomats did only analysis, they would remain hopelessly con-
fused by the multitude of facts and events. Which are more important than
others? Which deserve immediate action—and what kind? To answer these and
other questions, decision makers have to look at the facts in light of broader
ideas about how international relations works. The ancient Greeks called this
knowledge “from above” theory (θεωρι′α). Theorizing about international rela-
tions requires both strong empirical knowledge and a measure of imagination.
Many foreign-policy debates ultimately rest on competing theoretical
visions. The dominant theories in the last half a century were realism and
liberalism. Most recently, a theory of constructivism began to win support
among those who study international relations. There are other alternative
theoretical approaches, including Marxism, postcolonial studies, and femi-
nism (Walt, 2005a). Different theories present different rules for the analysis
 How Do We Study It? 25

of international relations. It is becoming increasingly common these days to

take into consideration several theoretical perspectives. In Chapters 2 and 3 we
consider main theories describing international relations, their commonali-
ties, and their differences.

Critical Thinking in International Relations

Critical thinking is an active and systematic strategy for understanding inter-
national relations on the basis of sound reasoning and evidence (Levy, 2009).
It is not simply criticizing, disapproving, and passing skeptical judgments on
your government or international developments. It is a set of skills that you
can master. It is a process of inquiry, based on the important virtues of curiosity,
doubt, and intellectual honesty. Curiosity helps you “dig below the surface,” to
distinguish facts from opinions. Doubt keeps us from being satisfied with
overly simple explanations. And intellectual honesty helps in recognizing and
addressing bias in our own opinions.

DISTINGUISHING FACTS FROM OPINIONS

Scientific knowledge is the systematic observation, measurement, and evalua-
tion of facts. This knowledge is rooted in procedures designed to provide reli-
able and verifiable evidence. The study of international relations is not a “hard
science.” The behavior of states, NGOs, and international organizations is dif-
ficult to describe in terms of mathematical formulas and controlled experi-
ments. We still, however, can learn to separate facts from opinions. Facts are
verifiable events and developments. Opinions are speculations or intuitions
about how and why such developments may have taken place.
One of the most dramatic episodes in international relations was the
Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962. The U.S. representative to the United Nations,
Adlai Stevenson, presented photographs of Soviet nuclear missiles in Cuba
taken by an American spy plane. Stevenson presented facts: The Soviet missiles
had been placed on the island a few weeks earlier. Years later, in 2003, U.S.
Secretary of State Colin Powell similarly sought to persuade a skeptical United
Nations to authorize the American invasion of Iraq. He presented pictures of
Iraqi facilities that allegedly produced WMD. However, these facilities have not
been found, and most experts today are certain that the U.S. administration
did not have evidence of factories producing nuclear weapons in Iraq. At best,
it acted on convictions and lacked the facts.
Distinguishing facts and opinions is complicated. Some facts are deliber-
ately hidden or distorted by state authorities or interest groups. Other facts are
in dispute. For example, Armenia and Turkey for many years now remain in
disagreement on the nature and scale of the mass death of Armenians at the
hands of Turks in 1915. The Armenian position is that the Turkish state or-
chestrated the killings and that 1.5 million died. Turkey insists that the deaths
were war casualties and the numbers were much smaller. The disagreements
about the facts caused many years of tensions between Armenia and Turkey
(Akçam, 2007).
Anyone seeking information on the Internet must be especially cautious:
Many seemingly reliable sites are full of speculations and statements presented
26 CHAPTER 1: Introducing International Relations

One of the slides that

U.S. Secretary of State
Colin Powell displayed
during his presentation
to the UN Security
Council in New York in
2003. U.S. authorities
mistakenly believed
these Iraqi facilities
were associated with
biological or chemical
weapons.

as “facts.” In reality, they are just unverified opinions. Even more often, facts
are presented in a selective, one-sided way. People tend to embrace the facts that
they like and events they approve of but ignore information that appears to
challenge their views. A passionate supporter of democracy may argue in a
blog that democracy always brings stability and peace. However, this person
could easily overlook facts showing that a transition to democracy, especially
in the countries with a history of ethnic and religious hostility, could contrib-
ute to even greater violence. Several powerful cases in point are Iraq,
Afghanistan, Libya, and Egypt, and we will look at each of them in the course
of this book.
Our desire to be objective is often constrained by the limits of language.
Because people use language to communicate, they frequently “frame” facts,
or put them into a convenient scheme. Most articles we read are framed so that
contradictory and confusing information becomes simple. Often facts that
challenge the article’s view are omitted. Framing in the mass media works with
remarkable effectiveness despite an often partial and imbalanced selection of
facts (Graber, 2005; Ward, 1999).
We also attach convenient verbal labels to the subjects we discuss. Labels
such as hawks, warmongers, aggressors, victims, doves, defeatists, hardliners, and
softies, to name just a few, frequently appear in the media. How accurately do
these describe specific behaviors and particular events? International relations
provides many examples showing that decision makers, like most people,
often assume things when it is convenient to do so.
 How Do We Study It? 27

Separating facts from opinions should help you navigate the sea of infor-
mation related to world events. It can start with looking for new and more reli-
able sources of facts. Whenever possible, try to establish as many facts as
possible related to the issue you are studying. Check your sources for their reli-
ability. Some supposed facts may also be more plausible on the surface than
others. If there is a disagreement about the facts, try to find out why the differ-
ences exist. What are the interests and motivations behind these differences?
The more facts you obtain, the more accurate your analysis will be.

LOOKING FOR MULTIPLE CAUSES

Virtually any international event has many underlying reasons or causes. As
critical thinkers studying international relations, we need to consider a wide
range of possible influences and factors, all of which could be involved to vary-
ing degrees in the shaping of international events.
Look, as an example, at the global decline in fertility rates—the average
number of children a woman has. Why is this decline taking place? Is it just a
reflection of increasing living standards in countries like India? Or are women
in countries like Turkey gaining more power within the family to decide how
many children they have? Why does China still restrict the number of children
a family may have? An answer should look for the many factors influencing
fertility rates, including cultural practices, economic development, education,
and government policies. (We will return to this topic in Chapters 6 and 9.)
As another example of multiple causes, many Americans tend to explain the
collapse of Communism in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union by Ronald
Reagan’s unrelenting military and economic pressure. Although this pressure was
real, the Soviet Union’s demise was caused by several intertwining factors, includ-
ing disillusionment with Communist ideology, a growing economic and financial
crisis, and the disastrous domestic policies of Soviet leadership. (See Figure 1.4.)

BEING AWARE OF BIAS

We have to keep in mind that our opinions, as well as the opinions of people
around us, may be inaccurate. Every interpretation of the facts is made from
someone’s point of view. And people tend to avoid information that challenges
their assumptions and gravitate to information that supports their views
(Graber, 2005). Nobel Prize–winning studies show that people tend to bring
emotional biases to simple logical procedures (Kahneman and Tversky, 1972).

Cause 1 Outcome 1

Cause 2 An event or a series of events Outcome 2

Cause 3 Outcome 3

Other Other FIGURE 1-4 Multiple

causes outcomes causes and outcomes of
events.
28 CHAPTER 1: Introducing International Relations

When it comes to international relations, it is easy to support leaders we like

and to oppose the policies of those we dislike. Our personal attachments, in-
terests, preferences, and values have a tremendous impact on the facts we
gather and judgments we make about international events. Ask your professor
which periodical she or he reads the most. Opinion polls show that people’s
party affiliation is correlated with their choice of certain news sources (Pew
Research Center, 2010). A professor who likes The New York Times more than
any other publication is likely to have a more liberal view of politics than one
who prefers The Wall Street Journal and does not like to read other papers. A
professor who enjoys reading The Economist is likely to emphasize the benefits
of capitalism and free trade. Another professor, one who subscribes to the
British newspaper The Guardian but does not like The Economist, is likely to
have a more critical view of the benefits of market-based international eco-
nomic policies. Would you agree with these assumptions?
Bias is often caused by different experiences and life circumstances. Personal
emotions can deepen misunderstandings and disagreements, by causing us to
refuse to learn new facts and accept new information. Parochialism, a world-
view limited to the small piece of land on which we live, necessarily narrows the
experiences we can have. It is a powerful roadblock in the study and practice of
international relations.
An emphasis on critical thinking will help you, as a student of interna-
tional relations. You will learn to retrieve verifiable knowledge from appar-
ently endless fountains of information, from media reports to statistical data
banks. You will also learn to be an informed skeptic and decision maker.

CHECK YOUR What is the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA)?

KNOWLEDGE Explain the method of content analysis.
Briefly describe the three rules of critical thinking described in the chapter.

How Do We Apply It?

Theory alone is not enough: It must be applied and tested. In each later chap-
ter, we will look at how we study the major issues in international relations,
from war and terrorism to the environment and human rights. We want you to
gain confidence as you learn to connect theory to practice. That way, you can
think critically about the past and future—and to become an informed deci-
sion maker. Of course, we will also discover how complex and tricky it is to
apply theories to infinitely rich realities. Each development—whether it is a
declaration of war or the signing of a peace treaty—has its own chain of deci-
sions by numerous actors. And theories may bring different conclusions as we
apply them to different contexts. In this book we consistently apply theories to
three contexts: decisions by individual actors, behavior of states, and the dy-
namics of a global system of international relations. Sometimes scholars prefer
to speak about separated “level of analysis.” Levels mean a hierarchy of grow-
ing importance and abstraction. We turn to contexts instead because they con-
stantly interact. We treat each context with equal respect and leave it for you to
 How Do We Apply It? 29

decide when one is more important and relevant than the other or whether all
of them are inseparable. Now let’s consider each briefly in turn.

The Individual Context

Focusing on the role of political leaders and studying their decisions is a re-
warding tool for the study of international relations. Each decision maker is a
unique individual with a personal history, preferences, fears, prejudices, and
idiosyncrasies. Some are indecisive. Others can be impatient and reckless. Still
others come to the office with an agenda that they are reluctant to change
despite the objections of their advisers (Logevall, 1999; Beschloss, 2007).
In January 1950, thirty-eight-year-old Kim Il Sung, the ambitious and na-
tionalistic communist leader of North Korea, successfully lobbied Joseph
Stalin into supporting his attack on South Korea. The Soviet and American
military had divided Korea in 1945 during joint military actions against Japan.
Such a division was seen as a matter of military and political convenience.
Kim, with Stalin’s help, decided to change this situation. Newly declassified
sources from Soviet archives reveal that Stalin’s decision to support Kim trig-
gered the Korean War. At the same time, the road to war cannot be imagined
without Kim’s energetic and, as it turned out, misguided promises to win in a
few weeks. Contrary to the expectations of Stalin and Kim, the United States
immediately declared war on North Korea and obtained a U.N. resolution in
support of U.S.-led international military action. For the Korean Communists,
the war looked completely lost; but in October 1950 the leader of the Chinese
Communist Party, Mao Zedong, decided under pressure from Stalin, but also
acting on his own convictions, to help Kim Il Sung. Mao sent hundreds of
thousands of troops to Korea, bringing the United States and China to the
brink of a larger war. Fortunately, the U.S. Administration did not declare war
on China and refrained from using nuclear weapons in the Korean conflict.
Leaders rarely make decisions single-handedly. Usually, decisions are the
outcome of complex domestic struggles, bargaining, coalition building, and
compromises. Let’s turn next, then, to the state context.

The State Context

As an old expression has it, foreign policy begins at home. Domestic political,
economic, and social factors all play a significant role (Putnam, 1988). Domestic
issues influence the daily interactions of governments, NGOs, and interna-
tional institutions. In democracies, policies are more transparent than in au-
thoritarian states. People in democratic countries, NGOs, and media have more
influence on foreign-policy decisions. However, they may also dislike when
their leaders focus mostly on foreign policy and neglect domestic issues.
In July 1945, British Prime Minister Churchill came to an international
conference in Berlin to negotiate with Stalin and President Truman. However,
he had to leave the conference in just a few days because his Conservative party
had lost elections to the rival Labor party. The leader who had led the country
successfully through World War II could not get enough votes to keep his politi-
cal power because of a range of domestic problems. Conversely, international
developments can influence domestic ratings of political leaders. During most
military campaigns abroad—especially if they are short and successful—the
30 CHAPTER 1: Introducing International Relations

approval ratings of U.S. presidents go up. However, if casualties continue to

mount among American troops, national surveys show that public support
declines little by little, and the rating of the president goes down accordingly
(Holsti, 2004). Often in this book, we will see how foreign-policy actions are
designed, in part, for domestic purposes—to satisfy the voter.
Powerful domestic lobbies also play an important role in foreign policy. In
the United States, lobbies represent lawyers, unionized workers, farmers, oil
companies, and many other groups. There are also lobbies pushing for certain
policies related to specific countries. Mass media—including newspapers, tele-
vision, radio, and the Web—are also influential promoters or opponents of
foreign policies. In some nondemocratic countries, powerful ethnic clans and
religious authorities can play a vital role in foreign relations as well. In Iran
today, an assortment of religious authorities (called ayatollahs) and govern-
ment bureaucrats make calls on most foreign affairs issues. In China, the presi-
dent, vice-president, and foreign minister are officially responsible for foreign
policy. In reality, all important decisions regarding foreign policy and security
are made by the Politburo Standing Committee of the Communist Party of
China—a group of five to nine people, usually all men.
Important domestic factors affect international business and trade. Many
of these factors are rooted in cultural and social norms. In China, international
businesses often rely on guanxi, or “connections,” and they have done so since
the country opened its doors to foreign entrepreneurs in the 1980s. It is com-
monly understood that one should meet, based on the recommendations of
Chinese counterparts, with selected government officials, receive the necessary
permissions from local authorities, and make informal contacts with others to
ensure that agreements or contracts are actually followed through. Although
corruption should not be tolerated, many insist, the importance of local con-
nections must be acknowledged and taken into consideration in politics as well

Ayatollah Ahmad Jannati,

leader of the Guardian
Council, delivers a prayer
sermon at the Tehran
University campus
in 2011. This Council
consists of the highest-
ranking religious and
political authorities in
Iran; it runs Iran’s foreign
policy together with the
Supreme Leader.
 How Do We Apply It? 31

as business. Others reply that guanxi is simply corruption disguised as cultural

norms. Which view would you support? Could both be accurate?

The Global Context

Individual decisions by state leaders and domestic political factors influence
foreign policy and international relations. But it takes a global context to un-
derstand how international relations really work.
Two opposing tendencies are present in today’s international develop-
ments. Globalization refers to the growing irrelevance of state borders, the
importance of international exchanges of good and ideas, and increased open-
ness to innovation. It is a major shift in politics, communications, trade, and
the economy at large. Cellular phones designed in Finland and manufactured
in China now ring in African towns and villages. Millions of people have jobs
and bring home a stable income because factories create products for sale in
other countries. Communications, travel, and international commerce have
eliminated many political, legal, ideological, and cultural barriers. Optimists
believe that the world is abandoning old prejudices. It is becoming more
dynamic, flexible, and tolerant than ever before (Bhagwati, 2004).
There is, however, resistance. Antiglobalization is a complex international,
political, and cultural movement that sees globalization as aggravating old
problems and creating new ones. One of the most obvious problems is the grow-
ing contrast between wealthy and poor regions—often labeled the global North
and South. Advocates of antiglobalization offer a variety of responses, ranging
from a more active role for the state in economic affairs to religious fundamen-
talism. Some believe that resisting globalization is the only way to oppose pow-
erful international monopolies and corrupt governments. Others are afraid of
losing their jobs to other countries, where pay is far lower. The global market
may sound appealing, but not in the homes of the unemployed (Held, 2007).
Studying international relations requires understanding the interaction of
multiple factors, players, conditions, and contexts. Although events may
appear chaotic, they can nonetheless be understood. Armed with the facts
about what we study, the theories we use, and the contexts, we can recognize
trends and avoid biased judgments. You will find exactly that as a consistent
framework in each chapter. (See Figure 1.5.)

Individual
context

Facts and theories Assessments

State
of international Evaluation and policy
context
relations recommendations

Global FIGURE 1-5 Analysis of

context international relations in
three contexts.
32 CHAPTER 1: Introducing International Relations

Past, Present, and Future:

Can Democracy Be Exported?
During a class discussion, we asked, “Can democracy be exported from one coun-
try to another?” Several students immediately said no. The United States, they
reasoned, was trying to use military force to build democratic states in Afghanistan
and Iraq. Washington committed significant human and material resources to
achieve this goal. However, the students continued, this foreign policy experiment
failed. They mentioned the casualties, the continuing political instability, and the
violence that these countries have to face as a result of foreign occupation.
Other students disagreed. They turned to the examples of Japan and Germany
more than sixty years ago. The governments of these two countries—both mili-
tary dictatorships and both sworn enemies of the United States—had lost World
War II, and the occupying powers established new political systems. Eventually,
after years of transition, Japan and Germany became prosperous democracies
and Washington’s allies. In fact, a military occupation resulted in a peaceful dem-
ocratic transition. “Democracy can be exported,” the students concluded.
Whose arguments were more compelling? The discussion led to new ques-
tions as well:

• Why was democracy successful in Germany and Japan, and why is it fail-
ing in Afghanistan and Iraq?
• What is the difference between the international situation and conditions
in Germany and Japan in the 1940s and in Afghanistan and Iraq today?
• How can foreign policy of the United States favor or hinder the “export of
democracy”?

To address these questions, we decided to review some basic facts from the
past and then critically compare them with more recent developments. Our as-
sessments and predictions will help us in making more informed judgment
about democracy, military conflicts, international conditions, and the future
of foreign policy.
Japan lost more than three million people in the war and almost a quarter
of its economy. Germany lost more than eight million people. In both coun-
tries, people were devastated by years of war. The threats of unemployment,
lawlessness, and hunger were real.
In 1945, German and Japan officially capitulated. In May, the United States,
Great Britain, France, and the Soviet Union occupied the entire territory of
Germany. In September, the United States occupied Japan. From the beginning,
the strategy was to eliminate both occupied countries’ war potential and turn
them into democracies. War criminals were arrested, tried, and prosecuted. No
organized political opposition to the occupation emerged. New labor unions
began to function along with new political parties. Universal voting rights were
granted and parliamentary elections took place. Courts began to adjudicate.
Market economies grew. Washington drafted the first Japanese constitution, en-
acted in 1947. The Federal Republic of Germany, a new democratic state, was
created in 1949. Germans and Japanese were unhappy about the military occu-
pation of their countries, but they still saw it as legitimate (Dower, 2000).
 Past, Present, and Future: Can Democracy Be Exported? 33

Unlike Germany and Japan, Iraq and Afghanistan did not fight in a major war
against the United States and its allies (as we will see further in Chapter 7). Neither
country signed a capitulation agreement. Most people in Iraq and Afghanistan
saw the U.S military presence as illegitimate. It was commonly perceived as part
of a Western strategy directed at Islamic countries. Almost immediately, too, an
organized armed opposition to foreign occupation emerged.
Also in contrast to Japan and Germany in the 1940s, Iraq and Afghanistan
are culturally diverse communities with multiple ethnic, tribal, and religious
groups. In Japan and Germany, too, the foreign occupational force successfully
imposed its authority in provinces. In Iraq, and particularly Afghanistan, local
warlords, not the central government, established their power in many places
(Crawford and Miscik, 2010).
What, in summary, were the differences between the occupations of
Germany and Japan, on one hand, and the occupations of Iraq and Afghanistan
on the other? What were the differences in the U.S.’s policies in these cases?

LEGACY OF ETHNIC AND RELIGIOUS RIVALRY

A country’s composition and a history of rivalry among ethnic and religious
groups have a serious impact on the central government’s ability to establish au-
thority and to govern. Where such rivalry is absent or insignificant, democratic
reforms may succeed, as in Japan and Germany. In places ridden by conflict,
democracy begins to look more like anarchy.

HISTORY OF MODERN INSTITUTIONS AND DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE

In the twentieth century, before the war, both Germany and Japan had experi-
ence with modern bureaucratic and civil institutions and (in Germany’s case)

A small store adver-

tises its wedding video
services in the old city
of Kabul, Afghanistan,
in 2013. Despite years of
occupation and interna-
tional efforts, economic
recovery in Afghanistan
is slow, and democratic
institutions are extremely
weak.
34 CHAPTER 1: Introducing International Relations

a constitutional democracy. Afghanistan and Iraq had very little experience

with modern institutions, not to mention democratic governance.
GEOGRAPHY AND TERRITORY
Political reforms require an authority (either foreign or domestic) that can
manage a country. Good roads and efficient communications make a country
better connected and manageable. In Germany and Japan, the occupational
forces effectively controlled the territory. It was more difficult in Iraq, and
Afghanistan, because these countries are a combination of mountains and des-
erts, one of the most difficult terrains on the Earth.
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
Before the occupation, Germany already was the most industrialized country
in Europe, with advanced education and science. Japan held the same distinc-
tion in Asia. Both countries had educated professional classes. The United
States helped German and Japanese exports and pulled these countries’ econo-
mies into the U.S.-led international trade system. Iraq and especially
Afghanistan didn’t have advanced economies and sizable professional classes.
Iraqi oil can stimulate this country’s economy. Afghanistan, however, does not
have easily available natural resources.
POLITICAL MOBILIZATION DURING OCCUPATION
In Germany and Japan, there were no significant forces capable of or willing to
organize an armed resistance against the occupying powers. In fact, political
groups, which collaborated with the occupation authorities, mobilized people
to accept change and to build democratic institutions. In Afghanistan and Iraq,
opposition to the occupation—despite infighting—worked to dismantle dem-
ocratic reforms.
LEGITIMACY OF OCCUPATION
Any foreign occupation may be viewed as illegitimate. A long occupation fur-
ther erodes the legitimacy of local authorities. In Germany and Japan, the
United States was using the perceived threat of the Soviet Union to prolong the
occupation. In Iraq and Afghanistan, there was no such a significant foreign
threat. The population in these countries commonly viewed the democratic
governments in Baghdad and Kabul as “American puppets.”
INTERNATIONAL SUPPORT
Both occupation and institution building require lasting domestic and interna-
tional support. In the 1940s, the vast majority of Americans, according to
Gallup polls, supported the war and occupation of Japan and Germany. They
gave their troops full support at home. American allies, such as Great Britain,
France, and South Korea, welcomed for their own reasons the presence of the
American forces in Germany and Japan. In contrast, the engagements in
Afghanistan and particularly Iraq divided the nation. And the occupations of
Iraq and Afghanistan created divisions among U.S. allies and caused signifi-
cant criticism globally. (See Table 1-2.)
We have briefly compared the conditions in four countries and linked them
to the ability to conduct democratic reforms while under military occupation.
 Conclusion 35

TABLE 1-2 Building Democracy Under Occupation: The Cases of Four Countries
Developments Japan Germany Afghanistan Iraq
Declaration of War Declared Declared Not Not
by the United States
Military Occupation By the United States By the United States By the United States By the United States
and allies and allies and allies
Ethnic Composition Relatively Relatively Ethnically and Ethnically and
of the Occupied homogeneous homogeneous religiously diverse religiously diverse
Countries
Infrastructure of the Relatively Developed Almost absent; Underdeveloped;
Occupied Territory developed difficult to difficult to
administer administer
Perception of Perceived as a result Perceived as a result Perceived as a Perceived as a
Foreign Occupation of their own military of their own military foreign aggression foreign aggression
defeat defeat and invasion and invasion
Experience with Modest experience Experience before Almost absent Almost absent
Democracy before the 1930s 1933
Economic Factors Developed Developed Underdeveloped Underdeveloped
economy economy economy economy
Accountability of High High Low Low
New Officials
Political None None Significant and Significant and
Mobilization persistent persistent
Against the
Occupation
Foreign Support of Strong Strong Mixed Mixed
the Occupation

As you can see, we have found ourselves drawing on history, political science,
economics, sociology, and other disciplines as well. You may add your own as-
sessments and bring new facts. You may even disagree with some points we
have presented. What’s your view?

CONCLUSION
It is possible to live in peace, Gandhi believed. But that situations? How can we apply those views to solve
possibility is not yet a reality. We need to find the real-life problems and to build peace? We invite
inner logic in the kaleidoscope of decisions, mis- you to join us in considering such questions across
takes, and success stories in today’s tightly time, borders, and disciplines. You will not be just
interconnected world. Do we need theory to un- a passive reader, we hope, but an active explorer.
derstand international relations? Which theoreti- The better you understand the world today, the
cal visions are most helpful today, and in which better you will be able to navigate it in the future.
36 CHAPTER 1: Introducing International Relations

CHAPTER SUMMARY
• International relations (IR) studies the many player on the field of IR is international
interactions among states as well as the ac- organizations.
tivities of nonstate organizations. • Understanding IR will provide you with an-
• IR includes international politics, or the study alytical tools and confidence in explaining
of how states protect their interests. Interna- and addressing the most significant prob-
tional political economy, the study of the lems facing the world today and tomorrow.
complex interactions of economics and poli- Among these problems are the possibility of
tics, is another important topic. International nuclear devastation, regional and global in-
law studies formal rules and regulations con- stability, environmental problems, poverty,
cerning interactions among states, institu- and violations of human rights. The study of
tions, and organizations involved in IR. IR does not focus exclusively on threats and
• State sovereignty is a central concept in the problems. Two of the reasons we study this
study of IR. A state is a governed entity with subject are to give an informed opinion and
a settled population occupying a permanent to build policies that will help the world to
area. Sovereignty generally refers to the inde- become a stable, healthy, and prosperous
pendent authority over a territory. place.
• State governments conduct foreign policy— • Part of the study of IR is informational: It
actions involving official decisions and com- gathers and describes facts, events, and de-
munications, public and secret, with other velopments. A second part is interpretive: It
state governments, nongovernmental organi- analyzes facts and explains why events take
zations (NGOs), corporations, and interna- place based on a theory.
tional institutions. Diplomacy, in general • It is important to study facts of IR within at
terms, is the practice of managing IR by least three contexts. The first is individual
means of negotiations. decisions or contexts. Next, almost every
• A growing set of nongovernmental actors step taken by a state or an NGO can be
plays an increasingly important role in viewed from the standpoint of state policies.
foreign policy of many countries. Besides Finally, facts and theories can be viewed in
sovereign states and NGOs, the third major the context of global developments.

KEY TERMS
Analysis 24 Intergovernmental Nuclear proliferation 14
Antiglobalization 31 organizations (IGOs) 10 Parochialism 28
Content analysis 20 Internal affairs 8 Separatism 9
Critical thinking 25 International law 3 Sovereignty 8
Experiment 24 International political State government 9
Eyewitness accounts 19 economy 3 Survey 22
Focus group 23 International politics 3 Theory 24
Foreign policy 9 International relations 2 Weapons of mass destruction
Globalization 31 Nation 8 (WMD) 14
Intelligence 21 Nongovernment organizations
(NGOs) 11
Visual Review INTRODUCING INTERNATIONAL
RELATIONS
1. What do we study,
y, and why?
y

KEY CONCEPTS KEY ACTORS GLOBAL ISSUES

• Security • State governments • Instability, violence, and war
• International political • IGOs as associations of several • Nuclear proliferation
economy states
• Environmental problems
• International law • NGOs as public or private
• Poverty
interest groups
• Sovereignty, nations, and
• Human rights violations
states
• Economic challenges

2. How do we study
y it?

GATHERING INFORMATION ANALYZING INFORMATION

• Open sources such as reports, speeches, and • Theories present different rules for the analysis of
statements international relations
• Intelligence • Theories must be applied, connected to practice
• Surveys • Facts can be considered within three contexts:
individual, state, and global
• Experiments
• Opinions are not necessarily facts
• Most events have multiple causes
• Bias may distort information

3. How do we apply it?

THE INDIVIDUAL CONTEXT THE STATE CONTEXT THE GLOBAL CONTEXT

Focuses on the role of political Focuses on the role of domestic • Globalization: The growing
leaders and their decisions political, economic, and social irrelevance of state borders,
factors the growing importance of
international exchanges of
goods and ideas, and increased
openness to innovation
• Antiglobalization

• Why do domestic politics matter in foreign policy decision-making?

Critical • Can a state not be sovereign? When might this happen?
Thinking •
•
What explains the increased role of NGOs today?
Why are experimental methods useful in IR? What are some limitations?
• When and how can government intelligence information be biased?
 CHAPTER

2
CHAPTER OUTLINE
What Do We Study? 40
> Realism: Main Principles 41
> Liberalism: Main Principles 46
Debate Can Realism Be Ethical? 46
Debate When Should Liberals
Go to War? 50
Case in Point Diplomatic Efforts in an
India-Pakistan Conflict 51
How Do We Think About It? 53
> Examining Realpolitik 53
> Examining Liberal Policies 56
Case in Point The North Atlantic Treaty
Organization (NATO) 57
> Comparing Realism and Liberalism 60
How Do We Apply It? 62
> Applying Realism: Critical
Evaluations 62
Debate Individual Leaders and Their
Foreign Policy 63
> Applying Liberalism: Critical
Evaluations 66
Case in Point U.S. Public Opinion and
the Use of Force Abroad 67
Past, Present, and Future:
The European Union 72

CONCLUSION 74

CHAPTER SUMMARY 75

KEY TERMS 76

VISUAL REVIEW 77

The Berlin Wall, built in 1961

by East Germany with Soviet
assistance, became a dramatic
symbol of communism. The
Wall fell in 1989, a ripple effect
of Mikhail Gorbachev’s “new
thinking.” This spectacular event
demonstrates the importance of
ideas in changing international
relations.
Realism and Liberalism
The sad duty of politics is to establish justice in a sinful world.
—REINHOLD NIEBUHR (1934)
To be one, to be united is a great thing. But to respect the right to be different is
maybe even greater.
—P. D. HEWSON (BONO), LEAD SINGER OF THE IRISH BAND U2

I
N 1987–90, THE SOVIET UNION, UNDER THE LEADERSHIP OF
MIKHAIL GORBACHEV, DRAMATICALLY CHANGED ITS INTER-
NATIONAL BEHAVIOR. PREVIOUSLY, THIS COUNTRY ACTED AS
a military superpower and the United States’ rival, zealously protect-
ing its domination in Eastern Europe and its motley collection of allies
around the world. Suddenly, the Soviet Union initiated policies that, one
by one, led to the end of the Cold War and the beginning of cooperation
with the United States on a number of vital international issues. Gor-
bachev argued that to achieve global security and peace, world leaders
should change their thinking. First, they must reject the arms race and
the use of force in foreign policy. Second, they must put aside ideologi-
cal differences in the name of nonviolence and cooperation. And third,
they must build a new international community. As he said a year later,
from the podium at the General Assembly of the United Nations, states
must “search for a consensus of all mankind.” The Soviet leader, to every-
one’s surprise, acted on his words. He refused to use violence in Eastern
Europe, where Communism collapsed in 1989, and he agreed to the
reunification of Germany and its membership in NATO.
Decades have passed since then. The Soviet Union is no longer on
the map. Yet has the world embraced those universal principles of coop-
eration that Gorbachev described so passionately? Just watch today’s
headlines and you can easily say that we are very far from a cooperative,
nonviolent world. So was Gorbachev idealistic and naïve? Why didn’t
the world embrace his vision of peace? And if the Soviet Union was able
39
40 CHAPTER 2: Realism and Liberalism

to alter its confrontational behavior so dramatically, can we expect that

other countries may do the same?
Understanding any country’s behavior is a challenge. It takes much
more than casual observation of international politics. For starters, one
should begin with analysis—that is, the breaking of something complex
into smaller parts to understand their essential features and relations.
This is difficult enough, but even more than analysis is needed. There
are simply too many facts, events, and dissimilar opinions about them.
Which are more important than others? Which deserve immediate
action—and what kind? To answer these and other questions, decision
makers have to look at the facts in light of broader patterns of how inter-
national relations works. We need to not only think but theorize about
international relations. Doing so requires both strong empirical knowl-
edge and a measure of imagination.

Learning After reading this chapter, you should be able to:

describe the key principles of realism and liberalism and explain
Objectives how these principles evolved over time;
discuss the concept of power in international relations;
explain the meaning of states’ interests, balance of power, and
polarity;
explain why and how liberalism dismisses the principles of power
politics;
distinguish different approaches and traditions within realism
and liberalism;
interpret realpolitik as a key application of realism; and
critically apply realism and liberalism within three contexts of
international relations: individual decisions, specific policies of
states, and global developments.

What Do We Study?
Debates about international relations ultimately rest on competing theoretical
approaches. Different theories present different rules for the analysis of inter-
national relations and provide different explanations. For instance, some ex-
perts believe that Gorbachev was mistaken in his rhetoric and policies of
 What Do We Study? 41

1987–1990: Violence has always been part of human civilization and the use
of force in international relations is inevitable. The same skeptics maintain
that an international community of equals is simply unrealistic because stron-
ger states will always dominate the weaker ones. Others argue that it is ex-
tremely difficult—but not impossible—to reach a consensus about how to
build a peaceful and prosperous world.
It is becoming increasingly common in the studies of international rela-
tions to consider several theoretical perspectives together. They are compared,
then applied and tested. We will try to implement this method in the following
chapters. We want you to gain confidence as you learn all these theories, com-
pare them, and connect them to practice. That way, you can think critically
about the past and future—and to become an informed decision maker. You
will discover how complex and tricky it is to apply theories to infinitely rich
realities of today’s world. Each development—whether it is a declaration of war
or the signing of a peace treaty—has its own chain of decisions by numerous
actors.
Let’s now consider the two most significant approaches to international
relations: realism and liberalism.

Realism: Main Principles

Realism is an approach to international relations that focuses on state power,
security, and interests. According to realism, only “states” (sovereign countries)
can be players in international relations. They defend their interests, protect
their resources, create alliances, react to outside threats, and impose their
will on others (Walt, 1987). Their ability to do so is called power. Across his-
tory, state interests change and expand, and power takes on different forms:
military, economic, political, and other.

POWER
Power in international relations is the ability of a state to defend itself, guard
its interests, and impose its will on other states. But what gives a state this
ability? Is it simply weapons or something less tangible, like fear? The earliest
embodiments of power were sharpened stones and fire, but also totems and
symbols. Since ancient history, military force, economic-financial wealth, as
well as religion, were important forms of power.
In the twentieth century, power was calculated: The numbers included
men and women in reserve, tons of steel produced, battleships, submarines,
tanks, aircrafts, and the stockpiles of nuclear warheads and missiles, as well as
quality of railroads and access to seaports. The economic competition between
the capitalist and Communist systems brought forth the importance of gross
domestic product (GDP), or the value of all goods and services produced
within the borders of a state. During the Cold War, as we saw in Chapter 1, the
West demonstrated statistically its growing strength in economic and financial
power.
Some aspects of power cannot be calculated. Ideology can be as important
as religion. For instance, during the Cold War the American ideology of free-
dom and capitalism proved often to be more attractive than Communist
42 CHAPTER 2: Realism and Liberalism

ideology. This added to the power of the West over the Soviet Union and its
allies (Jarausch, 2008). We will learn more about these forms of power later in
this chapter.

ANARCHY AND POWER DISTRIBUTION

According to realists, states try to build order in the situation of anarchy.
Anarchy does not mean chaos and confusion. It is the lack of any executive
power above individual states capable of regulating their behavior. Anarchy
remains a basic condition of international affairs, no matter how many inter-
national agreements are signed and rules sanctioned. No order can last forever.
Great powers rise and fall. There are status quo states that seek to keep what
they already possess. There are also revisionist states seeking to expand their
power and to change (or revise) an existing international order (Schweller,
1997). Living with anarchy does not mean that politicians and diplomats
should not reach agreements, strive for peace, and create international rules.
This means, according to realists, that the real choice is between imperfect in-
ternational relations and something much worse (Jackson, 2005).
Hans Morgenthau ([1948] 2006), the scholar who first formulated princi-
ples of realism, argued that because of anarchy, states usually rely on their own
power, and each state tries to maximize its power, acting sometimes as aggres-
sive and greedy individuals. Political conflict is the essence of international
relations mainly because it is rooted in human nature (Rynning and Ringsmose,
2008). States, however, cannot be equal, because their powers are not equal.
Countries differ in size, geographical position, and economic and military
strength. There are great powers, smaller powers, and the rest. Great powers
have more choices than weaker ones. Their economic and political interests
extend around the world. They can offer protection to weaker ones in exchange
for political and economic concessions. Weaker states may accept this protec-
tion or seek other options at their own risk. Their interests are limited and
mostly local (Donnelly, 2009).
International relations therefore depends on power distribution. When a
state has enough power to impose its will on its neighbors, this situation is
called hegemony. Various empires in the past, from ancient Rome to Great
Britain in the nineteenth century, enjoyed such power. Power distribution,
however, can change relatively fast, sometimes during one or two decades. The
reasons include other states’ resistance, the erosion of political will among
political leaders, the end of imperial ideology, and the exhaustion of economic
resources—the conditions together known as imperial overreach. The United
Kingdom, France, Germany, and the former Soviet Union experienced this
process during the past century: They either had to scale down or collapsed
completely.

INTERNATIONAL ORDER AND BALANCING

International order emerges out of anarchy because states check and balance
each other according to the existing distribution of power. As states gain or
lose power, they alter the international order. According to the realist approach,
the design of such international order is determined by power distribution
 What Do We Study? 43

The Congress of Berlin,

by Anton von Werner.
This 1878 meeting led
by German Chancellor
Otto Von Bismarck
marked the peak of an
international system
based on a balance of
power among several
of the most influential
European states.

among states. We will study three designs, according to power distribution:

unipolar, bipolar, and multipolar.
In the nineteenth century the international order was multipolar. A few
European great powers, including France, Great Britain, and Russia, domi-
nated the world with exception of the Western hemisphere, where the rising
power of the United States was a decisive factor. Great Britain was the most
powerful state financially until the end of the nineteenth century, when the
United States and Germany surpassed Great Britain as industrial powers and
centers of education and scientific-technological innovation.
During the first forty years of the twentieth century, the world remained
largely multipolar. But the defeat of Germany and Japan in World War II and
the decline of Britain and France in the 1940s transformed the old multipolar
order into a new bipolar order, dominated by the United States and the Soviet
Union. The Cold War emerged. This was the period of tensions and competi-
tion between the two international blocs: the one created and dominated by
the Soviet Union and the other comprised of the countries led by the United
States. During the 1970s and 1980s, the emergence of other regional centers of
power (an integrated Western Europe, Japan, and the oil-producing countries
of the Middle East) had begun to erode this bipolarity. The Nonaligned
Movement, which included a number of countries (such as India, Yugoslavia,
and Egypt) not belonging to any major power bloc, gained influence by ex-
ploiting the struggle between the two superpowers (Willetts, 1983).
When the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, the international order of the
1990s became unipolar, because no single state or a coalition of states could
seriously challenge the military might of the United States. The United States
appeared to be the world’s hegemonic power. The Nonaligned Movement
withered. The European Union (EU) emerged in 1992 but did not become a
powerful political player. However, unipolarity in the twenty-first century was
44 CHAPTER 2: Realism and Liberalism

Unipolar order:
No state could
challenge the
United States
Multipolar order:
A few great Bipolar order: The United
States and the Soviet Union Elements of
powers dominated
dominated a multipolar
the world
order
FIGURE 2-1 Power
distribution in the world
order of the 20th and
21st centuries. 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 2020

seriously challenged when American forces became embroiled in Iraq and

Afghanistan. Economic and financial problems further weakened America’s
power. In the past several years, signs appear of a possible return to a multipolar
order. Among the causes of such a change is economic ascendancy of a number
of countries (Zakaria, 2008; Hiro, 2010). Brazil, Russia, India, and above all
China became regional powers. Together these four countries account for nearly
30 percent of the world’s land, and are home to almost 45 percent of the world’s
population (Borah, 2011). These countries pursue their own interests and do
not accept the predominance of the United States. (See Figure 2.1.)
International relations involves balancing of power—states’ constant search
for the best position within the international order. States use violent and non-
violent means to keep or change the balance of power—or to prevent other
states from doing the same. The ultimate violent policy is war. Nonviolent poli-
cies include building alliances, increasing economic and military strength, and
engaging in diplomacy. These policies are known as realpolitik (a term bor-
rowed from German). It is based on realist assumptions that states have no
principles, only interests—and this makes them balance each other. Prussian
statesman Otto von Bismarck used realpolitik to unify Germany in the 1860s
while isolating its enemies one by one. (See Figure 2.2.)

Anarchy is a natural state of affairs among states

Sovereign states, trying to survive in anarchy, act in self-interest to maximize their power

To avoid the war of all against all, states balance off one another, use diplomacy, and build
alliances and coalitions

An international order emerges from states’ self-interested actions

FIGURE 2-2 The logic

Within that order, states seek greater security for themselves
of realism.
 What Do We Study? 45

NEOREALISM
In the 1960s, political scientist Kenneth Waltz concluded that one single factor
can explain international relations. This factor, he wrote, is a “structure” of in-
ternational relations that results from power distribution. If the world is di-
vided between the United States and the Soviet Union, then all other states will
have to adapt to this bipolar structure. Their behavior would have been differ-
ent if the world had a multipolar structure. States do not seek more power for
power’s sake; they rather seek more security within the established “structure”
of the international order (or system). And this explains that an international
order can acquire some stability, and wars can be checked (Waltz, 2001).
These conclusions became the foundation of neorealism, also called struc-
tural realism. Unlike earlier realist analysts, neorealists believe that human
nature, aggressiveness, and greed has nothing to do with the nature of interna-
tional relations. Also, the nature of political leadership and domestic politics
are secondary to the “structure” of international relations. Sovereign states—
seeking security—adapt to the international system, and leaders and domestic
politics just interpret and implement the need for such adaptation.
Structural realists were poorly prepared to explain the sudden change of
Soviet policies under Mikhail Gorbachev, followed by a rapid reduction of in-
ternational tensions and the end of the Cold War in the late 1980s. Facing new
international realities and the surprising end of the global rivalry, some sup-
porters of realism began to question its assumptions and pay closer attention
to the role of leaders and the nature of domestic politics of states (Walt, 1998).
Today, the majority of realists and neorealists still argue that states are engaged
in power games and continue to treat other states as potential adversaries
(Mearsheimer, 2003).

Soviet Premier Aleksei

Kosygin (at microphone)
and U.S. President
Lyndon B. Johnson at
a Summit in Glassboro
(New Jersey), June 1967.
During the Cold War,
global power was mostly
distributed between
the two “poles”—the
Soviet Union and the
United States.
46 CHAPTER 2: Realism and Liberalism

CHECK YOUR What is anarchy in the context of international relations?

KNOWLEDGE Why can’t states be equal according to realism?
What is neorealism, and how is it different from realism?

DEBATE > CAN REALISM BE ETHICAL?

Debates about the role of the greater respect to other states, and States gives up its domination, the
United States in the world flared up use the strengths of its allies. In a world will quickly fall into chaos.
in the early 2000s. Should the US word, the United States should act
build a unipolar order or delegate as an ethical citizen among other WHAT’S YOUR VIEW?
power and authority to its allies? citizens. Do you think, based on what you
For instance, in Ethical Realism, Critics of ethical realism main- have read so far, that powerful
Anatol Lieven and John Hulsman tain that power determines the in- countries can become less “selfish,”
(2006) wrote that the United States ternational order, and most other thus making power politics more
cannot act alone in a global world: states are incapable of making a “ethical”?
It would quickly exhaust its re- difference (Joffe, 2009). This means
sources and fail. America should that the United States is bound to Read more about ethical
therefore continue to play a leader- be the leader for some time, realism on the companion
ship role but voluntarily restrain its whether other states want it or not. website, www.oup.com/us/shiraev.
power: act more cautiously, pay Moreover, as soon as the United

Liberalism: Main Principles

International liberalism (or simply liberalism) is an approach to international
relations based on three principles. First, it rejects power politics and inevita-
ble conflict among states as the result of anarchy. Liberalism questions expla-
nations based on zero-sum outcomes of international relations: One country’s
gain does not necessarily mean another country’s loss. Second, it emphasizes
international cooperation and mutual benefits. And third, it sees international
organizations and nonstate actors as shaping state preferences and policy
choices. Liberalism is not only descriptive when it criticizes realism as a frame-
work for analyzing international relations. It is also prescriptive: It suggests how
the world can and should function (Betts, 2008, 119).

SOURCES OF LIBERALISM
Liberalism has several important sources. (See Figure 2.3.) Long before it devel-
oped as an approach alternative to realism, it emerged as a set of ideas rooted
in the rich philosophical and political traditions, cultivated in Europe. First,
liberalism was based on European idealism and humanism. From this strand
come attempts to ban and limit wars and promote antiwar movements.
Second, republicanism assumed that representative state governments are
capable of maintaining international stability through shared rules and norms
of cooperation. German philosopher Immanuel Kant ([1795] 2003) wrote
about “eternal peace”—a state of international relations that can be achieved
 What Do We Study? 47

International liberalism

Emphasis on
Rejection of Emphasis on
nonstate actors
power international
and international
politics cooperation
organizations

Idealism and Economic

humanism liberalism
FIGURE 2-3 Interna-
tional liberalism: Sources
Republicanism Legalism
and fundamental
principles.

only through a consensus among free republics with representative forms of

government. This strand was boosted in the nineteenth century by political
democratization—a powerful movement that challenged the nobility’s inher-
ited privileges.
Third, legalism emphasized the possibility for the rule of law in interna-
tional relations, thus limiting state sovereignty. Hugo Grotius (1583–1645), a
Dutch diplomat and thinker, in Mare Liberum (1609; 2005) formulated one
central principle called freedom of the seas: A state’s sovereignty ends at the
edge of its territorial waters. Although not every state accepted these principles
at first, they eventually did, and these rules survived for centuries.
Finally, in the early twentieth century came economic liberalism. British
writer Norman Angell, in The Great Illusion (1910), denied that states prosper
largely through power games and territorial expansion. Wars, he wrote, dis-
rupt economic order. The territorial gains achieved by war cannot compensate
for much greater losses in business and international trade. Economic liberals
maintained that states could mutually gain from interdependence, interna-
tional trade, and cooperation.

LIBERALISM ON ANARCHY AND COOPERATION

In contrast to realism and neorealism that center on power balancing and
“structure” of international order, liberal approach focuses on the capacity of
international cooperation. Instead of one factor explaining world’s affairs,
liberals came up with numerous explanations. There are many liberal ap-
proaches, not just one. After the 1960s, when liberal ideas began to challenge
realism in scholarly journals and in specific policies, diversity within liberal-
ism grew.
More moderate liberals do not deny the presence of anarchy in interna-
tional relations. At the same time, they believe that states cannot be compared
to billiard balls that just take various configurations on the international field.
In The Anarchical Society, Australian scholar Hedley Bull (1977) argued that
sovereign states can develop a “civilized” international society, with shared
rules and norms, that diminishes the effects of anarchy. Bull showed that
48 CHAPTER 2: Realism and Liberalism

countries, despite a frequent lack of trust, strive to develop and observe

common regulations and institutions (Bull, 1977; 1983).
Other scholars went further. They argued that development of complex
interdependence among states reached the point when anarchy was replaced
by cooperation among states as the main feature of international relations
(Keohane and Nye, 1989, 20). Such views are called neoliberalism to empha-
size the novelty of their worldview. Complex interdependence has three main
features. First, states interact through multiple channels including informal
ties and economic, financial, and cultural contacts. Second, security is not
always the prime agenda of state-to-state interactions. Different issues become
important at different times, such as trade and currency regulations, human
rights concerns, and the economic assistance of wealthy countries to poor ones.
And third, states do not typically use military force against other countries.
Neoliberalism reflected the changing nature of international relations
after 1945. The primacy of military power as a policy choice remained, but the
importance of economic, environmental, and other forms of interdependence
increased drastically—as well as the realization that states should cooperate to
survive and prosper (Crane and Amawi, 1997).

LIBERAL INSTITUTIONALISM
The end of the Cold War established the dominance of liberal ideas in the stud-
ies of international relations. Realism and neorealism appeared to be the thing
of the past. A prominent Harvard scholar wrote that the former anarchy of
states, vying for supremacy, has been replaced by the “global community” (Iriye,
2002). Liberals began to attribute special roles to international organizations or
institutions. In Chapter 1 we already discussed that international organizations
can be international governmental organizations (IGOs)—when several states
voluntarily delegate parts of their sovereignty to an international association.
Also international organizations can be nongovernmental (NGOs). There are
global international organizations open to any country, like the United Nations.

Indian and Pakistani

delegates meet in New
Delhi, India, in 2012
to resolve a maritime
boundary dispute.
 What Do We Study? 49

There are regional organizations, like NATO, that include countries from a cer-
tain geographical area. In terms of their goals, IGOs can be security-related,
economic, financial cultural, educational, and so on. We will examine the struc-
ture and functioning of several IGOs in the following chapters.
Liberal institutionalism argues that the existence, proliferation, and grow-
ing influence of the international organizations (or institutions) changed in-
ternational order fundamentally. The web of these organizations create mutual
obligations, provide more equal access to security information, and reduce un-
certainty that countries face evaluating each other’s policies (Keohane, 1989;
Keohane and Martin, 1995). A number of authors began to focus on the pros-
pects of global governance—the notion that means the management of an
increasing number of global problems affecting many states in the spirit of
cooperation and mutual benefit. This notion also implies that states become
too interdependent to act alone and have to accept international norms, rules,
and regulations, even at the expense of state sovereignty.

Name three fundamental and interconnected principles of liberalism. CHECK YOUR

Give examples. KNOWLEDGE
What is complex interdependence? Name three of its main features.

Experts have done much to corroborate or falsify (critically evaluate) theo-

ries of liberalism. Critical evaluations have focused on the persistence of war,
appeals to the power of diplomacy, the assumption of “democratic peace,” and
what is called soft power.

LIBERALISM AND WARS

One of the most compelling arguments of the liberal approach to international
relations is that war is no longer a primary threat to the international order. Not
only can anarchy diminish, but also human beings can learn from experience.
American political scientist John Mueller wrote in Retreat from Doomsday: The
Obsolescence of Major War (1989) that Europe had learned from its experience of
two world wars, overcome national rivalries, and constructed a peaceful com-
munity. Europeans, he argued, had outlived a centuries-old principle that mili-
tary confrontation is the most appropriate way to solve international disputes.
Warfare had become as outmoded as duels and slavery (Mueller, 1989).
At the same time, it would be wrong to argue that liberals completely exclude
the use of military force as a feature of international relations. Most liberals today
do not share the ideals of pacifism and complete disarmament. All scholarly ap-
proaches, including neoliberalism and institutional liberalism, accept the impor-
tance of state sovereignty, the desire of states to avoid anarchy, or the power of
professional diplomacy (Sharp, 2009). Liberal internationalists often advocated
war against other countries to pursue liberal goals (Doyle, 1986). (See Figure 2.4.)

LIBERAL DIPLOMACY
Diplomacy, which we began to discuss in Chapter 1, is the managing of inter-
national relations through negotiations. Sovereign states establish embassies
50 CHAPTER 2: Realism and Liberalism

A state’s diplomatic Warning about

Use of force
efforts the use of force

A serious domestic or
The conflict continues Conflict resolution
international conflict
FIGURE 2-4 Support-
ers of the liberal tradition
accept interventionist
International Warning about
actions to solve some Use of force
diplomatic efforts the use of force
international crises.

DEBATE > WHEN SHOULD LIBERALS GO TO WAR?

Advisers to President Clinton sup- WHAT’S YOUR VIEW?

ported air strikes against Yugoslavia Go online to read Obama’s
What are some liberal goals that
statement on Libya, August
in 1999. Similarly, President Obama justify, in your view, the use of mili-
2011. Editorial: Washington Post
and his advisers supported a mili- tary force of one country against
liberal comment: “Obama Chose the
tary campaign against Libya in 2011. other countries? What is the main Right Course on Libya,” by David
The disagreement between realists difference between liberal interna- Ignatius.
and liberal internationalists is about tionalists and pacifists?
when and how this force should
be used.

in other states and keep channels of communication through them. Realists

traditionally viewed diplomacy as a tool of realpolitik when each side tries to
maximize its gains and minimize its losses. Supporters of liberalism see diplo-
matic practices differently, as a movement toward successful global coopera-
tion and governance. Liberalism argues that diplomacy can be effective in
these ways so long as state leaders act honestly, express goodwill, and aim for
nonviolent solutions. A political leader who acts unilaterally often becomes
unpredictable in the eyes of neighbors and even allies. Not knowing what to
expect can be dangerous, especially in a case of military tensions. The most
obvious way to dispel mistrust and build legitimacy is through direct consulta-
tion with the political leaders of other countries.
Liberals also view diplomacy as an arena for many more actors than realpo-
litik means. Not only great powers, but smaller states, the United Nations, and
numerous NGOs are diplomatic actors. Liberals point out that small European
countries, such as the Netherlands, played a crucial role in making human rights
a basic principle for European diplomacy in the 1970s—while the United States
and the Soviet Union still played realpolitik games. In 1975, the Conference on
Security and Cooperation in Europe signed the Helsinki Final Act. This docu-
ment bound the 25 states, that signed it, including the United States and the
USSR, to respect and protect humanitarian and human rights, such as the right
to receive information, exchange ideas, or unify families across the state bor-
ders. It was a triumph of the liberal internationalism (Thomas, 2001).
 What Do We Study? 51

CASE IN POINT > Diplomatic Efforts in an India-Pakistan Conflict

In December 2001, in the wake of a to stop cross-border infiltrations of such as during the conflict between
terrorist attack on India’s parliament civilian combatants into Indian- the United States and Iraq in 2003?
by Pakistan-based militant groups, controlled Kashmir. India, in ex- Compare these two conflicts by
India and Pakistan amassed over a change, withdrew its navy from paying attention to (1) the willing-
million troops on the Indo-Pakistani the North Arabian Sea and lifted ness of the involved governments
border. These countries had gone to the over-flight ban imposed on to communicate with each other
war several times before, the last Pakistani commercial jets. India and (2) the ability of the interna-
time in 1971. Now they threatened also agreed to upgrade diplomatic tional community to influence the
each other with nuclear missiles. ties with Islamabad. Indo-Pakistani conflicting sides. Can you think of
The entire international commu- relations remain tense and difficult, other, more contemporary conflicts
nity joined urgent efforts to avoid but international diplomacy proved that lead to a peaceful resolution
what appeared to be imminent its efficacy in easing military threats. because of diplomatic efforts?
violence. After weeks of relentless
diplomatic talks, the standoff eased CRITICAL THINKING
out, and reciprocal concessions Why did diplomacy work in this
began. Pakistan’s leaders promised particular conflict but fail in others,

In sum, the liberal approach takes a very expansive view of the role of di-
plomacy in today’s world. Once an instrument of power shrouded in secrecy,
diplomacy is changing to become more open and includes a growing number
of actors.

DEMOCRATIC PEACE
Many scholars have elaborated Immanuel Kant’s thesis on “perpetual peace”
among the republics. Michael Doyle, Bruce Russet, and James Lee Ray propose
what is known as democratic peace theory. It suggests that although demo-
cratic states can go to war against non-democratic ones, democracies do not
fight one another. Most twentieth-century wars took place between non-
democratic countries or between democracies and authoritarian régimes.
There is hardly a single case in which democratic countries governed by stable
political institutions went to war against each other. Why? Democratic peace
theory gives three reasons. (See Figure 2.5.)
First, the institutions of representative democracy tend to discourage going
to war against other democracies. These institutions include parliaments, a
free press, pluralist public organizations, and public opinion (Owen, 2005).
Second, because of shared values and shared norms of behavior, democratic
states regard each other as partners rather than enemies and develop a culture
of compromise and negotiations. Because democracies are more open, they
feel less threatened by one another (Maoz and Russett, 1993). Third, economic
interdependence makes war unacceptable for economic reasons. Therefore,
state leaders and business groups will regard military conflicts as ruinous
because they damage a complex economic infrastructure (Oneal and Russett,
52 CHAPTER 2: Realism and Liberalism

Democratic peace arguments

Representative political
Economic
institutions discourage
interdependence makes
aggressive war
war unacceptable
strategies

Shared values and norms

FIGURE 2-5 major of behavior reduce the
arguments of the demo- probability of war
cratic peace theory.

1997). The Democratic Peace theory became very influential during the 1990s
to early 2000s. Later we shall see how this concept affected practical policies.

SOFT POWER
In the 1980s, American political scientist Joseph S. Nye argued that besides
power and security, states are also influenced by the examples set by other
states, their governments, and their people. Traditionally, states are said to exert
“hard power,” or economic and military power. Nye suggested that states also
possess soft power—the ability to influence other states by example. Examples
of economic and social success can include ideas, values, and more broadly a
way of life. Soft power does not rely on intimidation; it wins hearts and minds.
It produces voluntary followers, not reluctant satellites (Nye, 2004).
If we associate soft power with democracy only, this will not be necessarily
correct. During the early phases of the Cold War, the Soviet Union had soft
power as well. Communist models were popular in Asia, Africa, and Latin
America, especially in countries struggling for independence from European
colonial rule. India, Indonesia, Afghanistan, Burma, Algeria, Egypt, Angola,
and many other states turned to the Soviet model of state-driven industrializa-
tion and social egalitarianism (Westad, 2007).
Soft power is volatile and fluid; state actions or policies in one to two years
can erase or reshape the achievements of decades (Gause, 2005; Mitzen, 2005).
American soft power experienced surfs of increasing strength and ebbs of de-
cline. The Vietnam War in the 1960–70s, the occupation of Iraq in 2003, and
the crisis of the global financial system in 2008–2011 were all serious blows to
American soft power. Still, in comparison to other countries, American pre-
dominance in this type of power survived.
Soft power, unlike hard power, is difficult to calculate. It operates more
through perceptions than numbers—including the perceptions of state leaders,
elites, and public opinion. More often than not, emulation, not competition, re-
duces the likelihood of war and promotes peace. When one country emulates an-
other country, both are unlikely to engage in mutual hostilities. (See Figure 2.6.)
Soft power applies not only to states; IGOs and NGOs can serve as models,
too. They demonstrate, as supporters of liberal internationalism hope, the ad-
vantages of liberal ideas over power politics. At the same time, it is incorrect to
consider concepts of soft power as equivalent to liberalism, and hard power as
only the element of realism. Joseph Nye was the first to argue for using them in
combination.
 How Do We Think About It? 53

Soft
B changes its
Power Country B
behavior toward A
Country A

Country A
A changes its
behavior toward B
FIGURE 2-6 The effects
of soft power.

Why is war no longer a primary threat to the international order? CHECK YOUR
Describe three major arguments of democratic peace theory. What KNOWLEDGE
examples can you suggest to support or counter these arguments?
Give examples of soft power. In your view, does China possess soft power
today? Explain your answer.

How Do We Think About It?

Two of the most influential approaches to understanding international rela-
tions, realism and liberalism, are not well-rounded, settled theories. To better
understand these approaches, we need to critically examine how they analyze
particular international situations and what actions they suggest to address
them. Here we will describe the way realists and liberals think.

Examining Realpolitik
We now examine several principles of power politics (realpolitik) in various
international situations. We also explore power shifts and situations in which
some states are acting in violation of international rules. Finally, we turn to
how states respond to threats to international stability.

RULES OF ENGAGEMENT
A state’s geographical location, history, ideology, political regime, or economic
conditions, as we have seen, affect its power politics. Realist and neorealist ap-
proaches outline several rules or principles that states must take into consider-
ation when they are engaged in realpolitik. Consider just three such rules.
First, the chances to succeed are significantly higher when the state has a
substantial power. A strong economy and massive armed forces diminish other
countries’ capacities to impose their will or retaliate. There is a relative and ab-
solute advantage. The former is called hegemony, as you will remember. The
United States established such superiority in the late 1990s (Mearsheimer,
2003). Overall, a successful realpolitik begins at home: The stronger the country
is economically and politically, the more effective its foreign policy becomes.
Second, to survive in the anarchy of international relations, states must
combine their military power with successful diplomacy. To keep most power-
ful states in check, Great Britain in the ninetieth century developed temporarily
coalitions with other countries or went to war against its rivals before they
54 CHAPTER 2: Realism and Liberalism

Vietnamese border
guards watch the U.S.
Seventh Fleet’s USS
Blue Ridge entering
Tien Sa port in 2012.
Vietnam and the United
States held five days of
“noncombatant” naval
exchange activities,
prompted by both coun-
tries’ security concerns
related to China.

acquired too much power. Diplomatic treaties do not necessarily prevent wars
but ensure a better chance for victory in conflict (Fearon, 1998).
Third, a state should not constrain its freedom of action. Conducting for-
eign policy under moral considerations or out of solidarity or commitment
may often hurt your own state’s interests (Nau, 2002). For example, Washington’s
support of an independent Taiwan, on the grounds that this state is democratic
and friendly toward the United States, can also be a strategic liability for
Washington (Carpenter, 2006). This support may drag America into a conflict
with China, which rejects Taiwan’s sovereignty. Likewise, America cannot help,
with military force, every popular uprising against oppressive governments in
the Middle East and North Africa.

POWER SHIFTS
Rapid shifts of power create international instability and lead to war. They also
cause counteractions that may affect any existing power balance. A common
source of power shifts is a revisionist (or “predator”) state acting belligerently
in regard to other states, in systematic disregard for international rules. Two
types of responses to instability are common. First, strong status quo states
form alliances against an emerging threat. Second, weaker states make deals
with revisionist states, bargaining for a place in a new world order that these
states may eventually create by conquest and aggression.
Supporters of realpolitik believe that power politics, for the most part,
tends to make the war less likely—and peace more stable. In reality, it is not
always so. If a state perceives a weakness in an existing international order, it
may challenge this order. With Hitler in control, Germany rapidly armed itself
and began to act as a revisionist-predator state in Europe. In 1938, Germany
annexed Austria; in 1939, it occupied Czechoslovakia; and later, in alliance
with the Soviet Union, it attacked and dismembered Poland. In the Far East in
1931–40, Japan acted in the same fashion against China.
 How Do We Think About It? 55

Challenge to
Predator
international Instability
state
order

Unilateral or Response from

FIGURE 2-7 Power
collective individual states shifts, revisionist (preda-
actions or coalitions tor) states, and interna-
tional order.

Predator states by their actions may dramatically shift the balance of power
in a region or even globally. These rapid power shifts, however, generate a
backlash against revisionist states in the form of international coalitions and
alliances. (See Figure 2.7.)

NEOREALIST STRATEGIES
Supporters of neorealism argue that military confrontations are potential but
not inevitable outcomes of shifts in power. In support of this argument, neo-
realists directed attention to the structure of international relations. Two argu-
ments are used.
First, it is beneficial for a state to stay away from violence and to demon-
strate self-restraint. Neorealists Kenneth Waltz (2001), Stephen Van Evera
(2001), and Jack Snyder (2005) have argued that state leaders consider war only
as a last resort. They view wars as a tragic result of major shifts of power. This
happened in 1914, when World War I broke out in Europe. In this case, they
argue, great powers are drawn into conflict by uncertainty and fear. This group
are defensive realists.
The second group, known as offensive realists, includes Randall Schweller
(2008), Peter Liberman (2006), and John Mearsheimer (2003). They suggest
that stronger states tend to maximize their power all the time and tolerate in-
ternational institutions so long as they serve their interests. In contrast with
defensive realists, this group argues that great powers tend to act ahead of seri-
ous threats to the international order. Moreover, acting decisively against revi-
sionist states is the best way to respond. The failure of great Western powers to
stop Hitler in the 1930s was a tragic mistake. Going to war against Germany
earlier, rather than “appeasement” such as compromises and negotiations,
would have been the correct policy (see Table 2-1).

NONMILITARY RESPONSES
Realists also discuss peaceful, nonmilitary means of power balancing in for-
eign affairs. Economic incentives, direct economic help, or sanctions are ex-
amples of nonmilitary responses. Such was the Marshall Plan (1947–1952),
when the United States provided 13.5 billion dollars to the countries of Western
Europe to recover after the Second World War. This plan removed the danger
of a Communist takeover in those countries and helped to create the Western
anti-Communist alliance (Hitchcock, 2008). The United States also provided
56 CHAPTER 2: Realism and Liberalism

TABLE 2-1 Neorealist Arguments About War

Neorealist Views Main Assumptions
Defensive Realism Wars are result of the breakdown of international order. Great powers, on most occasions,
seek to prevent open military conflicts. Yet they can be drawn into wars by the anarchic
dynamic of international relations.
Offensive Realism Wars and the use of force are more than accidents. They are tools that great powers
use to build and protect international order so as to prevent revisionist states from
destroying the existing hierarchy of power.

massive aid simultaneously to Israel and Egypt as an economic incentive to

balance power and keep peace in the Middle East.
At the same time, states often use economic sanctions to punish other states
that fail to cooperate, including limits on trade and financial operations. In
recent history, the United States has applied economic sanctions against Iraq,
Iran, Libya, Cuba, and North Korea. As we will see in Chapter 6, evidence for
the impact of economic sanctions is ambiguous.
Diplomacy of coalitions and alliances, as we have already read, is a power-
ful nonmilitary response. An alliance created by skillful diplomats can be a
great factor of security, in addition to superior armed forces. In the nineteenth
century, Great Britain practiced it well: British diplomacy was admired by allies
and was called “perfidious” by enemies.
Today’s realists recognize that states have a wide range of foreign-policy
options—including military and nonmilitary responses—to pursue their in-
terests. Still, realism has difficulty explaining many international develop-
ments, as we see later in this chapter.

CHECK YOUR What is a revisionist or predator state?

KNOWLEDGE Explain offensive and defensive realism.
Explain the rules of engagement in realpolitik.

Examining Liberal Policies

To understand the logic of liberalism we turn to specific international circum-
stances and policies. Already in the nineteenth century, leaders of states and in-
ternational organizations began to understand diplomacy as a strategy of mutual
compromises. The primary goal was to impose “civilized” constraints on warfare.
At international disarmament conferences in 1899 and 1907, many European
states signed the Hague Conventions, which banned some lethal technologies in
warfare and regulated the treatment of prisoners and civilians during wartime.

WILSONIANISM AND THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS

World War I (1914–18) took the lives of more than 16 million people, provid-
ing a frightening lesson to supporters of liberal ideas. During the war, most
 How Do We Think About It? 57

CASE IN POINT > The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)

This case illustrates how states issue remained a significant prob- led to serious debates between de-
behave in a time of uncertainty and lem, a nuclear balance between fensive and offensive realists (Sloan,
fear. The alliance emerged in 1949 NATO and the Soviet Union seemed 2010). The former argue that the
at the urging of the Netherlands, achievable. From the realist view, expansion of the North Atlantic alli-
Belgium, and Denmark. They feared such a balance should have ance was a mistake because NATO
the power of the Soviet Union and brought stability, but mutual fears did not face any realistic threat. The
a possible resurgence of Germany and mistrust continued. new NATO members, they suggest,
after World War II. Losing trust in NATO played a role in the peace- deliberately exaggerated external
Britain or France, these small coun- ful end of the Cold War: Gorbachev, threats, particularly from Russia
tries asked the United States to pro- with support of Soviet security (Goldgeier, 1999). Followers of of-
vide protection to Western Europe. experts, agreed that the unified fensive realism disagreed with this
The United States, worried that an Germany should better be part of assessment and proposed NATO’s
unstable Europe might fall into NATO rather than a source of insta- enlargement even further, to in-
the orbit of the rival Soviet Union, bility. The rapid disintegration of clude Ukraine and Georgia. Yet
immediately accepted the offer. the Soviet Union in 1991 left NATO even the most serious supporters
For the next four decades, NATO without its original purpose. There of these actions had to backtrack
solved several problems that was no longer a Soviet bloc or when the prospect of such an en-
European balance of power could Soviet power to contain. Many ex- largement produced tensions in
not. The dangerous rivalry be- perts believed that NATO had no the relationship with Russia and
tween Germany and France, which future. Instead, many experts in the contributed to a Russian-Georgian
led to several wars, was over. After a United States argued that NATO war in 2008.
few years of French objections, in must remain an international insti-
1955, West Germany became a full- tution to guarantee regional secu- CRITICAL THINKING
time member of NATO (Zelikow rity and promote democratic peace Some realists argue that the alli-
and Rice, 1995). Above all, NATO in Central and Eastern Europe. In ance has outreached its boundar-
helped the United States to 1996–2009, twelve new countries ies and revealed its limitations. Do
become a European and then a joined NATO. In 1999, NATO bombed you think that U.S. plans to use
global power. Although NATO Yugoslavia to halt its militaristic ac- NATO as an instrument for unipolar
claimed to be a defensive alliance, tions. More than a dozen NATO international order ran into serious
the huge military superiority of the states sent troops to fight in Afghan- problems? Does NATO have seri-
United States allowed some strate- istan and helped the United States ous enemies today? On the other
gists to entertain plans to “roll during its occupation of Iraq. In 2011, hand, new threats may arise.
back” the Soviet sphere of influ- NATO launched a military campaign Should NATO exist just to protect
ence in Eastern Europe. These plans in Libya. its members from those threats?
had to be dropped when the Soviet NATO’s expansion, globalization What should be NATO’s policy
Union had become a nuclear su- of its actions, and the attempts to toward a more assertive China and
perpower. Although the nuclear design new roles for the alliance Russia?

countries’ leaders acted like predators and wanted nothing less than a military
victory. At the same time, at the end of the war urgent calls for international
cooperation were now heard all over the world. U.S. President Woodrow
Wilson, a former president of Princeton University, actively promoted coopera-
tion among countries on the notion of free trade and equal respect. In 1917,
58 CHAPTER 2: Realism and Liberalism

with the United States entering the war, he began to tout a League of Nations—
an international organization based on the principle of collective security—
when an aggression against one, even a small country, would be a concern for
all other countries. But such an organization would be only a first step: The
major players must also change internally. Only the spread of liberal democracy
could provide international stability, resolve conflicts, and reduce the likeli-
hood of war. Wilson also hoped that one day European great powers would
relinquish control over their colonies.
The League of Nations was formally established in 1919 at a peace confer-
ence in Paris. The League was the first global organization aimed at preven-
tion, mediation, and peaceful resolution of interstate conflicts; support of the
rights of ethnic minorities; disarmament; and economic cooperation. The
League, however, soon met with many intractable problems. The U.S. Senate
refused to support Wilson’s internationalist policies, and the United States
never joined the League. Also, the League failed to act on the principles of col-
lective security because the great powers, Britain and France, were not ready to
play the role of “global policemen.” The League stood by impotently when
various states violated the rights of ethnic minorities or committed aggressions
against other states. Wilsonianism (Wilson’s approach to international rela-
tions) was discredited above all in Germany, on which the punitive peace was
imposed in 1919. Instead of being united, Europe became divided not only by
the past war but also by new borders, visas, and protective trade tariffs. Finally,
under the pressure of economic crises and nationalism, liberal democracy
quickly failed in many European countries, giving way to authoritarian, mili-
tarist regimes (Shirer, 1990; Mazower, 2000).

Woodrow Wilson be-

came the first American
leader to promote the
global ideology of liberal
internationalism. He suc-
ceeded in creating the
League of Nations but
failed to win support for
it in the United States.
This photo shows Wilson
on a speaking tour in
St. Louis, Missouri, to
promote the League in
September 1919.
 How Do We Think About It? 59

In the 1930s, Japan, Hitler’s Germany, Mussolini’s fascist Italy, and Stalin’s
Soviet Union brazenly defied the League. In August–September 1939, Hitler
and Stalin attacked Poland and divided its territory between themselves.
France and Britain declared war on Germany, the Second World War started,
and the League became a political corpse. Many critics of the League, among
them the British journalist and historian E. H. Carr ([1939] 1969), rejected the
principles of liberal internationalism. They claimed that the future belongs to
powerful states. Those who still believed in international cooperation watched
in despair.

NEW BEGINNING FOR LIBERALISM

The news of liberalism’s demise was premature. In 1941, the United States en-
tered the Second World War under the reformed slogans of Wilsonianism: free
trade, security cooperation, and equality among nations. President Franklin D.
Roosevelt also entertained the idea that the United States, Great Britain,
the Soviet Union, and China could play the role of regional “cops” as part of a
new international organization, the United Nations. A council of the great
powers would have special responsibilities to preserve peace. Roosevelt’s suc-
cessor as president, Harry S. Truman, was an ardent supporter of international
liberalism.
Roosevelt revived the League under the name of the United Nations; this
organization was founded in San Francisco in April 1945 (see Chapter 5).
Permanent members of the UN Security Council included the United States,
Great Britain, the Soviet Union, France, and China. (The idea of regional “cops”
was quickly dropped because of growing Western mistrust of Stalin’s Soviet
Union.)
The economic strand of liberalism also flourished after World War II. In
1944 American and British politicians and economists launched the World Bank
and IMF. (Attempts to create an International Trade Organization to promote
free trade was not at first successful, as we will see in Chapter 6.) The later General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) aimed to reduce or eliminate barriers to
international trade. In 1947, the Marshall Plan, as we read, offered unprece-
You can learn
dented financial help to a Europe devastated by war. From the 1950s through the more about the
1980s, the World Bank, IMF, and GATT remained pillars of institutional liberal- Marshall Plan from the
ism. With substantial American assistance, Western European nations, includ- Library of Congress
ing Germany, created institutions of cooperation that gradually evolved into the website at www.loc.gov/
European Community, and, in the 1990s, the European Union. exhibits/marshall/
During the Cold War it was becoming clear that foreign policy driven by
mutual interests and common values could bring substantial benefits. In the
1950s and 1960s, free-market democracies enjoyed tremendous economic
growth. The new realities of international organizations and European eco-
nomic integration began to challenge the old realist agenda of power balance,
deterrence, and containment.

LIBERAL UNILATERALISM AND MULTILATERALISM

Until the Second World War, the United States often practiced what the press
and politicians called “isolationism.” This did not mean, however, that
60 CHAPTER 2: Realism and Liberalism

Washington wanted to remain completely detached from the rest of the world.
Rather, it meant that U.S. statesmen wanted to keep a freedom of choice in the
world dominated by other great powers, which practiced, as many believed,
cynical realpolitik. In other words, the United States in the 1920s–1930s prac-
ticed unilateralism. Understandable as a reaction against complexities and
problems in international relations, such liberal approaches did not help to
preserve peace and contributed to favorable conditions for predator states, such
as Japan and Germany.
Since the Second World War and during the Cold War, the United States
adopted the approach of liberal multilateralism. This approach means that
one state that abides by liberal principles seeks cooperation with other states
that are ready to accept similar principles, in the name of common security and
for solving international conflicts. This approach helped the United States to
sustain a strong NATO and remain an effective leader of the Western bloc
against the Soviet bloc. The international organizations can play, if not always,
an important role in legitimizing the multilateral liberal policies. During the
Gulf War of 1990–91, the United Nations passed a resolution that denounced
the occupation of Kuwait by Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein. This gave interna-
tional legitimacy to the United States to create a multinational coalition and
then liberate Kuwait.
In contrast, in 2003, the United States occupied Iraq without the resolu-
tion of the United Nations and against the will of American allies, such as
France and Germany. Critics of this occupation argued that this was an
American return to liberal unilateralism, which threatened to split the Western
alliance and complicated the task of conflict resolutions in the Middle East. We
will return to unilateralism and multilateralism in Chapter 4. See Table 2-2.

Comparing Realism and Liberalism

What are the main points of comparison between the realist and liberal ap-
proaches? Table 2-3 summarizes these comparisons from three angles.
First, realism thinks about sovereign states, and liberalism relies more on
international institutions. Many realist thinkers have gradually acknowledged
the strength of IGOs and NGOs but believe that no international institution
can change states’ tendency to balance each other (Mearsheimer, 1994). For
the liberal thinker, states continue to be major actors, but they become less

TABLE 2-2 Unilateralism and Multilateralism in the Context of the Liberal View
of International Relations
Multilateralism. We as a country must cooperate with other countries in finding solutions to international
challenges. We should act collectively and seek compromises. We also use military force for a liberal cause that
other countries support.
Unilateralism. We act on the belief that the world is not ready for liberal principles, and other great powers
practice cynical realpolitik. Therefore, we prefer to act alone in defense of liberal principles.
 How Do We Think About It? 61

TABLE 2-3 Liberal and Realist Views of International Relations Compared

Issues The Liberal Tradition The Realist Tradition
International Actors States are important but not Sovereign states are the principal
the only actors in international actors in international relations, yet
affairs. International institutions the role of IGOs and NGOs can be
and nonstate actors gain greater acknowledged.
importance.
International Order Security and stability are achieved Order and stability are achieved
through absolute gains by all through relative gains and by the
participants of international order; power balancing among states
through interdependence; and and by mutual fear of a major war;
by good will, mutual trust, and this does not completely exclude
compromise. compromises and cooperation.
Means of International Relations Military force is used to restrain Military force or threat to use force
the aggressor and only after are the most efficient means of
international diplomacy fails. power balancing.

significant with the growth of international institutions and nongovernment

organizations.
Second, according to the realist views, a gain in power by one state is often
a “zero-sum” game and represents an essential threat to other states. Therefore,
states should watch each other’s relative gains. Neorealists believe that states
tend to maximize their security but not necessarily power; this necessitates
compromises and cooperation (Schweller, 1997). Liberal institutionalism
focuses on absolute gains in security, achieved through compromise and coop-
eration of states in building an international order. International organiza-
tions, open markets, and diplomacy should help to avoid a “zero-sum” game
and maximize interests of all countries involved.
And third, realists believe that war cannot be eliminated and avoided be-
cause military force or the threats to use them are the most effective means of
power balancing. Liberalism accepts the use of force for liberal goals but does
not regard an interstate conflict as a necessary element of international order.
Both traditions, despite significant differences and disagreements between
their followers, may seek and establish common ground related to interna-
tional conflict, cooperation, and international organizations. On the follow-
ing pages, you will see how realist and liberal principles are applied in specific
international contexts.

What were the main weaknesses of the League of Nations? CHECK YOUR
Explain unilateralism and multilateralism from the liberal view. KNOWLEDGE
What are some similarities between realism and liberalism?
62 CHAPTER 2: Realism and Liberalism

How Do We Apply It?

Applying Realism: Critical Evaluations
How successful was realism in interpreting international relations? What are
the strengths and weaknesses of this approach? As we saw in Chapter 1, we
need to examine the issue in three levels: the individual context, the state con-
text, and the global context.

THE INDIVIDUAL CONTEXT

Hans Morgenthau ([1948] 2006), the classic theorist of realism, wrote about the
role of morality, intuition, and emotion in the actions of state leaders, but the next
generation of realists became less interested in the impact of individuals on power
politics. To most of them, the course of international relations is shaped not so
much by the personal choices of leaders but rather by the international structure.
Leaders of states adapt to this structure and cannot act otherwise. Neorealists use
the rational model to explain the actions of leaders and states alike.
This logic of realism, however, fails to explain the appearance of predator
states and sudden threats to international order. If realists are correct, it did not
matter that Hitler became chancellor of Germany in 1933. Germany, according
to their logic, would have acted as a revisionist state anyway because it was not
satisfied with its place in the international order. Many historians and political
scientists, however, reach different conclusions. Without Hitler’s aggressive
ideas and without the Nazi Party, Germany would not have amassed formi-
dable military power so quickly and could not have conquered most of Europe
(Tetlock et al., 2006).
We have already seen that the lack of attention to the individual context
left neorealists unprepared for the peaceful end of the Cold War. In response,
defenders of neorealism argue that
Gorbachev was an exception that proves
the rule. The Soviet leader reacted to
waning Soviet power by trying to keep
the power balance by novel means, in-
cluding disarmament and diplomacy.
He made too many mistakes, however,
Adolf Hitler before and as a result, the Soviet Union disinte-
members of the grated and Gorbachev himself lost
German Reichstag in power. Still, the end of the Cold War
Berlin in September obliged policy-oriented realists to take
1939, announcing that
Germany was at war with a closer look at individual leaders.
Poland. Without Hitler’s Following the work of Alexander George
aggressive ideas and (1969), they began to accumulate case
without the Nazi Party, studies that take into account the indi-
Germany would not have vidual choices of state leaders (Goldgeier
amassed formidable
military power so quickly and Tetlock, 2001).
and could not have One test of realist theories comes
started World War II. with the death of a state leader. Can the
 How Do We Apply It? 63

DEBATE > INDIVIDUAL LEADERS AND THEIR FOREIGN POLICY

Does an assassination or the death sion about the impact of political policy from its course or keeps it
of a country’s leader change its for- assassination on policy you have to in place. Which specific factors
eign policy and international rela- examine as much evidence as you would you consider?
tions? As we see in Table 2-4, death can gather. Would other assassina-
may indeed signal a dramatic tions not listed in the table tell a dif-
change. Yet in other cases there ferent story?
Using the Web you can
was no change, and the state con- Moreover, a leader’s death is put together a more
tinued with the same policies. just one event among many do- comprehensive database of state
mestic and international factors leaders’ deaths and subsequent
WHAT’S YOUR VIEW? that affect state policies. Most foreign policies. Follow the format
As a critical thinker (see again Chap- probably, a combination of these as in Table 2-4. Study these cases
ter 1), to draw an educated conclu- multiple factors sways foreign and make your own conclusions.

loss of an individual produce important shifts in foreign policy? Some facts

provide supportive evidence. When Franklin D. Roosevelt died in April 1945,
and Harry Truman became a president, the United States began to act with less
restraint toward the Soviet Union. The death of Egyptian President Gamal
Abdel Nasser in 1970 brought to power Anwar Sadat, who abandoned the radi-
cal politics of his predecessor, restored Egypt’s diplomatic relations with Israel,
and brought Egypt closer to the United States.

THE STATE CONTEXT

While insisting on the importance of economic and military policies, realists
in the past were often reluctant to consider other domestic political factors.
Realists generally believed that states, democratic or not, tend to disregard
ideological and political differences with other states if it suits their security
interests. For years, despite its consistent claim of support for freedom and
democracy, the United States supported a wide range of dictatorships and non-
democratic regimes in Latin America, Africa, and Asia.
Robert Putnam (1988) argues that foreign policy is conducted on at least
two levels: the domestic and the international. At home, domestic groups
pursue their interests by pressuring the government to adopt favorable poli-
cies. Politicians respond to those groups’ pressures. At the international level,
governments play a balancing act between domestic interest groups and foreign-
policy goals. Leaders of sovereign states have to act simultaneously on both
levels, like a game played on two chessboards. That is why this model is called
two-level game theory.
Domestic lobbies and social movements play a significant role in foreign
policy of democratic states. Interest groups could be representatives of the mili-
tary, corporations seeking defense contracts, the national security elite, for-
eign-policy experts, or lobbying groups (Wittkopf & McCormick, 2004). In
peacetime, and in the absence of immediate foreign threats, democratic states
64 CHAPTER 2: Realism and Liberalism

TABLE 2-4 Foreign Policy Consequences of a Leader’s Death

Leader’s Death Consequences for Foreign Policy and Power Balance
Joseph Stalin, Soviet Leader Stalin’s death led to the crises in Eastern Europe and later
Date: 03/05/1953 produced the Sino-Soviet rivalry; these events resulted in a
perceived dramatic shift in power between East and West.
John Kennedy, President of the United States. There were no significant changes in U.S. foreign policy; no
Date: 11/22/1963 changes in the power balance between the United States and
the Soviet Union took place. Kennedy’s successor, Lyndon
Johnson, continued and escalated the Vietnam War started
by Kennedy.
Gamal Abdel Nasser, President of Egypt Under President Sadat, Nasser’s successor, an important
Date: 09/28/1970 policy shift followed; he signed a peace treaty between
Egypt and Israel and brought Egypt closer to the United
States.
Anwar Sadat, President of Egypt Sadat was assassinated for his reconciliatory polices with
Date: 10/6/1981 Israel. There was no significant change in Egypt’s foreign
policy. Egypt under Sadat’s successor, President Mubarak,
relied on the United States and kept peace with Israel.
Indira Gandhi, Prime Minister of India Gandhi was assassinated by her Sikh bodyguards. Her son
Date: 10/31/1984 Rajiv succeeded her. He continued the foreign course of
nonalignment but was leaning toward the Soviet Union.
Yitzhak Rabin, Prime Minister of Israel Rabin was assassinated by a Jewish fundamentalist who
Date: 11/04/1995 attempted to torpedo the peace negotiations with the
Palestinians. Israel, however, continued peace talks; they
failed later for different reasons.
Lech Kaczyński, President of Poland After Kaczyński died in a plane crash in Russia, his successor
Date: 04/10/2010 Donald Tusk abandoned harsh anti-German and anti-Russian
rhetoric. Poland remains firmly tied to NATO.
Muammar Qaddafi, President of Libya Antigovernment fighters killed Qaddafi. Libyan insurgency
Date: 10/20/2011 received substantial Western military aid. The future of a new
Libya remains uncertain.
Kim Jong-il, Supreme Leader of North Korea After the sudden death of Kim Jong-il, his young son Kim
Date: 12/17/2011 Jong-un succeeded him. The North Korean regime shows no
immediate signs of change in domestic and foreign policy.

find it more difficult to conduct power politics. Any initiative in international

relations requires bureaucratic bargaining—compromises with bureaucracies
and lobbies, which often pursue different agendas (Marrar, 2008). A ruling
political party, for example, may make concessions to the opposition party on
domestic policy in exchange for support on foreign policy—a process known
as log rolling (Laver, 1979, 1997). During the early stages of the Cold War,
many U.S. congressmen and senators supported the containment of Communist
 How Do We Apply It? 65

threats, but only if new military bases would go to their constituents. These
bases created jobs, brought additional revenues, and satisfied many voters.
Defensive realists acknowledge the importance of domestic political fac-
tors. Historically, governments initiate military conflicts under pressure from
domestic political forces, which often do not foresee the negative international
repercussions of their actions (Van Evera, 2001). For decades, Israeli and
Palestinian politicians have failed to reach a permanent peace treaty or to
agree on the creation of Palestine as an independent state. And one of the most
significant reasons was domestic politics. After the Oslo Accords of 1993 and
1995, the United States and the world community pushed both sides to the
negotiating table. In Israel, however, supporters of the political right, espe-
cially settlers in the occupied territories, resisted the very idea of Palestinian
sovereignty. In 1995, a Jewish settler assassinated Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak
Rabin as retribution for his conciliatory polices toward the Palestinians.
In sum, domestic political factors play a serious role in foreign policy and
international relations, and supporters of realism increasingly take it into
account.

THE GLOBAL CONTEXT

The realist view of international relations had its greatest influence during the
Cold War. Supporters of realpolitik then brought up the entire experience of
world history, from ancient Greece to European nation-states, to argue that
preponderant power and containment of the Soviet Union was the best strat-
egy to pursue. Yet now the Cold War is long over. How well does the realist
view of international relations explain the complexity of today’s world?
Neorealists today remain skeptical regarding liberal claims of “global com-
munity” and “global governance” based on cooperation values. Instead, real-
ists generally remain convinced that countries will pay attention to their
security and are unlikely to maintain peaceful and mutually profitable co-
operation without a consolidating force to keep global and regional develop-
ments in check (Betts, 2011). Neorealists also argue that the end of a bipolar
world could bring more rather than less instability, particularly on a regional
level. Some regional balances are likely to show clear signs of strain. Most recent
developments validate realist concerns. For instance, the runaway growth of
China’s regional power in the twenty-first century may generate tensions in
Sino-Japanese, Sino-Indian, and Sino-American relations. Japan and India,
China’s old-time regional rivals oppose any rapid and forceful shifts in the bal-
ance of power in China’s favor. India has moved to balance China off by
strengthening its ties with America. Russia for the last ten years regarded China
as a useful balance against the superior American power. In turn, China began
to fend off the growing challenges to its power in the region by building closer
ties with Russia and Pakistan (Pant, 2011).
As neorealists believe, power politics is not obsolete, and the time for
power balancing has not passed. The traditional problem of domination in the
international system did not disappear. The debate continues among neoreal-
ists how the United States can play a dominant role in world affairs (Booth &
Wheeler, 2007). At the same time, most neorealists recently became advocates
66 CHAPTER 2: Realism and Liberalism

of nuclear disarmament. They particularly favor the elimination of small, tac-

tical types of nuclear weapons. They point out that proliferation of such weap-
ons as nukes is extremely dangerous, especially if it involves failing states and
terrorist groups.

CHECK YOUR Explain log rolling as a feature of bureaucratic bargaining.

KNOWLEDGE Why do neorealists remain skeptical regarding liberal claims of “global
community”?
Why do neorealists favor nuclear disarmament?

Applying Liberalism: Critical Evaluations

How well have liberal ideas stood the test of reality? We will now examine lib-
eral assumptions in light of decisions by individual leaders, state policies, and
the global context.

THE INDIVIDUAL CONTEXT

The liberal approach, like the realist one, is based on the rational model. In an
attention-grabbing piece published in Foreign Affairs, biologist Robert Sapolsky
argued using biological and anthropological evidence that humans are not
naturally aggressive. Human choices are the product of rational calculation
and social context. Rational choices by state leaders should therefore help
avoid violence (Sapolsky, 2006).
If people are by their nature inclined to peace, why do counties so often
engage in conflicts and wars? One answer is the weaknesses and strengths of
individual state leaders as they struggle with domestic politics and domestic
groups of interests. Weak political leaders, as liberals argue, often yield to
domestic pressures and choose war. In
July 1914, German Kaiser Wilhelm II
and Russian Czar Nicholas II became
hostages of their own plans for war,
and military mobilization became
their only option. Both empires suf-
German Chancellor Willy
Brandt kneels before fered defeat and collapse. In the 1930s
the monument to the another weak leader, Emperor Hirohito,
Jews killed by the Nazis succumbed to pressures from Japanese
during the uprising in generals and admirals who saw a his-
the Warsaw Ghetto in toric opportunity to build an empire
Poland. Brandt fought
against the Nazis during that would dominate the Far East. The
World War II. Democratic Japanese army first occupied Manchuria,
and liberal Germany then invaded southern China, and at
spent considerable last the Japanese navy attacked the
resources to atone for United States and Great Britain in
the war crimes of the
Third Reich and to build the Pacific. After four more years of
better relations with its barbaric war, the Japanese Empire
eastern neighbors. surrendered.
 How Do We Apply It? 67

The implementation of liberal principles in international relations requires

political strength and courage. President Woodrow Wilson failed to convince
the opposition at home when he pushed for U.S. participation in the League
of Nations. Franklin Roosevelt was more strong and skillful and succeeded in
establishing the United Nations and other pillars of institutional liberalism. In
West Germany in the 1970s (when Germany was divided into West and East),
Chancellor Willy Brandt (1913–1992) pushed for engagement and collabo-
ration with European Communist states, believing that cooperation would
work better than conflict. The peaceful end of the Cold War vindicated him
and his choices.
In sum, supporters of liberalism believe that it takes courage and wisdom
to make rational decisions in the spirit of cooperation and engagement. Liberal
principles remain only wishes unless they pass the test of domestic politics.

THE STATE CONTEXT

Domestic politics strongly influence foreign policy. Political outcomes in turn
depend on the type of government, the nature of policy institutions, the fre-
quency of elections, and the design and ownership of the media. All these
affect state leaders’ international priorities.
Consider again democratic peace theory, introduced earlier in this chapter.
It assumes that democratic states are unlikely to engage in war against one
another (Christison, 2002; Jervis, 2002). However, Jack Snyder and Edward
Mansfield looked at countries that are not fully democratic but only in transi-
tion to democracy. These countries might actually be more prone to war com-
pared to stable but authoritarian regimes. Why? Democracy allows political

CASE IN POINT > U.S. Public Opinion and the Use of Force Abroad

Despite substantial reservations in During the crisis in Darfur (Sudan), noninvolvement? Consider other
principle to the use of force abroad, despite most Americans’ support conflicts the United States was in-
most Americans support short- for some military engagement, volved in at that time, the schedule
term military action with limited there was no direct U.S. military of presidential elections in the
casualties. From the 1990s to 2003, action in that region. According to United States, and the nature of the
engagements in Kuwait, Kosovo, the 2007 poll by CNN/ORC, most conflict in Darfur. What is the situa-
Afghanistan, and Iraq all had sub- Americans supported their coun- tion in Darfur today? Why do you
stantial public support—at least try’s military involvement to stop think both Republican and Demo-
at the beginning (see Table 2-6). the massive loss of life in the cratic contenders for Presidency in
Conversely, with declining public Darfur conflict. Yet the Bush ad- the 2012 elections did not insist on
support, military interventions ministration ruled out military sending U.S. troops to Syria to stop
have been scaled back in Korea, action there. a civil war there?
Vietnam, and more recently in Iraq.
No open military interventions have CRITICAL THINKING
begun when public support was If you were president then, what
weak, as in Angola and Ethiopia. reasons would you give for your
68 CHAPTER 2: Realism and Liberalism

groups to compete openly. If democratic institutions are immature and unsta-

ble, some of these groups may use nationalist, populist, and demagogic slo-
gans and agendas to devastating effect (Mansfield and Snyder, 1995; Snyder,
2000). In the Middle East and Central Asia, efforts to replace autocracies with
democratic institutions can generate instability and war (Gause, 2005). In
Pakistan’s history, some periods of democratic rule were followed by long
periods of military dictatorship. It is unclear, however, which governments
of Pakistan—authoritarian or democratic—were less confrontational against
India.
Democratic peace theory has other limitations. War often finds support of
public opinion in democratic countries (Chan, 1997). Perhaps democracies in
the recent past have had other reasons for not going to war against each other
(Layne, 1994). For instance, the Soviet Union provided a common enemy, and
the United States was the overwhelmingly strongest democratic state, discour-
aging the United Kingdom and France to challenge it. Therefore, it was an easy
choice for the Western powers to form the U.S.-led military and political bloc
against the Soviet Union. This allowed them to resolve their differences
peacefully.
Consider now another issue—public support for foreign policy. Realists
give public opinion a limited role: Realpolitik is not supposed to be bound by
public opinion. On the contrary, the strong liberal internationalist policy may
depend on public support (Kagan, 2004a). The U.S. policy of containment,
with its strong liberal multilateral component, worked as long as it enjoyed
wide public backing and agreement between the Republican and the Democratic
parties (Nacos et al., 2000). Since the war in Vietnam, the White House could
not always enjoy such support and agreement. After the end of the Cold War,
the Clinton administration briefly tried to engage American troops in Africa,
but quickly withdrew from Somalia in October 1993 after guerillas downed

TABLE 2-5 The Impact of Public Opinion on Foreign Policy

The impact of public opinion on foreign policy is likely to increase if:
1. A national election is scheduled in the near future and opposition is strong: Incumbent officials need public
support for reelection.
2. Support or opposition to a certain foreign–policy-related issue is overwhelming and consistent: Officials
may argue that they have a “mandate.”
3. Majority opinion agrees with decision makers: Officials are likely to use polls as justification for their action
or inaction.
The impact of public opinion on foreign policy is likely to weaken if:
1. No national election is scheduled in the near future and the political opposition is relatively weak.
2. Support or opposition is weak or inconsistent: Officials may argue that the public is uncertain or divided.
3. Majority opinion disagrees with decision makers: Officials are likely to ignore or downplay the polls.
Sources: Rosenau, 1961; Holsti, 1992; Sobel and Shiraev, 2003; Yankelovich, 2005.
 How Do We Apply It? 69

TABLE 2-6 Public Opinion and U.S. Use of Force Abroad

Event Polls General General Outcome
Approval Disapproval
(Percent) (Percent)
The war against Japan 1941 December 1941; NORC, 82 12 War
Personal, 1,283
The Korean War 1950 December 1950; NORC, 55 36 War
Personal, 1,252
The Korean War 1953 June 1953; NORC, Personal, 38 51 End of the war
1,285
The Vietnam War 1967 August 1967; Gallup, 1,525 60 32 War
The Vietnam War 1972 June 1972; Gallup, 1,535 35 64 End of the war
Military involvement in January 1976; Yankelovich, 21 59 No ground troops
Angola, 1976 Skelly, & White, 951
Military actions in Ethiopia, April 1978; Harris, 1,529 13 71 No ground troops
1978
Military intervention in October 1983; ABS/WP, 71 22 Occupation
Grenada, 1983 1,505
Invasion and arrest of January 1990; HTRC, 1,510 72 18 Invasion
president of Panama, 1990
Military involvement in June 1994; CBS, 978 28 61 Non-involvement
Rwanda in 1994
Air strikes against Yugoslavia, April 1999; CBS, 878 59 29 Strikes
1999 (U.S. and NATO)
Military actions against October 2001; Gallup, 2,042 89 5 War
terrorist groups in
Afghanistan, 2001
Military actions against Iraq, Various polls, spring 2003 60–70 20–25 War
Spring 2003
Participation in an CNN/ORC poll, October 61 32 No U.S. direct
international military action 2007 military action
in Darfur 2007
Military Actions against Libya, Gallup, March 27, 2011 47 37 Strikes
Spring 2011
Abbreviations: NORC: NATIONAL OPINION RESEARCH CENTER; HTRC: Hart-Teeter Research Companies.
Source: Shiraev and Sobel, 2006.
70 CHAPTER 2: Realism and Liberalism

two Black Hawk helicopters and images of a dead U.S. soldier appeared in the
media. Clinton feared that losing American lives in liberal interventions might
easily cost him reelection in 1996.
In summary, although public opinion does not necessarily direct foreign
policy, it can constrain it. (See Tables 2-5 and 2-6.)
Leaders can shape public opinion to an extent only. The policy climate is
the prevailing sentiment among policy makers and other influential individu-
als. It includes beliefs about what the government, international organizations,
and nongovernment groups should do on the international level—particularly
faced with international conflict or security threats. Opinion leaders air their
views in public debates, speeches, policy statements, televised interviews,
printed publications, and the Internet (Sobel, 2001; Page and Shapiro, 1988).
The principles of liberal internationalism may prevail within a favorable policy
climate. Effective policies of liberal internationalism depend on maturity of
government, public opinion, and the policy climate.

THE GLOBAL CONTEXT

Globalization, or the growing interdependence of countries and their econo-
mies, brings not only opportunities, but also new challenges for liberal ap-
proaches to international relations. Economic liberalism must find better
answers to how to face a growing threat of instability of global financial mar-
kets: A financial panic among banks and their patrons may lead to a flight of
capital from one or many states—this results in disappearance of billions of
dollars, the end of investments, the unfinished constructions, and massive un-
employment. Only big countries or countries with great fi nancial resources
can resist volatility of financial markets. Among them are the United States,
the European Union, China, Germany, and a few others.

An antiglobalization
activist protests against
the construction of a
Walmart megastore in
Mejicanos, El Salvador,
in 2012.
 How Do We Apply It? 71

Institutional liberals supported NATO and EU enlargement in the 1990s.

They continued their support when both institutions experienced difficulties
in the past several years. Still, they have to prove that global governance would
work, say in the absence of the American leadership. After all, until the U.S.
intervention, the European Union could not stop a genocidal war in Yugoslavia
in the 1990s. And what would NATO do with a regime such as the Taliban if it
comes back to power in Afghanistan?
Optimists remain undaunted. From their point of view, the world’s inter-
dependence diminishes the ability of powerful states to act unilaterally, which
reduces the chance of military conflict. Globalization stands for interconnect-
edness and, therefore, for multiple interests. The complexity of and urgency of
global problems may also support liberal ideas. International projects in the
twenty-first century increasingly require the shared economic and financial
resources of many states. Even the United States, the biggest economic and
military power today, cannot police the world. The role of international and
nongovernment organizations will increase simply because there are no
alternatives.
As we have seen, democratic peace theory still has to be tested on a global
scale. In today’s world, states that try to borrow from Western democracy often
fail in the face of corrupt bureaucracies; inertia; fierce opposition; and politi-
cal, ethnic, and religious violence. Russia, Ukraine, Colombia, Pakistan, and
many other countries have all had difficulty building democratic institutions.
Sadly, weak democratic states may have to resort to violence internally and ex-
ternally. Does this mean that illiberal non-democratic regimes, such as in
Singapore and China, are better partners for international relations than
Pakistan where democracy is weak? Does it mean that the democratizing Egypt
is a less reliable partner for regional stability than the Egypt of military
dictatorship?
The next decades may provide some answers. Robert Keohane, at Princeton
University, believes that most important remedies to domestic conflicts and
violence are land reform, environmental cleanup, better education, and health
care. These policies can best promote stability and prosperity. The military will
still have a role to play. However, international organizations, economic sup-
port, and international cooperation can strengthen civilian public sectors and
address ethnic and social problems (Keohane, 2005). Although very few would
probably argue against better education and health care, a key challenge is to
find sufficient resources to accomplish these ambitious projects.
Some ideas of liberal internationalism may sound quite revolutionary.
Gidon Gottlieb in 1994 offered an idea of “states plus nations”: Ethnic groups
should receive the special legal and political status of a nation. A world of tra- Look up these
abbreviations:
ditional states, in his view, would evolve into a system of many nations, not
G-3, G-5, G-7, G-8, G-10,
necessarily with physical borders. Citizenship in a nation could be granted to G-20, and G-77. What do
people living in separate states, such as people of Chinese descent in Europe, they represent, and what
Asia, and America. They would still pay taxes and serve in the military where functions do they serve?
they live. However, nationality would be matter of cultural heritage, not the How many still exist
“motherland,” and territorial conflicts would decrease. Massive migrations in today? Are there any new
the twenty-first century should put Gottlieb’s proposal to the test. groups with similar aims?
72 CHAPTER 2: Realism and Liberalism

CHECK YOUR Leaders applying principles of liberalism in foreign policy frequently face
KNOWLEDGE strong domestic opposition. Why?
How do public opinion and the policy climate affect foreign policy?

Past, Present, and Future:

The European Union
The EU seems to represent the greatest triumph of liberal institutionalism. But
it is not a good time to celebrate. The financial crisis that began in 2008 re-
vealed major problems in the EU design, which lacked functionality under
economic strain. The acute financial problems in Greece, Italy, Ireland, and
Portugal sharpened the discussion of the future of the European Union. There
is a powerful argument that a single European currency makes any effective
responses to economic or financial crises more difficult to implement. The
future of the European Union depends on collective action to resolve these
financial and economic problems. In 2010–12, member states created the
European Financial Stability Facility to preserve financial stability of the union
and agreed on serious financial measures to avoid a deep crisis. They obliged
the governments of Greece, Spain, and Italy to take serious austerity measures
to reduce their national debt. The search for coordinated policies continues.
(We return to the international economy in Chapter 6.)
Let’s compare the arguments of liberal institutionalism and its critics:
• Integration or protectionism? The European Union was created to defend
four economic freedoms: the free flow of capital, labor, products, and services.
Supporters of early unification argued that integration in one functional area

The debates about the

direction of EU policies
have energized many,
including musicians.
In Estonia in 2013,
musicians rehearse a
new operetta titled
“Nostra Culpa” (Latin for
“Our Fault”), inspired
by a social media feud
between Estonian
President Toomas
Hendrik Ilves and Nobel
Prize-winning American
economist Paul Krugman
over austerity policies.
 Past, Present, and Future: The European Union 73

would almost necessarily lead to integration in others (Haas, 1958). European

states managed to combine economic growth with generous support of social
programs. Governments invested heavily in education, health care, employ-
ment, and the environment. Europe seemed to be a continent characterized by
long-lasting peace and stability. To many, the liberal ideas have shown their
effectiveness.
Critics today point out instead that the crisis is pushing European states
back to protectionism. History shows that sovereign states tend to protect their
own economies against cheap foreign products, services, and labor. Today,
Greece, Italy, and Spain suffer very high unemployment among their young
populations, and free labor migration in the EU contributes. An influx of
young workers from Eastern Europe—particularly Poland, from the Middle
East, Africa, and other parts of the world—has led to growing opposition to
immigration. Freedom of labor movement created strong resistance from the
labor unions in France and Italy. Recently a number of European countries
began to cut their spending on education and other social programs. Critics
also argue that Germany, the most successful economy of the EU, became like
a “dictator” promoting free-market rules and neglecting unemployment and
social protection.
• Euro-bureaucracy or national decision-making? Liberal supporters of the
Union insist that the progressive decline of sovereignty of European states was
a good thing. It makes rivalries and wars in Europe impossible. There is no way
back, liberals argue—only forward—to a more efficient Europe, capable of
dealing with financial and social problems of all its member states. The Union,
supporters suggest, should further expand the mechanisms of “collective rule”
in Brussels: work on criminal law, taxation, and standards in social policy—in-
cluding unemployment benefits, pension plans, funding for education, and a
few more issues. The Union should also have a central office in charge of EU
foreign affairs and a small but viable military force.
Critics disagree. They believe that further erosion of state sovereignty is
harmful because it transfers sovereignty to bureaucrats in the central govern-
ment and further away from voters. Local authorities and communities can no
longer decide what is right for them. Critics in particular focus on the sprawling
Euro-bureaucracy. There are too many offices, institutions, rules, and regula-
tions in Brussels. Still other critics think that new institutions are actually use-
less because they cannot substitute for sovereign states. Take, for example, the
EU office of foreign affairs. Will it have real power to make decisions or become
a new expensive institution? Many argue that all attempts to create a European
military are impractical.
Opponents also predict that if the financial crisis continues or reemerges,
Europe would be essentially split between successful states, such as Germany,
and the states in debt, mostly in the southern part of the continent. They say
that future battles in Europe will be about nationalist ideas and national
identity.
• Is the European “project” in decline, or is it in transition?
Some observers warned that populist, nationalist regimes would take over
in much of Europe and thus weaken democracy (Zizek, 2009). They may also
74 CHAPTER 2: Realism and Liberalism

weaken the transnational sense of belonging to Europe rather than to specific

territories and countries. Eurobarometer, a regular series of surveys in the EU
For more countries, show a steady decline in popular support for membership in the
information
Union. Nationalist politicians argue that European states should take back
about the European
Union, opinion polls of
their sovereignty to deal with unemployment and boost social programs.
EU countries, and Pew Liberals stick to their principles. They are confident that the European
Global Surveys, visit the project will be successful. It has survived difficulties in the past. Liberals also
companion website at argue that a common “European identity” is widely shared by young and suc-
www.oup.com/us/ cessful professional classes, and it is crucial for the future of the European
shiraev. project. The debates continue. Please join them.

CONCLUSION
Even a brief description of rival approaches to in- transnational institutions. Contrary to realpoli-
ternational relations reveals that none of them pro- tik, supporters of the liberal tradition emphasize
vide all answers for all cases. During the Cold War the growing importance of NGOs and IGOs in
the realist view was predominant. Power and the forming foreign policy. Yet most recently the opti-
reactions of states to international anarchy were mistic judgments of liberals, based on the ratio-
seen as vital to explaining the world’s security. nal model, ran into unexpected challenges. The
Ruling elites, watching the changing balance of trends toward economic integration, free trade,
power, saw realism as the only way to keep interna- and financial integration reduced the state will-
tional order intact. The lessons of World War II ingness to fight each other. Yet, the same trends
backed realist arguments. If great powers had acted laid foundations for global financial shocks that
earlier to stop Nazism and Fascism, the argument took the states and the international institutions
goes, 70 million people would not have perished. by surprise. If liberal norms and institutions are
Yet even while the Cold War lasted, realism to become the core of the international order,
failed to take too many new factors and develop- what should we do with the problem of interna-
ments into account. The peaceful and sudden tional terrorism? And would the European Union,
collapse of the Soviet Union left realists with a the most successful case of liberal international-
complex and often puzzling world. The United ism, be able to act rationally and coherently?
States was now the only great power and yet It is unlikely that the field of international
failed to create a stable international order. It is relations will be dominated by only two ap-
not even clear if the United States can remain the proaches. In the following chapter we turn to a
world’s leader for long. What kind of realist poli- variety of approaches that in many ways chal-
cies will the future see? lenge realism and liberalism. The study of inter-
Twenty years ago, the baton of leadership national relations appears to be an “orchestra”
passed to the liberal approaches. In the liberal with a growing number of players and instru-
tradition, state preferences, not state power, ments. Each and every person adds to the com-
should define international relations. Countries, plexity of the music, each new approach or theory
like humans, are capable of self-restraint and co- can add to our understanding of the world’s com-
operation. Long-term moral purposes and values plexity. But what makes different instruments
are more important in international relations produce great music instead of a noisy cacoph-
than power-driven calculations. War and con- ony? Like a musician learning musical theory to
flicts can be contained through diplomacy, eco- understand music, a student of international re-
nomic interdependence, cultural exchanges, and lations should master all these approaches.
 Chapter Summary 75

CHAPTER SUMMARY
• Realism is a school of international relations based on considerations of power are often
that focuses on security and state interests. labeled power politics or realpolitik. A state’s
States are main actors in international rela- geographic location, history, ideology, po-
tions. International relations in the context litical regime, or economic conditions can
of realism appear as a constant balancing of affect its power politics.
power in which states try to make sure that • Liberalism is based on three interconnected
others do not become significantly stronger, principles: (1) the rejection of power politics
thus violating an established balance of as the source and outcome of international
power. States try to avoid anarchy—the ab- relations, (2) an emphasis on international
sence of any authority above the states, the cooperation and mutual benefits, and (3) the
agency that can control the states from importance of international organizations
above. The emphasis on international struc- and nonstate actors in shaping state prefer-
ture is a hallmark of so-called neorealism. ences and policy. The premises of liberalism
• States constantly gain or lose power, affect- include the power of diplomacy, democratic
ing the international order. According to the peace theory, and “soft power.” Liberalism
realist approach, the design of the interna- promotes the idea that states can solve prob-
tional order is determined by the distribu- lems by acting together. To achieve this out-
tion of power among states. We study three come, states need effective cooperation that
types of power distribution: unipolar, bipo- cannot be achieved without international
lar, and multipolar. institutions.
• Great powers emerge by spreading their in- • In an ideal world, say supporters of liberal-
fluence far beyond their borders to establish ism, an increasing number of leaders will
an international order favorable to their in- find the courage and wisdom to conduct pol-
terests. They do it above all with the help of icies in the spirit of cooperation and engage-
superior military power. But other forms of ment. Cooperation, in turn, will reduce con-
power, especially diplomacy and the ability frontation. However, liberal principles must
to achieve balance, can be crucial. Actions be tested in action.
76 CHAPTER 2: Realism and Liberalism

KEY TERMS
Anarchy 42 Hegemony 42 Neoliberalism 48
Bipolar order 43 Imperial overreach 42 Power 41
Bureaucratic bargaining 64 Intergovernmental Realism 41
Cold War (1946–1989) 43 organization (IGO) 48 Realpolitik 44
Complex Interdependence 48 International order 42 Revisionist (predator) state 42
Democratic peace theory 51 Liberal institutionalism 49 Soft power 52
Diplomacy 49 Liberalism 46 Status quo state 42
Global governance 49 Log rolling 64 Two-level game theory 63
Gross domestic product Multilateralism 60 Unipolar order 43
(GDP) 41 Multipolar order 43
Visual Review REALISM AND LIBERALISM
1. What do we study?
y

CHARACTERISTICS OF REALISM CHARACTERISTICS OF LIBERALISM

• States are the main actors in international • Rejection of zero-sum power politics, emphasis on
relations international cooperation, and emphasis on interna-
tional organizations and nonstate actors
• States focus on power, security, and national
interests • Neoliberalism: State interests are realized in the
context of interdependence among states
• States try to avoid anarchy
• Liberal Institutionalism: International order cannot
• Neorealism emphasizes power structure and
be achieved without international institutions
order

2. How do we think about it?

LESSONS OF REALPOLITIK EXAMINING LIBERAL POLICIES COMPARING REALISM AND

• States need a strong economy, • Peace and disarmament LIBERALISM
the military, efficient diplo- conferences • Both views can be compared in
macy, and few international • Wilsonianism and the League terms of international actors,
commitments of Nations order, and the means of interna-
tional relations
• Rapid power shifts threaten • The Marshall Plan
stability • Despite many differences,
• The United Nations neoliberalism and neorealism
• Wars are likely yet avoidable
• Multilateralism share common views on a range
of issues

3. How do we apply it?

THE INDIVIDUAL CONTEXT THE STATE CONTEXT THE GLOBAL CONTEXT

• Individual factors may play a • States’ foreign policy is formed • Realists argue in favor of a consoli-
role in power politics, but on two levels: the domestic and dating force to keep global develop-
realists tend to overlook them the international ments in check
• Liberals show that the choices • Domestic forces affect foreign • Liberals argue that mutual inter-
of political leaders affect out- policies of democratic and ests in the era of globalizations
comes of war and peace non-democratic states should affect choices and political
outcomes in international politics

Critical • How did principles of realism evolve over time? What are the similarities and differences
between realism and neorealism?
Thinking • Why is realpolitik considered a key application of realism?
• Why do realists associate bipolarity with international stability?
• How does realism explain individual foreign policy decisions, specific foreign policies
of states, and particular global developments? Give examples.
• How does liberalism argue against the principles of power politics?
• What are the differences among the various approaches and traditions within liberalism?
Give examples.
• How does liberalism explain individual foreign-policy decisions, specific foreign
policies of states, and particular global developments? Give examples.
 CHAPTER

3
CHAPTER OUTLINE
What Do We Study? 80

How Do We Think About It? 80

> The Constructivist View 81
> Conflict Theories 84
> Identity Factors 89
Debate Who are Patriots and
Nationalists? 94
> Political Psychology 95
How Do We Apply It? 99
> The Individual Context 99
Case in Point Obama’s Missing
Father 102
> The State Context 103
> The Global Context 108
Past, Present, and Future:
The Cuban Missile Crisis 111

CONCLUSION 115

CHAPTER SUMMARY 115

KEY TERMS 116

VISUAL REVIEW 117

Local residents gather outside

the house where Al-Qaeda
leader Osama bin Laden was
caught and killed in May 2011, in
Abbottabad, Pakistan. Ten years
earlier, the Taliban government
in Afghanistan refused to turn
Bin Laden over to the United
States. This decision contributed
to a long war.
Alternative Views
I don’t carry any early childhood trauma around with me, if that’s what you’re
hinting at. The story of the bicycles—and there were three of them which were
stolen from me—I’ve dealt with it well.
— GERMAN CHANCELLOR ANGELA MERKEL, ON WHETHER HER
CHILDHOOD EXPERIENCES AFFECT HER POLICIES

A
FTER SEPTEMBER 11, 2001, THE TALIBAN—AN ISLAMIC
MOVEMENT THEN IN POWER IN AFGHANISTAN—REFUSED
TO GIVE AWAY OSAMA BIN LADEN, THE MASTERMIND OF
that day’s devastating attacks. In response, the United States and its allies
threatened war. Had the Taliban leaders used strategic calculations and
acted as realists, they would have realized that they could not possibly
withstand the U.S. military. The balance of power was simply not on
their side. Yet the Taliban rulers chose neither course. Rather, against
enormous odds, they chose resistance.
In 2003, President Saddam Hussein of Iraq refused to cooperate
with the United Nations, which accused Iraq of hiding weapons of mass
destruction. Why did he continue to resist when, in fact, he did not have
such weapons? Had he forgotten how in 1990, massive U.S.-led force
defeated the Iraqi army and threw it out of Kuwait? Instead, he remained
defiant and witnessed the fall of his regime.
As you can see, the Taliban leaders and the Iraqi dictator chose
neither realpolitik nor cooperation with the international community.
What motivated their decisions? Neither realism nor liberalism can
answer this question. This chapter will explore alternative approaches
that go beyond realism and liberalism in explaining international
cooperation, conflicts, and wars. We will explore how identities, percep-
tions, social norms, conflicting economic interests, gender and race, and
psychological factors shape the behavior of leaders and states.

79
80 CHAPTER 3: Alternative Views

Learning After reading this chapter, you should be able to:

describe the shortcomings of realism and liberalism and the neces-
Objectives sity of other interpretations of world politics;
explain alternative views to international relations, including con-
structivism, conflict theories, feminism, identity formation, and
political psychology;
give examples of how perceptions, conflicts, inequality, social
norms, gender, race, political culture, nationalism, and psycho-
logical factors shape international relations; and
apply the knowledge to interpret international behavior of lead-
ers, states, and international organizations

What Do We Study?
Realism assumes that states act to protect their interests and maximize power
in their reaction to international anarchy. Liberalism emphasizes cooperation
through mutual interests, international trade, and international and nongov-
ernment organizations. Yet neither necessarily explains how states define their
interests and why nongovernment organizations choose cooperation. Both realists
and liberals argue that states and organizations tend to make rational choices.
But in reality many decisions are made by individuals based on ideology, greed,
honor, deep-seated beliefs, and misperceptions. This chapter presents approa-
ches to international relations that try to address these issues:
• Constructivism, a fresh and influential approach, argues that states develop
their interests and notions of security according to diverse social norms
and historic experiences.
• Conflict theories focus instead on inequality as a defining factor in interna-
tional relations. For example, it may be economic inequality, explored by
Marxist theories, or it may be race and gender inequality, explored by post-
colonial and feminist theories.
• Another approach, close to constructivism, focuses on identities, or the
ways people and institutions perceive themselves and others.
• Finally, political psychology focuses on decision makers and how they react
to international change, opportunities, and crises according to their expe-
riences, emotions, biases, and misperceptions.

How Do We Think About It?

If you saw two little boys fighting, whose side would you take? You may choose
not to get involved, of course, assuming that breaking up a fight is not your
business. But as a responsible adult, you may intervene. But why? Which boy
 How Do We Think About It? 81

would you help first? Your decision, obviously, depends on many circum-
stances. So do the decisions and actions of states and organizations.

The Constructivist View

Canada and Cuba are neighbors of the United States. Yet one is an American
partner and friend, and another was for many years an adversary. Obviously,
the Cuban and the United States’ governments viewed the entire international
order differently (Reus-Smit, 2009). Advocates of the constructivist view (or
constructivism) believe that states’ actions and policies are based on how lead-
ers, bureaucracies, and societies interpret or construct the information available
to them. Constructivism posits that power, anarchy, and security are not just ab-
stract categories. Rather, they have different meanings for different states
(Wendt, 1992). A serious threat for one state may not be an issue for another.
Like individuals, societies can exaggerate external threats or overlook them
(Buzan and Hansen, 2009). As when you step in to break up a fight, countries
act based on their ideas of what is fair or unfair in international relations. If two
countries agree on what is fair, they are more prone to cooperate.
States, of course, pursue their vital interests. Realists, as you will remem-
ber, assume that these interests always push states to react to anarchy by build-
ing up their power. Liberals insist, on the contrary, that interests in peaceful
trade push states to cooperate. Constructivists raise a critical question: Where
do state interests come from? Who defines which interests are to be respected as
vital, legitimate, and essential—and which can be disregarded? To answer,
constructivists emphasize the importance of social norms, perceptions, and
rules in defining state interests (Wendt, 1999; Checkel, 1998). (See Figure 3.1.)
They argue that state leaders learn from past errors and accomplishments
(Hudson, 1999; Hemmer, 1999).
Be careful, however! Constructivism does not say that beliefs, perceptions,
and lessons just spring from the imagination. Rather, they are collective percep-
tions, shared by powerful societal groups. A good example of such perception
is a question, constantly discussed in the United States: “What is our country’s
mission?”

SOCIALLY CONSTRUCTED MEANINGS

Socially constructed meanings have governed political decisions from ancient
times. In the 5th century BC, Thucydides (2003) described how fear and honor,
in addition to self-interest, provoked Greek cities to go to war. Constructivists
would agree with much of what Thucydides wrote. Fear, of course, is a major
factor in realism as well, for instance, fear of international anarchy. Yet the re-
alist approach does not explain why a state’s military power evokes intense fear
of neighbors in one situation but not in another. For instance, Russia today has

Facts, events, State interests constructed through Decisions,

and international experience, social norms, and a vision actions, and FIGURE 3-1 The
developments of today and the future policies constructivist approach
to international relations.
82 CHAPTER 3: Alternative Views

a much greater nuclear arsenal than the Soviet Union’s during the 1950s. Yet
the United States no longer fears that Russia would attack them, as they had
feared the Soviet Union would.
Fear can shape international interactions and state interests for a long
time. The sudden Japanese attack against the United States in 1941 trans-
formed American foreign policy for decades. After Pearl Harbor, Washington
sought to maintain a position of absolute military superiority and often acted
preemptively if it perceived a security threat from abroad. The September 11,
2001, attacks seemed to validate old fears of foreign attacks on American soil.
Did Washington overreact as a result?
From the viewpoint of constructivism, Thucydides’ “honor” is also a social
category that shapes international behavior. It is a state’s search for respect,
international credibility, prestige, and reputation. “Honor” can also take a per-
vert expression. Saddam Hussein in 2003 challenged the United Nations and
the United States because he was afraid that concessions would reveal his
weakness. Hussein also wanted to maintain his image in the Arab world of
an uncompromising fighter against Western powers (Primakov, 2009). As
Thucydides might have argued, Hussein’s defiance was a matter of fear and a
perverted sense of honor.

THREE TYPES OF INTERNATIONAL ENVIRONMENTS

Perceptions of how states should act—if these perceptions are shared by other
states—translate into actions and shape a particular international environment:

Pearl Harbor under

attack, December 7,
1941. This event shaped
American perceptions
of national security for
decades after.
 How Do We Think About It? 83

• States may consider, for example, the international environment as a gigantic

battlefield. Here individual states compete as enemies for power and resources,
using all means necessary to win (Wendt, 1992). This view of competing
states recalls the violent and anarchic society described by Thomas Hobbes
(1588–1679), the English philosopher, and is called the Hobbesian model.
• Other states may perceive their environment differently. To them, states are
not necessarily enemies. Instead, they interact as reasonable opponents: They
observe the rules of the game and try to compromise with one another to
balance their interests. This view is the Lockean model and has its roots in
philosophy of John Locke (1632–1704), an Englishman.
• Finally, some states may see the world as driven by fundamental norms of
ethics, based on recognition of the rights of others and a genuine desire to pre-
serve international peace. This is the Kantian model, named after Immanuel
Kant (1724–1804), the German philosopher. (See Table 3-1.)

At pivotal moments in history, especially at the end of major wars, domi-

nant states and their leaders have to decide on the principles of a new postwar
international environment. For instance, U.S., British, and Soviet leaders met in
Yalta in 1945, a few months before the end of World War II. British prime minister
Churchill clearly preferred the Lockean model. He wanted to maintain a strong
British Empire and was prepared to divide a postwar world divided into spheres
of influence. In his view, power balancing would contain any rivalry.
President Roosevelt gravitated instead toward a Kantian world, with lasting
institutional foundations for postwar peace and partnership. He hoped that a
new global intergovernmental organization, supported by American wealth

TABLE 3-1 Key Assumptions by Type of International Environment

Type of Environment Key Assumptions
Hobbesian (after Thomas Hobbes) • States are enemies and rivals
• They are engaged in power politics
• This politics is about zero-sum outcomes
• Self-interest and security are states’ prime interests
Lockean (after John Locke) • States are competitors
• Force and compromises are used in combination
• Mutual restraint is a norm of behavior
• International treaties build security
Kantian (after Immanuel Kant) • States are partners
• Cooperation is the main mechanism of international
relations
• Nonviolence is a norm of behavior
• Collective security is the ultimate goal of all states
Sources: Wendt, 1992; 1999.
84 CHAPTER 3: Alternative Views

Long-lasting international
FDR’s views foundations for peace

Post–World War
II international Spheres of influence
FIGURE 3-2 Three Churchill’s views
realities and balance of power
leaders, three world-
views. A post-Yalta world
Stalin’s views Reliance only on one’s
from the constructivist
power; Soviet domination
perspective.

and goodwill, would consolidate the world. Soviet leader Stalin, however,
tended to see a Hobbesian environment. He never believed in a lasting coop-
eration between the Communist Soviet Union and the capitalist powers; he
wanted to expand Soviet territory and to build a security “buffer zone” be-
tween his country and the West. The three leaders could not agree on a common
vision of the postwar world. As a result, fears grew, and the global confronta-
tion known as the Cold War began (Plokhy, 2010). (See Figure 3.2.)

HISTORY LESSONS
States draw different lessons from international relations and may have very
different understandings of what constitutes a fair game. Returning to the start
of this chapter, why did Canada and Cuba choose different policies toward the
United States? Canada, a former British colony, was for a long time in confron-
tation with the United States yet achieved an equal relationship with
Washington on the basis of common values and mutual trade. Cuba, a former
Spanish colony, fell under the United States’ economic domination and was
run by U.S.-backed dictators until 1959. Fidel Castro and a group of young
revolutionaries, when they came to power, rejected Washington’s domination
and allied with the distant Soviet Union. In 1962, in the worst crisis of the
Cold War, Soviet missiles targeted American cities from the Cuban territory
(see the end of this chapter).
For constructivists, history lessons shape international environment. If di-
plomacy does not bring justice to the suffering, or if the world leaves an aggressor
unpunished, then a Hobbesian environment is likely to emerge. In contrast, if
states interact peacefully and support international institutions for a long time,
then a Kantian environment is possible (Wendt, 1992).

CHECK YOUR In which ways can fear affect behavior of states?

KNOWLEDGE Describe three environments in international relations.
Explain key differences between the historical experiences of Canada
and Cuba.

Conflict Theories
Conflict theories emphasize economic, social, and political inequality as a
prime source of contradictions and international tensions. These theories
 How Do We Think About It? 85

highlight the role of social classes, ruling elites, males, and other dominant
groups in shaping foreign policy and global affairs. Dominant groups or states
impose their will on less powerful groups or states, create an unequal order to
serve their interests, and so generate conflicts, violence, and wars. Only libera-
tion from this order and the end of inequality can reduce tensions both domes-
tically and internationally.

MARXISM AND LENINISM

Marxism has been one of the most influential schools of thought. Karl Marx
(1818–1883) regarded human history as driven by the struggle between social
classes—the haves and have-nots. Marxism views a state as an instrument of the
dominant classes or groups, such as aristocracy or capitalists, to oppress and
exploit other classes, such as peasants or workers. The state conducts its foreign
policy according to the interests of the ruling classes. These interests are the
maximization of power and wealth at the expense of other social classes.
Marxism understands international relations as a struggle between states’
ruling elites over territories, people, and resources. Only a revolution of indus-
trial workers, the proletariat , can save humanity from the eternal cycle of
oppression and injustice, by establishing Communism—a classless political
and social order of equals free from oppressive governments (Marx and Engels,
[1848] 2011).
Vladimir Lenin (1870–1924) adapted Marxism to explain the develop-
ments in the early twentieth century. According to Lenin, capitalism concen-
trates wealth in the hands of the few banks and industrial corporations. This,
in turn, produces unbridled imperialism, a global struggle for territories
and resources. According to Lenin, sovereign states participating in this
struggle are just obedient “executive committees” of powerful corporations
and banks expressing the interests of super-wealthy elites. In search of new
markets and resources, Lenin argued, just a handful of capitalist countries
of Europe and North America colonized Africa and Asia in the nineteenth
century and kept Latin America in a state of dependency. Lenin called for a
world revolution as the only way to save humanity from imperialism and
war (Lenin, [1916] 1996).
Throughout the twentieth century, Communist revolutionaries justified
violence as long as it was aimed against capitalism or the revolutionaries’ op-
ponents. Communist states included the Soviet Union, the People’s Republic
of China, parts of Eastern and Central Europe, Vietnam, Cuba, and North
Korea. Marxism-Leninism promotes a theory of distributive justice, according to
which the contemporary world’s distribution of resources is fundamentally
unfair. Marxism-Leninism rejects liberal values, political democracy, plural-
ism, and individualism in the same way it rejects the free-market economy.
Capitalism here is viewed as a source of exploitation and inequality. Political
democracy is ridiculed as a façade to deceive the oppressed and the poor, to
divide them, and to rule over them (Ziegler, 1981). (See Figure 3.3.)
After World War II many Communist parties in Western Europe distanced
themselves from Leninist views. They turned instead to social-democratic
models in which all social classes can share wealth and power. Lenin’s theory
86 CHAPTER 3: Alternative Views

Anti-capitalism Capitalism

Foreign Foreign
policy of policy of
Anti-colonialism Communist capitalist Colonialism
states states
FIGURE 3-3 Marxist
view of Communist and
capitalist countries’ Collectivism Rule of the few
foreign policy. Clashes

of imperialism, however, remained particularly popular among the champions

of antielitism, decolonization, and national liberation. Critics of Western
domination in postcolonial Africa, Asia, and Latin America (called the global
“South”) often turned to Marxism-Leninism to criticize the developed capitalist
countries of the global “North.” Embracing the same assumptions, postcolonial
studies embraced the conflict approach to international relations.

DEPENDENCY AND WORLD-SYSTEMS THEORY

In the 1960s and 1970s, some Western thinkers turned to neo-Marxism to
argue that world capitalism should not be destroyed but rather reformed
through science and smart policies. In Asia, Africa, and Latin America neo-
Marxist scholars were reacting against liberal modernization, which advised
states to follow the American market-based model of economic and social de-
velopment. An Argentinean scholar, Raul Prebisch (1901–1986), argued that
the structures of international relations—and trade in particular—make it im-
possible for countries to grow out of poverty. The free market keeps poor states

Activists of Sri Lanka’s

Marxist political party,
People’s Liberation
Front, push carts with
portraits of Communist
leaders (from left) Karl
Marx, Friedrich Engels,
Vladimir Lenin, and
Rohana Wijeweera
(a local Marxist leader)
during a street march
in 2012. Communist
parties have lost most
of their influence, but
Communist ideas still
find popular support.
 How Do We Think About It? 87

dependent on rich states while supplying the latter with cheap labor and raw
materials. Only by building its own industries and “substituting” for foreign
goods by producing its own can a state emerge from dependency. These views
became the foundation of dependency theory.
An American sociologist Immanuel Wallerstein (b. 1930), formulated a
related view known as world-systems theory. He used a Marxist concept, hegemony,
which claims that a few industrial countries have an advantage in world af-
fairs, whereas other states are kept behind (Wallerstein, 1979). World-systems
theory divides the world into a core, consisting of the developed states that
exercise their hegemonic power, and the periphery, including former colonies
and underdeveloped and chronically poor states. The core states, located
mainly in North America and Western Europe, impose free-market rules on
the poor states to keep the periphery in permanent poverty and dependence
(Gereffi and Korzeniewicz, 1993).
The interests of the core and the periphery are in conflict. The core states
share an interest in maintaining the established economic order while elimi-
nating challenges from the periphery. The Soviet Union and China in the
twentieth century challenged the capitalist core. Yet the Soviets and Chinese
never could reshape the world economic, financial, and trade systems. In the
end, China and the Soviet Union (shortly before its collapse) decided to
become part of a world system dominated by the United States, Western
Europe, and Japan (Goldfrank, 2000).
The financial global crisis that started in 2008 brought these theories fresh
attention. They became a major stimulus for radicals from the antiglobalist
movement, but also for development studies and the discussions of how the
global North can assist the global South (Wallerstein, 2004; Arrighi, 1994;
Arrighi and Lu Zhang, 2011). We will return to these studies and discussions in
Chapter 6.
Marxist-Leninist views also influenced the postcolonial studies. This ap-
proach sees the very language of international relations as shaped by European
imperialism and racism (Said, 1994; Spivak, 1999). Advocates of postcolonial
studies argue that the West retained its dominance over the rest of the world
by means of cultural and informational hegemony: Western scholars and jour-
nalists defined the West as a norm, and depicted every attempt to overthrow
Western domination as counterproductive and irrational (Said, 1979 Fanon,
2005). They claim that the Cold War was mainly waged in Africa, Latin
America, and Asia, preventing their development and causing suffering of
non-Western peoples (Chakrabarty, 2007; Westad, 2007).

What are the key points of Lenin’s theory of imperialism? Do you see some CHECK YOUR
of these points as valid today? KNOWLEDGE
What is export substitution?
What is distributive justice? Give an example.
Explain the core and the periphery in Wallerstein’s arguments.
88 CHAPTER 3: Alternative Views

THE POLITICS OF GENDER

Other conflict approaches focus not on social classes and wealth, but on social
divisions such as gender and race. Again, social and political injustice are seen
as a source of conflict in international relations.
Feminism is the view that women do not have equal rights and opportuni-
ties with men, and global changes are needed to achieve social justice. Feminist
scholars have produced a wealth of work linking gender inequality to interna-
tional relations. They argue that existing approaches reflect gender bias in a
male-dominated world (Hirschman, 2010).
First, feminists say, men created legal and cultural rules, government insti-
tutions, and policies that systematically discriminate against women and sat-
isfy men’s needs. Global studies show that women not long ago filled fewer
than 20 percent of parliamentary seats worldwide—and fewer than 15 percent
of ministerial-level positions (Hunt, 2007). Outside Western countries, women
seldom play a significant role in policy-making in defense, security, or diplo-
macy. The task is therefore to give women institutional support to represent
their interests in the policy-making process globally (Waylen, 2010). (See
Figures 3.4 and 3.5.)
Second, feminists say, defense and security policies reflect a masculine
culture that accepts war and violence rather than consensus and peace (Cohn,
1987). For centuries women’s views of politics were not taken into consider-
ation. And in fact studies show that women tend to differ from men in their
leadership style and understanding of security (Ayman and Korabik, 2010).
If women occupied more positions of power and if feminine qualities and
attitudes rather than masculine ones were more valued, many feminists con-
clude, we all would live in a more peaceful world (Hunt, 2007). Postcolonial
feminists may even criticize Western feminists to give due credit to nonwhite,
non-Western women.
Third, there is a strong correlation between violence against women and
violence in foreign policy. Countries that tolerate aggression against women
are more prone to use force abroad as well (Patterson, 2006). Conversely, do-
mestic gender inequality influences a state’s choices between violence and
cooperation, peace and war, even in democracies (Caprioli and Boyer, 2001).
In sum, feminist scholars argue, women should have the freedom and
FIGURE 3-4 Women
in single and lower
house of parliament,
Sweden Netherlands Britain China Italy U.S. Russia India Brazil
percentage of total
selected countries.
Source: Inter-Parliamentary 45 40 22 21 21 17 14 11 9
Union, 2012.

FIGURE 3-5 Women Norway Sweden France Britain Germany U.S. Spain China Brazil India Russia
on Corporate Boards,
percentage of total
selected countries. 35 25 20 16 16 16 11 9 7 5 5
Source: Beck, 2011.
 How Do We Think About It? 89

opportunities to make their own choices in everyday life and politics alike
(Snyder-Hall, 2010).
Researchers and advocates of feminism have directed attention to serious
international issues—including modern sex slavery, the trafficking of women
and children across borders, rape and other forms of sexual violence, the pro-
tection of women and children during war, and AIDS (Buzan and Hansen,
2009, 212).

RACE AND ETHNIC CONFLICT

Theories of racial and ethnic prejudice maintain that world politics remains
rooted in the superiority of some racial, national, cultural, or ethnic groups
over others. Racial and ethnic prejudice affect international relations in at
least two ways. First, political leaders interpret the world in racial or cultural
terms; and second, dominant states primarily pursue the interests of white
majorities.
We have already mentioned that postcolonial studies focus on how
racism shapes international relations. Indeed, during the nineteenth and
most of the twentieth century, theories of racial superiority, such as social
Darwinism, justified European domination, slavery, and colonialism. Later
anthropological and cultural studies rejected these ideas, emphasizing mul-
ticulturalism and equality. Yet new theories have also appeared, claiming
inevitable differences between ethnic and cultural groups. Samuel Huntington
(1993) and other scholars argue that the major confl icts in world politics are
not between states but rather between “civilizations” unified by cultural or
spiritual values. Iran and Iraq are rivals, in this view, not only because of
their competition for oil but rather because of a deep-seated animosity be-
tween Persian and Arab civilizations. Similarly, Western Europe has treated
Russia with great suspicion, not just because of its policies but because Europe
views it as an alien, unpredictable, and dangerous civilization (Huntington,
1993; Neumann, 1996).
Postcolonial studies, too, may point to sources of racial and ethnic conflict.
In this view, Western powers have long represented a white culture of colonialism
and racism. This leads to double standard in their foreign policy. For example,
the major powers took almost no action to stop the conflicts involving black
Africans in Biafra in the 1960s and in Rwanda in 1994. Western powers may
continue to doubt Africa’s capability of self-governance (Gates, 1998).

How does masculine culture relate to security in the feminist view? CHECK YOUR
Explain the main focus of postcolonial studies. KNOWLEDGE

Identity Factors
The power of battleships and the size of economic investments can make a dif-
ference in global affairs. However, a foreign country’s military and economic
power is often not enough to affect values, beliefs, and affiliations. In different
90 CHAPTER 3: Alternative Views

A boy holds his stepsister

in Nyamata, Rwanda, in
2004, ten years after the
civil war that left him
orphaned. The world’s
most powerful countries
were late to respond to
the extreme violence
that took the lives of
hundreds of thousands
of Rwandan people.

parts of the world, people tend to resist foreign influences simply because they
are foreign. People tend to defend their way of life and their identity. Identity
refers to how people see themselves as members of national, ethnic, religious,
gender, or political groups. Common identity comes from history, culture, and
language—and can generate passions in state-to-state relations that economic
self-interest cannot. Nationalist and religious passions can be particularly des-
tabilizing and even dangerous. During the war in Vietnam, American leaders
spoke of winning “hearts and minds”—and this is often more difficult than
winning a military conflict. Successful foreign policy is impossible without
attractive cultural symbols—“soft power” that we discussed in Chapter 2.

POLITICAL CULTURE
Culture is a set of values and symbols shared by a large group of people, ex-
pressed in behavior and communicated from one generation to the next
(Shiraev and Levy, 2013). Political culture is the attitude of a community or
country toward political authority and politics in general. Political culture is
not a consensus on political issues; people still tend to disagree on almost
everything. Rather, it is a dominant perception concerning the rights and obli-
gations of citizens—and the rules of political participation.
We can identify at least three types of political culture (Almond and Verba,
1963). In traditional or parochial political culture, citizens are only remotely
 How Do We Think About It? 91

TABLE 3-2 Types of Political Culture

Parochial People are only remotely aware of the government; they do not form a
political community
Authoritarian People obey the government, act like subjects, and have little impact on
its policies
Participatory or Democratic People act like citizens, have the right to influence politics, elect their
leaders, organize associations, and express their opposition
Mixed or Hybrid Elements of other two or three types of political cultures coexist

aware of the presence of central government. Most of them make local deci-
sions regardless of state policies. In authoritarian political culture, people obey
the government in most areas of their life. They have little opportunity for
feedback, dissent, or voluntary participation in politics. In participatory or dem-
ocratic culture, the government may remain powerful, but citizens have the
right to influence politics, elect their leaders, organize associations, and ex-
press their opposition—and they have the habit of doing just that. Also, mixed
types of political cultures may exist, especially when countries undergo politi-
cal transition (Levitsky and Way, 2010).
In the United States or France, the elements of participatory democracy are
strong, whereas the elements of parochial or authoritarian culture are insig-
nificant. In contrast, in Afghanistan or Iraq, parochial culture has dominated
for centuries, and participatory culture had little opportunity to develop.
Countries like Russia or Pakistan show elements of all three political cultures,
but authoritarian culture still prevails. (See Table 3-2.)

What is identity? How can your identity affect your views of specific inter- CHECK YOUR
national events? KNOWLEDGE
Explain parochial, authoritarian, and participatory political cultures.

In democratic countries, like the United States, Canada, and the United
Kingdom, participatory political culture is part of people’s identity. The citizens
there tend to view their countries as democracies. Furthermore, the governments
of these countries base their policies toward one another on shared identities,
thus rejecting confrontation and war (see arguments about democratic peace
in Chapter 2).
Political cultures do not change overnight. They are acquired and trans-
formed during an individual life span. In history, it was important for political
authorities to control education and information in their countries.
Authoritarian states employ the means of communication to spread information
92 CHAPTER 3: Alternative Views

Values Identities

Political Political
Communication Mobilization
FIGURE 3-6 How
values and identities Political
related to politics are Socialization
formed.

that may be politically useful; they use censorship to limit access to informa-
tion that they think can hurt them. Authoritarian states also can mobilize
masses against other states, to distract them from domestic problems, using
the slogans of violence and hatred (Fukuyama, 2011).
Until recently, ruling elites in authoritarian countries almost had a mo-
nopoly on information. This allowed them to control the process of political
mobilization. In the twenty-first century, the Internet, cellular phones,
Facebook, and Twitter have eroded technological barriers and geographic
distance. The revolts in Tunisia, Egypt, and Syria are examples of how modern
means of communication can destabilize authoritarian states. These realities
have caused authorities in China and elsewhere to censor their communica-
tion networks and limit the free flow of information. (See Figure 3.6.)

IDENTITIES AND CIVILIZATIONS

Identities are certainly broader than political cultures. Let’s turn to a familiar
example of Canada and Cuba. Can identity factors help us to understand the
difference between their relations with the United States? Probably yes. Canada
and the United States share common identity roots as parts of the British
Empire influenced by Anglo-Saxon traditions. Cuba had different identity
roots founded in the Spanish Empire, Catholicism, and the Caribbean culture.
Do you think these factors perhaps did play the role when the Castro govern-
ment launched its anti-American policies and convinced its people about the
threat of imperialism coming from the north?
Samuel Huntington (1993) argued that cultural factors and identities
became more important today than political and economic interests in inter-
national affairs. He believed that several countries can share common identi-
ties and form a “civilization” rooted in centuries of collective experiences and
practices. Liberal-democratic political culture, Huntington argued, is a product
of the Western civilization based on the classical legacy of Greece and Rome;
Catholicism and Protestantism; European language; a separation between reli-
gion and state; the rule of law, social pluralism, civil society, traditions of rep-
resentative rule; and individualism. Other civilizations are based on different
values and experiences associated with Islam, Buddhism, Hinduism, Eastern
 How Do We Think About It? 93

Orthodox, and other religions. Whereas in Western Christian countries poli-

tics became separated from religion, in Islamic countries a unity of religion
and politics is often emphasized. Huntington believed that non-Western civi-
lizations would resist the expansion of democracy and Western political cul-
ture. Like tectonic plates in geology, civilizations will have friction along their
fault lines.

NATIONALISM AND OTHER POLITICAL ATTITUDES

Identity-related attitudes affect politics especially when people express solidar-
ity with social groups to which they belong against “others.” There are at least
four kinds of such attitudes—nationalism, tribalism, xenophobia, and funda-
mentalism. They have a direct impact on diplomacy and global affairs.
Nationalism has many definitions, but generally it is an individual and
collective form of identity with a country or a nation. Members of an ethnic
group—Arabs, Russians, or Chinese—may never see one another, and yet they
view themselves as a unified group, particularly when threatened (Anderson,
2006). Nationalism is often the belief that an ethnic group has the right to
form an independent state. Nationalism can serve simultaneously as a consoli-
dating and a dividing force (Muller, 2008). Before 1948, Jews and Arabs in
Palestine lived together in Palestine under the British administration. When
the British withdrew, the Jews in Palestine formed an independent state of
Israel supported by the Soviet Union, the United States, and several Western
countries. The neighboring Arab leaders went to war against Israel and lost.
This led to the flight of the Palestinian Arabs from their lands and the forma-
tion of two sharply distinct groups, Israeli Jews and Palestinian Arabs, that
remain in conflict for years (Fromkin, 2009). More recently, the collapse of
Yugoslavia led to the emergence of several independent nations.
National identity can be a peaceful and respectful kind of group solidarity,
which we usually call patriotism. Many other forms of nationalism, however,
use violent or radical means to achieve their goals and separate “us” from
“them” (Theiss-Morse, 2009). One such form of nationalist hatred is chauvinism,
a belief in national superiority. Even more radical is neo-Nazism, a dangerous
combination of anti-Semitism, militarism, and racism. National identity is a
very powerful factor of political mobilization during conflicts and wars. People
often put aside their political differences to stand shoulder-to-shoulder as citi-
zens against another state. Political parties mend their differences to defend
their country under a foreign threat. In its virulent, active form nationalism
can be an effective substitute for a participatory political culture especially in
non-democratic states. During World War II many Germans followed Hitler to
the end. Despite their serious disapproval of the authoritarian leader Slobodan
Milošević, the Serbian political opposition moved to his side during NATO’s
bombing campaign against Serbia in 1999.
Nationalism is not necessarily a universal form of identity. In the Arab
Middle East, in Afghanistan, and some parts of Africa, tribalism is wide-
spread—an attitude based on strong loyalty to tightly knit, usually small,
ethnic and religious groups. These groups usually function on the basis of an-
cient traditions preceding the formation of modern states. Tribalism appears in
94 CHAPTER 3: Alternative Views

DEBATE > WHO ARE PATRIOTS AND NATIONALISTS?

The labels “nationalist” and “pa- nationalist, patriot, patriotic, or country’s policies and its leaders?
triot” are often confusing. Just what unpatriotic are often deliberately Give an example of an unpatriotic
does it mean to be a Korean, misused to boost one’s popularity statement or behavior.
Mexican, or American patriot? In and scorn political opponents.
public discourse, as research shows,
You can easily search for the
to be a “patriot” has always been WHAT’S YOUR VIEW? media’s interpretation of
more suitable than to be a “nation- Do you think it is patriotic to sup- “unpatriotic” acts or statements—
alist” (Kosterman and Feshbach, port your country’s leaders uncon- for example, “Fox Accuses Google
1989). “Patriotic” behavior is some- ditionally and at all times? Why or of Being Unpatriotic” by Chris
times associated with agreeing with why not? When do you think it Matyszczyk (June 2012). See the
a majority. Moreover, the terms can be patriotic to criticize your companion website.

the form of political loyalties to clans that bond by marriage and kinship—
meaning biological, cultural, or historical descent.
Both nationalism and tribalism may be associated with xenophobia,
which is fear and hatred of foreign countries and foreigners. In Afghanistan as
well as some regions in Central Asia, the resentment against any foreign pres-
ence has a long history (Hopkirk, 2004). Xenophobia exists in democracies as
well, as a fear of immigrants. A 2011 study found that in the European Union,
many believe that immigrants “are taking employment opportunities from the
local population” (Eurobarometer, 2011).

Under the watchful eye

of mounted British police
officers, members of the
English Defense League
march on the Tower
Bridge in London in 2011.
The English Defense
League insists it is a
peaceful organization
opposing Islamist
extremism, but its past
actions have often
resulted in violence.
 How Do We Think About It? 95

Fundamentalism is another form of identity rooted in religious beliefs.

Fundamentalists advocate a return to the past—often an imagined past, before
modern influences came to undermine traditional values. To them, openness,
globalization, and democracy threaten local cultures and their status. Private
fundamentalism can be found among devout believers in Islam, Christianity,
Judaism, and other religions. It has little impact on international politics.
Political fundamentalism, in contrast, advocates its vision alone of how govern-
ment should function and which foreign policy it should conduct (Husain,
2005). Many Christian fundamentalists in the United States have long argued
that the U.S. government should unconditionally support Israel and its poli-
cies in the Middle East because Israel is the place for the “second coming” of
Jesus Christ (S. Spector, 2008). The Islamic revolution in Iran in 1978–1979 led
to the victory of political fundamentalism and had enormous influence on the
whole Middle East. According to the Iranian Constitution, all laws “must be
based on Islamic criteria” (Article 4). The Iranian government began to con-
sider the United States as “the Great Satan,” the enemy of the entire Islamic
ummah (community).

How does nationalism influence international relations? Can this influence CHECK YOUR
be positive? KNOWLEDGE
Define xenophobia and suggest several examples of it.
Explain the meaning of political fundamentalism.

Political Psychology
Every time the United States elects a new president, political strategists around
the world start guessing. Will there be a new policy direction in Washington?
After all, human beings make decisions and conduct policies on behalf of
states. And these individuals may be vindictive or forgiving, rely on ideology
or on intuition, and turn to advisers or act alone. Political psychology studies
the interactions between political and psychological factors in individual and
group behavior.
Political psychologists use the behavioral and cognitive sciences to gather
information about world leaders and analyze their policies (Houghton, 2008).
Some of their data comes from experimental studies. Most, however, comes
from politicians themselves—their statements, interviews, press conferences,
speeches, memoirs, and policy-making.

RATIONAL DECISION-MAKING
According to the rational model, political leaders try to maximize the positive
outcomes and minimize the negative consequences of their decisions. In other
words, they act, for the most part, rationally. Before imposing sanctions against
a foreign state or going to war, for example, a president might follow these steps
(Hindmoor, 2006; Baldoni, 2004):
96 CHAPTER 3: Alternative Views

• Understand the problem.

• Set goals to address this problem.
• Articulate and explain these goals through public statements, interviews,
and diplomatic channels.
• Seek resources to implement these goals.
• Make a decision and monitor its implementation.
• Detect and evaluate threats and obstacles.
• Study the outcomes of the decision.
• Finally, adapt the decision to changing circumstances.
Mutual trust based on interpersonal contacts becomes crucial, so that state
leaders will act openly and sincerely (Cholett and Goldgeier, 2002), try to
narrow their differences, and arrive at a mutually acceptable solution. This
process involves concessions, goodwill gestures, proposals, retractions, and
compromises (Barner-Barry and Rosenwein, 1985). In the difficult 1990 nego-
tiations over the reunification of Germany, for example, decision makers were
able to find reasonable compromises. The Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev
agreed to withdraw troops from East Germany in exchange for West German
financial assistance to the Soviet Union and pledges not to expand NATO east-
ward beyond Germany (Sarotte, 2009).
Approaches based on rational models also maintain that if we, as observ-
ers, had full access to information, we could explain international relations as
a bargaining process. The problem, however, is that political leaders are guided
not only by pragmatic calculations. They may have personal attitudes, aspira-
tions, and ambitions that affect their policies as well.

BIASED DECISION-MAKING
Decisions in international relations are too ambiguous and complex to explain
by rational models alone (Hart, 1991). Human thinking is not completely ra-
tional even when people believe they act logically (Steinbruner, 1974; Cutler,
1981). Prospect theory (for which one of its authors, Daniel Kahneman, won
the Nobel Prize in 2002) states that people, even when acting in a seemingly
rational way, consistently miscalculate their chances of success and failure
(Kahneman and Tversky, 1979). Emotions and misperceptions affect how poli-
ticians evaluate the international situation (Larson, 1985; 1997).
What kind of biases occur and why? In consistency bias, new information
is more likely to be accepted if it accords with an individual’s existing opinions.
Similarly, in resistance bias, people tend to stick to their decisions even when
new evidence challenges their assumptions (Levy, 2009; Heider, 1959). Finally,
accessibility bias occurs when people pick not the best option but one that is
easily available and easily understood.
What do these biases mean for international relations? Biases tend to steer
politicians to hawkish, violent choices more often than to nonviolent, recon-
ciliatory strategies (Kahneman and Renshon, 2007). They often exaggerate the
evil intentions of their adversaries and underestimate peaceful initiatives.
Leaders also tend to be uncritical of their own actions and reluctant to compro-
mise. Former president George W. Bush might have displayed consistency and
 How Do We Think About It? 97

resistance bias when the United States started two wars, in Afghanistan in
2001 and Iraq in 2003. Bush’s initial self-confidence led him to reject views
critical of his foreign policy (Woodward, 2007; Renshon, 2009).

GROUP PRESSURE
Another source of bias in foreign-policy decisions is group pressure: The pres-
ence of other people, such as Cabinet members, alters individual decisions, an

French President
Francois Hollande speaks
with his Argentine
counterpart, Cristina
Fernandez, during the
G20 summit in Los
Cabos, Mexico, in 2012.
Meanwhile, Russian
President Vladimir
Putin meets with U.S.
President Barack Obama.
Can body language
reveal how these leaders
get along?
98 CHAPTER 3: Alternative Views

example of group inhibition. Conversely, other people can encourage decision

makers to act carelessly and recklessly, an example of group facilitation. People
frequently care about competition with other people, not about confronting
the problems in front of them (Deutsch and Krauss, 1962). Experiments on
Visit the obedience to authority (Milgram, 1963), repeated in many countries, show
companion that individuals tend to make unethical decisions if they feel protected by an
website to examine authority figure. The perpetrators feel less responsibility for their actions when
Murray’s work. they are “only following orders.”

POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION
Can we understand foreign-policy decisions better by studying how decision-
making develops? Political socialization examines how individuals acquire
their political knowledge and beliefs (Sears et al., 2003). Classic psychological
studies in this field include Henry Murray on Hitler’s abnormal personality
(1943) and Erik Erikson on the nonviolence of India’s most honored leader,
Mahatma Gandhi (1969). These studies point to a combination of psychologi-
cal factors, both rational and irrational—from wisdom and moral values to
anger, jealousy, and insecurity.

TABLE 3-3 Political Psychology: U.S. Presidents and Their Formative Years
President Politics as a Way to Address Personal Issues
Richard Nixon Lonely and anxious as a child, Nixon shunned people and used politics to compensate for
personal insecurities. As president, he avoided the media and preferred closed-door deals,
which led to success in some of his realpolitik designs but also to the Watergate scandal
at home.
Jimmy Carter From his youth, Carter was committed to do “right” and to avoid violence. These attitudes
motivated him to put human rights at the center of his foreign policy. His idealism led to
successes but also serious mistakes in foreign policy.
Ronald Reagan Raised in a lower-class family, Reagan made his way up using his persistence, hard work,
and excellent communication skills. He acquired strong conservative beliefs later in life.
Bill Clinton Growing up as an orphan, the future president developed a profound ambition to
distinguish himself. He was often brilliant in domestic politics and cautious in foreign
policy, but reckless in his personal life.
George W. Bush Raised in a secure upper-class environment, in a powerful family, Bush grew up with severe
personal problems. He overcame alcoholism by turning to religion and work. He developed
a sense of self-righteousness, which led him to seek limited feedback from others. As
president, he saw the War on Terror as a global struggle between good and evil.
Barack Obama As a biracial child growing up in such distinct social environments as Hawaii and Indonesia,
he developed a respect for the world’s diversity. His mother’s death from cancer made
him determined to reform American medicine and to make it more accessible. Brought
up by white grandparents, Obama became an overachiever and learned to navigate the
American political system successfully, often preferring compromise to confrontation.
Sources: Reeves (2001); Post (2005b); Glad (2009); Renshon (2004; 2011); Takiff (2010).
 How Do We Apply It? 99

Unfortunately, these factors are difficult to measure. Contemporary stud-

ies in political socialization have therefore turned to more verifiable facts (Jost
and Sidanius, 2004). These studies conclude that political leaders tend to form
many of their beliefs in childhood or adolescence. Some biographical evidence
suggests that entire careers are shaped by the desire for recognition, love,
power, and redemption (Volkan and Itzkowitz, 1984; Renshon, 2011). Of course,
this intriguing suggestion requires future critical discussion. (See Table 3-3.)
As you can see, there are parallels between political psychology and con-
structivism, in that both describe how political leaders construct and interpret
information. Political psychologists, however, attempt to look inside the
human mind through empirical research and experiments.

Why don’t rational models explain international behavior in full? CHECK YOUR
What are consistency, resistance, and accessibility biases? Suggest KNOWLEDGE
examples.
What do political socialization studies add to our understanding
of international politics?

How Do We Apply It?

How well do constructivist, conflict, feminist, and political psychology ap-
proaches hold up in practice? To judge, we have to apply them critically to
actual cases and contexts in international relations.

The Individual Context

Constructivist views, with their emphasis on social meanings, and political
psychology share a concern for how state leaders make decisions. Rich empiri-
cal data show the importance of individual character, thinking, and emotion
in shaping political choices (Sears et al., 2003). What do these studies reveal?

VISIONARIES AND FANATICS

Mikhail Gorbachev, the last leader of the Soviet Union, changed international
relations fundamentally in 1988 with the idea of a common European home from
Vancouver to Vladivostok. In this vision, the United States, Canada, other
NATO countries, and a reformed Soviet Union share similar values, including
universal peace. Gorbachev called for nuclear disarmament and the renuncia-
tion of the use of force in international relations (Rey, 2004). At the time, many
realists dismissed Gorbachev’s vision as unworkable, but his ideas were a cata-
lyst for the peaceful overthrow of Communism in Eastern and Central Europe.
Gorbachev’s visionary ideas were supported by his values and identity. First,
he became convinced that the West was no longer an enemy. Second, Gorbachev
turned to the West not only because of growing Soviet economic difficulties but
also because he began to believe in Western economic and social models.
Culturally, Gorbachev was a Westernizer, in sharp contrast with previous leaders
100 CHAPTER 3: Alternative Views

in Moscow (Rey, 2004; Zubok, 2007). A shift in values and perceptions, as con-
structivists would argue, has changed Soviet foreign policy.
Adolf Hitler was another leader who challenged the entire international
system. His beliefs and values in the 1930s and 1940s were xenophobic, anti-
Semitic, and antielitist. He envisioned Germany’s global domination and was
fanatically obsessed with the “racial purity” and the removal, and even physi-
cal elimination, of Jews. He hoped to restore an Aryan culture of obedience
and pride based on its mythic roots. Many Germans, disillusioned with liberal
democracy and hoping that a strong state would solve their problems, followed
him (Kershaw, 2000). If Gorbachev was a visionary of a transnational commu-
nity based on Western values, Hitler was a fanatic of a dangerous myth pro-
moting war, racism, and anti-Semitism. Both cases suggest that, at certain
points in history, a single person’s cultural values and identity can change the
course of history.

RATIONAL AND BIASED CHOICES

We have already discussed that leaders may make biased decisions caused by
emotions, misperceptions, and erroneous expectations. State leaders fre-
quently face uncertainty, deadlines, and pressure from supporters or oppo-
nents of a specific policy. They may not always search for the best decision but
instead settle on the first acceptable or convenient alternative. They may be
stubborn—afraid of appearing weak or unwilling to lose credibility. As Jerrold
Post, a former CIA analyst, wrote in a memorandum to Congress in 1990 de-
scribing Saddam Hussein, “Saddam’s worldview is narrow and distorted, and
he has scant experience out of the Arab world” (Post, 1990). Saddam presented
himself as the only Arab leader to champion the Palestinian cause and was not
afraid of U.S. support for Israel. He appealed to Arab masses across the Middle
East and accepted international pressure against his regime as part of the strug-
gle that every great leader should endure. If need be, he was prepared to go
down heroically. Negotiations or surrender did not fit his self-image of a great
revolutionary leader.

ANALOGIES AND INDIVIDUALS

Decisions can also be biased by a reliance on analogy. Comparing new situa-
tions to familiar ones can provide quick answers. As we have seen, analogies in
policy-making may reflect both rationality and bias (Jervis, 1976; Cholett and
Goldgeier, 2008). After World War I, most European statesmen feared that any
international crisis would lead to war. Constrained by this frightening anal-
ogy, British and French leaders signed a deal with Hitler in Munich in 1938,
allowing him to dismember Czechoslovakia. In time their action became the
basis of an analogy, too. After World War II, Western leaders pointed to “the
Munich analogy” to argue why it was necessary to stop Communism wherever
it existed. President Lyndon Johnson and his advisers evoked the Munich anal-
ogy in sending U.S. troops to defend South Vietnam. Anything less would be
“appeasement” (Khong, 1992).
The Munich analogy was used again in 1991, when Iraq occupied Kuwait.
President George H. W. Bush compared Saddam to Hitler to justify a U.S.
 How Do We Apply It? 101

invasion. Negotiations with the Iraqi dictatorship, he believed, would endan-

ger regional and world peace.

IRRATIONAL DECISION-MAKING
Some leaders obviously have irrational motives. Illness or individual pathol-
ogy can diminish an individual’s ability to reason. So can personal crises or
extreme circumstances. Alexander George pioneered the study of leadership
under stress. He found that a leader’s psychological problems can fatally dis-
rupt strategic decision-making (George, 1969). Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev’s
addiction to medication, for example, may have contributed to the fateful deci-
sion to send Soviet troops to Afghanistan in December 1979 (Zubok, 2007).
Many states lack legal mechanisms for replacing a sick or unstable leader.
Authoritarian regimes often conceal the sickness of leaders because of fear of
domestic instability. Cuban authorities did not reveal Fidel Castro’s declining
health until he passed authority to his brother Raul in 2007. North Korea simi-
larly refused to discuss the health of its leader, Kim Jong-il, in 2011. Even in a
more transparent democratic society, a leader’s emotional outbursts or illness
may affect foreign policy, although the risk is less significant.
The rise of terrorism also points to the importance of studying irrationality
in decision-making. We return to this discussion in Chapter 7.

EARLY AND LATE SOCIALIZATION

The evidence about early socialization of political leaders remains inconclu-
sive. Did Castro’s early beliefs about Cuba–U.S. relations shape his revolution-
ary policy? Did Gorbachev’s early experience of war make him adverse to the
use of violence when he became the Soviet leader? How did Obama’s childhood

North Koreans pay

tribute in 2012 to the
statues of late leaders
Kim Il Sung (left) and Kim
Jong il in Pyongyang,
North Korea. In
authoritarian countries,
leaders’ personal lives
remain a state secret
even after they die.
102 CHAPTER 3: Alternative Views

affect his effectiveness and strength as a leader during his presidency? Did the
stolen bicycles—the opening quote in this chapter is referring to them— affect
German Chancellor Merkel’s political choices? We can only speculate about
the answers. Although early life events surely affect decisions, we have little re-
liable and verifiable evidence connecting a leader’s formative experiences with
specific actions (Post, 2008; Kowert, 1996). Political preferences of Castro,
Gorbachev, Merkel, and Obama may be better explained by many other factors
that shaped their identities later in their lives. Biographical and psychological
studies of political leaders, military commanders, and diplomats provide im-
portant information. Unfortunately, this information is also incomplete, selec-
tive, and sometimes misleading.

CONFLICT THEORIES TESTED

Conflict theories focus on classes, groups, and social structures. Marxists
argued for a long time that once oppressive social classes are defeated, equality
and justice can win. Yet in Cuba, the Castro revolutionary regime after 1959
became even more oppressive, relying on the arrest and execution of oppo-
nents. Iran after 1979 demonstrates that one-man dictatorship was replaced by
dictatorship of a group of Ayatollahs and religious authorities, even more re-
pressive and corrupt. If Marxists paid more attention to individual factors, they
would have admitted that their Marxist social utopia was always brushed aside
by people competing for power and money.
What about the feminist idea that women would do better than men if
they occupied positions of power? Women in power have not always engaged
in peaceful policies. They often cannot eradicate corruption either. U.S. secre-
taries of state Madeleine Albright in the 1990s and Condoleezza Rice and
Hillary Clinton in 2001–2013 did not steer foreign policy decisively on the
path of peace. Albright and Rice had to justify military campaigns in Kosovo,
Afghanistan, and Iraq. Clinton did not challenge Barack Obama’s military
actions in Libya and constant use of unmanned planes to kill militants in
Pakistan and Afghanistan.

CASE IN POINT > Obama’s Missing Father

What role did Barack Obama’s people in Kenya danced in joy, and has not changed significantly
absent father, a one-time herdsman many African leaders hoped that during his presidency.
from Kenya, play in the develop- he would make conflict-ridden
ment of the forty-fourth president Africa a greater priority in foreign CRITICAL THINKING
of the United States? When Obama policy. They assumed that the son Do you believe that Obama’s per-
became senator in 2005, he was of an African immigrant should do sonal background has much or
highly critical of humanitarian great things for the land of his fra- little to do with his foreign policies
violations in Africa, particularly in ternal ancestors (D’Souza, 2010). as president? Provide arguments to
Darfur (Sudan) and Zimbabwe. However, despite some impressive support your opinion.
When Obama became president, rhetoric, U.S. policy toward Africa
 How Do We Apply It? 103

Feminist scholars may argue back to these examples: to succeed, a woman

must adapt to a political and cultural environment created by men. Women,
they may argue, compared to male leaders, do possess a more conciliatory
approach to foreign policy (Schein, 2002). Yet they may not have the resources
to reduce corruption and violence. They also have to work in a predominantly
male atmosphere.

Whom do we call visionaries in international relations? CHECK YOUR

Explain the Munich analogy. Turn to contemporary examples to illustrate. KNOWLEDGE
Describe how socialization studies explain decision-making in interna-
tional relations.

The State Context

Alternative views can enrich our understanding of how state politics and insti-
tutions affect a country’s international behavior. Most national leaders face a
host of factors and political forces that constrain their freedom of action and
influence international policies. (See Table 3-4.)

BUREAUCRACY AND COGNITIVE MAPS

In most countries, decision-making is a result of bureaucratic bargaining.
Political groups and institutions fight for their interests and make compro-
mises. We looked at “log rolling” from the realist perspective in Chapter 2. The
constructivist approach suggests many more ways through which bureaucracy

TABLE 3-4 Critical Evaluation of Prominent Women in Power

Name, Country Position and Years in Power Examples of Corruption or Forceful Responses
Golda Meir, Israel Prime Minster: 1969–74 Led Israel in the 1973 war against Arab states
(the Yom Kippur War).
Indira Gandhi, India Prime Minister: 1966–77; 1980–84 Led India in the 1971 war against Pakistan.
Frequently used tough measures to deal with
domestic and international issues.
Isabel Peron, President: 1974–76 Accused of corruption and the disappearances and
Argentina assassinations of opposition leaders.
Margaret Thatcher, Prime Minister: 1979–90 In 1982, initiated a tough military response against
United Kingdom Argentina’s military in the Falkland Islands. Believed
nuclear weapons help to keep peace.
Benazir Bhutto, Prime Minister: 1988–90; 1993–96 Charged with corruption while in office and was a
Pakistan key figure in Pakistan’s nuclear program.
104 CHAPTER 3: Alternative Views

can bias foreign policy. During the Cold War, for example, the domino theory
became common wisdom in the United States: The loss of a single country to
Communism in Asia or Latin America would trigger a chain reaction, and
soon all neighboring countries would fall into Communist hands. After the
end of the Cold War, democratic peace theory (Chapter 2) became nearly as
influential in Washington.
Constructivism also helps in understanding of how cognitive factors shape
international behavior in authoritarian states. In the 1950s, the American ana-
lysts hoped to predict how the political beliefs of members of the Soviet
Politburo translate into foreign policy. Cognitive maps, or diagrams of infor-
mation processing and decision-making, were used (often unsuccessfully) to
predict Soviet decisions. As we saw at the beginning of this chapter, the Taliban
in Afghanistan is a political movement based on revolutionary Islamist ideol-
ogy (Husain, 2005). The core of the Taliban’s cognitive map is spiritual solidar-
ity with Muslims fighting for a caliphate, a regional religious commonwealth.
It was therefore inconceivable for the Taliban leadership to cede to U.S. pres-
sure to hand over another Muslim, Osama bin Laden, after the attacks of
September 11, 2001. In those circumstances, the Taliban leaders chose war.
(See Figure 3.7.)

ACCESS TO INFORMATION AND STATESMANSHIP

State leaders have an important edge over many rank-and-file officials, citi-
zens, and the media—exclusive access to human and electronic intelligence.
This advantage does not, however, always guarantee the most effective foreign
policy. In many countries, intelligence experts avoid making policy sugges-
tions because they are not supposed to influence decision-making. But politi-
cal leaders often put pressure on intelligence efforts. Sometimes experts fail to
resist the erroneous perceptions of policy makers, who may have already de-
cided on a course of action. Joseph Stalin and Saddam Hussein forced their
advisers to tell them what they wanted to hear. The Bush administration, crit-
ics say, pressed the CIA to report that Iraq was on the verge of producing nu-
clear arms (Goodman, 2008). The Obama administration officials in 2012,
according to critics, were reluctant to call the assassination of the U.S. ambas-
sador in Libya a terrorist act to avoid possible political fallout. Yet sometimes
the realities on the ground change a country’s foreign policy. France invaded
Mali in 2013 despite president Hollande’s earlier objections to intervention-
ism. This policy change was caused by a rapidly deteriorating situation in this
African country where Islamic fundamentalist fighters were about to take
power by force.

FIGURE 3-7 The Resistance to

The Taliban’s cognitive
U.S. and
Taliban government’s U.S. and international map: Islamic
international
decision-making pressure against fundamentalism and
pressure.
information is processed the Taliban government spiritual solidarity with
No room for
through the prism of a al-Qaeda
negotiations.
“cognitive map.”
 How Do We Apply It? 105

The fast-growing volume and complexity of information is a serious chal-

lenge to any decision maker. Also, sometimes too much information can make
decision-making difficult—just as too little information can (Nye, 2002). How
can a leader transform information into a clear and accurate policy? Each U.S.
president begins his workday by reading a document called the President’s Did the U.S.
Daily Brief (PDB), a procedure created during the Cold War. Reducing complex President’s Daily
and voluminous evaluations to a short PDB provides much-needed certainty Brief trigger war in Iraq?
and simplicity. However, it also risks losing regional and local contexts, along Visit the companion
with crucial detail. website for links.

TWO-LEVEL GAMES
Robert Putnam (Putnam, 1988) offers an aid to testing constructivist assump-
tions. As we saw in Chapter 2, his two-level games model suggests that leaders
make foreign policy with one eye on international factors (the first level) and
another eye on domestic developments (the second level). State leaders oper-
ate  on both levels. Domestic forces affecting policy decisions include legis-
lative institutions, lobbying groups, political opposition, the media, and often
the military. The impact of these institutions depends on the state’s constitution
and democratic traditions. Democratic leaders have to think about reelection
even in the midst of an international crisis. Most famously, Winston Churchill
and George H. W. Bush led their countries in military victories in Germany
and Iraq, but lost elections, in 1945 and 1992, respectively.
The conflict between Israel and the Arab states provides an incredibly com-
plex example of a two-level game. Israel cannot make too many concessions to
the Palestinians without antagonizing a big part of the electorate. Among the
Palestinians, the groups and leaders that support negotiations with Israel often
face domestic criticism as well. At the same time, supporters of a tough approach
on both sides risk losing broad popular support (Mahler, 2004). Like Alice in
Lewis Carroll’s Alice in Wonderland, state leaders and diplomats have to run twice
as fast to stay in the same place. Those who try to bring peace and stability to the
Holy Land usually lag behind rapid developments on both sides of the divide.

THE DEMOCRATIC-AUTHORITARIAN CONTINUUM

In democracies, the decision-making process is relatively open to inquiry, scru-
tiny, criticism, and free discussion. In most democratic countries, parliamen-
tary factions, the media, nongovernmental groups, and public opinion all play
a role in the decision-making process. Political opposition and concerned
groups can draw attention to a range of foreign-policy issues and can serve as
a restraining force on many governmental decisions, especially those related to
foreign aid or the use of military force abroad (Sobel, 2001; Nacos et al., 2000).
Leaders of democratic states should therefore tend to seek broad political sup-
port for their decisions.
In authoritarian regimes, decisions are made in relative secrecy. The au-
thoritarian leader secures support among a small inner circle of reliable sup-
porters and imposes these decisions on the rest of the political elites. Individual
leaders should therefore play a more significant role in foreign policy than in
democratic political contexts. (See Table 3-5.)
106 CHAPTER 3: Alternative Views

Polish Parliament
members protest their
country’s participation
in an international intel-
lectual property rights
agreement in 2012. They
are holding up Guy
Fawkes masks, suggest-
ing their opposition
to what they believe
would be the limiting of
Internet freedom.

In reality, the differences are less clear. Officials in democratic countries

too may shield valuable information from public scrutiny (Goodman, 2008).
Since the 1940s, U.S. decision-making is disseminated to a narrow circle of
people on a “need-to-know” basis. Strategic plans remain classified for de-
cades, and foreign-policy errors are rarely subject to independent investiga-
tion. The United States used secret diplomacy and covert operations against
the Communist powers for years. Similar strategies are pursued today against
international terrorist organizations.

TABLE 3-5 Decision-Making in Authoritarian And Democratic Contexts

Authoritarian Context Democratic Context
Political Decision-making is made in political Group decision-making is scrutinized and
Environment isolation and is not seriously scrutinized critically appraised by the media, political
and influenced by other political forces. opposition, and public opinion.
Type of Political The authoritarian leader secures support Democratic leaders tend to seek broad political
Support from a small inner circle of reliable support for their decisions from government,
supporters, secret police, and the the media, political parties, and public opinion.
military. The leader imposes decisions
on the rest of the political elites.
Situational An individual leader’s choices play a Policy mistakes by an individual leader are likely
Factors crucial role in decision-making. to be prevented or corrected by other political
actors, including individuals and institutions.
 How Do We Apply It? 107

COLLECTIVE EXPERIENCES
After military defeat in 1945, both German and Japanese societies had to rein-
vent their identities. The collective experience of war, death, and suffering
helped in defeating prewar nationalism, xenophobia, and chauvinism. Both
societies adopted liberal values and peaceful policies. These values, as we have
seen, guide the foreign policies of Germany and Japan today.
Collective experiences may also become obstacles to national reintegra-
tion. Although Germany has been a single state since 1990, citizens from
former Communist East Germany continued for some years to harbor resent-
ment toward fellow citizens and politicians from western parts. People in
North and South Korea are still sharply divided by ideology and politics.
Residents of Taiwan, although they may share similar language with their
counterparts in China, have a vastly different collective experience and atti-
tudes than those who live in the People’s Republic of China.
Collective experiences of the very same events naturally differ from country
to country. Europe in the twentieth century lost tens of millions of lives in wars
and suffered massive devastation. For the United States, despite heavy casual-
ties, these conflicts were for the most part foreign wars, and the country emerged
in 1945 as the strongest and wealthiest in the world. As a result, many Europeans
take a much more cautious attitude at the use of military force than Americans
do (Costigliola, 2000). This could have contributed to divisions within NATO
after the United States invaded Iraq. (See Table 3-6.)
In time, collective experiences may change. Germany occupied Ukraine
and the Russian lands twice in the twentieth century, causing massive destruc-
tion and the deaths of millions of people. Yet, in 2011, 84 percent of Russians
had a positive view of Germany. More than 38 percent of Russians believe the
United States is their country’s main enemy (Levada Center, 2013). Most
Vietnamese these days do not consider the United States an enemy. Direct U.S.

TABLE 3-6 Collective Experiences in Foreign Policy: A Comparative Case

Country Collective Experience and Foreign Policy
United States The Great Depression shaped the identity of millions of Americans and helped the U.S.
government in abandoning isolationism during and after World War II.
Soviet Union Memories of the Nazi invasion in 1941 and the Great Patriotic War against Germany provided
massive popular support for the Soviet regime. Soviet leaders and the majority of people
believed that they had the right to occupy Eastern Europe after World War II and to defend
themselves against Western imperialism.
Cuba U.S. attempts to overthrow Castro’s government in the early 1960s rallied millions of
Cubans to its support. Their collective memories were shaped by images of heroic struggle
against America.
North First China, then France, and then Japan colonized Vietnam. The Communists exploited this
Vietnam experience to conquer power in the 1950s and later to direct anticolonial sentiment against
the United States.
108 CHAPTER 3: Alternative Views

investment in Vietnam has reached $16 billion and is increasing, and more than
thirteen thousand Vietnamese exchange students attend U.S. colleges (Gang,
2011). Conversely, after the American occupation of Iraq and Afghanistan, more
people in Muslim countries began to view America as hostile (Pew, 2010).

CHECK YOUR Which factors shape a state’s identity? How do you describe the identity of
KNOWLEDGE your country?
What are cognitive maps? How do they affect decision-making?
What are the two levels in Robert Putnam’s theory? Can foreign policy
affect domestic policy?

The Global Context

INTERNATIONAL FACTORS AND STATE INTERESTS
Earlier we saw that domestic social attitudes and political processes define and
shape state identities, interests, and foreign policy. Global developments can
do it, too. International structures, laws, norms of behavior, organizations, and
institutions—all these can change international behavior (Finnemore, 1996).
For example, in the past, states were concerned with accumulating wealth,
viewing it as a “zero-sum game”—a game with clear winners and losers.
However, by the end of the twentieth century, poverty was seen as bad for
global stability and for the well-being of wealthy states as well as poor ones.
Global poverty became a global challenge, just like environmental problems.
Not only changing structures, but also shifting values may encourage
states to see their interests differently. After the end of the Cold War in the
early 1990s, the United States seemed the only superpower left, with military
capabilities superior to all other states combined. Yet the post–Cold War world
devalued the use of military power and valued humanitarian agendas, such as
policies to relieve poverty, protect the environment, and fight infectious dis-
eases. The United Nations received from an increasing number of states more
authority to make global decisions.
It was difficult for the United States to adapt to this new world. Relations
between the Clinton administration and the United Nations in the 1990s grew
difficult, and Washington was often reluctant to commit its armed forces under
UN command. After the terrorist acts of September 11, 2001, Washington tried
to reassert its role as unchallenged leader. Yet the war in Iraq quickly showed
the limits of American power and raised concerns about unilateral actions. As
a result, Washington in more recent years began to turn to the United Nations
and other international and transnational organizations to regain interna-
tional legitimacy and leadership (Cholett and Goldgeier, 2008).

HYBRID POLITICAL CULTURES

Globalization involves social, cultural, and ideological changes as well as po-
litical and economic ones. In response, some elites have turned to hybrid
 How Do We Apply It? 109

political cultures, based on elements of authoritarian and traditional culture,

and many authoritarian states practice some form of democracy (Krauthammer,
2008). In the 1990s, Singapore’s leader, Lee Kuan Yew, spoke eloquently about
“Asian values.” By advocating a form of capitalism based on Confucian values
and strong authoritarian power, he sought to compete more effectively with
the West (Mahbubani, 2002). Russian leaders proposed what they called sover-
eign democracy to defend authoritarian forms of governance combined with
some democratic principles (Shiraev, 2013). In fact, after the Cold War, au-
thoritarian countries had to switch to competitive authoritarianism—a strat-
egy for preserving legitimacy and power (Levitsky and Way, 2010). Under
competitive authoritarianism, elections are regularly held, but a single leader
or party dominates. The government uses police, courts, and tax agencies to
harass the opposition, control the media, abuse state resources, and manipu-
late electoral results.
Economic liberalization does not necessarily cause democratization.
Germany, Japan, and South Korea abandoned authoritarianism and turned to
democracy in the twentieth century—but the lessons of these success stories
may not apply universally. Today Venezuela, Kenya, China, and Russia all
combine free-market economies with authoritarian policies. Many countries
in fact use nationalism to argue against democracy on Western terms.
“Export” of democracy to other countries usually fails when there are no
local conditions and actors to support it (McFaul, 2009). Still, supporters of
democracy should not become discouraged. Democracy has many faces and

During a protest rally in

Moscow, Russia, in 2013,
people carry posters
of Russian President
Vladimir Putin reading
“March Against the
Scum and Shame”
and a banner reading
“Dissolution of the
State Duma.” Thousands
of people protested
against Russia’s new
law banning Americans
from adopting Russian
children.
110 CHAPTER 3: Alternative Views

can adapt to many local conditions. And the outcome may not resemble the
American, Canadian, or French models.

DO CULTURES CLASH?
Samuel Huntington believed that “civilizations” based on different religious,
cultural, and political foundations are less likely to cooperate. He warned, as
you remember, that future conflicts would happen, not between nation-states
divided by interests, but between civilizations divided by values (Huntington,
1993). Huntington, for example, expected a serious clash—between the West
on one hand and the Muslim and Confucian (or Chinese) civilizations on
the other.
Critics of this proposition find it far too pessimistic. China (“Confucian
civilization” in Huntington’s typology) does not want to clash with anyone; its
leadership speaks instead of peace and economic cooperation. Even in the
Middle East, where al-Qaeda may have hoped to mobilize Muslims in a global
war against the West, that moment has probably passed (Cronin, 2010).
Optimists say that the decline of al-Qaeda’s appeal and the revolutions in
Tunisia and Egypt prove that a “clash of civilizations” is bogus. Pessimists
point to the strength of Islamist parties in Egypt, the killing of the United
States’ Ambassador in Libya in 2012, and the continuing clashes in Syria,
Yemen, Somalia, and Sudan. They predict that Islamic fundamentalism, de-
spite its several setbacks, and anti-Western attitudes will flourish. We will
return to this subject again in the concluding chapter.

GENDER AND SOCIAL CONFLICT PERSPECTIVES

More countries now promote women to positions of power. France, for exam-
ple, requires large companies to raise the proportion of female directors to
40 percent by 2020. In Spain, public and large private companies by law must
reach that same goal by 2015. Norway introduced a similar requirement more
than a decade ago (Beck, 2011). Although few women are yet heads of state,
more and more women, particularly young professionals from Western societ-
ies, are involved in nongovernment organizations. In fact, they do much better
in general in NGOs than men. Why? Some political psychologists say that
women adapt better to intercultural communication, display greater tolerance,
and work better in groups. Because many NGOs are engaged in humanitarian
and educational work, women may also have greater experience. More and
more, educated and well-trained women successfully manage grassroots net-
working, humanitarian aid, and fund-raising. This influx of women in NGOs
may, in turn, signal monumental changes to come in the whole of interna-
tional relations (Hunt, 2007).
The financial crises in the first decades of the twenty-first century have
renewed arguments of world-systems theories that the capitalist “core” serves
the interests of a few wealthy states. The United States has allocated hundreds
of billions of dollars since 2009 to support delinquent banks and insurance
companies. At the same time, the old core, dominated by Washington, may be
giving way to a new core centered in Asia. In China, the state has retained a
firm grip on finances, accumulated multibillion-dollar reserves of Western
 Past, Present, and Future: The Cuban Missile Crisis 111

currency, begun new economic transformations, and achieved impressive

growth (Arrighi, 2010). We will return to these views in Chapter 6.

Past, Present, and Future:

The Cuban Missile Crisis
The Cuban Missile Crisis was one of the most dramatic events of the twentieth
century. It also could have been one of the most tragic, because the world came
very close to a nuclear war. Which lessons of the Cuban Missile Crisis could
be used in today’s international relations? Can we apply the alternative ap-
proaches we have just considered?
In 1962 the Soviet leadership decided to place a number of nuclear missiles
on Cuban territory. The missiles, if launched, could have reached most major
cities in America. The Soviets moved the missiles surreptitiously and lied to the
world community about their actions. U.S. President John F. Kennedy issued an
ultimatum to the Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev, demanding a stop to the
missiles’ deployment. Kennedy ordered a naval blockade of Cuba to prevent the
Soviet vessels carrying the missiles from entering the area. (He called it a “quar-
antine” to avoid appearing to have gone to war.) Khrushchev promised retalia-
tion. The world was on the brink of a major confrontation between Moscow and
Washington: A nuclear war seemed inevitable. Fortunately, both leaders found a
way to resolve the conflict. How did they do this, and what led to the conflict?
In Essence of Decision (1971), Graham Allison argued that bureaucratic poli-
tics provides the best explanation of the decision-making process during the
Cuban Missile Crisis. For years, Allison’s book remained a standard text for
applying rational models of decision-making to crisis management in interna-
tional relations. In a 1999 edition, based on new access to Soviet, Cuban, and
American archives (Allison and Zelikow, 1999). The authors organize their
discussion around three simple questions:
• Why did the Soviet Union decide to place offensive missiles in Cuba?
• Why did the United States respond to the missile deployment with a
blockade?
• Why did the Soviet Union withdraw the missiles?
(See Figure 3.8.)
During the crisis, President Kennedy did his best to act rationally. He cre-
ated a small group of advisers and key members of the administration, called
ExComm, whose goal was the removal of Soviet missiles from Cuba. At the
beginning, Kennedy withdrew from the discussions, thus reducing psychologi-
cal pressure on his advisers. This cautious action allowed ExComm to debate
the pros and cons of various options and come up with three choices:
• An immediate air strike against Cuba to destroy the Soviet missiles
• A naval blockade of Cuba
• A strong diplomatic protest
(See Map 3.1.)
112 CHAPTER 3: Alternative Views

Seeing JFK as a Fear for

weak president U.S. security

Khrushchev’s decision Kennedy ultimatum Domestic

Protecting
to send nuclear and naval blockade of political
Cuba
missiles to Cuba Cuba pressures

Seeing missiles Improving Finding the solution: Unwillingness

in Cuba as a balance of power • rejecting war
to appease
“fair game” with the U.S. • saving face
• accentuating the
positive

FIGURE 3-8 Perceptions and motivations of Khrushchev and Kennedy in the Cuban Missile Crisis.

What if we step aside from the rational model and look at the Cuban
Missile Crisis through a constructivist lens? Several important details stand
out. One year earlier, the United States had trained Cuban nationals to invade
Cuba, and the CIA made plans to assassinate Castro. Most U.S. policy makers
failed to understand that their provocative actions might have triggered
Khrushchev’s fears about a possible full-scale U.S. invasion of the island. For
the Soviet leader, who boasted of the inevitability of a global Communist vic-
tory, a successful U.S. invasion of Cuba and the defeat of Castro would have
been an unacceptable blow to his prestige and to the position of the Soviet
Union in the world. Policy makers in Washington failed to understand how
revolutionary prestige, as a factor “constructed” in Moscow and rooted in
Soviet ideology and policies, could have driven Khrushchev. Intelligence in
Washington also failed to detect the transfer of forty thousand Soviet troops
and missiles to Cuba because such a daring action did not match the Soviet

Range of missiles’ penetration

in the Cuban Missile Crisis

Soviet missile site in Cuba

Major city
US naval blockade of Cuba

Chicago
Salt Lake City New York
Denver Washington D.C.
Range of long
U N I T E D S T A T E S
range missiles
Dallas (2000) miles
New Orleans

Miami Approaching
Soviet ships

CUBA
MAP 3-1 MT Range of 0 km 600 1200 Range of short
missiles’ penetration in range missiles
0 miles 600 1200 (1000) miles
the Cuban Missile Crisis.
 Past, Present, and Future: The Cuban Missile Crisis 113

On October 16, 1962,

President John F.
Kennedy announced to
the American people
that the United States
established a “quaran-
tine” of Cuba after he
had discovered Soviet
missiles there. The presi-
dent promised that his
country would deliver “a
full retaliatory response
upon the Soviet Union” if
the Soviets attacked the
United States.

cognitive maps. In accordance with consistency and resistance bias, this

behavior was seen as highly unlikely.
To a conflict theorist, both Kennedy’s and Khrushchev’s decisions were
ineffably human—and, as feminists would be probably quick to add, also
male. They stepped back from the abyss but only after they had brought the
world to the brink of a war. And what if Castro, instead of Khrushchev, had
been the main decision maker on the Communist side? What if he had control
over nuclear weapons? Castro was arguably more revolutionary minded than
Khrushchev, and he was prepared to sacrifice Cuba on the altar of the world
revolution. Postcolonial studies might describe him as reacting to the white
male Western world. Fortunately, Khrushchev in this case proved more realist
than revolutionary.
Political psychology too can help us analyze the Kremlin’s actions. The
rational model assumes that Khrushchev, like Kennedy, would have acted logi-
cally in weighing cost-benefit options. The Soviet leader might have wanted,
for example, to improve the strategic position of the Soviet Union with respect
to the United States. Yet this interpretation is incomplete. It fails to reflect
Khrushchev’s personal insecurities caused by his policy failures. He was unable
to force Western powers out of West Berlin from 1958 to 1961. Chinese
Communists criticized him for ideological mistakes, and his reform of
the Soviet economy failed to produce the expected results. Khrushchev was
therefore desperate to gamble to succeed in Cuba. He considered himself a
clever decision maker, and his prestige depended on the outcome of his missile
adventure (Blight, Allyn, and Welch, 1993; Taubman, 2004).
114 CHAPTER 3: Alternative Views

New evidence from archives also reveals that Soviet leaders relied on er-
roneous assumptions about America’s decision-making. Several individual
factors influenced Khrushchev’s behavior before and during the crisis. He eval-
uated Kennedy in a biased way, and he saw the president from the vantage
point of his own life, shaped in the trenches of World War II. For Khrushchev,
Kennedy was a spoiled “rich kid” from New England, a toy in the hands of
hard-liners, and a pushover when it comes to international affairs.
Kennedy and his advisers also knew very little about the top leadership
and decision-making in the Soviet Union. Washington received contradictory
messages from Khrushchev: some of them quite belligerent and cocky, some
more conciliatory. Kennedy was lucky to have an adviser, Llewellyn (Tommy)
Thompson, who had just served as the U.S. ambassador in Moscow. Thompson
met Khrushchev many times and interpreted his decisions not just in accord
with the rational model but with knowledge of Khrushchev as a person. In the
end, Thompson was convinced that Khrushchev was bluffing and recom-
mended that Kennedy suggest a way for Khrushchev to save face—the secret
trade of Soviet missiles in Cuba for U.S. missiles in Turkey. Thompson was
right. As it turned out, Khrushchev never contemplated using the nuclear
weapons and tried to reduce the chances of accidental miscalculation. He even
ordered his commanders to keep the nuclear warheads in storage facilities.
This analysis of decision-making during a crisis becomes even more com-
plicated when we apply the two-level game model to understand it. We know
today that Khrushchev was facing increasing criticisms from opponents for his
domestic-policy mistakes. He also had to fight criticism from the leadership of
Communist China, which insisted that the Soviets were too cozy with capital-
ist countries. Kennedy, for his part, also faced critics who called him a weak
president. Both felt hotheads breathing down their necks. General Curtis
LeMay urged Kennedy to launch a surprise and massive aerial attack against
Cuba to take all the Soviet missiles out. Khrushchev had to face Castro, who at
a critical moment urged a preemptive missile attack against the United States
(Fursenko and Naftali, 1997).
These perceptions and misperceptions pushed both sides to the abyss of
confrontation in October 1962. Khrushchev, in a message to Kennedy, wrote
that the United States and the Soviet Union were pulling at opposite ends of a
rope and only made the knot tighter. Robert S. McNamara (1916–2009), secre-
tary of defense in the Kennedy administration, concluded in retrospect that
the world was lucky to have survived.
As veterans of World War II, Kennedy and Khrushchev shared a crucial for-
mative experience. For all their differences as individuals, in the domestic pres-
sures they faced, and in their ideologies and biases, the U.S. and Soviet leaders
shared a common fear—the fear of unleashing a world war with nuclear weap-
ons. This fear overcame powerful analogies. Kennedy rejected the Munich anal-
ogy that dictated he not “appease” the Soviets. Instead, Kennedy looked to 1914,
when lack of negotiations brought great European powers to a world war. The
last thing Khrushchev wanted was to provoke the United States, as the Japanese
did at Pearl Harbor in 1941, into a full-scale war. For Khrushchev, nuclear weap-
ons in Cuba were just a means of deterring U.S. aggression against Cuba.
 Chapter Summary 115

The main lesson of the Cuban Missile Crisis is that rational decision-
making is very difficult under extreme stress, with a fluid situation and time
constraints. In such conditions, politicians may turn to their emotions and
biases. Another lesson is the need to avoid a dangerous chain reaction of deci-
sions that could drive opponents to make dangerous decisions.
We cannot guarantee that a dangerous crisis of similar proportion will
never occur again. How will world leaders react if China attempts to attack
Taiwan; Iran sends direct threats against Israel; or India and Pakistan, both
nuclear powers, plunge into war over Kashmir? Will they have the time to
assess the situation soberly, brush off the arguments of their most hawkish
advisers, and find a solution short of war?

CONCLUSION
International relations are influenced by a great policy of states in many ways. And political
number of factors, and theories going beyond psychology provides important information
realism and liberalism can help explain them. about how personal experiences, group influ-
Constructivism does not necessarily challenge ence, and other individual factors affect global
mainstream theories of international relations. affairs.
Rather, it provides valuable information about Some formative factors, group interests,
how and why states develop policies and inter- identities, and perceptions in international rela-
ests. Confl ict theories claim, often accurately, tions are more important than others, and some
that state interests are defi ned by ruling elites circumstances are simply insignificant: but
trying to secure power. Identities, formed by which ones? Only the careful study of interna-
history, religion, and culture, can affect foreign tional relations can provide answers.

CHAPTER SUMMARY
• Advocates of the constructivist view believe groups in shaping foreign policy and global
that state actions and policies are based on affairs.
how leaders, bureaucracies, and societies in- • Marxism views a state as the instrument of
terpret, or construct, the information avail- dominant groups, such as the aristocracy or
able to them. Constructivist views argue capitalists, to oppress and exploit others,
that socially constructed meanings govern such as peasants and workers. The state con-
political decisions. ducts policy, including foreign policy, ac-
• Perceptions of how states should act—if they cording to the interests of the ruling classes.
are shared by other states and for some • Dependency and world-systems theories
time—translate into actions and shape the argue that the structures of international
international environment. relations—and trade in particular—make it
• Conflict theories emphasize economic, impossible for underdeveloped countries to
social, and political inequality as a source of grow out of poverty. The free market was de-
contradictions and tensions among social signed to keep them in a state of depen-
groups. Applied to international relations, dency. Poor states thus become permanent
conflict theories highlight the role of social suppliers of cheap raw materials to a few ec-
classes, ruling elites, and other dominant onomically advanced countries.
116 CHAPTER 3: Alternative Views

• Feminism argues that women do not have in individual and group behavior. Political
equal rights and opportunities with men, socialization examines how individuals ac-
and changes are needed to achieve gender quire their political knowledge and beliefs.
equality and social justice. Male norms and Most political psychologists maintain that
attitudes help undermine stability and peace political decisions are rational. However,
• Theories of racial and ethnic prejudice main- leaders may have irrational motives or a di-
tain that world politics is rooted in a belief in minished ability to reason.
the superiority of one racial, national, cul- • Biographical and psychological studies of
tural, or ethnic group over others. political leaders, military commanders, and
• Political culture and identity are shaped by diplomats provide important information,
collective experience, religion and other fac- but their relevance to decision-making is
tors. Political cultures can be traditional, au- often unclear.
thoritarian, participatory, or mixed. States • In most countries, decision-making is a result
with similar political cultures are more likely of bureaucratic bargaining. Political groups
to cooperate, particularly if their identities express their interests, accept political trade-
are not in conflict. offs, and make compromises. Important dif-
• Identities are formed in part by the attitudes ferences exist between decision-making in
toward the other—another country, ethnic authoritarian and democratic regimes.
group, etc. They are several powerful forms of • Global developments influence how states
identity that reject the other—nationalism, define their national interest. International
tribalism, xenophobia, and fundamentalism. structure, international laws, norms of be-
They can seriously complicate diplomacy and havior, international organizations and insti-
global affairs, or generate conflicts and wars. tutions—all these affect state preferences,
• Political psychology studies the interactions interests, and foreign policy.
between political and psychological factors

KEY TERMS
Accessibility bias 97 Core 87 Periphery 87
Analogy 100 Culture 90 Political culture 90
Bureaucratic bargaining 103 Dependency theory 87 Political psychology 95
Cognitive maps 104 Feminist theories 88 Political socialization 98
Communism 85 Fundamentalism 95 Postcolonial studies 86
Competitive Group pressure 97 Rational model 95
authoritarianism 109 Identity 90 Resistance bias 97
Conflict theories 84 Imperialism (Lenin’s Tribalism 93
Consistency bias 97 theory of) 85 Two-level games 105
Constructivist view (or Marxism 85 Xenophobia 94
constructivism) 81 Nationalism 93
Visual Review ALTERNATIVE THEORIES
1. Whatt do we study?
y
SHORTCOMINGS OF LIBERALISM AND REALISM CHOOSING ALTERNATIVE VIEWS
• How do international actors defi ne their • Constructivism emphasizes social norms and
interests? historic experiences of countries
• Why do they choose one policy over another? • Confl ict theories pay attention to different forms of
inequality
• Identity theories turn to values and attitudes
• Political psychology focuses on political
behavior and experiences

2. How do we think about it?

SOCIAL INEQUALITY IDENTITY FACTORS POLITICAL
CONSTRUCTION • Marxism • Political culture and PSYCHOLOGY
• State interests are identity are shaped by • Policy decisions are
• Dependency and
constructed through collective experience, not necessarily
world-systems
interpretation, or religion, ethnicity, rational
theories
construction, of facts and other group
• Individual and group
• Feminism and individual
• Countries draw actors affect foreign
experiences
different lessons • Theories of prejudice policy
from history • Nationalism,
tribalism, xenophobia,
and fundamentalism
complicate global
affairs

3. How do we apply it?

THE INDIVIDUAL CONTEXT THE STATE CONTEXT THE GLOBAL CONTEXT
Leaders’ choices can be rational Domestic bureaucracy, Global developments affect state
or biased, affected by both im- political competition, demo- interests and policies, which in
mediate and life experiences cratic contexts, and access to turn affect the world
information affect
foreign-policy decisions

• What are the key shortcomings of realism and liberalism in understanding inter-
Critical national relations?
Thinking • Compare and contrast constructivism and political psychology.
• Why are history lessons important for constructivists?
• Why have dependency and Marxist theories gained in popularity again in recent
years?
• Give examples of “two-level games” in foreign policy.
 CHAPTER

4
CHAPTER OUTLINE
What Do We Study? 120
> Security 120
> Types of War 122
> Security Policies 124
How Do We Study It? 127
> Realism 127
> Liberalism 130
> Constructivism 131
> Conflict Theories 133
Debate Why Has Obama Engaged in
Several Armed Conflicts? 134
How Do We Apply It? 135
> The Individual Context 135
Debate Are Veterans More Likely
than Non-veterans to Support
the Use of Force? 136
Case in Point GRIT and the Spiral of
Insecurity 138
> The State Context 138
> The Global Context 141
Past, Present, and Future: Ending
the Cold War 143

CONCLUSION 145

CHAPTER SUMMARY 146

KEY TERMS 146

VISUAL REVIEW 147

Memorial lanterns float in Hiroshima,

Japan, August 6, 2011, marking
the anniversary of the U.S. atomic
bombing. For millions of Americans,
the attacks on Hiroshima and
Nagasaki, provoked by Japanese
aggression, helped in ending the war.
Scholars disagree sharply over the
moral and political consequences
of this bombing for international
relations.
International Security
Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty.
—DEMOSTHENES (384–322 BC)

O
N DECEMBER 7, 1941, A FLEET OF AIRCRAFT CARRIERS
OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN COMMANDED BY ADMIRAL
ISOROKU YAMAMOTO SUDDENLY ATTACKED THE U.S.
Naval base at Pearl Harbor, Hawaii. Japanese forces also attacked Guam,
Wake Island, the Philippines, British Malaya, Hong Kong, Burma, and
the Dutch East Indies. In response, America immediately declared war
on Japan. After four years, culminating in the atomic bombing of the
Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Japan surrendered.
For centuries, leaders believed that security of their country was
linked directly to military power and its effective use in time of war.
However, Japan’s defeat in World War II suggests other lessons. Its mili-
tary elites drew the country into an unwinnable conflict. The use of
force did not provide security for Japan. On the contrary, Japan lost the
war, at a cost of well over 3 million lives. Under occupation by the
United States, Japan adopted a provision in its new Constitution stating
that its people would forever renounce war as a sovereign right and the
threat or use of force as a means of settling international disputes. The
Constitution also required Japan not to have military forces on land, at
sea, or in the air (Koseki, 1998). For more than sixty years now, the
United States has guaranteed military protection to Japan, a security
shield that Japan has willingly accepted.
How do countries define and build their security strategies? Why do
these strategies often lead to wars? Is global security achievable, and by
what means? In this chapter we will examine security challenges and
policies in today’s world.

119
120 CHAPTER 4: International Security

Learning After reading this chapter, you should be able to:

define national and international security;
Objectives discuss security from realist, liberal, constructivist, and alternative
perspectives;
explain variation in security policies;
apply major views of security to realities of international relations
at each level of analysis; and
evaluate the effectiveness of particular security policies.

What Do We Study?
States act to protect their own sovereignty and territorial integrity from domes-
tic and foreign threats. Some act alone, relying on their economic might and
armed forces. But most seek help from foreign states and international organi-
zations and prefer negotiations and compromise to avoid military conflict.
Security policies of the twenty-first century are supported by gigantic bureau-
cratic and military machines, influenced by political parties and lobbying
groups. In the United States alone in 2010, more than 850,000 people had top-
secret security clearances (Priest and Arkin, 2010b). This number is increasing.
To understand better the complexity of national and international security, we
begin, as usual, by defining key terms.

Security
National security has traditionally been understood as the protection of a
state’s sovereignty, territorial integrity, and interests. Maintaining the armed
forces, obtaining and modernizing weapons, keeping aircraft and battleships,
training specialists, and developing mass-mobilization plans are essential for
national security (Sarkesian et al., 2007). National security used to be treated
as distinct from domestic security, which is commonly associated with fighting
criminal activities and is handled by the police. However, the growth of home-
land security bureaucracy in the age of terrorism has created a third element
between national and domestic aspects of security. Many factors define secu-
rity priorities of a state. Geographic location and protected borders were cru-
cial in the past—the protection by the seas provided security advantages to
Great Britain and the United States. Today, the strength and health of domestic
economy is more important.
International security refers to mutual security issues involving more
than one state. Security is bilateral when it involves two states and multilateral
when it involves more than two states. NATO is the best known multilateral
security organization, formed more than half a century ago. In Shanghai,
China, in 1996, Kazakhstan, China, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, and Tajikistan signed
the Treaty on Deepening Military Trust in Border Regions and later agreed
 What Do We Study? 121

to reduce their military forces in those areas. This security organization came
to be called the Shanghai Cooperation Organization or Shanghai Six after
Uzbekistan joined the treaty. Internationalization of security is natural in the era
of globalization. Table 4-1 provides a sample of international security pacts.
Studying conflict and war is also essential for our understanding of na-
tional and international security. A conflict is any antagonism between states,
IGO, or nongovernment organizations. Conflict typically reflects the inability
of a state or an international organization to achieve its goals because of the
resistance or unwillingness of other actors. Conflicts remain nonviolent if con-
flicting sides use no force to resolve them.
Violent conflicts involve the use of force. Their ultimate form is war, an
organized violent confrontation between states or other social and political
entities, such as ethnic or religious groups. Victory is achieved by superior
force and not by negotiations or legal rulings. Only after hostilities end in an
armistice do negotiations resume. If war ends in surrender, one side is forced
to accept conditions imposed by the victors. Scholars of international relations
agree that states try to avoid wars, yet there are always exceptions.
In our times, threats to international security increasingly emerge involv-
ing failing states and nonstate actors. Failing states are those in which govern-
ments are incapable of exercising their major functions, defending borders, or
making key decisions. Somalia, Chad, Sudan, Niger, and several other coun-
tries may be considered failing. A failing state is marked by lawlessness, extreme
violence and civil wars, and massive suffering of the population. (Fund for
Peace regularly posts the Failed State Index at www.fundforpeace.org/global.)

South Korea historically

relies on multilateral
security. NATO
Secretary-General
Anders Fogh Rasmussen,
second from right,
receives a briefing from
a U.S. officer during his
visit to South Korea in
2013.
122 CHAPTER 4: International Security

TABLE 4-1 Examples of International Security Pacts

International Security Pact Major Goals
The Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation Organized by the Soviet Union, this organization involved Communist
and Mutual Assistance (Warsaw Pact): states in Eastern Europe. Major goal: to keep Soviet military presence
created in 1955. in Central Europe against NATO.
OAS: The Organization of American Initiated by the United States, it includes the countries of North,
States. Formally created in the Central, and South Americas. Major goals: security of the American
late 1940s. continents, common action on the part of those states in the event of
aggression.
ASEAN: The Association of Southeast Includes countries located in Southeast Asia: Indonesia, Malaysia, the
Asian Nations. Created in 1967. Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, Brunei, Myanmar, Cambodia, Laos,
and Vietnam. Major goals: to contain Communism and have mutual
protection.
CENTO: Central Treaty Organization. Included Iran, Iraq, Pakistan, Turkey, and the United Kingdom. Major
Created in 1955. Dissolved: 1979. goal: containment of the Soviet Union.
The Shanghai Cooperation Includes Kazakhstan, China, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan, and
Organization. Created in 1996. Uzbekistan. Major goals: keeping separatism in check, confronting
terrorism, and balancing U.S. power in the region.

To protect their strategic interests, and to reduce or eliminate domestic and

international threats, states develop security policies. These policies affect a
broad range of international issues and, ultimately, the behavior of other states
and international organizations. Security policies are born out of continuous
debates among political elites, security officials, military experts, and the
media. These debates focus on the nature of war and its types, causes, and con-
sequences, as well as classification of strategies and the possibility of prevent-
ing war and conflict resolution.

Types of War
On September 1, 1939, German troops crossed the Polish border and advanced
into the territory of a sovereign state. This is an example of an offensive war. For
Poland, though, it was a defensive war. Labeling a war defensive or offensive is
important for several reasons. One of them is international legitimacy, which
affects other states’ reaction to the war. Defensive wars evoke sympathy and
support, whereas offensive actions typically lead to criticism, condemnation,
or forceful resistance. Governments therefore seek to camouflage offensive ac-
tions as defensive (Levy, 1984).
The intentions and policies leading to wars, however, are not always
simple. Some states start preventive wars to protect themselves if they believe
that other states might threaten them in the future. Some believe that the U.S.
war against Iraq in 2003 was preventive. There are also, preemptive wars that are
launched to destroy the potential threat of an enemy when an attack by the
 What Do We Study? 123

adversary is imminent (Beres, 2008). In 1967, Israel launched a surprise air

attack against Egypt, Syria, and Jordan. The Israeli government was convinced
that those Arab states were mobilizing to attack Israel. The United States and
most Western countries agreed with Israel, but Arab states and the Soviet
Union called Israel the aggressor. These classifications remain controversial, a
subject to which we will return later.
In terms of their scope and consequences, wars can be local, regional, and
global. Local wars typically involve two states, but a massive armed conflict
within a country, such as a civil war, need not engage other neighboring states.
Local conflicts, especially in today’s world, are likely to draw in other countries
in close geographic proximity. That makes clear distinctions between a local
and regional war difficult to draw.
Some local or regional conflicts grow into global wars, or world wars, with
global consequences. World War I was triggered by the declaration of war on
Serbia by the Empire of Austria-Hungary in 1914. Germany’s attack on Poland
in 1939 launched the Second World War. These wars brought a massive change
in the global international order, as many old states collapsed and new ones
were created.
Wars, conflicts, as well as security threats in general, can be symmetrical
and asymmetrical. A classic example of a symmetrical security conflict was the
United States’ long confrontation with the Soviet Union. In a symmetrical con-
flict, an attack by one state is likely to cause a comparable response from the
other. During the last two centuries states prepared their armed forces to fight
in open, symmetrical conflicts. An asymmetrical conflict does not involve reg-
ular armies but rather small groups of rebels who try to avoid open fighting
(Fearon and Laitin, 2003). Guerrilla warfare (often called irregular, unconven-
tional warfare) involves irregular combat units that typically hide in difficult
terrain (forest, mountains) and are usually not distinct from civilian popula-
tion (Boot, 2009). Guerilla wars create significant security problems for states
because they require special military strategies. The United States failed to win
a guerilla war in Vietnam (1964–75) and the Soviet military had to withdraw
from Afghanistan after a long war with local guerrillas (1979–88).
International terrorism has become the most significant asymmetrical threat
to national and international security. Networks of committed fighters operate
surreptitiously outside international and national institutions. To deal with
their threats, special policies are necessary. The impact of terrorism on interna-
tional security and on international relations will be considered at length in
Chapter 7.
In the past, states commonly pursued territorial conquests and engaged
in predatory wars for treasures, raw materials, trade routes, territories, and
human beings as a potential workforce. Colonial expansion in the nineteenth
and twentieth centuries—conducted by European powers such as France,
Great Britain, Belgium, Italy, and Russia in Africa and Eurasia—is an exam-
ple. Iraq occupied Kuwait in 1990 to gain possession of its vast oil resources
and infrastructure. Other wars, called retaliatory wars, are waged by a state to
weaken or punish another. China attacked Vietnam in 1979 to punish Hanoi
for occupation of Cambodia and removal of the Communist regime there.
124 CHAPTER 4: International Security

The difference among

offensive, retaliatory,
and preventive wars is
often unclear. A smoke
and dust cloud from an
explosion rises into
the sky after a NATO
airstrike in Tripoli, Libya,
in June 2011.

There are also ethnic and religious wars caused by conflicts between various
Predatory Wars
groups struggling for their rights, territories, and independence (Soeters, 2005).
and Responses
to Them. Learn more
Our brief classification of wars need not be complete. Many types overlap,
about Operation Desert and you can add your own. For example, a war can be offensive, local, and pre-
Storm in video from ventive at the same time.
the companion website. A central task for the state is to avoid war, and, if that is impossible, to pro-
See how the world tect itself from its worst consequences, from defeat and destruction. What se-
responded to a curity strategies can serve this purpose? We look next at types of security
predatory war waged by strategy and policy.
the Iraqi government in
1990. Security Policies
Prominent Prussian military thinker Karl von Clausewitz (1780–1831) wrote
that “war is a continuation of policy by other means.” He meant that states
should put wars under their control and make them instruments in achieving
their policy goals. In Europe in the nineteenth and early twentieth century
many tried to combine rationality and morality to develop an international
system of rules and regulations for warfare and ban the use of certain arms
(we will turn to the concept of “just war” in Chapter 5). During World War I
(1914–18) and World War II (1939–1945), however, states turned to the “total
war” strategy to achieve victory for one side and unconditional surrender for
the other. The concept of “total war” is generally rejected today. Moreover,
states, IGOs, and NGOs continue to develop policies to limit weapons of mass
destruction (WMD)—nuclear, chemical, and biological. In 1968 the leading
nuclear powers signed the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) with the goal to
stop the dissemination of nuclear weapons. In 1975 the Biological Weapons
 What Do We Study? 125

Convention banned development and possession of these weapons of mass

destruction. A similar convention for chemical weapons entered in force in
1997. During the last decades, however, conventional weapons and smart tech-
nologies to deliver them have been drastically upgraded so that they, too, can
bring destruction on a large scale.
States’ failure to choose the right strategy may have serious consequences.
The United States during the Cold War often responded asymmetrically to the
Soviet security threat, that is, tried to achieve the position of absolute superior-
ity using its wealth and economic growth. The Soviet Union, although its econ-
omy was much smaller, attempted to respond symmetrically, that is, achieve
power parity with Washington in terms of the number of nuclear weapons
(Gaddis, 2006; Zubok, 2007). The variety of state responses to foreign threats
only begins with symmetry–asymmetry. (See Table 4-2.)
Security policies can also be based on unilateralism and multilateralism.
In unilateral policy, a state relies primarily on its own resources (Kane, 2006).
All great powers in the past practiced unilateralism; a recent example is the
United States in 2003 occupying Iraq. In contrast, states adopting a multilat-
eral policy coordinate their efforts with other states or international organiza-
tions. When Saudi Arabia faced a significant threat from Iraq, which had
already occupied neighboring Kuwait in 1990, it joined in multilateral military
action against the Iraqi government and allowed foreign troops, including the
United States, to establish temporary military bases on the Saudi territory.
Isolationism is a policy of noninvolvement in international alliances. It
does not mean that an isolationist power always stays away from international
conflicts; rather, it means that this power prefers to remain free to act as it
wishes. Isolationism largely governed U.S. policy until World War I and re-
mains a strong current in public opinion today: more than 40 percent of
Americans say that their country should “mind its own business” internation-
ally (Pew, 2010). Similarly, some states choose nonalliance with any military
bloc or coalition. (See Figure 4.1.)
Interventionism is a policy of interference in other states’ affairs and con-
flicts without regard for their consent. During the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries, European great powers including Britain, France, Russia, and then
Germany intervened around the world, expanding their colonial empires.
From 1898 until 1917, the United States, although “isolationist” toward Europe,

TABLE 4-2 Types of War and Strategies

Intentions and Policies Offensive, Defensive, Preventive, Preemptive, Symmetrical, Asymmetrical
Purposes Predatory, Retaliatory, Political
Strategies Conventional, Nonconventional, With Weapons of Mass Destruction;
Symmetrical and Asymmetrical
Scope and Consequences Local, Regional, Global
126 CHAPTER 4: International Security

Isolationism. Noninvolvement in international

alliances.

Interventionism. Interference in other states’

Unilateralism
affairs or international conflicts.

FIGURE 4-1 Basic

security policies. Cooperation. Attention to other states’ concerns,
Sources: Wittkopf, Multilateralism avoidance of confrontation, and reduction or
1990; Sobel, 2001; elimination of threats through negotiations.
Hinckley, 1992.

intervened unilaterally in Central America (O’Brien & Clesse, 2002). After

1895, Japan became the first modern Asian power to act in the same way in
China and the Pacific. As you saw at the start of this chapter, Japan’s interven-
tionism was a cause of its war with the United States.
Other states prefer a policy of cooperation (Newman et al., 2006). Unable
to defend its strategic positions in the Mediterranean and the Middle East
against the Soviet Union, Britain preferred in 1947 to act as an ally of the

President of
the United States

National Security Homeland Security

Council Council
Director of National
Intelligence

National Department of Department of

Department of Defense Department of State
Counterterrorism Center Homeland Security Energy

National Security Diplomatic missions Central Intelligence U.S. Immigration and

U.S. Coast Guard
Agency of the United States Agency Customs Enforcement

Defense Intelligence CIA regional

U.S. Secret Service
Agency groups

FIGURE 4-2 Major U.S. actors and agencies involved in national security.
Source: Security policies of the twenty-first century are supported by gigantic bureaucratic and
military machines, influenced by political parties and lobbying groups. In the United States alone in
2011, more than 850,000 people had top-secret security clearances.
 How Do We Study It? 127

United States. For another example, the small democratic state of Finland in
the 1950s chose to cooperate with its neighbor, the Soviet Union. From
Finland’s viewpoint, it was a reasonable bargain, while the Soviet Union saw it
as a way to declare its peaceful intentions toward other European states.
Most security policies involve a complex combination of foreign, defense,
and domestic policies. In most countries, the head of state (president or prime
minister) directs security policies with the help of a complex bureaucracy. In
Washington, the National Security Council (NSC) is part of the Executive
Office of the President of the United States. Presidents also direct the activities
of other government departments, organizations, and agencies dealing with
national security. (See Figure 4.2.)

Explain the difference between predatory and retaliatory wars. CHECK YOUR
Can a country’s isolationist policy be interventionist at the same time? KNOWLEDGE

How Do We Study It?

Realism
According to realism, security is the main and exclusive responsibility of states.
They always try to maximize their power and tend to act according to their
interests in assessing threats and their own defensive capabilities. The core
element of every state’s security, according to realism, is power and the ability
to use it.

REALIST PRINCIPLES OF SECURITY

How do states provide for their security? First, geography is frequently the sub-
ject of security concerns and policies. Oceans, rivers, and mountains can act as
natural security barriers. Japan, the United Kingdom, and the United States for
many years thought of the seas as protection from foreign intrusions; whereas
Belgium, Poland, China, and Russia were more vulnerable. States are frequently
involved in conflicts over international trade routes—such as the Strait of
Gibraltar between Europe and Africa, the Suez Canal in Egypt between Africa
and Asia, and the Dardanelles in Turkey between Europe and Asia.
Security, according to realism, also depends on the quantity and quality of
the armed forces and their mobility. The centerpiece of British security policy
from the seventeenth through the twentieth century was the Royal Navy. The
acquisition of nuclear weapons in 1945 gave the United States absolute mili-
tary superiority—until the Soviet Union tested its atomic weapon in 1949.
Countries that pursue nuclear weapons today, including North Korea and Iran,
think of them as a security guarantee. The concept of revolution in military affairs
became a prevalent outlook on the future of war. It is based on the debates
about the rapidly changing role of modern technology in warfare and security
(Adamsky, 2010; Table 4-3).
128 CHAPTER 4: International Security

TABLE 4-3 Examples of Realist Arguments Related to Security

Elements of Power Example
Quantity of weaponry and military The central goal of British security policy from the seventeenth through
forces: numbers matter the twentieth century was ensuring that the Royal Navy was larger and
more advanced than the largest navies of the other great powers.
Quality of weaponry: ability to Development of fast-moving motorized military units and new military
destroy matters tactics helped Nazi Germany achieve quick victories the first three years
of World War II. The “drone” technology gives superiority to the United
States today compared to other countries.
Presence of armed forces abroad During the Cold War the Soviet Union and the United States kept their
armies in Central Europe. The United States continues to keep its armed
forces around the world.

Smaller states have less room for diplomacy acting alone when they lack
economic and military clout (Waltz, 2001). They often try to receive security
guarantees from more powerful states and organizations. Poland, Hungary,
and the Czech Republic joined NATO in 1999 for a host of reasons—but above
all fear of Russia (Goldgeier, 1999). In the twenty-fi rst century, Vietnam and
the Philippines rely increasingly on the United States to secure their interests
in the South China Sea. The United States and its European allies consider
Saudi Arabia a stabilizing factor in an extremely unstable region and assist it
militarily (Friedrich, 2011).
International security is a dynamic process. The changing behavior of
individual states affects the stability of the entire international system. After
2010, political instability in Libya, Egypt, Syria, Mali, and several other coun-
tries jeopardized the security of the entire North Africa, Middle East, and sub-
Saharan Africa. In other regions, military programs in North Korea, Iran, and
Venezuela destabilize regional and world security by disrupting the estab-
lished balance of power.

THE SECURITY DILEMMA

Often, countries generate instability unintentionally, as they make the difficult
choices between unilateral security and cooperation. One state, for example,
may decide to improve its security by strengthening its defensive capabilities.
But this makes a neighboring state see its security as diminished, and it may
retaliate in kind. This dynamic is the security dilemma, and it can result in an
arms race.
The security dilemma helps in understanding why a disruption of the
power balance or a change in the structure of the international system in-
creases international tensions (Booth and Wheeler, 2007). During the Cold
War, for example, the United States built up its naval and air bases nearest the
Soviet Union to contain the spread of Communism to Europe and Asia. On its
side, the Soviet Union maintained a huge army in Central Europe. Moscow
 How Do We Study It? 129

was ready to invade Western Europe in the event of an attack. Western coun-
tries, scared by the Soviet buildup, asked the United States to deploy nuclear
missiles on their territory. The international system was bipolar at that time,
which made this arms race very difficult to stop. This dangerous competition
contributed to spiraling tensions and the Cuban Missile Crisis, as we saw in
Chapter 3.

NUCLEAR DETERRENCE
The security dilemma helps explain the policy of nuclear deterrence —
maintaining nuclear weapons with the intention not to use them but to deter Learn more
others from nuclear attack. In the 1960s, top politicians in the United States about MAD
began to realize that the use of nuclear weapons would be a calamity of global (Mutual Assured
Destruction) on the
proportions. They also understood that attempts to achieve superiority in nuclear
companion website.
weapons did not guarantee security. The United States therefore adopted a See the competition
security strategy of mutual assured destruction (MAD): If both countries had between offensive and
enough nuclear weapons to destroy the other even after a surprise nuclear attack, defensive security
this would serve as deterrence. Some critics of this approach urged instead an strategies, both
unlimited arms race, including the construction of an antimissile defense. Other promising to bring
critics believed that nuclear weapons should be abolished altogether. peace.
MAD could not stop the arms race, and so Washington and Moscow began
to negotiate rules for arms control. Yet new nuclear weaponry and the two-pole
structure of international relations quickly revived the security dilemma until
1987, when Mikhail Gorbachev and Ronald Reagan put a halt to the vicious
circle (Leffler, 2007).

THE DOMINO THEORY

One practical application of realist principles to security was the domino theory.
In this theory, the international system resembles a row of dominos standing

Robert McNamara
remained Defense
Secretary during the
Kennedy and Johnson
administrations
and masterminded
American military
escalation in Vietnam.
He believed that “a
loss” of South Vietnam
to the Communists
would cripple American
credibility and security
globally. Washington,
however, refused to send
troops into Communist
North Vietnam for fear of
a nuclear war with China
and the USSR.
130 CHAPTER 4: International Security

on end. If a single domino falls, so will the rest. In the 1950s, President Dwight
Eisenhower and other U.S. policy makers argued that Communist takeover in
even a small country could initiate the “domino effect” (Boot, 2007).
One of the most compelling reasons for U.S. involvement in the Vietnam
War in the 1960s was fear of a domino-like fall of anti-Communist govern-
ments throughout Southeast Asia if the United States kept out of Vietnam
(McNamara, 1996).

SECURITY REGIMES
One way to avoid the domino effect is through multilateralism. In a security
regime, a powerful country or several countries provide protection to other
states in exchange for their cooperation (Jervis, 1982). NATO emerged in 1949
as a security regime in which the United States provided a nuclear “umbrella”
protecting Western Europe from the Soviet Union. Less formally, the United
States in the past decades became the security regime guarantor for Saudi
Arabia, Kuwait, and the United Arab Emirates (the wealthiest Arab states),
against Iraq, and later against Iran (Fouskas, 2003). In case of a nonprolifera-
tion regime for WMD, five permanent members of the UN Security Council
usually act in concert because this security regime serves their interests.

CHECK YOUR Explain the security dilemma.

KNOWLEDGE Apply the domino theory to explain the U.S. intervention in Iraq in 2003.

Liberalism
Supporters of international liberalism recognize the primary role of states in
security policies but also point to the increasing role of international organiza-
tions and nonstate actors. They believe that the power of states and security
regimes is no longer the only key to peace in today’s world.

LIBERAL PRINCIPLES OF SECURITY

In the liberal view, neither economic nor military power alone can bring last-
ing security, and military threats are seldom the best choice of action. Instead,
the desire for mutually acceptable outcomes and the complexity of interna-
tional problems give countries the incentive to cooperate (Bull, 1977; 1988;
Ikenberry, 2011a).
Realists assume that states have few choices; they either increase their
power or align with some states against the others (Herrmann & Lebow, 2004).
Supporters of the liberal view maintain that states have other options, such as
negotiated settlements to avoid war and the creation of new institutions and
norms of international cooperation (Fearon, 1995). These experts believe the
world was lucky to survive the Cold War, with its dangerous security dilemma
and nuclear deterrence strategies. In the logic of MAD, as we have seen, a mis-
calculation by one side could easily have led to a devastating nuclear war.
 How Do We Study It? 131

According to the liberal view, security policies in democratic societies

should be part of the democratic process: they should be transparent and ac-
countable whenever possible. The decision-making process should be more
open to discussion, especially in the vital areas such as military actions over-
seas or international agreements. Policy makers should take into account non-
government organizations, the media, and grassroots organizations. In other
words, not only a small group of security professionals, but also representative
institutions and nongovernment organizations should influence strategic se-
curity decisions affecting the lives of millions (Stoddard, 2006).
Liberals may accept war in pursuit of liberal goals of a secure world. Liberal
interventionism means that a coalition of states and IGOs can act preventively
against a predator state when international security is at stake. Of course, this
intervention is possible only after all diplomatic and nonviolent means are
exhausted. In 1990, the United Nations denounced the occupation of Kuwait
by Iraq. A multinational coalition then liberated Kuwait in 1991.

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND THE SECURITY COMMUNITY

The sheer complexity of economic, political, and environmental issues today
makes it difficult for individual states to make security decisions on behalf of
others. By governing collectively, international organizations can reduce the
risk of mistakes. In 1918 and 1919, U.S. President Woodrow Wilson’s Fourteen
Points already called for collective security, an arrangement in which security
of one country becomes the concern of all who provide a collective response to
threats. Collective security was supposed to replace a shaky balance of power
in Europe (Adler and Barnett, 1998). These principles inspired many leaders in
Western Europe after World War II and Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev from
1988 to 1991.
International organizations are not designed to please everyone or to avoid
conflict at all cost. They can still impose sanctions and authorize the use of force.
However, they offer greater legitimacy for their decisions because they are collec-
tive. Recently, regional international organizations have begun to play a more
active role in conflict prevention, peacekeeping, humanitarian assistance, and
postwar reconstruction (Tavares, 2009). We will return to this topic in Chapter 9.
An alternative to the security regime is the security community—based
not on force, fear, and secret agreements, but on mutual interests, voluntary
cooperation, and open discussion. The idea of a security community rests in
part on the sharing of rational and moral anticipations and dispositions of
self-restraint in using force (Adler, 2008). Security communities emerged rela-
tively recently as governments, political leaders, and other influential groups
agreed on joint action and nonviolent conduct to maintain security and avoid
war (Deutsch et al., 1957). The United States, Canada, and Mexico, for instance,
may be a good example of a security community in North America.

Constructivism
In the constructivist view, countries act according to historical experience, iden-
tities, perceptions, and social norms. Canada, for example, has no concerns
about U.S. military superiority because the two countries remain at peace and
132 CHAPTER 4: International Security

have not intervened into each other’s affairs for at least a century. In contrast,
countries such as Latvia, Estonia, and Lithuania harbor security fears toward
Russia because the Soviet Union annexed and incorporated them by force from
1940 until 1991.

PERCEPTIONS, IDENTITIES, AND ATTITUDES

A security policy is often based on perceptions (or misperceptions) of other
states, such as their propensity to use force. For example, North Korea’s develop-
ment of nuclear weapons alarms South Korea and Japan because it has acted
belligerently in the past. Other countries may see the United States as a friend,
a distant partner, an isolationist, an outcast, or an enemy. For instance, in 1979,
the religious rulers of Iran labeled the United States the Great Satan. A group of
radical students seized the American embassy in Tehran and took American
diplomats hostage. Hostility between the two states continues to this day.
An even more important factor in security policies is a state’s international
identity—the perceived role it plays in a regional or global community. The
Soviet Union’s identity was linked to international Communism and the defeat
of capitalism, and for this reason Soviet security strategies remained unilater-
alist and interventionist on the global scale. The United States views itself as a
beacon of freedom and democracy: this caused it sometimes to intervene uni-
laterally, but more fundamentally to build cooperation with other democratic
states and allies. Security identities can be shaped by painful memories:
China’s identity is linked to the suffering in the past at the hands of colonizing
powers including Japan, which occupied parts of China in 1931–45. And Japan
changed its identity after 1945 from imperialist and aggressive to peacefully
democratic and cooperative.

Iranian students climb

over the wall of the
U.S. embassy in Tehran
during the Iranian
Revolution, November
4, 1979. The students
went on to hold 52
of the embassy staff
as hostages for 444
days. The U.S.–Iranian
conflict continues to
shape American security
policies in the Middle
East and Central Asia.
 How Do We Study It? 133

Historical memories, perceptions, and identities can form lasting attitudes

of states toward other states—ranging from mutually friendly to hostile.
Hostilities can feed on each other, but only if states let that happen—especially
in the absence of mutual agreements (B. Cronin, 1999). If countries learn to
overcome the record of mutual resentment, they eliminate a very source of se-
curity dilemma. After World War II, France and Germany, two countries with a
long history of mutual violence and mistrust, began to engage in economic and
political integration that led to a united European market (see Chapter 2).
Neither country now regards the other as a threat. Different developments oc-
curred between the Soviet Union and the United States during the Cold War,
and also between India and Pakistan after their creation in 1947. For decades,
each country saw the other as hostile, and their security policies reflected these
attitudes.
A crucial feature of a country’s security policies is its definition of security.
Some countries may define their security only in military terms, while others
consider economic and environmental security as well (Buzan and Hansen,
2009). Along with history and the international environment, a security defi-
nition may also be rooted in social norms. Most of today’s affluent, democratic
societies reduce the role of military force in their security policies.

MILITARISM AND PACIFISM

Militarism puts a premium on the use of military force in response to most
foreign threats. This attitude to international security glorifies war, conquest,
domination, and weapons. Pacifism, in contrast, is a principled opposition to
war and the belief that international disputes should be settled by nonviolent
means. This social attitude glorifies restraint, mutual concessions, respect, and
peace (Zinn, 2002). In the United States, militarism and pacifism reflect the
never-ending argument between hawks, who support tough measures, and
doves, who reject violence in foreign policy.
Public attitudes shift constantly between militarism and pacifism. As the
result of the heavy U.S. casualties during the war in Vietnam, domestic politi-
cal dissent and protests grew in the United States in the late 1960s and early
1970s. Yet militarism did not lose its public appeal and capacity to set policy
(Hanson, 2001). Today, the elites of most democratic countries include both
hawks and doves. For example, in Israel the generally hawkish politicians of
the Likud party must contend with the more dovish Labor party leaders. These
attitudes evolve and may change with new threats on the horizon.

Conflict Theories
According to other views, states maintain international security to protect key
interests of the dominant social groups. Marxism and feminism have long
criticized international security policies, claiming that they are state centric,
dominated by special interests, and gender biased.

MARXISM
In the Marxist view, security policies reflect the interests of the ruling eco-
nomic and political elites. To protect their wealth and power, these elites wage
134 CHAPTER 4: International Security

DEBATE > WHY HAS OBAMA ENGAGED IN SEVERAL ARMED CONFLICTS?

Few state leaders support war as the withdraw immediately from Iraq and consistent to you? Do you think
only security option, whereas even and even increased U.S. military he succeeded in finding a good bal-
the most passionate advocates of presence in Afghanistan in 2010. ance between seeking peace and
peace often see preparations for Moreover, in 2011, he intensified relying on military force?
war as vital security measures. Do- missile strikes against suspected ter-
mestic critics of President Obama rorists in several counties and or-
before he took office often charged dered military operations against
him of being dovish. Indeed, Obama the Qaddafi regime in Libya. Book review: “In Bob
was very critical of Washington’s Woodward’s ‘Obama’s
military engagements overseas and WHAT’S YOUR VIEW? Wars,’ Neil Sheehan sees parallels to
moved to reduce nuclear weapons Does Obama’s attitude toward Vietnam.” Find more on the
(Parker, 2010). But Obama did not armed conflicts seem reasonable companion website.

war, create international organizations, sign international treaties, and pursue

their own interventionist or isolationist strategies. Marxists compare interna-
tional security to an old colonial system of domination.
In the Soviet Union, Marxist-Leninist ideology reinforced Soviet imperial-
ist policies (Shlapentokh et al., 2008). Soviet ruling groups felt insecure as long
as the country was surrounded by non-Communist states. After winning World
War II, the Soviet Union expanded its ideological vision of security by creating
a security belt of Communist regimes; and after the 1950s, it began to help
radical anti-Western regimes around the world (Zubok, 2007). It also imposed
tight security controls within its borders: The Soviet population was not sup-
posed to know that living standards in Western countries were much higher.
Contemporary Marxist views on security go beyond the security policies
of Communist states of yesterday and today. Today’s Marxists claim that inter-
national politics reflects above all the interests of wealthy, well-organized
groups. These interests are supported by the corporate media and global finan-
cial institutions; they are embedded in countries’ educational systems.
Marxists often avoid the state-centered analysis of security and shift the
discussion toward global aspects of security. Marxists challenge neoliberalism
and the entire capitalist world order for generating an increasing economic dis-
parity and insecurity of the vast majority of people. Unemployment, consistent
financial troubles, and the erosion of the middle class are viewed as the most
significant security problems of today (Davis, 2011).

FEMINISM
Traditionally, feminism argued that in negotiation, diplomacy, or decision-
making, women could add an important element of trust in international rela-
tions, something that men failed to achieve. The key problem was that few
women were allowed to help shape military and security policy (True, 2009).
The past two decades have brought significant changes in the way some
 How Do We Apply It? 135

countries expanded the role of women in national security areas. Women

began to occupy top government positions not only in Western liberal democ-
racies but also in others. Argentina, India, Costa Rica, Kyrgyzstan, Liberia, and
Kosovo among others have elected women as their heads of state. At the same
time, feminist views of security cannot be reduced to the issue of how many
women serve in government offices. Rather, many feminists also seek to reframe
the way we all understand security, not unlike Marxism.
Feminist challenges to traditional views, norms, and values of security
emerged in the 1960s on the campuses of North American and West European
universities. Feminists first criticized the state monopoly on security issues.
They were particularly wary of realism because it defined national and interna-
tional security in terms of state sovereignty and domination—two key values
associated with masculinity. During the 1980s and later, feminists argued that
the male-dominated narrative of force and war should be replaced with other Cecilia Chacon swears
in as Bolivia’s Minister
narratives including individual safety, interdependence, agreement, and
of Defense at the
shared power (Reardon, 1985; Enloe, 2000 and 2007; Wibben, 2011). When government palace
the Cold War ended, feminists shifted the discussion from national security in La Paz, Bolivia, in
to global security, focusing on the problems of violence, gender and racial dis- 2011. Chacon is the first
crimination, and environmental degradation. Feminists also argued that the woman to be defense
minister in Bolivia’s
understanding of security as the absence of war is incomplete. There should be
history.
positive peace—with guarantees of basic social and economic rights to all
(Hirschman, 2010; Tickner, 1992).
No discussion of security today can be complete without “gendering,” or
analyzing from the feminist perspective, every major element of traditional
approaches and issues (Sjoberg, 2009).

Describe the differences between security regimes and security CHECK YOUR
communities. KNOWLEDGE
How can a state’s identity affect its security policies?
What is the propensity to use force?

How Do We Apply It?

The U.S. Constitution gives the president authority in the areas of national se-
curity and international relations. Yet evaluating security risks and seeking
adequate responses must take place at several levels, only beginning with indi-
vidual leaders. These different contexts help in understanding the complexity
of defining and building international security.

The Individual Context

During the Cold War, the U.S. President accumulated extraordinary power to
decide on the issues of national security. The U.S. Congress even granted the
White House a discretion to start wars, for instance in Vietnam, without con-
gressional authorization. As a result, almost every U.S. President since 1945
has significantly altered national security strategy (Gaddis, 1982). The trend
136 CHAPTER 4: International Security

continued after the end of the Cold War, when President Clinton conducted
a major reevaluation of global threats. Whereas President George W. Bush
brought his own vision of security threats, focusing on international terrorism
and the rogue regimes of Iraq and Afghanistan, President Barack Obama
moved to more traditional realist strategies. In other countries with strong ex-
ecutive power, such as France and Russia, new leaders introduce new security
agendas. In Russia, for instance, former President Boris Yeltsin (1992–1999)
pursued a strategy of security cooperation with the United States and NATO.
His successor Vladimir Putin views policies of Washington and NATO as a
security threat to Russia.

LEADERS AND ADVISERS

Waging a war is often the individual choice of a political leader and close associ-
ates, but only within limits. In democracies, there are constitutional limits on
power. Political opposition, public opinion, and the media limit the choices
too. In non-democracies, leaders’ choices to wage war seem unrestrained. Yet
their lives and safety are often under threat if they leave office (Goemans et al.,
2009). They may therefore choose war simply to secure political power. Statistical
analysis suggests that non-democratic leaders indeed have a higher propensity
to wage war because of political insecurity (Debs and Goemans, 2010).
Moreover, decision makers seldom act alone on security issues. They
depend on analysts and advisers who may have their own theories about how
the country should evaluate and respond to security threats. The policy of
containment, formulated by George Kennan in 1946–47 (see Chapter 2), was
especially influential. Kennan, a State Department official, believed that
Communism would eventually collapse under the weight of its contradic-
tions. In contrast, Paul Nitze, another U.S. security official, believed that the

DEBATE > ARE VETERANS MORE LIKELY THAN NON-VETERANS TO SUPPORT

THE USE OF FORCE?

A detailed study of the U.S. foreign were more supportive of greater behind such a pattern? Ask the
policy elite between 1816 and 1992 use of force for a longer period. In students who have served in the
found that politicians with a mili- contrast, non-veterans tended to military (and especially those who
tary background were less likely to become less supportive of the use served in Iraq or Afghanistan) to
support the use of force than non- of force as a conflict continued. share their views.
veteran leaders (Gelpi and Feaver,
2002). In fact, the more military ex- WHAT’S YOUR VIEW?
Article: “Prudence, War and
perience policy makers possessed, Why do you think veterans are less
Civil-Military Relations,” by
and the greater the percentage inclined toward the use of force? LTG James M. Dubik, U.S. Army retired.
of veterans serving in govern- And why do you think veterans are Article: “Success Matters: Casualty
ment,  the less likely a military re- more supportive of wars once a mil- Sensitivity and the War in Iraq,” by
sponse. Once a military response itary response is under way? What Christopher Gelpi, Peter D. Feaver,
was underway, however, veterans are the reasons and motivations and Jason Reifler.
 How Do We Apply It? 137

United States needed significant peacetime rearmament to fight the Soviet

threat (Thompson, 2009). The competition between these two views lasted for
many years.

PEACE PSYCHOLOGY
To some political psychologists international security is achievable through
education and good will. They develop peace psychology, which tries to un-
derstand the ideological and psychological causes of war and find practical
applications of their findings (MacNair, 2003). Their goal is to develop educa-
tional programs to reduce the threat of violence. Certainly, more often than
not, political leaders read intelligence reports through the prism of precon-
ceived beliefs. Yet leaders and ordinary people, they believe, can look beyond
old images of “the enemy” and find possibilities for dialogue. Peace psychol-
ogy made important contributions to U.S.–Soviet relations during the Cold
War and the relaxation of international tensions in the 1980s (Greening, 1986).
They organized face-to-face meetings between officials, students, teachers, and
other professionals in the United States and the Soviet Union to promote trust.
At the end of this chapter, we will see how both institutional and psychologi-
cal factors brought about the end of the Cold War.
Should women in high offices be psychologically prone to peaceful conflict
resolution? As we noted in Chapter 2, with so few women in charge of foreign
policy, it is difficult to know how much women in high offices would make a
difference. But in the past Golda Meir in Israel, Indira Gandhi in India, and
Margaret Thatcher in the UK were more prone to use force than some of the
male politicians that surrounded them. In the United States, Madeline Albright,
Condoleezza Rice, and Hillary Clinton acted very tough as secretary of states.

Visitors view an
exhibition of artwork
by Japanese and
Chinese cartoonists
in Nanjing, China, in
2013. The event opened
half a year later than
originally planned after
a wave of anti-Japan
riots in China sparked
by a territorial dispute.
Peace psychologists
believe that leaders and
ordinary people must
look beyond old images
of “the enemy” and find
possibilities for dialogue.
138 CHAPTER 4: International Security

CASE IN POINT > GRIT and the Spiral of Insecurity

During the Cold War, advocates of reciprocation in tension-reduction favorable conditions for the strate-
nuclear disarmament argued for an (GRIT) model in the 1960s, and gies like GRIT to work. Which condi-
exit from the cycle of mutual insecu- Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev tions should there be, in your view?
rity. Frustrated by the superpowers’ relied on it during 1987 to 1989 Think about individual qualities of
inability to guarantee international when he transformed the security countries’ leaders, political con-
security, they believed that real doctrine of the Soviet Union. The texts in their states, and the inter-
policy change could begin with result was the end of the Cold War. national situation in general. Do
small, incremental steps. Such these conditions exist, for example,
goodwill gestures would include CRITICAL THINKING in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict?
student exchanges, trade deals, and If GRIT was so successful, why don’t Would you use GRIT to ease ten-
joint projects and interviews. An countries use it to settle other bilat- sions in Afghanistan? If not, why? If
American psychologist, Charles eral conflicts? As you can attest yes, how?
Osgood, developed the graduated now, there should be particular and

CHECK YOUR What does peace psychology study?

KNOWLEDGE Explain graduated reciprocation in tension-reduction.

The State Context

As realists insist, a country with massive military power has more security op-
tions than a weaker state. However, military strength alone is not a guarantor
of security. A country also needs trustworthy allies, domestic political stability,
and national unity. During the American Revolution, the Americans’ alliance
with France compensated in part for their military weaknesses. French politi-
cal disunity in the late 1930s allowed Hitler to crush France and its allies
quickly in 1940. These examples show the importance of domestic factors in
foreign and security policy (Walt, 1991).

PUBLIC OPINION
In democratic countries, national security is the subject of public debate, and
political pressures exert considerable influence (Nacos et al., 2000). Yet during
the time of international tensions or when a war appears immanent, public
tends to “rally around the flag.” Experts call it rage militaire—euphoric expecta-
tions of a confrontation and a quick victory. Knowing that effect, some politi-
cal leaders may engage in a diversionary war, to distract domestic public opinion
from pressuring problems at home. Ideally, this war should distract from a
domestic problem and strengthen the government’s position in power (Sobek,
2008). Yet usually the military fervor does not last long. After the Vietnam War
the public in the United States no longer supported long war and military com-
mitments overseas, and developed very low tolerance for casualties (Shiraev
and Sobel, 2006). (See Table 4-4.)
 How Do We Apply It? 139

There are cycles in public opinion, related to generational experience.

Before World War II, Americans were largely isolationists. Most believed that
their country’s security does not depend on the situation in Europe or else-
where. After World War II, American public opinion tended to be more inter-
ventionist. Consensus in support of interventionist policies lasted until the
middle of Vietnam War, roughly 1968, when Americans became divided.

IDEOLOGY
In today’s democratic societies, according to opinion polls and electoral re-
sults, people on the left are more likely to oppose military confrontations, in
accord with liberal views of international relations. Those on the right are
more likely to be nationalistic and pro-military, in accord with the realist per-
spective. These views are reflected in popular perceptions of the major politi-
cal parties. In the United States, Democrats are often seen as “soft” and
Republicans as “hawkish.” Studies show that conservative presidents’ foreign
policy tended to be hawkish (Dueck, 2010). In Germany, Christian Democrats
(a conservative party) are frequently viewed as too tough in dealing with in-
ternational threats and Social Democrats (a liberal party) as too weak (Shiraev
and Sobel, 2006).
These perceptions are not always accurate. Conservative governments,
which are generally reluctant to raise taxes to subsidize the military, frequently
choose diplomacy, coalition building, and bargaining with adversarial states
(Narizny, 2003). Liberals recently became more supportive of the use of mili-
tary force against governments perceived to be capable of atrocities against
their own people. The constructivist perspective offers another explanation
for why liberals do not necessarily express soft attitudes and conservatives
hawkish ones. People tend to respond to national security threats according to

TABLE 4-4 Confrontations, Hostilities, and Public Support

Period, Country Descriptions of Public Reaction
Britain, mid-1850s Fear of Russia was rampant among decision makers and the educated public, who
viewed Russia as a danger to British colonies. The two countries fought between 1853
and 1856.
China, 1965–69 The Chinese Communist Party launched a massive propaganda campaign, blaming the
Soviet Union for selling out Socialist values. The campaign fueled a wave of anti-Soviet
sentiment in China and led to bloody skirmishes on the Sino-Soviet border in 1969.
Russia, 1999 NATO military strikes against Serbia, a country viewed as friendly to Russia, led to anti-
American outbursts and the Russian government’s abandonment of its pro-Western
course in foreign policy. After 1999, Russia began to regard NATO as an adversary.
China, 2005 Nationalistic sentiment and attempts by the Japanese government to downplay
the atrocities committed during World War II led to the eruption of anti-Japanese
demonstrations in all major cities in China.
140 CHAPTER 4: International Security

their self-perceptions. Conservatives may feel more comfortable in the foreign-

policy arena because they already support a forceful defense and therefore do
need to use force all the time (Reeves, 2001). Liberals, who may feel less secure
about their ability to mount a military response, may overreact.

LOBBYING AND SECURITY BUREAUCRACY

Lobbying is activity by individuals, groups, and corporations to influence
public officials in support of legislation or policies. Its methods include mail
campaigns, mobilizing voters, funding political campaigns, and op-ed pieces
in the media. Advocates of conflict theories argue that lobbying helps the
ruling classes determine foreign and security policy. During the twentieth cen-
tury, however, lobbies represented different approaches toward securities.
Some business groups pushed for American economic and military expansion.
During the Cold War, Quakers and other groups promoted negotiations with
Soviet leaders to prevent nuclear war, while ethnic Americans from Eastern
Europe and Catholic organizations were anti-Soviet and supported federal
spending to maintain U.S. military superiority. A powerful pro-Israeli lobby
emerged between 1967 and 1973 and used strategic security goals to justify
U.S. support for Israel (Mearsheimer and Walt, 2007).
During the Cold War, government security bureaucracy and industrial
corporations shared their common interest in the perpetuation of the arms
race and confrontation with the Soviet Union. In 1960, President Dwight
Eisenhower spoke of the “military-industrial complex” that had come to domi-
nate his country’s security policies (Eisenhower, 1960). After the terrorist at-
tacks of 2001, a new powerful bureaucracy emerged. Homeland security now
combines domestic and national security tasks. The impact of homeland secu-
rity bureaucracy on foreign policy decision-making is yet to be seen, but it
clearly represents a powerful new factor in security policies.

Lockheed Martin
Executives guide then-
Defense Secretary
Robert Gates, center,
through the F-35
Lightning II assembly
line at Lockheed Martin
Aeronautics Company
in Fort Worth, Texas, in
2009. A prime target
for painful spending
cutbacks, the plane
also had a daunting
constituency: some
130,000 jobs in 47 states
and Puerto Rico and
plenty of support in
Congress.
 How Do We Apply It? 141

The Global Context

With the increasing interconnectedness of economies and policies, more and
more events and factors have implications for national and international secu-
rity. The essence of international relations becomes not just about state and
regional politics, but about energy resources as well.

GEOPOLITICS
For centuries, sovereign states struggled for territorial and geographic advan-
tage. Many of them used geopolitics—the theory and practice of using geo-
graphy and territorial gains to achieve political power or seek security.
Geographical position gave some countries clear advantages in security mat-
ters, while others remained vulnerable. New research in history suggests that
geopolitics played a crucial role in the rise and fall of the great world powers
(Morris, 2010). In Afghanistan, the country’s vast and rough terrain and under-
developed infrastructure pose significant challenges for military operations to
achieve stability in this country. At the same time, an unstable Afghanistan is
a source of regional and global insecurity.
A significant change took place after the end of the Cold War. Irregular wars
(conflicts involving guerillas, instead of regular military) proliferated in the
second half of the twentieth century. In the 1990s, wars had shifted away from
Asia and Latin America and toward Eurasia, the Middle East, and sub-Saharan
Africa. This shift was caused, in addition to some domestic political and eco-
nomic factors, by a massive dissolution of states and political regimes in these
regions following the end of the Cold War (Kalyvas and Balcellis, 2010, 423).
International terrorism altered the face of irregular warfare. It does not re-
spect geographical boundaries. Individuals and groups who do not represent
sovereign states can easily threaten global security, as demonstrated by terror-
ist acts in the United States in 2001, Spain in 2004, and Great Britain in 2005.
(We will discuss terrorism in Chapter 7.) Small nuclear weapons can now be
delivered to cities in a suitcase, and nuclear proliferation is now an acute secu-
rity issue. Because a dirty bomb (one that combines radioactive material with
conventional explosives) does not need sophisticated means of delivery, the
spread of nuclear materials could have global consequences. Countries have
few options other than cooperation on security and law enforcement. The
gathering and sharing of intelligence has become crucial. International organi-
zations over the last decade play a greater role in global security.

REGIONAL SECURITY
Territorial integrity and sovereignty remain important issues affecting global se-
curity. A country’s breakup or the interference of neighboring countries can
create regional instability—especially in multiethnic zones with weak govern-
ments. India, for example, supported the partition of neighboring Pakistan and
the creation of the independent country of Bangladesh in 1971; Pakistan quickly
retaliated. And attempts to suppress political movements aiming at breaking up
a state are likely to cause international reactions, as in the former Yugoslavia.
These days, ethnic violence in the world’s poorest regions, such as West Africa,
may become the most significant threats to global security in the next decades.
142 CHAPTER 4: International Security

Learn more Some multilateral steps toward regional security have already been taken,
about the such as the Central America Regional Security Initiative (CARSI, 2010). This
Central America Regional collective effort of governments, law-enforcement agencies, and NGOs aims to
Security Initiative from prevent the spread of illicit drugs, the violence associated with them, and
the companion website.
transnational threats. The initiative attempts to reduce the flow of narcotics,
What is the U.S. role in
arms, weapons, and bulk cash generated by drug sales and to confront gangs
this program? If you were
president, what would and criminal organizations. If efforts like this succeed, they will demonstrate
you change in this the importance of international organizations and coordinated policies.
program to make it more
efficient? ENERGY, RESOURCES, AND SECURITY
In the twentieth century, the struggle for access to oil contributed to international
conflicts. During periods of robust economic growth, when the demand for fuel
is high, any disruption in the production of oil has serious consequences. The
Arab oil embargo against the West in the 1970s contributed to a serious, wide-
spread recession (Bryce, 2009). For the United States, dependence on foreign oil
is not only an economic problem but a security challenge as well. Energy self-
sufficiency is likely to be a major strategic goal of future administrations. In terms
of new strategic relations in the twenty-first century, new political alliances are
likely to emerge. Former ideological and political allies may turn away from their
former partners and gravitate toward energy-rich nations, thus weakening strate-
gic security regimes. Germany, for example, may turn to oil-producing Russia at
the expense of NATO and the United States (Guérot, 2010). New emerging energy
alliances could easily be perceived as threats to other states’ security.
Energy independence does not guarantee security for the United States,
however. The twenty-first century has marked the rapid economic growth of
China, India, and Brazil—so-called emerging economies. They too need an un-
interrupted supply of oil and natural gas, at the lowest possible price, and they
are likely to make substantial investments in their militaries to protect it. China’s
economic growth could contribute to global tension in other ways as well: Its

Protecting energy
supply lines will likely
remain a serious
international security
issue. The proposed
Enbridge Northern
Gateway Project will
pipe oil from Canada to
the United States to be
shipped overseas by oil
tankers. This 2012 photo
shows the proposed
termination point for
the pipeline in British
Columbia, Canada.
 Past, Present, and Future: Ending the Cold War 143

massive exports could undermine other countries’ economies and key manufac-
turing industries, weakening their job markets (Peerenboom, 2008). The com-
peting principles of realpolitik and cooperation will be tested once again.

What are the relative roles of public opinion and lobbies? CHECK YOUR
Explain geopolitics. KNOWLEDGE
What is the “military-industrial complex”?
What is the Central America Regional Security Initiative?
How has the global economy become a global security issue?

Past, Present, and Future:

Ending the Cold War
Why did the Cold War, a global conflict that had lasted for decades, end so sud-
denly and without significant violence? In the early 1980s, the future of global
security appeared bleak. The most common assumption among professional
analysts and politicians was that the next decade would be the most dangerous
period since World War II. This expectation was driven in part by the logic of
the security dilemma: The U.S. military buildup under President Ronald
Reagan was believed to lead to a Soviet buildup, and more tension (Gray, 1982).
Yet in 1987 and 1988 the fear and insecurity faded away. President Ronald
Reagan and the new Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev established mutual trust.
In the Intermediate Range Nuclear Forces (INF) treaty of 1987, they agreed to
destroy missiles of intermediate and shorter range (from 500 to 5,000 kilome-
ters). And in 1989–90, Soviet troops began to pull out of Eastern Europe.
The peaceful transformation of the security landscape and the entire inter-
national system in 1988–91 took most experts by surprise. Triumphalists,
mostly conservatives in the United States, were quick to claim a U.S. victory,
an expected result of the military buildup and constant pressure against the
Soviet Union. By creating a military deadlock for the USSR in Afghanistan,
supporting Solidarity (an anti-Communist, anti-Soviet movement) in Poland,
building advanced military systems, encouraging Saudi Arabia to reduce oil
prices (the main source of Soviet finances), and taking a belligerent stand in
the war of ideas, the United States undercut the Soviet Union’s power bases,
undermined its self-confidence, and forced it to surrender in the Cold War.
Declassified documents and interviews made clear that the triumphalist
thesis is simplistic. Soviet archives reveal that the key to a security transforma-
tion was Gorbachev’s desire for domestic reforms and his refusal to see the world
through the prism of the security dilemma. The Soviet leader acted from the
position of growing weakness: Soviet economy and finances were in disarray.
But he also wanted to build an international community in Europe and Asia that
would include NATO countries. The Soviet leader spearheaded a new image of a
just, secure world and a path to achieve it—what he called the “new thinking.”
Liberals in the West proclaimed Gorbachev their champion. They acknowledged
that he shared many ideas with the neoliberal domestic and transnational intel-
lectual communities (English, 2000; Evangelista, 1999). Among them was
144 CHAPTER 4: International Security

Robert Osgood’s GRIT model. By applying these ideas to international relations,

Gorbachev succeeded in breaking the deadlock of the security dilemma. Many
all over Europe and the world applauded the Soviet leader when he declared at
the United Nations in 1988 that international security is “one and indivisible”
and rejected the use of force in international relations.
One can even reassess the role of U.S. president Ronald Reagan in the light
of liberal theories. Although the Reagan administration initially did not trust
Gorbachev’s intentions, Reagan recognized that the Soviet threat was disap-
pearing and seized the opportunity to build a new framework of agreements
and cooperation with the Soviet Union. The emerging mutual trust between
Reagan and Gorbachev helped to break the cycle of insecurity. They proceeded
despite the resistance of powerful national forces, including the most belliger-
ent members of the military on both sides and government officials with hos-
tile attitudes about the other country. (Chernyaev, 2000; Leffler, 2007).
Realists and neorealists too began to search for more sophisticated explana-
tions of the end of the Cold War. They argued that the Soviet Union’s uncertain
role in the new structures of international relations and its weakening stand in
the global balance of power affected the behavior of the Soviet leaders. A younger
generation of Soviet leaders, including Gorbachev and foreign minister Eduard
Shevardnadze, realized that the Soviet Union had to avoid a new round of arms
race that it could not win. Because the USSR could not prevail over the West, it
decided to join the West (Wohlforth, 2003). Gorbachev’s new perception of
common security emerged as an alternative to confrontational policies seen as
dangerous, expensive, and counterproductive (Herrmann and Lebow, 2004).
Constructivist assessments help explain the evolving ideas on security by
the Soviet and U.S. political leadership. Gorbachev, unlike the older genera-
tion of Soviet leaders, no longer identified himself with a Soviet military su-
perpower. In contrast, he viewed nuclear weapons as ensuring Soviet security
against external threats. Nor was he obsessed with memories of World War II
that had left Soviet elites deeply insecure when it came to the West. Gorbachev’s
personal aversion to the use of force and his preference for nonmilitary means
to respond to security challenges were almost pacifist.
Liberals, neorealists, and constructivists agree that a peaceful resolution
like this one does not come about exclusively from military pressure. It takes
rethinking national security, after traditional approaches end in crisis or dead-
lock. The colossal military power of the Soviet Union was undermined by a
corrosion of ideology and political will (Lévesque, 1997, 252). Influential
Soviet elites became convinced that Western models based on political free-
doms, private entrepreneurship, and consumerism had more to offer. Had the
Soviets and Americans had different political leaders, most probably the Cold
War would have continued. Yet not just the Kremlin, but ordinary people had
begun to think differently. They were no longer prepared to shed blood for a
cause they did not believe in and an empire they did not benefit from. In the
end, ideas and values transformed international security.
Advocates of alternative approaches to international relations draw differ-
ent lessons from the peaceful end of the Cold War. Marxists argue that the
Soviet Union was never a truly Socialist country (Shlapentokh et al., 2008).
Gorbachev and Soviet elites simply shifted from one mode of domination and
 Conclusion 145

President Ronald Reagan

and Soviet General
Secretary Mikhail
Gorbachev meet in 1986.

insecurity to another neoliberal model based on global capitalist exploitation,

inequality, and again, insecurity. Feminist critics argue that the narrative of
the end of the Cold War should not revolve around the actions and thoughts of
just a few male leaders, such as Gorbachev, Reagan, and Bush. Moreover, the
global outcomes of 1989 were not nearly as revolutionary: Instead of building
peace and cooperation, Western statesmen preserved and expanded NATO,
perpetuating the same old security agenda (Sarotte, 2009).
Drawing lessons from the end of the Cold War is not easy. It stands as a
unique case—the meltdown of a major power. Yet it has generated rich and
valuable discussions that reopen and reassess the tenets of national and inter-
national security.

CONCLUSION
For centuries, states’ security policies were secret. states can build a stable peace based on security
Monarchs and prime ministers defined national communities.
interest as political sovereignty and territorial integ- Why do some state leaders choose military
rity. As soon as national interest was protected, the actions while others seek peaceful solutions? In
state could pursue other interests through foreign part, these attitudes are socially constructed. We
policy. This view of security is generally supported have seen in the opening case how Japan’s politi-
by realists, who identify the goal of security policies cal leaders changed their views of their country’s
as a favorable international balance of power. vital interests and security policies. Values, fears,
Supporters of international liberalism be- and misconceptions guide policy makers through
lieve that realist considerations lead to actions the maze of international and domestic politics
that undermine national and international secu- and a constantly changing world.
rity. Rather than relying on force, they seek a International security may seem like a gigan-
greater role for international and nongovernment tic chess game. It takes knowledge, skill, and in-
organizations. Public opinion is important, too, telligence to understand all the moves. It takes a
but only if it can be expressed freely. Western heart, however, to recognize that behind all these
Europe has shown the world that democratic pieces are human beings.
146 CHAPTER 4: International Security

CHAPTER SUMMARY
• National security is the protection of a state’s • In the constructivist view, states act accord-
sovereignty, territorial integrity, and vital in- ing to their identities, ideologies, and social
terests. International security refers to mutual norms.
security issues involving more than one state. • Marxists argue that security policies reflect
• Conflict is antagonism between states and in- the interests of the ruling economic and po-
ternational or nongovernment organizations. litical elites.
Its ultimate form is war, including offensive, • Feminists see traditional world politics as an
defensive, and preventive war. emphasis on domination and power—values
• The two most common types of security associated with masculinity.
strategy are unilateralism and multilateral- • Leaders perceive international security accord-
ism. A state can also choose isolationism, in- ing to their experience, ideology, and individ-
terventionism, or cooperation. ual perceptions. Although presidents and their
• According to realism, states try to maximize close advisers have considerable power to
their power and win a better place in the in- shape security policies, domestic opinions
ternational system. The security dilemma ex- and political pressures exert considerable in-
plains why the disruption of a balance of fluence, especially in democracies.
power increases international tensions. In • Domestic politics help or constrain discus-
the domino effect, a change of government sion of security policies. Lobbies and interest
in one state produces a chain reaction in groups influence public officials in support of
others. In a security regime, a powerful coun- policies and legislation.
try provides protection to other states in ex- • In the past, a country’s geographic location
change for their cooperation. has been crucial to its security, but economic
• In the liberal view, neither economic nor mil- interdependence and new military technolo-
itary power alone can bring lasting security. gies devalued the territorial factor. Failed
The desire for mutually acceptable outcomes states, nuclear proliferation, and threats to
gives countries an incentive to cooperate energy resources and supplies remain serious
through international institutions and the challenges to global security.
security community.

KEY TERMS
collective security 131 interventionism 125 pacifism 133
conflict 121 liberal interventionism 131 peace psychology 137
cooperation 126 isolationism 121 preemptive war 124
domino theory 129 lobbying 140 preventive war 122
failing states 121 militarism 133 security community 131
geopolitics 141 multilateralism 125 security dilemma 128
graduated reciprocation in mutual assured destruction security policy 132
tension-reduction (GRIT) 138 (MAD) 129 security regime 130
guerrilla warfare 123 national security 120 unilateralism 125
international security 120 nuclear deterrence 129 war 120
Visual Review INTERNATIONAL SECURITY
1. What do we study?

KEY CONCEPTS TYPES OF WAR SECURITY POLICIES

• National security: protection • Intentions and policies: offen- How many states are involved in
of a state’s sovereignty, terri- sive, defensive, preemptive, the policy?
torial integrity, and interests preventive
• unilateral
• International security: • Scope and consequences:
• multilateral
bilateral or multilateral local, regional, global
How do states address foreign
• Conflict: antagonism • Strategies: conventional, non-
threats?
between states or interna- conventional, weapon types
tional organizations • isolationism
• Purposes: predatory,
• War: organized violent retaliatory, political, ethnic, • interventionism
confrontation religious
• cooperation

2. How do we study
y it?

REALISM LIBERALISM CONSTRUCTIVISM ALTERNATIVE AND

• Security depends on • Neither economic nor • States act according to CONFLICT THEORIES
the quantity and military power alone experience, ideologies, • Security policies reflect
quality of armed can bring lasting perceptions, and social and protect the key
forces and their security norms interests of the domi-
mobility nant social groups
• States almost always • Militarism: glorifies
• States try to maxi- have options for war, conquest, • Marxism: critical of
mize their power negotiation domination political and economic
elitism
• Security dilemma: • Collective • Pacifism: principled
A state’s attempt to security: the security of opposition • Feminism: critical of
improve its security one state is the concern to war; disputes should exclusion of women
creates insecurity in of all be settled nonviolently from policy-making
other states

3. How do we apply it?

INDIVIDUAL LEVEL STATE LEVEL GLOBAL LEVEL

• Leaders and advisers • Public opinion • Geopolitics
• Psychology • Ideology • Regional security
• Lobbying • Global energy and resources

• Compare and contrast the realist, liberal, constructivist, and alternative perspec-
Critical tives on security.
Thinking • Explain two applications of security policies at each of the following levels: indi-
vidual decisions, government politics, and global developments.
• Give an example of a security policy you consider effective and one you consider
ineffective. Explain your choices.
 CHAPTER

5
CHAPTER OUTLINE
What Do We Study? 150
> Law, the Role of IGOs, and
International Relations 150
> Principles and Sources of International
Law 151
> Development of International Law 154
How Do We Study It? 159
> The Realist View of International
Law 159
Case in Point Norway’s Moral
Objection 160
> The Liberal View of International
Law 161
Debate Why Can’t We Outlaw War? 162
> Constructivism and Other Views of
International Law 165
Debate From Kosovo to the
Russian-Georgian War 167
How Do We Apply It? 168
> The Individual Context 168
> The State Context 170
> The Global Context 171
Case in Point Rwanda and Belgium
Law 174
Past, Present, and Future: War Crimes,
Genocide, and the Legacy of
Nuremberg 175

CONCLUSION 178

CHAPTER SUMMARY 179

KEY TERMS 179

VISUAL REVIEW 180

A Palestinian protester throws

stones at an Israel border police
officer during a protest against
Israel’s separation barrier in the
West Bank, 2013.
International Law
Insofar as international law is observed, it provides us with stability and order
and with a means of predicting the behavior of those with whom we have
reciprocal legal obligations.
—J. WILLIAM FULBRIGHT (1905–1995)

I
N JULY 2001, THE GOVERNMENT OF ISRAEL BEGAN TO BUILD
A SECURITY BARRIER SEPARATING ISRAEL FROM THE PALES-
TINIAN TERRITORIES. THE WALL, WHICH IS ABOUT 450 MILES
(720 km) long, is in fact a 160- to 330-feet-wide (50–100 m) engineer-
ing project. It consists of a fence with electronic sensors, a ditch up to
13 feet (4 m) deep, a two-lane asphalt patrol road (the “trace strip”) built
parallel to the fence with sand smoothed to detect footprints, and barbed
wire. No longer could people cross the fenced area through a checkpoint
without a permit issued by Israeli authorities.
The Palestinian government has long considered this construction
project illegal and repeatedly asked the Israeli government to stop it.
The General Assembly of the United Nations decided to investigate in
2003, and the UN International Court of Justice decided by a majority
vote that the wall was illegal. The court obliged Israel to cease construc-
tion without delay and to repeal all laws associated with it. Israel was
also under an obligation to make reparation for all damage caused by
construction. Other countries were advised not to give assistance to
Israel in advancing the project, and the UN Security Council was asked
to consider further action.
What happened next? Israel did not halt construction of the fence
and completed most of it. The government submitted a written state-
ment justifying the fence as a security measure against terrorist attacks.
Legal scholars in Israel wrote that a sovereign state might construct a
temporary security barrier in an occupied territory. The Israeli Supreme
Court ruled that the fence was legal. Still, it ordered some changes in the
149
150 CHAPTER 5: International Law

barrier route to accommodate Palestinians. A new route would return

some 140 acres (approx. .5 square km) to the Palestinians.
Which side’s legal arguments appear stronger in your view?
Should the governments of sovereign states always obey the deci-
sions of international organizations including courts? Do interna-
tional organizations have the responsibility to protect the rights of
individuals? How do you coordinate international law with the inter-
ests of independent states? These questions have critical significance
in today’s global world; yet there is no consensus. This chapter deals
with the principles and consequences of international law and its
role in international relations. (Sources: International Court of Justice 2004.
Israel High Court Ruling, 2005.)

Learning After reading this chapter, you should be able to:

explain the principles, sources, and evolution of international law;
Objectives realize the opportunities as well as the limitations of international
law;
recognize the principal differences among various views and
approaches to international law; and
apply key principles of international law to individual decisions,
particular policies of states, and global developments.

What Do We Study?
In general terms, a law is a rule either prescribed or recognized as binding.
International law is a set of principles, rules, and agreements that regulate the
behavior of states and other international actors. In theory, states and interna-
tional organizations should agree on a set of general rules and then enforce
them properly. In reality, it is a daunting mission.

Law, the Role of IGOs, and International Relations

There is no formal document or code to set forth worldwide legal principles.
Nor is there a global constitution, global supreme court, or worldwide law-
enforcement agency. In reality, international legal regulations are effective
only as long as key international actors recognize and follow them rather than
ignore or reject them. As we have seen already, Israel rejected international law
when it refused to halt construction of a security barrier. Is it really necessary,
 What Do We Study? 151

then, or even practical, to have international law? The answer is yes, absolutely.
At least three reasons explain why.
A need for a secure international environment. Sovereign states, organizations,
businesses, and ordinary people need a secure environment rather than law-
lessness (Bull, 1977). States and international organizations set rules and
establish sanctions against violations of such rules. Take piracy, for example.
A significant increase of piracy near Somalia and the Horn of Africa in the
twenty-first century created a collective international response to uphold and
enforce international anti-piracy laws (Boot, 2009).
A need for conflict resolution. Internationally observed rules help countries
to resolve border issues and property rights so that agreements are kept with-
out violence (Linklater, 2009). In the 1990s, Yemen and Eritrea disputed over
control of the Hanish Islands in the Red Sea. Violence was about to erupt. In
1998, the Permanent Court of Arbitration, one ofthe oldest institutions for
dispute resolution, determined that the archipelago belonged to Yemen. Eritrea
accepted this legal decision, and violence was avoided.
A need to coordinate domestic laws in a global world. States have different
constitutional, administrative, criminal, contract, family, and property laws.
On the
Numerous disagreements naturally emerge, especially in an era of global trade companion
and travel (Keohane, 2005). Think of divorce and custody disputes, trademark website, you can
violations, traffic accidents, financial obligations, and compensations for faulty examine several cases
products or services. International law should also be applied to fight transna- showing the interaction
tional organized crime including extortion, drug and human trafficking, kid- between countries’ legal
napping, and money laundering. systems.

Principles and Sources of International Law

International law establishes legal principles—or general rules of law
application—for two, several, or even all countries (Kahler and Lake, 2003).

A masked Somali pirate

near a Taiwanese fishing
vessel that washed up
on shore after the pirates
were paid a ransom
and released the crew
in 2012. The heyday
of Somali piracy may
be over because most
countries consider piracy
as a threat to the laws of
the seas.
152 CHAPTER 5: International Law

SAUDI ARABIA
Red Sea Abha

SUDAN
Najran
Kerora Farasan
Island Jaizan Sa'Dah

Dahlak
ERITREA
Archipelago
Hajjah
Massawa YEMEN
San'a Marib
Asmara
Al Hudaydah
Hanish Dhamar Ataq'
Islands
Ibb Al Bayda

Mek'ele Ta'izz

Lahij
Asseb
Gonder
Aden
ETHIOPIA Obock
MAP 5-1 Previously DJIBOUTI
Djibouti
disputed Hanish Islands Dese
0 km 120 240 Ali Sabieh
belong to Yemen now
Ceerigaabo
thanks to international 0 miles 120 240 SOMALIA
arbitration.

When is a For example, international law applies only within its jurisdiction, which de-
foreign fines how far it can reach. Anti-piracy laws have universal jurisdiction because
diplomat subject to they apply everywhere. Other laws are more specific. The European Union, for
arrest for breaking U.S. example, restricts certain food products imported to its countries (Rankin,
law? Must a diplomat pay 2010). Switzerland, a nonmember, is free to use its own food regulations.
taxes? Can countries
To become subject to international law, a state must be sovereign, which
declare a diplomat
unacceptable or
means that its government should be lawful and exercise supreme authority
unwelcome? Visit the within its territory (see Chapter 1). International organizations are subject to
companion website to international law too. They, as well as sovereign states, are engaged in diplomacy—
learn about diplomatic the managing of international relations by means of negotiations. Rules of
immunity and persona diplomatic protocol are based on centuries of tradition and prescribe how these
non grata. activities between states and organizations should be performed.
Where do the legal principles and rules regulating international relations
come from? As we see next, the sources of international law include treaties,
customs, general principles, and the actions of courts and other international
organizations. (See Table 5-1.)
International treaties (also called agreements, charters, pacts, covenants, and
conventions) are formal, written commitments between international actors,
and they often suggest sanctions if those commitments are violated or ignored.
A state or organization usually can cancel, or abrogate, a treaty—especially if the
treaty has term limits. In 2002, soon after the terrorist acts of September 11,
2001, the United States abrogated the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, concluded
with the Soviet Union in 1972, so that Washington could build an antimissile
defense. Generally, however, countries do not walk out of treaties. By their
 What Do We Study? 153

TABLE 5-1 Sources of International Law

International Treaties Formal, written commitments between international actors. An example: In
2005, the United States approved the Central American Free Trade Agreement
upholding free trade among the United States, Costa Rica, El Salvador,
Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and the Dominican Republic.
International Customary Derives from the past practices of sovereign states. An example: Diplomatic
Law representatives and members of their families are free from criminal
persecution and civil liability in countries where they work and live unless
their governments revoke such “immunity.”
General Principles of Law Widely accepted principles of morality and common sense. Examples: An
international agreement is supposed to be kept; a sovereign state has the
right to control the use of resources within its territory; a sovereign state has
the right either to recognize or not to recognize another country.
Resolutions of International Examples: Resolutions of the United Nations, the International Court of
Organizations or Judgments Justice, NATO, or the European Union.
by International Courts

lasting nature, these documents help protect the international community

from sudden changes.
International customary law derives from the past practices of sovereign
states. International actors simply come to see these “customary actions” as
normal and expected under particular circumstances. For example, every sov-
ereign state with access to the sea is expected to claim jurisdiction over its ter-
ritorial waters, which extend 12 nautical miles or 22 kilometers—originally,
the distance of a cannon shot fi red from the shore. States are expected not to
deploy weapons in earth orbit (Gangale, 2009).
A third source is general principles of law, which are common, cross-
cultural principles of morality and common sense. Legal decisions, for in-
stance, should be passed based on equity—the need to be balanced and
impartial. States have the right of self-defense, but their actions should be pro-
portional to the aggression. If states, organizations, and businesses damage
the environment of other states, they should compensate. In 2010, oil com-
pany British Petroleum immediately offered compensation to people and orga-
nizations for the damages caused by a massive oil leak in the Gulf of Mexico
that lasted more than one hundred days.
The judgments of international organizations along with works by legal
scholars and political analysts are another source of international law. In 1980,
following Israel’s decision to make Jerusalem its capital, the UN Security
Council issued Resolution 478, declaring the Israeli law a violation of interna-
tional law. In part because of this resolution, most foreign embassies in Israel
remain in Tel Aviv.
Most contemporary international agreements, treaties, and rules derive
from a rich legal history. We are turning to that history now.
154 CHAPTER 5: International Law

CHECK YOUR Explain three arguments in support of international law. Come up with
KNOWLEDGE your own example to justify the importance of international law.
Explain the jurisdiction principle. Give an example related to your own
country.
Name four sources of international law. Would you consider “an eye for an
eye” principle as part of customary law?

Development of International Law

The Treaty of Westphalia established an early foundation of international law
in 1648, as you will remember from Chapter 1. The acquisition of new lands
also required justification. During the period of colonial expansion, European
rulers often used the legal term terra nullius, or land belonging to no one, to
claim lands such as Australia as their lawful possessions (Lindkvist, 2007).
Much later, this term was applied to Antarctica, the moon, outer planets, and
the deep seabed—but now to prevent claims of sovereignty.

LAWS OF THE SEA

The Laws of the Sea are among the oldest in international law. States involved
in overseas commerce had to deal with competition, the safety of shipments,
and financial disputes. They needed the freedom to travel by sea and to trade
with other countries, and rules became a necessity, to minimize preventable

Frenchmen meet
Australian aboriginals
in this drawing, done
between 1818 and 1820.
European great powers
often used the legal
term terra nullius, or land
belonging to no one, to
colonize lands where
aboriginals lived.
 What Do We Study? 155

losses. These laws are based on compromises, agreements, practical needs, and
legal scholarship. Hugo Grotius (1583–1645), a Dutch diplomat and thinker,
in Mare Liberum (1609) formulated one central principle, freedom of the seas:
A state’s sovereignty ends at the edge of its territorial waters. Although not On the
every state accepted these principles at first, they eventually did, and these companion
rules survived for centuries. Today, outside of territorial waters of other states, website, you can read
countries and individuals have the right to navigate, conduct scientific re- classic laws of the sea
and learn what they
search, use aircraft, and even lay cable or pipelines. In the second half of the
mean. Notice how
twentieth century, many new agreements were reached to regulate interna- detailed and specific
tional navigation and sea borders. New agreements also regulate exploration some of those rules are.
of the ocean surface, its seabed, and protect its flora and fauna. After the 1970s Most of these rules
countries began to claim legal rights over the exploration and use of marine continue to regulate the
resources within their exclusive economic zone (EEZ), which stretches to 200 international behavior of
nautical miles (370 km) from the country’s coast. states and organizations.

LAWS OF WAR
In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, a consensus emerged among ruling
elites on the need to regulate war and to minimize its increasingly deadly con-
sequences. Influenced by the philosophy of “just war,” in 1899 Czar Nicholas
II of Russia and Queen Wilhelmina of the Netherlands assembled an unprec-
edented international conference in The Hague (in the Netherlands). The First
Hague Conference involved representatives from twenty-six states, including
high-level delegations from the United States and Japan. The Second Hague
Conference was called in 1907 with forty-four states present.
The participating countries agreed that war must be the last resort in set-
tling international disputes, and the right to declare it should be limited. Limits
must also be put on the use of violence during war. Poisoned gases, for exam-
ple, were banned because they caused great suffering to soldiers and civilians.
The documents also recognized the rights of prisoners of war and outlawed
using the enemy’s flag and military uniform for deception. Pillaging, bom-
barding towns not defended by the military, punishing civilians, and refusing
to care for wounded enemy soldiers were all deemed illegal. (See Figure 5.1.)
The Hague Conference outlined the laws of war—common principles that
states should follow in case of an armed conflict. For example, a state should
declare whether it initiates hostilities against another state with a declaration

Certain cruel
arms should be
prohibited
Signatories agree
that the right to If war is chosen,
declare war violence should be Prisoners of war
should be limited limited and the injured
have rights

FIGURE 5-1 Major

Civilians should Pillaging is
decisions of the Second
not be targeted outlawed
Hague Conference (1907).
156 CHAPTER 5: International Law

of war. A state at war has belligerent rights, such as the right to visit and search
merchant ships, seize cargo of the enemy, or attack and destroy military forces
and equipment of the enemy. States at war also expect to have their soldiers
and officers treated in accordance with the decisions of the Hague Conference,
regardless of who started the conflict or who has moral right to use violence.
A suspension of hostilities was called armistice. A country’s formal surrender
should stop all military actions, but the victors could impose the conditions of
peace, as happened later with the end of World War I in 1918 and World War II
in 1945.
It was acknowledged that a state could choose neutrality by rejecting
any formal military or political alliance. Several states today have proclaimed
neutrality, including Costa Rica, Finland, Sweden, and Switzerland. They are
obliged to use all means to ensure that their territory is not used by other coun-
tries to stage aggression or to engage in hostile actions, such as spying.
The Hague Conferences seemed to signal a new era in international rela-
tions. Yet for all its declarations, the Conferences brought only few practical
results. For one thing, talks reached an impasse over the issue of appointment
of international judges. Every delegation wanted to see a representative of its
state appointed, and bigger states wanted a bigger share of votes. Worse, many
legislatures back home, mostly for domestic political reasons, failed to ratify
the Hague resolutions or attached serious amendments, making the resolu-
tions ineffective.

HUMANITARIAN ISSUES
Declaring limits on the use of war was nevertheless an important step in the
development of international law. Many politicians and thinkers were increas-
ingly concerned about the fate of ordinary people in wars—both combatants
and civilians (Abrams, 1957). Who can protect them from excessive violence
and harm? There was a growing agreement that all human beings regardless
of their nationality or creed have basic rights that international law must
protect.
In 1863, Jean Henri Dunant (1828–1910) founded the International
Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), to help wounded soldiers on the battle-
field regardless of their nationality or alliance. The Red Cross was instrumental
in the first Geneva Convention for the Amelioration of the Condition of the
Wounded in Armed Forces in the Field, signed in August 1864 by fourteen
states, on the humane treatment of captured and wounded soldiers. Dunant
became the first winner of the Nobel Peace Prize. The International Federation
of the Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies was formed in 1919, and the 1864
Geneva Convention was the precursor of three more agreements signed in
Geneva in 1906, 1929, and 1949. Together, the Geneva Conventions legalized
the rights of the captured and wounded, as well as civilians and other noncom-
batants (Borch and Solis, 2010).

HUMAN RIGHTS
In the twentieth century, a powerful argument about human rights gained
strength. These are fundamental rights with which all people are endowed
 What Do We Study? 157

regardless of their race, nationality, sex, ethnicity, religion, or social status. The
United Nations became a major vehicle for producing and promoting interna-
tional legal norms on human rights. In 1948, the UN General Assembly ad-
opted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The Covenant on Civil and
Political Rights and the Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights,
adopted in 1966, came into force in 1976. A year earlier, the Conference on
Security and Cooperation in Europe, including the United States and the Soviet
Union, signed the Helsinki Final Act. This document bound the twenty-five
states that signed it to respect and protect humanitarian and human rights, such
as the right to receive information, exchange ideas, or unify families across the
state borders. It was a triumph of liberal internationalism (D. Thomas, 2001).
The concept of human rights tied international law to natural law: All
humans, by their nature, are entitled to some basic rights regardless of nation-
ality. Why, then, can’t states create a system to encourage the observance of
human rights globally? The Carter Administration (1977–81), supported by
nongovernment groups and legal scholars, made human rights a key goal of its
foreign policy. International law, it argued, should allow interference with the
affairs of states found responsible for massive and systematic human-rights
violations.
The evolution of attitudes toward human rights is a remarkable success of
international law. The fourth Geneva Convention of 1949 and the Genocide On the
Convention of 1948 have become widely recognized treaties. The 1948 companion
Convention defined genocide as the deliberate extermination or prosecution website, you can find the
of national, racial, ethnic, and religious groups, whether in war or in peace- Geneva Convention for
time. This term “genocide” was coined in 1944 by a Polish lawyer of Jewish the Amelioration of the
descent, Raphael Lemkin. These and other humanitarian agreements aim at Condition of the
Wounded in Armies in
limiting suffering and death during military conflicts. They protect prisoners
the Field and other
of war and civilian noncombatants against indiscriminate violence against international treaties on
them. These laws also assume that states, even nondemocratic ones, must re- the fate of combatants
spond today to the international community if authorities engage in arbitrary and civilians. What did
arrests for political reasons, systematic torture, rape, or the deliberate killing or these agreements
injury of civilians. These deliberate offences became known as crimes against suggest about their
humanity. enforcement?

EARLY LEGAL INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTIONS

The Hague conferences established the Permanent Court of Arbitration
(known as the Hague Tribunal) to make binding decisions on disputes be-
tween cooperating states. The idea of international arbitration was very popu-
lar in the United States as well in the early twentieth century, and President
Theodore Roosevelt asked the Court to settle a dispute with Mexico. The
Permanent Court of Arbitration remains the oldest legal institution for inter-
national dispute resolution.
In the nineteenth and the early twentieth century, other international
organizations were established to promote cooperation in technology, com-
munication, and law enforcement. Among them were the International
Telegraph Union (founded in 1865), the International Telecommunication
Union, and the Universal Postal Union (formed in 1874). The countries joining
158 CHAPTER 5: International Law

An Interpol employee
looks at fingerprints
at the agency’s
headquarters in Lyon,
France, in 2012. About
190 countries have
joined Interpol to
coordinate efforts in
monitoring criminal
activities and database
assistance. Interpol,
however, has no
jurisdiction to act as
world police.

Look up the the Universal Postal Union pledged to cooperate in setting prices and stan-
most recent dards for delivering mail, both domestic and international. The International
activities of the Universal Criminal Police Commission, founded in 1923 in Austria following consulta-
Postal Union, the tions with law enforcement professionals from several countries, was not a
International
global police force. Nonetheless, Interpol (as the organization is called today)
Telecommunication
has eased cross-border police cooperation to prevent and combat international
Union, and Interpol. Are
they useful and practical? crime. Both the Universal Postal Union and the International Telecommuni-
Do countries need these cation Union are today UN agencies, and Interpol has become one of the largest
organizations, or can international organizations.
they coordinate their
legal efforts FROM THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS TO THE UNITED NATIONS
independently? The League of Nations officially came into existence in January 1920. This
was the first global organization, as you will remember from Chapter 2, born
out of practical calculations and idealist thinking. The League’s structure in-
cluded the Council (its top executive body, with both permanent and nonper-
manent members), the Assembly (which included all representatives), and the
Secretariat (playing supporting and administrative functions). Autonomous
but closely connected to the League were the Permanent Court of International
Justice and the International Labour Organization. The League also operated
several committees and commissions on health, refugees, slavery, and other
issues (Henig, 2010). The League had some success in taking care of refugees
fleeing wars and revolutions, settling some international disputes, and fighting
slavery. Unfortunately, the League’s inability to stop several aggressive wars in
Africa, Europe, and the Pacific undermined its authority; and during World
War II the League of Nations was replaced by the United Nations.
 How Do We Study It? 159

The term United Nations was coined by U.S. president Franklin D. Roosevelt.
On January 1, 1942, representatives of twenty-six states signed the Declaration
of the United Nations and pledged to continue fighting together against Nazi
Germany, fascist Italy, and imperial Japan (S. Schlesinger, 2003). In 1945, rep-
resentatives of fifty countries met in San Francisco to draw up the UN Charter,
signed on June 26, and the United Nations officially came into existence on
October 24. Membership was open to all states that accepted the charter. The
first session of the General Assembly of the United Nations convened in March
1946 in London, with representatives of fifty-one states. In 1952 the UN moved
to its new headquarters in New York City.
From the start, the UN Charter and decisions of the United Nations, its
agencies, and affiliated international organizations became an important
source of international law. The United Nations does not have legislative power
to enact binding rules of international law. It cannot force countries to change On the
companion
their domestic laws. However, its recommendations have been crucial to the
website, read more
development of international principles of human rights and their defense. about the ICJ, composed
The United Nations created the International Court of Justice (ICJ), located in of fifteen judges elected
The Hague, to resolve legal disagreements submitted by states. Its role is “to to nine-year terms by the
settle legal disputes submitted to it by States and to give advisory opinions on United Nations General
legal questions deferred to it by authorized United Nations organs and special- Assembly and the
ized agencies.” Security Council.

Explain the freedom of the seas principle of international relations. CHECK YOUR
Do the laws of war ban wars? KNOWLEDGE
Why did the League of Nations fail?

How Do We Study It?

The Realist View of International Law
The realist approach to international law makes several interconnected as-
sumptions. First, sovereign states by definition have no higher authority over
them—not even international law. Second, international law can regulate
relations among states, but it should not undermine a sovereign country’s
core interests, including security. Finally, without proper enforcement, inter-
national law is simply ineffective (Morgenthau, 2006). Because the task of
enforcement cannot be granted to a global organization, individual countries
and their coalitions should remain the guarantors of global security. (See
Figure 5.2.)
The realist approach does not advocate lawlessness. The anarchical nature
of today’s global international system, realists argue, makes international law
important, but also difficult to implement. To be effective, realists argue, inter-
national law should be considered in each of the contexts we have mentioned:
state sovereignty, state interest, and means of enforcement.
160 CHAPTER 5: International Law

The Realist View

Countries have no higher International law should not

legal authority above them undermine countries’ sovereignty

International law is ineffective

FIGURE 5-2 The realist without proper enforcement
view of international law.

SOVEREIGNTY
Imagine for a moment that the United Nations passes a resolution outlawing
the death penalty in all countries, once and for all. Does this mean that sover-
eign states recognizing capital punishment must now follow this new interna-
tional law? Realists dismiss this possibility, because the UN has no power to
enforce such a resolution. Each state is bound only by those rules of interna-
tional law to which it has consented (Vattel, 2001). Thus Israel could accept or
reject the ICJ’s decision about its security barrier, discussed at the start of this
chapter, because it is a sovereign state. Moral objections to Israel’s policies are
a separate issue.
In cases of aggression, realists continue, the victim state does not have an
obligation to consult with international law about how to respond. It has the
right to defend itself and to seek help from others. Nor does a state have an
obligation to defend other states in the absence of a defense agreement. The
United States must defend Japan against aggression because of an agreement
signed between these two countries. But no international law can compel the
United States or China to send their armed forces to defend one another.

STATE INTEREST
The goal of the 1997 Kyoto climate change conference was to commit govern-
ments to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. Although the United States signed

CASE IN POINT > Norway’s Moral Objection

Do moral issues matter in the im- wish to fund companies that so di- construction of the wall? Or do you
plementation of international law? rectly contribute to violations of think it was a futile symbolic act
Back in 2009, Norway’s ministry of international humanitarian law,” because, as realists posit, interna-
finance sold its holdings from one said the Norwegian finance minis- tional law without proper enforce-
of the companies participating in ter (Haaretz Service, 2010). ment remains largely ineffective?
the construction of the Israeli secu-
rity barrier. The officials explained CRITICAL THINKING
this decision by saying that govern- Do you believe the government of
ment investments abroad should Norway made the right decision
meet ethical guidelines. “We do not even though it didn’t affect the
 How Do We Study It? 161

this agreement, it has not been submitted to the Senate for ratification, or
approval, because of strong domestic political opposition.
Governments typically reject any international law that may undermine
their interests or impose undesirable legal, financial, or other obligations.
Realists believe that states have the right to choose their own policies toward
international organizations, including the United Nations. The main provisions
of certain international laws are ambiguous exactly because they leave room for
states to interpret them in the way they want, to avoid conflict with opposition
at home or from other states (Morgenthau, 1978). Governments, as a rule, con-
demn violations of international law highly selectively. When such violations
do not affect a country’s national interest, these breaches are routinely ignored.
After the attacks of 9/11, the United States removed sanctions on Pakistan and
India that had been imposed earlier against their developing nuclear weapons.
Washington needed help from Pakistan, but the sanctions were removed from
both countries to avoid objections from India (Sathasivam, 2005).

LAW ENFORCEMENT
International law can be enforced under certain conditions. For instance, deci-
sions of international organizations could also be enforced by international
mandate, or legal permission to administer a territory or enforce international
law. In the 1920s, France and Great Britain, the two most powerful members
of the League of Nations at that time, established such mandates to rule on a
vast area of the former Ottoman Empire. The territories where now you find
Iraq, Palestine, Israel, and Jordan were entrusted to Great Britain. France took
control of Lebanon and Syria. Under the assumption that the people of those
territories were not ready to govern themselves, the French and British govern-
ments declared the legal right to “administrative advice and assistance.” This
system of mandates survived World War II, but by now almost all mandated
territories have become sovereign states.

The Liberal View of International Law

The liberal tradition challenges realpolitik and pays more attention to the ad-
vantages and opportunities provided by international law. It makes three main
arguments, and we’ll look at each in turn. First, states, like individuals, are
capable of managing their relations based on shared principles. Second, inter-
national institutions can play a bigger legal role in international affairs by
applying the principles of extraterritoriality and supranationalism. Last but not
least, a state’s claims of a legal right to wage war should be limited, as well as a
state’s sovereignty to commit atrocities against its people. (See Figure 5.3.)

REASON AND SHARED PRINCIPLES

International law, liberalism argues, is not an artificial creation of lawyers and
politicians. It addresses our common and compatible needs that cement the
fabric of international relations.
Interdependence, mutual consent, and legal obligations are the products
of common reason backed by common law (Gruber, 2000). For instance, the
laws that regulate our lives do not rely on coercion alone. Most people observe
162 CHAPTER 5: International Law

DEBATE > WHY CAN’T WE OUTLAW WAR?

Could the United Nations pass an in- made it clear that the United States WHAT’S YOUR VIEW?
ternational law to ban wars alto- would not be compelled to use And yet, let’s assume that next
gether? Realists use history to argue force against countries that violate year most countries of the United
that such a law would be ineffective the treaty. In other words, Wash- Nations, including the United
unless it is enforced. A 1928 interna- ington promised not to punish States, agree to legally ban wars
tional agreement known as the Pact future aggressors, and so aggres- between states altogether. Based
of Paris (or Briand–Kellogg Pact) was sive wars could continue. And they on what you have read, suggest
signed by fifteen nations, including did. In the 1930s, the world com- several conditions under which
Canada, France, Germany, Great munity did not stop aggression this law would be effective. Which
Britain, India, Japan, South Africa, and by Japan against China, Italy country or organization could be
the United States. The agreement against Ethiopia, or the Soviet capable of creating and maintain-
stated that war should be abolished Union against Finland (Oppen- ing such conditions, and how?
forever as a means of resolving inter- heim, 2008). The League of Nations
national conflicts. Yet it remained could not stop hostilities between
empty without proper enforcement. Paraguay and Bolivia. International The Office of the Historian
Right after the Pact of Paris was law enforcement became, under of the U.S. Department of
signed, the U.S. Senate ratified the the critical eye of realists, a serious State provides information about
treaty. However, the lawmakers problem of international law. earlier legal attempts to outlaw war.

The signing of the Briand–Kellogg pact in 1928,

which renounced aggressive war and prohibited
the use of war as an instrument of national
policy except in matters of self-defense. Despite
their support of the pact, German, Italian, and
Soviet leaders started aggressive wars in the
next decade.
 How Do We Study It? 163

The Liberal View

International relations should be International institutions are

governed by shared principles instrumental in international law

Principles of extraterritoriality,
supranationalism, and universal
jurisdiction should be practiced
FIGURE 5-3 The liberal
view of international law.

domestic criminal laws not only because they are afraid of jails or expect retri-
bution from their neighbors. They accept the law mostly out of a sense of social
duty, shared rules, and moral principles. True, some citizens commit illegal
acts and, if caught and convicted, pay penalties. Yet in general even laws that
carry little threat of sanction for their violation are observed.
States and international organizations, for similar reasons, tend to observe
international law. Like domestic common law, international customary law
is supported by daily, habitual, and voluntary transactions. International fi-
nance, trade, and commerce all work because they are based on international
rules without which the global economy could not function—especially given
the growing complexity of global interdependence. International law thus
becomes an increasingly practical alternative to local laws enforceable only
within a limited territory.

EXTRATERRITORIALITY AND SUPRANATIONALISM

If sovereign states exercise supreme authority within their territories, what
legal argument can be made in support of international law? The liberal view
invokes the principle of extraterritoriality, or exemption from the jurisdiction
of local law. In the past, some foreign residents living in certain areas were free
from the jurisdiction of local courts. Merchants from Genoa and Venice who
traveled to Istanbul, for example, were exempted by the Ottoman rulers from
following the Sharia, or Islamic law. Similarly, many Americans lived in China
under a combination of U.S., European, and local ordinances (Scully, 2001).
Today, extraterritoriality applies to heads of states, diplomatic missions, and
foreign military bases.
Supporters of the liberal view further argue that with the advancement of
international organizations, ever-increasing travel, international commerce,
and electronic communications as well make territoriality increasingly diffi-
cult to enforce. The sheer necessities of our daily interactions will encourage
states and businesses to turn to extraterritoriality.
Liberal theorists understand that lack of enforcement is a major weakness of
international law. Therefore, liberalism turns to supranationalism—the delega-
tion of authority from sovereign states to international institutions or organiza-
tions. Supranationalism does not mean that states give up their sovereignty once
and for all. They merely delegate some of their sovereignty to an international
institution that assumes the role of a supranational power (Close, 2000). Such
164 CHAPTER 5: International Law

an institution can regulate international relations based on shared principles,

which can be expanded or amended as needed. The European Union, for one,
has a long history of such gradual changes and legal adjustments (Mak, 2008).

UNIVERSAL JURISDICTION
The arguments about human rights discussed earlier advanced the idea about
international law allowing interference with the affairs of states engaged in
massive and systematic human-rights violations. Liberalism advanced the con-
cept of universal jurisdiction: Government officials and political leaders—
even individuals with diplomatic immunity—who are perpetrators of heinous
Sudanese President crimes against their own people should not escape justice when they leave
Omar al-Bashir addresses their countries. Universal jurisdiction justifies their arrest and extradition. In
Parliament in Khartoum the past, a similar concept, hostes humani generis (“enemies of the human race”),
in 2013. A number of
politicians and military
was applied to pirates, hijackers, or hostage takers operating outside any state’s
and intelligence jurisdiction. In recent times, former Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet, former
officers remained in head of Yugoslavia Slobodan Milošević, and the president of Sudan Omar al-
jail, accused of plotting Bashir have been legally charged for human rights violations they committed
to overthrow al-Bashir, in their countries. We look in depth at their cases and others at the end of this
who seized power in a
military coup in Sudan
chapter, and we return more broadly to humanitarian issues in Chapter 9.
in 1989. Al-Bashir has
been legally charged for THE LEGALITY OF WAR
human rights violations Liberalism refers to the principles of “just war” as a means to limit violence in
committed in his international affairs. What are these principles? First, only sovereign states
country.
may pursue their strategic goals by the means of war. Second, war is justified
only when it is based on the principle of proportionality in the use of force.
Third, even if two states are at war, they should respect humanitarian concerns
for honesty and mercy (Lauterpacht, [1933] 2011) Liberalism also argues that
wars can be significantly limited if sovereign states turned to the principles of
international law to justify war. States may start wars in self-defense but they
may not use aggression, to which international law gives special attention.
Aggression is an attack by a state aiming at retribution, territorial expan-
sion, or conquest. In 1974 a UN special committee named seven offenses fall-
ing in this category. (See Figure 5.4.) However, if these actions are sanctioned
by the United Nations, they are not considered aggression.

Aggression
Intrusion,
invasion, or Allowing military action
occupation Air strikes or against another country
of a territory bombardment Blockade from one’s territory
of ports or
coastlines
Attacks on the
The use of military bases of armed forces of
another state without its Sending irregulars another state
FIGURE 5-4 Aggres- permission to attack a third or mercenaries to regardless of
sion as defined by the country attack another state their location
United Nations.
 How Do We Study It? 165

Supporters of the liberal tradition do not rule out war. States may use vio-
lence as their last resort or if they are under attack. Any use of force, in their
opinion, is justified to restrain an aggressor or to stop systematic and deliber-
ate violence especially against ethnic or religious groups. Compelling legal
arguments, however, are needed to sanction military intervention. The Charter
of the United Nations (Chapter VII) suggests conditions necessary for the
use of military force, such as threats to peace, breach of the peace, or acts of
aggression.

Constructivism and Other Views of International Law

Supporters of other approaches share some assumptions with the realist and
liberal traditions. However, they pay most attention to specific factors and con-
texts to explain international law.

CONSTRUCTIVISM’S VIEW OF IDEOLOGY AND LAW

States have their own expectations and create their own norms when it comes
to international law. Revolutionary governments or radical movements usu-
ally reject the existing norms; their key goal is to change the system, not to
uphold it. The leaders of the French Revolution in the late eighteenth century
denounced the Westphalian balance of power system and sought to liberate
Europe from royal tyranny in the name of universal rights. After the Russian
revolution in 1917, the Bolshevik government canceled unilaterally all interna-
tional treaties that the Russian Empire had previously signed.
Ideology and values are another important factor; driven by them, states
can reject, but also embrace international agreements and organizations.
NATO, for example, as a defense organization, rested on more than a shared
perception of the Soviet threat. Gradually, NATO members, different as they
were, developed a common understanding of international law, based on re-
spect for national sovereignty and respect for plurality of opinions. One can
argue that this ideology cemented the alliance for many years (Schmidt, 2001).
Advocates of NATO insist that today it has a greater goal than common defense:
It supports a community of legal norms, based on common values.
Constructivists also argue that the common values of social improvement
and the desire to eliminate hunger and diseases, and to stop genocide, could
serve as a foundation for an efficient international legal system. The challenge
is to agree on such goals and their implementation.

PERCEPTIONS OF INTERNATIONAL LAW

A key argument of constructivism is that international law is based on shared
values and perceptions. Here constructivists turn to political psychology to
interpret those factors (Reus-Smit, 2009). For example, the United Nations
gives a general definition of aggression, but leaders may interpret aggression
according to their own interests. They initiate hostile actions as an act of self-
defense; in this way, they hope to avoid sanctions against them.
NATO’s 1999 war in Kosovo illustrates the importance of perceptions in
international law. Here a group of countries challenged the right of Serbia to
retain the territories of the former Yugoslavia. In the eyes of Serbia, however,
166 CHAPTER 5: International Law

NATO countries were attacking its sovereignty within its legitimate borders.
The Serbian military sought to restore control over the province of Kosovo and
to defeat the ethnically Albanian pro-independence armed forces. The Clinton
administration and the governments of other NATO countries rejected Serbia’s
explanations. They accused Serbia of aggression against the Albanians, who
were the ethnic majority in Kosovo, and demanded that the Serbian army stay
out of this region. When the UN Security Council couldn’t pass a resolution to
approve international sanctions or military action, because of opposition from
Russia and China, NATO bombed Serbia. To justify war, NATO claimed that
Serbian officials had initiated a terror campaign against ethnic Albanians, and
air strikes were the only option to stop genocide (Ramet, 2005). Serbia, Russia,
and China disagreed. They claimed that accusations of human-rights viola-
tions should not allow international law to trample laws of sovereign states. In
Russia’s opinion, NATO created a dangerous precedent: Any states or groups of
states now could justify their aggression by humanitarian reasons. To Serbia,
in fact, human-rights violations in Kosovo took place precisely as a result of the
NATO’s strikes.
What was the most important outcome of this conflict? An independent
state in Kosovo was created in 2008, protected by NATO troops. More than one
hundred countries including the United States had recognized Kosovo by
2013. The 1999 events in the former Yugoslavia are just one dramatic example
of different interpretations of and disputes over international law and univer-
sal jurisdiction. (Compare again the views of NATO, Russia, and Serbia.)

CONFLICT THEORIES
Conflict theories maintain that international law is, for the most part, a conve-
nient instrument to serve the interests of powerful social groups. For Marxists,
governments, corporations, banks, and even big international organizations
create legal rules that benefit mostly the rich (Miéville, 2006). The entire inter-
national legal system is designed to maintain economic and political superior-
ity of a few West European and North American states at the expense of the rest
of the world. For example, with the exception of China, all permanent mem-
bers of the UN Security Council are nuclear states of Europe and America.
Although international humanitarian law made significant progress, powerful
states and groups pay only selective attention to violations.
Theories of racial and ethnic prejudice make similar points but from a dif-
ferent perspective. Instead of pointing to class interests, they insist that, delib-
erately or not, international law is consistently used to promote the interests of
the privileged countries of Europe, North America, and Japan. The big powers
support international law so long as it does not threaten the status quo—and
their superiority (Blanchard, 1996). These powers generally reject any attempt
to give more power to countries in South and Southeast Asia, Africa, and Latin
America. They are unwilling, for example, to reform the United Nations and
other international organizations, and they often abuse the principle of uni-
versal jurisdiction to justify acts against less powerful states. As an illustration,
in 1984 the International Court of Justice held the United States responsible
for violation of international law by an armed rebellion against the Nicaraguan
 How Do We Study It? 167

DEBATE > FROM KOSOVO TO THE RUSSIAN-GEORGIAN WAR

In the summer of 2008, war broke justify force; they claimed that they WHAT’S YOUR VIEW?
out between the Russian federation were protecting an endangered Russians compared the case of
and Georgia (a sovereign country ethnic region from Georgia’s armed Kosovo with the case of Ossetia. Many
and former republic of the Soviet forces. Almost immediately after Western observers disagreed. Com-
Union). Georgia accused Russia of the war broke out, Russian authori- pare NATO’s challenge to Serbia with
aggression. Russia, in turn, claimed ties announced that Moscow rec- Russia’s to Georgia. Which position
that Georgian troops were the first ognized South Ossetia and another do you find stronger from the inter-
to open fire against the Russian secessionist region, Abkhazia, as national law perspective and why?
military, which protected peace in independent from Georgia—again
South Ossetia. This small region citing Kosovo’s independence as a
An article in the Economist
had seceded from the former Soviet legal precedent. The United States
presents the opinions from
Republic of Georgia after the Soviet and other NATO countries claim both sides but argues that the cases
Union collapsed and never recog- that the two cases are different and of Kosovo and Ossetia are dissimilar:
nized Georgian sovereignty. Rus- continue to recognize South Osse- “South Ossetia is Not Kosovo,”
sian authorities explicitly used the tia and Abkhazia as part of sover- August 28, 2008. See the companion
Kosovo case as a legal precedent to eign Georgia. website.

South Ossetian separatist fighters rest during the Russian-Georgian war of 2008. Russia
supported ethnic separatists and defeated Georgia, which wanted to rout them. This war,
caused by local dynamics, raised tensions in the relations between Russia and NATO.
168 CHAPTER 5: International Law

government and by mining the country’s harbors. Washington blocked the

enforcement of this decision using its veto power in the UN Security Council
(Schulte, 2005).
From the feminist perspective, gender relations are an integral part of in-
ternational politics and international law (True, 2009). Historically, interna-
tional law was based on an exclusively masculine perspective focusing on
power, power balance, and ultimately war. Women’s expectations and values
were commonly excluded or their importance diminished in early legal agree-
ments among states. Significant progress was made in the past century to pro-
mote legal foundations for gender equality, civil rights, and humanitarian
issues. The law specifically protects women as victims of violence during ethnic
and social conflicts. However, international law does not go far enough in pro-
tecting the rights of women globally. Segregation, sex exploitation, slavery, and
systematic abuse continue. In many countries, women are routinely denied
legal protection. Often these violations are explained by local authorities as
cultural traditions, and the extraterritoriality principle of international law is
ignored (Chappel, 2008). Feminist scholars underline the importance of extra-
territoriality in support of care ethics in global relations, which focuses on the
responsibility for all for the suffering of human beings and, to a lesser degree,
for all issues related to state sovereignty and power.

CHECK YOUR Explain the concept hostes humani generis (“enemies of the human race”).
KNOWLEDGE Define extraterritoriality and supranationalism. Give examples.
May the principle of universal jurisdiction be applied to you personally?
Under what conditions?
What were the most significant outcomes of the Kosovo conflict in relation
to international law?

How Do We Apply It?

The Individual Context
It takes individual leaders to initiate, interpret, and uphold international law.
They may see direct personal benefits from the application of international law
to their countries’ foreign policy. In the past, neither realism nor liberalism
paid enough attention to the role of individuals. Constructivism provides im-
portant insights here.

POLITICAL AUTHORITY
The political authority exercised by leaders at home often shapes their attitudes
about international law, treaties, and bilateral agreements. Autocratic rulers,
who claim unlimited power, typically follow international and domestic law
 How Do We Apply It? 169

only when it suits them. They often refer to a sense of mission, religion, or ide-
Go online to
ology to justify their actions. Mobutu Sese Seko, the ruler of Zaire (today part find the current
of the Congo) from 1965 to 1997, declared that “democracy is not for Africa.” Democracy Index
He also rejected democratic principles of government at home, allowed his as- compiled by The
sociates to violate business agreements with foreign companies, redistributed Economist, listing
illegally the resources of foreign companies, and imprisoned opponents with- the world’s most
out a trial. His human rights record was dismal (Wrong, 2002). authoritarian countries.
An extreme form of autocratic ruler is a tyrant—another word for a dicta- Do some research to
tor. Like Hitler and Stalin, tyrants are not constrained by laws, not even those try to establish which
they themselves impose. They use unlimited power to oppress the people of countries on this list
have friendly relations
their own country or its foreign possessions (Wallechinsky, 2006). Saddam
with the United States.
Hussein of Iraq and Kim Jong-il of North Korea can be also regarded as dicta-
Does Washington
tors for their brutal and illegal polices. These examples may suggest a major support most of them
weakness of international law: Many autocratic rulers in the past simply ig- or only a few of them?
nored international agreements and global conventions, especially when it
comes to human rights (Burt, 2010).
Democratic leaders, by contrast, tend to pursue their policies within the
framework of domestic and international law. Their behavior thus provides
support for democratic peace theory and the liberal approach to international
relations. However, contemporary developments in many countries present a
significant challenge to this view. Some authoritarian leaders, as we saw in
Chapter 3, run for elections and allow limited civic freedoms in their coun-
tries. Other leaders make a travesty of elections and democratic procedures at
home, creating a “hybrid” regime that combines democratic legitimacy with
authoritarian practices. In their foreign policy, they are likely to take a cynical

Dictator of Zaire
Mobutu Sese Seko
(1930–1997) routinely
ignored international
agreements on human
rights. Dictators pose
significant challenge
to international law
because frequently they
simply disregard it.
170 CHAPTER 5: International Law

view of international norms and treat international law arbitrarily, according

to little more than immediate interests (Singh, 2010). Yet other leaders may use
authoritarian means domestically but respect international law, as it happened
in Egypt in 2013 when the military dismissed the country’s elected president.

The State Context

Realists argue, most often correctly, that states treat international law in the
context of domestic politics, policy, and security strategies. For example, South
Africa, Israel, India, and Pakistan refused to sign a nonproliferation treaty that
would have placed legal restrictions on their development of nuclear weapons.
In another case, take Article 2(4) of the UN Charter, which tells all states to
refrain from the use of force that violates the territorial integrity or political
independence of another country. Two exceptions exist: the UN Security
Council’s authorization or self-defense. However, the last sixty years show that
democratic governments do not necessarily follow Article 2, which prohibits
violence, but turn instead to Article 1 of the UN Charter, which allows the pre-
vention and removal of threats to the peace (Loyola, 2010). In other words,
countries often choose legal uncertainties and contradictions to justify their
policies including war.

INTERNATIONAL LAW AND THE UNITED STATES

The U.S. president or secretary of state may not enter into obligations to other
nations that are binding on Congress. The constitutional powers of the legisla-
ture cannot be given away to other branches of the government, and Congress
may or may not ratify a treaty. Ever since the Jay Treaty (named after Chief
Justice John Jay) in 1795, a treaty requires a two-thirds vote in the U.S. Senate.
The rules are a bit easier for trade deals; for them, executive agreements need only
a majority vote in both houses of Congress. Sometimes, when opposition in the
legislature is strong, the executive branch may not want to engage in a political
battle. The Clinton administration, for instance, did not push for ratification of
the 1997 Kyoto protocol to fight global gas emissions. But even after Congress
ratifies a treaty, the legislature can render it ineffective by not allocating funds—
or by attaching restrictions on how funds are to be used (Grimmett, 1999).
Presidents may also reconsider their position on international law under
pressure from Congress or constituencies. In 1993, President Clinton pledged
to link trade to China’s policies toward human rights, in compliance with the
U.S. Trade Act. However, Clinton turned away from his pledge as opposition
grew, thanks to growing profits from trade and investments, as well as increas-
ing consumer reliance on inexpensive goods manufactured in China.
Conflicts can also arise between U.S. and international law. For example,
section 201 of the 1974 Trade Act states that the president may impose tempo-
rary trade barriers if an increase in imports would hurt domestic industry.
Such actions may violate the rules of the World Trade Organization prohibiting
trade barriers. However, because of powerful lobbies and the need to get the
votes of people with manufacturing jobs, presidents from time to time impose
trade barriers to help certain domestic industries. International law is pushed
aside to pursue domestic goals.
 How Do We Apply It? 171

At other times, conflict with U.S. law may mean that a treaty’s ratification is
postponed indefinitely (Moravcsik, 2001). Congress did not ratify the American
Convention on Human Rights, signed by President Carter, because it challenged
federal and state laws by placing serious restrictions on abortion rights and imple-
mentation of the death penalty. Even existing agreements may be reconsidered.
For example, the Optional Protocol to the Vienna Convention on Consular
Relations lets the International Court of Justice make the final decision when citi-
zens have been illegally detained abroad. The United States initially backed the
measure as a means to protect its own citizens overseas. It successfully sued Iran
for taking fifty-two hostages from the embassy in Tehran in 1979. But the United
States withdrew from the accord in 2005 after some countries that had abolished
capital punishment successfully complained before the ICJ that their citizens were
sentenced to death in the United States. The U.S. State Department argued that
international law might interfere with domestic criminal law (Jordan, 2005). On the
Finally, some agreements are signed but later rejected for apparent irrele- companion
vance or ambiguity. The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of website, learn more
about international
Discrimination Against Women disallows all forms of exploitation of women
treaties signed by the
and girls; it also guarantees equal access to education, employment, and health United States but later
care. Why didn’t the United States ratify this treaty? Both Republican and delayed or not ratified by
Democratic administrations argued that U.S. law already ensures gender Congress. See how
equality, whereas women in other countries have little or no legal protection. domestic politics and law
Declarations without proper global enforcement, they declared, are useless affect international
(Kirkpatrick, 2002). (See Figure 5.5.) agreements.

The Global Context

For centuries, international law was instrumental in economic exchanges be-
tween states, organizations, and individuals. (We return to economic issues in
the next chapter.) International agreements have settled territorial disputes
and probably prevented many wars. The laws of war—especially those dealing
with the humane treatment of civilians, captured or wounded soldiers, and
nonmilitary personnel—have saved millions of lives. International agree-
ments today protect travel, property, family rights, due process, and the well-
being of many around the world.

FIGURE 5-5 Domestic

factors and international
treaties. Many domestic
International factors affect inter-
Head of state signs it agreement national law. In most
democratic countries, in-
ternational agreements
signed by executive
The agreement is leaders must be ap-
Legislature debates it
ratified, amended, proved (ratified) by the
or rejected legislation. Influenced
Lobbies by political, economic,
Political parties and other interests,
and groups Public opinion legislators may approve,
amend, or reject treaties.
172 CHAPTER 5: International Law

International law concerning genocide and war crimes continues to attract

attention. The creation of the International Criminal Tribunal for former
Yugoslavia (ICTY) in 1993 in The Hague was a remarkable event. The idea
came from German foreign minister Klaus Kinkel, and Resolution 827 of the
UN Security Council created the institution. The court has jurisdiction over
certain crimes committed on the territory of Croatia, Bosnia, and Herzegovina,
which were parts of the disintegrated Yugoslav state after 1991. The court hired
its staff from many countries.
The ICTY served a model for the second similar tribunal—the International
Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR). It was created in 1994 by the UN
Security Council (Resolution 955) to prosecute those responsible for the mass
killings and violence in Rwanda during a civil war there. Because the continu-
ing tensions in Rwanda make fair decisions based on domestic law almost
impossible, it was imperative to apply international law under the watch of
the ICTR.
Although critics complain about the high cost and bureaucratic ineffi-
ciency of international courts, these institutions were generally successful.
On the They gave many victims an opportunity to seek justice. Most governments and
companion millions of people around the world support the courts’ work and consider
website, read more them legitimate. Carla del Ponte, a former Swiss attorney general who served
about Carla del Ponte as prosecutor for ICTY and ICTR, became one of the most recognized and
and her work. respected lawyers in the world.
The success of international law should not hide its failures and excesses. The
League of Nations ended up as a failure. Wars and atrocities still take place. Many
international laws protecting human rights remain little more than declarations

In The Hague in 1998,

Bosnian Serbs accused of
serious crimes sit behind
their defense lawyers
prior to a session at the
International Criminal
Tribunal for the former
Yugoslavia. The court has
jurisdiction over certain
crimes committed on
the territories of Croatia
and Bosnia—parts of
the pre-1991 Yugoslavia.
Since 1994, the Court
has indicted more than
160 and sentenced more
than 65 persons.
 How Do We Apply It? 173

in some countries. Other countries argue that human rights violations just give
the West an excuse to intervene in domestic affairs of other sovereign states (as
we will discuss in Chapter 9). Opponents of “big government” at home argue,
too, that the world surely does not need a global government imposing legal
restrictions on communications and business.

FROM NATIONALISM TO SUPRANATIONALISM

At the same time, the complexity of today’s world requires a greater coordina-
tion among states and international organizations. Urgent environmental
issues, global poverty, and natural disasters—as the events of the past decade
have shown—demand responses from across the global community. So do the
worldwide financial and economic crises of the past decade. The growing
strength of emerging markets in Southeast Asia, China, India, Russia, and
Brazil may pose new problems as well, involving economic competition, global
migration, and overpopulation. State bureaucracies often remain corrupt and
inefficient, which highlights the importance of NGOs and international orga-
nizations in a growing number of global issues. These and other trends will
almost certainly require strengthening and expanding international law.
Supporters of supranationalism point to the success of the European Union
and the East African Community (EAC). In 2000, Tanzania, Uganda, Burundi,
Kenya, and Rwanda formed this economic and political union, with the goal of
a common economic market, a single currency, and one unified federation by
2015. Although a similar plan collapsed back in the 1970s, steps thus far suggest
that these countries can achieve their goal. Most important, the EAC example,
if it is a success, will show that states can put aside religious, tribal, and political
differences; accept binding legal rules; and move toward a common goal.

BACK TO REALITY
The concepts of supranationalism and universal jurisdiction find significant
support. They also have been under criticism for some time. Who should im-
plement international law? Critics have complained for some time that NGOs
and IGOs, staffed by unelected officials, should not have the power to make
legal decisions of global significance (Kissinger, 2001). Moreover, supporters of
conflict theory including feminist scholars mention that many NGOs promote
an agenda set mostly by the educated upper class from Western countries. Lack
of accountability of unelected professionals is another problem, even if they
act with the best of intentions (Wapner, 2002).
Universal jurisdiction, as you remember, assumes that individuals are le-
gally responsible for certain illegal actions regardless of where they live. Critics
of universal jurisdiction are skeptical that judicial procedures alone without
proper debate will be effective in international politics. Of course, acts of geno-
cide or other blatant human rights violations should not be left unpunished,
but only when they are proven and carefully investigated. Otherwise, legal
decisions may be motivated by politics or ideology. In other cases, some indi-
viduals and organizations may simply misinterpret international law because
they are acting out of their own interests (Agier, 2010). Moreover, some legal
decisions or initiatives can be simply impractical.
174 CHAPTER 5: International Law

CASE IN POINT > Rwanda and Belgium Law

A 1993 Belgium law aimed at pro- then-Iraqi President Saddam Hus- the BBC, the British Broadcasting
tecting civilians in time of war by sein, the late Congolese ruler Lau- Company, was seeking to assassi-
relying on the principle of universal rent Kabila and his foreign minister, nate him. In an attempt to avoid a
jurisdiction. Neither the accused Rwandan president Paul Kagame, serious diplomatic crisis and stop
nor the accuser needed to be former Iranian president Ali Akbar frivolous suits, the Belgian govern-
Belgian citizens for a case to go Hashemi Rafsanjani, and several ment dismissed the law.
forward. In addition, anyone could generals from Guatemala. Suits
bring a criminal complaint, which a were also filed against international CRITICAL THINKING
local magistrate was required to oil companies accused of connec- What lessons can you draw from
investigate to determine whether tions with the military rulers of this case? Can you suggest any
further action was warranted. Burma, the Palestinian leader Yasser measures to prevent similar mis-
The law was first put to use after Arafat, Cuba’s president Fidel Castro, uses of international legal rulings?
mass slaughter in Rwanda, a former and former U.S. President George H. Considering this case, would you
Belgian colony. Eric Gillet, a promi- W. Bush. Altogether, according to have imposed high application fees
nent human rights lawyer, filed suit, the Belgian Justice Ministry, more for the plaintiffs to eliminate many
accusing several Rwandans living in than thirty complaints were on file. frivolous lawsuits? For the same
Belgium of horrible war crimes. Things rapidly took an absurd purpose, would you narrow down
Soon cases were filed against former turn. One British citizen arrived at the definition of a war crime? Dis-
Israeli prime minister Ariel Sharon, the Belgian embassy claiming that cuss these and other possibilities.

Realism provides a strong argument against supranationalism: to be effec-

tive, a law must be enforced. Unfortunately, in many cases, IGOs and NGOs
rely instead on goodwill and legal norms. Take global nuclear policies. The
Nonproliferation Treaty has slowed the spread of nuclear weapons, but the
United Nations has not stopped North Korean and Iranian nuclear programs
(Pelligrini, 2010).
Another argument against the expansion of international law comes from
critics of globalization. They contend that any global law would primarily ben-
efit wealthy countries. The gap between the rich and the poor will increase.
Liberal democracy of the Western type will be forced on other countries, often
against their will. Human rights can even be used as an excuse to wage aggres-
sive wars (Bricmont, 2006).

CHECK YOUR How do authoritarian leaders tend to regard international law?

KNOWLEDGE Article 2(4) of the UN Charter, which tells all states to refrain from the use
of force, has two exceptions. What are they? Do you agree with them?
What is the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia
meant to deal with?
Does international law apply similarly to wealthy and poor countries?
 Past, Present, and Future: War Crimes, Genocide, and the Legacy of Nuremberg 175

Past, Present, and Future: War Crimes,

Genocide, and the Legacy of Nuremberg
Attempts to use international law to stop genocide and limit the deadly effects
of war began more than one hundred years ago. These early efforts were inef-
fective and frustrating from the start. The most significant change took place at
the end of World War II.
During World War II, Germany, Japan, and the Soviet Union imposed vio-
lence against civilians on a scale unprecedented in modern times. The Holocaust
(in Hebrew, Shoah), or deliberate extermination of the Jews by the Nazi govern-
ment, is one of the most profound cases of genocide in history. At the same time,
the Japanese government massacred tens of thousands of civilians in China and
was responsible for massive rapes and tortures in Nanking in 1937. Soviet au-
thorities deported millions from the annexed territories in the Baltic region and
Poland in 1939; they also deported large ethnic groups living in the Crimea and
Caucasus in 1944. The German invasion of the Soviet Union that began in June
1941 quickly turned into a genocidal war, in which hundreds of thousands of
Jews and Slavs were massacred. Small states in wartime Yugoslavia also prac-
ticed genocide against civilians. British and American carpet bombing of
German and Japanese cities and the nuclear attacks on Hiroshima and Nagasaki
in 1945 were clear violations of the Hague Conventions as well. The British-
American massive bombing campaign aimed at causing unacceptable damage
to Germany and Japan, to force unconditional surrender (Hitchcock, 2008).
After several meetings, the leaders of the United States, the USSR, and the
United Kingdom agreed to hold the political and military leaders of Nazi
Germany and imperial Japan responsible for crimes against humanity. But
how could the government of a sovereign state be put on trial? The London
Charter, announced by the Big Three on August 8, 1945, provided the legal
arguments. It stated that the German government had lost its political author-
ity, and the Allied states had the right to establish a special court to apply the
laws of war against Germany. The court would have jurisdiction only over
crimes that took place after the start of the war in 1939. Legally, the Charter
followed up on the decisions of the 1907 Hague Conference. It became the
grounds for the Nuremberg trials against Nazi criminals in 1946, with German
political leaders charged on four counts:
• Conspiracy to wage aggressive war—a premeditated plan to commit war crimes.
• Crimes against peace—wars of aggression in violation of international law.
• War crimes—profound violations of the laws of war, including mistreat-
ment of prisoners of war and slave labor.
• Crimes against humanity—actions in concentration camps and on occupied
territories in Europe.
Judges were appointed, defense lawyers hired, and witnesses called. After testi-
monies and deliberations, the court handed death sentences to eleven top German
officials. Two others were acquitted. The rest received long prison sentences.
The Nuremberg tribunals had a profound and lasting influence on interna-
tional law. Similar trials were held in Japan, China, Australia, the Philippines,
176 CHAPTER 5: International Law

Nazi leaders on trial in

Nuremberg, Germany,
in 1945. The Nuremberg
Trials (1945–46),
despite much criticism,
had a profound and
lasting influence on
international law.

and other countries. For example, the International Military Tribunal for the Far
East (also known as the Tokyo Trials) sentenced to death seven former top
Japanese officials responsible for genocide and seventeen more to lengthy prison
terms. In China thirteen separate trials were held. Over five hundred defendants
were convicted and 149 executed. Gradually, expanded definitions of war crimes
were accepted and agreements to implement them signed. The United Nations
adopted the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of
Genocide(General Assembly Resolution 260) in 1948. Based on these interna-
tional precedents and documents, the term genocide entered international law to
mean the deliberate extermination or prosecution by any government of na-
tional, racial, ethnic, and religious groups—whether in war or in peacetime.
Nuremberg had a lasting impact on international law. The trials initiated a
series of developments to establish a permanent international criminal court.
(It took almost half a century, though, before its statute was adopted.) The
trials also served as a precedent for UN guidelines for determining war crimes.
For example, if a country’s laws do not impose a penalty for a war crime, this
country’s officials and even its head of state—if accused of committing war
crimes—can be prosecuted under international law. So can ordinary citizens.
Advocates of liberalism and many influential nongovernment organiza-
tions have long demanded greater enforcement of international law, including
the arrest and prosecution of state leaders who commit war crimes or similar
acts. These demands gained momentum in the early 1990s, with support from
many states and international organizations including the United Nations, and
practical steps followed. The ICTY, created under auspices of the United Nations,
during almost a decade of work, indicted 161 individuals and sentenced sixty-
four. (Three died while serving their sentences.) In 1999, Slobodan Milošević,
 Past, Present, and Future: War Crimes, Genocide, and the Legacy of Nuremberg 177

the former leader of Yugoslavia, was put on trial in The Hague by ICTY. Milošević
was charged on sixty-six counts of genocide, crimes against humanity, and war
crimes in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Kosovo between 1991 and
1999. The trial lasted four years, but Milošević died in jail in 2006.
The court also focused on atrocities committed by leaders of the paramili-
tary Bosnian Serbs in Bosnia—including those accused of killings, torture, and
running concentration camps. After many years in hiding, the Bosnian Serb
commanders Radovan Karadžić, Ratko Mladić, and Goran Hadžić were brought
before the court. Their case may be investigated for years before judgment is
passed. At the same time, the Tribunal on Rwanda (ICTR), now located in
Arusha, Tanzania, finished fifty trials and convicted twenty-nine persons ac-
cused of war crimes and crimes against humanity. More trials are in progress.
The next important step was taken in 1998, when 120 countries adopted
the Rome Statute, the legal basis for establishing the International Criminal
Court, a permanent institution that “shall have the power to exercise its juris-
diction over persons for the most serious crimes of international concern.” The
ICC is located in The Hague in the Netherlands and is not part of the United
Nations. The Rome Statute entered in force in 2002, and the ICC opened inves-
tigations in several countries. In 2009 it brought charges against the president
of Sudan, Omar al-Bashir, for crimes against humanity, war crimes, and geno-
cide. Whenever al-Bashir visited another country, he could be arrested and
brought to The Hague for justice. In 2011 the Court brought charges against six
officials from Kenya over their alleged involvement in the 2007–08 electoral
violence in that country.
Some countries began to use diplomatic channels to bring their former
leaders to justice. In 2009, the Special Criminal Court in Peru tried and sen-
tenced former president Alberto Fujimori to twenty-five years in prison for Go online to
grave human rights violations. This trial was the first time a democratically find current
elected head of state has been extradited to his own country, tried for human cases at the International
rights violations, and convicted (Burt, 2009). Criminal Court.
Critics of extraterritoriality and international trials, however, can base
their arguments on the Nuremberg trials, too. Realists, of course, have been
skeptical about the effectiveness of international law. Yet they supported the
Nuremberg trials, because these were initiated and enforced by powerful
states—the United States, the USSR, and the UK. Realists note, too, that it took
NATO’s massive military campaign against Yugoslavia, including the bombing
of cities, to put former president Milošević on trial. And al-Bashir, even under
indictment from the ICC, remained in his country.
Civil libertarians also have reservations about international tribunals. In
democratic societies, an accused murderer or rapist is only a suspect, not a crim-
inal, before conviction in a court of law. Will international tribunals maintain
that standard of protection for the individual? Are they truly impartial? Will
they be used instead to settle personal scores with the accused? International
courts, critics fear, can easily become a stage for victors’ justice—in which a vic-
torious country applies different rules to judge its own actions and the defeated
enemy. During the Nuremberg trials, the Soviet Union used falsified docu-
ments to accuse the Nazis of massacring twenty thousand Polish officers in the
178 CHAPTER 5: International Law

Legacy of the Hague

Geneva Conventions Establishment
(19th and early 20th of a permanent
century) international
criminal court

1948 UN
Atrocities Convention on the
Nuremberg
committed Prevention and
and Tokyo
during World Punishment of the
Trials
War II Crime of Genocide
Establishment
of special
tribunals to
Growing consensus prosecute
about the necessity perpetrators of
to stop war crimes genocide
FIGURE 5-6 Inter-
national law and the
legacy of the Nuremberg
Trials: A chronological
snapshot. 1930 1940 1950 1990 2000 2015

Katyn Forest in Russia. This crime, as the Russian government acknowledged

not long ago, was in fact committed on Stalin’s order by the Soviet secret police
(Sanford, 2009). The Soviets’ own acts of genocide and mass deportations were
not so much as mentioned during the Nuremberg trials. Moscow literally got
away with murder because it was powerful and victorious.
For all its flaws and inconsistencies, however, the Nuremberg trials have
played an important role in the development of international law. They have
led to more than sixty years of international agreements. They serve as a model
for future international trials as well, based on the principles of extraterritori-
ality and universal justice. The trials created a legal precedent—a ruling that
international courts may develop in future prosecutions. Last but not least,
Nuremberg gave hope that fundamental rights will be protected and justice
will, eventually, be served. (See Figure 5.6.)

CONCLUSION
There is neither a universal world constitution nor law stress its vagueness, inconsistency, and biases,
written principles suggesting how states should along with the frequent objections of individual
act. No single judge or court is empowered to states. However, the rule of law has made substan-
decide when a state violates international law. As tial progress during the last century and a half.
we saw at the start of this chapter, Israel refused to History shows that law prevails through agree-
accept the decision of an international court. Still, ment and not solely through coercion because it
in many other cases states adhere to legal princi- provides most citizens with a sense of security;
ples and to agreements with other states or inter- brings them hope and stability; and makes the
national organizations. Everywhere, treaties are world a more open, free, and comfortable place to
signed, trade agreements are made, and disputes live. The world faces an even bigger challenge
are settled by legal means. Critics of international now: to make these rules work.
 Key Terms 179

CHAPTER SUMMARY
• International law is a set of principles, rules, • Liberals believe that interdependence,
and regulations concerning international mutual consent, and legal obligations can
relations. Its sources include treaties, cus- cement the fabric of international relations.
tomary law, and the judgments of courts and Liberal principles include supranationalism,
international organizations. universal jurisdiction, and extraterritorial-
• Increasing trade led states to outline rules ity. Wars, liberalism argues, could be signifi-
related to travel and commerce. The Laws cantly limited if states had to justify them
of the Sea are among the oldest examples of according to international law.
international law. • Constructivists believe that historical circum-
• By the nineteenth century the increasing de- stances, socioeconomic differences, preju-
structiveness of war contributed to a growing dices, and other factors determine perceptions
consensus regarding the need to regulate war of international law.
and to minimize its deadly consequences • In conflict theory, international law serves
to both combatants and civilians. The laws the interests of some countries and groups at
of war are principles that states must follow the expense of others.
in the event of an armed conflict. • Domestic politics often shape a leader’s
• International organizations arose to pro- positions on international law and bilateral
mote cooperation in the fields of technol- agreements. Sovereign states are more likely
ogy, communication, and law enforcement. to join an international agreement if it has
The League of Nations came into existence domestic political support and does not
in 1920, the United Nations in 1945, and the threaten a domestic political regime.
International Criminal Court in 2002. • Many who support a global legal system see
• Realists believe that international law it as a way to ensure stability, cooperation,
should not undermine a sovereign state’s se- and peace. Opponents see it as impractical
curity and other interests. Without proper or undemocratic.
enforcement, they argue, international law
is simply ineffective.

KEY TERMS
Aggression 164 General principles of law 153 Neutrality 156
Autocratic rulers 168 Genocide 157 Sources of international
Customary law 153 Human rights 156 law 152
Democratic leaders 169 International law 150 Supranationalism 163
East African Community International mandate 161 Tyrant 169
(EAC) 173 International treaties 152 Universal jurisdiction 164
Extraterritoriality 163 Jurisdiction 152
Freedom of the seas 155 Laws of war 155
Visual Review INTERNATIONAL LAW
1. What do we study?
y

KEY CONCEPTS, PRINCIPLES, AND SOURCES OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF INTERNATIONAL LAW

INTERNATIONAL LAW • The Treaty of Westphalia established an early
• International law refers to principles, rules, and
d foundation of international law in 1648
agreements that regulate the behavior of states
• The Laws of the Sea dealt with competition, the
and other international actors
safety of shipments, and fi nancial disputes
• Territoriality and jurisdiction principles defi ne
• The Laws of War dealt with common principles that
how far laws can reach
states should follow in case of an armed confl ict
• Sources of international law: treaties, customaryy
• Early international legal institutions and organizations
law, general principles of law, and rulings by
dealt with humanitarian issues and disputes among
international organizations and courts
states

2. How do we study
y it?

REALISM LIBERALISM CONSTRUCTIVISM OTHER THEORIES

• International law • Interdependence, Historical and socio- • In confl ict theory, in-
should not under- mutual consent, and economic conditions, ternational law serves
mine a sovereign legal obligations are values, and identities the interests of a few at
state’s key interests necessary determine perceptions the expense of others
of international law
• Without proper • Evolving principles: • In self-organization
enforcement, inter- supranationalism, theory, justice admin-
national law is universal jurisdiction, istration and law
ineffective and extraterritoriality enforcement require a
“world state”

3. How do we apply it?

THE INDIVIDUAL CONTEXT THE STATE CONTEXT THE GLOBAL CONTEXT

Leaders’ choices strengthen or States treat international law in Most states have a strong interest
weaken international law the context of domestic politics, in developing and maintaining
policy, and security strategies international legal norms

• What are the main limitations of international law?

Critical • Compare and contrast the realist and liberal views of international law.
Thinking • Why did Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan withdraw from the League of
Nations?
• Give arguments supporting and against universal jurisdiction.
• Suggest examples of extraterritoriality that you find useful and acceptable.
 CHAPTER

6
CHAPTER OUTLINE
What Do We Study? 183
> The Major Factors of IPE 184
Debate Global Interdependence
and Local Prices 186
How Do We Study It? 188
> Mercantilism: An Economic
Realism? 188
> Economic Liberalism 190
Debate National Pride and Foreign
Ownership 190
> Constructivism 195
> Conflict Theories 196
Debate Fair Trade 199
How Do We Apply It? 200
> The Individual Context 200
Case in Point Discoveries and
Innovation 203
> The State Context 204
> The Global Context 206
Past, Present, and Future: “The Beijing
Miracle” 211

CONCLUSION 215

CHAPTER SUMMARY 216

KEY TERMS 216

VISUAL REVIEW 217

Rows of car engines at the Fiat

Mirafiori plant undergo tests
on an assembly line in Turin,
Italy, in 1950. The Italian car
industry benefited from new
equipment provided by the
United States under the Marshall
Plan. This program launched
the system of liberal institutions
and interdependence that, as
some argue, created the modern
Western political and economic
system.
 International Political
Economy
Practical men, who believe themselves to be quite exempt from any intellectual
influence, are usually the slaves of some defunct economist.
—JOHN MAYNARD KEYNES

I
N 1947, MANY EUROPEAN CITIES LAY IN RUINS AFTER WORLD
WAR II. ECONOMIES BEGAN TO REVIVE BUT STILL STRUG-
GLED. UNEMPLOYMENT WAS RAMPANT. LACK OF FUEL, FOOD,
and clothing was endemic. In France and Italy, the threat of Communist
coups grew. Chaos and insecurity reigned from Poland to Greece.
In June of that year, the U.S. secretary of state, George Marshall,
announced an assistance program to Europe that became known as the
Marshall Plan. In 1948, Congress approved the first $5 billion in aid. By
1952 the United States had spent $13.5 billion in sixteen countries, an
equivalent of about $120 billion today. It was a massive “stimulus” to
stabilize finances and sustain economic growth.
Why did Washington provide this help? The ultimate goal of the
Marshall Plan was to prevent Communism from spreading over Western
Europe. The Marshall Plan was also good for the U.S. economy: Using
American money, Europeans began to purchase American equipment,
spare parts, technologies, and know-how. Hundreds of thousands of
new jobs were created in America. The Plan helped to resurrect European
liberal democracy, threatened by hunger, instability, and political radi-
calism. The plan pulled Western Europe into the U.S. financial and trade
orbit, but also the political orbit, and initiated a host of institutions that
shaped the modern West (Hitchcock, 2008).
The lessons of the Marshall Plan are relevant today. The global
economic crisis that began in 2008 showed that governments still have
182 a huge role to play in helping economies. Even the most dedicated
 What Do We Study? 183

supporters of market capitalism agree that regulations are necessary, es-

pecially in today’s global economy. But how far must government regu-
lations reach? China fifty years later combined private entrepreneurship
with state controls, and it brought about remarkable achievements (See
the Conclusion). Will this success continue?
In this chapter, we discuss the economic aspects of international
relations. We consider the influence of economic interests on foreign
policy agendas; the impact of states and their policies on international
economy, finances, and trade; the opportunities and challenges of global
economic interdependence; and the problem of wealth and poverty
from a global perspective.

After reading this chapter, you should be able to:

Learning
explain the major factors of international political economy;
explain the principles of mercantilism, economic liberalism, con-
Objectives
structivism, and conflict theories in the context of international
economic policies;
evaluate the impact of states on the international economy,
finances, and trade as well as the challenges of global economic
interdependence; and
apply major economic views to realities of international relations
within three contexts of analysis

What Do We Study?
International political economy (IPE) is the study of how politics and eco-
nomics interact in an international context. Successful economic and financial
policies guarantee material security of a country and contribute to interna-
tional stability and peace. The failure of such policies could lead to a political
and social crisis. Today, with the world so interdependent or “globalized,” the
financial or economic failure of just one state can have profound international
consequences. Recent financial crises in the United States and European Union
created uncertainty and tension in the entire international system.
How do state economic policies affect international relations? Which eco-
nomic models are most successful in today’s global economy and why? To
answer these and other questions, political economists analyze such activities
as production, consumption, finances, and trade.
184 CHAPTER 6: International Political Economy

The Major Factors of IPE

PRODUCTION AND CONSUMPTION
Economic production is the creation of goods and services with market value.
For centuries, states accumulated resources and territories to enhance their
power. States also controlled, funded, or regulated their productive capacities—
from gold mines and oil wells to factories and trade companies. In the modern
world, the power of states is measured in the size and growth of their gross
domestic product (GDP), which is the monetary value of the goods and ser-
vices produced at a given time. The GDP of the United States is now $16 trillion,
China’s is about $6 trillion, and South Korea’s and Mexico’s are around $1 trillion
(World Bank, 2013).
In the twenty-first century more production is shifting from traditional
economic powers—such as the United States, the United Kingdom, and Japan—
toward emerging markets, or countries in the process of rapid economic
growth, such as China, India, and Brazil. For the past couple of decades, mainly
because of their lower wage costs, these countries have substantially increased
their share of global manufacturing, reaching more than half the world’s
exports. Emerging markets also account for nearly half of global retail sales
(Woodall, 2011).
A country’s power is also inseparable from its scale of consumption, which
is the selection, adoption, use, disposal, and recycling of goods and services.
A country’s consumption patterns affect its imports, or the products and ser-
vices it purchases abroad. For example, the United States is the third largest
crude oil producer in the world. However, through most of the 2000s, about
50 percent of its consumed oil (the United States is the biggest oil consumer
in the world) comes from other countries, which creates dependency. This de-
pendency on foreign oil is in sharp decline now, thanks to the innovative oil
explorations on U.S. territory. In recent years, more attention has been paid to
the byproducts of consumption—waste and pollution, which have become
global problems. China still lags behind major developed countries in con-
sumption, but its industries in the twenty-first century became major polluters
(Economy, 2010b).

FINANCES
Historically a state’s financial resources, or finances, consisted of gold reserves,
stored in well-protected places (such as Fort Knox in the United States). The
more gold a country had, the more power it was thought to possess. These days,
finances most often mean the value of stocks and bonds traded on markets, and
fi nancial wealth is measured in paper notes or more complex indicators,
tracked electronically and up to the minute.
For centuries, states sought to control and augment their finances. Finan-
cially wealthy states could pay for a large military force and lend money to other
states in exchange for political favors and loyalty. Great Britain dominated the
world financial system in the nineteenth and first half of the twentieth century,
but it lost much of its wealth during World War II and dismantled its vast empire
shortly after. The United States assumed the dominant financial role in the
 What Do We Study? 185

A country’s inability
to manage its finances
may result in a serious
crisis. A protester carries
a banner that reads “No
to Imperialism—The
only solution for Cyprus”
during an anti-austerity
rally in front of the
Parliament in Athens
in 2013. A few hundred
people protested against
austerity measures
imposed on Cyprus
by the EU.

1940s. Today it is still the wealthiest nation in the world by many standards, but
over the last decade its expenses have surpassed revenues, and the U.S. dollar
now depends on the financial backing of China and others. World finances are
now so complicated that no state can manage and regulate them alone.
National currencies—such as dollars, Euros, pesos, and rubles—can be
converted into other currencies at what is called an exchange rate. From 1945
until 1971 the value of the U.S. dollar was fi xed to the price of gold (the so-
called gold standard). Now, the dollar and other national currencies fluctuate
vis-à-vis each other and gold; their exchange rate depends on many factors,
including GDP growth, exports and imports, and political as well as economic
events. The consequences of volatility of currency exchange rates may have sig-
nificant impact on international trade and seriously affect all businesses and
ordinary citizens. (See Table 6-1.)

TRADE
International trade is another volatile factor in international relations. Under
most circumstances, states try to stimulate and expand their exports—goods
and services that the country sells officially on the international market. And
most states depend on their imports—goods and services that the country has
to bring in from outside. The difference between the value of exports and im-
ports is the balance of trade. It is positive when exports surpass imports and
negative if a country buys more than it sells. Before the 1970s the United States
had a positive balance of trade, but it has slipped into an ever-growing trade
deficit, largely a result of goods imported from China and the import of oil
from the Persian Gulf.
186 CHAPTER 6: International Political Economy

TABLE 6-1 Consequences of Shifting U.S. Currency Exchange Rates

Change in U.S. Currency Consequences
More Expensive Than Previously Good news for people who travel abroad because they can get more
for their dollars. However, U.S. products will cost more abroad, and
fewer products will be exported. This could easily cause a decrease in
production and a loss of jobs in the United States. That’s bad news for
domestic manufacturers.
Less Expensive Than Previously Bad news for tourists traveling abroad: They get less for their money.
A weaker currency, however, means that U.S. exports can increase as
they become less expensive and thus more competitive on the global
market. That’s good news for domestic manufacturers.

Why are trade deficits so important in international relations? For decades,

trade imbalances created inequality in the distribution of wealth between
wealthy and poor countries. African and most South American countries ex-
ported agricultural products and raw materials to developed countries at low
prices, whereas the latter exported sophisticated products and services at high
prices. As a result, poorer states owed substantial amounts of money to wealthy
ones. Economic and political dependency became intertwined. In the past
twenty years, the rapid growth of manufacturing in China, India, Brazil, and
elsewhere has altered the global trade balance. Now consumers in Western

DEBATE > GLOBAL INTERDEPENDENCE AND LOCAL PRICES

Currency exchange affects almost they were produced in, say, Boston Consider two possibilities. Would
all of us, immediately and directly. or Paris (Meyerson, 2010). And West- you stop the continuing loss of
When we buy inexpensive goods ern firms increasingly move their manufacturing jobs to foreign
with the label “made in China,” we production to China because it is countries while consumers pay a
often save money—or so it seems. cheaper to manufacture there. As a higher price for virtually every-
In reality, we pay another, hidden result, in the twenty-first century, thing? Or would you continue to
price—American jobs. Chinese the Western world is no longer the adhere to liberal principles of mini-
goods are inexpensive because the leading manufacturer. The United mal state regulation and see some
cost of labor in China is cheap and States alone has lost millions of jobs disappear? Could there be a
because the Chinese state deliber- industrial jobs over the past twenty third way? Suggest a “hybrid” strat-
ately maintains a low exchange rate years. egy that would combine these two
between its national currency, the policy options.
Yuan, and two major currencies— WHAT’S YOUR VIEW?
the dollar and the Euro. As a result, What are the consequences for the Visit the companion website
factories in China manufacture goods United States? What would you for a list of products made
that cost significantly less than if decide if you were president? in the United States.
 What Do We Study? 187

countries owe money to China where goods are manufactured. The ability of
states to control the movements of goods and capital has declined sharply, es-
pecially in the era of the Internet. Many corporations move their production to
China and other places with the large pool of cheap, educated, and disciplined
labor. This affects manufacturing jobs in wealthy countries and worsens their
financial problems.
Still, sovereign states have effective economic and financial policies at
their disposal. Protectionism is the policy of restricting or discouraging im-
ports and encouraging domestic production. One way is through tariffs—fees
on imported goods, to make them more expensive. This gives domestic pro-
ducers a chance to sell their goods, protects domestic workforce, and may
reduce the negative trade balance. Presidents George W. Bush and Barack
Obama both occasionally used tariffs. Another form of protectionism is direct
subsidies to domestic industries, to keep jobs and make products more com-
petitive abroad (Zahariadis, 2008).
Countries may also use economic sanctions against other states. These are
the deliberate withdrawal, or threat of withdrawal, of customary trade and fi-
nancial relations, to put pressure on a government to change its policies. The
ultimate form of economic sanctions is an embargo, or the prohibition of trade.
Iran has long been a target of embargoes imposed by the United States and the
European Union to stop its development of nuclear weapons.
In the past, economic sanctions often preceded or followed a war. In the
twentieth century, however, they began to play a role as an alternative to vio-
lence. They may be used in an attempt to restrain a belligerent government,
punish aggression, contain a civil war, influence policies, or simply make a
political statement (Hufbauer and Oegg, 2003).
Currently, American legislation allows economic and trade sanctions
against countries that expropriate U.S. property, organize coups against elected
Visit the
governments, and support terrorism. Countries that violate human rights, companion
harbor international war criminals, engage in nuclear proliferation, or fail to website to learn more
cooperate sufficiently with U.S. antinarcotics efforts may also become targets about international
of economic sanctions. The Office of Foreign Assets Control of the U.S. De- trade sanctions, their
partment of the Treasury administers and enforces economic and trade sanc- effectiveness, and their
tions. Many of them are based on UN and other international mandates. failures.
Economic policies are not always about bans and restrictions. States also
use economic and monetary incentives to influence other countries. Loans and
subsidies can help both sides achieve their economic and political goals. The
Marshall Plan, described at the start of this chapter, is an outstanding exam-
ple. As we will see in this chapter, trade agreements between states, interna-
tional organizations, and nongovernmental institutions now play a greater
role than ever in global economic affairs.
Economic policies of countries are related to economic theories and
models as much as they are influenced by politics and other short-term fac-
tors. University-trained economists play a prominent role in countries’ ac-
tions related to production, fi nances, and trade. To understand contemporary
IPE we have to comprehend how these ideas and models occurred, developed,
and applied. They also help explain the role of such intergovernmental
188 CHAPTER 6: International Political Economy

organizations and agreements as the World Trade Organization, North

American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), and the European Union in an era
of globalization.

CHECK YOUR What is GDP? Why do countries have different GDPs?

KNOWLEDGE Explain the positive and negative balance of trade. How does the negative
balance of trade affect you personally?
What is the main goal of tariffs? How can tariffs backfire against the
country that applies them?

How Do We Study It?

We can take several different approaches to studying international political
economy. Here, we will look at mercantilism (often linked with realism), eco-
nomic liberalism, constructivism, and conflict theories. (See Figure 6.1.)

Mercantilism: An Economic Realism?

Mercantilism calls for the accumulation and protection of available resources
in the name of the state. The seventeenth and eighteenth centuries were the
apogee of mercantilism. This economic approach was widely accepted when
absolute monarchies, such as France, followed mercantilist recipes to aggran-
dize power at the expense of their neighbors. Many countries, including the
United States, later used mercantilism along with nationalist rhetoric (O’Brien
and Clesse, 2002), and mercantilist arguments are making a comeback today.

PRINCIPLES OF MERCANTILISM
Mercantilists assume that, globally, wealth is limited and does not grow or
shrink fast. To succeed, states should compete for territories, resources, and
colonies. Their economic policies should therefore aim at accumulating natu-
ral resources and gold reserves, territorial expansion, establishing exclusive
trade with colonies, and payments from defeated enemies.

Realism: Constructivism
mercantilism

Conflict theories
Liberalism

FIGURE 6-1 Major • State interests • Social identities

approaches of • Free trade • Economic
• Economic • Norms
international political • Nonstate actors inequality
strength • Investment climate
economy.
 How Do We Study It? 189

Mercantilist principles can be applied to the production, distribution, and

consumption of resources and products (Ekelund and Hébert, 2007). First,
states must make sure that most of the products and services they need are pro-
duced domestically and that natural resources—such as coal, gas, and oil—are
primarily for domestic consumption. This encourages employment and limits
other countries’ opportunities to sell their products there. States should accu-
mulate precious metals and stimulate overseas trade to ensure the flow of gold
and silver into the state’s treasury. These metals are important to stabilize fi-
nances, maintain armed forces, and fight wars.
Mercantilism says that imports of foreign goods should be limited, but in
reality this principle is difficult to achieve. States should therefore maintain a
positive balance of trade: They must sell more than they buy from foreign
countries. Governments should also discourage foreign traders by establishing
tariffs on imported goods, thus making them overly expensive. A foreign debt
is a state’s serious vulnerability.
Finally, it is necessary to support domestic manufacturers and merchants.
Today, when international competition cannot be ignored, governments in-
crease their subsidies for domestic producers. They keep the value of their cur-
rencies artificially low to make manufactured products cheaper and thus more
competitive on international markets. (See Figure 6.2.)

MERCANTILISM AND REALISM

Mercantilism is often linked with realism, just as a country’s economic
strengths were commonly associated with its military capabilities (Thurow,
1992; Gilboy, 2004). Like realists, mercantilists argue that economic rivalry
among states is only natural. In fact, it is a zero-sum game: Mutual benefits are
seldom achievable, giving states two options—either win or lose (Harrison
and Prestowitz, 1990). For example, many European states long considered the
struggle for colonies as vital to their economies and national security. Later,
the control of oil and gas resources and pipelines came to be as seen as a seri-
ous security issue.
The trade balance, too, can be seen in this way. China, for example, makes
its trade surplus a top strategic priority. To limit foreign competition, China’s
government gave a local company UnionPay a near monopoly over the

Positive trade Protectionism

Subsidies to balance
home industries

Expansionism
Mercantilist and colonialism
Reliance on
policies
domestic
resources Reduction of
foreign competition
Exclusive trade
FIGURE 6-2
with colonies
Mercantilism: A snapshot.
190 CHAPTER 6: International Political Economy

handling of payments between merchants and banks. (We

look more at China’s success story at the end of this chapter.)
India for many years banned foreign supermarkets on its terri-
tory that sell products more cheaply than their Indian com-
petitors. Mercantilists also argue that protecting homegrown
businesses is not just an economic but a patriotic issue—a
matter of jobs and national pride. Wine producers in France,
rice growers in Japan, and steel workers and fishermen in the
United States all enjoyed government protection for many
years (K. Anderson, 2005).
Opponents of mercantilism argue that subsidies and pro-
tectionism slow economies and harm trade and consumption.
And the most consistent criticism of mercantilism comes from
economic liberals—the supporters of free (or freer) trade.

Economic Liberalism
In the context of IPE, liberalism can be equaled with economic
liberalism—the belief that only free production, trade, and
consumption can produce the best economic results and lead
to a peaceful, prosperous world. This is not a single theory
The first Reliance Fresh supermarket
opened in Hyderabad, India, in 2006. India but rather several approaches, all stemming from a few basic
for years banned foreign supermarkets principles—including the importance of entrepreneurship,
on its territory. These policies began to minimal state regulations, and the concept of the public good.
change several years ago.
THE ROOTS AND PRINCIPLES OF ECONOMIC LIBERALISM
Adam Smith (1723–1790), the Scottish economist and philosopher, is a
founder of economic liberalism. In An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the
Wealth of Nations (1977), published in 1776, he opposed restrictions on inter-
national trade, arguing that commerce brings prosperity and peace among

DEBATE > NATIONAL PRIDE AND FOREIGN OWNERSHIP

In the United Kingdom, one of the have the New York Yankees or the
most famous London soccer clubs, Boston Red Sox sold to a joint ven-
Chelsea, is currently owned by a ture owned by a few entrepreneurs
Russian tycoon. Another Russian from Kazakhstan and Pakistan? Or
billionaire owns the Brooklyn Nets, would you accept the sale of
an NBA team. The German auto Boeing, which makes commercial
giant Volkswagen, however, is shel- and military airplanes, to an Indian
tered by law from foreign buyers. magnate? Compare the arguments Read the article “Foreign
for and against foreign ownership Ownership of American
WHAT’S YOUR VIEW? to mercantilist principles. What Sports Teams Is Here” by Darren
What is your opinion of foreign similarities and differences do Rovell on CNBC.com (September
ownership? Would you agree to you find? 2009).
 How Do We Study It? 191

nations. A noted follower, David Ricardo (1772–1823), believed that free trade
is the best regulator of labor and natural resources. Another economic liberal, On the
companion
Friedrich List (1789–1846), suggested that commercial unions among states
website, read more
make trade flourish and enrich all participants (List, [1841] 2006). about the bitter
Economic liberalism gradually replaced mercantilism as a dominant international commercial
trend in economic policies in the second half of the nineteenth century. dispute between two
However, liberal economic ideas came under serious attack during the Great manufacturing giants,
Depression and the rise of Communism, Fascism, and Social Democracy Boeing and Airbus. Both
from the 1920s through the 1950s. Still, they retained significant strength. argued that government
In The Road to Serfdom ([1944] 2007), the Austrian economist Friedrich support had led to unfair
von Hayek (1899–1992) asserted that only free competition among individ- competition.
ual entrepreneurs creates the information and other conditions necessary for
a successful production and consumption of goods. Hayek influenced
American economist Milton Friedman (1912–2006), who in his Capitalism
and Freedom (1962) also criticized state regulations. In the television series
Free to Choose (1980), he contended that people’s individual choices are better
for economic development than state planning. Friedman, who taught at
the University of Chicago, still argued that the state has a role to play: It
should gradually increase the amount of money in circulation—an idea called
monetarism. Economic liberalism also influenced British prime minister
Margaret Thatcher, who pushed for fundamental economic reforms in the
United Kingdom after 1979, and President Reagan. The deregulation of eco-
nomic activities in the 1980s, combined with government control over the
flow of money through changing interest rates, remained the dominant policy
in the United States.

Jubilant crowds offer

a cluster of hands for
Britain’s reelected Prime
Minister, Margaret
Thatcher, in 1983.
Thatcher pushed for
economic deregulation.
Her policies drew both
fierce resistance and
enthusiastic support in
the United Kingdom.
192 CHAPTER 6: International Political Economy

Free trade through international cooperation is the key goal of liberalism.

An early argument in its defense comes from the principle (often called the
law) of comparative advantage, which explains that it is beneficial for two
countries to trade with each other instead of relying on their own domestic
production. This law is attributed to Robert Torrens (1815), but David Ricardo
made it famous two years later. Imagine England and the Ukraine making
textiles and corn. In England, production of both takes less time than in the
Ukraine, so it has an economic advantage over the Ukraine. Mercantilists
would ask why, in this case, we need to import anything from the Ukraine.
Actually, the law suggests that both countries would benefit from mutual
trade: If Britain would import corn from the Ukraine, it would save more labor
time and resources to produce better textiles. In the same way, the Ukraine
would gain from focusing on the production of corn while importing British
textiles. In both countries, consumers would be better off because prices of
both products would be lower.
In the same spirit, economic liberals argue that the benefits obtained from
protecting domestic producers against foreign competitors are insignificant
compared to the damage to the domestic economy as a whole: People have to
pay much higher prices for domestic goods plus protected businesses have less
incentive to develop, modernize, and be more competitive internationally.
Economic liberals also argue that economic cooperation reduces the chance
of war: Businesses are likely to lobby for cooperation and international law
(Oneal and Russett, 1997; Rogowski, 1990.) This will induce states to choose
cooperation. (See Figure 6.3.)

THE KEYNESIAN CHALLENGE

The principles of economic liberalism were challenged by John Maynard Keynes
(pronounced ka−nz; 1883–1946), a British economist and a founder of macro-
economics, the study of the structure and performance of the entire economy.
Not only did Keynes create an influential theory, he also could see it applied in
economic policies of many countries. In The General Theory of Employment,
Interest and Money ([1936] 1965), he argued that, contrary to the assumption of
the efficiency of free markets, governments should regulate business and espe-
cially finances. According to Keynesian economics, national governments can
ease the undesirable effects of economic recessions by spending more money
than their revenues allow. By putting money into the economy, government can

Low trade
Deregulation Economic barriers
interdependence

Opening of
domestic Economic Comparative
markets to liberalism advantage
FIGURE 6-3 Economic competition
liberalism: A snapshot.
 How Do We Study It? 193

fuel business transactions and purchases, stimulate production and consump-

tion, lower unemployment, and create a prosperous middle class.
Following Keynes’ ideas, states abandoned the gold standard and started
to manipulate the supply of money through banking interest rates—a process
known as monetary policy. For instance, the Federal Reserve, the central bank-
ing system in the United States, is responsible for maintaining the stability of
the financial system. The Federal Reserve can determine the rise or fall of inter-
est rates, thus making credit either more expensive or less, and so opening or
closing the flow of capital into the economy. The government can also use gov-
ernment spending or taxes to influence the economy—an approach called
fiscal policy. States can raise taxes and use this money to create jobs while at
the same time fighting inflation, a rise in the prices. In the 1970s and 1980s,
Keynesian principles came under heavy criticism from free-market advocates.
But after the global economic crisis of 2008 through 2013, these principles
deserved another look.

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS
Economic liberalism, with Keynesian modifications, inspired the creation of
international institutions to facilitate trade and provide financial stability world-
wide. More efficient institutions, their supporters believed, would lead to a more
prosperous and peaceful world (Ikenberry and Grieco, 2002; Keohane, 2005).
The Great Depression of the 1930s and World War II offered strong reasons to
build international economic and financial institutions. Many believed that
protectionism had slowed economic recovery and provoked nationalism. In 1944,
representatives of the United States, the United Kingdom, the Soviet Union,
France, and China met in Bretton Woods, New Hampshire, leading to the cre-
ation of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank (Peet,
2009). After the Soviet Union backed out of the Bretton Woods agreements in
1946, both institutions became the pillars of Western capitalism. Participating
states agreed to contribute parts of their gold reserves to a global “pool” to main-
tain the balance of payments in international trade. The United States, the wealth-
iest contributor, played the leading role in the functioning of these institutions.
The IMF has grown from forty-five members in 1945 to more than 187
today. Its goals are to maintain stable exchanges between national currencies
and to provide financial help to countries in trouble. The World Bank (more
fully, the World Bank for Reconstruction of Development) involves almost all
states (except for Cuba, North Korea, and a few others) and makes loans to
developing countries for long-term projects. In both institutions the wealthiest
donors have more authority. The IMF and World Bank provide financial help
conditionally: Usually, the recipient of assistance must reform its finances
according to these institutions’ prescriptions. These prescriptions often draw
criticism (Strand, 2013).
Other liberal international institutions created after the Bretton Woods
agreements were the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), signed in
1947 in Geneva, and the International Trade Organization (ITO), created the
next year in Havana. The members of GATT held periodic trade negotiations,
gradually leading to reductions of tariffs. The ITO failed, however, because the
U.S. Senate rejected its charter: Many American politicians feared that it would
194 CHAPTER 6: International Political Economy

become a kind of global government. Only in 1995 was the project revived as
the World Trade Organization (WTO), building on the success of GATT.
The WTO is the main international organization today designed to pro-
mote economic development and growth through the removal of tariffs and
the opening of national markets to international trade. The WTO includes all
major economies and assists its nearly 160 members in trade negotiations and
agreements. It also helps enforce their agreements and resolve trade disputes
(World Trade Organization, 2012). It does not act as a global government and
does not negotiate on behalf of states but rather provides a framework for
negotiations. The WTO insists that countries should adhere to the principles
of nondiscrimination, reciprocity, and transparency in their trade policies
(Hoekman and Kostecki, 2010). This means that countries should have equal
access to foreign markets, imported products should be treated no less favor-
ably than domestically produced goods, and no secret deals or domestic regu-
lations should restrict free trade.
Supporters of the WTO hope that free trade will reduce poverty, improve
standards of living, create employment, and provide new economic opportuni-
ties for billions (Narlikar, 2005). Critics disagree on at least three points. First,
they believe that free trade benefits mostly rich countries of the global North
while leaving underdeveloped countries of the South to produce raw materials
and supply cheap labor (see more about it later in this chapter). Second, small
Visit the
companion countries can exercise less influence in the “rounds” of talks that produce new
website to learn more WTO rules. Finally, these rules harm small business: In free trade, critics main-
about the World Trade tain, only big multinational corporations can thrive. Critics also stress that the
Organization and the organization offered no new solutions to the global financial crisis that started
World Bank. in 2008 (Cottier and Elsig, 2011).

REGIONAL TRADE AGREEMENTS

Regional trade agreements are rules and mutual commitments based on inter-
national treaties that bind countries to pursue common economic and financial
policies. They usually deal with tariffs and their reduction and elimination.
They also deal with transportation, communications, intellectual property, en-
vironmental standards, investments, and trade policies. Today there are about
150 regional trade arrangements. One is the NAFTA, which went into effect in
1994. In it, the United States, Mexico, and Canada agreed to gradually elimi-
nate most trade and investment barriers in dealing with one another. In 2011,
twelve countries (the United States, Australia, Canada, Japan, Mexico, Brunei,
Chile, Malaysia, New Zealand, Peru, Singapore, and Vietnam) expressed inter-
est in forming the Trans-Pacific Partnership. Potentially, its possible members
could together produce more than 40 percent of the world’s GDP.
Why do countries need such agreements? They gain from lower prices.
States also seek to secure access to each other’s markets and products. Many
less developed countries need economic security and pursue trade agreements
with developed states. Wealthy countries seek cheaper products and services
and expect new consumers’ markets to grow (Whalley, 1997). The profiles of
several of the most important regional organizations based on free trade are
displayed in Table 6-2.
 How Do We Study It? 195

TABLE 6-2 Examples of Regional Trade Agreements

Regional Agreement Main Features
European Union (EU) The EU is the most ambitious project in economic and
political integration, with the population of 500 million
and GDP of $17 trillion. It has a common currency and
central banking system (the Euro and the European Central
Bank), and it has taken steps to develop a common foreign
and security policy. (We examined the European Union in
Chapter 2).
Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR) Comprising Argentina, Paraguay, Uruguay, Brazil, and
Venezuela (since 2006), the Southern Common Market
represents a total population of 190 million people—all
living in an area larger than the European continent. The
organization promotes the movement of goods, people,
and currency among these countries.
Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) This group of twenty-one Pacific Rim countries, including
the United States, meets regularly to purposely improve
economic and political ties among member states. The
group has working committees on a wide range of issues,
from communications to fisheries.

What is economic mercantilism? Which mercantilist policies benefit you CHECK YOUR
personally? KNOWLEDGE
Explain the comparative advantage principle.
How does Keynesian economics operate to stimulate growth and jobs?
What is the main goal of key international trade organizations?

Constructivism
Material resources and economic policies, constructivism argues, are often
seen through the prism of collective values and socially constructed priorities
(Reus-Smit, 2009). The goals and structure of economic policies change from
country to country depending on social, political, and cultural conditions
in these countries (P. Evans, 1998). Ideologies and customs also influence
economic policies. For instance, free trade may be viewed as a positive or
negative development, depending on a country’s role in the world market
(Copeland, 1996).
Using constructivist ideas, one can see the Marshall Plan as not only an
economic policy but also a way to promote beliefs in free markets and free
trade—as opposed to mercantilism, not to mention Communism. The Marshall
Plan fostered cooperation, mutual acceptance, and the willingness of European
states to become “the United States of Europe.”
196 CHAPTER 6: International Political Economy

NATIONAL PURPOSE
Just as individuals act according to their background, experi-
ence, and identity, states structure their economic policies ac-
cording to how they see themselves and their role in the regional
and world economies. Governments and business elites adopt a
national purpose, and this purpose drives economic goals
and policies of their countries. A vision of the country’s future
can bring its people together and affect their lives (Abdelal,
2001). When the Soviet Union imploded in 1991, some new
post-Soviet countries—such as Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania—
turned rapidly away from Russia and did not seek economic
cooperation with it. Belarus and Kazakhstan preferred coopera-
tion: for decision-making elites there, it did not conflict with
how they saw the future of their own countries.
Countries constantly redefi ne their national purpose.
India, for example, beginning with its increasing economic
rivalry with China in the 1990s, sought a stronger role in world
affairs. It turned from longstanding protectionist policies to
A man fills a coin machine with Estonian international cooperation and interdependence, allowed for-
coins to exchange them for euros, in
eign investments, and promoted economic openness (Alamgir,
Tallinn, Estonia, 2011. This Baltic state
became the 17th European Union member 2008). According to constructivism, India’s massive economic
to adopt the joint currency, the euro. reforms were strongly influenced by its policy makers’ percep-
Estonia’s national purpose is “returning tion of what India should be, especially in comparison with
to Europe” and avoiding the Russian China.
domination.
ECONOMIC CLIMATE
States and the global community develop an economic climate, or set of values
and practices that may or may not support official policies and visions of na-
tional purpose. According to economic liberalism, manufacturers, sellers, and
consumers act in accord with the rules of supply and demand. In reality, con-
structivists say, scores of other factors affect their behavior.
For example, laws that protect the ownership of private property lead to a
functioning free market unless a majority of the population follows them. An
unfriendly business climate lacks both a legal foundation and trust.
A favorable economic climate means lower cost to business. International
Go online to
find out more investors are likely to bring their money to a country in which they feel pro-
about Transparency tected. In contrast, insecurity and corruption drive international investors
International and its away. Places perceived as corrupt, as a rule, lose international investors.
annual surveys of the Therefore, a country’s foreign economic policies become inseparable from its
world’s corruption. domestic social policy and how it is perceived by others.

Conflict Theories
Conflict theories, as you know from Chapter 3, maintain that the world’s
economic structure unfairly benefits dominant social classes and groups, such
as the wealthy, males, and whites. Such economic order, according to conflict
theories, should be replaced by a new and fairer one through revolution or
reforms.
 How Do We Study It? 197

MARXISM
Marxists argue that the world is dominated by a ruling class, which owns the
major means of production, natural resources, and services. Throughout the
twentieth century and after, the ruling class became increasingly global, as
capital moved across borders and continents. Today, international corpora-
tions and banks, not the governments of sovereign states, are the true holders
of global power because of their financial resources. States serve the interests
of the ruling class of billionaires using diplomacy, international agreements,
and international law to manage international relations, which in effect should
lead to higher profits.
Supporters of Marxism argue that despite a wide range of democratic
changes in the past century, the gap between a few rich countries and the rest
of the world, between the global North and South, remains profound. Free-
trade agreements are designed to enrich the international ruling class and give
nothing to the middle class, workers, and peasants. But what do Marxists sug-
gest? Their old recipes, urging violent revolutions to nationalizations of large
banks and big corporations, lost their credibility after many attempts and fail-
ures in the past. The failure of the economies of the Soviet Union, Cuba, North
Korea, and other Communist countries disenchanted many Marxist sympa-
thizers. Today, Marxists cannot offer an alternative to global capitalism. They,
however, support the antiglobalist movement that demands high taxes on the
rich and rigorous social control over banks and corporations.

ECONOMIC DEPENDENCY
Dependency theory has its roots in the research of an Argentine economist,
Raul Prebisch (1901–1986), and a German economist, Hans Singer (1910–2006).
In their view, technology-driven developed nations, called the core, have been
receiving more benefits from international trade than technology-deprived de-
veloping countries, called the periphery. Singer and Prebisch showed that core
nations, but not periphery countries, benefit significantly from improvements
in technology. Moreover, periphery countries cannot catch up with core na-
tions under the conditions of free trade (Prebisch, 1989; Singer, 1999). The
wealth of core countries was almost constantly increasing, whereas the wealth
growth of the periphery was flat or decreased.
Dependency theory, like Marxism, explains in relatively simple terms the
main causes of the world’s economic and political problems. Poor nations
provide natural resources and cheap labor for core nations; core countries are
interested in continuing the state of dependency through various policies
and initiatives involving trade, banking, and direct political control of the
periphery. Local elites in poor nations benefit from the dependency and are
not interested in changing the world’s economic order.
Supporters of these views maintain that the discriminatory structure of
the world’s economy and trade is the main cause of global inequality and
chronic poverty. They began to use the terms such as “global North and South”
and “North–South divide” to direct attention to the failures of economic realism
and liberalism. The poor, agricultural nations of the South (so-called although
not all are in the Southern hemisphere) are totally dependent on the developed
198 CHAPTER 6: International Political Economy

industrial North, both economically and politically. The latter is the core of
the capitalist system, and the former remains on the periphery. These, as you
will remember from Chapter 3, were main the points of world-systems theory
(Wallerstein, 1979).
Supporters of dependency theory accept private property and acknowl-
edge the importance of some elements of a free-market economy. Nevertheless,
they believe that the rules governing markets should change and the world’s
economic order should be restructured (Scott, 2001). How to achieve these
goals? First, developing countries have to use central state planning and mer-
cantilism to build their own industries. This should help them in increasing
their domestic production and easing their dependence on expensive imports,
which is called import substitution. They will start benefitting from their own
technical advancement. Next, wealthy nations must pay reparations for past
colonialist policies, and multinational corporations should be heavily regulated
and taxed. Prices for commodities should be guaranteed at the lowest level.
Finally, developing countries must gain full access to world capital including
massive subsidies. (See Table 6-3.)
Many economists in the Third World became influenced by dependency
theory, and some of their recommendations produced visible results. The rise
of Brazil’s economic power in the last ten years can be credited to some of their
prescriptions (Sweig, 2010).

CHECK YOUR Explain the core and the periphery.

KNOWLEDGE What is economic climate?
Which factors may affect an economic climate?

TABLE 6-3 Dependency Theory: Key Assumptions

What is the cause of dependency? The world economic and financial structure is the cause
of dependency and inequality among countries. The
periphery countries have to import expensive technologies
and goods, paying back in cheap raw materials.
Who benefits from this state of dependency? The world financial and trade system is designed to benefit
the core nations and local elites of the periphery, called the
comprador class.
What are the solutions to this problem? The countries of the periphery should reduce their
dependence by creating their own industries (import
substitution).
What else can be done? The developed countries in the North should provide
massive aid to the South. Centrally managed international
economic policies should be established.
 How Do We Study It? 199

DEBATE > FAIR TRADE

Fair trade (known also as trade jus- principles. Thanks to fair trade, argue that you must then pay a
tice) initiatives suggest that devel- certified coffee, tea, cocoa, fresh higher price for food. Proponents of
oped countries should agree that fruit, rice, and sugar are all available fair trade reply that in Norway and
developing nations can sell their at tens of thousands of retail Germany, for example, higher food
products, primarily agricultural locations. Fair trade standards are prices do not seem to devastate
goods and resources, at assured set by a Germany-based umbrella family budgets. Would a 10 percent
prices. Manufacturers and distribu- group, Fairtrade Labelling Organiza- price increase be acceptable, given
tors must not use child labor, slav- tions International (FLO). your financial situation?
ery, an unsafe workplace, or other
forms of abuse and discrimination. WHAT’S YOUR VIEW?
TransFair USA, a nonprofit organiza- Would you support the application
tion, certifies and labels products of fair trade principles to all food Read more about fair trade
manufactured under fair trade imports to the United States? Critics on the companion website.

A model is dressed in fair-trade clothes while presenting “Slow Food” products in Stuttgart,
Germany, 2013. The fair trade movement aims to support small farmers in developing countries
by buying their products at a fixed price, thus cushioning them from fluctuations in global
markets and affording them a better living. Slow Food promotes sustainable foods by local
small businesses.
200 CHAPTER 6: International Political Economy

How Do We Apply It?

Few economists predicted the massive financial and economic crisis that
peaked in 2008. As banks collapsed and property values plummeted, stock
markets fell, and unemployment soared. Even fewer economists predicted how
long the crisis would last. Signs of recovery appeared in 2010, when the econo-
mies of China, India, and Brazil showed some encouraging annual growth
numbers, up to 10 percent. Still, many others were idling for years.
What are the international lessons of the crisis? Some were quick to blame
the free market and unregulated capitalism. They urged a return to tight state
regulations or even mercantilism, to stop states from running negative trade
balance and deficits. Liberal economists fought back, defending free trade, but
not its excesses. Politicians in many developing countries looked instead to
dependency theory. They faced a difficult dilemma: Which economic path of
development should they accept—one with more state regulations or less
control? Should it be the free market so eagerly promoted by the West? Or
should it be a Chinese model rooted in heavy state regulations but seemingly
secured economic growth?
No single economic crisis, even the deep one that the world has witnessed,
can prove success or failure for certain economic policies. Still, it is important
to find out why states choose particular policies rather than others—and when
these policies become effective. We must look at the individual, state, and
global contexts and circumstances in which these policies developed.

The Individual Context

Many theories of international business and trade are tested on the level of
microeconomics—the field of economics that considers the behavior of con-
sumers, companies, and industries. Here individual decisions play a big role.
Similarly, a choice of international economic policies may be rooted in the
decisions of individual state leaders and the leaders of major international
fi nancial institutions. But how? Among the factors affecting decisions are
leadership, ideology, and the economic climate.

POLITICAL LEADERSHIP
If policies were based only on ideology, a country’s decisions would be predict-
able. A Communist leader promoting an isolationist foreign policy is likely to
reject economic cooperation or trade with capitalist countries. And in fact
Albania from the 1950s through the 1980s insisted on complete economic self-
reliance; so has North Korea for more than sixty years. Their leaders assumed
that a true Communist country is capable of building a prosperous economy
alone. This policy, called autarky, has failed miserably: These states could
barely provide the minimum resources for their populations.
Political leaders decide on economic policies based on a variety of ideas.
(See Table 6-4.) They cannot afford isolation, but they still have to choose be-
tween multilateralism and unilateralism, cooperation and noncooperation
with the international system. With the increasing price of oil and oil products
in the mid-2000s, some oil-producing states began to act as unilateralists.
 How Do We Apply It? 201

TABLE 6-4 National Leaders and Economic Policies

Name Country Years in Office Economic Decisions
Kim Il-Sung (1912–94) North 1948–94 An authoritarian, Communist leader, he
Korea hoped to build a prosperous, independent
state based on the ideology of Juche (spirit
of self-reliance)—a blend of autarky, extreme
centralization, and nationalism. Private property
was prohibited and foreign trade was limited.
Fidel Castro (b. 1926) Cuba 1959–2011 In his long tenure in government, Castro’s
economic policies were based on his belief in
state planning and an inevitable confrontation
with capitalism. Cuba, however, had to be
subsidized heavily by the Soviet Union, and
after the Soviet collapse, by Venezuela.
Mohammed Reza Pahlavi Iran 1941–79 Pahlavi remained a reliable supporter of the
(1919–80) United States, the free-market economy, and
international trade. His reforms spawned
massive corruption. He was expelled during the
Islamic revolution.
Deng Xiaoping (1904–97) People’s Approximately After the economic and social disaster of the
Republic 1981–92 Cultural Revolution, Deng concluded that the
of China Chinese economy could be restored only by
a combination of state planning and market
initiative. Deng’s reforms set the foundations for
the “economic miracle.” With significant foreign
investments, China became a leading economic
power. It preserves, with few modifications, the
old political system.
Margaret Thatcher United 1979–90 Thatcher began to dismantle state regulation
(1925–2013) Kingdom of the economy and weakened trade unions.
She also resisted the UK’s integration into
the European Community, fearing that its
regulations would reverse her reforms.
Lech Walesa (b. 1943) Poland 1990–95 Walesa opposed Communist rule and led the
independent trade union “Solidarity” against
it. As president, he promoted free-market
principles but hoped to avoid its excesses. He
lost power in the midst of a Polish economic
recession.
Robert Mugabe (b. 1924) Zimbabwe Since 1980 An authoritarian ruler, Mugabe advocated a
blend of anticolonialism and nationalism. His
economic policies were erratic and mostly
mercantilist. Under his leadership, Zimbabwe
remained one of the poorest countries in Africa.
(continued)
202 CHAPTER 6: International Political Economy

TABLE 6-4 National Leaders and Economic Policies (continued)

Name Country Years in Office Economic Decisions
Hugo Chávez (1954–2013) Venezuela 1999–2013 An exemplary Latin American populist, Chavez
built his economic policies on a blend of
Socialist ideas, anticolonial and anti-imperialist
messages, and Bolivarianism (the unification
of Latin America). A believer in dependence
theory, he repeatedly tried to use his country’s
oil profits to finance anti-American policies.
Muammar Qaddafi Libya 1969–2011 Qaddafi’s economic policy of “Islamic Socialism”
(1942–2011) established government controls of large
industries but permitted small business. In
practice, most national wealth, especially the
oil revenues, went to him and his supporters.
During his last years in power, Kaddafi improved
relations with Western countries, hoping to
benefit even more from high oil prices. He
was overthrown by a popular insurrection
supported by the West.

After 2006, the Iranian president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, openly pushed the
development of Iran’s nuclear program. He stated that Western countries
would not dare to impose sanctions on his country because the West needed
Iranian oil. Yet he miscalculated and the Iranian leadership understood that
unilateralism could be risky.

MICROECONOMICS
Microeconomics can show how the behavior of individual consumers affects
international markets and overall international stability. After the terrorist
attacks of September 11, 2001, the world’s stock markets fell drastically. Scores
of investors decided to sell and put their money in what they perceived as a
more secure investment, such as cash or gold. It was an instant emotional reac-
tion to the crisis. Most people were not under direct threat but still felt inse-
cure; acting on their instincts and impulses, they created a global financial
disruption lasting for months. The same cycle repeated in the fall of 2008,
when the stock market plummeted. In 2010 and 2011, rumors that Greece,
a member of the European Union, might default on its national debt, thus
threatening the Euro, created fears pushing people to buy state bonds and U.S.
dollars. Usually, such “stampedes” are short-lived and help speculators to
gamble on the fluctuations in value between currencies. The currency specula-
tion, however, can destabilize the international financial system in the long
run. Some European governments began to lobby for a tax on any exchange of
foreign currency, to discourage currency speculation.
 How Do We Apply It? 203

Even without speculators, financial markets can become volatile. News head-
lines, elections results, and statements made by leaders affect decisions by both
individuals and companies. Millions of individual decisions, affected by mass
reactions, produce greater financial volatility. Government officials generally
comment as little as possible about economic problems, to avoid investors’ panic.

CASE IN POINT > Discoveries and Innovation

Not only financial speculators and oceans. In 1819, the American CRITICAL THINKING
mass reactions affect international steamship Savannah crossed the Not including the obvious example
political economy; scientists and Atlantic. It was the beginning of a of the Internet, what are some
engineers do so as well. Discover- new era of trade between the con- other prominent innovations and
ies, innovations, and other accom- tinents. It influenced global migra- discoveries of the past twenty years
plishments may dramatically affect tion as well. In 1832, American in- that, in your view, have had the
travel, trade, and the ways prod- ventor Samuel Morse developed a most significant impact on trade
ucts and services are exchanged single-wire telegraph system; and and commerce? Which of today’s
(Yergin and Stanislaw, 1998). The after 1865, telegraph cables were innovations do you think would
steam engine made possible rail laid across the floor of the Atlantic revolutionize markets in 2025?
and ship transportation—moving between the continents. The spread
people and goods safer and faster of these technologies powered a
across countries, continents, and dramatic expansion of world trade.

A new Starbucks opens in Ostrava, Czech Republic, in 2012. This Seattle-based company has
more than 20,000 coffee houses in nearly 60 countries. Starbucks is an example of a successful
business method applied globally.
204 CHAPTER 6: International Political Economy

The State Context

State leaders are commonly seen as making reasonable decisions. However,
most leaders represent business and financial interests, and make their eco-
nomic decisions based on political obligations. In a democratic society, poli-
tics is often about promoting economic interests (Olson, 1971).

DOMESTIC POLITICS
Scores of domestic political factors affect a state’s economic and financial poli-
cies, its international trade, and the country’s overall international situation.
In turn, economic factors influence politics. In the West today, some political
groupings are likely to reject government economic regulations and to support
market-oriented policies. Their political opponents are more likely to support
state regulations and policies to protect the domestic labor force and various
social groups against the perceived harms of the market.
It is difficult to promote deregulation and free-market policies in countries
and regions devastated by poverty, violence, social neglect, and rampant cor-
ruption. These policies can produce more negative immediate effects than pos-
itive ones. It takes time to develop infrastructure, to find investors, to create
jobs, and to develop a favorable business climate. Most governments do not
have the luxury of time to experiment with free-market reforms. They need to
show immediate and positive results. Therefore, many choose regulation.
In the United States, where labor costs are high, many manufacturing
workers oppose open global competition. For two decades the U.S. economy
has been steadily losing high-paid industrial jobs, as companies move their
production facilities to countries where there are fewer regulations and labor is
cheap—a practice called outsourcing (Bergsten, 2005). In response to com-
plaints from labor and struggling middle class families, Presidents George
Bush and Barack Obama issued protectionist measures to help the steel, tire,
and automotive industries.

SURPLUS OR MANAGEABLE DEFICIT?

Domestic political and social factors affect the attitudes about surplus-oriented
and trade deficit-tolerant economic policies. Surplus, as you will remember, was
a core objective of traditional mercantilism. A trade deficit is generally accept-
able in free-market economies. Consider several examples of how states deal
with their deficit or surplus.
The role of state planning and surplus was crucial to the Asian development
model, which originated in the 1950s out of cooperation between Japan’s gov-
ernment and private businesses. Japan’s Ministry of International Trade and
Industry (MITI) identified potential overseas markets and then worked with
private industries to assist them with their exports. The state also helped with
market information, access to foreign technology, licensing, loans and subsi-
dies, and, when necessary, state tariffs. This relationship between government
and business helped Japan, after the economic devastation of World War II,
turn into the economic powerhouse of Asia. During the 1960s, this model was
adopted in Singapore, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and later Malaysia and South
Korea, with remarkable results.
 How Do We Apply It? 205

Years 1990 2000 2010 2012 (est.)

Developed countries 70 67 50 52

Emerging economies 30 33 50 48

FIGURE 6-4 Percentage share of world imports: Developed and emerging economies
(1990–2012). Source: Woodall, 2011.

For years, East Asian economies were driven by policies to ensure a mas-
sive trade surplus. Political parties in these countries, despite a host of differ-
ences in their domestic platforms, maintained similar views about exports
(which had to be stimulated) and imports (which had to be regulated). Yet the
negative consequences of such policies eventually appeared—just as they did
for the eighteenth-century’s French mercantilism. The trade surplus pushed up
labor wages and costs for services. As a result, Japan’s exports became more
expensive compared to exports from China and other countries. This contrib-
uted to Japan’s recession in the 1990s and more than a decade of slow eco-
nomic growth. The entire effectiveness of the Asian developmental model was
in question.
In the twenty-first century, manufacturing boomed in countries with
cheaper labor, and their share in world imports dramatically increased. (See
Figure 6.4.) This pushed trade deficits to a new high in many developed coun-
tries, especially the United States.
What about models that allow trade deficits? American and Western
European economies tend to tolerate deficits, after several decades of economic
growth, mutually beneficial trade, and Keynesian regulatory policies. For
many economists and investors, however, the U.S. negative trade balance is a
dangerous development: It means that foreign countries have accumulated
U.S. dollars. What if foreign holders no longer want to keep them? Will it be a
serious problem? At least three possibilities have been proposed (Levey and
Brown, 2005).
A pessimistic forecast suggests that at some point the dollar will drop
sharply in value against other currencies. A global panic will cause the dollar
to tank further and interest rates to skyrocket. The global economy will be
dragged into a deeper crisis.
A less dramatic forecast predicts only a slow, moderate decline in the dollar.
A short-term recession, combined with the cheaper dollar, will eventually re-
verse the negative trade balance: Americans will buy fewer expensive foreign
products. Yet American products—including cars, software, and computers—
will become more affordable in other countries.
In a more optimistic view, emerging economies will need to import ad-
vanced technologies, software, and equipment from developed countries to
build new manufacturing facilities and improve their living standards.
International investors and consumers will continue to invest, convinced that
future technological innovations and successful business methods will help
the United States to remain an economic leader.
206 CHAPTER 6: International Political Economy

Which view appears more realistic to you? We return to the debate over the
role of trade at the end of this chapter.

The Global Context

Economic policies succeed and fail influenced by conflicts, recessions, and pe-
riods of prosperity. Increasingly, however, the choices are influenced not by
domestic politics but by international and global developments. Battles over
the direction and scope of economic policies in the era of globalization are
likely to remain passionate. Advances in computer-based design and three-
dimensional printing suggest the early signs of another industrial revolution
(Marsh, 2012). Yet will it provide a stable economic growth for all countries?

WHICH ECONOMIC POLICY?

In times of peace and prosperity, the principles of economic liberalism gain
strength. People begin to believe that “a rising tide lifts all boats”—an apho-
rism attributed to President Kennedy. The classic liberal approach often falls
out of favor, however, during tough economic times. Reacting to the Great
Depression and the ideological challenge from Communism, the Roosevelt,
Truman, and Eisenhower administrations accepted Keynesian policies. This
was a setback for free-market principles, but for some time it guaranteed capi-
talism’s stability. Nevertheless, at least two problems were on the horizon.
Keynesian economics assumed that a well-educated elite could decide
what is best for national and international economies. Yet the state often takes
on an obligation to carry too many increasingly expensive welfare programs.
(See Figure 6.5.) The second and larger problem was inflation and a decline in
growth, as Keynesian support for full employment required state investments
and higher taxes. The combination of high inflation and no growth in the late
1970s, called stagflation, led the Federal Reserve (the central banking system of

Economic Keynesian Economic Keynesian

liberalism economics liberalism economics

The Great Depression Economic success Global economic

of the West crisis

Asian Economic
Marxism State regulation model liberalism

A Communist revolution Reforms in China

in China
A Communist revolution
in Russia
FIGURE 6-5 Economic Collapse of Communism in Europe
theories and policies: 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2012 2015
A snapshot.
 How Do We Apply It? 207

the United States) to sharply raise the interest rate to 11 and then even 20 percent.
President Ronald Reagan combined some elements of Keynesianism with de-
regulation of many industries, weakening of labor unions, and lowering taxes.
These measures brought an unprecedented amount of foreign capital to the
United States, curbed inflation, and boosted the economy for some time.
In the early 1990s economic liberalism reigned practically unopposed. Its
principles have also been boosted by “democratic peace theory” (see Chapter 2):
Economic liberals began to claim that the spread of free-market practices con-
tributes to the spread of democracy—and ultimately lessens the probability of
war among states (Gartzke, 2007). The IMF and World Bank began to stipulate
that developing countries receiving their loans must implement such neoliberal
economic policies as liberalization of trade, direct foreign investments, priva-
tization of state enterprises, and deregulation of business.
Now take the case of corporate taxes. Should companies pay lower taxes,
so that the growing market can lift the national and global economy? Or
should companies pay higher taxes, with the government using the money to
promote a healthy economy? Is there a “happy medium”? Would your answer
differ for large and small businesses?
In the early 1990s, the failure of state-planned Communist economies pro-
vided fresh arguments for supporters of government deregulation. Russia and
other former Communist countries were adopting capitalism. China allowed
elements of a free-market economy in a Communist society in which private
property was prohibited for decades. Indian economic elites (which at times
had looked with sympathy at the Soviet model of industrialization) also moved
away from state economic planning and control. Indian economists concluded
that even the most brilliant government bureaucrat could not consistently
make great economic and business decisions (Bhagwati, 2004).

NORTH–SOUTH DIVIDE AND DEVELOPMENT

Dependency theory, as you remember, predicted that market capitalism and
free trade would not reduce the gap between the South and North. Indeed, most
countries of Africa and Latin America remained suppliers of cheap resources
and services to the North. The brain drain, or the exodus of the most educated
and skilled individuals from poor countries to developed countries, contin-
ued. Some critics of liberalism claimed that deregulation of capital accounts in
the 1980s–90s destabilized the global South even more: More individuals
tended to keep their money in the banks of the North, and this created the
“flight” of capital from the poorer countries. Also, global financial speculators
ruined the currencies of Thailand and Argentina in 1998 (Stiglitz, 2002).
At the same time, developments of the last twenty to thirty years compli-
cated North–South arguments. In Asia, Hong Kong, Singapore, Taiwan, and then
China broke out of poverty and joined the countries of the North in wealth
and development. By the 1990s, leaders of most developing countries gained
greater access to global finance, markets, trade, and industrial production.
Some states of the South, such as Brazil and India, began to integrate their
economies into regional and global networks. This complicated the argument
about North–South divide and the strategies of economic development.
208 CHAPTER 6: International Political Economy

A Pakistani laborer washes his clothes in a polluted stream on the outskirts of Islamabad,
Pakistan, in 2013. The UN estimates that more than one in six people worldwide do not have
access to 20–50 liters (5–13 gallons) of safe freshwater a day to ensure their basic needs for
drinking, cooking, and cleaning. Some economists suggest that understanding individual-level
decision-making may increase the effectiveness of economic aid and private entrepreneurship
to reduce global poverty.

More than one billion people today in the global South still live on less
than a dollar per day. Should the elimination or substantial reduction of pov-
erty become a global policy? If yes, how it should be managed? There are at
least three points of view regarding the fight against global poverty. Jeffrey
Sachs (2005), an adviser to the UN from Columbia University, maintains that
the solution lies in large direct investments. Poor countries cannot escape the
“poverty trap” without substantial help from the North. In The End of Poverty,
Sachs argues that poverty would be completely eliminated if the rich countries
would pay around $200 billion for twenty years.
William Easterly (2001; 2006) of New York University and economist
Dambisa Moyo (2010) represent another view. They believe that foreign direct
help may destroy initiative, contribute to corruption, and creates a culture of
dependency instead of private entrepreneurship. The poverty trap, Easterly and
Moyo maintain, is avoidable only if the poor are given freedom and the right
incentives.
Finally, economists Abhijit Banerjee and Ester Duflo (2011) turn to micro-
economics. They maintain that both economic aid and private entrepreneur-
ship may work only if we understand better how the poor make their financial
and economic decisions. Help should be delivered, but the donors should know
 How Do We Apply It? 209

when and how it should be distributed and cases in which local initiatives and
Japan 212
choices should be supported. An important key to success here is education and
access to information. We will return to this subject again in Chapter 9. Zimbabwe 209

GLOBAL INTERDEPENDENCE Greece 167

Developments after the Cold War—and especially the growth of inter national Iceland 133
cooperation and financial transactions—have led to a new economic and po-
litical interdependence (Doremus et al., 1998). Decisions on the national level Lebanon 129
can have a profound impact on others as well. A mortgage crisis in the United
Ireland 128
States in 2008 and a financial crisis in the European Union in 2010 and 2011
threatened the financial and economic stability of much of the world economy. Jamaica 125
Public debt, or the debt of a country’s central government, surpassed many
countries’ GDPs. (See Figure 6.6.) These countries often need substantial inter- Italy 121
national help to avoid a financial disaster. In the case of large economies like Sudan 109
Italy or Japan, international institutions like the IMF are helpless. This chain of
problems could easily result in disastrous financial and economic instability. A
FIGURE 6-6 Public
rising tide may lift all boats, but in stormy waters it becomes dangerous to be debt, percent of GDP,
tied to a sinking ship. selected countries.
On paper, the path to global economic prosperity may look easy. The Source: The Economist,
United States should have an export-led expansion, and it should reduce 2011, The World in 2012, 107.
import-based consumption. Europeans and Asians should slow their exports
and buy more from the United States. The U.S. government should decrease its
spending and increase interest rates. These steps will reduce consumer spend-
ing and encourage savings. However, instead of going down, U.S. government
spending increased dramatically from 2001 to 2012. In the long run, this situ-
ation threatens the position of the dollar as the world’s reserve currency and
further destabilizes world finances. Meanwhile, the Chinese government is
reluctant to permit their currency to rise against the dollar. These measures
would make China’s exports to the United States more expensive, and U.S.
products would cost less in China. However, such policies are difficult to
implement because of China’s surplus-oriented and job-generating strategies.
Instead, unlike the Euro, the Yuan is still pegged to the dollar.
Finally, Europe could reduce interest rates and regulations to promote
investments. It could also trim social programs that weigh heavily on state
budgets. However, lower interest rates would reduce the money supply to
European banks. And cuts in social programs would require serious political
sacrifices, which almost no political parties are willing to accept.

INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTIONS AND THE GLOBAL ECONOMY

Whereas many countries are unwilling to implement tough economic measures
to combat global poverty, every economy is becoming increasingly interdepen-
dent. Does the world therefore need new institutions to take charge of the
global economy and trade? Some suggest that we already have such a system,
but an imperfect one.
Although the IMF, the World Bank, and the WTO are backed by the gov-
ernments of the economically strongest states, they and other international
institutions face strong criticism for the way they operate (Peet, 2009; Blustein,
210 CHAPTER 6: International Political Economy

2009). Critics point to corporate bureaucracy and a lack of transparency. Some

argue that these organizations act largely on behalf of a few wealthy state
members (Stiglitz, 2002) and neglect the increasing importance in interna-
tional trade of countries in Asia, Latin America, and Africa. Countries vote in
global organizations based on their position in the world economy, an ar-
rangement that evokes increasing criticism (Hoekman and Kostecki, 2010;
Rapkin and Strand, 2006).
Loans are another focus of debates. Supporters of the IMF believe that
loans help states of the South create independent economic and banking sys-
tems, develop efficient government institutions, build social infrastructure,
and more. Critics argue, however, that the IMF dictates to sovereign states how
they should run their banking systems and economies (N. Woods, 2007).
The classic assumptions of economic theories may need a fresh look today.
Global trade means the erosion of state power and the increasing influence of
nonstate institutions and even individuals, such as financial speculator George
Soros, a famous philanthropist and sponsor of nongovernment organizations.
Studies show that global corporations can make a profit and contribute to
Go online to social policies at the same time (Hartman and Werhane, 2009). Yet govern-
read about ments may no longer protect their citizens economically, and corporations
George Soros’s Open may choose to benefit their shareholders first before making responsible eco-
Society Foundations. nomic decisions (Madeley, 2009).

ECONOMIC GLOBALIZATION AND CONFLICT

How does economic globalization affect international conflicts? In the first
decade of the 1900s, European economies were growing; countries placed
fewer limits on imports, exports, immigration, and the exchange of products
(Yergin and Stanislaw, 1998). Yet a global war broke out in 1914. Does this ex-
ample mean that globalization cannot prevent another global conflict?
Concerns continue about the possibility of new international conflicts
caused by economic fears. In the United States, some people wonder if China’s
growing economic power will lead to a conflict. Such fears are fed by historical
analogies, but also by the logic of mercantilism. Yet, contrary to some predic-
tions, the early twenty-first century shows that mutual trade creates interde-
pendence and increases the chances for cooperation. And, as we have learned,
mercantilism is often flawed. For instance, according to its logic, future wars
are likely between countries that have vast oil and gas resources (such as Russia,
Saudi Arabia, and the United States) and countries that consume these prod-
ucts but don’t have them (such as Japan, China, or India). In this reasoning, oil
and gas are strategic products that directly affect a nation’s security. However,
nothing says that such a scenario lies ahead these days.

CHECK YOUR What is outsourcing?

KNOWLEDGE Explain the Asian developmental model. Why can’t the United States apply
this model domestically?
What is the main argument of the book The End of Poverty?
What are the differences between macroeconomics and microeconomics?
 Past, Present, and Future: “The Beijing Miracle” 211

Past, Present, and Future:

“The Beijing Miracle”
China’s transformation from a country ravaged by Communist experiments
into an economic and financial giant is a most dramatic story of recent times.
During the century’s first decade, China’s economy grew by up to 9 percent
each year, and its exports increased even faster. China is now the second-largest
exporting country in the world, after quickly surpassing the United Kingdom
and Germany. In 2010, it became the second largest economy in the world,
outpacing Japan. China’s contribution to global economic growth grew from
2.6 percent in 1981 to 9.7 percent in 2001 and may reach 27 percent in 2014.
Even the global crisis that started in 2008 did not affect Chinese ascendancy,
contrary to pessimistic expectations of many economists. If it continues this
way, economists argue, China in twenty years may replace the United States as
the vehicle of international economic development.
For students of international political economy, China’s rise poses impor-
tant questions. What were the domestic and international wellsprings of this
success? Which economic theories and policies “worked” for China? What
impact will China’s rise have on international relations?
China’s “economic miracle” is rooted in the 1978 reforms of the Communist
leader Deng Xiaoping (1904–1997). He broke with Communist dogma by allow-
ing small private property, retail trade, and profit making. More surprisingly,
Deng’s reforms showed that the Communist regime could shift from a state-
directed economy that barred private property to a state-directed economy with
private property—all without significant social disturbances. Chinese politi-
cians and economies learned from the mistakes that contributed to the collapse
of the Soviet Union. Unlike Mikhail Gorbachev, Deng did not combine eco-
nomic liberalization with a shift from one-party rule to democracy. The Chinese
leaders, like Gorbachev, wasted billions of dollars to keep afloat existing state-
run industries. But in contrast to the Soviet leader, they also shepherded the
emergence of a new economy, privately owned and run on market principles.
This economy from the start was
focused on producing consumer goods
for export. At first, China produced
cheap, poor-quality clothing, toys, and
other goods. During the 1990s, however,
Chinese export became technologically
advanced, using Japanese, German, and
American know-how, for instance, to
produce electronic goods and household Soviet leader Mikhail
Gorbachev (L) shakes
durables. As a result of thirty years of hands with Chinese
uninterrupted economic growth, from senior leader Deng
three to four hundred million people, Xiaoping May 16, 1989,
many of them peasants, have risen from in Beijing. Both leaders
poverty to the middle class. inspired and managed
dramatic economic
China became the first big country reforms in their countries
in the global South to move rapidly to with dramatically
the position of an economic superpower, different results.
212 CHAPTER 6: International Political Economy

avoiding many of the social and economic problems that plague other developing
economies on the way up. China has not faced mass unemployment. It has not
become dependent on foreign imports and loans. Instead, China has made the
leading developed states, including the United States, dependent on its exports.
Chinese leaders chose the export-oriented model of East Asian “tigers”—Taiwan,
Singapore, and Hong-Kong—combining the advantages of cheap educated labor
with foreign investments and technologies.
There were several domestic factors behind China’s success. First, China
had a strong authoritarian government, ruled by the Communist party. When
in May 1989, on Tiananmen Square in Peking, thousands of students chal-
lenged the party leadership and demanded democracy, Deng cracked down.
Thousands died, and the Communist leadership continued its economic re-
forms without democratization. Second, China had an almost unlimited
supply of hard-working labor, mostly peasants. Moreover, unlike in most other
poor countries, they were educated, thanks to a compulsory educational
system modeled after the Soviet Union’s in the 1950s. China today also has
one of the largest pools of skilled professionals. Third, this workforce and their
incomes remain under tight control of the party leadership, which maintains
the household registration system in which people must obtain a government
permit to establish residence. All employees in the city have to belong to danwei
(the work unit) and receive their wages and benefits from it, including housing
and medical coverage. Party leadership established a monopoly on large capi-
tal investments through a system of state-licensed banks—above all, the Bank
of China. All peasants and city dwellers must deposit their wages to these
banks. This means that the government still has significant power to regulate
migration and the distribution of benefits. In this way, the Communist Party
can prevent sharp social conflicts and direct a huge pool of Chinese labor
(Gong, 2009), despite millions of illegal migrants from rural areas to cities.
Such arrangements would upset the vast majority in the United States,
where they would quickly be branded as state socialism. In fact, the Chinese
leadership calls its policies “Socialism with Chinese characteristics.” Yet the
party leadership was quick to realize that rigid methods of state control would
fail, and it thus adopted a more sophisticated path to a “harmonious society.”
What economic methods and theories did China use?
Many of China’s policies resemble mercantilism. Under mercantilism,
strong states amassed wealth but also controlled the economy. At the same
time, China’s version of mercantilism worked well only because of its openness
to a Western-built liberal international economic system. If other countries
had practiced mercantilism just like China has done, Chinese export-oriented
growth would have been impossible. (See Figure 6.7.)
Several international factors helped China. First, the United States after
1971 stopped treating China as a Communist enemy. In fact, after 1979 it
began to treat China as a strategic partner in the Cold War against the Soviet
Union. As a result of its improved relations with the West, China successfully
negotiated the return of Hong Kong, a prosperous British colony, to Chinese
jurisdiction in 1997.
Second, China’s alliance with the United States allowed ethnic Chinese
from Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Singapore to invest in the Chinese economy. This
 Past, Present, and Future: “The Beijing Miracle” 213

Radical economic Economic reforms and new

reforms and policies policies: A blend of
based on Marxism liberalism and mercantilism

Self-reliance: Active engagement

Limited in a liberal
international international
trade economic order

Economic backwardness Economic growth FIGURE 6-7 China’s

International isolation International engagement economic policies and
international trade:
A chronological
1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 2015 snapshot.

policy brought massive foreign investments to China’s export-driven economy—

not only from other states, but from individuals and companies as well.
Third, the United States opened American markets to Chinese goods, and
in 1994 President Clinton abolished all restrictions on Chinese exports. The
United States made no systematic attempt to prevent outsourcing of American
high-tech industries to China. Other Western states practiced outsourcing as
well, in competition with the United States.
What, then, can be the impact of China’s growth on international rela-
tions? From a realist point of view, China sooner or later will use its economic
and financial power to achieve political goals. Chinese leaders now realize
that fulfilling their domestic needs demands a more activist global strategy
(Economy, 210a). It could continue to rely on the global free-trade system
while practicing mercantilist goals. China became a member of the World
Trade Organization in 2001, but it often looks at international trade as a one-
way street. Instead of importing Apple’s iPods, Ford trucks, and Heineken, it
seeks to create competitive Chinese models (Aaronson, 2010). As a popular
German journal stated, “China is seeking to engage with the West, but on its
own terms” (Der Spiegel, August 27, 2010). The biggest worry is China’s dogged
reluctance to allow the Yuan to fluctuate in relation to the U.S. dollar and other
currencies. This, economists argue, helps China steal millions of jobs from
countries with high-paid labor (Krugman, 2009).
From a realist perspective, China may also challenge Western security.
The Bank of China in 2010 accumulated almost $3 trillion and bought other
U.S. financial obligations. This makes the financial health of the United States
dependent, at least in theory, on decisions made by the party leadership in
Peking. Chinese military expenditures rose by a factor of eight during the
2000s, reaching $78 billion in 2010, and they continue to grow. It has the
second largest military budget in the world. Of course, the U.S. military budget
is about eight times bigger, but China has the resources to increase its spending
even more. Security experts point to China’s ambitions to control the seas
214 CHAPTER 6: International Political Economy

around it. What would Washington do if China decides one day to take Taiwan
by force?
Liberal economists dismiss these arguments. Chinese economic progress,
liberals argue, has brought hundreds of millions in China out of poverty.
Hundreds of millions of consumers all over the world benefit from the low
price of Chinese goods. During the 2000s China became the engine of eco-
nomic growth elsewhere as well, as China invested in Africa, America, and
Southern Asia (Zoellick, 2012). By this logic, Chinese society will gradually
evolve as a large middle class pushes for political reform. If China practices
neo-mercantilism, that is no more than necessary at this stage to provide stability
(McKinnon, 2010).
China increasingly complies with international organizations and inter-
national norms of behavior. After all, it does not want to contest the basic
rules of the liberal international order (Ikenberry, 2011a, 2011b). Fears of
China’s fi nancial takeover may be mistaken. After all, China provides
American consumers with affordable goods in exchange for “pieces of paper.”
The dollar reserves accumulated by the Bank of China are the savings of
Chinese people—the fruits of their hard work. No Chinese leadership would
risk ruining the U.S. Treasury by “failing” the dollar. Liberals write about the
United States and China as mutually dependent—although some of them
admit that China benefitted from this dependency much more than its trade
partner (Ferguson, 2010).
From the constructivist view, too, China is unlikely to become a global
adversary. China has never pushed for world domination. After decades of
poverty and suffering, China developed a very different national purpose—
achievement and excellence—as an economic, not political superpower. This
may explain China’s extraordinary efforts to modernize everything from air-
ports and superhighways to high-speed trains. The Chinese government
turned the 2008 Summer Olympics in Beijing into a demonstration of na-
tional pride but also modernity. The legitimacy of the party rests ultimately
not on ideology or political promises but rather on economic improvements
and growing consumption. Per capita income in China is barely one-tenth of
America’s (which is close to $50,000). But consumption and living standards
grow every year. In 2009, China became the world’s largest market for
automobiles.
World systems theorists believe that China is bent on replacing the United
States in a few decades as the core of the global capitalist system. Manufacturing
is moving to China from the developed North, and financial resources have
already begun to follow suit. The result could be the replacement of the
“Washington consensus,” based on a neoliberal model of free trade, by a
“Beijing consensus” based on state-run capitalism. These assumptions echo
postcolonial studies, which would expect former colonies to demand an end to
Western global domination (Arrighi and Lu Zhang, 2011). The global financial
crisis gave more credibility to such views. The crisis hit the West; China’s GDP
in 2009 grew by 8.7 percent, largely because the Bank of China provided a
$587 billion stimulus package to the domestic economy. Domestic consump-
tion and construction soared. This was a fine example of Keynesian economic
policies comparable to the Marshall Plan.
 Conclusion 215

Millionaires take part in

a social event at a hotel
in Chengdu in 2012.
China has shown a
remarkable ability to
generate wealth. But
will China’s state-run
capitalism demonstrate
its lasting ability to
generate innovation?
Will China’s political
system embrace
openness?

Liberal economists argue back that China’s state-run capitalism still has to
demonstrate its lasting ability to generate innovation. If the West declines, they
argue, then China’s export would either decline or turn to domestic consump-
tion. Chinese salaries would grow—meaning that China would become more
“Americanized.” Chinese Communist authorities may yet run up against the
global trend toward openness and individualism. Already, China is trying to
reduce its brain drain by offering incentives to its citizens who return to China
after studying in the West. Moreover, top Chinese leaders are reportedly in
training to learn more about world economic trends (Pin-Lin, 2010, 10).
In the absence of political opposition, and with a monopoly on power,
party leaders can make decisions with relative ease. Their real challenge is to
keep economic growth going. And, as history teaches, nothing lasts forever.

CONCLUSION
Economic theories rise and fall with the tides of unique financial, governmental, and social insti-
history. Global interdependence challenges past tutions. For example, India and China did not
theories, formed when a few wealthy states could simply turn to liberal democracy, and Russia’s
define economic and financial policies for others attempts to shift rapidly to both a free-market
as well. For decades, free-market principles worked economy and liberal democracy cost it dearly;
well in Western Europe, Japan, and North America. its productive capacities declined dramatically
In the twenty-first century, many Asian countries and the population suffered. Today’s experience
have adopted free-market policies too. However, suggests that sound economic policies require
“one size fits all” free-market policies can often knowledge of each country’s political, social, and
damage rather than help countries with their cultural conditions.
216 CHAPTER 6: International Political Economy

CHAPTER SUMMARY
• International political economy focuses on nant social class or a few rich states while
how politics and economics interact in an others remain poor.
international context. Political economists • Dependency theory states that the world’s eco-
analyze such activities as production, con- nomic and trade system has been set in a way
sumption, finances, and trade taken in inter- beneficial for rich nations but not for others.
national contexts. • The constructivist view emphasizes the im-
• Mercantilism calls for the accumulation and portance of shared ideals and national iden-
protection of resources in the name of the tities in shaping economic policies.
state, which should maintain a positive bal- • Many economic theories are tested on the
ance of trade. Mercantilism is often linked level of microeconomics, which considers
with realism, as well as with imperialism the behavior of individual consumers, com-
and colonialism. panies, and industries.
• Economic liberalism assumes that only open • Domestic political factors affect a state’s
trade and economic cooperation can lead to economic and financial policies, its interna-
a peaceful and prosperous world. An early tional trade, its surplus-oriented or trade
argument in defense of economic liberalism deficit-tolerant strategies, and the interna-
comes from the principle of comparative ad- tional situation.
vantage, which explains why it is beneficial • In times of peace and prosperity, economic
for two countries to trade with each other in- liberalism gains strength. Dependency theory
stead of relying on their own domestic markets. gained prominence in the postcolonial period,
• According to Keynesian economics, govern- when young states were choosing their own
ments can spend more money than their path of economic development.
revenues allow to decrease unemployment • The growth of international cooperation
by putting money into the economy. Eco- and financial transactions has led to greater
nomic liberalism inspired the creation of economic and political interdependence.
numerous international institutions to facil- Critics of economic globalization and inter-
itate international trade and provide finan- national institutions borrow from conflict
cial stability. and dependency theories. Supporters point
• Conflict theories, including Marxism and to the importance of interdependence and
dependency theory, argue that the world’s the example of China, a major beneficiary of
economic structure unfairly benefits a domi- globalization.

KEY TERMS
Autarky 200 Fiscal policy 193 North (Global) 198
Balance of trade 185 Gross Domestic Product Outsourcing 204
Comparative advantage 192 (GDP) 184 Production 184
Consumption 184 International political Protectionism 187
Currencies 185 economy (IPE) 183 Regional trade
Dependency theory 197 Keynesian economics 192 agreements 194
Economic climate 196 Macroeconomics 192 South (Global) 197
Economic liberalism 191 Mercantilism 188 Tariffs 187
Economic sanctions 187 Microeconomics 200
Fair trade 199 National purpose 196
Visual Review INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL ECONOMY
1. What do we study?
y

INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL ECONOMY KEY CONCEPTS

Interaction of politics and economics in an States’ production, consumption, fi nances, and trade
international context

2. How do we study
y it?

MERCANTILISM ECONOMIC LIBERALISM CONSTRUCTIVISM OTHER THEORIES

• Accumulating • Classical: Free Economic policies • Marxism: The world is
resources production, trade, depend on the social, dominated by a ruling
and consumption political, and cultural class, which owns the
• Protecting domestic
conditions in which major means of
markets • Keynesian:
these policies are production
Governments should
implemented
play an active role • Dependency:
Technology-driven
• Reliance on
developed nations
international eco-
have been receiving
nomic and fi nancial
more benefits from
institutions, as well as
international trade
trade agreements

3. How do we apply it?

THE INDIVIDUAL CONTEXT THE STATE CONTEXT THE GLOBAL CONTEXT

• Political leadership affects Domestic factors affect Global economic and fi nancial co-
economic choices surplus-oriented and trade deficit- operation has led to both greater
tolerant economic policies economic and political interdepen-
• Microeconomics: Behavior of
dence and new tensions and
individual consumers influ-
confl icts
ences international markets

• Compare and contrast mercantilism and economic liberalism.

Critical • Would economic liberals support international trade sanctions, and if so, under what
Thinking circumstances?
• Why are tariffs harmful for international trade? Can tariffs be helpful, and who
would benefit from them?
• Why are the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank often considered a
tool of the global North to dominate the global South?
 CHAPTER

7
CHAPTER OUTLINE
What Do We Study? 221
> Terrorism and Counterterrorism 222
> Why Definitions are Important 222
Debate The Terrorism Label Can
Be Misused 225
> How Terrorism Works 225
Debate Terrorism and Global
Interactions 228
> Terrorism: In the Name of What? 228
Debate Assumptions and Misconcep-
tions About Terrorism, Radicalism,
and Violent Groups 231
How Do We Study It? 231
> The Realist View of Terrorism 231
Debate Power Balance and Terrorist
Attacks in 1914 and 2001 232
> The Liberal View of Terrorism 235
> The Constructivist and Other Views
of Terrorism 237
Case in Point Northern Ireland 238
Debate On Moral Relativism and
Terrorism 240
How Do We Apply It? 241
> The Individual Context 241
> The State Context 243
> The Global Context 246
Past, Present, and Future:
Al-Qaeda 250

CONCLUSION 253

CHAPTER SUMMARY 253

KEY TERMS 254

VISUAL REVIEW 255

Light beams in place of New York

City’s World Trade Center, which
was destroyed in the terrorist
attacks of September 11, 2001.
International Terrorism
All of us have had to pause, reflect, and sometimes change our minds as we
studied these problems and considered the views of others. We hope our report
will encourage our fellow citizens to study, reflect—and act. . . . 
We learned about an enemy who is sophisticated, patient, disciplined,
and lethal.
—FINAL REPORT OF THE NATIONAL COMMISSION ON TERRORIST
ATTACKS UPON THE UNITED STATES, 2004.

L
ANCE CORPORAL FREDERIK E. VAZQUEZ, OF MELROSE
PARK, ILLINOIS, DIED ON JULY 24, 2010, WHILE SUPPORT-
ING COMBAT OPERATIONS IN HELMAND PROVINCE,
Afghanistan. He was twenty years old. Mark Leijsen, a forty-four-year-old
sergeant major from the Netherlands, was killed by a roadside bomb in
Uruzgan province. Petty Officer Second Class Xin Qi, of Cordova, Ten-
nessee, twenty-five years old, died on January 23, 2010, while supporting
combat operations in Afghanistan. He was a medical caregiver. There
are three thousand more names from thirty countries who died since
2001 in “Operation Enduring Freedom” in Afghanistan. More than two
thousand are from the United States. More than four hundred and forty
are from the United Kingdom. One hundred and fifty eight are from
Canada. Forty are from Poland.
When you read these pages, the number of casualties may be up.
What have all of them died for?
On September 11, 2001, a radical group called al-Qaeda carried out
terrorist strikes against the United States. The group destroyed the World
Trade Center in New York and a portion of the Pentagon near
Washington, DC. The terrorists hijacked four civilian airplanes and flew
them into their targets, dying along with their victims. One plane
crashed in Pennsylvania. Fifteen of the hijackers were from Saudi
Arabia, and four came from other Arab countries of the Middle East.

219
220 CHAPTER 7: International Terrorism

The attackers were trained in al-Qaeda camps in Pakistan, Sudan, and

Afghanistan. The Bush administration issued an ultimatum to the
Taliban government, the religious group that controlled Afghanistan at
that time and gave refuge to al-Qaeda. The ultimatum called for imme-
diate delivery of Osama bin Laden and his associates to an American
court. The Taliban offered to try bin Laden in Afghanistan in an Islamic
court instead. The White House rejected the offer, and U.S. and British
troops launched a war in Afghanistan.
The allied troops quickly established control over the country yet
failed to capture bin Laden and destroy the Taliban and al-Qaeda com-
pletely. In 2003 the United States sent troops to Iraq. Meanwhile, the
Taliban, supported by militant groups in western Pakistan, began to
regain control over Afghani territories. It took ten years to hunt down
and kill Bin Laden in his hideout in Pakistan. The U.S. President Barak
Obama pledged in 2012 to withdraw the U.S. troops from Afghanistan
in two years.

Country Total Country Total

Albania 1 Lithuania 1
Australia 38 NATO 10
Belgium 1 Netherlands 25
Canada 158 New Zealand 11
Czech Republic 5 Norway 10
Denmark 42 Poland 35
Estonia 9 Portugal 2
Finland 2 Romania 19
France 86 South Korea 1
Georgia 11 Spain 34
Germany 53 Sweden 5
Hungary 7 Turkey 14
Italy 47 UK 432
FIGURE 7-1
Coalition casualties in Jordan 2 US 2,122
Afghanistan, 2001–2012.
Latvia 3 Total 3,186
Source: http://www
.icasualties.org
 What Do We Study? 221

The military operations triggered by 9/11 had a profound impact

on international relations. The United States and other countries com-
mitted enormous resources to these efforts. Some analysts compared it
to the Vietnam War and predicted that terrorist groups would only
embolden themselves for more attacks against the United States and
other countries. Others, more recently, considered the antiterrorist
campaign accomplished successfully, and urged to end on “the war
on terror” and focus on more pressing problems of the economy and
budget debt. Yet others argued that the struggle against terrorism
should move to the nonmilitary phase when intergovernmental and
nongovernment organizations turn to economic and social issues that
spawn terrorism.
Which argument is stronger? How dangerous is international terror-
ism and how does it affect the world? In this chapter we will guide you
through the theories explaining international terrorism and explore
how states, international organizations, and the entire global system
deal with the challenge.

After reading this chapter, you should be able to: Learning

define terrorism, explaining its logic, strategies, and methods;
explain how states, international organizations, and the entire
Objectives
global system deal with the challenge of terrorism;
distinguish among different views of terrorism and counterterror-
ist policies; and
apply your knowledge about terrorism and counterterrorism
at three levels of analysis.

What Do We Study?
Most states agree that problem of international terrorism needs immediate at-
tention. They only disagree as to how terrorism can be defeated. Journalists
and security experts debate definitions and policies to deal with terrorism.
Governments and international organizations have committed huge resources
to study, understand, and combat it. Thousands of people have died. Many
areas of our lives, including public safety procedures and international travel,
222 CHAPTER 7: International Terrorism

have been altered. In this chapter we will define terrorism, examine its histori-
cal roots, discuss counterterrorism, and critically examine various views of
terrorism and counterterrorism.

Terrorism and Counterterrorism

Terrorism is violence by nonstate actors, such as individuals or groups, to
achieve radical political goals. Terrorism is thus a form of political radicalism—
ideas and methods to produce rapid, dramatic change in the social or political
order. Terrorism can be state sponsored, in that a foreign government can pro-
vide financial, military, or logistical support to terrorists to further its policy
goals. Yet in essence it remains a nonstate phenomenon.
As a means to achieve political goals, terrorism can be viewed as domestic
or international. Domestic terrorism pursues domestic political goals such as
the dismantling of a government or a change in state policies. This does not
necessarily present a direct danger to other states or international organiza-
tions. International terrorism, which is the main focus of this chapter, chal-
lenges international stability by threatening one country or a group of states. It
rejects international law and defies international organizations. It could be the
act of a radical group secretly operating in several countries, and it has regional
or global consequences. The distinctions between domestic and international
forms are imprecise, however; some apparently domestic acts of terrorism have
regional or even global consequences.
International terrorism differs from guerrilla warfare, gangsterism, or
piracy. Guerrilla warfare is political violence by identifiable, irregular combat
units, usually to seize state power, win autonomy, or found new states (see
Chapter 4). Gangsters and pirates may practice random killing, extortions, and
kidnappings, but their goal is not political: It is profit (Boot, 2009). International
terrorism usually sets no limits on violence and targets civilians in the name of
extreme political goals.
States and international organizations develop measures, called counter-
terrorism, to prevent and combat international and domestic terrorism. This is
a government’s policy, with a budget, conducted according to legal rulings, and
exercised by a special agency in coordination with other offices, international
organizations and alliances, NGOs, or independent contractors. In the United
States many federal institutions are involved in counterterrorism, above all the
Department of Homeland Security, the CIA, and the NSA (see Chapter 4). They
gather information, pursue and eliminate terrorist groups, and disrupt their
activities including their financial operations. Overall, more than 1,200 fed-
eral organizations and close to 2,000 private companies have worked recently
on programs related to counterterrorism, intelligence, and homeland security
in the United States alone (Priest and Arkin, 2010a). The price tag of their
operations is measured in hundreds of billions of dollars.

Why Definitions are Important

There are serious consequences to the use of the labels terrorism or terrorist. The
policy choices of states and international organizations often depend on how
terrorism is defined. Also, violent individuals, groups, and governments
 What Do We Study? 223

Armed police hold

a railway bridge
antiterrorist drill in Anhui
Province, China, in 2012.
China had nearly 100,000
commandos, police,
and members of the
military on standby up
to and during the 2008
Beijing Olympic Games
to respond to potential
terrorist attacks.

typically avoid being associated with terrorism and often contest its defini-
tions (Hoffman, 1998; Sloan, 2006).

LEGITIMIZATION OF MILITARY ACTIONS

On the
Because terrorism is considered an illegal form of violence, countries may companion
choose extreme measures to deal with it. By labeling a group an international website, you will
terrorist organization or a violent act as an act of international terror, a govern- find links to terrorist
ment can establish a justification for violent countermeasures, just as in times designation lists, the
of war. Even an invasion of foreign territory can be labeled self-defense if it National Consortium for
targets terrorists. In the wake of September 11, 2001, there was evidence that the Study of Terrorism
the Afghani government provided asylum and created conditions beneficial and Responses to
to the al-Qaeda terrorists. This gave the United States a justification to send Terrorism, and the RAND
database of worldwide
troops to Afghanistan, with full support of the international community (See
terrorist incidents.
Figure 7.1.) Notice that the decision to label an act as terrorism or an organiza-
tion as terrorist remains a prerogative of governments. The U.S. Department
of State maintains an official list of foreign terrorist organizations, which is
regularly updated.

MOBILIZATION OF INTERNATIONAL LAW

International law generally favors cooperation against terrorist groups or states
accused of sponsoring terrorism. In 1988, a terrorist act against civilian Pan Am
Flight 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland, killed 270 people. When it was established
that a Libyan official had been involved, Western countries imposed sanctions
on Libya. Its leader, Muammar Qaddafi, was kept away from international meet-
ings, including UN sessions. Only after Libya formally apologized and offered
compensation to the victims’ families were sanctions lifted (Bergman, 2008).
224 CHAPTER 7: International Terrorism

Also according to international law, individuals suspected of terrorist acts are

subject to extradition, or removal from one country to another (where they com-
mitted their violent acts) to face charges. Many states cooperate with one another
and extradite suspects. In the summer of 2005, for example, the Italian govern-
ment sent a suspect in a terrorist attack on the London underground back to the
United Kingdom. Some governments revoke the travel passports of individuals
accused of terrorist activities (Wright, 2006). Saudi Arabia chose to detain ter-
rorism suspects in specially organized rehabilitation camps (J. Stern, 2010).
Overall, the need to combat international terrorism has created an unprec-
edented network of new bilateral and international military, economic, and
intelligence sharing and financial agreements. In a word, the threat of terror-
ism changed international relations.

JUSTIFICATION OF OTHER POLICIES

Some states may use swift counterterrorist measures questionable from
the viewpoint of international law. For example, after the assassination of
Israeli athletes during the 1972 Olympic Games in Munich by Palestinian
militants, the Israeli government set up a special squad to scout and kill
the perpetrators. The squad frequently acted illegally, using almost the same
violent means as the hunted terrorists. (It was the subject of the controversial
fi lm Munich , directed by Stephen Spielberg.) Countries may also unilater-
ally toughen domestic security laws including street surveillance, passenger
screening at airports, and travel restrictions for foreigners. Some view any
forms of counterterrorism as justifi able because terrorists are “outside the
law” (Klein, 2005). Others disagree on legal grounds. After 9/11 many criti-
cized the U.S. government for suspending normal juridical norms for suspects

The graves of five

murdered Israeli athletes
in Tel Aviv. Palestinian
terrorists kidnapped and
killed 11 Israeli athletes
at the Munich Olympics
in 1972 in a crime that
shocked the world.
Israel launched covert
operations to retaliate
for the murder.
 What Do We Study? 225

DEBATE > THE TERRORISM LABEL CAN BE MISUSED

Because policies are frequently based war. For years, prisoners were kept at the term terrorism? Did you see
on how terrorism is defined, the term a U.S. military base at Guantanamo. American civil liberties endan-
is subject to misuse. First, some gov- This precedent caused serious do- gered by the federal government
ernments use the label to combat mestic and international criticism of after 9/11?
domestic opposition. The Chinese both the George W. Bush and Obama
government used this tactic in Tibet administrations.
to crush public protests against op- Third, governments could use
pressive Communist rule. The Russian the terrorism label to settle per- Search the Web for “We are
government did the same to subdue sonal scores with political or busi- not terrorists” (in quotation
the separatists in Chechnya. ness opponents. By accusing a marks). You will find an amazing
Second, governments may argue group or individuals of terrorist ac- diversity of quotes, speeches,
and statements. Select five cases.
that international law does not apply tivities, a government can delegiti-
What arguments do the authors of
when terrorism is at stake. For exam- mize them in the eyes of the courts
these statements use to separate
ple, after 2001, U.S. authorities identi- and public opinion. themselves from terrorism? If they
fied many suspected terrorists as “il- are not terrorists, what do they call
legal combatants” and disregarded WHAT’S YOUR VIEW? themselves? Why do they need to
the Geneva protocols, which prohibit Can you suggest other examples defend their image, and to whom do
indefinite detention of prisoners of of the actual or potential misuse of they appeal?

in terrorism, keeping them in special prisons, such as at the U.S. base

Guantanamo in Cuba, and even using torture to obtain information. Critics
also claimed that the “Patriot Act,” a set of domestic counterterrorist poli-
cies signed by President George W. Bush in October 2001, limit civic free-
doms at home. In 2013, new facts ignited the debate about the government’s
role in a vast domestic surveillance program.

Define political radicalism. Can political radicalism be nonviolent? CHECK YOUR

How does terrorism differ from gangsterism and guerrilla warfare? KNOWLEDGE

How Terrorism Works

When we ask how terrorism works, we should not only look at methods, such
as suicide bombing. We should look at assumptions and supposed justifica-
tions of terrorists.

ASSUMPTIONS AND METHODS

Terrorists understand that they cannot defeat states and international coali-
tions in an open battle. Governments have intelligence, armed forces, and law-
enforcement institutions. Therefore, they rely on unconventional methods to
226 CHAPTER 7: International Terrorism

cause fear among the population of a targeted country or a group of states

(Chaliand and Blin, 2007). They rely on secrecy and the ability to keep their
cells invisible from the governments. The Internet becomes an asset to terrorist
groups because governments have little control over it (Horgan, 2009, 2).
Terrorist groups are often extremely difficult to infiltrate. Most are in real-
ity networks, or loose collectives. Members of one group may not know mem-
bers from others. Instead of building a formal hierarchical structure, they rely
on loyalty and mutual surveillance. Their sense of collective involvement is
reaffirmed by spiritual and material rewards for devotion—and merciless pun-
ishments for betrayal (Gunaratna, 2002).
Terrorist groups use violence or threats of violence to influence govern-
ments or key decision makers. Government officials are not always the direct
targets. Terrorists often target civilians, including children, using random kill-
ings, bombings in public places, and attacks on television stations or hotels
(Nacos, 2009). Everyone is potentially vulnerable. In September 2004, in the
southern Russian city of Beslan, a terrorist group took more than one thou-
sand hostages, including seven hundred children. The group was demanding,
among other things, Russia’s military withdrawal from the ethnic enclave of
Chechnya. Russian officials in Moscow refused. As a result of the hectic rescue
operation, more than three hundred hostages, mostly children, died.
Future terrorist attacks may attempt to use weapons of mass destruction
(WMD): nuclear, biological, or chemical weapons. A small suitcase nuclear
device in the hands of a terrorist can destroy New York, Washington , Moscow,
Tokyo, or London. Preventing nuclear proliferation and a leak of nuclear know-
how to terrorist organizations, therefore, remains a priority for the interna-
tional community (Howard and Forest, 2008; D. Hoffman, 2010). The Internet
and other communication networks add the possibility of cyberterrorism—
paralyzing attacks online on political, financial, and economic centers. Threats
may range from significant theft of data and disruption of computer opera-
tions to more deadly attacks that destroy entire systems and physical equip-
ment (Gertz, 2011). Cyberterrorism poses a significant threat to a country’s
military capabilities by threatening its logistics network, stealing its opera-
tional plans, or obstructing its ability to deliver weapons on target. Even when
the cyberterrorist is identified, it is difficult to retaliate (Lynn, 2010). We will
address these threats later in the chapter. Table 7-1 summarizes the most
common methods of terrorism.
The face of international terrorism changed irrevocably after September
2001. Before, terrorists usually relied on coercion and extortion to get what
they wanted from governments—while promising not to use coercion in the
future if their demands are satisfied. Negotiations between states and terrorists
were possible (Bueno de Mesquita, 2005). Bin Laden and his associates created
a new brand of terrorism: They aimed to cause a moral and political defeat to
the West and rejected negotiations. It is still not clear if the Taliban just want to
coerce the United States and NATO to withdraw from Afghanistan—or has
more extreme goals and methods.
Terrorists look for publicity or public exposure. By committing an act of vio-
lence, a radical group is likely to attract the attention of millions. This is
 What Do We Study? 227

TABLE 7-1 Methods of Contemporary Terrorism

Methods Examples
Attacks against civilians in public places In 2005, a series of coordinated suicide attacks in
London took the lives of fifty-six people. Prerecorded
statements from the perpetrators claimed that the
attacks were in response to UK participation in the
wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Attacks against military targets In October 2000, two suicide bombers killed
seventeen U.S. sailors and damaged the Navy ship,
USS Cole, in Aden Harbor in Yemen. The terrorist
group al-Qaeda took responsibility for the attacks.
Hostage taking On June 27, 1976, a plane on its way from Tel Aviv
through Athens to Paris with 248 passengers was
taken hostage and landed in Entebbe, Uganda. The
terrorists demanded the release of their fellows—
mostly Palestinians—from various prisons.
Cyberterrorism In May 2007, Russian hackers became enraged by
Estonia’s decision to remove the monument to a
Soviet soldier from World War II from a central square
in Tallinn, the Estonian capital. A massive cyberattack
paralyzed the Estonian government for days.

important for at least two reasons. First, the group may rapidly publicize its
agenda to seek sympathy (Pape, 2003; Pillar, 2001). Second, public exposure
often helps a terrorist group to recruit supporters, sponsors, and new mem-
bers. Copycat terrorist acts may also follow (Coleman, 2004). Figure 7.2 sum-
marizes the tactics of terrorism.

THE “LOGIC” OF TERRORISM

Most terrorist groups use relatively similar arguments to justify their violence.
Terrorism is explained as a method of last resort. Terrorism is portrayed as a
desperate response to an acute problem. Once the source of injustice is

Physical and Pressure to

A terrorist act Satisfying the
psychological yield to the
or a series of demands of
damage caused demands of
terrorist attacks terrorists
by terrorism terrorists

Publicity and Counterterrorist FIGURE 7-2 How

Refusal to yield terrorism and
self-promotion actions
counterterrorism work.
228 CHAPTER 7: International Terrorism

DEBATE > TERRORISM AND GLOBAL INTERACTIONS

A local terrorist act may become a travel, internationalization of

global problem in a connected business, and stationing troops An article from The
Washington Post argues
world because fear can more easily overseas—facilitates terrorism? If
that targeting travel is,
spread. Terrorism can disrupt inter- so, should states close their bor-
unfortunately, eff ective. Also read
national communications, airways, ders? After all, if no country has the article about the influence
tourism, business, commerce, and foreign entrepreneurs, tourists, of terrorism on international tourist
other global networks. and military forces abroad, ter- activities in European Journal
rorists no longer target those of Social Sciences. Find the links on
WHAT’S YOUR VIEW? people. How would you decide? the companion website.
Do you think that globalization—
including ease of international

removed, then violence will end. Terrorists often argue for collective responsibility.
If civilians die in a terrorist act, it is claimed, they paid the price for being on
the side causing injustice. Osama bin Laden, in his Letter to America in 2002,
claimed that those who died in terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001, includ-
ing Muslims, were guilty because they supported U.S. policies as taxpayers and
consumers.
Finally, terrorism is justified as an act of retaliation. Terrorist groups often call
their attacks a payback for grievances. The Marriott Hotel bombing in Pakistan
in 2008 was an act of retaliation from local terrorist groups for Pakistan’s co-
operation with the United States. The two perpetrators of the 2013 terrorist act
in Boston reportedly vented their grievances against U.S. foreign policy.

Terrorism: In the Name of What?

Before turning to terrorism, groups and individuals share certain goals. Such
goals derive from ideologies, or comprehensive principles and beliefs. We briefly
examine four major ideologies that inspired terrorists around the world: anar-
chism, radical Socialism, extreme nationalism, and religious fundamentalism.
(See Table 7-2.)

ANARCHISM
As we saw in Chapter 2, anarchism seeks to create a borderless, peaceful society
of free communes in which people generate and distribute wealth without gov-
ernment control. There are peaceful and violent types of anarchism. In the
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, violent anarchists have used political
assassinations as a means to reach political goals. After an act of terrorism, they
believed, people would rise against injustice and then turn to anarchism. This
never happened, despite assassinations of many world leaders by anarchists.
Anarchism has always been fragmented and poorly organized. A less dangerous
form of anarchism today is the radical antiglobalization movement.
 What Do We Study? 229

TABLE 7-2 Tactics and Goals of Terrorism Driven by Ideology

Ideology Tactics of Terrorism Goals of Terrorism
Anarchism Acts against government officials Destruction of all state institutions.
and civilians to create panic and Creation of a self-governing
paralyze government and society. society of free communes.
Extreme Nationalism Acts against government officials Creation of a nation-state. The
and civilians of another nation to eviction of other ethnic groups.
break their will. Acts against other
ethnic groups.
Radical Socialism Acts against governments, to A new society based on the
unleash a revolution of masses. abolition of private property and
the destruction of privileged
groups.
Religious Fundamentalism Acts against those viewed as A religious revolution. A theocracy
enemies of a religious order. in one country or transnational
religious order.

EXTREME NATIONALISM
In the context of international relations, nationalism is an ideology of terror-
ists trying to create a nation-state. Nationalist militants have used terrorist
methods for many years. In July 1914, in the Bosnian city Sarajevo, Serbian
nationalists assassinated Archduke Franz Ferdinand, heir to the Austro-
Hungarian (Habsburg) throne and his wife Sophia, thus triggering a harsh
response from Austria. The failure of European governments to resolve this
crisis resulted in World War I. Nationalism-motivated terrorism was predomi-
nant throughout the twentieth century. In the twenty-first century this brand
of terrorism declined. One of the most active radical groups remains the PKK
(Kurdistan Workers’ Party). It continues its violent struggle (including terror-
ism) against the Turkish government to create a sovereign Kurdistan.

RADICAL SOCIALISM
Radical Socialism seeks to destroy capitalism and liberal democracy in the name
of social and economic equality (see Chapters 3 and 6). Radical Marxist groups
used terrorist methods early in the twentieth century. During decolonization
in the 1950s and 1960s, many radical Socialist groups in Latin America and
Africa used terrorism and targeted authoritarian governments, which often
relied on Western support. Ernesto Che Guevara (1928–1967), an Argentinean
doctor, believed that random acts of deadly violence would spark revolutions
across Latin America. Another Socialist, Abimael Guzmán, a former university
professor in Peru, formed a radical Maoist group called Shining Path (Sendero
Luminoso) that began a bloody campaign of terror against government
230 CHAPTER 7: International Terrorism

Masked supporters
demonstrate by waving
various PKK flags
and images of jailed
Kurdish rebel leader
Abdullah Ocalan, left,
in the Turkish city of
Diyarbakir, 2013. The
group is responsible
for one of the world’s
bloodiest resistances,
lasting nearly 30 years
and costing tens of
thousands of lives.

institutions and officials (Burt, 2009). Government forces in Bolivia tracked

down, captured, and killed Guevara in 1967. Guzmán was captured and im-
prisoned for life in Peru in 1992.
In the 1970s another spike of Marxism-inspired terrorism occurred in
Europe: the Red Army Faction (RAF) in West Germany and the Red Brigades
(Brigate Rosse) in Italy targeted bankers and government officials to create in-
stability and chaos. In 1978, Italian terrorists kidnapped and killed former
prime minister Aldo Moro. Gradually, the wave of terrorism abated. Some of its
leaders, including RAF’s founder Ulrike Meinhof, committed suicide. Others
were killed or captured. Only a few Socialist groups today use terrorism as a
method of struggle against capitalism.

RELIGIOUS FUNDAMENTALISM
Religious fundamentalism is a set of beliefs and behaviors based on strict ad-
herence to religious principles. Fundamentalist groups have had a long history
of terrorism in India and Pakistan. Many terrorist organizations are inspired
by radical and politicized interpretations of religion. A number of Islamic
groups have organized terrorist acts to advance their political agenda—the
creation of an Islamic state. In recent years, Salafi sm, a radical version of
Islam, has inspired anti-Russian guerrillas in Northern Caucasus (Hahn, 2012).
Al-Qaeda, an international underground network, wants the establishment
of a global Muslim state governed by the Sharia law (Desai, 2007). Jemaah
Islamiyah is a Southeast Asian radical organization attempting to establish an
Islamic state to include Brunei, Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia, and the south-
ern Philippines. The Taliban is a Sunni political movement operating primarily
in Afghanistan and Pakistan and using both terrorism and insurgency to build
 How Do We Study It? 231

an Islamic state in Afghanistan. Hamas is a political movement in Palestine

hoping to create an independent Islamic Palestine; it is still formally commit-
ted to destroy Israel as a state. This group, especially its military wing, has been
engaged in violence and terrorism. Hezbollah is a Shiite group operating from
Lebanon and targeting Israel and its supporters. (Both Sunnis and Shiites are
different branches of Islam.) Radical groups inspired by Buddhism appeared in
Myanmar (Beech, 2013).
This brief classification does not exhaust the long list of beliefs that can
motivate terrorists. Even a belief in the need to protect nature can move some
individuals to violence, or “ecoterrorism” (as we will see in Chapter 8).

Explain the strategic goals of anarchism, Socialism, nationalism, and CHECK YOUR
religious fundamentalism, especially Islamist groups. Can their goals be KNOWLEDGE
achieved by peaceful means?

DEBATE > ASSUMPTIONS AND MISCONCEPTIONS ABOUT TERRORISM,

RADICALISM, AND VIOLENT GROUPS

Labels can be misleading. Test and nonviolent wings in any WHAT’S YOUR VIEW?
yourself on these claims: true or movement from more radical Do your own investigation and
false? wings. provide examples of political radical-
“Almost every fundamentalist or “Violent groups don’t change.” ism and fundamentalism that reject
radical group supports terrorism.” False. Some groups abandon ter- violence.
False. Many fundamentalist groups rorism for the sake of interna-
reject violence. Most nationalist or tional legitimacy. Nationalists
Go to the companion
Socialist groups also categorically often shift from violence to nego- website to learn about
rejected terrorist methods. tiations if they see their ultimate the Hezbollah, or the Party of
“Radical groups disagree about goal, the creation of a nation- God, and discuss whether terrorist
the methods they use.” True. It is state, acknowledged by the inter- organizations change over time—
important to distinguish moderate national community. and if so, how.

How Do We Study It?

The Realist View of Terrorism
Understanding international terrorism has been a challenge to realists. First,
the main focus of realism is not on informal networks, but on power relations
among sovereign states. Second, realism’s models for decision-making often
do not take into account the ideological or religious motivations that drive ter-
rorist networks. Still, realism’s framework of power balance and asymmetrical
threats is useful in explaining international terrorism. Also, realism justifies the
preventive use of force to neutralize terrorist threats.
232 CHAPTER 7: International Terrorism

POWER BALANCE
Nonstate actors can disrupt the balance of power much like states. Inaction in
response to terrorism, realists argue, may weaken a targeted state’s power and
encourage terrorist groups to strike again. Terrorism may thus be used as a
powerful tool of international destabilization.
Let’s return to the 1914 Sarajevo assassination. The Serbian nationalists
who killed Archduke Ferdinand did not act officially on behalf of Serbia, and
the Serbian government condemned the terrorist act. However, the Austrian
government in Vienna should have taken swift action to punish the Serbs be-
cause otherwise it would have encouraged Serbia, and its ally Russia, to reduce
the influence of Austria-Hungary in Europe and in the Balkans. So Vienna made
the fateful decision to declare war on Serbia. An unstable power balance in
Europe, divided into two blocs, contributed to the decision of other countries—
Russia, then Germany, and then France and the United Kingdom—to join the
war. A nonstate group of nationalists had interfered in an international power
balance and achieved an extraordinary result.

ASYMMETRICAL THREATS AND PREVENTIVE ACTIONS

Realism teaches that in a stable world, there is a symmetry, or balance of forces
and threats: An attack by one state could cause a response from other states,
and a balance is restored. Terrorism, however, poses an asymmetrical threat
to sovereign states (Cordesman, 2002). Because terrorists do not represent a
state, countries may find it difficult to identify the perpetrators and retaliate
effectively. Terrorist groups therefore try to provoke governments to overreact
or launch futile responses. Some say that the U.S. reaction to the 9/11 attacks
was also exaggerated and led to a costly “war on terror” without any definite
outcome.
International terrorism may destabilize a balance of forces in unpredict-
able ways: as you can see, the Serbian terrorists provoked European states to go
to war that destroyed the existing international order. Realism maintains that

DEBATE > POWER BALANCE AND TERRORIST ATTACKS IN 1914 AND 2001

Terrorist acts in Sarajevo in 1914 (Serbia and Afghanistan, respec- WHAT’S YOUR VIEW?
and on September 11, 2001, in The tively) harboring terrorists. Both Do you think that the United States’
United States are nearly a hundred wars disrupted the power balance: government responding to the ter-
years apart yet they seem to share in Europe and in the Persian Gulf. rorist attacks of 2001 cared about
some similarities in terms of their After the United States destroyed global balance of power? Would
international dynamics and conse- Saddam Hussein’s Iraq, Iran re- the U.S. standing in the world have
quences. In both cases, nonstate mained the only regional power. weakened if it had not gone to war
groups committed extraordinary We can see why states use military against the Taliban?
acts of violence. Both Austria- power in response to terrorist acts
Hungary and the United States but also why the result of their
went to war against the countries actions is often unpredictable.
 How Do We Study It? 233

Destruction

Disruption of power
Nonstate groups Coercion balance and Instability
asymmetrical threats

Intimidation
FIGURE 7-3 Terrorism
States must react to instability and threats from the realist
perspective.

responses to a terrorist act can drag various forces into a wider conflict, as in
Europe in 1914. (See Figure 7.3.)
In the context of asymmetrical threats, the key realist idea of international
security based on deterrence (Chapter 4) becomes essentially ineffective.
Because states cannot effectively retaliate against terrorism in “an eye for an
eye” fashion, they should instead engage in preventive and punishing mea-
sures. States should use force preventively, whenever a verifiable evidence of an
imminent terrorist threat emerges. Such realist logic influenced decision-making
of the Bush Administration when it decided to attack Iraq in 2003. The United
States has failed to find WMD in Iraq and has not discovered a connection be-
tween Saddam Hussein and terrorist networks. Still, the realist logic prevailed
in guiding Washington’s actions. The UN High-Level Panel on Threats,
Challenges and Change, appointed by the General Secretary Kofi Annan, also
reported in 2004 that countries may conceivably justify the use of force, “not
just reactively but preventively and before a latent threat becomes imminent”
(United Nations, 2004).

COUNTERTERRORISM
Realist strategies for counterterrorism include monitoring and prevention.
Intelligence gathering ranges from electronic monitoring to infiltration into
terrorist organizations. In the United States, more than eight hundred infor-
mation technology companies were not long ago involved in counterterrorism
intelligence (Priest and Arkin, 2010b; 2011). These policies also include elabo-
rate measures to prevent terrorist groups from acquiring sophisticated military
technologies, including WMD.
Other policies are preemptive and punitive. Preemptive policies take action
against terrorists before they strike. These policies range from the physical
elimination of groups to the disruption of their financial operations. Since
2001 scores of al-Qaeda militants have been detained or killed—mostly by un-
manned aerial vehicles (UAV), commonly known as drones. From the realist
viewpoint, such actions do not violate other countries’ sovereignty for two
reasons. First, governments often secretly grant permission for such actions.
Second, some governments, such as in Pakistan, Sudan, or Afghanistan, do not
exercise full control over their territory.
Another set of policies is called homeland security, after the American ex-
ample. The September 11 attacks required a costly refurbishing and expansion
of the U.S. government. New government structures were created to increase
234 CHAPTER 7: International Terrorism

TABLE 7-3 Counterterrorist Policies: Realist Targets and Methods

Targets Methods: Monitoring, Preemption,
and Homeland Security
Camps and other facilities used for Political pressure on governments where such facilities exist; direct
training or to stage a terrorist attack military strikes against camps or facilities
Financial assets of suspected terrorists Confiscation, blocking, or control of assets used to support
international terrorism
Terrorist networks and cells Search and surveillance; operations against the existing networks;
tougher immigration policies
Weapons of mass destruction and Safeguarding the sites where WMD are stored; protection
delivery systems of technologies to prevent their use by terrorists; ensuring
nonproliferation of WMD beyond current nuclear states

the control of borders and immigration, screen millions of visitors, monitor

electronic communications, and investigate suspects. After 2001 and particu-
larly after the 2004 bombing in Madrid and the 2005 bombing in London,
most governments of the European Union implemented tougher immigration
policies, deportation procedures, and other legal restrictions to monitor the
flow of people through EU borders. These policies were aimed at individuals
and organizations suspected of helping terrorist organizations, particularly in
the Middle East and Central Asia. (See Table 7-3.)

A bus destroyed by the

July 2005 terrorist attack
in London. This attack
along with others in the
London underground
took the lives of more
than 50 people. The
British government soon
tightened security and
immigration procedures,
most of which are still in
place today.
 How Do We Study It? 235

In summary, realism assumes that states identify and eliminate the physi-
cal and organizational infrastructure of international terrorism. Realists also
stand for punitive military operations against states that harbor terrorists.
There should be pressure on states that provide financial and political support
to terrorism. The combination of preventive measures and force should take
incentive from the terrorist hands and eventually weaken them.
How can we measure the effectiveness of realist policies? Most obviously,
the absence of new terrorist attacks may indicate that these policies have
worked. There are, however, both obvious and hidden side effects. These
include the high financial costs of counterterrorism, its impact on the econ-
omy, loss of individual freedoms, and the impact on democratic governance
itself. We will address these issues later in this chapter.

The Liberal View of Terrorism

To understand terrorism, liberalism argues, we have to examine the conditions
that breed political radicalism. Terrorism cannot be defeated by military means
alone. It takes understanding the causes of terrorism and using legal means of
international cooperation to defeat it. States combating terrorism are likely to
succeed when they act together to create a better international environment
and engage international institutions and nonstate actors.

UNDERSTANDING CAUSES OF TERRORISM

A key question is why terrorism takes place. Liberalism treats terrorism as a
complex phenomenon exploiting acute social and political problems. This
view finds support in a 1977 UN resolution stating that economic and social
problems cause some people to turn to terrorism. This was not a justification
of terrorism, but an attempt to explain it.
The logic of liberalism is straightforward: People turn to terrorism for a
reason, even if it appears to be a distorted one. Corruption and nepotism in
high offices, chronic unemployment, the injustices of daily lives, and profound
inefficiency in addressing social problems all contribute to radicalism. Foreign
occupation is another serious cause. From the liberal point of view, policies that
address these causes can dry up the reservoir of violent radicalism and isolate
terrorists from the rest of the population that may justify the terrorists’ activi-
ties. It takes time and patience to implement such policies.

CRIMINALIZING TERRORISM
In a liberal point of view, in what is called the criminalization of terrorism, a
democratic society should not apply one set of legal rules for its own citizens
and another set for groups labeled terrorists. The main point is that illegal vio-
lent actions should not cause illegal counteractions. International law can be
used in addition to domestic laws to qualify terrorist actions as crimes and
deal with them using a broad domestic and international consensus (Schultz,
2004). If legal rules are not in place, they have to be set. Inside their countries,
governments should not limit the rights of law-abiding citizens and should
draw a clear line between monitoring terrorist activities and the surveillance of
people’s daily activities. They should coordinate their policies and rely on
236 CHAPTER 7: International Terrorism

Addressing the
causes of violent
radicalism and
terrorism
Identifying the Distinguishing terrorism
root causes from legitimate struggle for
of terrorism liberation or political rights
Using legal
means to
confront it

Seeking a broad consensus

to deal with terrorism Using violent
FIGURE 7-4 Terrorism
means if
from the liberal
necessary
perspective.

international law against terrorist groups and their sponsors. The rule of law,
in the end, is the best way to confront the lawlessness that is the breeding
ground of radicalism and terrorism. (Figure 7.4 shows the steps in analyzing
terrorism from the liberal perspective and choosing the appropriate counter-
terrorism option).

LIBERALISM AND COUNTERTERRORISM

Supporters of the liberal view do not promise quick results. Rather, they em-
phasize gradual improvements. They do not reject military actions against
known terrorist groups and individuals. The difference between the liberal

TABLE 7-4 Fighting International Terrorism: The Liberal Perspective

Target Method of Handling International Terrorism
Violent radical groups Deterrence by propaganda and legal policies.
Differentiation and marginalization of extremists.
Attempts to negotiate with others.
Conditions and root causes of terrorism The improvement of social and economic conditions
of the population, reduction of potential social
support for radical groups.
Terrorist propaganda, justified by nationalist and International condemnation of terrorism, outlawing
other legitimate goals groups that resort to terrorist methods. Support
of national liberation and other legitimate causes
through international organizations.
Anti-Western radicalism, especially Islamic Educational campaigns. Cooperation with
fundamentalism nonextremist Islamic and other religious
organizations. Coordination of policies with local
authorities.
 How Do We Study It? 237

and realist approaches is in the priorities they assign to negotiations, legal

means, and the use of force.
Any action against terrorist groups should be strictly legitimate. It must
be conducted in accordance with international law and include, whenever pos-
sible, international cooperation. Counterterrorist measures should be a combi-
nation of negotiations, law-enforcement operations, and military actions
(if necessary)—all under the guidance of local and international rules. Such
policies should legitimize counterterrorism.
Counterterrorism should include strategic cooperation between states, in-
ternational organizations, and NGOs (Cronin, 2002). Public diplomacy, or the
achievement of policy goals by engagement with the local communities and
elements of civil society, should become an efficient form of counterterrorism.
Public diplomacy seeks to separate terrorist and other radical organizations
from their popular base (Simon and Martini, 2004).
Recent American experience with counterinsurgency (COIN) in Iraq and
Afghanistan in 2006–2013 provided additional facts and new arguments for
the liberal approach. In Iraq a combination of military power and public diplo-
macy eventually lead to the end of a civil war between the Sunnis and the
Shiites. Foreign terrorist groups were either destroyed or driven away with the
help of local communities. At the same time, in Afghanistan, COIN operations
essentially failed. The Taliban was a homegrown movement and its fighters
had a safe haven in neighboring Pakistan. Abject poverty and rampant corrup-
tion played a negative political role. Finally, the mountainous terrain was too
difficult to control (Kaplan, 2012). These facts suggest that the liberal princi-
ples should not be applied without considering the actual social, cultural, and
geographical factors.
Can democratic peace theory help in explaining terrorism and counterter-
rorism? It is obvious that developed democracies do not become “breeding
grounds” of terrorists. Most of the al-Qaeda fighters came from the authoritar-
ian and corrupt Middle East societies, above all Saudi Arabia, Yemen, and
Egypt. Yet we still do not know how exactly democratization helps in defeating
terrorism. It may be, as the critics of democratic peace theory maintain (see
Chapter 2) that the process of democratic transition may actually lead to the
temporary growth of discontent, ideological clashes, and terrorism. We will
discuss this argument in more detail later in this chapter.

What is public diplomacy in combating terrorism? CHECK YOUR

What is the main point of the criminalization of terrorism? KNOWLEDGE

The Constructivist and Other Views of Terrorism

Other approaches focus on different interpretations of terrorism’s causes and
suggest new approaches to counterterrorism. These include constructivism
and conflict theories.
238 CHAPTER 7: International Terrorism

CASE IN POINT > Northern Ireland

International attempts to deal with religious and secular groups, a refer- nationalist passions go beyond eco-
the sources of terrorism in Northern endum, legal reforms, and eco- nomic interests and legal reforms.
Ireland demonstrate a potential and nomic assistance seemed to bear They can flare up at any moment
limitation of the liberal approach. fruit. In the 1990s, the British and and require a very long time to
Northern Ireland, a division of the Irish governments, with the help of pass away.
United Kingdom, suffered for de- Washington, reached a series of
cades from a conflict between agreements that Ireland (the Re- CRITICAL THINKING
Roman Catholic and Protestant public of Ireland and Northern Ire- What means helped to bring sec-
groups. The Irish Republican Army land) could be unified only by toral violence and terrorism in
(IRA) and its successors sought peaceful means—and only if the Northern Ireland under control? Can
to remove British influence from majority of Northern Ireland voted we apply the successful experience
Northern Ireland and used terrorist for it. In 2005 the IRA promised to lay of Northern Ireland in other places
acts to achieve this goal. Patient ne- down its arms for good. Yet interna- like Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria?
gotiations, mediation from other tional agreements could not resolve Why? Why not? Explain your opinion.
governments, the involvement of the problem completely: Violent

IRA terrorist volunteers at a camp near Dublin in 1966. After decades of violence, it appears that
terrorism is finally eradicated in Northern Ireland. Can other countries learn from this case?
 How Do We Study It? 239

Violence is
the solution
A profound to this
problem problem
exists Someone is
responsible
for this FIGURE 7-5 The
problem constructivist view: The
three pillars of terrorism.

THREE PILLARS OF TERRORISM

States and organizations, supporters of constructivism claim, defi ne terrorism
and conduct antiterrorist policies based on their perceptions. As perceptions
change, so do policies. Counterterrorism is a product of social construction: It
is based on ideological beliefs, the quality of information available to the deci-
sion makers, and the way they interpret it. Above all, constructivism attempts
to understand the motivations of terrorists, their identities, and their ideas.
Violent radical groups pursue many different political goals and hold di-
verse creeds. Yet the choice of terrorism has three basic motives. We can call
them the three pillars of terrorism. (See Figure 7.5.)
1. “We see a profound problem.” Terrorists generally believe that some profound
injustice has occurred or is occurring now. It might be a foreign occupation,
ethnic or religious oppression, social and economic exploitation, imprison-
ment of certain individuals, or a devastating military defeat of their country.
2. “We know who is responsible.” Terrorists see their targets as solely responsible
for this injustice. They may identify the source of the injustice as their own
government, a foreign state, a political regime, or the international order in
general. In an ethnic conflict, for example, they see one side as an innocent
victim and the other as a villain. There are no gray areas.
3. “Violence is the solution.” Terrorists believe that only violence can direct atten-
tion to the injustice or even put an end to it. In their eyes, violence should
destroy the source of the injustice, force others to deal with it, and awaken
public attention. Most radical groups pay less attention to what they are going
to do politically after the violent act is “successful” and their goal of destruc-
tion is achieved.

IDEOLOGY, IDENTITY, AND INTERNATIONAL CONTEXT

Constructivists argue that not every case of perceived injustice produces terrorism.
Without a powerful ideology justifying random violence and individual sacrifice,
terrorism cannot exist. The rise and fall of these ideologies should be regarded in
an international context. Consider Japan and Germany after their defeat in World
War II. The United States and other powers occupied both countries for years, and
the Japanese and German people never resorted to terrorism. Why not?
240 CHAPTER 7: International Terrorism

Above all, the war defeat and terrible destruction undermined any support
in Germany and Japan for extreme nationalism. Also, from the viewpoint of
international relations, both countries quickly became allies of the United
States: Americans became their defenders against the Soviet Union and assisted
their economic recovery. As a result, the identity of those countries rapidly
changed: They were no longer defeated enemies but instead became part of “the
free World” and the U.S. allies. Both military defeat and international realign-
ment of these countries helped to marginalize violent nationalist identities.
In contrast, at the end of the twentieth century, the societies of the Middle
East became a meeting point between ideological versions of Islam and the
people who looked for violent identities. The radical versions of Islam, funded
by Saudi Arabia—Wahhabism and Salafism—sought to shape the identity of people
in Afghanistan, Pakistan, and the Northern Caucasus in the 1980s–2000s. The
al-Qaeda ideologues, including bin-Laden, used the wars in Afghanistan and
Iraq to promote an extremely violent type of Islamic identity. They argued that
there was a centuries-long war between “Crusaders” from the West and the
forces of Islam. They regarded the Soviets in Afghanistan in 1980–88, and then
the Americans in Saudi Arabia after 1991, as the “Crusaders” and were deter-
mined to defeat them at any cost.

DEBATE > ON MORAL RELATIVISM AND TERRORISM

The 1972 attack on Israeli athletes avenge his blood, which devoted his WHAT’S YOUR VIEW?
and coaches during the Olympic soul to the Jews, Jewish religion, and Is violence ever acceptable, for ex-
Games was considered in the West Jewish land. His hands are innocent ample, in self-defense? Why or why
a barbaric terrorist act. Heads of and his heart is pure. He was killed as a not and under what circumstances?
most countries condemned it. Yet martyr of God. Return to the definition of terrorism
others refused to do so. The Have you heard the expression, in the beginning of this chapter. In
bodies of the five Palestinians par- “Your terrorists are our freedom your view, are there conditions under
ticipating in the Munich massacre fighters”? Moral relativists even use which terrorism is acceptable?
were flown to Libya, where they the constructivist argument that
were buried with full military terrorists can be either villains or Read more about the events
honors. heroes based on one’s point of leading up to the 1983 attack
in Lebanon: “Chapter 6: Lebanon:
In 1994, Baruch Goldstein, an Is- view. Now try to challenge this
1982–1984,” by John H. Kelly, from U.S.
raeli citizen, walked into a mosque moral relativism. At least two op-
and Russian Policymaking with Respect
in Hebron and killed twenty-nine tions are possible. One is to reject to the Use of Force (1996), edited by
Palestinian worshipers. Although any kind of political violence. In this Jeremy Azrael and Emil A. Payin.
the Israeli government condemned case, every terrorist act becomes Read the New York Times article about
the massacre, Goldstein’s tomb has unacceptable and immoral. The the aftermath of the 1994 Hebron
become a place of worship for many other option is to name conditions attack: “WEST BANK MASSACRE: The
Jews. The tombstone reads: Here under which some forms of vio- Overview; Rabin Urges the Palestinians
lies the saint, Dr. Baruch Kappel Gold- lence are acceptable. In this case, to Put Aside Anger and Talk,” by Clyde
stein, blessed be the memory of the you will justify specific violent acts Haberman, March 1, 1994. See the
righteous and holy man, may the Lord but not others. companion website for links.
 How Do We Apply It? 241

CONFLICT THEORIES
Conflict theories explain terrorism as a form of political struggle against
oppressors. Classical Marxism generally supported terror against the class of
capitalists, supporters of the capitalist system, and governments representing
it. However, disagreements among Marxists persisted about specific policies.
Lenin and the Bolsheviks (see Chapter 3) supported mass terror against “class
enemies” in Russia and in other countries, but not individual acts of terror.
Other disagreements existed between the Soviet Union and newly formed
Socialist countries, such as Cuba in the 1960s and Kampuchea or Ethiopia in
the 1970s. The Soviets did not endorse random killings, kidnappings, and
other terrorist acts committed by radical Communist groups. At the same time
they did not condemn them publicly and supported some of the terrorist
groups financially. Today’s Marxists do not endorse terrorism by Islamic radi-
cal groups but do see it as a reaction to unjust policies. Those who regard inter-
national relations in terms of “North vs. South” may regard terrorism as an
inevitable consequence of the structural inequality in the world; for them,
only radical distribution of resources to the more poor regions can help to
reduce terrorist activities.

Name and explain the three pillars of terrorism. CHECK YOUR

How do moral relativists view terrorism? KNOWLEDGE

How Do We Apply It?

No approach fully explains terrorism. No single theory offers universally effec-
tive methods of counterterrorism. Realism emphasizes security and power
politics but overlooks ideology, social causes, and individual motivations of
terrorists. Liberalism pays attention to terrorism’s causes but often overrates
the chances for cooperation with radical groups. Constructivism helps to un-
derstand terrorists’ motivations and identities, but often lacks practical solu-
tions. The individual, state, and global contexts allow us to compare the
applications of different theoretical approaches.

The Individual Context

How well do theories and hypotheses work to explain the behavior of indi-
vidual terrorists and terrorists groups? Let’s summarize the most significant
findings. At the end of this chapter, we will return for a historical perspective
to the case of al-Qaeda.

THE TERRORIST’S PROFILE

Do terrorists share common behavioral features? Law-enforcement profession-
als have long used behavioral profiling of criminal behavior. Can something
similar be done with terrorism?
The answer is not encouraging. Attempts to create a single universal profile
of the terrorist have so far been unsuccessful. Terrorists come from different
242 CHAPTER 7: International Terrorism

backgrounds and are influenced by many different circumstances. What about

liberal assumption that poverty is the main source of terrorism? Actually, studies
based on statistical analyses have found a complicated correlation between a
country’s economic conditions and individual motivation of terrorists (Krueger,
2007; Abadie, 2006). Most organizers and leaders of terrorist networks never
lived in poverty and even came from well-to-do families (Bernstein, 2009). At
the same time, their “foot soldiers” are still likely to be poor (Pape, 2003).
Studies also contest a popular assumption that most terrorists are deeply
disturbed. Although extreme violence such as suicide attacks seems irrational,
terrorists believe that they act with complete rationality (Crenshaw, 2000;
2010). An individual’s decision to commit a terrorist act appears rational
within its social context: Injustice must be eliminated (Asal and Blum, 2005).
Terrorists tend to believe that their actions have a deeper personal and spiri-
tual meaning. (See Table 7-5.)
Theories of group influence also find empirical support. Mark Sageman
(2004) examined the biographies of members of radical violent organizations.
They were strongly influenced by group pressure from peers. Other studies show
that individuals join extremist groups for the same reasons that people join
gangs—to gain a sense of belonging. Only later do they acquire extremist views
(Horgan, 2009). Refugee camps around Israel and in other parts of the world
are a recruiting ground for terrorism because young people there develop an
overwhelming sense of unity and a desire to fight together for a common goal.

TABLE 7-5 Is There a Terrorist Profile?

Factor Findings
Age Rank-and-file terrorists tend to be younger individuals. Globally, younger people commit
most violent crimes of any nature.
Gender Terrorists are mostly males. Yet women join their ranks frequently and for a variety of
reasons.
Occupation There are no direct links between a person’s occupation and terrorism. Unemployment,
however, is a factor.
Poverty There is no direct correlation between a country’s economic conditions and terrorism.
However, poor people in areas with high levels of unemployment are more vulnerable to
recruitment by radical groups.
Mental illness No evidence exists for elevated rates of mental illness among terrorists. Partial evidence
exists for low self-esteem, depression, and stress-related problems that affect an
individual’s search for glory and martyrdom.
Group pressure Evidence exists for group pressure as a factor contributing to terrorism.
Radical ideology Most terrorists are radicalized in their choice of action. However, radicalization is often a
result of group pressure, not the other way around.
Sources: Crenshaw, 2010; Horgan, 2009; Post, 2004; 2008.
 How Do We Apply It? 243

Moral
Exposure to a radical ideology
rigidity

Cravings Violence
for
Practical opportunity revenge
Idealistic
aspirations

Underlying social or political problem

FIGURE 7-6 The inner world of a terrorist. A young person often grows up under relatively
ordinary circumstances. Then comes a humiliating experience. It may lead to the shocking
realization of society’s injustices. As this individual becomes increasingly alienated from society,
he or she contemplates action to address the perceived injustice. A group or individual then
appears suggesting a radical solution, and violence becomes a moral duty, with an expected
spiritual or other reward (Sageman, 2004).

Casualties among members of these groups only contribute to greater solidar-

ity (Post, 2004).
The constructivist three pillars of terrorism seem to be valid. An individual
is deeply convinced that violence should be committed to address a perceived
injustice. A group or organization then provides the necessary tools and means
to satisfy the craving for destruction and self-sacrifice. (See Figure 7.6.)

REHABILITATION AS COUNTERTERRORISM
The destruction of terrorists and their networks has been a major task of counter-
terrorism. But what do we know about rehabilitation, the process of assisting
someone engaged in radical acts to return to the community? Is it possible to re-
educate and change former radicals? Supporters of liberalism, in theory, believe
in rehabilitation methods, but do they have facts to back their assumptions?
Special “de-radicalization” government centers in Saudi Arabia and Iraq (run
by American Task Force 134) bring cautious but optimistic results. Such centers
base their work on the assumption that many individuals had been radicalized
despite having little knowledge of Islam, politics, and history. With education and
psychological counseling, these people can change their political views. Others
simply need to find jobs (Stern, 2010). How effective are such rehabilitation pro-
grams? Of 120 Saudi nationals who have been repatriated back to their country
from the Guantanamo detention center, about 80 percent went back to normal life
(Boucek, 2009). Others, however, returned to terrorist activities in Afghanistan
and elsewhere. Of course, time and studies are needed to know more.

The State Context

Terrorism is influenced by a variety of domestic factors. In turn, the threat of
terrorism compels countries to amend their policies. We have already seen in
244 CHAPTER 7: International Terrorism

U.S. Presidents George

W. Bush and Barack
Obama on the day
of Obama’s first
inauguration, January 20,
2009. Were there
differences in their views
on terrorism? How were
these views shaped by
their life experiences?

earlier chapters how Presidents Bush and Obama were influenced by domestic
politics. Let’s see how the state context helps understand the complexity of
counterterrorism as well as terrorists’ motivations.

DOMESTIC COSTS OF COUNTERTERRORISM

After 2001, the United States committed considerable resources to enhance
national security. The debates continue about how much the counterterrorism
activities cost the American taxpayers. In September 2011, The New York Times
put the price tag at $3.3 trillion. Independent estimates ranged from $3 trillion
to $5 trillion (Stiglitz, 2011). These calculations included the cost of new gov-
ernment institutions and practices, such as the Department of Homeland
Security and airport security checks, but also the cost of military and nonmili-
tary engagements in Iraq and Afghanistan—and even future medical expenses
of the veterans of these wars.
The debates about the cost of counterterrorism bring us back to the discus-
sion of asymmetrical responses to terrorism. The main goal of international
terrorism, as you remember, is to weaken the international order. Terrorists
also hope to trigger excessive and costly reactions from the countries they
attack. Critics of U.S. counterterrorist policies claim that international terror-
ism in the twenty-first century is succeeding because of the cost Americans pay
to combat it. The attacks of September 11 and the fear they generated caused
 How Do We Apply It? 245

long-term damage not only to the American budget but to the economy as
well. Excessive airport security and visa scrutiny also diminished tourism
to the United States for several years. The aftermath of the attacks brought a
fundamental change to national priorities and policies. Without this shift,
American government would not have fought two costly wars and could have
invested more into its own infrastructure, research, and education.

TERRORISM AS A MEANS TO GAIN STATE POWER

Both realist and liberal commentators rightly mention that not every radical or
fundamentalist group becomes a threat to international security (Cooper,
2004). Nationalist-driven terrorism tends to focus on domestic goals: gaining
autonomy, independence, or establishing a new state. Once the goal is achieved,
the reasons for further violence no longer exist. A study of four hundred terror-
ist groups in the twentieth century found that 124 of them eventually estab-
lished ties to legitimate political parties (Weinberg and Pedahzur, 2003). In
the past thirty years, many formerly radical political groups in Latin America
have renounced violence. In Jordan, the Muslim Brotherhood, which had
renounced violence, gained about one-third of the seats in parliament. The
moderate wing of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt also denounced the use
of violence in 1971 (Herzog, 2006). However, nationalist movements could
transform into terrorist groups pursuing fundamentalist agendas. The low-in-
tensity conflicts fought since the 1990s in the North Caucasus transformed a
secular struggle for independence from Russia into a holy war to establish an
Islamist state (Saradzhyan, 2010).

DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE AND TERRORISM

We already mentioned democratic peace theory and its possible implications
for terrorism. Another issue for discussion is effectiveness of democracies in
combatting terrorist threats. It may appear that authoritarian states can be
more effective: They have fewer constraints than democracies in using harsh
measures against terrorists. Yet history shows that authoritarian regimes
cannot defeat terrorism: They just drive terrorists underground. Authoritarian
states may also use the threat of terrorism as an excuse to attack the political
opposition. For instance, the Chinese government to this day cites the threat of
global terrorism to justify its crackdown on separatist forces in Xinjiang, a pre-
dominantly Muslim region, and Tibet.
Liberal democracies appear more vulnerable to terrorism than authoritar-
ian regimes because of their openness and decentralization. Democracies
often lack a political consensus on how to fight terrorism. We already men-
tioned that after 9/11 critics of the Bush administration claimed that its poli-
cies expanded government prerogatives at the expense of civil liberties. The
phones of terrorism suspects were tapped, their Internet correspondence was
monitored, and habeas corpus (the right to be brought before a judge) was sus-
pended (Ignatieff, 2004). The challenge is to create effective counterterrorist
policies without compromising democratic governance and freedoms.
Yet in the long run democracies tend to resist radical violence more suc-
cessfully than nondemocratic regimes. Democratic means create legitimacy
246 CHAPTER 7: International Terrorism

Volunteers carry an
injured child to safety
after soldiers stormed
a school seized by
heavily armed terrorists
near Chechnya in
2004. More than 300
hostages died, including
156 children, amid
explosions and machine
gun fire. What caused
such a high number
of casualties? We can
blame the terrorists, but
the counterterrorism
operation by the Russian
government was
arguably inept.

and help gain popular support for counterterrorism. The decline of the IRA in
Northern Ireland and the defeat of the Red Brigades in Italy and the RAF in
Germany in the 1970s showed that democratic states could overcome terror-
ism without compromising their democratic principles.
Emerging democracies may be most vulnerable to terrorism because they
lack effective institutions and a functioning civil society. They also are likely to
suffer from corruption, nepotism, and tribalism. Some members of the police,
the security services, and the public may actually sympathize with terrorist
causes. For instance, in Pakistan both democratically elected leaders and the
military dictators there had a poor record of dealing with terrorist groups.
Officials from the Pakistani secret service (SIS) have long supported radical
Islamists in Afghanistan and India. Pakistani domestic politics remain vulner-
able to radical Islamism (Rashid, 2008).

CHECK YOUR Which factors are commonly analyzed in the “terrorist profile”?
KNOWLEDGE If the main goal of terrorist groups is political, why don’t most of them
participate in the legitimate political process?

The Global Context

Assessments of terrorism and counterterrorist policies must also take into ac-
count their global impact. That includes terrorist strategies and the effective-
ness of global counterterrorism. At the same time the global context allows us
 How Do We Apply It? 247

to see how international terrorism challenges or promotes international inter-

dependence—political and economic.

THREATS TO THE GLOBAL ORDER

Do terrorists achieve their goals? Is terrorism effective in disrupting the global
order? The conclusions are mixed. Particularly when the demands of violent
groups are specific and limited, governments tend to cooperate. Sometimes
they even pay ransom money for hostages. Most of the time, however, states
and international organizations refuse to negotiate with terrorist groups,
which do not achieve their political goals. In fact, terrorism is likely to delay
the solutions of international conflicts or social problems:
• The anarchist movement, even at the height of its activities in the nine-
teenth and early twentieth century, failed to destroy government institutions
or establish direct democracy. To the contrary, after World War I, new and pow-
erful authoritarian states arose.
• Socialist radicalism of the 1960s and 1970s attained only limited success.
A global alternative to liberal capitalism never materialized, and “red terrorism”
abated.
• Terrorism has also delayed the resolution of many legitimate claims for
national sovereignty including statehood for Palestinians.

The effectiveness of international Islamic terrorism deserves some discus-

sion. As we already mentioned, the damage of the September 11 attacks was
considerable and lasting. Terrorism and its threats affected the lives of hun-
dreds of millions of people. At the same time, al-Qaeda and similar groups did
not even come close to achieving their global goals. Polls show that religiously
motivated terrorism, because of the destruction it caused for several decades,
had alienated the majority of Muslims even in the areas where it had initially
won many sympathizers (J. Horowitz, 2009). Fundamentalist Islamic move-
ments did not overthrow the authoritarian regimes in the Middle East targeted
by al-Qaeda. Surprisingly, the major threat to these regimes emerged during
the “Arab Spring” of 2011, a series of mass protest actions in many Arab coun-
tries. Islamic groups, like “Muslim Brotherhood” in Egypt, may eventually
come to share power as a result of the Arab revolutions—yet it means that they
begin to be responsible for economic problems and social injustice, not just to
react to it with violent means. Finally, influence of al-Qaeda and similar radi-
cal groups have been in decline all around the Islamic parts of the world
(Husain, 2005; Pew Research Center, 2011).
Neorealists, liberals, and constructivists concur that terrorism will remain
a difficult challenge. However, the international system today is generally
more resilient than in the past, and terrorists cannot trigger a global calami-
tous war, like they had done in 1914. From neorealist perspective, there is a
concert of great powers to act internationally against terrorist threats, even
when some great powers may differ on specific details. Liberals correctly point
to the role of the United Nations and its numerous institutions, as well as a
host of nongovernment organizations: Terrorists may temporarily overwhelm
weak or failing states, yet with the help of international cooperation—not
248 CHAPTER 7: International Terrorism

excluding international intervention—these states no longer remain safe and

lasting havens for terrorists. And constructivists argue that putting aside mili-
tant Islamic fundamentalism, there is a general decline of violent ideologies
around the world. We can only hope that this trend continues.

GLOBAL WAVES
Are there distinct tides and ebbs of terrorism around the world? As we saw ear-
lier, anarchism motivated a wave of terrorism in the late 1800s. A second wave,
inspired by anticolonialism and nationalism, began in the 1920s and lasted for
several decades. The late 1960s witnessed the birth of the terrorist attacks of radi-
cal Communist groups in Europe as well as Sri Lanka, Peru, and Colombia. This
wave dissipated by the end of the last century, but a new wave, mainly religious
terrorism, had already begun in the 1980s (Rapoport, 2001; Post, 2005a).
The willingness of some terrorist groups, particularly Islamists, to embrace
religious martyrdom is a frightening development. In addition, terrorism has
embraced new technologies, including the Internet. Instead of revolvers and
dynamite, terrorists today use sophisticated explosives, civilian aircraft, ships,
and high-speed trains to cause maximum damage to people and infrastruc-
tures. A miniaturized nuclear device could have catastrophic consequences
anywhere at any time. There are serious concerns that Iran, after it develops
nuclear weapons, will pass them on to terrorist organizations. In addition, un-
stable states, such as Pakistan, may not be able to maintain effective controls
over their nuclear facilities.
Will it be another wave of terrorism? Where will it come from? Should we
prepare for a series of nuclear attacks or anticipate a cyber assault against

In Buenos Aires,
Argentina, in 2008,
demonstrators hold
up a sign that reads
in Spanish “No more
terrorism, no more
violence, no more
kidnapping, no more
FARC.” FARC is a radical
terrorist organization
from Colombia.
 How Do We Apply It? 249

financial institutions and communication networks? Preventive policies may

include the use of force. Yet most important, they will need coordinated poli-
cies of all responsible states and international organizations.

Is terrorism an effective tactic of political change? CHECK YOUR

Name three waves of terrorism in history. KNOWLEDGE

GLOBAL COUNTERTERRORISM
September 11, 2001, marked a turning point for global counterterrorism. At
the same time, as a result of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, the public mood
in democratic countries may have swung in the opposite direction. People
become tired of precautions and fear of terrorists. The experience and wisdom,
however, demands that the structures and institutions of global terrorism
should be made more efficient, not dismantled.
Significant international efforts will be needed to strengthen central au-
thority in some countries. Both realists and liberals accept the view that failing
states provide a breeding ground for terrorism. Yemen and Afghanistan are two
examples. Building a stronger state becomes a counterterrorism policy (Boucek,
2010). Another important policy is pressure on political regimes, such as Iran,
suspected of supporting international terrorism.
Part of the solution must come from within countries and regions that
breed radicalism. For example, many Islamic scholars today denounce the
ideology of violence, which, in their view, has nothing to do with Islam and
its basic values. Killing terrorists, as liberals argue and as the U.S. govern-
ment learned in Afghanistan and Iraq, will not end the problem of radical
violence because it feeds on ideologies rooted in deep social and political
problems.
Effective policies should combine several interconnected strategies. One
is the reasonable and multilateral use of force to change the perceptions of
the regional or global balance of power. Another is persistent attention to
social and economic problems that provide mass backing for terrorist radi-
cals. Serious work should be done to reappraise international law and law-
enforcement procedures to criminalize terrorism. There must be coordinated
information policies to encourage others not to glorify violence. Some of
these policies may be ineffective, and tactical corrections will be necessary
(Post, 2005b).
Another important issue in global antiterrorism policies is moral. Are
deadly strikes against known terrorists acceptable if innocent people die as a
“collateral damage”? The New America Foundation (NAF, 2012) estimates that
of all people killed by U.S. drones in Pakistan, from 5 to 10 percent could be
innocent bystanders, including children. This number was higher a few years
earlier when the aerial attacks began.
Effective counterterrorism depends on knowledge of its ultimate targets.
Are we fighting against specific individuals or against the ideologies that inspire
250 CHAPTER 7: International Terrorism

them? Will the physical elimination of a potent radical group solve the prob-
lem of terrorism? To approach these questions, we turn to the case of al-Qaeda.
Understanding its motivations and actions in the past is crucial for building
effective defense, security, and foreign policies of the future.

Past, Present, and Future: Al-Qaeda

The name al-Qaeda (“the base”) is forever linked to the terrorist attacks of 9/11.
Al-Qaeda is an international terrorist network rooted in fundamentalist
Islamic principles. It fights to create a global Islamic state, or caliphate. An ef-
fective way to understand al-Qaeda is to look at the careers and views of its
founders—above all, at Osama bin Laden (1957–2011), who was born and
grew up in Saudi Arabia. His father, born in Yemen, became a prominent real
estate and commercial developer who made hundreds of millions of dollars on
government construction projects in Saudi Arabia and elsewhere. This wealth
and status helped bin Laden to become a leader. Despite opportunities pre-
sented to him by his high social status, bin Laden grew increasingly frustrated
with the Saudi society. From his late teens, the main point of his frustration
was that the society was progressively distancing itself from the fundamental-
ist principles of Islam (Bodansky, 2001). Contemporary music, dance, enter-
tainment, mass media, ideas of democracy and equality between men and
women—all bothered him immensely (Dennis, 2002).
Among those who strongly influenced bin Laden and his future al-Qaeda
associates was an Egyptian fundamentalist thinker Sayyid Qutb (1906–1966),
a member of the Egyptian organization Muslim Brotherhood. Qutb traveled in
the United States and returned home a virulent enemy of American society
and Western cultural influences. He was especially disgusted by social equality
between men and women (Qutb, [1964] 2007):
• A true and just social system can be created only on the basis of the Sharia,
or Islamic law. Islam knows only two kinds of societies, Islamic and un-Islamic,
or Jahiliya. This inferior society—which cares for neither Islamic beliefs, values,
laws, morals, nor manners—is, according to Qutb, the contemporary world.
• A true Islamic society would have no rulers because Muslims need neither
judges nor police to obey divine law. Any secular authority or legal system
must be repulsive to Muslims. Any secular system—authoritarian or demo-
cratic, nationalist or Communist, the free market or a planned economy—is
illegitimate unless it follows the Sharia.
• Muslims should use preaching and Jihad, the duty to wage a holy warto
overthrow secular governments—even if they are ruled by Muslims. As a
result, people will be free from their servitude to other men and ready to
serve God.
• The present Muslim generation had laid down its spiritual arms defeated by
secularism.

From Qutb, the young bin Laden and other founders of al-Qaeda learned
about offensive Jihad, which is the right and duty to inflict violence to advance
spiritual and political beliefs (Coll, 2009).
 Past, Present, and Future: Al-Qaeda 251

KEY FORMATIVE EVENTS

The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 gave a number of young educated
and radical Saudis, including bin Laden, their first battlefield. They began to
raise money and volunteer to fight against the Soviets. This new Jihad, against
foreign invaders supporting the Communist Afghani regime, launched a
“brotherhood” of militants. When the Soviet Union withdrew from Afghanistan
in 1988, these militants considered it their historic victory over “the Satan.” At
this point bin Laden met with Ayman al-Zawahiri, an Egyptian doctor. Born in
1951 to a prominent family, he also was influenced by the ideas of Sayyid
Qutb. Around 1988, al-Zawahiri and bin Laden formed a group, which a
decade later became known as al-Qaeda. Al-Zawahiri provided ideas for its or-
ganizational structure and trained members; bin Laden supplied ideas and
money. This group already aimed beyond the Soviet Union and against the
“Great Satan”—the United States (Wright, 2006).
Bin Laden and his associates interpreted the Gulf War of 1991, in which the
international coalition led by the United States evicted Iraqi troops from
Kuwait, as another “crusade” of the West against Islam. They vowed to expel
American troops from the “sacred land” of Saudi Arabia. Bin Laden grew in-
creasingly critical of the Saudi royal family and government, to the point of
mutual hostility. He had to leave Saudi Arabia and founded a new training base
for al-Qaeda militants in Sudan. After 1996, the Taliban movement seized
power in Kabul, and bin Laden and Al-Zawahiri moved their base to Afghanistan.
From Afghanistan, they planned the attack on the United States.

GOALS AND METHODS

The National Commission on Terrorist Attacks upon the United States (known
commonly was the 9/11 Commission) aptly summed up the essence of al-Qae-
da’s goals and methods: “The enemy rallies broad support in the Arab and
Muslim world by demanding redress of political grievances, but its hostility
toward us and our values is limitless. Its
purpose is to rid the world of religious
and political pluralism, the plebiscite,
and equal rights for women. It makes
no distinction between military and ci-
vilian targets. Collateral damage is not
in its lexicon.” (National Commission
on Terrorist Acts, November 27, 2002).
The main goal of the founders of
al-Qaeda is the creation of a global
Islamic state. As you will remember, Al-Qaeda leader
nationalist groups also pursue the cre- Osama bin Laden in
ation of sovereign states. Yet their goals Afghanistan, from which
are quite different from al-Qaeda’s. To he planned his attacks
achieve a global Islamic state, the entire against targets in the
United States. What
global order must be destroyed. In their places might another
plan, nation-states will disappear, and wave of anti-Western
a new stateless uniform Muslim society terrorism come from?
252 CHAPTER 7: International Terrorism

will emerge. (Compare this with anarchism’s goals.) In the process, several re-
gional caliphates will unify Muslims living in Europe, Africa, and Eurasia. In
particular, caliphates could unify Arab states in the Middle East, North Africa,
the Caucasus, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Indonesia, and Southeast Asia.
The most significant obstacle to these goals, al-Qaeda believes, is Western
civilization, especially its individualism, materialism, secularism, and gender
equality. Followers believe that Western societies are decadent and weak; they
can therefore be terrorized, undermined, and eventually overwhelmed.
This second enemy is the Jews. Al-Qaeda beliefs borrow heavily from the
old conspiracy theories about the Jewish “world dominance,” including their
control of the world’s economic and financial system. Key is the Palestinian
problem, and to solve it the state of Israel must be eliminated; and Israel’s main
supporter, the United States, must be undermined. In speeches, bin Laden and
his associates frequently referred to their enemies as “Jews and Crusaders.”
The third obstacle is corrupt regimes in Muslim countries. Their grip on
power must be weakened and their secular governments eventually abolished.
Although it is a daunting task, enemies can be weakened and defeated with the
right methods.
Al-Qaeda leaders became convinced that, despite America’s strength, the
country was built on a weak secular foundation. Methods of terror could bring
Western civilization down. Terror attacks by suicide bombers (a terrorist tactic
frequently attributed to al-Zawahiri) must strike the West and its allies repeat-
edly and in the most vulnerable places. “We will use your laws against you,”
bin Laden boasted. A weakened West would not be able to support Israel, and
the global system would crumble.

LESSONS
Based on what we know about al-Qaeda, what conclusions and recommenda-
tions can we form related to counterterrorism?
Although some reports portrayed bin Laden as a typical political player
who simply despised America’s policies (Hamud, 2005), most viewed him as
uncompromising and obsessed. In the past, such individuals as Che Guevara
or Guzmán (described earlier in this chapter) were rigid in their judgments
and inflexible in their actions. They were ready to sacrifice their lives for the
sake of an ideological agenda. As for bin Laden, Washington followed the real-
ist logic. It concluded that talks were counterproductive, and President Obama
ordered him killed on May 2, 2011, in a bold operation by U.S. Special Forces.
This decision sparked debates. Should bin Laden have been put on trial? Such
a trial would have brought justice. Yet it would also have given bin Laden a
chance to continue his propaganda. It could have encouraged al-Qaeda to per-
petrate new terrorist attacks in attempts to set its leader free.
The appeal of bin Laden’s extremist views has been diminishing steadily.
(See Figure 7.7.) A 2007 study found that over 80 percent of Pakistanis thought
of al-Qaeda and similar groups as threats to national security—a rise of more
than 40 percent over just a few years (Stern, 2010).
The struggle against terrorism will not be over, even if al-Qaeda’s new lead-
ers are imprisoned or killed. Increasingly, al-Qaeda has turned into a loose
 Chapter Summary 253

Country/Year 2003 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2011

Indonesia 59 36 35 41 37 25 26
Pakistan 46 52 38 38 34 18 —
Jordan 56 61 24 20 19 28 13
Nigeria 44 — 61 52 58 54 —
Turkey 15 5 4 5 3 2 3 FIGURE 7-7 The
declining influence of
Palestinian 72 — — 57 — 52 34 Osama bin Laden before
Territories his death in 2011.
Sources: Horowitz, 2009; Pew, 2011. Source: Juliana Horowitz
(2009) and Pew Research
Center (2011).

network sharing some goals and methods but also finding new ones. Terrorism
is too complex a social and political problem to simply go away. Much depends
on the outcome of the “Arab Spring,” the transformations in the Middle East
Arab countries that began in 2011. If these transformations, for all their set-
backs, generate better economic and social conditions, and encourage an edu-
cated youth, then al-Qaeda will be history. If corruption and injustice prevail,
then the Islamic fundamentalism might inspire new legions of international
terrorism.

CONCLUSION
The global struggle against terrorism cannot suc- law enforcement, education, training, and inter-
ceed if it is not supported by the international national law. It is also necessary to address the
community, nongovernment organizations, and causes of terrorism, including unsettled terri-
public opinion. In their counterterrorism policies, torial disputes, rampant poverty, injustice, and
states should combine a variety of methods— discrimination. This is a task not only for gov-
including military action, surveillance, public ernment but for all of us.
diplomacy, economic sanctions, economic aid,

CHAPTER SUMMARY
• Terroriszm is a form of violent political radi- or a violent act an “act of international
calism by nonstate actors. States, interna- terror,” a government can establish legal,
tional organizations, and NGOs develop political, and moral justification for counter-
long-term policies and short-term measures terrorist policies.
called counterterrorism to prevent and • Terrorist groups use physical violence and
combat international and domestic terrorism. threats of violence to influence governments
• Defi nitions are important. By labeling a and decision makers. They also impose fear
group an “international terrorist organization” on communities.
254 CHAPTER 7: International Terrorism

• Before turning to terrorism, groups and indi- causes of social and economic discontent are
viduals share certain unifying goals. Such removed.
goals derive from ideologies, or comprehen- • Conflict theories explain domestic and in-
sive  principles, to justify their objectives, ternational terrorism as a political struggle
expectations, and actions. These ideologies of the oppressed.
include anarchism, radical Socialism, nation- • There is no a typical social profi le of a ter-
alism, and religious fundamentalism. rorist, but most terrorists share cravings
• From the realist point of view, terrorism is for revenge, moral rigidity, and idealistic
mainly an attempt to disrupt international aspirations.
security and balance of power by asymmet- • Terrorism has roots in domestic politics,
rical threats. social structure, and the economy. In turn,
• Liberalism interprets terrorism as a by-product the threat of international terrorism com-
of cultural, political, and social causes and pels many states to amend their policies and
conditions that breed political radicalism. laws.
• Constructivism stresses the importance of • The effectiveness of terrorism and counterter-
ideological and religious beliefs in the rorism is measured in various contexts. Global
formation of terrorist identity. These factors efforts based on interdependence should im-
can lead to terrorist behavior even when the prove counterterrorism’s effectiveness.

KEY TERMS
Anarchism 228 Criminalization of Nationalism 229
Asymmetrical threat 232 terrorism 235 Preemptive policies 233
Caliphate 250 Cyberterrorism 226 Rehabilitation 243
Coercion and extortion 226 Domestic terrorism 222 Religious fundamentalism 230
Counterterrorism 222 Guerrilla warfare 222 Terrorism 222
International terrorism 222
 Visual Review INTERNATIONAL TERRORISM
1. What do we study?

KEY CONCEPTS KEY STRATEGIES OF TERRORISM KEY IDEOLOGIES OF TERRORISM

• Terrorism: A form of violent • Intimidation • Anarchism
political radicalism by non-
• Coercion and extortion • Radical socialism
state actors
• Public pressure and exposure • Nationalism
• Counterterrorism: Policies
and measures to prevent and • Religious fundamentalism
combat international and
domestic terrorism

2. How do we study it?

REALISM LIBERALISM CONSTRUCTIVISM AND OTHER

• Terrorism disrupts the power • To fight terrorism one should APPROACHES
balance better understand its causes • Terrorism is based on beliefs,
available information and
• Asymmetrical threat • Criminalization of terrorism
interpretations
• Counterterrorism involves • Emphases on broad interna-
• Motives: a problem, an assigned
monitoring and prevention tional cooperation and public
responsibility for the problem,
diplomacy
and absence of non-violent
choices
• Confl ict approaches explain
terrorism as a form of political
struggle against oppressors

3. How do we apply it?

THE INDIVIDUAL CONTEXT THE STATE CONTEXT THE GLOBAL CONTEXT

• No universal profi le of a ter- • Terrorism is influenced by a • Terrorism as a method has a
rorist, yet most crave revenge, variety of domestic factors, mixed record of accomplishing
display moral rigidity, and including its perceived cost its goals
have idealistic aspirations
• Terrorism may be considered • There are several global
• Terrorists’ motivations may as a means to gain power “generations” of terrorism
change
• Democracies and non- • Global efforts should improve
• Political leaders differ in how democracies are affected by counterterrorism’s effectiveness
they understand terrorism and respond to terrorism
and counterterrorism differently

• Compare and contrast terrorism and guerrilla warfare. Give examples.

Critical • Explain why terrorism is an asymmetrical threat.
Thinking •
•
Provide examples of preemptive but not violent counterterrorist policies.
Suggest arguments for and against criminalization of terrorism.
• How and why have the tactics of terrorism changed over time?
• Is it possible to eradicate terrorism completely? Why or why not?
 CHAPTER

8
CHAPTER OUTLINE
What Do We Study? 258
> Environmental Problems 259
Case in Point A Disappearing Sea 259
> Disasters and Accidents 264
> Environmental Policies Today 265
How Do We Study It? 270
> Realism 270
> Liberalism 272
Debate “Environmental Offenders” 275
> Constructivism 276
> Alternative and Critical Views 277
How Do We Apply It? 278
> The Individual Context 278
Case in Point Alarming and Skeptical
Voices 279
> The State Context 281
> The Global Context 283
Past, Present, and Future:
Greenpeace 287

CONCLUSION 290

CHAPTER SUMMARY 290

KEY TERMS 290

VISUAL REVIEW 291

A woman wears a face mask as

she walks in Beijing, China, in
2012. Pollution has been a major
problem in many Chinese cities.
Can this country resolve the
pollution problem alone?
Environmental
Problems and
International Politics
Nature provides a free lunch, but only if we control our appetites.
—WILLIAM RUCKELSHAUS

D
O YOUR HAIRSPRAY AND REFRIGERATOR HAVE ANY-
THING TO DO WITH INTERNATIONAL POLITICS? BELIEVE
IT OR NOT, THEY DO. SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH HAS SHOWN
that certain chemicals in air conditioning and cooling units, known
as aerosol spray propellants, dangerously affect the atmosphere. With
improving living standards and increased consumption in the second
half of the past century, hundreds of millions of people began to use
cooling and heating devices and aerosol sprays. Slowly, the protective
ozone layer of the atmosphere began to deplete, and the sun’s radiation
increased, thus causing skin cancer and many other dangerous conse-
quences. In 1985, twenty leading industrial countries signed the Vienna
Convention for the Protection of the Ozone Layer to regulate some
dangerous chemical substances used in sprays and coolants. In 1987,
forty-three countries signed the Montreal Protocol to stop production
of specific chemicals or reduce them substantially by 1999. Industries
received incentives to phase out old chemicals and develop new, cleaner
products.
Today’s world faces an overwhelming range of environmental chal-
lenges. Coal and oil remain key sources of energy contributing to danger-
ous atmospheric pollution. These dangers are acknowledged not only
by scientists but also by the vast majority of governments around the
world. The international community launched new programs and initia-
tives. A whole new dimension of international relations has emerged.
257
258 CHAPTER 8: Environmental Problems and International Politics

The agreements on the ozone layer were successful because several power-
ful countries agreed to act together. Agreements for today’s environmental
problems appear to be more difficult to reach. Many proposed actions are
vigorously contested. Finding and implementing global environmental
policies may be one of the greatest challenges of our century.
In this chapter, we will discuss how environmental problems and
the debates around them affect international relations and policies of
countries, international organizations, and NGOs.

Learning After reading this chapter, you should be able to:

identify today’s key environmental problems and major policies
Objectives to address them;
explain how environmental problems and the debates surround-
ing them affect international relations;
understand similarities and differences among several approaches
to environmental problems; and
apply your knowledge to analyze individual decisions, state policies,
and global developments on environmental problems.

What Do We Study?
Environmental problems and policies are a relatively new subject in interna-
tional relations. For many years, the consensus was that sovereign governments
had full authority to deal with the land, water, air, and natural resources of their
countries as they pleased. Countries reached agreements on the environment
mostly to get more profits from the extraction and sale of mineral resources.
Even today, states usually do not ask for permission from others to drill for oil
or to burn forests. During the last decades, however, the attitudes of interna-
tional organizations and many states toward environmental problems began to
change fundamentally.
Environmental politics includes the activities of political leaders, parties,
NGOs, scientific laboratories, and others to influence environmental policy.
These policies address at least two types of problems: contamination and depletion.
Contamination is any by-product of human and nonhuman activities affecting
the air, water, and soil. Depletion is the serious reduction of essential elements
of the environment, such as loss of fresh water, clean air, or entire species. As we
will see in this chapter, climate change is mainly caused by one form of contami-
nation called greenhouse gases. At the same time, even ordinary garbage can be
another source of contamination. Natural processes and natural disasters may
cause contamination and depletion as well. (See Figure 8.1.)
 What Do We Study? 259

Air Climate Ozone

pollution change depletion

Changes in
wildlife
Deforestation Acid
rain Water
problems FIGURE 8-1 Main
environmental problems.

Environmental Problems
ACID RAIN
Acid rain is caused by high contents of sulfur dioxide, nitrogen oxides, and other
pollutants in the atmosphere. It can be caused by volcanic activities or biologi-
cal processes in the soil, swamplands, and oceans. Gas emissions in major in-
dustrial and urban areas also contribute to the problem. Acid rain pollutes
lakes and rivers, killing many small life forms, damaging buildings and his-
toric monuments, corroding metal constructions, and affecting crops: A higher
content of oxides in food is dangerous to our health.
Early negotiations regarding acid rain began in the 1970s between the
United States and Canada. Other countries soon signed treaties leading to

CASE IN POINT > A Disappearing Sea

In the 1960s, the Soviet Union began The vast area around the Aral Sea in- the Aral Sea is shared by Kazakh-
an ambitious construction project. cluding river deltas is covered with stan and Uzbekistan. Kazakhstan is
To irrigate cotton plantations and salt and toxic substances as the result attempting to save the northern
other agricultural projects, the gov- of receding water and pesticide part of the sea, already separated
ernment partially diverted two runoff. Thousands of square miles of from the rest of the sea. Uzbekistan
rivers that bring fresh water into dry land have appeared, contribut- will not stop the irrigation of its
the Aral Sea, a body of water shared ing to dust storms and damaging the cotton plantations and is more in-
by Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, two environment of the region even fur- terested in searching for oil and gas
former Soviet republics. The result ther. The people living in the area on the exposed seabed. The deple-
was depletion, as the water supply to experience a shortage of fresh water tion of the sea continues. What role
the sea declined significantly, and and suffer from respiratory and other could the international community
shallow streams quickly evaporated. health ailments. play in this crisis, and what political
By the 1980s, the fishing industry in and economic means can it use? Is
the Aral Sea was in serious decline; CRITICAL THINKING this environmental battle worth
today it is almost destroyed, being Who should be responsible for the fighting?
only 10 percent of its original size. disappearing sea? The territory of
260 CHAPTER 8: Environmental Problems and International Politics

automobile emission controls and the filtration of factory emissions. Because

of these efforts, the problem has diminished in urban areas but persists in
many industrial regions.

AIR POLLUTION
Volcanic eruptions and forest fires have polluted the atmosphere for centuries.
Industrialization and the growth of cities created new sources of pollution—
including coal-burning factories, massive garbage dumps, animal wastes, and
open sewer systems. Smog, an obvious form of air pollution, became unmis-
takable in Europe and the United States in the nineteenth century and later
appeared in big cities all over the world. Not long ago, soot from burning
was detected even in the ices of Greenland and high in the Himalayas
(Economist, 2010).
In the twenty-first century, the largest sources of air pollution are power
plants using coal: They produce almost a quarter of the pollution worldwide.
The second largest cause is deforestation, or loss of forests due mostly to human
activities. Transportation (including planes, ships, and cars), a third source,
produces about 14 percent of emissions. (See Figure 8.2.)
Air pollution causes many respiratory problems, especially in urban and
industrial areas. In 2010, massive forest fires in Russia produced heavy smog
that lasted for weeks over large metropolitan areas; in Moscow alone millions
suffered from heat and smog. Air pollution may also produce more serious
long-term health consequences.

Deforestation
18%

Industries
14%
Heating and
electricity
generation
25% Transport
14%

Other sources Agriculture

11% 14%

FIGURE 8-2 Sources of

air pollution in the world.
Sources: EIA, World waste
Resources Institute. 4%
 What Do We Study? 261

OZONE DEPLETION
The ozone layer is a part of the atmosphere that protects humans and animals
from the sun’s deadly ultraviolet radiation. Scientists have registered a steady
decline in the total amount of ozone in the earth’s stratosphere—an estimated
3 percent per decade since the 1980s. This is called ozone depletion. Ozone
“holes” have appeared over Antarctica and Australia. Research and coordi-
nated international actions have significantly slowed the process by focusing
on a major cause of ozone depletion, the chemicals that are produced naturally
by marine organisms and are used in air conditioning and cooling units, as
aerosol spray propellants, and for cleaning electronic equipment. No country
can create a “shield” to guard its own atmosphere, which makes ozone deple-
tion a global issue (Roan, 1989). As you will remember from the introduction
to this chapter, the Vienna Convention and the Montreal Protocol limited pro-
duction of certain chemicals contributing to ozone depletion.

CLIMATE CHANGE
Climate change is a significant and lasting alteration of global weather patterns
(Gerrard, 2007). It most often means global warming—it means above all the rising
temperatures, but also increasingly frequent abnormalities in climate conditions,
such as frequent storms and devastating heat waves. It has been the most debated
environmental problem of the past twenty years.
The earth’s average temperatures have always fluctuated to some degree. The
earth’s history has included four major “ice ages” as well as warmer periods,
when flora and fauna flourished. For the last thirty to forty years, however, tem-
peratures have been steadily and rapidly rising, reaching the warmest level in

Government ministers
in scuba gear held an
underwater meeting of
the Maldives’ Cabinet
in 2009. The purpose
was to highlight the
threat global warming
poses to the lowest-lying
nation on earth. Do such
symbolic actions make
any difference?
262 CHAPTER 8: Environmental Problems and International Politics

twelve thousand years. Glaciers have lost up to 10 percent of their mass over just
the last decade, and ice that for centuries blocked northern seas is retreating. As
the earth warmed in the last half of the twentieth century, one thousand seven
hundred plant, animal, and insect species moved closer to the poles, at about
four miles per decade (Parmesan and Yohe, 2003).
When did debate over global climate change begin? In 1896 a Swedish
chemist and physicist, Svante Arrhenius, was one of the first to establish a con-
nection between global temperatures and human activities. He calculated that
air pollution from factories could double CO2 levels in the atmosphere in three
thousand years, warming the planet significantly. In 1938, Guy Callendar, a
British engineer, also predicted a global rise in the world’s temperature because
of CO2. Yet those projections were dismissed by the scientific community and
essentially forgotten. Only by the start of the environmental movement in the
early 1970s, the attitudes began to change. The first public hearings on global
warming in the U.S. Congress took place in the mid-1970s. The policy makers,
the scientific community, and ordinary people continue to debate climate
change, its causes, and policies to address it.
What causes climate change? According to the widely accepted hypothe-
sis, climate change is caused by the greenhouse effect , as the sun’s radiation
becomes trapped by the atmosphere, much as in a greenhouse. Instead of the
glass ceiling of a greenhouse, however, this absorption results from pollutants
in the atmosphere, including carbon dioxide (CO2), methane (CH4), and other
so-called greenhouse gases. These gases affect an atmospheric layer that traps
some of the sun’s heat that warms the planet. Burning of fossil fuels caused
the levels of CO2 to increase by approximately 30 percent since the eighteenth
century. At present, a few industrial countries emit more CO2 than do all
developing countries together. (See Figure 8.3.)

3.5
China
3.0
3.0 United States
2.6
European Union (15 countries)
2.5
Russia and former countries of the USSR
2.0 India
Brazil
1.5 1.3 1.2
1.0 0.8 0.7
0.5

FIGURE 8-3 Assessment of gas emissions in 2025 (projected, if no major changes take
place); billions of tons or carbon equivalent. Greenhouse emissions are the by-products of
burning to produce energy, heat homes, cook food, and make machines work. In the 1850s,
the burning of wood generated almost 90 percent of the world’s energy. At the start of 20th
century, coal produced 70 percent of the world’s energy; in the 1950s, oil and coal each had
about a 40 percent share. In the 21st century, oil still generates 40 percent of greenhouse gas
emissions, followed by natural gas (25 percent), coal (25 percent), and nuclear reactions (about
5 percent). Sources: EIA, World Resources Institute
 What Do We Study? 263

Skeptics argue that global warming is caused by a combination of factors,

including not just human activities but also natural processes taking place in
space, on the sun, in the atmosphere, and in the oceans (Jacques, 2009).
Skeptics acknowledge the alarming signs of the major environmental changes
but discount the scope and severity of the consequences. But even skeptics
agree that changes in the ecosystem can have global effects. In the Little Ice Age
of the fifteenth century, the earth’s average temperature dropped by just 1°F
(approximately 5°C). The Thames River in England froze, and Alpine glaciers
touched villages as far south as modern Austria and Switzerland.
Although other factors may impact the temperature, the greenhouse hy-
pothesis has received support from many authoritative scientists. What are the
consequences of climate change? The most dramatic forecasts predict a 10°F
(5.5°C) climb in global temperatures during this century and a 39-inch (1 m)
rise in global ocean levels due to melting ice. Even more moderate forecasts
project a rise of 3 inches (8 cm). Any scenario would have catastrophic conse-
quences for low-level inhabited territories. New Orleans, London, Amsterdam,
and many other cities would have to build storm-surge defenses to avoid flood-
ing. Experts also project more frequent climatic abnormalities including heat
waves, hurricanes and typhoons, as well as severe winters in some typically
warm areas. Prominent politicians supported scientists’ call for the urgency of
addressing climate change.

DEFORESTATION
Deforestation is the massive removal or disappearance, thinning, changing,
and elimination of trees, bushes, and other vegetation (Williams, 2006). Fires
and flooding have caused deforestation throughout history, but these losses
were replenished by natural growth. Humans too contributed to deforestation
for centuries, but during the last fifty years the destruction of forests has in-
creased significantly, as a consequence of agriculture and construction, includ-
ing some of the earth’s largest forested areas—in Brazil, Equatorial Africa, and
Indonesia. In Brazil, the huge Amazonian forests have been shrinking rapidly
since the 1950s because of cutting and burning. Over the past decade, accord-
ing to the United Nations, an area the size of England was converted each year
to other uses, mostly agriculture.
Deforestation contributes to greenhouse gas pollution, soil erosion, and
desertification—the expansion of deserts into places previously available for
agriculture. Desert expansion contributes to illness, hunger, and poverty
(Johnson et al., 2006; Rechkemmer, 2004).

LOSS OF WILDLIFE
Deforestation, urban development, tourism, mining, and commercial hunt-
ing and fishing threaten animal life. Hunters kill rare species of monkeys,
tigers, turtles, and rhinoceros for pleasure or souvenirs. Climate change also
affects animals globally, and many of them cannot adapt to the changing
natural conditions (Schellnhuber et al., 2006). In the last decade, more than
sixteen thousand species were threatened with extinction. If current trends
continue, between 15 percent and 37 percent of species will disappear by
2050 (Thomas et al., 2004).
264 CHAPTER 8: Environmental Problems and International Politics

LOSS OF CLEAN WATER

Chronic droughts, industrial and agricultural activity, and overpopulation can
all lead to water shortages. Today approximately one billion people have no
access to clean running water. Hundreds of millions drink unclean water di-
rectly from nearby rivers. The most troubling problems persist in India, China,
and Mexico. Worldwide, agriculture is the main consumer of water, and the
world’s population is growing. By 2050, if trends continue, the demand for
water for agriculture will double relative to 2000. Another problem comes
from climate change. If the warming trend remains, more ice will melt. The
The disappearance of glaciers in the Tibet-Himalaya area may lead to substantial
International losses of river water for all neighboring countries. Because of changes in
Program on the State weather patterns, the Mediterranean region can expect a drop in precipitation
of the Ocean (IPSO) is a of 25 to 30 percent by the middle of the century (N. Stern, 2007).
consortium of scientists Water pollution is another major by-product of human activity, including
and other experts to
sewage from towns and farms, discharges from power stations, and industrial
identify problems and
develop workable
silt. Rivers, lakes, and even seas are threatened by chemical waste. Especially
solutions to alter the dangerous are toxic heavy metals (such as mercury, lead, and cadmium) and
degradation trajectory oil spills. Unclean water contributes to serious illnesses in humans and kills
of the world’s oceans. living organisms in rivers, lakes, and oceans (Black, 2011; Pearce, 2007).
Find out more on the China’s rapid industrial development has dumped significant waste into major
companion website. rivers, thus creating significant health hazards (Economy, 2010b).

Disasters and Accidents

Natural disasters, such as earthquakes or erupting volcanoes, can have devas-
tating impacts. Yet man-made accidents, too, can have catastrophic environ-
mental consequences. Natural disasters cannot be prevented, but their damag-
ing consequences can be diminished through effective preparations, interna-
tional assistance, and cooperation. For instance, the 2004 tsunami caused a
significant loss of human life in many Asian countries because the affected
countries had almost no early warning systems and lacked many adequate
preparations. The governments could not rescue many victims. Medical help
was often limited. Fresh water was absent, because saltwater and sewage infil-
trated many water reservoirs (Helm, 2005). Although international forces (in-
cluding the United States Navy) provided prompt and effective relief efforts,
The Historical the local governments were often inefficient.
Incidents Accidents or human-created disasters are chemical leaks, radioactive leaks,
database project funded and oil spills. In December 1983 in the Indian city of Bhopal, almost fifteen
by the National Oceanic thousand people died and tens of thousands were injured by toxic gas leakage
and Atmospheric from a chemical refinery owned by a U.S. company, Union Carbide. At least
Administration’s one million people suffered serious health consequences. Union Carbide,
Environmental Services
which settled the case with the Indian government, continues to insist that the
Data and Information
disaster was not an accident but a deliberate act of sabotage (D’Silva, 2006).
Management Office
includes the most The most devastating leak of radioactive materials took place at the
significant oil-spill Chernobyl nuclear plant in the former Soviet Union in 1986. The largest series
disasters since 1978. of oil spills in history took place during the Iraq’s takeover of Kuwait in August
Find the link on the 1990 and the Persian Gulf War in January 1991 between the United States and
companion website. Iraq. Retreating Iraqi troops destroyed Kuwait’s oil rigs, setting fires and
 What Do We Study? 265

Reporters wearing
protective suits and
masks visit the troubled
Fukushima No. 1 nuclear
power plant of the
Tokyo Electric Power Co.
in Okuma, Fukushima
Prefecture, in 2012. Even
wealthy Japan needed
international help to deal
with the consequences
of the tsunami.

creating giant oil lakes. Between six and eight million barrels of oil spilled into
the Persian Gulf. The biggest marine oil spill in history took place in the Gulf of
Mexico in 2010, when an explosion in an oil platform operated by British
Petroleum took the lives of eleven workers. From three to five million barrels of
oil went into the water, causing serious damage to wildlife and contaminating
the U.S. coastline. The economic impact was estimated at between $3 billion
and $12 billion.

What lesson did the 1985 Vienna Convention and the 1987 Montreal CHECK YOUR
Protocol provide for today’s governments and international organizations? KNOWLEDGE
Which environmental problem does the Aral Sea case illustrate?
When and where did the largest series of oil spills in history take place?

Environmental Policies Today

Efforts to protect the environment include regulations and restrictions, green
investment, and more comprehensive policies. Financial regulations, taxation,
economic incentives, and legal directives all play a role.

RESTRICTION AND REGULATION

In 1900 the Lacey Act banned trade in wildlife, fish, and plants that have been
illegally obtained, transported, or sold. This act is effective to this day, and the
266 CHAPTER 8: Environmental Problems and International Politics

last amendment to it in 2008 prohibited import of illegal timber to the United

States. Other policies in many countries regulate legal business activities that
may be environmentally harmful. To reduce deforestation, for example, nearly
40 percent of the Amazon River basin is legally protected, including approxi-
mately 25 percent in private hands. Owners must keep 80 percent of their land
forested. These are examples of conservation—regulatory policies to protect
and preserve natural resources, plant and animal species, and their habitat.
After the 1970s, a growing number of countries including the United States,
Canada, Australia, Sweden, and many others adopted legal measures to pro-
tect hundreds of species on their territories. In 1986 the International Whaling
Commission banned commercial whaling.
Taxation and other financial incentives for environmental protection have
gained recognition as well (Nordhaus, 2008). An example is emissions trading
to limit pollution. Here companies and countries receive “credits,” giving them
the right to emit a pollutant, but only up to a limit. Those who cannot cut
pollution that far are required to buy additional credits from others that pol-
lute less. According to the UN Climate Change Secretariat, emissions trading
could generate up to $100 billion per year for developing countries to invest
in their economies if they reduce their pollution (Fusaro and James, 2006).
(See Figure 8.4.)
The United Nations took up a major initiative to globalize policies on climate
change. In June 1992 the international meeting in Rio de Janeiro, commonly
known as the Earth Summit, produced the UN Framework Convention on
Climate Change (UNFCCC). The goal of this treaty was to stabilize greenhouse
gas concentrations in the atmosphere. Since then, UN conferences on climate
change have met periodically. A milestone was the conference in Kyoto, Japan, in
1997, when the participants signed the Kyoto Protocol to the UNFCCC. Most
industrial countries agreed to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by an average of
6 to 8 percent below 1990 levels from 2008 through 2012. Later governments
agreed to extend the Protocol to 2020.

Emissions
below limits Excessive
emissions

Country A’s
emission Selling credits Country B’s
credits emission credits
FIGURE 8-4 Emissions
trading: Countries that
limit their emissions
can receive financial
rewards; Countries that
fell short of cutting their
Buying credits
emissions pay a penalty.
 What Do We Study? 267

Some countries, small and big, do not participate in the Kyoto Protocol.
Some are ready to cut their emissions but would not participate in emission
trading. Canadian officials argued it was too expensive for Canada to contrib-
ute $7 billion per year—the price of carbon credits for this country—at a time
of economic recession (van Loon, 2011). The U.S. Congress during the Clinton,
Bush, and Obama administrations did not ratify the Kyoto Protocol, and China
refused as well. A major objection was that the required emission cuts would
hurt these countries’ economic situation. Without the participation of the
world’s biggest polluters, the UN effort was incomplete.

GREEN INVESTMENTS
Green investments are business ventures in which companies are involved in ac-
tivities reducing contamination and depletion. Typically, green investments
require governmental policies to stimulate private business. In most cases,
these are investments in environmentally friendly technologies, business
methods, and agricultural practices. Green investments go beyond simple re-
strictions. Many countries, for example, invest in reforestation to make up for
lost trees and other vegetation. In China and Costa Rica, policies are being set
for agriculture: The fewer trees farmers cut, the more trees farmers plant, the
more money they get in form of subsidies. In the same way, geo-engineering
aims at technological solutions of environmental problems (Victor et al.,
2009). One strategy for reducing the existing accumulation of greenhouse
gases involves releasing particles into the air to reflect more sunlight back into
space. Another strategy includes collection and storage of carbon gases from
coal plants. Germany, for example, draws new carbon capture and storage laws

Wind-powered
electricity generators
have become common
in many countries. In
Denmark, 26 percent
of the electricity comes
from wind-powered
generators. In Germany,
the figure is 9 percent.
In the United States,
according to the
Department of Energy,
it is only 3 percent. Why
does the United States
lag behind?
268 CHAPTER 8: Environmental Problems and International Politics

(CCS) to allow companies to store CO2 indefinitely in underground storage

facilities. Regions that host such facilities would receive financial compensa-
tion (German Energy Blog, 2012).
Unlike coal or oil, renewable energy is replaced naturally as fast as it is
consumed (Kemp, 2006). It draws on such alternative sources as wind, the sun,
tides, and geothermal power—the natural heat within the earth. Wind-
powered electricity generators, solar thermal plants, and photovoltaic power
stations are examples of new technologies producing renewable energy.
Between 2005 and 2015, British Petroleum pledged to invest up to $8 billion
in “renewables.” General Electric’s growth strategy, called ecomagination, com-
mits the company to using wind power, diesel-electric hybrid locomotives,
new efficient aircraft engines and appliances, and advanced water-treatment
systems. Another area of investment is biofuels, made from plants, vegetables,
or celluloid (Soetaert and Vandamme, 2009). Brazil has reduced its depen-
India has its
dence on oil and gas by producing biofuels from sugarcane. The Chinese gov-
own Ministry
of New and Renewable ernment makes significant investments in wind technology and electric cars.
Energy. Find the link on India’s recently created National Solar Mission is working to increase dramati-
the companion website. cally the use of the sun’s energy. The government is providing up to 90 percent
What are the ministry’s support for setting up solar power plants. One of the specific goals is to install
main accomplishments? twenty million solar lights around the country.
The costs associated with this “green revolution” are still considered to be
prohibitively high for many countries, especially poor ones. The International
Energy Agency estimated that to reduce global oil consumption by a quarter
and cut global greenhouse gas emissions in half by 2050, the world would
need to invest $50 billion to $100 billion each year in clean-energy technolo-
gies, compared to about $10 billion a year spent recently (Levi et al., 2010).
Even within the European community only the most prosperous countries,
such as Germany and the Netherlands, can afford to spend significant funds
on renewables. Newer members of the community—Bulgaria, Rumania,
Poland, Latvia, Estonia, and Lithuania—have asked for assistance.
Usually the poorer the country is, the less inclined it is to invest in geo-
engineering and renewables. That places increasing pressure on wealthy coun-
tries to provide financial support through loans or grants (Esty and Winston,
2006). The Global Environment Facility (GEF), created in 1991, provides
funds for projects in six areas: climate change, biodiversity, pollution in inter-
national waters, land degradation, ozone depletion, and persistent organic
pollution—such natural contaminants as fish and animal waste (French, 1994).
From the start, the GEF has supported almost two thousand environmental
initiatives in countries that otherwise would not have had the financial re-
sources. About 20 percent of the funding is distributed through nongovern-
mental organizations.
Without coordinated international efforts, the green revolution would be
ineffective. Yet China, Japan, and the United States for many years refused the
leadership role in environmental policies, citing the threat of economic slow-
down. The European Union remains the most active actor in international
environmental politics (see next section).
 What Do We Study? 269

A healthy environmental policy helps countries use natural resources without depleting them

A healthy economy provides the resources to invest in social justice and to fight inequality

As a result of vigorous environmental and economic policies, poverty levels go down,

educational levels grow, and people can pursue a greater variety of choices

Greater resources enable wider political participation, a foundation of democratic society

FIGURE 8-5 Main

Democratic governments continue to support sustainable development conclusions of the Our
Common Future report.

COMPREHENSIVE POLICIES
A more comprehensive policy is sustainable development that meets the needs
of the present without sacrificing the ability of future generations to meet their
needs. This policy is about stimulating economic growth while at the same time
protecting the environment and natural resources (Victor, 2006; P. Rogers et al.,
2007). The idea of sustainable development emerged partly in response to a
1987 report, Our Common Future. Prepared by the UN-sponsored World
Commission on Environment and Development, it argued that helping local
economies, protecting natural resources, and ensuring social justice for all
people are not contradictory but rather complementary goals. (See Figure 8.5.)
The European Union is the world’s leader in designing and implementing
comprehensive environmental policies. Starting in the 1970s, many environ-
mentalist groups began to have a significant impact on Europe’s political life.
From the 1990s, practically all discussions of the EU’s economic development
focused on the environment and sustainable development.
In 2008, the EU Climate Change program established the 20-20-20 targets:
20 percent of the energy consumed in Europe must come from renewable
sources, and countries must reduce gas emissions by up to 20 percent by 2020.
To accomplish these ambitious goals, the EU will have to impose tougher pol-
lution restrictions, encourage low-emission vehicles, expand emissions trad-
ing, and invest in public transportation and low-energy construction. The
main problem is a lack of resources to meet these targets, especially after the
2008 through 2011 financial crisis and economic slowdown. Skeptics also
argue that, even if the 20-20-20 targets are met, their impact on climate change
will be insignificant.
Many unresolved issues remain. It is unclear whether key developing
countries—Brazil, India, and China—will cooperate with UNFCCC initiatives.
It is also unclear how to combine comprehensive, global environmental policies
with many countries’ desire for financial security, economic growth, and guar-
anteed employment.
270 CHAPTER 8: Environmental Problems and International Politics

POLICY IMPLEMENTATION
Environmental policies often run up against the realities of everyday life. The
United States still depends heavily on coal and oil; a switch to renewables is
impossible without a long transitional period and huge investments. Federal
and trade deficits make it extremely difficult to pay for more costly alternatives
to coal and oil. Sweden, despite a three-decade-long ban on nuclear plants,
cannot close its nuclear facilities because there are no realistic and environ-
mentally friendly replacements. A growing demand for energy forces the country
to continue using nuclear reactors. Environmental policies require imagination
and innovation, but there are limits. People continue to buy cars that run on
gasoline—and they are becoming more efficient and less polluting, and, compared
to hybrid and electric cars, still less expensive.

CHECK YOUR Define renewable energy. If the benefits of renewable sources of energy
KNOWLEDGE are obvious, why haven’t all countries switched to renewables?
What is sustainable development? Why do the 20-20-20 EU targets appear
as an example of sustainable development?

How Do We Study It?

Realism
States traditionally struggled for natural resources and considered nature as an
asset to conquer and exploit. Experts and politicians trained in realpolitik ac-
knowledged the environmental issues but still treated them as marginal. In
their view, states maintain environmental sovereignty—the right to use and
protect their environment and natural resources. At the core of environmental
sovereignty is a country’s pursuit of its interests, in light of domestic politics.
After the 1970s, however, realists began to connect the problems of depletion
and contamination to national interests and security threats. It became clear
that uncontrolled use of national resources and inattention to environmental
problems could undermine international stability.

ACCIDENTS, DISASTERS, AND SECURITY

Natural and human-created disasters are serious events affecting security and
military policies, especially if they cause massive casualties and significant en-
vironmental damage. In turn, governments now accept a greater responsibility
than ever for dealing with the consequences. After the 2004 tsunami in Asia
and the earthquake in Haiti in January 2010, several countries committed
their military forces to the rescue operations, and U.S. naval vessels delivered
humanitarian assistance. However, any deployment of foreign troops in another
country, regardless of their mission, can become a source of security concerns,
and international tensions can easily arise.
Environmental disasters may quickly worsen existing social problems, espe-
cially in poor countries like Haiti, triggering political violence and instability.
 How Do We Study It? 271

A titanium capsule
with the Russian flag,
planted on the Arctic
Ocean seabed under the
North Pole in 2007. Two
Russian mini-submarines
descended to the ocean
floor to claim much of
the Arctic’s oil-and-
mineral wealth. Which
countries were most
anxiously observing
Russia’s geopolitical
move?

(We discuss similar cases in the next chapter). Conversely, wars and political
turmoil may have catastrophic consequences for the environment, as the Gulf
War in 1991 demonstrated. Terrorist groups seeking to cause significant damage
may focus on nuclear reactors, chemical plants, hydroelectric stations, or dams
(Levi, 2009). Their protection thus becomes part of a government’s environmen-
tal security policies.
Depletion of natural resources is a potential cause of conflict. Realists
argue that the constantly increasing demands for natural resources, clean
water, and agricultural lands could become a major source of local and re-
gional conflicts. Scarcity of natural resources is often a security issue (Le Billon,
2006). Israel, for example, controls most freshwater reservoirs, including
underground aquifers, in the Gaza and the West Bank. While Palestinians
demand full access, Israel considers water a strategic asset and uses it to put
pressure on the other side. In the 1980s, Turkey began to construct hydroelec-
tric dams using water from the Euphrates River to rotate turbines to produce
electricity. These dams reduced the water flow in Syria, Iran, and Iraq, which
was protested (Homer-Dixon, 1991). More recently, China’s similar projects in
Tibet caused serious concerns in India and other neighboring countries
(Economy, 2010b).

GLOBAL COMMONS
The global commons includes areas not under any one country’s sovereign
control, such as the open ocean, the seabed, the atmosphere, the outer space,
and Antarctica. The idea of the global commons has found global support.
272 CHAPTER 8: Environmental Problems and International Politics

However, commons have also emerged as potential sites of conflict around the
world (Nonini, 2007). Without international restrictions, private companies or
predator states could endanger the environment in the global commons and
deplete its resources. And without international agreements, disputes over en-
vironmental and other policies in the global commons are likely (Grover,
2006). One of such areas is the Arctic: The polar seas began to thaw, thus al-
lowing countries to navigate in the area during summer and explore natural
resources there (Zellen, 2009; Borgerson, 2008). International agreements
have long protected global commons from hostile takeovers and depletion.
This policy has become a strategic priority for the United States and other de-
veloped democratic states.
The 1959 Antarctic Treaty prohibits any economic exploration and mili-
tary operations, including nuclear tests, on the sixth continent. No country
may claim a territory in Antarctica. Additional agreements regulate research,
economic, and military activities on the continent. For example, the 1991
Madrid accord bans coal mining and oil exploration in Antarctica for fifty
years. Some business activities such as tourism are allowed, so long as they are
regulated and the profits are shared. In the realist view, denying privileged
access to Antarctica benefits international security because it maintains the
existing balance of power.

CHECK YOUR What is environmental sovereignty? Give an example.

KNOWLEDGE What are global commons? Give examples.

In sum, supporters of realism acknowledge the importance of environ-

mental policies and international environmental cooperation. At the same
time, realism continues to view environmental issues in the context of security
interests and the balance of power.

Liberalism
Liberal models treat environmental issues as requiring a sustained and coordi-
nated international effort. Unlike realism, liberal internationalism treats envi-
ronmental policies as a central feature of modern-day international relations.
As you will remember from earlier chapters, many liberals claim that the de-
structive nature of contemporary wars should make them obsolete as a policy
option. Similarly, the depth and scope of today’s environmental problems
should change the traditional, power-driven approach to international poli-
tics. Liberals strongly believe in environmental agreements, institutions, and
the involvement of nongovernment organizations (Harris, 2004).

INTERNATIONAL TREATIES AND ORGANIZATIONS

An early wave of environmental treaties came in the 1970s. They were mostly
regional, signed by countries with shared concerns about contamination, con-
servation, and the protection of endangered species. The Amazon Cooperation
 How Do We Study It? 273

Treaty of 1978 provided guidelines to eight Latin American countries for

water use, transportation, environmental research, tourism, and commercial
developments in the Amazon region. In Western Europe, with the help of
newly formed green parties, Environmental Action Programs (EAP) were
launched. Governments allocated funds for massive cleaning efforts in rivers
and lakes. In one successful international action, countries banned chloro-
fluorocarbons (CFCs) in aerosol spray cans and refrigerators in response to
ozone depletion.
From the very start, the most ambitious goal of environmental advocates
was to develop a global policy framework under the UN umbrella. In 1973, the
United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) was founded, with its head-
quarters in Nairobi, Kenya. Its activities covered protection of the atmosphere
and global ecosystems, the promotion of environmental science and educa-
tion, and an early warning and emergency response system in cases of environ-
mental disasters. UNEP has developed guidelines and treaties on international
trade in harmful chemicals, cross-border air pollution, and contamination of
international waterways (UNEP, 2010). In 1988, the United Nations funded
the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) to evaluate the most
recent science and human activities related to climate change. During the
1990s, the agenda of international environmental politics broadened. Now it
included global environmental agreements. We have already discussed the
1992 UN Conference that created the UNFCCC. For the first time, a true global
environmental institution was formed, with 172 countries participating. Ten
years later, the Earth Summit of 2002—the World Summit on Sustainable
Development—took place in South Africa.
The signing of the Kyoto Protocol in 1997 was a shining moment for global
environmental politics (McGovern, 2006). More than 190 countries later ratified
this agreement and pledged to reduce their emissions of carbon dioxide and five
other greenhouse gases. Many countries considered emissions trading. The next
decade, however, was largely disappointing for environmentalists and their sup-
porters. Powerful forces in the United States, China, Canada, and other countries
began to view emerging environmental policies as a threat to their countries’
economic interests. Skeptics attacked the environmental movement, warning
that climate control would end in a global bureaucratic regime and huge expen-
ditures without effect (Lomborg, 2010).
Despite the global financial crisis and recession of the past decade, global
environmental politics has not waned—just the contrary. In April 2009 the
leaders of the United States, China, the European Union, India, Russia, and
twelve other major economic powers, as well as the United Nations and
Denmark, created the Major Economies Forum on Energy and Climate (MEF).
The group made a strong effort to boost the UNFCCC negotiations, culminat-
ing in a December 2009 conference in Copenhagen. The Copenhagen Accord
set several important goals. First, the countries pledged to keep global tem-
peratures from increasing to more than 2°C (3.6°F) above preindustrial levels.
Next, they promised to allocate up to $100 billion a year by 2020 to help
developing countries deal with climate change. They also promised transparency:
assured methods so that others could verify whether they are cutting emissions.
274 CHAPTER 8: Environmental Problems and International Politics

Finally, the accord required that all but the poorest countries produce specific
plans for curbing emissions (Levi, 2010a).
The 2010 Cancun Agreement by 193 countries confi rmed the key goals es-
tablished by the Copenhagen Accord. To achieve those goals, industrialized
You can access countries would have to cut their emissions between 25 and 40 percent com-
descriptions
pared with 1990 levels by 2020. These cuts would be voluntary and subject to
of the Kyoto Protocol,
international inspection. A new Green Climate Fund under UN auspices was
the Copenhagen and
Cancun Agreements, established, to manage billions of dollars in support of climate action (Levi,
and assessments of their 2010b). The major problem remains: Facing financial and economic difficul-
impact on policies and ties of the past several years, countries remained reluctant or unable to cut
the environment on the their emissions when significantly faced with domestic political and economic
companion website. pressures.

NONGOVERNMENT ORGANIZATIONS
Environmental NGOs fi rst emerged to advocate environmental policies in
areas neglected by the public or the government. Some, like Greenpeace,
choose provocative and attention-grabbing strategies (see the concluding
case). Others, like the Sierra Club and The National Audubon Society, focus
on education. The Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) is named after
a successful media campaign against air pollution in large Indian cities.
Partly because of this group’s pressure, the government decided to use com-
Visit the
pressed natural gas as the main fuel in the capital city’s buses and taxis. Still
companion
website to learn more
other NGOs focus on funding. The GEF, for one, provides grants to develop-
about nongovernment ing countries for projects that benefit the global environment and promote
environmental sustainable developments in local communities. The GEF helps countries
organizations that have address such problems as biodiversity, greenhouse gas emissions, pollution
appeared during the last in international waters, land degradation, the ozone layer, and persistent
decade. organic pollutants.
NGOs, according to liberal theories, advance democratic governance
and represent a wide range of interests and opinions not represented in large
bureaucratic structures. They also monitor environmental policies and reveal
problems that governments often overlook or ignore. NGOs enhance aware-
ness about environment problems, educate and influence the public, and
launch direct actions. At the same time, some environmental NGOs developed
a controversial reputation. See the concluding case of “Greenpeace” at the end
of this chapter.

PUBLIC AWARENESS
In a democratic society, public opinion should affect policy-making, and edu-
cation can shape public opinion. The more people know and care about the
environment, the more supportive they are of environmental policies. The
liberal view thus favors sustained educational efforts and public discussions
about the environment.
Global public opinion despite fluctuations is generally warming up to en-
vironmental issues. In a 2009 Pew global survey, majorities in twenty-three of
twenty-five surveyed countries agreed that protecting the environment should
 How Do We Study It? 275

The mall of the Emirates

in Dubai, UAE, includes
an artificial mini ski
resort and is a shopping
and recreational
paradise. Critics admit
that this mall consumes
too much energy to
entertain just a few
consumers. How
should governments
of countries labeled
“environmental
offenders” address the
criticism?

be given priority, even at the cost of slower economic growth and job losses.
Many were willing to pay higher prices to address climate change—54 percent
of those surveyed in Canada, 41 percent in the United States, and 88 percent in
China (Pew, 2009). In the United States, according to Gallup surveys, in 2012,
55 percent of Americans worried a great deal or a fair amount about global
warming; 45 percent worried “only a little” or “not at all” (Gallup, 2012). Specific
economic circumstances, however, affect public opinion. During an economic
slowdown, most Americans prioritized economic growth (54 percent) over envi-
ronmental protection (36 percent; J. Jones, 2011).

DEBATE > “ENVIRONMENTAL OFFENDERS”

The World Wildlife Fund (WWF) production of vegetables, fish, WHAT’S YOUR VIEW?
assesses consumption habits in fruit, or rice and to absorb waste. What is the main point of such a list,
different countries and publishes The United States was the second- and how effective is the publication
a list of “environmental offend- worst “offender,” with a require- of the list? If you reduce your per-
ers.” The residents of the United ment of 9.6 hectares. The average sonal consumption habits, will it
Arab Emirates (UAE) top the list. global requirement, according to affect the environment in any mea-
Each person in the UAE needs 12 the WWF, is 2.2 hectares per surable way? Why or why not?
hectares (30 acres) of biologically person, but the available supply is
productive land and sea to sus- only 1.8 hectares. Go online to learn more about
tain life—area needed for the the World Wildlife Fund.
276 CHAPTER 8: Environmental Problems and International Politics

CHECK YOUR What are the key differences between realist and liberal views of
KNOWLEDGE environmental policies?
The Kyoto Protocol obliged their participants to do what?
In which ways would public awareness affect environmental polices
of governments?

Constructivism
Why did international environmental politics emerge only in the last decades
of the twentieth century and not earlier? Policies stem from social and political
debates and reflect people’s changing values and identities and new awareness
of the environment.
Mastery values encourage individuals to exercise control over nature and
exploit its resources. Harmony values encourage a different attitude—one of
Visit the preservation and care (Smith and Schwartz 1997). In the constructivist view,
companion both harmony and mastery values affect the environmental policies of differ-
website to learn more ent countries and in different periods.
about intellectual
For centuries, mastery values dominated politics. They were behind poli-
movements in
cies of rapid industrialization and the extraction of natural resources in the
philosophy, art, sociology,
and science that reflect twentieth century. Market competition and mass consumption reinforced
harmony and mastery mastery values in democratic societies, but these values influenced Communist
values: utilitarianism, countries as well. Harmony values, in contrast, encourage conservation and
progressivism, environmental protection. They are attached to concerns for the common good
romanticism, and others. inherent in liberal democracy.
International environmental policies are most effective when they adjust
to local political, social, and cultural contexts and address local concerns.
Environmentalism is strong in the Canadian province of Quebec, which gener-
ates eco-friendly hydroelectricity that it sells it to other provinces and the
United States. Elsewhere, environmental policies often run into local resis-
tance. In Indonesia, many African countries, and Brazil, peasants oppose at-
tempts to ban slash-and-burn farming—a method of farming that contributes to
deforestation and air pollution—because they desperately need new farm-
lands. To stop slashing and burning, the structure of the local economies must
change. New jobs for local farmers are needed, which requires significant in-
vestment. Other countries can help if they face no serious economic problems
themselves. But during a recession, investments decrease.
Strong resistance to environmental policies in the United States is a more
complicated case, but it too points to the connections among politics, values,
and economic interests. Power companies and carmakers are not thrilled about
policies limiting gas emissions because they may limit profits. The Bush and
the Obama administrations allowed the use of new technologies like hydraulic
fracturing. “Fracking” may be questionable from the environmental point of
view, but it could make the United States self-sufficient in terms of oil and gas
in a few years. Environmental policies are even more difficult to implement in
countries exporting oil, gas, and coal. Saudi Arabia, Russia, and other oil and
 How Do We Study It? 277

gas producers are genuinely interested in having other states dependent on

these energy sources. A reduction in oil consumption due to environmental
policies will mean a loss of profit.
Constructivism argues that changing the structure of economic incentives
should go hand in hand with enhancing environmental education and aware-
ness. However, changing values could be a more complicated task than intro-
ducing new taxes or restructuring the Latin American agriculture.

Alternative and Critical Views

For conflict theories, economic discrimination is embedded in today’s interna-
tional environmental politics. Environmental discrimination refers to actions
and policies by wealthy countries of the global North that sustain the contami-
nation and depletion of the environment of the global South. Facing tough
environmental policies at home, corporations continuously moved their
industrial facilities to less-developed countries and shipped toxic waste
there for inexpensive recycling (Grossman, 2007). Most climate control efforts
contribute to global inequality. Rich countries can afford to slow production,
cut emissions, and adopt tough conservation measures. However, poor coun-
tries would suffer from tough new regulations, which would depress their
economies. These countries were not given a chance to develop in the past be-
cause of colonialism. Environmental policies imposed by the North would
have a similar effect.
Critics of imperialism and colonialism argue that, for centuries, powerful
Western nations ignored environmental policies while depleting the natural
resources of the rest of the world. Today, the disparity in consumption of energy
between the rich North and the poor South is staggering. The United States has
less that 5 percent of the global population, but it consumes almost 25 percent
of the world’s energy. On average, U.S. residents consume six to ten times as
much energy as do people in rapidly developing countries like India and
China—and twenty times as much as people in poor states like Bangladesh.
What would be a solution? There should be global environmental justice based
on the equal protection from environmental problems and a fair distribution of
environmental benefits (Walker, 2009). The main investment in global environ-
mental policies should come from the North (Roberts and Parks, 2006). Because
wealthy countries remain the main consumers of energy and the chief global
polluters, they should cut their emissions first. This should allow less-developed
states to increase energy consumption and develop their economies. Some
scholars argue that such policies will be impossible to implement unless major
structural changes take place. Today’s environmental problems, they maintain,
have their root in the inability of the capitalist system to address the accelerat-
ing threat to life on the planet (Magdoff and Foster, 2011).

Compare mastery and harmony values. Can it be a compromise between CHECK YOUR
these two sets of values? KNOWLEDGE
What is slash-and-burn farming? Could you suggest an alternative to it?
278 CHAPTER 8: Environmental Problems and International Politics

How Do We Apply It?

The Individual Context
In the United States, former senator and vice-president Albert Gore received
the Nobel Peace Prize for his global environmental advocacy. Yet the president
of the Czech Republic, Vaclav Klaus, openly criticized “global warming hyste-
ria.” What makes political leaders strong defenders or entrenched skeptics of
environmental policies?

ENVIRONMENTALISM AND SKEPTICISM

Views of the environment can be understood as a continuum. (See Figure 8.6.) On
the one side of this continuum is environmentalism, the belief in the necessity of
urgent and comprehensive actions to protect the environment. Environmentalists
support conservation of natural resources, push for measures against contamina-
tion, and endorse sustainable development. They believe that many environmen-
tal problems are urgent, and the earth’s natural resources are limited (Cullen,
2010). Commercial activities harmful to the environment should be regulated or
banned. Environmentalism is associated with harmony values and a belief in
growth through preservation. Environmentalism is also rooted in progressivism, or
the belief in deliberate social action for the sake of the common good. This social
action must be ecologically sound. Environmentalists also insist that the world
should do significantly more to protect the environment (Davis, 2007).
At the other end of the continuum is environmental skepticism. Skeptics
are likely to adopt mastery values and to believe that environmental policies
require a more cautious, balanced approach (Lomborg, 2004; 2007). They sup-
port conservation on a smaller scale and believe in the priority of business and
market forces over government regulations (Walley and Whitehead, 1994).
Skeptics maintain that other serious problems including genocide, diseases,
and hunger should receive more urgent care than the environment.
Political leaders’ education, family experiences, and other circumstances
contribute to their choices. Al Gore’s concern for nature was enhanced by his
experience as a student, when one of his professors made him aware of rising
global temperatures, and as a father, when his son was hit by a car and recovered

Robust Environmental
environmental polices should be
policies are carefully chosen
necessary

Earth’s Earth’s
resources are resources are
limited plentiful
Environmental
Environmental problems need
FIGURE 8-6 The problems are urgent time to be
spectrum of attitudes: evaluated
Environmentalism
and environmental Environmentalism Skepticism
skepticism.
 How Do We Apply It? 279

Former German Foreign

Minister Joschka Fischer
presents his new book in
Berlin, Germany, in 2011.
He was the leader of the
Alliance ‘90/The Greens
when this movement
grew into an even more
powerful political force
in Europe.

CASE IN POINT > Alarming and Skeptical Voices

Contemporary environmental dis- disaster. In fact, Lovelock believes but the results would be negligible
cussions resemble the longtime that if nothing is done during the (Lomborg, 2010). His organization,
debate between cornucopians (a next fifty years, global warming will the Copenhagen Consensus Center,
reference to the “cornucopia,” or make most of the planet uninhabit- supports cost-efficient environmen-
horn of plenty), who believed that able, and civilization will perish. tal policies.
natural resources are practically Lovelock proposes, among other
limitless, and neo-Malthusians, the things, urgently switching to nuclear CRITICAL THINKING
followers of the nineteenth-cen- energy and building giant pipes to This debate, like the debate between
tury British scholar Thomas Robert transfer carbon dioxide from the at- the neo-Malthusians and the cornu-
Malthus (1766–1834), who pre- mosphere to the ocean. copians, appeals to both emotions
dicted that the inevitable depletion Bjørn Lomborg, a Danish politi- and common sense, but it is not
of natural resources would gener- cal scientist, calls himself a “skeptical always based on solid research. Aca-
ate conflicts (Homer-Dixon, 1991). environmentalist.” In Cool It (2007), demics and mainstream environ-
James Lovelock, a British environ- he admits that the environment is ment experts hesitate to support
mental scientist, drew wide atten- under serious stress, but more re- Lovelock’s doomsday scenarios, and
tion for his Gaia hypothesis, named search and thinking are needed they question Lomborg’s expertise.
after a Greek goddess. Every grain of before launching multibillion-dollar Still, the publications of both authors
sand, drop of water, or breath of air is projects. If the European Union continue to attract great public
a particle in this immense, interde- adopts all the policies it wants to attention. Why do you think this is
pendent structure—a structure control noxious emissions, he says, happening? Where do you per-
whose disturbance could lead to it would cost taxpayers $250 billion, sonally stand in this debate?
280 CHAPTER 8: Environmental Problems and International Politics

only after a coma. Environmentalism often finds reinforcement in religious

values. Evangelical environmentalism treats environmental problems and climate
change in particular as a serious moral issue. Many members of all religions be-
lieve people have a spiritual duty to protect the environment (Jenkins, 2008).
Scientists and politicians often disagree about the gravity of environmen-
tal problems. They also argue about which policies should be launched to deal
with these problems. However, it is incorrect to portray environmental debates
as a battle between government bureaucrats—old, conservative, and unedu-
cated “dinosaurs” eager to ignore environmental problems—and young, pro-
gressive, and talented activists. In fact, over the past twenty years, there has
been a significant change in environmental attitudes: State leaders are increas-
ingly susceptible to the arguments and demands of environmental groups.
Individual leaders may change their views, too. Large and small countries alike
are more likely to conduct robust environmental policies because of a major
shift today from mastery to harmony values among ordinary people and the
governing elites. Education has sparked awareness and brought changes in the
ways both regular people and politicians see the environment. The political
climate is warming toward environmental issues even faster than the global
temperature is rising.

A SENSE OF MISSION AND LEADERSHIP

The success of international environmentalism testifies to the role of individ-
ual scientists, activists, and political leaders. When Rachel Carson published
Silent Spring in 1962, warning about the use of pesticides in agriculture, the
book became an immediate sensation, affecting the views of millions. Some,
like the Canadian ecologist Bill Darnell, came to environmentalism because of
their opposition to nuclear war and nuclear testing. Darnell came up with a
powerful combination of words, green and peace, and cofounded one of the
most famous environmental organizations, Greenpeace.
Many student radicals of the 1960s saw environmental protection as soci-
ety’s next frontier, and many of them later became prominent politicians. Brice
Lalonde, leader of the French National Union of Students, established Friends
of the Earth. Daniel Cohn-Bendit and Joschka Fischer, prominent European
politicians and legislators, helped in 1981 to write the political agenda for the
Green Party in Germany. In the United States, President Jimmy Carter became
a convinced environmentalist because of his experience as an engineer on a
nuclear submarine and a farmer in Georgia. In May 1977, he proposed a host
of environment policies, ranging from conservation to new energy research. To
set an example, Carter installed solar panels on the roof of the White House to
heat some of its water boilers. At the dedication ceremony in 1979, he pre-
dicted that these panels would supply “cheap, efficient energy” twenty years
later (Biello, 2010).
In Europe, environmental policies have had support from conservative
and liberal political leaders; in the United States, personal views have mattered
more. When Ronald Reagan came to power, many of Carter’s environmental
programs were discontinued. The solar panels on the White House were dis-
mantled in 1986 and sold at auction. After Al Gore became vice-president in
 How Do We Apply It? 281

the Clinton administration in the 1990s, he did much to revive a federal envi-
ronmental agenda. When George W. Bush was in the office, he was unenthusi-
astic about the Kyoto Protocol and treated the UNFCCC with strong reservations.
President Obama attempted to return to a more active environmental agenda
after 2009 but later redirected his priorities due to the country’s economic
problems (Tumulty, 2011).

The State Context

Why do political leaders in Germany and Sweden enact proactive environmen-
tal policies, regardless of the political party in office? Why do China and the
United States frequently appear not to do enough? Domestic politics plays a
strong role, including political institutions and political behavior (Economy,
2010b; Kamieniecki and Kraft, 2007).

NATIONAL PURPOSE AND PARTISAN POLITICS

Sometimes countries reduce their sovereignty in exchange for fi nancial bene-
fits. They agree, for example, on debt-for-nature swaps. These are international
deals allowing a financially struggling state to designate an area for environ-
mental conservation in exchange for, say, a reduction in its foreign debt. The
World Wide Fund for Nature pioneered the idea of building national parks in
exchange for fi nancial incentives. In Guatemala, the $24-million debt-for-
nature swap should protect the tropical forest for many years. Guatemala’s debt
to the United States was invested in conservation efforts (ENS, 2006).
The environment’s place in a country’s priorities depends on how that
country sees its national purpose. For three decades, starting in the late 1940s,
China defined its national purpose in terms of industrial development and
rapid economic growth. Chinese Communists believed the environment must
be put into the service of the revolution. Forests had to be felled, mountains
leveled, and rivers reversed in their courses (Shapiro, 2001). As a result, the
Chinese government did not consider depletion or air and water pollution to
be urgent problems. More recently, the Chinese Communist Party changed its
environmental strategies. It initiated a plan to become 20 percent more energy
efficient by 2010 and continue beyond that target (Dutta, 2005). To date, the
results of this policy are inconclusive.
The United States has gone through policy cycles, depending on national
purpose and priorities. This “seesaw” environmental history can be explained
not only by individual presidents but also by the ideological polarization be-
tween the two major political parties—especially after the 1980s. The
Republicans have defined national purpose primarily in terms of economic
liberalism and rejected most federal intervention. They argue that strict envi-
ronmental regulations could weaken American businesses and make the
United States less competitive with other countries (McGovern, 2006). In con-
trast, the Democrats see national purpose in terms of economic regulation and
robust environmental policies. They argue that green policies will create jobs
and help to avoid serious future problems. There is no bipartisan agreement
on environmental policies in Washington, and none is likely to emerge any
time soon. At the same time, as we have mentioned, both Bush and Obama
282 CHAPTER 8: Environmental Problems and International Politics

Police block a large

crowd at the scene of
environmental protests
in the town of Haimen,
China, in 2011. Citizens
protested against a coal-
fired power plant they
claimed was a health
hazard.

administrations agreed to support new methods of drilling for oils and gas.
Such methods promise energy self-sufficiency.
Partisan divides on environmental issues are associated with ideology and
politics. In democratic societies, parties associated with social-democratic pro-
grams tend to support environmentalism to a greater extent than conservative
groups. In many European countries, Green Parties have gained strength and
won seats in legislatures. Meanwhile parties supporting industrial interests are
usually skeptical about environmentalism. Agricultural parties maintain a
mixed position: They support environmental protection but oppose costly reg-
ulations. The balance in partisan politics can shift considerably, depending on
a country’s economic situation: With high unemployment and a stagnant
economy, environmental concerns are often put aside. Economic prosperity
allows more people to support dynamic environmental policies.

THE DEMOCRATIC CONTEXT

Democratic context can be favorable or unfavorable to environmental policies.
Already in the 1970s, when the international environmental movement
emerged, its opponents called it “elitist.” The majority of voters may not under-
stand adequately the scientific arguments behind environmental policies, but
immediately see that they are expensive. In times of economic and financial
recession, the general public tend to vote for their pockets more and listen less
to the warnings of environmental scientists.
In democracies, policies that require state appropriations also require sup-
port from voters. A major problem is a gap between the knowledge gathered by
 How Do We Apply It? 283

environmental scientists on the one hand and general public on the other
(McCarthy, 2011). And there are too many interest groups that doubt environ-
mental studies and criticize their conclusions as either unreliable or exagger-
ated. Also the high cost of the proposed international environmental actions
alienates many voters who fear losing their jobs or do not want to pay for these
policies from their own pocket (I. Murray, 2008).
In non-democracies, environmental activism faces significant problems
including censorship and suppression. In 1995, the Nigerian military govern-
ment executed “Ken” Beeson Saro-Wiwa, a prominent activist who exposed
environmental abuse committed in his country by oil companies. This reminds
us that environmental activities, protected and even encouraged in democratic
countries, may be dangerous in authoritarian and corrupt states. In democra-
cies, where the media and public opinion carry more weight, environmental
policies are debated more openly than in countries run by authoritarian
regimes. Highly publicized public protests and petition campaigns halted the
construction of nuclear power plants in many European countries. In the
1980s, media-driven public pressure against the use of CFCs in refrigerators
and aerosol sprays influenced governmental regulations and international
agreements and forced companies to look for more environmentally friendly
technologies. In the 1990s, opposition prompted several governments to keep
genetically engineered foods off the market or to require proof that these
products are safe. (See Figure 8.7.)

The Global Context

Environmental policies face at least three challenges at the global level. The
first is the need to balance environmental policies and economic development.
The second is the necessity for sustained global effort by governments and
NGOs. The third is the need for new effective strategies to deal with the conse-
quences of climate change if current policies fail.

THE ENVIRONMENT AND BUSINESS

Supporters of environmentalism generally argue they are not against business
interests but only against greed and ignorance that the free market cannot

Anti-
deforestation Awareness about
campaigns endangered species
Anti-nuclear
movements What are the
most important
Anti-CFC issues of today?
campaigns Anti–
Awareness about
genetically greenhouse gas
modified foods campaigns

1970s 1980s 1990s 2000s 2010s

FIGURE 8-7 Environmental activism: A few examples.

284 CHAPTER 8: Environmental Problems and International Politics

A member of Nigeria’s
Ogoni community hails
the trial of the Royal
Dutch Shell oil company
in 2009. Shell was
charged with complicity
in the death of Nigerian
activist Ken Saro-Wiwa,
who had reported
environmental abuses by
oil companies.

control. Supporters of businesses say that they want to protect the earth but
oppose harsh regulations that halt economic growth (Pielke, 2010). Can envi-
ronmentalism and economic interests be reconciled?
Realists point out that, as long as oil and coal remain the least expensive
sources of energy, countries will continue to use them. Renewables are simply
too expensive. According to the International Energy Agency, in the United
States electricity from new nuclear power plants is 15 to 30 percent more expensive
than electricity from new plants using coal. Wind power is more than twice as ex-
pensive as coal, whereas solar power costs about five times as much. In other
countries, like China, renewables cost even more compared to coal (Levi et al.,
2010). And global demands for energy are rising. In response, supporters of
realism and liberalism may agree: Governments and the private sector must
invest more in cleaner energy sources.
One way to reconcile business and environmental interests is socially re-
sponsible investing (SRI), a business strategy combining the pursuit of the social
good, environmental protection, and profits—all at the same time. Today, many
businesses support SRI as part of their marketing strategies. National parks are
an example of SRI. They tend to spark tourism, stimulate environmental re-
search, and create jobs (Gaston and Spicer, 2004).
Green certification is another way to merge business and environmental
interests. Companies that pursue responsible environmental policies receive a
certificate that is supposed to make their products more attractive to consum-
ers and thus more competitive. Logging companies, for example, are invited to
apply for green certificates if they promise sustainable development. The Forest
Stewardship Council, an NGO based in Germany, has drawn up rules for sus-
tainable forestry.
 How Do We Apply It? 285

THE NEED FOR GLOBAL EFFORTS

How will all these programs be financed, and how will they fit into strategies
for global development? Massive environmental investment in the least-
prosperous countries must play a major part in any international effort. The
2009 UN climate conference in Copenhagen pledged to set aside $30 bil-
lion a year to help the world’s poorest countries deal with climate change.
Rich countries also agreed, as we have seen, to allocate $100 billion per
year and to direct funds from the global North to the global South to pay
for emissions reduction (Levi, 2010a; Levi, 2010b). Many projects will be
ambitious and expensive but also necessary. Desertec, an initiative backed
by German fi rms, plans to build by 2050 one hundred solar power plants
and scores of wind farms in northern Africa at a total cost of $552 billion.
The project that started in 2009 will sell, if everything goes well, much of
the electricity generated to Europe. In the end, consumers will pay for clean
energy, and African countries will benefit economically (Desertec, 2012).
Support for new environment-friendly technologies can also take place on
a global scale, and research and implementation will both benefit from multi-
lateral efforts. Renewables, for example, supplied around 15 percent of world
energy in the first decade of the 2000s, and this share is going up. Wind power
is booming in Europe and the United States thanks to private investment and
government subsidies.
Enforcement of environmental policies, too, shows the need for global
efforts. As realists argue, international agreements remain useless unless
they are enforced. For example, the 1976 Convention on International Trade
in Endangered Species (CITES) prohibited trading in rhino horn. More than
170 countries joined the treaty, including the countries most involved in
horn importing—China, Japan, Vietnam, and Yemen. Unfortunately, trade
simply moved onto the black market, and hunters continue to kill these rare
animals.
Last, global solutions may help where government bureaucracies are slow
to respond (Ebrahim, 2006). After the 2004 tsunami in the Indian Ocean
killed so many, UNESCO took leadership, and in 2005 an international agree-
ment with twenty countries was reached to create the Indian Ocean Tsunami
Warning System, emulating the U.S. system in the Pacific. It is hoped that such
a system would be able to prevent many negative consequences of natural
disasters in the future.
New environmentally friendly technologies and other innovations have dif-
ficulty moving from the research laboratory to the market. Multibillion-dollar
funding itself often creates problems. Instead of pursuing long-term environ-
mental policies, countries frequently create their own arbitrary “wish lists” of
projects to be funded by international organizations (Spector, 2005). The main
goal is to control the money. Take, for example, water policies. The Consultative
Group on International Agricultural Research showed that small, direct invest-
ments in projects designed to help regions lacking water are very effective.
However, many governments insist on large investments under their control.
This strengthens liberal claims for the importance of NGOs and independent
activism in keeping pressure on decision makers.
286 CHAPTER 8: Environmental Problems and International Politics

GLOBAL POLICIES
Global cooperation is needed to address climate change and other environ-
mental challenges. A single, even economically advanced, country cannot
produce the clean-energy innovation for the world. Countries must co-
operate to sustain policies that are environmentally just and do not benefit
the wealthiest countries only (Walker, 2012). Different countries’ efforts
can build on one another. The United States can learn from China and
Germany about clean-coal technologies. U.S. labs can help India with its
massive solar energy projects. Brazil will need the research of European
chemical labs to increase its production of biofuels from sugar cane (Levi
et al., 2010).
The responsibility of major industrial powers for greenhouse emissions is
obvious. However, cutting emissions in the North and allowing them to climb
in the South is probably not a good idea. The world should turn more to renew-
able technologies and sustainable development.
But what if the world is slow to turn to renewables and fails to address
climate change? What if its consequences become inevitable? Heat waves
will become more frequent and harsh. Desertification will affect already
dry places. Rains will fall harder in other places, thus increasing flooding.
Many more species will be endangered. More ice will melt and sea levels
will keep rising. New global policies have to be implemented to adjust to
severely worsening conditions. Three major strategies should be imple-
mented. Countries will have to take responsibility for creating a safe infra-
structure, including dams, housing insulated against heat and cold, and
reliable communications. Every wealthy country will be responsible for its
own environmental security, but poorer countries should be helped. Food
security—the guaranteed availability of food—will be another challenge in
poor agricultural regions. The right to sufficient, healthy, and nutritious
food must be satisfied regardless of environmental and social constraints
(McDonald, 2011). Some parts of the planet will face significant depopulation,
while others will become overcrowded. To avoid massive social problems,
coordinated immigration and population policies may be needed, chal-
lenging traditional conceptions of state sovereignty. The world also needs
coordination between global environmental and energy policies (Levi,
2013). But the most far-reaching global environmental policy will also sustain
economic growth, provide opportunities, and improve social conditions
around the world.

Explain environmentalism and skepticism. Can these points of view be CHECK YOUR
reconciled? KNOWLEDGE
What is a country’s national purpose referring to the environment? Give
examples.
Explain green certification.
 Past, Present, and Future: Greenpeace 287

Past, Present, and Future: Greenpeace

Over the past forty years, Greenpeace has drawn support from all over the
world and inspired enthusiastic critics. Many admire its dramatic style of envi-
ronmental activism. Others see it as dubious and self-promoting. To achieve its
goals, Greenpeace often chooses confrontational and controversial methods.
What, then, is the real Greenpeace?

THE ROOTS OF GREENPEACE

Greenpeace traces its roots to 1971, when several young people grew increas-
ingly frustrated over nuclear testing. Early “green peaceniks” sailed on an old
fishing boat from Vancouver, Canada, to Amchitka, a small island near Alaska’s
west coast, with the hope of disrupting underground nuclear testing. The pro-
testers were intercepted and the nuclear testing went on. However, many copy-
cat groups have emerged.
In the 1970s, such groups launched a worldwide campaign against com-
mercial whaling and seal hunting, sparking public condemnation and political
pressure against the whaling industries. In 1986 the International Whaling
Commission banned commercial whaling. Meanwhile other activists were
turning against toxic waste and pollution.
In the late 1970s regional groups formed Greenpeace International to
oversee the goals and operations of regional organizations. Other groups chose
to remain independent but to tackle similar environmental problems.
Greenpeace today is a global NGO, with its headquarters in the Netherlands
and offices in more than forty countries. The organization receives hundreds of
millions of dollars in donations from almost three million individual support-
ers and grants.

METHODS AND GOALS

Greenpeace activists use nonviolent pro-
test to raise the level and quality of
public debate about the environment.
The group promotes harmony values
(Greenpeace, 2013). Two of its methods
are direct action and public education.
Activists disrupt business activi-
ties by picketing, blocking roads, jam-
ming communications, or staging sit-
ins. They also aim to raise awareness
of environmental issues by sponsor-
ing lectures, research, and educational
programs. Greenpeace uses litigation Nuclear expert Heinz
and scientific research to back up its Smital of Greenpeace
Germany measures
claims. In the 1980s, it pushed for a radiation in a playground
global moratorium on radioactive in Fukushima, Japan, in
waste dumping at sea. In 2003, intense early 2013.
288 CHAPTER 8: Environmental Problems and International Politics

Organizing Pressuring Changing business

direct actions businesses practices

Affecting public Pressuring

knowledge governments
Adopting new
environmental
policies

Forming public
FIGURE 8-8 Methods opinion
of Greenpeace.

lobbying efforts by Greenpeace resulted in the UN sanctions on Liberia for

illegal logging. In 2005, Sony Ericsson under pressure from Greenpeace and
other groups began to phase toxic chemicals out of its products. In 2010,
after years of lobbying by Greenpeace, food giant Nestlé agreed to stop pur-
chasing palm oil, the production of which destroys Indonesian rainforests.
Greenpeace sponsors research in the area of renewable energy. It also develops
its own technologies, such as Greenfreeze—a refrigerator free of chemicals
that contribute to ozone depleting and global warming. Greenpeace cur-
rently sponsors a global campaign to stop deliberate deforestation by 2020.
Not long ago, its website also asked visitors to sponsor Green Warrior, a sailboat
that would block coal shipments at sea, track illegal shipments of timber, and
spot unlawful fi shing operations. (See Figure 8.8.)
Critics acknowledge Greenpeace’s role in environmental activism but
question the significance of its efforts. Realists argue that governments are
unlikely to support environmental policies that threaten their core inter-
ests. Greenpeace almost certainly exaggerated the success of its antinu-
clear campaign. The United States, the Soviet Union, and France stopped
nuclear testing in the atmosphere and underground, but not necessarily
because of pressure from environmentalists; these countries had changed
their long-term strategic nuclear plans for other reasons. U.S. nuclear poli-
cies, for example, were inf luenced mainly by negotiations with the Soviet
Union. Greenpeace also claims that its relentless efforts to oppose nuclear
waste shipments from France to Russia ended in victory, but Russia has
said Greenpeace had little to do with its decision. Nestlé agreed not to buy
palm oil from questionable sources, but these deals already accounted for
less than 1 percent of the global trade of palm oil. Finally, is passing an
environmental law enough? Monitoring this law’s implementation is a dif-
ficult and tedious task that many environmental groups didn’t focus on
much in the past.
Greenpeace sometimes chooses form over substance, flashy labels over
serious efforts to educate. Its promotional materials speak of “dirty energy,”
 Past, Present, and Future: Greenpeace 289

“deadly fuels,” the “oil fuels war,” “climate destroying oil and coal compa-
nies,” and “genetic pollution” (Greenpeace, 2011). Greenpeace sometimes, as
critics say, chooses the wrong battles. Some activists claim that the real source
of environmental problems is capitalism itself. Yet they may be most effec-
tive in the market societies, where they can express their opinions freely and
influence politics by a wide range of lawful means. In authoritarian coun-
tries, where governments regulate and control business, environmental
groups are ignored, their actions suppressed, and their activists jailed. This
does not mean that capitalism eagerly embraces environmental values.
Environmental policies are the product of long and difficult battles for hearts,
minds, and pockets.

IN THE END, VALUES

From the first, Greenpeace embraced the tactics of the peace campaign and
civil rights movement of the 1960s, including individual acts of disobedience
and appeal to moral foundations. Yet it has also evolved. Not many people
thirty years ago understood Greenpeace, its ideology, or its methods. It took a
generation to attract supporters globally. Today Greenpeace relies on help from
lawyers and scientists to function effectively within democracy. Online fund-
raising is a key to its success as well.
Greenpeace’s evolution reflects broader political and cultural changes as
well. It began its journey by fighting for causes that many people then opposed
or misunderstood—from radioactive waste dumping at sea to illegal logging,
genetically modified foods, and sustainable agriculture. All these causes are
increasingly acceptable. Greenpeace’s tactics in the past probably alienated
many more people than they attracted. But where Greenpeace once had just a
few members, it can now draw on the energy of tens of thousands of volun-
teers, researchers, and lawyers and a multimillion-dollar budget. Greenpeace
and other groups have changed many of their tactics and targets, but they
remain loyal to the goal of environmental protection. (See Figure 8.9.)

Civil rights practices:

Peace movement mobilization by Environmental
of the 1960s example ideology

Greenpeace

Online
fundraising

FIGURE 8-9
Global environmental Scientific
research
Litigation Greenpeace: Sources
awareness
and actions.
290 CHAPTER 8: Environmental Problems and International Politics

CONCLUSION
In The Tragedy of the Commons, published in and mutual compromises solved one serious
Science in 1968, the prominent ecologist Garrett environmental problem twenty-fi ve years ago.
Hardin argued that even the most rational indi- But are countries today ready to cooperate and
viduals acting independently from one another sacrifice even more? The debates about global
will eventually deplete a limited resource they environment and environmental policies will
share together. Our global environment is truly continue to reflect who we are and what we
a limited resource, and to secure our future stand for socially and politically. Action must
countries must act together. The opening of follow, but it is up to you what kind of action
this chapter illustrated how a collective effort that will be.

CHAPTER SUMMARY
• The world faces a seemingly endless list of reflect values such as national purpose as
environmental problems, ranging from well as interests. Some confl ict theories
global climate change and acid rain to water emphasize the different impacts of environ-
shortages and human-created disasters. mental problems on the global North and
• In response to such urgent environmental global South.
problems as contamination and depletion, • Political institutions, partisanship, and indi-
states, international institutions, and NGOs vidual convictions all affect environmental
must all contribute to policies ranging from policies. In democracies, environmental
short-term actions to long-term global projects. policies are debated openly. Authoritarian
• Realists emphasize environmental sovereignty— governments are more likely to regulate en-
a country’s right to use its natural resources vironmental debates or ban them altogether.
in accord with its core interests. Liberal inter- • Environmental policies face at least three
nationalists believe that the scope and urgency challenges on the global level—the need to
of environmental problems supersede states’ balance environmental policies and eco-
sovereignty and requires efforts of the global nomic development, the need for sustained
community. global efforts, and the need for new strate-
• Constructivists maintain that environmen- gies should global temperatures continue
tal policies are socially constructed and to rise.

KEY TERMS
Acid rain 259 Environmental politics 258 Harmony values 276
Climate change 261 Environmental Kyoto Protocol 266
Conservation 266 skepticism 278 Mastery values 276
Contamination 258 Environmental Natural disaster 264
Debt-for-nature swaps 281 sovereignty 270 Ozone depletion 261
Deforestation 263 Global commons 271 Socially responsible investing
Depletion 258 Global Environment Facility (SRI) 284
Desertification 263 (GEF) 268 Sustainable development 269
Environmentalism 278 Green certification 285 Water pollution 264
Visual Review ENVIRONMENTAL PROBLEMS
AND INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
1. What do we study?
y

ENVIRONMENTAL PROBLEMS DISASTERS ENVIRONMENTAL POLICIES

Interconnected threats to Natural calamities and man- • Two major categories of
ecosystems, including made accidents that may have problems: contamination
climate change, deforestation, catastrophic environmental and depletion
loss of wildlife, and loss of consequences
• Regulations and restrictions,
clean air and water
green investment, and more
comprehensive policies

2. How do we study it?

REALISM LIBERALISM CONSTRUCTIVISM OTHER THEORIES

• Environmental • Environmental • Environmental policies • Confl ict and depen-
policies should not policies are a central are socially constructed dency theories: Rich
undermine state feature of IR and reflect values as countries must accept
sovereignty well as interests a greater responsibility
• International organiza-
for the environmental
• Some environmen- tions and treaties play
problems they have
tal problems can a key role in policies
created
become security
• Nongovernment organi-
threats
zations’ role should
• Countries should increase
cooperate regarding
• Public awareness
global commons
brings change

3. How do we apply
pp y it?

THE INDIVIDUAL CONTEXT THE STATE CONTEXT THE GLOBAL CONTEXT

• Individual values, education, • Political institutions and • Countries try to balance envi-
and leadership affect leaders’ partisanship ronmental policies and eco-
choices in their environmen- nomic development
• In democracies, environmental
tal policies
policies are debated openly • They continue sustained global
efforts and seek new strategies
• Authoritarian governments tend
to regulate environmental de-
bates or ban them altogether

Critical • Using an empirical case of your choice, analyze a depletion problem that has led or
might lead to an international conflict.
Thinking • Realists argue that governments are unlikely to support environmental policies that
threaten their core interests. Discuss this argument from a constructivist view, focus-
ing on countries’ “core interests.”
• How important are renewable energy strategies? Should governments have a separate
ministry in charge of these issues, such as in India?
• Should developing countries have the right to pollute to catch up with the industri-
alization process? Discuss.
 CHAPTER

9
CHAPTER OUTLINE
What Do We Study? 294
> Types of Humanitarian Challenges 295
> Causes of Humanitarian Crises 298
Debate Preventing Migration 304
> Humanitarian Policies 305
Case in Point Population Control
in China 308
How Do We Study It? 310
> Realism 310
> Liberalism 311
> Constructivism 313
Case in Point Global Compact 314
> Conflict Theories 315
How Do We Apply It? 316
> The Individual Context 316
> The State Context 318
> The Global Context 319
Past, Present, and Future:
Celebrity Activism 322

CONCLUSION 324

CHAPTER SUMMARY 325

KEY TERMS 325

VISUAL REVIEW 326

Refugees cross from the

Democratic Republic of the
Congo into Uganda in 2008.
Ethnic and political conflicts
continue to devastate several
African countries. What could
other countries do to alleviate
the suffering of civilians
victimized by war?
Humanitarian
Challenges
The decision to intervene in any country or crisis [must be] based solely on
an independent assessment of people’s needs—not on political, economic,
or religious interests.
—DOCTORS WITHOUT BORDERS

I
N APRIL 1994, AN EXPLOSION OF MASS VIOLENCE SHOOK
THE REPUBLIC OF RWANDA, A SMALL AFRICAN COUNTRY OF
ELEVEN MILLION PEOPLE. GERMANY AND THEN BELGIUM HAD
ruled this country as colonial powers for decades, but in 1962 it became
an independent state. Unfortunately, political and ethnic tensions
brewing for many years grew into a civil war in 1990. Rwanda comprised
three ethnic groups—the Twa, the Hutu, the Tutsi—of which the Hutu
are in the distinct majority. After Rwanda gained independence from
Belgium, a conflict between the Hutus and the Tutsis began. Dormant for
decades, it degenerated into genocidal killings. Most victims were Tutsi
men, women, and children pursued by Hutu militia and violent mobs.
Some terrified Tutsis fled to the marshlands, where their rivals found
them and killed them with machete knives. In a matter of weeks, an esti-
mated eight hundred thousand Tutsi were brutally killed. The surviving
women were raped. Overall, four million civilians fled to refugee camps
in neighboring Burundi, Tanzania, Uganda, and Zaire.
Meanwhile, the world was watching from the distance. There were
French paratroopers in Rwanda on a peacekeeping mandate, but they
did next to nothing to prevent the carnage. Why did leading world
powers fail to act? Only the appeals of the neighboring African states
flooded by refugees—mostly the Hutus who feared revenge—triggered
action from the international community. It comes down to compla-
cency and a lack of political will.
293
294 CHAPTER 9: Humanitarian Challenges

Rwanda’s tragedy highlights a core question of international rela-

tions. When one country faces a tragic loss of life, do other states have
the obligation to intervene? Should the U.N peacekeeping troops use
force in a country without an expressed permission of its government?
A consensus has grown among Western powers that the use of force is
necessary to save civilian lives. As President Obama said in 2011, “Some
nations may be able to turn a blind eye to atrocities in other countries.
The United States of America is different. And as president, I refused to
wait for the images of slaughter and mass graves before taking action.”
These words explained the U.S. military action in 2011, when it joined
other NATO states in support of rebels in Libya. Yet some other states,
including Russia and China, were quick to criticize these policies claim-
ing that they were illegitimate. Which position was right?
This chapter is dedicated to international efforts to stop massive
human suffering. We shall see that these actions raise both moral and
political questions.

Learning After reading this chapter, you should be able to:

identify and explain major humanitarian challenges and their
Objectives causes;
discuss humanitarian policies to address these challenges;
outline similarities and differences among key approaches to
humanitarian challenges; and
explain leaders’ choices, countries’ political conditions, and
global contexts affecting humanitarian challenges and policies.

What Do We Study?
Suffering is inseparable from human existence. However, many forms of suf-
fering are preventable and can be alleviated. At this very moment, millions of
people suffer from political and ethnic violence, natural disasters, persistent
food shortages, acute infectious diseases, and forceful migration. These are
humanitarian crises—incidents or continuing problems threatening the
health, safety, security, and well-being of many, usually in a distinct geographic
area. A conflict causing massive civilian deaths, like the one in Rwanda, is a
 What Do We Study? 295

humanitarian crisis. Rapidly spreading infectious diseases, acute water short-

ages caused by a drought, or massive hunger as a result of a flood or earthquake
are other examples.
Countries, as well as international and nongovernment organizations,
plan, develop, and conduct policiesto deal with these crises. Humanitarian
policies are based on three fundamental principles: humanity, impartiality,
and independence. Humanity means that policies first of all must save lives and
alleviate suffering. Impartiality means no preferences for any political leader,
country, or group. Independence means that humanitarian policies are not
guided by open or hidden political, economic, or military objectives of partici-
pating states (United Nations, 2011; Young, 2010). (See Figure 9.1.)
Humanitarian interventions are the actions of foreign powers in a hu-
manitarian crisis with or without the approval of a legal authority controlling
the area (Roberts, 2000). Besides bringing relief, humanitarian interventions
also attempt to eliminate the sources of the crisis, especially human causes.
Some interventions involve armed forces. In cases of natural catastrophes, gov-
ernments usually welcome foreign aid and rescue groups. However, when po-
litical disputes or ethnic-religious strife are involved, states are much more
reluctant to invite foreign countries to intervene. Countries also choose to par-
ticipate or not get involved in international humanitarian actions.
By international law, all countries have humanitarian sovereignty—the
right to accept or reject humanitarian interventions on their territories. The UN
Charter of 1945 states in article 2(7) that “nothing . . . shall authorize the
United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the do-
mestic jurisdiction of any state. . . .” Humanitarian sovereignty (which is a facet
of state sovereignty) is an essential principle of international relations restrict-
ing interventions. However, as we shall see, this principle faces practical as well
as moral limitations.

Types of Humanitarian Challenges

Many humanitarian crises affect large groups of people and spread across bor-
ders. They quickly become regional and even global problems.

PANDEMICS AND INFECTIOUS DISEASES

Infectious diseases are maladies caused by biological agents such as viruses, bac-
teria, or parasites. Outbreaks of infectious diseases in a large population are called
epidemics. An epidemic spreading over a continent or globally is a pandemic.

Three principles of humanitarian policies

FIGURE 9-1 Three
principles of humani-
tarian policies. Alleviate
suffering first (human-
ity), play no favoritism
Humanity Impartiality Independence (impartiality), and do
not allow self-interested
agendas (independence).
296 CHAPTER 9: Humanitarian Challenges

For centuries, our ancestors were practically defenseless against pandem-

ics. In the 1300s the Black Death killed almost a quarter of Europe. Around the
same time, a pandemic killed millions in China, Central Asia, and India.
Infectious diseases brought to America by European colonizers also caused the
deaths of Native Americans five hundred years ago. Between 1918 and 1920,
the Spanish flu killed from fifty to one hundred million people, including five
hundred thousand in the United States, four hundred thousand in Japan, two
hundred thousand in Great Britain, and over seventeen million in India.
The Ebola virus outbreak in Africa in the 1970s, the cholera epidemic in
Latin America, and the plague in India in the 1990s are just a few recent ex-
amples of pandemics (Lakoff, 2010). The World Health Organization recog-
nizes today more than fourteen hundred infectious diseases. Among the
deadliest are lower respiratory infections; HIV/AIDS; and infections causing
diarrhea, tuberculosis, malaria, and measles. These illnesses cause the death of
some ten to twelve million people each year. Malaria alone kills an estimated
1.2 million people a year, mostly African children. When deadly forms of in-
fluenza appeared, such as SARS in 2002 and H5N1 (Avian flu) in 2009, states
took costly measures out of fear that the illness would spread (Karesh and
Cook, 2005).
Epidemics and pandemics are clearly international problems. First, they
cause significant global disruptions. They can directly affect the functioning of
governments and the preparedness of armed forces, firefighters, paramedics,
and the police (Stewart, 2006). Second, without international cooperation, gov-
ernments may overreact to a rapidly developing pandemic. As a disease spreads,
death tolls rise, and medication runs low, and governments could close interna-
tional borders and stall trade. Finally, many governments lack the resources or

In Washington, DC, in
2012, AIDS activists
from around the world
participated in a march
to demand rights and
resources to deal with
HIV/AIDS globally. Do
such rallies make an
impact on policies?
 What Do We Study? 297

proper management to protect their populations from preventable diseases.

International involvement could save millions of lives (Wolfe, 2011).

AIDS
AIDS is a disease of the immune system characterized by increased vulnerabil-
ity to infections. The human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) is its cause. Although
AIDS develops much more slowly than influenza, it is a pandemic. According
to the UNAIDS and the World Health Organization, the total number of people
infected by HIV in the second decade of the century could be between thirty-
five and forty-eight million. Nearly twenty-five million people have died from
AIDS. Around four hundred thousand children are infected with HIV each
year, most of them in Africa. Every day, approximately eight thousand people
die of AIDS-related illnesses, and more than fourteen hundred of them are
children, according to Doctors Without Borders. HIV infection rates reached
25 percent in some areas of southern and eastern Africa. In some countries the
rate is declining; yet in central Asia and Eastern Europe the rate is growing.
(See Map 9.1.)
AIDS is a serious global problem, but it is generally preventable and treatable
with international cooperation. Wealthy countries have been able to stop the
rapid spread of the HIV infection and provide medication for the infected.
Globally, deaths due to AIDS have declined since 2007. Approximately $16 billion
is spent on AIDS prevention and treatment every year in low-income countries;
half the money is foreign aid. Yet people in countries without efficient health sys-
tems continue to suffer (“A Strategic Revolution in HIV,” 2011). Poor hygiene and
unsafe sex practices contribute to the problem.

CHRONIC STARVATION AND MALNUTRITION

Malnutrition is a severe medical condition resulting from constant food short-
ages. Chronic malnutrition leads to hunger and starvation. The last devastating
famine—severe food scarcity—in Western Europe, in the 1840s, caused mass

0 km 4000

0 miles 4000 MAP 9-1 Worldwide

HIV prevalence rates. % of adults infected. HIV prevalence rates.
Unavailable 0.0–0.1% 0.1–0.5% 0.5–1% 1–5% 5–15% 15–39% Source: The United
Nations
298 CHAPTER 9: Humanitarian Challenges

deaths and a wave of immigration to the United States, particularly from

Ireland and Scotland. In the twentieth century, famine continued to break out
in less-developed countries: in India, Russia, and China in the first half of the
century; in some African countries (such as Nigeria, Ethiopia, and Angola) in
the second half. According to the UN Food and Agriculture Organization
(FAO), from seven hundred million to one billion people suffer from malnutri-
tion at this very moment. In Ethiopia alone in 2011, according to the UN World
Food Programme (WFP), approximately six million people depend on food
aid simply to stay alive. The problem of malnutrition relates not only to the
availability but also to the quality of food. The balanced diet largely available
in industrially developed nations is out of reach for at least three billion people,
who do not receive proper protein, vitamins, and minerals.

ACUTE SUFFERING
The Rwanda genocide of 1994 was an extreme example of acute suffering. Sub-
Saharan Africa is particularly susceptible to this type of humanitarian catas-
trophe (see Chapter 5). In the Democratic Republic of Congo, where multiple
political factions for years have been fighting for control of the territories and
resources, civilians are the easiest targets. Those fleeing violence are forced to
spend months and years in crowded camps under constant fear of death and
physical harm. Civilians in combat zones also live with the persistent threat of
violence, and many develop stress-related disorders. Women and children
remain the most vulnerable groups. Rape is particularly devastating, because
along with physical injury it brings long-lasting and demoralizing psychologi-
Learn more on
the companion cal trauma (Ritchie et al., 2005; Shiraev and Levy, 2013). In many places, chil-
website about the dren are forced into slavery. According to some reliable accounts, more than
humanitarian crisis in twenty million people have endured slavery in the fi rst decade of this century
Rwanda and other parts (Bales et al., 2009). Without proper international action, millions could suffer
of the world. for years.

Causes of Humanitarian Crises

“When it rains, it pours.” Humanitarian crises often have multiple causes, and
one serious problem can lead to another. The earthquake in Japan in March
2011, the worst in a century, produced a disastrous tsunami that destroyed
entire towns and killed thousands of people. A quarter of a million people lost
homes. The tsunami also damaged the Fukushima nuclear plant, causing a sig-
nificant radioactive threat. Although Japan is a wealthy country with an effi-
cient government, the disaster was devastating. In less-developed countries
and regions, natural disasters can lead to infectious diseases, hunger, and other
acute suffering. Mismanagement, a lack of resources, rampant corruption, and
political violence worsen humanitarian problems and delay their solution.

NATURAL DISASTERS
In the twentieth century alone, an estimated seventy million people died from
natural disasters, including droughts, floods, and earthquakes. Today, eco-
nomic development and technology help in dealing with severe droughts.
However, earthquakes, tsunamis, hurricanes, and floods continue to pose
 What Do We Study? 299

grave danger, especially in less-developed countries. In 2004 the Indian Ocean

tsunami killed over two hundred thirty thousand people because regional
early warning systems failed or were absent. The Haitian earthquake in January
2010 cost two hundred twenty-two thousand lives, mostly because many
buildings were constructed in violation of anti-seismic standards. By contrast,
in the Japanese earthquake of 2011, most dwellings remained intact and only
the tsunami caused significant casualties.
In the immediate aftermath of a natural disaster, most social services are
absent or in short supply. Natural health hazards continue to bring devastation
to millions of people, especially in remote or overpopulated regions. Some
countries provide effective care, whereas others do not; and so international
assistance plays an crucial role (Woods and Woods, 2007).

MISMANAGEMENT
In today’s world, a drought should not cause mass suffering: A state can always
purchase food from abroad or ask for assistance. Indian economist Amartya
Sen, winner of the 1998 Nobel Prize in economics, showed that the main cause
of famine in today’s world is inefficient bureaucracy. In 1942, for example, a
cyclone hit a vast area of Bengal and Orissa (now territories of Bangladesh and
India) and destroyed virtually all rice harvests. Although food supplies re-
mained significant, the incompetence and inaction of corrupt authorities took
almost three million lives (Sen, 1981).
Weak and collapsing state structures can be a serious cause of mismanage-
ment. When its central state collapsed, Somalia fell into the hands of warlords.
A fragile order was preserved by brutal force or by tribal loyalties (Mohamoud,
2006), but major elements of the social infrastructure disintegrated, including
health care services. The United Nations estimated in 2010 that there were only
four doctors and twenty-eight nurses or midwives for every one hundred thou-
sand people.
Corruption and fraud also contribute to humanitarian problems.
Emergency food supplies often end up in the hands of criminals, and money
meant for medication is often used to buy weapons. Although effective anti-
malarial drugs are available on the market, many Africans have very limited
access (Singer et al., 2005).
In this information age, mismanagement in failing states, just like geno-
cidal killings, sooner or later becomes an issue on the agenda of intergovern-
ment institutions and NGOs.

POLITICS
Political leaders may deliberately cause acute suffering for their own purposes.
In the twentieth century, the Soviet Union and China caused the largest
human-made famines in modern history. During the Soviet campaign of col-
lectivizing the peasantry from 1929 through 1932, authorities seized land and
property, including horses and cattle, and forced peasants to join collective
farms. When the farms failed to meet unrealistically high quotas for delivery of
agricultural products to the state, the government seized all food. Troops
blockaded many agricultural areas, particularly in the Ukraine, preventing
300 CHAPTER 9: Humanitarian Challenges

Filipino children wait in

line to receive porridge
during a free food
program organized by
a local NGO in Quezon
City, Philippines, in 2012.
Poverty afflicts about a
third of the Philippines’
94 million people.

starving peasants from fleeing to cities where food could still be found. The
resulting famine killed from five to seven million in the Ukraine, southern
Russia, Kazakhstan, and other parts of the former Soviet Union (Martin, 2001;
Khlevniuk, 2008). Another human-made famine arose in Communist China
from 1960 to 1962 when the authorities forced peasants into agricultural labor
communes and seized their crops. About thirty million people, mostly in the
countryside, died from harvest failures and starvation (Becker, 1998).
From 1967 to 1970, the central government blockaded Biafra in southeast
Nigeria to prevent it from declaring independence. As food supplies failed to
reach the region, famine and violence spread. Although from two to three mil-
lion people died, there was no international humanitarian intervention. Some
countries in fact supported the Nigerian government, while others remained
neutral. France supported an independent Biafra but could not help its popula-
tion. Only later, when photographs shocked world opinion, did the crisis spark
heated debates about the moral responsibility of the world community to stop
humanitarian disasters.

MASS VIOLENCE
War or an ongoing political conflict can also lead to a humanitarian crisis.
Civilians caught up in the conflict zone are typically deprived of medical care
or humanitarian aid. When Sri Lanka launched an all-out military assault on
Tamil Tiger rebels in 2009, the fighting caused massive civilian casualties.
Civilians from two of India’s northeastern states, Assam and Manipur, suffered
from recurring ethnic and religious violence for years. Tens of thousands fled
to crowded refugee camps, where malaria, measles, and other infectious dis-
eases became widespread. As you will remember, international law allows
 What Do We Study? 301

humanitarian interventions to stop genocidal violence and to take legal action

against the perpetrators.

EXTREME POVERTY
About one billion people live today in extreme poverty, defined by the World
Bank as $1.25 per person per day. One billion and a half live on no more than
$2 per day. For most of the twentieth century, the world was divided into the
richer North and the poorer, underdeveloped South. Although extreme pov-
erty is now rare in Europe, the United States, Canada, and Japan, where taxpay-
ers support generous welfare systems, almost 40 percent of sub-Saharan Africa
is extremely poor. The rise of China improved the situation with poverty in the
global South dramatically. Still, one-fourth of the world’s poor live in India,
the most populous democratic country.
As a group, the extremely poor are also the most defenseless against dis-
ease, starvation, and physical and psychological abuse. Of all economic groups
they face the highest risk of injury or death. Poverty is a social trap, and the
extremely poor are the most likely victims of a humanitarian crisis (Sachs,
2005). (See Map 9.2.)

OVERPOPULATION
Overpopulation is a high concentration of people within a region threaten-
ing its subsistence, or the minimum conditions to sustain a reasonable quality
of life. Around 1800, the world population was close to one billion. It grew to
1.6 billion in 1900 and to three billion by 1960 (United Nations Population
Division, 2004). It is about seven billion now and projected to grow to eight
billion by 2025. (See Figure 9.2.)
Overpopulation can lead to serious health, environmental, and social
problems, as in the city of Lagos in Nigeria. The population of this industrial
and commercial center has reached twenty million, and thousands of new
job seekers arrive each month. Lagos became a giant agglomeration of slums

MAP 9-2 The distri-

0 km 4000 bution of the world
population living in
0 miles 4000 extreme poverty (less
than $1.25 per day).
Under 2% 2% - 5% 6% - 20% 21% - 40% 41% - 60% 61% - 80% No Data
Source: The United
Nations
302 CHAPTER 9: Humanitarian Challenges

9000

8000

7000

Population, in millions
6000

5000

4000

3000

2000

1000

FIGURE 9-2 Global 0

population growth. 500BCE 0 1000 1500 1800 1900 1950 1975 1999 2025

lacking parks, recreational areas, plumbing, and modern health facilities.

Although the vast majority has access to electricity, running water is limited
and its quality is very poor. Human waste is commonly disposed of by the
drainage of rainwater into open ditches. Many overpopulated areas are also
prone to social instability, violence, and environmental problems (Angus and
Butler, 2011).
A rapid concentration of people does not automatically lead to overpopu-
lation, especially in economically advanced countries. New York City, London,
Sydney, Tokyo, Shanghai, Hong Kong, and Moscow do not suffer from the lack
of resources. On the contrary, they attract greater resources and attain greater
economic success (J. Cohen, 2005). However, where high density and poverty
coexist, problems occur.
Does a high concentration of people cause poverty? Not necessarily.
Monaco, a country in Europe, has the highest population density in the world
(twenty-three thousand people per square kilometer), and yet its citizens
are among the wealthiest. At the same time, scarcely populated areas can be
very poor. Cambodia has only seventy-eight people per square kilometer
but an average per capita GDP of just $2,400—twenty-six times less than
Monaco’s.

INVOLUNTARY MIGRATION
Violence, hardship, or the threat of it can also displace people within or across
state borders in search of asylum, or a place of safety. This forced relocation is
involuntary migration, and when it comes to ethnic groups, authorities may
make it a political goal. Ethnic cleansing is the forced removal or outright exter-
mination of groups based on their origin and identity. Migrants fleeing from
one country to another become refugees. They are typically willing to return
to their home country, but only as soon as the threats there diminish.
 What Do We Study? 303

International help in these cases is essential. In 2008 alone, the United Nations
ran approximately three hundred refugee camps around the world with six
million people. Half of these people were from Africa (Agier, 2010).
Internally displaced persons (IDP) are involuntary migrants who do not
cross international borders. They unwillingly leave their homes or region
under threats of death, starvation, or imprisonment (Phuong, 2010). Recently
there were over twenty million IDPs, most of them in Columbia, Sudan,
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Iraq, and Azerbaijan. (See Table 9-1.)
Human trafficking is the illegal international trade in human beings for
the purposes of exploitation. The U.S. Department of State (2013) estimates
that that as many as 27 million men, women, and children are trafficking
victims at any given time. Half are minors, and more than 80 percent are girls

TABLE 9-1 Illustrations of Involuntary Migration

Time, Place Events and Consequences
1915 The Ottoman government, abetted by extreme nationalists, began to resettle
The Ottoman Empire 1.5 million Armenians from Anatolia to Palestine. Many of them died on the way
from starvation and brutality.
1922 Millions of Greeks and Turks from the former Ottoman Empire were forced to
Turkey-Greece relocate from the places where they lived for centuries.
1939–1949 Soviet dictator Joseph Stalin forcibly relocated about 3 million people from the
The Soviet Union Baltic states, Western Ukraine and Belarus, the Crimea and Southern Caucasus
into Siberia and Kazakhstan.
1941–1945 German dictator Hitler forcibly relocated nearly 6 million people in various parts
Germany and Territories of Europe. When Germany lost the war, almost 13 million Germans were forcibly
Under Its Occupation relocated; many of them died along the way.
The 1980s Two million Afghan refugees established temporarily settlements in Pakistan and
Afghanistan Iran during the Soviet occupation in the 1980s.
1995 1.7 million ethnic Hutus, fearing reprisals from the ethnic Tutsis, fled from Rwanda
Rwanda into Zaire and Tanzania.
1999 About 700,000 Kosovo Albanians fearing the Serbian military crossed the
Serbia Yugoslav border into Albania and Italy.
2006 As a result of an ongoing political conflict, approximately 150,000 Central Africans
Central African Republic remained internally displaced, and more than 70,000 have fled into neighboring
Chad and Cameroon.
1983–2009 During the course of the civil war, many hundreds of thousands of people became
Sri Lanka internally displaced; tens of thousands remained refugees after the end of the war.
2010 About 100,000 ethnic Uzbeks fled from southern Kyrgyzstan to neighboring
Kyrgyzstan Uzbekistan to escape deadly clashes with ethnic Kyrgyz that left 2,000 dead.
Another 300,000 remained internally displaced for months.
Sources: Naimark, 2002; Ramet, 2005; Benvenisti et al., 2007; Hitchcock, 2008; Muller, 2008
304 CHAPTER 9: Humanitarian Challenges

DEBATE > PREVENTING MIGRATION

Governments also restrict migra- rural to urban areas. Many human WHAT’S YOUR VIEW?
tion. During the Cold War, most rights groups criticize such policies. Could you name the conditions when a
Communist countries did not allow You too may see restrictions on mi- restrictive migration policy—within as
their citizens to emigrate perma- gration as a violation of human well as between countries—becomes
nently and restricted even short- rights. But sovereign states have the a humanitarian problem?
term travel abroad (Munz, 2003). right to conduct their own migra-
The governments of Cuba and tion policies. Western countries, for
North Korea maintained such rules example, have restricted immigra- Read more on the
for more than fifty years. China en- tion, especially facing the financial companion website about
forces hukou, regulating migration crisis after 2008 (Art, 2011). China China’s restrictive domestic
within the country, especially from and Japan too limit immigration. migration policy.

and women. People are trafficked for sexual purposes, marriage, and labor ex-
ploitation. Some are ordered to beg on the streets or steal for money. Others,
especially children, become soldiers. Yet others are sacrificed for their organs.
The vast majority of victims are poor and uneducated. They have no means to
resist injustice and cruelty. Human trafficking is one of the fastest growing
global crimes. The international criminal groups use fraud, extortion, and brib-
ery of officials to move people across the borders (Shelley, 2010).

INTERCONNECTED PROBLEMS
One humanitarian challenge almost inevitably leads to another. Approximately
one billion people today, according to the United Nations, lack access to run-
ning water. For another billion, 75 percent of the water comes from nearby rivers
without proper filtering. Unclean water contributes to epidemics, and hunger
worsens their deadly impact. Unhealthy populations living in poverty are espe-
cially vulnerable. Violent conflicts in a natural disaster area add to food short-
ages and massive starvation. Chronic suffering also contributes to disabilities.
Take AIDS, for example. A middle-class individual in a developed country
today may live with AIDS for thirty to forty years or more, thanks to early
diagnosis and treatment. Poverty and corruption shorten the lives of AIDS
patients in other countries. In Africa, half of poor infants diagnosed with HIV
die before the age of two. In the sixty-eight poor countries with the most AIDS-
related childhood deaths, only 22 percent of mothers had access to treatment
that prevents mother-to-child transmission of the virus (“A Strategic Revolution,”
2011). Malnutrition often makes effective AIDS treatment nearly impossible
because medications do not work properly in a body weakened by hunger.
The complexity of humanitarian problems not only makes international
assistance imperative, but also raises questions. What kind of assistance
can be most effective—and who should be responsible, individual states or
international organizations? How far can international actors go, and should
they always have consent from the states affected by the problems?
 What Do We Study? 305

Environmental pollution
and trash scattered in
the crowded Makoko
neighborhood of Lagos,
Nigeria. Although
megalopolises grow
rapidly, in the countries
where governments are
inefficient and economic
infrastructure is poor,
acute environmental
problems are inevitable.

Define a humanitarian intervention. CHECK YOUR

What is a pandemic? KNOWLEDGE
Who are the internally displaced?
What is human trafficking?

Humanitarian Policies
There are three types of humanitarian polices. First, international interven-
tions may remove the immediate cause of suffering or a potential threat.
Second, relief efforts can help victims of a humanitarian disaster. Third, pre-
ventive measures may avert future crises. These policies, of course, frequently
overlap. They can be unilateral or multilateral, depending on the involvement
of states, NGOs, and intergovernmental organizations. They can also be non-
military or armed.

HUMANITARIAN INTERVENTION
Humanitarian intervention, as we mentioned in the introduction on the
Rwanda case, is the most controversial of these policies. In peacekeeping , the
armed forces of one or several countries cross state borders in response to
genocidal violence. This intervention has two goals: to stop violence (peace-
making) and to create the conditions for lasting peace (peace building)
(Bellamy and Williams, 2010). The UN Security Council can authorize peace-
keeping operations if all five permanent members agree. UN peacekeeping is
306 CHAPTER 9: Humanitarian Challenges

guided by three basic principles: consent of the involved governments and

groups, impartiality, and the use of force only in self-defense. In 2013, there were
You can find
sixteen peacekeeping missions worldwide including Haiti, Kosovo, Afghanistan,
out more
about UN-sponsored Timor, Mali, Liberia, South Sudan, and Democratic Republic of the Congo.
peacekeeping operations After Rwanda, the U.S. and British politicians began to argue that humani-
on the companion tarian intervention should not stop before a massive use of military force and
website. a violation of formal state sovereignty. On the basis of this argument, in
Yugoslavia in 1999 and Libya in 2011, NATO forces acted against the Serbian
leader Slobodan Milošević and the Libyan leader Muammar Qaddafi. Russia
and China, both permanent members of the UN Security Council, objected,
citing violation of the principle of state sovereignty and other principles of
peacekeeping. Critics also claim that NATO humanitarian interventions tend
to target some regimes and some countries but not others.
How does humanitarian intervention and peacekeeping warfare differ
from aggressive warfare? First, the states involved do not plan to occupy per-
manently or annex another state’s territory. Neither do they pursue, in most
cases, regime change in another country or act solely on behalf of their own
strategic interests. Second, humanitarian interventions aim at political forces
that use deadly violence against a population or pose an immediate threat of
violence. And fi nally, such interventions require legitimacy, in the form of
an international mandate—such as a UN Security Council resolution (Welsh,
2004). In a civil war, UN resolutions do not authorize directly targeting any
of the feuding factions and do not sanction the removal of political authori-
ties. The UN admits that success in peacekeeping is difficult to guarantee
because peacekeeping missions go to the most difficult social and political
environments.
How can we balance respect for a country’s sovereignty with the urgent
need to stop a humanitarian disaster? The question remains much debated
in the theory and practice of humanitarian interventions and peacekeeping
missions.

RELIEF EFFORTS
Relief efforts provide immediate aid to a country without violating its sover-
eignty and usually with its cooperation. After the 2004 tsunami destroyed
coastal communities in Sri Lanka, Indonesia, and elsewhere, U.S. military per-
sonnel delivered 2.2 million pounds of emergency supplies. Twenty-five ships
and ninety-four aircraft participated in the effort. After a 2005 earthquake,
hundreds of relief workers arrived in Pakistan (Kashmir) bringing food, medi-
cal supplies, tents, and blankets. Governments welcomed the assistance and
helped to distribute the supplies.
Private companies and influential individuals contribute to international
humanitarian efforts too. The American Relief Administration (ARA), led by
Herbert Hoover, gave help to European countries, including Russia, early in
the twentieth century, after the devastation of World War I. The ARA shipped
more than four million tons of relief supplies, saving millions of lives. In the
1960s, a group of young French physicians, dismayed by the world’s inaction
in Biafra, started Doctors Without Borders. Since 1971, this organization has
 What Do We Study? 307

delivered aid in more than seventy countries affected by armed conflict, epi-
demics, and disasters (Bortolotti, 2006). It sent more than two hundred medi-
cal volunteers after the 2004 tsunami disaster alone. In the United States,
private companies and individuals also gave over $500 million in humanitarian
assistance to the victims of the tsunami. Immediately after the 2011 tsunami in
Japan, more than 130 countries contributed money and sent teams of search
and rescue specialists, emergency medical personnel, and engineers to devas-
tated regions.

CRISIS PREVENTION
Most infectious diseases are preventable. Well-off countries have practically
eradicated malaria, for example, by eliminating large bodies of standing
water—the most common breeding grounds for the single-celled parasites that
cause the illness. In countries with well-organized and well-funded medicine,
medication to treat malaria is easily available as well. But less economically
advanced countries need significant help—and a coordinated global effort.
The World Health Organization (WHO) finances the development and
distribution of preventive vaccines, along with educational materials. For more
than sixty years WHO has monitored influenza worldwide (Garrett, 2005).
Because many infectious diseases are easily spread from animals to humans,
the WHO collaborates with the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO),
as well as the World Organisation for Animal Health (WOAH), to track disease
outbreaks in animals. These organizations advise governments on animal
commerce, quarantines, and vaccination.
Individual countries—often acting in accord—also contribute to disease
prevention. Consider international initiatives in the fight against AIDS. In
2006, leaders of the most economically developed nations (the G-8) announced
that, by the end of the first decade of the twenty-first century, AIDS medication
should be available to all who need it. The UN has also set an ambitious
target—to halve the number of cases of sexual transmission of HIV by 2015, Go online to
to ensure that no child will be born with HIV, and to get fifteen million read about the
more people onto treatment (“A Strategic Revolution,” 2011). And the Global Bill & Melinda Gates
Foundation. How
Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria (GFATM) has committed over
effective are the
$22 billion in 150 countries to fight these three diseases. foundation’s initiatives?
NGOs play an increasing role in disease prevention. The Bill & Melinda Also read about the WHO
Gates Foundation, founded in 2000, is the major charitable organization in and GFATM. Where have
the world today, attracting tens of billions of dollars in donations. The founda- AIDS prevention policies
tion conducts HIV and agricultural research, conducts sanitation programs, succeeded? What are the
and coordinates testing of new vaccines (Peters et al., 2010). remaining difficulties?

POPULATION POLICIES
Several policies deal with overpopulation (P. Brown, 2006). Some aim at im-
proving living conditions—constructing new homes, providing access to run-
ning water, building sanitation systems, and offering health care. Others focus
on education, to help men and women plan their families. These policies help
people learn about the physiology of pregnancy, childbirth, and contraceptives.
They educate and empower women to play a greater role in family planning,
308 CHAPTER 9: Humanitarian Challenges

The skyline of Shanghai,

China, population
23 million (and
growing) as of the 2011
census. The Chinese
government considers
overpopulation a serious
problem and uses legal
means to limit births.

and they teach families about their rights and responsibilities. The logic of
family planning is straightforward: As the United Nations Population Fund
insists, families with few children are better off economically than families
with many.
Critics argue that family planning promotes abortion. Even more contro-
versial are state-mandated policies of birth control, most notably in China.

CASE IN POINT > Population Control in China

In 1979 China, facing out-of-con- (Fong, 2006). These measures have of female fetuses. As a result,
trol overpopulation, launched the slowed population growth in according to the Chinese Academy
one-child policy. Each family was China, which now has approxi- of Social Sciences, some twenty-
permitted to have no more than mately three to four hundred mil- four million Chinese men of marry-
one child, and married couples lion fewer people than it could ing age will find themselves lacking
with more than one child must pay have had otherwise (China has wives in 2020.
substantial fees. Exceptions do overall 1.34 billion people). There
exist. Parents in rural areas and sev- are many controversies and draw- CRITICAL THINKING
eral big cities, including Beijing, backs, however. As a result of its Discuss other economic and social
may have two children. Some one-child policy, China is aging problems China could face in the
ethnic minorities and couples with rapidly: Fewer people enter the near future due to the one-child
advanced college degrees are also labor force and more people retire. policy. In your view, should China
exempt—but even they are al- Many Chinese families preferring modify this policy and if yes, in
lowed no more than two children boys turned to selective abortion which way? Explain your opinion.
 What Do We Study? 309

ANTIPOVERTY POLICIES
Experts continue to argue about the causes of poverty and the most effective
policies to reduce it (Banerjee and Duflo, 2011). Some advocate international
trade and development strategies; they hope that cheap labor in poor regions
will attract private investments from wealthy countries. Others ask for greater
investment in poor regions. Still others suggest a global redistribution of
wealth from the rich countries to the poor ones. In some areas, particularly in
Africa, people lack any education and skills to break out of total misery.
Displaced people, refugees lack any food, clothing, and medicine (Kapuscinski,
2002). So, direct economic assistance remains the most common policy. The
United States, the UK, Germany, and France all provide direct help to dozens
of countries. The UN FAO funds assistance projects, conducts negotiations to
stimulate trade, and distributes funds to help developing countries modernize
agriculture and fishing.
Meanwhile, as many argue, direct assistance is a short-term remedy, it makes
people dependent on outside help and does not attack the roots of poverty. Since
the start of the twenty-first century, global poverty rates are in steady decline. Yet
hundreds of millions in China, India, Brazil, and Turkey have risen above the
poverty level not because of Western help, but because of the success of their
economies. Still, market reforms alone can deepen inequality without eradicating
poverty. A combination of economic aid, long-term investments, and economic
reforms is probably the best way to approach the issue of global poverty.
The Grameen Bank, founded in Bangladesh, is an innovative approach to
help the chronically poor. This bank makes small loans to the needy. Called
microcredit, such loans are given without requiring collateral—property or valu-
able items that traditional banks take over if a loan is not repaid (and that most Read more
loan applicants in Bangladesh don’t have). But money is not given away either. about Grameen
Bank and Foundation on
Each loan must be paid back with interest. How does the bank operate without
the companion website.
“solid” financial guarantees? It turns to communities. Every borrower must Did you notice that the
belong to a local group, which provides support and helps its members pay vast majority of the
back their loans. Most of the bank’s loans go to women—who still, compared bank’s clients are
to men, have fewer opportunities to generate an income or to obtain a com- women? Why does the
mercial bank loan. In 2006, the founder of the bank, Muhammad Yunus, and bank maintain this
his organization, received the Nobel Peace Prize. policy?

REFUGEE POLICIES
States, IGOs, and NGOs provide temporary sanctuaries for refugees until they
can safely return back to their homes (Agier, 2010, 36). Some sanctuaries are
temporary, such as shelters for flood victims. Others exist for decades, under
protection from governments or international organizations. Some refugee
camps even become integrated into their communities.
The UN High Commissioner for Refugees, established in 1950, coordi-
nates international policies to protect refugees. The agency has helped tens of
millions to find temporary asylum or resettle. It also has a mandate to help
refugees without citizenship (UN High Commissioner for Refugees, 2012).
Every country has its own refugee policies. In the United States and most
European nations, asylum was long granted to people who are already in the
310 CHAPTER 9: Humanitarian Challenges

country and unable or unwilling to return home because of a well-founded

fear of persecution. Several years ago, however, some European states began to
introduce admission tests, quota systems, and other legal barriers to asylum
(Hainmueller and Hiscox, 2007).

CHECK YOUR How does peacekeeping differ from aggressive warfare?

KNOWLEDGE When did China introduce its one-child policy and why?
Which approach did the Grameen Bank introduce related to loans?

How Do We Study It?

Realism
In the realist view, states have primary responsibility for resolving humanitar-
ian crises within their territory. Realists do not reject humanitarian interven-
tion as a policy option. They recognize the need for international relief efforts
and preventive measures. However, they argue that states should always put
their national interests first. (See Figure 9.3.)
Realists see humanitarian interventions as warranted in two cases. First, a
country may intervene if a foreign humanitarian crisis directly affects its sov-
ereignty or security (Holzgrefe and Keohane, 2003). In 1971, India sent its
military to East Pakistan, struck by a natural disaster, after about ten million
refugees moved from there to India. Second, states may intervene in humani-
tarian crises if they cause regional destabilization. During the crisis around
Biafra in the 1970s, the United Kingdom helped the central government in
Nigeria. London wanted to prevent a chain of tribal secessions in Africa.
Realists warn that humanitarian interventions may create security dilem-
mas (see Chapter 4) and even contribute to instability and new wars. India’s

Threats to other states’

core interests

Humanitarian crisis Humanitarian intervention

Threats to international
stability

FIGURE 9-3 The realist view of humanitarian interventions. A country, realists argue,
may intervene in a foreign humanitarian crisis if it directly affects the country’s sovereignty or
security. States may intervene in other countries’ humanitarian crises if they cause significant
regional destabilization.
 How Do We Study It? 311

humanitarian intervention in East Pakistan led to a war between India and

Pakistan, producing an international crisis that drew attention from the United
States, China, and the Soviet Union. The balance of power in the region
changed in India’s favor, when India won the war and helped set up the new
state of Bangladesh in place of East Pakistan. In 1979, the Vietnamese invasion
of Cambodia removed from power the genocidal government of Pol Pot. Yet it
also provoked China to attack Vietnam in retribution. The tension in Southeast
Asia lasted a decade, until Vietnam agreed to pull out its troops.
Other actions, too, have drawn criticism from realists. In barely a decade,
these included the military operations of NATO in Yugoslavia on the side of
the Kosovo Albanians in 1999, the U.S. intervention in Iraq in 2003, and the
NATO actions in Libya in 2011. Realists argued that those operations had noth-
ing to do with international stability or security, and humanitarian reasons
alone could not justify war. In Yugoslavia, they feared, an independent Kosovo
could destabilize the entire Balkans and produce new humanitarian problems.
In Iraq, realists point out, the fall of Saddam shifted the balance of power in the
Persian Gulf in favor of Iran, which was not in the interests of the West. Will
Libya after Qaddafi become a beacon to African democracy or merely a failed
state—a source of instability and new refugees (Rose, 2011)? Time will tell.

Liberalism
Liberalism emphasizes not just dangers but opportunities in humanitarian in-
terventions. Liberals believe that preventing genocides and curbing genocidal
autocrats must be a priority. This policy should strengthen an international
community based on law, interdependence, and peaceful cooperation. Even
state sovereignty can be put aside for the sake of humanitarian principles.
(See Figure 9.4.)

THEORETICAL PRINCIPLES
The liberal approach draws on a rich intellectual and legal tradition. The
humanitarian tradition, or humanitarianism, states that human beings, regardless

Global
governance

Humanitarian intervention
Humanitarian crisis

FIGURE 9-4 The

The human rights Principles of liberal view of humani-
concept humanitarianism tarian interventions.
The principles of human-
itarianism, human rights,
The responsibility to and the responsibility to
protect protect justify humani-
tarian interventions.
312 CHAPTER 9: Humanitarian Challenges

Hollywood actress Demi

Moore and Nepalese
activist Anuradha
Koirala with children at
a rehabilitation center
in Kathmandu, Nepal,
for victims of human
trafficking in 2011.
Between half a million
and one million people
are trafficked across
international borders
each year.

of their origin and social status, are morally responsible to help those who suffer
(Festa, 2010). Applied to international relations, this means that states have the
responsibility to protect their citizens from the consequences of natural disasters,
mass violence, starvation, or infectious diseases. Humanitarianism also claims
that countries have the moral right to intervene for humanitarian reasons and
not just out of strategic or security considerations (Power, 2002). Liberals criticize
policy that puts state interests above morality (A. Buchanan, 2003; 2010).
Human rights (discussed in Chapter 6) provide a second intellectual and
legal foundation for the liberal view. The 1948 UN Universal Declaration of
Human Rights stated these rights broadly, and disagreements exist about spe-
cific rights. Are human rights limited to individual safety and physical integrity
(Weiss, 2007)? Or are there additional civil and political rights, such as protection
against discrimination and repression? Do individuals have a right to food,
clothing, housing, health, and education (Madigan, 2007)?
The third foundation of liberal humanitarian policies is a relatively new
legal concept, the responsibility to protect (often known as R2P). If a sover-
eign country does not protect its own people from identifiable causes of death
and acute suffering, R2P states, then the international community must act.
Military forces may be used (G. Evans, 2009). This concept appeared in schol-
arly publications and political discussions in the early 2000s and was em-
braced at the UN World Summit in 2005. The use of force should be limited,
however. Humanitarian intervention should be launched only in cases of
large-scale loss of life or a manifest danger of it. The countries involved in hu-
manitarian actions should use force only as a last resort and only if they have
reasonable prospects of succeeding (Weiss, 2004). Not all countries agreed, for
example, in Yugoslavia in 1999 and Libya in 2011 that the use of NATO forces
was justified. Moreover, critics argue that humanitarian missions can easily
 How Do We Study It? 313

bog down in guerrilla warfare. For this reason humanitarian interventions

should avoid the use of ground troops.

GLOBAL GOVERNANCE
Another new concept may provide still more room for effective humanitarian
policies (Rosenau et al., 2005). Global governance is global cooperation with
little or no power to enforce compliance. This means that humanitarian issues
should be addressed voluntarily and collectively, through a sustained interna-
tional effort (Forsythe et al., 2004; Keck and Sikkink, 1998).
Global governance is not a world government that would substitute for
individual countries in addressing poverty, infectious diseases, or human traf-
ficking. Global governance does not create a system of mandatory policies and
practices. It uses existing structures, such as the United Nations or other inter-
national organizations (Rosenau, 1999). Participating states have equal status
when it comes to decision-making, but NGOs are particularly important.
According to the UN Development Program (UNDP), the number of humani-
tarian NGOs reached thirty-seven thousand (Polman, 2010, 10). The more
power international law gives them, liberals argue, the more effective they
become. Universal jurisdiction and extraterritoriality (discussed in Chapter 5) are
thus essential.
No single formula or ideology, liberals insist, can solve all humanitarian
problems. Each country has a unique history and politics. Free markets and
strict government regulations each have their place. (See Tables 9-2 and 9-3.)

Constructivism
Humanitarian policies, constructivists argue, depend on perceptions.
Humanitarian policies played an increasing role in international relations
during the last century as many societies became more open, democratic, and
interconnected. A country’s interests are more often shaped not only by fear or
aspirations for power, as realists often argue, but by concern for humanity as a
whole. Relatively small countries, such as Norway and Canada, are commonly
the most active in humanitarian policies. In public opinion polls, Canadians

TABLE 9-2 Some Features of Global Governance

Mutual Interdependence Humanitarian issues should be addressed collectively.
Universal Jurisdiction Global humanitarian aid, when necessary, is justified by the legal
principles of extraterritoriality.
Equality among States Equality and fairness apply, with no single international authority such
as a state or a small group of states.
An Increasing Role for NGOs can address some local humanitarian problems more efficiently
Nongovernmental Organizations than states.
Pragmatism and Flexibility in No single formula or ideology can solve all humanitarian problems.
Finding Solutions Local conditions must be considered.
314 CHAPTER 9: Humanitarian Challenges

TABLE 9-3 Global Compact as an Element of Global Governance

Global Concerns Governance Principles
Human Rights Principle 1. Businesses should respect human rights.
Principle 2. They must not be complicit in human rights abuses.
Labor Standards Principle 3. Businesses should respect freedom of association and the right to collective
bargaining.
Principle 4. Compulsory labor must be eliminated.
Principle 5. Child labor should be abolished.
Principle 6. Discrimination in employment and occupation must end.
Environment Principle 7. Businesses should support a precautionary approach to environmental
challenges.
Principle 8. They should promote greater environmental responsibility.
Principle 9. They should encourage green technologies.
Anticorruption Principle 10. Businesses should work against all forms of corruption, including extortion
and bribery.
Source: United Nations Global Compact: www.unglobalcompact.org

see themselves as more caring, less individualistic, and less selfish than their
neighbors in the United States (Carrière et al., 2003). Russia and China are
more cautious when it comes to foreign humanitarian initiatives. This reflects
their values and identities, including their mistrust of the West.
Perceptions, in turn, are inseparable from the international context. During
the Cold War, humanitarian actions were largely subordinate to geopolitical
interests—above all the strategic interests of the United States and the Soviet
Union (Weiss, 2007, 31). The superpowers also provided humanitarian assis-
tance to build positive images of their countries (Westad, 2007). Immediately
after the Cold War, attention to humanitarian policies diminished.

CASE IN POINT > Global Compact

United Nations Global Compact humanitarian problems may not significant impact on the interna-
attempts to bring companies work. Corruption, abuse, and ne- tional system? Or do you think this
together with UN agencies and glect linger. Global Compact sup- is just another initiative that pro-
nongovernmental organizations to ports new labor, environmental, duces few significant results? Why?
address humanitarian and social and anticorruption standards. What other international policies
challenges. (See Table 9-3.) Partici- or agreements should be imple-
pation is voluntary. Business leaders CRITICAL THINKING mented to make this effort work?
join Global Compact because they Do you agree that a joint effort by
believe that traditional solutions to corporations and NGOs can make a
 How Do We Study It? 315

A Canadian aid worker

checks on a baby
she helped deliver
the previous day at a
hospital in Haiti in 2011.
Historically, Canada has
actively participated
in humanitarian
actions overseas. Some
countries are very
active in humanitarian
missions, whereas others
are not.

A country’s elites tend to react to international events selectively, construc-

tivism contends, in line with their identity, their interests, and their emotions.
Political leaders and elites consider the plight of people of their own race, eth-
nicity, or religion as more compelling and important than the suffering of
others (Finnemore, 2004). During the war in Bosnia in the early 1990s, the
Arab media focused on atrocities committed against Bosnian Muslims, whereas
the Russian media emphasized atrocities against the Christian Serbs (Sobel
and Shiraev, 2003).
The evolution of societal norms helps governments and international
organizations mobilize public support for humanitarian missions. So does,
hopefully, the diminishing power of racism and xenophobia. Still, it is often
difficult for political leaders to argue for massive humanitarian assistance to
countries that do not evoke public sympathy.

Conflict Theories
Conflict theories maintain that inequality is the most important cause of
humanitarian problems. “Inequality” means the lingering gaps between social
groups, rich and poor, or wealthy countries and the rest of the world. Rescue
operations and emergency aid are necessary, but no short-term act can address
the structural issues.
Conflict theories also prescribe policies to rectify structural problems. In
The Wretched of the Earth (2005), Frantz Fanon rejected European humanism as
a model for the Third World. The victims of suffering in poor countries, Fanon
wrote, must rise up and fight for their own security and prosperity. Others insist
that the world needs global affirmative action. Wealthy nations must restructure
316 CHAPTER 9: Humanitarian Challenges

their relations with the rest of the world. These prescriptions, you should re-
member, represent the dependency theory of international relations (Chapter 6).
Take hunger, for example. Most countries could feed their own people, but
international trade and finance compel them to export food instead.
Paradoxically, food-exporting poor states depend on the financial assistance
of food-importing rich powers (Lappe et al., 1998). To change this unfair order,
the world’s richest states must allow all countries to exercise sovereignty.
Some theorists believe that Western states use humanitarian intervention
not just to address suffering, but rather to advance their strategic interests.
Capitalist countries are commonly accused of wrapping expansionist designs
in humanitarian rhetoric (Weiss, 2007; Bass, 2009). The global governance
proposed by liberals is criticized as a way for powerful institutions and coun-
tries to impose their rules and interests on the rest of the world.
Feminism notes that humanitarian problems disproportionally affect
women, and yet they do not receive due attention from the international com-
munity. Women over the past several years were also the most common vic-
tims of the HIV pandemic. Women and girls are targets of mass atrocities,
human trafficking, and sexual assault. Rape is a form of intimidation and hu-
miliation during violent conflict. This can also be a type of genocide when it is
deliberately and systematically used against a particular ethnic or religious
group. Sexual violence against women has long been widespread and under-
reported. It was widespread during the Armenian massacre in 1915; the parti-
tion of India in the 1940s; in armed conflicts in Latin America in the 1970s;
and in African conflicts in Angola, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Rwanda, Somalia,
and Sudan. Wars in East Timor, Sri Lanka, and Myanmar involved mass rape of
civilians. Rape was also rampant during the war in Bosnia, a European coun-
try, in the 1990s (Leatherman, 2011). Feminism encourages scholars and poli-
ticians to expand their traditional state-centered view of international security
(see Chapter 4) and focus more on the security concerns and protection of the
individual, including women (Kuehnast et al., 2011).

CHECK YOUR Explain global governance.

KNOWLEDGE What does R2P mean?

How Do We Apply It?

We can apply theories of international relations to humanitarian problems
only if we take into account the complexity of world politics. Which theories
provide a road map to more efficient policies? What are the proper roles of
institutions, structures, and culture in all this?

The Individual Context

Humanitarian policies and their acceptance are often based on the choices of
individuals. Political leaders may act out of conviction, ideology, or personal
interest.
 How Do We Apply It? 317

LEADERS’ CHOICES
Some leaders are actively involved in hu-
manitarian issues because of their deep-
seated convictions. Kofi Annan from
Ghana was devastated by the UN failure
to stop genocide in Rwanda in 1994.
Later, as UN secretary general from 1997
to 2006, he became an advocate of the
responsibility to protect (R2P). Moral in- United Nations
tentions and political calculations are Secretary-General Kofi
Annan in 1997. After the
often interconnected. Former British
UN failed to stop the
prime minister Tony Blair supported the genocide in Rwanda in
U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003 for humani- 1994, Annan became
tarian reasons. At the same time, he be- an advocate of the
lieved his support would consolidate the responsibility to
protect (R2P).
alliance between the United States and
the United Kingdom (Blair, 2010).
Circumstances may alter a leader’s choice. President Clinton failed to stop
the genocide in Rwanda but used force to stop the ethnic cleansing in Kosovo
several years later. President Bush rejected a humanitarian intervention in
Darfur because the United States was already involved in wars in Iraq and
Afghanistan. President Obama stated in 2011 that he was using force in Libya
only because he had no other choice. Historically, stronger powers tend to
insist on their right to interfere in humanitarian issues, whereas officials from
less powerful countries choose caution (Bass, 2009).
Leaders also may accept or reject humanitarian aid out of ideological con-
viction. In 2003, Iran suffered a massive earthquake, killing more than twenty-
six thousand people. The government of Tehran accepted help from more than
forty countries but refused aid from Israel.

DENYING OR HIDING PROBLEMS

Leaders of the Soviet Union and other Socialist states were concerned for build-
ing a positive image of Communism. They were thus reluctant to admit to dev-
astating problems in their own countries. They censored reports of natural
disasters, epidemics, and human rights violations. During the 1930s and
1940s, Stalin effectively covered up massive hunger in the Soviet Union and
rejected international assistance. Many years later, in the twenty-first century,
Communist governments in Cuba and North Korea blocked information
about serious humanitarian problems in their countries.
Authoritarian leaders facing little opposition at home tend to underem-
phasize the severity of problems in their countries. President Robert
Mugabe of Zimbabwe often criticized international humanitarian efforts
to help his country as imperialist ploys. Ideology or preoccupation with
their country’s prestige caused several African leaders to interfere with at-
tempts to fight the AIDS epidemics there. These leaders also accused the
international community of using the AIDS crisis as a pretense to expand
Western domination.
318 CHAPTER 9: Humanitarian Challenges

The State Context

Humanitarian policies are based in part on a country’s domestic politics, in-
cluding competition among political parties, media coverage, and lobbying
efforts.

THE POLITICAL CLIMATE

When the public in a democratic country is not interested in a crisis overseas,
then the government is under less pressure to intervene. Politicians may in fact
use public opinion to justify inaction. During the genocidal violence in Bosnia
in the 1990s, European leaders at first refrained from intervention. In the
United States, the Bush and then Clinton administration also used public
opinion as a reason not to intervene (Sobel, 2001).
At the same time, political elites can change the policy climate. From 1995
to 1999 the Clinton administration helped convince Americans that the United
States should intervene in Bosnia, where violence had already cost one hundred
thousand lives. Politicians in France, Germany, the Netherlands, and the UK
also grew frustrated over the inaction of their governments. NGOs and the
media argued for a moral duty to launch a humanitarian military action. Finally,
in 1995, a military coalition intervened.
The refugee policies of Europe’s political parties reflect humanitarian prin-
ciples but also electoral concerns. Parties of the left traditionally support gener-
ous immigration policies, particularly for the victims of repression (Sniderman
et al., 2004). The left also recruits heavily from immigrant communities.
Moderate social democratic parties, with their reliance on middle and lower
middle class members, tend to support refugees so long as they do not threaten
jobs. Parties of the political center support immigration by those with job
skills, especially in the professions, but not the open-door immigration poli-
cies of the European Union. Parties on the right try to limit immigration for
ideological reasons. They also point to the tight job and housing markets and
the need to preserve a distinct European or national identity. Libertarians gen-
erally believe in a universal right to travel and settle in the country of one’s
choice so long as one accepts that nation’s rules and customs.

FAVORABLE CONDITIONS
Why are some humanitarian missions more effective than others? Effective
humanitarian assistance requires favorable social and economic conditions,
the absence of violence, local customs, and low levels of corruption and fraud.
Securing these, however, is difficult. In countries such as Afghanistan and
Somalia, humanitarian missions are much more difficult. Armed forces may
stop violence, but they often contribute to local conflicts and may even bring
new violence (Young, 2010).
Much of sub-Saharan Africa has long lacked the conditions for successful
humanitarian missions. Weak and corrupt institutions in these countries usu-
ally support traditional customs and biases, not seek to change them. When it
comes to AIDS, for example, most women have little control over their sex
lives and many suffer from abuse. Married women who are faithful to their
 How Do We Apply It? 319

husbands are at risk of contracting HIV, too, because men often have multiple
sex partners. Local leaders tend to resist attempts to promote contraceptives,
insisting that abstinence is the only proper preventive behavior. As a result,
not long ago women were close to 60 percent of adults living with HIV
(Patterson, 2006).
Some policies can be effective simply because they are imposed on the
population. China’s one-child policy is an example. Why did this policy suc-
ceed even though it targeted the most deep-seated values and cultural prac-
tices? It was effective because the Communist Party controlled the school
system, the media, and local party networks. Particularly after the 1960s, the
Chinese government began to shape a younger generation’s beliefs. Opposing
views were not allowed.

The Global Context

A more global world is likely to face a range of old and new humanitarian prob-
lems. Will future problems affect more people than ever? What are the main
lessons of past policies, and how can the future be better?

NEW AND EVOLVING CONCERNS

Globalization brings new opportunities. However, globalization may also create
new problems or deepen existing ones. Consider just a few developments—
travel, migration, and climate change. Feel free to add your own ideas.
Global travel creates new health risks. Take infectious diseases as an exam-
ple. With international travel expanding, people can carry a dangerous infec-
tious disease to the far side of the world before the fi rst symptoms appear.
Insects and small animals can spread disease as well. Trade in animals and
animal products now includes hundreds of species of wildlife (Wolfe, 2011;
Karesh and Cook, 2005).
Global migration also brings new problems and deepens old ones. Whereas
wealthier families tend to move to comfortable and less-crowded places, new
megacities in the developing world attract millions of migrants from poorer
areas. Natural disasters and epidemics find most of their victims in such
crowded places. Globally, the poor remain the most vulnerable to threats to
their health and safety.
Global climate change (see Chapter 8) may lead to more frequent floods and
droughts. Wealthy countries and regions may adjust to these changes, but
others—and there will be hundreds of millions of them—will suffer.
Most people in developed countries are accustomed to a stable income, a
good education, medical care, and generous social benefits. Their comfortable
lives may leave them more open to considering the suffering of others. The
recent global recession, however, may have changed that. To many people, a
country torn apart by tribal violence may appear more distant and their prob-
lems less significant. Others may lose their faith in the possibility of solving
problems—including humanitarian problems. The temptation to turn away is
not new (Power, 2002). Calls for humanitarian action often come from a few
leaders and a handful of activists who face widespread indifference. And that
indifference may well increase.
320 CHAPTER 9: Humanitarian Challenges

POLICY ARGUMENTS
Recall from the start of this chapter the principles behind humanitarian in-
tervention—humanity, impartiality, and independence. Although these prin-
ciples have international recognition, debates continue about how to apply
them. Many question the legitimacy of intervention for humanitarian rea-
sons without another country’s consent (Chandler, 2006; Rieff, 2006). Realists
and liberals may agree on the need to enforce the rule of law and to save lives.
But, they insist, sovereignty can be suspended only temporarily and only
as part of a sustained international effort (Keohane, 2003). Because the
United Nations tends to apply R2P to humanitarian crises, there is a growing
need for international enforcement. But because the United Nations has no
armed forces, countries with strong militaries are likely to remain the global
“enforcers.”
Another challenge to R2P is the blurring boundary between humanitarian
assistance and military intervention to achieve political goals (Orbinski,
2009). Critics insist that R2P is just a cover for Western interference (Weiss,
2004). The debates flared up again in the spring of 2011, when France and
Britain, supported by the Obama administration, led the attacks against the
dictatorial regime in Libya. They acted to protect Libya’s population from
slaughter and had UN Security Council authorization. Yet critics, including
Russia and China, argued that the military strikes violated a UN mandate pre-
scribing neutrality in a civil war. Humanitarian interventions continue to split
the international community.

EFFICIENCY OF AID
By recent estimates, humanitarian aid is now close to $160 billion each year
(Polman, 2010). Is it effective, and how can we measure its effectiveness? With
all the praise heaped on NGOs, criticism has become increasingly audible.
One issue is global coordination. A dozen large NGOs control the majority
of nongovernmental humanitarian funding (Agier, 2010, 35). Unfortunately,
their efforts may duplicate one an-
other. They also do not coordinate
their programs effectively with the Red
Cross, Red Crescent, and other UN-
Medical officers from funded organizations.
the U.S. Navy hospital Another problem is accountability.
ship Comfort provide American NGOs have spent hundreds
medical care and of millions of dollars on humanitarian
humanitarian assistance
to Haitians in 2011. The
assistance in Iraq and Afghanistan—
field of humanitarian but how effective was it? How much of
medicine is concerned each dollar is spent on humanitarian
with diseases that aid, and how much is wasted, owing
primarily affect the to corruption and fraud? This is not
poorest countries,
where the public health
easy to judge. NGOs are usually au-
infrastructure is in dire dited in their countries of origins, but
condition or nonexistent. aid recipients are often not audited at
 How Do We Apply It? 321

all. Fighting factions often use financial aid to continue the violence. The BBC
found that Ethiopian warlords used millions of dollars in Western aid meant
for victims of the famine of 1984 and 1985 to buy weapons. The rebels posed
as merchants and met with charity workers to obtain relief money (BBC, 2010).
Some warlords also manipulate donors for personal enrichment (Polman,
2010). Transparent bookkeeping does not always solve the problems of
corruption.

SUSTAINABILITY OF SUCCESS
Short-term interventions alone cannot solve today’s humanitarian problems.
Rather, successful term policies must be sustainable. What, then, are the ingre-
dients for long-term success in a global world?
One feature of successful policies is a participatory approach. NGOs, for ex-
ample, can act as effective lobbyists for humanitarian actions. Ordinary
people, too, can contribute money and become volunteers. The Web and social
media have become effective mobilization tools as well.
Transparency and accountability are another feature. Without addressing cor-
ruption, humanitarian aid programs are ineffective. Again NGOs and other
independent participants are important.
Wealth creation is another feature of successful humanitarian policies. For
example, the creation of a stable market economy can help combat poverty.
The experiences of Chile, Botswana, India, or South Korea show that private
enterprise can deliver essential goods, food, and services. As poverty rates go
down, the middle class grows, and the quality of social services improves. The
decline in fertility rates in the world’s poorest regions since the 1960s is prob-
ably linked to improving living standards.
New international policies will probably emerge. Disease prevention is
also a security issue, but global health security requires a serious global effort.
Some countries have already begun to care for the health of other nations
(“International Health Regulations,” 2007). For example, countries have started
sharing information about new viruses and infectious diseases. Humanitarian
medicine is a new field concerned with diseases that affect primarily the poorest
countries, where the public health infrastructure is in dire condition or non-
existent. It brings today’s diagnostic and pharmaceutical tools to people who
otherwise wouldn’t get treatment (Lakoff, 2010, 60).
Effective humanitarian policies are also linked to the development of in-
ternational law (A. Buchanan, 2010), to legitimize efforts to fight pandemics,
hunger, or the consequences of civil wars. Once again, the role of NGOs and
international organizations can only increase (Ayittey, 2005). What the world
needs right now is a strong collective effort.

Explain the debates around R2P policy. CHECK YOUR

Why was China’s one-child policy relatively successful? KNOWLEDGE
What is humanitarian medicine?
322 CHAPTER 9: Humanitarian Challenges

Past, Present, and Future:

Celebrity Activism
Fridtjof Nansen (1861–1930), a Norwegian scientist and bold Arctic explorer, made
headlines more than a century ago, but many still discuss his voyages. Fewer recall
that he later received the Nobel Prize for his humanitarian efforts. In 1921 the
League of Nations appointed Nansen as high commissioner for refugees. He helped
millions of victims of World War I, the Russian Civil War, and other conflicts. He
proposed a temporary certificate to allow residence in countries where refugees
were not citizens. These “Nansen passports,” recognized by over fifty countries,
helped millions to find a new home and survive mass violence. Nansen led the life
of a celebrity while directing the world’s attention to the fate of prisoners of war,
refugees, and famine victims. He became one of the first humanitarian activists.
Celebrity activism is the involvement of famous individuals—primarily
from the arts, science, or entertainment—in humanitarian action. In the past,
celebrities came from privileged groups. They raised money and organized
hospitals during wartime to aid soldiers of their own countries. Today’s celebri-
ties deal with different problems, including poverty, human trafficking, land
mines, AIDS, hunger, and human rights. They are also not from the aristocracy
but rather “media darlings” who can attract global attention almost instantly—
far more quickly, in fact, than politicians. When actress Angelina Jolie traveled
to Cambodia, she reminded the world of the plight of refugees and the victims
of land mines—legacies of the lethal Pol Pot regime. When Bono, the singer
from U2, met with top British and U.S. officials to discuss Africa, the events
made headlines. When Natalie Imbruglia, the Australian singer, went to Nigeria
to campaign for better treatment of fistula—a childbirth-related illness—
reporters, photographers, and filmmakers accompanied her everywhere.

UN High Commissioner
for Refugees Special
Envoy Angelina Jolie
meets with Syrian
refugees at the Zaatari
refugee camp in Jordan
in 2012. When can high-
profile individuals be
more effective than
governments in solving
humanitarian issues?
 Past, Present, and Future: Celebrity Activism 323

Thanks to Twitter, Facebook, and hundreds of blogs, celebrity activism is always

“breaking news.” But does it make a difference? Consider several arguments.
Celebrities routinely give away tens of thousands of dollars to schools,
hospitals, refugee camps, and rehabilitation centers all over the world. Joey
Cheek, the Olympic speed skater, donated $40,000 of his prize money to
refugees in Darfur. A fashion show generated $170,000 for the Rainforest
Foundation, founded by the British singer Sting. Angelina Jolie gave $500,000
to the National Center for Refugee and Immigrant Children foundation, to pay
for legal care of orphaned asylum-seekers. Together with Brad Pitt, she gave
$1 million to relief efforts in Haiti after the deadly earthquake there. Actor
Nicolas Cage pledged $2 million to help former child soldiers and exploited
kids. Bob Geldof, an Irish singer and songwriter, organized six free concerts in
Europe and in North America involving Elton John, Madonna, Faith Hill, Stevie
Wonder, Paul McCartney, Coldplay, U2, and Bon Jovi to raise money for Africa.
Bono had a role in powerful nations’ joint decision to write off $40 billion of
debt owed by eighteen countries, mostly in sub-Saharan Africa.
Often celebrities are excellent fundraisers. Many of the wealthy (and not
so wealthy) reach for their wallets. Some are moved by the eloquent appeals of
singers and actresses. Others donate for the privilege of meeting them or simply
joining them in a common cause.
Celebrities also raise public awareness by helping to educate and mobilize
public opinion. Years ago, actress Audrey Hepburn began her engagement with
the United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF). At
that time, not many people knew about the fund or her involvement in it.
These days, eight out of ten young Britons said they learned about the Make
Trade Fair campaign from Chris Martin, a singer from Coldplay. Today’s celeb-
rity appearances can draw the instant attention of hundreds of millions of
viewers. Celebrities themselves blog or go on Twitter to organize grassroots
campaigns. A global campaign cofounded by Bono, known as One, calls on You can learn
“citizens, voters, and taxpayers” to tell their governments to help Africa defeat about the One
poverty, malaria, and AIDS and to restructure its debts. One of its goals is to campaign on the
make sure that no child is born in Africa after 2015 with AIDS. companion website.
More celebrities see their role as promoting awareness for specific causes.
The Creative Coalition even offers training to prepare the rich and famous for
public roles as social advocates. Supermodel Heather Mills, like Angelina Jolie
and the late Princess Diana, was engaged in the campaign against land mines.
George Clooney and Ashley Judd work for AIDS education; Woody Harrelson,
Josh Lucas, and Leonardo DiCaprio chose environmental issues. Because of
Angelina Jolie, many people learned about refugee camps from Sierra Leone to
Tanzania; Thailand to Ecuador; Kosovo to Kenya, Sri Lanka, Northern Russia,
Jordan, Chad, Darfur, India, and Cost Rica.
Celebrities make humanitarian organizations and their efforts more recog-
nizable and, probably, more effective. Actor Robin Williams participated in the
activities of Doctors Without Borders, and P. Diddy (Sean Combs) contributed
to the World Wildlife Fund. Many other humanitarian groups need more inter-
national attention, which famous individuals could provide instantaneously.
Some celebrities have access to national political leaders and top govern-
ment offices. Over the years, Bono visited the heads of state of a dozen of the
324 CHAPTER 9: Humanitarian Challenges

most influential nations. Producer Bob Geldof reportedly could get an ap-
pointment with former British prime minister Tony Blair in a matter of days.
Critics maintain that celebrity activism, despite its success, is not always
what it appears to be. Most of celebrity activists have tens or hundreds of mil-
lions of dollars in assets. A team of “advisers” and lawyers monitors a star’s
every financial move. They recommend charitable donations that make sense
financially. Tax incentives, especially in the United States, encourage celebri-
ties to contribute to humanitarian causes. Celebrities also use their humani-
tarian activities and the media attention they generate to promote their
products. A foreign trip can help advertise a forthcoming album or film.
Even if celebrities are true altruists, and profits or lower taxes are not their
top priority, their activities can evoke criticism. They often want to see the im-
mediate effects of their work, but humanitarian problems require a sustained
effort. It takes years to achieve real, not superficial, change in the struggle
against poverty and disease. Celebrities may also lack sufficient expertise. They
may believe that their opinions on social and political issues are valuable
simply because they express them. And what if they display “celebrity activism
complex”—a desire to do something important simply because it feels good?
Sure, celebrities make people listen to what they sing and say. But their actions
could be misguided. For example, substantial sums of money generated by rock
concerts went to organizations under the control of corrupt governments.
People who live in the spotlight are easy to admire or to criticize. Liberals
may criticize celebrity activism for its flashy style and inattention to the deeper
social causes of humanitarian problems. Others may disapprove of celebrities for
advocating controversial philosophies. Yet in some cases celebrity activism indeed
brings public attention to serious problems faster and more efficiently than gov-
ernments do. Humanitarian aid provided by famous people makes a difference.
Food for the starving, shelters for the refugees, medications for children—they all
matter. In the end, why celebrities donate their money and time is less significant
than the results.

CONCLUSION
Overall, global awareness of real and potential have, on balance, helped to end or forestall
humanitarian problems has advanced. So have catastrophes.
humanist values in foreign policy and interna- We began the chapter with questions. When
tional law. In the end, the most effective human- one country faces a tragic loss of life, do other
itarian policies will allow people to develop their states have the obligation to intervene? When
full potential and lead dynamic and peaceful hunger strikes, is there a right or responsibility to
lives in accord with their needs, cultural de- help? When people face the overwhelming and
mands, and communities. A strong moral case destructive forces of nature, they must do every-
remains for forceful humanitarian intervention thing they can to help. But who should protect
in desperate cases. Would the world still do noth- people from the mismanagement, neglect, and
ing if it had a second chance to avert genocide in abuses of their fellow human beings—and how?
Rwanda? From the Balkans to Liberia and from And what should be done to diminish global
Sierra Leone to Kosovo, armed interventions poverty? The global jury is still out.
 Key Terms 325

CHAPTER SUMMARY
• Humanitarian problems include infectious liberal approach draws on a rich intellectual
diseases such as AIDS, chronic starvation and and legal tradition. It also takes into account
malnutrition, and acute suffering. They are such new concepts as the responsibility to
caused by natural disasters, mismanagement, protect and global governance.
damaging policies, mass violence, extreme • Constructivists argue that humanitarian
poverty, overpopulation, and involuntary policies are based on interests and percep-
migration. Humanitarian problems are usu- tions inseparable from a broader interna-
ally interconnected, and so are their causes. tional context. Conflict theories maintain
• Humanitarian policies are based on three that the most important cause of humanitar-
principles: humanity, impartiality, and inde- ian problems is inequality—between social
pendence. These policies may include groups, the rich and the poor, or wealthy
international interventions to remove an im- countries and the rest of the world.
mediate cause of massive suffering or a po- • Circumstances increase or limit leaders’
tential threat to a population, relief efforts choices. Some leaders are actively involved
to help victims of a humanitarian disaster, in humanitarian issues out of deep-seated
and preventive measures against future conviction. Others may act out of necessity.
crises. Particular policies may address over- • A country’s humanitarian policies are based
population, poverty, and refugees. on competition among political parties,
• Besides bringing relief, humanitarian inter- media coverage, and lobbying efforts. Effec-
ventions also attempt to eliminate the sources tive humanitarian assistance requires favor-
of the crisis, especially if they are human made. able social and economic conditions, the
Sovereignty is an essential principle of interna- absence of violence, local customs, and low
tional relations restricting interventions. levels of corruption.
• Realism recognizes the need for interna- • Globalization—including travel, migration,
tional relief efforts and preventive measures and climate change—may create new hu-
to avoid humanitarian problems. However, manitarian problems or deepen existing
realists argue that states should put their na- ones. Efficiency, transparency, and account-
tional interests first. ability remain significant challenges. De-
• Liberalism recognizes that preventing geno- bates continue regarding the humanity,
cides and curbing genocidal autocrats must impartiality, and independence of humani-
be the higher priority of foreign policy. The tarian interventions.

KEY TERMS
Epidemic 295 Humanitarian Malnutrition 297
Extreme poverty 301 intervention 295 One-child policy 308
Famine 297 Humanitarian Overpopulation 301
Food and Agriculture sovereignty 295 Pandemic 295
Organization (FAO) 298 Infectious diseases 295 Peacekeeping 305
Global governance 313 Internally displaced Refugees 302
Human trafficking 303 persons 303 Responsibility to Protect
Humanitarian crisis 295 Involuntary migration 302 (R2P) 312
Visual Review HUMANITARIAN CHALLENGES
1. What do we study?

KEY ISSUES CAUSES OF HUMANITARIAN HUMANITARIAN POLICIES

• Incidents or continuing prob- PROBLEMS • Intervention: the actions of
lems threatening the health, • Environmental disasters and foreign powers in a humanitarian
safety, security, and well- accidents crisis with or without the
being of many approval of a legal authority
• Politics, mismanagement,
controlling the area
• Pandemics, chronic starva- neglect, and mass violence
tion and malnutrition, other • Relief efforts: aid to a country
• Mostly interconnected
forms of acute suffering without violating its sovereignty
• Prevention

2. How do we study
y it?

REALISM LIBERALISM CONSTRUCTIVISM OTHER THEORIES

• A country may inter- • Policies rooted in • Countries build their • Confl ict theories:
vene if a foreign three principles: humanitarian policies economic and political
humanitarian crisis humanitarianism, on their evolving inequality is the key
directly affects its responsibility to values, perceptions, cause of humanitarian
sovereignty or security protect, and human and their concern for problems
rights humanity as a whole
• States may intervene • Feminism: humanitar-
in humanitarian crises • Emphasis on ian problems dispro-
if they cause regional international portionally affect
destabilization cooperation and women, yet women
global governance do not receive due
attention

3. How do we apply it?

THE INDIVIDUAL CONTEXT THE STATE CONTEXT THE GLOBAL CONTEXT

Leaders’ choices are rooted in Humanitarian policies are con- • Global challenges such as
values or affected by individual nected to a country’s migration, travel, and climate
circumstances that affect hu- domestic politics, including change affect humanitarian
manitarian policies competition among political problems and policies to
parties, media coverage, and alleviate them
lobbying efforts
• Efficiency and sustainability of
global humanitarian
efforts remain key challenges

• Discuss the pros and cons of humanitarian interventions.

Critical • What conditions, in your view, are necessary for global governance to succeed?
Thinking • Should global governance allow some authoritarian means to address the most acute
humanitarian problems? Under what circumstances?
• Does celebrity activism make a difference in the global efforts to fight illness, poverty,
violence, or injustice? If so, in what way? If not, why not?
 Conclusion: Forecasting
the World of 2025

T
HE SCIENCE OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IS LIMITED
IN ITS PREDICTIVE POWER. BECAUSE SO MANY FACTORS
(BOTH KNOWN AND HIDDEN) INFLUENCE WORLD POLITICS,
it is very difficult to make accurate forecasts. For example, few experts
anticipated the implosion of Communism in 1989. Very few predicted the
global financial meltdown in 2008 in the United States and the crisis of
the Eurozone in 2011–12. And virtually no one could foresee the revolu-
tionary turmoil in the Arab world that started in 2011. It is so easy today
to miss new trends of tomorrow. Yet we shouldn’t be discouraged. There
are ways of making reasonably reliable forecasts in international relations.
Every event has specific causes and every development is set in a context.
Wars, revolutions, treaties, economic miracles, and great alliances—they
all have precedents. Their lessons can be thoroughly studied and applied.
The key for success is your knowledge and a measure of imagination.

It is time for a final exercise for you and your class. Using this book as a
guide, try to make a few predictions. Use the key concepts and theories from
Chapters 1 and 2, and then utilize other chapters that can be relevant for your
forecasts. Your task is to discern certain patterns in international relations and
creatively extrapolate them into the future.
We will begin with the international system, its main actors, and its stability.
• While protecting stability, how will the strong states treat the weak
states?
States differ in their ability to deliver essential functions—such as to col-
lect taxes, enforce the law, maintain stability, and protect the population—as
measured by the index of state capability. By this measure, the United States or
some countries of the European Union are fairly strong states. In contrast, in
many areas of Africa and Asia, states are either weak or very weak. They are
failing. Unstable and filled with tensions, they often need urgent international

327
328 Conclusion

Opposition supporters
react as they hear the
official presidential elec-
tion results in Caracas,
Venezuela, in April 2013.
Hugo Chavez’s hand-
picked successor,
Nicolás Maduro, won
a razor-thin victory in
a special presidential
election, edging out the
opposition’s leader.

assistance simply to survive. Somalia and Afghanistan have long been re-
garded as failing states.
What will happen to the relationship between the strong and the weak
states in the next ten years? Will the strong states like the United States
continue to maintain international stability? What will prevent them from
simply taking over the weak and unstable states and imposing on them
their rules? History knows several successful precedents of such actions (see
Chapter 1). Or maybe the world will forever be divided on wealthy and stable
states on one hand and poor and unstable on the other? Looking for clues,
use Chapter 2 on sovereignty, state power, and international institutions,
and Chapter 5 on international law. After reading this book and learning
many facts and theories, do you believe more or believe less in a possibility
of a stable world in 2025?
• Global order: Will a powerful coalition emerge to challenge the United
States?
Supporters of Realism argue that the United States is unlikely to remain
an unchallenged global power for a long time. A coalition of states is likely to
emerge to test America’s supremacy. Other Realists disagree and contend that
these threats are exaggerated because the United States’ hegemony is “stable”
(Chapter 2). They believe that we live in the world where the most power-
ful, democratic states such as United Kingdom, France, Germany, and Japan
have no interest in challenging Washington’s power and supremacy. Partly as
a result of America’s relatively good historical record, many countries prefer
Washington’s hegemony to that of their neighbors (Walt, 2005b). Other experts
 Conclusion 329

think states like Russia and China are simply incapable of throwing a serious
challenge either now or in the near future.
Which one of these two arguments do you see as more plausible than the
other? To answer, browse the pages from Chapters 2 and 3 referring to state
power, power balancing, multipolarity and unipolarity, identity, and security
regimes.
Now consider three hypothetical scenarios. How probable are they to you?
1. To challenge the United States’ domination, China, Russia, India, and
Brazil in 2018 form the Transcontinental Economic Alliance. Its members
control prices for most manufactured goods, establish economic sanc-
tions against the United States, and start a new global currency to com-
pete against the dollar.
2. Iran, Kazakhstan, China, and Russia, accompanied by several Central
Asian states, build a new political and military pact called the Eurasian
Alliance. Its key goal is to resist the “export of democracy” from
Washington to Eurasia. They also keep American companies in Eurasia
under control, keep Western NGOs out, and act jointly in the United
Nations to advance their global interests. The United States agrees in
2018, under political pressure from its allies, to coordinate all its Eurasian
policies with the Eurasian Alliance.
3. Several oil-producing authoritarian countries such as Saudi Arabia,
Venezuela, Nigeria, and Iran form the New Energy Alliance and drastically
reduce their oil shipments to the United States and Western Europe. Most
oil tankers in 2018 are redirected to Asia and Africa instead. The alliance
calls for a “fair” distribution of global energy resources and refuses the
United States’ and British oil companies to operate in its countries.
Which of these scenarios do you consider plausible, somewhat probable,
and barely possible? Are there in your opinion other plausible alliances to
emerge in several years, and will they be successful?
• In which areas will NGOs replace governments?
Supporters of liberal internationalism (Chapter 2) argue that NGOs are
becoming the most significant and capable actors in international relations.
NGOs use vast networks of volunteers and highly skilled professionals, and
are often more efficient than government agencies. NGOs are usually more
transparent than the large bureaucratic institutions. They also work closely
with local populations and often have firsthand knowledge about the coun-
tries and regions in which they operate. Acting as global “whistleblowers” and
“watchdogs,” they can more effectively discover problems and attract immedi-
ate international attention.
In your view, in which areas of international relations would NGOs be
getting most influence? Will it be international security (Chapter 4), interna-
tional trade (Chapter 5), environmental protection (Chapter 8), humanitarian
aid (Chapter 9), or some other areas? In which areas do you think states and
coalitions of states would retain their superior decision-making power?
330 Conclusion

• How would new media change the world?

Supporters of liberalism (see Chapters 2 and 9) also believe that today’s
innovations in electronic communications should help in weakening authori-
tarian governments globally. The more access people have to the information
exposing corrupt and abusive governments, the less authority and legitimacy
these governments have. Not long ago, people in the Philippines, Ukraine,
Lebanon, Tunisia, and Egypt were using smart phones and the Internet to
organize resistance and push their corrupt governments out of power. Do you
believe that free information means democratization? Authoritarian govern-
ments can certainly push back.
Supporters of constructivism (Chapter 3) think the actual results of the
ongoing technological changes are not that clear. True, the global informa-
tional revolution changes international relations. Yet these changes are not
necessarily advancing democracy. For instance, during the political turmoil
in the Middle East and North Africa in recent years, the “Twitter revolution”
benefited in the end political Islam and not necessarily liberal democracy.
Authoritarian governments in Iran, Zimbabwe, and China seek to control
Internet and Web-based social networks. Moreover, in China, the Web allows
nationalists to express their anger against the West and Japan, as well as hos-
tility toward Tibetans, Muslim Uighurs, and other ethnic minority groups.
Violent separatist and terrorist groups use the Web and mobile devices to
launch attacks and threaten international security (see Chapters 4 and 7).
Five years down the road, what would be the key political outcomes of
the global “media revolution”? Will radical groups and authoritarian govern-
ments use the new media to go on the offensive and bring democracy down
in their countries? Or do you rather see more openness and transparency
forming a new political culture, thus leading to democratization and peace
around the world? Explain your choices referring to Chapters 3 and 9.
• Who would benefit from the globalization of the economy? Will pov-
erty end?
Supporters of world systems and dependency theories (Chapters 3 and 6)
have long maintained that the North (particularly Western Europe and the
United States) draws the most benefits from the emerging global economy,
whereas the South gets only what is left. Most recently, certain theorists
started to speak about the “Chinese miracle.” In this view, China has learned
to benefit from the international economic system, and the United States
appears to be a loser. Supporters of economic liberalism (Chapter 6) disagree
with these conclusions. Their argument is that in today’s global economy both
the United States and China, along with many other countries, should benefit
from economic openness and trade.
In your view, which countries would benefit the most in an emerging eco-
nomic order? Will the North–South divisions persist in ten years and how
deep will they remain?
A new technological revolution may change a global economic forecast
and thus affect international relations in general (Evans-Pritchard, 2011).
Consider 3D printing, a technology that “copies” three-dimensional objects
 Conclusion 331

from a digital file. In a few years, giant assembly lines and big factories may
no longer be needed: many goods will be produced on demand, locally. This
means that 3D printing may undermine the manufacturing capacity of coun-
tries, such as China and India. They manufacture and sell cheap products rely-
ing mostly on low-wage labor. 3D printing should challenge the whole global
economic situation. Which countries will benefit the most? Which would
lose? Can every country benefit?
Which scenario for the global economy do you envision, and why?
• A democratic peace—will it actually be “peaceful”?
Liberalism embraces the idea that democracies do not fight one another
(Chapter 2). More democracy means more peace and international security.
We learned in Chapter 1 that Japan and Germany transformed into wealthy
and peaceful democracies after they had been occupied by the United States.
During the Cold War, NATO encouraged its members, including Greece and
Turkey, to become more democratic to avoid war with each other.
However, democratization is a very complicated process. Realists and
constructivists argue that far away from Washington or Paris, the political
outcome of democratic transitions becomes even more complicated. The ex-
periences of Iraq, Afghanistan, and some other countries show that democ-
ratization does not necessarily stop violence (Chapter 7). Democratic reforms
do not rapidly end pervasive poverty (Chapter 6). A quick transition away
from authoritarianism often produces ethnic or religious clashes and constant
violence. Free elections may bring to power religious fundamentalists or ultra-
nationalists, sworn enemies of liberal democracy (Chapter 3). Moreover, some
emerging democracies tend to be more war prone than authoritarian states.
We also should not overlook the threat of international terrorism. If democ-
ratization continues to spread around the world, some groups may continue to
use terrorism and other forms of violence to achieve their political goals. As we
know the early attempts at building democracy in Iraq led to sectarian ethnic
violence, which inspired terrorist groups including al-Qaeda. The removal of the
authoritarian regime in Libya had several unintended consequences for Algeria
and Mali, where violent groups unleashed terrorism against governments.
Will the world in ten years be more democratic or less democratic? Will the
world become more stable and have fewer military conflicts if most countries
become democratic? Do you anticipate that the West will support an authori-
tarian but stable Middle East and Africa, or will it instead support democratic
yet unstable governments there? What is your reasoning?

Scenarios
What will the world be like in future decades? Let’s look at some scenarios for
2025. Based on what you have learned in this course, how plausible does each
of these seem to you?

Beijing, China. A new chairperson of the Microsoft Corporation, Shen Yang,

said during today’s press conference that the company needed to restore the confidence
332 Conclusion

of its customers. To stay on the path of innovative research and development, it needs
new ideas. After a new generation of Japanese “wallpaper computers” that transform
our entire surroundings reached the market, Microsoft nearly lost its global competi-
tiveness. It has therefore agreed to become a state corporation owned by Chinese
government. The company will close some factories in Asia and build new ones in
the United States and Canada, where labor is cheaper.

New York. The incoming UN Secretary General, Evo Morales, former president
of Bolivia,said that his top priority would be expanding the permanent membership
of the UN Security Council. A longtime advocate of the inclusion of a country from
Central America, he favors the candidacy of Cuba, which had its first multiparty
elections last year. Radical reform of the United Nations should continue, he added,
with elimination of the veto power of Security Council members. The UN will have
its armed forces permanently stationed in all continents. Following the example of
Canada and Sweden, countries should amend their constitutions to comply with the
decisions of the United Nations and other international organizations.

Ankara. Top government delegations from Turkey and Iran have signed a mutual
protocol on nuclear energy, as well as on educational, scientific, and professional ex-
changes between the two countries. For the first time in history, female leaders repre-
sent the Turkish and Iranian governments. They both studied in the United States and
received their advanced degrees in international affairs.

Moscow. Russian President Vladimir Putin met with the leaders of the New
European Alliance, formed just last year and including three former republics of the
Soviet Union: Russia, the Ukraine, and Belarus. Putin underscored that the alliance
is not hostile to NATO but an alternative to it. He also promised to return to multilateral
negotiations concerning Russia’s recent takeover of the vast area of the Arctic Ocean.

Pyongyang. The new capital of the unified Korea is rapidly becoming a boom-
ing modern metropolis. Using electric cars and solar-driven public transportation,
Pyongyang has managed to avoid the traffic and pollution problems that beset the old
capital, Seoul, for decades. The Korean Green Party in Parliament, which includes a
number of former Communist officials, is urging a comprehensive ban on the use of
gasoline-driven vehicles in five years.

What do you think about these fictional news stories? Make your own
assessment of how probable these developments are. Glance back at this
book’s table of contents to identify the pages that would be most helpful in
assessing each of these hypothetical events. Will the UN be seriously reformed
in a decade and in which way? Will North and South Korea merge without a
conflict? Will China emerge as the second superpower? Will the United States
keep its global economic leadership? Will Moscow be able to significantly
challenge Washington’s foreign policy? Could Iran radically reform its regime
and open the doors to the West? None of us has a crystal ball, yet some devel-
opments are more likely than others.
 Appendix

Careers in International
Relations

S
TUDYING INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IS INTELLECTUALLY
CHALLENGING AND EMOTIONALLY REWARDING. IT ALSO
BROADENS YOUR CAREER POSSIBILITIES BY DEVELOPING
your knowledge base and critical-thinking skills. A comprehensive
knowledge of international relations and a sincere desire to understand
other points of view are two pre-requisites for contributing to the foun-
dation of a stable, safe, and prosperous world.
Careers in IR can take many paths, several of which we explore below.
At minimum, a bachelor of arts is required for careers in diplomacy, interna-
tional business, intelligence analysis, and defense or foreign policy. A graduate
degree is strongly recommended and may be required; it is an important way
to advance your knowledge, develop your skills, and expand your employ-
ment opportunities. In addition, your success will depend on your individual
skills, professional knowledge, integrity, volunteer and research experience,
and ability to work with others.

Diplomacy
Diplomatic work has traditionally been one of most attractive fields of em-
ployment in international relations. In this field, you might remain within
your own country in its foreign-policy offices, or you could be sent overseas
to work on a diplomatic mission. Diplomatic work is highly competitive,

333
334 Appendix

and the selection process is rigorous. Although the rules may be chang-
ing, most people applying for diplomatic work in the United States have to
pass a special comprehensive exam (the Foreign Service Officer Test) and go
through a difficult interview process, which requires additional studying
and training.

NGOs, IGOs, and Think Tanks

Working for nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), international govern-
mental organizations (IGOs), and think tanks is becoming increasingly im-
portant and popular. As in diplomatic fields you might remain in your home
country or move abroad for some time. You could work on projects rang-
ing from conducting research and teaching, to delivering humanitarian aid,
to guiding negotiations and settling ethnic or religious tensions in local
communities.

Defense and Security

Many people pursuing a military or national security career also need train-
ing in political science and international relations. Conducting humanitar-
ian and peacekeeping operations, gathering military intelligence, analyzing
regional and local confl icts—all these and many other activities of today’s
military offices require advanced knowledge of IR theory and practice. There
are also many jobs within the government and private organizations re-
quiring analytical skills and knowledge of foreign policy, policies of foreign
countries, international law, the nature of ethnic confl icts, and negotiation
strategies.

Law
Working as an attorney, you may specialize in cases involving international
consulting or litigation, such as family affairs, business, commerce, or invest-
ments. You could also be an immigration lawyer. If you develop expertise in
international law, you may work for government and international institu-
tions. Many students who apply to law or business school study international
relations to advance their knowledge in world affairs.

Teaching and Research

A Ph.D. is typically required for teaching international relations at colleges
and universities in the United States and Canada. Recipients of this degree
may also seek out research or consulting positions in government or non-
governmental organizations. Teaching at a university frequently becomes a
springboard to various fields of policymaking. President Obama taught at the
University of Chicago, and many U.S. secretaries of state have taught political
science or international relations at the college level, including Condoleezza
Rice, Madeleine Albright, George Shultz, and Henry Kissinger.
 Appendix 335

Journalism
Working as a journalist also requires advanced knowledge of international
issues and regional conflicts, a deep understanding of very complex informa-
tion, and the ability to explain it to thousands or even millions of viewers,
readers, or listeners. International reporters today have to be proficient in two
or more languages. As a journalist, you should know the history and current
status of international relations, understand various IR theories, and be famil-
iar with their contemporary applications.

Online Resources
Career opportunities and internships in IGOs:
The United Nations: https://careers.un.org
UNESCO: http://www.unesco.org/new/en/unesco/join-us/
UNICEF: http://www.unicef.org/about/employ
The World Bank: www.worldbank.org/jobs
The European Union: http://www.eu-un.europa.eu
NATO: www.nato.int
Career opportunities and internships in NGOs and think tanks:
The Woodrow Wilson Center: http://www.wilsoncenter.org/opportunities
The Brookings Institution: http://www.brookings.edu/about/employment
The Chicago Council on Global Affairs: http://www.thechicagocouncil.
org/files/AboutUs/Career_Opportunities/
The Washington Center for Internships and Academic Seminars: http://
www.twc.edu/
Arms Control Association (Washington, D.C.): http://www.armscontrol.
org/internships
ECPAT-USA: http://ecpatusa.org/who-we-are/internships-and-volunteers/
Greenpeace: http://www.greenpeace.org/usa/en/about/jobs/
The World Wildlife Fund – United States: http://worldwildlife.org/
internships
Doctors Without Borders: http://www.doctorswithoutborders.org/work/
U.S. government career opportunities and internships (general search):
USAJOBS: http://www.usajobs.gov
U.S. government career opportunities and internships (selected departments and
agencies):
The U.S. Department of State: http://www.careers.state.gov/
The Central Intelligence Agency: https://www.cia.gov/careers/index.html
The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency: http://www.epa.gov/internships/
The U.S. Department of Homeland Security: http://www.dhs.gov/
student-opportunities
The U.S. Department of Defense: http://www.whs.mil/HRD/Apply/

See more options on the companion website

Glossary

Accessibility bias In cognitive theories, the rule that a Autocratic rulers Leaders who use unlimited power
leader tends to pick the option that is most easily and who follow international and domestic law
available. only if it suits them.
Acid rain The accumulation of acids in clouds, rain, Balance of trade The difference between the size of
snow, sleet, and, subsequently, lakes and rivers exports and imports of a country.
owing to sulfur dioxide, nitrogen oxides, and Bipolar order A type of world organization based on
other pollutants in the atmosphere. two centers of power or influence..
Aggression An attack by a state aiming at retribu- Bureaucratic bargaining The process by which politi-
tion, expansion, or conquest. cal groups and institutions express their interests
Analogy The comparison of a new situation to a fa- and make trade-offs and compromises.
miliar one. Analogies may provide quick an- Caliphate A global Islamic state (one of ultimate goals
swers in place of a more lengthy discussion. of al-Qaeda).
Analysis Breaking down a complex whole into Climate change A significant and lasting alteration of
smaller parts to understand its essential features global weather patterns (Gerrard, 2007). It most
and their relationships. often means global warming, or the rising temper-
Anarchism An ideology and movement sought to atures and increasing number of abnormal and
create a borderless, peaceful, self-governing soci- unseasonable climatic phenomena such as dev-
ety of free, local communes in which people gen- astating storms and heat waves.
erate and distribute wealth without government Coercion and extortion The use of force and threats
control. of force to compel others to comply with their
Anarchy Applied to realism, the lack of any executive demands.
power above individual states capable of regulat- Cognitive maps Models of information processing
ing their behavior. and decision-making.
Antiglobalization (see globalization) Resistance to Cold War (1946–1989) The state of tensions and com-
globalization, or an active return to traditional petition between the Soviet Union and its allies
communities, customs, and religion. on one side, and on the other, the Western world,
Asymmetrical threat The danger imposed by terror- including the United States, Western Europe,
ism because a state cannot effectively retaliate and their allies.
and restore a balance of power. Collective security An arrangement in which the
Atlanticism The belief that the relationship between security of one country becomes the concern of
the United States and Europe is a focus of na- others as well.
tional interest. Communism A classless political and social order
Autarky A long-term policy of national self-sufficiency free from oppressive government.
and rejection of imports, economic aid, and Comparative advantage A theory that explains why
cooperation. it is beneficial for two countries to trade with

336
 Glossary 337

each other instead of relying on their own do- Critical thinking A strategy for examining, evaluat-
mestic production. ing, and understanding international relations
Competitive authoritarianism A hybrid political on the basis of reasoning and valid evidence.
culture with a competitive electoral system in Culture A set of values, behaviors, and symbols shared
which a single leader or party dominates. They by a group of people and communicated from
use the state power to defeat opposition and one generation to the next.
mobilize public opinion Currencies The physical component of a country’s
Complex interdependence The condition among money supply, comprising coins, paper notes,
states when anarchy is replaced by cooperation and government bonds.
among states as the main feature of international Customary law Law derived from the past practices
relations of sovereign states in the absence of repeated
Conflict theories Approaches that emphasize eco- objections from other states.
nomic, social, and political inequality as a source Cyberterrorism Paralyzing attacks online on politi-
of contradictions and tensions among social cal, fi nancial, and military centers.
groups. Conflict theories highlight the role of Debt-for-nature swaps Agreements to designate an
social classes, ruling elites, and other dominant area for environmental conservation in exchange
groups in shaping global affairs. for a reduction in the country’s foreign debt.
Conflict An actual or perceived antagonism between Deforestation The massive removal or disappear-
states and international or nongovernment ance of forests, owing to the thinning, chang-
organizations. ing, and elimination of trees, bushes, and other
Conservation A policy of protecting and preserve vegetation.
natural resources, including plant and animal Democratic leaders Leaders who treat the letter and
species and their habitats. spirit of the law as the core of their domestic
Consistency bias In cognitive theories, the rule that policy and, in most circumstances, foreign policy.
the human mind operates so as to keep beliefs, Democratic peace theory The theory that democra-
opinions, and ideas consistent. cies are not likely to fight one another.
Constructivist view (or constructivism) An approach Dependency theory The belief that the world eco-
to international relations that assumes that state nomic order is based on the flow of resources
actions and policies are based on how leaders, from a “periphery” of poor states to a “core” of
bureaucracies, and societies interpret, or wealthy states.
construct ,information. Depletion The serious reduction of essential ele-
Consumption The selection, adoption, use, disposal, ments of an ecosystem, such as loss of forests,
and recycling of goods and services. fresh water, or entire species.
Contamination The byproducts of human and non- Desertification The expansion of deserts into the
human activities in air, water, and soil. places previously available for agriculture.
Content analysis A research method that systemati- Diplomacy The management of international rela-
cally organizes and summarizes both what was tions through negotiations.
actually said or written and its hidden meanings Domestic terrorism Terrorism to achieve domestic
(the manifest and latent content). political goals, such as dismantling a govern-
Conventional war Conducted by regular armies that ment or a change in policies.
clash in pitched battles usually along recogniz- Domino theory An American view during the Cold
able frontlines. War that a seizure of power by Communists in
Cooperation A foreign policy that addresses other one country will produce a chain reaction of
states’ concerns for their security. Communist takeovers in other countries allied
Core In dependency theory, economically developed with the West.
states that exercise their hegemonic power. East African Community (EAC) An economic and
Counterterrorism Long-term policies and specific political union between five countries (Tanzania,
short-term measures to prevent and combat in- Uganda, Burundi, Kenya, and Rwanda).
ternational and domestic terrorism. Economic climate A set of values and practices, such
Criminalization of terrorism Considering terrorism a as the level of trust, transparency, and corrup-
form of criminal behavior in the context of do- tion that encourages or discourages economic
mestic and international law. investments.
338 Glossary

Economic liberalism The belief and theory that only Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) A UN
free market, free trade, and economic coop- agency that coordinates international efforts to
eration can lead to a peaceful and prosperous overcome hunger.
world. Foreign policy A complex system of actions involving
Economic sanctions The deliberate, government- official decisions or communications related to
driven withdrawal, or threat of withdrawal, of other nation states, international institutions, or
customary trade and fi nancial relations in an international developments in general.
effort to change another country’s policies. Freedom of the seas The principle that countries have
Environmental politics The activities of political lead- the right to travel by sea to and trade with other
ers, parties, NGOs, scientific laboratories, and countries; each state’s sovereignty ends with its
others to influence environmental policy. territorial waters.
Environmental skepticism A questioning of environ- Fundamentalism A point of view or social movement
mentalism from the point of view of science or distinguished by rigid adherence to principles
practicality. rooted in tradition (typically religious tradition)
Environmental sovereignty The right of states to use and often by intolerance of individual rights and
and protect their environment and natural secularism.
resources. General principles of law Cross-cultural principles of
Environmentalism Belief in the necessity of urgent morality and common sense.
and comprehensive policies to protect the Genocide The deliberate extermination or prosecu-
environment. tion of racial, ethnic, religious, and other social
Epidemic An outbreak of infectious disease in a large groups, whether in war or in peacetime.
population. Geopolitics The theory and practice of using geogra-
Experiment A research method that puts participants phy to achieve political power or seek security.
in controlled testing conditions. By varying these Global commons Geographical areas not under any
conditions, researchers can examine the behav- nation’s sovereign control.
ior or responses of participants. Global Environment Facility (GEF) An independent
Extraterritoriality Exemption from the jurisdiction of fi nancial organization established in 1991 that
local law. provides grants to developing countries for proj-
Extreme poverty A profound lack of resources and ects that benefit the global environment and
the inability to gain access to them. promote sustainable development.
Eyewitness accounts Descriptions of events by indi- Global governance The global cooperation of in-
viduals who observed them directly. ternational actors with little or no power of en-
Failing state A state in which the government is forcing compliance. This approach is based on
incapable of exercising their major functions, the mutual interdependence of nations, the idea
defending borders, or making key decisions. that global issues should be addressed by a col-
Fair trade (also known also as trade justice) lective effort, and the assumption that there is
Initiatives arising from a belief that free trade no single formula for solving all humanitarian
alone cannot solve such lingering problems as problems.
chronic poverty, diseases, and environmental Globalization The growing irrelevance of state bor-
troubles. ders, the growing importance of international
Famine Severe food scarcity causing malnutrition, exchanges of goods and ideas, and increased
starvation, disease, and increasing mortality. openness to innovation.
Feminist theories Theories that argue that men’s Graduated reciprocation in tension-reduction (GRIT)
political domination and their oppression of Small goodwill steps by one or two sides in an in-
women shape international relations. ternational conflict help to build trust and reduce
Fiscal policy The use of government spending or international tensions.
revenue collection to influence the economy, Green certification The grant of certificates to compa-
jump-start it out of recession, or create jobs. nies that pursue responsible environmental poli-
Focus group methodology A survey method involv- cies to make their products more competitive in
ing small discussion groups used intensively in the market.
foreign-policy planning, conflict resolution anal- Gross domestic product (GDP) The total market
ysis, and academic research. value of all the goods and services produced
 Glossary 339

within the borders of a state during a specified International law Principles, rules, and regulations
period. concerning the interactions among countries and
Group pressure In political psychology, the ability of other institutions and organizations in interna-
other people to alter individual decisions. tional relations.
Guerrilla warfare Political violence by identifiable, International mandate Legal permission to adminis-
irregular combat units, usually to seize state ter a territory or enforce international law.
power, win autonomy, or found new states. International order The established system of the
Harmony values The view that the environment world’s organization and functioning.
should be preserved and cherished rather than International political economy (IPE) The interactions
exploited. between politics and economics in an interna-
Hegemony One state’s overwhelming power in rela- tional context.
tion to other states. International politics The political aspects of inter-
Human rights Fundamental rights with which all national relations. The emphasis on politics
people are endowed regardless of their race, na- suggests the prime focus of these studies: power-
tionality, sex, ethnicity, religion, or social status. related interests and policies.
Human trafficking The illegal trade in human beings International relations The study of interactions
for purposes of exploitation. among states as well as the international activi-
Humanitarian crisis Threatens to the health, safety, ties of nonstate organizations.
security, and well-being of many people, usually International security Mutual security issues involv-
in a single geographic area. ing two or more states.
Humanitarian intervention Assistance with or without International terrorism Terrorism that involves inter-
the use of military force to reduce the disastrous national groups, interaction between countries,
consequences of a humanitarian crisis. or international organizations, often with re-
Humanitarian sovereignty A country’s responsibility gional or global consequences.
for its own humanitarian policies and the right International treaties Written agreements between
to accept or reject humanitarian interventions. nations (also called agreements, charters, pacts,
Identity The characteristics by which a person is covenants, and conventions).
recognizable as a member of a cultural group, Interventionism A policy of interference in other
such as a nation, an ethnic group, or a religion. states’ affairs or international conflicts without
Imperial overreach A hegemonic state’s exhaustion of regard for their consent.
economic resources, erosion of political will, and Involuntary migration Relocation within or across
the weakening of imperial ideology. state borders due to violence, hardship, severe
Imperialism (Lenin’s theory of) A global struggle suffering, or a significant threat of these.
among international corporations and banks for Isolationism A policy of nonparticipation in interna-
territories and resources. tional alliances; freedom to act or not to act in
Infectious diseases Serious maladies caused by a international conflicts.
biological agent such as a virus, bacterium, or Jurisdiction The right and authority to make deci-
parasite. sions and apply justice.
Intelligence Information about the interests, inten- Keynesian economics The principle that national
tions, capabilities, and actions of foreign coun- governments should conduct expansionary
tries, including government officials, political fiscal and monetary policies whenever neces-
parties, the functioning of their economies, the sary to ease the undesirable effects of economic
activities of nongovernmental organizations, recessions.
and the behavior of private individuals. Kyoto Protocol A 1997 international agreement to
Intergovernmental organization (IGO) An organiza- limit air pollution and reduce global warming.
tion composed of sovereign member-states. Laws of war Common principles that states should
Internal affairs Matters that individual states consider follow in case of an armed conflict.
beyond the reach of international law or the in- Liberal institutionalism The belief that international
fluence of other states. institutions allow more efficient international
Internally displaced persons Those who involuntarily relations than power politics.
leave their home and region under threats of Liberal interventionism A broader approach to secu-
death, starvation, or imprisonment. rity that mandates military action by a coalition
340 Glossary

of states and IGOs, when all nonviolent means Nationalism Individual and collective identification
are exhausted. with a country or a nation. Nationalism also
Liberalism A school of thought based on the rejec- can become the belief in a nation’s special role.
tion of power politics, the need for international Often, it is the belief that an ethnic group has
cooperation, distribution of shared interests, the right to form an independent state.
and the role of nonstate actors in shaping state Natural disaster A natural hazard such as an earth-
preferences and policy choices. Liberalism op- quake or a volcano eruption with devastating
poses realist explanations, which emphasize impact on the ecosystem.
cost–benefit analysis and state security interests. Neoliberalism A theoretical position postulating that
Lobbying Activities with the goal of influencing state interests remain a main subject of analysis
public officials in support of legislation or in international relations, yet that these interests
policies. are realized in the context of interdependence
Log rolling A concession made by one party to the among states.
other party on domestic issues in exchange for Nongovernment organizations (NGOs) Public or pri-
their support on foreign policy. vate groups unaffi liated formally with a govern-
Macroeconomics The study of the structure and per- ment and attempting to influence foreign policy,
formance of the entire economy, including the to raise international concerns about a domestic
interrelationship among diverse sectors. problem or domestic concerns about a global
Malnutrition A medical condition resulting from issue, and to offer solutions.
famine or chronic food shortages. North (Global) In dependency theory, predominantly
Marxism A social, political, and economic theory that rich and technology-driven countries that bene-
interprets international relations as a struggle fit from the raw materials and cheap labor of the
between states representing ruling elites inter- (Global) South.
ested in control over territories, people, and Nuclear deterrence Maintaining nuclear weapons
resources. with the intention not to use them but to deter
Mastery values The view that individuals may exer- others from nuclear attack.
cise control over and exploit natural resources. Nuclear proliferation The spread of nuclear weapons,
Mercantilism The economic view that emphasizes material, information, and technologies to create
the accumulation of resources and capital by nuclear weapons.
states as well as state regulation of trade. One-child policy China’s policy initiated in 1979 lim-
Microeconomics The field of economics that consid- iting the number of children that a family can
ers the behavior of individual consumers, com- have.
panies, and industries. Outsourcing The practice of moving business and
Militarism A tendency to rely on military force in jobs to other countries and regions where labor
response to foreign threats. costs are lower.
Multilateralism Coordination of foreign policy with Overpopulation A high concentration of people
allies; participation in international coalitions, within a region threatening its subsistence, or
blocs, and international organizations. the minimum conditions to sustain a reasonable
Multipolar order A world with multiple centers of quality of life. It can cause serious environmen-
power or influence. tal and social problems.
Nation A large group of people sharing common cul- Ozone depletion Steady decline in the amount of
tural, religious, and linguistic features and dis- ozone in the stratosphere, allowing the sun’s
tinguishing themselves from other large social damaging ultraviolet radiation to reach the earth.
groups. A nation may also refer to people who have Pandemic An international epidemic that spreads
established sovereignty over a territory and set up across national borders.
international borders recognized by other states. Parochialism A worldview limited to the small piece
National purpose In the constructivist view, a major of land on which we live or to the narrow experi-
economic goal that political and business elites ence we have.
want to achieve for their country. Peace psychology The study of the ideological and
National security A state’s need to protect its sover- psychological causes of war to develop educa-
eignty, territorial integrity, and vital interests. tional programs to reduce the threat.
 Glossary 341

Peacekeeping Military or nonmilitary intervention Regional trade agreements Mutual commitments

to stop violence (peacemaking) and to create the that bind several neighboring countries to pursue
conditions for lasting peace (peace building). common economic and fi nancial policies.
Pearl Harbor syndrome Attitudes and policies de- Rehabilitation Helping someone return to the com-
signed to avoid sudden and devastating attack. munity after being involved in radical or terror-
Periphery In dependency theory, former colonies, ist group.
underdeveloped, and chronically poor states. Religious fundamentalism A set of beliefs and
Political culture A set of values and norms essential behaviors based on strict adherence to religious
to the functioning of international and national principles.
political institutions, including the attitudes of Resistance bias In cognitive theories, the rule that
states toward each other and individual citizens. leaders resist changing their ideas about interna-
Political psychology The study of the interactions tional relations.
between political and psychological factors in Responsibility to Protect (R2P) The principle that
individual and group behavior. if a sovereign country does not protect its own
Political socialization The study of how individuals people from identifiable causes of death and
acquire their political knowledge and beliefs. acute suffering, then other countries and the
Postcolonial studies The critique of Western domi- international community must take action.
nation in postcolonial Africa, Asia, and Latin Revisionist (predator) state A state conducting poli-
America. cies of systematic disregard for international
Power The ability of a state to protect its own security rules and turning to belligerent actions in the
and impose its will on other states and actors. international arena.
Preemptive policies Action against terrorists before Security community A group of countries united by
they strike. mutual security interests, arrangements, and
Preemptive war A war launched to destroy the common liberal values.
potential threat of an enemy when an attack by Security dilemma A situation in which one state’s
the adversary is imminent. efforts to improve its security cause insecurity in
Preventive war A war started states to protect them- others.
selves if they believe that other states might Security regime A region in which a powerful coun-
threaten them in the future. try provides protection to other states in ex-
Production The process of creating goods and ser- change for their cooperation.
vices with market value. Separatism The advocacy of or attempt to establish
Proletarian internationalism The duty to support a separate nation within another sovereign state.
Communist movements around the world. Socially responsible investing (SRI) A business strat-
Protectionism Economic restrictions by the state to egy combining the pursuit of the social good,
discourage imports and encourage domestic pro- environmental protection, and profits.
duction including “import substitution.” Soft power A state’s ability to influence other states by
Proxy war Armed conflict orchestrated by other, example, through economic and social success.
more distant countries using substitute forces to Sources of international law International treaties,
avoid a direct confrontation with each other. international customary law, and general prin-
Rational model In political psychology, the view that ciples of law recognized by civilized nations.
politicians act, for the most part, logically, to South (Global) Predominantly agricultural countries
maximize positive outcomes and to minimize that are dependent on the rich and technology-
negative outcomes. driven (Global) North.
Realism A school of international relations that State government An institution with the authority
focuses on power, security, and state interests. to formulate and enforce its decisions within a
Realpolitik Policy rooted in the belief that the foun- country’s borders.
dation of a nation’s security is power and the Status quo state A state that observes and protects
threat of its use. the established rules of international behavior.
Refugees Involuntary migrants under threats of Supranationalism The delegation of authority to
political or religious persecution or ethnic and institutions or organizations that may supersede
religious violence. the authority of individual states by their consent.
342 Glossary

Survey The investigative method in which groups of Unilateralism Reliance on a state’s own resources
people answer questions on a certain topic. rather than support from others; acting alone in
Sustainable development A comprehensive policy foreign policy.
that meets the needs of the present without sac- Unipolar order A world with only one center of
rificing the ability of future generations to meet power or influence.
their own needs. This policy is about stimulating Universal jurisdiction The principle that the perpe-
economic growth while at the same time protect- trators of certain crimes cannot escape justice
ing the environment and natural resources. by moving to another country and invoking its
Tariffs Taxes or fi nancial charges imposed on im- sovereign immunity.
ported goods. War An organized violent confrontation between
Terrorism Random violence conducted by nonstate states or other social and political entities, such
actors, such as individuals or groups, against gov- as ethnic or religious groups.
ernments or their citizens to achieve political goals. Water pollution The by-products of human activities
Theory A general concept or scheme that one applies that are harmful to rivers, lakes, seas, and under-
to facts to analyze them. ground water.
Tribalism A way of thinking and a movement identi- Weapons of mass destruction Nuclear, chemical, and
fying itself not with nation-states but rather with biological weapons can quickly and indiscrimi-
a religious or ethnic group. nately kill tens of millions of people.
Two-level game theory A model in which states react Xenophobia Fear and contempt of foreign countries
to both domestic and international politics. and foreigners, helping politicians and regimes
Tyrant A ruler who uses unlimited power to oppress to mobilize public opinion, defeat political
the people of the ruler’s country or its foreign opposition, win elections, neutralize critics, or
possessions. justify war.
 References

A Strategic Revolution in HIV and Global Health Allison, Graham. 1971. Allison, Graham (1971).
(Editorial). 2011. The Lancet 377 (9783) June 18: Essence of Decision: Explaining the Cuban Missile
2055. Crisis. 1st edition.New York: Little, Brown, and
Aaronson, Susan Ariel. 2010. Is China Killing the Company.
WTO? International Economy, Winter. Almond, Gabriel and Sidney Verba. 1963. The Civic
Abadie, Alberto. 2006. Poverty, Political Freedom, Culture. Boston: Little, Brown and Company.
and the Roots of Terrorism. American Economic Anderson, Kym, ed. 2005. The World’s Wine Markets:
Review (Papers and Proceedings) 96 (2): 50–56. Globalization at Work. London: Edward Elgar.
Abdelal, Rawi. 2001. National Purpose in the World Angell, Norman. 1910. The Great Illusion: A Study
Economy. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. of the Relation of Military Power in Nations to
Abrams, Irwin. 1957. The Emergence of the Inter- Their Economic and Social Advantage. London:
national Law Societies. Review of Politics 19 (3): Heinemann.
361–380. Angus, Ian and Simon Butler. 2011. Too Many People?:
Adamsky, Dima. 2010. The Culture of Military Population, Immigration, and the Environmental
Innovation: The Impact of Cultural Factors on the Crisis. Chicago:Haymarket Books.
Revolution in Military Affairs in Russia, the US, and Arrighi, Giovanni and Lu Zhang. 2011. Beyond the
Israel. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Washington Consensus: A New Bandung. In
Adler, Emanuel and Michael Barnett, eds. 1998. Globalization and Beyond: New Examinations of
Security Communities. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge Global Power and its Alternatives, eds. Jon Shefner
University Press. and Patricia Fernandez-Kelly. University Park:
Adler, Emanuel. 2008. The Spread of Security Pennsylvania State University Press.
Communities: Communities of Practice, Self- Arrighi, Giovanni. 1994. The Long Twentieth Century:
Restraint, and NATO’s Post-Cold War Trans- Money, Power, and the Origins of Our Times.
formation. European Journal of International New York: Verso.
Relations 14 (2): 195–230. Art, David. 2011. Inside the Radical Right: The
Agier, Michel. 2010. Humanity as an Identity and Its Development of Anti-Immigrant Partied in Western
Political Effects. Humanity 1 (1): 29–46. Europe. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University
Akçam, Taner. 2007. A Shameful Act: The Armenian Press.
Genocide and the Question of Turkish Responsibility. Asal, Victor and Andrew Blum. 2005. Holy Terror
New York: Picador. and Mass Killings? Reexamining the Motivations
Alamgir, Jalal. 2008. India’s Open-Economy Policy: and Methods of Mass Casualty Terrorists.
Globalism, Rivalry, Continuity. London: Routledge. International Studies Review 7 (1): 153–155.
Allison, Graham and Philip Zelikow. 1999. Essence Ayittey, George B. N. 2005. Africa Unchained: The
of Decision: Explaining the Cuban Missile Crisis. Blueprint for Africa’s Future. New York: Palgrave
2nd edition. New York: Longman. Macmillan.

343
344 References

Ayman, Roya and Karen Korabik. 2010. Why Gender Betts, Richard. 2011. Institutional Imperialism. The
and Culture Matter. American Psychologist 65 (3): National Interest. May–June: 85–96.
157–170. Bhagwati, Jagdish. 2004. In Defense of Globalization.
Baldoni, John. 2004. Great Motivation Secrets of Great New York: Oxford University Press.
Leaders. New York: McGraw-Hill. Biello, David. 2010. Where did Carter White House’s
Bales, Kevin, Zoe Trodd, and Alex Williamson. 2009. Solar Panels Go? Scientific American Blog, September
Modern Slavery: The Secret World of 27 Million 10. Online at http://www.scientificamerican.com/
People. London: Oneworld. article.cfm?id=carter-white-house- solar-panel-
Banerjee, Abhijit and Ester Duflo. 2011. Poor Eco- array (accessed September 25, 2012).
nomics: A Radical Rethinking of the Way to Fight Black, Richard. 2011. World’s Oceans in “Shocking”
Global Poverty. New York: Public Affairs. Decline. BBC News. June 20. Online at http://
Barner-Barry, Carol and Robert Rosenwein. 1985. Psy- w w w.bbc.co.uk/news/science-env ironment-
chological Perspectives on Politics. Prospect Heights, 13796479?print=true (accessed September 25,
IL: Waveland. 2012).
Bass, Gary. 2009. Freedom’s Battle: The Origins of Blair, Tony. 2010. A Journey: My Political Life. New York:
Humanitarian Intervention . New York: Vintage Knopf.
Books. Blanchard, William. 1996. Neocolonialism American
BBC. 2010. Ethiopia Famine Aid “Spent on Weapons.” Style, 1960–2000. New York: Praeger.
March 3. Online at http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/ Blight J. G., B. J. Allyn, and D. A. Welch. 1993. Cuba
8535189.stm (accessed September 25, 2012). on the Brink: Castro, the Missile Crisis, and the
Beck, Barbara. 2011. All Aboard: Women Will Get Soviet Collapse. New York: Pantheon Books.
a Lift to the Top. The Economist. November 17. Blustein, Paul. 2009. Misadventures of the Most Favored
Special edition: The World in 2012, 99. Nations: Clashing Egos, Inflated Ambitions, and the
Becker, Jasper. 1998. Hungry Ghosts: Mao’s Secret Famine. Great Shambles of the World Trade System. New
New York: Owl Books. York: Public Affairs.
Beech, Hannah. 2013. The Face of Buddhist Terror. Bodansky, Yossef. 2001. Bin Laden: The Man who Declared
Time, July 1. Online at http://ti.me/10zStLO War on America. Roseville, CA: Prima Lifestyles.
(accessed July 17, 2013). Boot, Max. 2007. Another Vietnam? Wall Street
Bellamy, Alex and Paul Williams. 2010. Understanding Journal. August 24. Online at http://www.cfr.org/
Peacekeeping. Cambridge, UK: Polity. publication/14083/another_vietnam.html (ac-
Benvenisti, Eyal, Chaim Gans, and Sari Hanafi, eds. cessed July 18, 2013).
2007. Israel and the Palestinian Refugees. Berlin: Boot, Max. 2009. Pirates, Then and Now: How Piracy
Springer. Was Defeated in the Past and Can Be Again.
Beres, Louis R. 2008. On Assassination, Preemption, Foreign Affairs 88 (4): 94-107.
and Counterterrorism: The View From Inter- Booth, Ken and Nicholas Wheeler. 2007. The Security
national Law. International Journal of Intelligence Dilemma: Fear, Cooperation and Trust in World
and CounterIntelligence 21 (4): 694–725. Politics. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Bergman, Ronen. 2008. The Secret War with Iran: The Borah, Rupakjyoti. 2011. BRICS: The New Great
30-Year Clandestine Struggle Against the World’s Game. ISN Insights. June 23. Online at http://bit
Most Dangerous Terrorist Power. New York: Free .ly/12QmLUU (accessed July 19, 2013).
Press. Borch, Fred and Gary Solis. 2010. Geneva Conventions.
Bergsten, C. Fred. 2005. Rescuing the Doha Round. New York: Kaplan Publishing.
Foreign Affairs 84 (7). Special WTO edition. Borgerson, Scott G. 2008. Arctic Meltdown. The
Online at http://bit.ly/1bFXKUt (accessed July 17, Economic and Security Implications of Global
2013). Warming. Foreign Affairs 87 (2) March/April.
Bernstein, Richard. 2009. Upper Crust Is Often Drawn Bortolotti, Dan. 2006. Hope in Hell: Inside the World
to Terrorism. The New York Times. December 30. of Doctors Without Borders. Buffalo, NY: Firefly
Online at http://nyti.ms/6S5b73 (accessed June 25, Books.
2013). Boucek, Christopher. 2009. Saudi Detainee-Rehab
Betts, Richard. 2008. Conflict after the Cold War: Argu- Program Mostly Successful. NPR’s All Things
ments on Causes of War and Peace. 3d edition. Considered. December 31. Source: http://bit.ly/
New York: Longman. 12Hel2h (accessed June 30, 2013).
 References 345

Boucek, Christopher. 2010. Al Qaeda in 2010. The CARSI. 2010. The Central America Regional Security
Diane Rehm Show. January 5. Online at: http:// Initiative. U.S. Department of State. Bureau of
bit.ly/15QPRqj (accessed July 18, 2013). Public Affairs. Online at http://www.state.gov/
Bricmont, Jean. 2006. Humanitarian Imperialism: Using documents/organization/145956.pdf (accessed
Rights to Sell War. New York: Monthly Review Press. September 25, 2012).
Brown, Paul. 2006. Notes from a Dying Planet, 2004–2006: Carson, Rachel. 1962. Silent Spring. New York:
One Scientist’s Search for Solutions. Lincoln, NE: Houghton Mifflin.
iUniverse, Inc. Chakrabarty, Dipesh. 2007. Provincializing Europe:
Bryce, Robert. 2009. Gusher of Lies: The Dangerous Postcolonial Thought and Historical Difference.
Delusions of “Energy Independence.” New York: Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
PublicAffairs. Chaliand, Gerard and Arnaud Blin. 2007. The History
Buchanan, Allen. 2003. Reforming the International of Terrorism: From Antiquity to Al Qaeda. Berkeley:
Law of Humanitarian Intervention. In Humani- University of California Press.
tarian Intervention: Ethical, Legal, and Political Chan, Steve. 1997. In Search of Democratic Peace:
Dilemmas, eds. J. L. Holzgrefe and Robert Keohane. Problems and Promise. Mershon International
New York: Cambridge University Press, 130–74. Studies Review 41 (1): 59–91.
Buchanan, Allen. 2010. Human Rights, Legitimacy, and Chandler, David. 2006. From Kosovo to Kabul and
the Use of Force. New York: Oxford University Press. Beyond: Human Rights and International Intervention.
Bueno de Mesquita, Ethan. 2005. Conciliation, Counter- Ann Arbor, MI: Pluto Press.
terrorism, and Patterns of Terrorist Violence. Chappel, Louise. 2008. The International Criminal
International Organization 59 (1): 145–176. Court: A New Arena for Transforming Justice.
Bull, Hedley, ed. 1988. Intervention in World politics. In Global Governance: Feminist Perspectives, eds.
New York: Oxford University Press. Shirin Rai and Georgina Waylen. New York:
Bull, Hedley. 1977. The Anarchical Society: A Study Palgrave Macmillan.
of Order in World Politics. New York: Columbia Checkel, Jeffrey. 1998. The Constructivist Turn in
University Press. International Relations Theory. World Politics
Burt, Jo-Marie. 2009. Guilty as Charged: The Trial of 50 (2): 324–348.
former Peruvian President Alberto Fujimori for Chernyaev, Anatoly. 2000. My Six Years with Gorbachev.
Grave Violations of Human Rights. International Translated and edited by Robert D. English and
Journal of Transitional Justice 3 (3): 384–405. Elizabeth Tucker. University Park: Pennsylvania
Burt, Jo-Marie. 2010. Political Violence and the State University Press.
Authoritarian State in Peru: Silencing Civil Society Cholett, Derek and James Goldgeier. 2002. The
New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Scholarship of Decision-making: Do We Know
Buzan, Barry and Lene Hansen. 2009. The Evolution How We Decide? In Foreign Policy Decision-Making,
of International Security Studies. New York: eds. Richard Snyder, H. W. Bruck, and Burton
Cambridge University Press. Sapin. Originally published in 1962, “revisited”
Caprioli, Mary and Mark Boyer. 2001. Gender, by eds. Valerie Hudson, Derek Cholett, and James
Violence, and International Crisis. Journal of Goldgeier in 2002. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Conflict Resolution, 45 (4): 503–518. Cholett, Derek and James Goldgeier. 2008. America
Carpenter, Ted. 2006. America’s Coming War with Between the Wars: From 11/9 to 9/11: The
China: A Collision Course over Taiwan. New York: Misunderstood Years between the Fall of the Berlin
Palgrave Macmillan. Wall and the Start of the War on Terror. New York:
Carr, Edward H. 1969. Twenty Years’ Crisis, 1919–1939: PublicAffairs.
An Introduction to the Study of International Relations. Christison, Bill. 2002. Former CIA Officer Explains
2nd edition. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Why the War on Terror Won’t Work. Counterpunch
Originally published in 1939. (an online magazine) March 45. Online at http://
Carrière, Erin, Marc O’Reilly, and Richard Vengroff. bit.ly/14bei54 (accessed July 14, 2013).
2003. “In the Service of Peace”: Reflexive Cohen, Joel E. 2005. Human Population Grows Up.
Multilateralism and the Canadian Experience Scientific American 293 (3): 48–55. Online at
in Bosnia. In International Public Opinion and the http://bit.ly/OUTbgQ (accessed July 15, 2013).
Bosnia Crisis, eds. Richard Sobel and Eric Shiraev. Cohn, Carol. 1987. Sex and Death in the Rational World
Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 1–32. of Defense Intellectuals. Signs 12 (4): 687–718.
346 References

Coleman, Loren. 2004. The Copycat Effect: How the Davis, David H. 2007. Ignoring the Apocalypse: Why
Media and Popular Culture Trigger the Mayhem in Planning to Prevent Environmental Catastrophe Goes
Tomorrow’s Headlines. New York: Pocket. Astray. Westport, CT: Praeger.
Coll, Steve. 2009. The Bin Ladens: An Arabian Family in Davis, Mike. 2011. Spring Confronts Winter. New Left
the American Century. New York: Penguin Press. Review Online at http://newleftreview.org/II/72/
Cooper, Barry. 2004. New Political Religions, or An mike-davis-spring-confronts-winter (accessed
Analysis of Modern Terrorism. Columbia: University July 15, 2013).
of Missouri Press. Debs, Alexandre and H. E. Goemans. 2010. Regime
Copeland, Dale. 1996. Economic Interdependence Type, the Fate of Leaders, and War. American
and War. International Security 20 (4): 5–41. Political Science Review 104 (3): 430–445.
Cordesman, Anthony. 2002. Terrorism, Asymmetric http://www.cato.org/pub_display.php?pub_id=1288
Warfare, and Weapons of Mass Destruction: Defending (accessed September 25, 2012).
the U.S. Homeland. Westport, CT: Praeger. Dennis, Anthony. 2002. Osama bin Laden: A Psycho-
Costigliola, Frank. 2000. “I Had Come as a Friend”: logical and Political Portrait. Lima, OH: Wyndham
Emotion, Culture, and Ambiguity in the For- Hall.
mation of the Cold War. Cold War History 1 (1) Der Spiegel. 2010. Staff. Beijing’s High-Tech Ambitions:
August: 103–128. The Dangers of Germany’s Dependence on
Cottier, Thomas and Manfred Elsig, eds. 2011. Governing China. Online at http://bit.ly/12kRVsf (accessed
the World Trade Organization: Past, Present and Beyond July 16, 2013).
Doha. New York: Cambridge University Press. Desai, Meghnad. 2007. Rethinking Islamism: The Ideology
Crane, George and Abla Amawi. 1997. The Theoretical of the New Terror. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Evolution of International Political Economy: A Reader. Desertec. 2012. Online at http://www.desertec.org/
New York: Oxford University Press. (accessed July 19, 2013).
Crawford, Michael and Jami Miscik. 2010. The Rise Deutsch, Karl W., Sidney A. Burrell, and Robert A.
of the Mezzanine Rulers: The New Frontier Kann. 1957. Political Community and the North
for International Law. Foreign Affairs 89 (6) Atlantic Area: International Organization in the
November/December: 123–132. Light of Historical Experience. Princeton, NJ:
Crenshaw, Martha. 2010. Explaining Terrorism: Causes, Princeton University Press.
Processes, and Consequences. New York: Routledge. Deutsch, Morton and Robert Krauss. (1962). Studies
Cronin, Audrey. 2002. Behind the Curve: Globali- of Interpersonal Bargaining. Journal of Conflict
zation and International Terrorism. International Resolution 6 (1): 52–76.
Security 27 (3) Winter: 30–58. Donnelly, Jack. 2009. Realism. In Theories of Inter-
Cronin, Audrey. 2010. The Evolution of Counter- national relations, ed. Scott Burchill, et al. New
terrorism: Will Tactics Trump Strategy? Interna- York: Palgrave Macmillan.
tional Affairs 86 (4): 837–856. Doremus, Paul N., William W. Keller, Louis W.
Cronin, Bruce. 1999. Community under Anarchy: Pauley, and Simon Reich. 1998. The Myth of
Transitional Identity and the Evolution of Cooperation. the Global Corporation.Princeton, NJ: Princeton
New York: Columbia University Press. University Press.
Cullen, Heidi. 2010. The Weather of the Future: Heat Dower, John. 2000. Embracing Defeat: Japan in the
Waves, Extreme Storms, and Other Scenes from a Wake of World War II. New York: Norton.
Climate-Changed Planet. New York: Harper. Doyle, Michael. 1986. Liberalism and World Politics.
Cutler, Robert. 1981. Decision Making and American Political Science Review 80 (4): 1151–1169.
International Relations: The Cybernetic Theory Dueck, Colin. 2010. Hard Line: The Republican
Reconsidered. Michigan Journal of Political Science Party and US Foreign Policy Since World War II.
1 (2): 57–63. Online at http://bit.ly/1aqXjeY Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
(accessed July 16, 2013). Dutta, Manoranjan. 2005. China’s Industrial Revolution
D’Silva, Themistocles. 2006. The Black Box of Bhopal: And Economic Presence. Hackensack, NJ: World
A Closer Look at the World’s Deadliest Industrial Scientific Publishing Company.
Disaster. Victoria, BC:Trafford Publishing. Easterly, William. 2001.The Elusive Quest for Growth:
D’Souza, Dinesh. 2010. The Roots of Obama’s Rage. Economists Adventures and Misadventures in the
Washington, DC: Regnery Publishing. Tropics. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
 References 347

Easterly, William. 2006. The White Man’s Burden: Why Kozul-Wright and Robert Rowthorn. New York:
the West’s Efforts to Aid the Rest Have Done So Much St. Martin’s Press, 195–224.
Ill and So Little Good. New York: Penguin Press. Evans-Pritchard, Ambrose. 2011. World Power Swings
Ebrahim, Alnoor. 2006. NGOs and Organizational Back to America. Telegraph. October 23. Online at
Change. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University http://bit.ly/ptenjk (accessed September 25, 2012).
Press. Fanon, Frantz. 2005. The Wretched of the Earth.
Economy, Elizabeth. 2010a. The Game Changer: Coping New York: Grove Press. Originally published in
with China’s Foreign Policy Revolution. Foreign French in 1961.
Affairs 89 (6) November/December: 142–152. Fearon, James and David Laitin. 2003. Ethnicity,
Economy, Elizabeth. 2010b. The River Runs Black: The Insurgency, and Civil War. American Political
Environmental Challenge to China’s Future. Ithaca, Science Review 97 (1): 75–90.
NY: Cornell University Press. Fearon, James. 1995. Rationalist Explanations for
Eisenhower, Dwight. 1960. Public Papers of the Presi- War. International Organization 49 (3): 379–414.
dents, Dwight D. Eisenhower. 1035–1040. Online Fearon, James. 1998. Bargaining, Enforcement, and
at http://www.h-net.org/~hst306/documents/ International Cooperation. International Organi-
indust.html (accessed July 16 25, 2013). zation 52 (2): 269–306.
Ekelund, Robert B., Jr. and Robert F. Hébert. 2007. Ferguson, Niall. 2010. The End of Chimerica: Amicable
A History of Economic Theory and Method. Long Divorce or Currency War? Testimony before
Grove, IL: Waveland Press. the Committee on Ways and Means U.S. House
English, Robert D. 2000. Russia and the Idea of the of Representatives, March 24. Online at http://
West : Gorbachev, Intellectuals and the End of the belfercenter.ksg.harvard.edu/publication/20029/
Cold War. New York: Columbia University Press. end_of_chimerica.html (accessed September 22,
Enloe, Cynthia. 2000. Bananas, Beaches, and Bases. 2012).
Making Feminist Sense of International Politics. Festa, Lynn. 2010. Humanity without Feathers.
Berkeley: University of California Press. Humanity 1 (1): 3–27.
Enloe, Cynthia. 2007. Globalization and Militarism. Finnemore, Martha. 1996. National Interests in Inter-
New York: Rowman & Littlefield. national Society. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University
ENS. 2006. U.S. Swaps Guatemalan Debt for Forest Press.
Conservation. Environmental News Service. Finnemore, Martha. 2004. The Purpose Of Intervention:
October 3. http://bit.ly/197W7PT (accessed Changing Beliefs About The Use Of Force (Cornell
July 19, 2013). Studies in Security Affairs). Ithaca, NY: Cornell
Erikson, Erik. 1969. Gandhi’s Truth: On the Origins of University Press.
Militant Nonviolence. New York: W.W. Norton. Fong, Vanessa L. 2006. Only Hope: Coming of Age
Esty, Daniel and Andrew Winston. 2006. Green to Gold: Under China’s One-Child Policy. Palo Alto, CA:
How Smart Companies Use Environmental Strategy Stanford University Press.
to Innovate, Create Value, and Build Competitive Forsythe, David, Roger Coate, and Thomas Weiss.
Advantage. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. 2004. The United Nations and Changing World
Eurobarometer. 2011. Migrant Integration: Aggregate Politics. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.
Report. Conducted by TNS Qual+ at the request Fouskas, Vassilis. 2003. Zones Of Conflict: U.S. Foreign
of Directorate General Home Affairs. Online at Policy in the Balkans and the Greater Middle East.
http://bit.ly/noM7CG (accessed June 16, 2013). Sterling, VA: Pluto Press.
Evangelista, Matthew. 1999. Unarmed Forces: The French, Hilary. 1994. GEF replenishment. World
Transnational Movement to End the Cold War. Watch 7 (4): 7.
Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Friedrich, Hans-Peter. 2011. An Interview of German
Evans, Gareth. 2009. The Responsibility to Protect: Interior Minister. Der Spiegel, August 9. Online at
Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and for All. http://bit.ly/oz01L0 (accessed July 17, 2013).
Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press. Fromkin, David. 2009. The Peace to End All Peace.
Evans, Peter. 1998. Transnational Corporations and New York: Henry Holt.
Third World States: From the Old Interna- Fukuyama, Francis. 2011. The Origins of Political Order:
tionalization to the New. In Transnational Corpo- From Prehuman Times to the French Revolution.
rations and the Global Economy, eds. Richard New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux.
348 References

Fursenko, Aleksandr and Timothy Naftali. 1997. ‘One Glad, Betty. 2009. An Outsider in the White House: Jimmy
Hell of a Gamble.’ Khrushchev, Castro, and Kennedy, Carter, His Advisors, and the Making of American
1958–1964. New York: W. W. Norton. Foreign Policy. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
Fusaro, Peter C. and Tom James. 2006. Energy & Emi- Goemans, Henk E., Kristian Skrede Gleditsch, and
ssions Markets: Collision or Convergence. Hoboken, Giacomo Chiozza. 2009. Introducing Archigos:
NJ: Wiley. A Data Set of Political Leaders, 1975–2003.
Gaddis, John Lewis. 1982. Strategies of Containment: Journal of Peace Research 46 (2): 269–283.
A Critical Appraisal of Postwar American National Goldfrank, Walter. 2000 Paradigm Regained? The
Security Policy. New York: Oxford University Rules of Wallerstein’s World-System Method.
Press. Journal of World-Systems Research 6 (2): 150–195.
Gaddis, John Lewis. 2006. The Cold War: A New Goldgeier, J. and P. Tetlock. 2001. Psychology and
History. New York: Penguin Books. International Relations Theory. Annual Review of
Gallup. 2012. Americans’ Worries About Global Political Science 4: 67–92.
Warming Up Slightly. March 30. Online at http:// Goldgeier, James. 1999. Not Whether but When: The
bit.ly/18p98lj (accessed July 17, 2013). U.S. Decision to Enlarge NATO. Washington, DC:
Gang, Ding. 2011. War’s Legacy Still Tints Vietnam’s Brookings.
View of US. Global Times, July 6. Online at http:// Gong, Sasha. 2009. Those Uppity Peasant Workers:
bit.ly/nH5USI (accessed July 15, 2013). The End of the Era of Cheap Chinese Labor. The
Gangale, Thomas. 2009. The Development of Outer International Economy Winter: 10–11, 83.
Space: Sovereignty and Property Rights in Inter- Goodman, Mel. 2008. Failure of Intelligence: The
national Space Law. Westport, CT: Praeger. Decline and Fall of the CIA. New York: Rowman &
Garrett, Laurie. 2005. The Next Pandemic? Foreign Littlefield.
Affairs 84 (4) July/August. Gottlieb, Gidon. 1994. Nations without States. Foreign
Gartzke, Erik. 2007. The Capitalist Peace. American Affairs 73 (3) May/June.
Journal of Political Science 51 (1): 166–191. Graber, Doris. 2005. Mass Media and American Politics.
Gaston, Kevin and John Spicer. 2004. Biodiversity: An 7th edition. Washington, DC: CQ Press.
Introduction. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing. Gray, Colin. 1982. Strategic Studies: A Critical Assess-
Gates, Nathaniel, ed. 1998. Race and US Foreign Policy ment. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press.
During the Cold War. New York: Routledge. Greenpeace International. 2013. About Greenpeace.
Gause, F. Gregory. 2005. Can Democracy Stop Online at http://www.greenpeace.org/international/
Terrorism? Foreign Affairs 84 (5): 62–76. en/about/ (accessed July 17 2013).
Gelpi, Christopher and Peter Feaver. 2002. Speak Grimmett, Richard. 1999. Foreign Policy Roles of
Softly and Carry a Big Stick? Veterans in the the President and Congress. U.S. Department
Political Elite and the American Use of Force. of State. Online at http://fpc.state.gov/6172.htm
American Political Science Review 96 (4): 779–793. (accessed September 25, 2012).
George, Alexander. 1969. The “Operational Code”: Grossman, Elizabeth. 2007. High Tech Trash: Digital
A Neglected Approach to the Study of Political Devices, Hidden Toxics, and Human Health .
Leaders and Decision-Making. International Washington, DC: Island Press.
Studies Quarterly 13 (2): 190–222. Grotius, Hugo. 2005. The Freedom of the Seas. New
Gereffi, Gary and Korzeniewicz, Miguel, eds. 1993. York: Adamant Media Corporation.
Commodity Chains and Global Capitalism. New York: Grover, Velma, ed. 2006. Water: Global Common and
Praeger. Global Problems. Enfield, NH: Science Publishers.
German Energy Blog. 2012. Online at http://www Gruber, Lloyd. 2000. Ruling the World: Power
.germanenergyblog.de/?page_id=3061 (accessed Politics and the Rise of Supranational Institutions.
September 23, 2012) Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Gerrard, Michael, ed. 2007. Global Climate Change and Guérot, Ulrike. 2010. The Yalta System Falls Apart
U.S. Law. Chicago, IL: American Bar Association. and Germany Is Still Undecided Where to Go
Gertz, Bill. 2011. Computer-Based Attacks Emerge as Next. Online at http://www.aicgs.org/expert/
Threat of Future, General Says. The Washington dr-ulrike-guerot/ (accessed September 2, 2011).
Times, September 13. Online at http://bit.ly/ Haaretz Service. 2010. Germany’s Deutsche Bank
mYp915 (accessed Juluy 17, 2013). Divests from Israel Firm Linked to West Bank
 References 349

Separation Fence. May 30. Online at http://bit.ly/ Henig, Ruth. 2010. The League of Nations: The
ccUg5s (accessed July 17, 2013). Makers of the Modern World . London: Haus
Haas, Ernst B. 1958. The Uniting of Europe: Political, Publishing.
Social, and Economic Forces, 1950–1957. Stanford, Herrmann, Richard K. and Richard Ned Lebow,
CA: Stanford University Press. eds. 2004. Ending the Cold War: Interpretations,
Haberman, Clyde. 1994. West Bank Massacre: The Causation, and the Study of International Relations.
Overview; Rabin Urges the Palestinians to Put New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Aside Anger and Talk. The New York Times. March 1. Herzog, Michael. 2006. Can Hamas Be Tamed?
Online at http://nyti.ms/15RT6Qw (accessed Foreign Affairs 85 (2) March/April: 83–94.
July 19, 2013). Hinckley, Ronald. 1992. People, Polls, and Policymakers:
Hahn, Gordon. 2012. Global Jihadism Comes to American Public Opinion and National Security.
Russia’s North Caucasus. Fair Observer. Online at New York: Lexington Books.
http://bit.ly/RYJK0I, July 12 (accessed July 12, 2013). Hindmoor, Andrew. 2006. Rational Choice (Political
Hainmueller, Jens and Michael Hiscox. 2007. Educated Analysis). New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Preferences: Explaining Individual Attitudes Hiro, Dilip. 2010. After Empire: The Birth of a Multipolar
Toward Immigration in Europe. International World. New York: Nation Books.
Organization 61 (2): 399–442. Hirschman, Nancy. 2010. Choosing Betrayal.
Hamud, Randall, ed. 2005. Osama Bin Laden: Perspectives on Politics 8 (1) March: 271–278.
America’s Enemy in His Own Words. San Diego, Hitchcock, William I. 2008. The Bitter Road to
CA: Nadeem Publishing. Freedom. A New History of the Liberation of Europe.
Hanson, Victor. 2001. Carnage and Culture: Landmark New York: Free Press.
Battles in the Rise of Western Power. New York: Hitchcock, William I. 2010. The Marshall Plan and
Doubleday. the Creation of the West, in: Melvyn P. Leffler
Hardin, Garrett. 1968. The Tragedy of the Commons. and Odd Arne Westad, eds., The Cambridge
Science 162 (3859): 1243–1248. History of the Cold War. Vol 1. Origins. London:
Harris, Frances. 2004. Global Environmental Issues. Cambridge University Press, 154-174.
West Sussex, UK: Wiley. Hoekman, Bernard and Michel Kostecki. 2010. The
Harrison, Selig and Clyde Prestowitz, Jr. 1990. Pacific Political Economy of the World Trading System. New
Agenda: Defense or Economics? Foreign Policy York: Oxford University Press.
79 (Summer): 60. Hoffman, Bruce. 1998. Inside Terrorism. New York:
Hart, Paul. 1991. Irving L. Janis’ Victims of Columbia University Press.
Groupthink: A Psychological Study of Foreign Hoffman, David. 2010. The Dead Hand: The Untold
Policy Decisions and Fiascoes. Political Psychology Story of the Cold War Arms Race and Its Dangerous
12 (2): 247–278. Legacy. New York: Anchor.
Hartman, Laura and Patricia Werhane. 2009. The Holsti, Ole. 1992. Public Opinion and Foreign
Global Corporation: Sustainable, Effective and Ethical Policy: Challenges to the Almond-Lippmann
Practices, A Case Book. New York: Routledge. Consensus. International Studies Quarterly 36 (4):
Hayek, Friedrich. 2007. The Road to Serfdom. Chicago: 439–466.
University of Chicago Press. Originally pub- Holsti, Ole. 2004. Public Opinion and American Foreign
lished in 1944. Policy. Revised edition. Ann Arbor: University of
Heider, Fritz. 1959. The Psychology of Interpersonal Michigan Press.
Relations. New York: Wiley. Holzgrefe, J. L. and Robert O. Keohane, eds. 2003.
Held, David. 2007. Globalization/Anti-Globalization: Humanitarian Intervention: Ethical, Legal, and
Beyond the Great Divide. Cambridge, UK: Polity. Political Dilemmas. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge
Helm, Dieter, ed. 2005. Climate Change Policy. Oxford, University Press.
UK: Oxford University Press. Homer-Dixon, Thomas. 1991. On the Threshold:
Hemmer, Christopher. 1999. Historical Analogies Environmental Changes As Causes of Acute
and the Defi nition of Interests: The Iranian Conflict. International Security 16 (2): 76–116.
Hostage Crisis and Ronald Reagan’s Policy Hopkirk, Peter. 1994. The Great Game: The Struggle
toward the Hostages in Lebanon. Political for Empire in Central Asia. New York: Kodansha
Psychology 20 (2) June: 267–289. International.
350 References

Horgan, John. 2009. Walking Away from Terrorism: Jenkins, Willis. 2008. Ecologies of Grace: Environmental
Accounts of Disengagement from Radical and Ethics and Christian Theology. New York: Oxford
Extremist Movements. New York: Routledge University Press.
Houghton, David. 2008. Political Psychology: Situations, Jervis, Robert. 1976. Perceptions and Misperceptions
Individuals, and Cases. New York: Routledge. in International Politics. Princeton, NJ: Princeton
Howard, Russell and James Forest, eds. 2008. Weapons University Press.
of Mass Destruction and Terrorism. Dubuque, IA: Jervis, Robert. 1982. Security Regimes. International
McGraw-Hill. Organization 36 (2): 357–378.
Hudson, Valerie. 1999. Cultural Expectations of Jervis, Robert. 2002. Theories of War in an Era of
One’s Own and Other Nations’ Foreign Policy Leading-Power Peace. American Political Science
Templates. Political Psychology 20 (4): 767–801. Review 96 (1): 1–14.
Hufbauer, Gary and Barbara Oegg. 2003. Beyond Joffe, Josef. 2009. The Default Power: The False
the Nation-State: Privatization of Economic Prophecy of America’s Decline.Foreign Affairs
Sanctions. Middle East Policy 10 (2): 126–134. 87 (5) September/October: 21-35.
Hunt, Swanee. 2007. Let Women Rule. Foreign Affairs Johnson, Pierre M., Karel Mayrand, and Marc Paquin,
86 (3): 109–120. eds. 2006. Governing Global Desertification:
Huntington, Samuel. 1993. The Clash of Civili- Linking Environmental Degradation, Poverty, and
zations. Foreign Affairs 72 (3): 22–28. Participation. London: Ashgate.
ICJ (International Court of Justice). 2004. Legal Kahler, Miles and David Lake, eds. 2003. Governance
Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in in a Global Economy: Political Authority in Transition.
the Occupied Palestinian Territory. General List Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
No. 131. July 9. Kahneman, Daniel and Amos Tversky. 1979. Prospect
Ignatieff, Michael. 2004.The Lesser Evil: Political Ethics Theory: An Analysis of Decisions under Risk.
in an Age of Terrorism. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Econometrica 47 (2): 263–292.
University Press. Kahneman, Daniel, and Amos Tversky. 1972. Subjective
Ikenberry, G. John. 2011a. The Future of the Liberal Probability: A Judgment of Representativeness.
World Order. Foreign Affairs 90 (3) May/June: Cognitive Psychology 3: 430–454.
56–68. Kahnemen, Daniel and Jonathan Renshon. 2007.
Ikenberry, G. John. 2011b. Liberal Leviathan: The Origins, Why Hawks Win. Foreign Policy 158: 34–38.
Crisis, and Transformation of the American World Kalyvas, Stathis and Laia Balcellis. 2010. Internatio-
Order. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. nal System and Technologies of Rebellion: How
Ikenberry, G. John and Joseph M. Grieco. 2002. the End of the Cold War Shaped Internal Conflict.
State Power and World Markets: The International American Political Science Review 104 (3): 415–429.
Political Economy. New York: W. W. Norton & Co. Kamieniecki, Sheldon and Michael Kraft, eds. 2007.
International Health Regulations: The Challenges Business and Environmental Policy: Corporate
Ahead (Editorial). 2007. The Lancet 369 (9575) Interests in the American Political System (American
May 26: 1763. and Comparative Environmental Policy).
Iriye, Akira. 2002. Global Community: The Role of Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
International Organizations in the Making of the Kane, Thomas. 2006. Theoretical Roots of US Foreign
Contemporary World. Berkeley: University of Policy: Machiavelli and American Unilateralism.
California Press. New York: Routledge.
Jackson, Robert. 2005. Classical and Modern Thought Kant, Immanuel. 2003. To Perpetual Peace: A Philoso-
on International Relations: From Anarchy to phical Sketch. Indianapolis, IN: Hackett
Cosmopolism (Palgrave Macmillan History of Publishing. Originally published in 1795.
International Thought). New York: Palgrave Kaplan, Robert. 2012. The Revenge of Geography: What
Macmillan. the Map Tells Us About Coming Conflicts and the
Jacques, Peter. 2009. Environmental Skepticism (Global Battle Against Fate. New york: Random House.
Environmental Governance). London: Ashgate. Kapuscinski, Ryszard. 2002.The Shadow of the Sun.
Jarausch, Konrad. 2008. After Hitler: Recivilizing New York: Vintage.
Germans, 1945–1995. New York: Oxford University Karesh, William and Robert Cook. 2005. The Human-
Press. Animal Link. Foreign Affairs 84 (4) July–August.
 References 351

Keck, Margaret and Kathryn Sikkink, eds. 1998. Kowert, P. 1996. Where Does the Buck Stop?: Assessing
Activists Beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in the Impact of Presidential Personality. Political
International Politics. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Psychology 17 (3): 421–452.
Press. Krauthammer, Charles. 2008. Crooked Roads to
Kelly, John. 1996. Chapter 6: Lebanon: 1982–1984. Democracy. The Washington Post. January 4, A21.
In U.S. and Russian Policymaking with Respect to Krueger, Alan. 2007. What Makes a Terrorist: Economics
the Use of Force, eds. Jeremy Azrael and Emil and the Roots of Terrorism. Princeton, NJ: Princeton
Payin. Conference Proceedings. Rand Corporation. University Press.
Online at http://bit.ly/16P1Fc6 (accessed July 18, Krugman, Paul. 2009. Chinese New Year. The New
2013). York Times, December 31.
Kemp, William. 2006. The Renewable Energy Handbook: Kuehnast, Kathleen, Chantal de Jonge Oudraat, and
A Guide to Rural Energy Independence, Off-Grid and Helga Hernes, eds. 2011. Women and War: Power
Sustainable Living. Tamworth, Canada: Aztext Press. and Protection in the 21st Century. Washington,
Keohane, Robert. 1989. International Institutions and DC: United States Institute of Peace Press.
State Power. London: Westview Press, Inc. Kydd, Andrew. 2005. Trust and Mistrust in International
Keohane, Robert. 2003. Political Authority after Relations. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University
Intervention: Gradation in Sovereignty. In Press.
Humanitarian Intervention: Ethical, Legal, and Lakoff, Andrew. 2010. Two Regimes of Global Health.
Political Dilemmas, eds. J. L. Holzgrefe and Robert Humanity 1 (1): 59–79.
Keohane. New York: Cambridge University Press, Lappe, Frances M., Joseph Collins, and Peter Rosset.
275–298. 1998. World Hunger: Twelve Myths. New York:
Kershaw, Ian. 2000. The Nazi Dictatorship: Problems Grove Press.
and Perspectives of Interpretation. New York: Larson, Deborah. 1985. Origins of Containment.
Bloomsbury. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Keynes, Robert. 1965. The General Theory of Employment, Larson, Deborah. 1997. Anatomy of Mistrust: U.S.-
Interest and Money. New York:Harcourt, Brace & Soviet Relations During the Cold War. Ithaca, NY:
World. Originally published in 1936. Cornell University Press.
Khlevniuk, Oleg. 2008. Master of the House: Stalin and Lauterpacht, Hersch. 2011. The Function of Law in
His Inner Circle. New Haven, CT: Yale University the International Community. New York: Oxford
Press. University Press. Originally published in 1933.
Khong, Yuen Foong. 1992. Analogies at War: Korea, Laver, Michael. 1979. Playing Politics. London: Penguin.
Munich, Dien Bien Phu, and the Vietnam Decisions Laver, Michael. 1997. Playing Politics: The Nightmare
of 1965. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Continues. New York: Oxford University Press.
Press. Layne, Christopher. 1994. Kant or Cant: The Myth of
Kirkpatrick, Jeane. 2002. Convention on the the Democratic Peace. International Security 19
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination (2): 5–49.
against Women. Testimony before the Senate Le Billon, Philippe. 2006. Fuelling War: Natural Res-
Foreign Relations Committee, Washington, DC. ources and Armed Conflicts. New York: Routledge.
June 13. Leatherman, Janie. 2011. Sexual Violence and Armed
Kissinger, Henry. 2001. The Pitfalls of Global Conflict. Cambridge, UK: Polity.
Jurisdiction. Foreign Affairs 80 (4) July/August: Leffler, Melvyn. 2007. For the Soul of Mankind: The
86–96. United States, the Soviet Union, and the Cold War.
Klein, Aaron J. 2005. Striking Back: The 1972 Munich New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux.
Olympics Massacre and Israel’s Deadly Response. Lenin, Vladimir. 1996. Imperialism as the Highest Stage
New York: Random House. of Capitalism. New York: Pluto Press. Originally
Koseki, Shoichi. 1998. The Birth of Japan’s Postwar published in 1916.
Constitution. Translated by Ray Moore. Boulder, Levada Center. 2013. Online at http://bit.ly/19M6xlO
CO: Westview Press. (accessed July 17, 2013).
Kosterman, Rick and Seymour Feshbach. 1989. Lévesque, Jacques. 1997. The Enigma of 1989: The USSR
Toward a Measure of Patriotic and Nationalistic and the Liberation of Eastern Europe. Berkeley:
Attitudes. Political Psychology 10 (2): 257–274. University of California Press.
352 References

Levey, David and Stuart Brown. 2005. The Lomborg, Bjørn. 2010. An Interview. Financial Times,
Overstretch Myth. Foreign Affairs 84 (2) March/ December 9. Online at http://on.ft.com/18t3hPf
April: 2–7. (accessed July 15, 2013).
Levi, Michael, Elizabeth Economy, Shannon O’Neil, Loyola, Mario. 2010. Legality over Legitimacy. Foreign
and Adam Segal. 2010. Globalizing the Energy Affairs 89 (4) July–August. Online at http://fam
Revolution. Foreign Affairs 89 (6) November/ .ag/13TtFQO (accessed July 18, 2013).
December: 111–121. Lynn, William J. 2010. Defending a New Domain.
Levi, Michael. 2009. On Nuclear Terrorism. Cambridge, The Pentagon’s Cyberstrategy. Foreign Affairs
MA: Harvard University Press. 89 (5)September/October: 97-108.
Levi, Michael. 2010a.Beyond Copenhagen.Foreign MacNair, Rachel. 2003. The Psychology of Peace: An
Affairs.Postscript. February. Introduction. Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger.
Levi, Michael. 2010b. Reinforcing Climate Promises Madeley, John. 2009. Big Business, Poor Peoples: How
in Cancun. An Interview. Council on Foreign Transnational Corporations Damage the Global Poor.
Relations. November 24. Online at http://www London: Zed Books.
.cfr.org/publication/23453/reinforcing_climate_ Madigan, Janet. 2007. Truth, Politics, and Universal
promises _in_cancun.html?cid=rss-analysis- Human Rights. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
brief backgroundersexp-reinforcing _climate_ Magdoff, Fred and John B. Foster. 2011. What Every
promises_i-112410 (accessed September 25, Environmentalist Needs to Know about Capitalism.
2012). New York: Monthly Review Press.
Levi, Michael. 2013. The Power Surge: Energy, Mahbubani, Kishore. 2002. Can Asians Think?
Opportunity, and the Battle for America’s Future. Understanding the Divide Between East and West.
New York: Oxford University Press. South Royalton, VT: Steerforth.
Levitsky, Steven and Lucan Way. 2010. Competitive Mahler, Gregory. 2004. Politics and Government in
Authoritarianism: Hybrid Regimes After the Cold Israel: The Maturation of a Modern State. Lanham,
War. New York: Cambridge University Press. MD: Rowman & Littlefield.
Levy, David. 2009. Tools of Critical Thinking: Meta- Mak, Geert. 2008. In Europe: Travels Through the
thoughts for Psychology. Long Grove, IL: Waveland Twentieth Century. New York: Vintage.
Press. Maoz, Zeev and Bruce Russett. 1993. Normative and
Levy, Jack. 1984. The Offensive/Defensive Balance Structural Causes of Democratic Peace, 1946–1986.
of Military Technology: A Theoretical and The American Political Science Review 87 (3):
Historical Analysis. International Studies Quarterly 624–638.
28 (2) June: 219–238. Marrar, Khalil. 2008. The Arab Lobby and US Foreign
Liberman, Peter. 2006. An Eye for an Eye: Public Policy. New York: Routledge.
Support for War against Evildoers. International Marsh, Peter. 2012. The New Industrial Revolution:
Organization 60 (3) July: 687–722. Consumers, Globalization, and the End of the Mass
Lieven, Anatol and John Hulsman. 2006. Ethical Production. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
Realism: A Vision for America’s Role in the World. Martin, Terry. 2001. The Affirmative Action Empire: Nations
New York: Pantheon. and Nationalism in the Soviet Union, 1923–1939.
Lindkvist, Sven. 2007. Terra Nullius: A Journey Through Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
No One’s Land. New York: New Press. Marx, Karl and Friedrich Engels. 2011. The Communist
Linklater, Andrew. 2009. The English School. In Manifesto. SoHo Books. Originally published in
Theories of International Relations, ed. Scott Burchill 1848.
et al. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 86–110. Mazower, Mark. 2000. Dark Continent: Europe’s
List, Friedrich. 2006. National System of Political Twentieth Century. New York: Vintage.
Economy. Volume 1: The History. New York: McCarthy, Michael. 2011. Global Warning: Climate
Cosimo Classics. Originally published in 1841. Sceptics Are Winning the Battle. The Independent ,
Lomborg, Bjørn, ed. 2004. Global Crises, Global Solu- October 11. Online at http://ind.pn/oakpOW
tions. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. (accessed July 18, 2013).
Lomborg, Bjørn. 2007. Cool It: The Skeptical Environ- McFaul, Michael. 2009. Advancing Democracy Abroad:
mentalist’s Guide to Global Warming. New York: Why We Should and How We Can. New York:
Knopf. Rowman & Littlefield.
 References 353

McGovern, Joe. 2006. The Kyoto Protocol. Pittsburgh, Germany’s Surrender. October. Cornell University
PA: Dorrance Publishing Co. Law Library. Online at http://bit.ly/gdkgGV
McKinnon, Ron. 2010. A Reply to Krugman. Inter- (accessed July 15, 2013).
national Economy, Winter. Murray, Iain. 2008. The Really Inconvenient Truths:
McNamara, Robert. 1996. In Retrospect: The Tragedy Seven Environmental Catastrophes Liberals Don’t
and Lessons of Vietnam. New York: Vintage. Want You to Know About—Because They Helped Cause
Mearsheimer, John and Stephen Walt. 2007. The Israel Them. Washington, DC: Regnery Publishing.
Lobby and US Foreign Policy. New York: Farrar, Nacos, Brigitte, Robert Shapiro, and Pierangelo
Straus and Giroux. Isernia, eds. 2000. Decision-Making in the Glass
Mearsheimer, John. 2003. The Tragedy of Great Power House. Boulder, CO: Rowman & Littlefield.
Politics. New York: W. W. Norton & Company. Nacos, Brigitte.2009.Terrorism and Counterterrorism.
Miéville, China. 2006. Between Equal Rights: A Marxist Understanding Threats and Responses in the Post–
Theory of International Law. Chicago: Haymarket 9/11 World. 3rd edition. New York: Longman.
Books. NAF (New America Foundation). 2012. The Year of
Milgram, Stanley. 1963. Behavioral Study of the Drone. An Analysis of U.S. Drone Strikes
Obedience. Journal of Abnormal and Social in Pakistan, 2004–2012. Online at http://
Psychology 67 (4): 371–378. counter terrorism.newamerica.net/drones (accessed
Mitzen, Jennifer. 2005. Reading Habermas in August 8, 2012).
Anarchy: Multilateral Diplomacy and Global Naimark, Norman. 2002. Fires of Hatred: Ethnic
Public Spheres. American Political Science Review Cleansing in Twentieth Century Europe. Cambridge,
99 (3): 401–417. MA: Harvard University Press.
Mohamoud, Abdullah. 2006. State Collapse and Narizny, Kevin. 2003. Both Guns and Butter, or
Post-Conflict Development in Africa: The Case of Neither: Class Interests in the Political Economy
Somalia 1960–2001. West Lafayette, IN: Purdue of Rearmament. American Political Science Review
University Press. 97 (2): 203–220.
Moravcsik, Andrew. 2001. Why Is the US Human Narlikar, Amrita. 2005. WTO: A Very Short
Rights Policy So Unilateralist? In Multilateralism Introduction. New York: Oxford University Press.
and U.S. Foreign Policy,eds. Stewart Patrick and National Commission on Terrorist Acts upon the
Shepard Forman. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner. United States. 9-11 Commission Report. Online
Morgenthau, Hans J. 2006. Politics among Nations: The at http://www.9-11commission.gov/report/index.
Struggle for Power and Peace. 7th edition, revised htm (accessed September 25, 2012).
by Kenneth W. Thompson and W. David Clinton. Nau, Henry. 2002. At Home Abroad: Identity and Power
New York: McGraw-Hill. Originally published in American Foreign Policy. Ithaca, NY: Cornell
1948. University Press.
Morris, Ian. 2010. Why the West Rules—for Now: The Neumann, Iver. 1996. Russia and the Idea of Europe:
Patterns of History and What They Reveal about the A Study in Identity and International Relations.
Future. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux. London: Routledge.
Moyo, Dambisa. 2010. Dead Aid: Why Aid is Not Newman, Edward, Ramesh Thakur, and John
Working and How There Is a Better Way for Africa. Tirman. 2006.. Multilateralism Under Challenge?:
Vancouver, BC: Douglas & Mcintyre Ltd. Power, International Order, and Structural Change.
Mueller, John. 1989. Retreat from Doomsday: The Tokyo: United Nations University Press.
Obsolescence of Major War. New York: Basic Books. Nonini, Donald, ed. 2007. The Global Idea of “The
Muller, Jerry. 2008. Us and Them: The Enduring Commons.” New York: Berghahn Books.
Power of Ethnic Nationalism. Foreign Affairs Nordhaus, Richard. 2008. A Question of Balance:
87 (22) March/April: 18–35. Weighing the Options on Global Warming Policies.
Munz, Rainer. 2003. Diasporas and Ethnic Migrants: New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
Germany, Israel and Russia in Comparative Nye, Joseph. 2002. The Paradox of American Power:
Perspective. London, UK: Routledge. Why the World’s Only Superpower Can’t Go It Alone.
Murray, Henry. 1943. Analysis of the Personality of Adolf Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.
Hitler: With Predictions of His Future Behavior and Nye, Joseph. 2004. Soft Power: The Means to Success in
Suggestions for Dealing with Him Now and After World Politics. New York: Public Affairs.
354 References

O’Brien, Patrick Karl and Armand Clesse, eds. 2002. Peters, Anny, Maja Micevska-Scharf, Francien Van
Two Hegemonies: Britain 1846–1914 and the United Driel, and Willy Jansen. 2010. Where Does Public
States 1941–2001. Aldershot, UK: Ashgate. Funding For HIV Prevention Go To? The Case
Olson, Mancur. 1971. The Logic of Collective Action: of Condoms versus Microbicides and Vaccines.
Public Goods and the Theory of Groups Cambridge, Globalization and Health 6 (1): 23. Online at
MA: Harvard University Press. ht t p://w w w.g loba l i z at ion a nd he a lt h.com /
Oneal, John R. and Bruce M. Russett. 1997. Classical content/6/1/23 (accessed September 25, 2012).
Liberals Were Right: Democracy, Interdependence, Pew Research Center. 2009. U.S. Seen as Less
and Conflict, 1950–1985. International Studies Important, China as More Powerful. December 3.
Quarterly 42 (2) June: 264–294. Online at http://bit.ly/10Op1jG (accessed July
Oppenheim, Lassa. 2008. Oppenheim’s International 19, 2013).
Law. 9th edition,eds.Robert Jennings and Arthur Pew Research Center. 2010. Americans Spending More
Watts. New York: Oxford University Press. Time Following the News: Ideological News
Orbinski, James. 2009. An Imperfect Offering: Humani- Sources: Who Watches and Why. September 12.
tarian Action for the Twenty-First Century. New Online at http://bit.ly/rlXOQ8 (accessed July 19,
York: Walker & Company. 2013).
Our Common Future. Report of the World Pew Research Center. 2011. Confidence in Osama
Commission on Environment and Development. bin Laden. Online at http://www.pewglobal.org/
1987. Online at http://www.un-documents.net/ database/?indicator=20 (accessed July 16, 2013).
wced-ocf.htm (Accessed July 15, 2013). Phuong, Catherine. 2010. The International Protection
Owen, John M. 2005. Iraq and the Democratic Peace. of Internally Displaced Persons. New York:
Foreign Affairs 84 (6) November/December. Cambridge University Press.
Page, Benjamin and Robert Shapiro. 1988. Foreign Pielke, Roger. 2010. The Climate Fix: What Scientists and
Policy and the Rational Public. Journal of Conflict Politicians Won’t Tell You About Global Warming.
Resolution. 32: 211-247. New York: Basic Books.
Pant, Harsh. 2011. China and Pakistan: A New Balance Pillar, Paul. 2001. Terrorism and U.S. Foreign Policy.
of Power in South Asia. ISN: International Relations Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press.
and Security Network. June 20. Online at http://bit. Pin-Lin, Chong. 2010. Can China Become the World’s
ly/QoKfiy (accessed September 25, 2012). Engine for Growth? Symposium contribution.
Pape, Robert. 2003. The Strategic Logic of Suicide International Economy, Winter: 10.
Terrorism. American Political Science Review 97 Plokhy, S. M. 2010. Yalta: The Price of Peace. New York:
(3): 343–361. Viking Adult.
Parker, Kathleen. 2010. Obama, Our First Female Polman, Linda. 2010. The Crisis Caravan: What’s Wrong
President. The Washington Post, June 30. Online at with Humanitarian Aid? New York: Metropolitan
http://wapo.st/cHTwjC (accessed July 15, 2013). Books.
Parmesan, Camille and Gary Yohe. 2003. A Globally Post, Jerrold. 1990. Explaining Saddam Hussein: a
Coherent Fingerprint of Climate Change Impacts Psychological Profi le. Presented to the House
across Natural Systems. Nature 421: 37–42. Armed Services Committee. December 1990.
Patterson, Amy. 2006. The Politics of AIDS in Africa. http://w w w.au.af.mil/au/awc/awcgate/iraq /
Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner. saddam_post.htm
Pearce, Fred. 2007. When the Rivers Run Dry: Water— Post, Jerrold. 2004. Leaders and Their Followers in
The Defining Crisis of the Twenty-first Century. a Dangerous World: The Psychology of Political
Boston, MA: Beacon Press. Behavior (Psychoanalysis and Social Theory).
Peerenboom, Randall. 2008. China Modernizes: Threat Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
to the West or Model for the Rest? Oxford, UK: Post, Jerrold. 2005a. The New Face of Terrorism: Socio-
Oxford University Press. Cultural Foundations of Contemporary Terrorism.
Peet, Richard. 2009. Unholy Trinity: The IMF, World Behavioral Sciences and the Law 23(4): 451-465.
Bank and WTO. 2nd edition. London: Zed Books. Post, Jerrold. 2005b. When Hatred is Bred in the Bone:
Pelligrini, Dominick, ed. 2010. Nuclear Weapons’ Role Psycho-cultural Foundations of Contemporary
in 21st Century U.S. Policy. Hauppage, NY: Nova Terrorism. Journal of Political Psychology 26 (4):
Science. 615–636.
 References 355

Post, Jerrold. 2008. The Mind of the Terrorist. The Renshon, Stanley. 2011. Barack Obama and the Politics
Psychology of Terrorism from the IRA to al-Qaeda. of Redemption. New York: Routledge.
New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Reus-Smit, Christian. 2009. Constructivism. In
Prebisch, Raúl. 1989. Antología del pensamiento político, Theories of International Relations, 4th edition,
social y económico de América Latina (In Spanish). ed. Scott Burchill et al. New York: Palgrave
Buenos Aires: Ediciones de Cultura Hispánica. Macmillan, 212–236.
Priest, Dana and William Arkin. 2010a. A Hidden Rey, Marie-Pierre. 2004. Europe Is Our Common
World, Going Beyond Control. The Washington Home. A Study of Gorbachev’s Diplomatic
Post. July 19, A7. Concept. Cold War History 4 (2): 33–65.
Priest, Dana and William Arkin. 2010b. National Rieff, David. 2006. At the Point of a Gun: Democratic
Security, Inc. The Washington Post, July 20, A1. Dreams and Armed Intervention. New York: Simon &
Priest, Dana and William Arkin. 2011. Top Secret Schuster.
America: The Rise of the New American Security Ritchie, Elspeth Cameron, Patricia Watson, and
State. Boston: Little, Brown, and Co. Mathew Friedman, eds. 2005. Interventions Follow-
Primakov, Evgeny. 2009. Russia and the Arabs: Behind ing Mass Violence and Disasters: Strategies for Mental
the Scenes in the Middle East from the Cold War to Health Practice. New York: The Guilford Press.
the Present. New York: Basic Books. Roan, Sharon. 1989. Ozone Crisis: The 15-Year
Putnam, Robert. 1988. Diplomacy and Domestic Evolution of a Sudden Global Emergency. Hoboken,
Politics: The Logic of Two-Level Games, Inter- NJ: Wiley.
national Organization 42 (3): 427–460. Roberts, Adam. 2000. The So-Called “Right” of
Qutb, Sayyid. 2007. Milestones. Chicago, IL: Kazi Humanitarian Intervention. Yearbook of Interna-
Publications. Originally published in 1964. tional Humanitarian Law 3: 3–51.
Ramet, Sabrina. 2005. Thinking about Yugoslavia: Roberts, J. Timmons and Bradley Parks. 2006.
Scholarly Debates about the Yugoslav Breakup and the A Climate of Injustice: Global Inequality, North-
Wars in Bosnia and Kosovo. New York: Cambridge South Politics, and Climate Policy. Cambridge, MA:
University Press. MIT Press.
Rankin, Jennifer. 2010. Rules on Unusual Food Heading Rogers, Peter, Kazi F. Jalal, and John Boyd. 2007.
to Arbitration. EuropeanVoice.com. July 1. Online at An Introduction to Sustainable Development. New
http://www.europeanvoice.com/article/imported/ York: Routledge.
rules-on-unusual-food-heading-to-arbitration/ Rogowski, Ronald. 1990. Commerce and Coalitions:
68372.aspx (accessed September 25, 2012). How Trade Affects Domestic Political Alignments.
Rapkin, David P. and Jonathan R. Strand. 2006. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Reforming the IMF’s Weighted Voting System. Rose, Gideon. 2011. In Libya: How Obama Can
The World Economy 29 (3): 305–324. End a Mission That Started Badly. Washington
Rapoport, David. 2001. Modern Terror: The Four Post. March 25. Online at http://bit.ly/15tYCXA
Waves. Current History, 419–425. (accessed July 18, 2013).
Rashid, Ahmed. 2008. Descent into Chaos: The United Rosenau, James. 1961. Public Opinion and Foreign Policy:
States and the Failure of Nation Building in Pakistan, An Operational Formation. New York: Random
Afghanistan, and Central Asia. New York: Viking Adult. House.
Reardon, Betty. 1985. Sexism and the War System. New Rosenau, James. 1999. Toward an Ontology for
York: Teachers College Press. Global Governance. In Approaches to Global
Rechkemmer, Andreas. 2004. Postmodern Global Governance Theory, eds. Martin Hewson and
Governance: The United Nations Convention to Timothy J. Sinclair. Albany: State University of
Combat Desertification. Baden-Baden, Germany: New York.
Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft. Rynning, Sren and Jens Ringsmose. 2008. Why Are
Renshon, Stanley. 2004. In His Father’s Shadow: The Revisionist States Revisionist? Reviving Classical
Transformations of George W. Bush. New York: Realism as an Approach to Understanding
Palgrave Macmillan. International Change. International Politics 45 (1):
Renshon, Stanley. 2009. National Security in the 19–39.
Obama Administration: Reassessing the Bush Sachs, Jeffrey. 2005. The End of Poverty: Economic
Doctrine. New York: Routledge. Possibilities for Our Time. New York: Penguin Press.
356 References

Sageman, Marc. 2004. Understanding Terror Networks. Scott, Bruce. 2001. The Great Divide in the Global
Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Village. Foreign Affairs 80 (1) January/February:
Said, Edward. 1994. Culture and Imperialism. New 160-177.
York: Vintage. Scully, Eileen. 2001. Bargaining with the State from
Sanford, George. 2009. Katyn and the Soviet Massacre Afar. New York: Columbia University Press.
of 1940: Truth, Justice, and Memory. New York: Sears, David, Leonie Huddy, and Robert Jervis, eds.
Routledge. 2003. Oxford Handbook on Political Psychology.
Sapolsky, Robert M. 2006. A Natural History of Peace. New York: Oxford University Press.
Foreign Affairs 85 (1) January/February: 104–120. Sen,Amartya. 1981.Poverty and Famines: An Essay on
Saradzhyan, Simon. 2010. Chechnya: Divisions in Entitlement and Deprivation. Oxford, UK: Oxford
the Ranks. ISN: International Relations and Security University Press.
Network. August 11. Online at http://www.isn.ethz Shapiro, Judith. 2001. Mao’s War against Nature:
.ch/isn/Current-Affairs/Security-Watch/Detail/ Politics and the Environment in Revolutionary China.
?lng=en&id=120017 (accessed September 20, New York: Cambridge University Press.
2012). Sharp, Paul. 2009.Diplomatic Theory of International
Sarkesian, Sam C., John Allen Williams, and Relations (Cambridge Studies in International
Stephen J. Cimbala. 2007. US National Security: Relations Series). New York: Cambridge
Policymakers, Processes and Politics. 4th edition. University Press.
Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner. Shelley, Louise. 2010. Human Trafficking: A Global
Sarotte, Mary. 2009. 1989: The Struggle to Create Perspective. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Post-Cold War Europe. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Shepard, Todd. 2006. The Invention of Decolonization.
University Press. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
Sathasivam, Kanishkan. 2005. Uneasy Neighbors: India, Shiraev, Eric and David Levy. 2013. Cross-Cultural
Pakistan and US Foreign Policy. London: Ashgate. Psychology: Critical Thinking and Contemporary Appli-
Schein, Virginia E. 2002. A Global Look at cations. 5th edition. Boston: Allyn and Bacon.
Psychological Barriers to Women’s Progress Shiraev, Eric and Richard Sobel. 2006. People and Their
in Management. Journal of Social Issues 57 (4): Opinions: Thinking Critically about Public Opinion.
675–688. New York: Longman.
Schellnhuber, Hans-Joachim, Gary Yohe, Wolfgang Shiraev, Eric. 2013. Russian Government and Politics.
Cramer, Tom Wigley, Nebojsa Nakicenovic, 2nd edition. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
eds. 2006. Avoiding Dangerous Climate Change. Shirer, William. 1990. The Rise and Fall of the Third
Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Reich: A History of Nazi Germany. New York:
Schlesinger, Stephen. 2003. Act of Creation: The Simon & Schuster.
Founding of the United Nations; A Story of Shlapentokh, Vladimir, Eric Shiraev, and Eero
Superpowers, Secret Agents, Wartime Allies and Carroll. 2008. The Soviet Union. Internal and
Enemies and Their Quest for a Peaceful World. External Perspectives on Soviet Society. New York:
Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Palgrave Macmillan.
Schmidt, Gustav, ed. 2001. A History of NATO—The Simon, Steven and Jeff Martini. 2004. Terrorism:
First Fifty Years: Three-Volume Set. New York: Denying Al Qaeda its Popular Support. The
Palgrave Macmillan. Washington Quarterly 28 (1) Winter: 131–145.
Schulte, Constanze. 2005. Compliance with Decisions Singer, Burt, Awash Teklehaimanot, Andrew
of the International Court of Justice. New York: Spielman, Al Schapira, and Yesim Tozan, eds.,
Oxford University Press. Jeffrey D. Sachs, series editor. 2005. Coming to
Schultz, Richard. 2004. Showstoppers: Nine Reasons Grips with Malaria in the New Millennium. London,
Why We Never Sent Our Special Operation UK: Earthscan.
Forces after Al Qaeda before 9/11. Weekly Singer, Hans W. 1999. Growth, Development and Trade:
Standard, January 26, 25–33. Selected Essays of Hans W. Singer. Northhampton,
Schweller, Randall. 1997. New Realist Research MA: Edward Elgar Publishing.
on Alliances: Refi ning, Not Refuting, Waltz’s Singh, Michael. 2010. Iran Re-Revolution: How the
Balancing Proposition. American Political Science Green Movement Is Repeating Iranian HIstory.
Review 91 (4): 913–917. Foreign Affairs. July 26. Online at http://fam
 References 357

.ag/aQJunk (accessed September 25, 2012). Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty. 1999. A Critique of Post-
Registration is required. Another version is avail- colonial Reason: Toward a History of the Vanishing
able online at http://bit.ly/1bwKeUK (accessed Present. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
July 16, 2013). Stern, Jessica. 2010. Mind over Martyr: How to
Sjoberg, Laura, ed. 2009. Gender and International Deradicalize Islamist Extremists. Foreign Affairs
Security: Feminist Perspectives. New York: Routledge. 89 (1) January/February: 95-108.
Sloan, Stanley. 2010. Permanent Alliance?: NATO and Stern, Nicholas. 2007. The Economics of Climate Change:
the Transatlantic Bargain from Truman to Obama. The Stern Review. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge
New York: Continuum. University Press.
Sloan, Stephen. 2006. Terrorism: The Present Threat in Stewart, William. 2006. How to Prepare for a Pandemic
Context. London: Berg Publishers. and Other Extended Disasters. Charleston, SC:
Smith, Adam. 1977. An Inquiry into the Nature BookSurge Publishing.
and Causes of the Wealth of Nations. Chicago: Stiglitz, Joseph. 2002. Globalization and Its Discontents.
University of Chicago Press. New York: W. W. Norton & Company.
Smith, Peter & Shalom Schwartz. 1997. Values. In Stiglitz, Joseph. 2011. The Price of 9/11. Economist’s
Handbook of Cross-Cultural Psychology (3), eds. View. September 1. Online at http://economists-
J. Berry, M. Segall, & C. Kagitcibasi. Boston, MA: view.typepad.com/economistsview/2011/09/
Allyn & Bacon, 77–118. stiglitz-the-price-of-911.html (accessed September 24,
Sniderman, Paul, Louk Hagendoorn, and Markus 2012).
Prior. 2004. Predisposing Factors and Situational Stoddard, Abby. 2006. Humanitarian Alert: NGO
Triggers: Exclusionary Reactions to Immigrant Information and its Impact on US Foreign Policy.
Minorities. American Political Science Review Bloomfield, CT: Kumarian Press.
98 (1): 35–50. Strand, Jonathan. 2013. Regional Development
Snyder, Jack. 2000. From Voting to Violence. Banks: Lending with a Regional Flavor (Global
Democratization and Nationalist Violence. New Institutions). New York: Routledge.
York: W. W. Norton. Sweig, Julia. 2010. A New Global Player. Brazil’s
Snyder, Jack. 2005. Electing to Fight : Why Emerging Far-Flung Agenda. Foreign Affairs 89 (6)
Democracies Go to War. Cambridge, MA: MIT November/December: 173–184.
Press. Takiff, Michael. 2010. A Complicated Man: The Life of
Snyder-Hall, R. Claire. 2010. Third-Wave Feminism Bill Clinton as Told by Those Who Know Him. New
and the Defense of “Choice.” Perspectives on Haven, CT: Yale university Press.
Politics 8 (1): 255–261. Taubman, William. 2004. Khrushchev: The Man and
Sobek, David. 2008. Causes of War. Cambridge, UK: His Era. New York: W. W. Norton.
Polity. Tavares, Rodrigo. 2009. Regional Security The Capacity of
Sobel, Richard and Eric Shiraev, eds. 2003. Inter- International Organizations. New York: Routledge.
national Public Opinion and the Bosnia Crisis. Tetlock, Philip, Richard Lebow, and Geoffrey
Lanham, MD: Lexington Books. Parker, eds. 2006. Unmaking the West: “What If?”
Sobel, Richard. 2001. The Impact of Public Opinion Scenarios That Rewrite History. Ann Arbor: The
on U.S. Foreign Policy Since Vietnam. New York: University of Michigan Press.
Oxford University Press. Tetlock, Philip. 2011. In an interview to The
Soetaert, Wim and Erik Vandamme, eds. 2009. Washington Post. Online at http://wapo.st/
Biofuels. West Sussex, UK: Wiley. epJAG5 (accessed September 2012).
Soeters, Joseph. 2005. Ethnic Conflict and Terrorism: Theiss-Morse, Elizabeth. 2009. Who Counts as an
The Origins and Dynamics of Civil Wars. New York: American?: The Boundaries of National Identity.
Routledge. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Spector, Bertram, ed. 2005. Fighting Corruption in Thomas, Chris D., Alison Cameron, et al. 2004.
Developing Countries: Strategies and Analysis. Extinction Risk from Climate Change. Nature
Bloomfield, CT: Kumarian Press. 427: 145–148.
Spector, Stephen. 2008. Evangelicals and Israel: The Thomas, Daniel. 2001. The Helsinki Effect: International
Story of American Christian Zionism. New York: Norms, Human Rights, and the Demise of Commu-
Oxford University Press. nism. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
358 References

Thompson, Nicholas. 2009. The Hawk and the Dove: Geoengineering Option: A Last Resort against
Paul Nitze, George Kennan, and the History of the Global Warming? Foreign Affairs 88 (2) March/
Cold War. New York: Henry Holt. April: 64-76.
Thurow, Lester. 1992. Head to Head: The Coming Battle Victor, David. 2006. Recovering Sustainable Develop-
among Japan, Europe, and America. New York: ment. Foreign Affairs 85 (1) January/February.
William Morrow. Volkan, Vamik and Norman Itzkowitz. 1984. The
Tickner, Ann. 1992. Gender in International Relations: Immortal Ataturk: A Psychobiography. Chicago, IL:
Feminist Perspectives on Achieving Global Security. University of Chicago Press.
New York: Columbia University Press. Walker, Gordon. 2009. Globalizing Environmental
Time to Call the Sweep? The Economist. November 18, Justice: The Geography and Politics of Frame
2010. Online at http://www.economist.com/node/ Contextualization and Evolution. Global Social
17519770 (accessed September 25, 2012). Policy December (9): 355–382.
True, Jacqui. 2009. Feminism. In Theories of Interna- Walker, Gordon. 2012. Environmental Justice: Concepts,
tional Relations, ed. Scott Burchill et al. 4th edition. Evidence and Politics. New York: Routledge.
New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 237–259.. Wallechinsky, David. 2006. Tyrants: The World’s
Tumulty, Karen. 2011. Will Obama Be Reelected? 20 Worst Living Dictators. New York: Harper
The Economy Could Hold the Answer. The Paperbacks.
Washington Post. August 5, A1. Wallerstein, Immanuel. 1979. The Capitalist World-
U.S. Department of State. 2013 Trafficking Persons Economy. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University
Report. Online at http://www.state.gov/j/tip/rls/ Press.
tiprpt/2013/ (accessed June 29, 2013). Wallerstein, Immanuel. 2004. World-System Analysis:
UN High Commissioner for Refugees. 2012. Online An Introduction. Durham, NC: The Duke
at http://bit.ly/atXDsz (accessed July 15, 2013). University Press.
UNEP, United Nations Environment Programme. Walley, Noah and Bradley Whitehead. 1994. It’s Not
2010. Annual Report. New York: United Nations. Easy Being Green. Harvard Business Review 72 (3)
United Nations Population Division. 2004. World May/June: 46–51.
Population Prospects: The 2004 Revision. New York: Walt, Stephen. 1987. The Origins of Alliances. Ithaca,
United Nations. NY: Cornell University Press.
United Nations. (2004). A More Secure World: Our Walt, Stephen. 1991. The Renaissance of Security
Shared Responsibility. Report of the High-Level Studies. International Studies Quarterly 35 (2):
Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change. http:// 211–239.
www.un.org/secureworld/report2.pdf Walt, Stephen. 1998. One World, Many Theories.
United Nations. 2011. Translating Principles into Foreign Policy 110 Spring: 29–46.
Practice: Humanitarian Policies. Humanitarian Walt, Stephen. 2005a. The Relationship between
Negotiations with Armed Groups: A Manual and Theory and Policy in International Relations.
Guidelines for Practitioners. Online at http:// Annual Review of Political Science 8: 23–48.
ochaonline.un.org/humanitariannegotiations/ Walt, Stephen. 2005b. Taming American Power. Foreign
Chapter3-4.htm (accessed September 23, 2012). Affairs 84 (5) September/October: 105–120.
Van Evera, Stephen. 2001. Causes of War : Power and the Wapner, Paul. 2002. Paradise Lost? NGOs and Global
Roots of Conflict. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Accountability. Chicago Journal of International
Press. Law 3 (155): 155.
van Loon, Jeremy. 2011. Canada May Miss $6.7 Ward, Martin. 1999. Who Are the Many? The Ottawa
Billion Carbon Offset Bill by Exiting Kyoto Citizen. August 2, B6.
Protocol. Bloomberg.com. Online at http://bloom. Waylen, Georgina. 2010. A Comparative Politics of
bg/siU2bD (accessed July 16, 2013). Gender: Limits and Possibilities. Perspectives on
Vattel, Emerich de. 2001. Law of Nations or Principles Politics 8 (1) March: 223–231.
of the Law of Nature, Applied to the Conduct and Weinberg, Leonard and Ami Pedahzur. 2003. Political
Affairs of Nations and Sovereigns. Holmes Beach, Parties and Terrorist Groups. New York: Routledge.
FL: Gaunt. Originally published in 1758. Weiss, Thomas. 2004. The Sunset of Humanitarian
Victor, David, Granger Morgan, Jay Apt, John Intervention? The Responsibility to Protect in a
Steinbruner, and Katharine Ricke. 2009. The Unipolar Era. Security Dialogue 35 (2): 135–153.
 References 359

Weiss, Thomas. 2007. Humanitarian Intervention: Ideas World Trade Organization. 2012. Online at http://bit
in Action. Cambridge, UK: Polity. .ly/a8VhKw (accessed July 18, 2013)
Welsh, Jennifer M., ed. 2004. Humanitarian Inter- Wright, Lawrence. 2006. The Looming Tower:
vention and International Relations. New York: Al Qaeda and the Road to 9/11. New York: Vintage
Oxford University Press. Books.
Wendt, Alexander. 1992. Anarchy Is What States Make Wrong, Michela. 2002. In the Footsteps of Mr. Kurtz:
of It: The Social Construction of Power Politics, Living on the Brink of Disaster in Mobutu’s Congo.
International Organization 46 (2): 391–425. New York: Harper Perennial.
Wendt, Alexander. 1999. Social Theory of International Yankelovich, Daniel. 2005. Poll Positions. Foreign
Politics. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Affairs 84 (5) September/October: 2–16.
Press. Yergin, Daniel and Joseph Stanislaw. 1998. The
Westad, Odd Arne. 2007. The Global Cold War: Third Commanding Heights: The Battle Between
World Interventions and the Making of Our Times. Government and the Marketplace That Is Remaking
New York: Cambridge University Press. the Modern World. New York: Free Press.
Whalley, John. 1997. Why Do Countries Seek Regional Young, Michael. 2010. Development at Gunpoint?
Trade Agreements? In The Regionalization of the Why Civilians Must Reclaim Stabilization Aid.
World Economy, ed. Jeffrey Frankel. Chicago: The Foreign Affairs. December 19. Online at http://
University of Chicago Press, 63–86. fam.ag/hqPHpb (accessed July 18, 2013).
Wibben, Annick. 2011. Feminist Security Studies. A Zahariadis, Nikolaos. 2008. State Subsidies in the
Narrative Approach. New York: Routledge. Global Economy. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Williams, Michael. 2006. Deforesting the Earth: From Zakaria, Fareed. 2008. The Post-American World. New
Prehistory to Global Crisis, An Abridgment. Chicago: York: W. W. Norton.
University of Chicago Press. Zaslavsky, Victor. 2004. Class Cleansing: The Massacre
Wittkopf, Eugene and James McCormick, eds. 2004. at Katyn. New York: Telos Press Publishing.
The Domestic Sources of American Foreign Policy: Zelikow, Philip and Condoleezza Rice. 1995.Germany
Insights and Evidence. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Unified and Europe Transformed: A Study in
Littlefield. Statecraft. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
Wittkopf, Eugene. 1990. Faces of Internationalism: Press.
Public Opinion and American Foreign Policy. Zellen, Barry S. 2009. Arctic Doom, Arctic Boom:
Durham, NC: Duke University Press. The Geopolitics of Climate Change in the Arctic.
Wohlforth, William C., ed. 2003. Cold War Endgame: Westport, CT: Praeger.
Oral History, Analysis, Debates. University Park: Ziegler, Jean. 1981. Switzerland Exposed. New York:
The Pennsylvania State University Press. Schocken Books.
Wolfe, Nathan. 2011. The Viral Storm: The Dawn of a Zinn, Howard. 2002. The Power of Nonviolence:
New Pandemic Age. New York: Times Books. Writings by Advocates of Peace. Boston, MA: Beacon
Woodall, Pam. 2011. Hey Big Spenders. The Economist. Press.
Special Edition: The World in 2012, 140. Zizek, Slavoj. 2009. Berlusconi in Tehran. London
Woods, Michael and Mary Woods. 2007. Droughts Review of Books, 31 (14), July 23: 3-7.
(Disasters Up Close). Minneapolis, MN: Lerner Zoellick, Robert. 2012. Robert Zoellick on China 2030
Publications. report: Transcript of Media Questions and Answers.
Woods, Ngaire. 2007. The Globalizers: The IMF, the Bejing, China, Februalry 27. Online at http://bit
World Bank, and Their Borrowers. Ithaca, NY: .ly/zHjAiy (accessed July 19, 2013).
Cornell University Press. Zubok, Vladislav. 2007. A Failed Empire: The Soviet
World Health Organization. 2012. Malaria. Key Facts. Union in the Cold War from Stalin to Gorbachev
Online at http://bit.ly/b5frdR (accessed July 17, (The New Cold War History). Chapel Hill: The
2013). University of North Carolina Press.
Credits

PHOTO CREDITS p. 117: AP photo/Gemunu Amarasinghe; AP photo/

CHAPTER 1 Sayyid Azim; p. AP photo/Alik Keplicz
p. xxxiv: AP Photo/Franklin Reyes; p. 5: AP photo/ CHAPTER 4
Seth Wenig; p. 8: BEN STANSALL/AFP/Getty Images; p. 118: The Yomiuri Shimbun via AP Images; p.
p. 11: AP Photo/Alexander F. Yuan; p. 16: Mario Tama/ 121: AP Photo/Yonhap, Choi Jae-koo; p. 124: AP
Getty Images; p. 19: Imaginechina via AP Images; photo/Abdel Meguid al-Fergany; p. 129: Copyright
p. 21: AP photo/Lennart Preiss; p. 26: AP Photo/ Bettmann/Corbis/AP Images; p. 132: photo by AFP/
Department of State/HO; p. 30: AP Photo/Vahid Getty Images; p. 135: AP photo/Juan Karita; p. 137:
Salemi; p. 33: AP Photo/Anja Niedringhaus; p. 37: Kyodo via AP Images; p. 140: AP photo/Tom
AP photo/Seth Wenig; AP photo/Lennart Preiss; AP Pennington, File; p. 142: AP photo/The Canadian
Photo/Vahid Salemi Press, Darryl Dyck; p. 145: Copyright Bettmann/
CHAPTER 2 Corbis/AP Images; p. 146: AP photo/Abdel Meguid
p. 38: Sipa via AP Images; p. 43: bpk, Berlin/The al-Fergany; photo by AFP/Getty Images; Kyodo via
Congress of Berlin (closing session), 1892/Werner, AP Images
Anton von (1843-1915)/Art Resource, NY; p. 45: LBJ CHAPTER 5
Library photo by Yoichi Okamoto; p. 48: PRAKASH p. 148: LEVINE/SIPA/1303021424 Sipa via AP
SINGH/AFP/GettyImages; p. 54: HOANG DINH Images; p. 151: AP Photo/Farah Abdi Warsameh;
NAM/AFP/GettyImages; p. 58: Copyright Bettmann/ p. 154: SSPL/Getty Images; p. 158: AP photo/Francois
Corbis/AP Images; p. 62: AP photo; p. 66: Copyright Mori; p. 162: Frontpage of French newspaper Le Petit
Bettmann/Corbis/AP Images; p. 70: Jose CABEZAS/ Journal Illustre, 1928- Leemage.; p. 164: AP Photo/
AFP/GettyImages; p. 72: AP Photo/Liis Treimann; Abd Raouf; p. 167: AP photo/Musa Sadulayev, File;
p. 77: PRAKASH SINGH/AFP/GettyImages; HOANG p. 169: AP photo/Anonymous; p. 172: AP photo/
DINH NAM/AFP/GettyImages; Jose CABEZAS/AFP/ POOL/Jerry Lampen; p. 176: Copyright Bettmann/
GettyImages Corbis/AP Images; p. 180: AP photo/Francois
Mori; AP photo/Musa Sadulayev, File; AP photo/
CHAPTER 3
Anonymous
p. 78: AP photo/B.K.Bangash,File; p. 82: Albert
Harlingue/Roger Viollet/Getty Images; p. 86: AP CHAPTER 6
photo/Gemunu Amarasinghe; p. 90: AP photo/ p. 181: photo by Pictorial Parade/Getty Images;
Sayyid Azim; p. 94: AP photo/Lefteris Pitarakis; p. 96: p. 185: AP Photo/Kostas Tsironis; p. 190: AP photo/
BERTRAND LANGLOIS/AFP/GettyImages; JEWEL Mahesh Kumar A; p. 191: Copyright Bettmann/
SAMAD/AFP/GettyImages; p. 101: AP photo/Vincent Corbis/AP Images; p. 196: AP photo/Timur
Yu, File; p. 106: AP photo/Alik Keplicz; p. 109: AP Nisametdinov, NIPA; p. 199: Marijan Murat/picture-
Photo/Misha Japaridze; p. 113: AP photo/Bill Allen; alliance/dpa/AP Images; p. 203: CTK via AP

360
 Credits 361

Images; p. 208: AP Photo/B.K. Bangash; p. 211: CONCLUSION

CATHERINE HENRIETTE/AFP/Getty Images; p. 215: p. 327: AP Photo/Fernando Llano
Imaginechina via AP Images; p. 217: AP Photo/
Kostas Tsironis; AP photo/Mahesh Kumar A; FIGURE CREDITS
Imaginechina via AP Images CHAPTER 3
CHAPTER 7 p. 88: Created by OUP based on data from the Inter-
p. 218: Copyright © 2003-2012 Shutterstock Images Parliamentary Union, 2011; Created by OUP based
LLC; p. 222: Imaginechina via AP Images; p. 224: on data from Beck, 2011
© Alexandra Boulat/VII/Corbis; p. 230: AP Photo; p. CHAPTER 4
234: AP photo / Dylan Martinez, Pool; p. 238: Terrence p. 126: Created by OUP based on data from Wittkopf,
Spencer/Time Life Pictures/Getty Images; p. 244: AP E. (1990). Faces of Internationalism: Public Opinion
photo/Pablo Martinez Monsivais; p. 246: © VIKTOR and American Foreign Policy. Durham, NC: Duke
KOROTAYEV/Reuters/Corbis; p. 248: AP photo/ University Press; Sobel, R. (2001). The impact of
Eduardo Di Baia; p. 251: AFP/Getty Images; p. 255: Public Opinion on US Foreign Policy Since Vietnam.
© Alexandra Boulat/VII/Corbis; Terrence Spencer/Time New York: Oxford University Press; Hinckley, R.
Life Pictures/Getty Images; p. Colombians protesting (1992). People, polls, and policymakers: American
against FARC Public Opinion and National Security. New York:
CHAPTER 8 Lexington Books.
p. 256: Ed Jones/AFP/Getty Images; p. 261: AP photo/ CHAPTER 6
Mohammed Seeneen; p. 265: The Yomiuri Shimbun p. 205: Created by OUP based on data from Woodall,
via AP Images; p. 267: © Lunamarina | Dreamstime. 2011; p. 209: Created by OUP based on data from The
com; p. 271: AP photo/Association of Russian Polar Economist, “The World in 2012,” page 107
Explorers; p. 272: MARK RALSTON/AFP/Getty
Images; p. 279: Sean Gallup/Getty Images; p. 282: CHAPTER 7
MARK RALSTON/AFP/Getty Images; p. 284: AP photo/ p. 223: Created by OUP based on data from http://
Bebeto Matthews; Lars Nicolaysen/picture-alliance/ www.icasualties.org; p. 243: Created by OUP based
dpa/AP Images; p. 291: The Yomiuri Shimbun via on data from Sagemen, 2004; p. 253: Created by
AP Images; MARK RALSTON/AFP/Getty Images; AP OUP based on data from Juliana Horowitz and Pew
photo/Bebeto Matthews Research Center (2009; 2011)

CHAPTER 9 CHAPTER 8
p. 292: Sam Dcruz Copyright © 2003-2012 p. 260: Created by OUP based on data from EIA,
Shutterstock Images LLC; p. 296: Alex Wong/Getty World Resources Institute; p. 262: Created by OUP
Images; p. 300: AP photo/Aaron Favila; p. 305: based on data from EIA, World Resources Institute
Copyright Carlos Cazalis/Corbis/APImages; p. 308: CHAPTER 9
Tim Graham/Getty Images; p. 312: PRAKASH p. 297: Created by OUP based on data from The
MATHEMA/AFP/Getty Images; p. 315: Canadian United Nations; p. 301: Created by OUP based on
Press via AP Images; p. 317: AP photo/Marty data from The United Nations
Lederhandler; p. 320: THONY BELIZAIRE/AFP/Getty
Images; p. 322: AP Photo/Jason Tanner, UNHCR;
p. 326: AP photo/Aaron Favila; PRAKASH MATHEMA/
AFP/Getty Images; THONY BELIZAIRE/AFP/Getty
Images
Index

absolute gains, 61 Alice in Wonderland (Carroll), 105 Argentina, 7, 103t

accidents, natural disasters and, alleged combatants, 225 armed forces, presence of, 128t
264–265, 265i Allison, Graham, 111 Armenia, 7, 25
accountability, 321 Alsace-Lorraine, 7, 7m armistice, 156
acid rain, 259–260, 259f Amazon Cooperation Treaty Arrhenius, Svante, 263
activism, celebrity, 322i, 322–324 (1978), 273 Asia, 63, 195t , 204–205, 205t ,
actors, major, 50 American Convention on Human 212, 329
IGOs and, 10–11, 10f Rights, 170 Asian development model,
within IR, 2, 328 “American puppets”, 34 204–205, 205t
NGOs and, 10f, 11i, 11–12 American Relief Administration, Asia-Pacific Economic
sovereign state as, 60–61, 61t 306 Cooperation (APEC), 195t
state government and, analysis. See also information Assange, Julian, 20, 21i
9–10, 10f analysis attitudes
Afghanistan, 240 conflict, 24 nationalism and political,
asylum provided by, 223 content, 20 93–95, 94i
casualties, 223f The Anarchical Society (Bull), 47–48 of Obama, 134, 135
COIN in, 237 anarchism, 228, 229t political culture, 90–91, 91t
invasion of, 251 anarchy, 42 on security, 132i, 132–133
military operations in, 6, 8, international, 81 Austria, 54
32–35, 33i, 35t , 57, 69t , liberalism on, 47–48, 47f Austria-Hungary, Empire of, 123
70, 97, 220 Angell, Norman, 47 autarky, 200
radicals in, 246 Angola, 69t , 70 authoritarian continuum, demo-
Taliban in, 78i, 79, 104, Annan, Kofi, 233, 317i cratic-, 105–106, 106i, 106f
104f, 220 Antarctic Treaty (1959), 272 authoritarianism, competitive, 109
Africa, 12, 15 anthrax, viruses of, 14 autocracies, 67
conflicts in, 89 Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, 152 autocratic rulers, 168–169
government of, 6, 9, 63, 89 anti-colonialism, 86, 86f Azerbaijan, 7
refugees, 292i, 298 antiglobalization, 31, 87
aggression, 164–165, 164f antipoverty policies, 309
agriculture, 15, 276, 299 APEC. See Asia-Pacific Economic Banerjee, Abhijit, 208
Ahmadinejad, Mahmoud, 202 Cooperation Bank of China, 213, 214
AIDS (acquired immune deficiency approval ratings, 30 al-Bashir, Omar, 164i, 177
syndrome), 12, 296i, 297, Arab Caliphates, 3 Belgium, 6, 57, 174, 293
297m, 304 Arab countries, 1, 105 beliefs
Albright, Madeleine, 102, 137 Arafat, Yasser, 174 Communism, 5, 41, 85, 86f
Algeria, 9 Aral Sea, 259 factors affecting, 89–90

362
 Index 363

Berlin conference (1945), 29–30 Cage, Nicolas, 323 household registration system
Berlin Wall, 38i California, 7 of, 212
Bhutto, Benazir, 64t , 103t caliphate, 250 one-child policy of, 308, 319
Biafra conflicts, 89, 300, 306 Canada, 84, 92 pollution in, 256i
bias, 100 Cancun Agreement (2010), 274 transformation of, 211i,
accessibility, 97 capitalism, 5, 41, 191 211–215, 213f, 215i
consistency, 97 defeat of, 132 treaties, 120–121
decision-making and, 97, foreign policy of, 85–86, 86f Xinjian area of, 9, 245
104, 104f Capitalism and Freedom Christian kingdoms/
information analysis and, (Friedman), 191 principalities, 6
27–28 Carr, E. H., 59 Churchill, Winston, 20, 29–30
resistance, 97 Carroll, Lewis, 105 elections of, 105
Bill & Melinda Gates Carson, Rachel, 280 views of, 83–84, 84f
Foundation, 307 Carter, Jimmy, 98t , 157, 171, 280 CITES. See Convention on
bin Laden, Osama, 78i, 79, 104 Castro, Fidel, 84, 174, 201t International Trade in
formative years of, 250 Cuban Missile Crisis and, Endangered Species
as leader, 251i, 251–252, 253f 112m, 112–115 citizenship, national, 71
Letter to America by, 228 preferences of, 101–102 clans, 94
on new brand of terrorism, Castro, Raul, 101 Clausewitz, Karl von, 124
226, 251i Catholicism, 92 climate
Biological Weapons Convention, celebrity activism, 322i, 322–324 change, 261i, 261–263, 262f,
124–125 The Center for Global 266, 266f, 269, 273, 319
bipolar order, power and, Development, 18 economic, 196, 200
43–44, 44f Central African Republic, 6 policy, 68
bipolar structure, 45, 45i Central American Free Trade Clinton, Bill, 98t , 108, 136, 170,
birth rates, declining, 17 Agreement, 153t 281, 318
Bismarck, Otto Von, 43i, 44 Centre for Science and Clinton, Hillary, 102, 137
Black Death, 296 Environment (CSE), 274 Clooney, George, 323
Bono. See Hewson, P. D. Chávez, Hugo, 202t coal
border chemical, 259 mining, 272
Israel’s separation, 148i, aerosol spray propellant, as pollutant, 257, 260, 260f
149–150 257–258 cognitive maps, 104, 104f
migration across, 2, 17 carbon dioxide (CO2), 262, 262f Cohn-Bendit, Daniel, 280
secured, 3 methane (CH), 262, 262f COIN. See counterinsurgency
Bosnia, 19 production, 257 Cold War, 12, 59, 87
Brandt, Willy, 66i weapon, 125 Bush, G. H. W., and, 145
Brazil, xxxivi, 16i Chernobyl nuclear plant disaster, emergence of, 39, 43, 44f, 84
Brezhnev, Leonid, 101 264–265 end of, 45, 45f, 48, 62, 67
Briand-Kellogg Pact (1928), 162i children, trafficking of, 89 Gorbachev, and, 143–145, 145i
Brigate Rossi. See Red Brigades Chile, 19 historical perspective on,
British Malaysia, 119 China, 2, 4, 14, 16, 110, 139t , 143–145, 145i
Bull, Hedley, 47–48 281, 282i Reagan, and, 143–145, 145i
bureaucratic bargaining, 64, agencies within, 22 stages of, 63–64
103–104 alliances of, 212–213, 213f U.S. during, 125
Burma, 119 Beijing Olympic Games collective farms, 299
Burundi, 173 in, 222i collective responsibility, 228
Bush, George H. W., 100–101, 105, Communist Party of, 30 collectivism, 86f
145, 174 conflicts of, 7, 54, 54i colonialism, 277
Bush, George W., 97, 98t , 136, 244i economy of, 17, 209 Great Britain, 6
administration of, 225, 233, 281 foreign policy of, 30–31 Marxism and, 85–86, 86f
policies of, 187, 204 growth of, 19i, 65 by Western powers, 6
364 Index

Columbia, 248, 248i universal, 16 contamination

Combs, Sean, 323 U.S., 135 as by-product, 258, 259f
commerce, international, 31 constructivism, 24, 81, 217 environmental, 14–15
communication technology, 12, 31 environmental politics and, content
communiqué, 20 276–277 analysis, 20
Communism, 16 humanitarian interventions latent, 20
beliefs, 5, 41, 85, 86f and, 313–315, 315i manifest, 20
collapse of, 27, 27f, 38i, ideology and, 165 Convention on International
39–40, 328 international law and, 165–168 Trade in Endangered Species
containment of, 64–65 IPE and, 188f, 195–196, 196i (CITES), 285
foreign policy of, 85–86, 86f security and, 131–133, 132i Convention on the Elimination of
international, 20 terrorism and, 237–240, 239f All Forms of Discrimination
models, 52 constructivist view, 116–117 Against Women, 171, 171f
symbols of, 38i analogy, individuals and, Convention on the Prevention and
Communist Party, of China, 30 100–101 Punishment of the Crime of
comparative advantage, 192 collective experiences and, Genocide, 176
comprador class, 198t 107–108, 107t cooperation
conflict resolution, 151, 152m Cuban Missile Crisis and, international, 47–48, 47f, 50,
conflicts, 13 111–115, 112m, 112f, 113i 57–59, 71, 74–77
in Africa, 89 fanatics and visionaries with, liberalism on, 47–48, 47f,
analysis of, 24 99–100 74–77
Biafra, 89, 300, 306 global context of, 108–111, 109i by NGOs, 80
of China, 7, 54, 54i history lessons and, 84 norms and rules of, 46–47, 47f
diplomacy in India-Pakistan, Hobbesian model as, 83–85, policy of, 126–127, 126f
48f, 51 83t , 84f realism on, 65–66, 74–77
France’s rivalries and, 57, 60 individual context of, transnational, 47–48, 47f, 50,
gender and social, 110–111, 116 99–103, 101i 57–59
Germany’s rivalries and, 57, 60 Kant model, 83–84, 83t , 84f with U.N., 79
of Great Britain, 7 Leninism and, 85–86, 86i, 86f Copenhagen Accord, 274
with India, 48i, 51, 300 Lockean model, 83–84, 83t , 84f Copenhagen Consensus Center, 279
with Israel, 105 Marxism and, 85–86, 86f cornucopians, 279
of Japan, 7, 54, 59 rational and biased choices corruption, 1, 16, 23–24, 23t , 169,
with Pakistan, 48i, 51, 102, 161 within, 100 169i, 299
territorial, 7, 7m socially constructed meanings Corruption Perception Index,
women and social, 110–111 and, 81–82, 82i 23–24, 23t
conflict theories, 166–168 state context of, 103–108, 103t , counterinsurgency (COIN), 237
approach, 80, 84–85, 115–116 104f, 106i, 106t counterterrorism
humanitarian interventions theory of, 24, 80–81, 81f costs of, 244–245
and, 315–316 Consultative Group on global, 249–250
IPE and, 188f, 196–198, 198t International Agricultural international terrorism,
security and, 133–135, 135i Research, 286 221–222, 222i
terrorism and, 241 consumption liberalism and, 235–237,
tested, 102–103 habits of U.S., 275 236f, 236t
Congo, Democratic Republic of of natural resources, 189 rehabilitation as, 243, 243f
the, 292i, 298 pollution and, 184 terrorism and, 221–222, 222i
The Congress of Berlin (Werner), 43i production and, 184 country, 8–9, 41
conservation, 266 scale of, 184 ethnic and religious rivalries
constitution containment within, 33
of Iran, 95 of communism, 64–65 interests of, 42
Japan of, 4–5 policy of, 136 court decisions, 2
 Index 365

Creative Coalition, 323 political psychology and, negotiations and, 9, 36

crimes against humanity, 157 95–97, 96i, 113–114 public, 237
critical thinking, 2 by state government, 22 diplomatic protocol, 152
information analysis and, by U.S., 106, 107t dirty bomb, 141
25–28, 26i, 27f defense policies, costs of, 6 disarmament
IR and, 25–28, 26i, 27f deforestation, 260f, 263 global, 49, 56, 58, 62
on politicians’ misleading del Ponte, Carla, 171 nuclear, 66, 99, 138
information, 21 democracy, 2 disasters, natural
on territorial conflicts, 7, 7m developing, 19 accidents and, 264–265, 265i
CSE. See Centre for Science and exporting, 32–35, 33i, 35t , as humanitarian crisis,
Environment 109–110 298–299
Cuba, xxxivi, 16, 84, 92, 107t geography and territory discoveries, 203
Cuban Missile Crisis, 25, 84 within, 34 diseases, infectious, 15,
Castro, and, 112m, 112–115 Germany as, 32–35, 33i, 35t 295–297, 296i
constructivist view and, 111–115, Japan as, 32–35, 33i, 35t Doctors Without Borders
112m, 112f, 113i liberal, 4 (Médicins Sans Frontières),
historical perspective on, market, 15 11i, 293, 306–307
111–115, 112m, representative, 51 dollar, 205, 209
112f, 113i sovereign, 109 domino effect, 130
Kennedy, and, 111–115, 112m, democratic-authoritarian contin- domino theory, 104, 129i,
112f, 113i uum, 105–106, 106i, 106f 129–130
Khrushchev, and, 5, 111–114, democratic peace, 331 doubt, 25
112m, 112f democratic peace treaty, 51–52, doves, 133
cultural heritage, 71 52f, 71 drought, 299
“cultural specificity”, 16 Demosthenes, 119 Duflo, Ester, 208
culture, 90. See also political Deng Xiaoping, 201t , 211i, Durant, Jean Henri, 156
culture 211–212 Dutch East Indies, 119
clash, 110 Denmark, 57
identity and, 92–93 dependency theory, 87, 198t ,
curiosity, 25 217, 316 East African Community
currencies, 8. See also dollar; Euro; North (global) and, 197–198 (EAC), 173
Yuan South (global) and, 197–198 East Asian "tigers", 212
exchange rates for, 186, 186t depletion Easterly, William, 208
national, 185, 186t of natural resources, 14–15 Eastern Europe, 39, 57
cyberterrorism, 226 problems caused by, 258, 259f East Germany, 38i
Cyprus, 185i desertification, 263, 286 Ebola virus outbreaks, 296
Czechoslovakia, 17, 54, 100 development economic climate, 196, 200
economic, 34 economic development, 34
industrial, 14–15 economic globalization, 209–210,
Darfur (Sudan), 69t , 70 Diana, Princess, 323 330–331
Darnell, Bill, 280 DiCaprio, Leonardo, 323 economic inequality, 80
debt, public, 209, 209f dictators economic policy, 206–207, 206f
debt-for-nature swaps, 281 corrupt, 1, 169, 169i economic reforms, 191, 207
decision-making, 116 military, 67 economic sanctions
biased, 97, 104, 104f support of, 1, 63, 64t U.S. foreign policy and, 56, 161
democratic-authoritarian con- diplomacy, 152 use of, 187
tinuum in, 105–106, of alliances and coalitions, 56 The Economist , 28
106i, 106f global, 20, 44, 53–54, 74–77 economy. See also international
within IR, 2, 29 in India-Pakistan conflict, 48f, 51 political economy
irrational, 101 liberal, 49–51, 50f of China, 17, 209
366 Index

economy (Continued) environmental politics, 258, extraterritoriality, 163–164, 313

free-market, 15 290–291 eyewitness accounts, 19–20
of Germany, 73 constructivism and, 276–277
global, 209–210, 330–331 liberalism and, 273–275
EEZ. See exclusive economic zone realism and, 270–272, Facebook, 1
Egypt, 63, 110 271i, 272i Fairtrade Labelling Organizations
Eisenhower, Dwight, 130, 206 environmental problems, 2, 13f, International, 199
embassies, establishment of, 14–15, 290–291 famine, 297–298, 299, 300
49–50 accidents and natural disasters Fanon, Frantz, 315
emissions as, 264–265, 265i FARC, 248, 248i
greenhouse gas, 160–161, 170, acid rain as, 259–260, 259f Fascism, 16
262, 262f air pollution as, 260, 260f, Fawkes, Guy, 106i
trading, 266–267, 266f 274–275 Federal Reserve, U.S., 18
Enbridge Northern Gateway climate change as, 261i, feminism, 24, 316
Project, 142i 261–263, 262f, 319 approach, 80
The End of Poverty (Sachs), 208 deforestation as, 260f, 263 politics of, 88–89, 89f,
energy liberalism and, 273–275 102–103, 116
renewable, 267i, 268 loss of clean water as, 264 security and, 134–135, 135i
resources, security and, 142i, loss of wildlife as, 263 Fernandez, Cristina, 96i
142–143 ozone depletion as, fertility rates, 27
Engels, Friedrich, 86i 257–258, 261 fi nances, 184–185, 185i, 186t
entrepreneurship, 17 realism and, 270–272, 271i, 272i fi nancial markets, 68–70, 72
environment environmental skepticism, crisis of, 87, 209, 328
international, 82i, 82–85, 83t , 278–279, 278f interest rates and, 209
84f, 151 environmental sovereignty, 270 Finland, 8–9, 31
protection of, 12 Erikson, Erik, 98 First Hague Convention, 56,
environmental contamination, Eritrea, 151, 152m 155–156, 175
14–15 Essence of Decision (Allison), 111 fiscal policy, 193
environmental Ethical Realism (Hulsman & Fischer, Joschka, 279i, 280
discrimination, 277 Lieven), 46 focus
environmentalism, 278–280, Ethiopia, 69t , 70 group, 23
278f, 279f Eurasian Alliance, 329 on identity, 80
environmentalism, Euro (currency), 8, 186, 196i FOIA. See Freedom of Information
evangelical, 280 Europe, 6, 14. See also Eastern Act, U.S.
environmental justice, 277 Europe; Western Europe food, 199, 298
environmental policies, European Community, 2, 59 deliveries, 2–3
290–291 European Financial Stability supplies, 15
comprehensive, 269, 269f Facility, 72 force, use of, 41, 50f, 99
global context of, 283–286, European Union, 1, 195t propensity for, 132
283f, 284i Climate Change Program, 269 by U.S., 69t
green investments as, 267i, emergence of, 43–44, 44f, 59 foreign occupation, 32–35, 33i, 35t
267–268 enlargement of, 71 foreign ownership, 190
implementation of, 270 historical perspective on, 72i, foreign policy, 53
individual context of, 278–280, 72–74 of capitalism, 85–86, 86f
278f, 279f members, 8, 17 of China, 30–31
NGOs and, 274–275 Eurozone, 328 collective experiences and,
public awareness and, 275 exclusive economic zone (EEZ), 155 107–108, 107t
regulation and restriction as, experimental methods, 23–24 Communism and capitalism’s,
265–267, 266f experiments, 23–24 85–86, 86f
state context of, 281–283, exports, 185, 209 domestic and international,
282i extradition, 224 63–65, 74–77
 Index 367

Great Britain, 10, 32, 56 GEF. See Global Environment global economy, 209–210,
leaders’ death and, 63, 64t Facility 330–331
public opinion and, 67–68, Geldof, Bob, 323, 324 Global Environment Facility
68t , 69t gender (GEF), 268
Soviet Union, 10, 29, 32 inequality, 80 Global Fund to Fight AIDS,
state government and, 9–10, social conflicts and, Tuberculosis, and
10f, 36 110–111, 116 Malaria, 307
foreign policy, U.S., 3, 9–10, 10f gendering, 135 global governance, 49, 65, 313,
economic sanctions as, 56, 161 General Agreement on Tariffs and 313t , 314t
during Korean War, 29 Trade (GATT), 59, 193 global interdependence,
during WWII, 32–35, 33i Geneva Convention (1864), 156 209, 209f
foreign powers, 4–5, 8 Geneva Convention (1906), 156 global issues, 13, 13f, 17, 90i
forests, 16i, 260f, 263 Geneva Convention (1929), 156 globalization, 12, 31, 71, 210
fracking, 274 Geneva Convention (1949), global migration, 319
framing, 26 156, 157 global order, 247–248, 328–329
France, 4, 9, 14, 32, 280, 300 Geneva Convention for the global poverty, 108, 214
conflicts and rivalries of, 57, 60 Amelioration of the global travel, xxxivi, 31, 319
territories of, 7, 7m Condition of the Wounded global warming, 261i,
Franz Ferdinand, Archduke, 229 in Armed Forces in the 261–263, 262f
freedom Field, 156 global waves, 248i, 248–249
global, 23 Geneva Protocols, 225 Goldstein, Baruch Kappel, 240
of global travel, xxxivi genocide, 157, 172, 172i, 175, 176 Gorbachev, Mikhail
ideology of, 41–42 Genocide Convention agreements by, 97, 211, 211i
of the seas, 47, 155 (1948), 157 Cold War and, 143–145, 145i
Freedom House, 23 geo-engineering, 267i, 267–268 “new thinking” of, 38i, 39–40,
The Freedom in the World, 23 geopolitics, 141 45, 99–100
Freedom of Information Act, U.S. George, Alexander, 62, 101 ouster of, 62
(FOIA), 12, 20 Georgia, 57, 167 views of, 101–102, 138
Freedom to Choose, 191 Germany, 6, 16, 22, 57–59. See Gore, Albert, 278, 280–281
“French nation”, 9 also East Germany; West Gottlieb, Gidon, 71
French National Union of Germany government. See also state
Students, 280 annexations by, 7, 7m, 54 government
Friedman, Milton, 191 conflicts and rivalries of, 57, 60 of Africa, 6, 9, 63, 89
Fulbright, J. William, 149 defeat of, 20, 43, 239–240 failing and unstable, 13, 14
fundamentalism as democracy, 32–35, 33i, 35t Pakistan, 67, 78i
political or private, 95 economy of, 73 graduated reciprocation in
religious, 229t , 230–231 Green Party of, 280 tension-reduction (GRIT),
Munich Olympic Games 138, 144
(1972), 224, 240 Grameen Bank, 309
Gaia hypothesis, 279 Poland and, 59, 123 Great Britain, 14, 21, 22,
Gandhi, Indira, 64t , 103t , 137 reunification of, 38i, 39–40 139t , 190
Gandhi, Mahatma, 35, 98 Social Democrats, 139 coalitions of, 53–54, 57–58
Gandhi, Rajiv, 64t during WWII, 57, 59, 62i, colonialism, 6
gas, 3 175–178, 176i, 178f conflicts of, 7
emissions, greenhouse, 160–161, Gillet, Eric, 174 foreign policy of, 10, 32, 56
170, 262, 262f global commons, 271i, London underground attack
use of, 274 271–272, 272i (2005) in, 234i
Gates, Robert, 140, 141i global counterterrorism, 249–250 Great Depression, 206
GATT. See General Agreement on global diplomacy, 20, 44, 53–54, The Great Illusion (Angell), 47
Tariffs and Trade 74–77 Greece, 72, 92
GDP. See gross domestic product global disarmament, 49, 56, 58, 62 green certification, 285
368 Index

greenhouse gas emissions, hegemony, 42, 43, 53, 87 peacekeeping as, 305–306
160–161, 170, 262, 262f Helsinki Final Act, 50, 157 realism and, 310–311, 310f
green investments, 267i, 267–268 Hepburn, Audrey, 323 refugee policies as, 309–310
Green Parties, 280, 282 Hewson, P. D. (Bono), 39, 323 relief efforts as, 306–307
Greenpeace, 275, 280, 284i Hezbollah, 231 humanitarianism, 311–312
actions and sources of, Hill, Faith, 323 humanitarian issues, 156
289, 289f Hirohito, Emperor, 66 humanitarian medicine, 321
goals and methods of, Hiroshima, 14, 118i humanitarian policies, 295, 295f,
287–289, 288f Hitler, Adolf, 7 324–326
roots of, 287 as chancellor, 54–55, 59, global context of, 319–321, 320i
green revolution, 15 62, 62i individual context of,
Green Warrior, 288 as fanatic, 100 316–317, 317i
Grenada, 69t HIV (human immunodeficiency state context of, 318–319
GRIT. See graduated reciprocation virus), 19, 296i, 297, humanitarian rights, 50
in tension-reduction 297m, 304 humanitarian sovereignty, 295
gross domestic product (GDP), 41, Hobbes, Thomas, 83 humanitarian tradition, 311–312
184, 194, 209f, 214 Hobbesian model, 83–85, 83t , 84f humanity, crimes against, 157
Grotius, Hugo, 47, 155 Hollande, Francois, 96i human rights, 2, 13f, 170
group Holocaust, 175 protection of, 15–16, 50,
facilitation, 98 honesty, intellectual, 25 156–157
focus, 23 Hong Kong, 119 violation of, 19–20, 36
inhibition, 98 honor, 82 human trafficking, 19, 303–304,
lobbying, 120 Hoover, Herbert, 306 312i, 316
pressure, in political Hulsman, John, 46 Huntington, Samuel, 92–93, 110
psychology, 97–98 human immunodeficiency virus. Hussein, Saddam, 79, 169, 174,
social, 63 See HIV 232–233
think, 24 humanism, 46, 47f defiance of, 82
G20 Summit, 96i humanitarian action, 322i, views of, 100
Guam, 119 322–324 hydroelectricity, 276
guanxi (connections), 30–31 humanitarian challenges,
The Guardian, 28 295–298, 296i, 297m
guerilla warfare (unconventional humanitarian crisis, 294–295, ICRC. See International
warfare), 123, 221–222 324–326 Committee of the
Guevara, Ernesto Che, 229–230 causes of, 298–304, 300i, 301m, Red Cross
Guzmán, Abimael, 229–230 302f, 303t , 305i idealism, 46, 47f. See also liberal
involuntary migration as, idealism
302–304, 303t identity
Hague Conventions, 56, 155–156, mass violence as, 300–301 civilizations and, 92–93
157, 175, 178f mismanagement as, 299 common, 90
Hague Tribunal. See Permanent natural disasters as, 298–299 culture and, 92–93
Court of Arbitration politics and, 299–300, 300f factors, 89–95, 90i, 91t , 92f,
Haiti, 270, 320i humanitarian interventions, 295, 94i, 116
Hamas, 231 324–326 focus on, 80
Hanish Islands, 151, 152m antipoverty policies as, 309 international, 132
Hardin, Garrett, 290 conflict theories and, 315–316 national, 7, 93–95, 94i
Harrelson, Woody, 323 constructivism and, 313–315, security, 132
hawks, 133, 139 315i ideology, 228
Hayek, Friedrich von, 191 crisis prevention as, constructivism and, 165
health, 307 307–308, 308i of freedom, 41–42
human, 14–15 liberalism and, 311–313, political, 16
security, global, 321 312i, 312f security, 139–140
 Index 369

IDP. See internally displaced reports and, 18–24, 19i, 21i, 23t individual context of,
persons surveys as, 22–23 168–170, 169i
IGOs. See intergovernmental innovations, 203 IR and, 150–151, 152m
organizations An Inquiry into the Nature and liberalism and, 161–165, 162i,
IMF. See International Monetary Causes of the Wealth of 163f, 164i, 164f
Fund Nations (Smith), 190–191 observation of, 149–150
immigration, opposition to, 73 instability, as global issue, perceptions of, 165–166
immunity, 153t 13, 13f principles and sources of, 151i,
imperialism, 42, 277 institution building, 34 151–154, 153t
Lenin on, 85–86, 86f integration, 72–73 realism and, 159–161, 160f
Marxism and, 85–86, 86f intelligence, information gather- sovereignty and, 160
imperial overreach, 42 ing and, 22 state context of, 170–171, 171f
imports, 185 “interests section”, 9–10 terra nullius as, 154, 154i
import substitution, 198 intergovernmental organizations U.S. and, 170–171, 171f
India, 6, 7, 14, 27 (IGOs), 3 international liberalism, 46, 71
conflicts with, 48i, 51, 300 international law and, international mandate, 161
-Pakistan conflict, 48f, 51 150–151, 152m International Military Tribunal for
relations of, 65 major actors and, 10–11, 10f the Far East, 176
Indian Ocean Tsunami Warning sovereignty and, 48 International Monetary Fund
System, 285 Intermediate Range Nuclear Forces (IMF), 11, 59, 193
industrialization, 14–15 (INF), 143 international order
pollution caused by, 260, 260f internal affairs, 8 balancing and, 42–44,
state-driven, 52 internally displaced persons 43i, 44f
inequality, 80 (IDP), 303 power and, 46
INF. See Intermediate Range International Committee of the during twentieth century,
Nuclear Forces Red Cross (ICRC), 156 43–44, 44f
information international cooperation, 47–48, international organizations,
access to, 104–105 47f, 50, 57–59, 71, 74–77 33–34, 36
competition from sources of, International Criminal Court, 177 economic liberalism and,
18–19 International Criminal Police 193–194
monopoly on, 92, 92f Commission, 158 as NGOs, 48–49
secrecy of, 20–22 International Criminal Tribunal nonprofit, 18
technology, 12 for former Yugoslavia, 172, professional prestige of, 18
U.S. leaks of classified, 172i, 176–177 security community and, 131
20–22, 21i International Criminal Tribunal self-interests of, 18
information analysis for Rwanda, 172, 176 international political economy
application of, 28–31, 30i, 31f international environment, (IPE), 215–217
bias and, 27–28 types of, 82i, 82–85, 83t , conflict theories and, 188f,
critical thinking and, 25–28, 84f, 151 196–198, 198t
26i, 27f International Federation of the constructivism and, 188f,
global context of, 31, 31f Red Cross, 156 195–196, 196i
individual context of, 29 International Labour defi ned, 3, 183
multiple causes and, 27, 27f Organization, 158 economic liberalism and, 188f,
state context of, 29–31, 30i international law, 179–180 190–195, 191i, 192f,
theory and, 24–25 applicability of, 10 195t , 207
information gathering constructivism and, 165–168 global context of, 206–210,
communications as, 20–22, 21i defi ned, 3, 150 206f, 208i, 209f
experiments and, 23–24 development of, 154i, 154–159, individual context of, 200–203,
eyewitness accounts and, 19–20 155f, 158i 201t–202t
intelligence and, 22 global context of, 171–174, 172i major factors of, 184–188,
IR and, 18–24, 19i, 21i, 23t IGOs and, 150–151, 152m 185i, 186t
370 Index

international political economy Iran, 9, 24 Jay, John, 170

(Continued) constitution of, 95 Jay Treaty, 170
mercantilism and, 188–199, Guardian Council, 30i Jemaah Islamiyah, 230
188f, 189f, 190i, 191i, Islamic Revolution, 95, Jihad, 250
192f, 195t , 196i, 198t 132, 132i John, Elton, 323
state context of, religious authorities in, 30, Johnson, Lyndon B., 45f, 64t , 100
204–206, 205t 30i, 102 Jolie, Angelina, 322i, 322–323
after WWII, 182–183 Iran-Contra scandal, 12 journalism, investigative, 19, 20–21
international politics, 3 Iraq, 9 Judd, Ashley, 323
coal and, 257, 260, 260f COIN in, 237 jurisdiction, 152, 164, 164i,
ozone depletion and, Gulf War (1990-91), 60, 70, 173–174, 313
257–258, 261 79, 251
pollution and, 257–258 Kuwait and, 60, 70, 79, 100 Kabila, Laurent, 174
international relations (IR), 1 military operations in, 6, 8, Kaczyński, Lech, 64t
critical thinking and, 25–28, 25, 32–35, 33i, 35t , 69t , Kagame, Paul, 174
26i, 27f 70, 97 Kant, Immanuel, 46–47, 47f, 51, 83
forecasts for, 327–332 occupation of, 52, 57, 60 Kant model, 46–47, 47f, 51, 83–84,
global travel and, xxxivi War (2003), 97, 108 83t , 84f
information analysis and, Ireland, 72, 238 Katyn Massacre, 21
28–31, 30i, 31f Irish Republican Army (IRA), Kazakhstan, 120–121, 259
information gathering and, 238, 246 Kennan, George, 136
18–24, 19i, 21i, 23t Islam, 95, 132, 132i, 230, 240, 250 Kennedy, John F., 21–22, 206
international law and, isolationism, 59–60, 125, 126f Cuban Missile Crisis and,
150–151, 152m Israel, 14, 24 111–115, 112m, 112f, 113i
main areas within, 3–4 capital of, 153 death of, 64t
major actors within, 2, 328 conflicts with, 105 Kenya, 102, 173
means of, 61t relations with, 63, 65 Keynes, John Maynard, 182
power and, 41 separation border of, 148i, Keynesian economics, 182,
scenarios, 331–332 149–150 192–193
study of, 2–6, 4f, 13f, 18, 36 support for, 95, 100 Khrushchev, Nikita, 5, 111–114,
international security Italy, 6, 16, 59, 72, 92 112m, 112f
pacts, 120–121, 121i ITO. See International Trade Kim II Sung, 29, 101, 101i, 201t
policies, criticism of, 133 Organization Kim Jong-il, 64t , 101, 101i, 169
international support, 34–35, 35t Kim Jong-un, 64t
international system, 328 Jahiliya (un-Islamic), 250 Kinkel, Klaus, 171
International Telecommunication Jannati, Ahmad, 30i Klaus, Vaclav, 278
Union, 157 Japan, 13, 126 knowledge, scientific, 25
International Telegraph conflicts of, 7, 54, 59 Koirala, Anuradha, 312i
Union, 157 constitution of, 4–5, 32, 119 Korean War, 29, 69t
International Trade Organization defeat of, 43, 119, 239–240 Kosovo, 70, 165–167
(ITO), 193–194 as democracy, 32–35, 33i, 35t Kosygin, Aleksei, 45f
Internet, 1, 25–26, 106i, 245 Empire of, 66 Kurdistan, 9
Interpol, 158 Fukushima nuclear plant Kurdistan Workers’ Party. See PKK
interventionism disaster, 265, 298 Kuwait
liberal, 131 Ministry of International Iraq and, 60, 70, 79, 100
policy of, 125–126, 126f Trade and Industry, occupation of, 60, 70, 79,
IPE. See international political 204–205, 205t 100, 125
economy relations of, 65 Kyoto Protocol (1997), 160–161,
IR. See international relations during WWII, 14, 118i, 119, 170, 266–267, 273–274
IRA. See Irish Republican Army 175, 178f Kyrgyzstan, 120–121
 Index 371

labels, verbal, 26 environmental politics and, Lomborg, Bjørn, 279

Lacey Act (1900), 265–266 273–275 Lovelock, James, 279
Lalonde, Brice, 280 environmental problems and, Lucas, Josh, 323
language, limits of, 26 273–275
Latin America, 63 global context of, 68–71, macroeconomics, 192–193
laws 70i, 77 MAD. See mutual assured
customary, international, humanitarian interventions destruction
153, 153t and, 311–313, 312i, 312f Madonna, 323
domestic, 151 individual context of, 66i, Madrid accord (1991), 272
enforcement of, 161 66–67, 77 Major Economies Forum on
principles of, 153, 153t international law and, 161–165, Energy and Climate, 274
property, 151 162i, 163f, 164i, 164f malaria, 15
of the sea, 154–155 international terrorism and, malnutrition, 297–298
Sharia, 230 235–237, 236f, 236t Malthus, Thomas Robert, 15, 279
of war, 155–156, 155f League of Nations and, 56–59, 58i Mansfield, Edward, 67
leaders, 55 multilateralism, unilateralism Mao, Zedong, 29
advisers and, 136–137 and, 59–60, 60t Mare Liberum (Grotius), 47, 155
bin Laden as, 251i, neo, 48 Marshall, George, 182
251–252, 253f new beginning for, 59 Marshall Plan, 59, 182, 187, 195
death of, 63, 64t political, 56 Martin, Chris, 323
democratic, 169–170 principles of, 46 Marx, Karl, 86i
political, 200–202, 201t–202t realism and, 60–61, 61t , 74–77 Marxism, 24, 115, 197, 217
state, 62–63, 98–99, 98t security and, 130–133, 132i approach, 80, 102
women, 136, 136i shortcomings of, 80 colonialism and, 85–86, 86f
League of Nations, 158, 161, 162i sources of, 46–47, 47f constructivist view and,
establishment of, 56–59, 58i state context of, 67–68, 68t , 85–86, 86f
liberalism and, 56–59, 58i 69t , 77 imperialism and, 85–86, 86f
Wilson, and, 56–59, 58i, 67 war and, 49, 50f, 67, Lenin and, 85–86, 86i, 86f
Lee Kuan Yew, 109 164–165, 164f security and, 133–134
LeMay, Curtis, 114 liberalism, economic, 47, 217 McCartney, Paul, 323
Lemkin, Raphael, 157 international organizations McNamara, Robert, 129i
Lenin, Vladimir, 85–86, 86i, 86f and, 193–194 Mearsheimer, John, 55
Leninism IPE and, 188f, 190–195, 191i, media
constructivist view and, 85–86, 192f, 195t , 207 mass, 26, 30
86i, 86f Liberman, Peter, 55 new, 330
security and, 134 Libya, 11, 69t , 102, 240 medication, distribution of, 12
liberal idealism apology by, 223–224 Médicins Sans Frontières. See
approach to, 47–48, 47f, 52 attacks by, 223–224 Doctors Without Borders
dominance of, 48–49 Lieven, Anatol, 46 Meir, Golda, 103t , 137
liberal institutionalism, 49, 59 List, Friedrich, 191 memoirs, political, 20
liberal internationalism, 49, 50f, lobbying mercantilism, 217
52, 67–68, 74–77, 329–330 domestic, 30, 63 IPE and, 188–199, 188f, 189f,
liberalism, 115–117, 331. See also group, 120 190i, 191i, 192f, 195t ,
international liberalism security bureaucracy and, 196i, 198t
on anarchy, 47–48, 47f 140, 141i principles of, 188–189, 188f, 189f
complex interdependence of, 48 Locke, John, 83 realism and, 189–190, 190i
on cooperation, 47–48, 47f, Lockean model, 83–84, 83t , 84f MERCOSUR. See Southern
74–77 Lockheed Martin Aeronautics Common Market
counterterrorism and, 235–237, Company, 140, 141i Merkel, Angela, 79, 102
236f, 236t log rolling, 64 Mexico, 157
372 Index

microcredit, 309 mutual assured destruction New America Foundation

microeconomics, 200, 202–203, (MAD), 129 (NAF), 249
208–209 Myanmar, 11i, 231. See also Burma New Mexico, 7
middle class, emergence of, 17 The New York Times, 28, 244
Middle East, 1, 56 NGOs. See nongovernmental
migration, xxxivi NAF. See New America organizations
across borders, 2, 17 Foundation Nicholas II, Czar, 66
global, 319 NAFTA. See North American Free Niebuhr, Reinhold, 39
involuntary, 302–304, 303t Trade Agreement Nigeria, 284i, 300
population and, 2, 13f, 17 Nagasaki, 14, 118i nitrogen oxides, 259
militarism, 133 Nasser, Gamal Abdel, 63, 64t Nitze, Paul, 136–137
military nation Nixon, Richard, 98t
affairs, revolution in, 127, 128t defi ned, 8–9 Nobel Peace Prize, 156, 278, 309
bases, 65, 225, 243 “French”, 9 Nonaligned Movement, 43
dictators, 67 National Audubon Society, 274 nongovernmental organizations
power, 48, 53 National Center for Refugee and (NGOs), 3, 15, 329–330
military action Immigrant Children, 323 cooperation by, 80
goals of, 32 National Commission on environmental policies and,
use of, 3, 13, 29–30 Terrorism, 219, 251 274–275
military operations nationalism, 9 influence of, 21, 36, 74
in Afghanistan, 6, 8, 32–35, 33i, extreme, 229, 229t international organizations as,
35t , 57, 69t , 70, 97, 220 political attitudes and, 48–49
in Iraq, 6, 8, 25, 32–35, 33i, 35t , 93–95, 94i major actors and, 10f, 11i,
69t , 70, 97 supranationalism and, 11–12
Mills, Heather, 323 163–164, 173–174 reports by, 19, 20, 21i, 22
Milošović, Slobadan, 93, 164, nationalists, 9, 94 Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT),
176–177 nationality, 71 124
mobilization, political, 34 national purpose, 196, 291 North (global), 2, 194, 277, 301
monetary policy, 193 National Security Archive, 12 dependency theory and,
Montreal Protocol, 257, 261 National Security Council, U.S. 197–198
Moore, Demi, 312i (NSC), 126f, 127 development and,
morality, 153t NATO. See North Atlantic Treaty 207–209, 208i
Morgenthau, Hans, 42 Organization North Africa, 1
Morse, Samuel, 203 natural resources, 7 North America, 14
Moyo, Dambisa, 208 consumption of, 189 North American Free Trade
Mubarak, Hosni, 64t depletion of, 14–15 Agreement (NAFTA), 194
Mueller, John, 49 energy, security and, 142i, North Atlantic Treaty
Mugabe, Robert, 201t 142–143 Organization (NATO), 120,
multilateralism Nazi Party, 7, 21, 62, 62i, 175–178, 121i, 188
domino effect and, 130 176i, 178f actions of, 11, 57
liberalism, unilateralism and, Nazism, 16 members, 57, 71, 97, 128
59–60, 60t neoliberalism, 48 policies of, 57, 60
security policies as, 125, 126f neorealism wars, 165–167
multipolar order, power and, defensive, 55, 56t Northern Ireland, 238
43–44, 44f foundation of, 45, 45i North Korea, 14, 29
multipolar structure, 45, 45i offensive, 55, 56t North Vietnam, 107t
Munich, 224 strategies, 55, 56t Norway, 110, 160
Munich analogy, 100–101, 114 as structural, 45, 45i NPT. See Non-Proliferation Treaty
Murray, Henry, 98 Nepal, 312i NSC. See National Security
Muslim Brotherhood, Nestlé, 288 Council, U.S.
245, 250 Netherlands, 10, 50, 57 nuclear deterrence, 129
 Index 373

nuclear disarmament, 66, 99, 138 pacifism, 49, 133 pluralism, 85

nuclear plant disaster Pact of Paris. See Briand-Kellogg Poland, 73
Chernobyl, 264–265 Pact Germany and, 59, 123
Fukushima, 265, 298 Pahlavi, Mohammed Reza, 201t invasion of, 59
nuclear proliferation, 13f, 14, 36 Pakistan, 6, 7, 14 Parliament, 106i
nuclear superpower, 57 conflicts with, 48i, 51, 102, 161 policy climate, 68
nuclear threats, 1 embassy, 9–10 political attitudes, 93–95, 94i
nuclear weapons government, 67, 78i political authority, 168–169
acquisition of, 127, 161 secret service of, 246 political culture, 116
arsenals of, 82 Palestine, 24 attitudes, 90–91, 91t
proliferation of, 14 cause, 100 hybrid, 108–110, 109i
of Soviet Union, 1, 14, 127 on separation, 148i, 149–150 types of, 90–92, 91t
Nuremberg trials, 21, 175–178, sovereignty, 65 values and, 91–92, 92f
176i, 178f Panama, 69t political ideology, 16
Nye, Joseph, 52, 53f Pan Am Flight 103, 223 political instability, 128
pandemics, 295–297 political liberalism, 56
parochialism, 28 political psychology, 80
Obama, Barack, 96i, 98t , 244i patriots, 94 decision-making and, 95–97,
administration of, 225, 281 peace 96i, 113–114
attitudes of, 134, 135 achievement of, 39, 83, 105 group pressure in, 97–98
childhood of, 98t , 101–102 democratic, 49 political socialization and,
policies of, 187, 204, 294 “eternal and perpetual”, 98–99, 98t , 116
occupation, foreign, 32–35, 46–47, 51 political radicalism, 221
33i, 35t keeping, 305–306 political socialization, 98–99,
oil, 3, 274 positive, 135 98t , 116
exploration, 272 psychology, 137, 137i politics. See also environmen-
as pollutant, 257 treaties, 41 tal politics; international
production, 184, 257 treaty, democratic, 51–52, 52f, 71 politics
spills, 265 war and, 3, 49 domestic, 7, 204
Olympic Games Pearl Harbor, 66, 82, 82i, 114, 119 of feminism, 88–89, 89f,
in Beijing (2012), 222i Pentagon, 22 102–103, 116
in Munich (1972), 224, 240 People’s Liberation Front, 86i geo, 141
OPEC. See Organization of perceptions humanitarian crisis and,
Petroleum Countries of international law, 165–166 299–300, 300f
Operation Enduring Freedom, 219 of security, 132i, 132–133 world, 3
Optional Protocol to the Vienna shared, 82i, 82–85, 83t , 84f polls
Convention on Consular Permanent Court of Arbitration Gallup, 34
Relations, 171 (Hague Tribunal), 151, opinion, 23, 28, 69t , 70
Organization of Petroleum 152m, 157 pollution, 14–15. See also environ-
Countries (OPEC), 11 Permanent Court of International mental problems
Osgood, Charles, 138, 144 Justice, 158 air, 260, 260f, 274–275
Oslo Accords, 65 Peron, Isabel, 64t , 103t caused by deforestation,
Oswald, Lee Harvey, 21–22 persecution, 16 260f, 263
Ottoman Empire, 3, 161 Persian Empire, 3 caused by industrialization,
Our Common Future, 269, 269f pesticides, 259 260, 260f
outsourcing, 204 Philippines, 119, 300i in China, 256i
overpopulation, 301m, Pinochet, Augusto, 164 coal, 257, 260, 260f
301–302, 302f Pitt, Brad, 323 consumption and, 184
ownership, foreign, 190 PKK (Kurdistan Workers’ Party), international politics and,
oxygen, supply of, 16i 229, 230i 257–258
ozone depletion, 257–258, 261 plague, viruses of, 14 water, 264
374 Index

population Qaddafi, Muammar, 64t , shortcomings of, 80

control, 308 202t , 223 state context of, 63–65,
migration and, 2, 13f, 17 Al Qaeda, 78i, 104t , 219 64t , 77
over, 301m, 301–302, 302f camps, 220 structural, 45, 45i
policies, 307–308, 308i decline of, 110 realpolitik, 44, 44f, 50
Portugal, 6 fighters, 237 engagement in, 53–55, 54i
Post, Jerrold, 100 goals of, 230 power shifts and, 54–55, 55f
postcolonialism, 80 historical perspective on, principles of, 53–56, 54i, 55f,
postcolonial studies, 85, 86f, 87 250–253, 251i, 253t 56t , 65
poverty, 2, 13f, 36, 300i, 330 ideologues, 240 reasoning, sound, 25
extreme, 301 Qutb, Sayyid, 250 Red Army Faction (RAF),
global, 108, 214 230, 246
policies, anti-, 309 Red Brigades (Brigate Rossi),
reduction of, 15, 86–87 Rabin, Yitzhak, 64t 230, 246
trap, 208 race inequality, 80 Red Crescent Societies, 156
Powell, Colin, 25, 26i radical socialism, 229–230, 229t refugees, 292i, 298, 302–303,
power, 4–6, 8. See also superpower RAF. See Red Army Faction 309–310, 322i, 323
balancing, 61, 165, 231 Rafsanjani, Ali Akbar relative gains, 61
bipolar order and, 43–44, 44f Hashemi, 174 relief programs, 12
distribution, 42–43 Rainforest Foundation, 323 religion, 41, 92–93
forms of, 41–42 rape, 298, 316 Reporters Without Borders, 20
international order and, 46 rational model, 95–97, 96i reports
multipolar order and, 43–44, 44f Reagan, Ronald, 12, 27, 98t , 280 governmental and nongov-
realism and, 41–42, 45, 65–66, Cold War and, 143–145, 145i ernmental, 18–19, 19i,
74–77 on economic reforms, 191, 207 20–22, 21i
regional, 44, 44f realism, 115–117, 328–329. See also information gathering and,
shifts and realpolitik, neorealism 18–24, 19i, 21i, 23t
54–55, 55f on cooperation, 65–66, 74–77 republicanism, 46, 47f
soft, 49, 52, 53f, 75 defi ned, 41 responsibility to protect (R2P),
unipolar order and, 43–44, environmental politics and, 312, 320
44f, 46 270–272, 271i, 272i Retreat from Doomsday: The
women in, 103t environmental problems and, Obsolescence of Major War
Prebisch, Raul, 86–87 270–272, 271i, 272i (Mueller), 49
prestige, 7 ethical, 46 Ricardo, David, 191
production global context of, 65–66, 77 Rice, Condoleezza, 102, 137
chemical, 257 humanitarian interventions The Road to Serfdom (Hayek), 191
consumption and, 184 and, 310–311, 310f Rome Statute, 177
distribution, 189 individual context of, 62i, Roosevelt, Franklin Delano, 20,
oil, 184, 257 62–63, 77 59, 67, 159
of WMD, 25, 26i international law and, administration of, 206
protectionism, 72–73, 187 159–161, 160f death of, 63
Protestantism, 92 international terrorism, 231–235, views of, 83–84, 84f
public exposure, 226–227 233f, 234i, 234t Roosevelt, Theodore, 157
public opinion, 7, 15 liberalism and, 60–61, 61t , R2P. See responsibility
foreign policy and, 67–68, 74–77 to protect
68t , 69t mercantilism and, Ruckelshaus, William, 257
on security, 138–139, 139t 189–190, 190i Russia. See Soviet Union
on Vietnam War, 68, 69t power and, 41–42, 45, 65–66, Russian-Georgian War (2008),
Puntland, 6 74–77 57, 167
Putin, Vladimir, 96i, 109i, 136 principles of, 40–42 Rwanda, 174, 177
Putnam, Robert, 63 security and, 127–130, 128t, 129i Belgium and, 174, 293
 Index 375

Civil War (1994), 89, 90i, 172, perceptions of, 132i, 132–133 social conflicts
293, 298 policy, 132i, 132–133 gender and, 110–111, 116
Hutus and Tutsis of, 293 public opinion on, women and, 110–111
International Criminal 138–139, 139t social egalitarianism, 52
Tribunal for, 172, 176 realism and, 127–130, social group, 63
union formed by, 173 128t , 129i socialization
regime guarantor, U.S. as, 130 early and late, 101–102
regimes, 130 political, 98–99, 98t , 116
Sachs, Jeffrey, 208 regional, 141–142 socially responsible investing
Sadat, Anwar, 63, 64t of sovereign state, 120 (SRI), 284–285
Salafism, 240 state context of, 138–140, Somalia, 6, 20, 299
salt, as toxic, 259 139t , 140i Somaliland, 6, 8i
Sanchez, Yoani, xxxivi of states, 2, 11, 48, 120–122, Sony Ericsson, 288
Saro-Wiwa, Beeson, 283, 284i 121i, 121t Sophie, Duchess, 229
Saudi Arabia, 3, 125, 240, 243 of U.S., 120 South (global), 2, 194, 277
Savannah, 203 security policies dependency theory and,
Schweller, Randall, 55 as multilateralism, 125, 126f 197–198
Second Hague Convention, 56, as unilateralism, 125, 126f development and, 207–209,
155–156 Seko, Mobutu Sese, 169, 169i 208i, 301
security, 145–147. See also Sen, Amartya, 299 Southern Common Market
international security Sendero Luminoso. See (MERCOSUR), 195t
attitudes on, 132i, 132–133 Shining Path South Korea, 29
as bilateral or multilateral, separatism, 9 South Vietnam, 129i
120–121, 121i September 11 (2001), 82, 218i, 223 sovereign democracy, 109
bureaucracy and lobbying, attacks, 82, 218i, 244–245 sovereign state, 41, 152
140, 141i casualties of, 228 adaptation of, 45
challenges, 1 Serbia, 93 defi ned, 6–8, 8i, 36
collective, 58, 131 wars with, 165–167 importance of, 49
community and international WWI and, 7, 229 limitations of, 47, 49, 73
organizations, 131 Shanghai Cooperation as major actor, 60–61, 61t
conflict theories and, Organization (Shanghai security of, 120
133–135, 135i Six), 121 sovereignty, 63, 73–74
constructivism and, Shanghai Six. See Shanghai defi ned, 6–8, 8i
131–133, 132i Cooperation Organization environmental, 270
costs, 6 Sharia laws, 230 humanitarian, 295
dilemma, 128–129, 128t , Sharon, Ariel, 174 IGOs and, 48
129i, 130 Shining Path (Sendero Luminoso), international law and, 160
energy, resources and, 142i, 229–230 Palestine, 65
142–143 Sierra Club, 274 Soviet Union, 4, 16, 139t , 175, 245
feminism and, 134–135, 135i Silent Spring (Carson), 280 behavior of, 39–40, 57, 59, 107t
global, 39, 135 skepticism, environmental, Chechnya and, 226
global context of, 141–143, 142i 278–279, 278f collapse of, 43, 44f, 62
global health, 321 slash and burn farming, 276 communications of, 19,
identity, 132 slavery 21–22
ideology, 139–140 of children, 298 foreign policy of, 10, 29, 32
individual context of, sex, 89 irrigation project of, 259
135–138, 137i Slow Food, 199 nuclear weapons of, 1, 14, 127
Leninism and, 134 Smital, Heinz, 284i relations of, 65
liberalism and, 130–133, 132i Smith, Adam, 190 treaties, 120–121
Marxism and, 133–134 Snowden, Edward, 20, 21i, 22 Spain, 72, 110
national, 120, 135 Snyder, Jack, 55, 67 Spielberg, Stephen, 224
376 Index

Sputnik, 5 Pew global, 275 Thatcher, Margaret, 64t , 103t , 137,

SRI. See socially responsible types of, 23 191, 191i, 201t
investing Syria, 24 theory. See also specific theory
Sri Lanka, 86i, 300, 306 application of, 28–29
stagflation, 206 Taiwan, 54, 54i distributive justice, 85
Stalin, Joseph, 20, 21, 22 Tajikistan, 120–121 information analysis and, 24–25
death of, 64t Taliban prospect, 97
negotiations with, 29–30, 59 in Afghanistan, 78i, 79, 104, Third Reich, 7
views of, 84, 84f 104f, 220 Thompson, Llewellyn (Tommy),
Starbucks, 203 emergence of, 237, 251 114
state government goals of, 226, 230–231 Thucydides, 81–82
branches of, 10, 10f Tanzania, 173 Tibet, 245
decision-making by, 22 territorial conflicts, 6–7, 7m trade, 210
executive branch, 10, 10f territory, 6, 7, 7m, 34 agreements, 2, 194, 195t
foreign policy and, 9–10, terrorism, 253–255 balance of, 185, 189–190
10f, 36 coercion, extortion and, deficits, 186, 204–206, 205t
judicial branch, 10, 10f 226, 227t deficit-tolerant, 204
legislative branch, 10, 10f conflict theories and, 241 emissions, 266–267, 266f
major actors and, 9–10, 10f constructivism and, free, 199
states, 8–9. See also sovereign 237–240, 239f interests, 81, 81f
state contemporary, 227t international, 13, 86–87,
boundaries of, 6 counterterrorism and, 185–186
checks and balance of, 42–44, 221–222, 222i issues, 3
43i, 44f criminalization of, Trade Act, U.S. (1974), 170
influence of, 52, 53–54, 53f 235–236, 236f traditions, 16
interactions among, 2, 48 defi ned, 222i, 222–225, The Tragedy of the Commons
interests of, 42, 80–81, 81f, 96i, 223f, 224i (Hardin), 290
97, 108, 160 domestic, 221 Transcontinental Economic
leaders of, 62–63, 98–99, 98t global context of, 246–250, 248i Alliance, 329
plus nations, 71 impact of, 123 TransFair USA, 199
poor, 86–87 individual context of, 241–243, Trans-Pacific Partnership, 194
revisionist-predator, 42, 54–55, 242t , 243f transparency, 321
55f, 60, 62 logic of, 227–228, 227f travel, global, xxxivi, 31, 319
security of, 2, 11, 48, 120–122, moral relativism and, 240 treaties. See also specific treaty
121i, 121t pillars of, 239, 239f international, 6, 273–274
status quo, 42, 54 preemptive policies for, 233 peace, 41
statesmanship, 104–105 rise of, 101 ratification of, 171
steam engine, invention of, 203 state context of, 243–246, Treaty of Westphalia, 154, 165
Stevenson, Adlai, 25 244i, 246i Treaty on Deepening Military
subsidies, 187, 189–190, 198 terrorism, international, 13, 74, Trust in Border Regions
Sudan, 20, 69t , 70, 251 219–220, 253–255 (1996), 120–121
sulfur dioxide, 259 assumptions and methods of, tribalism, 93–94
superpower, 43–44, 44f, 57 225–227, 227f, 227t triumphalists, 143
supranationalism, 163–164, counterterrorism and, Truman, Harry S., 29–30, 59,
173–174 221–222, 222i 63, 206
surplus, 204–206, 205t liberalism and, 235–237, trust
surveys 236f, 236t loss of, 57
expert, 23 realism and, 231–235, 233f, mutual, 97
Gallup, 275 234i, 234t tsunami (2004), 270, 285, 298,
as information gathering, threat of, 123 306, 307
22–23 textbooks, 1 Tunisia, 110
 Index 377

Turkey, 9, 25, 27 Intergovernmental Panel on universal jurisdiction, 164, 164i,

Tusk, Donald, 64t Climate Change, 273 173–174, 313
Twitter, 1 International Court of Universal Postal Union, 157–158
two-level game theory, 63, 105 Justice, 149–150, 159, U.S. See United States
tyrants, 169 166–168, 171 Uzbekistan, 121, 259
resolutions, 29, 108, 153,
172, 176
values, 16, 89
UAE. See United Arab Emirates Security Council, 4, 5i, 25, 26i,
harmony, 276
Uganda, 173, 292i 59, 149, 172, 305
mastery, 276
Ukraine, 57 studies, 15
political culture and, 91–92, 92f
ultraviolet radiation, 260 Universal Declaration of
women’s expectations and, 168
U.N. See United Nations Human Rights, 157
Van Evera, Stephen, 55
unconventional warfare. See World Commission on
Vasquez, Frederik E., 219
guerilla warfare Environment and
Vienna Convention for the
unemployment, 73 Development, 269
Protection of the Ozone
unilateralism United States (U.S.), 2, 4, 13, 24.
Layer, 257–258, 261
liberalism, multilateralism and, See also foreign policy, U.S.
Vietnam, 106–107, 107t. See also
59–60, 60t alliances of, 128, 212–213,
North Vietnam; South
security policies as, 125, 126f 213f, 240
Vietnam
UnionPay, 189–190 classified information leaks of,
Vietnam War, 52, 64t
unipolar order, power and, 43–44, 20–22, 21i
public opinion on, 68, 69t
44f, 46 during Cold War, 125
troops in, 100
United Arab Emirates (UAE), 275 Congress, 10, 10f, 12, 135,
violence, 41, 44
United Kingdom. See Great 140, 267
as global issue, 13, 13f, 17, 90i
Britain Constitution, 135
justification of, 85, 86f
United Nations (U.N.), 2, 158 consumption habits of, 275
mass, 300–301
Charter, 159, 165–166, 165f, 170 decision-making by, 106, 107t
sexual, 89
Climate Change Secretariat, Department of Defense, 5–6
use of, 226
266, 266f Department of Homeland
against women, 19
Conference on Security and Security, 5, 222,
Volkswagen, 190
Cooperation, 50, 157 233–234, 234t
cooperation with, 79 Department of Treasury, 187
Covenant on Civil and Political as the Great Satan, 132, 251 Wahhabism, 240
Rights, 157 Guantanamo military base, Wake Island, 119
Covenant on Economic, Social, 225, 243 Walesa, Lech, 201t
and Cultural Rights, 157 international law and, Wallerstein, Immanuel, 87
Environment Programme, 273 170–171, 171f The Wall Street Journal, 28
Food and Agriculture led coalitions, 8, 59 Waltz, Kenneth, 55
Organization, 298 national security, 126f, 127, war, 32, 55, 74
formation of, 10–11, 59, 67 135–136 arguments against, 55, 56t
Framework Convention on Patriot Act, 225 “as a continuation of policy by
Climate Change, 266 policies of, 125, 281–282, 294 other means”, 124
General Assembly, 39, presidents, 24, 30, 98t , asymmetrical and symmetrical,
149, 159 135–136 123, 125t , 231
Global Compact, 314, 314t role of, 46, 53 concept of total, 124
Green Climate Fund, 274 security, 120 crimes, 175–179, 176i, 178f
High Commissioner for as security regime declaration of, 41, 155–156
Refugees, 309, 322i guarantor, 130 defensive, 122, 125t
High-Level Panel on Threats, State Department, 171, 182, 223 elimination of, 61
Challenges and trade deficits of, 186–187, 209 ethnic and religious, 124, 125t
Change, 233 use of force by, 69t as global issue, 13, 13f, 17
378 Index

war (Continued) Westernizer, 99 World Trade Center, 22,

laws of, 155–156, 155f West Germany, 57 218i, 219
legality of, 164–165, 164f WHO. See World Health World Trade Organization (WTO),
liberalism and, 49, 50f, 67, Organization 170, 188, 194, 213
164–165, 164f Wijeweera, Rohana, 86i World War I (WWI), 7, 229
local, global and regional, WikiLeaks, 20, 21i World War II (WWII), 20, 29,
123, 125t wildlife, loss of, 263 67, 69t
offensive, 122, 124i, 125t Wilheim II, Kaiser, 66 Germany during, 57, 59, 62i,
outlawing, 162i Wilhelmina, Queen, 155 175–178, 176i, 178f
peace and, 3, 49 Williams, Robin, 323 IPE after, 182–183
policy, 44, 44f Wilson, Woodrow Japan during, 14, 118i, 119,
predatory, 123, 125t Fourteen Points of, 131 175, 178f
preemptive, 122, 125t League of Nations and, 56–59, World Wildlife Fund, 275
preventive, 122, 124i, 125t 58i, 67 The Wretched of the Earth
retaliatory, 123, 124i, 125t Wilsonianism, 56–59, 58i (Fanon), 315
with Serbia, 165–167 WMD. See weapons of mass WTO. See World Trade
types of, 122–124, 124i, 125t destruction Organization
Warsaw Ghetto Uprising, 66i women, 27
wastes, 184 adultery and, 16
water discrimination against, 171, 171f xenophobia, 94, 94i
access to running, 15, 208i expectations and values of, 168 Xin Qi, 219
loss of clean, 264 leaders, 136, 136i
pollution, 264 in power, 103t Yeltsin, Boris, 136
wealth creation, 321 roles of, 88–89, 89f Yemen, 151, 152m
weapons social conflicts and, 110–111 Yuan (currency), 186, 209
chemical, 125 trafficking of, 89 Yugoslavia, 57, 172, 172i,
quality and quantity of, 128t violence against, 19 176–177
weapons of mass destruction Wonder, Stevie, 323 Yunus, Muhammad, 309
(WMD), 14 World Bank, 19i, 59, 193 al-Zawahiri, Ayman, 251, 252
limiting, 124, 125t World Health Organization
production of, 25, 26i (WHO), 307
use of, 226 world-systems theory, 86, 115 zero-sum game, 61,
Werner, Anton von, 43i core in, 87 108, 189
Western Europe, 17 periphery in, 87 Zoellick, Robert, 19i