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Geography History & Concepts

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 Panadigms and Rezolutions
69

cm concept. Kuhn was trained as a physicist, and his theory derives largely
s t u d y of the history ot physics. How tar is the history of physics relevant to
ro and quantitative sciences? To a n s w e r this question we will
the less theoretical
in the light of Kuhn's model
now look
at the history of geography

PARADIGMS IN GEOGRAPHY?
CHANGING
has argued that Kuhn has been the most influential scientific meth-
Rird (1977)
odologist as far as geography is concerned. Mair (1986) suggests that geographers
infuenced by Kuhn fall into two groups. First there are those who have used
Kuhn to legitimize their propaganda for a 'paradigm change' within the discipline
scientific 'establishment' (see p. 85). Secondly, several
and as a.weapon against the
historiographers have tried to
apply a kuhnian model to the de-
geographical
1978; Schültz,
velopment of geographical thought (see, among others, Widberg,
The
1980; Harvey and Holly, 1981; Stoddart, 1981; Martin, 1985; Johnston, 1997).
paradigm concept has taken on a life of its own beyond that originally envisaged
by Kuhn, and as such has been regarded asa useful 'exemplar (model orteaching
framework) for histories of geography.
Figure 3.6 attempts to systematize the theoretical development of geography up
to the 1950s, but it gives an incomplete and oversimplified picture as only the
main concepts in the subject's development are shown. Over the course of time,
these concepts have changed in significance and connotation. In Kuhn's terminol-
ogy (Figure 3.1), until Darwin's time geography was in its preparadigm phase:
Kant did not found a school of geography but indicated a role for the subject and
suggested its positionin relation to other sciences. Geography was, for him, a
chorographicand mainly descriptive science, distinct from the systematic sciences
and from history.
Ritter, on the other hand and contrary to Kant and his school, did notemphas
ize the distinctive roles of geography and history but instead emphasized de
velopments over time, linking history with geography. Ritter was, however, t
first geographer to describe his method clearly, and his account conforms to
Francis Bacon's classical model of how a scientist works (Figure 3.2(a)). However,
because of Ritter's teleological outlook, this first apparently active school of geo-
graphy did not lead the subject into its first phase of a paradigm: contemporary
in Darwinism meant the rejection of those ideas that might have
velopments
led to a
paradigm.
l tshould be emphasized that Darwinism did not representa complete break with
the major ideas upon which Ritter's geography had been founded. The study of
development over time was still regarded as very important and a deterministic
eplanatory framework was strengthened further. The break with Ritter was about
e forces that shaped development. After Darwin, scientists looked for the laws
wnch controlled nature (and for materially conditioned social laws) and so, to
aerable extent, they adopted a nomothetic (law-making) approach to science
7 p. 241) be
may when he
right that it was at this time that the
suggests
thelePrtant revolution took place in geography, when the universities subdivided
their acuties into separate disciplines and a cosmographic way of thinking was
d by the causal explanations characteristic of the developing natural sciences
 to make geography a
nineteenth century,
halt of the recactPlabj.
Dunng the latter geography protessors
tried to
sacnoe the newly appointed method
as a
scieme.
The
hypotheic-deductive
was not,
pline as
nomothetic
here with Minshull (100
sense; w e may agree 0,
howerer applied in a strict

as well
as
geomorphologists,
stated genera eralizations firstp.81)
and
that deteminists, as proot. Unlike physicists
examples
es that involved geogra-
selected
then supplied a tew highly verification procedures a
test hypotheses by num-
phers could not statistical tests that might have played the san
tha
ber of repeated enperiments; to cope with Ole
w e r e not
as yet sutficiently developed
as epenments
eographical material.
Geomorphology and determinism may be said to represent geography's first para-
was eftective tor geomorphology
-it lasted for a
digm phase. This paradigm 0od
advanced the whole subjects scientific reputation through
ac- is
half-entur and could be put f
information until alternative explanations
cumulation of scientific
While geomorphology expanded of
other branches geography experienced
ward.
sernes of crisis phases. For this reason we can leave geomorphology to one side for thee
in human geography.
time being and concentrate on developments
As the dominating paradigm in human geography, determinism had a short
the possibilists and the French school of regional
life, being challenged by
geographers. These geographers stressed the idea that humanity has free will and
participates in the development of each landscape through unique historical pro-
cesses. Methodologically, geographers were trained to concentrate their study on
the unique single region. This inevitably limited the development of theory (as
normally understood in science) and made the hypothetic-deductive method re-
dundant. The appropriate methodology under this approach would be to try to
understand a society and its habitat through field study of the ways of life and
attitudes of mind of the inhabitants. Such methods (in the form of participant
observation) characterize the work of many social anthropologists today.
Fieldwork was regarded as of the utmost importance in the French school of
regional geography. Vidal de la Blache based his Tableau de la Géographie de la
France (1903) on studies in each
département. Albert Demangeon walked every
lane in Picardy before publishing his regional monograph on that pays in 1903.
This fieldwork was, however, mainly concerned with presenting a picture of the
naterial ways of life in the
regions and had to be supplemented
with the colec
tion of factual material from
statistical, historical and archaeological sources. In is
handling of data in the data's
-

organization,
classification and analysis the -

regional apPproach to
geography resembled the inductive method very ciost
Regional geographerS also sought general causal
unwilling to identify these as laws'. More explicitlyrelationships methods, sucn
but were rant

participant observation, were only adopted directlyqualitative

in local studies mucn
a
Althoughpossibilists reacted against the determinists' simple lalc mod-

els, many of their ideas were derived

fronm Darwinism. explanatory win's

concepts about struggle and selection They took over Da

human will played an although they also considered that chan be
and

important role in development. While

said to constitute a new
paradigm, it did not possibilism co.
Partly because of the strength of immediately replace deter
geomorphology and physical geography, tne
explanatory model continued
deter

to survive ilism.
side by side with poss1D
 Paradigms und Revolutions
71

For a long time, however, geographers continued to stress the central position
of regional geography. Georges Chabot declared in 1950 (p. 137) that 'Xegional
raphy is the centre around which everything converges. It is, however, fairly
obvious that the greatest advances in geographical research during the twentieth
century have taken place within systematic geography. In geomorphology, bio-
geography, economuc geography, population geography and many other
branches of the subject, a range of new theories and methods have evolved.
During the interwar period, landscape ecology and landscape morphology were
subdivided, and many specialist studies were made on urban morphology. Re
search into the morphology of rural settlements was also separated from general
studies of agrarian cultural landscapes.
Regional geography flourished in such countries as France, where in school and
university teaching geography was closely associated with history and where the
educational system fostered a national self-image of sturdy peasantry and
cultured townsfolk. Regional studies were also important to the academic leaders
of the emergent nations in central and eastern Europe, who were seeking to
establish and preserve the uniqueness of their national heritage. This was to be
achieved not just through their native languages but also by studying a whole
range of traditional relationships with their lands, which had survived centuries
of foreign domination.
While the peace settlement of 1919-21 created many new European nation-
states, arguments over boundaries between the 'winners' and losers' of the war
continued to draw externsively on local historical and geographical relationships
The economic revival of western and northern Europe from prosperity to afflu-
ence after 1945 has, however, been associated with the growth of essentially
similar urban industries and services organized nationally (but today greatly
influenced by the globalization of the economy). "Regions have come to be
defined in strictly economic terms: 'regional policies' are devised to help areas
thatlag behind current norms of economic growth.
In the USA, Edward A. Ackerman (1911-73) argued that 'taken as a whole,
those geographers who had mastered some systematic field before the war were
notably more successful in wartime research than those with a regional back-
ground only' (1945, p. 129). He went on to point out ways in which emphasis
upon systematic methods would best serve geography in the future. Although an
immediate impact of his work is difficult to trace, his analysis encouraged the
subsequent move towards training on the systematic side (White, 1974, p. 301).
Another reason for the limited progress of regional geography was the basic
philosophy for the subject held by Hettner and Hartshorne. While both regarded
ne regional geographical synthesis as central to geography, they discouraged
ustorical methods of analysis, arguing (with reference to Kant) for geograpny to
be
regarded as a chorological science. Hartshorne was strongly criticized by
of The Nature of
n g others, Carl Sauer who, within a year of the publication
Geography in 1939, said: 'Hartshorne.. . directs his dialectics against histoncal
giving it tolerance only at the outer fringes of the subject. Perhaps
.

apny,
.

L re years the period from Barrow's 'Geography as human ecology (1923) to

artshorne's latest resume will be remembered as that of the Great ketrear
Sauer, 1963, p. 352).
 Geography: Fistory and Concene

had develo
however, adopted
of by a large
the
Hettner and Hartshorne

majority of human geographers from the 1930"s

subject antage
eveloped was,
The concept
The disad. UnG
as a paradigm.
could be regarded
the 1960s. This,
if anything, accepted
method of£ chorological regio
n o r Hartshorne's ida
to a universally
it did not lead
that schema
Hettner's Liinderkundliches
was
Neither the areal expressi
description. of maps depicting of
(1939, p. 462) solvod
'comparison
fication of regions
through
interrelated phenomena
or of
individual phenomena, synthesis. Vidal and the
problems of regional
methodological other hand, produced sciene
vincingly the geography, on the tific
French school
of regional ot students, and thus could d e
exemplars for a large group
works that served as
as a paradigm.
functioned better of the cultral
said to have a basis for the study
followers also provided
Schlüter and his (see pp. 50-53
methods of landscape morphology
landscape by developing the influential Hettner, regarded
the majority of geographers, including
However, for geography as a whole, since
too restricted in ScCope
these methods as being the visible landscape whereas a
restricted its analysis to
landscape morphology transactions of social and
also includes the "invisible
synthesis
proper regional
economic life. sCience only super-
Kuhn's model, so far, fits
the development of geographical
we have seen how new
As we have followed
the early progress of the subject
ficially. matrices) have, to some extent, included
paradigms (in the sense of 'disciplinary therefore lose clarity and value as a
ideas from older paradigms. New paradigms
more and more people
define geography as
guide for research until, in the end, we may get from simplified accounts
what geographers do. Despite the impressions
at the history of geography reveals that
(for instance Wrigley, 1965), a closer look
complete revolutions have not taken
place; paradigms, or what may be more appro-
side by side.
priately termed schools of thought, continue to exist

AN IDIOGRAPHIC OR NOMOTHETIC SCIENCE?

Another reason why paradigm shifts can be regarded as more apparent than real

is that each new generation of workers, or each individual trying to change te

scientific tradition of the discipline, will tend to ascribe a more fundamental
significance to their own findings and ideas than A number or
they really have.
times in the history of geography we have witnessed a characteristic ove
simplification of the views held by the immediately previous generation o
rather, of those held by the leading personalities of the current tradition
A rather good example is the vigorous criticism of Hartshorne presented Dy
Fred Schaefer (1953) in
'Exceptionalism in geography'. Schaefer attackea t e ex
ceptionalist view of the Kant-Hettner-Hartshorne tradition the view that
raphy is quite different from all other sciences, methodologically unique oeor
cause

it studies unique phenomena (regions), and therefore is an idiographicC a

than nomothetic
a
discipline:
Hartshorne, like all vigorous thinkers, is quite consistent. With
e
says that 'While this margin is present in respect to uniq tent,
the degree to which every field of science, greater or ie
to
phenomena are
unique not only greater in geograp
is
than in
many other sciences, but the unique is of Hence
very first practical importa
Paradigms and Revolutions
73

generalizations in the form of laws are useles if not impossible, and any prediction in
geography is of significant value. For Kant geography is description, for Hartshorne it
naive science' or, if we aCCept this meaning of science, naive description,
(Schaefer, 1953, p. 239)
C-haefer maintained that objects in geography are not more unique than objects in
her disciplines and that a science searches for laws. Having eliminated some of
of a rigorous scientific geography, Schaefer
arguments against the concept
sOught to set down the kinds of laws geographers ought to seek. He also urged

them to study systematicrather than regional geography.

Hartshorne (1955, p. 242) delivered a very strong counterattack on Schaefer in
which he maintained: "The title and organization of the critique lead the reader to
follow the theme of an apparent major issue, "exceptionalism", which proves to be
non-existent. Several of the subordinate issues likewise are found to be unreal'
Hartshorne admitted to having used the words idiographic and nomothetic, but
reiected the idea that different sciences can be distinguished as being either idi
Ographic or nomothetic. These two aspects of the scientific approach present in
are

all branches of knowledge (ibid., p. 231). As early as 1925 Sauer had suggested that,
although geographers had earlier beern devoted to descriptions of unique places as
such, they had also been trying to formulate generalizations and empirical laws.
Both Hettner and Hartshorne made a distinction betweensystematicgeography
(which seeksto formulate empirical generalizations or laws) and the study of the
unique in regional geography (whereby generalizations are tested so that subse
quent theories may be improved). Hartshorne (1959, p. 121) suggests that geograph-
ical studies show 'a gradational range along a continuum from those which analyse
the most elementary complexes in a real variation over the world, to those which
analyse the most complex integrations in areal variation within small areas. James
(1972, p. 468) emphasizes that there is no such thing as a 'real region'. The region
exists onlyasan intellectual concept which is useful for a particular purpose. Later
critics have read a much more metaphysical significance into the concepts 'unique
and 'region' than was intended by the geographers who were practising between
the wars. Incorrect quotations from Hettner and Hartshorne have, however, gained
an amazingly wide acceptance: 'It is discouraging to find some writers who con-
tinue to accuse Hettner and his followers of defining geography as essentially
diographic, thereby obscuring the underlying continuity of geographic thougnt
ba, p. 228). James thus maintains that what has been caled the "quantitaive
revolution' did not represent such a major change in direction as many think
It can hardly be denied, however, that the interwar generation of geographers
Were sceptical of the formulation of general and theoretical lawS, partly as a

reaction against the crudities of environmental determinism. Arguments for

diographic rather than nomothetic approaches seemed to justify the scientihc
character of studies of the individual case.

ABSOLUTE AND RELATIVE SPACE

Ha of
thei 6 ) argued that the concept of geography as a chorological sCience
case of absolute
dividual was not tenable because it buiit on the assumption
°pace in this sense is only an intellectual framework of phenomena, an
 74 Geography: History and
Concepts
abstract concept which does not exist in itself independent of objects .
(1993, p. 3) suggests that it is a frame of reterence for the material aspects of social Werlen
actions in the sense of a formal-classificatory concept. ITn this sense space cannot

have any explanatory power (Fosso, 1997, p. 16).

In a practical, classificatory sense, absolute (Euclidian) space is, however, rathe
useful, but it may be argued that "faced by the seductive utilty of Euclidean space
we have allowed an interest in maps to become an obsession (Forer, 1978, p. 2331
Space is in this way treated as a container; first we delimit a spatial section of the
earth, say the Newcastle region, and then start to examine its content. The notion
of vertical connections, humanity's dependence upon local natural resources.
was a conceptual basis for such studies. Good examples are found in the French
school of regional geography (Box 3.2; Figure 3.7).

Box 3.2 The changing space relations of an English village

TownF0of

****.. .

OBank *******. **
*********D -
*

****.
********** i treet
-High S Mar
70:E Coquet.
Place
T/V6

O:
Magistrate's Railway
Court Station
Church Yard

hildrens Playground

***.. ildrens *::

Coauet:::
OLocal service now withdrawn
*New computer-based service
Figure 3.7 Rothbury

The changes
rapid from
vertical to horizontal connections dunng the second half of
twentieth century are illustrated from Rothbury (Figure
the
3.7), a small service cenue
2,000 inhabitants, 50 km north-west of Newcastle upon Tyne in an upland tami
region. In 1950, Rothbury and its valley were substantially self-sufficient. Most p
living in the village tound work locally, all the nationally provided services were avaiau
in the village and most goods could be rom
bought there. Now Rothbury is govemed
Alnwick, 25 km away, and the high school is in Mopeth, also 25 km away. 1he
cou
and the railway station have closed and the future of the hospital is not certain. A cent

survey showed that 38% of the villagers did little or no shopping in Rothbury and ou 6of
clothes and hardware shopping was done outside the
village. One
third of the war
force now drive over 25 km to work and a further 10% work from home, most usig uter
computer inks. Five local businesses either design software. provide local compus
facilities or sell their products nationlly via the Intemet. Village economy is now 2*
dependent on high levels OT car ovwnership and on telecommunications
 Paradigms and Reiwlutions

75

1947 1947

TIME NET DISTANCE

1970 1970

A demonstration of the plasticity of space. The four maps have been

Figure 3.8 from
constructed data on the New Zealand airline system and its changes from 1947 to
as the
1970. The two maps on the left show how distance measured in time has changed
airline netrwork has grown and the speed of travel has increased. The maps on the right
show how the net distance travelled has changed with the network
Source: From Forer, 1978

traditional self-sufficient
By the end of the nineteenth century, however, the
economies of Europe were giving way to an
international market economy, and
Horizontal connections,
the value of this type of regional study was reduced.
state and international policies, market forces, the interplay between regions,
local development than the local
Cues and countries, became more important for
noted earlier in Chapter
Connections between humanity and the land. This was (as
interest in horizontal, spatial
4) Tealized by Vidal de la Blache and it led to greater
structures. and
horizontal, spatial relations
the concept of relative space,
.Dy introducing explanatory power.
Distance
could be given
e measured in different ways travel time, mileage througn a
COuld be measured in terms of transport costs, "The shift to a relative spatial
distance:
aport network and even as perceived most fundamental change in the
in progress and is probably the
hic til an almost
infinite number of
new worlds to

O r geography as it opens of this is thd

One important aspect
PlOre and map' (Abler et al., 1972, p. 72). patterns, land use,
diffusion processes
features such as settlement extent, to
their
aphical due, to a large
e location and dynamics
that are
relative n
relative a
positions in space. distances in time,technological
hnoloeical
observed that since
no rer (1978, p. 235) has demands and
eage are partly artifacts of socioeconomic
 76 Geograpl1y: Flistory and Concept
progress, these types of spaces are naturally dynanmic and truly relativo
leads him to the definition of plastic space a space that is This
its size and fornm. An illustration i8 given with his own
tinuously changing
time-space of map N.
Zealand (Figure 38) (hid, p. 247).

A DISCIPLINE RIPE FOR CHANGE

It was only
after the Second World War that theoretical
considerations on tho
relativity of space (and also research issues such as the study of diffusion modol.
and location theory) came to
occupy a dominant position in geography. One
factor in the adoption of the new
tion many
geography was the critical institutional situa-
departments geography found themselves in, particularly in the
ot
USA. In 1948, Janmes Conant,
come to the conclusion that
president of Harvard University, had reportedly
'geography is not a university subject' (Livingstone,
1992, p. 311). The Department of
and the discipline was also
Geography at Harvard was closed soon after,
gradually eased out of some of the other more pres-
tigious private Ivy League universities.-
Among the
practitioners of the ever more theoretical sciences, the claim that the
regional synthesis constituted geography's essential
dilettante image. After the Second World identity lent the
subject a
War the North American
were
expected to produce problem-solvers or social universities
increasingly complex economies (Guelke, 1978, p. 45), technologists
and
to run ever-
slow in adopting
theory building and modelling that geographers were not
their science and their own academic
might promote the status of
Gould (1979, p. 140) standing
recaHs how the new
generation of
and ashamed of 'the
bumbling amateurism and geographers were sick
nearly half a century of opportunity in the universities antiquarianism that had spent
unstructured factual accounts'. piling up a tip-heap or
ation's vision, Moprill (1984, p. 64) claimed that the young gener
although it might seem radical to those
status for the
discipline,
in fact conservative in
was satisfied with inferior an
save the sense thàt we wanted to
geography as a field of study and join the mainstream
though, or perhaps due to this, the 'new' of science. Even
spearheaded by the geography the 1950s and 1960s
Americans. They were also
of
was
works in
Europe that, so far, had been inspired by earlier theoretca
The situation almost overlooked.
much less critical in
was
Britain because of the
independent position geography held in both very strong aand
the US states schools and universities. In
geography was more or less
absent from the curriculum as a many
discipline at high-school level, and less than discre
study geography. Geography 1% of students entered
research and graduates had to find career outlets in universid
planning.
duction based on Th continual threat of departmental closure or app re
the indepengent
frenetic search evaluations of research statlains
Än American
universities for
productivity also exP'h 2arch
programmes. new ideas and Te
We now
proceed to look at the
assess whether the
changes in
development of the spatial science scho
tion) really were a geography
scientific revolution (also called the
'quantitative revo
in the Kuhnian sense.
Paradigms and Revolutions

77

OF SPATIAL SCIENCE
GROWTH
THE
cation theory originates from The classic locat
economic theory. theories,
einrich von Thünen's work on patterns of agricultural land use
including Johan Heir
Alfred Weber's study of industrial location (1909), are economic the
1826) and
(1826)andAlfred
Later economists and regional scientists, including Ohlin, Hoover, Lösch and
ries.
rdeveloped theories of the areal and regional aspects of economic activity
ence developed in some universities as a separate discipline;
further. Regional scien
others, this research came to be linked with economic geography or re-
in yet
gional economics.

Walter Christaller (1893-1969) was the first geographer to make a major contri-
theory Die Zentralen Orte in Süddeutsch-
with his famous thesis
htution to location
land (1933), translated by Baskin as Central Places in Southern Germany (1966).
under Weber, declared in 1968 that his
Christaller, who had studied economics
economic theory. His supervisor when he was working on
work was inspired by
was Robert Gradmann, a geographer who had himself made an
Die Zentralen Orte
outstanding regional study of southern Germany (1931) which, however, closely
followed the current idiographic tradition in German Länderkunde. Although
Christaller's thesis was accepted, his work was not appreciated during the 1930s,
review of what had been going on in German
and when Carl Troll (1947) wrote a
Kuhn's terminol
geography between the wars, he did not even mention him. In central
0gy, Christaller's attempt
to explain the pattern and hierarchy of places by
a general theoretical model was not acceptable within the reigning paradigm.
Christaller never held an official teaching position in geography (Box 3.3; Figures
3.9-3.11).
Eventually Christaller gained following, notably in North America and Swe-
a

den when it was realized that his central place theory could
be applied to the
establishments (Figure 3.11) and also
planning of new central places and service
to the delimitation of administrative units. Edward Ullman (1941) was one of the

Box 3.3 Christaller's Central place theory

A theme in landscape morphology (see Chapter 2) - the morphological network of
central places in southern Germany, as seern on the topographic map - was the start1ng

PhD student, developed his

point for Walter Chistaller when he, as a 40-year-old
central place theory. He started to play with the maps, connecting towns of the
Same size with straight lines until his map was filled with triangles (Figure 3.9). These
Unangles appeared to show some regularities. If the region had really been a flat plain
WIth uniform rural population densities, it would seem that the morphological features

COuid be idealized in a hierarchical structure of urban places (igure 5.10).

hexagonal,
patterm.
Staler used economic theory to explain the rationality ofthis morphological in
Dunng the Second World War Christaller was asked to use his theoretical abilities
the
was only arter
Planning of new German settlemets in eastem Europe. But it
in the planning
n vorid War that central place theory had its first real application
olthe newly reclaimed Nord Oost Polder in The Netherlands (Figure 3.)
 78 Geograpl1y: History and
oncepts

urt

uromberg

stutgano .

rastour

oO.o :
Munch-.o
O.

Zunca(o
Figure 3.9 The geometrical hexagonal
landscape of towns in southern
Walter Christaller's classic study of central places made in the 1930Os Germany from

Figure 3.10 When

the
population densities are uneven, the lattice of central justs
to
changes, closing up in densely settled areas places d
and opening out in sparsely etrled
areas.
se
a r a d y m s a n l K e v l u t i o n s
79

en b C

lant etE9

MosryieA
frmtowd
olleteeb
Ur
,KInggnri

Karnpen 10 km anperi
pen

central place theory applied in the planning of the

Walter Christaller's
re.1 Geometrical diagram of the
Oost Polder in the Netherlands. (A)
etlements in Nord around Emmeloord; (C) the
settlement pattern; (B) plan of hve new villages
ranoscd
executed
as
revised plan
1981
ource:
After Meijer,

work American
to draw attention to Christaller's
-

first American
geographers urban struc-
the theoretical models of
were beginning to develop economists and
geographers that had been devised earlier by
tures and cities places
as central
and Ullman, 1945).
urban sociologists (Harris research discipline, the influential
as a fundamental
In an account of geography concentrate their
Ackerman (1958) encouraged
students to
American geographer A range
cultural processes and quantification.
attention on systematic geography,
into use in several systema-
methods was gradually brought
of different statistical of more refined theories and
the development
tic branches of geography, enabling
models. institutions led
The acceleration of theoretical work was especially marked in and
natural sciences, especially physics
who had studied the
by geographers were good
contacts with developments
in theoreti-
where there
statistics, and/or universities, the
the 1950s at several American
cal economic literature. During new ideas
became very productive of
frontier between economics and geography
and techniques. conducted by
use of
mathematical statistics
A seminar for PhD students in the
from 1955 onwards
willham L. Garrison at the University
of Washington, Seattle,
inter-
Garrison and his co-workers were mainly
Was of particular significance.
which they introduced location
economic geography, into
sted in urban and economics with associated mathematical
methods
from
eory based on concepts 1959-60). Many of the
students from Seattle
na statistical procedures (Garrison, USA during the 1960s,
including
leaders of the 'new' geography in the
came Garrison
Morrill. Both Berry and
L. Berry, William Bunge and Richard
Drian ). the inspiration Berry the
of
area. Through
moved to work in the Chicago or
of Chicago became leading centre
a
graphy department at the University students and publsne
number of PhD
ecal geography. It attracted a large other leading professors later
lett
series of monographs. Berry and o

the d wn demonstrating the

vulneraouly

P a m e n t (which was closed in 1986),

 80 Gcography: History and
geography the American academic scene. In the 195
Concepts
on
simultaneous development of theoretical geography at the unive there was
(where Schaefer had taught until his death in 1953) and Wisconsin ties of lowa
It is possible, as Johnston (1997, pp. 62-73) maintains, to recognize
the USA.
A. Three were
in this perio
four schools of quantitative geography in deve
departments of geography at the Universities of Washington,
Wisco oped in the
lowa, with Washington the most prominent centre of innova
social physics' school - developed independently, drawing its inspiraurth
ovation. Theconsin and
physics rather than economics. Its leaders were John Q. Stewart, an ion fror
Princeton University, and William Warntz, a duate in nomer at
University of Pennsylvania (who was later employed as a research asm eby geography fro
the
the American Geographical Society).
Empirical studies indicated that the movement of persons between turo.
centres was proportional to the product of their populations and
portional to the square of the distance between them. Stewart pointed
inversol.
isomorphic (equal form or structure) relationship between this empirical oo
ization and Newton's law of gravitation. Thereafter this
concept became knor
eneral.
as the gravity model
(Box 3.4). Stewart's ideas about isomorphic nown
tween social behaviour and the laws of relations
physics were introduced to
by a paper in the Review as early as 1947. Here Stewart geographer
Geographical
stated that human beings 'obey mathematical rules (ibid., D. 48
some of the
resembling in a general
wav
primitive "laws" of physics. Warntz, working with Stewart, als
borrowed analogy models from physics in his studies of
(Warntz, 1959; 1964). He suggested that the mathematics ofpopulation potentials
is the same as that which describes a population potential
and an electrostatic gravitational field, a
magnetic potential field
potential field (James, 1972, p. 517).

Box 3.4 The gravity model

Early in the nineteenth century, some scientists
be applied to the study of human suggested that
the laws of physics could
explain patterns of travel and traderelationships
and that the laws of
gravitation might
between places. By the mid-twentieth
gravity models were widely applied within the centur
simplest fom, the spatial science school of geography. In is
gravity model can be expressed as follows:

where (D,)2
represents the interaction
populations of the two towns; D, is thebetween
distance
town i and town ;
P, and P ale the
The equation indicates that between them; and k is a
the interaction
between
constanu of
telephone calls, tlows of traftic) is proportionate to the the two towns (numoe
divided by the square product () of their popuau ons.
-()-of the distance between them.
The work of Christaller,
by Edgar Kant, an Estonian
August Losch and others Sweden

geographer who had was introduced into

intoinin hishis
tested their theories *
 R e i v l u t o n s

anl

'atad ms 81

.afare taking reluge in Lund atter the Second World War (Kant, 1946
homclanmd b e t o r e

rescarch Jsistant
assis in 1945-6
was Torslen Hägerstrand, brilliant young a
His
1951).
r.apher
who was working on migration processes. Through his contacts
also
geogrp dish ethnologist Sigtrid Svensson (who had made number of a
t hthe
e relation9
relations between innovation arnd tradition in rural areas using the
studies of
currently accepted metl ethodology), Hägerstrand became interested in the pos-
sibilities ot investigating the process of innovation with the aid of mathematical
statistical methods. In focusing on the process, Hägerstrand made a clear
and
break with
the current regional radition. His dissertation 'Innovations - förloppet
(1953, later translated by Pred, 1967, as Innovation diffu-
irorologisk synpunkt'
on as a spatial process') examined the diffusion (or spread) of several innova-
ians among the population of a part of central Sweden. Some of these

innova
ations concerned agricultural practices, such as bovine tuberculosis control
nd Dasture improvement, and others were more general, such as car ownership.
1AEth the aid of the so-called "Monte Carlo simulation, which involves the use of
andom samples from a known probability distribution, he was able to construct a
ceneral stochastic model of the prócess of diffusion. Stochastic literally means at
random; stochastic or probability models are based on mathematical probability
theoryand build random variables into their structure. Models may be classified
ochastic or deterministic.mdeterministic models the development off
set of
some system in time and space can bètompletely predicted, provided that a
initial conditions and relationships is knowD.
The stochastic Hägerstrand model enabled the spread of innovation to be simu
lated and later tested against empirical study. It was demonstrated that the form
of distribution at one stage in the process would influence distribution forms at
subsequent stages. Such a model could therefore be of use to planners in support
of future innovations they wished to bring about. The department of geography at
Lund University soon became renowned as a centre of theoretical geography,
there were
attracting scholars from many countries. Almost from the beginning
contacts between Lund and Seattle. Hägerstrand taught in Seattle in 1959 and
Morill studied with him in Lund, where his work on migration and the growth of
urban settlement (1965) was presented.
In the years that followed, Hägerstrand's technical and statistical procedures
attracted more attention than his theoretical analyses. He himself regarded his
work as less important for its empirical findings than for its general analysis of the

difftusion process. He stated in the first sentence of the dissertation that,thisalthough

should
tne material used to throw light on the process relates to a single area,
subtlety
E regarded as a regrettable necessity rather than a methodological
Tagerstrand, 1953-1967, p. 1). This was of course meant as a deliberate provoca-
his
on traditionally bound regional geographers. Hägerstrand regarded
to the
analysis ofindividual fields of information and their change through time
of such
s most important contribution to geographical thought, as study
the
m a t i o n fields is basic to a deeper understanding of the processes of dirruslo
individual
the 1960s, Hägerstrand detailed studies of
went on to make
behavior
enaviOur, using three-dimensional models to portray the movente
space. An important feature of time-space geography
Is
thattime
and spa dnd Individuals nave
re both regarded as resources that constrain activity.
 82 Geography: History and
Concepts
in space, conditioned by their econe
different possibilities of movement
limitations on
nic status
and technical possessions, but time imposes everyone. Subs
studies in time-space geography, which have been carried out actively sequent
(see,
recent decades for instance, Carlstein eound
and elsewhere throughout
have shed much new light on geographical aspects of human behaviour 1978),
spread over the world from the innovative centron
have geography
not'new'
didThe the same impact in all countries. Christaller's work had aro utit
little
interest in his home country, Germany. His theories had to take a detour
into
world from whence they returned steeped in the 'newhe
-

English-speaking
t o be fully appreciated. Initial
forms of quantification, such as the
raphy
frequency distribution scattergrams, parameters and index numbers, Were
of
applied around 1960. The introduction of factor analysis, notably in a classif
first
ica-
tory study of Swiss cantons by Steiner (1965), was the real introduction to new
quantitative approaches for most German-speaking geographers. The philosophi.
cal implications of the spatial science school were first presented by Dietrich
Bartels in his book Zur wissenschaftstheoretischen Grundlegung einer Geographie des
Menschen (1968).
Another reason for the delayed impact of the 'new geography in Germany was
that geographers tended to follow Troll's appeal in Erdkunde (1947) in that they
accepted the principle that worldwide research should be a normal component of
an academic career. Virtually all established geographers were attracted to em-
ploying their talents abroad, leaving their graduate students to cultivate research
at home. Research abroad undoubtedly contributed to Germany's international
reputation, particularly through the application of German methods of detailed
landscape studies and cartographical work. German geographers also found that
their existing techniques were well adapted to research abroad, particularly in the
Third World where the statistical basis for quantitative analysis was sparse or
unreliable.

WHAT KIND OF REVOLUTION?

Throughout the world there was marked opposition among established geogra*
phers to the learning and teaching of the new spatial science methods, and a
reluctance to open professional journals to contributions, the editors did not un
derstand. "There was
something electrifying about tilting with the dragons of tne
establishment' says Morrill (1984, p. 59), and for this reason the
young genera
of
geographers had the feeling of being revolutionaries. In the USA the lack of
publication outlets led to the establishment of a theoretically orientated journal,
Geographical Analysis (ibid., p. 65).
In
1963, Canadian geographer, lan Burton, arguing that what he labelled the
a

quantitative revolution' was over and had been for some time, cited the rateaat
which schools of geography in North America were ita-
adding courses in qua
tive methods to their requirements for
graduate degrees. It must be stae
however, that most geographers did not consider the theoretical develop
o
within the subject as a revolution, and that many 'revolutionaries' were at pains to
emphasize continuity in the ultimate objectives of human geography. Ineed.
statistics for the cepted,
making of relatively precise statements was generally ae
Paradigms and Revoutions
83
Human
ecology
B
2

Geomorphology. Regional science subset

Topographic surveying
Locational analysis
4

iaure 3. 12 Geography and its associated subjects, A: Earth sciences, B: Social sciences, C:
CGeometrical sciences :The core of geography, 2: Geology, 3: Demography and other
social sciences, 4: Iopology With other geometric sciences
Source: Atter Haggett, 1965

related of mathematics in modelling received much less atten-

although the use

tion (lohnston, 1978).

advanced statistical methods as being useful
Most research workers regarded
in some branches
of the discipline; other branches, notably historical and cultural
new techniques. Leonard Guelke (1977b, p. 3)
geography, felt less need for the move to quantifica
claimed that "To an extent that is not widely recognised, forward by
tion took place
within the basic framework of geography put
In many geography depart-
Hartshorne in "The nature of geography" (1939).
Hartshorne and Garrison were on the students' reading
ments the works of both
differences between them were not an
lists, but philosophical and methodological
been forgotten.
issue in teaching up to
the mid-1960s; Schaefer's criticisms had
the leaders of the quantitative school
Johnston (1997, pp. 74-5) points out that
apart, that is,
did not study the philosophy they were adopting very deeply - close friend
a philosopher and
trom references to the works of Gustav Bergmann, on
of Schaefer who had actually read
the galley proofs for Schaefer's paper
of the lowa
contained in some of the papers
exceptionalism' (Schaefer, 1953), (1962,
Bunge's
William
Theoretical
thesis Geography
group and, most notably, in extended the
2nd edn, 1966). Bunge, who had worked at lowa for a short period,
science of spatial rela-
of Schaefer to the effect that geography is the
arguments
mathematics of space, and so geometry
and inter-relations, geometry is the
tions the char-
viewpoint, emphasizing
the
language of geography. The chorological or regions, was rejected
in

of and inter-relationships within specific places

dcter which stressed the geometricC
geography based on
avour of a spatial analysis,
space in
phenomena. Relative position
rdngement and the patterns of
in various waysbecame the main explanatory tactor.
-

c e nmeasured revolution in
one and only
comments that 'the
e irony, Bird (1993, p.11) us to date te
event in the literature enables
'An
Saphy took place in June 1966:
the -

was
overthroWn
bastion in geography
W h e n the last idiographic but unique
of the idea that locations could never be anything the eartn
rucion that all parts
of s surtde
article Grigg (1965) had tried to argue
dn
are includes the study
of the location O
1 da
e . It it is held that geography
 84
Geography: History and Concepts
and that 'locations are unique, then geography cannot fully employ the
cientific
method. In June 1966, however, Bunge published a short commentarv toc
paper, asserting that locations are not unique', but general. Locations arecE8s
able as witnessed by such terms 'near, "far', 'close', 'distant' and
as
which describe the of locations. It is thus the
relativity relativity of spatialacent,
loca-
tions that can be analysed in a scientific way.
Quantification as such does not lead to any scientific revolution in the Kuhniar
sense. The change from absolute to relative
space as the focus of geographical
study had, however, basic philosophical implications and was in this sense re.
volutionary. It is therefore better to talk of the spatial science school rather than
quantitative revolution and quantitative geography to describe the new
of the 1950s and 1960s (Figure 3.6 trends
p. 68).
The major advances towards a
unifying methodological and philosophical basis
for the spatial science school were made in
the 1960s by British
notably Peter Haggett, Richard Chorley and David Harvey. Locational geographers.
Human Geography by Peter Analysis in
Haggett was published in 1965. The importance of this
book lay in its overview of much new theoretical
work in the subject.
(ioid, pp. 14-15) used the diagram reproduced in Haggett
Figure 3.12 to illustrate the
argument that there are three traditional subject associations of
the earth sciences geography: with
(geology and biology),
with the social sciences and with the
geometrical sciences. Haggett (ibid., pp. 15-16) maintained that:
The geometrical tradition, the ancient
basis of the subject, is now
the three. Much of the most
exciting
probably
the weakest of
geographical
applications of higher order geometries. .
work in the 1960s is
emerging from
ing aspects of human and .Geometry not only offers a chance
of weld-
revives the central role of physical geography into a new working partnership,but
cartographyin relation to the two.
Movements Channels Nodes

Hierarchies
Surfaces Diffusion

-t29

K
Figure 3.13 The basic elements in Haggett's model for the study of
and t, representing stages in ditfusion. spatial systems. li

After Haggett, Cliff and Frey 1977 p. 7.

 Paradigms a n d Revolutions

85
heart of geography as a science is the distributional view.
indistance.
discipline in distan When we discUss space it is not Geography
the container y isa
is

frames totality of a landscape; we preter to think of

the space 'that
distance wlationslhips between objects (Hard, 1973, p. 184). The as a system
space of
1ents m
arrangements may be summarized in Haggett's
of study spatial
spatial structures. The sketch may be seen as a
(1965) diagram (Figure 3.13) of
such as those establisl around central disaggregation of
functional
regions places in
Christaller model,
a
into five geometrical elements (movements, channels, nodes, hierarchies and
rfaces). A
surfaces). A sixth
sixth element, diffusion, was added later (Haggett et al., 1977). In
contrast to the traditional system of self-sustained regions, the primary element in
modern society is the need and desire for interaction between
places which
results in a pattern of movements. These might be studied as the geometric
tern of straight lines between points, but in fact most movements are
channelled along particular route corridors, such as roads. So we can study the
patterns of channels which, together with nodes, represent an organization
network. The hierarchy represents the relative importance of the nodes and the
surfaces represent the system of land use as exemplified by the work of von
Thünen. Patterns of human Occupance are, however, not static. The process of
change in time therefore involves spatial diffusion as developed by Hägerstrand.
Haggett's book led to a fundamental debate within the subject. The arguments
presented by Kuhn (1962/1970a) on paradigm shifts within the world of science
were applied to the debate. Thus Chorley and Haggett (1967, p. 39) stated that
had
they had looked at the traditional paradigmatic model of geography and
found that it was largely classificatory and under severe stress. They suggested
that geography should adopt an alternative model-based paradigm, and so made
a wider
it clear that the new development within the subject not only represented
a fundamental paradigm shift.
Each
range of methods but also demanded
traditional and the new model-
geographer was given the choice between the
based paradigms. Model building was set up as the aim of geographical
aid of quantitative methods and
investigation, a task to be performed with the idealized or
was defined as an
the use of computers to handle data. A model
to illuminate particular
simplified representation of reality that seeks
for Chorley and Haggett (ibid.),
a
The concept is a wide one -

ldracteristics. or a structured idea.

model could be a theory or a law or a hypothesis
of quantitative
model building and the use
ne rapid development of spatial without computers, but computers did not
niques could not have taken place 'Model building preceded
the
the development of spatial science:
ine but in a discipline like geography
of the computer in many sciences, to
On would hardly have been possible
handles such large quantities of data it
(Aase, 197,
of the name without computers'
POperational models worthy
had given the subject new possiDles
h i s technological development
ong researchers had hesitation in explorin& or
of the discipline (use
no
technical development a
Conclude that the be called
ay methods) could hardly
revol ana
mathematical-statistical

'quantitative
revolution' may thus
the
about
l u h n ' s s e n s e . To talk
a provided
geography
give false
8ave false impressions.
impressic the 'new for ne
tor i
'exemplars
ew

false But it is true that 'exemplars'

as

discipline with notable

serve

that could
research projects
 86 Geography: History and Concepts
students as, for instance, Hägerstrand's diffusion model. And the reneturss
discussion on the basic problems of the subject that followed in the wake of
quantification process may be regarded as a sign of a crisis phase. Individa
research workers felt themselves more or less obliged to take a stand and
clarify their own research situation, so there was little opportunity f o
straightforward puzzle-solving. The transformation to a spatial science on the
basis that locations are essentially relative may also indicate a paradigm shi
But the meaning of this transformation was not generally understood
appreciated by the geographical community. Old ideas continued to flourish and
new ideas cropped up as results of criticisms of the spatial science school. Bird
(1993, p. 13) has characterized the changes in geography as constant revisions:
they may also be regarded as a multiparadigmatic development, since different
schools of thought continued to live side by side.
It may, of
however, be characteristic social
a science that new paradigms do
become so well established to enable a relatively long
not
period of normal science.
Or rather, we may have reached a stage of mature science where we
revolution in permanence, in the Popperian sense.
experience

CRITICS OF THE SPATIAL SCIENCE SCHOOL

Opposing the so-called 'revolution', Stamp (1966, p. 18) preferred to call it a 'civil
war, and noted that quantification had many points in common with a
political
ideology; it was more or less a religion to its followers, 'its golden calf is the
computer'. Broek (1965, p. 21) stated that 'there are more things between heaven
and earth than can safely be entrusted with a
the advocates of
computer. Even Ackerman, one of
quantification, warned (1963, p. 432) that "the danger of dead end
and nonsense is not removed "hardware" and
by symbolic logic'. Minshull (1970,
p. 56) observed that the landscape was
that many of the models could
becoming a nuisance to some geographers,
warned there was a real
only be applied to a flat, featureless surface, and
danger that these ideal
relationships could be mistaken for statements aboutgeneralizations
about spatial
reality itself.
Fred Lukermann (1958) reacted
school to establish analogies with especially
to attempts
by the social physics
physics, maintainingInthat
by analogy cannot be tested: falsification is impossible. hypotheses
a series of papersderivea
in the
1970s, Robert Sack, a student of Lukermann,
criticized the view put forward by
Bunge (1962) and Haggett (1965) that geography is a spatial science and
geometry is the language of tnat
and matter cannot be separated
geography. Sack (1972) maintained that
space, time
analyticallyin a science concerned with
providi
explanations. The
geographical landscape is continuously
processes which have left historical relics and which are changing ne
the time must be taken into account as creating new inroads a
important explanatory factors. The laws ot
geometry are, however, static they have no
-

reference to time. The laws or

geometry are sutficient to explain and predict geometries, so that if
aimed only at analysis of points and lines on maps geograpny
geometry would be sufficient
as
geographical language Dut, we ao not accept description of changes o
shape as an explanation of the growth of a city.. . Geometry alone, then, cannot
answer geographic questions' (ibid., p.
Paradigms and Revolutions
87

aroblem,
Another problem, Broek pointed out (1965, p. 79), crops up if we project a
o u r own surroundings over the whole world as a universal
d e r i v e d from
model fferent situations in other countries as 'deviations' from the
measure
diff
truth and
ideal construct.
Models based on research within the western cultural world
cannot be elevated
into geneera truths. Brian Berry (1973b) came to the conclusion
that a universal
urban graphy does not exist, and that urbanization cannot be
universal proces: 'we are dealing with several fundamentally
as a
dealt with
that h a v e a r i s e n out of differences in culture and time' (ibid.,
different processes North America and
1073h. D. xii). He divided the (1)
world into four universes:
(2)
Actralia. with their free market economies; with
western Europe, with its planned
Third its
World, between a
economy split
(3) the
welfare economy;
raditionaland modern sector; and (4) the socialist countries, with their rigidly
has its o w n urban geography, which again
will
economies. Each of these
planned
change through time.
also noted that 'the Russian translation of the
first
et al. (1977, p. 24)
Haggett clear how heavily the locational
of this book (Haggett, 1965) made
edition economics of the capitalist world.
rooted in the classical
explanations w e r e certain readers and
of the book will appeal to
Inevitably, the lopsidedness
condemn it to others.

ACHIEVEMENTS OF SPATIAL SCIENCE

THE
threw the windows of
It is commonly agreed spatial science school
that the
open
links with idiographic
had had its major
introverted discipline, which
a hitherto became much
such as history and geology.
Disciplinary boundaries
disciplines, borrowed from geometry,
methods and theories w e r e openly
more open; involved
became in
sciences as geographers
physics and social optimistic
The 1960s and 1970s
were
research projects.
multidisciplinary
innovators. Student
numbers grew rapidly and c a r e e r
decades for geographical
opportunities expanded considerably. the self-esteem of
as social science raised
a
Ihe redevelopment of geography and
for candidates within planning
market
Eeographers and opened up job with added
a
geographers still were, but n o w
daministration. Generalists (as to be better adapted
to the job
knowledge) proved
echnical and statistical specializations.
market than candidates with n a r r o w e r approaches in
for practical and pragmatic is the art of
laggett (1990, p. 6) argues
if 'science is the art of the
soluble, then much geography m e a n s of
O8raphy: maps and thinking by
the geographically', liking natural or
#h Ppable. "Thinking More than any
other
linked with geography. to
sintrinsically
with similarities in this respect
visual science order to get
an
dsCience, geography is a climb a mountain in
to
ure and art. We like to
the history of us. v e uy

O geographical patterns in front ot

the
Vew, a grand survey of it.
eCTbe and explain the world as we perceive traditional schoo o
were also central to the methods that
and mapping refined
nption developed
more
recognizable
8eography, but the spatial science school The most
made statistical tests
possible. we
know

orrelations and description of what

shift of ordered
however, the downgrading
S8
Geography: History and Concepts
models and metho
the development of sophisticated ods
(cognitive description) and
in morphometric analysis
such as are described by Figure 3.13 (p. 84). Most ofthhe
of spatial morphological patterns based on
models created were simplifications
of this. When trvin
Christaller's central place theory is an example
empincal data. ing
to achieve a general, theoretical explanation of patterns, theory was imported fram
om
other sciences. In many cases it was economic theory.
major achievement of the spatial science school has been the development o
sophisticated methods for the detection of spatial patterns. Many of the models
including such a simple one as the 'gravity model, are good devices to compare
data and thus to describe geographical ditferences. These approaches have given
valuable insights into the geographical patterns which form the bases of our
analysis or are the results of our decisions. But it might be argued that spatial
science research developed greater refinement of description than explanation.
Many commentators within human geography have pointed out that spatial
science research has been confined to the
empirical level, and that we need
structuration theory to understand how 'real' or deep structures influence
the
empirical outcomes or events. (We will return to this in Chapters 4 and 5.)
But
of
still, in the frenetic search for
grand explanations, we often forget the value
descriptions that enlighten us. New
descriptive models
certainly legitimate are
scientific endeavours long
as as they create
knowledge. Spatial analysis
new
provided better tools for descriptions, and new, intriguing
continued to be developments have
developed, particularly within physical geography and
ecogeography.
Haines-Young (1989, p. 31) points out that the new
technologies provide techniques, notably expert information-based
carry the problem of systems, which enable us to
modelling geographical
has been
possible far. For example, system knowledgeto
so
to a
deeper level than
Kakadu National Park in designed predict fire risk in the
Australia uses a database
a

supplied by the users of the park (see GIS, together with information
Advanced systems pp. 180-182).
and analysis has proved its usefulness
ecogeography
earth. Gregory (1985),
the study of
-
in physical
humanity's role in changing the face geograpny
of these
Goudie (1990) and Huggett (1993) of the
developments, and earlier editions of this
also included
provide many exampt
a
basictheintroduction to systems book (Holt-Jensen, 1981; 1980)
Here we restrict analysis geography.
in
the Sahel presentation to one example
catastrophe), and
that ecosystems were not agree with Unwin (1992, p.
(see Box 3.5 and Figure
3.1
more 129) that it is 'surpris
research by geographers. One extensively used as framework for a

biogeography has generally heldreasonweak for this

a deplorable fact mayempir be
tna
Scandinavian geograpny, nowever, the position in
Anglo-American a
The situation
potentialities systems analysis in is much better
ot in
particular, have not been ruuy general, and ecosystemsGermany. in
applied to human geograpny aeveloped.
as
analysis "
Further, systems analysis could also
suited to giving a conceptual abogunje (1976) has
demonstrated: it is w
instance, rural-urban migration unaerstanding
in dev of the factors
that influence for
ping countries.