ILM FILM STUDIOS

ILM FILM STUDIOS

 CHAPTER OUTLINE
II DEDICATION
III FOREWORD

01 MESOPOTAMIA, THE MIDDLE OF NOWHERE 01

02 OTTOMAN REFORMATIONS (1789) 03
03 THE EASTERN QUESTION (1878) 06
04 THE GERMAN CONNECTION (1898) 08
05 KILL THE CALIPH (1908) 09
06 RETURN OF THE SULTAN, THE MARCH 31 INCIDENT (1909) 11
07 THE EMPIRE IS DYING (1910 – 1911) 13
08 THE BALKAN WARS (1912 - 1913) 14
09 THE TALE OF TWO SHIPS (1914) 17
10 IS THIS THE END OF THE WORLD (1914) 19
11 THE GREAT GERMAN JIHAD (1914) 22
12 THE ARMENIAN QUESTION (1915) 24
13 REMEMBER GALLIPOLI (1915) 25
14 HOUSE OF HASHEMITES (1915 - 1916) 27
15 TROUBLE IN ARABIA (1915 - 1916) 30
16 INDECENT PROPOSALS (1914 – 1917) 33
17 CHRISTMAS CATASTROPHE (1917) 39
18 EMPIRE NO MORE (1918) 41
19 THE SIEGE OF MADINAH (1916 – 1919) 44
20 PARIS PEACE TREATY (1919 – 1920) 48
21 THE FOUR HORSEMEN (1919 – 1920) 51
22 ISTANBUL OR ANKARA (1920) 54
23 TURKISH WAR OF INDEPENDENCE (1921 - 1923) 57
24 FOOL ME THRICE (1920 – 1925) 59
25 THE STORY CONTINUES 62

BIBLIOGRAPHY AND REFERENCES

ILM FILM STUDIOS

 ‫انما االمم االخالق ما بقيت‬
‫فإن هم ذهبت أخالقـهم ذهبــوا‬
‫― أحمد شوقي‬

‫‪ILM FILM STUDIOS‬‬

ILM FILM STUDIOS
 CHAPTER 01
MESOPOTAMIA, THE MIDDLE OF NOWHERE
THE LAND OF THE TWO RIVERS

In ancient times, the region through which the heavenly twin tears of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers
flowed through, was known as Mesopotamia – The Land of the Two Rivers.

It was in Mesopotamia that the knowledge of literacy and numeracy were first documented. The cradle
of great civilizations, once inhabited by the Sumerians, ruled by the Akkadians, embraced by the
Assyrians and embellished by the Babylonians.

Many Biblical figures are reportedly from Mesopotamia. Prophets, Poets and powerful Patriarchs
commemorated their greatness in this land, amongst its legendary rulers were the likes of Sargon of
Akkad, Nimrod, Nebuchadnezzar, Hammurabi, Cyrus and Alexander the Great. Mesopotamia was also
the historic home of biblical cities such as Uruk, Ur, Nineveh and Babylon.

DEFINING THE MIDDLE EAST

With the passage of time and tradition, Ancient Mesopotamia was reconfigured into the
modern Middle East, yet despite its prominent position in modern politics, the Middle East
remains an enigmatic and opaque terminology that is far too often cited on the news and in
print but very seldom questioned. This seemingly obvious and basic form of vocabulary is
comprised of two very simple nouns, ‘Middle‘ and ‘East’, yet from the geographic perspective
of its native inhabitants, the region is neither Middle to, nor East – of anywhere.
Rather, the name imposed on this region indicates a foreign interpolation and perspective.
More specifically, it would be clear to the attentive eye that for Mesopotamia to be perceived
as the ‘East’ one would have to be approaching it from the ‘West’ and for it to be the ‘Middle’
one would have to be traversing that region towards a more distant destination.
In actuality, the ‘Middle East’ was a term first cited and popularized in an article authored by
the American naval historian, Alfred Thayer Mahan – dating back to 1902, when Thayer used
this title to describe the region between Arabia and India. From the Occidental perspective,
Mesopotamia was indeed in the East and if one were to be travelling towards the Far Eastern
regions of India or perhaps China, then Mesopotamia would fall right in the Middle – hence the
name given to this region, the ‘Middle East’.

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Perhaps, more importantly, the fact that the world at large - including the natural inhabitants of the
Middle East (which includes Turks, Jews, Persians, Kurds and Arabs) all refer to it in their native
languages with the description assigned by Westerners - is heavily indicative of the influence and power
exhorted over this region by foreign agencies.

The inquisitive mind will undoubtedly seek to find out why Mesopotamia was re-named at the turn of the
twentieth century and what the motivating factors were for such machinations. In an endeavour to satisfy
such intellectual enquiries, one must first conduct a survey of the existing conditions in Mesopotamia at
the turn of the twentieth century.
THE MODERN MIDDLE EAST

Although there are no reliable resources officially enumerating the population of the Middle East at the
turn of the nineteenth century, historians have estimated that the total population was close to thirty five
million inhabitants with twenty four million living under direct Ottoman rule.

During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the Middle East was relatively underpopulated
in comparison to modern standards. The population was heavily suppressed by territorial conflicts and
wars that frequented the region in addition to great famines caused by droughts and the dreadful
plagues that extinguished hundreds of thousands of lives.

Today the Middle East is comprised of five main communities; the Turkic people of Turkey, the Shias in
Persia (now modern day Iran), Zionists Jews in Israel, The Kurds and the predominantly Sunni Arabs of
the Hijaz. Although most of the aforementioned religious communities residing in the modern Middle
East all subscribe to the basic tenets of the Abrahamic Creed, their divergent and conflicting ambitions
have resulted in a sequential series of wars, conquests and mutual transgression aided and abetted by
foreign agencies and nations.

Every story has its heroes and its villains, the victims and their oppressors. Yet in the Middle Eastern
arena, such dramatic terminology can seldom be evoked without infringing into political intrigue.
However, if we were pressed to describe the collective state of affairs and events that define the current
state of the Middle East – then ‘Tragedy’ or ‘Catastrophe’ would be somewhat benevolent if not even
charitable – considering the historical background and context that shall be presented to you in this
document.

In fact a more germane portrayal of the duplicitous designs that continue to deter the peace process in
the Middle East would be more appropriately surmised with a single word - Anarchy.

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 CHAPTER 02
OTTOMAN REFORMATIONS (1789)
SULTAN SELIM III’S MILITARY REFORMS

While French society was being reinvigorated by

the liberating reforms that shortly followed the
famous Revolution. Sultan Selim III rose to power
in Ottoman Turkey and initiated his own
revolutionary regime - the ‘Nizami Jedid’ (New
Regulations). The Sultan’s reforms dated back to
as early as 1789 with the establishment of a new
Treasury function and the curtailment of powers
invested in the Grand Vizier.

The educational system was also transformed with

the construction of new schools and printing
facilities alongside the free circulation of Western
literature and the provision of government grants
for Turkish students to study abroad in mainland
Europe.

Although Sultan Selim’s reformation was vast and

encompassing - he directed his principal focus and
efforts towards the improvement and development
of the Ottoman military, which he strengthened by
investing directly into the Navy and commissioning
the construction of an Ottoman navigation school.

Additionally, the army commissariat was changed,

training material was improved, the Bosporus forts
were strengthened, the military artillery was
upgraded, and a new engineering school was
established. Sultan Selim hired European teachers
and engineers to assist in the transitionary
process, many of those hired were French staff.

THE MODERN MILITARY MIND

Invariably, the wave of Westernization that followed these systematic reforms would be mostly
absorbed by the military class, making soldiers and commanders some of the most Westernized
subjects of the Ottoman Empire. The French, English and German languages were soon taught to
officers as part of the military regime. This of course opened many avenues of learning and study of
European philosophical classics, military history and cultural ideals.
Such cultural, philosophical and political reforms in the army - unwittingly marked the military class
as the leaders of revolutionary change throughout the Middle East in years to come. Foreign ideas
such as Secularism and Nationalism crept into the Muslim world through such reforms. Intellectual
circles and powerful officers began to review the principles of Islam as a basis for cultural, economic,
political and military policy in light of what they were now learning from French, British and German
ideologues and their books.

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NAPOLEON IN EGYPT
If Sultan Selim’s military reforms exposed the Ottoman military to Western theories then the
Napoleonic invasion of Egypt in 1798 would be the fertile soil for such budding ideas.
Napoleon’s conquest of Egypt was a tremendous historic event that not only stunned the
Muslim world due to Egypt’s centrality and historical significance in Islam - but perhaps more
importantly, the three years in which Napoleonic rule was applied in Egyptian society had
exposed the Muslim world to the apparent superiority and greatness of Western European
industry, science and technology. By the time Napoleon was banished from Egypt by
Muhammad Ali Pasha, the seeds of change had already been firmly planted and were
germinating in the collective consciousness of Egyptian society.
This brief yet impactful moment in history has been characterized by certain historians as the
‘breaking down of the walls of self-sufficiency’ within a Muslim realm that up until then had
considered the West as a underdeveloped and dispossessed civilization, in contrast to the
magnificent monuments of grandeur and beauty prevalent in Muslim regions such as
Andalucía, Damascus and Istanbul.

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THE TURNING TIDES
However, in the turning tides of history – it is often common to witness the exchange of power and
influence between the once powerful and the powerless. In the case of Western Europe, this was
most prominent in their innovative developments of medical and technological disciplines, which
not only bolstered the population growth but also granted the Europeans a new lease of life as the
collective population had risen by fifty percent between 1800 to 1850. Britain alone went from
sixteen million to twenty seven million inhabitants, transforming London into the largest city on
earth, with a population of two and a half million residents.
This growth in European human resources not only helped strengthen their military capability but it
also cultivated their industrial growth. Between 1815 and 1850, Britain’s export to the countries of
the Eastern Mediterranean increased by eight hundred percent.
Au contraire, by the late nineteenth century, Ottoman growth and development was grinding to a
predictable halt and within political realms - the locust of power shifted away from the Sultans and
towards the more ambitious and local command of regional governors - as was the case in Egypt
and Makkah where the Sultan Caliph became little more than a figurehead who was often subject
to treachery from Grand Viziers, Governors and Generals who had started prioritizing their own
interests above that of the Sultan.

WHAT ABOUT NATIONALISM

European ideals and political theories did not only influence the Ottoman military order, with
principles such as Secularism and Nationalism being championed as the liberating and superior
forms of social governance - some factions within the Muslim world began to aspire towards the
concept of defining identity and solidarity based language and territory – as the French, British and
Germans had demonstrated, and not just on the basis of religion as was long practiced by the
Ottoman Empire under the precepts of the Millet System.
For a very long time, the Ottomans ruled a vast estate and governed diverse communities.
Subjects of the Ottoman realm were identified and categorized not by their ethnic, provincial or
linguistic attributes but by virtue of their professed Faith and chosen Religious identities. Hence an
Arab, a Turkish and a Kurdish Muslim were all considered one community based on their shared
faith whereas an Arab Christian was considered part of the Christian community despite the
common language and ethnic lineage he may share with his Muslim Arab neighbours.
This form of social governance and classification had worked for the Ottomans and for their
subjects for centuries; however the alien concept of Nationalism was beginning to gain support
from minorities who saw it in their best interest to call for a unifying identity based on race and
nationality, not religion.
While this may be a rational and even enticing prospect for the non-Muslim communities living in
Ottoman lands, the same could not be said of the diverse Muslim communities – many of whom
would suddenly be re-categorized as minorities based on their ethnic or linguistic affiliations.
Whether by fault or by design, this call for Nationalism had the potential to distance and disavow
vast amounts of Muslims who did not share the same culture or language as the ruling Turks.

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 CHAPTER 03
THE EASTERN QUESTIONS (1878)
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RUSSIANS ANNEX CRIMEAN KHANATE (1783)
The Ottoman decline had been anticipated decades before the outbreak of the Great War in
Europe. It has been estimated that European and Russian expansion reduced Ottomans territory
by nearly two-fifths of its formal size, consuming approximately twenty percent of its population.
In the aftermath of the first major Russo-Turkish Wars, between 1768 – 1774, the Ottomans were
confronted and pushed back right to the banks of the Black Sea. Following this very desperate
effort to safeguard the Ottoman heartland and capital of Istanbul, the Ottomans could not exert any
pressure towards the Russians and were left struggling to safeguard what was left of their territory.
Catherine the Great ordered for the annexation of the Crimean Khanate in 1783, confiscating key
strategic outpost which extended from the Caucasus Mountains to the Bug River in southwestern
Russia. From there the Russians could launch attacks and incursions towards the much coveted
naval regions of the Bosporus and Dardanelles, which were the gateway to the Mediterranean.
The Ottomans had been removed from their Crimean outpost much to the despair of the Tatars
who had been loyal subjects of the Ottoman Empire and had no desire to be detached from it.

The Russian takeover of the Crimea was a deep wound to Ottoman morale as it was one of the
only occasions in history that they had lost governance of a Muslim population to a Christian
power, a reality that not only disturbed them but also sent waves of terror throughout the Muslim
inhabitants of the vanquished region, with several critics questioning whether or not the Ottoman
Empire was still capable of protecting its own subjects. Such doubts not only inspired fear amongst
citizens but it also emboldened critics of the Ottoman Empire to challenge the legitimacy of
Ottoman leadership now that the historic supremacy of Muslim might over Christian adversaries
had been shattered. Could it be said that the Ottomans had been punished by God for their
decadence and deviance from Islam? If so, was it not time to change the leadership once and for
all?
The Arab tribal leaders who had been permitted by the Ottoman Sultan Caliph to govern their
native regions as vassal states, had a particular grievance deeply rooted in a sense of alienation
that would for a long time be subdued, however the gradual weakening of the Ottoman Empire
only incensed and encouraged such Arab chiefs to formulate their own ambitious plans to one day
reclaim leadership of the Muslim world, though such ambition would be best concealed for now.

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THE SICK MAN OF EUROPE
Towards the latter part of its long and glorious reign, the Ottoman Empire began to suffer
significant defeats. Up until this point, the major European empires had propped up the dying
Ottoman Empire for nearly a century. They had intervened when Muhammad Ali Pasha sought
to carve out his own sovereign rule in Egypt, they intervened once more during the Balkan
crisis.
It was in reference to this gradual yet inevitable historic decline that Russia’s Tsar - Nicholas I,
famously made reference to the Ottoman Empire as ‘the sick man of Europe’. However, if the
Ottoman Empire was personified as the ‘Sick Man of Europe’, then perhaps one could extend
this analogy to its logical conclusion by questioning who would become the worthy inheritors of
this ageing and ailing patriarch, whose eminent demise was bound to result in an unassigned
and unquestionably great territorial legacy.

The ‘Eastern Question’ as it were, came to express European uncertainty and fears about the
state of the continent once the Ottoman Empire ceased to exist. Britain, France, Russia and
the Austro-Hungarian Empire all stood to gain much in what could be expected to be an epic
land-grab, resulting in long and expensive wars between competing European forces.
Russia in particular, stood to gain a tremendous amount of new territory and resources from
the decline of the Ottoman Empire, as this would create a power vacuum in the region which
could enable the Tsar to seize strategic positions in the Black Sea and the Dardanelles
leading out to the Mediterranean and onto the European continent.
For the Russians, there was also the added incentive in its deeply rooted religious sentiments
towards reclaiming Constantinople which had once been the heartland of the Eastern
Orthodox Church and the former seat of the Byzantine Empire.
However, the other Western European empires who valued their existing investments on the
continent and were vigilant of regional instability, could simply not allow Russia to have her
way and jeopardize their investments. In safeguarding the integrity of the Ottoman Empire the
Western powers were preserving peace on the continent and almost using the Ottoman realm
as a territorial buffer between their domains and the Russian menace.

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 CHAPTER 04
WHEN THE KEISER MET THE CALIPH (1898)
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WE USED TO BE FRIENDS
During the nineteenth century, the Ottomans
received assistance from the French and British
in the form of farm produce, military advice and
modernization programs.
This alliance was prominent when the Ottomans
joined the French, British and their allies during
the Crimean war against Imperial Russia in 1854,
which is historically considered by many to have
been the first modern war.
The Ottomans participated alongside the British
and the French but this was not without a heavy
cost to the Ottomans who financed their army by
taking loans from their French and British allies.
The Ottoman’s financial liability assumed during
the Crimean war would heavily cripple its
economy for several years to come and subdued
them to French and British mandates and
directives as a result.
Soon after the Crimean war was over, the
alliance between the Ottomans and the Western
Europeans weakened leaving the Ottoman
Empire without friend or support in Europe –
moreover the crippling debts continued to
incapacitate the Ottoman economy heavily.

BAGHDAD TO BERLIN, THE GERMAN CONNECTION

Soon thereafter, the Germans befriended the Ottomans. Keiser Wilhelm II (and his Always East
policy) extended an arm of friendship towards the Ottoman Sultan, Abdulhamid II - who was
considered the Muslim world’s most powerful leader in what could potentially become a very
formidable ally against the enemies of Germany.
Keiser Wilhelm visited Istanbul in 1898, this momentous occasion would be commemorated by the
construction of a German fountain in the old Byzantine hippodrome. The friendship between the
Ottoman Sultan and the Keiser flourished and he came to be known as Hajji Keiser following
rumours that he had made pilgrimage to Makkah and embraced the religion of Islam.
By 1903 the cooperative relationship between the Caliph and the Keiser was further developed
and cemented when the Germans were granted concession to build a direct railway line
connecting Berlin to Baghdad. This monumental construction was poised to become one of the
greatest engineering feats of the Twentieth Century, its Western segment - the Orient Express
would become world famous, passengers could board in Munich and alight in Istanbul
In return for the favourable Ottoman reception, the Germans would provide weapons and military
training for the Ottoman army. Later on in history - during the Balkan campaigns of 1912 and 1913,
Ottoman soldiers were armed with Mauser rifles that were provided by their German friends.

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 CHAPTER 05
KILL THE CALIPH (1908)
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THE CUP OF DEATH
When we talk of discontent factions who sought to replace the Ottoman administrative regime from
within, one should not always point a finger at the Arab tribes of the Hijaz. In fact, the Ottoman
Empire had long been plagued by the overwhelming threat of internal plots and subversive groups
coming from amongst Turkey’s own royal stock as well as the increasingly Westernized intellectual
and military strata of society.
For a number of years, Turkey had been on a downward trajectory - culturally, politically and
economically, with many aspiring revolutionaries starting to form contiguous groups and ideologies
that could perhaps reverse this pattern of inertia and restore Ottoman vigour and greatness,
however in order for this to happen – the old Ottoman administration had to be deposed.
One such revolutionary faction within Turkey was known as the CUP or ‘the Committee of Unity
and Progress’. The CUP was under the umbrella of the Young Turks. Amongst its leading figures
were the likes of Ismail Enver Pasha, Mehmed Talaat Pasha and Ahmed Djemal Pasha – later to
be referred to simply as Enver, Talaat and Djemal. Despite its title, the Young Turks were actually
influenced by Non-Turks. People such as Ibrahim Temo (Albanian), Ishak Sukuti and Abdullah
Cevdet (both Kurds) as well as Mehmet Reshid (Circassian) were among the founding members.
The Young Turk society was not the first underground movement opposed to the Ottoman Sultan’s
administration, in fact they were preceded by popular groups such as ‘the Ottoman Union Society’
which was largely comprised of members from the liberal intellectual class who drew support from
many officers in the imperial military medical school of Constantinople. Despite their varying titles
and structures, what these secret societies had in common was that they all aspired to overthrow
the pan-Islamic regime of Sultan Abdulhamid II who directed his secret services to uncover and
suppressed these revolutionary groups.
Towards 1895, the Young Turks expanded their reach towards Turkish liberals who had been
exiled in Europe. Several high ranking members were thereafter imprisoned by the Ottoman
administration. A decade later, in 1906 – the group renewed and intensified its opposition to the
Pan-Islamic regime of Sultan Abdul Hamid II and revised their program to force sultan Abdulhamid
to submit to their constitutional demands.

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THE SULTAN MUST DIE
The Young Turks and their overt opposition to the administration of Sultan Abdulhamid II marked
them as a dangerous group within Constantinople, however things would escalate within a few
years when on July the 21st 1905 Sultan Abdulhamid II was subject to a failed assassination
attempt which claiming the lives of 26 people.
Sadly, this would not be the only assassination attempt on the Sultan’s life as he had drawn the
collective wrath of several opposition groups such as ‘the Young Ottomans’, ‘The League of
Private Initiative’ as well as ‘the Ottoman Liberty Association’.
Undeterred, the Young Turks continued their recruitment strategies in secret Masonic lodges and
Sufi fraternities to vastly expand their membership base.
They also initiated contact with military officers who were already disaffected with the Ottoman
administration and were prepared to participate in a revolutionary wave that would take the
empire by storm in July 1908, when the Young Turks sparked a revolt that started in the Balkans
and soon engulfed Turkey, resulting in Sultan Abdul Hamid’s decision to reinstate the suspended
constitution of 1876.
However, the chaos created by the Young Turk revolution resulted in significant loss of Ottoman
territories when on October 5th 1908 the Turks suffered a double loss both in Bosnia-
Herzegovina and in Bulgaria, with the former being annexed by the Austria-Hungary Empire and
the latter claimed by the Bulgarian state which was subsequently elevated from an Ottoman
principality to a sovereign kingdom.
Bulgarian Prince Ferdinand I was crowned the new Tsar of the Kingdom of Bulgaria during their
Declaration of Independence.

TOTAL TURKIFICATION
Now invested with more political influence and with the safeguard of military support, the Young
Turks began to effect change within the sultan’s administrative office. The group began by
replacing Arab bureaucrats with Turkish officers situated in key Arab provinces, thereby
strengthening the Ottoman Empire’s administrative control over their Arab subjects. The Young
Turks sought to reinforce a climate of Turkish dominance and supremacy by imposing the
Turkish language in key educational establishments in order to promote and cement a more
Turko-centric identity in society at large, but more so among the elite classes.
This Turkification policy was not entirely successful as the Young Turk’s ultra-nationalism
alienated their Arabs subjects who were seemingly provoked to form a resistance in the
Levantine and Mesopotamian regions where the Arab population felt neglected and began to
foster their own counter-movements for Arab Nationalism which had given rise to secret Arab
societies such as the Jam’iyat al-’Arabiya al-Fatat (‘the Young Arab Society’) and the Al-Ahd
Society (‘The Covenant Society’).
These groups were actively advocating for localized administration and autonomy, although it
must be noted that they were not calling for complete separation from central Ottoman rule as
the Turks were considered legitimate Muslim rulers by the overwhelming majority of their non-
Turkish subjects who resided from as far away as Eritrea right up to the Caucuses outposts.
Yet of all the non-Turkish groups who felt somewhat marginalized by the growing influence of the
Turkification reforms, it was the Arabs in the Hijaz region that felt more ostracized given their
historic place in Islam and the sanctity of Makkah and Madinah.
The al-Saud clan and the Hashemite tribes in particular would soon emerge as key protagonists
and contestants to Ottoman leadership.

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 CHAPTER 06
RETURN OF THE SULTAN, THE MARCH 31st INCIDENT (1909)
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THE RETURN OF SULTAN ABDULHAMID II
Following the revolution of 1908, the Young Turks had ensured that the Sultan would be no threat
to their new regime and proceeded to disinvest him of any ability to appoint ministers for the navy
or the army, instead they assigned such authority to a new Grand Vizier whom they had elected
themselves.
The Sultan’s own staff were dismissed and replaced by officials loyal to the new administration,
they were intrusted with monitoring the activities and official correspondences of Sultan
Abdulhamid II. The Young Turks’ gradual disempowerment of the Sultan relegated him to the
position of a mere figurehead.
Despite his symbolic position in the new government, Sultan Abdulhamid II had plans to reclaim
power by appealing to populist Islamic sentiment throughout the Empire. His promise to Ottoman
loyalists and Islamic activists was to restore the Islamic Caliphate and reinstate rule by Sharia
instead of the Western secular policies upheld by the Young Turks.

THE MARCH 31ST INCIDENT

On the 13th of April 1909, Sultan Abdulhamid’s decisive day had come when a counter-
revolutionary wave broke out in Istanbul. Thousands of rioters flooded the streets demanding the
immediate reversal of the Young Turk revolution of 1908. The movement was supported by military
elements who were loyal to the Pan-Islamic regime of Sultan Abdulhamid II.
The actual objectives of the counter-revolt were diverse and conflicting. Some of the counter-
revolutionists were liberals who felt that the Young Turks had not done enough for the liberal
agenda while others were non-Turkish nationalists who were fighting for independence from the
Turks altogether, while staunch advocates of Islamic revival who had grown dissatisfied with the
ever increasing influence of Westernisation and secular policies being introduced by the Young
Turk administration also began to call for a return to Islamic legislation and governance.
Although their motives were conflicting and incoherent, the general consensus amongst counter-
revolutionary factions was that the new administrative governance of the Young Turks had to
reinstate legislative authority to Sultan Abdulhamid II who had been virtually stripped of all
authority and only served as a figurehead during the first ten months in which the Committee of
Unity and Progress had assumed leadership in Turkey.
In response to these riots, the Young Turks mobilised the ‘Action Army’ which was the 11th
Salonika Reserve Infantry Division of the Third Army (Ottoman Empire) commanded by Mahmud
Shevket Pasha, the counter-revolutionary chaos was finally suppressed on April 24th 1909.

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During this most unsettling period in Istanbul, the ruling government had collapsed and several
leading members of the new administration were killed including the Minister of Justice Nazim
Pasha, alongside a parliamentary member and several young officers. In June 1909, the court
martial issued 70 death sentences for members of the counter-revolutionary opposition
apprehended over the riots. These include 3 generals, several high ranking officers and Dervish
Vahdeti, the founder and chief ideologue of the ‘Society of Muslim Unity’.
This deadly uprising is historically referred to as the ‘March 31st Incident’, it had sent shockwaves
throughout the Young Turk administration and for a very short time, threatened to jeopardise all of
their accomplishments.

THE AFTERMATH

However, ultimately speaking the counter-revolutionary uprising, despite its momentous and
critical role in Ottoman history - proved to be a complete failure. The constitution was restored for
the third time and Sultan Abdulhamid II was finally deposed on April 27th 1909, when four
emissaries of the Committee of Unity and Progress (Young Turks) were sent to the Sultan with the
following message:
‘The nation has deposed you’.
News of this, spread throughout the empire and provoked further consternation amongst Muslim
loyalists when it was revealed that in a calculated and deliberate political gesture - the Young
Turks sent an Armenian, a Jew and two Albanians to deliver this crushing message to the Turkish
Muslim Sultan.
Sultan Abdulhamid II was deposed to Salonica a day before being replaced by his brother Sultan
Mehmed Reshad V, on April 28th 1909.
Sultan Abdulhamid II later returned to Istanbul in 1912 following the Greek conquest of Salonica.
However he would spend the rest of his days confined to studies, carpentering and writing his
memoirs while held captive at the Beylerbeyi Palace. The Sultan eventually died on 10th of
February 1918. He was laid to rest in Istanbul.

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 CHAPTER 07
THE EMPIRE IS DYING (1910 – 1911)
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THE RUSSIANS NEXT DOOR
Not long after the Young Turks had completely removed Sultan Abdulhamid II from power, they
then proceeded with the reinstatement of the Turkish constitution, in 1909.
Furthermore in 1911 during the Turco-Italian War, the Italians seized Tripoli from the Ottomans
forcing some leading members of the Young Turk administration to travel to Tripoli and gather
native support against the invading Italians.
The Turks were ultimately defeated in Tripoli by the Italians who provoked them to shut down the
Black sea straits which alarmed the Russians who were heavily reliant on that pathway to transport
their resources out to the Western market. This direct impact to the Russians had a severe knock
on effect to their economy contributing to the growing unrest in the country which would give rise to
revolutionary waves culminating in the October Revolution that brought an end to Tsarist rule in
Russia.

THE CAPITULATIONS
The Ottoman Empire’s lack of technological and economic reforms in an age where its
neighbouring Christian nations were organizing and developing their industries at great speed did
not equip it to stand on its own in a new world of emerging alliances and super powers.
The French and British took advantage of the waning Ottoman economy by offering loans which
they would securitize by means of impositions and dictates that the Ottoman administration had to
abide by.
These external mandates came to be known as the ‘capitulations’ largely enabling French and
British citizens to do as they pleased without being subject to Ottoman laws. Under such foreign
mandates, European merchants were also able to set up banks, post offices, and commercial
houses on Turkish soil while being totally exempt from paying tax to the Ottoman administration,
this inevitably resulted in an unfair competitive advantage over local merchants and tax payers.
These capitulations led to the emergence of a privileged few who were almost immune and
exempt from local Ottoman jurisdiction. They were considered protégés of a foreign power and
were particularly useful as pawns in diplomatic intrigue.
At the time, the European powers were in control of eighty five percent of the world’s territory. The
Turks were truly alone and were soon coming to the realization that they might need a reliable ally
in order to survive this most hostile terrain – Britain and France were out of the question given their
very deliberate efforts to cripple the Ottomans with their ‘Capitulation’ clauses and other covert
sabotage efforts.

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 CHAPTER 08
THE BALKAN WARS (1912 - 1913)
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FIRST BALKAN WAR
1912 was a particularly difficult year for the Ottoman administration. It was a year in which several
Christian and Catholic communities who had been governed by the Turks were inspired to stage a
wave of revolutionary revolts in pursuit of independence and sovereignty from their Muslim
overlords.
In a confederacy that would be called the ‘Balkan League’, four protectorates of the Ottoman
Empire – namely Serbia, Montenegro, Bulgaria and Greece formed a united alliance on
September the 5th 1912, exactly a month following the dissolution of the Ottoman Parliament in
Turkey. This was in preparation for a liberation struggle that would ensue on the 8th of October
when Montenegro declared war on Turkey four days after a public demonstration in Sultan Ahmet
in Istanbul where Turks had been protesting against news of a Balkan League and the prospect of
war.
This was of course a concerning issue for the Turkish administration as the Albanians had already
staged a popular uprising in May of 1912 and the wave of rebellion was fast spreading across the
Empire.
These fears became reality when Bulgaria, Serbia and Greece followed Montenegro in a
declaration of war against the Turks. With a total combined force for 715,000 soldiers against
320,000 Ottoman soldiers, the Balkan League had successfully captured the regions of Salonica,
Albania, Epirus, Macedonia and Thrace in just a few days. Embattled and overwhelmed by the
revolutionary might of the Balkan armies, the Turks withdrew to the Çatalca line (Chatalja), which
was very close to Istanbul, only narrowly managing to save the Ottoman capital from being
conquered by the Balkan forces.
By November 4th 1912, the Ottoman Administrative office was being contacted by the Russian
Empire in an attempt to capitalise on their misfortune with an offer to grant the Turks a guarantee
that they would not participate in supporting the Balkan rebels if the Ottomans promised not to
intercept Russian warships from entering the Straits.
Meanwhile, the other European Empires observed the steady progress of the Balkan League in
shock and amusement as the Ottomans struggled to maintain dominance of their own territory and
were at risk of being cannibalised by the same subjects over whom they had governed for so long.
Albania, whose efforts had proceeded that of the Balkan League by a period of six months
declared independence from the Ottomans on November 28th 1912. A week later on December 3rd
1912 - the Turks succeeded to an armistice signed with Bulgaria, who were also representing
Serbia and Montenegro.
1912 came to an end with the Ottomans losing virtually all their territory in the Balkans, being
relegated back into the Turkish mainland. The Conqueror now became the conquered. The
Serbians, Bulgarians and Greeks then proceed to persecute the Muslim population that resided in
the conquered regions resulting in a mounting influx of Muslim refugees coming out of the Balkan,
Caucasus and Crimean regions towards Istanbul - resulting in economic and social stress for the
central administration. The massive population influx from the Balkans also changed the
demographic composition of Turkey with more Eastern Europeans now finding home in the Turkish
mainland.
However, as the Great War dawned upon the world, the Ottoman Empire’s nightmare in the
Balkans only intensified after their catastrophic territorial losses to the Balkan League which
continued through to 1913, when on March 26th the Bulgarian army seized Edirne adding to their
vastly expanding sphere of influence and to the ever dwindling Balkan territory under Ottoman
control.
By April 20th 1913, the Great European Powers began to mediate between the Balkan States
resulting in the signature of the Treaty of London in which Turkey surrendered its territories to the
Balkan League, officially concluding the First Balkan War on the 30th May 1913.

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RISE OF THE YOUNG TURKS
If the devastating impact of the first Balkan war was not sufficiently disruptive to the Ottoman
administration, on January the 23rd 1913, yet another catastrophic event would unfold in Istanbul
when Enver Pasha accompanied by armed dissidents from the Committee of Union and Progress,
stormed into the Sublime Porte during a meeting of the Council of Representatives and
assassinated the incumbent Minister of War, Nazım Pasha and his aides.
The Young Turks then forced Kamil Pasha to resign from his post as Grand Vizier. Enver Pasha
then delivers the forced resignation letter to the Sultan’s Palace as supporting evidence for the
appointment of Mahmut Şevket Pasha as the new Grand Vizier, though rather ironically he too was
removed from his post after six month following a targeted assassination in Istanbul on the 11th of
June 1913.
Two days later, on the 13th of June 1913, Said Halim Pasha was selected for the post of Grand
Vizier marking a new political beginning for the Committee of Union and Progress who had now
evolved into a public and formidable political force within Ottoman administrative circles.

SECOND BALKAN WAR the evacuation of Bulgarian troops from Edirne

(Adrianople).
Unsatisfied with the re-distribution of Balkan
territories captured from the Ottomans, Enver Pasha forcefully took administrative
members of the Balkan League were now control of the Ottoman command and directed
engaged in internal disputes over the regions of Turkish forces into Edirne, seizing control of the
Thrace and Macedonia. unguarded city and restoring some dignity and
redemptive qualities to the Ottoman Empire.
The Greeks and Serbians opposed the
Bulgarians as matters were further complicated His gamble had been successful and Enver
between the Balkan allies due to unaddressed Pasha became an instant hero back in Turkey,
issues related to Albanian independence and making him a name to be reckoned with –
Romanian-Bulgarian tensions. elevating his political and military status within
the Ottoman administration.
As a result of these territorial disputes a second
Balkan War was declared in June 1913. As a The Second Balkan war came to an end on
result, the Ottomans completely lost July 31st 1913 when Bulgaria, Romania, Serbia,
Macedonia, Albania and what constituted the Montenegro and Greece signed the Treaty of
last remnants of their territorial dominion in the Bucharest. Two months later, on September
Balkan region. 30th 1913, Turkey would sign the Istanbul
Agreement with Bulgaria, agreeing that Edirne
Enver Pasha, observing the consternation and would remain a part of Turkish territory and the
division amongst Balkan League members river Meriç (Maritsa) would be mutually
decided to take a calculated gamble on July recognized as the boundary.
22nd 1913, two days following

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THE ARMENIAN QUESTION
Following the tumultuous waves of change in the Ottoman Empire caused by both Balkan Wars,
the Russians were beginning to ponder over the fate of the Armenian population who were still
living in Eastern Anatolia under Ottoman governance. The ‘Armenian Question’ as it came to be
known, was essentially concerned with the safety of this Christian minority in an ever increasingly
turbulent and hostile environment.
The Russians began to put pressure on the Ottomans. They were being pressed to introduce
reforms for the protection of Orthodox Christians in Eastern Anatolia while the French assumed
protective rights over the Catholics travelling through and residing in Ottoman lands. Though it
may appear to be religiously motivated, such protective assurances from the Christian Russians
and the Catholic French were thinly veiled attempts to covet and undermine Ottoman authority.
Russia began to apply pressure for a year with heavy opposition from the Ottomans, however in
the end, six provinces in Eastern Anatolia were seized by the Russians. Around the same time, the
German Military Mission led by General Liman von Sanders arrived in Istanbul on the 14th of
December 1913 and a few weeks later, in January 1914 - Enver Pasha was elected to the office of
Ottoman Minister of War.

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 CHAPTER 09
THE TALE OF TWO SHIPS (1914)
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NATIONAL PRIDE
In the interest of military reforms and modernization, the Ottomans had placed an order with the
British for two modern battle ship Cruisers. News of this national project was widely publicized in
Istanbul where women were selling their own hair and school children were donating their
allowance to contribute towards the construction of these two magnificent ships which were going
to be named The Sultan Osman and The Rashadia.
However the great Ottoman ambition became a great disappointment after the Great War broke
out in August 1914 and Winston Churchill decided to cancel the delivery of these two ships to the
Ottomans, choosing instead to seize them for his own naval forces. News of this contractual
breach caused a wide public outcry from within the Ottoman Empire – giving the Ottomans yet
another reason to be wary of the British and opening one more window of opportunity through
which the eager Germans would pass through
Though it was of no importance to the British at the time, their decision to confiscate the sultan’s
two ships resulted in a deeply rooted sense of national humiliation in Turkey, one that would not
easily be forgotten when the British arrived with peace treaties a few months later. For the
Ottomans at least, this act of treachery and humiliation virtually ruled out any potential grounds for
any future cooperative effort between two empires.

THE GERMAN VESSELS

In a politically significant gesture, the Germans decided sell two of their own battle ships, the
Goeben and the Breslau to the Ottomans after they had reached the Dardanelles on August 11th
1914 - as they sought to escape British naval forces coming from the Mediterranean. This
somewhat serendipitous move effectively positioning the Germans as the saviours and supporters
of the Ottomans in Europe.
Thus taking advantage of this course of events, Turkey announced its decision to terminate all
Capitulations previously upheld with France and Britain. The British administration responded to
this by declaring hostile intent towards any Turkish warship sailing outside the Dardanelles
prompting the Ottomans to close access to the Dardanelles a day later on September 27th 1914,
following the interception of a Turkish torpedo boat by the Allied fleet.

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Ottoman Minister of War Enver Pasha authorized Admiral Souchon to take the two German ships
which had been renamed Yavuz and Midilli - into the Black Sea and mount attacks against the
Russian fleet. Four days later on the 29th of October, Turkish warships bombard Russian bases in
Sevastopol, Feodosia, Yalta, Odessa and Novorossiysk.

The Russians responded with an offer to overlook the damage caused by the Ottoman battleships
if they would agree to pay a settlement, not anticipating that the Ottomans would participate in the
Great War – in fact the Ottomans had even received peace proposals from the Russians in return
for Ottoman neutrality in the war. These Russian promises were far from honest as they had
planned on seizing Ottoman territory once the war was over, it was little more than a diversion
strategy to buy time and ensure that access to the Dardanelles remained clear until the war was
over and the Ottomans eliminated.

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 CHAPTER 10
IS THIS THE END OF THE WORLD (1914)
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1914
In the six years leading up to 1914, the Ottoman Empire had witnesses revolutions and counter-
revolutions, the loss of arguably its last true Sultan and crushing military defeats resulting from
several wars of independence by the Bulgarians, Greeks, Bosnians, Serbs and Albanians.
Furthermore, Italy had successfully confiscated Libya from the Ottomans.
Battered and bruised, the Young Turk leadership sought to cement an alliance with the Germans
through the Kaiser in an attempt to recover much of their lost territory and continue with the
reforms and modernization of Turkey without fear of attack from other Western powers.
In November 1914, the world’s greatest Muslim empire was drawn into a life-or-death struggle
against three historically Christian powers — Britain, France and Russia. All parties made frantic
calculations about the likely intertwining of religion and strategy. However, the last thing the
Ottoman Empire needed to be confronted with was yet another war, least of all the Greatest of
wars then known to humankind. Depleted of men and resources following major conflicts with the
Balkan League and the Italians, the Ottoman Empire had no interest in getting involved in yet
another war, however its fear of imminent dismemberment by the Entente Powers drove the Turks
into Germany’s arms - transforming the European war into a truly global conflict.
The Great War was a momentous historic event that would shape the modern world as we know it,
by the end of this War the once mighty empires of Europe were changed forever with the British
Empire losing over half of its territorial influence. Even greater losses were inflicted upon the
Germanic Empire, Imperial Tsarist-Russia, the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the subject of this
series, The Ottoman Empire.
But in order to understand this most pivotal chapter in world history, one must first explore the
contributing factors that resulted in this war that lasted four gruelling years and managed to
extinguished millions of lives, wiping out empires thereby change the cross-continental geopolitical
landscapes forever.

THE INCIDENT IN SARAJEVO

It all began with a single loss of life, when on Sunday the 28th of June 1914, the Archduke Franz
Ferdinand, the heir of the prestigious Austria-Hungarian empire was assassinated in Sarajevo - the
capital of what is now known as Bosnia and Herzegovina. The assassin was Gavrilo Princip, a
nineteen-year-old political activist who alongside a group of other assassins was given orders and
trained by a Serbian insurgence group known as the Black Hand.
The assassination in Sarajevo was the catalyst for what would result in the Austria-Hungarian
declaration of war against Serbia, which would draw allies from both sides to get involved in what
soon escalated and develop into the Great War, a military conflict that would mobilize over seventy
million soldiers and claim the lives of several million non-combatants.

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EUROPE SPLITS ASUNDER
The War was waged by two major camps, The Central Powers and the Triple Entente also known
as the Allied Forces. The theatre of war primarily in Europe with France and Britain to the Western
Front and Russia in the Eastern Front, the Ottomans were right in the middle of this and controlled
key naval outposts in the Dardanelles and Bosporus regions. The Great War was the first of its
kind but not the last.

A SECRET PACT WITH GERMANY

On the 18th of August 1914, Britain and France sent ambassadors to Istanbul in an attempt to
broker a treaty with the Grand Vizier. The Triple Entente were promising the continued survival of
the Ottoman Empire on the condition that the Ottomans remained neutral during the war.
The British Foreign Secretary vowed the preservation of Ottoman territorial integrity provided she
preserved a real neutrality during the war. The Ottoman administration responded to this proposal
five days later with a request to have this agreement written down and signed by Britain, France
and their allies.
However, unbeknown to the Ottoman Sultan – the guarantee of security from the Allies had arrived
a little too late because on the 2nd of August 1914, Enver Pasha – Ottoman War Minister and a
leading figure within the Young Turks establishment, had already contracted a secret agreement
with the Germans in what is historically called the ‘Ottoman-German Alliance’. Upon finding out
about this secret pact with the Germans, the Ottoman sultan had little left but to publicly endorse it.

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Yet despite their allegiance to the Germans, it is noteworthy to state that the Ottomans tried to
delay their entry into the war as much as they could before they were confronted in October 1914
by the Germans with their ultimatum to either enter the war or lose Germany’s protection and
support altogether. This prompted the Ottomans to attack the Russians via the black sea resulting
in a declaration of war against the Ottomans on October 29th 1914 by the Triple Entente.
On November 11th 1914, much to the pleasure of the German forces, the Ottoman Empire officially
declared their entry into the war against the Triple Entente, a military coalition headed by the
French Republic, the British Crown, the Tsarist Russians and the Japanese Empire - as well as the
Kingdom of Italy.
The war was now in full effect and the Eastern Question was no longer a deterrent to Britain and
France, this time all bets were off and the Ottoman Empire was fair game.

Although the Ottomans had joined the war effort, they did not expect it to last very long and their
main objective was to guarantee continued German protection and insulation from the British,
French and Russian threats. The Allied forces also entertained a similar belief in thinking that the
war would be brief and destruction of the Ottomans almost effortless. Both sides were
catastrophically mistaken as they had inadvertently ignited one of the greatest wars ever in history.
The Ottoman Empire’s participation in World War I was of tremendous historical importance as it
was the catalyst to many of the Muslim world’s current problems. A study of the Great War is
essential when seeking to comprehend the cause of today’s modern Middle Eastern realities –
from the dismantling of the Ottoman Empire and the birth of the Modern Turkish republic to the
ongoing wars between Israel and its Arab neighbours and the French appointment of the Alawite
rulers in Syria.
The outcome of the Great War birthed a new order of catastrophes and conflict in places such as
Iraq and Lebanon. Causing territorial and political disputes that were initiated or intensified by the
newly created Arab dominions under Western controls. The plight of Kurdish and Armenian
communities was also exasperated once the Ottomans were defeated on the battlefield.

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 CHAPTER 11
THE GREAT GERMAN JIHAD (1914)
FIVE FATWAS
Supported by some twenty five thousand German personnel, which included military engineers,
strategists, economists and commanders, the Ottomans further cemented their participation in the
Great War with the religious endorsement of the Ottoman Grand Mufti Shaykhul-Islam Ürgüplü
Hayri - who issued Five Fatwas calling for Jihad against Britain and France on November the 11th
1914.
These religious decrees called upon Muslims from all parts of the world to participate in an armed
struggle against the Triple Entente. The call to Jihad spread across the Muslim world like wild fire
and numerous translations of the famous fataawa were translated and published in Persian, Urdu,
Tartar and Arabic. The Ottomans were calling on every individual Muslim to participate in this
struggle as a matter of individual and religious obligation known as Fard ‘Ayn.
The Christian nations of the Triple Entente had millions of Muslim subjects who might be
influenced by the Ottoman sultan to wage Jihad against their own colonial masters. Some
historians argue that while these Fataawa (plural for Fatwa) did indeed cause huge risks for the
French and British, it also backfired on the Ottomans when the Arabs decided to revolt and pursue
their own political ends.
Nevertheless, it can still be said that the Germans and their Ottoman client both capitalized on the
embattled and collective sentiment of the Muslim world to promote the idea of a war of civilizations
between Islam and the Western Christian world, more specifically Britain and France.

GERMAN PROPAGANDA
In fact, it could almost be stated that German intellectuals were the architects of a master scheme
to propagate the call for Jihad against the Western Allied Forces during the Great War. Military
strategists in Berlin as well as Academics, Diplomats and high ranking German officials saw this as
their most effective and immediate strategy against France and Britain. The religious authority of
the Ottoman Grand Mufti combined with the deteriorating state of the Ottoman Empire proved to
be a potent mix that could become explosive given the right timing and execution. The Germans
had hoped to incite gross mutiny and mass uprisings across the vast Muslim realm under French
and British administration.
German emissaries accompanied their Ottoman counterparts in order to travel across Arabia,
Africa and Asia to fuel the flames of revolution by printing and distributing pamphlets and books
propagating Jihad, its virtues and the rewards for those who died as Martyrs. These German
agents and emissaries received their instructed from a manuscript written by a German Lawyer,
Historian, Archaeologist and Diplomat by the name of Max Von Oppenheim. The book was called
“Memorandum concerning the fomenting of revolutions in the Islamic territories of our enemies”
As part of this calculated and well-orchestrated strategy, the Germans even turned their attention
to prisoner camps - most notably the Half-Moon camp situated on the outskirts of Berlin, where
Muslim prisoners who had been captured by the Germans during battles against France and
Britain were being programmed to wage Jihad against their colonial masters. Upon completing the
Jihad orientation program, these recruits would be liberated and sent as far off as Afghanistan to
carry out military missions. The Germans had even built a wooden mosque at the centre of this
camp to demonstrate their supposed affinity with the Muslim cause.
As information was revealed concerning the German Jihad initiative, the French and British were
absolutely terrified by the prospect of a full blown Jihadi insurrection reaching their Muslim
territories in Egypt, Algeria and India, to name but a few.

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The German propaganda and patronage of Jihad was of course in service of its own selfish
political agenda as was pointed out by several astute critics from the Muslim world who had seen
through the thin veil of deceit, pointing out that the so called Jihad only focused on France – Britain
and their allies but conveniently excluded Germany and her own Christian allies including Austria-
Hungary and Bulgaria.

SIDING WITH THE GERMANS

“When I contemplate all that Russia has done for centuries to bring about
our destruction and all that Britain has done in these last few years, then I
consider the new crisis which has emerged to be a blessing. I believe it is
the Turk’s ultimate duty, either to live like an honourable nation or to
exit the stage of history gloriously”.
- Jamal Pasha, November 2nd 1914

When contemporary generations look back to the first world war, it is reasonable that one would
question the motives that animated the Ottomans to even participate in such a destructive conflict
while its own internal affairs were in disarray and the economic situation was fast deteriorating.
Why would the Turks join in what was clearly a European all-out war? Surely this would be the
opportunity to take advantage of the chaos between the Empire’s closest adversaries? Why didn’t
the Ottoman Empire remain neutral during the Great War? What could they have lost by not
participating and what was so important that they had to get involved at all?
In actuality, there is no single definitive answer to these poignant questions regarding the Ottoman
Empire’s decision to enter the war and its alliance with the Germans. However, the repercussion of
this decision are by no means peripheral in an historic context, in fact it was to be the single most
important decision in the history of the Empire since it’s magnificent conquest of Constantinople.

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 CHAPTER 12
THE ARMENIAN QUESTION (1915)
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LIVING WITH THE ENEMY

Upon entering the Great War on the side of the Germans, thereafter suffering some early losses on the
battlefield, the Ottomans began a series of inquisitive programs where potential spies were outed and
apprehended. This was upheld in Palestine where Zionist settlers with Russian passports were rounded
up and expelled from the holy land, while in Syria - Jamal Pasha ordered the execution of thirty two
members of Arab secret societies, similar events were also reported in Lebanon.

DEATH ON THE MOUNTAINS

Following Turkey’s entry into the Great War the Ottomans mounted an attack against British occupied
Egypt, followed by an offensive in the Caucasus region in December of 1914. Ottoman Minister of War
Enver Pasha launched his army against the Russians in the highland border region separating Tsarists
territory from Ottoman borders.

His intention was to pierce into the Caucasus region and incite the native Turkic Khans of Central Asia to
rise up in rebellion against their Russian masters. This bold and daring military mission was perilous as
the Ottoman army got stuck in the snowy mountain passes of Allahu-Ekber. Inadequately equipped for
the freezing conditions - up to 80,000 Ottoman soldiers succumbed to the icy landscape and perished.
Enver Pasha’s army was facing near destruction in the failed attempt against the Russians and the
expedition itself was one of the most devastating losses inflicted on the Ottomans during WWI.

On the 9th of January 1915, Enver Pasha returned to Istanbul with his troops.

THE ARMENIAN GENOCIDE

Not content with the regrettable events up in the mountains - the Young Turks were quick to blame their
failure on the Armenian population of Eastern Anatolia. Claiming that this Christian community had been
colluding with the Russians all along and were a fifth column within the Ottoman Empire.

Bent on promoting loyalty among their Empire’s diverse ethnicities as they faced an invasion on three
fronts, the Ottomans turned against the Armenians, whom they suspected of making common cause
with the Entente Powers. A law passed in May 1915 authorizing the Ottoman government to deport
anyone deemed a threat to national security, the law was particularly was aimed at the Armenians. The
Young Turks declared the Armenian population a dangerous social element and enlisted the support of
citizens in assisting with their persecution.
Throughout the summer and autumn of 1915, Armenians were rounded up and slaughtered. Some were
pushed over cliffs or drowned in rivers, while others were burned alive, crucified or taken outside their
towns and shot. Most were sent on death marches through the desert without food or water, often forced
to walk under the scorching sun until they dropped dead from exhaustion and dehydration.

The Armenians were removed from several strategic geographic outposts – such as Eastern Anatolia.
These tremendous events did not come to pass without genocidal consequences as between eight
hundred thousand to one point five million Armenians have been estimated to have been massacred by
the Young Turks, a claim that is often contested statistically but never denied historically.

While their brutal response was in no way justifiable, the Young Turks were not entirely without reason
for their suspicion of certain factions within the Armenian community whose members were known to
operate under the veil of secrecy. Groups such as the Hunchaks had been campaigning for decades,
calling for their independence from the Turks following similar efforts by the Greeks and Slavic Christian
communities in the Balkans.

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 CHAPTER 13
REMEMBER GALLIPOLI (1915)
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CAPTURE ISTANBUL
With the Ottoman Empire actively engaged in the war against the Triple Entente, British Prime
Minister Winston Churchill decided that a bold and powerful strategy was required to totally knock
the Ottomans out of the war. He thus ordered a navy unit to storm the Straits with battleships in
order to conquer Istanbul. This plan would enable the Russians to launch attacks on the Austro-
Hungarians and the Germans through the Balkans and via the Black Sea. Orders were issued in
February 1915, however Churchill’s masterplan was short-lived as several British ships were
blown up by underwater mines planted by Ottoman naval guards.
Defeated but not deterred, Churchill revised his strategy and decided to reinforce the naval units
by delivering support by air - landing on the Gallipoli peninsula in order to eliminate the Ottoman
guard. Thousands of British, French, Australian and New Zealand soldiers were preparing to fly
over from British controlled Egypt as the Ottoman military strengthened its defence and reinforced
its army ahead of the anticipated arrival of the enemy troops.

GALLIPOLI
The British and French launched a joint operation against the Ottomans with the express purpose
of conquering Istanbul. Their aim was to control the Dardanelle Straits in order to have a firm grip
on the naval pathways in and out of Russia via the Seas of Marmara and the Black Sea.
April the 25th 1915 marks the day when Britain and her allies landed in Cape Helles (Seddülbahir)
beginning the Amphibious invasion in Gallipoli. They were joined by the ANZAC forces, a
combined military ensemble comprised of Australian and New Zealand Corps landing in Kabatepe
and the French military who made a diversionary landing at Kumkale, on the Asian shore.
Fighting ensued and four weeks later, on the 24th of May 1915 – the warring factions agree to
suspend all hostilities for a nine hour period beginning at 7.30am – enabling both camps to bury
their dead. Fighting would resume from 4:30pm and intensify day by day until mid-August when
Turkish forces achieved a victory in the Battle of Chunuk Bair (Conkbayırı).

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Besides Turkish resistance and the rough terrain, British soldiers had to contend with hardships
such as extreme heat, pestilential insects, lack of water, and dysentery. The Allied forces lost over
one hundred and fifty thousand soldiers during the battle of Gallipoli and the Ottomans lost more -
however the outcome was a resounding victory for the Ottoman Turks. A second landing in August
failed to dislodge the Turks and in December the operation was aborted. Defeated and
demotivated, the Allied troops finally evacuate the Gallipoli peninsula on December the 6th 1915.
The Ottomans had defended their heartland and demonstrated such ferocious courage that the
British never imagined possible from this crumbling empire. In the end, it was not the Ottoman
imperium that lost its momentum but the British - with Australian, New Zealand and Irish soldiers
becoming embittered by the incompetence of the power they served.
For the world, Gallipoli marked a significant military milestone in the history of modern warfare.
Captivating the hearts and minds of the world as the British and French forces along with their
allies were roundly defeated and severely humiliated.
This momentous victory was commanded by an Ottoman officer known as Mustafa Kemal Pasha –
a young and ambitious man who would read French military and philosophical books in secrecy
while reflecting on the declining state of the Ottoman Empire.

MUSTAFA KAMAL
He entered the Ottoman military ranks in 1893 marking the beginning of a thirty year military career
in service of the Ottomans and Turkey. Between 1907 and 1910 he joined a new political group
known as the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) where he met the likes of Enver Pasha.
In 1910, Mustafa Kamal was elected to undertake various overseas assignments in mainland
Europe where he would witness and experience the rapid technological and intellectual
developments outside the Ottoman realm. In 1911 Mustafa Kamal rushed towards Tripoli in Libya
alongside other notable members of the CUP in order to raise local military support against the
invading Italian forces. Following the Italian takeover of Tripoli, Mustafa Kamal rushed towards the
Balkan front where he participated in the battle against the Bulgarians– the nursing ground for
what would eventually become his making.
In Gallipoli at least, the Ottoman Empire had won the battle, but the war was still unfinished.

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 CHAPTER 14
HOUSE OF HASHEMITES (1915 - 1916)
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THE MUSLIM POPE
By 1915 the British administration was facing a myriad of failures and set-backs, their Muslim
subjects in India and Egypt were being called on by the Germans and Ottomans to wage a Jihad
against them while the Turks were reinvigorated by their jubilant victory in Gallipoli and in ‘Kut el-
Emara’ in Mesopotamia - where besieging Ottoman troops had successfully defeated British Indian
expeditions by starving them into submission.
Now desperate and bewildered by the overwhelming odds before them, the British office in Cairo
under the leadership of Lord Herbert Kitchener began to contrive a plan to infiltrate the Ottoman
realm. They had plans to solicit help and complicity from some of the Arab chieftains in the Hijaz
region of Western Arabia. The British knew of the growing discontent amongst the Arabs there and
had a few potential candidates who could be suitable for the mission.
Sharif Hussein bin ‘Ali al-Hashemi of Makkah, was certainly a worthy candidate. British intelligence
was hoping to entice the Sharif to rebel against the Ottomans by promising him a position of power
and dominion within the Hijaz. They alluded to the possibility of crowning him the King of the Arabs
once the Ottomans were successfully removed. Sharif Hussein himself was fond of the idea as he
had long espoused the idea of becoming an Arabian Caliph.
Though hopeful, not everyone in the British cabinet thought it would be a good idea, the British Raj
in particular thought it would be dangerous to encourage a Muslim revolt in one part of the Muslim
world while trying to quell Muslim uprisings in India. Though somewhat a prudent and wise advice,
the British proceeded with their plans undeterred.

SHARIF HUSSEIN IBN ‘ALI AL-HASHEMI

Cairo’s British Bureau had high ambitions in
Sharif Hussein of Makkah as they needed to
elect a ‘Muslim Pope’ who would be used to
preserve their interests in the Muslim world,
someone with sufficient credential and charisma
to counter the Ottoman Grand Mufti’s Five
Fatwas against Britain and France.
Given his prestige as an Arab chief hailing from
the Hashemite stock tracing its ancestry back to
the Prophet Muhammad ‫ ﷺ‬himself, Sharif
Hussein certainly had all the right attributes.
The British intended to support the candidacy of
Hussein for the position of 'Pope' of Islam—a
position that they bizarrely thought was
appropriate even though there never was such a
title as a ‘Muslim Pope’.
Though not as powerful or authoritative as the
Turkish Ottoman Caliph, Sharif Hussein had the
lineage and sanctimonious status that could not
easily be rivalled by any Turkish ruler. Not only
could he boast of his noble lineage as the
fortieth grandson of the Prophet Muhammad ‫ﷺ‬
but he could also point to the fact that he was
the Emir of Makkah, Islam’s holiest site.
He was effectively a Prince amongst Arabs and
the custodian of the Holy Mosque in Makkah, a
position that was entrusted to him clan for
centuries by successive Muslim dynasties and
Empires.
ILM FILM STUDIOS 27
For the Cairo British office, the Sharif was the ideal face for an anti-Ottoman propaganda
campaign. One that would not only neutralize the German backed Fatwas issued by Shaykhul
Islam Ürgüplü Hayri who was the Grand Mufti of the Ottoman Empire, but in sharp contrast the
Sharif had the latent potential to mobilize and galvanize the Arabs into a revolutionary movement
based partially on Arab Nationalist sentiments against what could be deemed the foreign and
illegitimate Turkish imposition.
In addition to his religious significance, the British also sought to use Sharif Hussein and his
supporters as a decoy mechanism to divert Ottoman attention and resources away from Palestine
and towards the Hijaz, while British troops intensified and directed their efforts towards capturing
Jerusalem for themselves. If they could preoccupy the Turks with events in the Hijaz - it would be
the ideal opportunity for the British to reinforce their own presence in the Palestinian front. The
British were intent on achieving this most ambitious feat as it was something the Christian world
was unable to do during the reign of the Ottomans.
It should also be noted that the Arab Rebellion was preferable to sending British and French troops
to the region because at the time Makkah and Madinah were not territories that any of the Great
Powers coveted and the massive oil reserves we are all too accustomed to now were hidden to the
world, a fact that can further be illustrated by the complete lack of reference to oil reserves in the
Economic section of the Middle Eastern group's report commissioned by President Wilson in 1917.
The Western disinterest in the Hijaz was perhaps best illustrated in the words of British Prime
Minister David Lloyd George, who wrote the following words:
'No one contemplated that foreign troops should occupy any part of Arabia. It was too arid a
country to make it worth the while of any ravenous Power to occupy as a permanent pasture.'

THE HIJAZ RAILWAY

For the Ottomans themselves, the Hijaz region was largely
symbolic until the rule of Sultan Abdulhamid II whose Pan-
Islamic policies and patronage reinvigorated the desire to
unite the Muslims of Turkey with the Muslims in Arabia’s holy
cities. The Hijaz Railway project was the manifestation of
such ambitious aspirations and came to represent the
unification of the Muslim world under Ottoman patronage.
The main purpose of the railway was to establish a
connection between Istanbul, the seat of the Islamic
Caliphate and the Hijaz - the destination of the annual Ḥajj
pilgrimage. The railway would also be extended to
Damascus, a city rich in Islamic history and significance. The
railway was in sort an umbilical cord connecting the seat of
Ottoman rule in Istanbul directly to the heart of Arabia.
While Sharif Hussein had grown displeased with the Young
Turks as they had limited local decision making powers
which were previously granted to Arab Chieftains such as
himself, he was also unhappy with the Hijaz railway project
as it posed a serious threat to his rule and influence, as the
sovereign chieftain of Makkah. The railway would not only
facilitate the movement of Turkish soldiers in and out of the
Arabian peninsula but it would also overshadow his
presence in the region – for this reason, Sharif Hussein and
his forces targeted the Hijaz railway and worked to destroy it.

ILM FILM STUDIOS 28

THE HASHEMITE DREAM
Although the Great War was replete with treaties and negotiations, insofar as the Muslim world was
concerned, three sets of negotiations would prove most detrimental to the Caliphate and they were all
designed by the British. The first set of negotiations were transacted between the British and Sharif
Hussein’s Hashemite clan, who had been entrusted by the Ottoman Turks to look after Makkah.
Beginning as early as July 1915, the British High Commissioner in Egypt Sir Henry McMahon
exchanged a series of correspondences with the Sharif Hussein bin ‘Ali of Makkah. The Sharif was the
40th grandson of the Prophet Muhammad ‫ﷺ‬, hailing from the ruling Hashemite clan who had been
guardians of Makkah for seven centuries and were honoured by the Abbasids, the Mamelukes and
finally the Ottomans.

Whilst the Arab chief had high hopes in the British promise to deliver him the dominion of Arabia, to the
British themselves - these correspondences were nothing more than that. They did not consider it a
binding contract – not even an agreement, but just pronouncements that may or may not be delivered to
the Arabs.

In fact, even if the British were earnest in their promises, the terms of negotiations between McMahon
and the Sharif of Makkah were somewhat limited in scope. While the British were promising the make
the Sharif the next Arab Caliph, such terms were already being inhibited by the following clauses:
Firstly, the British made it clear that their promise to the Sharif would exclude any Middle Eastern
territory that was not considered purely Arab. This automatically excluded Egypt, the entire North African
region of the Maghreb and portions of Syria lying to the western districts of Damascus, Hama, Homs and
Aleppo.

Secondly, the British promise only applied to ‘those portions of the territories wherein Great Britain is
free to act without detriment from her Ally, France’ this ruled out the possibility of giving Palestine to the
Arab rebels as the territory was jointly governed by Britain and France.

Even though the British proposal was severely limiting for the Sharif, effectively leaving him with the
areas that were not of any special interest to the French and British allies. He nevertheless agreed to the
terms that were presented, with hopes of being able to advance and develop the terms of these
negotiation once the war was over and the Ottomans eliminated. Britain however, had other plans.

ILM FILM STUDIOS 29

 CHAPTER 15
TROUBLE IN ARABIA (1915 - 1916)
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THE ARAB REVOLTS BEGIN
On June the 27th 1916, the Hashemite Arab revolt against Ottoman rule commenced. The Arab
rebels were partially motivated by their growing sense of alienation by the Young Turk regime and
increasingly Turko-Centric reforms.
Sharif Hussein’s son Faisal bin Hussein al-Hashemi was the field commander who led twenty five
thousand Arab soldiers out of the Hijaz, covering the right flank of General Allenby’s troops as they
advanced out of Egypt. Faisal’s goal was to conquer Damascus, the beating heart of the Arab
Nationalist world. The Arab rebels commanded by Faisal bin Hussein launched an attack in Tefile
on the 23rd of January 1917 followed by an attack in the region of Fulye on the 23rd of July 1917.
Rather unexpectedly, the Hashemite rebellion did not receive any support from neighbouring Arab
regions. In fact most Arabs considered the Hashemites to be traitors for having sided with Britain
against the Ottoman Empire to whom they remained loyal supporters. Though they had failed to
garner the support of their fellow Muslim Arab neighbours, the rebels were receiving sufficient
support from the British who were providing financial, strategic and military resources to help them
in their quest.

Ultimately, the Hashemite Arab rebellion was not a great one as the majority of Arabs did not
participate and saw it for what it truly was - a betrayal of the Ottomans and of Islam. Even the
British eventually realized the futility of this pursuit, with T.E Lawrence later describing the
Hashemite Arab rebellion as “a sideshow of a sideshow”.

ILM FILM STUDIOS 30

LAWRENCE OF ARABIA
In aid of the Arab rebellion, the British Bureau
sent several advisors and strategists to the
region with the objective of bolstering and
enflaming support amongst the tribes. Among
these advisors was a junior liaison officer by
the name of Thomas Edwards Lawrence.
Lawrence was a well-suited candidate for the
assignment due to his prior experience in the
region. During his university days, Lawrence
had embarked on several trips to the Middle
East; most notably he had travelled through
Syria on foot as part of primary research
conducted while he was writing a doctoral
thesis at Jesus College, Oxford.
Lawrence gained scholarly recognition for his
pedagogic contributions to the field of Middle
Eastern studies during his time at university
and was thereafter elected by the British
Museum to go on an expedition to Northern
Syria in 1910, for the express purpose of
excavating the ancient Hittite city of
Carchemish. It was on this assignment that
Lawrence was first encouraged at the behest of
the British administration to conduct some
reconnaissance into the ongoing German and
Ottoman railway bridge construction being built
across the Euphrates.
In 1914, Lawrence –still posing as an
archaeologist, was assigned to another mission
in the region, this time the British intelligence
wanted him and his colleague to conduct some
military surveys in the desert regions.
During these early missions on behalf of the
British secret services, Lawrence grew fond of
the Arabian culture - its nobility, simplicity and
generosity, traits which he had perceived as
being deficient if not totally absent from
Western culture.
Lawrence immersed himself in the Arabian
environs enriching himself with knowledge of
ancient Arab war strategies, cultural nuances
and subtleties that would be impressive even to
the most traditional Arab chiefs. He embraced
the language, the customs and the even dress
of the Hashemite clan with such enthusiasm
that some of his fellow British officers held him
in contempt for his resemblance and affinity
with the Arabs, whom they were conditioned to
see as primitive and uncivilized.
Much of Lawrence’s acquired experience and
insight into Arab culture and military strategy
was preserved in his famous memoire entitled
“Seven Pillars of Wisdom”, which still informs
and inspires modern battle techniques
practiced by the SAS and other elite military
suites.

ILM FILM STUDIOS 31

T.E Lawrence’s subsequent career with the British intelligence service was almost inevitable given
his exceptional grasp of the Arabic language, his intellectual brilliance and physical endurance
among other traits that made him virtually irresistible to British agencies seeking to infiltrate the
Arabian Peninsula. For his services, the British would reward Lawrence with a monthly salary and
allowance of two hundred thousand pounds, with which he could incentivize and entice the Arabs
to rise up against the Ottomans.
Yet for all his romanticism of the Arab people and their ancient culture, Lawrence was in essence
nothing more than a foreign agent carrying out espionage on behalf of the enemy. Though he may
genuinely have had some goodwill towards the Arabs and their struggle for sovereignty, his
sentiments mattered very little to his British superiors who were shaping policy in the region.

Although Lawrence was not making the final decisions, his indirect influence on British policy in the
Hijaz was significant enough to gain the confidence of Winston Churchill, who lacked personal
knowledge of the matter.
Despite his heavy involvement in the Arab struggle against the Ottomans, Lawrence was fully
aware of his government’s deceitful motives, yet he fought and accompanied the rebels through
the desert as they sacrificed their lives and participated in the dismantling of the Ottoman Empire
for a cause that did not have their best interest at heart.

ILM FILM STUDIOS 32

 CHAPTER 16
INDECENT PROPOSALS (1914 – 1917)
ILM FILM STUDIOS
THE SYKES-PICOT AGREEMENT
As we have already discussed, the British were engaged in three key sets of negotiations that
would have lasting impact on the Muslim world following the Great War. The first of the three was
the correspondence between Sir Henry McMahon and Sharif Hussein of Makkah.
The second set of negotiations also began in 1915, the same year in which the British were
engaged in correspondence with Sharif Hussein. A secret pact between the British, the Russians
and the French developed over a series of meetings discussing the question of how the Ottoman
realm would be divided between them after the war was over.
Russia demanded control of Istanbul and mainland Turkey as this was a strategic choice given
Turkey’s central position between Russia and the rest of Europe. As Russia was also a patron of
the Armenian Christians who had been living under Ottoman rule in Turkey, control of this region
would serve a dual purpose. France wanted a protectorate in Lebanon and parts of Syria while
Britain demanded control of the mainland Arab territories including Iraq, Palestine, Egypt and
Transjordan.

Between them, they divided the Middle East into three distinct zone. What remained was a joint
territory that would be shared by the British and the French, this was Palestine. This secret pact
came to be known as the ‘Sykes-Picot agreement’ , it was signed secretly in 1916 between British
Mark Sykes and French Francois Georges-Picot.
Perhaps rather revealingly, in 1916, Sykes began to deliver public lectures during which he would
repeatedly cite a new descriptive term for what was commonly known as Mesopotamia, he
increasingly began to refer to 'the Middle East,' which as we now know was a term invented by the
American naval officer and historian Alfred Thayer Mahan in 1902, which became the primary
object of the Sykes-Picot pact.

ILM FILM STUDIOS 33

THEODOR HERZL
In addition to the Sykes Picot agreement and the McMahon-Hussein correspondences. The British
were engaged in a third set of negotiations, which predated the previous two agreements by a
year, when as early as 1914 – at the outset of the Great War, British Cabinet members were
engaged in negotiations with powerful Jewish lobbyists, most notably, they were communicating
with a certain Theodor Herzl - an Austro-Hungarian academic, journalist and political ideologue
who established the foundations of political Zionism by creating the Zionist Organization.

Though a secular Jew himself, Theodor lobbied and campaigned tirelessly for the creation of a
Jewish state that would accommodate Jewish immigration from all over the world and serve as a
homeland. Theodor and his patrons had designs to make Palestine and Jordan their designated
homeland.
In February 1896, Theodor Herzl published his famous book entitled Der Judenstaat (The State of
the Jews). In it, the Father of Zionism proclaimed his vision for the creation a Jewish State in
Argentina or Palestine – a land in which he had not set foot before. The dream of a Jewish State
was to provide somewhere for Jews to migrate towards in pursuit of freedom to practice their
religion and culture freely and without fear of persecution. His ideology garnered mounting support
from several prominent Jews, however - not everyone was sympathetic.
Theodor Herzl’s proposed Jewish State in Palestine was criticized by the Orthodox Jewish
community and those who had already settled in America, his Jewish opponents considered him a
deviant and saw his attempts to create a new Jewish homeland as disruptive to their integration in
places such as America, Britain and Russia.
Yet, notwithstanding the opposition from some Jewish factions – Theodor Herzl exhorted himself to
great lengths in an attempt to spread his vision amongst people of rank and influence across
Europe. His most ambitious objective was to secure a meeting with the leader of the Ottoman
Empire himself, Sultan Abdulhamid II. It must be noted that historically speaking, anti-Semitism
was uncommon within the Muslim world, Jews all over the Christian world had been granted
asylum and peace under the rule of successive Muslim Empires, the Ottomans were no exception
to this. The fact that Zionism’s founding ideologue felt it appropriate to seek the audience of an
Ottoman Sultan for the purpose of purchasing land in Palestine on behalf of the Jewish people is in
itself a testament to the trust and respect that Jews reserved for Muslim authority and rule.

ILM FILM STUDIOS 34

Thus on the 15th of June 1896, Theodor Herzl attempted to arrange a meeting with Sultan
Abdulhamid through Count Filip Michał Newleński, a sympathetic Polish émigré with political
contacts in the Ottoman Court. The goal of this meeting would be to present Herzl’s proposal for a
Jewish State, in Palestine. The meeting would not take place on this occasion and Theodor Herzl
persisted in his pursuit by instead visiting the Grand Vizier who listened to the proposal from Herzl.
The deal was that Turkish foreign debt would be cleared by the Jewish community and financial
support would be provided for the governance of the Ottoman economy in exchange for a Jewish
state in Palestine, under Ottoman rule. Nothing came of the meeting and Theodor Herzl left
Istanbul only to return five years later on the 17th of May 1901. This time he was determined to
meet with Sultan Abdulhamid II, and he did. Following the Zionist proposal and promise of financial
compensation in return for a Jewish state in Palestine, Sultan Abdulhamid II refused to yield or
compromise.
Theodor Herzl had also visited Jerusalem in October 1898 hoping to coordinate his visit with that
of the German Emperor Keiser Wilhelm II – who was a known friend of the Ottoman Sultan
Abdulhamid II. Herzl was successful in meeting with Keiser Wilhelm on a public arena on the 29th
of October 1898. A few days later the pair would meet again. However, Herlz’s attempt to garner
support and endorsement from powerful leaders did not stop there, he would make attempts to
meet Pope Pius X and would travel to Cairo, St. Petersburg and perhaps more importantly, he
would visit London where he established some very key connections with the British
administration.

ILM FILM STUDIOS 35

THE ZIONIST FACTOR
In Britain, Theodor Herzl found favour and opportunities to begin a set of negotiations for the
realization of the Jewish State. The British had a vast empire and ruled over several territories that
could easily have accommodated the Jewish community, places such as Uganda were even
presented to the Zionists as a potential home for the Jews, but this was not accepted, instead the
Zionists pursued the ambitious plan to settle in Palestine, which at the time incorporated Jordan.
The region was the main focus of Judeo-Christians Messianic enthusiasts - amongst whom was
David Lloyd George who had served as a legal aid and representative of the Zionist movement
through his private law firm Lloyd George, Roberts & Co - before his post of Prime Minister of
Britain. Lloyd George was also a Christian enthusiast who some say even sought to precipitate the
arrival of the Messiah by helping the Jews return to Jerusalem.

However, there are alternative explanations and theories for Britain’s active participation and
facilitation of the Zionist objective. Amongst these theories is that Britain in 1917 was under the
economic and military strains of war and decided to support the Zionist aspirations in a political
gesture aimed at winning over public approval from America and Russia, the former had remained
neutral up until that point and Britain had hoped to get their involvement and support while Russia
was dealing with its own internal revolutions and was likely to fall out of the coalition – according to
this theory the British almost offered Palestine to the Zionist Jews as an incentive to gain the
support and approval of powerful Jewish voices present in American and in Russia.
Perhaps a more realistic and likely explanation for Britain’s negotiations with the Zionists was that
of the financial influence that the Jewish community in Britain had over the political establishment.
This is of course always a powerful lobbying tool. Yet despite all of these divergent theories as to
why the British even engaged in such negotiations with the Zionists over a Jewish homeland, the
undeniable fact is that such negotiations did in fact take place.
However, the fact that The Zionists had engaged with the British government in an effort to seize
Palestine as their homeland did not necessarily mean that all Jews were of the same persuasion,
in fact – during the negotiations, the only Jewish member of the British Parliament was Edwin
Samuel Montagu. He was vehemently opposed to the idea that Palestine should be awarded to
the Zionists, when the motion was elected for votes in August 1917. Unlike his parliamentary
colleagues, Edwin Samuel Montagu could foresee conflict and tensions between the Arab Muslims
of Palestine and the Zionist Jews who were going to be planted in their midst.

ILM FILM STUDIOS 36

He was outvoted by the Cabinet on the 2nd of November 1917, when British Foreign Secretary Sir
Arthur Balfour wrote a telegram to Lord Baron Rothschild, the highest ranking Jew in Britain and a
leading member of the Zionist organization, announcing the news of Britain’s support for the
Zionist plant to settle in Palestine.

Dear Lord Rothschild, I have much pleasure in conveying to you, on behalf of His
Majesty's Government, the following declaration of sympathy with Jewish Zionist
aspirations which has been submitted to, and approved by, the Cabinet: His Majesty's
Government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the
Jewish people, and will use their best endeavours to facilitate the achievement of this
object, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the
civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights
and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country. I should be grateful if you
would bring this declaration to the knowledge of the Zionist Federation
(Sir Arthur Balfour, 2 November 1917)

This historic correspondence came to be known as the Balfour Declaration and it encouraged the
immigration of over 18,500 Jews towards Palestinian shores between 1919 and 1921 alone.
Although in legalistic terms the document promised virtually nothing to the Zionists and Britain was
yet again not bound by any obligation to deliver what they had promised, the document was still
instrumental in helping them officiate a claim for Palestine by royal British decree – this became
vital after the Great War ended and the Middle East was being prepared for division between the
European Allies.
Despite the duplicitous and deceptive double-dealings of the British towards the Arab rebels and
the Jewish Zionists, in actuality – such promises and negotiations were ambiguous and opaque in
their terms and timelines. It could even be said that Britain never truly intended to fulfil any of its
promises to begin with.

ILM FILM STUDIOS 37

SYKES-PICOT EXPOSED
While Theodor Herzl and his Zionist organization were gaining favour and support. The British
were still engaging with the French as per the Sykes and Picot agreement, which was a well
preserved secret until it was unexpectedly leaked to the world by the revolutionary Bolsheviks who
had seized power in Russia and found a copy of the document in the Tsarist archives, which they
decided to publish in 1917 as a means of exposing and humiliating the Tsarist Russian
government and their French and British co-conspirators. This would be very evidently a case of
double if not even triple dealing treachery towards the Arabs, with whom McMahon has been in
negotiations with the promise of a united Arab Caliphate.
News of this secret agreement was republished a few days later in the New York Times and the
Manchester Guardian, the plot was now fully exposed and could potentially jeopardize British
interests in the Middle East.

Excerpt from the Manchester Guardian. Monday, 26 November 1917. This was the first English-
language reference to what became known as the Sykes Picot Agreement.

Sharif Hussein bin ‘Ali al-Hashemi of Makkah and his three sons, especially Faisal bin Hussein al-
Hashemi, the field commander – were devastated by the crushing realisation of Britain’s true
agenda. Although the Hashemite clan was previously alert to the fact that the French had their
eyes on claiming Syria after the war, they were not prepared for Britain’s betrayal at all, in fact –
Sharif Hussein was under the impression that Britain was protecting the Arabs against French
interests in the region, not secretly colluding with the French the entire time.
Yet despite the startling reality, it was perhaps too late for the Hashemites to desist from their
mission and the only plausible option for them was to continue with the rebellion against the
Ottomans. They still had enough faith and hope in the British to hold on for some potential change
in the plans, perhaps once the war was over they would be able to appease the British.

ILM FILM STUDIOS 38

 CHAPTER 17
CHRISTMAS CATASTROPHE (1917)
ILM FILM STUDIOS
FALL OF JERUSALEM
Back on the war front. Britain invaded Iraq in 1915 and by the March the 11th they had conquered
Baghdad, the once mighty seat of the Abbasid Empire. Sometime later, the army led by General
Edmund Allenby was instructed to conquer Jerusalem in time for Christmas - by none other than
British Prime Minister and Zionist supporter, David Lloyd George. The Prime Minister of Britain had
his eyes set on the holy city while the Ottoman forces were distracted in the Hijaz and preoccupied
with the Hashemite rebellion.
As British and Zionist interests in Jerusalem intensified, Ottoman War Minister Enver Pasha and
his army commanders convened in Aleppo on June 24th 1917 to discuss the fate of Palestine.
From Egypt, General Allenby would march his troops into Gaza to confront the Ottoman forces in
three fierce battles that would last several months. The Turks successfully defeated the British
during the first two battles in Gaza - when British forces failed to pierce Ottoman ranks along the
Gaza-Beersheba line. However, the British military persisted in Gaza and returned on the 7th of
November 1917 for the third military engagement with the Ottomans, they launched a major
offensive operation at the Gaza-Beersheba defence line which proved to be successful.

ILM FILM STUDIOS 39

Unexpectedly, the British had reached Jerusalem on the 7th of December 1917 and began their
military attack on the city. By the 9th of December they were just a few days away from the
Christmas deadline and it looked very likely that the British Prime Minister would get his present
and the Ottomans could finally be expelled from the holy city after 400 years of rule.
In biblical terms, the British conquest of Jerusalem could be described as a miracle. General
Allenby’s entire campaign had lasted for forty days and forty nights and he consummated his
momentous achievement on the 11th of December 1917 by entering the holy city on foot, stepping
into the chapters of history as the 34th conqueror of Jerusalem.
General Edmund Allenby continued his victory march by resuming his military campaign
northward, driving into Syria, capturing key positions along the way and routing out Ottoman forces
at the battle of Megiddo before occupying Damascus in October. Facing little resistance, Allenby’s
men continued their sweep northward, reaching Aleppo. The destruction of the Ottoman army in
Syria ended the war in the Middle East.

General Edmund Allenby Commemorates His

Victorious Entrance Into Jerusalem

ILM FILM STUDIOS 40

 CHAPTER 18
EMPIRE NO MORE (1918)
ILM FILM STUDIOS
MEANWHILE IN ISTANBUL
On February the 10th 1918, Ottoman Sultan Abdulhamid II died, and with him - the final hope for an
Islamic revival in the Ottoman Empire. The grief that followed the Sultan’s death was only
intensified by the devastating effects of Istanbul’s Great fire which broke out a month later on the
13th of March 1918, destroying 7,500 homes.
On July the 3rd 1918, yet another Ottoman Sultan passed away and Istanbul mourned twice in just
six months. Sultan Mehmet Reshad V was replaced by Sultan Mehmed VI Vahideddin on the 4th
of July 1918 and within a few weeks Istanbul was subject to major aerial assaults (23 July 1918).
Towards the final months of 1918, hardly a week would go by without a new catastrophe in
Istanbul. Each catastrophic turn of events would be succeeded by an even worse one with
tensions in the city heightening on November the 13th 1918, with the arrival of fifty five Allied force
warships.
Finally, on the 21st of December 1918, the Ottoman Parliament would be dissolved for a third time
in as many months - on the orders of Mehmed VI Vahideddin.

ILM FILM STUDIOS 41

THE RUSSIAN RETREAT
1918 proved equally as challenging for the Russians – who were also showing signs of weakness
following a devastating revolutionary wave and civil unrest that erupted a year earlier in 1917,
instigated by the Bolsheviks. With an economic, political and civil state of emergency, the Russians
were no longer capable of sustaining a war effort. Compelled by the overwhelming and
insurmountable challenges coupled with a change of government, the Russians opted for a peace
settlement with the Central Powers by signing the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk on the 3rd of March 1918,
officially marking Russia’s exit from the Great War.
Soviet Russia’s view on foreign policy was encapsulated by Lenin’s ideological opposition against
what he called "Great Russian chauvinism" when he wrote the following words in 1915;

‘We Great Russian workers must demand that our government should get out of Mongolia,
Turkestan, and Persia’.

The treaty confirmed the terms of agreement in which the new Russian government would no
longer honor the agreements made by the Tsarist Russian Empire with her Allied partners,
meaning that eleven nations including Ukraine - would be granted their independence from
Russian governance both in Eastern Europe and western Asia.

From this moment onwards, Imperial Russia ceased to exist and Soviet Russia emerged. The
Ottomans took advantage of this situation in order to capture new territories in series of successive
military victories against Russia in key cities such as Trabzon (on February 25th), Malazgirt (on
March 23rd), Sarıkamış (April 5th), Van (April 6th), Doğubeyazıt (April 14th) and Kars (April 26th).
Yet despite vanquishing the Russians and dividing their territory, Enver Pasha felt a growing
unease with his German counterparts, somehow he was no longer convinced that the Germans
were seeking the same goals he was. In fact, it appeared that the Germans were beginning to
overlook the interests of the Ottomans altogether, now that Russia was no longer a problem to
them.
It was now becoming evident that Germany’s interest in the Ottoman Empire was predicated on its
own interests in the Eastern front, which is why when Enver Pasha decided to consult the
Germans about the possibility of sending Turkish troops over to southern Russia, the Germans
rejected his proposal and instructed him to mind his own business.

ILM FILM STUDIOS 42

The trust between the Ottomans and the Germans began to weaken as each party grew more
suspicious and cautious over the intentions of the other. On July the 10th 1918, Enver Pasha
ordered that a new Ottoman army be mobilized under the name of ‘The Islamic Army of the
Caucasus’, it was not surprising that this army unit was exclusively comprised of Muslim soldiers
and did not have any German participants at all. With the Russians out of the war – the Ottoman
alliance with Germany became a liability and no longer a worthwhile accessory to the Ottomans,
the sentiment was mutual.
Between the 31st of July and the 2nd of August 1918, The Islamic Army of the Caucasus launched
an unsuccessful mission to capture the oil fields of Baku. However, undeterred by this setback, the
Islamic Army would proceed to capture Petrovsk on the 28th of October 1918 in what was to
become the last successful offensive by the Ottoman Empire during the Great War. This was to
spell the end of the road for the Turks.

THE END (1918)

In October 1918 the British had entered Syria and conquered Damascus and on November 13th
1918 they finally conquered Istanbul, but on the eleventh hour of the eleventh day of the eleventh
month in the year 1918, the Germans finally surrendered to the Allied Forces and the Great War
came to an end.
The Central Powers had lost the war, it was a catastrophe but not unprecedented. Since 1699 the
Ottomans had lost most of the wars they had fought. This final defeat brought this once mighty
empire to the negotiating table, unable to put up any further resistance.

ILM FILM STUDIOS 43

 CHAPTER 19
THE SIEGE OF MADINAH (1916 – 1919)
ILM FILM STUDIOS
FAHREDDIN PASHA
Even after the end of the Great War - in November 1918, the Ottoman Empire successfully held
onto its last bastion of faith in the Arabian Peninsula, it was the city of Al-Madinah which for over
two years and seven months was being sieged by the rebellious Hashemite army under the
leadership of Sharif Hussain Ibn ‘Ali al-Hashemi.
The siege of Madinah was one of the longest sieges in recorded history - it began in October
1916, the year of the Arab revolt against the Ottoman Empire. Initially the Arabs had sought to
conquer the city with the help of the British however due to heavy resistance from the Turkish
soldiers guarding the integrity of Madinah and that of the much coveted Hijaz Railway, this
conquest was not possible.

Defeated but not deterred, the Sharif and his three sons, Faisal, ‘Abdullah and ‘Ali began to
strategize and plan on how they would capture Madinah.
In a calculated and determined effort, the Hashemite Arab rebels developed training camps in
Makkah which enlisted Bedouin clans and Arab deserters from the Ottoman army. The recruits
numbering approximately thirty thousand, were assigned to one of three military units. The
Northern unit was under the command of Faisal ibn Hussein and was charged with blocking
Madinah from the Northern frontier, while the Southern region of Madinah was to be blocked by
the military unit commanded by ‘Ali ibn Hussein and the Eastern region was to be blocked by the
army of ‘Abdullah ibn Hussein.
The military operation was very carefully planned, with the assistance of British and French
strategists including Faisal ibn Hussein’s close friend and confident, T.E Lawrence.
ILM FILM STUDIOS 44
During the long and difficult years in which Madinah was held captive by the Arab rebels, the Hijaz
Railway was targeted for hundreds of bomb attacks and sabotage attempts. The Ottoman
defenders of Madinah were under the command of Fahreddin Pasha – a man who fought and
urged his soldiers to preserve the integrity of the holy city even unto death. Forced to retreat for
cover following the intense pressure from British and Arab troops, Fahreddin had arrived in the city
of Madinah just a week ahead of the Arab rebels, his Hijaz Expeditionary Force was comprised of
fourteen thousand men, just under half the size of the Arab rebel forces.

Yet despite their support from the British and the intense struggle that accompanied the Arab siege
of Madinah, Sharif Hussein bin ‘Ali was unable to win the loyalty and reverence of the Arab tribes
whom he had ambitions to govern, furthermore some chieftains were likely to betray him or even
turn against him when he least expected it. But most concerning for the Sharif was the fact that
Britain had been colluding with yet another aspiring Arab clan from the Eastern region of Najd. A
direct and bitter rival to the Hashemites – the Al-Saud were led by a young and charismatic Abdul
‘Aziz al-Saud. The British administration was working with the al-Saud to achieve similar goals of
dismantling Ottoman rule in the region in return for the promise of Saudi dominion of the Hijaz,
once the Turks were vanquished from Arabia. Details of these deals and promises were kept
hidden from the Sharif and his rebels.
ILM FILM STUDIOS 45
Meanwhile, the Ottoman administration grew more distant and detached from the actions of Sharif
Hussein in Madinah. In an attempt to subvert his destructive actions in the holy city, the Ottomans had
appointed ‘Ali Haydar, the Sharif’s own cousin and a leading figure of a sub-clan. ‘Ali Haydar’s post was
short lived and he soon relinquished it, however upon his departure he imparted the following words of
advice towards Fahreddin Pasha:

”The protection of this Tomb [of the Prophet] is in the hands of Allāh, but you are
His instrument. I leave it in your care. Be worthy of the trust”

Preoccupied by the Arab rebels’ siege of Madinah, Fahreddin Pasha and his soldiers were in no position to
offer reinforcement and help in the Palestinian front as the British proceeded to capture Jerusalem in
December of 1917 and then went on to capture Damascus in October of 1918. Britain had successfully
managed to divert the Ottomans and secured its ultimate prize.
Back in Madinah, the Arab rebels were growing frustrated with the resistance and fortitude of the Ottoman
defence commanded by Fahreddin Pasha. In a move to dissuade the Turks from continuing their struggle,
Sharif Hussein sent a letter to Fahreddin Pasha suggesting that he surrender once and for all. In his
response, Fahreddin Pasha wrote the following words to Sharif Hussein:
“To Him who broke the power of Islam. I am now under the protection of the
Prophet (‫ )ﷺ‬and Most High commander, I am busying myself with
strengthening the defences and the building of roads and squares in Madinah.
Please do not preoccupy me with useless requests.”
Fahreddin Pasha also informed Sharif Hussein about of a dream he had seen wherein the Prophet
Muhammad (‫ )ﷺ‬had appeared to the pasha and instructed him to walk in his blessed footsteps.

ILM FILM STUDIOS 46

Undeterred from his mission, Fahreddin Pasha responded with the same spirit of courage and
determination to defend Madinah when a second correspondence arrived, suggesting that he
surrender to the besieging forces outside Madinah, this time the letter was on behalf of the British
administration sent by the High Commissioner of Egypt, Reginald Wingate.
Finally, a command was sent from the Ottoman Sultan to Madinah, requesting that the Ottoman
soldiers surrender the City of Madinah and return to Turkey. Fahreddin Pasha ascended the pulpit
of the Prophet Muhammed (‫)ﷺ‬, addressing his soldiers in what was to become one of Islamic
history’s most moving and heart-breaking sermons. Fahreddin Pasha, the Defender of Madinah
urged his fellow Muslims to defend the honour and integrity of Madinah and that of the Prophet (‫)ﷺ‬
with their very lives, despite the overwhelming adversity.
The Turkish defence of Madinah lasted an additional seventy two days following the end of the
Great War. The Ottoman guard was suffering severe starvation and continuous assault from the
Arab rebels who had blocked all supplies from entering the city.

Sadly, not even the most dedicated of efforts were sufficient from holding off the rebels indefinitely
and on the morning of October 30th 1918, the military resistance of the Ottomans and their
German ally had collapsed, an armistice agreement was signed in Mudros which brought the
Middle Eastern theatre between the Ottomans and the Allies to an end. The Ottoman garrisons in
the Hijaz, Asir and Yemen were to yield to the next Allied commander, there was no more hope for
the Turks in Arabia, it truly was the end.
On the morning of January the 9th 1919, a delegation of Ottoman envoys from Istanbul visited
Madinah to persuade Fahreddin to accept the terms of surrender. Fahreddin had, however, retired
to the Prophet’s tomb. There, he was finally arrested by his own men and the siege was thus
brought to an end. The following day on January the 10th 1919 – Fahreddin Pasha and around
eight thousand Turkish soldiers surrendered and were expelled to Egypt where he was imprisoned
before being exiled to Malta and held captive for two years.
The Arab rebels under the command of ‘Abdullah ibn Hussein entered Madinah on the 13th of
January 1919 and went on to ravage the holy city for at least twelve consecutive days, looting and
wreaking havoc throughout Madinah. Accounts of the atrocities were documented by an Egyptian
colonel - Sadiq Yahya, who was an eye witness to the conquest of Madinah by the Arab rebels.

ILM FILM STUDIOS 47

 CHAPTER 20
PARIS PEACE TREATY (1919 – 1920)
ILM FILM STUDIOS
SPOILS OF WAR
Following the end of the Great War, the Allied European nations began to conduct a series of
meetings discussing the fate of Germany, the new state of things in Europe and how to govern the
vanquished Ottoman territories in the Middle East.
In 1919 they decided to meet in Paris for a Peace Treaty to finalize the negotiations and it was
during this conference that the Middle East was divided between the French and British. The
borders and boundaries for new states and nations were drawn arbitrarily with tribes and clans
being shifted and classified in accordance to imperialist interests.
Decisions, by all accounts, including those of the participants, were made with little knowledge of,
or concern for, the lands and peoples about which and whom the decisions were made. It would
not be entirely incorrect to state that the sole objective of negotiations in Paris was to partition the
former Ottoman Empire into vassal states and governed by puppet regimes, drawing boundaries
and imposing rulers while ignoring the interests of those who actually lived there.

We must put an end to anything, which brings about any

Islamic unity between the sons of the Muslims. The situation
now is that Turkey is dead and will never rise again, because we
have destroyed its moral strength, the Caliphate and Islam.

Former British Foreign Secretary, Lord Curzon,

at the House of Commons after Treaty of Lausanne

ILM FILM STUDIOS 48

THE KING-CRANE COMMISSION
During the Paris Peace conference of 1919, Arab and Zionist representatives had presented their
conflicting petitions for governorship of Palestine. American president Woodrow Wilson had
remained neutral on this debate but decided to commission an independent study of the Arab
region encompassing Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, Iraq and Palestine.
The enquiry was conducted by two Western Orientalists, Henry C. King and Charles R. Crane who
had been sent to the Middle East in order to ascertain the kind of political settlement that local
people actually favored. The commissioners sampled public opinion by meeting local leaders and
collecting signed petitions. King and Crane returned with a verdict that it was impossible to
establish an independent Jewish homeland in the region without conflict and bloodshed.
The King-Crane Commission received 260 petitions, of which 222 were opposed to European
colonization. The report itself states the following:

‘it is to be remembered that the non-Jewish population of

Palestine — nearly nine tenths of the whole (90%)— are
emphatically against the whole Zionist program … there was
no one thing upon which the population of Palestine were more
agreed than upon this.’

Portrait of the King-Crane Commission at the Hotel Royal, Beirut, July 1919

ILM FILM STUDIOS 49

In fact, a subsequent study by Yosef Gorny (Zionism and the Arabs 1882-1948) reveals that
Palestinian Arabs had organized protests against Zionist settlement in as early as 1891.

‘500 Jerusalem Arab notables protested against the revival of

Jewish immigration and complained that ‘the Jews are taking
all the land out of Muslim hands and taking over all the
commerce…’
(Yosef Gorny, p. 21)

Demonstrating clearly that Arabs had long been aware of Zionist ambitions in Palestine and
opposed its designs from the very beginning.

Based on their research and findings, King and Crane thus made recommendations to scrap the
project altogether. Yet despite the very powerful and detailed report from King and Crane, the drive
to deliver Palestine to the Zionists was still popular, and the following year in 1920, the French and
British began to carve out the Middle East in accordance to the plans agreed in the document
signed by Sykes and Picot – this process is now historically referred to as the Treaty of Versailles.

ILM FILM STUDIOS 50

 CHAPTER 21
THE FOUR HORSEMEN
ILM FILM STUDIOS
SEE YOU IN ISTANBUL
On the eve of Ottoman Turkey’s eminent demise, the Western Allied forces and their associates
now sure of their victory over the dying Empire began to congregate in Istanbul to mark their
dominance and ascendancy in the heart of the once great Ottoman capital. A procession of forty
two British, French, Italian and Greek naval ships maneuvered past the Dardanelles, now cleared
of mines, and sailed triumphantly into Istanbul. Above them was an equally magnificent display of
conquest made by Allied planes hovering beneath the heavens. The allied troops landed on
Ottoman soil, victorious.
This was a historic moment and the Christian communities in Istanbul came out to welcome their
victors and liberators as thousands of military officers marched in procession through the streets,
showered by flowers thrown out of windows - as wine was poured out in abundance.

OPERATION NEMESIS
The Muslim residents of Istanbul were overwhelmed by despair and humiliation while the Young
Turk leadership had boarded a German vessel secretly on the night of November the 1st 1919
heading for Odesa from where they completed their journey overland to Berlin and were granted
asylum by the German administration. Meanwhile, the Ottoman government in Istanbul was being
chastised by the Allied forces for its part in the Armenian genocide, despite attempts by the
Ottoman government to shift the blame towards the Young Turk administration who had passed
the laws sanctifying the persecution and massacre of Armenians.
The CUP leadership was found culpable for the atrocities and several low ranking officers were
executed for their involvement in the Armenian genocide. The leading members of the CUP were
sentenced in absentia as they had been living in exile in Berlin under the protection of their
German patrons.
Though they were out of Turkey, the leading Young Turk officers were not completely out of sight.
Soon therefaster an Armenian vigilante group had arisen. The Dashnak were militants who sought
to avenge the murder of hundreds of thousands of Armenians by ordering and executing scores of
assassinations on leading Young Turks, at home and abroad. ‘Operation Nemesis’ was launched
thereafter and between March 1921 and July 1922, several leading members of the defunct CUP
were assassinated abroad. Talaat Pasha who was assassinated in Berlin, Ismail Enver Pasha
assassinated in Central Asia and Grand Vizier Said Halim Pasha assassinated in Rome.

ILM FILM STUDIOS 51

VICTORY IS OURS
On February the 8th 1919, French General Franchet d’Esperey, commander of the Allied Army,
entered Istanbul mounted on a white horse. This symbolic and profound gesture was reminiscent
of the biblical passage describing the Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse, one of whom was
saddled on a white horse and is biblically referred to as Conquest or the White Rider.

And I saw, and behold a white horse: and he that sat on him
had a bow; and a crown was given unto him: and he went forth
conquering, and to conquer.
Revelations 6:2, King James Version

But if the French were the Conquerors then the Greeks were comparable to Thanatos the
Destroyer of Empires who rode on a pale horse. Unlike the French who arrived in Istanbul as
foreign conquerors, the Greek community represented a native component of the Ottoman Empire
that had long struggled and sacrificed itself for sovereignty and liberation. The Greeks had a
historic vendetta against the Turks, it was deeply rooted in religious, ethnic and political grounds.
So when the Ottomans had finally surrendered on their knees, Greek Prime Minister - Eleftherios
Venizelos demanded control of East Thrace as well as the Aegean shores of Anatolia, including
Izmir. He demanded that these territories be annexed to the Greeks, it was time for reparations.
In April 1919, British Foreign Minister, Lord Balfour – put forth a recommendation to classify
Istanbul a neutral zone under the administration of the League of Nations. This was a
precautionary and preventative policy designed to prevent in-fighting between the various nations
that were now arriving in Istanbul and preparing to receive their own slice of the Ottoman cake.
The Italians arrived on their warship (Caio Duilio) and anchored at Izmir on the 29th of April 1919,
just a few weeks before the Allied nations sanctioned the Greek occupation of Izmir on the 6th of
May 1919. The Greek army occupied Izmir a week later and Journalist Hasan Tahsin would go on
to ignite the beginning of Turkish resistance by shooting a Greek flag bearer.

ILM FILM STUDIOS 52

TURKISH RESISTANCE
Defeated but not deterred, the Turks begin to reassemble and revive hope for sovereignty and
Turkish nationalism, when Mustafa Kemal and a number of his associates arrived in the northern
Turkish coast of Samsun on the evening of May 19th 1919. His mission to Samsun was to
demobilize the Ottoman army there however in an ironic twist of history, Mustafa Kemal arrived in
Samsun and decided to defy the Sultan’s orders – instead, he sparked off the Turkish War of
Independence. Turkish resistance to Allied demands began at the very onset of the Ottoman
Empire's defeat in World War I, with several Ottoman officials participating in the secret Sentinel
Association to subvert and undermine the dominance of Allied forces over Turkey.
Taking charge of the resistance struggle, Mustafa Kemal established a base in Mintika Palace
Hotel from where he and his associates could command operations and mobilize resistance.
Mustafa Kamal also conducted a public campaign in Samsun by disseminating information about
the Greek and Italian presence in Istanbul.

He was able to instill pride and passion in the hearts and minds of the Turkish masses due to his
hero status following the magnificent victory in Gallipoli wherein he came to be known as the ‘Hero
of Anafartalar” and the “Honorary Aide-de-camp to His Majesty Sultan”. However, Mustafa Kamal
was also attentive to the fact that not all factions within Turkish society could be so easily swayed
to support his movement, so he began to initiate contact with army units in Anatolia and developed
a wide and unified network of Turkish nationalist groups working and collaborating together for the
purpose of attaining Turkish independence and sovereignty.
In fact, Mustafa Kamal even began discussions with Colonel Semyon Budyonny, the head of a
Bolshevik delegation who had met with the Turkish Nationalists following the collapse of Tsarist
Russia. The Bolsheviks would later supply Turkish Nationalists with weapons in their struggle
against the Allied forces while simultaneously instilling communist ideology within their ranks.
Following his first week in Samsun, Mustafa Kemal relocated some 85km away to Havza from
where he continued to organize and mobilize his supporters culminating in the pronouncement of
his famous Amasya Declaration on June the 22nd 1920, wherein Mustafa Kamal declared Turkey’s
indomitable struggle to attain independence by virtue of the Turkish people’s determination.

ILM FILM STUDIOS 53

 CHAPTER 22
ISTANBUL OR ANKARA (1920)
ILM FILM STUDIOS
 FATWA FRENZY
The British began to sense that a Turkish Nationalist movement was flourishing; it was a
movement with goals against British interests, while the British felt that the serving Ottoman
government was not doing enough to suppress these nationalists.
Assessing the mounting tension and explosive atmosphere, the British decided to leave Istanbul to
the Turks on the 6th of January 1920 – however it became conclusively clear that the Ottoman
administration could no longer control its own affairs and that it was nearing its final phase when
the last Ottoman Parliamentary session was concluded on the 12th of January 1920, during which
the Sultan delivered a speech before a defiant telegram from Mustafa Kamal was read out
announcing the establishment of a counter-government in Ankara, thereby opposing the Sultan’s
parliamentary administration in Istanbul.
In an effort to discredit and undermine Mustafa Kamal’s Turkish nationalist resistance movement,
Şeyhülislam Dürrizade Abdullah Efendi acting on behalf of last the Ottoman administration, issued
a Fatwa against members of the Turkish nationalist movement. The Fatwa sentenced Mustafa
Kemal and other prominent nationalists to death in absentia. However, this Fatwa was met with
resistance and opposition from the Mufti of Ankara - Rifat Börekçi, who was consulted by Mustafa
Kamal in an attempt to defend the nationalist movement by issuing a counter-Fatwa declaring that
the capital was under the control of the infidels and that it was the duty of every Muslim to liberate
the Ottoman Caliphate from foreign occupation. If the Sultan was able to manipulate the religious
order for his own political ends, the Nationalists were determined to beat him at his own game.
Mustafa Kamal would enlist an additional 153 Anatolian Muftis to sign the Fatwa in favor of the
Nationalist movement, this would be a perfect counter balance to the powerful Fatwa of the
Şeyhülislam.

Şeyhülislam Dürrizade Abdullah Efendi In Ankara, Müftüsü Rifat Efendi and Mustafa Kamal

GREEK CONQUESTS
While the Turks deliberated over whether or not it was Islamically allowed to defend their territory on
the basis of Nationalism, the Greeks were united in their military campaign on Ottoman territory. By
June the 22nd 1920, the Greek military had started mounting attacks in Anatolia and proceeded to
move towards Bursa – the ancient capital city of the Ottoman Empire, which came under Greek
occupation on the 8th of July 1920 followed by Greek occupation a week later in Edirne and the entire
region of East Thrace on July the 15th 1920.
ILM FILM STUDIOS 54
SAN REMO
In April 1920, British Prime minister Lloyd George and his French, Italian and Japanese
counterparts congregated in San Remo where they were to discuss the implications of the three
sets of negotiations they had brokered with the Arabs, the Zionists and amongst themselves during
the course of the Great War. How were they to treat the terms of the Balfour Declaration, the
McMahon-Hussein correspondence and the Sykes-Picot agreements?
Following six consecutive days of negotiations and discussions, the participants of this meeting
had come to certain agreements about how they were to divide the conquered territories amongst
themselves and what the Arabs and Jews were going to be receiving after that.

San Remo Conference, Italy

April 19th – 26th 1920

Delegates to the Conference standing outside Villa Devachan, from left to right:

4. Matsui Keishirō (Japan)

2. Lloyd George (United Kingdom)
5. Curzon (United Kingdom)
6. Philippe Berthelot (France)
1. Alexandre Millerand (France)
7. Vittorio Scialoja (Italy)
3. Francesco Nitti (Italy)

ILM FILM STUDIOS 55

TREATY OF SEVRES
By August 1920, the Ottoman government had felt compelled to sign the Treaty of Sévres, under
which the Ottomans were to relinquish all administrative, legislative and economic governance to
the British in addition to abiding by the following terms of agreement which were binding:
In Arabia
• To grant independence to the regions of Hijaz, Armenia and Assyria.
• Palestine was completely surrendered to the British.
• Lebanon and Syria was awarded to the French.

In Turkey
• The Kurds were granted their own independent state as were the Armenians.
• Four key North Eastern Anatolian provinces including Trabzon, Erzurum, Bitlis and Van were to
be under Armenian sovereignty, they would be a part of the new Armenian Republic in the
Caucasus.
• The Kurds were given Diyar Bakir, which was situated towards the southern border of the
Armenian territory.
• Eastern Anatolia was to be divided between the Armenians and Kurds.
• Thrace and Western Anatolia, Edirne and the port city of Izmir were assigned to the Greeks.
• The Italians received rights to The Dodecanese and Rhodes with portions of southern Anatolia
including Konya. The French got everything from the Cilician coast to Sivas.
• Naval routes linking the Black Sea and the Mediterranean were confiscated from the Ottomans
with the Bosporus, Dardanelles and Sea of Marmara becoming demilitarized and governed by
the European states to the exclusion of the Turks.
• The Ottoman army was not permitted to exceed 50,000 soldiers, rendering it incapable of
posing any real threat to foreign armies.

The terms of this draft-treaty left nothing to the Turks other then the regions that were not
considered important such as Bursa, Ankara, Samsun and Istanbul. The terms were categorically
rejected by the Turkish Nationalist movement headed by Mustafa Kamal and his associates. They
continued to campaign against the British take-over of Turkey by establishing their own
independent Turkish republic in Ankara.
The Treaty of Sèvres was never enacted as intended, however Britain and her allies insisted that
Turkish Nationalists should comply with a set of modified and amended terms during what came to
be known as the ‘Conference of London’. The negotiations were hosted in London and gained the
attendance of both opposing political Turkish representatives, from Istanbul and Ankara.
These further negotiation attempts were also rejected by Turkish Nationalists, resulting in a further
diluted version of the Treaty of Sèvres, one which was more compatible with the terms outlined in
the Turkish Nationalist’s famous ‘National Oath’, publicized on the 12th of February 1920.

ILM FILM STUDIOS 56

 CHAPTER 23
TURKISH WAR OF INDEPENDENCE (1921 - 1923)
ILM FILM STUDIOS
THE TURKISH STATE
The political climate in Turkey began to subside from 1921 onwards, beginning with the ratification
of Turkey’s first Constitution by the Grand National Assembly of Turkey on the 20 th of January
1921 followed by the Soviet Union’s endorsement of the new Turkish State a few weeks later on
the 16th of March 1921.
In October of 1921, the Turks began to pronounce their sovereignty by signing peace agreements
with France and on the 23rd of October 1921 the Soviet Union became a signatory to the Treaty of
Kars which granted Turkish sovereignty over the cities of Kars and Ardahan in exchange for the
city of Batumi, which was surrendered to the Soviets.
Now finally making progress and no longer at risk of being stifled by the parliament in Istanbul, the
Turkish Nationalists began to enact the final few stages necessary to close Turkey’s Ottoman
chapter and herald in the new age of Turkish Nationalism.
On the 20th of October 1922, the Peace Conference of Lausanne commenced and within two
weeks the Ottoman Sultanate was abolished, followed by the departure of Sultan Mehmed VI
Vahideddin from Istanbul aboard the British warship Malaya which set sail towards Malta on
November the 17th 1922.
Centuries of Ottoman dynastic rule came to an end and the new Turkish republic parted ways with
its Ottoman heritage and now sought to carve a new and more European identity and legacy.
While these historic changes were being enacted in Turkey, back in France the negotiations at
Lausanne (Switzerland) were being interrupted by Turkish protesters resulting in delayed
settlements for a couple of months. However, when the talks resumed on the 23rd of April 1923,
the various participants including Turkey, Greece and other countries involved in the Great War
and in the Turkish Independence War - were able to reach agreeable terms, resulting in the
proclamation of a new Turkish Republic on the 29rd of October 1923.
Thereafter, the occupying forces were ordered to depart from Istanbul. Ankara - which had served
as the nerve center of the Turkish Nationalist movement became the official capital city of the new
Turkish Republic.

ILM FILM STUDIOS 57

At the end of Turkey’s war of independence, Mustafa Kamal would ascend to the office of
presidency, the first man in modern Turkish history to be initiated to such a post. President Mustafa
Kamal also came to be known as ‘Attaturk’, the ‘Father of Turks’ for his contribution to Turkish
Nationalism and the establishment of an independent and modern secular Turkish State.

His political influence characterizes and continues to color the agenda of Turkish parliamentary
procedure to this very day. His implementation of radical secularizing reforms within the new
republic, included religious, social and political transformations, but perhaps his most radical and
polarizing legacy was his active participation in the abolishment of the Ottoman Caliphate on the
3rd of March 1924. A day in which the Muslim world lost its last Caliphate and the final Ottoman
Caliph, Sultan Abdul Majid II was exiled to Paris where he died on the 23rd of August 1944.

ILM FILM STUDIOS 58

 CHAPTER 24
FOOL ME THRICE (1920 – 1925)
ILM FILM STUDIOS
LEAGUE OF NATIONS MANDATE
The newly created Arab states and kingdoms – illustrated in the League of Nations Mandate of
1920, were to be divided between the French and British – with the former gaining sovereignty of
Syria (France) and Lebanon (France) while the latter would be awarded control of Iraq (Britain),
Palestine and Trans-Jordan (Britain).
The French took over Lebanon and Syria – they also maintained their presence in Algeria,
Morocco and Tunisia whereas the British took Arabia (Hijaz), Transjordan, Iraq and maintained
their presence in the Sudan and Egypt while Libya remained in the control of the Italians.
In an exchange between France and Britain, Palestine was awarded entirely to Britain. France
would be compensated for relinquishing its joint share of Palestine by being granted full control of
Syria instead.
Now With the French divested of any interest in Palestine, the British government was able to
exercise the option of granting the Zionists what they had been asking for.

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THE HASHEMITES
As for Sharif Hussein and his three sons, their petitions in Paris had been an abject failure, even
with Lawrence’s advocacy. Britain had skilfully and cunningly kept the Arab rebels hanging onto
empty promises for the duration of the Great War. In documented historical accounts of the
McMahon-Hussein correspondences historians have attested to the fact that Britain never did have
the intent to bind herself in supporting Hussein's claims anywhere at all. In fact, McMahon was an
extremely experienced bureaucrat who outsmarted and outclassed Sharif Hussein, his overriding
objective during the negotiation phase was to remain completely noncommittal to the Arabs.
Back in London, the Foreign Office took the view that its promises to the Hashemite rebels would
never be binding and that Britain had simply volunteered to support Arab independence on the
condition that the Arabs themselves were successful in their revolt against the Ottoman Sultan.
In light of this stark reality, the Hashemites were left with no option but to confront the reality that a
united Arab Caliphate was never going to be delivered by the British. In an attempt to appease the
Arabs for their deliberate misfortune, the British awarded each one of Sharif Hussein’s three sons
a part of the Arabian territory now under British dominion – perhaps once could even say that the
British were hiring the Hashemites to look after these territories on their behalf. However one
chooses to asses the situation, the territories were assigned to each of the Sharif’s sons as
follows;
Faisal bin Hussein al-Hashemi, the youngest son of the Sharif was granted Iraq following
Baghdad’s rigged election campaign that was administered by the British High commissioner of
Iraq, Sir Percy Cox who persuaded Faisal bin Hussein’s opposition to withdraw their candidacy in
exchange for monetary compensation and other favours.
On the 11th of July 1922 the Council of Ministers unanimously declared that Faisal bin Hussein
was to become Iraq’s new monarch. A little over a week later – Iraq’s Ministry of the interior
announced that Faisal had won an overwhelming victory, his coronation was celebrated on the
23rd of August 1922 and he declared himself the ‘King of Iraq’ much to the disdain of the Iraqi
people who soon deposed of him only to receive another British elected ruler over them.

Elsewhere, Faisal bin Hussein’s governorship of Damascus had already been usurped by the
French when British troops evacuated Syria in accordance to the Sykes-Picot settlement. Now no
longer under British protection and left to face the French on his own, Faisal and his supporters
declared an independent Arab Kingdom in Syria on the 8th of March 1920, it would not be very
long before French soldiers from Lebanon were dispatched to crush Faisal’s dreams once and for
all.

ILM FILM STUDIOS 60

‘Abdullah bin Hussein al-Hashemi, the second son of the Sharif - was granted dominion of Jordan
where he would declare himself King of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. It is an oft-forgotten
fact that Jordan was once an integral part of Palestine.

This mostly Arab territory was carved out and renamed Transjordan and later drifted into an
independent and separate state which was politically detached from Palestine. Nevertheless, the
rule of King ‘Abdullah in Jordan was successful and the country remained stable despite its
unlikely prospects given the vastly under-developed landscape and its very small population of two
hundred and fifty thousand desert inhabitants at the time.

As for Sharif Hussein and his eldest son ‘Ali bin Hussein. The Sharif rejected Britain’s post war
settlement thereby forfeiting British protection. ‘Ali bin Hussein was thereafter granted control of
the region. He assumed the title of King of Hijaz in a rule that lasted from October 1924 to
December 1925 when another British funded Arab tribe was allowed to sweep in and conquer.

The new contestant to the throne of the Hijaz was a certain ‘Abdul ‘Aziz ibn Saud, a man who had
the support and complicity of the British government who endorsed his conquest in 1925. The
Saudi clan, led by ‘Abdul ‘Aziz ibn Saud expelled the Hashemites and consolidated their territorial
dominion by unifying the Hijaz shortly before renaming it the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.

ILM FILM STUDIOS 61

 CHAPTER 25
THE STORY CONTINUES
ILM FILM STUDIOS
IN CONCLUSION
Alas, with the once magnificent Ottoman Empire finally fragmented and eternally ruined by former
compatriots, revolutionaries and neighbouring adversaries - a new chapter unfolds and the world
resumes its repetitive course of events ready for succeeding generations to rise and create new
Empires, Kingdoms and Nations from the ancient ashes of past generations that are now
consecrated in the corridors of history.
Yet if one were to conceive of the idea that the revolutionary world born of this great Anarchy was
to mark the end of a dreadful past and the commencement of a glorious future, then the following
statements should be emphasized;

‘The Anarchy was only just the beginning.

The worst is yet to come’

If we commenced this literary journey by describing the turn of the twentieth century as Anarchy,
then that which follows this epoch can only be described as - Pandemonium.

The story continues.

ILM FILM STUDIOS 62

BIBLIOGRAPHY AND REFERENCE

BOOKS
• A Peace to End All Peace: The Fall of the Ottoman Empire and the Creation of the
Modern Middle East
David Fromkin, Owl Books (NY); Reprint edition (1 Oct. 2001)
• The Fall of the Ottomans: The Great War in the Middle East, 1914-1920
Eugene Rogan, Penguin; 01 edition (28 Jan. 2016)
• The Great War for Civilisation: The Conquest of the Middle East
Robert Fisk, Harper Perennial; UK ed. edition (2 Oct. 2006)
• A Line in the Sand: Britain, France and the struggle that shaped the Middle East
James Barr, Simon & Schuster UK; UK ed. edition (26 April 2012)
• Setting the Desert on Fire: T.E.Lawrence and Britain's Secret War in Arabia, 1916-
1918
James Barr, W. W. Norton & Company; Reprint edition (28 July 2009)

ARTICLES & NEWSPAPERS

• In Defence of Fahreddin Pasha, the “Defender of Madinah”
Z. A Rahman, Published by Islam21c.com on 28th December 2017
• Deconstructing ‘A Peace to End All Peace’
John Taylor, Published by original.antiwar.com on July 16, 2012
• The Fall of the Ottomans review – an absorbing history of the impact of the first world
war on the Middle East
Anthony Sattin, Published by the Observer.com on March 1st 2015.
• The Fall of the Ottomans: The Great War in the Middle East
George H. Cassar, Published by Michigan War Studies Review on October 8th 2015
• The Fall of the Ottomans (book review)
Bruce Clark, Published by The New York Times on April 16th 2015
BIBLIOGRAPHY AND REFERENCE

LECTURES

• T.E. Lawrence, the Arab Revolt and WWI in the Middle East,
Dr. John Calvert National WWI Museum and Memorial, Published on 16 May 2016
• Ottoman Entry into WWI: Politics, Nationalism and Diplomacy,
Dr. Lisa Adeli, National WWI Museum and Memorial, Published on 26 November 2014
• From Wars Toward the Great War: The Ottomans and the Vortex of WWI,
Dr. Michael Reynolds National WWI Museum and Memorial, Published on 13 July 2015
• A Century of Revolution: The Rise and Fall of the Arab State: 1915-2015
Prof. Asher Susser, Judaic Studies University of Arizona, Published December 3rd 2015
• Israel, Jordan and Palestine: What is their Place in the New Middle East?
Prof. Asher Susser, Judaic Studies University of Arizona, Published April 25th 2017
• Fifty Years since the Six day War: How the Middle East has changed
Prof. Asher Susser, Judaic Studies University of Arizona, Published September 14th 201
• Iran and the Arabs: the Changing Balance of Power
Asher Susser, Judaic Studies University of Arizona, Published September 25th 2015
• 1914: The Shaping of the Modern Muslim World - Part 1
Dr. Yasir Qadhi Published 15th January 2014.
• Why the Ottoman Empire failed
Author Eugene Rogan, Published March 16th 2015

ONLINE RESOURCES
• 1914-1918 Online: International Encyclopedia of WWI
http://www.1914-1918-online.net
• The Drama of the Dardanelles, Imperial War Museum
http://www.iwm.org.uk/history/gallipoli
• Ottoman History Podcast
http://www.ottomanhistorypodcast.com
• Turkey in the First Wold War
http://www.turkeyswar.com/index.html
• The Ottoman Empire
https://www.britannica.com/place/Ottoman-Empire
ILM FILM STUDIOS