Polytechnic University of the Philippines

Lopez, Quezon Branch

GEED 10083
Science, Technology, and Society

MODULE 1:
General Concepts and Historical Events
in Science, Technology, and Society

LESSON 4:
Indigenous Science and Technology
in the Philippines

Christopher B. Valencia, LPT, MAED

Professor
LESSON 4
 Indigenous Science and Technology in the Philippines

LESSON OBJECTIVES

After successful completion of this module, you should be able to:

 Discuss the concept of indigenous science
 Discuss the contribution of indigenous science in the development of science and
technology in the Philippines

Basic Information on Philippine Indigenous Peoples

The Indigenous Peoples

The indigenous peoples of the Philippines number about 7. 2 million and are found in the
three main islands of Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao. They comprise 10% of the total
population. Somegroups live in forest ecosystems, while others are found in the plains and
coasts.The biggest concentration of indigenous peoples are found in the Cordillera region in
northern Philippines, namely Luzon island. This mountain region which straddles the Gran
Cordillera mountain range, is the ancestral home of some 14 indigenous roups like the Ibaloy,
Kankanaey, Bontok, Kalinga and Ifugao. Population is estimated at 1.3 million. The peoples in
this area are generally referred to as Igorots which means people of the mountains. They are
also the majoritypeoples in the region. Another large aggrupation are the indigenous peoples of
Mindanao who are collectively called Lumad or “born of the earth.” The Lumads comprise 18
ethnolinguistic groups such as the Subanen,Higaonon, Manobo, Mamanua, Tiboli and B’laan.
Numbering about 2.5 million, the Lumads arespread over 17 provinces in Mindanao and
comprise 20% of the total population of the island.Also in Mindanao are those who have been
islamized and called Moro (from Moor) by the Spansih conquerors. The Moros are grouped into
three: Maranao or dwellers of Lake Lanaonumbering 742,962; Maguindanao of Cotabato
province numbering 650,000 and the Tausug or people of the current, numbering 502,200. The
latter are the majority people in the southern province of Basilan.

Other indigenous groups are the Mangyan of Mindoro island in the southwestern part of
Luzon.The Mangyan, composed of seven groups, number about 111,000. Negrito groups are
found in the three major islands such as the Agta, Aggay and Dumagat in Luzon, Ati in the
Visayan islands and Mamanua in Mindanao.The indigenous peoples speak languages
belonging to the Austronesian family. The peoples have diverse cultures although there are
similarities, like the belief in animism. Several groups livingapart from each other have similar
practices such as the tattoo and betelnut chewing cultures whichare common to many
indigenous groups throughout the country. The presence or absence of eitherpractice among
the groups depends on the level of acculturation achieved. Non-indigenous Filipinos stopped
tattoing their bodies a long time ago as a result of their conversion to Christianity.

The indigenous peoples in the Philippines are officially recognized by the Philippine
Constitution and the Indigenous Peoples‟ Rights Act (IPRA). There are no accurate figures on
the population of indigenous peoples because of the lack of any formal census. The most
recent figures based on an unofficial survey conducted by the National Commission on
Indigenous Peoples (NCIP) estimates the population of indigenous peoples in the Philippines to
be between 12–15 million, but the actual population may be higher. Indigenous peoples roughly
constitute between 10–15 per cent of the total population of the Philippines and are present in
65 of the country‟s 78 provinces. Indigenous peoples‟ communities are found in the forests,
mountains, lowlands and coastal areas of the country and are in varied levels of socio-
economic development. They engage in a mix of production systems including swidden
farming, settled agriculture, hunting and gathering, livestock raising, fishing and production and
trade in local handicrafts. A common characteristic of indigenous peoples is their close
attachment to ancestral land, territory and resources. The world view that “land is life” is deeply
embedded in their existence. Indigenous peoples are among the poorest and most
marginalized sectors of Philippine society. They experience neglect and discrimination in the
provision of basic social services by the Government. The 2008 budget shows that regions with
highest concentrations of indigenous peoples get the smallest allocations from the national
government. Thus, social service provision in indigenous territories is far below that of the rest
of the country.
The general health situation in regions and provinces with the largest concentrations of
indigenous peoples is below the national average. Indigenous peoples experience seasonal to
chronic food shortages during the year. A major factor causing food insecurity and poverty
among indigenous peoples is the loss of ancestral land due to displacement by development
projects and extractive industries including mining, dams, logging or natural causes. Another
factor is environmental degradation – destruction of forests, pollution of waters and loss of
agrobiodiversity as a result of impacts of extractive industries and agriculture modernization.
The Philippine Constitution of 1987 recognizes the rights of indigenous cultural communities.
The IPRA recognizes indigenous peoples‟ rights to self-determination, ancestral domains,
customary laws, self-determined development and free, prior and informed consent. The
Philippines is a signatory to numerous international conventions and declarations that are
relevant for indigenous peoples, including the seven core international treaties on human rights,
but it has not ratified ILO Convention 169 on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples. The Philippines is
also a signatory to other international treaties designed to protect or manage biological
resources and the environment.

Source: https://www.ifad.org/documents/38714170/40224860/philippines_ctn.pdf/ae0faa4a-
2b65-4026-8d42-219db776c50d
Indigenous Knowledge System
 Indigenous knowledge systems are the complex arrays of knowledge, know-how, practices
and representations that guide human societies in their innumerable interactions with the
natural milieu: agriculture and animal husbandry; hunting, fishing and gathering; struggles
against disease and injury; naming and explaining natural phenomena; and strategies for
coping with changing environments. It is through this fine-grained interplay between society and
environment that indigenous knowledge systems have developed diverse structures and
content; complexity, versatility and pragmatism; and distinctive patterns of interpretation
anchored in specific worldviews. Whereas knowledge is conceived in Western culture as an
abstract entity independent from practice (e.g., science as opposed to technology), such a
compartmentalized view is alien to indigenous societies. It would be self-defeating to consider
farmers’ knowledge of rain patterns, soil types and crop varieties apart from the ways in which
this information is put into practice in their fields. In other words, indigenous knowledge includes
not only knowledge but also know-how.

Traditional Indigenous knowledge can be defined as a network of knowledges, beliefs, and

traditions intended to preserve, communicate, and contextualize Indigenous relationships with
culture and landscape over time. One might distinguish "knowledge" as factual data, "belief" as
religious concepts, and "tradition" as practice, but these terms are often used imprecisely and
interchangeably to describe Indigenous epistemologies. Indigenous knowledges are conveyed
formally and informally among kin groups and communities through social encounters, oral
traditions, ritual practices, and other activities. They include: oral narratives that recount human
histories; cosmological observations and modes of reckoning time; symbolic and decorative
modes of communication; techniques for planting and harvesting; hunting and gathering skills;
specialized understandings of local ecosystems; and the manufacture of specialized tools and
technologies (e.g., flintknapping, hide tanning, pottery-making, and concocting medicinal
remedies).
Transmission is not only oral, but also in the context of doing. Finally, unlike science,
indigenous knowledge does not oppose the secular to the spiritual, and therefore does not
separate the empirical and objective from the sacred and intuitive. In indigenous societies, such
boundaries are permeable. On the one hand, much knowledge of nature falls within the
empirical realm. Hunters have detailed knowledge of the habitat, behavior, diet and migration
patterns of their prey. Farmers know how crops should be rotated to maintain soil fertility and
which plant products have insecticidal or medicinal properties. This ‘science of the concrete’,
however, blends imperceptibly into the metaphysical realm. For the hunter, the success of the
hunt is as much due to assistance from spirit helpers, as it is to skillful tracking and steady
shooting. The continued flow of water for the farmers’ field is attributed as much to their respect
for the deity of the sacred headwater forests, as to the water-drawing properties of the trees
themselves. The concrete and the spiritual co-exist side by side, complementing and enriching
rather then competing and contradicting
Indigenous peoples’ knowledge refers to the knowledge and know-how accumulated
across generations, and tested and adopted through millennia, which guide indigenous
societies in their interactions with their surrounding environment. The inherent dynamism of
indigenous peoples’ knowledge systems lies at the heart of their ability to adjust and modify
their actions in response to environmental change. The diversity of resilience systems and
capacities to adapt to climate change directly corresponds to the diversity of indigenous
peoples and the different contexts they inhabit. Most of them have developed strategies to cope
with unusual weather events and accompanying impacts.According to the NCIP, the total
population of indigenous peoples in the Philippines in 1998 was estimated to be between 12
and 15 million. However, because NCIP estimates are based on an unofficial count, reference
should also be made to the latest complete survey of the National Statistics Office conducted in
1995. Comparing the two sources suggests that the indigenous population might even exceed
20% of the national total. Caution should be taken: the Government may have excluded groups
or individuals as indigenous because they did not qualify in the technical definition of the term. It
is possible that the actual indigenous population is much bigger. According to the NCIP, the
majority (61%) of the indigenous peoples are in Mindanao while a third (33%) reside in Luzon.
The remainder (6%) are scattered among the Visayan islands. The Summer Institute of
Linguistics14 estimated that there are 171 different languages in the Philippines. Of these, 168
are living languages and 3 are extinct. The same numbers also represent the different cultural
entities that speak these languages.

Indigenous Science

Let us remember that long before Western science came to these shores, there were
Indigenous scientists here. Native astronomers, agronomists, geneticists, ecologists, engineers,
botanists, zoologists, watershed hydrologists, pharmacologists, physicians and more—all
engaged in the creation and application of knowledge which promoted the flourishing of both
human societies and the beings with whom we share the planet. We give gratitude for all their
contributions to knowledge. Native science supported indigenous culture, governance and
decision making for a sustainable future –the same needs which bring us together today.

Indigenous Science (IS) in this book refers to the science knowledge of all peoples who, as
participants in culture, are affected by the worldview and interests of their home communities
and homelands. Ogawa (1995) proposes that every culture has its own science and refers to
the science of a given culture as its “indigenous science” Ogawa quotes Yamada (1970), a
Japanese historian of Oriental science, who writes, “every culture and every society has its own
science, and its function is sustaining its mother society and culture” The traditional wisdom
component of IS—the values and ways of decision-making relating to science knowledge—is
particularly rich in time-tested approaches that foster sustainability and environmental integrity.
Western Science (WS) is the most dominant science in the world today and is widely thought of
as “officially sanctioned science.” However, because WS has been implicated in many of the
world’s ecological disasters—pesticide contamination, introduced species, dams and water
diversions that have impacted salmon and other indigenous species—it seems that reliance on
Western Science alone can be seen as increasingly problematic and even counterproductive.

Cultural diversity suggests that Western Science and Indigenous Science should be viewed
as co-existing or parallel. Westerners freely acknowledge the existence of Indigenous art,
music, literature and drama, and of political and economic systems in Indigenous cultures, but
many fail to apprehend and appreciate the concept of Indigenous Science. Thus, when Western
Science is taught without acknowledging Indigenous Science, this can be construed as
assimilative science education.
In the Philippines, many indigenous peoples such as the Ifugaos in Cordillera Mountains
have continued to thrive in their relatively remote yet self-sufficient communities.
Notwithstanding the transformations of many indigenous knowledge systems, practices that
help promote forest sustainability have remained intact. This article aims to identify and
describe key indigenous practices in the woodlot and watersheds collectively known as muyong
in Ifugao communities. Data were obtained through focus group discussions and key informant
interviews with selected local farmers in Kiangan and Hungduan municipalities in Ifugao
province. The recognition of the mutual connections between forests and rice terraces as a
traditional belief is deeply ingrained in the heart and mind of Ifugaos. This tradition promotes
sustainable forest management as expressed in their respect to customary laws pertaining to
land rights, adoption of upland cultivation practices following soil and water conservation
principles, stand management to promote ample supply of wood and fuel wood, and biodiversity
protection. However, these knowledge systems are slowly disappearing due to the changing
needs and interests of the indigenous peoples as well as the proliferation of government
programmes to modernize farming technologies. Hence, the government, NGOs and other
concerned stakeholders need to continuously support programmes in order to protect the
aesthetic and traditional value of the Ifugao landscapes.

Traditional Ifugao Knowledge

 
The Ifugaos are among the ethnic groups living in northern Luzon, particularly in the
Cordillera region. Culture and language variations subdivide this group into three parts: the
Tuwali (found primarily in the communities of Kiangan and Lagawe), the Ayangan (found
primarily in the communities of Banaue, Hingyon, and Hungduan), and the Henanga (found in
the communities of Mayoyao and Aguinaldo). Despite being labeled a fifth-class municipality,
the province of Ifugao is endowed with rich vegetation. Mount Amuyao (approximately 2,780
feet above sea level) and Mount Polis, which are among the 10 highest Philippine mountain
peaks, are found in Ifugao. The Ifugaos trace their ancestry to two legendary figures: Pfukhan
and Gwikhan. Known as legendary ancestors, their names are normally invoked during rituals.
The Ifugaos have long depended on wet rice farming and have developed a profound rice
farming tradition.
 
In the past, ap-aphochan chi pi’takhuwan was a phrase that captured a desired way of
living in the Henanga community. Local people normally desire an abundance of resources and
a healthy physical and mental condition. This way of living is manifested by good harvests of
palay and other crops, especially those that are planted in swidden farms; healthy chickens and
pigs, which are highly sought during rituals; an abundant water supply; favorable weather; and
a house and well-placed environment in which to live. This perspective can also be drawn from
the way Ifugaos talk of their past life experiences and also in the eight volumes of Mayawyaw
Ritual by Father Francis Lambrecth. Such desires were normally cultivated in the mindsets of
children while they were shown practical examples of living and ways of generating wisdom and
skills by traditional priests, arbiters, and their parents. In fact, parents would direct their children
to be exemplar individuals in the community as well as in the neighboring villages. Children
were encouraged to know generations of their ancestors and to learn ritual myths, invocations,
and technical skills. The Henanga considered it prestigious to trace one’s ancestry to a lineage
of the mun-alon (arbiters), munpfuni (priests), mun-apfua-ab (skilled in invocation of the
ancestors), montapeng (skilled in stone riprapping), and mompakhad (skilled in traditional
house structure). Children looked up to these experts as they grew in a community where
kinship was highly valued.
 
T

ASSESSMENT
Name: Date:

Course and Year: Module No. 1

Lesson No. 4

Direction: Explain each questions and provide concise answers with some relevant
examples for clarification, if necessary.

1. What is your understanding of indigenous science?

2. What are examples of indigenous science practices?
3. Why do some people believe in indigenous science?
4. What is the role of indigenous science in the development of science and technology in
the Philippines?
5. How do society and culture influence the development of science and technology?