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sociology 401 12

THE CORE
r
sociology
THE CORE
sixth edition

Michael Hughes
Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University

Carolyn J. Kroehler

James W. Vander Zanden

The Ohio State University (Emeritus)

Me
Graw
IlnIM
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McGraw-Hill
A Division of The McGraw-Hill Companies

SOCIOLOGY: THE CORE

Published by McGraw-Hill, an imprint of The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc. 1221 Avenue of the Americas. New York. NY.
10020. Copyright © 2002. 1996, 1993. 1990, 1986. by The McGraw-Hill Companies. Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this pub­
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Hughes. Michael (Michael D.)

Sociology; the core.—6th ed. / Michael Hughes, Carolyn J. Kroehler. James W. Vander Zanden.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-07-240535-X (alk. paper)
1. Sociology. I. Kroehler. Carolyn J. II. Vander Zanden. James Wilfrid. III. Title.
HM585 .H84 2002
301—dc21
2001034280

INTERNATIONAL EDITION ISBN 0-07-113052-7

Copyright © 2002. Exclusive rights by The McGraw-Hill Companies. Inc. for manufacture and export.
This book cannot be re-exported from the country to which it is sold by McGraw-Hill.
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about the authors

Michael Hughes is Professor of Sociology at helped with the writing of a guide to academic
Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State Univer­ success for college students, Straight A’s: If I
sity (Virginia Tech) and currently serves as edi­ Can Do It, So Can You. Her writing experi­
tor of the Journal of Health and Social Behav­ ence also includes several years in a college
ior. He received his Ph.D. in sociology from public relations office and writing and editing
Vanderbilt University in 1979. He has taught for the Lancaster Independent Press. At the
introductory sociology for 29 years and also Virginia Water Resources Research Center,
regularly teaches courses in minority group re­ she wrote public education and technical ma­
lations, deviant behavior, the sociology of men­ terials about water quality and other environ­
tal illness, and data analysis. He has held posi­ mental issues, including a book on drinking
tions as research fellow at the University of water standards. She earned her Ph.D. in
Michigan’s Institute for Social Research botany at Virginia Tech and has published in
(1992-1994) and research associate at Vander­ the Canadian Journal of Botany, Plant and
bilt University (1980-1982). With Walter R. Soil, and Oecologia.
Gove he is the author of the book Overcrowd­ Mike and Carrie live in Blacksburg, Vir­
ing in the Household. His research interests in ginia, with their children Edmund and Camilla.
mental health and mental illness, race and eth­
nicity, and crowding and living alone have re­
sulted in over 60 professional articles published James W. Vander Zanden is Professor Emer­
in a variety of journals. itus in the College of Social and Behavioral
Sciences at the Ohio State University and pre­
viously taught at Duke University. He holds a
Carolyn J. Kroehler is a professional writer Ph.D. degree from the University of North Car­
and editor who has received her sociological olina at Chapel Hill. Professor Vander Zanden
education “on the job.” She has contributed to was the sole author of the first four editions
criminology and criminal justice textbooks of Sociology: The Core. His other published
and is currently working with Kay Oehler and works include eight books and more than
Michael Hughes on a social problems text to 20 professional articles.
be published by McGraw-Hill. She edited and
 contents in brief

List of Boxes xvii chapter seven

Preface xxi Inequalities of Race and Ethnicity 208
Acknowledgments xxvii
Visual Preview xxviii chapter eight
Gender Inequality 244
chapter one
Developing a Sociological
Consciousness 2
chapter nine
Political and Economic Power 278

chapter two chapter ten

Culture and Social Structure 40
The Family 318

chapter three chapter eleven

Socialization 66
Religion, Education, and Medicine 356

chapter four chapter twelve

Social Groups and Formal
Population and Environment 398
Organizations 98

chapter five chapter thirteen

Social Change 434
Deviance and Crime 130
References 466
chapter six Photo Credits 509
Social Stratification 170 Name Index 510
Subject Index 518

ix
■■■
contents
List of Boxes xvii Research Ethics 35
Preface xxi
Acknowledgments The Chapter in Brief 36
xxvii
Glossary 38
Visual Preview xxviii
Internet Connection 39

chapter one Box 1.1 Issues in Focus:

The Reality in the Lives of Inner-City
Developing a Sociological Men 6
Consciousness 2 Box 1.2 Doing Social Research:
The Sociological Perspective 4
New Levels of Reality 4
The Sociological Imagination 5
Microsociology and Macrosociology 7
The Development of Sociology 8
• Finding Out about Nannies 32

chapter two
Culture and Social
Structure 40
Auguste Comte: The Founder
of Sociology 8 Components of Culture 42
Harriet Martineau: Feminist Norms 43
and Methodologist 9 Values 45
Herbert Spencer and Social Darwinism 9 Symbols and Language 45
Karl Marx: The Role of Class Conflict 10 Cultural Unity and Diversity 47
Emile Durkheim: Social Integration
Cultural Universals 48
and Social Facts 11
Cultural Integration 49
Max Weber: Subjectivity and Social
Ethnocentrism 49
Organization 13
Cultural Relativism 49
American Sociology 14
Subcultures and Countercultures 50
Contemporary Sociology 15
Social Structure 54
Theoretical Perspectives 18
Statuses 55
The Functionalist Perspective 18
Roles 56
The Conflict Perspective 20
Groups 58
The Interactionist Perspective 21
Institutions 59
Using the Three Perspectives 23
Societies 59
Conducting Research 24
The Logic of Science 25 The Chapter in Brief 61
How Do Sociologists Collect Data? 25 Glossary 62
Steps in the Scientific Method: A Close-up Internet Connection 64
Look 30
xii Contents

Box 2.1 Sociology around the World:

Cultural Disintegration among the
chapter four
Dinka—No Cattle, No Dignity 50 Social Groups and Formal
Box 2.2 Sociology around the World: Organizations 98
What’s the Best Infant Care? It Depends Group Relationships 100
on Culture 52 Primary Groups and Secondary Groups 100
In-Groups and Out-Groups 102
chapter three Reference Groups 103
Socialization 66 Group Dynamics 103
Group Size 103
Foundations for Socialization 68
Leadership 106
Nature and Nurture 68 Social Loafing 107
Theories of Socialization 70 Social Dilemmas 107
Agents of Socialization 72 Groupthink 110
Social Communication 74 Conformity 110
Definition of the Situation 78
Formal Organizations 112
The Self and Socialization 79
Types of Formal Organization 113
Charles Horton Cooley: The Looking-Glass Bureaucracy: A Functional Approach
Self 79 to Organizations 114
George Herbert Mead: The Generalized Characteristics of Bureaucracies 115
Other 81 Problems of Bureaucracy 116
Erving Goffman: Impression Management 82 Conflict and Interactionist Perspectives 119
Socialization across the Life Course 83 Humanizing Bureaucracies 123
Childhood 84
Adolescence 85 The Chapter in Brief 125
Young Adulthood 87 Glossary 127
Middle Adulthood 88 Internet Connection 129
Later Adulthood 90
Death 91 Box 4.1 Issues in Focus:
Bias Can Be Based on Almost
The Chapter in Brief 93 Nothing 104
Glossary 95 Box 4.2 Students Doing Sociology:
Internet Connection 96 The Prisoner’s Dilemma Game 108
Box 3.1 Sociology around the World: Box 4.3 Doing Social Research:
Is “Parentese” the Same How Far Will People Go to Obey? Ill
Everywhere? 75
Box 3.2 Issues in Focus: chapter five
What Happens to Adolescent Girls— Deviance and Crime 130
and Why? 86
The Nature of Deviance 132
Social Properties of Deviance 132
Social Control and Deviance 138
 Contents xiii

Theories of Deviance 139 Forms of Social Mobility 192

Anomie Theory 140 Social Mobility and Status Attainment 193
Cultural Transmission Theory 143 What Is Happening to the American
Conflict Theory 144 Dream ? 195
Labeling Theory 146 Explanations of Social Stratification 197
Control Theory 150 The Functionalist Theory of Stratification 197
Crime and the Criminal Justice System 152 The Conflict Theory of Stratification 199
Forms of Crime 153 A Synthesis of Perspectives 203
Measuring Crime 158
Drugs and Crime 158 The Chapter in Brief 203
Women and Crime 160 Glossary 205
The Criminal Justice System 161 Internet Connection 206
The Purposes of Imprisonment 164
Box 6.1 Sociology around the World:
The Chapter in Brief 165 The Indian Caste System and Race
Glossary 167 in America 174

e
Internet Connection 168 Box 6.2 Doing Social Research:
Income Inequality within Societies:
Box 5.1 Students Doing Sociology:
The Social Construction A Look around the World 180
of Deviance 134 Box 6.3 Issues in Focus:
Why Did Doctors Start Delivering
Box 5.2 Doing Social Research: Babies? 200
What Explains College Binge
Drinking? 148
chapter seven
Box 5.3 Sociology around the World:
The United States Is Not More Criminal Inequalities of Race
than Other Countries, Just More and Ethnicity 208
Violent 154 Racial and Ethnic Stratification 210
Races 210
chapter six Ethnic Groups 212
Social Stratification 170 Minority Groups 212
The Potential for Conflict and Separation 213
Patterns of Social Stratification 172
Prejudice and Discrimination 213
Open and Closed Systems 172
Dimensions of Stratification 173 Prejudice 214
Discrimination 215
The American Class System 177 Institutional Discrimination 217
Is There Inequality in American Society? 177 Patterns of Intergroup Relations: Assimilation
Identifying Social Classes 182 and Pluralism 219
The Significance of Social Classes 186
Assimilation 220
Poverty in the United States 186
Pluralism 220
Social Mobility 192
xiv Contents

Racial and Ethnic Groups in the United The Functionalist Perspective 273
States 222 The Conflict Perspective 273
African Americans 222 The Interactionist Perspective 274
Hispanics 227 The Feminist Perspective 274
Native Americans 229
Asian Americans 230 The Chapter in Brief 275
White Ethnics 233 Glossary 276
Sociological Perspectives on Inequalities Internet Connection 277
of Race and Ethnicity 235
Box 8.1 Issues in Focus:
The Functionalist Perspective 235 “How Was Your Day, Dear? ” 252
The Conflict Perspective 236
The Interactionist Perspective 237 Box 8.2 Doing Social Research:
How Many People Get Raped? 262
The Future of Ethnic and Minority Group

e
Relations 238 Box 8.3 Students Doing Sociology:
Intergroup Relations 238 “There's a Totally Cute Girl Smoking a
Ethnicity 239 ----- ing Cigar! ” 268

The Chapter in Brief 240 chapter nine

Glossary 242
Political and Economic Power 278
Internet Connection 243
Power, Authority, and the State 280

e
Box 7.1 Doing Social Research: The State 280
Teasing Out Prejudiced Beliefs 216 Sociological Perspectives
Box 7.2 Students Doing Sociology: on the State 281
Institutional Discrimination 218 Legitimacy and Authority 284
Political Power 285
Box 7.3 Sociology around the World:
Model Minorities—Does Class or Do Types of Government 286
Values Spell Success? 232 Political Power in the United States 288
Models of Power in the United States 294

chapter eight Economic Power 296

Comparative Economic Systems 297
Gender Inequality 244 Transition from a Command to a Market
Gender Stratification 246 Economy 300
Sexism and Patriarchy 246 The Power of Corporations 301
Gender Inequality around the World 248 The Power of National Corporations 301
Gender Inequality in the United States 249 The Power of Multinational Corporations
Sources of Gender Roles 266 in the Global Economy 303
Gender Roles and Biology 266 The Control of Corporations 307
Gender Roles and Culture 267 The Sociology of Work 309
Gender Roles and Identity 270 Changes in the Work Experience 309
Sociological Perspectives on Gender The Significance of Work 310
Stratification 272 Satisfaction and Alienation in Work 311
 Contents xv

The Chapter in Brief 313

Glossary 314 chapter eleven
Internet Connection 316 Religion, Education,
Box 9.1 Issues in Focus: and Medicine 356
What Oppression Teaches—The Long Religion 357
Reach of Disenfranchisement 290 What Is Religion? 358
Box 9.2 Sociology around the World: A Global View: Varieties of Religious
How Long Has It Been since You Behavior 358
Had a Coke? 306 Religious Organizations 359
Religion and Secular Change: The Protestant
Ethic 362
chapter ten Adapting Tradition: Religion in Contemporary-
The Family 318 Life 364
Structure of the Family: A Global View 320 Fundamentalism and Evangelicalism 366
State-Church Issues 367
Forms of the Family 321 The Functionalist Perspective 368
Forms of Marriage 323 The Conflict Perspective 369
Patterns of Courtship 325
Education 371
Marriage and the Family in the United
States 326 The Bureaucratic Structure of Schools 371
The Effectiveness of Schools 372
Life within Marriage 327 Alternatives to Traditional Public
Parenthood 329 Schools 374
Two-Income Families 331 The Availability of Higher Education 376
Beyond the Traditional Nuclear Family 333 The Functionalist Perspective 377
Challenges for American Families The Conflict Perspective 378
and American Society 341 The Interactionist Perspective 381
Family Violence, Child Abuse, and Incest 342 Medicine 382
Child Care 344 The U.S. Health Care Delivery System 382
Divorce 346 Rising Health Care Costs: Is Managed Care
Care for the Elderly 348 the Answer? 385
Sociological Perspectives on the Family 348 Alternatives to the U.S. Health Care System:
The Functionalist Perspective 349 A Global Perspective 387
The Conflict Perspective 349 The Functionalist Perspective 390
The Interactionist Perspective 350 The Conflict Perspective 390
The Interactionist Perspective 391
The Chapter in Brief 351
Glossary 353 The Chapter in Brief 392
Internet Connection 354 Glossary 395
Internet Connection 396

•
Box 10.1 Sociology around the World:

•
A Wide Variety in Family Values 322 Box 11.1 Doing Social Research:
Is the Significance of Religion Declining
Box 10.2 Doing Social Research: in the United States? 364
Racial Diversity within Families 334
xiv Contents

Racial and Ethnic Groups in the United The Functionalist Perspective 273
States 222 The Conflict Perspective 273
African Americans 222 The Interactionist Perspective 274
Hispanics 227 The Feminist Perspective 274
Native Americans 229
Asian Americans 230 The Chapter in Brief 275
White Ethnics 233 Glossary 276
Sociological Perspectives on Inequalities Internet Connection 277
of Race and Ethnicity 235 Box 8.1 Issues in Focus:
The Functionalist Perspective 235 W “How Was Your Day, Dear?” 252
The Conflict Perspective 236
The Interactionist Perspective 237 Box 8.2 Doing Social Research:
How Many People Get Raped? 262
The Future of Ethnic and Minority Group
Relations 238 Box 8.3 Students Doing Sociology:
Intergroup Relations 238 “There's a Totally Cute Girl Smoking a
----- ing Cigar! ” 268
Ethnicity 239

The Chapter in Brief 240 chapter nine

Glossary 242
Political and Economic Power 278
Internet Connection 243
Power, Authority, and the State 280
Box 7.1 Doing Social Research: The State 280
Teasing Out Prejudiced Beliefs 216 Sociological Perspectives
Box 7.2 Students Doing Sociology: on the State 281
Institutional Discrimination 218 Legitimacy and Authority 284
Political Power 285
Box 7.3 Sociology around the World:
Model Minorities—Does Class or Do Types of Government 286
Values Spell Success? 232 Political Power in the United States 288
Models of Power in the United States 294
Economic Power 296
chapter eight
Comparative Economic Systems 297
Gender Inequality 244 Transition from a Command to a Market
Gender Stratification 246 Economy 300
Sexism and Patriarchy 246 The Power of Corporations 301
Gender Inequality around the World 248 The Power of National Corporations 301
Gender Inequality in the United States 249 The Power of Multinational Corporations
Sources of Gender Roles 266 in the Global Economy 303
Gender Roles and Biology 266 The Control of Corporations 307
Gender Roles and Culture 267 The Sociology of Work 309
Gender Roles and Identity 270 Changes in the Work Experience 309
Sociological Perspectives on Gender The Significance of Work 310
Stratification 272 Satisfaction and Alienation in Work 311
 Contents xv

The Chapter in Brief 313

Glossary 314 chapter eleven
Internet Connection 316 Religion, Education,
Box 9.1 Issues in Focus: and Medicine 356
What Oppression Teaches—The Long Religion 357
Reach of Disenfranchisement 290
What Is Religion ? 358
Box 9.2 Sociology around the World: A Global View: Varieties of Religious
How Long Has It Been since You Behavior 358
Had a Coke ? 306 Religious Organizations 359
Religion and Secular Change: The Protestant
chapter ten Ethic 362
Adapting Tradition: Religion in Contemporary
The Family 318 Life 364
Structure of the Family: A Global View 320 Fundamentalism and Evangelicalism 366
State-Church Issues 367
Forms of the Family 321
The Functionalist Perspective 368
Forms of Marriage 323
The Conflict Perspective 369
Patterns of Courtship 325
Education 371
Marriage and the Family in the United
States 326 The Bureaucratic Structure of Schools 371
The Effectiveness of Schools 372
Life within Marriage 327
Alternatives to Traditional Public
Parenthood 329
Schools 374
Two-Income Families 331
The Availability of Higher Education 376
Beyond the Traditional Nuclear Family 333
The Functionalist Perspective 377
Challenges for American Families The Conflict Perspective 378
and American Society 341 The Interactionist Perspective 381
Family Violence, Child Abuse, and Incest 342 Medicine 382
Child Care 344
The U.S. Health Care Delivery System 382
Divorce 346
Rising Health Care Costs: Is Managed Care
Care for the Elderly 348
the Answer? 385
Sociological Perspectives on the Family 348 Alternatives to the U.S. Health Care System:
The Functionalist Perspective 349 A Global Perspective 387
The Conflict Perspective 349 The Functionalist Perspective 390
The Interactionist Perspective 350 The Conflict Perspective 390
The Interactionist Perspective 391
The Chapter in Brief 351
Glossary 353 The Chapter in Brief 392
Internet Connection 354 Glossary 395
Internet Connection 396
Box 10.1 Sociology around the World:
A Wide Variety in Family Values 322 Box 11.1 Doing Social Research:
Is the Significance of Religion Declining
Box 10.2 Doing Social Research:

•
in the United States? 364
Racial Diversity within Families 334
xvi Contents

Box 11.2 Issues in Focus: chapter thirteen

'C#/' When Nurses Can’t Provide Nursing
Care 388 Social Change 434
A World of Change 436
chapter twelve Sources of Social Change 436
Perspectives on Social Change 439
Population and Environment 398
Social Change in the United States 442
Population 400 Social Change in Developing Nations 446
Elements in Population Change 400 Collective Behavior 447
Population Composition 405
Varieties of Collective Behavior 447
Malthus and Marx: Two Views
Preconditions for Collective Behavior 450
of Population Growth 408
Explanations of Crowd Behavior 451
Demographic Transition 409
Population Policies 410 Social Movements 453
The Effects of Crowding 414 Causes of Social Movements 453
The Urban Environment 415 Types of Social Movements 455
Social Revolution 457
The Origin and Evolution of Cities 415
Terrorism 458
Patterns of City Growth 417
Ecological Processes: Segregation Looking to the Future 459
and Gentrification 419
Urban Crisis: Cities in Decline 420 The Chapter in Brief 461
Sprawling Urban Growth: The Rise Glossary 463
of “Edge” Cities 421 Internet Connection 465
The Ecological Environment 422 Box 13.1 Students Doing Sociology:
Human-Environment Interactions: The Un-TV Experiment 440
A Closer Look 422
Box 13.2 Issues in Focus:
The Functionalist Perspective 423
What Keeps People Involved in Social
The Conflict Perspective 425
Movements? 454
The Interactionist Perspective 425
Entering the New Millennium 428 Box 13.3 Doing Social Research:
Social Change: Can We Predict the
The Chapter in Brief 430 Future? 460
Glossary 432
Internet Connection 433 references 466

e
Box 12.1 Doing Social Research:
Is Development the Best photo credits 509
Contraceptive? 412
Box 12.2 Sociology around the World:
name index 510
Environmental Problems in
Industrialized Russia 424 subject index “518
Issues in Focus: The Reality in the Lives of Inner-City Men 6

Doing Social Research: Finding Out about Nannies 32

Sociology around the World: Cultural Disintegration

among the Dinka—No Cattle, No Dignity 50

Sociology around the World: What’s the Best Infant Care?

It Depends on Culture 52

Sociology around the World: Is “Parentese” the Same Everywhere? 75

Issues in Focus: What Happens to Adolescent Girls—and Why? 86

Issues in Focus: Bias Can Be Based on Almost Nothing 104

Students Doing Sociology: The Prisoner’s Dilemma Game 108

Doing Social Research: How Far Will People Go to Obey? Ill

Students Doing Sociology: The Social Construction of Deviance 134

Doing Social Research: What Explains College Binge Drinking? 148

Sociology around the World: The United States Is Not More Criminal
than Other Countries, Just More Violent 154

Sociology around the World: The Indian Caste System and Race
in America 174

xvii
 Doing Social Research: Income Inequality within Societies:
A Look around the World 180

Box 6.3 Issues in Focus: Why Did Doctors Start Delivering Babies? 200

Box 7.1 Doing Social Research: Teasing Out Prejudiced Beliefs 216

Box 7.2 Students Doing Sociology: Institutional Discrimination 218

Box 7.3 Sociology around the World: Model Minorities—Does Class

or Do Values Spell Success? 232

Box 8.1 Issues in Focus: “How Was Your Day, Dear?” 252

Box 8.2 Doing Social Research: How Many People Get Raped? 262

Box 8.3 Students Doing Sociology: “There’s a Totally Cute Girl Smoking
ing Cigar!” 268

Box 9.1 Issues in Focus: What Oppression Teaches—The Long Reach

of Disenfranchisement 290

Sociology around the World: How Long Has It Been since You
Had a Coke? 306

Sociology around the World: A Wide Variety in Family Values 322

Box 10.2 Doing Social Research: Racial Diversity within Families 334

Doing Social Research: Is the Significance of Religion Declining

in the United States? 364
Box 11.2 Issues in Focus: When Nurses Can’t Provide Nursing Care 388

Box 12.1 Doing Social Research: Is Development the Best Contraceptive? 412

Sociology around the World: Environmental Problems

in Industrialized Russia 424

Students Doing Sociology: The Un-TV Experiment 440

Issues in Focus: What Keeps People Involved in Social Movements? 454

Box 13.3 Doing Social Research: Social Change: Can We Predict the Future? 460

xix
preface

The education that students receive should allow stratification, race, gender, power, the family,
them to live fuller, richer, and more fruitful religion, and social change—is equal to, and in
lives. Such a goal is ultimately the bedrock upon many cases exceeds, that found in most other
which we build and justify our careers as educa­ introductory textbooks. The functionalist, con­
tors and sociologists. Students today face the flict, and interactionist perspectives are intro­
challenges presented by the transformation to an duced in the first chapter and applied through­
information and global economy, the growth of out the book. This helps students to develop a
biotechnology and cloning, the ever-expanding solid understanding of these major sociological
human population, and the environmental prob­ perspectives and their contributions to the top­
lems associated with population growth. To un­ ics covered here, and it provides something for
derstand and live in this rapidly changing social everyone in departments where all faculty
environment, they need a solid foundation in so­ members are required to use the same introduc­
ciological concepts and perspectives. tory textbook.
Sociology encourages us to examine as­ It would be presumptuous for any sociolo­
pects of our social environment that we might gist to program another sociologist’s course.
otherwise ignore, neglect, or take for granted, Instead, we hope that Sociology: The Core pro­
and it allows us to look beneath the surface of vides a solid resource—a common intellectual
everyday life. The introductory course in soci­ platform—that each instructor can use as a
ology gives students the opportunity to use this sound foundation in developing an introduc­
sociological imagination in understanding and tory course. As a coherent presentation of so­
mastering their social world, and Sociology: ciological materials, a core text is an aid to
The Core provides the information they need to pedagogy. Instructors can supplement the text
do so. with papers, readers, or monographs that meet
their unique teaching needs. Likewise, students
Providing the Core can use Sociology: The Core as a succinct
source of information.
A course in sociology should broaden students’
horizons, sharpen their observational skills, and
strengthen their analytical capabilities. Sociol­
Bringing Students In
ogy: The Core aims to make the introductory In Sociology: The Core, we seek to make soci­
course manageable for instructors and students ology come alive as a vital and exciting field, to
alike. The sixth edition returns to the core con­ relate principles to real-world circumstances,
cept with a tighter, more readable text that pro­ and to attune students to the dynamic processes
vides the essentials. Although it has fewer total of our rapidly changing contemporary society.
pages, it retains all the major sections of the The study of a science can captivate student in­
fifth edition, with streamlined feature boxes, terest and excite their imagination. In this edi­
figures that present data critical to an introduc­ tion, we capitalize on students’ desires to read
tory text, and a stick-to-the-basics approach. It about issues of interest to them with new fea­
provides the core of sociology—the basic foun­ ture boxes on campus rape, binge drinking,
dations of the discipline. and gender-norm violations. Because stu­
The coverage of many key topics in Sociol­ dents live and will work in an increasingly di­
ogy: The Core—theory, culture, socialization, verse and global world, we have increased
groups, formal organizations, deviance, social coverage of global issues with a new box on
xx ii Preface

income inequality within societies around the summary recapitulates the central points, al­
world and cross-cultural comparisons inte­ lowing students to review what they have read
grated in various chapters. We continue to em­ in a systematic manner. The use of major head­
phasize issues of race, ethnicity, and gender ings allows students to return to the appropriate
as a regular part of most topics in sociology, in­ section in the chapter for more information.
corporating data and studies where appropriate The Chapter in Brief includes all of the glos­
throughout the book. sary terms, boldfaced to remind students that
they are key terms.
Pedagogical Aids
Internet Exercises
In selecting pedagogical aids for the text, we
decided to use those that provide the most guid­ Each chapter concludes with an Internet Con­
ance with the least clutter and to focus on those nection that provides students with an opportu­
that students are most likely to actually use. nity to explore sociological data and informa­
tion on the Internet and hone their critical
Chapter Outline thinking abilities.

Each chapter opens with an outline of its major Boxes

headings; this allows students to preview at a
glance the material to be covered. The sixth edition includes four types of boxes,
all of which add to the concepts and theories
Cross-Reference Icons discussed in the chapter in which they appear,
and many of which add insights to other chap­
Referrals to material in other chapters are high­ ters as well.
lighted with “cross-reference” icons that pro­ Doing Social Research boxes focus on
vide specific page references, making it easy for how social scientists approach various research
students and instructors to find such material. problems; topics discussed have been chosen to
illustrate or enhance the topics discussed in the
Key Terms chapter.
Sociology around the World boxes focus
The terms most essential to the core of sociology
on sociological research that extends beyond
are set in boldface type and are defined as they
the United States, on research done with sub­
are presented in the text. These key terms appear
jects from outside the United States, on cross-
in the chapter summaries, again in boldface type
cultural sociological research, and on illustra­
to emphasize their importance and to reinforce
tions of sociological concepts in a variety of
the student’s memory. At the end of each chap­
cultural settings.
ter, a Glossary lists the key terms included in
Issues in Focus boxes explore from a so­
the chapter and provides their definitions. All
ciological perspective controversial research
key terms appear in the index, along with an in­
findings, current events, and themes of interest
dication of where they are first defined.
to students.
Students Doing Sociology boxes summa­
Chapter Summary
rize the experience of students who were asked
Each chapter concludes with a Chapter in to think like sociologists: to interpret certain
Brief summary that uses the same outline of events with sociological concepts and princi­
major headings used in the chapter opener. The ples or to perform sociological research.
 Preface xxiii

Additional Students Doing Sociology boxes Changes in the Sixth Edition

are available in the Instructor’s Manual. In­
structors may wish to use them to create their While the sixth edition retains all the core in­
own classroom exercises or assignments. formation of the fifth edition, there are a num­
ber of significant additions and enhancements.
Figures and Tables The sixth edition:

The data presented in the figures and tables • Strengthens the focus on gender stratifica­
throughout Sociology: The Core are as up-to- tion as a structural feature of society and
date as possible—and as accessible as we could adds a consideration of feminism in the so­
make them. The figures and tables feature a ciological perspectives section of the gen­
new, more user-friendly design. Whenever pos­ der chapter.
sible, we have created figures from published
data instead of simply presenting percentages • Includes a discussion of the new Harvard
and numbers from statistical sources. In some School of Public Health College Alcohol
cases, we have generated original analyses from Study in the deviance chapter and assesses
publicly available data sets. Sources for figures the declining crime rate.
and tables include the U.S. Census Bureau, the • Updates the debate on marriage and the
National Center for Health, the General Social value of the traditional family in the family
Survey, the Statistical Abstract of the United chapter.
States, and the Survey on Consumer Finances. • Provides recent evidence on achievement
in public schools in the United States and
Photographs and Cartoons worldwide and a contemporary discussion
of education as affected by school vouch­
Photographs and cartoons serve both to draw
ers, private schools, and home schooling.
the students in and to illustrate important con­
cepts and principles. The sixth edition includes • Updates the discussion of stratification
new and bigger photos and some new cartoons. with new wealth data from the 1998 Fed­
Photo captions tie the photographs to the text, eral Reserve Survey of Consumer Fi­
and cartoons, in addition to adding a light touch nances, and adds a box on income inequal­
to the text and reinforcing important ideas, ity around the world.
make points that can’t be made any other way. • Includes the new data from the 2000 report
on the Sexual Victimization of College
References Women from the National Institute of Jus­
tice, Bureau of Justice Statistics in the gen­
The sixth edition of Sociology: The Core pre­ der chapter.
sents new data and references throughout, in­
• Revises the discussion of social mobility to
cluding major updates in race and ethnicity;
reflect differences in status attainment for
gender inequality; welfare reform and poverty;
women and African Americans.
crime; wealth and income; and more. It includes
hundreds of new references to major sociologi­ • Adds a new table on subcultural slang (fea­
cal journals, books, government documents and turing kitchen workers and kayakers) in the
data sets, and popular media, most to sources culture chapter.
published in 1998, 1999, 2000, and 2001. Full • Uses recent research findings on church at­
citations appear at the end of the text. tendance and on the importance of religion
xx iv Preface

to individuals to illustrate the role religion choice practice test items to help students grasp
plays in U.S. society. the key concepts; short essay questions; a list of
• Discusses the changing organization of selected readings; and a list of related refer­
health care in the United States and its ef­ ences and useful websites.
fect on medicine.
• Strengthens the presentation of race, eth­ Student’s Online Learning Center (OLC)
nicity, and gender in political and eco­ This is a Web-based, interactive study guide fea­
nomic power. turing URLs relevant to each topic, Internet exer­
• Incorporates all-new population pyramids, cises, chapter quizzes, chapter overviews, learn­
population data, and a focus on differential ing objectives, key-term flashcards, and more for
population growth in various parts of the each chapter. Please visit at www.mhhe.com/
world. hughes6.
• Emphasizes the technological and commu­
nications revolution in the social change PowerWeb
chapter. Available as an option. PowerWeb is a password-
• Includes a consideration of the effect of protected website developed by Dushkin/
the Internet on organizations, including a McGraw-Hill giving students:
discussion of virtual offices and virtual
companies. • Web links and articles.
• While retaining separate sections, strength­ • Study tools—quizzing, review forms, time
ens the connections between the discussions management tools, Web research.
of cities, population, and the environment. • Interactive exercises.
• Weekly updates with assessment.
Sociology: The Core was originally con­
ceived and written by James W. Vander Zanden. • Informative and timely world news.
and much of his work is retained in this sixth • Material on how to conduct Web research.
edition. However, he did not participate in this • Daily news feed of topic-specific news.
revision and is not responsible for any new ma­ • Access to the Northern Lights Research
terial, changes, or additions in the sixth edition. Engine.
Michael Hughes and Carolyn J. Kroehler are
responsible for all of the revisions and changes For further information, visit the PowerWeb
in both the fifth and sixth editions. site at http://mhhe/NewMedia/dushkin/index.
html#powerweb.
Ancillary Materials
The sixth edition of Sociology: The Core is ac­ For the Instructor
companied by a number of supplementary
Instructor’s Manual
learning and teaching aids.
Each chapter in the Instructor’s Manual offers
For the Student techniques for reinforcing the material in the cor­
responding chapter in the text. Each offers a se­
Student Study Guide
ries of core quotes from the text, followed by a
For each chapter, the study guide offers major list of instructional objectives inferred from these
learning objectives; matching and multiple­ quotes; focus questions; practice quizzes; sugges-
 Preface xxv

tions for lectures and handouts; suggestions for plore Web options, or the professor needing to
projects, activities, and writing assignments, in­ save time and simplify this process. In less
cluding critical thinking exercises. Internet exer­ than an hour, even a novice computer user can
cises, and “Students Doing Sociology” boxes. create a course website with a template pro­
There are also annotated lists of films/videos and vided by McGraw-Hill (no programming
reading resources. knowledge required). PageOut lets you offer
your students instant access to your syllabus,
Test Bank lecture notes, and original material. Students
can even check grades on-line. And. you can
The printed test bank offers 70 multiple-choice.
pull any of the McGraw-Hill content from the
25 true-false, and 12 essay questions for each
Hughes OnLine Learning Center (OLC) into
chapter. It is also available as a computerized
your website. PageOut also provides a discus­
test bank.
sion board where you and your students can
exchange questions and post announcements,
PowerPoint Slides
as well as an area for students to build personal
A collection of tables and figures from the text, Web pages. To find out more about PageOut,
augmented by a number of additional graphics ask your McGraw-Hill representative for de­
provided by the authors, allows instructors to tails, or fill out the form at www.mhhe.com/
add visual content to their classes and Web sites. pageout.

Instructor’s Online Learning PowerWeb

Center (OLC)
Available as an option. See the description under
Password-protected, the Instructor’s OLC con­ “For Students” above. For further information,
tains a variety of resources, activities, and class­ visit the PowerWeb site at http://mhhe/New
room tips. The Instructor’s Manual, PowerPoint Media/dushkin/index.html#powerweb.
slides, and more can be accessed electronically
on this site, www.mhhe.com/hughes6. Videos
Please contact your McGraw-Hill sales repre­
PageOut
sentative to learn about videos that are avail­
The Course Website Development Center. De­ able to adopters of McGraw-Hill introductory
signed for the professor just beginning to ex­ sociology textbooks.
acknowledgments

We would like to thank the McGraw-Hill team Wimberly. We would also like to thank Keith
that worked to make Sociology: The Core a real­ Durkin, of Ohio Northern University, for com­
ity, including editorial director Phil Butcher and ments that were very helpful to us in preparing
sponsoring editor Sally Constable. Developmen­ the current edition.
tal editor Rozalind Sackoff gave us lots of valu­ We are very grateful to the following review­
able suggestions and feedback on the manu­ ers for their many helpful comments and sugges­
script. Many people worked to transform a pile tions: Betty L. Alt, University of Southern Col­
of paper into an attractive and user-friendly text­ orado; Susan L. Brown, Bowling Green State
book: project manager Anna Chan, designer Pam University; Michael C. Kanan, Northern Arizona
Verros, production supervisor Heather Bur­ University; Kathleen E. Miller, George Washing­
bridge, and photo research coordinator David ton University; Tom Shannon. Radford University;
Tietz. We also wish to thank our supplements Tim Sullivan, Cedar Valley College; Suzanne Tal-
coordinator. Rose Range, and media producer, lichet, Morehead State University; Nathan Wein­
Jessica Bodie. We would also like to express our berg, California State University-Northridge; and
appreciation to our marketing manager, Dan C. Ray Wingrove, University of Richmond.
Loch, for his efforts to promote this book. Spe­ We also greatly appreciate the excellent
cial thanks go to developmental editor Kathy work done by Nora and Johanna Schmitt on
Blake, who kept us on track through thick and manuscript preparation, tracking down refer­
thin and without whose friendly reminders we ences, and checking the references.
might have missed most of our deadlines. Finally, we’d like to thank our children,
Many thanks also go to Mike’s colleagues at Camilla and Edmund, for their patience; their
Virginia Tech who, through many and varied dis­ friends for hours of play; our friends for watch­
cussions and suggestions, have made substantial ing the children in times of looming deadlines
contributions to this work: Carol Bailey, Alan and for providing support; and our families for
Bayer, Cliff Bryant, Toni Calasanti, Peggy De­ believing in us.
Wolf, Jay Edwards, Skip Fuhrman, Ted Fuller,
Ellington Graves, Brad Hertel, Jill Kiecolt, Jim Michael Hughes
Michaels, Joyce Rothschild, John Ryan, Don Carolyn J. Kroehler
Shoemaker, Bill Snizek, Bob Turner, and Dale

xxvii
f

visual preview
Sociology encourages us to examine aspects of our social environment that we might otherwise ig­
nore. neglect, or take for granted and allows us to look beneath the surface of everyday life. The in­
troductory course in sociology gives students the opportunity to use the sociological imagination in
understanding and mastering their social world, and Sociology: The Core provides the information
they need to do so.
The sixth edition returns to the core concept with a compact, more readable, and more afford­
able text that presents the essentials. It provides the core of sociology—the basic foundations of the
discipline—for the student.

Chapter Opener
and Outline
Each chapter opens with an outline of its major
headings, allowing students to preview at a
glance the material to be covered.

chapter 4 Group Relationships

Pnmanr Groops and Seconds? Gmup
Ia-Groups Ow-Group
Raraxx Groups

Group Siae
Lodesaro
Sood Loafing
Sood Dikrntros
Grouporok
Coafiacsarr

Formal Organizations

ChMrrnfca at Betrsyr*
Probteas cr'Boroaucsrr
Coo&c: and loeexacziociK faspectroes
Huroanamg Buraucaoes

Bail Isa: a Bia C« BeBaa

aAiaatfaaag

Ba 42 Dcag
71r Auomt i Gat

Ba 4J DcagScca Baath Hat Fa

WaPafieGcaOBtf

Social Groups and

Formal Organizations

xxviii
Cross-Reference System
New References in the text to concepts
discussed in previous chapters are highlighted
with cross-reference icons with page numbers,
making it easy for students and instructors to
find and review the earlier material.
Characteristics of Weber » Ideal Bureaucracy

aes. the degree and forms at burramnfiatxm entinent agency. the Roman Carhofac Chock,
.ary <Ptrrcw. 19S6». In addrtxxt jiabanzaoce.the Teamsters Cmcn. IBM. and Yak Loser
rapid social change, and the mtrodoctioa of sirs and arm es at a model for describing and

Thematic Boxes & technologies are producing modi tnoo*a-

txw tn real-world organizations. and this is
changing bow social soeouts tank abont or- :a al! respects box the model notates the tm-
tanrzatxxB <Likrr. Haddad, and Karin. 199*.
Gohil and Banka. 199* Jaffer. 200U contemporary wxxty. which are presented to

At firs glance, the abstract desenpoon pre-

Characteristics of Bureaucracies
The sixth edition includes four types of boxes, The German sociologist Mat Weber (1*46. onr daily ino B« it does cttfcne the bod of
1*47) was impressed by the ability of bureau-
all of which add to the concepts and theories crades to rMxxxriize and control the process to
bybe abk to take for panted Though we
like bureaucracy and can feel alienated by «_
He desdoped a desenpoon of bnreaocTacy as
discussed in the chapter in which they appear, an ideal npe of arganrzaben. As pooled oo m counter will wxxt the way Weber described,
>»-. ciurer I a ^al npc .. . and we fed tmsceaaed if they do not.
and many of which add insights to other opal chanctermacs of a phenomenon. Such an
For example. we wish those holding posa-

txx» to gam these offices and exercise power

chapters as well: Doing Social Research; because of their ability and competence, not

Sociology around the World; Issues in Focus;

Students Doing Sociology

52 DOING. SOCIAL RESEARCH

What Explains College Binge Drinking?

XXIX
Chapter in Brief The Chapter in Brief: Developing a Sociological Consciousness
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ►

The Sociological Perspective

Each chapter concludes with a summan’ that Sociology is the scientific stud) of social
and was among the first to do systematic,
scientifically based, social research Her
interaction and social organization comparative analysis of slavery and the
uses the same outline of major headings used in I New Levels of Reality. The
position of women in the Western world paved
the wav for feminist scholarship and the further
the chapter opener, recapitulating the central sociological perspective encourages us to
examine aspects of our social environment in
pursuit of gender equality

points and allowing students to review in a ways that delve beneath the surface As we
look be) ond the outer appearances of our social
I Herbert Spencer and Social
Darwinism. Herbert Spencer depicted
world. we encounter new levels of reality society as a sy stem, a whole made up of
systematic manner what they have read. interrelated parts He also set forth an
I The Sociological Imagination. The evolutionary theory of historical development
essence of the sociological imagination is the Social Darwinism is Spencer s application of
ability to see our private experiences and evolutionary notions and the concept of
persona) difficulties as entw ined with the survival of the fittest to the social world
structural arrangements of our society and the
times in which we live. I Karl Marx: The Role of Class Conflict.
Karl Marx focused his search for the basic
I Microsociology and Macrosociology. principles of history on the economic
Microsociology r* thedetailed study : -rat environments m which societies develop. He
people say. do. and think moment by moment believed that society is divided into those who
as the) go about their daily lives own the means of producing wealth and those
Macrosociolog) • <cuse> up a large-scale and who do not giving nse to das* conflict.
ons-term social processes of organizations, Diafectical materialism is Marx's the>*ry that
institutions, and broad social patterns development depends on the clash of

Glossary Glossary
bilinral An arrangement family Traditionally lifestyle The overall
based on reckoning descent defined as a social group pattern of living that people Each chapter includes a Glossary of the key
and transmitting property whose members are related evolve to meet their
through both the father and by ancestry, marriage, or biological, social, and terms. In addition, to reinforce the importance
the mother adoption and who live emotional needs.
complementary needs Two
together, cooperate
economically. and care for
marriage A socially of these terms, the Chapter in Brief includes all
different personality traits th3t approved sexual union
are the counterparts of each
the young.
between two or more of the glossary
C. J terms in bold face.
• uber and that pros ide a sense family life course Changes individuals w hich is
of completeness u hen they and realignments related to the undertaken w ith some idea of
are joined. altered expectations and permanence.
requirements imposed on a
egalitarian authority An matching hypothesis The
husband and a wife as
arrangement in which power notion that we typically
children are bom and grow up
and authority are equally experience the greatest payoff
distributed between husband family of orientation and the least cost w ben we
and w ife. A nuclear family that consists select partners who have a
of oneself and ooe's father, degree of phy sical
endogamy The requirement
mother, and siblings. attractiveness similar to
that marriage occur within a
our own
group. family of procreation
A nuclear family that consists matriarchal authority
exchange theory The • iew
of oneself and one's spouse A family arrangement in
proposing that people
and children. which power is vested in
involved m a mutually
women
satisfying relationship will group marriage The
exchange behaviors '.hat nave marriage »: two r mere matrilineal V

Internet Connection
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------►
Internet Connection ■ •. ■■■ ----- :_...............
New An exercise at the end of each chapter
encourages students to go online to analyze
Open this Web page http //Io*eb.loc.gov/ on the evidence you have found Which as­
topics and issues relevant to the chapter content. global/eiecutive/fed-htmL This site, main­
tained by the Library of Congress. provides
pects of Weber's model are revealed here'
Which aspects are Dot? Thinking about the
a >et of links to the executive branch of the information in these sites and information
U.S. government. Explore these sites look­ from ocher sources, including news reports
ing for evidence that the executive branch of over the paM several years, does the execu­
the U.S government conforms to Weber's tive braiKh conform to Weber's ideal type of
model of bureaucracy U ntc a short report bureaucracy ' Uhy ar why not .’

XXX
 media resources
Online Learning Center
The Online Learning Center is a text-specific
website (www.mhhe.com/hughes6) that offers
students and professors a variety of resources
and activities. Material from this website can
be used in creating the PageOut website.

PowerWeb
Available as an option. PowerWeb is a
password-protected website developed by
McGraw-Hill/Dushkin that provides instructors
and students with course-specific materials, Web
links and articles, student study tools, and more.

PageOut: The Course

Website Development
Center
Create a custom course website with PageOut
free to instructors using a McGraw-Hill textbook.
Designed for the instructor just beginning to
To learn more, contact your McGraw-Hill publisher's
explore Web options, PageOut allows even reoresentative or visit www.mhhe.com/solutions.

the most novice computer user to create a

course website with a template provided by
McGraw-Hill.

XXXI
sociology
- THE CORE
chanter 1

Developing a Sociological
Consciousness
The Sociological Perspective
Each of us is a social being. We are bom into
New Levels of Reality a social environment; we fully develop into
The Sociological Imagination human beings in a social environment; and we
Microsociology and Macrosociology typically live out our lives in a social environ­
ment. What we think, how we feel, and what
The Development of Sociology we say and do all are shaped by our interac­
tions with other people. The scientific study of
Auguste Comte: The Founder of Sociology these social interactions and of social organiza­
Harriet Martineau: Feminist and Methodologist tion is called sociology.
Herbert Spencer and Social Darwinism Human beings have long had an interest in
Karl Marx: The Role of Class Conflict understanding themselves and their social
Emile Durkheim: Social Integration and arrangements. We know from ancient folklore,
Social Facts myths, and archeological remains that humans
Max Weber: Subjectivity and Social have long pondered why people of other societies
Organization order their lives in ways that differ from theirs.
American Sociology They have reflected on the reasons that members
Contemporary Sociology of their society violate social rules. They have
wondered why some people become wealthy
Theoretical Perspectives while others experience abject poverty. They
have been bewildered by episodes of mass hyste­
The Functionalist Perspective ria, revolution, and war. Yet it has been only in
The Conflict Perspective the past 175 years or so that human beings have
The Interactionist Perspective sought answers to these and related questions
Using the Three Perspectives through science. This science—sociology—
pursues the study of social interaction and group
Conducting Research behavior through research governed by the rigor­
ous and disciplined collection of data and analy­
The Logic of Science sis of facts.
How Do Sociologists Collect Data? Many of us are not only interested in under­
Steps in the Scientific Method: A Close-up Look standing society and human behavior. We also
Research Ethics would like to improve the human condition so
that we might lead fuller, richer, and more fruit­
Box 1.1 Issues in Focus: The Reality ful lives. To do this we need knowledge about
in the Lives of Inner-City Men the basic structures and processes underlying
our social lives. Sociology, through its emphasis
Box 1.2 Doing Social Research: Finding Out on observation and measurement, allows us to
about Nannies bring rigorous and systematic scientific thinking
and information to bear on difficult questions
associated with social policies and choices, in­
cluding those related to poverty, health, immi­
gration, crime, and education. Many people in­
terested in these issues do not realize that more
than concern is needed to solve problems. Ac­
tion must be informed by knowledge.

3
4 Developing a Sociological Consciousness

Sociological research often is applied to

practical matters. For example, the U.S. The Sociological
Supreme Court relied heavily upon social sci­
ence findings regarding the effects of segrega­ Perspective
tion on children in reaching its historic 1954
decision declaring mandatory school segrega­ The sociological perspective invites us to look
tion unconstitutional (Klineberg, 1986; Jack- beyond what we take for granted about our so­
son, 1990). Similarly, research on the nursery cial lives and examine them in fresh and cre­
school experiences of children was influential ative ways (Berger, 1963). There are many lay­
in leading government officials to establish the ers of meaning in the human experience.
Head Start preschool educational program for Networks of invisible rules and institutional
young children in 1965 and later to provide arrangements guide our behavior. We continu­
rigorous follow-up programs (Zigler and ally evolve, negotiate, and rework tacit bargains
Styfco, 1993). with family members, friends, lovers, and work
Increasingly, Americans are coming to rec­ associates. As we look beyond outer appear­
ognize the centrality of the social and behav­ ances at what lies beneath, we encounter new
ioral sciences to the nation's health and science levels of social reality. This approach to reality
agenda. A 1999 study released by the American is the core of the sociological perspective.
Cancer Society showed that two-thirds of all In this section we will see how sociology
cancer deaths could be prevented if we changed uncovers new levels of reality, discuss the soci­
our behavior in areas such as smoking and diet ological imagination, and define microsociol­
(American Cancer Society, 1999). Likewise, ogy and macrosociology.
human behavior and society are responsible for
New Levels of Reality
our environmental problems, and sociological
insight is required to solve them (Foster, 1999). A classic study by social scientist Elliot Liebow
Sociologists may design studies deliberately to (1967) in-a-jjowntown Washington. D C ,
evaluate public policies or to inform us about African-American neighborhood shows us how
social conditions, such as those that assess the sociology can reveal new levels of social reality­
effects of various criminal justice programs in the^earTy"T966s? our nation’s concern about
(Sampson and Laub, 1990; Langan, 1991), the poverty led Liebow to involve himself in a
social consequences of unemployment (Wilson, unique study of low-income urban black men.
1996), and the effects of family structure on Of course, most African Americans are not poor;
children and their futures (Waite, 2000; today, for example, nearly 80 percent live above
McLanahan and Sandefur, 1994; Acock and the poverty line (Dalaker and Proctor. 2000), and
Demo, 1994). The collection of census and African-American men are typically employed
other national statistical data, which is the and live respectable, conventional lives (Duneier,
foundation of many federal and state policies 1992). Nonetheless, most of the problems of
on health, education, housing, and welfare, is poverty that Liebow observed 30 years ago are
based on sample survey and statistical tech­ still with us today, and his findings continue to
niques developed by sociologists and other so­ provide insight into this major U.S. social prob­
cial scientists. Sociology, then, is a powerful lem. Perhaps more importantly for us, his study
scientific tool both for acquiring knowledge provides an excellent example of how sociologi­
about ourselves and for intervening in social af­ cal research allows us to go beyond outward ap­
fairs to realize various goals. pearances and simplistic explanations.
 The Sociological Perspective 5

Liebow conducted his study by hanging reasons, were not at work that particular morn­
out on a comer in front of the New Deal Carry­ ing. A few did not have jobs, but with reason;
out Shop, where he won the trust of 20 or so the man on the porch had severe arthritis.
African-American men. The men Liebow got Liebow discovered that streetcorner men and
to know came to the comer shop, not far from middle-class men differed not so much in their
the White House in a blighted section of the values and their attitudes toward the future as
city, to eat, to enjoy easy talk, and in general to in the different futures they saw ahead of them.
pass the time. The following excerpt relates Middle-class men have incomes high enough to
what Liebow observed one weekday morning justify long-term investments, and they hold
(Liebow, 1967:29): jobs that offer the promise of career advance­
ment. Like middle-class men, the men on the
A pickup truck drives slowly down the street. comer wanted stable jobs and marriages. How­
The truck stops as it comes abreast of a man ever, in their world, jobs were only intermit­
sitting on a cast-iron porch and the white tently available, almost always menial, often
driver calls out, asking if the man wants a hard, and invariably low paying. The street­
day’s work. The man shakes his head and the comer men were obliged to expend all their re­
truck moves on up the block, stopping again sources maintaining themselves in the present
whenever idling men come within calling dis­ and were fully aware of the hopelessness of
tance of the driver. At the Carry-out corner, five their prospects.
men debate the question briefly and shake their Social policy based on the truck driver’s in­
heads no to the truck. The truck turns the cor­ terpretations would be directed toward chang­
ner and repeats the same performance up the ing the motivations of streetcomer men and en­
next street. couraging them to develop those values and
goals that lead to occupational achievement.
The white truck driver viewed the African- But such social programs would have no
American streetcomer men as lazy and irrespon­ chance of succeeding; the men were already
sible, unwilling “to take a job even if it were willing to work and did not need to have their
handed to them on a platter.” Like many middle­ values and goals redirected.
class Americans then and today, he believed that In seeking an explanation for their behav­
inner-city African-American men live only for ior, Liebow looked beyond the individual men
the moment with little thought for long-term and the outward appearances of streetcorner
consequences. The truck driver assumed that all life. He turned his investigative eye upon the
the streetcomer men were able-bodied men with social arrangements that are external to individ­
no means of support—and no desire to take the uals but that nonetheless structure their experi­
work he offered them. Like many Americans, he ences and place constraints on their behavior.
assumed that the job problems of inner-city men
resulted from the men themselves—from their The Sociological Imagination
lack of willingness to work.
Because of his relationship with the men at A basic premise underlying sociology is the no­
the New Deal, Liebow was able to look beyond tion that only by understanding the society in
the stereotyped images of African-American which we live can we gain a fuller insight into
men to find another level of reality. Liebow our lives. C. Wright Mills (1959) termed this
found that most of the men who turned down quality of the discipline the sociological imagi­
the truck driver’s offer had jobs but, for various nation: the ability to see our. private experiences
 1.1 ISSUES IN FOCUS

The Reality in the Lives of Inner-City Men

Are Elliot Liebow's conclusions refuse to accept low-paying were tower than those of white
still valid? Sociologist Stephen jobs. But Petterson found “no men. Further, he found that
M. Petterson (1997) studied race differences in the wages both black and white men
this issue in today’s society. sought by young jobless men” often will accept work at lower
He wanted to investigate the (1997:605). Indeed, black wages than they have stated.
validity of the argument that men’s reports of the lowest His findings support the idea
young African-American males wage they would accept and that young black and white
are without jobs because they wages at last employment men share the same

and personal difficulties as, in part, a reflection stances. Rather, we need to focus on our eco­
of the structural arrangements of society and the nomic and political institutions for a definition
times in which we live. We tend to go about our of the problem, for an understanding of its
daily activities thinking only about school, job. causes, and for a range of possible solutions.
family, and neighborhood. The sociological The sociological imagination allows us to place
imagination allows us to see the relationship be­ the private job frustrations of many Americans
tween our personal experiences and broader so­ into the context of the structural factors operat­
cial and historical events. ing in the larger society and the workplace.
Mills, an influential but controversial soci­ We see the usefulness of the sociological
ologist, pointed out that our personal troubles imagination in other spheres of life as well.
and public issues "overlap and interpenetrate to Mills (1959:9) was especially concerned with
form the larger structure of social and historical issues of war and peace:
life.” The job difficulties experienced by many
Americans in the early 1990s provide an exam­ The personal problems of war, when it occurs,
ple. The restructuring and downsizing of corpo­ may be how to survive it or how to die in it with
rate America compounded the effects of eco­ honor; how to make money out of it; how to
nomic recession. This economic malaise had a climb into the higher safety of the military ap­
devastating effect on the employment ranks of paratus; or how to contribute to the war's ter­
the nation's youth: Nearly 2 million fewer mination. . . . But the structural issues of war
young people were employed in 1993 than in have to do with its causes; with what types of
1989 (Bernstein. 1993). Clearly, the work val­ men it throws up into command; with its effects
ues and attitudes of 2 million young Americans upon economic and political, family and reli­
did not change so drastically that by 1993 they gious institutions, with the unorganized irre­
were unwilling to work. Mills's (1959) point is sponsibility of a world of nation-states.
that in situations of this kind we cannot simply
look to the personal character of individuals to In sum. the sociological imagination allows
explain changes in their employment circum­ us to identify the links between our personal

6
standards for judging the disadvantage persist in our crime (Anderson, 1990; Huff-
acceptability of wages. As nation’s central cities because Corzine, Corzine, and Moore,
Liebow found in the 1960s, many low-skill jobs have 1991; Wilkie, 1991). Wilson
joblessness is not necessarily disappeared over the last contends that the primary
related to a lack of willingness three decades. Many blue- causes of the plight of inner-
to work for low wages, and collar jobs in manufacturing city African Americans are not
social programs designed in that had provided job security discrimination, pathological
ignorance of that fact are and mobility for the values, or welfare
doomed to failure. disadvantaged are gone. This dependency, as a simplistic
How then do we account fundamental problem of male look at outward appearances
for the problems of inner-city joblessness contributes to might suggest, but the
men? Sociologist William many problems of the inner changing structure of the
Julius Wilson (1987, 1991, city—high rates of welfare nation’s economy and the
1995) has shown that African- dependency, teenage widening class division among
American poverty and pregnancy, drug abuse, and African Americans.

lives and the larger social forces of life—to see periences. Microsociology, then, deals with
that what is happening to us immediately is a everyday life: a woman and a man initiating a
minute point at which our personal lives and conversation on a bus, several youngsters play­
society intersect. ing basketball on an inner-city playground,
guests at a baby shower, a police officer direct­
Microsociology ing traffic at a busy intersection, or students
and their teacher interacting in a classroom.
and Macrosociology Sociologists also turn an investigative eye
Sociologists seek to extend Mills’s insight by upon “the big picture” and study social groups
distinguishing between the micro, or small- and societies. This approach is termed
scale, aspects of the social enterprise and the macrosociology—macro meaning “large.”
macro, or large-scale, structural components. Macrosociology focuses upon large-scale and
When we focus on the micro elements, we ex­ long-term social processes of organizations, in­
amine behavior close-up and observe what hap­ stitutions, and broad social patterns, including
pens as people interact on a face-to-face basis. the state, social class, the family, the economy,
Sociologists term this level microsociology— culture, and society. At this level sociologists
micro meaning “small” as in the word “micro­ may direct their attention to the changes in the
scope.” Microsociology entails the detailed structure of a religious sect, the impact of pop­
study of what people say, do, and think mo­ ulation dynamics and computer technologies on
ment by moment as they go about their daily the work force, shifts in the racial and ethnic
lives. Liebow’s study of the African-American composition of a city, or the dynamics of inter­
men on the Washington streetcomer provides group competition and conflict. When we ex­
an illustration of microsociology. Liebow amine the lives of Liebow’s streetcomer men
wanted to find out how the men saw them­ from a macrosociological perspective, we gain
selves, how they dealt with one another in face- a picture of the institutional constraints that mi­
to-face encounters, and how they balanced their nority and economically disadvantaged men
hopes and aspirations with their real-world ex­ face and that limit their job opportunities.

7
8 Developing a Sociological Consciousness

The microsociological and macrosociologi- many Western nations resulted in large num­
cal levels are not independent of one another bers of people leaving a predominantly agri­
(Ritzer, 2000; House, 1995). The circumstances cultural setting for work in factories. New so­
of the streetcorner men Liebow studied and the cial and economic arrangements arose to
underclass Wilson described testify to this fact. provide the many demands of emergent capi­
We can most appropriately think of the distinc­ talism. These major changes in the way society
tion between “micro” and “macro” as one of was organized led some of the thinkers of the
degree (Lawler, Ridgeway, and Markovsky, day to turn their attention to the study of social
1993). Macro structures, such as organizations organization and social interactions, resulting
or the hierarchy of social classes, are composed in the founding of the science we now call so­
of routine patterns of interaction on the micro ciology (Ritzer, 2000).
level. Macro structures provide the social con­ In this section we will consider the contri­
texts in which people encounter one another at butions of six particularly influential sociolo­
the micro level. Micro structures, such as gists, the emergence of sociology in the United
friendship relations and work groups, form out States, and contemporary sociology.
of these encounters and provide a link from in­
dividuals to macro structures. Micro structures
also may cause change and evolution in macro Auguste Comte: The Founder
structures. For example, the macro structure of
education and an organization embedded in it,
of Sociology
your high school, may have provided the social Auguste Comte (1798-1857) is commonly
context from which your group of best credited with being the founder of sociology
friends—a micro structure—emerged. Such a and as having coined the name “sociology” for
group of students, through letter-writing cam­ the new science. He emphasized that the study
paigns, sit-ins, formation of clubs, and other of society must be scientific, and he urged soci­
means, can cause a high school and education ologists to use systematic observation, experi­
in general—macro structures—to adapt and mentation, and comparative historical analysis
change. In sum, complex webs of relationship as their methods.
between the micro and macro levels contribute Comte divided the study of society into so­
to an ever-changing and diverse social order cial statics and social dynamics, a conceptual
(Mouzelis, 1992). distinction that is still with us. Social statics
involves those aspects of social life that have to
do with order, stability, and social organization
The Development that allow societies and groups to hold together
and endure. Social dynamics refers to those
of Sociology processes of social life that pattern institutional
development and have to do with social
Sociology, too, is a product of micro and change. Although his specific ideas no longer
macro forces. The political revolutions ushered direct contemporary sociology, Comte created
in by the French Revolution in Europe in 1789 the intellectual foundation for a science of so­
and continuing through the 19th century pro­ cial life and exerted enormous influence on the
vided a major impetus to sociological work thinking of other sociologists, particularly Her­
(Ritzer, 2000; Lepenies, 1988). At the same bert Spencer, Harriet Martineau, and Emile
time, the Industrial Revolution that swept Durkheim.
 The Development of Sociology 9

Harriet Martineau: Feminist ety to a biological organism and depicted it as a

system, a whole made up of interrelated parts.
and Methodologist Just as the human body is made up of organs,
While Comte was laying the theoretical founda­ so society is made up of institutions (e.g., the
tions for sociology, the English sociologist Har­ family, religion, education, the state, and the
riet Martineau (1802-1876) was paving the way economy). In his description of society as an
for the new discipline through her observations organism, Spencer focused on its structures and
of social behavior in the United States and En­ the functional contributions these structures
gland. Like Comte, she insisted that the study of make to its survival. This image of society is in
society represents a separate scientific field. line with what sociologists now call structural-
Among her contributions was the first book on functional theory.
the methodology of social research, How to Ob­ Spencer viewed static social institutions as
serve Manners and Morals, published in 1838. the organs of society, but he had an even greater
She also undertook the comparative study of the interest in social dynamics. He proposed an
evolutionary theory of historical development,
stratification systems of Europe and the United
States. Martineau showed how the basic moral one that depicted the world as growing progres­
values of the young American nation shaped its sively better. Intrigued by the Darwinian view
of natural selection, Spencer applied the con­
key institutional arrangements. Throughout her
cept of survival of the fittest to the social world,
career Martineau was an ardent defender of
an approach termed Social Darwinism. He
women’s rights. She showed the similarities be­
sought to demonstrate that government should
tween the position of women in Western soci­
not interfere with the natural processes going on
eties and that of American slaves, and called for
in a society. In this manner, he argued, people
freedom and justice for all in an age in which
and social patterns that were “fit” would survive
they were granted only to white males (Rossi.
and those that were “unfit” would die out. If this
1973; Deegan, 1991).
principle were allowed to operate freely, human
Though Harriet Martineau was a popular
beings and their institutions would progres­
and influential intellectual and author during
sively adapt themselves to their environment
her lifetime, her contributions to sociology
and reach higher and higher levels of historical
were marginalized by the men who dominated
development (Ritzer, 2000).
the discipline during its early years and kept
Spencer’s Social Darwinist outlook shows
women like Martineau out of powerful aca­
that the ideas we hold about ourselves and the
demic positions (Ritzer, 2000). Consequently,
universe are shaped by the social age in which
Martineau’s significance in the early develop­
we live. Spencer did much of his serious writing
ment of sociology has only recently been fully
at the height of laissez-faire capitalism, so it is
recognized (Lengermann and Niebrugge,
hardly surprising that he embraced the doctrine
1996a; Hoecker-Drysdale, 1994).
that rugged individualism, unbridled competi­
tion, and noninterference by government would
Herbert Spencer and Social achieve the greatest positive good. Spencer’s
Social Darwinist ideas were used extensively
Darwinism within England and the United States to justify
Herbert Spencer (1820-1903), an English soci­ unrestrained capitalism. John D. Rockefeller,
ologist, shared Comte’s concern with social the American oil tycoon, would echo Spencer
statics and social dynamics. He compared soci­ and observe: “The growth of a large business is
10 Developing a Sociological Consciousness

merely a survival of the fittest. . . . This is not

an evil tendency in business. It is merely the
working out of a law of nature” (quoted by
Lewontin, Rose, and Karnin. 1984:26).

Karl Marx: The Role

of Class Conflict______________
Although Karl Marx (1818-1883) considered
himself a political activist and not a sociologist,
in truth he was both—and a philosopher, histo­
rian, economist, and political scientist as well.
He viewed science not only as a vehicle for un­
derstanding society but also as a tool for trans­
forming it. Marx was especially eager to
change the structure of capitalist institutions
and to establish new institutions in the service
of humanity. Although born in Germany, au­
thorities there viewed Marx as politically dan­
gerous, and he was compelled to spend much
of his adult life as a political exile in London.
Marx tried to discover the basic principles
of history. He focused his search on the eco­
nomic environments in which societies develop, The conflict perspective argues that the
particularly the current state of their technology structure of our society is powerfully
and their method of organizing production, such affected by conflicts such as that
as hunting and gathering, agriculture, or indus­ between the United Parcel Service
try. At each stage of history these factors dictate and its workers in 1997.
the group that will dominate society and the
groups that will be subjugated. He believed that
society is divided into those who own the means duction, primarily factories, which allows them
of producing wealth and those who do not, to exploit the labor of workers. The latter own
which gives rise to class conflict. All history, he nothing except their labor power and, because
said, is composed of struggles between classes. they are dependent for a living on the jobs pro­
In ancient Rome the conflict was between patri­ vided by capitalists, must sell their labor power
cians and plebeians and between masters and in order to exist.
slaves. In the Middle Ages it was a struggle be­ Marx’s perspective is called dialectical ma­
tween guildmasters and journeymen and be­ terialism, the notion that development depends
tween lords and serfs. In contemporary Western on the clash of contradictions and the subse­
societies, class antagonisms revolve about the quent creation of new, more advanced structures.
struggle between the oppressing capitalist class The approach depicts the world as made up not
or bourgeoisie and the oppressed working class of static structures but of dynamic processes, a
or proletariat. The former derive their income world of becoming rather than of being. In the
through their ownership of the means of pro- Marxian view of history, every economic order
 The Development of Sociology 11

grows to a state of maximum efficiency; at the Marx is now recognized by most sociolo­
same time, it develops internal contradictions or gists as a major figure in sociological theory
weaknesses that contribute to its decay. The (Ritzer, 2000: Pampel, 2000). Today he is bet­
roots of a new order begin to take hold in the old ter known and understood, and more widely
order. In time the new order displaces the old studied, than at any time since he began his ca­
order while absorbing its most useful features. reer in the 1840s. Much of what is valuable in
Marx depicted slavery as being displaced by his work has now been incorporated into main­
feudalism, feudalism by capitalism, capitalism stream sociology, particularly as it finds expres­
by socialism, and ultimately socialism by com­ sion in the conflict perspective. In sum, for
munism, the highest stage of society. most sociologists as for most historians and
In Marx’s theory, political ideologies, reli­ economists, Marx’s work is too outdated to fol­
gion, family organization, education, and gov­ low in its particulars, but it remains theoreti­
ernment make up what he called the super­ cally important and animates much contempo­
structure of society. This superstructure is rary research and theory (e.g., Kelley and
strongly influenced by the economic base of Evans, 1995; Wright, 2000).
society—its mode of producing goods and its
class structure. When one class controls the Emile Durkheim: Social
critical means whereby people derive their
livelihood, its members gain the leverage nec­
Integration and Social Facts
essary to fashion other aspects of institutional While Marx saw society as a stage upon which
life—the superstructure—in ways that favor classes with conflicting interests contested with
their class interests. However, the economic one another, the French sociologist Emile
structure does not only shape the superstruc­ Durkheim (1858-1916) focused his sociologi­
ture; aspects of the superstructure act upon the cal eye on the question of how societies hold
economic base and modify it in a reciprocal re­ together and endure. The principal objection
lationship. Marx thought that if. a revolutionary Durkheim had to Marx’s work was that Marx
ideology emerged to mobilize the working attributed too much importance to economic
class in pursuit of its class interest, the existing factors and class struggle and not enough to so­
social order would be overturned and replaced cial solidarity (Bottomore, 1981; Turner, 1990).
by one that would pursue more humane goals Central to Durkheim’s (1897/1951) sociol­
(Boswell and Dixon. 1993). In Marx’s view, ogy is the concept of social integration. Social
economic factors—whether one owns and con­ integration refers to the density of social rela­
trols the means of production—are primary. tionships, literally the number of relationships
For this reason, he is viewed by many as an that exist among a collection of people. The
economic determinist. more people are connected to one another, the
Though Marx is often identified with the stronger and more meaningful are the senti­
communist revolutions and socialist govern­ ments that emerge out of these relationships
ments that appeared in many nations in the (Pope, 1976). Durkheim argued that social inte­
20th century. Marx actually had little to say gration is necessary for the maintenance of the
about communism or socialism. Marx was a social order and for the happiness of individu­
utopian who centered his attention on capital­ als. In particular, he suggested that happiness
ism and its internal dynamics, assuming that depends on individuals finding a sense of
when socialism replaced capitalism many of meaning outside themselves that occurs within
the world’s problems would disappear. the context of group involvement. Durkheim
12 Developing a Sociological Consciousness

sought to demonstrate that the destruction of themselves in the sense that facts have an inde­
social bonds (e.g.. divorce) has negative conse­ pendent reality and form a part of people's ob­
quences and under some circumstances can in­ jective environment. As such, social facts serve
crease the chance that people will commit sui­ to constrain their behavior, and include not
cide. Other sociologists picked up on this only legal and moral rules in society, but also
central idea and showed how the breakdown of relationships and behavior patterns of others
group bonds can contribute to deviant behavior that affect our day-to-day lives.
(Merton. 1968) and participation in social Material social facts include society itself,
movements (Kornhauser. 1959). Like Marx. its major institutions (the state, religion, family,
Durkheim continues to influence modem soci­ education, etc.) and the various forms that un­
ology, stimulating research and theoretical derlie society (housing patterns, the crime rate,
change (Brint. 2001: von Poppel and Day. population distributions, etc.). Nonmaterial so­
1996: Lehman. 1994. 1995: Mestrovfc. 1992). cial facts are the social rules, principles of
In The Division of Labor in Society (1893/ morality , meanings of symbols, and the shared
1964). Durkheim examined social solidarity, consciousness that results from these.
the tendency of people to maintain social rela­ Durkheim insisted that the explanation of
tionships. He distinguished between the types social life must be sought in society itself. So­
of solidarity7 found in early and modem soci­ ciety. he said, is more than the sum of its parts:
eties. In early societies such as hunting and it is a system formed by the association of indi­
gathering or agrarian societies, the social viduals that comes to constitute a reality with
structure was relatively simple, with little divi­ its own distinctive characteristics.
sion of labor. People were knit together by Durkheim convincingly demonstrated the
their engagement in similar tasks. They de­ critical part social facts play in human behavior
rived a sense of oneness from being so much in his book Suicide (1897/1951). a landmark
alike, what Durkheim termed mechanical soli­ study in the history7 of sociology. Whereas ear­
darity. Modem societies, in contrast, are char­ lier sociologists were given to armchair specu­
acterized by complex social structures and a lation. Durkheim undertook the painstaking
sophisticated division of labor. People perform collection and analysis of data on suicide. He
specialized tasks in factories, offices, and found that suicide rates were higher among
schools. No one person is self-sufficient, and Protestants than Catholics, higher among the
all must depend upon others to survive. Under unmarried than the married, and higher among
these circumstances, society is held together soldiers than civilians. Moreover, suicide rates
by the interdependence fostered by the differ­ were higher in times of peace than in times of
ences among people, what Durkheim labeled war and revolution, and higher in times of eco­
organic solidarity . nomic prosperity and recession than in times of
In examining social solidarity and other so­ economic stability. He concluded that different
ciological questions. Durkheim believed that suicide rates are the consequence of variations
we should focus on the group, not the individ­ in social solidarity. Individuals enmeshed in a
ual. He contended that the distinctive subject web of social bonds are less inclined to suicide
matter of sociology should be the study of so­ than individuals who are weakly integrated into
cial facts. Social facts are aspects of social life group life.
that cannot be explained in terms of the biolog­ Durkheim was the first major sociologist to
ical or mental characteristics of the individual. face up to the complex problems associated
People experience social facts as external to with the disciplined and rigorous empirical
study of social life. He challenged the idea that of something they want to study. It is a tool
suicide was the result of purely individual fac­ that allows sociologists to generalize and sim­
tors. As an alternative, he proposed that suicide plify data by ignoring minor differences in
is a social fact: a product of the meanings, ex­ order to accentuate major similarities. For ex­
pectations, and structural arrangements that ample, a police department and a hospital dif­
evolve as people interact with one another. As fer in many obvious respects, but they share
such, suicide is explainable by social factors. many attributes under the heading “bureau­
cracy.” In Chapter 4 we will see pp. iis-16
Max Weber: Subjectivity how Weber employed the notion of the ideal
type to devise his model of bureaucracy. The
and Social Organization ideal type serves as a measuring rod against
No sociologist other than Marx has had a which sociologists can evaluate actual cases.
greater impact on sociology than the German For example, if sociologists determine, on the
sociologist Max Weber (1864—1920). Over the basis of historical and contemporary evidence,
course of his career, Weber left a legacy of rich that the ideal type of bureaucracy has a spe­
insights for a variety of disciplines, including cific set of characteristics, they can compare
economics, political science, and history. this ideal type with actual bureaucracies and
Among sociologists, he is known not only for then develop explanations for why some of the
his theoretical contributions but also for a num­ characteristics of actual bureaucracies deviate
ber of specific ideas that have generated consid­ from the ideal type. In this way we can learn
erable interest and research in their own right. much about causes of variation in how organi­
Many common but important ideas that we use zations function.
to understand social life have their origin in the In his writings Weber stressed the impor­
work of Weber, including bureaucracy, lifestyle, tance of a value-free sociology. He emphasized
the Protestant ethic, and charisma. His socio­ that sociologists must not allow their personal
logical work covered a wide range of topics, in­ biases to affect the conduct of their scientific
cluding politics, organizations, social stratifica­ research. Weber recognized that sociologists,
tion, law, religion, capitalism, music, the city, like everyone else, have individual biases and
and cross-cultural comparison. moral convictions regarding behavior. But he
Weber contended that a critical focus for insisted that sociologists must cultivate a disci­
sociology is the study of human subjectivity: plined approach to the phenomena they study
the intentions, values, beliefs, and attitudes that so that they may see facts as they are, not as
underlie people’s behavior. Weber employed they might wish them to be. By the same token,
the German word Verstehen—meaning “under­ Weber recognized that objectivity is not neu­
standing” or “insight”—in describing this ap­ trality or moral indifference. Neutrality implies
proach for learning about the subjective mean­ that a person does not take sides on an issue
ings people attach to their actions. In using this and moral indifference that one does not care;
method, sociologists mentally attempt to place objectivity has to do with the pursuit of scien­
themselves in the shoes of other people and tifically verifiable knowledge. Though he pro­
identify what they think and how they feel. moted objectivity as an important goal in social
Another notable sociological contribution science, he did not take a neutral stance as an
Weber made is the concept of the ideal type. intellectual or as a citizen. He was not afraid to
An ideal type is a concept constructed by soci­ express a value judgment or to tackle important
ologists to portray the principal characteristics issues of the day (Ritzer, 2000).
14 Developing a Sociological Consciousness

American Sociology
The sociologists we have considered thus far
have been of European origin. Were sociologists
to establish a sociological Hall of Fame. Comte.
Martineau. Spencer. Marx. Durkheim. and
Weber w ould unquestionably be among its first
inductees. Yet. as sociology entered the 20th
century. .Americans assumed a critical role in its
development. In the period preceding World
War I. an array of factors provided a favorable
climate for sociology in the United States
(Fuhrman. 1980: Hinkle. 1980). As in Europe,
the Industrial Revolution and urbanization gave
a major impetus to sociological study. An added
factor was the massive immigration of foreign­
ers to the United States and the problems their
absorption and assimilation posed for American
life. Further, both sociology and the modem
university system arose together. In Europe, by
contrast sociology had a more difficult time be­ WEB. DuBois conducted path-
coming established because it had to break into breaking research on African-
an established system of academic disciplines. American life, developed a
Early American sociology was optimistic, theoretical understanding of racial
forward-looking, and rooted in a belief in inequality, and advocated radical
progress, the value of individual freedom and social change to eliminate racism.
welfare, and a confidence that, though there
might be some flaws. .American society was ba­
sically sound. Some early American sociolo­
gists. like Lester Ward (1841-1918). believed Philadelphia, w hich appeared as The Philadel­
that sociologists should identity the basic laws phia Negro in 1900. Between 1896 and 1914.
that underlie social fife and use this know ledge DuBois led the annual Atlanta University Con­
to reform society7. Others, like William Graham ferences on Negro Problems that produced the
Sumner (1840-1910). adapted a survival-of- first reliable sociological research on the South.
the-fittest approach derived from Spencer, be­ Contributions of considerable significance
lieving that society's problems would work to sociology w ere also made by sociologists at
themselves out if left alone. the University of Chicago, w here the first de­
An exception to such optimism is the work partment of sociology in the United States w as
of W. E. B. DuBois (1868-1963). a leading established in 1893. Here, in the first 30 years
African-American intellectual and one of the of the 20th century , a number of sociologists
founders of the National Association for the Ad­ carried out work that remains influential in so­
vancement of Colored People, w ho advocated ciology today. The city of Chicago w as viewed
radical changes to eliminate racial inequality. as a "social laboratory." and it was subjected to
DuBois also took sociology out of the ivory intense and systematic study. Included in this
tower and did investigative fieldwork, gathering research w ere investigations of juvenile gangs,
material on the African-American community7 of immigrant ghettos, wealthy Gold Coast and
 The Development of Sociology 15

slum life, taxi-dance halls, prostitution, and lieved sociology should be a science concerned
mental disorders. with pursuing knowledge for its own sake, so
During this period. Chicago sociologists they insisted that the discipline not be focused
trained an estimated half of the sociologists in directly on solving social problems.
the world. Significantly, a number of the However, the social turmoil of the 1960s
world's most capable female social scientists and early 1970s brought to sociology many stu­
were among the university’s graduates. But its dents who were activists for civil rights, student
department of sociology was largely a male power, and peace. These young “new breed” so­
world, one that afforded a hostile environment ciologists contended that the doctrine of socio­
to the political activism espoused by many of logical neutrality was a cloak concealing moral
the women. The women's world of sociology insensitivity. In their reaction against the neu­
was centered at Hull House, a Chicago settle­ trality of previous decades, they also broke with
ment house cofounded in 1889 by Jane Ad- established sociological theory and sought new
dams and Ellen Gates Starr. Settlement houses directions in theory and research grounded in
were charitable establishments set up in poor the work of Karl Marx and C. Wright Mills (see
neighborhoods to provide services to the urban Agger. 1991. and Maynard and Clayman, 1991).
poor, particularly immigrants. Hull House
served as a model for the social reform activi­
ties and the civic, recreational, and educational Contemporary Sociology
programs that came to be identified with the The evolution of sociology continues. Among
settlement houses that were established the many theoretical developments that have
throughout the nation. The juvenile court sys­ occurred, three influential and related frame­
tem and workers’ compensation were products works stand out: critical theory, feminism, and
of the two women’s efforts. Addams and Starr postmodernism.
also pioneered campaigns for woman suffrage,
better housing, improvements in public wel­ ▲ Critical Theory
fare, stricter child-labor laws, and the protec­ Critical theory grew out of a dissatisfaction
tion of working women. The women of Hull with 20th-century sociology in general and
House are credited with inventing the research Marxism in particular (Ritzer. 2000). Early crit­
procedures of community case studies and of ical theorists were German sociologists who
demographic mapping—showing on city maps fled the Nazi regime in the 1930s and came to
the distributions of people with respect to in­ the United States, where some remained. These
come. age, ethnicity, language, levels of educa­ critical theorists and their followers criticized
tion, and other characteristics—that would sociology for having a scientific approach that
later become hallmarks of Chicago sociology viewed individuals as passive and helpless enti­
(Deegan, 1988; Fitzpatrick, 1990; Lengermann ties locked in social structures and for analvz^
and Niebrugge. 1996a). ing societies without detecting social problems
During the 1940s and until the mid-1960s, or envisioning what societies should be. They
sociologists at Columbia, Harvard, and the Uni­ criticized Marxism because they believed it de­
versity of California at Berkeley took the lead nied the importance of culture by viewing it as
and established the major directions for socio­ part of the “superstructure,” largely determined
logical research and theory, crafting techniques by economic forces. Critical theoristsjirgne
for surveying public attitudes and refining that mass culture_Xe.g.. television film, popular
models that portrayed society as a system made music), a product of a capitalist media industry.
up of parts with interrelated functions. At this cannot be a true reflection of people‘s heliefs
time the leaders of American sociology be­ tastes. Values, ideas, and lifestyles Instead
16 Developing a Sociological Consciousness

mass culture pacifies, represses^ and conimls (Tong, 1989; England, 1993) and which have
people who might otherwise recognize impor- recently begun to significantly impact main­
tant contradictions and inequalities in their so­ stream sociological theory (Chafetz. 1997). The
cial lTvesT~CntTcal theorists claim that mass cul­ latest major developments in feminist theory
ture makes the political system seem to be a and research grow out of the realization that the
benign entity, supporting the status quo, that social experience of gender is not universal.
benefits all. Women’s and men’s experiences are strongly
Critical theory is both an outgrowth of and influenced by social class, race, ethnicity, na­
a contributor to conflict theory, which we will tionality, age, and sexual preference and by
discuss in the next section. It has also had a their social positions in the family, the labor
major influence on two other contemporary force, and the world economic system. For ex­
movements in sociology: feminism and post­ ample, the experience of being a young white
modern social theory. middle-class male Episcopalian is fundamen­
tally different from that of an elderly female
A Feminism Cuban immigrant living in poverty. Sociologi­
Feminism is an intellectual movement in the cal feminism places much emphasis on differ­
humanities and social sciences that is currently ent forms of oppression, on how these forms
having a profound impact on the nature and di­ intersect with gender and with each other, on
rection of sociology (e.g., Thistle, 2000). Soci­ the resulting diversity of experience, and on the
ological feminism begins with the observation implications such an orientation has for the
that for most of the history of sociology, elimination of all forms of exploitation and op­
women hardly appear in social theory and re­ pression (Richardson. Taylor, and Whittier.
search. Men’s experiences have been viewed as 1997; Lengermann and Niebrugge, 1996b).
universal and women’s activities and experi­
ences have been hidden. When women have A Postmodernism
been studied and theorized about, it is in mar­ Like feminism, postmodernism (Ritzer. 1997;
ginal and secondary roles such as housewife or Best and Kellner. 1991; Rosenau. 1992) is an
workers in other low-status occupations. Femi­ intellectual movement that has influenced
nism explicitly examines women’s roles and scholarship in literature, art. politics, communi­
experiences in society, working to fully un­ cations. and other disciplines, as well as sociol­
cover women’s contributions to social life and ogy. Postmodernists are deeply distrustful of
the nature of the structures and processes that science and the principle of objectivity, arguing
maintain gender inequality. At the same time, that scientific knowledge is as much a product
sociological feminism has worked to develop of the socially determined interests and biases
theories grounded in the experiences and situa­ of investigators as it is of facts, which them­
tions of women that can be used to criticize op­ selves are products of social processes. In addi­
pressive social relations and produce social tion. postmodernists point out that scientific
transformation for the betterment of all hu­ knowledge has failed to solve social problems
mankind (Lengermann and Niebrugge. 1996b). or to prevent war and genocide.
Feminism is not a single theory but an At the core of postmodern social theory is
evolving set of theoretical perspectives, includ­ the assumption that the modem period of his­
ing liberal feminism. Marxian feminism, psy­ tory is coming to an end. That period, which
choanalytic feminism, radical feminism, and began with the Enlightenment and the end of
socialist feminism, all of which focus on the medieval period, included industrialization,
women's experiences and on gender inequality urbanization, colonialism, and the ideologies of
 lopment of Sociology 17

According to postmodernism, we have entered an age in which human society

is dominated by images and information disseminated through mass media.

democracy, individualism, and secularism. Ac­ In its most extreme formulations (e.g.,
cording to postmodernists, we are now entering Baudrillard, 1983, 1990), having no confidence
an age dominated not by the goods-producing that any social and moral principles exist to
economy of modernity but by the production give meaning to people’s lives and no hope that
and dissemination of images and information human beings can control the processes that
through mass media and advanced computer oppress them, postmodernism is a very pes­
technology. If societies are based on ever­ simistic framework (Adam and Allan, 1995;
changing signs, codes, and models presented in see also Sica, 1996), arguing that there is no
the media, they have no basic structure, and the foundation for objective, reliable knowledge
grand abstract social theories of Marx, about social life.
Durkheim, Weber, and others discussed above Though postmodernism has no coherent set
can be of little use in understanding them. In of theoretical principles, it does point to some
the world of postmodern theory, culture is an of the ways that contemporary societies con­
amalgamation of images, symbols, and ideas strain and control people, particularly through
from television programs, MTV, commercials, media and advertising (Ritzer, 1995, 1997), and
magazines, and other sources and conveys no it suggests ways people can liberate them­
essential, enduring meanings. Social divisions, selves. Postmodernism has also broadened so­
where they exist, thus have no legitimacy and ciology through its emphasis on the multidisci­
should be removed, eliminating barriers be­ plinary nature of social inquiry, revitalized
tween races, ethnic groups, genders, cultures, sociology’s debunking function through the
nations, and academic disciplines. method of deconstructing texts to show their
18 Developing a Sociological Consciousness

hidden assumptions, and encouraged continu­ which emphasizes order and stability; conflict
ous reexamination of basic theoretical assump­ theory, which focuses on inequality, exploita­
tions (Ritzer, 1996b). tion, oppression, social turmoil, and social
change; and symbolic interactionism, which ar­
gues that society emerges from and is changed
Theoretical by the process of human beings interacting
Perspectives with one another using symbols based in shared
meanings. Together, these three perspectives
As we have seen, sociologists have asked fun­ form the theoretical background of most cur­
damental questions about social life throughout rent sociological work. We will be returning to
the history of sociology: Why does social in­ them throughout the book. For now, let us
equality exist? How do people learn to interact briefly examine each in turn.
with each other and be effective participants in
society? How and why do societies change? The Functionalist Perspective
Sociologists have answered these and many The structural-functional—or, more simply,
more by developing social theories. No one so­ functionalist—perspective draws substantially
cial theory has been so successful that it has upon the ideas of Auguste Comte, Herbert
been able to eliminate its competitors and dom­ Spencer, and Emile Durkheim. Its theorists take
inate the field. a broad view of society and focus on the macro
There now exist many different social theo­ aspects of social life. In the 1950s and early
ries to explain many different facets of our so­ 1960s the functionalist theories of Talcott Par­
cial lives. To reduce complexity, we can com­ sons (1949, 1951) and his students occupied
bine theories with similar approaches into center stage in American sociology. Indeed,
theoretical perspectives. A theoretical perspec­ some proponents such as Kingsley Davis
tive provides a set of assumptions, interrelated (1959) argued that the approach was essentially
concepts, and statements about how various so­ synonymous with sociology.
cial phenomena are related to one another.
An important development of 20th-century A Society as a Social System
sociology was the emergence of three general Functionalists take as their starting point the
theoretical perspectives. The adherents of each notion that society is a system, a set of elements
perspective ask somewhat different questions or components that are related to one another in
about society and provide different views of so­ a more or less stable fashion through a period
cial life. We do not need to accept only one of time. Functionalists focus on the parts of so­
model and reject all the others; rather, theoreti­ ciety, particularly its major institutions, such as
cal perspectives are tools—mental constructs— the family, religion, the economy, the state, and
that allow us to visualize something. Any model education. They identify the structural charac­
necessarily limits our experience and presents teristics of each part much as biologists de­
just one angle on a concept, but a good model scribe the principal features of the body’s or­
also increases what we can see by providing gans. They then determine what the functions
rules of inference through which new relation­ of each part are.
ships can be discovered and suggestions about One of the features of a system stressed
how the scope of a theory can be expanded. by functionalists is its tendency toward equi­
The three contemporary theoretical per­ librium. or balance, among its parts and
spectives in sociology are: functionalism, among the forces operating on it. Change in
 Theoretical Perspectives 19

one part has implications for other parts and he terms dysfunctions. Poverty, for example,
for the community or society as a whole, with has both functional and dysfunctional properties
change and adaptation being a continuous (Gans, 1972). It is functional because it ensures
process. Some parts may also change more that the nation's "dirty work” is done^those
rapidly than others, contributing to social dis­ [obsjh^are physically dirty, dangerousTtempo7^
locations. For example, as increasing numbers rary, dead-end, poorly paid, and menial. Poverty
of mothers with preschool children enter the also creates jobs for those who serve the poor or
paid labor force, new arrangements are re­ who "shield” the rest of the population from_~~
quired to take care of their children during the them: police, social workers, loan sharks, and
day. Yet licensed day care facilities are cur­ drug pushers. However, poverty is dysfunctional
rently available for fewer than one-third of the Because it intensifies a variety of social prob­
children with mothers in the labor force. Many lems. including those associated with health,
children—as many as 75 percent of those from education crime, and drug addiction. And the
low-income homes—are currently receiving yjctims of poverty often experience a~serise~of ~
inadequate care (U.S. National Center for Edu­ alienation from society that leads them to with­
cational Statistics, 1995). hold their loyalty from the system.

▲ Functions and Dysfunctions ▲ Manifest and Latent Functions

Within system analysis, functionalists pay par­ Merton (1968) also distinguished between
ticular attention to the functions performed by manifest functions and latent functions. Mani­
a system’s parts, especially organizations, fest functions are those consequences that are
groups, institutions, and cultural patterns. intended and recognized by the participants in a
Functionalists say that if a system is to survive, system; latent functions are those conse­
certain essential tasks must be performed; quences that are neither intended nor recog­
otherwise, the system fails to maintain itself nized. This distinction draws our attention to
and perishes. If society is to exist, its members the fact that people’s conscious motivations for
must make provision for certain functional re­ engaging in a behavior are not necessarily iden­
quirements. Institutions, to be discussed in tical with the behavior’s objective conse­
| p- 59 ]-»• more detail in Chapter 2, are the prin­ quences and helps to clarify what otherwise
cipal structures whereby these critical tasks for may seem to be irrational social patterns. Some
social living—functions—are organized, di­ ceremonials of the Hopi Indians of the South­
rected, and executed. Each institution, such as west, for example, are designed to produce
education, the economy, and the family, is built rain. Though these rituals do not actually pro­
around a standardized solution to a set of prob­ duce rain, their latent function is to produce a
lems. Functions are the observed consequences collective expression by which the Hopi people
of the existence of institutions, groups, and achieve a sense of social solidarity. What out­
other system parts that permit the adaptation or siders may see as irrational behavior (perform­
adjustment of a system (Merton, 1968). ing a rain ceremony) is actually functional for
Robert K. Merton (1968) pointed out that the group itself.
just as institutions and the other parts of society
can contribute to the maintenance of the social ▲ Social Consensus
system, they can also have negative conse­ Functionalists also assume that most members
quences. Those observed consequences that of a society agree on what is desirable, worth­
lessen the adaptation or adjustment of a system while, and moral, and what is undesirable,
20 Developing a Sociological Consciousness

worthless, and evil. Through a social learning many matters. Where functionalists depict soci­
process, they come to share a consensus regard­ ety in relatively static terms, conflict theorists
ing their core values and beliefs. For example, emphasize the processes of change that contin­
most Americans accept the values and beliefs ually transform social life. Where functionalists
inherent in democracy, the doctrine of equal stress the order and stability to be found in so­
opportunity, and the notion of personal achieve­ ciety, conflict theorists emphasize disorder and
ment. Functionalists say that this high degree instability. Where functionalists see the com­
of consensus on basic values provides the foun­ mon interests shared by the members of a soci­
dation for social integration and stability in ety, conflict theorists focus upon the interests
U.S. society. that divide. Where functionalists view consen­
sus as the basis of social unity, conflict theo­
▲ Evaluation of the Functionalist rists insist that social unity is an illusion resting
Perspective on coercion. Finally, where functionalists often
The functionalist perspective is a useful tool for view existing social arrangements as necessary
describing society and identifying its structural and justified by the requirements of group life,
parts and the functions of these parts at a partic­ conflict theorists see many of the arrangements
ular point in time. It provides a “big picture” of as neither necessary nor justified.
the whole of social life, particularly as it finds
expression in patterned, recurrent behavior and ▲ Diversity of Approaches
institutions. For some purposes, it is clearly Although conflict theory derives much of its in­
helpful to have a clear description of the parts spiration from the work of Karl Marx, it has
that make up society and how they fit together. many other sources as well, including the work
However, such an approach does not pro­ of such sociologists as Georg Simmel
vide us with the entire story of social life. The (1908/1955, 1950), Lewis Coser (1956). and
functionalist approach has difficulty dealing Randall Collins (1975). Although class conflict
with history and processes of social change. In was the core of Marx’s theory, many contempo­
the real world, societies are constantly chang­ rary sociologists view conflict as occurring
ing, but functionalism has done a poor job of among many groups and interests—religion
accounting for the never-ending flow of inter­ versus religion, race versus race, consumers
action that occurs among people. Moreover, the versus producers, taxpayers versus welfare re­
functionalist perspective tends to exaggerate cipients, sunbelt versus snowbelt states, central
consensus, integration, and stability while dis­ city residents versus suburbanites, the young
regarding conflict, dissent, and instability. The versus the elderly, and so on.
problems that structural-functional theory has
in dealing with change, history, and conflict ▲ Sources of Conflict
have led critics to charge that it has a conserva­ The main source of conflict in human societies
tive bias and that it tends to support existing so­ is scarcity of the resources people require, ac­
cial arrangements. cording to the conflict perspective. Wealth,
prestige, and power are always in limited sup­
ply, so that gains for one individual or group
The Conflict Perspective are often associated with losses for others.
Conflict theorists, like functionalists, focus Power—the ability to control the behavior of
their attention on society as a whole, studying others, even against their will—determines who
its institutions and structural arrangements. Yet will gain and who will lose (Lasswell. 1936).
the two perspectives are at odds on a good Power also determines which group will be
 Theoretical Perspectives 21

able to translate its preferences for behavior (its gration. and stability; the functionalist ap­
values) into the operating rules for others. Con­ proach affords penetrating insights.
flict theorists ask how it is that some groups ac­ Some sociologists contend that the func­
quire power, dominate other groups, and effect tionalists and conflict theorists are simply
their will in human affairs. In so doing, they studying two aspects of the same reality. They
look at who benefits and who loses from the note that both consensus and conflict are central
way society is organized. features of social life. In addition, both ap­
proaches have traditionally taken a holistic view
▲ How Society Is Possible of social life, portraying societies as systems of
If social life is fractured and fragmented by interrelated parts (van den Berghe. 1963).
confrontations between individuals or groups, Other sociologists such as Lewis Coser
how is a society possible? Functionalists say (1956), drawing upon the seminal work done
society is held together primarily by a consen­ by Georg Simmel (1908/1955), suggested that
sus among its members regarding core values under some circumstances conflict is functional
and norms, but conflict theorists reject this for society; it prevents social systems from be­
view. They maintain that society is often held coming rigid and fixed by exerting pressure for
together in the face of conflicting interests. change and innovation. The civil rights move­
When one group enjoys sufficient power, it ment. although challenging established inter­
makes and enforces rules and shapes institu­ ests and racist patterns, may have contributed
tional life so that its interests are served. Many to the long-term stability of American institu­
conflict theorists regard the state—government tions by bringing African Americans into the
and the rules it creates and enforces—as an in­ “system.”
strument of oppression employed by ruling elites However, it is clear that conflict can be dys­
for their own benefit: functionalists tend to view functional for an existing system. The many de­
the state as an organ of the total society, func­ structive conflicts around the world that are pre­
tioning to promote social control and stability. venting societies and nations from fully
Many divided but overlapping interest developing socially and economically, such as
groups generate a large number of crosscutting those between the Israelis and Palestinians in the
conflicts. People who are opponents in one Middle East and between Catholics and Protes­
conflict are allies in another. Society persists tants in Northern Ireland, serve as examples.
because no one conflict can become so great as
to tear the society apart (Coser, 1956). For ex­ The Interactionist Perspective
ample, an African-American woman at odds
with her white neighbor over affirmative action The functionalist and conflict perspectives take
policy may agree with her about increasing a big-picture approach to sociology, focusing
funding for their neighborhood schools. on the macro or large-scale structures of soci­
ety. In contrast, the interactionist perspective is
▲ Evaluation of the Conflict more concerned with the micro or small-scale
Perspective aspects of social life. Sociologists like Charles
The conflict perspective complements function­ Horton Cooley (1902/1964). George Herbert
alist theory. The functionalist approach has dif­ Mead (1934/1962). Manford Kuhn (1964). and
ficulty dealing with history and social change; Herbert Blumer (1969) turned their attention to
the conflict approach makes these matters its the individuals who make up society and asked
strength. The conflict approach has difficulty how social interaction is possible. Answers to
dealing with some aspects of consensus, inte­ this question focus on individuals’ subjective
 Developing a Sociological Consciousness

experiences and understandings, and especially as they intervene in the world and interpret
on how shared understandings of the world what is happening there using the symbols and
emerge from social interaction and form the meanings available to them. Accordingly, sym­
basis for social life. As with the functionalist bolic interactionists say that we experience the
and conflict perspectives, a number of themes world as a constructed reality.
recur in the various formulations of interaction- Everyday fashion is a good example. When
ist thought. we encounter a person dressed in a certain way.
the reaction we have to the clothes they wear is
▲ Symbols not to the clothes per se, but to the meanings
Interactionists emphasize that we are social be­ they symbolize. High-topped black tennis
ings who live a group existence. However, we shoes, hiking boots, wing-tips, flip-flops, and
possess few. if any, innate behaviors for relat­ Birkenstocks each have a different meaning,
ing to one another. Whatever inborn capacities and the meaning shifts depending on other
we have seem to require exposure to others to characteristics of the wearer, including age.
fully develop; we will discuss this further in gender, and race.
Chapter 3. If we are largely lacking in such in­ Symbolic interactionists also emphasize
born mechanisms, how is society possible? In­ how symbols and meanings emerge to provide a
teractionists find the answer in the ability of more concrete reality to things that are abstract
human beings to communicate by means of and elusive, such as societies and nations.
symbols. A symbol is something that stands for Though it is difficult to point to a society the
something else. That something else is its way we can point to a chair or a tree, we give
meaning. Social interaction, and therefore soci­ our society a name (“the United States,”
ety itself, is possible because people share “Canada.” or “India”), we draw borders between
meanings. The combined emphasis on symbols our society and others, and we come to treat the
and interaction gives this perspective its name: United States. Canada, and India as objects. By
symbolic interactionism. acting and interacting with others as if the
United States is real, we make it real. By treating
▲ Meaning: Constructing Reality society and its parts as “things,” we give them
Symbolic interactionism is based on three core existence and continuity (Hewitt. 1979).
assumptions (Mead. 1934; Blumer, 1969; Fine, All this leads symbolic interactionists to
1993). First, we respond to things in our envi­ say that if sociologists are to understand social
ronment on the basis of their meanings—that life, they must understand what people actually
is, the understandings we have of them. Our re­ say and do from the viewpoint of the people
sponses differ if we see people swinging bats as themselves. Put another way. sociologists must
playing a baseball game or as trying to hit us. “get inside people's heads” and view the
Second, meanings are not inherent in things, “world” as it is seen, interpreted, acted upon,
but emerge from social interaction. Turning 16 and shaped by the people themselves. This ori­
years of age is no more meaningful than turn­ entation is strongly influenced by Max Weber's
ing 15, except for the social conventions (e.g.. concept of Verstehen.
obtaining one’s driver's license) that make this
a particularly meaningful birthday. Third, be­ ▲ Fashioning Behavior
cause we are continually interacting, shared Symbolic interactionists portray us as cre­
cultural meanings are continually emerging and atively constructing our actions in accordance
changing. The world we live in. therefore, is with the meanings we attribute to a situation. In
largely a social reality, manufactured by people fashioning our behavior we use symbols to de-
 Theoretical Perspectives 23

fine our perceptual inputs, mentally outline social process of diagnosis based on socially
possible responses, imagine the consequences constructed categories of illness, one may wish
of alternative courses of action, eliminate un­ to argue that mental illness is not “real.” How­
likely possibilities, and finally select the opti­ ever, as philosopher John R. Searle (1995)
mal mode of action (Stryker, 1980). We men­ made clear, we can understand social reality as
tally rehearse our actions before we actually act constructed without rejecting the idea that there
and. upon acting, serve as audiences to our own is a reality totally independent of us that may
actions. As a result, our behavior is improvised affect our social constructions. Second, in their
and unpredictable; we must continually create everyday lives people do not enjoy total flexi­
meanings and devise ways to fit our actions to­ bility in shaping their actions. Although inter­
gether (Manis and Meltzer, 1994). actionists acknowledge that many of our ac­
We are at least as likely to shape “social tions are guided by systems of preestablished
structure” as to be shaped by it. Think of the meanings, including culture and social order,
social structure that is your relationship with many interactionists downplay the parts these
your roommate(s). It’s unlikely that you were larger elements play in our lives. And third, re­
handed a list of rules for coexisting; rather, you search by symbolic interactionists has often fo­
have negotiated agreements, spoken and unspo­ cused on narrow aspects of social life, such as
ken, about how to do so. Your relationship nude beaches, the relationships between prosti­
shifts and changes as you encounter problems tutes and truck drivers, and the definition of re­
and solve them. It is a circular process, in ality created from the time a parachutist leaves
which social structure influences individuals the plane until he or she reaches the ground.
and individuals influence social structure. To rectify some of these problems a num­
ber of sociologists (Collins, 2000; Fine, 1993;
▲ Evaluation of the Interactionist Stryker, 1980, 1987) have introduced structural
Perspective and large-scale components into interactionist
The interactionist perspective has the advantage thought by linking social structure to the indi­
of bringing “people” into the panorama of socio­ vidual and by showing that the intertwined pat­
logical investigation. From interactionists we terns of action and interaction form the founda­
gain an image of human beings as active agents tion for groups and societies.
who fashion their behavior, as opposed to an
image of individuals who simply respond pas­
sively in a manner prescribed by social rules and
Using the Three Perspectives
institutional arrangements. This perspective di­ The details of and contrasts among the three so­
rects our attention to the activities of individuals ciological perspectives will become clearer as
as they go about their everyday lives. Through we see how they operate in the chapters to come.
interaction they acquire the symbols and the As we noted, each theoretical approach has its
meanings that allow them to interpret situations, advantages and its disadvantages. (Table 1.1 is a
assess the advantages and disadvantages of summary of the major theoretical perspectives.)
given actions, and then select one of them. Each portrays a different aspect of reality and di­
However, the interactionist perspective has rects our attention to some dimension of social
its limitations. First, there is the temptation to life that the other neglects or overlooks.
conclude that because social reality is con­ Let’s look at how each perspective might
structed, there is no reality independent of so­ describe poverty. As we discussed earlier, func­
cial constructions. For example, because men­ tionalism highlights the functions and dysfunc­
tal illness is a construction that emerges from a tions of poverty in terms of the operation of the
24 Developing a Sociological Consciousness

Major Theoretical Perspectives in Sociology

Functionalist Conflict Interactionist

Primary level of analysis Macro Macro Micro

Nature of society A set of interacting A set of competing A social reality that is
parts interest groups created and recreated
in social interaction
Foundations of social interaction Consensus of shared Conflict, coercion, Shared meanings
beliefs and values and power
Focus of study Social order Social conflict and The dynamic
social change interplay between the
individual and society
Advantages An understanding of Uncovers historical An understanding
social structure and processes that lead to of human beings as
social stability social change active agents in
social life
Disadvantages Ineffective in dealing A weak understanding Has difficulty dealing
with social change of social consensus with social structure
and social stability

larger society. Conflict theorists portray the in­

equalities that flow from the way society is or­ Conducting Research
ganized and show who gains and who loses
from these arrangements. Interactionists sug­ The sociologists we have considered have pro­
gest that people define certain circumstances as vided us with important theories regarding the
deviating from what they perceive to be an nature and workings of social life. A theory is a
ideal standard of living, assign an unfavorable general framework or perspective that provides
meaning to these conditions, and apply the an explanation for a specific social phenome­
label “poverty” to them. Each approach offers a non. However, as most sociologists would
somewhat different insight. agree, theory unconfirmed by facts has little
Further, each perspective affords a more ef­ solid value. We require both theoretical under­
fective approach, a better “fit,” to some kinds of standing and facts; for this reason, both theory
data—some aspects of social life—than other and research are essential components of the
perspectives do. Each approach need not pre­ sociological enterprise. Theory inspires re­
clude the accuracy of another perspective in ex­ search that can verify or disprove it. Research
plaining given data or predicting particular out­ provides findings that permit us to accept, re­
comes. Indeed, each approach is useful precisely ject, or modify our theoretical formulations,
because it provides us with some piece of infor­ while simultaneously challenging us to craft
mation regarding the exceedingly complex puz­ new and better theories.
zle of social life. All three perspectives are useful Research also provides the information
sociological tools for describing and analyzing needed to formulate public policy. Many basic
human behavior. human problems are products of social relations
 Conducting Reasearch 25

and human behavior. For example, behavior groups to which they belong. As a result, scien­
patterns account for at least half of the fatalities tists are subject to a variety of social influences
in 7 of the 10 largest categories of causes of in addition to their core scientific values and
death in the United States. This finding might principles. These other factors, self-interests,
be used to argue that the National Institutes of and biases may shape a scientist’s research de­
Health (NIH) allot more money to research on sign, collection of data, and interpretation of re­
human behavior; currently only 4 percent of sults. Clearly, Max Weber’s call for a value-free
NIH’s budget goes to such research (Raymond, sociology is a difficult goal to achieve. How­
1990). Sociological research can provide citi­ ever, the importance of objectivity is not that it
zens, policy makers, and public officials with is always realized in science, but that it is an
basic knowledge to fashion solutions to social important goal toward which all scientists are
problems such as poverty, drug abuse, gender committed to working.
inequality, and racism.
In this section we will discuss the logic of How Do Sociologists
science, define a number of research methods,
list the steps in the scientific method, and con­
Collect Data?
sider research ethics. Sociologists must collect facts to support or
dispute theories and to answer questions about
The Logic of Science social life. They employ four major techniques
of data collection: experiments, surveys, obser­
Science makes the assumption that every event
vation, and archival research. Before describing
or action results from an antecedent cause. In­
each of these, let’s define some important sci­
deed, a primary objective of science is to deter­
entific terms.
mine what causes what. Sociologists assume that
crime, racism, social inequality, and marriages A Basic Concepts in Research
do not simply happen, but that they have causes. Scientists look for relationships among vari­
Moreover, they assume that under identical con­ ables. A variable is a concept that can take on
ditions, the same cause will always produce the different values. Scientists use this term to refer
same effect. Sociologists, like other scientists, to something that they think influences (or is
proceed on the assumption that cause-and-effect influenced by) something else. The variables
relationships prevail in the universe. sociologists typically study have to do with so­
Scientists also assume that truth can be em­ cial statuses, conditions, attitudes, and behav­
pirically tested; data can be gathered and ana­ iors. In studying political behavior, for exam­
lyzed by means of careful observation and mea­ ple, sociologists might examine variables such
surement. According to this view, the facts as differences in race, gender, age, religion, and
discovered by one scientist can be verified by socioeconomic standing.
other scientists. For example, if it is true that In investigating cause-and-effect relation­
people behave differently in the presence of oth­ ships, scientists distinguish between the inde­
ers than when alone, then any social scientist pendent and the dependent variable. An inde­
who investigates this using careful observation pendent variable is one that causes an effect.
and measurement will obtain the same results. The dependent variable is the variable that is
However, science is not a collection of re­ affected. The causal variable (the independent
search findings; science is a process, itself a variable) precedes in time the phenomenon it
form of social behavior (Kuhn, 1962; Cole, causes (the dependent variable). For example,
1992). The people who practice science are as the education level of women (independent
products of their own societies and of the variable) increases, the mortality rate of their
26 Developing a Sociological Consciousness

infants decreases (dependent variable). In their to accept or reject a hypothesis. To obtain such
research, scientists attempt to predict the rela­ data, scientists must try to control all the rele­
tionship they will find between the independent vant variables to eliminate other explanations
and dependent variables. Such a statement—or for their findings. Though not perfect, the ex­
hypothesis—is a proposition that can then be periment best meets this requirement. In an ex­
tested to determine its validity. periment. researchers work with two groups
In testing a hypothesis, scientists try to de­ that are made to be identical in all relevant re­
termine the degree of association that exists be­ spects through a process of random assignment.
tween an independent and a dependent variable. For example, in an experiment on voter prefer­
If the variables are causally related, then they ences. the two groups studied would need to be
must be correlated with one another. A correla­ of the same size, and their members should re­
tion exists if a change in one variable is associ­ flect a similar socioeconomic, gender, and
ated with a change in the other variable. Because racial mix. Researchers introduce a change in
the mortality rate of infants decreases as the edu­ one group—the experimental group—but not
cation level of women increases, for example, in the other group—the control group. The
the two variables are said to be correlated. two groups are identical except for the factor
Correlation, however, does not establish that the researchers introduce in the experimen­
causation (Cole. 1972). For example, the death tal group. The control group affords a neutral
rate is considerably higher among hospitalized standard against which the changes in the ex­
individuals than among nonhospitalized individ­ perimental group can then be measured.
uals. Yet we would be wrong to conclude on the Experiments allow sociologists to test the
basis of this correlation that hospitals cause effects of an independent variable on a depend­
death. Likewise, the amount of damage resulting ent variable. In our voter preference example,
from a fire is closely associated with the number one group might be asked to watch a series of
of fire engines that are on the scene. Again, we television commercials on candidates, while the
would be wrong to conclude that fire engines other would spend the same amount of time
cause greater fire damage. The latter two exam­ watching videos unrelated to voting. The ef­
ples are cases of a spurious correlation—the fects of television commercials (independent
apparent relationship between the two variables variable) on voter preference (dependent vari­
is produced by a third variable that influences able) could then be measured.
the original variables. Severe sickness is associ­ We commonly think of experiments as
ated both with admission to hospitals and with being performed in a laboratory' setting, which
death: similarly, a large, uncontrolled fire is as­ is the case for much medical research and for a
sociated both with extensive damage and the good deal of the research done by psychologists
mobilization of multiple firefighting units. To re­ and social psychologists. However, sociologists
duce the likelihood that their research will be also do field experiments in which the independ­
contaminated by third variables, scientists em­ ent variable is manipulated in a natural setting
ploy controls, a matter we will discuss below rather than in a laboratory. This enables re­
when we deal with experimentation. searchers to observe various forms of social be­
havior under conditions in which they normally
▲ Methods of Research occur. In a laboratory study, subjects know they
are being observed and thus may display the be­
■ Experiments. The experiment is the ideal havior they believe is desirable. This makes
design for scientific research because it best studying some social responses such as helping
provides researchers with data that enable them behavior difficult in the laboratory.
 Conducting Reasearch 27

The survey researcher depicted here is gathering data from the respondent
through an interview.

Although the field experiment combines tionnaire, or people can receive a questionnaire
the strict rules of experimentation with a natu­ in the mail, fill it out, and return it by mail. In
ral setting, it does have disadvantages (Deaux either case, self-reports are the source of data.
and Wrightsman. 1984). In the field, re­ In both interview and questionnaire sur­
searchers have no control over unexpected in­ veys, sampling procedures are critical. If re­
trusions that may reduce or destroy the effec­ searchers need information about a large popu­
tiveness of the changes they make in the lation, they do not need to contact every
independent variable. Further, it is often diffi­ member of that population. Instead, they can
cult to use random assignment in field experi­ draw on a small but representative sample, a
ments to ensure that the control group and ex­ sample that accurately reflects the composition
perimental group are identical. of the general public. Public opinion pollsters
such as the Gallup, Harris, and CBS News or­
I Surveys. Some objects of study, such as ganizations employ a small sample of approxi­
people’s values, beliefs, attitudes, perceptions, mately 1,500 individuals to tap the opinions of
motivations, and feelings, are not directly ac­ more than 260 million Americans. Similarly,
cessible to observation. Others, such as sexual physicians need only a small sample of your
activity, health, religious practices, and drug blood to run tests and draw conclusions about
use, are often sensitive, private matters. Under the composition of all your blood and thus
these circumstances the survey is a valuable about your health.
tool in the researcher’s arsenal. Sociologists typically employ either a ran­
Survey data are typically gathered in one dom sample or a stratified random sample in
of two ways. Researchers interview people by their research. In the random sample, re­
reading them questions from a prepared ques­ searchers select subjects on the basis of chance
28 Developing a Sociological Consciousness

so that every individual in the population has An increasing problem with survey re­
the same opportunity to be chosen. A stratified search is the difficulty in finding respondents.
random sample provides greater precision. From 20 to 70 percent of the people who re­
Researchers divide the population into relevant ceive a questionnaire in the mail fail to com­
categories, such as age, gender, socioeconomic plete or return it, distorting the sample’s repre­
level, and race, and draw a random sample sentativeness. More and more Americans are
from each of the categories. If African Ameri­ refusing to answer surveys (Goyder, 1987;
cans constitute 12 percent of the population and Rothenberg, 1990; Dillman, 1991).
Hispanics 9 percent, African Americans will
comprise 12 percent of the sample and Hispan­ I Observation. As baseball’s Yogi Berra
ics 9 percent. once observed, “You can observe a lot just by
Designing good questionnaires is not easy. watching.” Observation—watching—is a pri­
The wording of the questions, their number, and mary tool of sociological inquiry. Observation
the format in which they appear are all critical becomes a scientific technique when it (1) serves
matters. For example, the wording of a question a clear research objective, (2) is undertaken in a
may systematically bias the answers. A New systematic rather than haphazard manner. (3) is
York Times/CBS News survey found that only carefully recorded, (4) is related to a broader
29 percent of respondents said they favored a body of sociological knowledge and theory, and
constitutional amendment “prohibiting abor­ (5) is subjected to the same checks and controls
tions.” But in response to a later question in the applied to all types of scientific evidence (Sell-
same survey, 50 percent said they favored an tiz, Wrightsman, and Cook, 1976).
amendment “protecting the life of an unborn Sociologists typically observe people in
child”—which amounts to the same thing one of two ways. They may observe the activi­
(Dionne, 1980). Politicians have tried to use this ties of people without intruding or participating
tactic to their advantage (Deaux and Wrights- in the activities, a procedure termed unobtru­
man, 1984; Bradbum and Sudman, 1988). For sive observation. Or sociologists may engage
example, a survey item that begins “I agree that in activities with the people that they are study­
Candidate X” is more likely to produce a posi­ ing, a technique called participant observa­
tive response than a question that begins “Does tion. Elliot Liebow’s (1967) study of the
Candidate X.” Pretesting is required to ensure African-American streetcomer men, which we
that questions are understandable, unbiased, and discussed earlier in the chapter, involved partic­
specific enough to elicit the desired information. ipant observation. Liebow. a white, began his
Probably the major difficulty with self­ study by striking up a friendship with an
report information has to do with the issue of its African-American man. Tally Jackson, at the
accuracy (Stone et al., 1999). Because individu­ New Deal Carry-out Shop. Over the next sev­
als are involved in the data they are reporting, eral weeks Liebow often ate at the Carry-out.
they may intentionally or unwittingly supply bi­ The streetcomer men were at first suspicious of
ased reports. They may withhold or distort infor­ Liebow, but Tally eased their distrust by. in ef­
mation because, even though many surveys are fect. sponsoring Liebow as his friend.
anonymous, telling the truth can cause people to Within a few months Liebow was well
feel threatened or embarrassed. In addition, enough known and accepted by the streetcomer
many people lack the insight required to provide men to go to their rooms or apartments, needing
certain kinds of information. And at least 10 per­ neither an excuse nor an explanation for doing
cent of the population lacks the literacy neces­ so. Clearly an outsider. Liebow (1967:253) re­
sary to comprehend even the simplest question. flected on his acceptance by the group:
 Conducting Reasearch 29

[BJut I also was a participant in a full sense of archival research. Archival research refers to
the word. The people I was observing knew the use of existing records that have been pro­
that I was observing them, yet they allowed me duced or maintained by persons or organiza­
to participate in their activities and take part tions other than the researcher. Census data,
in their lives to a degree that continues to sur­ government statistics, newspaper reports,
prise me. books, magazines, personal letters, speeches,
folklore, court records, works of art. and the re­
In many situations observation is the only search data of other social scientists are all
way to gather data. At times people are unable sources for archival research. A new utilization
or unwilling to tell about their behavior: As we of data already collected for some other pur­
have said, they may lack sufficient insight to pose may have considerable value and merit.
report on it or, because their behavior is illicit, Comparative and historical materials have
taboo, or deviant, they may be reluctant to do provided us with valuable insights on issues re­
so. For instance, we may wish to get answers to lating to the nation-state. A good illustration is
such questions as. Why and how are people sociologist Theda Skocpol’s landmark study,
drawn to crack and heroin? How is the drug States and Social Revolution (1979). In this
market structured? How does drug use affect study Skocpol looked for similarities in the so­
the social and economic life of the community? cietal conditions that existed at the time of the
What is its role in crime and violence? Some of French (1787-1800). Russian (1917-1921), and
the most informative answers to these questions Chinese (1911-1949) revolutions, comparing
have come from researchers who have under­ them with conditions in nations where revolu­
taken unobtrusive observation while living and tions failed or did not take place. Skocpol traced
working in drug-ridden communities (Holden, the roots of these revolutions to the political
1989; Anderson, 1990). But observation has crises that developed when long-term interna­
limitations similar to those for field experi­ tional conflicts resulted in military defeat at the
ments: Researchers have no control over unex­ same time that domestic class tensions, particu­
pected intrusions, and groups or individuals ob­ larly those between landowners and peasants,
served may not be representative of others. made the peasants receptive to revolutionary ac­
Additionally, there is the practical problem of tivity. Skocpol’s comparative historical analysis
applying observational procedures to phenom­ led her to conclude that successful social revo­
ena that occur over a long period, such as a cer­ lutions pass through three stages: An old
tain historical era. For these types of investiga­ regime’s state apparatus collapses; the peasantry
tion, archival data are particularly useful. mobilizes in class-based uprisings: and a new
elite consolidates political power.
I Comparative and Historical Research. Archival research has the advantage of al­
We may learn a good deal about work, sexual lowing researchers to test hypotheses over a
behavior, family life, leisure, and other matters wider range of time and societies than would
within the United States and other Western so­ otherwise be possible. We gain greater confi­
cieties. But do these insights hold for non­ dence in the validity of a hypothesis when we
Western peoples? And do they hold for earlier can test it in a number of cultures and historical
historical periods? To answer these sorts of periods rather than restrict ourselves to a single
questions, sociologists need to look to other so­ group in the present time and place. However,
cieties and other historical periods to test their the technique also has its disadvantages. The
ideas. Comparative and historical research is major problem is that missing or inaccurate
well suited to the task. One approach involves records often prevent an adequate test. And when
30 Developing a Sociological Consciousness

material is available, it is frequently difficult to I Multiple Methods. Many methods are

categorize in a way that gives an answer to a re­ used to gather data in sociology, some radically
search question (Deaux and Wrightsman, 1984). different from others. Some research problems
can be studied only with certain methods. The
I Feminist Research Methods. Feminism
study of sociocultural change over hundreds of
not only is having a strong impact on contempo­
years, for example, requires the use of compar­
rary social theory, as noted earlier in this chap­
ative historical analysis of archival data. But if
ter, but it also is having an important influence
we want to know how employment affects the
on how sociologists do research. Feminist
mental health of U.S. women in the paid labor
methodology includes a commitment to three
force today, we would use field observation and
goals: (1) to include women’s lives in social re­
survey methods. Using multiple methods, each
search and reveal the diversity in the way
with its own strengths and weaknesses, can
women actually live their lives, uncovering
give us a more complete answer to our research
what has previously been ignored, censored,
question; different methods provide different
and suppressed; (2) to minimize harm by avoid­
windows on reality. As Peggy Thoits (1995)
ing exploitation of research subjects and by lim­
showed in her study, what we find with one
iting the negative consequences of research; and
method may be made understandable by exam­
(3) to focus research efforts so that results will
ining data collected using another method. For
promote social change, reduce inequality, and
her study of stresses and psychological symp­
be of value to women (DeVault, 1996).
toms, simply examining the average symptom
Though many feminist researchers have
level associated with each stressor was not
done important and influential research using
enough; she needed to know the context in
observational methods to examine women’s ex­
which stresses had occurred. Divorce, for ex­
periential, subjective, and emotional lives, Joey
ample, might come as a devastating shock to
Sprague and Mary K. Zimmerman (1993)
one person and as a welcome relief to another,
stressed that the important contributions of
depending on each person’s particular situation,
feminist methodology are:
and only Thoits’s qualitative analysis of more
1. To create an objective account of social life extended comments from respondents and in­
while being sensitive to the subjective ex­ terviewers allowed her to interpret her data ac­
perience of those we study. curately. Box 1.2 provides a more detailed look
at how a researcher selects research methods.
2. To develop abstract theories without losing
sight of the real concrete lives of people.
3. To recognize the importance of rationality Steps in the Scientific Method:
in social life without ignoring the impor­
tance of emotion.
A Close-up Look
4. To realize that both statistical analysis of The scientific method, a series of steps that
quantitative data and qualitative observa­ seeks to ensure maximum objectivity in investi­
tion can reveal important insights about gating a problem, allows researchers to pursue
women’s and men’s social lives. answers to their questions by gathering evi­
dence in a systematic manner. Although no sin­
In sum, feminist methodology is not a partic­ gle method can eliminate uncertainty, the steps
ular method of doing research but an approach embodied in the scientific method maximize
that emphasizes inclusion, fairness, and humane­ the chances for deriving information that is rel­
ness, as well as the pursuit of all evidence that can evant, unbiased, and economical. The scientific
be used to transform society and women’s lives. method relies on the rigorous and disciplined
 The Sociological Perspective 31

collection of facts and on the logical explana­ perspective. Another set of studies showed
tion of them. Its steps include selecting a re­ that people with strong social bonds (such
searchable problem, reviewing the literature, as marriage) and important commitments
formulating a hypothesis, choosing a research (such as going to school and being em­
design, collecting the data, analyzing the data, ployed) commit less crime. These studies,
and stating conclusions. which suggested that patterns of offending
Ideally sociological research follows this should change over a persons’s life, support
step-by-step procedure, although in practice it is a social control theory, or perspective, of
not always possible. Let’s examine each step in crime (see Chapter 5): that -<-| pp. 150-52 |
Figure 1.1 as we follow a study of criminal be­ social bonds prevent criminal offending
havior by three social scientists, Julie Homey, D. (Hirschi, 1969).
Wayne Osgood, and Ineke Haen Marshall (1995). 3. Formulating a Hypothesis. After re­
viewing the literature, researchers form a hy­
1. Selecting a Researchable Problem. pothesis regarding the relationship they be­
The range of topics available for social re­ lieve exists between variables. A hypothesis
search is as broad as the range of human can take the form of a predictive statement
behavior. Sociologists focus on research or of a question. Homey and her associates
problems that merit study and that can be asked whether the likelihood of criminal of­
investigated by the methods of science. fending (the dependent variable) is affected
Homey and her colleagues were intrigued by formal and informal mechanisms of so­
by the great stability of patterns of criminal cial control (independent variables). An­
behavior; people who establish patterns of swering this question would enable the re­
criminal activity in their youth tend to fol­ searchers to decide which alternative view of
low these patterns throughout their lives. Is crime was more plausible. If, for example,
this because some people have a basic they found that having strong family rela­
propensity to commit crime? Or do pat­ tionships was followed by a reduced likeli­
terns of life circumstances that weaken or hood of committing a crime, this would sup­
strengthen social bonds influence patterns port a social control perspective. A finding
of criminal offending? of no relationship between social bonds and
2. Reviewing the Literature. Horney and the likelihood of crime would support the
her colleagues surveyed the research litera­ criminal propensity perspective.
ture dealing with criminal offending. This Before undertaking their research, how­
told them about other research that had ever, researchers must define their variables.
been undertaken, suggested a variety of In developing operational definitions, sci­
leads, and saved them from duplicating entists take abstract concepts and put them
work others had already done. Their litera­ in a form that permits their measurement. In
ture review uncovered two patterns of find­ this case the researchers specified how
ings. One set of studies showed that people “strengthening and weakening of social
who commit crimes when they are juveniles bonds” and “committing a crime” would be
are much more likely to commit crimes as measured. For this study, crime was opera­
adults, strongly supporting the conclusion tionally defined as committing any of nine
“that a basic propensity to commit crime is felonies (auto theft, burglary, personal rob­
established early in life and persists bery, business robbery, theft, assault, for­
throughout the life course,” with life events gery, fraud, and drug dealing). Homey’s op­
having little or no effect on adult crime. erational hypothesis—a hypothesis stated in
This idea is called the criminal propensity terms of measurable variables—was this:
 1.2 DOING SOCIAL RESEARCH

Finding Out about Nannies

Mention nannies and most of us population that a randomly Los Angeles. Wrigley chose
probably think of Mary Poppins, selected sample would not those particular cities because
nanny of the Walt Disney movie include enough of them to both are ports of entry to the
of the same name, or Maria, the study. Historical research data United States, and census
nun-turned-nanny in The were inappropriate; Wrigley data revealed that they had
Sound of Music. But sociologist was interested in present-day different types of immigrant
Julia Wrigley wanted to find out nannies. Performing an populations, which would allow
about real nannies—the women experiment was not feasible; her to investigate a variety of
hired to take care of the Wrigley had no way of sources of cultural differences.
children of well-to-do parents in choosing two groups of She found parents to interview
the United States. Wrigley knew nannies “identical in all through neighborhood
that many in-home caregivers relevant respects,” and her contacts, referrals, and
are “worlds removed ... in research was so explorative, organizations of women
background and education” she could not develop specific lawyers and doctors.
from the families they serve, research questions that could Finding the nannies was
and she wondered how parents be answered experimentally. tougher. “Many work illegally
and employees managed their Wrigley chose to combine and are wary of strangers with
relationships across such a two sociological field methods: tape recorders,” says Wrigley in
great divide. How does a intensive interviewing and Other People’s Children, the
sociological researcher go participant observation. book that describes her study.
about investigating such a Working with graduate student She was able to locate
question? research assistants, she employees to interview through
Wrigley faced significant conducted 177 tape-recorded employers, immigrant social
problems in finding out about interviews, each one usually service agencies, neighborhood
nannies and their relationships lasting several hours. contacts, and referrals from one
with their employers. Random­ Employers—the parents hiring caregiver to the next. Because
sample survey methods the nannies—were selected of her interest in the cultural
wouldn’t help her; women who from two different differences between employer
work as nannies are such a neighborhoods in each of two and employee, she selected
small percentage of the major cities, New York and caregivers from a variety of

The likelihood of committing any of nine duct interviews with newly convicted male
different felonies is affected by living with a offenders and ask them about events and
spouse or partner, being employed, going to criminal behaviors in their lives over the two
school, being on probation or parole, drink­ calendar years preceding the year of the ar­
ing heavily, or using drugs. rest that led to their incarceration.
4. Choosing a Research Design. Once 5. Collecting the Data. The actual collec­
researchers have formulated their hypothe­ tion of the data plays a critical part in the re­
sis, they have to determine how they will search enterprise. Homey and her associates
collect the data that will provide a test of it. conducted interviews with 658 male offend­
Homey and her colleagues decided to con­ ers sentenced to the Nebraska Department

32
 backgrounds. The final sample employer understood quality that could be
included interviews with Spanish, so she had not felt missing from interviews.
workers from Mexico, El able to talk freely. Caregivers discussed
Salvador, Guatemala, Western things I would not have
In contrast, Wrigley
European countries, Ireland, asked about. . . . They
England, Jamaica, Grenada, commented, “Interviewing
also advised one another
Trinidad and Tobago, Guyana, employers was much easier.
on how to deal with difficult
and Barbados, as well as Although busy, they had
employers and revealed
command of their own
African-Americans and white their feelings about
women from the American schedules and houses. Only
particular tasks employers
Midwest. one person contacted declined
wanted them to do.
Wrigley began learning to be interviewed.”
Because of the difficulties Wrigley’s findings would
about the lives of her subjects
even before she began of interviewing the caregivers, not have come to light without
Wrigley also relied on the use of her chosen research
interviewing them:
participant observation. She methods. As she explained,
explained the benefits of that “While nannies are a common
The limits on caregivers’
method: sight in the parks of big cities,
freedom became graphically
evident during interviewing. pushing children on swings
I also met with caregivers
and talking to one another,
Many live-in workers were informally when they
most of their work is performed
not allowed to receive phone picked children up from
out of view even of their
calls. Even when they said school, when they sat in
employers. No government
their employers did not mind parks, and when they
agencies regulate their labor or
their taking calls, it was talked together at
even count them. . . . The
seldom comfortable having children’s gymnastics or
nannies themselves . . . are
the calls go through the dance classes.
not organized in any formal
employer. With live-in Occasionally caregivers
network.”
workers, even finding a place arranged gatherings, where
to hold the interview was a I could talk with several at Excerpts from Other People’s
problem. . . . Occasionally once and listen to their own Children by Julia Wrigley.
employers interrupted the conversations. These Copyright © by BasicBooks, Inc.
interviews. ... At the end occasions were always Reprinted by permission of
of (one) interview, the valuable, because they BasicBooks, a subsidiary of
caregiver whispered that her allowed a spontaneous Perseus Books Group, LLC.

of Correctional Services. Because the of­ 6. Analyzing the Data. Once researchers
fenders were reporting on their own past be­ have their data, they must analyze them to
havior, some of it criminal, the investigators find answers to the questions posed by their
had to work to gain and maintain the confi­ research project. Analysis involves a search
dence of their subjects to assure honest re­ for meaningful links among the facts that
porting. The survey instrument included an have emerged in the course of the research.
“event calendar” and a “crime calendar,” Homey and her colleagues chose an analy­
which allowed the researchers to record life sis that would show whether changes in life
circumstances and criminal behavior during circumstances were correlated with commit­
the months covered by the study. ting criminal acts at a later time. Further, in

33
34 Developing a Sociological Consciousness

Figure 1.1
The Steps in the Scientific Method

The chart shows the steps researchers commonly follow in investigating a

problem.
 Conducting Reasearch 35

order to rule out criminal propensity as a a result of such scandals, sociologists have be­
cause of both the life changes and the crimi­ come increasingly sensitive and committed to
nal acts, they examined these correlations ethical considerations in their research.
within three subsets of offenders, those with Yet sociologists confront a dilemma in
low, medium, and high rates of criminal of­ conducting research. On the one hand, they
fending. The findings of this study showed must not distort or manipulate their findings to
that regardless of overall levels of offending, serve untruthful, personal, or institutional ends.
men were less likely to commit crimes On the other hand, they are obligated to con­
when living with a wife and/or attending sider people as ends and not means.
school. Illegal drug use, heavy drinking, and Because of the possible conflicts between
living with a girlfriend all were associated these various responsibilities, the American So­
with higher rates of offending. ciological Association (1989), the major pro­
7. Stating Conclusions. After completing fessional organization for the discipline in the
their analysis of the data, researchers are United States, has provided a code of ethics to
ready to state their conclusions. They typi­ govern the behavior of its members. Among
cally accept, reject, or modify their hypoth­ these principles are the following:
esis. Additionally, researchers usually seek
• Sociologists should not misuse their posi­
to extract broader meaning from their work
tions as professional social scientists for
by linking it to other knowledge and theory.
fraudulent purposes or as a pretext for
In this case. Horney and her colleagues
gathering intelligence for any organization
found that “changes in offending systemati­
or government. Sociologists should not
cally follow changes in . . . life circum­
mislead respondents involved in a research
stances.” Their results support social con­
project as to the purpose for which that re­
trol theory by showing that, even among
search is being conducted.
men with a strong propensity to commit
crime, the strengthening and weakening of • The process of conducting sociological re­
social bonds affects the likelihood of crimi­ search must not expose respondents to sub­
nal activity. Criminal acts, therefore, are not stantial risk of personal harm. Informed
produced just by the propensity to commit consent must be obtained when the risks of
crime. “Our results,” they concluded, “sug­ research are greater than the risks of every­
gest that differences [in the propensity to day life. Where modest risk or harm is antic­
commit crime] among individuals combine ipated, informed consent must be obtained.
with their shifting social environments to • Sociologists must not coerce or deceive
produce current levels of criminal activity.” students into serving as research subjects.
• No sociologists should discriminate in hir­
Research Ethics ing, firing, promotions, salary, treatment, or
any other conditions of employment or ca­
Though scientific research on human beings is reer development on the basis of sex, sexual
potentially valuable and important, it also can preference, age, race, religion, national ori­
be dangerous and harmful to the people who are gin, handicap, or political orientation.
studied. We were reminded of this by former
President Clinton’s 1997 apology for U.S. gov­ In sum, because sociological knowledge can be
ernment studies that purposely withheld treat­ a form of economic and political power, sociol­
ment from poor, uneducated African-American ogists must exercise care to protect their disci­
men infected with syphilis and by recent revela­ pline, the people they study and teach, and so­
tions of government studies that exposed un­ ciety from abuses that may stem from their
knowing subjects to radiation (Pense, 1995). As professional work.
 The Chapter in Brief: Developing a Sociological Consciousness

The Sociological Perspective and was among the first to do systematic,

Sociology is the scientific study of social scientifically based, social research. Her
interaction and social organization. comparative analysis of slavery and the
position of women in the Western world paved
I New Levels of Reality. The the way for feminist scholarship and the further
sociological perspective encourages us to pursuit of gender equality.
examine aspects of our social environment in
ways that delve beneath the surface. As we 3 Herbert Spencer and Social
look beyond the outer appearances of our social Darwinism. Herbert Spencer depicted
world, we encounter new levels of reality. society as a system, a whole made up of
interrelated parts. He also set forth an
I The Sociological Imagination. The evolutionary theory of historical development.
essence of the sociological imagination is the Social Darwinism is Spencer’s application of
ability to see our private experiences and evolutionary notions and the concept of
personal difficulties as entwined with the survival of the fittest to the social world.
structural arrangements of our society and the
times in which we live. I Karl Marx: The Role of Class Conflict.
Karl Marx focused his search for the basic
I Microsociology and Macrosociology. principles of history on the economic
Microsociology is the detailed study of what environments in which societies develop. He
people say, do. and think moment by moment believed that society is divided into those who
as they go about their daily lives. own the means of producing w ealth and those
Macrosociology focuses upon large-scale and who do not, giving rise to class conflict.
long-term social processes of organizations, Dialectical materialism is Marx’s theory that
institutions, and broad social patterns. development depends on the clash of
contradictions and the creation of new, more
The Development of Sociology advanced structures out of these clashes.

I Auguste Comte: The Founder I Emile Durkheim: Social Integration

of Sociology. Auguste Comte is commonly and Social Facts. Emile Durkheim was
credited as being the founder of sociology. He especially concerned with social solidarity,
emphasized that the study of society must be distinguishing between mechanical and organic
scientific, and he urged sociologists to employ solidarity. He contended that the distinctive
systematic observation, experimentation, and subject matter of sociology should be the study
comparative historical analysis as their of social facts.
methods. He divided the study of society into
social statics and social dynamics. I Max Weber: Subjectivity and Social
Organization. Max Weber said that a
1 Harriet Martineau: Feminist critical aspect of the sociological enterprise is
and Methodologist. Harriet Martineau the study of the intentions, values, beliefs, and
wrote the first book on social research methods attitudes that underlie people’s behavior. He
used the word Verstehen in describing his possible because human beings have the ability
approach and contributed his notions of the to communicate with one another by means of
ideal type and a value-free sociology. symbols. They say that we act toward people,
objects, and events on the basis of the
I American Sociology. In the United meanings we impart to them. Consequently, we
States, sociology and the modern university experience the world as constructed reality.
system arose together. The first department of
sociology was established at the University of Conducting Research
Chicago in 1893. and Chicago served as a
“social laboratory” at the beginning of the i The Logic of Science. Sociology is a
century. Midcentury sociologists crafted survey social science. Science assumes that every
techniques and refined models of society. “New event or action results from an antecedent
breed” sociologists in the 1960s and 1970s cause—that is, cause-and-effect relationships
refined Marxism and established new research prevail in the universe. These causes and effects
approaches and perspectives. can be observed and measured, and sociologists
look for correlations among variables as a
Contemporary Sociology. Contemporary way of doing so.
movements in sociology include critical theory,
feminism, and postmodern social theory. I How Do Sociologists Collect Data?
Four major techniques of data collection are
Theoretical Perspectives available to sociologists: experiments, surveys,
Contemporary sociologists acknowledge three observation, and archival research. In the
general theoretical perspectives, or ways of experiment, researchers work with an
looking at how various social phenomena are experimental group and a control group to test
related to one another. These are the the effects of an independent variable on a
functionalist, the conflict, and the symbolic dependent variable. Interviewing and
interactionist perspectives. questionnaires constitute the primary techniques
used in surveys, using random or stratified
I The Functionalist Perspective. The random samples. Observation can take the form
structural-functional—or, more simply, of participant observation or unobtrusive
functionalist—perspective sees society as a observation. Other techniques include archival
system. Functionalists identify the structural research and feminist methodology.
characteristics and functions and dysfunctions
of institutions, and distinguish between I Steps in the Scientific Method:
manifest functions and latent functions. A Close-up Look. The scientific method
Functionalists also typically assume that most includes selecting a researchable problem,
members of a society share a consensus reviewing the literature, formulating a
regarding their core beliefs and values. hypothesis, creating an operational definition,
choosing a research design, collecting the data,
I The Conflict Perspective. The conflict analyzing the data, and stating conclusions.
approach draws much of its inspiration from the
work of Karl Marx and argues that the structure I Research Ethics It is important that
of society and the nature of social relationships sociologists observe the ethics of their discipline
are the result of past and ongoing conflicts. in carrying out research. They have an obligation
not to expose their subjects to substantial risk or
The Interactionist Perspective. personal harm in the research process and to
Symbolic interactionists contend that society is protect the rights and dignity of their subjects.
37
 Glossary
archival research The use dysfunctions Observed macrosociology The study
of existing records that have consequences that lessen the of large-scale and long-term
been produced or maintained adaptation or adjustment of a social processes.
by persons or organizations system.
manifest functions
other than the researcher.
economic determinist Consequences that are
class conflict The view of A believer in the doctrine that intended and recognized by
Karl Marx that society is economic factors are the the participants in a system.
divided into those who own primary determinants of the
the means of producing microsociology The
structure of societies and
detailed study of what
wealth and those who do not, social change.
individuals say, do. and think
giving rise to struggles
experiment A technique in moment by moment as they
between classes.
w'hich researchers work with go about their daily lives.
constructed reality Our two groups that are identical
experience of the world. operational definition
in all relevant respects. They
Meaning is not something A definition developed by
introduce a change in one
that inheres in things; it is a taking abstract concepts and
group, but not in the other
property that derives from, or putting them in a form that
group. The procedure permits
arises out of, the interaction permits their measurement.
researchers to test the effects
that takes place among of an independent variable on participant observation
people in the course of their a dependent variable. A technique in which
daily lives. researchers engage in
experimental group The
control group The group activities with the people that
group in which researchers
that affords a neutral standard they are observing.
introduce a change in an
against which the changes in experimental setting. power The ability to control
an experimental group can be the behavior of others, even
measured. functions Observed
against their will.
consequences that permit the
correlation A change in adaptation or adjustment of a random sample
one variable associated with a system. A sampling procedure in
change in another variable. which researchers select
hypothesis A proposition
dependent variable The subjects on the basis of
that can be tested to determine
variable that is affected in an chance so that every
its validity.
experimental setting. individual in the population
independent variable The has the same opportunity to
dialectical materialism
variable that causes an effect be chosen.
The notion in Marxist theory
in an experimental setting.
that development depends on Social Darwinism The
the clash of contradictions latent functions application of evolutionary
and the creation of new, more Consequences that are neither notions and the concept of
advanced structures out of intended nor recognized by survival of the fittest to the
these clashes. the participants in a system. social world.
38
social dynamics Those our society and the historical researchers observe the
aspects of social life that times in which we live. activities of people without
pattern institutional intruding or participating in
sociology The scientific
development and have to do the activities.
study of social interaction and
with social change.
social organization. value-free sociology The
social facts Those aspects view of Max Weber that
spurious correlation The
of social life that cannot be sociologists must not allow
apparent relationship between
explained in terms of the their personal biases to affect
two variables produced by a
biological or mental the conduct of their scientific
third variable that influences
characteristics of the research.
the original variables.
individual. People experience
variable A concept that can
the social fact as external to stratified random sample
take on different values; the
themselves in the sense that it A sampling procedure in which
term scientists apply to
has an independent reality and researchers divide a population
something they think
forms a part of their objective into relevant categories and
influences (or is influenced
environment. draw a random sample from
by) something else.
each of the categories.
social statics Those aspects
Verstehen An approach to
of social life that have to do survey A method for
the study of social life
with order and stability and gathering data on people’s
developed by Max Weber in
that allow societies to hold beliefs, values, attitudes,
which sociologists mentally
together and endure. perceptions, motivations, and
attempt to place themselves
feelings. The data can be
sociological imagination in the shoes of other people
derived from interviews or
The ability to see our private and identify what they
questionnaires.
experiences and personal think and how they feel;
difficulties as entwined with unobtrusive observation translates roughly as
the structural arrangements of A technique in which “understanding.”

Internet Connection www.mhhe.com/hughes6

Open the web page for the American Socio­ sociological careers, think about whether you
logical Association, http://www.asanet.org/. would be interested in pursuing a career in so­
Information is provided for sociologists, stu­ ciology. Why or why not? Write a short report
dents, and the public. Click on “students” and on the careers that are available to people who
follow the link to “Careers in Sociology.” study sociology and your thoughts about these
Based on what you learn about sociology and careers.

39
chanter 2

Culture and Social Structure

40
Components of Culture
In 1789 mutineers led by Fletcher Christian
Norms seized control of the ship Bounty shortly after it
Values had departed from Tahiti, an island in the South
Symbols and Language Pacific. They set William Bligh, the ship’s cap­
tain, and 18 of his men adrift. The mutineers
Cultural Unity and Diversity returned to Tahiti, where some of the men de­
cided to remain. Nine men elected to seek an­
Cultural Universals other island and induced 6 Tahitian men and
Cultural Integration 12 Tahitian women to sail with them to Pitcairn
Ethnocentrism Island.
Cultural Relativism The story of the mutiny on the Bounty and
Subcultures and Countercultures the subsequent settlement on Pitcairn Island is
a perennial favorite. For sociologists, Pitcairn
Social Structure Island—where descendants of the first settlers
still live today—offers a unique social experi­
Statuses ment in the founding of a society and the fash­
Roles ioning of a new culture. Imagine the problems
Groups that confronted the English and Tahitian
Institutions colonists when they arrived on this tiny, unin­
Societies habited South Pacific island. How would they
find food? How would they protect themselves
Box 2.1 Sociology around the World: from the elements? How would they maintain
Cultural Disintegration among the order? How would they manage their sexual re­
Dinka—No Cattle, No Dignity lationships, a matter of no small concern in a
community of 15 men and 12 women? How
Box 2.2 Sociology around the World: would they provide for any children bom on
What's the Best Infant Care? the island?
It Depends on Culture In finding solutions to their problems, the
English and Tahitian colonists could not fall
back on the sorts of genetic adaptations such as
those that permit insects to live a group exis­
tence. They lacked the built-in behavioral re­
sponses and highly specialized appendages that
would prepare them for a particular environ­
mental niche. The foundations of the human
ability to adapt are found not in genes but in
culture and society, the topics of this chapter.
Culture refers to the social heritage of a
people—those learned patterns for thinking,
feeling, and acting that are transmitted from
one generation to the next, including the em­
bodiment of these patterns in material items. It
includes both nonmaterial vulture—abstract
creations like values, beliefs, symbols, norms,
42 Culture and Social Structure

customs, and institutional arrangements—and affected significantly by its isolation from other
material culture- physical artifacts or objects cultures and societies (Birkett, 1997).
like stone axes, computers, loincloths, tuxedos, In this chapter we will discuss components
automobiles, paintings, electric guitars, hair­ of culture, consider cultural unity and diversity,
styles, and domed stadiums. Society refers to a and introduce a number of key concepts related
group of people who live within the same terri­ to social structure.
tory and share a common culture. Very simply,
culture has to do with the customs of a people,
and society has to do with the people who are Components of Culture
practicing the customs. Culture provides the
meanings that enable human beings to interpret Culture provides individuals with a set of com­
their experiences and guide their actions, mon understandings that they use to fashion
whereas society represents the networks of so­ their actions. It allows us to “know” in rather
cial relations that arise among a people. broad terms what we can expect of others and
In fashioning a new society, the Pitcairn what they can expect of us. For example. Pit­
Islanders had the combined heritage of two cairn Islanders visiting other Pitcairn Islanders
cultures to draw on, and the cultural patterns can expect meals in the late morning and early
they evolved were a blend of their different evening (Birkett. 1997); Pitcaim Islanders visit­
backgrounds. Because Pitcairn ecologically re­ ing the United States might be surprised to be
sembles Tahiti, their food patterns consisted served breakfast, lunch, and dinner. Simultane­
principally of Tahitian items. However, their ously, culture affords a kind of map or a set of
tools—metal hoes, spades, and mattocks— guideposts for finding our way about life. It pro­
were of English origin. Because the women vides a configuration of dos and don’ts, a com­
took responsibility for the preparation and plex of patterned mental stop-and-go signs that
cooking of food, the nonmaterial aspects of tell us about the social landscape: “Notice this,”
Tahitian culture came to dominate in house­ “Ignore that,” “Avoid this action.” and “Do that”
hold arrangements; as in Tahiti, the Pitcairn Is­ (Kluckhohn, 1960:21). If we know a people’s
landers ate their meals in the late morning and culture—their design for living—we can under­
in the early evening. And Pitcaimese language stand and predict a good deal of their behavior.
evolved as a stew of 18th-century English, Why are the Washington beltways crammed
Polynesian, and seafaring terms. with cars early in the morning and again in the
Serious conflicts over women in the early late afternoon? Such a pattern of traffic might
years were eventually overcome. An 1833 visi­ be mysterious to visitors from another country
tor, Captain Freemantle, found the residents to but an accepted way of life to citizens here.
be “a well-disposed, well-behaved, kind, hos­ In providing common understandings, cul­
pitable people.” They had developed deep at­ ture binds the separated lives of individuals into
tachments to their island and strong bonds of a larger whole, making society possible by pro­
social unity. Social rules evolved to discourage viding a common framework of meaning. Only
close interpersonal relations, even romantic by sharing similar perspectives with one an­
ones, out of concern that such relations weaken other—designs and ways of life—can we
commitment to the group. A late 20th-century weave integrated webs of ongoing interaction.
visitor to the island found a social order where Let us examine more carefully some of the key
the interests of individuals are second to the in­ components of culture that make these shared
terests of the community. Culture and society understandings possible: norms, values, and
on Pitcairn today, as at its founding, are both symbols and language.
 Components of Culture 43

This child, who has been living in the context of one set of norms in the
family, is about to confront another set of norms—those of the school.

Norms “must not” do. In all cultures the great body of

these social rules deal with matters involving
To live with others in a group setting, we must sex, property, and safety.
share understandings that tell us which actions Jfr But norms are not just moral rules. They
are permissible and which are not. For exam­ provide guidance so that we can align our ac­
ple, unless we have a prior understanding, we tions with those of others when situations are
cannot take something from a neighbor’s yard; unclear or ambiguous, and they provide stan­
the difference between borrowing and stealing dards by which we judge other people and
is based on shared understandings. These un­ make decisions about how we will interact
derstandings give our daily lives order and with them. People riding the subway provide
allow us to determine which behaviors we can an example. Appropriate behaviors might in­
legitimately insist others perform and which clude reading the newspaper, gazing at the
they can legitimately insist we perform. When advertisements, or commenting briefly on the
we enter a clothing store, begin a college weather. Someone not following these “rules”
course, get married, or start a new job, we un­ by chatting too much would probably be
derstand at least some of the expectations that identified by other riders as an out-of-town
will hold for us and others in these settings. visitor and not a serious danger; someone not
Such expectations are norms. Norms are social following these “rules” by punching and kick­
rules that specify appropriate and inappropriate ing another rider would probably be identified
behavior in given situations. They tell us what as a danger to other riders, who might react
we “should,” “ought,” and “must” do, as well by calling for help or trying to subdue the
as what we “should not,” “ought not,” and “norm-breaker.”
44 Culture and Social Structure

Though norms are subjective human cre­ Folkways and mores are distinguished by
ations, we experience them as objective and in­ the fact that they are usually enforced by people
dependent features of our social environment acting in a spontaneous and often collective
(Reno, Cialdini, and Kallgren, 1993). People manner. On contemporary Pitcairn Island, for
attach a good deal of importance to some example, islanders are afraid that if they do or
norms, called mores (singular mos), and they say something against someone, that person will
mete out harsh punishment to violators. Other get back at them at some later date (Birkett,
norms, called folkways, people deem to be of 1997). When one Pitcairner cut down another’s
less importance, and they exact less stringent banana tree, he was greeted the next morning
conformity to them (Sumner, 1906). Some with 3-inch nails planted in the mud path out­
norms are formalized and are enforced by spe­ side his house. Social censure also is achieved
cial political organizations. These we refer to as through the ancient but formidable weapon of
laws. Folkways, mores, and laws are discussed gossip. Sometimes rumors will reach the culprit
below. within hours, and once accused, a person is as
good as guilty (Birkett, 1997).
▲ Folkways These efforts at social control involve not
Folkways have to do with the customary ways only individual interests but also group inter­
and ordinary conventions by which we carry ests. Because you are a member of numerous
out our daily activities. We bathe, brush our groups, other people—your family members,
teeth, groom our hair, wear shoes or sandals, friends, neighbors, and coworkers—may also
wave greetings to friends, mow our lawns, and benefit or suffer from your conduct. If you are
sleep in beds. We view people who violate arrested or fired, others may experience
folkways, especially those who violate a good spillover effects. Indeed, group members are
number of them, as somehow “different” and often held accountable for one another’s ac­
even “strange.” However, ordinarily we do not tions. Some U.S. corporations link their em­
attach moral significance to folkways. For ex­ ployees through group incentive plans, and mil­
ample, we may regard people who wear soiled itary boot camps punish everyone in the
clothing as crude but not as sinful, and people barracks for one recruit’s misconduct. Such
who are late for appointments as thoughtless spillover effects give group members a stake in
but not evil. Gossip and ridicule are important regulating one another’s behavior. However, in
mechanisms for enforcing folkways. the case of some groups (e.g., criminal and rev­
olutionary organizations) a person’s peers often
▲ Mores have a stake in helping the violator avoid detec­
Members of a culture or society are more con­ tion and punishment (Heckathom, 1990).
cerned about violations of mores. Murder,
theft, rape, treason, and child molestation bring ▲ Laws
strong disapproval and severe punishment in Some norms are formalized into laws, rules
the United States. Mores are seen as vital to a that are enforced by a special political organi­
society’s well-being and survival. People usu­ zation composed of individuals who have the
ally attach moral significance to mores, and right to use force. As anthropologist E. A.
they define people who violate them as sinful Hoebel (1958: 470-471) observes: “The essen­
and evil. Consequently, the punishment for vio­ tials of legal coercion are general acceptance of
lators of a society’s mores is severe; they may the application of physical power, in threat or
be put to death, imprisoned, cast out, mutilated, in fact, by a privileged party, for a legitimate
or tortured. cause, in a legitimate way, and at a legitimate
time." The people who administer laws may Values can change over time (Rokeach and
make use of physical force with a low probabil­ Ball-Rokeach. 1989). For example, in many so­
ity of retaliation by a third party (Collins. cieties around the world, values placing women
1975). Laws tend to be the result of conscious in a subservient position to men are slowly giv­
thought, deliberate planning, and formal decla­ ing way to egalitarian gender values. The in­
ration. They can be changed more readily than creased presence of women in the work force,
folkways and mores. greater educational opportunities for women,
and declining fertility have all contributed to
Values this change.

Norms are rules for behavior; values are broad

ideas regarding what is desirable, correct, and
Symbols and Language
good that most members of a society share. Norms and values are intangible aspects of so­
Values are so general and abstract that they do cial life, what sociologists term "nonmaterial
not explicitly specify which behaviors are ac­ culture.” But if they lack a physical existence,
ceptable and which are not (Rohan. 2000). In­ how can we get a handle on them? How in the
stead. values provide us with criteria and con­ course of our daily lives can we talk to one an­
ceptions by which we evaluate people, objects, other about rules and standards, mull them over
and events as to their relative worth, merit, in our minds, and appraise people’s behavior in
beauty, or morality. The major value configura­ terms of them? The answer has to do with sym­
tions within the dominant American culture in­ bols. Symbols are acts or objects that have
clude the assignment of high importance to come to be socially accepted as standing for
achievement and success, work and activity, ef­ something else. They come to represent other
ficiency and practicality, material comfort, indi­ things through the shared understandings peo­
viduality, progress, rationality, patriotism, and ple have. Consider the word “computer,” a
democracy (Williams, 1970). People tend to symbol that when spoken or written stands for
appeal to values as the ultimate rationales for a physical object. It becomes a vehicle of com­
the choices they make in life. munication because a community of users
At times different norms are based on the (Americans) agree that the symbol and the ob­
same values. For instance, two Americans may ject are linked. Symbols are a powerful code or
both place a premium on the same value—social shorthand for representing and dealing with as­
equality. However, one may express this senti­ pects of the world about us (Hewitt, 1979).
ment by supporting affirmative action programs Symbols assume many different forms.
and the other by opposing such legislation as Gestures are one example (Hiller. 1933). Ameri­
"reverse discrimination,” favoring instead cans shake their heads to show a negative reac­
"color-blind" civil rights laws. Likewise, for tion; the inhabitants of the Admiralty Islands
much of this century the value of freedom was make a quick stroke of the nose with a finger of
embodied in quite different norms in the United the right hand. Turks display negation by throw­
States and in the Soviet Union before its breakup ing their heads back and then making a clucking
in 1991. Americans express the value in terms of noise with the tongue. Though such gestures are
legal rights associated with free speech, freedom easily understood within a society of persons
of religion, and other Bill of Rights guarantees. who share their meaning, they are often the
Those in the Soviet Union defined freedom in basis for misunderstandings between cultures.
terms of such guarantees as the right to a job. an Many of the ordinary features of our every­
education, and medical care. day lives have important symbolic content.
46 Culture and Social Structure

Objects, events, and displays—such as flags, hence to full humanness. With language, she
musical performances, paintings, religious was able to enter the world of shared under­
icons, badges, ways of wearing hats, parades, standings provided by culture.
and athletic contests—may function as expres­ Human beings live their lives primarily
sive symbols, representing the beliefs of a soci­ within symbolic environments. Other organ­
ety or group and implying certain values and isms may communicate by means of gestures,
norms (Peterson, 1979). sounds, touch, and chemical odors, but the
Probably the most important symbols of all meanings of these signals are genetically pro­
are found in language—a socially structured grammed within them (Colgan, 1983). Chim­
system of sound patterns (words and sentences) panzees and gorillas have been trained to use
with specific and arbitrary meanings. Language American Sign Language, but such learning
is the cornerstone of every culture. It is the has occurred only with human intervention.
chief vehicle by which people communicate Some of the apes seem to have understood that
ideas, information, attitudes, and emotions to meanings are attached to the symbols. The sig­
one another, and it is the principal means by nificance of this research remains unclear. Non­
which human beings create culture and trans­ human primates can clearly respond to and ma­
mit it from generation to generation. nipulate symbols, but their skills are not equal
to human skills, and the symbol systems they
▲ The Significance of Symbols use are not equivalent to human symbol sys­
We can gain an appreciation for the part that tems in depth and complexity (Maugh, 1990;
symbols, particularly words, play in our daily Pinker, 1994).
lives by recalling the experiences of Helen
Keller, who was stricken with a severe illness at ▲ The Linguistic Relativity Hypothesis
the age of 21 months that left her deaf and blind. The languages found among the world's people
In her autobiography The Story of My Life are quite diverse. Arabs have some 6,000 words
(1904), Keller recounted that in her early years that are connected in some way with the camel,
she remained imprisoned in her body, having involving camels’ colors, camels’ breeds,
only nebulous and uncertain links to the outside camels for different purposes, states of camel
world. Later, she learned the American Sign pregnancy, and camel behavior. Inuits (Eski­
Language for the deaf, and as she grasped the mos) make minute distinctions among different
significance of symbols, particularly words, she kinds of snow. And Americans have a vast
acquired an intelligent understanding of her en=. number of words pertaining to automobiles and
vironment. The association between a_ word and accessories.
an experience allowed her to use the symbol in According to the linguistic relativity' hypoth­
the absence of the experience^ By virtue of sym­ esis (also known as the Whorfian hypothesis),
bolic expression, “reality” becomes internally proposed by Edward Sapir (1949) and his stu­
coded in a condensed and more easily manipu­ dent Benjamin L. Whorf (1956), people concep­
lated mental form. Helen Keller was reluctant to tualize the world differently depending on the
apply the term “idea” or “thought” to her mental nature of the concepts available in their lan­
processes before she learned how to employ guage. Language serves as a screen, admitting
words. Of equal significance, she could share some things while filtering out others. For exam­
her experiences with other people and they could ple, people living in the Florida Keys, with only
share their experiences with her. The ability to a single word for snow, actually fail to distin­
use symbols, especially language, was the ticket guish the many types of snow identified by the
that admitted Helen Keller to social life and many Inuit words. Experience as it is perceived
 Cultural Unity and Diversity 47

through one set of linguistically patterned sen­ from one day—and from one generation—to
sory screens is quite different from experience the next. Through experiencing the expressive
perceived through another set (Hall. 1966). symbolism of television, literature, popular and
The linguistic relativity hypothesis has been classical music, fashion, parades, religious ser­
somewhat controversial in social science, and vices, demonstrations, and so on, people inter­
some of its major claims have been challenged nalize the values, norms, and beliefs that estab­
(Martin. 1983). Most sociologists would not lish basic goals and guide action. By choosing
agree that language determines thought. Re­ to consume certain cultural products and not
gardless of their culture, people can make the others, people publicly signal their social status
same distinctions made by Arabs with regard to (Erickson, 1996; Bryson, 1996). In addition, as
camels, Inuits with regard to snow, and Ameri­ some critical and feminist theorists argue, ex­
cans with regard to automobiles. Clearly, how­ pressive symbolism can be designed to enhance
ever, language has a powerful influence on the power positions of certain groups and cate­
thought by helping or hindering certain kinds of gories of people at the expense of others. This
thought. For example, the use of terms such as can be seen in the overt propaganda and patri­
“broad,” “babe,” and “chick” to refer to women otic films produced during wartime and the ad­
can promote stereotypical thinking. vertising, films, music videos, and porno­
graphic materials that encourage the sexual
▲ Expressive Symbolism exploitation of women.
and the Production of Culture Finally, the form and content of culture is
Expressive symbolism is an important vehicle heavily affected by economic, organizational,
for communicating the norms, values, and beliefs legal, and technological factors involved with
of a society. Both elite culture and popular cul­ its production; in short, social structure affects
ture, including art, music, and literature, are car­ culture. Prior to 1940, for example, very little
riers of expressive symbolism. So are public in American popular music was a direct reflec­
events, displays, fashion, advertisements, and the tion of either African-American culture or the
public presentations produced by the mass culture of rural Southerners. After the early
media, religion, sports, science, and other institu­ 1940s, when the monopoly in music licensing
tions. As sociologist Richard Peterson (1979) has was broken and a second major organization
pointed out, expressive symbolism is intimately began to license music for radio airplay, there
connected to society in several important ways. was a major explosion in jazz, rhythm and
First, expressive symbolism is a reflection blues, and what we now know as country music
of society. We can understand much about how (Ryan, 1985). American culture had not
a society is organized by examining its culture. changed so much as there had been a change in
The alienated and powerless position of urban the constraints affecting what kinds of culture
youth, for example, is evident in the antiestab­ were produced for mass sale (Peterson, 1982).
lishment graffiti they produce (Lachman. 1988).
Likewise, the changing lyrics of country music
songs from the 1930s to the present—from ex­
pressing the problems of the rural lower class to
Cultural Unity
bewailing the angst of the suburban middle and Diversity
class—mirror the changing situation of South­
erners in the United States (McLaurin. 1992). The great merit of culture is that it permits us to
Second, expressive symbolism carries a circumvent the slow pace of genetic evolution.
code that enables people to recreate society Behavior patterns that are wired into organisms
48 Culture and Social Structure

will define and discuss cultural universals, cul­

tural integration, ethnocentrism, cultural rela­
tivism, and subcultures and countercultures.

Cultural Universals
Although culture provides guideposts for daily
living—a blueprint or map for life’s activities—
these guideposts often differ from one society
to another. The “oughts” and “musts” of some
societies are the “ought nots” and “must nots”
of other societies; the “good” and “desirable”
among this people are the “bad” and “undesir­
able” among that people. Should this fact of
cultural variation lead to the conclusion that cul­
tures are different in all respects and hence not
comparable? Or to put the question another
way, can we realistically speak of cultural uni­
versals, the patterned and recurrent aspects of
life that appear in all known societies?
There are indeed such common denomina­
tors or cultural constants, because all people
confront many of the same problems. They
How does this Vietnamese funeral scene must secure a livelihood, socialize children,
differ from a typical funeral in the United handle grief, and deal with deviants. Culture
States? The funeral rite is a cultural represents an accumulation of solutions to the
universal, but its specific form is dictated problems posed by human biology and the gen­
by the culture in which it occurs. eralities of the human situation.
George Peter Murdock and his associates at
Yale University (1950) developed a classifica­
tion of cultural components that has universal
by their genes do not allow rapid adaptation to application. They listed some 88 general cate­
changing conditions. In contrast, cultural gories of behavior that are found among all cul­
change can be rapid. Early human cultural evo­ tures, including food quest, clothing, settle­
lution probably affected the evolution of the ments, property, travel and transport, fine arts,
human brain, creating a greater capacity in hu­ social stratification, kinship, political behavior,
mans for culture, leading to more cultural evo­ death, religious practices, and infancy and child­
lution, and so on. Indeed, some social scientists hood. The 88 categories are subdivided into ad­
contend that cultural evolution is a far more im­ ditional topics. For example, funeral rites always
portant source of behavioral change for human include expressions of grief, means for disposing
beings than is biological evolution (Lewontin, of the corpse, and rituals to define the relations
Rose, and Karnin, 1984; Wilson. 1988). When of the dead with the living. Universal compo­
cultures change and evolve, cultural unity and nents do not include the specific details of actual
cultural diversity are affected, a matter to which behavior. The universals relate to broad, overall
we now turn our attention. In this section we categories and not to the content of culture. For
 Cultural Unity and Diversity 49

example, although marriage is found in all cul­ Ethnocentrism

tures, some societies favor monogamy (one
spouse), others polyandry (plural husbands), and Once we acquire the cultural ways peculiar to
still others polygyny (plural wives). our own society, they become so deeply in­
grained that they seem second nature to us.
Cultural Integration Additionally, we have difficulty conceiving of
alternative ways of life. Just as a fish never
The items that form a culture tend to constitute “notices” water unless it is out of it, so we tend
a consistent and integrated whole. For example, never to notice our own culture until we are in
societies that value universal education also someone else’s. We judge the behavior of other
usually have norms and laws prescribing that groups by the standards of our own culture, a
children should go to school, organize educa­ phenomenon sociologists call ethnocentrism.
tion into a collective activity, and create expres­ Sumner (1906:13) described this point of view
sive symbolism that communicates the values as one “in which one’s own group is the center
of education, such as degrees, diplomas, gradu­ of everything, and all others are scaled and
ation ceremonies, and class rings. However, rated with reference to it.”
perfect integration is never achieved. The vari­ All groups are ethnocentric: families,
ous elements of culture and society are always tribes, nations, cliques, colleges, fraternities,
changing, usually at different rates. This means businesses, churches, and political parties. The
that there are always inconsistencies, but, as notion that one belongs to the “best people”
William Graham Sumner (1906:56) observed, provides a kind of social glue cementing people
the parts are “subject to a strain of consistency together, but it also generates intergroup con­
with each other.” Though human equality and flict. When combined with competition for
dignity were important values in American cul­ scarce resources and a power imbalance be­
ture from the beginning, for the first 86 years of tween groups, ethnocentrism can be particu­
U.S. history slavery was a legal institution and larly destructive (Noel, 1968). It plays a part in
for another 100 years there were no effective group conflicts ranging from small skirmishes
legal guarantees of civil rights for African to world wars.
Americans. This was, as Gunnar Myrdal (1944)
pointed out in the title of his landmark study An
American Dilemma, a contradiction in Ameri­
Cultural Relativism______
can culture. The strain of this contradiction was, Ethnocentrism can get in the way of the scien­
and is, pushing American society toward a reso­ tific study of culture. We cannot grasp the be­
lution, one that took the form of Supreme Court havior of other peoples if we interpret it in the
decisions and civil rights laws in the 1950s and context of our values, beliefs, and motives.
1960s and continues today in debates about Rather, we must examine their behavior in the
racial equality and affirmative action. light of their values, beliefs, and motives. This
This strain toward consistency means that approach, termed cultural relativism, views
there are powerful forces linking the various el­ the behavior of a people from the perspective
ements of culture. The parts of a culture com­ of their own culture. In sharp contrast to ethno­
prise a closely interwoven fabric, so that the centrism, cultural relativism employs the kind
meaning of one part depends on its connections of value-free or neutral approach advocated by
to other parts. Box 2.1 presents an example of Max Weber (see Chapter 1). -*- P. i3
how a change in a single element affects the A perspective characterized by cultural rel­
culture as a whole. ativism does not ask whether a particular trait is
 _________________ 2.1 SOCIOLOGY AROUND THE WORLD
Cultural Disintegration among the Dinka—
No Cattle, No Dignity
All parts of a culture are culture,” Washington Post Buckley interviewed a
connected, and a change in a reporter Stephen Buckley Dinka who is a senior fellow at
single piece causes changes wrote. “Cattle stood at the the Brookings Institution in
throughout the culture. For an heart of virtually every Washington, Francis Deng.
example of this concept of important tradition and “They have been shattered,”
cultural integration, let’s look at ceremony in Dinka life.” Cattle Deng told Buckley. ‘They see
the Dinka tribesmen and had always been the Dinka’s themselves in a negative light
women of Africa’s largest highest form of wealth, but the for the first time.” Despite the
country, Sudan. war caused the loss of many loss of life and land caused by
Along with the rest of their herds. The loss has caused war, the loss of cattle may
country, the Dinka have been the Dinka to change their represent the biggest impact of
involved in a war that has torn myths and adopt new sources the war on the Dinka. A change
apart the nation since 1955. of food, Buckley found. in this single part of culture has
Before the war caused The loss of cattle has also caused changes throughout the
institutions to collapse in changed marriage. An offering culture. ‘They are literally fish
southern Sudan, the Dinka of cattle to the bride’s family out of water,” said Deng. ‘They
were the south’s richest and was traditionally the central have been deprived of what has
proudest tribe. They were high transaction at a dowry made them productive, healthy,
court judges, civil celebration. dignified human beings.”
administrators, and doctors, “Nowadays the
as well as farmers and negotiations are still held, but Source: Stephen Buckley. “Loss of
cowherds. But the loss of they are about handshakes culturally vital cattle leaves Dinka
cattle changed all that. and pledges,” Buckley wrote. tribe adrift in refit gee camps, ”
“The cow has always “There is no livestock available The Washington Post (August 24,
been the focus of their to change hands.” 1997), Al; A22-23.

moral or immoral, but what part it plays in the practice can be adaptive for a people whose
life of a people. For example, early anthropo­ subsistence is precarious and who must strictly
logical research found that among some Inuit limit their dependent population. For Ameri­
peoples, the elderly infirm are left behind to cans who are appalled at the traditional Inuit
perish in the cold. Instead of condemning the custom, it is worth noting that many Japanese
practice, social scientists examined the behav­ find quite abhorrent our practice of placing our
ior in the context of Inuit culture, where it was elderly infirm in nursing homes rather than car­
defined as a humane measure (Murdock, 1934). ing for them at home. Just as ways of dealing
The Inuits believe that individuals experience with the elderly differ among different cultures,
in the next world a standard of health similar to so do ways of rearing children; see Box 2.2.
that which they enjoyed in the period preceding
death. Consequently, the Inuits see the practice Subcultures and Countercultures
as minimizing the disabilities and infirmities
their loved ones would encounter in the here­ Cultural diversity may also be found within a
after. Social scientists have pointed out that the society. In many modem nations, the members

50
 Cultural Unity and Diversity 51

Over the past half century the content of youth culture has changed, but it has continued to
express the alienation of youth from mainstream adult society.

of some groups participate in the main culture of their nonconformity to “worldly standards,”
of the society while simultaneously sharing the Amish pride themselves on being a “pecu­
with one another a number of unique values, liar people” who separate themselves from the
norms, traditions, and lifestyles. These distinc­ world (Hostetler, 1980).
tive cultural patterns are termed a subculture. Youth culture is another example of a sub­
Subcultures abound in American life and find culture. Western nations have postponed the en­
expression in various religious, racial, ethnic, trance of their adolescents into adulthood for
occupational, and age groups. economic and educational reasons, segregating
The Old Order Amish are a case in point. them in schools and colleges and effectively re­
The Amish are a religious sect that originated lieving them from competing with adults for
in Germany and Switzerland during the 16th- wealth, power, and status in society’s main­
century conflicts of the Reformation. Because stream until they are 21 or older. This has cre­
of religious persecution, many Amish migrated ated conditions favorable to the development of
to Pennsylvania in the early 1700s. Most Amish a unique culture among youth. Instead of com­
families live on farms, although a minority peting with adults along the value dimensions
work in skilled crafts like carpentry, furniture of mainstream culture, adolescents compete
making, and blacksmithing. They believe in a with each other along dimensions of youth cul­
literal interpretation of the Bible and turn their ture. These culture patterns find expression in
backs on modem standards of dress, “progres­ fads having to do with popular music, entertain­
sive” morality, “worldly” amusement, automo­ ment idols, dance steps, personal adornment
biles, and higher education. Above all, the and hairstyles, and distinctive jargons. Such pat­
Amish value hard physical work and believe terns change over time, keeping youth always
that those who do not find joy in work are distinctive from generations that have come be­
somehow abnormal. Far from being ashamed fore. For example, the term “groovy” used by
 ______________________ 2.2 SOCIOLOGY AROUND THE WORLD

What’s the Best Infant Care? It Depends on Culture

Breast-feed or bottle-feed? Let eight times higher than in the babies were sleeping 2 hours
the baby cry, or pick the baby United States, helping the more per day than American
up? Give siblings infant survive malaria, babies.
responsibility in caring for an diarrhea, and other diseases Ronald Barr (1997),
infant, or keep them away was paramount (LeVine, professor of pediatrics and
from the very young? Sleep 1997). Nursing mothers slept psychiatry, believes that
with the baby or keep the baby alone with babies until they keeping an adult close to
in a crib? Despite the were 15 months old and paid provide adequate nutrition and
seemingly endless number of close attention to babies for protection from predators may
variations on the theme of signs of slow growth or illness. be the evolutionary advantage
raising babies, it turns out that For middle-class Dutch conferred by the IKung San
parents get a lot of direction parents, on the other hand, the people’s pattern of responding
from the culture in which they “three Rs” of child rearing are immediately to infant crying.
live. According to studies by the most important: rust (rest), Hunter-gatherers in southern
anthropologists, social regelmaat (regularity), and Africa, the IKung San keep
scientists, and others, “Both reinheid (cleanliness). Social their infants in almost
culture—the traditional way of scientists Sara Harkness and constant contact with a
doing things in a particular Charles Super found that the caregiver. Babies are carried
society—and individual Dutch emphasis on these or held nearly all the time,
experience guide parents in aspects of baby care resulted and they are breastfed for
their tasks” (Small, 1997). in Dutch babies sleeping more 1 or 2 minutes about four
Anthropologist Robert than American babies by the times an hour. Barr found
LeVine found that for the Gusii time they were 2 weeks old that mothers responded to
in southwestern Kenya, where (Harkness and Super, 1997). “the smallest cry or fret” within
the infant mortality rate was By 6 months of age, Dutch 10 seconds.

the ’60s generation is now “way” out of date, Of course, distinctive language patterns exist in
having been replaced by words such as “beast” many subcultures. Table 2.1 provides examples
and “da bomb.” As Washington Post columnist of some of the different patterns of slang used
E. J. Dionne, Jr., recently pointed out (1998:9): in different activity subcultures.
Large organizations and corporations such
Some slang words mean exactly the opposite of as Microsoft, General Motors, and Exxon also
what they used to mean. If you called somebody have distinctive subcultures that make working
a dip when I was a kid, he might slug you. A dip in one organization a very different experience
now is a really cool woman, someone with from working in another, even when both are
whom you want to hang out. (“The party was involved in the same activities. If you have
tight, the music was hot, and there were dips transferred from one university to another you
everywhere.”) Tight used to mean drunk. Now, have probably experienced this; the subculture
depending on whom you talk to, it means cool of one college is not the same as that of an­
or “thorough, no room for weakness.” And, the other. Working at Apple is not the same as
proper word for someone who is drunk is faded. working at IBM.

52
 Professor of pediatrics And so I follow up with For example, childrearing in the
Edward Tronick teaches examples closer to home: United States is linked, among
pediatricians-in-training, Dutch parents who leave an other things, to employment.
who see mothers from many infant alone in order to go Many American babies are in
cultures, to abandon the shopping, sometimes day care because many
idea that there is only one pinning the child’s shirt to the American mothers are
way to raise children bed to keep the baby on its employed full time, as are the
(1997:46): back; or Japanese mothers aunts, grandmothers, and
who periodically wake a sisters who might, in another
Many models of parenting sleeping infant to teach the culture, provide care when the
are valid. Among life child who is in charge. mother is busy. Third, though
foragers of Congo’s Ituri the methods of raising children
Forest, for example, a What is the right way to
in different cultures have
newborn is routinely cared raise a baby? The question
different outcomes, each
for by several people. highlights the importance of the
outcome fits into the culture in
Babies are even nursed by principle of cultural relativism:
which the method is used. For
many women. from a sociological point of
example, a method used in the
In Peru, the Quechua view, we should evaluate a
United States may produce
swaddle their infants in a cultural trait from the
independent and individualistic
pouch of blankets that the perspective of the culture in
adults who fit into a society that
mother, or a child which it occurs. With regards to
values independence and
caretaker, carries on her childrearing, we should
individualism. An East Indian
back. Inside the pouch, the consider three things. First, the
method, on the other hand, may
infant cannot move, and its babies raised by these very
produce interdependent adults
eyes are covered. different methods grow up to be
for whom connection to others
competent and effective
is important, and they fit into a
Tronick says that his students members of their own societies.
society that values
see these cultures as exotic Second, each of these methods
interdependence (Cross and
and not relevant to the of caring for babies is linked to
Madson, 1997).
industrialized world: other elements of the culture.

At times the norms, values, and lifestyles Vietnam War movement. It was a counterculture
of a subculture are substantially at odds with that emphasized political beliefs, sexual stan­
those of the larger society and constitute a dards, and attitudes about drug use that chal­
counterculture. A counterculture rejects many lenged mainstream U.S. culture. In recent years,
of the behavioral standards and guideposts that the Internet has helped to facilitate smaller pock­
hold in the dominant culture. Delinquent gangs, ets of countercultural activity within different
Satanic cults, and the militia movement are il­ segments of the population, including right-wing
lustrations of counterculture groups. survivalists, skinheads, militia activists, radical
In many societies, countercultures involve environmentalists, and opponents of free trade
primarily adolescents and young adults (Spates, and globalization. The Internet makes it easier
1983). In the late 1960s and early 1970s, the for people with specific grievances to communi­
dominant youth subculture in the United States cate better, organize more effectively, and recruit
included the hippie movement and the anti­ others to their causes (The Economist, 2000a).
54 Culture and Social Structure

Table 2.1 Subcultural Behavior: A Sampler of Slang from Work and Sports

To the kitchen staff in a restaurant, the following To kayakers, the following terms have very specific
terms have very specific meanings: meanings:

Pants are down: Oven door is open. Racerhead: What a nonracing boater calls a slalom
Behind!: I’ m behind you (with something hot, racer.
sharp, or precarious)—don’t move! Touron: What a racer might call a nonracing boater.
Plate carrier: Waiter or waitress. Stuffed: To get hammered by a rapid.
Family meal: Meal for all restaurant employees, Boof: A jump from the lip of a waterfall so that the
before or after serving hours. boat lands flat, making a "boof!" sound.
Two-top: A party of two persons (also three-top, Stick: Paddle.
four-top, etc.). Quiver: Bunch of paddles.
Big-top: Large party. Skirt: The neoprene rubber or coated nylon that
Work pantry (a verb): Work to prepare salads and seals the cockpit and keeps water out of the boat.
cold appetizers. Eddy hop: A way to attain or to descend a river
In the weeds: Behind schedule. using eddies as refuges.
Misfire (a noun): An extra order prepared in error. Hair boating: Running really hard, maybe
Waiter bait: Misfires or other extra food placed in dangerous, w ater.
the order window for the plate carriers to snack on. Wave wheel: Like a cartwheel on water.

Source: Interviews conducted by the authors with U.S. Olympic kayak team member Lecky Haller and Syracuse, New York,
restaurant worker Dave Hughes.

Social structure provides an organized and

Social Structure focused quality to our group experiences, and it
allows us to achieve our collective purposes.
Earlier in the chapter we noted that culture has By virtue of social structure, we link certain
to do with the customs of a people, and society experiences, terming them, for example, “the
with the people who are practicing the customs. family,” “the church,” “the neighborhood." and
Culture supplies the framework that allows peo­ “General Motors.” A clique, a family, a rock
ple to interpret events and guide their actions; band, an army, a business organization, a reli­
society consists of the actual web of relation­ gious group, and a nation are social structures.
ships that people enter into as they go about Social structure consists of the recurrent and
their daily activities. For the most part, people orderly relationships that prevail among the
do not interact in a haphazard or random man­ members of a group or society. It gives us the
ner. Rather, their relationships are characterized feeling that life is characterized by organization
by social ordering. Sociologists apply the term and stability.
social structure to this social ordering—the in­ Consider the social structure of your col­
terweaving of people’s interactions and relation­ lege. Each term you enter new classes, yet
ships in more or less recurrent and stable pat­ you have little difficulty attuning yourself
terns. It finds expression in a matrix of social to unfamiliar classmates and professors.
positions and the distribution of people in them. Courses in sociology, calculus. American his-
 Social Structure 55

tory. English composition, and physical edu­ Statuses

cation are offered year after year. A new class
enters college each fall, and another class In our daily conversations, we use the word
graduates each spring. Football games are “status” to refer to a person’s ranking as deter­
scheduled for Saturday afternoons in the au­ mined by wealth, influence, and prestige. How­
tumn, and basketball games for evenings dur­ ever, sociologists employ status somewhat dif­
ing the winter months. New students, profes­ ferently: status means a position within a group
sors, coaches, players, and deans pass through or society. By means of statuses we locate one
the system and in due course make their exits. another in various social structures. Mother,
Yet even though the actual people that com­ mayor, management trainer, friend, supervisor,
prise a college change over time, the college female, elementary school principal, child.
endures. Cuban American, shopper, professor, convict,
Sociologists view social structure as a and fortune teller are all statuses.
social fact of the sort described by Emile A status has been likened to a ready-made
Durkheim (see Chapter 1). We experi- p. 121 suit of clothes (Newcomb, 1950). Within cer­
ence a social fact as external to ourselves—as tain limits, the prospective buyer can choose
an independent reality that forms a part of our regarding matters of style and fabric. Our
objective environment. Consequently, social choice is limited to a size that will fit, as well
structures constrain our behavior and channel as by our pocketbooks. Having made our
our actions in certain directions. When you en­ choice within these limits, we can have certain
tered college for the first time, you felt some­ alterations made. But apart from minor modifi­
what awkward because you did not yet fit into cations, we tend to be limited to what retailers
your college’s way of doing things. The col­ already have on their racks. Statuses too come
lege's way is social structure, the shape or form ready-made, and the range of choice among
that a particular organization has taken through them is limited. Societies commonly limit
the years as students, professors, and adminis­ competition for statuses with reference to gen­
trators have interacted on a regular basis. der. age, and social affiliations. For instance,
As sociologist William H. Sewell, Jr. realistically, not every American can be elected
(1992:27), observed: “Structure is dynamic, president. Women, African Americans, and
not static; it is the continually evolving out­ members of the lower class suffer severe hand­
come and matrix of a process of social inter­ icaps from the outset. This observation brings
action.” Thus, a college is not a fixed entity us to a consideration of ascribed and achieved
that, once created, continues to operate perpet­ statuses.
ually in the same manner. All social ordering
must be continually created and re-created A Ascribed and Achieved Statuses
through the interweaving and stabilizing of Some statuses are assigned to us by our group
social relationships. For this reason, organized or society and termed ascribed statuses. Age
social life is always undergoing modification and gender are common ascribed statuses. For
and change. In the next sections, we will dis­ example, age is assigned to us according to the
cuss the concepts that help us to understand passage of time. Besides staying alive, there is
social structure and to describe our social en­ nothing one can do to change one's age. Race,
vironment: statuses, roles, groups, institutions, ethnicity, and family background are also com­
and societies. mon bases for assigning statuses to individuals.
56 Culture and Social Structure

We secure other statuses on the basis of in­ Roles

dividual choice and competition. We call these
achieved statuses. All societies recognize A status carries with it a set of culturally de­
some kinds of individual accomplishment and fined rights and duties, what sociologists term a
failure, which results in the allocation of some role. These expectations define the behavior
statuses on the basis of individual achievement. people view as appropriate and inappropriate
Quarterback, choir director, physician, ballet for the occupant of a status. Quite simply, the
dancer, college student, pastor, nurse practi­ difference between a status and a role is that we
tioner, pickpocket, prostitute, president of occupy a status and play a role (Linton, 1936).
Exxon, hair stylist, and teacher are illustrations Sociologists have taken the notion of role
of achieved statuses. from the theater. Actors perform their roles in
accordance with a script (analogous to culture),
▲ Master Statuses what the other actors say and do, and the reac­
Some of our statuses overshadow our other sta­ tions of the audience. But the theater analogy
tuses both in our own minds and in those of has its weaknesses. Unlike actors, we are sel­
other people. A master status is a key or core dom conscious of “acting” according to a script
status that carries primary weight in a person s as we go about our daily activities. And in life
interactions and relationships with others. For we must do a good deal of improvising, contin­
children, age is a master status; similarly, gen­ ually testing and changing our actions in accor­
der is a master status in most societies. Addi­ dance with the behavior of other people.
tionally, race and occupation are particularly Roles allow us to formulate our behavior
critical statuses in American life. Master sta­ mentally so that we can shape our actions in
tuses tend to lay the framework within which appropriate ways. They permit us to assume
our goals are formulated and our training is that in some respects we can ignore personal
carried out (Adler and Adler, 1989). differences and say that people are interchange­
able. For example, every American knows the
A Race, Class, and Gender difference between a physician and a carpenter.
For many sociologists, categories of race, class, Hospitalized for emergency surgery, we proba­
and gender are more than master statuses; they bly won’t ask many questions about who is
are basic categories for social analysis (Ander­ handling the emergency, as long as it is a physi­
sen and Collins, 1995; Kendall. 1997; Richard­ cian and not a carpenter.
son, Taylor, and Whittier, 1997). From this per­
spective, race, class, and gender are forms of ▲ Role Performance
inequality that profoundly affect human experi­ In real life a gap often exists between what
ence and operate as interlocking systems of people should do and what they actually do. A
privilege and oppression (Collins, 1990; Ander­ role is the expected behavior we associate with
sen and Collins, 1995). One’s gender combines a status. Role performance is the actual be­
with one's class position and one’s race to pro­ havior of the person who occupies a status.
duce a life experience that is substantively dif­ People vary in how they implement the rights
ferent from the life experienced at a different and duties associated with their roles. You fre­
combination of these statuses. Gender inequal­ quently take differences in role performance
ity may disadvantage women, but the experi­ into account when you select one professor
ence of this depends on whether one is, for ex­ over another for a given course. One professor
ample, Asian, black, or white; and wealthy, may have a reputation for coming late to class,
middle class, or poor. lecturing in an informal manner, and assigning
 Social Structure 57

the activities of other peo­

ple. Indeed, the definition of
one role depends upon the
existence of another: there
can be no professors with­
out students, no wives with­
out husbands, no police offi­
cers without criminals, and
no psychiatrists without the
mentally ill. Every role has
at least one reciprocal role
attached to it.
Role relationships tie us
to one another because the
rights of one end of the rela­
tionship are the duties of the
other. Duties are the actions
others can legitimately in­
sist that we perform, and
rights are the actions we
“O.K., you be the doctor, and I’ll be the Secretary of Health can legitimately insist that
and Human Services.”
others perform (Goffman,
From The New Yorker. Copyright © 1993 The New Yorker Collection. 1961a). The rights of one
Bernard Schoenbaum from cartoonbank.com. All Rights Reserved. role are the duties of the
other role. For example,
your rights as a student—
difficult term papers. Another professor may be to receive authoritative material in lectures, to
a distinguished authority in the field, monitor be administered fair exams, and to be graded
class attendance, and assign take-home exami­ objectively—are the duties of your professor.
nations. Regardless of which professor you se­ Individuals are linked together in groups
lect, you will still occupy the status of student through networks of reciprocal roles. Groups
and play its associated role. However, you will consist of intricate complexes of interlocking
have to modify your behavior somewhat de­ roles, which their members sustain in the
pending upon your selection. course of interacting with one another. People
experience these stable relationships as social
▲ Role Set structure—a school, a hospital, a family, a
A single status may have multiple roles at­ gang, an army, and so on.
tached to it, constituting a role set. The status
of student may involve one role as pupil, one ▲ Role Conflict
role as peer of other students, one role as loyal Role conflict results when individuals are con­
supporter of your school’s teams, one role as fronted with conflicting expectations stemming
user of the library, and one role as “good citi­ from their simultaneous occupancy of two or
zen” of the college community. more statuses. A football coach whose son is a
A role does not exist in isolation. Instead, it member of the team may experience role con­
is a bundle of activities that are meshed with flict when deciding whether to make his own
58 Culture and Social Structure

son or another more talented player the starting Second, we attribute an “objective” existence to
quarterback. One way to handle role conflict is groups and treat them as if they are real and
to subdivide or compartmentalize one’s life and exact things. Third, we view a group as having
assume only one of the incompatible roles at a a distinct subculture or counterculture—a set of
time. For example, college students may at­ unique norms and values. Fourth, we develop a
tempt to segregate their school and home expe sense of allegiance to a group that leads us to
riences so they do not have to appear before feel we are a unit with a distinct identity.
their parents and peers simultaneously. Sociologists mean something quite specific
when they use the word "group." For example,
A Role Strain they distinguish a group from an aggregate,
Role strain occurs when individuals find the ex­ which is simply a collection of anonymous
pectations of a single role incompatible, so that individuals who are in one place at the same
they have difficulty performing the role. The re­ time such as shoppers in a mall or individuals
lationship physicians have with their patients waiting in line for football tickets. Individuals
provides an example (Klass. 1987). Doctors are shift in and out of an aggregate rather easily
expected to be gentle healers, humanitarians, and frequently. Because the people in aggre­
and self-sacrificing saviors of the sick. They also gates interact with one another only tran­
are expected to be small-business retailers of siently and temporarily, patterns of social or­
knowledge that they have obtained at consider­ dering in them are short-lived. However, this
able cost and sacrifice. While aggressive bill col­ quality should not lead us to dismiss aggre­
lecting is consistent with the small-business- gates as inconsequential. They provide the
retailer aspects of the role, it is inconsistent with foundation for many forms of collective be-
that of the gentle healer. Supervisors often con­ havior (see Chapter 13). pp. w-sTI
front similar difficulties. They are asked to be A group also differs from a category, a col­
both commanding parent figures and reassuring, lection of people who share a characteristic—
comforting big brothers or sisters. For the most such as a status, a physical characteristic, or a
part there are few well-defined or accepted an­ behavior pattern—that is deemed to be of so­
swers to the dilemmas posed by these contradic­ cial significance. Common categories include
tory expectations. the subdivisions of age. gender, race, occupa­
tion. and educational attainment, but being tall,
Groups living alone, and having indoor plumbing also
qualify one for being in a particular category.
Statuses and roles are building blocks for more Categories differ from groups because they are
comprehensive social structures, such as so broad that social relations and group dy­
groups. Sociologists define a group as two or namics linking all members may not occur.
more people who are bound together in rela­ However, common experiences of persons in
tively stable patterns of social interaction and categories, particularly those who share a sta­
who share a feeling of unity. tus. may be the basis for social movements or
As previously pointed out. roles link us political activity. For example, some women
within social relationships. When these rela­ have banded together in the League of Women
tionships are sustained across time, four things Voters and the National Organization for
can happen: First, we come to think of the rela­ Women (NOW) by virtue of an awareness that
tionships as encompassed by boundaries, so they are a social category that shares certain
that people are either inside or outside a group. problems.
 Social Structure 59

Information regarding categories can have dardized solutions (cultural patterns) that serve
important uses. For example, if we know the to direct people in meeting the problems of so­
proportions of people in each age category in a cial living, and (2) the relatively stable relation­
population, we can make projections that antic­ ships that characterize people in actually imple­
ipate the demand for various social services, in­ menting these solutions. Conceived in this way,
cluding Social Security and Medicare benefits. a cluster of cultural patterns (a set of norms,
values, and symbols) establishes the behavior
that is expected of us as a certain kind of person
Institutions (e.g., a student) in relation to certain other kinds
Sociologists use the term institution for the of people (e.g., a professor, dean, teaching as­
principal social structures that organize, direct, sistant. departmental secretary, registrar, or bur­
and execute the essential tasks of living. Each sar). This set of cultural patterns locates us
institution is built about a standardized solution within a network of relationships. The concept
to a set of problems. For example, all human of institution, then, implies that we are bound
societies face the problem of how to protect within networks of relationships (groups) in
and nurture children in their early years. This is which we interact with one another (play our
one of many problems that the institution of the roles) in terms of certain shared understandings
family deals with. All societies face the prob­ (cultural patterns) that define the behavior ex­
lem of how to transfer raw materials into prod­ pected of us as given kinds of people (statuses).
ucts and how to distribute those products to
people. This problem is dealt with by the insti­
tution called the economy. All societies face the
Societies
problem of helping people to understand the in­ Societies represent the most comprehensive and
explicable events in their lives; religion is the complex type of social structure in today’s world.
institution that deals with the death of loved As we noted earlier in the chapter, society refers
ones, fatal events, and the like. to a group of people who live within the same
Admittedly this classification oversimpli­ territory and share a common culture. By virtue
fies matters. An institution may perform more of this common culture, the members of a society
than one function, and several institutions may typically possess similar values and norms and a
contribute to the performance of the same func­ common language. Its members perpetuate them­
tion. Further, there is a wide variety of inter­ selves primarily through reproduction and com­
connected institutions that serve diverse human prise a more or less self-sufficient social unit. A
needs and desires, including the institutions of society can be as small as a tribal community of
sports, entertainment, organized crime, prosti­ several dozen people or as large as modem na­
tution, medicine, and journalism. tions with hundreds of millions of people.
As sociologists typically define an institu­ Although we often use the term “nation­
tion, it encompasses both cultural patterns and state” interchangeably with “society,” the two
social structure. For example, the polity in­ are not necessarily the same. A state is a politi­
cludes political values (such as equality), norms cal entity centering on a government. Among
(such as the idea that everyone should vote), many peoples of the world, the state binds to­
and social structural features such as the gether nationality and tribal groups that in their
Supreme Court, Congress, all state and local own right constitute societies. For example.
governments, police departments, and others. Great Britain is made up of Scots, Welsh, and
Institutions constitute (1) the more or less stan­ English. Belgium is composed of Flemings and
60 Culture and Social Structure

Walloons. Similarly, many African nation­ territory it controlled, and the emergence of
states contain multiple tribal groups: 250 in large capital cities. The massive pyramids of
Nigeria, 200 in Zaire, and 130 in Tanzania. Egypt, the roads and aqueducts of Rome, the
Sociologists have classified societies in great cathedrals of medieval Europe, and the far-
many ways. One popular approach is based on flung irrigation systems of the Middle East and
the principal way in which the members of a China are products of agrarian societies.
society derive their livelihood (Lenski, Nolan, About 250 years ago the Industrial Revolu­
and Lenski, 1995). All peoples must provide tion gave birth to industrial societies whose pro­
for such vital needs as food, clothing, and shel­ ductive and economic systems are based on ma­
ter; the manner in which they do so has vast chine technologies. Economic self-sufficiency
consequences for other aspects of their lives. and local market systems were displaced by
Each of these types of societies has different in­ complex divisions of labor, exchange relation­
stitutions and different numbers of institutions, ships, and national and international market sys­
depending on the complexity of the societies tems. The ability to read and write became es­
and of the problems to be solved in each. sential in advanced industrial societies and led
Hunting and gathering societies represent to the growth of educational institutions. Many
the earliest form of organized social life. Indi­ activities that were once the responsibility of
viduals in groups of about 50 survive by hunting families were relinquished to other institutions.
animals and gathering edible foods. Kinship— Populations grew and people increasingly con­
ties by blood and marriage—is the foundation gregated in cities. Large-scale bureaucracies and
for most relationships and is the principal insti­ formal organizations came to predominate in
tution for hunting and gathering societies. There both the private and public spheres, finding ex­
are no specialized and enduring work groups, pression in big business, big unions, big univer­
governments, or standing armies. sities, big hospitals, and big government.
Some 10,000 years ago, human beings As we discuss in more detail in Chapter
learned how to cultivate a number of plants on 13, some social analysts contend pp. 442-46
which they depended for food. The more effi­ that the United States is currently moving in the
cient economies of these horticultural societies direction of a postindustrial society. This is pre­
allow for the production of a social surplus— sumably a new historical period, often referred
goods and services over and above those neces­ to by journalists as the “information age” or
sary for human survival. This surplus becomes “service society.” In a postindustrial society in­
the foundation for social stratification; the spe­ creasing numbers of workers find employment
cialization of some economic, political, and re­ in the provision of services rather than the ex­
ligious roles; a growth in the importance of traction of raw materials and the manufacture of
warfare; and more complex forms of culture goods. Simultaneously, new techniques permit
and social structure (Lenski, 1966; Haas, the automation of many processes in the work­
1993). Even so, the upper limit for most horti­ place with the use of computers and complex
cultural communities is about 3,000 persons. feedback regulation devices. All these changes
Five to six thousand years ago the plow her­ are accompanied by the knowledge explosion
alded an agricultural revolution and the emer­ based on the creating, processing, and distribu­
gence of agrarian societies (Childe. 1941), with tion of information (Hage and Powers, 1992),
larger crops, more food, expanding populations, and where they will lead us is hard to predict
and even more complex forms of social organi­ because the changes are so rapid. For example,
zation. Continuing advances in productive and in 1990 fewer than 500,000 computers had ac­
military technologies contributed to a substantial cess to the Internet. This number had grown to
growth in the power of the state, the size of the 30 million by 1998 (Brown and Flavin, 1999).
 The Chapter in Brief: Culture and Social Structure

Components of Culture I Cultural Integration. The items that

Culture provides individuals with a set of form a culture tend to constitute a consistent
common understandings that they employ in and integrated whole. For example, societies
fashioning their actions, and makes society that value universal education also usually have
possible by providing a common framework of norms and laws about schools, organize
meaning. education into a collective activity, and create
symbols and share meanings about the value of
I Norms. Norms are social rules that education and educational organizations.
specify appropriate and inappropriate behavior
in given situations. They afford a means by Ethnocentrism. The cultural ways of
which we orient ourselves to other people. our own society become so deeply ingrained
Folkways, mores, and laws are types of norms. that we have difficulty conceiving of alternative
ways of life. We judge the behavior of other
I Values. Values are broad ideas regarding groups by the standards of our own culture, a
what is desirable, correct, and good that most phenomenon sociologists term ethnocentrism.
members of a society share. Values are so
general and abstract that they do not explicitly Cultural Relativism. In studying other
specify which behaviors are acceptable and cultures, we must examine behavior in the light
which are not. of the values, beliefs, and motives of each
culture, an approach termed cultural
I Sy mb oh and Language. Symbols are relativism.
acts or objects that have come to be socially
accepted as standing for something else. I Subcultures and Countercultures.
Symbols assume many different forms, but Cultural diversity may be found within a
language is the most important of these. society in the form of subcultures. When the
Language is the chief vehicle by which people norms, values, and lifestyles of a subculture are
communicate ideas, information, attitudes, and at odds with those of the larger society, it is a
emotions, and it serves as the principal means counterculture.
by which human beings create culture and
transmit it from generation to generation.
Social Structure
People’s relationships are characterized by
Cultural Unity and Diversity social ordering. Sociologists apply the term
8 Cultural Universals. Cultural social structure to this social ordering—the
universals are patterned and recurrent aspects interweaving of people’s interactions and
of life that appear in all known societies. All relationships in recurrent and stable patterns.
people confront many of the same problems;
culture represents an accumulation of solutions Statuses. Status represents a position
to the problems posed by human biology and within a group or society. It is by means of
the human situation. statuses that we locate one another in various
61
social structures. Some are assigned to us— distinguish groups from aggregates and
ascribed statuses; others we secure on the categories.
basis of individual choice and competition—
achieved statuses. I Institutions. Institutions are the
principal social structures used to organize,
I Roles. A status carries with it a set of direct, and execute the essential tasks of social
culturally defined rights and duties, what living. Each institution is built around a
sociologists term a role. A role is the expected standardized solution to a set of problems and
behavior we associate with a status. Role encompasses the notions of both cultural
performance is the actual behavior of the patterns and social structure.
person who occupies a status. Role conflict
arises when individuals are confronted with I Societies. Societies represent the most
conflicting expectations stemming from their comprehensive and complex type of social
occupancy of two or more statuses. Role strain structure in today’s world. By virtue of their
arises when individuals find the expectations of common culture, the members of a society
a single role incompatible. typically possess similar values and norms and
a common language. One particular approach
I Groups. Statuses and roles are building for classifying societies is based on the way
blocks for more comprehensive social people derive their livelihood: hunting and
structures, including groups of two or more gathering societies, horticultural societies,
people. Roles link us within social agrarian societies, industrial societies, and
relationships. When these relationships are postindustrial societies. Another approach rests
sustained across time, we frequently attribute on the distinction between traditional and
group properties to them. Sociologists modem types.

Glossary

achieved status A status that ascribed status A status cultural relativism A

individuals secure on the basis assigned to an individual by a value-free or neutral approach
of choice and competition, group or society. that views the behavior of a
people from the perspective of
aggregate A collection of category A collection of
their own culture.
anonymous individuals who people who share a
are in one place at the same characteristic that is deemed cultural universals
time. to be of social significance. Patterned and recurrent
aspects of life that appear in laws Rules that are enforced role set The multiple roles
all known societies. by a special political associated with a single
organization composed of status.
culture The social heritage
individuals who enjoy the
of a people; those learned role strain The situation in
right to use force.
patterns for thinking, feeling, which individuals find the
and acting that are transmitted master status A key or core expectations of a single role
from one generation to the status that carries primary incompatible, so that they
next, including the weight in a person’s have difficulty performing the
embodiment of these patterns interactions and relationships role.
in material items. with others.
social structure The
duties The actions that mores Norms to which interweaving of people’s
others can legitimately insist people attach a good deal of interactions and relationships
that we perform. importance and exact strict in more or less recurrent and
conformity. stable patterns.
ethnocentrism The
tendency to judge the behavior norms Social rules that society A group of people
of other groups by the specify appropriate and who live within the same
standards of one’s own culture. inappropriate behavior in territory and share a common
given situations. culture.
folkways Norms people do
not deem to be of great rights Actions that we can status A position within a
importance and to which they legitimately insist that others group or society; a location in
exact less stringent perform. a social structure.
conformity.
role A set of expectations subculture A group whose
group Two or more people (rights and duties) that define members participate in the
who share a feeling of unity the behavior people view as main culture of a society
and who are bound together appropriate and inappropriate while simultaneously sharing
in relatively stable patterns of for the occupant of a status. a number of unique values,
social interaction. norms, traditions, and
role conflict The situation
lifestyles.
institutions The principal in which individuals are
instruments whereby the confronted with conflicting symbols Acts or objects that
essential tasks of living are expectations stemming from have come to be socially
organized, directed, and their simultaneous occupancy accepted as standing for
executed. of two or more statuses. something else.
language A socially role performance The values Broad ideas
structured system of sound actual behavior of the person regarding what is desirable,
patterns (words and who occupies a status. correct, and good that most
sentences) with specific and members of a society share.
arbitrary meanings.

63
 Internet Connection www.mhhe.com/hughes6

On the Internet, go to http://www.yahoo.com/. write a short report on subcultural slang. What

In the search window, type the word “slang” and subcultural groups use the slang vocabularies
then click on the search button. When the next you have uncovered? What are some examples
screen appears, click on the word “slang” under of slang terms? Speculate on some of the rea­
the “reference > dictionaries” heading. Explore sons that these groups use special vocabularies
two or more of the slang sites that appear and to communicate among themselves.

64
chapter 3

Socialization

66
Foundations for Socialization
y\.nna and Isabelle were bom in the 1940s to
Nature and Nurture single mothers who kept them hidden in se­
Theories of Socialization cluded rooms over a period of years. They re­
Agents of Socialization ceived only enough care to be kept alive. When
Social Communication local authorities discovered them, they were
Definition of the Situation about 6 years old. They were extremely re­
tarded and displayed few human capabilities or
The Self and Socialization responses. Sociologist Kingsley Davis reported
on these two cases in a classic 1949 study.
Charles Horton Cooley: The Looking-Glass Self Anna was placed in a county home and
George Herbert Mead: The Generalized Other later in a school for retarded children. She was
Erving Goffman: Impression Management able to learn to talk in phrases, walk, wash her
hands, brush her teeth, follow simple instruc­
Socialization across the tions, play with a doll, and engage in other
human activities. Just how fully she might have
Life Course developed is not known; she died of hemor­
Childhood rhagic jaundice at age 10. In contrast, Isabelle
Adolescence received special training and very soon at­
Young Adulthood tempted her first vocalization. She progressed
Middle Adulthood rapidly through the stages of learning and de­
Later Adulthood velopment typical of American children. She
Death finished the sixth grade at age 14 and was
judged by her teachers to be a competent,
Box 3.1 Sociology around the World: cheerful, well-adjusted student. Isabelle is re­
Is “Parentese” the Same Everywhere' ported to have completed high school, married,
and had her own normal family.
Box 3.2 Issues in Focus: What Happens A similar case is that of Genie, who was
to Adolescent Girls—and Why' discovered at the age of 13 after having been
locked in a small room and harnessed to an in­
fant’s potty seat from the age of 20 months
(Rymer, 1993). Her father beat her frequently,
especially when she made sounds. At age 13,
when Genie came to the attention of authorities
and was admitted to a hospital, she was mal­
formed, incontinent, and malnourished. On at­
tainment and maturity tests she scored in the
range of a 1-year-old. She could understand no
more than a few words, including “mother."
“red,” “blue,” “bunny,” “jewelry box,” “stopit,”
and “nomore.” Although specialists designed a
program to rehabilitate and educate her, Genie
managed to pick up only a small vocabulary, and
she never learned the rudiments of grammar. Her
speech remained slow, awkward, and unclear.

67
68 Socialization

Additionally, her behavior was not ‘“normal.” generation. Individuals would lack those com­
She ignored social norms, grasping and not let­ mon understandings necessary to align their ac­
ting go of people, standing close and peering tions and to bind their separated lives into a
into people’s faces, and masturbating in public. larger whole. Both the individual and society
Genie never improved to the extent Isabelle did. are mutually dependent on socialization. It
and she currently lives in a state institution. blends the sentiments and ideas of culture to
How much of your behavior can you trace the capacities and needs of the organism
to your upbringing? How different do you think (Davis, 1949:195).
you would be if you had had minimum contact In this chapter we will examine the process
with other human beings during your child­ of socialization. We will consider its founda­
hood? The cases of Anna. Isabelle, and Genie tions, its relationship to the development of the
testify that much of the behavior we regard self, and its changing nature over the life course.
as somehow given in the human species does
not occur unless it is put there through commu­
nicative and social contact with others. For Foundations
example, one hypothesis psychologists have
advanced to explain Genie’s language deficien­
for Socialization
cies is that childhood is the critical period in
The cases of Anna. Isabelle, and Genie testify
the development of language ability and that
to the inadequacy of our biological equipment
problems like Genie’s cannot be overcome
for producing a normal human personality in
once a child enters puberty.
the absence of social interaction. A normal
In comparison with other species we enter
human, then, is a product of both hereditary
the world as amazingly “‘unfinished” creatures.
and environmental factors. In this section we
We are not bom as social beings, able to partic­
will look more closely at how those factors in­
ipate in society, but become so only in the
teract. We also will discuss theories and agents
course of socialization—a process of social in­
of socialization, examine social communica­
teraction by which people acquire the knowl­
tion. and consider how socialization provides a
edge. attitudes, values, and behaviors essential
socially constructed reality, what sociologists
for effective participation in society. In short,
refer to as the “definition of the situation.”
socialization is the process of becoming a so­
cial being, a process that continues throughout
one's life. The cases of children reared under
Nature and Nurture
conditions of extreme isolation illustrate the Children from severely deprived backgrounds
importance of socialization. offer a moving illustration of the nurturing that
In Chapter 2 we focused our attention on human nature needs to develop, but the relative
culture. Were it not for socialization, the re­ contributions of nature and nurture are difficult
newal of culture could not occur from one gen­ to determine. The issue used to be, nature or
eration to the next. We humans are uniquely de­ nurture? Today the question more likely to be
pendent upon a social heritage—the rich store asked is “How do nature and nurture interact to
of adaptations and innovations that countless produce behavior?”
generations of ancestors have developed over Scientists have frequently asked which fac­
thousands of years. Through culture, each new tor. heredity or environment, is more important in
generation can move on from the achievements fashioning a particular trait, such as obesity, ex­
of the preceding one. Without socialization, so­ troversion. or an individual's intelligence. They
ciety could not perpetuate itself beyond a single have attempted to determine which of the differ-
 Foundations for Socialization 69

Studies of identical twins (who have ex­

actly the same genes) have provided a unique
opportunity for drawing out genetic versus en­
vironmental effects. This research found that
twins raised apart are as similar as twins raised
together on many measures of personality, tem­
perament, interests, and social attitudes
(Bouchard et al., 1990; Bouchard, 1994), indi­
cating that those characteristics are influenced
by genetic factors. At the same time, such stud­
ies also suggest that culture and environment
may actually play the larger role, accounting
for more than half of the variation in personal­
ity and behavioral traits (Feldman, Otto, and
Christiansen, 2000).
There is also evidence that the biological
influences on behavior may themselves be in­
fluenced by the environment. Studies with rats,
for example, have shown that experiences di­
rectly affect neural structure in the brain; envi­
ronment shapes physiological development
“Now I’m going to show you something (Comery, Shah, and Greenaugh, 1995). Chil­
that’s in bad taste, so you’ll know dren exposed to toxins in their environment,
what bad taste is.” such as lead, have lower IQs than those not ex­
posed (Needleman and Bellinger, 1994;
From The New Yorker (2/10/92). Copyright © 1992
Needleman, Leviton, and Bellinger, 1982).
The New Yorker Collection. Warren Miller from
cartoonbank.com. All Rights Reserved.
Sometimes the difference between heredi­
tary and environmental causes is only a matter
of shifting one’s focus. For example, on the
ences they find among people can be attributed to Mediterranean island of Sardinia 35 percent of
heredity and which to environment. Some recent the inhabitants suffer from a disease associated
studies suggest that heredity is the primary factor with the lack of a specific enzyme (Harsanyi
in personality and development. For example, and Hutton, 1979). The disease is activated
Harris (1998) argued that biological parents’ ge­ when a person lacking the enzyme eats a par­
netic influence on their children is far more im­ ticular type of bean. In a population of people
portant than their social influence. Other studies who lack the enzyme, the disorder can be
indicate that once we account for siblings’ ge­ viewed as environmental in origin; it shows up
netic similarity, they are no more alike in person­ in the presence of the bean but not in its ab­
ality, abilities, and adjustment than are people se­ sence. In a population of people who eat the
lected at random from the population (Plomin bean, the disorder would be viewed as genetic
and Daniels, 1987; Turkheimer and Waldron, in origin; it shows up in people lacking the en­
2000). However, research also shows that, how­ zyme but not in people who have the enzyme.
ever important heritable traits are, the expression Given the complexities, it is clearly an over­
of those traits depends on a broad range of envi­ simplification to think of organisms as passive
ronmental factors (Collins et al., 2000). objects either programmed by internal genetic
10 Socialization

forces or shaped by the external environment. been fully integrated into social psychological
Substantial evidence indicates that hereditary theory, though there is movement in that direc­
and environmental factors interact with and af­ tion (Gove, 1987; Rossi and Rossi. 1990; Gove,
fect one another (Feldman. Otto, and Chris­ 1994; Udry. 1995; Udry. 2000; Cacioppo et al..
tiansen, 2000; Lewontin, Rose, and Karnin, 2000). The theories of socialization emphasized
1984; Rossi, 1984). As children develop, their in sociology today continue to emphasize social
behavior becomes less and less directly depend­ structure, learning, and social interaction.
ent on nature. Instead, learning becomes more The two macrolevel theoretical perspec­
and more important and the brain itself is af­ tives in sociology, functionalism and conflict
fected by interaction with the environment. For theory, view socialization as a process that has
example, the physiological development of the important consequences for society as a whole
brains of small children are affected by early (Corsaro and Eder. 1995). For functionalists,
traumatic events (Perry et al., 1995). producing society would not be possible if people did not
hyperarousal and dissociation; likewise, the neu­ internalize the values, norms, and beliefs that
ral connections within the brain are enhanced by ensure that they can and will occupy the sta­
a rich, stimulating, and secure early environ­ tuses and play the roles that make up social
ment. In sum, not only do nature, nurture, and structures (Inkeles, 1968). Conflict theorists
their interaction affect behavior, but behavior also recognize that socialization prepares peo­
and individual experiences affect neurological ple to play various roles in society, but they
development that in turn affects subsequent ex­ view socialization critically, emphasizing the
perience and behavior. ways socialization controls people and ensures
We humans, then, are not locked into an that social inequities will be reproduced from
unchangeable physical body nor an unchange­ one generation to the next (Bowles and Gintis.
able social system; both can change and each 1976, 2000). Proponents of these macrolevel
exerts an influence on the other. In learning, we approaches to socialization view it as a deter­
modify ourselves by responding; we literally ministic process, focusing mostly on the out­
change ourselves by acting. Behavior influ­ comes of socialization and tending to ignore
ences the functions of the brain, and that influ­ both the active individuals and the actual social
ences the brain’s architecture, so that experi­ processes involved.
ence produces lasting effects in the structure Three microlevel theories—social learning
and function of the brain (Locke, 1993). We theory, cognitive developmental theory, and
thus are active agents, shaping both ourselves symbolic interactionism—examine how social­
and our environments. As we act on and mod­ ization occurs. We will describe each.
ify the world in which we live, we in turn are
shaped and transformed by our own actions. ▲ Social Learning Theory
This dynamic interplay of socialization One view of how socialization occurs is that we
processes involving the individual and the so­ are socialized through positive and negative re­
cial and natural environment in which we live inforcement by our parents, friends, and society
is the foundation of human intelligence, knowl­ and that we observe and imitate socialized be­
edge, and culture. havior around us. The two processes empha­
sized in social learning theory are conditioning
and observational learning (Wiggins. Wiggins,
Theories of Socialization and Vander Zanden. 1994). Conditioning is a
While social scientists acknowledge that we are form of learning in which the consequences of
biological organisms, biological factors have not behavior determine the probability of its future
 Foundations for Socialization 71

occurrence (Skinner. 1953). Consequences of The preoperational stage usually lasts

behavior that increase the chance that a behav­ from about 18 months to 6 or 7 years old. A
ior will occur are reinforcements: consequences major accomplishment of this stage is represen­
that reduce that probability are punishments. tational thought, made possible by learning
Socialization occurs when a person’s behavior symbols and language. However, children at
is shaped by the reinforcing and punishing ac­ this stage identify symbols very closely with
tivities of other people and groups. the objects they represent, making thinking
Psychologist Albert Bandura drew atten­ rigid and inflexible and making it difficult to
tion to the fact that conditioning, which occurs distinguish the real from the make-believe. A
subsequent to behavior, cannot explain the ini­ critical factor inhibiting socialization at this
tial learning of a behavior. Through observa­ stage is children's extreme egocentricity—their
tion, people may learn both a certain mode of inability to see things, including themselves,
behavior and that the behavior may elicit cer­ from other people’s perspectives. Until this
tain rewards or punishments (Bandura. 1965). happens, the children’s moral sensibility and
Observational learning (also referred to as self-concept remain undeveloped.
modeling or imitation) occurs when people re­ From age 6 or 7 until about 11 or 12, chil­
produce the responses they observe in other dren go through the concrete operational stage
people, either real or fictional. in which they learn to think more abstractly, to
do simple arithmetic in their heads, to be able
▲ Cognitive Developmental Theory to separate a symbol from the thing it repre­
Another view emphasizes that a child's social­ sents. to think less rigidly, and to be able to see
ization occurs in step with his or her cognitive things the way others do. Thinking at this stage
development. Though learning is a fundamental remains focused on concrete, tangible objects,
part of socialization, what and how a person limiting the abstractions and complexity that
learns depends on his or her ability to under­ can be reached.
stand and interpret the world, something that Piaget’s last stage, from age 11 or 12 to
progresses through several stages. The Swiss adulthood, is the formal operations stage,
psychologist Jean Piaget (1926/1955) hypothe­ marked by the further development of abstract
sized that every normal child goes through four and logical abilities, such as the ability to do
such stages of cognitive development, each of more complex mathematics and to understand
which is dominated by a different scheme for formulas and proofs. Children now begin to be
handling information and understanding how able to develop abstract arguments and to de­
the world works. velop a variety of ways of looking at a prob­
In the sensorimotor stage, from birth to lem. Identity and moral sensibility become
about 18 months, children learn directly deeper and more complex, influenced by the
through their senses and their movements. ability to internalize and critically evaluate the
Their initial inability to distinguish between points of view of others.
themselves and their environment limits the Psychologist Lawrence Kohlberg (1969:
kind of socialization that can occur. Gradually 1981) extended Piaget’s framework by argu­
they realize that they exist independently of the ing that beginning with the preoperational
people and things around them. The scheme de­ stage, children have a very strong motivation
veloped in this stage is essential for moving on to be competent. Children learn not only
to more complex understandings of self, others, through the rather passive conditioning and
and the wider world that develop in subsequent observational learning processes discussed
stages. above, but by actively trying to learn what
72 Socialization

they need to know about themselves and their Agents of Socialization

environment to be competent, a critical com­
ponent of socialization. The family, peers, schools, and the mass media
are important agents of socialization. As the
▲ Symbolic Interactionism main social environment for young children,
Social learning theory and cognitive develop­ the family structures conditioning processes
mental theory are rooted in psychology. A and provides the earliest and closest models
third, more sociological view of socialization that guide learning. Children are motivated to
comes from the symbolic interactionist per­ learn rules and behaviors so they can be com­
spective. Symbolic interactionism is more than petent and effective participants in family life.
just a theory of socialization. As we pointed out Sociological research investigates how family
| Pp. 21-23|-»- in Chapter 1, it is a broad socio­ structure and parenting styles influence social­
logical perspective that helps us understand so­ ization outcomes (Corsaro and Eder, 1995;
cial processes in many settings. Some symbolic McLanahan and Sandefur, 1994; Acock and
interactionist reasoning is particularly relevant Demo, 1994). For example, children of di­
to understanding socialization. vorced parents may be socialized differently
Actions through which people observe, in­ than children living with two parents.
terpret, evaluate, communicate with, and at­ As the child’s world expands beyond the
tempt to control themselves—what symbolic family, the peer group becomes an important
interactionists call reflexive behavior—are im­ influence on emotional, cognitive, and social
portant to socialization (Wiggins, Wiggins, and development (Berndt and Ladd, 1989). A large
Vander Zanden, 1994). As we will see, a partic­ part of one’s early social life is spent in the
ularly important kind of reflexive behavior in­ peer group, where same-age peers’ reactions
volves people observing their own behavior serve as powerful reinforcements and punish­
from the perspective of others. For example, in ments that shape behavior. As children increas­
many cases in which you feel yourself becom­ ingly identify with their peers and use them as
ing angry, you probably reflect on how your ex­ role models, their self-definition becomes
pression of anger will be interpreted by others strongly influenced by the characteristics and
and then use this reflection to guide your actual standards of their peer group. These standards
expression of anger. often vary significantly from those of their par­
Reflexive behavior is critical in the devel­ ents and other adults in the community and
opment of the self—a central part of the social­ may be responsible for the high rates of what
ization process—because it is through reflexive parents and others define as “deviant” behavior
behavior that people learn who they are. And, among youth (see Chapter 5). This behavior
as with the learning patterns emphasized in currently includes such practices as tattooing,
cognitive development theory, learning who body piercing, and underage drinking as well
one is may be influenced by both conditioning as standard criminal behavior such as burglary,
and by observational learning. According to the assault, selling drugs, and even homicide.
symbolic interactionist view of socialization, Formal socialization occurs in schools
however, the individual takes an important and through instruction in mathematics, English,
active role in this learning process. Individuals and other subjects. But the role of the school as
monitor their own behavior, monitor others’ re­ agent of socialization goes far beyond teaching
sponses, make interpretations, try out new ways the standard subjects. Praise and reprimands in
of behaving, and come to new understandings schools are structured to teach and enforce
about themselves. school rules, thus socializing children to adapt
 Foundations for Socialization 73

An important role of parents, as agents of socialization, is to control the

influence of other agents of socialization such as the Internet.

to impersonal bureaucratic requirements. Em­ Bitar. 1993: Ball-Rokeach. Rokeach. and

phasis on grades teaches individualistic values Grube, 1984) and images that help form our
of competition and achievement. The gender, understandings of the world. These images can
racial, and ethnic composition of teaching staffs have powerful effects for good or ill. For exam­
teaches lessons about what kinds of people are ple. by presenting African Americans primarily
regarded as knowledgeable and competent to as poor, involved with drugs, and in trouble
wield authority, and may thus reinforce tradi­ with the law, the mass media can create nega­
tional prejudices against minorities and women. tive stereotypes that cause people to misinter­
Extracurricular activities from athletics to help­ pret the world around them. Accurate portray­
ing the teacher are differentially distributed als of African Americans in a variety of life
across the student body, leading to differences pursuits creates positive images and helps dis­
in socialization experiences and thus outcomes. pel negative stereotypes.
While school dominates the lives of most Which agents of socialization are most im­
older children, so does television; children portant? The direct impact of mass media on
watch an average of more than 30 hours weekly the socialization process can be overestimated.
(Winn. 1985). Television and other media such The symbolic interactionist perspective sug­
as radio, popular music, movies, comic books, gests that images from television and other
video games, books, magazines, and newspa­ media must be defined and interpreted by view­
pers are important in socialization because they ers before they can influence behavior. If the
provide models for behavior (Furnham and family, peers, and schools create the meanings
74 Socialization

people use in interpreting media images, then Moreover, children acquire language with little
they are the critical agents in socialization. The difficulty, despite the need to master an incredi­
effect of television and other media also may bly complex, abstract set of rules for transform­
be through the displacement of other activities ing strings of sounds into meanings. Even deaf
that might socialize children differently (Glenn, children have a strong bias to communicate in
1992); children who watch television are not languagelike ways (Goldin-Meadow and My-
playing sports, reading, or visiting interesting lander. 1984). And speakers can understand and
places. produce an infinite set of sentences, even sen­
tences they have never before heard or uttered.
Social Communication In 1957 the eminent linguist Noam Chom­
sky put these observations together to suggest
Communication is a fundamental process in so­ that human beings possess an inborn language­
cialization. It is also essential in human adapta­ generating mechanism, what he termed the lan­
tion. If we are to adapt to the environment, we guage acquisition device. As viewed by
must be able to communicate with one another. Chomsky (1957, 1980), the basic structure of
Indeed, all social interaction involves communi­ language is biologically channeled, forming a
cation. Communication refers to the process by sort of prefabricated filing system to order the
which people transmit information, ideas, atti­ words and phrases that make up human lan­
tudes, and mental states to one another and is guages. All a child needs to do is learn the pe­
made possible by the human ability to create culiarities of his or her society’s language.
complex symbol systems including language, as Chomsky’s hypothesis has attracted inter­
[ Pp. 45-46 [-*» discussed in Chapter 2. It includes est and generated controversy. Social scientists
all those verbal and nonverbal processes by have pointed out that because a biological pre­
which we send and receive messages. Without disposition for the development of language ex­
the ability to communicate, each human being ists does not mean that environmental factors
would be locked within a private world such as play no part in language development. The ex­
that experienced by Helen Keller before she ac­ ample of a boy with normal hearing but with
quired language. Communication allows us to deaf parents highlights this point. His parents
establish “commonness” with one another; communicated by American Sign Language,
senders and receivers can come together through but the boy was exposed daily to television,
a given message. It is this commonness that with the expectation that he would learn to
makes socialization possible. Communication is speak English. His social interactions were lim­
an indispensable mechanism by which human ited to people who communicated in sign lan­
beings attain social goals. It permits them to co­ guage. By the time he was 3, he was fluent in
ordinate complex group activities, and as such it sign language, but he neither understood nor
is the foundation for institutional life. spoke English (Moskowitz, 1978). This case
suggests that to learn a language, children must
▲ Verbal Communication be able to interact with people in that language.
For years many social scientists asserted that Box 3.1 provides more information about the
infants come into the world essentially unpro­ interactions between language users and lan­
grammed for language use. Then linguists guage learners.
began noticing similarities in languages In sum. the acquiring of language cannot be
throughout the world: all languages have nouns understood by examining genetic factors and
and verbs and allow individuals to ask ques­ learning processes in isolation from one another.
tions, give commands, and deny statements. Instead, complex and dynamic interactions occur
 3.1 SOCIOLOGY AROUND THF WORLD

Is “Parentese” the Same Everywhere?

“Gaa-gaa, goo-goo, gaa-gaa!” feature different vowel sounds or sound similar to, other
Have you ever heard a from adult-directed speech. vowel sounds.
mother cooing to her baby? The researchers taped 10 How much of language
Languages are very different, native-speaking women in learning is “preprogrammed”?
yet cross-cultural studies have each of the three countries, Parallels observed in the
shown that there are many speaking to another adult learning of human speech and
similarities in the ways that native-speaker and again to birdsong suggest that similar
babies are prepared to speak their 2- to 5-month-old babies. neural mechanisms could be
their native language— What did the researchers involved in human and bird
especially through the use of find? Yet another way in which brains (Doupe and Kuhl,
“parentese.” In many parentese differs from adult- 1999). But language learning
languages parentese—the directed speech—in all three is not only about neurons. The
kind of speech adults use languages. “Mothers produced study of vowels in parentese
when talking to babies—is acoustically more extreme contributes to an emerging
clearly different from speech vowels when addressing their view of language development
directed to adults. It is higher infants,” their report stated that sees listening to language
in pitch, slower in cadence, (Kuhl et al., 1997). What does not as a trigger for innately
and exaggerated in intonation. that mean for learning to talk? stored information but as a
Adults talking to infants and The researchers suggested source of information that
small children also use that these acoustically more prepares a child’s brain for a
simpler words and sentences extreme vowels benefit infants specific language (Kuhl et al.,
than when talking to adults by providing them with good 1997). Learning to talk is a
(Kuhl et al., 1997). Even when examples of the sounds they social, not an instinctual,
mothers sing, their pitch is need to learn. The parentese activity. In spite of fundamental
higher,for infants than for vowels were more distinct from language differences, mothers
older children (Bergeson and one another. These enhanced use the same strategy—
Trehub, 1999). differences help infants parentese—to help their
Researchers in the United discriminate among various children learn to talk. We live
States, Russia, and Sweden vowel sounds, the researchers in a culturally diverse world,
collaborated to study hypothesize. Mothers but language acquisition is a
parentese in English, Russian, speaking parentese can clear example of the
and Swedish (Kuhl et al., produce a greater number of similarities across cultures in
1997). They were interested in instances of each vowel sound the ways children are
whether parentese might without having them overlap, socialized.

among biochemical processes, maturational A Nonverbal Communication

factors, learning strategies, and the social envi­ Verbal symbols are only the tip of the commu­
ronment. No one aspect by itself can produce a nication iceberg. Nonverbal messages abound,
language-using human being. Although infants and we “read” a good deal into them without
possess a genetically guided ground plan that necessarily being aware of doing so. On the
leads them toward language, that ability can be basis of his experiments, psychologist Albert
acquired only in a social context. Mehrabian (1968) concluded that the total
76 Socialization

impact of a message is 7 percent verbal, 38 per­ • Paralanguage: Nonverbal vocal cues sur­
cent vocal, and 55 percent facial. Another spe­ rounding speech—voice pitch, volume,
cialist has suggested that “no more than 30 to pacing of speech, silent pauses, and
35 percent of the social meaning of a conversa­ sighs—provide a rich source of informa­
tion or an interaction is carried by its words” tion. Paralanguage has to do with how
(Birdwhistell, 1970:197). something is said rather than withwhaF is
Differences in the environment in which said.
nonverbal communication is used affect its • Proxemics: The way we employ social and
meaning. For example, if a man and woman at personal space also contains messages.
a singles bar spot each other and become inter­ Students who sit in the front rows of a
ested, they signal with eye contact. The man classroom communicate that they are inter­
might hold the woman’s gaze, look away, and ested, while those in the rear communicate
then look back quickly once or twice. If the that they are alienated and prone to mis­
woman responds in kind, the two may maneu­ chievous activities (Sommer, 1969).
ver within speaking distance and strike up a
conversation. On the other hand, if you estab­ • Touch: Through physical contact such as
lish and hold eye contact with a stranger on an touching, stroking, hitting, holding, and
elevator, it is perceived to be a threatening greeting (handshakes), we convey our feel­
communication. Similarly, in American culture ings toward one another. However, touch
you generally do not look directly at another can also constitute an invasion of privacy,
person unless you are talking (Mazur, 1985). and it can become a symbol of power
Cultural diversity in the workplace has cre­ when people want to make power differ­
ated a need for greater sensitivity among man­ ences visible.
agers and employees regarding people’s use of • Artifacts: We commonly employ objects,
nonverbal communication. For example, white including certain types of clothing, make­
Americans define eye contact in the course of a up, hairpieces, eyeglasses, beauty aids, per­
conversation as showing respect. But many fume, and jewelry, that tell other people
Latinos do not, and many Americans of Asian our gender, rank, status, and attitude.
ancestry deem eye contact with an employer to
be an exceedingly disrespectful behavior. Poten­ Some aspects of nonverbal communication,
tial conflicts may arise when white supervisors such as many gestures, are especially suscepti­
consider Hispanic or Asian employees furtive or ble to cultural influence (Ekman, Friesen, and
rude for casting their eyes about the room. Mul­ Bear. 1984). The American “OK” gesture made
ticultural training programs seek to teach em­ by joining the thumb and forefinger in a circle
ployers and employees to look beyond their has quite different meanings, depending on the
culture-bound notions about what constitutes culture. An American tourist will find that what
“proper” and “improper” behavior (Fost, 1992). is taken to be a friendly sign in the United
There are many nonverbal communication States has an insulting connotation in France
systems, including the following: and Belgium: “You're worth zero!” In southern
Italy it means “You’re a jerk,” in Greece and
• Body language: Physical motions and ges­ Turkey it conveys an insulting or vulgar sexual
tures provide signals. The way a person invitation, and in Germany it is an obscene
stands or sits, for example, can communi­ anatomical reference (see Figure 3.1). How­
cate aggression, receptivity, boredom, or ever, some facial expressions seem to have uni­
hostility. versal meanings. Surprise, disgust, fear, anger,
 Foundations for Socialization 77

Kiss on the cheek: How many The V sign: What Churchill Tapping the nose: In England,
are appropriate? Zero to one in meant was “victory”— but the Scotland, and strangely, Sardinia,
Britain, two on most of the same signal with the knuckles this means, “You and I are in on
Continent, three in Belgium and turned out is England’s and the secret.” But if a Welshperson
French-speaking Switzerland— Australia’s equivalent of the does it, he means, “You're
and in Paris, four. American middle finger. really nosy.”

Thumbs up: This gesture was

employed by Roman emperors
to spare the lives of gladiators
in the Colosseum. It is now
favored by American and
Western European airline pilots,
Twisting the nose: The French Tapping the temple: Do this truck drivers, and others to mean
gesture of putting one’s fist almost anywhere in Europe if “All right." But in Sardinia and
around the top of the nose and you want to say someone or northern Greece, it is an
twisting it signifies that a person something is crazy—except in insulting gesture paralleling
is drunk, but it is not a gesture Holland, where the gesture the middle-finger gesture
used in other cultures. means, “How clever!” of American society.

Thumb-and-index circle: The chin rub: That's what The wave: Careful with this
America's “OK” sign means just people in France, French- friendly greeting while in Greece.
that in much of Europe—though speaking Switzerland, and It could be misinterpreted as
not in Germany, where it is an Belgium do when they're bored. “Go to hell.” When Greeks wave
obscene anatomical reference. Don’t try it elsewhere: no one goodbye, they show the backs
will get it. of their hands.

Figure 3.1
Symbolic Gestures: Barriers to Cross-Cultural Communication

Source: Text from "In Athens. It's Palms In," Newsweek, November 12. 1990. © 1990 Newsweek. Inc. All rights reserved.
Reprinted by permission.
78 Socialization

sadness, and happiness were identified from sions. Viewed in this manner, culture may be
photos by people from five different cultures thought of as the agreed-upon meanings—the
(Ekman et al., 1988). The ways of displaying shared definitions of situations—that individu­
and interpreting certain feelings may be univer­ als acquire as members of a society. Socializa­
sal, but each culture provides its own “display tion is the process by which these shared defini­
rules” regulating how and when given emotions tions are learned and transmitted from one
may be exhibited and with what consequences. generation to the next.
Sociologists point out that our definitions
Definition of the Situation influence our construction of reality. William I.
Thomas and Dorothy S. Thomas (1928:572;
An important part of socialization is learning Merton, 1995) captured this insight in what has
social definitions of reality—the basic become known as the Thomas theorem: “If
schemes we use to make sense of and to un­ [people] define situations as real, they are real
derstand the social and physical world. in their consequences.” The Thomas theorem
William I. Thomas introduced this through his draws our attention to the fact that people re­
concept of definition of the situation: the in­ spond not only to the objective features of a sit­
terpretation or meaning we give to our imme­ uation but also to the meaning the situation has
diate circumstances (Thomas and Thomas, for them. Once the meaning has been assigned,
1928; Merton, 1995). it serves to shape not only what people do or
People vary in their perceptions of and re­ fail to do but also some of the consequences of
actions to different situations. For example, a their behavior. In this way, a definition of the
gun means one thing to a soldier and something situation can become a self-fulfilling prophecy.
else to an armed robber; it has still other mean­ For example, one of the reasons that racial
ings for a holdup victim, a hunter, or a gun­ prejudices are so damaging is that they are defi­
control advocate. A man mowing the lawn may nitions of the situation that can become self-
be seen as beautifying his yard, avoiding his fulfilling prophecies. For many generations
wife, getting exercise, supporting neighborhood whites defined African Americans as racially
property values, annoying a neighbor who is at­ inferior. Whites controlled the centers of insti­
tempting to sleep, or earning a living by mow­ tutional power, and they allocated to African
ing lawns. Americans fewer of the privileges and opportu­
Our symbolic environment mediates the nities of society. By acting upon their racial
physical environment so that we do not simply definitions, whites fashioned social structures—
experience stimuli, but a definition of the situa­ institutional arrangements—in which African
tion. Although our definitions of the situation Americans have enjoyed fewer advantages than
may differ, it is only as we arrive at common whites. And while most African Americans live
understandings that we are able to fit our action well above the poverty line (Dalaker and Proc­
to the actions of other people. Whatever we tor, 2000), compared to whites, African Ameri­
do—play football, chat with a friend on the tele­ cans are less likely to be well educated and
phone, rob a store, make love, give a lecture, have high incomes and more likely to hold me­
cross a busy intersection, or purchase a book— nial jobs, live in poor housing, and have poor
we must attribute similar meanings to the situa­ health than whites. Thus, by creating and ap­
tion if we are to achieve joint action with others. plying definitions of the situation, whites have
Moreover, a definition of the situation arrived at created a social order characterized by institu­
on one occasion may not hold for future occa­ tional discrimination.
 The Self and Socialization 79

the victim or target of an action or event that in

The Self and reality is not directed at us. For example, if we
are lottery players, we sense that our ticket has a
Socialization far greater probability of being selected a win­
ner than it has (Greenwald and Pratkanis. 1984).
The formation of the self—the set of concepts Thus, the egocentric bias results in each of us
we use in defining who we are—is a central experiencing life through a self-centered filter.
part of the socialization process. It is not a bio­ This skewed view of reality shapes our percep­
logical given but emerges in the course of inter­ tion of events and later our recall of the events
action with other people. The self represents from memory, and this view of reality affects
the ideas we have regarding our attributes, ca­ the socialization process.
pacities. and behavior. In everyday speech, we Symbolic interactionists point out that we
note the existence of the self in phrases such as can be objects of our own action. We mentally
proud of myself, talking to myself, losing con­ take a place on the outside and. from this vantage
trol of myself, ashamed of myself, testing my­ point, become an audience to our own actions
self. hating myself, and loving myself. These and an active agent in our own self-development
conceptions represent the heart of our human­ and change (Kiecolt, 1994). Viewed in this dy­
ness, our awareness that each of us is a unique namic manner, the self is a process by which we
being apart from other beings and is the same devise our actions in order to fit them to the on­
person across time. The image that each of us going actions of other people—a process central
has that we are a distinct, bounded, coherent to socialization. Sociologists such as Charles
being gives us a feeling of psychic wholeness. Horton Cooley. George Herbert Mead, and Erv-
Individuals who are the victims of some forms ing Goffman have contributed a good deal to our
of severe mental illness, particularly schizo­ understanding of these matters. We will consider
phrenia. lack a stable self-conception and clear their insights, and those of researchers who fol­
self-boundaries—a distinct indication of where lowed them, in this section.
they begin and end. Many of them therefore
feel at sea in a flood of stimuli (Elliott, Rosen­ Charles Horton Cooley:
berg, and Wagner, 1984).
The development of the self begins at birth The Looking-Glass Self
as the process of socialization begins. Sociolo­
At the beginning of the 20th century the notion
gist J. Milton Yinger (1965:149) observed:
was prevalent in both scientific and lay circles
that human nature is biologically determined.
Retrospectively, one can ask “Who am I?” Blit Charles Horton Cooley (1864-1929) vigor­
in practice, the answer has come before the ously challenged this assertion. He maintained
question. The answer has come from all the that people transform themselves and their
definitions of one's roles, values, and goals that worlds as they engage in social interaction. In
others begin to furnish at the moment of birth. particular. Cooley (1902/1964) contended that
our consciousness arises in a social context.
We typically place ourselves at the center of This notion is best exemplified by his concept
events, a tendency sociologists call an egocen­ of the looking-glass self—a process by which
tric bias (Zuckerman et al., 1983: Schlenker. we imaginatively assume the stance of other
Weigold. and Hallam, 1990). By virtue of the people and view ourselves as we believe they
egocentric bias, we overperceive ourselves as see us. Our ability to take the perspective of
80 Socialization

another person is a basic requirement of all so­ ▲ Self-Evaluation

cial behavior. Indeed, research suggests that the Self-conception is not only a description of who
looking-glass self functions as a “magnifying we are. It also includes our evaluation of our­
glass” during self-perception, so that what peo­ selves. Two important dimensions of this evalu­
ple see in themselves while others are present ation are self-esteem and personal efficacy.
has an extrapowerful impact on their behaviors Self-esteem is the belief that one is a good
and self-images (Tice. 1992). and valuable person. Why do some people have
high self-esteem and others low? Self-esteem is
▲ Self-Awareness governed by three principles (Rosenberg,
Cooley suggested that the looking-glass self is 1981). First, as we interact with others, we
an ongoing mental process characterized by monitor their behavior for pieces of informa­
three phases. First, we imagine how we appear tion about howr they are appraising us. These
to others. For example, we may think of our­ are reflected appraisals, appraisals of our­
selves as putting on weight and becoming “fat.” selves that we see reflected in the behavior of
Second, we imagine how others judge our ap­ others. If we conclude from our observations
pearance. We are aware, for instance, that peo­ that others respect and look up to us, we will
ple typically think of obese people as unattrac­ probably have good self-esteem, but if we think
tive. Third, we have an emotional reaction, that they look down upon and disparage us. our
such as pride or shame based on what we per­ self-esteem will probably be low. In a complex
ceive others' judgments to be. In this case we world we cannot be highly concerned with
are likely to experience anxiety or embarrass­ everyone’s views of us. so the most important
ment regarding our "obese” state. The looking- reflected appraisals tend to be those of people
glass self entails a subjective process and need who are most important to us, those we love
not accord with objective reality. For example, and care about, and those we most respect—
victims of anorexia nervosa willfully starve family, close friends, and those we admire
themselves, denying that they are actually thin (Rosenberg. 1973).
or ill. in the belief that they are too fat. People also arrive at evaluations of them­
The notion of the looking-glass self does selves through social comparisons, comparing
not imply that our self-conception changes radi­ their performance, ability, or characteristics
cally every time we encounter a new person or a with those of others and rating themselves as
new situation. Accordingly, it is useful to distin­ superior, equal, or inferior (Pettigrew. 1967).
guish between self-images and self-conceptions We cannot compare ourselves with everyone
(Turner. 1968; Marsh. 1986). A self-image is a else along all dimensions, so we use dimen­
mental conception or picture that we have of sions that we learn are important through the
ourselves that is relatively temporary: it changes various agents of socialization (family, peer
as we move from one context to another. Our group, school, and the mass media), and we
self-conception is a more overriding view of compare ourselves with relevant others. That is,
ourselves, a sense of self through time—"the instead of comparing themselves with middle-
real me,” or “I myself as I really am.” Layers of aged people with respect to personal income,
self-images typically build up over time and adolescents compare themselves with others of
contribute to a relatively stable self-conception. their own age and in a similar situation. An
For the most part this succession of self-images adolescent's income may be low in comparison
edits rather than supplants our more crystallized w ith that of a middle-aged woman at the height
self-conception or identity. of her career, but it may still be a source of
 The Self and Socialization 81

high self-esteem if it compares favorably with into situations in w hich the sense of efficacy
that of other working adolescents. necessary for changing one's situation has little
Even if we feel that others respect us and chance of developing.
we are able to compare ourselves favorably with
them, we still may not experience high self- George Herbert Mead:
esteem if we do not believe that we can take
credit for what produces the respect and the fa­
The Generalized Other
vorable comparisons. By the same token, if we George Herbert Mead (1863-1931), one of the
do not blame ourselves for how others are eval­ major figures in the symbolic interactionist per­
uating us or for our negative comparisons, we spective. elaborated on Cooley’s concept of the
will probably not suffer low self-esteem. This is looking-glass self and contributed many in­
because of the principle of self-attribution: For sights of his own to the processes of develop­
a characteristic to affect our self-esteem, we ment of the self and socialization. Mead
must believe we are responsible for it and there­ (1934/1962) contended that w e gain a sense of
fore deserve the credit or blame that results. For ^elfhoodjbv acting tnward ourselves in “mUcTT
example, a man who gets an “A” in a difficult 'the same fashion that we act toward others. Jn
college course by cheating is not likely to con­ —se-rfoihg w e "take the role of the other tow ard
clude that he is a great scholar, but he may take ourselves." We mentally assume a”dual per-
credit for successful cheating and conclude that spective: We are simultaneously the subject
he is a very good cheater. doing the viewing and the object being viewed.
Personal efficacy is another aspect of self­ In our imagination w e take the position of an­
evaluation that is influenced by socialization other person and look back on ourselves from
processes. It is the belief that one can overcome this standpoint.
obstacles and achieve goals. The primary deter­ Mead designated the subject aspect of the
minant of personal efficacy is the nature of per­ self-process as “I” and the object aspect as
sonal experience. When we experience our­ "me.” Consider what sometimes happens when
selves as effective actors and then attribute to you contemplate whether to ask your professor
ourselves the characteristic of being effective, a question. You think. ’‘If I ask a question, he’ll
our personal efficacy is increased (Gecas and consider me stupid. I’d better keep quiet.” In
Schwalbe. 1983). For example, doing well in this example you imagine the attitude of the
school or holding a job that gives one authority’ professor toward students. In so doing you
and relative autonomy increases personal effi­ mentally take the role of the professor and view
cacy (Kohn and Schooler. 1983). However, this yourself as an object or “me.” It is you as the
means that the development of personal effi­ subject or ‘T’ who decides that it would be un­
cacy can be a problem. To develop personal ef­ wise to ask the question. The use of personal
ficacy. one needs to achieve things: lacking per­ pronouns in the statement illustrates the object­
sonal efficacy, such achievement may be subject dimensions.
difficult. Structured social inequality is an im­ According to Mead, the key to children’s
portant factor in personal efficacy (Hughes and development of the self—a central part of the
Demo, 1989). People with higher education, socialization process—resides in their acquisi­
more autonomous jobs, and higher incomes are tion of language. By virtue of language, we
all in situations that facilitate experiencing one­ arouse the same tendencies in ourselves that w e
self as efficacious. People with little education, do in others. We mentally say to ourselves, “If I
routine jobs, and low incomes may be locked want to get this person to respond this way.
82 Socialization

what will it take to do so? What would it take In Mead's third stage, children recognize
to get me to act in this fashion?” Language al­ that they are immersed within a larger commu­
lows us to carry on an internal conversation. nity of people and that this community has very
We talk and reply to ourselves in much the definite attitudes regarding w hat constitutes ap­
same manner that we carry on a conversation propriate and inappropriate behavior. The so­
with others. In this fashion, w e judge how other cial unit that gives individuals their unity of
people will respond to us. self is called the generalized other. The atti­
Sociologist Ralph Turner (1968) clarified tude of the generalized other is the attitude of
and extended Mead's ideas on the self. Turner the larger community. Although we gain our
pointed out that when speaking and acting, we conceptions of given rules from particular peo­
typically adopt a state of preparedness for cer­ ple (our mother, a teacher, or a peer), these no­
tain types of responses from the other person. If tions are generalized or extended to embrace all
we wave to a professor, ask a police officer a people within similar situations. To think about
question, or embrace a friend, we expect that the our behavior, then, is to interact mentally with
other person will respond with some action that ourselves from the perspective of an abstract
will appropriately fit our own. As the other per­ community of people. According to Mead, the
son responds, we enter a phase of testing and re­ generalized other is the vehicle by which we
vision. We mentally appraise the other’s behav­ are linked to society. By means of the general­
ior. determining w hether or not it accords with ized other, we incorporate, or internalize, the
our expectations. In doing so we assign meaning organized attitudes of our community within
to that behavior. We then plan our next course of our own personalities so that social control be­
action. For instance, if the person has responded comes self-control. According to Mead, our
in an unanticipated manner, we might terminate ability to participate effectively in society is the
the interaction, begin again w ith a reassertion of end result of passing through the play. game,
our original intention, disregard the other's re­ and generalized other stages.
sponse, or abandon our initial course of action
and follow the other person’s lead. Conse­ Erving Goffman: Impression
quently, symbolic interactionists say that the
process of self-communication is essential to so­
Management
cial interaction. Erving Goffman (1922-1982) has provided an
According to Mead, children typically pass additional dimension to our understanding of
through three stages in developing a full sense the self and socialization. Cooley and Mead ex­
of selfhood: the "play” stage, the "game” stage, amined how our self-conceptions arise in the
and the "generalized other” stage. In play, chil­ course of social interaction and how’ we fashion
dren take the role of only one other person at a our actions based on the feedback we derive
time and “try on" the person's behavior. The about ourselves and our behavior from other
model, usually an important person in the life people. Goffman (1959) directed our attention
of the child, such as a parent, is called a signifi­ to another matter. He pointed out that only by
cant other. influencing other people's ideas of us can we
Whereas children in the play stage take the hope to predict or control who we become. We
role of only one other person at a time, in the have a stake in presenting ourselves to others in
game stage they assume many roles. Individu­ ways that will lead them to view us in a favor­
als must take into account the roles of many able light, a process Goffman called impres­
people, and children must become familiar w ith sion management. In doing so we use both
the expectations that hold for a variety of roles concealment and strategic revelation. For ex­
if they are to play their own roles successfully. ample. a young professor fresh out of graduate
 Socialization across the Life Course 83

son’s everyday interaction with others and of

how these performances are interpreted by oth­
ers. In this view, the self is not so much some­
thing that people possess and then carry un­
changed from situation to situation, but is a
“dramatic effect” (Goffman, 1959: 253) that
emerges from social situations in which people
attempt to manage others’ impressions of them.
Goffman illustrated his approach by describ­
ing the changes that occur in waiters’ behavior as
they move from the kitchen to the dining room.
As the nature of the audience changes, so does
their behavior. “Frontstage” in the dining room,
the waiters display a polite demeanor to the
guests. “Backstage” in the kitchen, they openly
flaunt and otherwise ridicule the servility they
must portray frontstage. Further, they seal off the
dirty work of food preparation—the gristle,
grease, and foul smells of spoiled food—from
the appetizing and enticing frontstage atmo­
sphere. As people move from situation to situa­
Erving Coffman termed impression tion, they drastically alter their self-expression.
management. They undertake to define the situation for others
by generating cues that will lead others to act in
ways they wish.

school may spend several hours preparing and

rehearsing a lecture in hopes of appearing
Socialization across
“knowledgeable” to her students. You are prob­ the Life Course
ably aware of engaging in impression manage­
ment when deciding what to wear for a particu­ Socialization is a continuing, lifelong process.
lar occasion, such as a party, a physician’s The world about us changes and requires that
appointment, a job interview, or a date (Leary we also change. The self is not carved in gran­
and Kowalski, 1990). ite, somehow finalized for all time during
Goffman saw the performances staged in a childhood. Life is adaptation—a process of
theater as an analytical analogy and tool for de­ constant renewing and remaking. Three-year-
picting and understanding socialization and the olds are socialized within the patterns of a
shaping of the self, a perspective called the nursery school, engineering students within
dramaturgical approach. He depicted social their chosen profession, new employees within
life as a stage on which people interact; all an office or plant, a husband and wife within a
human beings are both actors and members of new family, and elderly patients within a nurs­
the audience, and the parts are the roles people ing home.
play in the course of their daily activities. Ac­ In one way or another, all societies have
cording to Goffman, the self is a product of the to deal with the life course that begins with
ongoing performances that characterize a per- conception and continues through old age and
84 Socialization

ultimately death. Societies weave varying so­ will take a closer look in this section at some of
cial arrangements around chronological age the transitions that center on life course roles.
(Riley, 1988a, 1988b). A 14-year-old girl may
be expected to be a middle school student in Childhood
one culture and a mother of two in another; a
45-year-old man may be at the peak of a busi­ Our expectations of what childhood is and how
ness career, still moving up in a political career, long it lasts is an aspect of our culture and af­
retired from a career as a professional football fects socialization. Whatever definitions they
player, or dead and worshipped as an ancestor hold of children, societies begin socializing
in some other society (Datan, 1977). All cul­ them as soon as possible. But those definitions
tures divide biological time into socially rele­ affect the socialization that occurs. In the Mid­
vant units. While birth, puberty, maturity, dle Ages, for example, the concept of child­
aging, and death are biological facts of life, it is hood as we know it was unheard of. Children
society that gives each its distinctive meaning. were regarded as small adults (Aries, 1962). No
Modem societies are ordered in ways that special word existed for a young male between
formally structure people’s preparation for new the ages of 7 and 16. The word “child” ex­
roles through education, rehabilitation, and re­ pressed kinship, not an age period (Plumb,
socialization. This role socialization commonly 1972). Not until about the year 1600 did a new
involves three phases (Mortimer and Simmons, concept of childhood begin to emerge.
1978). First, people think about, experiment The notion that children should be attend­
with, and try on the behaviors associated with a ing school rather than working in factories,
new role, what sociologists term anticipatory mines, and fields is also of relatively recent ori­
socialization. Children informally acquaint gin. In the 1820s half of the cotton mill workers
themselves with such adult roles as spouse and in New England were children who worked
parent by “playing house.” Most college-bound 12- to 15-hour days. Even as late as 1924 the
high school students go through such a process National Child Labor Committee estimated that
by learning about and then adopting clothing 2 million American children under 15 were at
styles and recreational habits that are common work, the majority as farm laborers.
among college students. Second, once individu­ What about our view of childhood today?
als assume a new status, they find that they Most infants are fairly malleable in the sense
must not only learn the expectations of the as­ that within broad limits they are capable of be­
sociated role, but they may need to shape the coming adults of quite different sorts. The mag­
role itself in response to new situations and to nitude of their accomplishments over a relatively
their individual needs. For example, a couple short period of time is truly astonishing. For ex­
entering marriage must evolve new interper­ ample, by their fourth birthday most American
sonal skills because as children they learned lit­ children have mastered the complicated and ab­
tle about the marital role. Third, as individuals stract structure of the English language. And
move through their lives, they not only enter they can carry on complex social interactions in
roles but must disengage or exit from many of accordance with American cultural patterns.
them. Such rituals as graduation exercises, mar­ Children display people-oriented responses
riage, retirement banquets, funerals, and other at very early ages. Even before their first birth­
rites of passage are socially established mecha­ day, children are already contributors to social
nisms for easing some role transitions. Because life (Rheingold, Hay, and West, 1976; Lewis et
socialization across the life course is increas­ al., 1989). By 2 years of age, children can make
ingly important to sociological research, we a doll do something as if it were acting on its
 Socialization across the Life Course 85

own. In so doing they reveal an elementary Many non-Western societies use puberty
ability for representing other people as inde­ rites—initiation ceremonies—to symbolize the
pendent agents. Most 3-year-olds can make a transition from childhood to adulthood. Mild
doll carry out several role-related activities, re­ versions of puberty rites in Western societies
vealing knowledge of a social role (e.g., pre­ include the Jewish bar mitzvah and bat mitz­
tend to be a doctor and examine a doll). Four- vah, confirmation in some Christian denomina­
year-olds can typically act out a role, meshing tions, securing a driver’s license, and gradua­
the behavior with that of a reciprocal role (e.g., tion from high school and college.
pretend that a patient doll is sick and a doctor In the United States adolescence appears
doll examines it, in the course of which both to be an “invention” of the past 100 years
dolls make appropriate responses). During the (Kett, 1977; Raphael, 1988). As the nation
late preschool years, children become capable changed from an agricultural to an industrial
of combining roles in more complicated ways society, children no longer had a significant
(e.g., being a doctor and a father simultane­ economic function in the family. In time,
ously). Most 6-year-olds can pretend to carry mandatory school attendance, child labor laws,
out several roles at the same time. and special legal procedures for “juveniles” es­
The greatest development occurs between tablished adolescence as a well-defined social
7 and 8 years of age; then the rate of change in reality.
conceptualization slows. Indeed, the differ­ In the view of neo-Freudians like Erik
ences between children who are 7 years old and Erikson (1963, 1968), the main task of adoles­
those who are 8 are frequently greater than the cents in Western societies is to build and con­
differences between 8-year-olds and 15-year- firm a reasonably stable identity, that develop­
olds (Barenboim, 1981). ment of self so important to socialization. For
Of course, these patterns are not the same for adolescents, Erikson said, the search for iden­
all children. Not only is there considerable indi­ tity is particularly acute.
vidual variability in child development, but pat­ Erikson’s view of adolescence is in keep­
terns are affected by the social capital of a child’s ing with a long Western psychological tradition
family: their financial resources, cognitive skill that has portrayed adolescence as a period of
of parents, and the connections between family “storm and stress” caused by the difficult tran­
and community (Coleman, 1988, 1990). sition from childhood to adulthood (Raphael,
1988; Hamburg and Takanishi, 1989). By the
mid-1980s, however, research had accumulated
Adolescence challenging the view that adolescence among
During adolescence, individuals undergo revo­ American youth is inherently a turbulent period
lutionary changes in growth and development. (Rosenberg, 1986, 1989; Nottelmann, 1987;
After years of inferiority they suddenly catch Savin-Williams and Demo, 1984). Although the
up with adults in physical size, strength, and self-images and self-conceptions of young peo­
physiological sexual maturation. But in much ple change, the changes are not invariably
of the world, adolescence is not a socially dis­ “stormy.” Rather than experiencing dramatic
tinct period in the human life course (Burbank, change and disruption, adolescents gradually
1988). Although young people everywhere un­ fashion their identities based on their sexual
dergo the physiological changes associated circumstances and their evolving competencies
with puberty, children in many countries are so­ and skills (Corsaro and Eder, 1995) resulting in
cialized to assume adult responsibilities by age improvement in self-esteem across the adoles­
13 and even younger. cent years for most youth (see Box 3.2).
 3.2 ISSUES IN FOCUS

What Happens to Adolescent Girls—and Why?

In the elementary school science at a higher rate than • At every age after seventh
years, boys and girls are boys, and at age 15 even the grade, twice as many girls
similar in terms of academic girls who like math and as boys reported at least
achievement, mental health, science are half as likely as one suicide attempt.
self-confidence, and interest in boys to feel competent in • Girls experience high emo­
their future success. But as these subjects (Orenstein, tional stress at a rate much
girls enter adolescence, their 1994). Others have noted higher than boys (Harris,
self-confidence and similar trends. A study of Blum, and Resnick, 1991).
expectations for the future 15- and 16-year-olds found
drop precipitously. that girls reported significantly Why does all this happen
How big is the difference higher levels of distress than to girls? While no one seems
between boys and girls? boys (Sourander, Helstela, to have a definitive answer,
According to a survey of and Helenius, 1999). many have offered
3,000 males and females Psychotherapist Lori Stern suggestions. First, Linda
aged 9 to 15, young women found that girls with a strong Harris and her colleagues
emerge from adolescence sense of self in preteen years (1991) noted that emotionally
with a poorer self-image, “begin in adolescence to distressed boys are more likely
lower expectations for life, renounce and devalue their to “act out’ than girls. A higher
and substantially less self­ perceptions, beliefs, thoughts, proportion of boys than girls in
confidence than young men. and feelings” (Stern, their survey reported
The biggest difference in 1991:105). A study of youth in destroying property, hitting or
self-esteem is in competence. Minnesota by sociologist fighting with someone,
Boys are more likely than Linda Harris and her shoplifting, drinking heavily,
girls to say that they are good colleagues turned up and riding motorcycles or
at things, while girls typically dramatic differences between recreational vehicles. Susan
list some aspect of their males and females in a Nolen-Hoeksema (1987)
physical appearance as number of dimensions: similarly found that girls face
something they like about distress with a ruminative style
• Adolescent girls are much
themselves. Girls lose that can sink them deeper into
more concerned about ap­
interest in mathematics and depression, while boys have
pearance than boys.

Although the media make a good deal out of ence on musical tastes, personal adornment, and
generational differences between adolescents entertainment idols, and in some cases with sub­
and their parents, the notion of a “generation stance use. But the family has the greater influ­
gap” vastly oversimplifies matters. Research ence on future life goals, fundamental behavior
shows that the peer group has the greater influ­ codes, and core values (Gecas and Self, 1990).

86
an “activist distress style” that Eder found that becoming science, and the loss of self-
tends to prevent them from friends with the most popular esteem and narrowed career
becoming depressed. girls is important to girls’ status options for women (Sadker
Second, a positive among their peers (Eder, and Sadker, 1994).
relationship between 1985). Popularity with one’s A fifth perspective comes
adolescent girls and adults can peers plays other roles in from clinical psychologist Mary
serve to buffer them from adolescence. One study found Pipher, who blamed our
stress—and a lack of such a that the most popular girls in a culture for “splitting adolescent
relationship can lead to high school also had the best girls into true and false selves”
problems (Hirsch et al., 2000; “body esteem”—they were (Pipher, 1994:37). Like Harris,
Frank, 1999). Harris’s study more satisfied with their bodies Pipher believed that closeness
showed that girls with “lower than less popular girls to their families can help girls
levels of family connectedness” (Graham et al., 2000). weather adolescence. She
had very high proportions of A fourth hypothesis also is also suggested that a belief in
emotional stress, suicide school-related, focusing on the a cause can help give them
attempts, pregnancy risk, fact that teachers treat male perspective and that
negative body image, and and female students differently “protected space” (including
eating disorders (Harris, Blum, and guide them into different athletics, books, interests,
and Resnick, 1991:132). “It is a roles. Students in the AAUW churches, and physical or
sense of connection,” they survey reported that teachers social isolation) can help
concluded, “and of being cared encouraged more assertive young women retain a strong
about by an adult, which behavior in boys and paid sense of self.
appears to help provide more attention to boys than to Males and females
resilience to psychological girls (Orenstein, 1994). experience adolescence
stresses which often Perceived teacher support was differently, and females seem
accompany adolescence for related to higher self-esteem to be getting the short end of
females” (Harris, Blum, and for white, black, and Hispanic the stick in a number of areas.
Resnick, 1991:133-34). middle school girls in another Family, a “ruminative” distress
A third explanation centers study (Carlson, Uppal, and style, the social structure of
around the transition to middle Prosser, 2000). Sociologists schools and extracurricular
or junior high school. Moving Myra and David Sadker, who activities, the attitudes of
from elementary school to have studied gender bias in teachers, and culture all seem
middle school—which usually schools for more than 20 to play a part. Change in a
means moving to a much years, see classroom sexism number of areas will probably
larger pool of potential as the cause of lower test be required to close the gap
friends—can be difficult for scores for girls, the gender that widens between girls and
girls, and sociologist Donna gap in mathematics and boys during adolescence.

Young Adulthood postindustrial society—have lengthened the

transition to adulthood (Buchmann, 1989). In
The socialization process continues as we grow some respects our society appears to be evolv­
out of adolescence. Recent developments in the ing a new status between adolescence and
Western world—the growth of service indus­ adulthood: youth—men and women of college
tries, the prolongation of education, and the and graduate school age (Neugarten and Neu-
enormously high educational demands of garten, 1987a, 1987b). In leaving home, youth

87
88 Socialization

in their late teens or early twenties may choose Daniel J. Levinson (1986; Levinson et al.,
a transitional institution, such as the military or 1978) also approached adulthood from a stage
college, to start them on their way. Or young perspective. In Levinson’s view, the overriding
people may work (provided they can find a job) task confronting individuals throughout adult­
while continuing to live at home. During this hood is to create a structure for life through in­
time a roughly equal balance exists between teracting with the environment. But the struc­
being in the family and moving out. Individuals ture does not become established once and for
become less financially dependent, enter new all time; it must be continually modified and
roles and living arrangements, and achieve reappraised. Transition periods tend to loom
greater autonomy and responsibility. With the within 2 or 3 years of. and on either side of, the
passage of time the center of gravity in young symbolically significant birthdays: 20, 30, 40,
people’s lives gradually shifts away from the 50, and 60.
family of origin, and they face two core devel­ People locate themselves during the life
opmental tasks: learning to build and manage course not only in terms of social timetables
trusting and supporting love relationships but also in terms of life events—turning points
(Erikson, 1963), and learning how to adapt to at which people change some direction in the
the world of work by managing a career and course of their lives. Some of these events are
job changes (Freud, 1938). related to social clocks, but many are not, such
In making their way through adulthood, in­ as suffering severe injury in an accident, being
dividuals are strongly influenced by age raped, winning a lottery, undergoing a born-
norms—rules that define what is appropriate again conversion, being in war, living through a
for people to be and to do at various ages. In a disaster, or suffering financial ruin. Not surpris­
sense, people set their personal watches by a ingly, gender affects a person’s experience of
social clock, and most people can readily re­ life events. For example, men are more likely
port whether they themselves are early, late, or than women to report being distressed by work
on time with regard to major life events (Neu- and financial events; women are more strongly
garten and Neugarten, 1987a, 1987b). influenced by exposure to negative events
Some psychologists have undertaken the within the family (Conger et al., 1993).
search for what they view as the regular, se­
quential periods and transitions in the life Middle Adulthood
cycle (e.g., Erikson, 1963). They depict life as
a succession of stages. The interaction that Middle adulthood lacks the concrete boundaries
occurs between an individual and society— of infancy, childhood, and adolescence. It is a
socialization processes—at each stage can catch-all category that includes people from 30
change the course of personality, or develop­ to 65 years according to various definitions. The
ment of the self, in a positive or a negative di­ core tasks of middle adulthood remain much the
rection. Erikson’s chief concern was with psy­ same as they were for men and women in young
chological development, which he divided into adulthood and revolve around love (which we
the eight major stages of development de­ will discuss in Chapter 10) and work.
scribed in Table 3.1. Each stage poses a unique The central portion of the adult life span of
task that revolves about a crisis—a turning both men and women is spent in work; thus,
point of increased vulnerability and heightened much of their socialization revolves around
potential. According to Erikson, the crises work. Levinson (1986; Levinson et al., 1978)
posed by each stage must be successfully re­ found that men in their early thirties tend to es­
solved if healthy development is to take place. tablish their niche in the world, dig in, build a
 Socialization across the Life Course 8$

Table 3.1 Erikson’s Eight Stages of Development

Predominant
Development Stage Psychosocial Crisis Social Setting Favorable Outcome

1. Infancy Basic trust vs. mistrust Family The child develops trust in itself, its
parents, and the world.
2. Early childhood Autonomy vs. shame, Family The child develops a sense of self­
doubt control without loss of self-esteem.
3. Fourth to fifth year Initiative vs. guilt Family The child learns to acquire direction
and purpose in activities.
4. Sixth year to onset Industry vs. inferiority Neighborhood; school The child acquires a sense of mastery
of puberty and competence.
5. Adolescence Identity vs. role Peer groups and out­ The individual develops an ego
confusion groups identity—a coherent sense of self.
6. Young adulthood Intimacy vs. isolation Partners in friendship The individual develops the capacity
and sex to work toward a specific career and
to involve himself or herself in an
extended intimate relationship.
7. Adulthood Generativity vs. New family; work The individual becomes concerned
stagnation with others beyond the immediate
family, with future generations, and
with society.
8. Old age Integrity vs. despair Retirement and The individual acquires a sense of
impending death satisfaction in looking back upon his
or her life.

Source: From Childhood and Society, by Erik H. Erikson. Copyright 1950, © 1963 by W. W. Norton & Company, Inc.,
renewed © 1978, 1991 by Erik H. Erikson. Reprinted by permission of W. W. Norton & Company, Inc.

nest, and make and pursue long-range plans Evidence suggests that women progress
and goals. In their mid- to late thirties, men through the same developmental periods as the
seek to break out from under the authority of men in Levinson’s study and at roughly the
others and assert their independence. In their same ages, but there are important differences.
early forties, men begin assessing where they Although the timing of the periods and the na­
stand in relation to the goals they set for them­ ture of the developmental tasks are similar, the
selves earlier. Around 45 some men may expe­ ways women approach these tasks and the out­
rience a “midlife crisis.” In contrast to the pop­ comes they achieve are different. To a consider­
ular media image of midlife crisis, however, able extent, these differences derive from the
researchers find that middle-aged men and greater complexity of women’s visions for their
women report less psychological distress than future and the difficulties they encounter in liv­
other age groups (Wethington et al., 1997; ing them out. While men see autonomy and
Kessler et al., 1992). competition as central to life, women view life
90 Socialization

as a means for integrating themselves into of North Burma, long life was deemed a privi­
human relationships. Psychologist Carol Gilli­ lege reserved for those who had lived virtu­
gan (1982: Gilligan. Ward, and Taylor. 1989) ar­ ously in a previous incarnation. People
gues that the development of women involves showed their respect to older people by being
the recovery in adulthood of confidence, as­ careful not to step on their shadows. Young
sertiveness, and a positive sense of self that are women cultivated an older appearance because
lost during adolescence. But studies dealing women acquired honor and privilege in pro­
with phases in adult female development have portion to their years (Milne. 1924). In con­
lagged behind those of men. and there is much trast to these cultural patterns, youth is the fa­
to be learned about gender differences in social­ vored age in the United States. We have
ization and the effects those differences have. restricted the roles open to the elderly and ac­
cord them little prestige.
Later Adulthood Despite our unfavorable stereotypes re­
garding the elderly in the United States, this
Socialization is as important in old age as in group is widely varied. Only 13 persons out of
other stages of adult development. Indeed, for 1.000 in the 65 to 74 age group live in nursing
many people the last years of one’s life may be homes. The figure rises to 52 for those 75 to
filled with more dramatic changes than any 84. and to 159 for those over 85 (U.S. Census
previous stages. Retiring, losing one's spouse, Bureau. 1999). Overall, only one American in
becoming disabled, moving to a nursing home five who is over age 65 will ever be relegated to
or other care facility, and preparing for death a nursing home. Additionally, only 3 percent of
all require individuals to change and adapt. the elderly who live at home are bedridden.
However, the way “old age” proceeds varies 5 percent are seriously incapacitated, and an­
considerably across cultures and for people in other 11 to 16 percent are restricted in mobility.
different gender, racial, ethnic, and class cate­ On the other hand, from one-half to three-fifths
gories within societies (Calasanti. 1996a). of the elderly function without any limitation
Like other periods of the life course, the (and 37 percent of those 85 and over report no
time at which later adulthood begins is a matter incapacitating limitation on their activity). Ad­
of social definition. In preindustrial societies ditionally, there is a huge variation in mental
life expectancy is typically short and the onset decline from person to person. A high level of
of old age is early. In many Western nations a verbal ability, a successfill career or some other
new division is currently emerging between the active involvement throughout life, and contin­
“young-old” and the “old-old” (Neugarten and uing keen mental interests are predictors for
Neugarten. 1987a, 1987b). The young-old are good mental function in old age (Goleman.
early retirees who enjoy physical vigor, new 1994). Dependency in old age is not inevitable,
leisure time, and new opportunities for commu­ but a by-product of social definitions and social
nity service and self-fulfillment. The old-old policies and procedures that vary across cul­
include those who are of advanced age and suf­ tures, governments, and economic systems
fer various infirmities. (Calasanti and Zajicek. 1997).
Societies differ in the prestige and dignity
they accord the aged. In many rural societies, ▲ Role Loss
including imperial China, elders enjoyed a Old age entails exiting from some social roles.
prominent, esteemed, and honored position One of the most important of these exits in
(Lang, 1946). Among the agricultural Palaung Western society is retirement from a job. Tradi-
 Socialization across the Life Course 91

with retirement (Herzog, House, and Morgan,

1991; Calasanti, 1996b). However, satisfaction
in retirement also depends on the conditions of
work life before retirement and on gender.
Calasanti found that, regardless of current in­
come, women and persons who worked in more
stable jobs doing more complex work were
more satisfied in retirement.
Many elderly individuals also experience
another role loss, that of being married. Al­
though three out of four American men 65 and
over are married and living with their wives, the
same holds true for only one out of three
women; women typically outlive men by 7 to
8 years and usually marry men older than them­
selves. Research by Helena Znaniecki Lopata
(1973, 1981) revealed that the higher a woman’s
education and socioeconomic class, the more
disorganized her self-identity and life become
after her husband’s death. However, once their
“grief work” is accomplished, these women
have more resources to form a new lifestyle.
Overall, negative long-term consequences of
Many elderly people continue to lead widowhood appear to derive more from socioe­
productive working lives far beyond conomic deprivation than from widowhood it­
retirement age. self (Bound et al., 1991). Lopata found that
about half of the widows in her study lived
alone, and most of them said they much pre­
ferred to do so. Only 10 percent moved in with
their married children. Those who lived alone
tionally, retirement has been portrayed as hav­ cited the desire to remain independent as their
ing negative consequences for the elderly be­ chief reason.
cause occupational status is a master status—an
anchoring point for adult identity. In recent Death
years the negative view of retirement has been
challenged (Parnes et al., 1985: Bosse et al., A diagnosis of impending death requires that an
1991). For one thing, attitudes toward work and individual adjust to a new definition of self. To
retirement seem to be changing. One long-term be defined as dying implies more than the pres­
survey of 5,000 men found that most men who ence of a series of biochemical processes (De
retire for reasons other than health are “very Vries, 1981). It entails the assumption of a so­
happy” in retirement and would, if they had to cial status, one in which social structuring not
do it over again, retire at the same age. Overall, only attends but shapes the dying experience.
when people are healthy and married and their Consider, for instance, the different social defi­
incomes are adequate, they express satisfaction nitions we typically attribute lo a 20-year-old
92 Socialization

who has been given a 5-year life expectancy and an individual who suffers from an incurable
those we attribute to a healthy 80-year-old. and painful disease.
Likewise, hospital personnel give different care Another approach that returns death to in­
to patients based on their perceived social dividuals and families is the hospice move­
worth. In a study of a hospital emergency room, ment, which seeks a more humane approach for
sociologist David Sudnow (1967) found that the care of the terminally ill. A hospice is a
different social evaluations led the staff to work program or mode of care that attempts to make
frantically to revive a young child but to acqui­ the dying experience less painful and emotion­
esce in the death of an elderly woman. Finally, ally traumatic for patients and their families.
although death is a biological event, it is made a Elisabeth Kiibler-Ross (1969, 1981) con­
social reality through such culturally fashioned tributed a good deal to the movement to restore
events as wakes and funerals. dignity and humanity to death. Kiibler-Ross ar­
Changes in medical technology and social gued that it is best if impending death is not
conditions have made death a different experi­ hidden and if everyone is allowed to express his
ence than in earlier times. Dying in the mod­ or her genuine emotions and to have these feel­
ern world is often drawn out and enmeshed in ings be respected. Surveys show that four out
formal bureaucratic processes (Nuland, 1994). of five persons would want to be told if they
Only a few generations ago most people died had an incurable illness. Although there are dif­
at home and the family assumed responsibility ferent styles for dying—just as there are differ­
for laying out the deceased and preparing for ent styles for living—Kiibler-Ross (1969)
the funeral. In recent times death has been found that dying people typically pass through
surrounded by taboos that in large measure five stages in accommodating themselves to
have kept the subject out of sight and out of impending death: denial that they will die,
mind. Today the nursing home or hospital anger that their life will shortly end, bargaining
cares for the terminally ill and manages the with God or fate to arrange a temporary truce,
dying experience. A mortuary—euphemistically depression or “preparatory grief,” and accept­
called a “home”—prepares the body and makes ance. Not everyone passes through all the
the funeral arrangements or arranges for the stages, and individuals slip back and forth be­
cremation of the remains. As a result the aver­ tween stages. Furthermore, a great many other
age American’s exposure to death is mini­ factors also influence the dying experience, in­
mized. The dying and the dead are segregated cluding differences in gender, ethnic member­
from others and placed with specialists for ship, personality, the death environment, and
whom contact with death has become a routine the nature of the disease itself. Death cannot be
and impersonal matter (Aries, 1981; Kamer- understood except in the total context of a per­
man, 1988). son’s previous life and current circumstances.
Our approach to death in the United States In sum, public and professional awareness of
is undergoing another transformation. Ameri­ the dying person’s experience is increasing dra­
cans are increasingly grappling with the issue matically and has given impetus to a more hu­
of euthanasia—the painless putting to death of mane approach to death.
 The Chapter in Brief: Socialization

Foundations for Socialization Communication refers to the process by which

Socialization is the process of social people transmit information, ideas, attitudes,
interaction by which people acquire those and mental states to one another. It includes the
behaviors essential for effective participation in verbal and nonverbal processes (body
society, the process of becoming a social being. language, paralanguage, proxemics, touch,
It is essential for the renewal of culture and the and artifacts) by which we send and receive
perpetuation of society. The individual and messages.
society are mutually dependent on
socialization. I Definition of the Situation. An
important part of socialization is learning what
I Nature and Nurture. Human constitutes reality—the basic schemes we use
socialization presupposes that an adequate to make sense of and understand the social and
genetic endowment and an adequate physical world. Definition of the situation is
environment are available. Hereditary and the interpretation or meaning we give to our
environmental factors interact with and affect immediate circumstances. Our definitions
each other. influence our construction of reality, an insight
captured by the Thomas theorem.
I Theories of Socialization. Theories of
socialization include functionalist and conflict The Self and Socialization
theory perspectives as well as three microlevel The formation of the self—the set of concepts
approaches. Social learning theory emphasizes we use in defining who we are—is a central part
conditioning and observational learning. of the socialization process. The self emerges in
Cognitive developmental theory argues that the course of interaction with other people and
socialization proceeds differently in the represents the ideas we have regarding our
sensorimotor, preoperational, concrete attributes, capacities, and behavior. It typically
operational, and formal operations stages. includes an egocentric bias.
Symbolic interactionists say reflexive behavior
facilitates the development of the self. I Charles Horton Cooley: The Looking-
Glass Self. Charles Horton Cooley’s notion
I Agents of Socialization. One of the that our consciousness arises in a social context
most important early agents of socialization is is exemplified by his concept of the looking-
the family. As children grow, peers and schools glass self—a process by which we
become important agents of socialization. The imaginatively assume the stance of other
mass media, especially television, also serve as people and view ourselves as we believe they
agents of socialization. see us. Self-image is differentiated from self­
conception. Self-esteem is governed by
I Social Communication. If they are to reflected appraisals, social comparisons, and
adapt to their social environment, human self-attribution. Personal efficacy is another
beings must be able to communicate. aspect of self-evaluation.

93
I George Herbert Mead: The of puberty rites. Adolescence is not necessarily
Generalized Other. George Herbert Mead a turbulent period, nor does a sharp generation
contended that we gain a sense of selfhood by gap separate American adolescents from their
acting toward ourselves in much the same parents.
fashion that we act toward others. According to
Mead, children typically pass through three I Young Adulthood. The developmental
stages in developing a full sense of selfhood: and socialization tasks confronting young
the play stage, in which the child plays roles adults revolve about the core tasks of work and
modeled on a significant other; the game love. Individuals are strongly influenced by age
stage; and the generalized other stage. norms and tend to set their personal watches by
a social clock. Some social scientists have
I Erring Goffman: Impression looked for stages through which young adults
Management. Erving Goffman pointed typically pass. Others believe that unexpected
out that only by influencing other people’s events play a more important role in
ideas of us can we hope to predict or control development. People locate themselves during
what happens to us. Consequently, we have a the life course not only in terms of social
stake in presenting ourselves to others in ways timetables but also in terms of life events.
that will lead them to view us in a favorable
I Middle Adulthood. Middle adulthood
light, a process Goffman calls impression
is a somewhat nebulous period. The core tasks
management. Goffman introduced the
remain much the same as they were in young
dramaturgical approach.
adulthood. Increasingly, work is coming to be
defined for both men and women as a badge of
Socialization across the
membership in the larger society. Although
Life Course economic considerations predominate, people
Socialization is a continuing, lifelong process. also work as a means to structure their time,
All societies have to deal with the life course that interact with other people, escape from
begins with conception and continues through boredom, and sustain a positive self-image.
old age and ultimately death. Role socialization
involves anticipatory socialization, altering I Later Adulthood. The last years of
roles, and exiting from roles. one’s life may be filled with more dramatic
changes than any previous stage. Retiring,
I Childhood. Though societies differ in their losing one’s spouse, becoming disabled,
definitions of childhood, they all begin the moving to a nursing home or other care facility,
socialization process as soon as possible. and preparing for death all require individuals
Children display people-oriented responses at to change and adapt. Societies differ in the
very early ages and develop very quickly in other prestige and dignity they accord the aged.
ways. The “social capital” contained within a
family’s environment is of vital consequence in I Death. A diagnosis of impending death
channeling and shaping children’s futures. requires that an individual adjust to a new
definition of self. Changes in medical technology
I Adolescence. In much of the world, and social conditions have made death a different
adolescence is not a socially distinct period in experience from that of earlier times. Americans
the human life span. Children in many countries are grappling with the issue of euthanasia, and
are socialized to assume adult responsibilities the hospice movement has arisen to provide a
by age 13 and even younger, sometimes by way more humane approach to the dying experience.
94
 Glossary

age norms Rules that egocentric bias The structure of language is seen
define what is appropriate for tendency to place ourselves at as biologically channeled,
people to be and to do at the center of events so that we forming a sort of
various ages. overperceive ourselves as the prefabricated filing system to
victim or target of an action order the words and phrases
anticipatory socialization or event that in reality is not that make up human
The process in which people
directed at us. languages.
think about, experiment with,
and try on the behaviors euthanasia The painless life course The interweave
associated with a new role. putting to death of an of age-graded trajectories with
individual who suffers from an the vicissitudes of changing
body language Physical incurable and painful disease. social conditions and future
motions and gestures that options that characterize the
provide social signals. generalized other The term
life span from conception
George Herbert Mead applied
communication The through old age and death.
to the social unit that gives
process by which people individuals their unity of self. life events Turning points at
transmit information, ideas, The attitude of the generalized which people change some
attitudes, and mental states to other is the attitude of the direction in the course of their
one another. larger community. lives.
conditioning A form of hospice A program or mode looking-glass self The term
learning in which the of care that attempts to make that Charles Horton Cooley
consequences of behavior the dying experience less applied to the process by
determine the probability of painful and emotionally which we imaginatively
its future occurrence. traumatic for patients and assume the stance of other
their families. people and view ourselves as
definition of the situation
we believe they see us.
A concept formulated by impression management
William I. Thomas which The term Erving Goffman observational learning
refers to the interpretation or applied to the process Learning that occurs when
meaning people give to their whereby we present ourselves people reproduce the
immediate circumstances. to others in ways that will responses they observe in
lead them to view us in a other people, either real or
dramaturgical approach
favorable light. fictional; also referred to as
The sociological perspective
modeling or imitation.
associated with Erving language acquisition device
Goffman that views the The view associated with paralanguage Nonverbal
performances staged in a Noam Chomsky that human cues surrounding speech—
theater as an analytical beings possess an inborn voice, pitch, volume, pacing
analogy and tool for depicting language-generating of speech, silent pauses, and
social life. mechanism. The basic sighs—that provide a rich
95
source of communicative self The set of concepts we pace the major events of their
information. use in defining who we are. lives.
personal efficacy The self-conception An social comparisons
belief that one can overcome overriding view of ourselves; Comparing one’s
obstacles and achieve goals, a sense of self through time, performance, ability, or
characteristics with those of
proxemics The way we self-esteem The belief that
others and rating oneself as
employ social and personal one is a good and valuable
positive, neutral, or negative,
space to transmit messages, person.
socialization A process of
puberty rites Initiation self-image A mental
social interaction by which
ceremonies that symbolize the conception or picture we have
people acquire the
transition from childhood to of ourselves that is relatively
knowledge, attitudes, values,
adulthood. temporary; it changes as we
and behaviors essential for
move from one context to
reflected appraisals effective participation in
another.
Appraisals of ourselves that society.
we see reflected in the significant other The term
Thomas theorem The
behavior of others. George Herbert Mead applied
notion that our definitions
to a social model, usually an
reflexive behavior Actions influence our construction of
important person in an
through which people reality; as stated by William I.
individual’s life.
observe, interpret, evaluate, Thomas and Dorothy S.
communicate with, and social clock A cultural Thomas: “If [people] define
attempt to control timetable based on age norms situations as real, they are real
themselves. and used by individuals to in their consequences.”

Internet Connection www.mhhe.com/hughes6

Several agents of socialization were discussed sites, use any search engine and type your
in this chapter, including the family, the three favorite leisure time activities—one at a
school, peers, and the mass media. To what de­ time—into the search window, click “search,”
gree does the Internet serve as an agent of so­ and follow any links you choose.) Think about
cialization? The Internet may socialize people how these sites may influence you and others
directly, or its impact may be that it magnifies your age. Do the messages you receive from
or diminishes the effects of other agents of so­ the sites complement or conflict with mes­
cialization. At the same time, other agents of sages you receive from other agents of social­
socialization may buffer or enhance the effects ization: parents, peers, school, and other
of the Internet. To complete this exercise, use media? Speculate about how and why some
your browser to log into at least three of your agents of socialization are more important than
favorite websites. (If you have no favorite others.

96
chapter 4

Social Groups and

Formal Organizations

98
 \
\
Group Relationships
We often do not appreciate the part groups
Primary Groups and Secondary Groups ■ play in our lives until we are separated from
In-Groups and Out-Groups them. When we leave home to attend college,
Reference Groups get married, or take a job, many of us experi­
ence “homesickness”—nostalgia for a group
Group Dynamics from which our immediate ties suddenly have
been severed. Groups provide the structure by
Group Size which we involve ourselves in the daily affairs
Leadership of life. Groups are so important that living
Social Loafing alone may actually be hazardous to your physi­
Social Dilemmas cal health. Heart attack patients living alone are
Groupthink nearly twice as likely to suffer another heart
Conformity attack—and more likely to die of an attack—
within 6 months. Additionally, accidents, sui­
Formal Organizations cides, alcoholism, and even tuberculosis are
more common among socially isolated individ­
Types of Formal Organization uals (Gove and Hughes, 1980).
Bureaucracy: A Functional Approach When we confront difficulties, the social
to Organizations support and feedback of others can be of im­
Characteristics of Bureaucracies mense help. For example, cancer patients who
Problems of Bureaucracy enjoy the strong emotional support of family,
Conflict and Interactionist Perspectives friends, or spouses typically survive substan­
Humanizing Bureaucracies tially longer than those who lack such support.
Cancer specialists at Stanford University
Box 4.1 Issues in Focus: Bias Can Be Based, found that support groups added an average of
on Almost Nothing 18 months to the lives of women in advanced
stages of cancer, appreciably longer than any
Box 4.2 Students Doing Sociology: of the chemotherapy medications they might
The Prisoner’s Dilemma Game take (Goleman, 1991a). Even your success or
failure at college may depend upon your in­
Box 4.3 Doing Social Research: How Far volvement in groups. After 5 years of study,
Will People Go to Obey? researchers at Harvard University concluded
that the most effective strategy that undergrad­
uates can pursue is to make alliances with fel­
low students, faculty members, and advisers
and not try to brave the educational experi­
ence alone (DePalma, 1991).
As we discussed in Chapter 2, a group con­
sists of two or more people who are bound to­
gether in relatively stable patterns of social inter­
action and who share a feeling of unity. Groups
are not tangible things; rather, they are products
of social definitions—sets of shared ideas. As
such they constitute constructed realities. In

99
100 Social Groups and Formal Organizations

other words, we make groups real by treating mental ties. Expressive ties are social links
them as if they are real, a clear application of the formed when we emotionally invest ourselves
| p. 781-»> Thomas theorem (see Chapter 3). We in and commit ourselves to other people.
fabricate groups in the course of our social inter­ Through association with people who are
action as we cluster people together in social meaningful to us, we achieve a sense of secu­
units: families, teams, cliques, nationalities, rity, love, acceptance, companionship, and per­
races, labor unions, fraternities, clubs, corpora­ sonal worth. Instrumental ties are social links
tions, and the like. In turn we act on the basis of formed when we cooperate with other people to
these shared mental fabrications, creating an ex­ achieve some goal. Occasionally, this may
istence beyond the individuals who are involved. mean working with our enemies. More often,
As we discussed in Chapter 2, groups are social we simply cooperate with others to reach some
structures that have an existence apart from the end without endowing the relationship with any
particular relationships individual people have larger significance.
with one another. For this reason many groups, In this section we will discuss several types
like the high school you graduated from, have an of groups: primary groups and secondary
existence that extends beyond the life spans of groups, in-groups and out-groups, and refer­
specific people. ence groups.
With groups, the whole is greater than the
sum of its parts. Groups have distinctive proper­ Primary Groups
ties in their own right apart from the particular
individuals who belong to them. In Durkheim’s
and Secondary Groups
terminology (1895/1938), they are social facts Sociologists have built on the distinction be­
\ pp. n-13 [-»> (see Chapter 1). Accordingly, we tween expressive and instrumental ties to dis­
can speak of families, cliques, clubs, and organ­ tinguish between two types of groups: primary
izations without having to break them down into and secondary. A primary group involves two
the separate interactions that compose them. or more people who enjoy a direct, intimate,
In this chapter we will consider group rela­ cohesive relationship with one another (Cooley,
tionships, group dynamics, and a particular 1909). Expressive ties predominate in primary
type of group, formal organizations. groups; we view the people—friends, family
members, and lovers—as ends in themselves
and valuable in their own right. Primary group
Group Relationships relationships are more likely to emerge if the
number of people is small enough so that each
Life places us in a complex web of relation­ person can establish rapport with each other
ships with other people. As we noted in Chap­ person, if there is enough face-to-face contact
ter 3, our humanness arises out of these rela­ so that people can exchange ideas and feelings
tionships in the course of social interaction. in subtle and personal ways, and if people in­
Moreover, our humanness must be sustained teract frequently and continuously enough to
through social interaction, and fairly constantly deepen their ties and develop interlocking
so. When an association continues long enough habits and interests.
for two people to become linked together by a Primary groups are critical to the socializa­
relatively stable set of expectations, it is called tion process. Within them, infants and children
a relationship. are introduced to the ways of their society.
People are bound within relationships by Such groups are the breeding grounds in which
two types of bonds: expressive ties and instru­ we acquire the norms and values that equip us
 Group Relationships 101

Janowitz, 1948). What made the Wehrmacht so

formidable was that, unlike the U.S. Army,
German soldiers who trained together went into
battle together. Additionally, U.S. fighting units
were kept up to strength through individual re­
placement. whereas German units remained on
line until there were so many casualties that
they had to be pulled back and reconstituted as
a new group (Van Creveld, 1982). The Israelis
have found that combat units hastily thrown to­
gether without time to form close bonds per­
form more poorly in battle and experience
higher rates of psychiatric casualties than units
with close bonds (Solomon. Mikulincer, and
Hobfoil, 1986).
Primary groups also serve as powerful in­
struments for social control. Their members
command and dispense many of the rewards
A primary group involves two or more
that are so vital to us and that make our lives
people who enjoy a direct, intimate, cohesive
seem worthwhile. Should the use of rewards
relationship with one another.
fail, members can frequently win compliance
by rejecting or threatening to ostracize those
who deviate from the group’s norms. For in­
for social life. Sociologists view primary stance, some religious cults employ “shun­
groups as bridges between individuals and the ning” (i.e., a person can remain in the commu­
larger society because they transmit, mediate, nity, but others are forbidden to interact with
and interpret a society’s cultural patterns and him or her) as a device to bring into line indi­
provide the sense of oneness so critical for so­ viduals whose behavior goes beyond that al­
cial solidarity. lowed by the group’s teachings. Even more im­
Primary groups also are fundamental be­ portantly. primary groups define social reality
cause they provide the settings in which we for us by “structuring” our experiences. By
meet most of our personal needs. Within them providing us with definitions of situations,
we experience companionship, love, security, they elicit from us behavior that conforms to
and an overall sense of well-being. Not surpris­ group-devised meanings. Primary groups,
ingly, sociologists find that the strength of a then, serve both as carriers of social norms and
group’s primary ties has implications for its as enforcers of them.
functioning. For example, the stronger the pri­ A secondary group entails two or more
mary group ties of troops fighting together, the people who are involved in an impersonal
better their combat record (Elder and Clipp, relationship and have come together for a spe­
1988; Copp and McAndrew, 1990). During cific, practical purpose. Instrumental ties pre­
World War II the success of German military dominate in secondary groups; we perceive
units derived not from Nazi ideology, but from people as means to ends rather than as ends in
the ability of the German army to reproduce in their own right. Illustrations include our rela­
the infantry company the intimacy and bonds tionships with a clerk in a clothing store and a
found in civilian primary groups (Shils and cashier at a service station. Sometimes primary
102 Social Groups and Formal Organizations

group relationships evolve out of secondary with out-group members. An experiment un­
group relationships. This happens in many work dertaken by Muzafer Sherif and his associates
settings. People on the job often develop close (1961) has shown how our awareness of in­
relationships with coworkers as they come to group boundaries is heightened and antagonism
share gripes, jokes, gossip, and satisfactions. toward out-groups is generated by competitive
situations. The subjects were 11- and 12-year-
old boys, all of whom were healthy, socially
In-Groups and Out-Groups well-adjusted youngsters from stable, middle­
It is not only the groups to which we immedi­ class homes. The setting was a summer camp
ately belong that have a powerful influence where the boys were divided into two groups.
upon us. Often the same holds true for groups to During the first week at the camp the boys
which we do not belong. Accordingly, sociolo­ in each group got to know one another, evolved
gists find it useful to distinguish between in­ group norms, and arrived at an internal division
groups and out-groups. An in-group is a group of labor and leadership roles. During the sec­
with which we identify and to which we belong. ond week the experimenters brought the two
An out-group is a group with which we do not groups into competitive contact through a tour­
identify and to which we do not belong. In daily nament of baseball, touch football, tug-of-war.
conversation we recognize the distinction be­ and treasure hunt games. Although the contest
tween in-groups and out-groups in our use of opened in a spirit of good sportsmanship, posi­
the personal pronouns “we” and “they.” We can tive feelings quickly evaporated. During the
think of in-groups as “we-groups” and out­ third week, the “integration phase,” Sherif
groups as “they-groups." In-groups typically brought the two groups of boys together for
provide us with our social identities—those as­ various events, including eating in the same
pects of our self-concept that we derive from a mess hall, viewing movies, and shooting off
sense of belonging to groups and the feelings firecrackers. But far from reducing conflict,
and emotional significance we attach to this be­ these settings merely provided new opportuni­
longing (Crocker and Luhtanen. 1990). ties for the two groups to challenge, berate, and
The concepts of in-group and out-group harass one another. The experimenters then cre­
highlight the importance of boundaries—social ated a series of urgent and natural situations in
demarcation lines that tell us where interaction which the two groups would have to work to­
begins and ends. Group boundaries are not gether to achieve their ends, such as the emer­
physical barriers but discontinuities in the flow gency repair of the conduit that delivered the
of social interaction. Some boundaries are camp's water supply. Whereas competition had
based on territorial location, such as neighbor­ heightened awareness of group boundaries, the
hoods, communities, and nation-states. Others pursuit of common goalsJed- to odessening^of
rest on social distinctions, such as ethnic group out-group hostilities and the lowering of inter­
or religious, political, occupational, language, group barriers to cooperation.
kin, and socioeconomic class memberships. This study of boys in a summer camp
Whatever their source, social boundaries face demonstrates how competition with out-groups
in two directions. They prevent outsiders from can create in-group solidarity and out-group hos­
entering a group’s sphere, and they keep insid­ tility. However, other research shows that feel­
ers within that sphere. ings of in-group favoritism do not require com­
At times we experience feelings of indif­ petition with out-groups, but seem to emerge
ference, disgust, competition, and even outright spontaneously from the belief that one is con­
conflict when we think about or have dealings nected to some category of people (see Box 4.1).
 Group Dynamics 103

Reference Groups the process of anticipatory socialization men­

tioned in Chapter 3. We cultivate its p.»4
More than a century ago American writer lifestyles, political attitudes, musical tastes,
Henry Thoreau observed: “If a man does not food preferences, sexual practices, and drug­
keep pace with his companions, perhaps it is using behaviors. We also use the standards of
because he hears a different drummer.” our reference group to appraise ourselves—a
Thoreau’s observation contains an important comparison point against which we judge and
sociological insight. We evaluate ourselves and evaluate our physical attractiveness, intelli­
guide our behavior by group standards. But gence, health, ranking, and standard of living.
since Americans are dispersed among a good When our membership group does not match
many different groups—each w ith a somewhat our reference group, we may experience feel­
unique subculture or counterculture—the ings of relative deprivation—discontent asso­
frames of reference we use in assessing and ciated with the gap between what we have (the
fashioning our behavior differ. In brief, we circumstances of our membership group) and
have different reference groups—social units what we believe we should have (the circum­
we use for appraising and shaping attitudes, stances of our reference group). Feelings of
feelings, and actions (Singer, 1981). For a high relative deprivation often contribute to social
school student who aspires to achieve academi­ alienation and provide fertile conditions for col­
cally, a positive reference group might be the lective behavior and revolutionary social move­
students who get high grades and belong to the ments. The reference group concept, then, con­
National Honor Society, while a negative refer­ tains clues to processes of social change.
ence group could be students who attend errati­
cally and fail their classes.
A reference group may or may not be our Group Dynamics
membership group. We may think of a refer­
ence group as a base we use for viewing the To understand groups is to understand much
world, a source of psychological identification. about human behavior. Groups are the well­
It helps account for seemingly contradictory springs of our humanness. Although we think of
behavior: the upper-class person who supports groups as things—distinct and bound entities—
a revolution, the Catholic who speaks against it is not their static but their dynamic qualities
the Pope, the union member who supports that make them such a significant force. We
management, and those who collaborate with need to examine what happens within groups.
the enemy in wartime. These individuals have In this section we will consider group size, lead­
simply taken as their reference group people ership, social loafing, social dilemmas, group-
other than those from their membership group think, and conformity.
(Hyman and Singer, 1968). The concept thus
helps to illuminate such central sociological Group Size
concerns as social networks, socialization, and
social conformity. The size of a group is important because it in­
Reference groups provide both normative fluences the nature of interaction. The smaller
and comparative functions (Felson and Reed. the group, the more opportunities we have to
1986). Because we would like to view ourselves get to know other people well and to establish
as members in good standing w ithin a certain close ties with them. Two-person groups—
group—or we aspire to such membership—we dyads—are the setting for many of our most
take on the group’s norms and values through intense and influential relationships, including
 4.1 ISSUES IN FOCUS

Bias Can Be Based on Almost Nothing

When you crack an egg, do nations, between groups, and the number of dots they saw
you crack it at the small end or even between individuals projected on a screen. Then
at the large end? If you have a today as well as in Swift’s day. the boys were told that they
preference, it would place you But is it well founded? would be placed into two
in one or the other warring We have described categories, underestimators or
nation in Jonathan Swift’s Muzafer Sherif’s experiments overestimators of the number
Gulliver’s Travels. Swift was demonstrating that competition of dots. The boys were then
poking fun at the endless generates hostility between told which category they were
conflict between Catholics and groups, and Sigmund Freud in, but they were placed into
Protestants, but as social noted that small differences categories randomly—they
psychologists Myron Rothbart between people, as well as were not necessarily
and Oliver P. John (1993) great differences, lead to overestimators if placed in that
indicated in their discussion of feelings of group superiority. category, and vice versa.
in-groups and out-groups, But Rothbart and John Once the boys knew
“This example offers a described a set of experiments which category they were in,
profound insight into the done with English schoolboys each subject was asked to
nature of intergroup that suggest that bias against allocate rewards to two other
conflict. ... In effect, Swift the out-group can develop boys, about whom he knew
says that differences regarded among people who have only their category
as profound and intractable almost no differences at all. (overestimator or
may, with a change in Here’s the first set of underestimator). When both
perspective, be thought of as experiments: Social boys receiving rewards were in
trivial” (p. 35). Such an insight psychologist Henri Tajfel the same category, the subject
applies to conflicts between asked schoolboys to estimate divided the rewards for them

that between parent and child and between hus­ cent entailed five or more people. Emotions and
band and wife. Indeed, most of our social inter­ feelings tend to play a greater part in dyads than
actions take place on a one-to-one basis. they do in larger groups (Hare, 1976). But this
Sociologist John James (1951) and his stu­ factor also contributes to their relatively fragile
dents observed 7,405 informal interactions of nature: A delicate balance exists between the
pedestrians, playground users, swimmers, and parties, so if one of them becomes disen­
shoppers and 1,458 people in a variety of work chanted, the relationship collapses. Contrary to
situations. They found that 71 percent of both what you might expect, two-person relation­
the informal and work interactions consisted of ships tend to be more emotionally strained and
two people, 21 percent involved three people, less overtly aggressive than other relationships
6 percent included four people, and only 2 per­ (Bales and Borgatta, 1955: O’Dell, 1968).

104
equally. When one boy was an physiognomy. ... As a and outgroup behaviors in
in-group member (the same result of . . . categorization, accordance with their
category as the subject giving subjects favored ingroup perceived superiority”
the rewards) and one an out­ members with greater (1993:37).
group member (the other resources. Other recent research
category), the rewards were shows that it also activates
The Tajfel experiments are
given preferentially to the in­ people’s assumption that
now referred to as the minimal
group member. members of their in-groups are
group paradigm. This research
Others have replicated more likely than out-group
showed that bias against an
this study and affirmed the members to reciprocate
out-group does not depend on
findings that subjects favor in­ favoritism. Gaertner and
a history of enmity between the
group over out-group Insko’s 2000 study of the
groups, competition,
members. Rothbart and John minimal group paradigm found
aggression due to frustration,
commented on the results that category members favored
physical differences, religious
(1993:36): the in-group only in situations
differences, or any important
in which they thought other in­
Consider what has value differences at all.
group members could, and
occurred in the Tajfel How does the minimal
would, reciprocate.
experiment. The two groups group paradigm relate to group
So what is bias based on?
were not competing for a conflict in the real world?
Well, not much. According to
limited resource. There Some research suggests that
these experiments, merely
was no . . . competition simply the act of categorizing
being told that one belongs to
or cooperation between people into groups can lead to
some category is enough to
the two groups. There was significant bias against out­
generate group feeling—for
no historical enmity. There groups: “Categorization
one’s own group and against
was no aroused frustration generated by the minimal
another. “Even in the absence
in the subjects. There was group paradigm implicitly
of real differences,
no objectively determined activates the expectation of
competition, and aggression,”
difference between the ingroup superiority (“we” are
wrote Rothbart and John, “bias
two groups; the groups better than “they”),
against an outgroup can
did not differ in terms of and . . . subjects will then
develop.”
language, culture, or selectively remember ingroup

The popular adage “two’s company, three’s or “outsider.” Under some circumstances, how­
a crowd” captures an important difference be­ ever, the third person may assume the role of a
tween two-person and three-person groups. As “mediator” and function as a peacemaker.
the German sociologist Georg Simmel (1950) One recurring question that has attracted
pointed out, forming a triad by adding one per­ the interest of sociologists is. What is the opti­
son to a dyad is far more consequential than mum group size for problem solving? For in­
adding one person to any other size group. This stance, if you want to appoint a committee to
change fundamentally alters the social situa­ make a recommendation, what would be the
tion. Coalitions become possible, with two ideal size for the group? Small-group research
members joining forces against a third member suggests that five is usually the best size (Hare,
(Hare, 1976). With this arrangement, one per­ 1976). A strict deadlock is not possible because
son may be placed in the role of an “intruder" there is an odd number of members. Further,

105
106 Social Groups and Formal Organizations

Leadership
Imagine a football team without a quarterback,
an army without officers, or youth gangs with­
out chiefs. Without overall direction, people
typically have difficulty coordinating their ac­
tivities. Consequently, in group settings some
members usually exert more influence than oth­
ers. We call these individuals leaders. Small
groups may be able to get along without a
leader, but in larger groups a lack of leadership
leads to chaos.
Two types of leadership roles tend to
evolve in small groups (Bales, 1970). One, a
task specialist, is devoted to appraising the
problem at hand and organizing people’s activ­
ity to deal with it. The other, a social-emotional
One reason five-person groups are specialist, focuses on overcoming interpersonal
particularly effective for problem solving is problems in the group, defusing tensions, and
that they are settings in which people can promoting solidarity. The former type of leader­
take risks and express themselves freely. ship is instrumental, directed toward the
achievement of group goals; the latter is expres­
sive, oriented toward the creation of harmony
and unity. Usually each role is played by a dif­
because groups tend to split into a majority of ferent person, since typically it is the stress
three and a minority of two, being a minority created by the task leader that is managed or re­
does not result in the isolation of one person, as lieved by the social-emotional leader. Attempt­
it does in the triad. The group is sufficiently ing to incorporate both functions in a role
large for the members to shift roles easily and played by one person can create role strain (see
for a person to withdraw from an awkward po­ Chapter 2). p. 581
sition without necessarily having to resolve the Leaders differ in their styles for exercising
issue formally. Finally, five-person groups are influence. In classic experiments in leadership
large enough so that people feel they can ex­ by Kurt Lewin and his associates (Lewin. Lip-
press their emotions freely and even risk antag­ pitt, and White, 1939; White and Lippitt, 1960),
onizing one another, yet they are small enough adult leaders working with groups of 11-year-
so that the members show regard for one an­ old boys followed one of three leadership
other’s feelings and needs. As groups become styles. In the authoritarian style, the leader
larger, they become less manageable. People no made unilateral decisions, gave step-by-step di­
longer carry on a “conversation” with the other rections, assigned work partners, provided sub­
members, but “address” them with formal vo­ jective praise and criticism, and remained aloof
cabulary and grammar. As a result they may from group participation. In contrast, in the
come to share progressively less knowledge democratic style the leader allowed the boys to
with one another, undermining group stability help make decisions, outlined only general
(Carley, 1991). goals, suggested alternative procedures, permit-
 Group Dynamics 107

ted the members to work with whomever they as much. But research reveals that whereas
wished, evaluated the boys objectively, and par­ persons individually average 130 pounds of
ticipated in group activities. In the laissez-faire pressure when tugging on a rope, in groups of
style, the leader adopted a passive, uninvolved three they average 117 pounds each, and in
stance: provided materials, suggestions, and groups of eight only 60 pounds each. One ex­
help only when requested: and refrained from planation is that faulty coordination produces
commenting on the boys’ work. group inefficiency. However, when subjects are
The researchers found that authoritarian blindfolded and believe they are pulling with
leadership produces high levels of frustration others, they also slacken their effort (Ingham,
and hostile feelings toward the leader. Produc­ 1974). Apparently when individuals work in
tivity remains high as long as the leader is pres­ groups, they work less hard than they do when
ent. but it slackens appreciably in the leader’s working individually—a process called social
absence. Under democratic leadership, mem­ loafing (Williams, Harkins, and Latane, 1981:
bers are as productive as under authoritarian Karau and Williams, 1993).
leadership but are happier, feel more group- Presumably people slack off in groups be­
minded and friendlier, display independence cause they feel they are not receiving their fair
(especially in the leader's absence), and exhibit share of credit or because they think that in a
low levels of interpersonal aggression. Laissez- crowd they can get away with less work. Fortu­
faire leadership resulted in low group productiv­ nately, research suggests that the loafing effect
ity and high levels of interpersonal aggression. can be minimized by providing a standard
While these classic studies suggest that demo­ against which members are asked to evaluate
cratic leadership is clearly superior, subsequent the group's performance (Harkins and Szyman-
research failed to confirm that it always yields ski, 1989).
better results than authoritarian leadership (Bar-
tol and Martin, 1994: Bass, 1981). Probably no Social Dilemmas
one leadership style works best in all situations.
Different styles may be appropriate in different A social dilemma is a situation in which mem­
situations. Important contingencies include the bers of a group are faced with a conflict be­
leader’s personality: the ability, skill, and will­ tween maximizing their personal interests and
ingness of followers: and whether the task is maximizing the collective welfare (Yamagishi,
clearly defined or involves considerable uncer­ 1995). Box 4.2 presents one type of social
tainty (Fiedler and Garcia, 1987; Vroom and dilemma: the prisoner’s dilemma game. Garrett
Jago. 1988: Hersey and Blanchard. 1988). J. Hardin’s (1968) “tragedy of the commons” is
the classic illustration of a social dilemma.
Hardin explored the situation in which a num­
Social Loafing ber of herders share a common pasture. Each
The old saying that “many hands make light person may reason that he or she will benefit
the work” turns out to be true: Each “hand” in by adding another cow to the herd, and then an­
a group does lighter work than he or she would other, and so on. But if each person follows this
alone, and the group as a whole does less work course, the commons will be destroyed through
than the sum of each of its members working overgrazing and each will ultimately lose.
alone. For example, we might expect that three Hardin was addressing the problem of popula­
individuals can pull three times as much as one tion growth, but the notion can be applied to
person can and that eight can pull eight times other problems, including pollution.
 4.2 STUDENTS DOING SOCIOLOGY
The Prisoners Dilemma Game

Imagine that you are a

criminal and that you and your Prisoner A
partner in crime have been
taken to the police station on
suspicion of having committed
a crime. The police believe
both of you are guilty, but
they lack sufficient evidence
to turn the case over to the
district attorney for
prosecution. The police
officers place you and your
partner in separate rooms,
where each of you may
confess or maintain your
innocence. The police inform
you that if both you and your
partner remain silent, each of
you will get off with 3-year
sentences. If both of you
confess, you each will serve
7 years. However, should you
confess and implicate your
partner while your co­
conspirator maintains his
innocence, you will be
released, but your partner will The Prisoner’s Dilemma Game The number in each of the cells
receive a 15-year prison term. [ shows the number of years each individual would spend in prison.
The situation will be reversed

Social dilemmas are encountered in many the “free-rider mechanism” (Petersen, 1992:
other spheres of life as well. Consider the Yamigishi. 1995). In these situations people
choice confronting a soldier in a foxhole at the can get the benefits of. for example, a social
outset of a battle. If every soldier remains in the movement with whose goals they agree by con­
foxhole, the battle will probably be lost and all tributing nothing and riding free on the efforts
will be killed (Kerr. 1983). of others who are willing to contribute.
In many social dilemmas there is a possi­ What social mechanisms are available to in­
bility that some other member of the group can fluence individuals to act cooperatively rather
and will provide the public good, making one's than selfishly? One answer is social controls that
own contribution unnecessary. This is termed restrict individual actions detrimental to the

108
should you maintain your attempt to improve your game is one he called “tit for
innocence and your partner situation by betraying your tat.” You cooperate on the first
confesses. The figure partner. But you also run the move. Thereafter, you
summarizes your alternatives risk that your partner will take respond immediately and in
and their consequences. the same route, ensuring that kind to your partner’s
What you face is a social you both will receive 7-year behavior, following a policy of
dilemma. A social dilemma terms. In brief, what is the strict reciprocity: a stringent
exists when behavior that is best strategy for you eye-for-an-eye justice. The
advantageous for one party individually results in a strategy seems to work
leads to disadvantageous particularly punishing because it combines four
outcomes for others. One way outcome if you both select it. properties: It is nice,
social scientists have Researchers find that what retaliatory, forgiving, and
examined cooperative and your opponent consistently clear. It is nice because it
competitive behaviors is by does in early games influences avoids unnecessary conflict as
means of the prisoner’s how you subsequently long as the other party
dilemma game, described respond. When your opponent reciprocates. Tit for tat is
above. As you can gather, the is consistently (and even retaliatory because it responds
prisoner’s dilemma provides a foolishly) cooperative, you are to provocation. The strategy is
mixed-motive situation in more likely to employ a forgiving because it allows the
which players must choose competitive strategy in later other party to retreat following
between strategies of games. Should your opponent retaliation. Finally, tit for tat is
cooperation and competition. reciprocate a cooperative clear and predictable. Clarity
What would you do under move while remaining ready to is essential so that the other
these circumstances? The compete if you do not party can grasp the
“don’t confess” option is the reciprocate with cooperation, consequences of his or her
cooperative one. You show you become more inclined to actions and thereby adapt new
that you trust your partner not cooperate. On the other hand, strategies that will promote
to take advantage of the competition begets competition long-term cooperation. Yet tit
situation by turning state’s (Dixit and Nalebuff, 1991; for tat does not always work. It
evidence. But you run the risk Poundstone, 1992). is particularly vulnerable to
that your partner will confess Robert Axelrod (1984) cycles of recrimination that
and you will pay a heavy found that the simplest and end up hurting both parties
price. The “confess” option is most effective strategy for through relentless feuding
the competitive one. You playing the prisoner’s dilemma (Kollock, 1993).

common good (Macy, 1993). Government often ciates (1961), discussed earlier in the chapter,
serves this function by regulating access to vari­ provides a good illustration of circumstances in
ous resources. Group norms frequently achieve which the pursuit of common goals lowers barri­
the same end through informal sanctions (Mes­ ers to cooperation. Moreover, where individuals
sick et al., 1983). There are also measures that are made to feel that they are being rewarded for
induce people to act cooperatively and that elicit their cooperative behavior (e.g., sharing in the
prosocial behaviors (Macy, 1990). Among these profits or benefits equally), they are less likely to
mechanisms are those that highlight group switch to self-centered, individualistic behavior
boundaries and foster a superordinate group (Rapoport, 1988). Groupthink is another strat­
identity (Brewer and Kramer, 1986). The sum­ egy, although it is one that can have disastrous
mer camp study of Muzafer Sherif and his asso­ outcomes, a matter that we now consider.

109
110 Social Groups and Formal Organizations

Groupthink Union message was scheduled for the night of

the launch date and would have included a men­
In 1961 the Kennedy administration undertook tion of the mission had the shuttle been in orbit.
the ill-fated Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba. Driven partly by these pressures, but isolated
Nothing went right for the 1,400 Central Intel­ from outside influence, NASA decision makers
ligence Agency (CIA)-trained Cuban invaders, ignored contrary evidence from the engineers
most of whom were killed or captured by Fidel and decided to launch in cold weather anyway,
Castro’s forces. Not only did the invasion solid­ a decision that resulted in the loss of the entire
ify Castro’s leadership, it consolidated the crew of seven (Kruglanski, 1986).
Cuban-Soviet alliance and led the Soviet lead­ Research done since Janis's original formu­
ership to attempt to place nuclear missiles in lation (1972) has altered to some degree the
Cuba. Later, President John Kennedy was to thinking of social scientists about groupthink.
ask: “How could we have been so stupid?” Not For example, it is clear that groupthink can
only had the president and his advisers over­ occur when decision-making groups are not
looked the size and strength of the Castro army, particularly cohesive; it can result primarily
but in many instances they even had failed to from a strong leader indicating a preference that
seek relevant information. dominates the thinking of other group members
Social psychologist Irving Janis (1972, (Bartol and Martin, 1994; Tetlock et al., 1992;
1982, 1989) suggested that the president and see also Granstrom and Stiwne, 1998; Paulus,
his advisers were victims of groupthink—a 1998). Moreover, though obviously groupthink
decision-making process found in highly cohe­ often leads to poor decisions (’t Hart, 1990),
sive groups in which the members become so there is evidence that it sometimes produces a
preoccupied with maintaining consensus that good outcome, just as high-quality decision­
their critical faculties are impaired. In group­ making procedures can occasionally result in a
think, members share an illusion of invulnera­ poor outcome (McCauley, 1989).
bility that leads to overconfidence, a greater
willingness to take risks, and a tendency to ig­
nore contrary' evidence. Members of the group
Conformity
demand conformity and apply pressure to those Groupthink research testifies to the powerful so­
who express doubts about a proposed course of cial pressures that operatein group_seitings and
action; they withhold dissent and exercise self­ produce conformity. Although such pressures
censorship. As a result, decisions are made influence our behavior, we often are unaware of
without the benefit of critical analysis. them. In a pioneering study Muzafer Sherif
Another well-known example of groupthink (1936) demonstrated this point with an optical
is the decision process that led to the Chal­ illusion. If people view a small, fixed spot of
lenger tragedy in 1986. Engineers who designed light in a darkened room, they perceive it as
and built the solid rocket boosters warned moving erratically in all directions. However,
against launching the space shuttle in cold individuals differ in how far they think the light
weather. However, NASA decision makers, fac­ "moves.” Sherif tested subjects alone and found
ing possible budget cuts, experienced consider­ the reference point for each individual. He then
able pressure from the media and from the in­ brought together in group settings people with
tense public interest in the mission that included quite different perceptions and asked them
Christa McCauliffe, the "Teacher in Space.” In again to view the light and report aloud on their
addition. President Ronald Reagan’s State of the observations. Under these circumstances, their
 4.3 DOING SOCIAI RFSFARCH

How Far Will People Go to Obey?

A typical human response to all the way to the highest learners shocks at higher
tales of horror and atrocity is, voltage. None of the subjects voltages than would a subject
“How could anyone have done even asked questions about acting alone; the subject
that?” In the 1960s a researcher the experiment before they tended to conform and go
interested in what people might had reached 300 volts—and along with the higher voltage
do in the name of obedience 450 volts was labeled “Danger: suggestions of the other two in
conducted a set of experiments Severe Shock” on the control the group.
that showed that typical people panel. In subsequent trials the Milgram conducted his
would do quite dreadful things. teachers administered shock experiment, with slight
Researcher Stanley increasing shocks while variations, with nearly 1,000
Milgram used a phony but real- listening to the learners call subjects—all “typical” people
looking electric chair and shock out for help, ask for the who, upon reading or hearing
generator control panel for his experiment to be ended, of some atrocity, would
experiment. Someone working shriek, and fall silent. Even probably respond, “I can’t
with Milgram served as the when learners indicated that believe anyone would ever do
“learner” and sat in the chair, they had a mild heart such a thing!” Milgram’s
and an experimental subject condition, teachers obeyed studies strongly suggest that
served as the “teacher.” The orders and continued to Asch’s results were not simply
subject (the teacher), who administer shocks. a product of the structure of
thought the learner was just Milgram then set up an his experiment. This research
another subject in the experiment in which there were also suggests that an
experiment, was instructed to three teachers, two of whom important cause of human
administer an electric shock to were working with him and one mistreatment and atrocities is
the learner every time the experimental subject. Each of the tendency for people to
learner made a mistake—and the three was to recommend a conform and to obey the
to increase the voltage with shock level, and the lowest orders of others.
each succeeding mistake. Of recommendation would be
course, the learners were administered. In this way, the Sources: Stanley Milgram, 1963.
never shocked, but the subject had the opportunity to Behavioral study of obedience.
subjects believed they were. ensure a low level of shock by Journal of Abnormal and Social
In Milgram’s first run of recommending a voltage lower Psychology, 67(4):37I-78;
the experiment, using as than that recommended by Stanley Milgram, 1964. Group
subjects 40 men from a variety others in the group. But pressure and action against a
of occupations, 65 percent Milgram found that subjects in person, Journal of Abnormal and
obeyed completely and went these groups of three gave Social Psychology. 69(2): 137-43.

perceptions converged toward a group standard. assessment independently and that the group
Later, in solitary sessions, they did not return to had had no influence on them.
the standard they had at first evolved but ad­ Sherif presented subjects with an ambigu­
hered to the standard of the group. Significantly, ous situation: Solomon Asch (1952) asked sub­
most subjects reported that they arrived at their jects to match lines of the same length from

111
 112 Social Groups and Formal Organizations

two sets of cards displayed at the front of the

room. He instructed the members of nine- Formal Organizations
person groups to give their answers aloud.
However, only one of the individuals was a As modem societies have become increasingly
subject in the experiment; the others were complex, so have the requirements of group
graduate students working with Asch, and they life. As we noted in Chapter 2 the social organi­
unanimously provided incorrect answers on zation of traditional societies revolves primarily
certain trials. Despite the obviousness of the around kin relations. The division of labor is
correct answer, nearly one-third of all the sub­ simple, the people are culturally homogeneous,
jects’ judgments contained errors identical and there is no formal law. But contemporary
with or in the direction of the rigged errors of societies composed of millions of people can
the majority. Some three-fourths of the sub­ no longer rely entirely on primary group
jects conformed on at least one of the trials. arrangements to accomplish the tasks of social
Thus, Asch demonstrated that some individuals life. Food has to be produced, preserved, and
conform to the false consensus of a group even transported over considerable distances to sup­
though the consensus is contradicted by the port large urban populations. The residents of
evidence of their own eyes. Asch’s main find­ large, anonymous communities can no longer
ings have been replicated many times and his count on family members and neighbors to en­
conclusions remain valid today (Bond and force group norms and standards. Children can
Smith. 1996), although the tendency of sub­ no longer be educated by the same natural
jects (mainly college students) to conform has processes by which they learn to walk and talk.
declined. For these and many other tasks, people require
The Sherif (1936) and Asch (1952) studies groups they can deliberately create for the
illustrate two of the main reasons that people achievement of specific objectives. Such
£ conform: the desire to be correct and the desire groups are formal organizations.
to be accepted by the group (Aronson, 1994). In recent decades the United States has in­
3 Sherif’s subjects were faced with a situation in creasingly become a society of large, semiau-
which reality (the direction and distance the tonomous, and tightly knit formal organiza­
light moved) was unclear; in order to make tions. Not only is there big government—in
what they thought was a correct judgment, they municipal organizations as well as the federal
x had to create and rely . . upon a social reality— government—but also there are big multina­
111V
~> theglUUJJ 3 JUU^lllClll.
group's judgment. 1Follow-up
uiiuwup 5LUU studies of tional corporations, big universities, big hospi­
> ^Xsubjects
> Xsubjectswhowhoperformed
performedAsch’s
Asch’s line
line jud;
judgment tals, big unions, and big farm organizations.
j — \task show' -4ask
that show
few that
if few
anyif anv
really
reallvbelieved
believe that Modem society is emerging as a web of formal
S <£the majority was correct. They went along with organizations that appear, disappear, change,
Q q t the majority out of fear of rejection by the merge, and enter into countless relationships
group—that is, they were coerced by social with one another. Although formal organiza­
pressure (Aronson. 1988). tions have existed for thousands of years, dat­
It is possible that the conforming subjects ing back to ancient Mesopotamia. Egypt, and
in Asch’s experiment could see that the task China, only in recent times have their scope
had little significance and thus conformed be- and centrality become so pronounced.
cause it was easy and had no serious conse­ In this section we will introduce types of
quences. But Stanley Milgram showed that hu­ formal organization, define bureaucracy and list
mans are likely to obey orders and to go along its characteristics, discuss problems of bureau­
with the group even when the stakes are con­ cracy, consider various theoretical approaches,
siderably higher (see Box 4.3). and discuss how to humanize bureaucracies.
 Formal Organizations 113

These students are participating in a utilitarian organization, a university,

for a particular reason: to get a degree.

Types of Formal Organization formulated its goals to embrace new health

missions (Shils, 1957). In some cases program
People enter formal organizations for a variety failure is essential because the effective solu­
of reasons. Sociologist Amitai Etzioni (1975) tion of the problems the organizations address
classified organizations on the basis of these rea­ would eliminate the need for their existence.
sons and identified three major types: voluntary, Skid row rescue missions provide a good illus­
coercive, and utilitarian. Voluntary organiza­ tration of this principle (Rooney, 1980).
tions are associations that members enter and People also become members of some
leave freely. Examples include the Parent- organizations—coercive organizations—
Teacher Association (PTA), coin collectors’ against their will. They may be committed to a
clubs, and the League of Women Voters. Mem­ mental hospital, sentenced to prison, or drafted
bers are not paid for participation; they join vol­ into the armed forces. Sociologist Erving Goff-
untary organizations to fill their leisure time, to man (1961b) studied life in what he called total
enjoy the company of like-minded people, to institutions—places of residence where individ­
perform some social service, to advance some uals are isolated from the rest of society for an
cause, or to change themselves through self-help appreciable period of time and where behavior is
organizations (Woodard, 1987). tightly regimented. In these environments the
When voluntary organizations complete “inmates” or “recruits” are exposed to resocial­
their goals, Americans often refashion them, ization experiences that systematically seek to
finding new purposes to validate an enterprise. strip away their old roles and identities and fash­
For example, once vaccines eliminated infantile ion new ones. The induction process often in­
paralysis, the March of Dimes organization re­ cludes mortification. Individuals are separated
114 Social Groups and Formal Organizations

from families and friends who provide networks plain the existence and structure of this organi­
of support for old ways. They are made vulnera­ zational type.
ble to institutional control and discipline by As long as organizations are relatively
being deprived of personal items, clothing, and small, they can often function reasonably well
accessories and are provided haircuts, uniforms, on the basis of informal face-to-face interaction.
and standardized articles that establish an insti­ But if larger organizations are to attain their
tutional identity. Often the new members are hu­ goals, they must establish formal operating and
miliated by being forced to assume demeaning administrative procedures. Only as they stan­
postures, to engage in self-effacing tasks, and to dardize and routinize many of their operations
endure insulting epithets (what sociologists term can they function effectively. This requirement is
a degradation ceremony). These procedures met by a bureaucracy, a social structure made
leave individuals psychologically and emotion­ up of a hierarchy of statuses and roles that is pre­
ally receptive to the roles and identities de­ scribed by explicit rules and procedures and
manded of them by the total institution. based on a division of function and authority.
Individuals also enter formal organizations Sociologists use the concept in a way that differs
formed for practical reasons—utilitarian or­ sharply from the negative connotation “bureau­
ganizations. Universities, corporations, farm cracy” has when we use it in everyday conversa­
organizations, labor unions, and government tion to refer to organizational inefficiency.
bureaus and agencies are among the organiza­ The bureaucratic form of organization has
tions people form to accomplish vital everyday developed over many centuries in the Western
tasks. Utilitarian organizations fall between world (Bendix, 1977). It grew slowly and errat­
voluntary and coercive organizations: Member­ ically during the Middle Ages and after. Early
ship in them is neither entirely voluntary nor bureaucracies, like bureaucracies in traditional
entirely compulsory. For example, we may not societies today, were based on patrimonialism,
be compelled to secure employment with a cor­ a traditional system of authority in which peo­
poration, but if we wish to support ourselves, ple are committed to serve traditional leaders,
doing so is an essential element of life. rather than a set of codified rules and proce­
dures. The result is an organization that is the
Bureaucracy: A Functional personal instrument of a master (Ritzer, 2000).
Only in the 20th century did the modem
Approach to Organizations bureaucracy fully flower in response to the dic­
As we saw in Chapter 1, the func- -<-j pp. 18-20] tates of industrial society. As contemporary or­
tionalist perspective attempts to understand the ganizations increased in size and complexity,
existence and structure of social patterns by ex­ more structural units and divisions were re­
amining the contributions those patterns make quired. In turn, some mechanism was needed
to the larger system of which they are a part. In for synchronizing and integrating the various
modem societies, large complex organizations activities. By providing for the performance of
perform many tasks that are required for those tasks on a regular and orderly basis, bureaucra­
societies to survive and grow. Organizations cies permit the planning and coordination of
that manage sewers, the water supply, electric­ these activities in an efficient manner. Addi­
ity, phones, public safety, the administration of tionally, they aim to eliminate all unrelated in­
government, and the manufacturing and distri­ fluences on the behavior of their members so
bution of goods are some of the most important that people act primarily in the organization’s
examples of these. The functionalist perspec­ interests. Although most complex organizations
tive developed the concept bureaucracy to ex­ in the United States are organized as bureaucra-
 Formal Organizations 115

1. Each office or position has clearly defined duties and responsibilities. In this manner, the regular activities of
the organization are arranged within a clear-cut division of labor.
2. All offices are organized in a hierarchy of authority that takes the shape of a pyramid. Officials are held
accountable to their superiors for subordinates' actions and decisions in addition to their own.
3. All activities are governed by a consistent system of abstract rules and regulations that define the
responsibilities of the various offices and the relationships among them. They ensure the coordination of
essential tasks and uiiil’Oflnily m performance regardless of changes in personnel.
4. All offices carry with them qualifications and are filled on the basis of technical competence, not personal
considerations. Presumably, trained individuals do better work than those who gain an office on the basis of
family ties, personal friendship, or political favor. Competence is established by certification (e.g., college
degrees) or examination (e.g., civil service tests).
5. Incumbents do not “own” their offices and cannot use offices for personal ends. Positions remain the property
of the organization, and officeholders are supplied with the items they require to perform their work.
6. Employment by the organization is defined as a career. Promotion is based on seniority or merit, or both.
After a probationary period, individuals gain the security of tenure and are protected against arbitrary
dismissal. In principle, this feature makes officials less susceptible to outside pressures.
7. Administrative decisions, rules, procedures, and activities are recorded in written documents preserved in
permanent files.

Figure 4.1
Characteristics of Webers Ideal Bureaucracy

cies, the degree and forms of bureaucratization ernment agency, the Roman Catholic Church,
vary (Perrow, 1986). In addition, globalization, the Teamsters’ Union, IBM, and Yale Univer­
rapid social change, and the introduction of sity and arrives at a model for describing and
new technologies are producing much innova­ analyzing organizational arrangements. Perhaps
tion in real-world organizations, and this is no actual organization is exactly like the model
changing how social scientists think about or­ in all respects, but the model isolates the im­
ganizations (Liker, Haddad, and Karlin, 1999; portant elements of organizational structure in
Goshal and Bartlett, 1999; Jaffee, 2001). contemporary society, which are presented in
Figure 4.1.
At first glance, the abstract description pre­
Characteristics of Bureaucracies sented in Figure 4.1 seems pretty irrelevant to
The German sociologist Max Weber (1946, our daily lives. But it does outline the kind of
1947) was impressed by the ability of bureau­ organizational structure most of us would like
cracies to rationalize and control the process by to be able to take for granted. Though we dis­
which people collectively pursue their goals. like bureaucracy and can feel alienated by it,
He developed a description of bureaucracy as most of us expect that the organizations we en­
an ideal type of organization. As pointed out in counter will work the way Weber described,
; p-13 Chapter 1, an ideal type is a concept and we feel mistreated if they do not.
constructed by sociologists to portray the prin­ For example, we wish those holding posi­
cipal characteristics of a phenomenon. Such an tions in our schools, government, and corpora­
analysis of bureaucracy abstracts common ele­ tions to gain these offices and exercise power
ments from organizations as diverse as a gov­ because of their ability and competence, not
116 Social Groups and Formal Organizations

because of their race, gender, personal connec­ under socialism governments and enterprises
tions, or physical attractiveness (characteris­ would be completely dominated by bureaucrats
tic 4). We would not like courthouse clerks, po­ and bureaucracies. Under capitalism, bureau­
lice officers, or the mayor of our town to sell cratic domination is mitigated at least partly;
services to the highest bidder; we define this business owners are not bureaucrats and are free
kind of behavior as the crime of bribery (char­ to do as they wish, unconstrained by the rules
acteristic 5). We expect that rules will be fol­ that apply to bureaucrats. For this reason, Weber
lowed and that exceptions will not be made at thought that capitalism would be more likely
the whim of officeholders. For example, we ex­ than socialism to preserve individual freedom
pect that government contracts will be awarded and creative leadership in a world dominated by
to bidders who follow the correct procedures formal organizations (Ritzer, 2000).
and submit the lowest bids, not simply to fam­ But not even Weber was truly optimistic
ily members of the responsible government of­ about bureaucracy. He (Weber 1921/1968) and
ficial; when we suspect that such a thing has many sociologists who came after him (e.g., Blau
taken place, we complain of nepotism (charac­ and Scott, 1962) have expressed concern that bu­
teristic 3). When things go wrong with what an reaucracies may pose an inherent challenge to
organization does, we expect some responsible human liberty by turning free people into “cogs”
official to react, track down and correct the in organizational machines. Let us take a closer
problem, and discipline those in the organiza­ look at this issue and other problems of bureau­
tion who may have fallen short (characteristics cracy as a feature of our social life.
2 and 7). If we are employed in a bureaucracy,
we expect there to be clear expectations of
what we and others are to do and how we are to
Problems of Bureaucracy
coordinate our activities. For example, we ex­ ▲ Oligarchy
pect that other officeholders cannot usurp our Organizations, like all other groups, enjoy a for­
authority simply because they want to and can midable capacity for eliciting conformity. As we
get away with it (characteristic 1). And if we noted earlier, groups do not simply control and
obey the rules and perform competently, we ex­ dispense rewards and punishments. They also de­
pect that we should be able to make a career fine social reality by structuring our experiences.
within the organization and should not be let go Given the predominant role organizations have in
without a very good reason (characteristic 6). contemporary life, some social scientists have
Thus, as much as we sometimes complain expressed concern for the future of democratic
about the “red tape” of bureaucracies and al­ institutions. They point out that all too often the
though we all might like to be treated as special needs of organizations take priority over those of
cases, bureaucracy is with us because we ex­ individuals (Glassman, Swatos, and Rosen, 1987;
pect it to be there and to function as Weber said Dandeker. 1990). Robert Michels (1911/1966), a
that it should. To live otherwise in modem soci­ sociologist and friend of Weber, argued that bu­
ety is almost unthinkable. reaucracies contain a fundamental flaw that
Bureaucracy is a fixture of our lives not makes them undemocratic social arrangements:
only because it represents how we expect our They invariably lead to oligarchy—the concen­
public lives to be governed, but because, as tration of power in the hands of a few individuals
Weber argued, it is an inherent feature of mod­ who use their offices to advance their own for­
em economic organization, whether capitalist or tunes and self-interests. He called this tendency
socialist. While some argue that bureaucracy is the iron law of oligarchy: “Whoever says orga­
a fixture only of capitalism, Weber argued that nization, says oligarchy” (p. 365).
 Formal Organizations 117

Michels cited a variety of reasons for the world markets. In many organizations, manage­
oligarchical tendencies found in formal organi­ ment specialization—not production or meet­
zations, even those that are presumably demo­ ing consumer needs—became the way to the
cratic, such as political parties, labor unions, top. Such outcomes are the typical by-product
and voluntary associations. First, because they of a bureaucratic dysfunction that C. Northcote
have hierarchical leadership structures involved Parkinson (1962) termed Parkinson’s law:
in everyday administration, most voting by the “Work expands so as to fill the time available
membership becomes a ritualistic confirmation for its completion.” Despite the tongue-in-
of leaders’ decisions. Second, officials have cheek tone of his writing, Parkinson showed
special advantages: access to information un­ that “the number of the officials and the quan­
available to others, superior political skills and tity of the work are not related to each other.”
experience, and control of a variety of adminis­ He contended that bureaucracy expands not be­
trative resources, including communication net­ cause of an increasing workload but because
works, offices, and a treasury, that can be used officials seek to have additional subordinates
to ward off challengers and co-opt dissidents hired in order to multiply the number of people
and rivals. Third, ordinary members tend to be under them in the hierarchy. These subordi­
uninterested in assuming leadership responsi­ nates in turn create work for one another, while
bilities and are apathetic toward the problems the coordination of their work requires still
of the organization. more officials.
Michels pointed to the history of European The relentless growth of bureaucracy is re­
socialist parties and labor unions as evidence in flected in the federal government. When George
support of his thesis. However, not all organiza­ Washington was inaugurated as president in
tions are oligarchic (Breines, 1980). For exam­ 1790. there were nine executive units and 1 in
ple, in their classic study. Lipset. Trow, and 4.000 Americans were employed by the execu­
Coleman (1956) showed that the International tive branch. Over the next hundred years, the
Typographical Union (ITU), composed of type­ government bureaucracy grew 10 times as fast
setters, maintained a democratic tradition by in­ as the population, and by 1891. 1 in 463 Ameri­
stitutionalizing a “two-party system.” Union cans were U.S. government employees. This
elections were held on a regular basis, with the growth continued through most of the 20th cen­
two parties putting up a complete slate of can­ tury and by 1970, the figure stood at 1 in 69.
didates. Lipset and his colleagues reasoned that While the size of government declined under
where competing groups are active and legiti­ President Clinton, it nonetheless employed ap­
mate. the rank-and-file have the potential for proximately 1 in 100 Americans in 1998 (U.S.
replacing leaders and introducing new policies. Census Bureau, 1999).
The situation has not been better in U.S.
▲ Dysfunctions of Bureaucracy business. In the mid-1980s more than half of the
Bureaucracy may not be as functional as Weber typical U.S. corporation consisted of workers
thought. Even when they function as they were uninvolved in operations or production (Rose­
designed to, bureaucracies may produce harm­ crance, 1990). Many U.S. firms undertook mas­
ful consequences. For example, political scien­ sive restructuring and downsizing in the
tist Richard Rosecrance (1990) argued that 1990s—in everyday language, many people lost
Americans in the post-World War II period their jobs. Some corporations have attempted to
came to embrace Weber’s bureaucratic society undermine Parkinson's law by developing new
so completely that our corporations became structural arrangements made possible by the
overstaffed, making the nation uncompetitive in computer and telecommunications revolution
 118 Social Groups and Formal Organizations

(Wilke, 1993; Huey, 1994). We have yet to see within real bureaucracies in response to the ten­
if such attempts to redefine bureaucracies can sions and contradictions of organizational life
truly repeal Parkinson’s law. and thus, as a model of what happens within an
Another dysfunction of bureaucracy was organization, the bureaucratic model is incom­
first noted by social critic Thorstein Veblen plete. By competing with the formal organiza­
(1921), who pointed out that bureaucracies en­ tion for members’ loyalties and by challenging
courage their members to rely on established bureaucratic rules and authority, informal orga­
rules and regulations and to apply them in an nization is a particularly serious threat to orga­
unimaginative and mechanical fashion, a pat­ nizational goals. As a result it has been the
tern he called trained incapacity. As a result of focus of much attention by sociologists.
I the socialization provided by organizations, in- Informal organization consists of inter­
\ ^dividuals often develop a_mnnel vision that lim-~ personal networks and ties that arise in a for­
/ . its their ability to respond in new ways when mal organization but are not defined or pre­
| x situations change. Government bureaucracies scribed by it. Based on their common interests
are especially risk-averse because they are and relationships, individuals form primary
caught up in such complex webs of constraint groups. These informal structures provide
that any change is likely to rouse the ire of im­ means by which people bend and break rules,
portant constituencies (Wilson, 1990, 1993). share “common knowledge,” engage in secret
This problem may be particularly significant in behaviors, handle problems, and “cut comers.”
very successful organizations that often resist Work relationships are much more than the
change because of the fear that to do so will lifeless abstractions contained on an organiza­
prevent repetition of past successes (Goshal tional chart that outlines the official lines of
and Bartlett, 1999). Such inflexibility can result communication and authority.
in self-perpetuating organizational mediocrity. The roots of informal organization are em­
bedded within formal organization and are nur­
▲ Bureaucracy Is an Idealized Model tured by the formality of its arrangements. Offi­
The bureaucratic model is difficult, if not im­ cial rules and regulations must be sufficiently
possible, to realize in practice. A number of general to cover a great many situations. In ap­
forces undermine its operation (Perrow. 1986; plying general rules to a particular situation,
Jaffee, 2000). First, human beings do not exist people must use their judgment, so they evolve
only for organizations. People track all sorts of informal guidelines that provide them with
mud from the rest of their lives, including their workable solutions. Additionally, to avoid bu­
prejudicial attitudes, with them into bureau­ reaucratic red tape, employees often arrive at
cratic arrangements, and they have numerous informal understandings with one another as a
interests independent of the organization. Sec­ way of keeping the formal organization operat­
ond, bureaucracies are not immune to social ing smoothly. Thus, people are tied to the larger
change. When such changes are frequent and group by their membership in primary groups
rapid, the pat answers supplied by bureaucratic that mediate between them and the formal or­
regulations and rules interfere with rational op­ ganization. Further, the impersonality of bu­
eration. Third, bureaucracies are designed for reaucratic arrangements distresses many peo­
the “average” person. In real life, however, peo­ ple, and they search for warmth, rapport, and
ple differ in intelligence, energy, zeal, and dedi­ companionship in the work setting through in­
cation, so they are not interchangeable in the formal relationships.
day-to-day functioning of organizations. Factory workers typically evolve their own
Fourth, forms of informal organization emerge norms regarding what constitutes a “reason-
 Formal Organizations 119

From The New Yorker (3/11/91). Copyright © 1991 from The New Yorker
Collection. James Stevenson from cartoonbank.com. All Rights Reserved.

able” amount of work, and these norms often ganizations as abstract social structures while
do not conform with those of management often neglecting the behavior of the individuals
(Roethlisberger and Dickson, 1939; Hamper, who comprise them. Indeed, sociologists Peter
1991). Sociologist Michael Burawoy (1979) M. Blau and Richard A. Schoenherr (1971 :viii,
studied informal organization among shop 357) championed such an approach, observing:
workers while working for a year as a machine
operator at a large Chicago-area plant. He Formal organizations, as well as other social
found that relations on the shop floor were structures, exhibit regularities that can be ana­
dominated by “making out”—a competitive lyzed in their own right, independent of any
game the machine operators played by manipu­ knowledge about the individual behavior of
lating the rules and regulations governing their their members ... it is time that we “push
work to their benefit. men [and women] out" to place proper empha­
sis on the study of social structure in sociology.
Conflict and Interactionist
Many sociologists studied formal organiza­
Perspectives tions without noticing the processes by which
Until about 20 years ago, the functionalist ap­ social structures are produced and reproduced
proach to bureaucracy identified with Weber in the course of people’s daily interactions. But
dominated American sociology. In large mea­ much has changed in recent years as it has be­
sure sociologists focused their attention on or­ come increasingly clear that organizations in the
120 Social Groups and Formal Organizations

real world do not operate as the functionalist workers, break the power of skilled artisans,
perspective suggests. Sociologists from differ­ and combat growing labor militancy.
ing perspectives have looked beyond the bu­ Marx thought that if a socialist revolution
reaucratic model to understand how organiza­ overturned capitalism, the bureaucratic struc­
tional reality is generated through the actions of tures inherited from capitalism would have to
people and groups of people (Benson. 1977; be altered or eliminated by a revolutionary
Romanelli. 1991). We will consider two of these working class and replaced by a fully demo­
approaches: the conflict perspective and the cratic structure. However, when a socialist gov­
symbolic interactionist perspective. ernment was finally established following the
Russian Revolution of 1917. the result was not
▲ The Conflict Perspective the establishment and perpetuation of demo­
Conflict theorists contend that organizational cratic organizational forms. The primary ele­
goals reflect the priorities of those who occupy ments of their policy in what became the Soviet
the top positions. Viewed in this manner, organi­ Union centered on the expansion of bureau­
zations are not neutral social structures pursuing cratic offices and the dominance of the state
clear goals but arenas for conflicting interests in apparatus by a “new class” of Communist party
which the social issues and power relations of officials (Djilas, 1957). quite the opposite of
society are played out (Collins. 1975: Jaffee, what Marx had in mind.
2000). Marxist social scientists have followed in A more promising development has been
the tradition of Karl Marx (1970), who saw bu­ the emergence of the collectivist-democratic
reaucracy as a manifestation of the centralizing organization (Rothschild and Russell. 1986).
tendencies of capitalism and an instrument of Such organizations are formed at the grass­
class domination. They analyze organizations roots level in response to the needs of the peo­
within the context of the broader inequalities ple who form them, operate on the basis of
that operate within society and find that the dis­ consensus rather than on bureaucratic author­
tribution of power and the allocation of rewards ity. and focus on producing products of imme­
within them mirror the larger society’s class diate social value, not products to be sold in
structure (Edwards, 1979: Jaffee, 2000). the marketplace in pursuit of profit. Examples
In Capital (1867/1906) Marx claimed that of collectivist-democratic organizations are
the modem factory is a despotic regime made food cooperatives, legal collectives, communes,
necessary by the competitive pressures of the and other low-capitalization enterprises that op­
market. These pressures compel technological erate as cooperative businesses (Rothschild and
innovation and work intensification, all of Russell. 1986; Case and Taylor. 1979).
which rest on the availability of workers, who A formidable problem faced by the
in order to survive must sell their labor power collectivist-democratic organization is the ten­
to capitalist employers. dency to degenerate and disappear or to evolve
More recent studies by Marxist social sci­ into a standard bureaucracy (Rothschild and
entists suggest that bureaucratic mechanisms Russell. 1986). State sponsorship, creative tax
arose as much from the desire of capitalists to incentive plans, and financing conditional on
control workers as from abstract notions of effi­ the maintenance of democratic cooperative
ciency and rationality (Friedman. 1977: Ed­ structures are among the mechanisms that help
wards. 1978). For example. Katherine Stone perpetuate collectivist-democratic organiza­
(1974) found that early 20th-century steel mag­ tions. Only time will tell if these and other
nates established top-to-bottom chains of com­ means can ensure that this form of organization
mand and job ladders to isolate individual is a realistic alternative to bureaucracy.
 Formal Organizations 121

▲ The Symbolic Interactionist Chaos did not reign in the hospitals be­
Perspective cause the negotiations followed patterns that
Symbolic interactionists contend that human permitted some degree of predictability. Even
beings in organizations are not spongelike, so, Strauss and his colleagues concluded:
malleable organisms who passively conform to
the bureaucratic requirements. Instead, they Practically, we maintain, no one knows what
portray people as active agents who shape and the hospital “is” on any given day unless [he
mold their destinies and continually fashion or she] has a comprehensive grasp of the com­
new joint actions based on their definitions of binations of rules, policies, agreements, under­
the situation (Blumer, 1969). Organizational standings, pacts, contracts, and other working
constraints only provide the framework with arrangements that currently obtain. In a prag­
which people appraise and then decide among matic sense, that combination “is” the hospital
alternative courses of organizational behavior at the moment, its social order. (1964:312)
on the basis of meanings they share with others
in the organization. The model of organizations Research on organizations from the per­
that results is one that emphasizes dynamism spective of ethnomethodology strongly sup­
and malleability of organizational forms rather ports the symbolic interactionist view that or­
than fixed structures and procedures. ganizations are shifting, malleable, dynamic
A good example of the application of sym­ entities. Ethno, borrowed from the Greek,
bolic interactionism to organizations is the means "people" or “folk,” while methodology
classic study by Anselm Strauss and his col­ refers to procedures by which something is
leagues (1964) of organizational behavior in done or analyzed. Thus, “ethnomethodology”
two Chicago-area psychiatric hospitals. They refers to procedures—the rules and activities—
treated a formal organization as a negotiated that people employ in making social life and
order—the fluid, ongoing understandings and society intelligible (Garfinkle. 1974). While the
agreements people reach as they go about their focus in symbolic interactionism emphasizes a
daily activities. To outsiders the hospitals ap­ broader range of shared meanings, the two per­
peared to be tightly structured organizations spectives are very similar. Both view people as
that functioned in accordance with strict bu­ agents who do not simply conform to organiza­
reaucratic rules and regulations. However, the tional constraints, but actively shape their so­
researchers found that in practice the hospitals cial lives within organizational contexts.
operated quite differently. The organizations Ethnomethodologists argue that organiza­
were simply too complex for a single set of tions are not products of their rules, but that
rules to hold or for any one person to know all people use the rules to explain and justify what
the rules, much less in exactly what situations they do in organizational contexts.
they applied, to whom, in w hat degree, and for Sociologist Don H. Zimmerman (1971) ap­
how long. Given these circumstances, most plied the ethnomethodological perspective in
house rules served more as general under­ examining the day-by-day operations of a large-
standings than as commands, and they were scale organization, a public welfare agency. He
stretched, argued, reinterpreted, ignored, or ap­ studied how the receptionists went about pro­
plied as situations dictated. Individuals cessing applicants for public assistance and ap­
reached agreements with one another that pro­ portioning them among caseworkers. The recep­
vided a consensus for a time, but the under­ tionists seemed to follow the “first-come,
standings were subject to periodic modifica­ first-served” rule. But a deeper inspection re­
tion and revision. vealed that receptionists would switch the order
122 Social Groups and Formal Organizations

of applicants when clients said they had to at­ straints: The cushy top jobs in the department
tend to some urgent matter. Likewise, they can be used to pay off political debts; some
would allow some applicants to request a partic­ groups can use the Sanitation Department as
ular social worker. And they routinely assigned an assured source of employment and keep oth­
“difficult” and “troublesome” applicants to a ers out; upper management can use its posi­
caseworker known to be good at handling “spe­ tions as political jumping-off places or training
cial problems.” In fact, they were skilled at giv­ spots; equipment manufacturers use it as an
ing the appearance that applicants moved easy mark for shoddy goods; and, finally, the
through the system in a sequential and orderly workers are entitled to use it as a source of job
manner, while in fact they followed their own security and pensions and an easy way of mak­
ad hoc procedures for processing applicants. ing a living, (p. 687)
Zimmerman concluded that as we go about
our activities, we continually develop and inter­ Perrow contended that private profit-making
pret what a rule means. Bureaucratic rules and organizations are not much different. Aerospace
regulations serve as a commonsense method by companies can be seen as pension plans that
which we account for our behavior. In deciding make missiles and planes on the side so that their
how to behave in organizations, people do not pension plans can be funded. Steel plants are
ask “What is the rule?” but “What has to be closed even though they make a respectable
done?” In practice, a rule may be employed or profit because they are worth more as tax write­
ignored depending on the context. Its main pur­ offs. Countless other organizations continue to
pose is not to guide action, but to provide an ac­ exist even though they fail to provide decent mail
count, explanation, and justification of action. service, prepare students for careers, or offer ac­
ceptable medical care. But should the organiza­
▲ A Synthesis of Alternative tions fail to satisfy some special-interest group
Perspectives that lives off them, then the consequences are de­
Sociologist Charles Perrow (1982) joined fined as a major social problem. In short, organi­
threads from the conflict, symbolic interaction- zations pursue a variety of courses of action,
ist, and ethnomethodological perspectives some of them with more enthusiasm than they
to argue that the notion of bureaucratic ration­ pursue their publicly stated goals. Perrow con­
ality masks the true nature of organizational cluded. therefore, that organizations do not have
life. He claimed that our world is more “loosely goals in the rational sense suggested by organiza­
coupled”—characterized by a substantial mea­ tional theory. Instead, actions are determined by
sure of redundancy, slack, and waste—than the interests and desires of executives, employ­
structural theories admit. Perrow said that organ­ ees, and other stakeholders, and formally stated
izations do not have goals, only constraints. Take goals are determined after the fact, on the basis
the Sanitation Department of New York City: of what executives observe themselves doing.
Perrow next linked the conflict perspective
To say its goal is to pick up the garbage—even to his analysis by arguing that social efforts at
to pick it up frequently, pick it all up, and do it stating goals, giving accounts, and attributing
cheaply—does not tell us much. These are not rationality to organizations serve elites much
goals of that department but merely loose con­ more than they serve other people. These ef­
straints under which those who use the organi­ forts create a world in which organizational
zation must operate, and these are not really hierarchy, technological requirements, and
any more important than the following con­ profit-making motives become legitimized.
 Formal Organizations 123

D0E5 THAT MEAN 1 CAN NO, IT’S JUST NO WONDER

WHAT DID YOU CONTROL MY OWN BUD6ET, A WAY TO BLAME DEEDED
MEAN WHEN YOU
5AID ALL EMPLOY­
MAKE DECISIONS WITHOUT
TWELVE LEVELS OF
* EMPLOYEES FOR
NOT DOING THE
A NEW WORD.

EES ARE EMPOW­ APPROVAL, AND TAKE THINGS WE TELL

ERED? CALCULATED THEM NOT TO DO.
RISKS ON
Mt OWN?

Conflict theorists argue that employee participation programs are designed so that they function as
sophisticated control strategies.

DILBERT (12/26/91) reprinted by permission of United Feature Syndicate, Inc.

Humanizing Bureaucracies “quality circles”—also called “participative

management” and “working smarter”—an
Since large organizations play such a critical arrangement where a group of up to a dozen
part in our daily lives, it may be well to conclude workers and one or two managers from the
the chapter by asking, “Can we make bureaucra­ same department meet together on a regular
cies more humane instruments for modem liv­ basis to figure out ways of getting along better
ing?” If we value freedom and independence— with each other, making work easier, raising
if we are disturbed by the conformity of atti­ output, and improving the quality of their
tudes, values, and behavior that bureaucracies products.
often induce—then we may wish to set up con­ Although some 6,000 American compa­
ditions that foster uniqueness, self-direction, and nies, including General Motors. IBM. and
human dignity. Although affording no panaceas, AT&T, have adopted employee participation
a number of programs have been proposed that programs, most of these programs failed
allow individuals greater range for developing (Saporito, 1986). A Gallup survey found that
their full capacities and potential in the context only 14 percent of corporate employees who
of organizational life. Let us briefly consider a worked for firms with quality-improvement and
number of these. employee participation programs felt their
companies gave them a chance to participate
▲ Employee Participation in the important decisions (Bennett, 1990).
About the same time that Japanese manufactur­ Conflict theorists argue that because the rela­
ers vigorously entered U.S. markets, American tionship between management and labor is in­
business leaders began a desperate search for herently adversarial, worker participation pro­
remedies to try to breathe new life and compet­ grams are simply cosmetic efforts that mask
itive fire into their companies. Many became corporate attempts to control workers and to
enamored with the highly touted fad known as avoid collective bargaining obligations.
124 Social Groups and Formal Organizations

Proponents of the programs say that where ▲ Virtual Offices

management and workers are committed to Some companies find that workers do not need
them, absenteeism, tardiness, grievances, strikes, to report to a central office but can work from
and labor costs are reduced. Moreover, product anywhere and communicate with managers,
quality improves and pilferage lessens. One ap­ workers, customers, and others via the Internet
proach of this kind entails “self-managed teams” (Davidow and Malone, 1993; Jaffee, 2000).
or “autonomous work groups,” an arrangement These “virtual corporations” with their “virtual
in which workers largely operate without bosses offices” provide employees with the ultimate in
(Bartol and Martin. 1994). Employees set their autonomy and flexibility in organizing their
own work schedules, prepare their own budgets, work. Verifone, Inc., a company that designs,
and receive group bonuses on the basis of the manufactures, sells, and services the machines
team's productivity. Managers, termed “coaches,” tha’t read credit cards in retail establishments, is
function as advisers (Selz, 1994). a successful example of a virtual corporation
Overall, new management strategies over (Jaffee, 2000). It has 3,000 employees world­
the past 20 years have emphasized a lessening wide, but no corporate office and no identifica­
of hierarchy and authoritarianism and an in­ tion with a nation-state. Corporate operations
crease in worker participation in workplace de­ never cease, with employees communicating
cision making. But the changes should not be and accessing company information through
overestimated. When managers must make a the Internet.
tough decision, they often revert to the direct, Though workers may find that working in a
authoritarian mode. virtual office enables them to manage the con­
flicts between their personal lives and their
▲ Alternative Work Schedules work lives more effectively, it is unclear what
Some companies have attempted to boost job the ultimate impact will be on the structure of
satisfaction and motivation by allowing some organizations. The unintended consequences of
flexibility in how work time is scheduled. Flex­ such arrangements may include increased
time is one example; workers are allowed to de­ alienation, the loss of a sense of community,
cide how to organize their 8-hour workday. and a weakening of organizational integration
Some may wish to come in early and get off (Snizek, 1995).
early; others may wish to have their early morn­
ings free and work into the evening. These plans ▲ Specialized Benefits
can benefit working parents who often need to In an attempt to reduce employee turnover, some
schedule their work hours so that adequate child companies offer a variety of new benefits to
care can be arranged. They also benefit compa­ workers. A number offer child care either on-site
nies since they result in lower absentee and or nearby in company-owned buildings, provid­
turnover rates (Bartol and Martin, 1994). ing parents with opportunities to visit their chil­
Another example is the compressed work­ dren during the day and cutting day care costs.
week. This plan involves scheduling workers to Some make contributions to college education
put in four 10-hour days per week with three funds for employees’ offspring. Company-
days off. Such a plan can work well for con­ provided transportation to jobs has resulted in
struction, for example, where more can be ac­ reductions in tardiness and absenteeism for some
complished on-site during each 10-hour day, employers. Workers in some states can attend
and workers can enjoy long weekends. For classes on company time to earn their high
some types of jobs, such as nursing, 12-hour school graduate equivalency diplomas (GEDs).
shifts with appropriate time off works well. At least one company offers 24-hour on-call so-
 Formal Organizations 125

cial workers to help employees with their per­ ship with more than 10 million employees.
sonal problems. These specialized benefits pro­ Workers owned the majority of the stock in
grams reflect both a change in attitudes toward some 1,000 companies, but the trend toward in­
workers and the inability of most companies to stituting employee stock ownership plans
offer increased wages (Grimsley, 1997a). (ESOPs) has since slowed. By 1994 less than
5 percent of employees in U.S. companies par­
▲ Small Work Groups ticipated in ESOPs, although about 15 percent
In the 1980s and 1990s some corporate officials were involved in other profit-sharing plans.
found that small work groups were more pro­ In many cases large-scale employee own­
ductive for Americans than attempting to adopt ership has changed the way companies oper­
Japanese management styles that depend on the ate, including their labor-management relation­
Japanese worker’s intense company loyalty. ships (Klein, 1987; Blasi, 1988). Greater
The approach appears highly adaptable within employee initiative in the workplace has been
the computer industry, where many tasks are found to cut costs, but much depends on a
not easily routinized and where small groups, firm’s profitability. When a company becomes
given great freedom, can react quickly to profitable, differences tend to get smoothed
abrupt technological change. Unlike other in­ over quickly, but a firm that continues to lose
dustries, where change is gradual, computer money will see dissatisfaction rise and difficul­
firms must deal with a turbulent environment ties deepen. For instance, in the early 1990s
and regularly come up with new products or the men and women at Weirton Steel found
enhancements of the old, and at constantly that ownership did not always translate into
lower prices. And small groups can focus their power. These employee-owners took pay cuts,
energies on a -single goal, foster -er-eatt-vUy, and. accepted layoffs, and acquiesced as manage­
reward employees -commensurate with their ment spent $550 million to revamp the com­
contributions (Bartol and Martin, 1994). pany’s mill. After years of butting heads with
management, the workers launched a battle in
▲ Employee Stock Ownership Plans 1993 to gain actual control of the firm (Baker,
By 1990 nearly 10,000 companies in the 1993). Thus, employee ownership does not
United States shared some measure of owner­ guarantee labor peace.

The Chapter in Brief: Social Groups and Formal Organizations

Group Relationships stable patterns of social interaction—are products

Groups—two or more people who share a feeling of social definitions—sets of shared ideas. As
of unity and who are bound together in relatively such they constitute constructed realities.
I Primary Groups and Secondary I Leadership. In group settings some
Groups. Primary groups involve two or members usually exert more influence than
more people who enjoy direct, intimate, others. We call these individuals leaders. Two
cohesive relationships and are fundamental to types of leadership roles tend to evolve in small
both us and society. Expressive ties groups: a task specialist and a social-emotional
predominate in primary groups. Secondary specialist. Leaders may follow an authoritarian
groups entail two or more people who are style, a democratic style, or a laissez-faire style.
involved in impersonal, touch-and-go
relationships. Instrumental ties predominate I Social Loafing. When individuals work
in secondary groups. in groups, they work less hard than they do
when working individually, a process termed
I In-Groups and Out-Groups. The social loafing.
concepts of in-group and out-group highlight
the importance of boundaries—social I Social Dilemmas. A social dilemma is
demarcation lines that tell us where a situation in which members of a group are
interaction begins and ends. Boundaries faced with a conflict between maximizing their
prevent outsiders from entering a group’s personal interests and maximizing the
sphere, and they keep insiders within the collective welfare.
group’s sphere.
I Groupthink. In group settings
I Reference Groups. Reference groups individuals may become victims of
provide the models we use for appraising and groupthink. Group members may share an
shaping our attitudes, feelings, and actions. illusion of invulnerability that leads to
A reference group may or may not be our overconfidence and a greater willingness to
membership group. A reference group take risks.
provides both normative and comparative
functions. I Conformity. Groups bring powerful
pressures to bear that produce conformity
Group Dynamics among their members. Although such pressures
The dynamic qualities of groups make them a influence our behavior, we often are unaware
significant force in human life and important to of them.
sociologists.
Formal Organizations
I Group $ize. The size of a group For many tasks within modem societies, people
influences the nature of our interaction. require groups they can deliberately create for
Emotions -and feelings tend to assume a larger the achievement of specific goals. These groups
part in dyads than in larger groups. The are formal organizations.
addition of a third member to a group—
forming a triad—fundamentally alters a I Types of Formal Organization.
social situation. In this arrangement one Amitai Etzioni classified organizations on the
person may be placed in the role of an basis of people’s reasons for entering them:
outsider. voluntary, coercive, and utilitarian.

126
I Bureaucracy: A Functional Approach trained incapacity, Parkinson’s law, and the
to Organizations. Small organizations iron law of oligarchy. If formal organization is
can often function reasonably well on the basis to operate smoothly, it requires informal
of face-to-face interaction. Larger organizations organization for interpreting, translating, and
must establish formal operating and supporting its goals and practices.
administrative procedures. This requirement is
met by a bureaucracy. I Conflict and Interactionist
Perspectives. In recent years sociologists
I Characteristics of Bureaucracies. from differing perspectives—particularly the
Max Weber approached bureaucracy as an ideal conflict, symbolic interactionist, and
type with these characteristics: Each office has ethnomethodological approaches—have looked
clearly defined duties: all offices are organized at the ways by which organizational reality is
in a hierarchy of authority; all activities are generated through the actions of people and
governed by a system of rules; all offices have groups of people.
qualifications; incumbents do not own their
positions; employment by the organization is I Humanizing Bureaucracies. Among
defined as a career; and administrative programs that make large organizations more
decisions are recorded in written documents. humane are those that allow employee
participation, flextime, small work groups, and
I Problems of Bureaucracy. employee ownership.
Bureaucracies have disadvantages and
limitations. These include the principle of

Glossary

bureaucracy A social dyad A two-member group, formal organization

structure made up of a A group formed deliberately
ethnomethodology
hierarchy of statuses and roles for the achievement of
Procedures—the rules and
that is prescribed by explicit specific objectives.
activities—that people
rules and procedures and
employ in making social life group Two or more people
based on a division of function
and society intelligible to who share a feeling of unity
and authority.
themselves and others. and who are bound together in
coercive organization relatively stable patterns of
expressive ties Social links
A formal organization that social interaction.
formed when we emotionally
people become members of
invest ourselves in and commit groupthink A decision­
against their will.
ourselves to other people. making process found in

127
highly cohesive groups in out-group A group with are faced with a conflict
which the members become which we do not identify and between maximizing their
so preoccupied with to which we do not belong. personal interests and
maintaining group consensus maximizing the collective
Parkinson’s law The
that their critical faculties are welfare.
principle that states that work
impaired.
expands so as to fill the time social-emotional
informal organization available for its completion. specialist A leadership role
Interpersonal networks and that focuses on overcoming
primary group Two or
ties that arise in a formal interpersonal problems in a
more people who enjoy a
organization but that are not group, defusing tension, and
direct, intimate, cohesive
defined or prescribed by it. promoting solidarity.
relationship with one another.
in-group A group with social loafing The process
reference group A social
which we identify and to in which individuals work less
unit we use for appraising and
which we belong. hard when working in groups
shaping our attitudes,
than they do when working
instrumental ties Social feelings, and actions.
individually.
links formed when we
relationship An association
cooperate with other people to task specialist A leadership
that lasts long enough for two
achieve some goal. role that focuses on
people to become linked
appraising the problem at
iron law of oligarchy The together by a relatively stable
hand and organizing people’s
principle that states that set of expectations.
activity to deal with it.
bureaucracies invariably lead
relative deprivation
to the concentration of power trained incapacity The
Discontent associated with the
in the hands of a few term Thorstein Veblen applied
gap between what we have
individuals who use their to the tendency within
and what we believe we
offices to advance their own bureaucracies for members to
should have.
fortunes and self-interests. rely on established rules and
resocialization A process by regulations and to apply them
mortification A procedure
which a person’s old roles and in an unimaginative and
in which rituals employed by
identities are stripped away mechanical fashion.
coercive organizations render
and new ones are created.
individuals vulnerable to triad A three-member
institutional control, secondary group Two or group.
discipline, and resocialization, more people who are involved
utilitarian organization
in an impersonal relationship
negotiated order The fluid, A formal organization set up
and have come together for a
ongoing understanding and to achieve practical ends.
specific, practical purpose.
agreements people reach as
voluntary organization
they go about their daily social dilemma A situation
A formal organization that
activities. in which members of a group
people enter and leave freely.

128
 Internet Connection www.mhhe.com/hughes6

Open this Web page: http://lcweb.loc.gov/ you have found. Which aspects of Weber’s
global/executive/fed.html. This site, main­ model are revealed here? Which aspects are
tained by the Library of Congress, provides a not? Thinking about the information in these
set of links to the executive branch of the U.S. sites and information from other sources, in­
government. Explore these sites looking for ev­ cluding news reports over the past several
idence that the executive branch of the U.S. years, does the executive branch conform to
government conforms to Weber’s model of bu­ Weber’s ideal type of bureaucracy? Why or
reaucracy. Write a short report on the evidence why not?

129
chapter 5

Deviance and Crime

The Nature of Deviance
The term “deviance” suggests an image of the
Social Properties of Deviance unusual and the strange, of the twisted mind
Social Control and Deviance pursuing twisted things. But often what we
think of as deviant is also an ordinary part of
Theories of Deviance everyday life. More than a hundred years ago,
for example, many students at the best U.S. col­
Anomie Theory leges cheated most of the time. “Whole classes
Cultural Transmission Theory cheated on examinations,” says historian Helen
Conflict Theory Lefkowitz Horowitz (1987:33). “The use of
Labeling Theory ponies (translations of texts) was almost univer­
Control Theory sal. At Yale in the 1860s, perhaps less than half
of the compositions were actually written by
Crime and the Criminal the supposed author for the occasion.”
Why was cheating so widespread? Stu­
Justice System dents considered faculty the enemy, unreason­
Forms of Crime able and arbitrary in their standards and de­
Measuring Crime mands, and any tactic to keep from losing out
Drugs and Crime in the war between students and faculty was
Women and Crime justified. The faculty and administrators knew
The Criminal Justice System they had a serious problem and tried to control
The Purposes of Imprisonment it by expelling students who were caught cheat­
ing. But attempts at control had little effect on
Box 5-1 Students Doing Sociology: The students who believed it fully acceptable to
Social Construction of Deviance cheat in order to stay in school, honorable to
cheat in order to help a failing classmate, and
Box 5.2 Doing Social Research: What unworthy to win academic honors on purpose
Explains College Binge Drinking? without cheating (Horowitz, 1987).
Do students cheat today? Many campuses
Box 5.3 Sociology around the World: have honor systems and honor courts run by the
The United States Is Not More students themselves, yet cheating remains a
Criminal than Other Countries, common form of behavior among college stu­
Just More Violent dents. In one recent study of university stu­
dents, 83 percent admitted to at least one act of
academic dishonesty. One-quarter said they had
lied to an instructor and falsified material on a
term paper, a third said they had looked at other
students’ answers during exams, and nearly a
fifth said they had plagiarized a term paper
(Cochran et al., 1999; see also Michaels and
Miethe, 1989). Other recent studies suggest that
the percentage of students who cheat in college
is at least 90 percent and may be as high as
99 percent (Sperber, 2000). In a study of Ivy
League-college-bound high school students,

131
132 Deviance and Crime

nearly every student admitted to cheating; one impossible. We would lack guideposts telling
described it as “just a kind of daily thing that’s us what is permissible and what constitutes the
out there, almost kind of acceptable” (McCabe, outer limits of allowable behavior. If we lacked
1999:682). New technology helps: selling term norms, interaction would be a real problem be­
papers on the Internet has become a profitable cause we would never know what others might
but illegal business (Hickman. 1998). do (Sagarin, 1975).
Is cheating deviant, or a normal feature of Yet norms can be more than guideposts.
everyday life? If so many students cheat, why Norms can have teeth, and teeth that bite. Both
are there still rules against it? These questions rewards and penalties can be associated with
introduce two important ideas that form the norms. In modern societies, the state is the
backdrop for our analysis of deviance. First, mechanism by which many norms—that is,
whether something is deviant depends on who laws—are enforced (see Chapter 9). When laws
is evaluating it. In 19th-century colleges, fac­ are broken, crimes are committed.
ulty and administrators believed that studying In this chapter we will consider the nature
hard was honorable and cheating was deviant. and significance of deviance. We will discuss
Many students, on the other hand, believed it sociological definitions of deviance and see
was deviant not to cheat, and being proud of what various sociological perspectives have to
having achieved good grades through “honest” contribute to our understanding of deviance. In
means was clearly deviant (Horowitz, 1987). addition, we will examine a form of deviance
Second, when important norms—rules— that is particularly prevalent in modem society:
are violated, norms and social control function crime.
to maintain social organization, social relation­
ships, and the meanings that underlie them. In
spite of widespread cheating in U.S. colleges
The Nature of Deviance
and universities for as long as anyone can re­
Deviant behavior is not an anomaly in social
member, norms against cheating still exist, and
life. It is a part of ongoing social processes in
colleges still attempt to control it. Honesty is
all societies and groups and is both cause and
one of the “rules of the game,” as Albert Cohen
consequence of other social processes and out­
(1959) put it. Without such norms and mecha­
comes that we discuss in this section.
nisms for their enforcement, the nature of the
university and its place in society would be Social Properties of Deviance
very different. When universities react to cheat­
ing, they protect the ideas that people earn Deviance is behavior that a considerable num­
grades honestly and that grades are at least a ber of people in a society view as reprehensible
rough measure of merit. Without norms against and beyond the limits of tolerance. In most
cheating, university degrees would mean little cases it is both negatively valued and provokes
and the university would cease to function as hostile reactions. Deviance does not exist inde­
the kind of educational institution we now pendently of norms. Without norms, and with­
know. Norms, and defending norms in the face out the application of norms in interpretating
of violation, are necessary for social order to behavior, there is no deviance. Put another way,
exist and to be maintained over time. deviance is not a property inherent in certain
Of course, as we made clear in -<-] pp. 43-45] forms of behavior (Erikson, 1962; Becker,
Chapter 2, norms are important throughout so­ 1963; Lemert, 1972); it is a property conferred
cial life. Without norms for governing behavior, upon particular behaviors by social definitions.
even interaction in a clique or family would be In the course of their daily lives, people use the
 The Nature of Deviance 133

normative schemes available to them and make sexual intercourse during the exclusionary pe­
judgments regarding the desirability or undesir­ riod, even between marital partners, is regarded
ability of this or that behavior. They then trans­ as seriously deviant and is severely punished.
late their judgments into favorable or unfavor­ Why, then, are homosexual relations essen­
able consequences for those who engage in the tial in this culture? Is not the vital life force lost
behavior. In this sense, then, deviance is what through loss of semen whether that loss is to a
people say it is. You will find this idea clarified female or a male? Yes, but for the male receiv­
by reading and reflecting upon the material in ing the semen, it is an essential gain. Boys lack
Box 5.1 dealing with the social construction of semen—the most critical attribute of manhood
deviance. Then resume your consideration of to the Etoro—and the Etoro believe that semen
deviance with the discussion below, in which must be “planted” in them. Young Etoro males
we describe the relativity of deviance and how are continually inseminated from age 10 until
definitions of deviance are made to “stick.” We the early to midtwenties, according to Kelly.
also consider the changing nature of deviance, All the physical and emotional changes that
allowances for some variations in behavior, and occur during this time are regarded as the direct
the functions and dysfunctions of deviance. results of the oral insemination practiced by the
Etoro. Because the hame of a youth is strength­
▲ The Relativity of Deviance ened by insemination, there are no prohibitions
Which acts are defined as deviant vary greatly about when or where such insemination can
from time to time, place to place, and group to take place.
group. For example, in many cultures homo­ As norms vary from one society to the next
sexual behavior is considered to be deviant, and and from one time to another, so too does de­
any sexual behavior involving juveniles is viance. A social audience, through the applica­
criminal. For the Etoro of New Guinea, homo­ tion of norms, decides whether or not some be­
sexual acts between adult males and young havior is deviant. To the Etoro of New Guinea,
boys are not just a part of everyday life, they sexual activity involving children is a normal
are an essential part of the culture. part of everyday life. In the United States, it
As reported by anthropologist Raymond can cause an adult to be labeled a criminal.
Kelly in 1976, the Etoro believe that humans The concepts that the Etoro use to think
have a special life force they call the hame. Ac­ about sexuality and the moral system that gov­
cording to Etoro culture, this vital energy in erns sexual behavior are fundamentally differ­
men can be diminished through witchcraft and ent from the cultural principles that shape sexu­
also through sexual relations, because it is es­ ality and behavior in our own society—so
pecially concentrated in semen. Depletion of different, in fact, that some readers may find
the life force is accompanied by weakness and the example to be difficult to think about. Such
illness and is characterized by labored breath­ reactions illustrate the point of the example:
ing, coughing, short-windedness, and chest that deviance is relative, and such relativity
pains, all referred to as hame hah hah. Each act often involves fundamental, even extreme, dif­
of sexual intercourse a man engages in depletes ferences in how deviance is defined in different
his hame further, and heterosexual relations cultural systems. A less extreme example of
among the Etoro are completely prohibited relativity that is closer to home are the tattoos
for as many as 260 days per year, or more than and body piercings that may be seen as deviant
70 percent of the time. The Etoro believe that by children and older adults but as a normal,
breaking these prohibitions has serious reper­ even valued, part of everyday life by college
cussions, including crop failure. Thus, hetero­ students and other young adults.
 5.1 STUDENTS DOING SOCIOLOGY

The Social Construction of Deviance

To set the stage on the first infection, and facilitates sharing of saliva. The
day of class for their courses digestion. instructor then comments:
in introductory sociology and in After discussing the
the sociology of deviance, benefits of saliva, the Not only that, but some
Professors John R. Brouillette professor offers the student students engage in a
and Ronny E. Turner of who initially provided the formerly criminal action,
Colorado State University valuable body fluid an French kissing, which
(1992) undertake an exercise opportunity to take the spoon most couples consider
that demonstrates the social and return the saliva to her intimate, loving, and
construction of deviance. After mouth. Invariably the student appropriate. Actually, two
outlining course procedures declines. The instructor people place their lips
and content, one of the comments that he has difficulty together, intermingle their
professors calls on a student comprehending why someone tongues, and exchange or
to provide a small amount of would reject such a valued mix their saliva. Is this
saliva in a sterilized spoon. substance in the age of deviant? Certainly not! It’s
Somewhat embarrassed, the recycling. He then offers the sexy . . . cool . . . and a
student provides the saliva. contents of the spoon to a “turn on.” Well, if you
The professor thanks her and classmate. Some students believe that’s cool, picture
then he gives a brief lecture on respond by making gagging this. A couple are parked at
the benefits and functions of sounds. The professor the top of Lookout
saliva for the human body; for expresses “surprise” and Mountain, passionately
instance, saliva moistens the reminds the students that they embracing each other. The
linings of the mouth and throat, often share a can of soda, woman pulls a spoon from
aids in the prevention of which also involves the her purse, which she uses

Saying that deviance is relative and is a By the same token, because deviance is rel­
matter of social definition does not mean that ative. when sociologists study behavior that
“anything goes” or that morality has no impor­ they refer to as deviant they are not implying
tance. On the contrary, the relativity of de­ that the behavior is. in fact, immoral or wrong.
viance means simply that there are many The issue of morality is a philosophical, ethi­
moralities across societies and over time and cal. or religious one. Deviance, however, is a
that we cannot understand deviant behavior and matter of whether shared norms have been vio­
the reactions to it without knowing the norma­ lated and/or there has been a social reaction to
tive context in which they occur. As the de­ some presumed violation. For example, white
scription of homosexual and heterosexual be­ southerners who supported the civil rights
havior in Etoro society makes clear, using a movement in the South in the 1960s were
traditional Western antihomosexual moral clearly deviant in that setting (Durr. 1985),
scheme to define deviance among the Etoro though their behavior was a moral response to
would reveal nothing about the processes of de­ an immoral racist social order. And the German
viance and reaction that occur there. police officers who pursued and murdered

134
 to scrape some saliva from saliva are different, they are the mouth. Jesus and other
her mouth. To soothe her different. You had better religious leaders reportedly
lover’s raging hormones know the difference or used their “sputum” to cure the
and to show her love for suffer the consequences. blind and the infirm. Moreover,
him, she offers him the Spit is saliva in the wrong males spit incessantly during
spoon. Do you think it will place or under the wrong athletic contests, a behavior
turn him on to a point of no circumstances. Nothing typically deemed
return? Probably not, inherent in the mouth “inappropriate” for female
unless he’s into that kind of moisture itself necessitates athletes. For example, male
thing. Most likely the man a particular distinction marathon runners in the 1984
would consider this a gross, between spit and saliva; no Summer Olympic Games were
disgusting offer and inherent change occurs. observed to spit constantly,
terminate the date much The difference is socially whereas Joan Benoit, the
earlier than planned. constructed. We social winner of the gold medal in the
beings have drawn lines women’s marathon, apparently
The professor next
around behavior to did not spit even once. In sum,
engages class members in a
demarcate deviant from deviance is socially defined
discussion of the difference
normal, acceptable behavior.
between “saliva” and “spit.” In
behavior.
the course of the discussion
he introduces the students to
The sociology professor Source: Excerpts from “Creating
the sociological concept of the
then points out that “spit” and the sociological imagination on
social construction of reality:
“saliva” are defined differently, the first day of class: The social
There is a difference depending on who is engaging construction of deviance, ”
between spit and saliva. in a given behavior and on the Teaching Sociology by John R.
But no chemist will ever find social context in which the Brouillette and Ronny E. Turner,
it because the difference is behavior occurs. Mothers are 1993, vol. 21. Reprinted by
not chemical. It’s social. If seen wiping dirt from an permission of American
people believe that spit and infant’s face with moisture from Sociological Association.

thousands of Jews during the Holocaust were first president of the United States and beloved
not deviant in the context of the Nazi regime in as the father of his country.
Germany (Goldhagen, 1996), though today the In considerable measure, who is defined as
term “immoral” hardly describes the severity of deviant and what is defined as deviance depend on
the moral reactions that their actions have pro­ who is doing the defining and who has the power
voked (e.g., Wiesel, 1961). to make the definitions stick. Individuals stigma­
tized and victimized by prevailing social defini­
▲ The Power to Make Definitions Stick tions see their circumstances quite differently from
When people differ regarding their definitions those who enjoy power and enforce norms that
of what is and is not deviant behavior, it be­ embody their moral codes. In recent years, some
comes a question of which individuals and groups, such as gays, lesbians, the disabled, and
groups will make their definitions prevail. For welfare mothers, have entered the political arena
example, in 1776 the British labeled George and have had some success in challenging official
Washington a traitor; 20 years later he was the definitions that portray them as “social problems.”

135
136 Deviance and Crime

unmarried women has increased by nearly

40 percent since 1980, so that now one-third of
all American youngsters are bom to unmarried
mothers (U.S. Census Bureau. 1999). Accord­
ing to Moynihan and others, fatherlessness and
family breakup stand out as key variables asso­
ciated with poverty, welfare dependency, crime,
and other “social pathologies.” Yet unmarried
parenthood has been systematically redefined
as merely another “lifestyle choice.”
At the same time, many areas of behavior
hitherto deemed benign have had their thresh­
old radically “redefined upward.” Old con­
cerns like child abuse and family violence
have become amplified in recent years, re­
ceiving much media attention. Simulta­
neously new areas of deviancy, including date
Smoking, once deemed an innocent vice, rape and politically incorrect speech, have
is now increasingly regulated. been discovered (Krauthammer. 1993). And
smoking—once deemed an innocent vice—is
coming under progressive regulation and even
prohibition.

▲ Redefinitions of Normality ▲ A Zone of Permissible Variation

and Deviancy In our daily lives we typically find that norms
Within recent years, many behaviors Americans are not so much a point or a line as a zone
have traditionally judged to be deviant have un­ (Williams, 1970). Even rather specific and
dergone redefinition. Not too long ago compul­ strongly supported norms allow a zone of per­
sive gambling, alcoholism, drug addiction, and missible variation. In actual practice, norms
even many forms of mental illness were de­ permit behaviorthat may depart from the strict,
fined as evil and sinful. While such notions still let ter T)f~the jawTFor example, professors are
persist, the view has increasingly gained cur­ expected to conduct their classes with dignity
rency that these behaviors are medical prob­ and decorum. Yet at almost every university
lems. The disorders are considered illnesses some professor develops a reputation for un­
analogous to physical ailments such as ulcers, usual classroom behaviors: standing on the
diabetes, and high blood pressure. Their suffer­ desk, sitting on the lectern, shouting and
ers are placed in hospitals where they are called singing, dramatizing points by imitating voices,
patients and given treatment by physicians. all in the course of a single class period. Since
Some people, including sociologist and such professors often communicate well, are
former U.S. Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan, very popular, and are recognized authorities in
believe that Americans are "defining deviancy their fields, the vast majority of students are
down” so as to explain away and make "nor­ quickly won over to their antics. Norms usually
mal” what “a more civilized, ordered and allow for variant behavior, new or at least dif­
healthy society” would and did label "deviant” ferent behavior that falls within the borders of
not too many years ago. The birth rate among the acceptable (Merton. 1968).
 The Nature of Deviance 137

▲ The Functions and Dysfunctions authorized. Normal community life is impossi­

of Deviance ble where people cannot trust that those passing
Not all behavior has a purpose or a use. The them on the street will not try to harm them.
same is doubtless true for many instances of de­ The maintenance of families and family life re­
viance. Indeed, most of us think of deviance as quires that people can trust others to live up to
“bad”—as behavior that poses a “social prob­ their obligations. Deviant behavior is dysfunc-
lem.” Such a view is not surprising given the t ion a1 because it can undermine this trust,
negative or disruptive consequences of much threatening our most important social relation-
deviance, or what sociologists call dysfunctions shipsjmd institutions.
| p-19 [_»► (see Chapter 1). But deviance also has
positive or integrative consequences for social I The Functions of Deviance. Although
life, what sociologists call functions. deviance may undermine social organization, it
may also facilitate social functioning in a num­
I The Dysfunctions of Deviance. Social ber of ways. First, as sociologist Edward
organization derives from the coordinated ac­ Sagarin (1975) has pointed out, reacting pub­
tions of numerous people. Should some indi­ licly to deviance can promote conformity. Such
viduals fail to perform their actions at the reactions create a community of the “good,”
proper time in accordance with accepted expec­ those who know the cost of deviating and who
tations, institutional life may be jeopardized. can now define themselves as an in-group in
For instance, the desertion of a family by a par­ contrast to the out-group of deviants.
ent commonly complicates the task of child Second, because norms are not always clear,
care and rearing. And when a squad of soldiers each time the members of a group censure some
fails to obey orders and runs away in the midst act as deviance, they highlight and sharpen the
of battle, an entire army may be overwhelmed contours of a norm (Stevenson, 1991; Durkheim,
and defeated. Apparently most societies can ab­ 1893/1964). Their negative reactions clarify pre­
sorb a good deal of deviance without serious cisely what behavior is disallowed by the “col­
consequences, but persistent and ^widespread lective conscience.” Sociologist Kai T. Erikson
deviance can impair and even undermine or­ (1962) noted that one of the interesting features
ganized social life. of agencies of control is the amount of publicity
Deviance also undermines our willingness they usually attract. In earlier times the punish­
to play our roles and contribute to the larger so­ ment of offenders took place in the public mar­
cial enterprise. If some individuals get rewards, ket in full view of a crowd. Today we achieve
even disproportionate rewards, without playing much the same result through heavy media cov­
by the rules, we develop resentment and bitter­ erage of criminal trials and executions.
ness. Morale, self-discipline, and loyalty suffer. Third, by directing attention to the deviant,
Moreover, our social life requires that we a group may strengthen itself. A shared enemy
trust social institutions and one another. Trust arouses common sentiments and cements feel­
makes conventional social life, from communi­ ings of solidarity. The emotions surrounding
ties to economic exchange to families, possible. “ain’t it awful” deeds quicken passions and so­
The most mundane, but essential, aspects of lidify “our kind of people” ties. As we saw in
life would be impossible without trust. The use Chapter 4, frictions and antagonisms -<-|p. 1021
of checks and credit cards, for example, re­ between in-groups and out-groups highlight
quires that we trust our banks to keep our group boundaries and memberships. In the same
money safe, to honor the checks that we write, way, campaigns against witches, traitors, per­
and to charge our credit cards only as we have verts, and criminals reinforce social cohesion
138 Deviance and Crime

among “the good people.” For instance, Erikson activities of the state, as an indispensable re­
(1966) showed that when the Puritan colonists quirement for survival. If large numbers of peo­
thought their way of life was threatened, they ple were to defy their society’s standards for
created “crime waves” and “witchcraft hyste­ behavior, massive institutional breakdown,
rias” to define and redefine the boundaries of malfunctioning of society, and chaos would re­
their community. sult. In contrast, as we will discuss at greater
Fourth, deviance is a catalyst for change. length in the chapter, conflict theorists contend
Every time a rule is violated, it is being con­ that social control operates to favor powerful
tested. Such challenges serve as a warning that groups and to disadvantage others. No social
the social system is not functioning properly. arrangements are neutral, they argue. Existing
For instance, high robbery rates clearly indicate institutional structures distribute the benefits
that there are large numbers of disaffected peo­ and burdens of social life unevenly while main­
ple, that institutions for socializing youth are taining these structures through the techniques
faltering, that power relations are being ques­ and instruments of social control.
tioned, and that the moral structures of the soci­ There are three main types of social control
ety require reexamination. Thus, deviance is processes operating in social life: (1) those that
often a vehicle for placing on a society’s agenda lead us to internalize our society’s normative
the need for social repair and remedies. By the expectations, (2) those that structure our world
same token, deviant activity can simultaneously of social experience, and (3) those that employ
be a call for an examination of old norms and a various formal and informal social sanctions.
new model (Sagarin, 1975). For example, the Let us briefly consider each of these processes.
Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr., and his sup­
porters called the nation’s attention to the inhu­ ▲ Internalization of Norms
manity of southern segregation laws through As we saw in Chapter 3, the members of a soci­
civil disobedience. In due course the civil rights ety undergo continuous socialization, a process
movement led to these laws being changed. by which individuals acquire those ways of
thinking, feeling, and acting characteristic of
their society’s culture. For infants and young
Social Control and Deviance children, conformity to the expectations of oth­
If the work of the world is to get done, people ers is primarily a product of external controls.
must follow rules. Social order dictates that peo­ As they grow older, an increasing proportion of
ple have to be kept in line, at least most people, their behavior becomes governed by internal
and that the line must be adhered to within allow­ monitors. These internal monitors carry on
able limits (Sagarin, 1975; Gibbs, 1989; Tyler, many of the functions earlier performed by ex­
1990; Liska, 1986). Without social order, interac­ ternal controls. Internalization is the process
tion would be a real problem and expectations by which individuals incorporate within their
would be meaningless. Societies seek to ensure personalities the standards of behavior preva­
that their members conform with basic norms by lent within the larger society.
means of social control, the methods and strate­ A good example is the set of norms in U.S.
gies that regulate behavior within society. society regarding ownership of property. As all
Functionalist and conflict theorists differ in parents eventually learn, young children will
how they view social control. As we will see in pick up, play with, and sometimes destroy any
! p. 2821->- Chapter 9, functionalists see social item they find attractive. Only through interac­
control, particularly as it finds expression in the tion over a long period with parents, caregivers,
 Theories of Deviance 139

and peers do children finally learn to “respect ▲ Formal and Informal Sanctions
other people's property,’’ even when they are Finally, we conform to the norms of our society
not being watched by others. because we realize that to do otherwise is to
Critical steps to social control through inter­ incur punishment. Those who break rules are
nalization are (1) learning what the norms are met with dislike, hostility, gossip, ridicule, and
and (2) learning to believe that the norms are le­ ostracism—even imprisonment and death—
gitimate. In addition, through the process of in­ while the conformist wins praise, popularity,
ternalization, norms become part of people’s per- prestige, and other socially defined good
i p. 82 sonalities, as discussed in Chapter 3 things. Clearly there are disadvantages to non­
with the internalization of the “generalized conformity and advantages to conformity.
other.” Such standards are often accepted without Formal sanctions are reactions of official
thought or questioning—indeed, we commonly agents of social control, such as the courts, the
experience them as “second nature.” As we im­ honor systems that control cheating, and the
merse ourselves in the life of a group, we de­ principal’s office in the high school. Students
velop self-conceptions that regulate our conduct who are caught cheating, for example, may be
in accordance with the norms of the group. By formally sanctioned by being expelled from
doing what group members do, we acquire our school. Informal sanctions are reactions to de­
identities and a sense of well-being. The group is viance that occur in small communities, in
our group, and its norms are our norms. Social groups of friends, and in the family. Students
control thus becomes self-control. who report cheating by their friends may be de­
viant from the point of view of their friendship
▲ The Structure of Social Experience group, and may be informally sanctioned by
Our society’s institutions also shape our experi­ being ostracized. Informal sanctions generally
ences. In large part, we unconsciously build up are more effective than formal sanctions, par­
our sense of reality by the way our society or­ ticularly if they are part of the interaction in the
ders its social agendas and structures social al­ primary groups to which people are strongly
ternatives. If we are locked within the social committed.
environment provided by our culture, we in-
habit a somewhat restricted world and it may
not occur to us that alternative standards exist. Theories of Deviance
A song popular during World War I questioned
what might happen if this form of social con­ Deviance may have both positive and negative
trol failed: “How ya gonna keep ’em down on consequences for the functioning and survival
the farm after they’ve seen Paree?” That is, of groups and societies. But why, we may ask,
how would the American soldiers be able to re­ do people violate social rules? Why are some
sume their conformist rural life after experienc­ acts defined as deviance? Why are some indi­
ing the wild city life available in Paris, France, viduals labeled deviants when they engage in
in 1917 and 1918, with nightclubs, dancing essentially the same behaviors as other individ­
girls, and prostitutes in abundance? Without ex­ uals who escape retribution? And why does the
periences that take us out of the patterned rou­ incidence of deviance vary from group to group
tines dictated by the institutions that make up and society to society? It is these types of ques­
our society, we are culture-bound. Many non­ tions that interest sociologists.
conformist patterns do not occur to us because We should keep in mind that a complete
they are not known to our society. understanding of human behavior, including
140 Deviance and Crime

deviant behavior, requires the inclusion of bio­ functionalism, cultural transmission and label­
logical and psychological factors along with so­ ing emerged from symbolic interactionism, and
cial factors (Gove, 1994). For example, both bi­ conflict theory is the application of the conflict
ology and psychology have contributed a good perspective to deviance.
deal to our understanding of schizophrenia—a
severely debilitating form of mental illness that
affects about 1 percent of the population. Biolo­ Anomie Theory
gists and psychologists have shown that heredi­ As we noted earlier in the chapter, Emile
tary factors predispose individuals to some Durkheim (1893/1964, 1897/1951) contended
forms of schizophrenia. Studies show that that deviance can be functional for a society.
among identical twins (who share 100 percent But he also realized that deviance is simultane­
of their genes), if one twin is schizophrenic, the ously dysfunctional and made another contribu­
other has a 50 percent chance of being schizo­ tion to our understanding of deviance with his
phrenic (Cockerham, 1996). idea of anomie—a social condition in which
Yet an understanding of the biological and people find it difficult to guide their behavior by
psychological factors involved in schizophrenia norms that they experience as weak, unclear, or
does not provide us with the full story. We also conflicting. As Durkheim pointed out, anomie is
need to take into account sociological factors. a common occurrence when people’s expecta­
Consider the following example. A man living tions about rewards and gratifications are not
in the Ozark Mountains has a vision in which closely matched by what they actually receive.
God speaks to him, and he begins preaching to In a gold rush, for example, many people be­
his relatives and neighbors. People say he has a lieve that they can become wealthy overnight.
“calling.” His reputation as a prophet and healer The norms that bind people to their conven­
spreads, but when he ventures into St. Louis and tional lives become weak, and as a result, some
attempts to hold a prayer meeting—blocking people abandon their families and jobs, travel
traffic at a downtown thoroughfare during rush long distances in search of riches, and set up
hour—he is arrested. When the man tells the nontraditional communities that promote crime,
police officers about his conversations with violence, prostitution, and general disorder.
God, they take him to a mental hospital where Similarly, when an economy collapses and few
attending psychiatrists say he is “schizophrenic” jobs are available, the rewards that people are
and hospitalize him (Slotkin, 1955). Thus, we used to receiving are no longer available, the
return full circle to sociological concerns. Again norms that have governed people’s work and
we are reminded that deviance is not a property family lives weaken, and deviance, including
inherent in behavior but a property conferred crime and delinquency, increases.
upon it by social definitions.
In this section, we depart from our usual ▲ Merton’s Theory of Structural Strain
consideration of the functionalist, interaction- Robert K. Merton’s theory of structural strain is
ist, and conflict perspectives to discuss five an adaptation of Durkheim’s anomie theory that
specific theories of deviance that have emerged emerged from the functionalist perspective
from these perspectives: the anomie, cultural (Liska and Messner, 1999). Merton (1968) built
transmission, conflict, labeling, and control on Durkheim’s ideas and linked them to Ameri­
theories. As you will see, each theory of de­ can life. He said that for large numbers of
viance has a connection to the basic reasoning Americans, worldly success—especially as it
in the three theoretical perspectives we use in finds expression in material wealth—has be­
this book. Anomie and control grew out of come a cultural goal. However, only certain
 Theories of Deviance 141

Modes of Adaptation Cultural Goals Institutionalized Means

I Conformity + +

n Innovation + -

III Ritualism - +

IV Retreatism - -

V Rebellion + ±

+ = Acceptance

- = Rejection

± = Rejection of prevailing values and substitution of new values

Figure 5.1
Merton’s Typology of Modes of Individual Adaptation to Anomie

Source: Adapted with the permission of The Free Press, a Division of Simon & Schuster from Social Theory and
Social Structure by Robert K. Merton. Copyright © 1949, 1957 by The Free Press; copyright renewed 1977, 1985 by
Robert K. Merton.

means—most commonly securing a good edu­ are not enough to produce strains toward de­
cation and acquiring high-paying jobs—are the viance. A society with a comparatively rigid
institutionalized and approved ways to achieve class or caste structure may lack opportunity
success. There might not be a problem if all and simultaneously extol wealth—the me­
Americans had equal access to these institution­ dieval feudal system serves as a case in point.
alized means for realizing monetary success, Only when a society extols common symbols
but this is not the case. The poor and minorities of success for the entire population, while
often find themselves handicapped by little for­ structurally restricting the access of large num­
mal education and few economic resources. bers of people to the approved means for ac­
Americans who internalize the goal of ma­ quiring these symbols, is antisocial behavior
terial success but who do not have access to the generated.
institutionalized means are pushed by strong Merton identifies five responses to the ends-
social structural strains toward the use of un­ means dilemma, four of them deviant adapta­
conventional means. They cannot achieve the tions to conditions of anomie (see Figure 5.1).
culturally approved goals by using the institu­
tionalized means for attaining them. One solu­ I Conformity. Conformity will be com­
tion to this dilemma is to obtain the prestige­ mon in a society in which people accept the
laden ends by any means whatsoever, including cultural goal of material success and the institu­
vice and crime. tionalized means to achieve this goal are avail­
Merton emphasized that a “lack of oppor­ able. Such behavior is the bedrock of a stable
tunity” and an exaggerated material emphasis and properly functioning society.
142 Deviance and Crime

I Innovation. In innovation, individuals skills, neatness, and an ability to defer gratifi­

hold fast to the culturally emphasized goals of cation. The boys respond by banding together
success, but because the institutionalized means in juvenile gangs where they evolve “macho”
to achieve the goals are not available, they pur­ standards that reward “toughness,” “street
sue their goals in innovative ways. Such people smarts,” and “troublemaking"—standards that
may engage in prostitution, peddle drugs, forge allow them to succeed. Sociologists Steven
checks, swindle, embezzle, steal, burglarize, Messner and Richard Rosenfeld (1997a.
rob, or extort to secure money and purchase the 1997b) extended Merton’s structural strain the­
symbols of success. ory. They argue that the strain toward deviance,
particularly crime, is stronger when the econ­
I Ritualism. Ritualism involves losing omy is the dominant institution in society and
touch with success goals while abiding com­ when social status is primarily dependent on
pulsively by the institutionalized means. For in­ performance in economic roles. Crime rates are
stance, the ends of the organization become ir­ particularly high in societies where people are
relevant for many zealous bureaucrats. Instead, completely dependent on the labor market for
they cultivate the means for their own sake, resources necessary for survival; on the other
making a fetish of regulations and red tape (see hand, societies that guarantee an acceptable
Chapter 4). -<-| PP. 114-77 level of income regardless of participation in
the labor market have less crime.
I Retreatism. In retreatism individuals re­
ject both the cultural goals and the institutional­ ▲ Evaluating Structural Strain Theory
ized means without substituting new norms. Merton's theory of structural strain tells us a
For example, skid row alcoholics, drug addicts, good deal about monetary crime (Sagarin,
vagabonds, and derelicts have dropped out of 1975) and particularly about how individual
society; they “are in society but not of it.” adaptations to variation and change in the struc­
ture of opportunities (i.e.. means) in society can
I Rebellion. Rebels reject both the cul­ influence rates of deviance and crime (Shoe­
tural goals and the institutionalized means maker, 2000). However, critics have pointed out
and substitute new norms for them. Such indi­ that not all deviance stems from gaps between
viduals withdraw their allegiance from exist­ goals and means (Cohen. 1965). As we will see,
ing social arrangements and transfer their loy­ people sometimes learn to deviate. If subcul­
alties to new groups with new ideologies. tural values and norms are different from those
Radical social movements on the right and in the mainstream, when people conform to
left, such as the militia movement and radical their subculture, they may be in violation of
socialism, are good illustrations of this type some important societal norms. Violations of
of adaptation. ___ fish and game laws among Native Americans,
common-law marriage among some ethnic mi­
▲ Applying Structural Strain Theory norities, cockfighting among some groups with
Sociologists have applied structural strain the­ southern rural backgrounds, and the production
ory to a variety of problems. In a classic study, of moonshine liquor among some Appalachian
Albert Cohen (1955) found that lower-class groups are all examples of such subcultural de­
boys often find themselves failing in middle­ viance. In sum, the problem may not be anomie
class school environments that reward verbal or structural strain but a conflict of values.
 Theories of Deviance 143

Cultural Transmission Theory ▲ Sutherland’s Theory of Differential

Association
Structural strain theory provides us with insight A classic statement of the cultural transmission
into how society may unwittingly contribute to of deviance is Edwin H. Sutherland’s differen­
deviance by the way it structures its goals and tial association theory. Sutherland (1939) was a
opportunities. A number of other sociologists sociologist associated with the Chicago tradi­
have emphasized the similarities between tion of sociology. His theory builds on the inter-
the way deviant behavior is acquired and the actionist perspective and emphasizes the part
way in which other behavior is acquired social interaction plays in molding people’s atti­
(Schwendinger and Schwendinger, 1985). One tudes and behavior. Sutherland said that individ­
of the first was French sociologist Gabriel uals learn deviance primarily in intimate groups
Tarde (1843-1904), who in the late 19th cen­ of deviant others, such as small groups of
tury formulated a theory of imitation to explain friends (Shoemaker, 2000). People learn not
deviance. Tarde, who had spent time as a only how to be deviant—for example, how to
provincial magistrate and director of criminal mug people, how to smoke marijuana, and how
statistics for the French Ministry of Justice, to apply graffiti—but also they learn attitudes
was impressed by the importance of imitation favorable to deviance. Of course, people who
in human behavior. He argued that criminals, are involved in deviant groups are also usually
like “good” people, imitate the ways of individ­ involved in more conventional relationships in
uals they have met, known, or heard about. In their families, at school, at work, in church, and
contrast to law-abiding people, however, they in other settings. Sutherland argued that if the
imitate other criminals. definitions favorable to deviance outweigh the
During the 1920s and 1930s, sociologists definitions unfavorable to deviance learned in
at the University of Chicago were struck by other situations, deviance is likely to occur.
the concentration of high delinquency rates in The differential association theory provides
some areas of Chicago (Thrasher, 1927; a sophisticated version of the old adage that
Shaw, 1930; Shaw and McKay, 1942; Samp­ “good companions make good children; bad
son and Groves, 1989). In a series of investi­ companions make bad children.” When parents
gations, they found that neighborhood delin­ move to a new neighborhood to get their children
quency rates remained much the same over away from gang influences, they are applying the
time despite the changing composition of the principle of differential association. So are parole
neighborhoods (Shoemaker, 2000). They con­ officers who try to restrict the associations of the
cluded that delinquent and criminal behaviors paroled prisoners they supervise. By the same
are in part a product of economic conditions, token, the theory suggests that imprisonment
but are also culturally transmitted from one may be counterproductive when juveniles are in­
generation of juveniles to the next. As new carcerated with experienced criminals.
ethnic groups enter a neighborhood, their
children learn the delinquent patterns from ▲ Applying Cultural Transmission
the youth already there. Hence, the Chicago Theory
sociologists contended that youths become Recent studies of differential association have
delinquent because they associate and make provided strong support for the theory (Mat-
friends with other juveniles who are already sueda, 1988; Shoemaker, 2000). Sociologist
delinquent. James Orcutt (1987), for example, found that
144 Deviance and Crime

▲ Evaluating Cultural Transmission

Theory
Cultural transmission theory shows that so­
cially disapproved behaviors can arise through
the same processes of socialization as socially
approved ones (Kaplan, Johnson, and Bailey,
1987). It is a particularly useful tool for under­
standing why deviance varies from group to
group and from society to society (Matsueda
and Heimer, 1987; Crane, 1991). However, the
theory is not applicable to some forms of de­
viance, particularly those in which neither the
techniques nor the appropriate definitions and
attitudes are acquired from other deviants. Il­
lustrations include naive check forgers; occa­
sional, incidental, and situational offenders;
nonprofessional shoplifters; non-career-type
criminals; and people who commit “crimes of
passion.” Further, not everyone who has de­
viant associates is deviant. Different individuals
may interpret the same social relationships dif­
ferently, producing different outcomes.
Although most of the emphasis in cultural
According to differential association transmission theory has been on how criminal
theory, deviant behavior occurs because behavior is learned from friends, relatives are
the definitions favorable to deviance probably also important. Most incarcerated ju­
outweigh unfavorable definitions. In the venile delinquents, and about a third of such
1960s, beat poet Allen Ginsberg and his adult offenders, have immediate family mem­
friends clearly did not share the bers who also have been in jail or prison. The
definitions of marijuana smoking more severe and chronic the criminal behavior,
common in mainstream society. the more likely that an offender has relatives
who have been imprisoned (Butterfield, 1992).
More research is needed to determine if this as­
having marijuana-smoking friends and favor­ sociation is due to learning (as cultural trans­
able attitudes about marijuana are strong pre­ mission theory suggests), to shared environ­
dictors of marijuana smoking. However, just as ment, to shared genetic inheritance, or to some
Sutherland’s theory suggests, favorable atti­ combination of these factors.
tudes lead to marijuana smoking only when
they are stronger than unfavorable attitudes. Conflict Theory
Matsueda and Heimer’s (1987) study showed
how being young and lower class and coming Cultural transmission theorists emphasize that
from a troubled family and a troubled neigh­ individuals who are immersed in different sub­
borhood are all associated with learning more cultures will exhibit somewhat different behav­
favorable attitudes toward delinquency, which iors because they are socialized in different tra­
in turn is a strong predictor of delinquency. ditions. Conflict theorists argue that the most
 Theories of Deviance 145

important question is, “Which group will be ist society.” Since the state serves the interests
able to translate its values into the rules of a so­ of the capitalist class, crime is ultimately a.
ciety and make these rules stick?” class-based political act embedded in capitalist
Although in recent decades the conflict ap­ social arrangements.
proach has taken many new directions (Hagan, In striving to maintain itself against the in­
1989; Messner and Krohn. 1990; Grant and Mar­ ternal contradictions eating away at its founda­
tinez, 1997), its early roots can be traced to the tions, capitalism commits crimes of domination
Marxist tradition and the conflict perspective that (Quinney, 1980:57). Indeed, “one of the contra­
i pp. 20-211-»> grew out of it (see Chapter 1). Ac­ dictions of capitalism is that some of its laws
cording to orthodox Marxism, a capitalist ruling must be violated in order to secure the existing
class exploits and robs the masses, yet avoids system.” These crimes include those committed
punishment for its crimes. Individuals victimized by corporations and range from price fixing to
by capitalist oppression are driven by their strug­ pollution of the environment. But there are also
gle to survive to commit acts that the ruling class crimes of government committed by the offi­
brands as criminal (Bonger, 1936; Liska and cials of the capitalist state, Watergate being a
Messner, 1999). Marxists regard other types of well-publicized instance. In contrast, much of
deviance—alcoholism, drug abuse, mental ill­ the criminal behavior of ordinary people, or
ness, family violence, sexual immorality, and predatory crime—burglary', robbery, drug deal­
prostitution—as products of the moral degenera­ ing, and hustling of various sorts—is “pursued
tion and estrangement fostered by the oppression out of the need to survive” in a capitalist social
and exploitation of the poor, women, and African order. Personal crime—murder, assault, and
Americans or other minorities. rape—is “pursued by those who are already
brutalized by the conditions of capitalism.” And
▲ Quinney’s Theory of Class, State, then there are crimes of resistance in which
and Crime workers engage in sloppy work and clandestine
Because Marx wrote little about crime, it fell to acts of sabotage against employers.
a 20th-century U.S. sociologist, Richard Quin­
ney (1974, 1980), to write a now-classic state­ ▲ Applying Conflict Theory
ment of the conflict theory of crime. Quinney Conflict theory has led social scientists to inves­
said that the U.S. legal system reflects the inter­ tigate the ways in which the making and admin­
ests and ideologies of the ruling capitalist class. istration of law are biased by powerful interests
Law makes illegal certain behavior that is of­ (Jacobs and Helms, 1996, 1997). Numerous so­
fensive to the morality of the powerful and that ciologists have noted that crime is defined pri­
threatens their privileges and property: marily in terms of offenses against property
(burglary, robbery, auto theft, and vandalism),
Law is the tool of the ruling class. Criminal law, whereas corporate crime is deemphasized
in particular, is a device made and used by the (Sutherland, 1949; Coleman, 1987). Moreover,
ruling class to preserve the existing order. In the the penalty for crimes against property is im­
United States, the state—and its legal system— prisonment, whereas the most common form of
exist to secure and perpetuate the capitalist in­ penalty for business-related offenses is a mone­
terests of the ruling class (Quinney, 1974:8). tary fine. In the most comprehensive study of its
kind, Clinard and Yeager (1980) found that over
Quinney (1980:39) contended that if we are “to a 2-year period, the federal government charged
understand crime we have to understand the de­ nearly two-thirds of the Fortune 500 corpora­
velopment of the political economy of capital­ tions (the 500 largest U.S. corporations) with
146 Deviance and Crime

violations of the law. Estimates of the yearly influence legislation and public policy about
cost of such crimes run as high as $200 billion, deviance, they do not necessarily predominate
compared with $3 to $4 billion a year for con­ over other interest groups (Hagan, 1980,
ventional street crimes (Clinard and Meier, 1989). Clearly, additional research is needed.
1995). This basic problem appears not to have Conflict propositions cannot be accepted as
improved over time (Clinard, 1990). In 1994, articles of faith but should be more clearly ar­
for example, at the end of a 7-year investigation ticulated and more carefully investigated.
the 10 largest defense contractors serving the
U.S. government were fined more than $250 Labeling Theory
million for engaging in fraud, and 54 corporate
employees involved were convicted of crimes Conflict theorists contend that people often find
(Clinard and Meier, 1995). And while the Fed­ themselves at odds with one another because
eral Bureau of Investigation (FBI) keeps track their interests diverge and their values clash.
of every murder, rape, assault, and auto theft re­ Some people gain the power and ascendancy to
ported in the United States, no agency keeps a translate their values and normative preferences
record of crimes committed by corporations into the rules governing institutional life. They
themselves. then successfully place negative labels on vio­
lators of these rules. A number of sociologists
▲ Evaluating Conflict Theory took this core notion, expanded on it using
Though there may be much in conflict theory ideas from the interactionist perspective, and
that is true (Liska and Messner, 1999), state­ developed labeling theory. Labeling theorists
ments of the theory are not always clear are interested in the process by which some in­
(Hawkins, 1987). In addition, it is sometimes dividuals come to be tagged as “deviants,”
hard to tell which specific individuals or begin to think of themselves as deviants, and
groups are covered by such terms as “ruling enter deviant careers.
elites,” “governing classes,” and “powerful in­
terests.” In addition, research results are not ▲ Edwin Lemert, Howard S. Becker,
always consistent with the theory. For exam­ and KaiT. Erikson: The Social
ple, the theory predicts that “When sanctions Reaction to Deviance Approach
are imposed, the most severe sanctions will The three sociologists responsible for making
be imposed on persons in the lowest social the classic statements of labeling theory—
class” (Chamblis and Seidman, 1971:475). Edwin M. Lemert (1951. 1972), Howard S.
Some studies have found few (Bernstein, Becker (1963), and Kai T. Erikson (1962,
Kelly, and Doyle, 1977) or no (Chiricos and 1966)—make a number of points. First, they
Waldo, 1975) links between the class level of contend that no act by itself is inherently crimi­
criminal offenders and the sentences received nal or noncriminal, deviant or not deviant. The
or between unemployment and incarceration “badness” of an act does not stem from its in­
(D’Alessio and Stolzenberg, 1995); other trinsic content but from the way other people
studies have found the relationship to be sub­ define and react to it. Deviance is always a
stantial (Lizotte, 1978; Bridges, Crutchfield, matter of social definition.
and Simpson, 1987); and still others have Second, labeling theorists point out that we
found that the relationship depends on spe­ all engage in deviant behavior by violating some
cific circumstances (Hagan. Bernstein, and norms. They reject the popular idea that human
Albonetti, 1980; Humphrey and Fogarty, beings can be divided into those who are normal
1987). Although corporations often seek to and those who are pathological. For example.
 Theories of Deviance 147

some of us exceed the speed limit, experiment particular kind of deviant and organize their
with cocaine, shoplift, cheat on a homework as­ lives around this master status.
signment, sample homosexual publications, un­ Fifth, people labeled “deviant” typically
derreport our income to income tax authorities, find themselves rejected and isolated by “law-
swim in the nude, become intoxicated, commit abiding” people. Friends and relatives may
vandalism in celebration of a football victory, or withdraw from them. In some cases they may
trespass on private property. Labeling theorists even be institutionalized in prisons or mental
call these actions primary deviance—behavior hospitals. Rejection and isolation push stigma­
that violates social norms but usually goes unno­ tized individuals toward a deviant group with
ticed by the agents of social control. other individuals who share a common fate.
Third, labeling theorists say that whether Participation in a deviant subculture becomes a
people’s acts will be seen as deviant depends way of coping with frustrating situations and for
both on what they do and on what other people finding emotional support and personal accep­
do about it. In short, deviance depends on which tance. In turn, joining a deviant group solidifies
rules society chooses to enforce, in which situa­ a deviant self-image, fosters a deviant lifestyle,
tions, and with respect to which people. Not all and weakens ties to the law-abiding community.
individuals are arrested for speeding, shoplift­ In sum, labeling theorists say that the socie­
ing, underreporting income on their tax returns, tal response to an act, not the behavior itself, de­
trespassing, or the like. African Americans may termines deviance. When the behavior of people
be censured for doing what whites are “al­ is seen as departing from prevailing norms, it
lowed” to do, women censured for doing what sets off a chain of social reactions. Other indi­
men are “allowed” to do, certain individuals viduals define, evaluate, and label the behavior.
censured for doing what their friends are also Norm violators then take these labels into ac­
doing, and some may be labeled as deviants count as they shape their actions. In many cases
even though they have not violated a norm but they evolve an identity consistent with a label
simply because they are so accused (e.g., they and embark upon a career of deviance.
appear “effeminate” and are tagged as “gay”).
Of critical importance is the social audience and ▲ Applying Labeling Theory
whether or not it labels the person a deviant. Unlike structural strain and cultural transmission
Fourth, labeling people as deviants has theory, labeling theory does not focus on why
consequences for them. It tends to set up condi­ some individuals engage in deviant behavior.
tions conducive to secondary deviance— Rather, labeling theory helps us to understand
deviance individuals adopt in response to the why the same act may or may not be considered
reactions of other individuals. In brief, labeling deviant, depending on the situation and the char­
theorists contend that new deviance is manu­ acteristics of the individuals who are involved.
factured by the hostile reactions of rule makers Sociologist William J. Chambliss, (1973)
and rule abiders. An individual is publicly iden­ employed labeling theory tn explain the differ­
tified, stereotyped, and denounced as a “delin­ ing perceptions and definitions that community
quent,” “mental fruitcake,” “forger,” “rapist,” members-had of the, behavior of two teenage
“drug addict,” “bum,” “pervert,” or “criminal.” gangs. At Hanibal High School, Chambliss ob­
The label serves to lock the individual into an served the activities of the Saints, a gang of
outsider status. Such a master status overrides eight white upper-class boys, and the Rough­
other statuses in shaping a person’s social expe­ necks, a gang of six lower-class white boys. Al­
riences and results in a self-fulfilling prophecy. though the Saints engaged in as many delin­
Rule breakers come to accept their status as a quent acts as the Roughnecks, it was the
 5.2 DOING SOCIAI RFSFARCH

What Explains College Binge Drinking?

Close to half of the college And for those who live in college athletes are more likely
students who drink say that fraternity or sorority houses, than other students to have
they usually binge when they the percentage of binge friends who are binge drinkers,
drink—five drinks at a sitting for drinking is even higher who value partying and sports,
males, four for females—and (Wechsler, Lee et al., 2000). and who spend a great deal of
that getting drunk is a good Differential association is even time socializing.
reason for drinking (Wechsler, more important for underage What about control
Lee et al., 2000). Why is binge drinkers, who are six times theory? Students who are
drinking so common among more likely to binge drink if married are far less likely to
college students? No carefully they live in a fraternity or binge drink, and control theory
designed studies have been sorority house than if they live explains this by pointing to the
done to answer this question, in a traditional single-sex process of commitment.
but available evidence supports dormitory (Wechsler, Kuo et People who are married have
both control theory and al., 2000). Fraternal strongly invested in social
differential association theory. organizations are not the only relationships that could be
Let’s look at differential social contexts that facilitate threatened, damaged, or
association first. In spite of excessive drinking in college. destroyed by deviant behavior
some recent attempts at Despite being exposed to more such as binge drinking.
change, many campus alcohol education programs No one theory provides a
fraternal organizations seem to than other students are, complete explanation for
encourage excessive drinking student athletes—both male deviance, and survey data such
(Sperber, 2000). As we can and female—are significantly as that presented here leave us
see from the figure, students more likely to binge drink than with many unanswered
who are members of are nonathletes (Nelson et al., questions. Do students drink
fraternities and sororities are 2001). A primary reason for excessively because they live in
much more likely to binge drink this, consistent with differential fraternities and sororities, or do
than are students in general. association theory, is that they choose to live in fraternities

Roughnecks who were in “constant trouble” less visible to Hanibal citizens than those under­
and universally considered to be “delinquent.” taken by the Roughnecks in the center of town.
The community, the school, and the police re­ For another, when the Saints were confronted
lated to the Saints as though they were good, with an accusing police officer, they were
upstanding youths with bright futures, but they apologetic and penitent, whereas the Rough­
treated the Roughnecks as young punks headed necks were hostile and belligerent. Finally, po­
for trouble. lice officers knew that irate and influential
A number of factors contributed to the dif­ upper-middle-class parents would come to the
ferential treatment given the two groups. For aid of their youngsters, whereas powerless
one thing, the Saints had access to automobiles lower-class parents would have to acquiesce in
and engaged in out-of-town escapades that were the law’s definition of their son’s behavior.
148
and sororities because they like little or no alcohol more likely to and college students at several
to drink? Do married students marry? Carefully designed points in time might help us sort
drink less because they are experiments or surveys that out these questions with more
married, or are those who drink collect data from high school certainty.

Social Contexts of Binge Drinking

among U.S. College Students

Involvement

Chambliss (1973) concludedthaL whe-fl ▲ Evaluating Labeling Theory

Evidence on the operations of social control or­
as~boys in trouble, the boys' pattern of de - ganizations often supports labeling theory.
viancy was reinforced. As their self-conception From 1880 to 1920, unprecedented numbers of
as deviants became more firmly entrenched, Americans were confined to mental hospitals.
they began to try new and more extreme acts But the labeling perspective showed that this
of deviance. Their growing alienation led to was not due to Americans becoming suddenly
greater disrespect and hostility, which in- mad, but rather was caused by a boom in state
creased the community’s negative attitude to­ mental hospital construction and increased
wgrithem. funding of state departments of mental hygiene
149
150 Deviance and Crime

(Grob, 1983; Sutton, 1991). The capacity to within a narrow and predictable pattern. Most
confine people had increased. of us conform most of the time; even “de­
Research also shows that once people are viants” conform most of the time. Such rigid
hospitalized for mental illness, some feel stigma­ control is particularly remarkable given that the
tized by the label “mental patient,” and this may possibilities for human behavior are virtually
make reintegration into the world outside the infinite, limited only by physical laws and peo­
hospital more difficult (Link et al., 1989, 1991). ple’s imaginations.
Labeling theory also has its critics. While Control theory’s answer to why people
it may help us understand how individuals are conform is an outgrowth of functionalist ideas.
labeled as deviants and how labels can pro­ People conform because they are integrated
mote secondary deviance, labeling theory tells into mainstream institutions. Societies that have
us little about the initial causes of deviant be­ properly functioning institutions will have low
havior. Indeed, in many forms of deviance it is deviance.
the behavior or condition of the people them­
selves that is primarily responsible for their ▲ Travis Hirschi and the Elements
being labeled deviant. For example, a vast ma­ of the Social Bond
jority of people who are hospitalized for men­ Travis Hirschi’s study (1969) of juvenile delin­
tal illness suffer acute disturbance associated quency in Richmond, California, provided a
with internal psychological or neurological classic statement of control theory. Hirschi’s ar­
malfunctioning (Gove, 1970) that cannot be gument is that young people are more likely to
explained solely in terms of the reactions of conform if their bond to society is strong. This
other people. bond has four parts: attachment, involvement,
Another criticism of labeling theory is its commitment, and belief.
almost exclusive focus on societal reactions in Attachment is the process of being involved
the definition of deviant behavior. If behavior is in social relationships with others. All social re­
not deviance unless it is labeled, we cannot lationships entail some degree of control for all
classify secret and undetected deviance, such as participants. Control is more likely where the
the embezzlement of funds, the failure to pay psychological and emotional connections
income taxes, and the clandestine sexual mo­ among group members are high and members
lestation of children. Clearly, deviance cannot care about one another’s opinions (Shoemaker,
be understood without reference to norms. 2000). Being involved in a family, having
friends in the community, and being a member
of a club are all examples of attachments that
Control Theory reduce the chance that deviance will occur.
The theories discussed above are all attempts to By involvement, Hirschi meant involve­
explain why people deviate. Control theory ment in conventional activities. One way to
turns the question around and asks why people keep people from being deviant is to get them
do not deviate (Reckless, 1961, 1967; Hirschi, to spend their time conforming. Boy Scouts,
1969; Shoemaker, 2000). Though we are fre­ Girl Scouts, youth fellowship, band, and athlet­
quently concerned that there is too much de­ ics are only a few of the myriad activities that
viance in our society, what is truly remarkable parents, schools, religious organizations, and
is how much conformity there is. As you walk neighborhood associations create to take up the
to and attend class each day, your behavior and leisure time of children and adolescents. A
that of others around you almost always fits main purpose of these activities is to provide an
 Theories of Deviance 151

alternative to drug and alcohol use, sexual ac­ that murder is wrong, but fewer people would
tivity, vandalism, and crime. argue strongly that smoking marijuana is
Commitment refers to the strength of the wrong. Religion does control deviant behavior,
investment people have made in conventional and its effect is clearly seen where competing
social ties and relationships. People who have secular controls are weak (Tittle and Welch,
strong commitments in their social lives are 1983; Burkett and White, 1974).
not likely to deviate because of the losses they Most studies of the family and deviant be­
may incur if they are identified as deviant. A havior have been concerned with young people.
student who aspires to become a police officer These studies have shown that intact families
and who has earned the trust and respect of and good family relations decrease the chances
teachers, school administrators, and local law of delinquent behavior among youths (Shoe­
enforcement officials is unlikely to become a maker, 2000). However, the effect of intact
drug dealer; she would risk losing the benefits families is relatively weak and has not been
of the investments she has made in pursuit of found in all studies. The more important factor
her career. is not family structure (broken versus intact),
Finally, the bond to society is cemented by but the way parents communicate and get along
belief in conventional values and ideas about with their children (Yablonsky and Haskell,
morality. The less people believe in the conven­ 1988; Cemkovich and Giordano, 1987).
tional values of society, the more likely it is that Involvement in schooling controls deviant
deviance will occur. If young people do not be­ behavior not only because it takes up people’s
lieve in the conventional idea that having a job time in conventional pursuits, but also because
or running a legitimate business is the accept­ it promotes conventional attachments, commit­
able way to make money, they are more likely ment, and beliefs. Hirschi (1969) found that at­
to attempt to get money in criminal ways. tachment to school and having positive rela­
tionships with teachers reduced the chance of
▲ Applying Control Theory delinquency. More recent studies continue to
Because the essence of control theory is that find a positive influence in schools. Cemkovich
people will be less likely to deviate if they are and Giordano (1992) found that attachment and
integrated into mainstream institutions, much commitment to school reduced delinquency, al­
research on control theory has focused on the though this effect was somewhat less among
controlling power of three primary social insti­ black males. Zingraff’s 1994 study showed that
tutions: religion, the family, and education schooling is an important deterrent to delin­
(Shoemaker, 2000). quency even when family relations are poor or
Somewhat surprisingly, a number of stud­ abusive. And Crutchfield and Pitchford (1997)
ies have found that religion seems to have little showed that among people 18 years and over,
or no impact on deviant behavior (Jensen and being a student reduces the likelihood of crimi­
Rojek, 1992; Hirschi and Stark, 1969). The rea­ nal involvement.
son is not that religion is ineffective in social
control, but that religion is only one of a num­ ▲ Evaluating Control Theory
ber of social institutions involved in controlling Though much of the research on deviance and
behavior and therefore it is hard to see its im­ delinquency is in accord with control theory
pact. It is easier to see the controlling effect of (Shoemaker, 2000), some problems remain.
religion where there is low consensus about the First, the social bond does not control deviance
deviant nature of acts; nearly everyone agrees equally well across social groups (Cemkovich
152 Deviance and Crime

and Giordano. 1992: Gardner and Shoemaker.

1989) or as well in other societies as in the Crime and the Criminal
United States (Rahav. 1976: Tanioka and
Glaser. 1991: Hartjen and Kethineini. 1993). Justice System
Second, factors other than the bond to society
are clearly important: even the best studies Within modem societies, law is a crucial ele­
show that no more than 50 percent of delin­ ment in social control. Unlike informal norms
quent behavior is explained by factors empha­ such as folkways and mores, laws are rules en­
sized in control theory (Shoemaker, 2000). forced by the state. As we defined it at the be­
Third, in some circumstances elements of the ginning of the chapter, deviance is behavior that
social bond are not associated with reduced de­ a considerable number of people view as repre­
viance. For example, as differential association hensible and beyond the limits of tolerance.
theory indicates, when attachment is to delin­ Crime is an act of deviance that is prohibited
quent peers, we observe more deviance. In­ by law. As w e have seen, not all deviant acts are
volvement in conventional activities likewise is crimes: they may break rules defined only by
not related to less deviance if it allows unstruc­ folkways and mores. As with other forms of de­
tured time with no authority present (Osgood et viance. there is nothing inherent in an act that
al.. 1996). as members of traveling high school makes it criminal. For an act to be considered
marching bands and athletic teams often attest. criminal, the state must undertake a political
Indeed, the National Longitudinal Study of process of illegalizing—or criminalizing—it.
Adolescent Health, the largest-ever national Because anything can be a crime if a law is es­
study of adolescents, showed that spending un­ tablished making it illegal, an infinite variety of
supervised time with friends is much more acts can be crimes.
closely linked to drinking, smoking, using What crimes have in common is not that
weapons, attempting suicide, and having sex they are necessarily acts we regard as immoral
than are race, income, or family structure or wicked. For example, many Americans con­
(Stepp. 2000: see also Blum et al.. 2000). Fi­ sider it no more “evil” to cheat on their income
nally. control theory cannot explain deviance taxes than did their parents or grandparents to
that occurs among those who are fully inte­ purchase and consume illegal alcoholic bever­
grated into mainstream society. Those impli­ ages during Prohibition. Rather, the distin­
cated in the deviant acts of white-collar, corpo­ guishing property of crime is that people w ho
rate. and government crime are often the violate the law are liable to be arrested, tried,
employed, married, churchgoing, respectable pronounced guilty, and deprived of their lives,
middle class. liberty, or property. In brief, they are likely to
None of the sociological perspectives we become caught up in the elaborate social ma­
have examined provides a complete explana­ chinery of the criminal justice system—the
tion of deviant behavior. Each one highlights reactive agencies of the state that include the
for us an important source of deviance. De­ police, the courts, and prisons. So common are
viant behavior takes many forms, so we must “scrapes with the law” that U.S. men have
approach each form in its own right to deter­ nearly a 50 percent chance of being arrested at
mine the specific factors involved. We turn least once in their lives (Uggen. 2000).
next to a consideration of crime, a form of de­ In this section we will describe various
viance that is particularly prevalent in modem forms of crime and discuss the measurement of
societies. crime. We will examine the relationship between
 Crime and the Criminal Justice System 153

drugs and crime and consider the criminal be­ tween 1993 and 1998. rapes and sexual assaults
havior of women. Finally, we will describe the fell by 40 percent, assaults by 25 percent, and
components of the criminal justice system and property crimes by 32 percent.
take a look at the purposes of imprisonment. These decreases in violent crime during the
1990s represent a greater decline than at any
Forms of Crime time since World War II and resulted in many
headlines and discussions on television talk
In this section we will consider a number of shows. While significant, the rates of decline
forms of crime within the United States: violent during the 1990s were not as great as the rates
crime, juvenile crime, organized crime, white­ of increase experienced during the 1960s and
collar and corporate crime, crime committed by early 1970s (LaFree, 1999). Nevertheless, it is
government, and victimless crime. useful to think about why crime rates had such
a steady decline and about whether the decline
▲ Violent and Property Crime is likely to continue.
The Federal Bureau of Investigation annually
Pinpointing the causes of crime trends
reports on eight types of crime in its Uniform
(“booms” and “busts”) is difficult because the
Crime Reports. These offenses are called index
kinds of data necessary to draw such conclu­
crimes and consist of four categories of violent
sions have not been collected over a long
crime against people—murder, rape, robbery,
enough time period. But various ideas have
and assault—and four categories of crimes
been put forward (LaFree, 1999):
against property—burglary, theft, motor vehicle
theft, and arson. The United States is not very • Just after World War II, the United States
different from other Western societies in terms experienced both a strong economy and a
of general crime rates; it is in the high levels of low, stable crime rate. The falling poverty
violent crime that the United States is distinc­ rates and low unemployment of the 1990s
tive (see Box 5.3). may similarly have contributed to a decline
Data on index crimes released in 2000 in violent crime.
showed that crime continued to decline in the
• Growing family stability and the lack of
United States throughout the 1990s (U.S. De­
growth of illegal drug markets also have
partment of Justice, 2000). In 1998 there were
been linked to the crime bust of the 1990s.
17,450 murders in the United States. The rate
of murder and manslaughter combined was 6.6 • Changes in policing may or may not have
per 100,000 people, the lowest rate in more helped control crime. While violent crime
than a quarter century. has decreased dramatically in cities that
The FBI reported a total of 14.5 million have implemented community policing
crimes for 1998, the lowest rate since 1973. Vi­ programs and other innovative policing
olent crimes in the United States decreased to strategies, it also has decreased in cities
254 per 100,000 people, and property crimes that have not.
dropped to 695 per 100,000. The forcible rape • Substantial increases in incarceration rates
rate was the lowest since 1971. Burglaries were have almost certainly dampened crime rates.
the fewest in more than 25 years; robberies By 1995 the number of men involved in
have been dropping steadily since 1991; and some form of criminal justice system cor­
motor vehicle and other thefts have been falling rection was greater than the total number of
as well (U.S. Department of Justice, 2000). Be­ unemployed men in the United States.
 _________________ SJlSOClOLOGY AROUND THE WORLD
The United States Is Not More Criminal
than Other Countries, Just More Violent
The United States has a resulted from robbery or use lethal violence to control
reputation for crime, and it's burglary in London, while New the market and make huge
true that its violent crime rate York City property crimes led profits. But the authors point
is higher than that of Western to a whopping 378 deaths. out that while Australia has
Europe or Australia. But the Assault statistics are similar. drug laws similar to those in
rate of property crime in the Firearms are used in 1 percent the United States, drug-related
United States—thefts and of assault cases in London deaths are 60 times higher in
burglaries—is similar to or and in 26 percent of New York Los Angeles than in Sydney.
lower than the rate of property City assaults. The influence of television
crime in other industrialized Guns do not answer the and other media is often
nations. It is homicide and question entirely, however. In invoked as an explanation for
robbery, which involves the robberies where no guns are high rates of violent crime, but
threat of violence, that make used, the death rate is three Wilson cites historical
the crime rate in the United times higher in New York City evidence that shows that “the
States skyrocket above rates than in London. Zimring and homicide rate in New York City
in other countries. Hawkins point out that firearms has exceeded that of London
The question has to be are “neither a necessary nor a by a factor of at least five for
more specific: Why does the sufficient cause of violent the last two hundred years”
United States have such a death”; in the United States, (Wilson, 1997:41)—during
high violent crime rate? Social 30 percent of homicides do not which, of course. America’s
scientists Franklin Zimring and involve a gun. They suggest youth were not watching crime
Gordon Hawkins explore the that violent crime is higher in shows on TV.
question in their 1997 book America because people are The answers boil down to
Crime Is Not the Problem: more likely to have more two major contributors: lots of
Lethal Violence in America. frequent and more violent guns and lots of conflicts. A
One answer they suggest is personal conflicts than in other change in America’s violent
that Americans are more countries. Some have argued crime rate would have to
heavily armed than citizens of that restrictive drug laws in the address both those problems.
other nations, so that property United States create an
crimes are more likely to lead enormously lucrative illegal Source: James Q. Wilson, 1997.
to death. In 1992, crime market in drugs that in turn Hostility in America, New
reports show, only 7 deaths creates a powerful motive to Republic (August 25): 38-Al.

The FBI crime report sheds light on how one percent of all murders were precipitated by
crimes occur. For example, more than 50 per­ arguments, and 19 percent were associated with
cent of 1996 murder victims knew their as­ robbery, arson, and other crimes. Firearms were
sailants. Thirty percent of the female murder the weapons used in 70 percent of all murders.
victims in 1996 were killed by boyfriends or Table 5.1 provides Justice Department statistics
husbands, and 3 percent of the male murder vic­ on victims of crime by gender, age. race, ethnic­
tims were killed by girlfriends or wives. Thirty- ity. income, and place of residence.

154
 Crime and the Criminal Justice System 155

Table 5.1 Crime Victimization Rates, 1998 ▲ Juvenile Crime

Young people are more likely to commit crime
than others (Hirschi and Gottfredson, 1983).
Victims per 1,000 Persons*
Though persons 13 to 18 years of age represent
only 8.2 percent of the population, they consti­
Gender
tute 23.2 percent of those arrested for commit­
Male 43
ting crimes (U.S. Department of Justice, 2000).
Female 30 The peak age for property crime is 16 and 17 and
Age for violent crime 18 (U.S. Department of Justice,
12-15 82 2000). If we could prevent all crimes committed
16-19 91 by persons under 25 years of age, this would
20-24 67 eliminate most conventional crimes from society,
25-34 42 though we would still have many white-collar
35-49 30 crimes and about half of the homicides.
50-64 15 According to the U.S. Department of Jus­
65+ 3 tice (1999), juvenile involvement in violent
Race
crime has increased over the past several
decades. For example, the number of persons
White 36
under 18 years of age who were arrested for
Black 42
murder increased by 150 percent between 1985
Other 28 and 1994. Juvenile offenses increased steadily
Ethnicity between 1986 and 1996 in all categories but vi­
Hispanic 33 olent crime, where they dropped slightly from
Non-Hispanic 37 1995 to 1996 (U.S. Census Bureau, 1999). In­
Family income creasing violence in schools is of particular
Less than $7,500 64 concern. The National School Board Associa­
$7,500-$ 14,999 49 tion surveyed more than 700 school districts in
$15,000-$24,999 39 1993, and 82 percent reported that student in­
$25,000-$34,999 42 volvement in assaults, fistfights, knifings, and
shootings had “increased significantly” or “in­
$35,000-$49,999 32
creased somewhat” in the preceding 5 years
$50,000-$74,999 32
(Henry, 1994). More than 70 percent of survey
$75,000+ 33
respondents indicated the following as “very
Residence important” as a cause for increased school vio­
Urban 46 lence: a breakdown in the American family, in­
Suburban 36 creased use of drugs and alcohol, easy avail­
Rural 28 ability of weapons, and a growth in youth
gangs (U.S. Department of Justice, 2000).
These crime victimization rates for rape, sexual It is clear that the present system of juve­
assault, robbery, and assault show that victims of nile justice has encountered substantial failures
violent crime are more likely to be male, black, either in deterring violent crime by the young
poor, urban, and young. or in rehabilitating young criminals. Critics
Source: Bureau of Justice Statistics, 1999. Sourcebook of
point to statistics by some researchers showing
Criminal Justice Statistics, 1999. Washington, DC: U.S. that about 7 percent of young offenders are re­
Department of Justice. sponsible for up to three-quarters of the violent
* Rates are calculated per 1,000 population ages 12 and
older.
156 Deviance and Crime

crimes committed by juveniles (Tracy. Wolf­ misrepresentation of advertising, restraint of

gang. and Figlio, 1990). trade, and infringement of patents. More recent
research has focused on workplace misconduct
▲ Organized Crime at a different level, including such things as
Organized crime refers to large-scale bureau­ drinking or doing drugs on the job, short­
cratic organizations that provide illegal goods changing customers, damaging or stealing em­
and services in public demand. Such crime is ployers’ property, and falsifying time records
likely to arise where the state criminalizes cer­ (Wright and Cullen. 2000).
tain activities—prostitution, drugs, pornogra­ White-collar crime costs society just as
phy, gambling, and loan-sharking—that large other crimes do, and we are more likely to be
numbers of citizens desire and for which they victims of corporate crime than of street crime
are willing to pay. Drug and arms trafficking by (Simon and Eitzen, 1993). During 1997 alone,
major crime organizations is the largest business the FBI had 5.700 financial-institution fraud
in the world, bringing in between $700 billion and failure cases pending (U.S. Department of
and $1 trillion a year (Adler et al., 1998). Justice, 1999).
The most publicized crime organization Bank and insurance frauds are common­
has been an Italian-American syndicate, vari­ place; taxpayers are still paying off the cost of
ously termed the Mafia or Cosa Nostra, which the savings and loan industry collapse of the
gained a substantial impetus from Prohibition. 1980s—$500 billion according to the U.S.
The Mafia seems to be a loose network or con­ General Accounting Office (Calavita. Tillman,
federation of regional syndicates coordinated and Pontell. 1997), or nearly $2,000 for every
by a “commission” composed of the heads of adult and child in the United States.
the most powerful crime “families” (Cressey, Corporations have been implicated in a va­
1969: Behar. 1990: Raab. 1990: Tittle and Pa­ riety of crimes, including overcharging the gov­
ternoster. 2000). Organized crime is hardly an ernment on contracts, polluting the environ­
Italian monopoly (Tittle and Paternoster, 2000). ment, shortchanging consumers, violating
Chinese gangs, Colombian and Cuban drug employee privacy, price-rigging school milk
rings, and groups of southern white moonshin­ contracts, disposing of hazardous waste in vio­
ers also fall under the category of organized lation of the law. adulterating fruit juice, and
crime. Although we may associate organized engaging in accounting irregularities (Clinard.
crime with various immigrant groups, it is not 1990: Rothchild. 1993).
the case that immigration is tied to higher The U.S. criminal justice system is ill-
crime. For example. Hispanic immigrants are equipped to deal with white-collar and corpo­
less involved in crime than are U.S. citizens rate crime (Wheeler. Mann, and Sarat. 1988:
(Hagan and Palloni, 1999). Shapiro, 1990). A stock or insurance fraud is
typically complex and difficult to unravel.
▲ White-Collar and Corporate Crime Changes in the corporate world can result in
One type of crime that has been of particular new varieties of white-collar crime, such as the
interest to sociologists is white-collar crime— theft of employee health benefits that emerged
crime most commonly committed by relatively in the wake of corporate restructuring (Tillman
affluent persons, often in the course of business and Indergaard. 1999). Local law enforcement
activities (Sutherland, 1949). Included in officials commonly lack the skills and resources
white-collar crime are corporate crime, fraud, necessary to tackle crimes outside the sphere of
embezzlement, corruption, bribery, tax fraud or street crime. Federal agencies will handle only
evasion, stock manipulation, insider trading. the more serious white-collar and corporate
 Crime and the Criminal Justice System 157

crimes. Many crimes committed in the course of “Government” is, of course, made up of
business by persons of upper socioeconomic people, and those people are at least as likely to
status are handled by quasi-judicial bodies. As a be involved in white-collar crime as those em­
result, many businesspeople are able to avoid ployed in the private sector. Similarly, illegali­
being stigmatized as criminals. ties with respect to civil rights and equal oppor­
The small number of white-collar criminals tunity employment are not uncommon. At the
who are prosecuted and convicted are rarely municipal level, the 1993 beating of black mo­
given sentences comparable to those of other torist Rodney King by Los Angeles police drew
criminals. Street criminals who steal $100 may attention to the violence and racism of the po­
find their way to prison, while an executive lice departments of many large cities (Skolnick
who embezzles $1 million may receive a sus­ and Fife, 1993).
pended sentence and a relatively small fine. Bribery and corruption have been docu­
mented at all levels of government. The illegal
▲ Crime Committed by Government dumping of toxic materials, prostitution, gam­
Conflict theorists have drawn our attention to bling, drug running, smuggling of valuable
crime committed by governments (Barak, goods from other countries, and a variety of
1991). Nazi Germany provides an extreme ex­ other crimes often occur because officials at
ample: More than 6 million Jews were mur­ various levels find it worth their while to “look
dered during the Holocaust of the Hitler years the other way.” While fraud and embezzlement
(Dawidowicz, 1975). More recently, other gov­ are significant costs to society, when they occur
ernments have participated in “ethnic cleansing” in government bureaucracies the money comes
and murdered citizens who were the “wrong” directly out of taxpayers’ pockets. As with
religion or ethnic background. The U.S. govern­ white-collar and corporate crime, those in­
ment massacred countless Native Americans volved in government crime are less likely than
during the colonization of the country; even as “street criminals” to be caught and punished
late as 1890, U.S. Army forces armed with ma­ despite the fact that their crimes probably cost
chine guns mowed down nearly 300 Sioux at us more.
Wounded Knee, South Dakota (Brown, 1971).
But there are other sorts of government ▲ Victimless Crime
crimes. At the federal level, the Iran-contra A victimless crime is an offense in which no
scandal during President Reagan’s term showed one involved is considered a victim (Schur,
that operatives of the nation’s security organi­ 1965). These crimes include gambling, the sale
zations engaged in secret arms shipments to the and use of illicit drugs, and prohibited sexual
Nicaraguan contra rebels during the years that relationships between consenting adults (e.g.,
Congress barred aid to them. The Oval Office prostitution and, in some states, fornication and
tapes of the Richard Nixon White House re­ homosexuality). Usually a crime has an identi­
vealed a president bent on victimizing his ene­ fiable victim who suffers as a result of another
mies by using his presidential powers illegally. person’s criminal behavior. But in victimless
The accusations of perjury against President crime, if there is any suffering, it is by the of­
Clinton with regard to his testimony about a re­ fenders themselves. The behavior is criminal­
lationship with White House intern Monica ized because society, or powerful groups within
Lewinski consumed much of his second term in a society, defines the behavior as immoral.
office. Today’s students have grown up with at Paradoxically, then, laws prohibiting victimless
least one well-publicized scandal for every offenses can result in more crime than there
presidential administration. would be in the absence of such laws. The
158 Deviance and Crime

Eighteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitu­ What accounts for the public’s apparent
tion created much victimless crime by making reluctance to report crime? With property
the sale of alcohol illegal (Woodiwiss, 1988) in crimes, the most common response is that the
the same way that sodomy laws criminalize crime was not reported because the offender
some voluntary sexual activities. was unsuccessful. People also say they don’t
There are those who argue that victimless report crimes to the police because they re­
crime involves acts that are private matters and ported to another official (14 percent), be­
thus are not rightfully the concern of govern­ cause the matter wasn’t important enough
ment or other people. But others argue that (7 percent), or because they felt the police
some acts are “inherently evil” and justify pub­ would not want to be bothered (5 percent)
lic action in the same manner that those op­ (U.S. Department of Justice, 2000). Other re­
posed to rape, theft, murder, and incest under­ search shows that whether citizens report
take to impose their moral standards on society. crimes depends primarily on how serious they
perceive the crime to be, and there is consid­
Measuring Crime erable evidence that the Uniform Crime Re­
ports are valid indicators of serious crimes as
How do we know how many crimes are com­ defined by the citizenry (Gove, Hughes, and
mitted in the United States? Statistics on crime Geerken, 1985).
are among the most unsatisfactory of all social Self-report-based measures of crime, in­
data (Biderman and Lynch, 1991). Official volving anonymous questionnaires that ask peo­
crime records suffer from numerous limitations ple which offenses they have committed, also
(Tittle and Paternoster, 2000). First, a large pro­ reveal much higher rates of crime than those
portion of the crimes that are committed go un­ found in official crime statistics. For instance,
detected; others are detected but not reported; studies of juvenile crimes show that many
and still others are reported but not officially youngsters of all social classes break some
recorded when police officers and politicians criminal laws, and that the amount of unre­
manipulate their reports to show low crime ported crime is enormous (Regoli and Hewitt,
rates for political purposes. Second, percep­ 2000; Tittle and Paternoster, 2000).
tions of crime vary from community to com­ The Uniform Crime Reports focus on
munity; what is viewed as a serious crime by a crimes that are most likely to be committed by
citizen of a small town may be shrugged off by young people and individuals from lower so­
a big-city resident as an unpleasant bit of cioeconomic backgrounds. Statistics on many
everyday life. Two main data sources are used categories of crime, such as white-collar, gov­
by researchers who study violent crime trends: ernment, and organized crime, are not routinely
the Uniform Crime Reports (UCR), collated by compiled. Additionally, some cases of criminal
the FBI, and the National Crime Victimization offenses, such as income tax evasion and fraud,
Survey (NCVS), collected by the Bureau of are unlikely to be reported in victimization
Justice Statistics (LaFree, 1999; Federal Bu­ studies.
reau of Investigation, 2000). The rates of vari­
ous crimes in the United States are substan­ Drugs and Crime
tially higher according to the NCVS than the
UCR, which are based on reports to police. Jus­ Drugs have been part of American life since the
tice Department studies reveal that less than Jamestown colonists first harvested tobacco in
half of all crimes are reported to the police. 1611; cocaine and heroin use took root as long
 Crime and the Criminal Justice System 159

ago as the 1890s (Musto, 1987). There’s an ob­ Many argue that continuing to arrest people
vious connection between drugs and crime: for drug violations is not the answer; the coun­
Selling, using, and possessing illegal drugs are try lacks the facilities to imprison violators. Per­
crimes, and drug involvement often leads to haps more importantly, there is strong evidence
other sorts of crime. A significant proportion of that drug addiction is a brain disease. Imprison­
violent offenders are either drug suppliers ing addicted criminals without treating their dis­
fighting over territorial rights or drug abusers ease is futile; once out of prison, they will seek
seeking the means to feed their habit. For older drugs and return to crime (Leshner, 1997).
adolescents, drug dealing is one of two primary There are many proposals for dealing with
determinants of illegal gun carrying (Lizotte et drug abuse, including continued prohibition, re­
al., 2000). In 1997, more than half of state moving penalties for possession of drugs (de­
prison inmates reported being under the influ­ penalization), and legalizing distribution of
ence of drugs or alcohol at the time of their of­ drugs (legalization). Some argue that depenal­
fense (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000). Overall, il­ ization and legalization would decrease crime
legal drugs account for approximately $50 rates. Marijuana has been depenalized in Italy,
billion in criminal income (MacCoun and Spain, and the Netherlands, and the Dutch have
Reuter, 1997). adopted a formal policy of nonenforcement for
The link between drugs and crime is com­ sales of limited amounts of cannabis (MacCoun
plicated by the fact that society defines which and Reuter, 1997). But U.S. citizens do not
drugs are legal and normative and which are il­ support legalizing even a “soft” drug such as
legal and deviant. Approximately half the marijuana. In 1999, only 29 percent of survey
adults in the United States have used illegal respondents said they were for legalizing mari­
drugs or used prescription drugs without a juana. Even among those aged 18 to 29, the
physician’s prescription in their lifetime “nays” outweighed the “yeas.” Among college
(Warner et al., 1995), making half of the popu­ freshmen, the percent supporting legalization
lation criminals in that sense. But significantly has risen from 17 in 1989 to 34 in 1999 (U.S.
less than half the population is involved in seri­ Department of Justice, 2000).
ous drug-related crime. On the other hand, Little consensus exists among either the lay
many of us use legal drugs, such as alcohol, public or professionals on the most effective
caffeine, and nicotine, in ways that endanger strategies to fight crime through fighting drug
our lives and the lives of others. use (MacCoun, 1993). Many countries have
Nevertheless, the relationship between laws similar to those of the United States, yet
drugs and crime is of interest to criminal justice the United States has higher rates of drug abuse
officials, criminologists, and sociologists. If than other countries (Wilson, 1997); clearly
drug abuse contributes to the nation’s street more than government policy plays a part in
crime, then solving the drug problem would drug abuse. The connection between drugs and
contribute to reducing the crime rate. Yet the crime also varies among countries; although
United States has made little progress in its Australia and the United States have similar
“War on Drugs.” The nation’s drug-related drug laws, there are 60 times as many drug-
deaths (accidental, suicides, and others) connected deaths in Los Angeles as in Sydney
reached a high of nearly 15,000 in 1996 (U.S. (Zimring and Hawkins, 1997).
Bureau of the Census, 1999); 1,605,000 citi­ While government officials struggle with
zens were arrested for drug-abuse violations in approaches to slowing crime through fighting
1997 (U.S. Census Bureau, 1999). drug abuse, statistics show that drug use is on
160 Deviance and Crime

A growing percentage of youth and adults in the criminal population is

female.

the rise among Americans of college age. A re­ rested increased by 12 percent, but the number
port released recently by the Harvard School of of females arrested increased by 38 percent
Public Health College Alcohol Study (Gledhill- (Lardner, 1997). In a few crimes (prostitution,
Hoyt et al., 2000) showed that use of illegal shoplifting, and welfare fraud), women out­
drugs by college students increased from 1993 number men as perpetrators. Increases in the
to 1999, with current use of marijuana increas­ percentage of women were particularly high in
ing from 12.9 to 15.7 percent, a jump of 22 per­ some arrest categories; for example, in 1986
cent over 4 years. Marijuana use increased at women accounted for 5.5 percent of those
all types of colleges except for those with low charged with driving while intoxicated, while
binge-drinking rates, indicating that the level of in 1995 that number jumped to 14 percent.
binge drinking may be a factor that facilitates With the increased participation of women in
increases in the use of illegal drugs. Alcohol crime has come an increase in research on
abuse is itself a very serious form of deviant women’s criminal behavior. Recent studies
drug use among college students (see Box 5.2). have included investigations on women in
prison (Kruttschnitt, Gartner, and Miller, 2000),
prostitutes and drug selling and use (Maxwell
Women and Crime and Maxwell, 2000), and juvenile offending as
Men account for four out of every five arrests affected by mothers'who hold authority posi­
in the United States, but a growing percentage tions in the workplace (Uggen, 2000).
of youth and adults in the criminal population The participation of females in juvenile
is female (Steffensmeier and Allan, 1996). Be­ delinquency is higher than the proportion of
tween 1986 and 1995, the number of males ar­ adult female criminals; one-quarter of the
 Crime and the Criminal Justice System 161

youths arrested in the United States are fe­ verted into treatment programs. Of those sent
males. Girls are typically arrested for less seri­ to prison, more than half receive a sentence of
ous offenses than boys; half of all girls arrested at least 5 years, but the average inmate is re­
are charged with either larceny-theft (often leased in about 2 years (see Figure 5.2).
shoplifting) or with running away from home In this section we will briefly consider the
(Chesney-Lind and Shelden, 1998). The arrest components of the criminal justice system: the
of girls for serious crimes of violence ac­ police, the courts, and prisons.
counted for only 3.4 percent of all arrests in
1994, and studies show that females seem to ▲ The Police
perceive legal sanctions as more threatening The police are a citizen’s first link with the
than do males (Blackwell, 2000). criminal justice system, and in many ways the
Theories of female delinquency are just most important one. When a crime occurs, the
emerging (Chesney-Lind and Shelden, 1998). police are usually the first agents of the state to
Contemporary research suggests that girls’ become involved. Yet, police officers spend
delinquency is related to many of the same fac­ only about 15 percent of their time dealing
tors as that of boys, but there also are factors with crime. Competing demands on their time
unique to females. For example, two-thirds to vary from filling out reports and directing traf­
three-quarters of the girls in runaway shelters fic to handling complaints about uncollected
and juvenile detention facilities have been sex­ trash and responding to medical emergency
ually abused; such abuse can be the primary calls.
motivator for their running away from home, a Many U.S. communities have implemented
significant contributor to their total number of “community-based policing” or “problem-
arrests. However, self-report studies of crime oriented policing,” in which officers establish
show that the patterns and causes of male and positive relationships with residents of specific
female delinquency are becoming more alike, areas and focus on crime prevention as well as
and the structural sources of high levels of of­ reacting to crime. A study of police responses
fending are very similar for men and women to citizens’ requests for police control of an­
(Steffensmeier and Allan, 1996; Steffensmeier other citizen showed that officers granted such
and Haynie, 2000). requests 70 percent of the time (Mastrofski
et al., 2000). Public'opinion surveys show that
The Criminal Justice System 69 percent of respondents think police are ex­
cellent or pretty good at preventing crime and
On television, the evildoer nearly always gets 63 percent think the same about solving crime
caught and punished. In real life, however, the (U.S. Department of Justice, 2000).
picture is quite different. According to statistics
from the Justice Department, of every 100 ▲ The Courts
criminal victimizations committed in the In the United States the criminal justice system
United States, only 36 are reported to the po­ is an adversary system. The person accused of
lice. Of these 36, only 7 or 8 are cleared by ar­ a crime—the defendant—is presumed to be in­
rest, meaning that someone is arrested for the nocent until proved guilty in a court of law by
crime. Of these 7 persons arrested, only 5 are the representative of the state—the prosecutor.
prosecuted and convicted. Of these, only 1 is In many nations the questioning of witnesses is
sent to prison; the other cases are rejected or handled by judges, and guilt and innocence are
dismissed because of problems with the evi­ decided by a judge or panel of judges. But the
dence or witnesses, or the perpetrators are di­ U.S. system assumes that justice is best served
162 Deviance and Crime

(a) Sentences versus Time Served (b) Time from Arrest to Sentencing

Average years sentenced to prison and average Median in days

years actually served by state prison inmates Murder 327
for various convictions Rape 220
Weapons crimes 148
Drug crimes 136
Average sentence H Time served
Assault 165
Robbery 176
Murder
(c) Percentage of Crimes That Result in Arrests
Rape

Robbery

Kidnapping

Assault

Sexual
assault

Figure 5.2
The Operation of the Criminal Justice System in the United States

Sources: (a) Lawrence A. Greenfield, “Prison Sentences and Time Served for Violence,’’ Bureau of Justice Statistics
Special Report (U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs), NCJ 153858, April 1995. (b) U.S. Department of
Justice, 2000. (c) Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2000.

by pitting opposing lawyers against each other ▲ Prisons

before a neutral judge and jury. For some, criminal behavior leads to serving
In practice, the fate of most of those ac­ time in prison. Despite the low rate of imprison­
cused of crime is determined by prosecutors. ment in the United States—1 imprisonment per
Prosecutors typically reject or reduce the sever­ 100 crime victimizations—the convict popula­
ity of 50 to 80 percent of the criminal charges tion is increasing more rapidly than the capacity
filed by police. The reasons prosecutors cite of prisons. By 1995. there were 1,023,572 state
range from case overload to police inefficiency and federal inmates. Between 1987 and 1997,
in producing evidence. Of some 2 million seri­ the number of local jail inmates nearly doubled
ous criminal cases filed each year in the United (U.S. Census Bureau, 1999). Between 1990 and
States, fewer than one in five goes to trial. The 1995, the prison population grew by 43 percent
others end in dismissals or guilty pleas. while the number of facilities increased by only
 Crime and the Criminal Justice System 163

Incarceration Rates per 100,000 Population

Figure 53
The United States Imprisons a Larger Share of Its Population
than Do Many Other Nations
According to the most recent report from the Sentencing Project, a research group that promotes changes
in sentencing, the United States has increasingly high incarceration rates compared to other countries. High
incarceration rates in the United States are the result of the high crime rate and to increasingly harsh criminal
justice policies.
Source: www.sentencingproject.org/policy/9030.htm.

17 percent (U.S. Census Bureau, 1999). In the ing laws or in the population, is primarily respon­
mid-1990s about 2 percent of the adult U.S. sible for the nation’s soaring prison population.
population was on probation, incarcerated, or Since 1973 average prison sentences have not
on parole. As shown in Figure 5.3, the rate lengthened, nor are inmates serving on average
of imprisonment in the United States is the more time in prison. The prison population
highest in the world. Unable to house the is growing four times as fast as the “prison-
mounting flood of prisoners, governments are prone” pool. Between 1990 and 1994, the prison
looking for cheaper ways to deal with wrongdo­ population was up 33 percent while the “prison-
ers. Among these measures are suspended sen­ prone” population actually declined (U.S. Census
tencing, expanded probation and parole pro­ Bureau, 1996). The United States has simply be­
grams, home confinement, halfway houses, and come more harsh in recent decades in its incar­
public-service requirements. ceration practices—a part of a “get tough on
An increased likelihood that an arrest will crime” policy (Langan, 1991). In the next section
lead to a prison sentence, not changes in sentenc­ we will look at the impact of prisons on inmates.
164 Deviance and Crime

The Purposes of Imprisonment ease,” something foreign and abnormal to peo­

ple. Inherent in the definition of a sick person is
The decrease in crime in the 1990s has been the a presumption that individuals are not to blame
first bright spot in the crime picture for some for the disease and that we should direct our at­
time. In general, many Americans take a tention to curing them.
gloomy view of crime-fighting programs, ques­ Many criminologists question the assump­
tioning whether anything works. A debate rages tions underlying rehabilitation strategies. Crit­
between “hardliners” and “softliners.” Hardlin­ ics of rehabilitation contend that education and
ers want tougher judges and unshackled police. psychotherapy cannot overcome or reduce the
Softliners see crime as the product of societal powerful tendency for some individuals to con­
conditions, urge the police to work harder on tinue their criminal ways. They cite statistics on
community relations, and emphasize rehabilita­ the high rate of recidivism (relapse into crimi­
tion over punishment. Criminology and penol­ nal behavior) to back up their argument. In the
ogy also have been in flux, with the experts largest study of recidivism to date, it was found
themselves unsure of the most effective meth­ that 62.5 percent of those released from state
ods for dealing with the prison population prisons were rearrested within 3 years, and be­
(Stephens, 1989; Morris and Tonry, 1990). fore their release the prisoners had been charged
Let us explore these matters by considering with an average of more than 12 offenses each
four traditional purposes of imprisonment: pun­ (Beck, 1989). Recidivism is particularly high
ishment, rehabilitation, deterrence, and selec­ for those charged with robbery and property
tive confinement. crimes.

▲ Punishment ▲ Deterrence
Prior to 1800 it was widely assumed that the The notion of deterrence rests on assumptions
punishment of deviants was required if the in­ about human nature that are difficult to prove.
jured community was to feel morally satisfied. Even so, sociological studies seem to suggest
In recent years there has been a renewed interest that the certainty of apprehension and punish­
in punishment. The “moral order” argument ment does tend to lower crime rates (Waldo and
runs like this: Certain acts are basically antiso­ Chiricos, 1972; Wolfgang, Figlio, and Sellin,
cial and heinous (e.g., murder, rape, genocide, 1972; Paternoster, 1989). Few studies, however,
and the sexual abuse of children). When grossly find an association between the severity of pun­
immoral behavior goes unpunished, people’s ishment and crime (Gibbs, 1975; Bailey and Pe­
commitment to social order and to basic values terson, 1989; Paternoster, 1989). While sociolo­
and norms is weakened; punishment is essential gists recognize that the prospect of punishment
to maintain moral order. This approach draws has some deterrent effect under some circum­
on the functionalist perspective for support. stances, they have been more concerned with
specifying the conditions under which punish­
▲ Rehabilitation ment influences behavior (Erickson and Gibbs,
Toward the latter part of the 18th and the early 1975; Smith and Gartin, 1989). For instance, al­
part of the 19th centuries, the idea that prisons legiance to a group and its norms typically op­
might rehabilitate criminals came to the fore­ erates as an even stronger force than the threat
front. The word “penitentiary” was coined to of societal punishment in bringing about con­
describe a place where a criminal might repent formity (Heckathom, 1988, 1990). By the same
and then resolve to follow a law-abiding life. token, informal standards and pressures within
Viewed in this manner, crime resembles “dis­ delinquent subcultures may counteract the de-
 Crime and the Criminal Justice System 165

terrent effects of legal penalties (Tittle and 10 percent in offense rates prevents more rob­
Rowe, 1974; Heckathom. 1988, 1990). beries than incarcerating 18 offenders who are
at or below the median.
▲ Selective Confinement Yet selective incarceration also poses diffi­
There are those who have argued that neither culties. For instance, individuals who engage in
rehabilitation nor deterrence really works, but robbery and burglary typically retire from these
that imprisonment can be used to reduce crime careers fairly early in life and thus a long sen­
rates because it keeps “hard-core” criminals off tence might represent a waste of prison capac­
the streets. Justice Department figures reveal ity. In addition, comparable attempts by psy­
that nearly one out of five people arrested and chologists and psychiatrists to predict behavior
charged with committing a felony are released using behavioral profiles have been notoriously
from custody but rearrested for a similar felony inaccurate (Cockerham, 1996). Some sociolo­
offense before going to trial. Peter W. Green­ gists conclude that it is not possible to rid the
wood (1982) developed a profile of the charac­ environment of potential law violators or possi­
teristics of individuals who are most likely to bly dangerous people, given the realities of
engage repeatedly in crime. He asserted that in­ contemporary social life (Martinson, 1974;
carcerating one robber who is among the top Cockerham, 1996).

The Chapter in Brief: Deviance and Crime

The Nature of Deviance Most societies can absorb a good deal of

In all societies the behavior of some people at deviance without serious consequences, but
times goes beyond that permitted by the norms. persistent and widespread deviance can be
Social life is characterized not only by dysfunctional. But deviance may also be
conformity but by deviance, behavior that a functional by promoting social solidarity,
considerable number of people view as clarifying norms, strengthening group
reprehensible and beyond the limits of tolerance. allegiances, and providing a catalyst for change.

I Social Properties of Deviance. I Social Control and Deviance.

Deviance is not a property inherent in certain Societies seek to ensure that their members
forms of behavior; it is a property conferred conform with basic norms by means of social
upon particular behaviors by social definitions. control. Three main types of social control
Definitions as to which acts are deviant vary processes operate within social life: (1) those
greatly from time to time, place to place, and that lead us to internalize our society’s
group to group. We typically find' that norms are normative expectations (internalization),
not so much a point or a line but a zone. (2) those that structure our world of social
Deviant acts also can be redefined, as has experience, and (3) those that employ various
happened in recent years in the United States. formal and informal social sanctions.
Theories of Deviance bond has four parts: attachment, involvement,
Other disciplines are concerned with deviance, commitment, and belief.
particularly biology and psychology.
Sociologists focus on five main theories. Crime and the Criminal
Justice System
I Anomie Theory. Emile Durkheim Crime is an act of deviance that is prohibited
contributed to our understanding of deviance by law. The distinguishing property of crime is
with his idea of anomie. Robert K. Merton that people who violate the law are liable to be
built on Durkheim’s ideas of anomie and social arrested, tried, pronounced guilty, and deprived
cohesion. According to his theory of structural of their lives, liberty, or property. It is the state
strain, deviance derives from societal stresses. that defines crime by the laws it promulgates,
administers, and enforces.
I Cultural Transmission Theory.
A number of sociologists have emphasized the I Forms ofCrime. An infinite variety of
similarities between the way deviant behavior acts can be crimes. Federal agencies keep
is acquired and the way in which other records on index crimes—violent crimes
behavior is acquired—the cultural transmission against people and crimes against property.
theory. Edwin H. Sutherland elaborated on this Juvenile crime is crime committed by youth
notion in his theory of differential association. under the age of 18. Organized crime is
He said that individuals become deviant to the carried out by large-scale bureaucratic
extent to which they participate in settings organizations that provide illegal goods and
where deviant ideas, motivations, and services in public demand. White-collar crime
techniques are viewed favorably. is crime committed by relatively affluent
persons, often in the course of business
I Conflict Theory. Conflict theorists ask, activities. Crime can be committed by
“Which group will be able to translate its corporations and by governments. In victimless
values into the rules of a society and make crime no one involved is considered a victim.
these rules stick?” and “Who reaps the lion’s
share of benefits from particular social I Measuring Crime. Statistics on crime
arrangements?” Marxist sociologists see crime are among the most unsatisfactory of all social
as a product of capitalist laws. data. A large proportion of the crimes that are
committed go undetected; others are detected
I Labeling Theory. Labeling theorists but not reported; and still others are reported
study the processes whereby some individuals but not officially recorded.
come to be tagged as deviants, begin to think of
themselves as deviants, and enter deviant I Drugs and Crime. Drugs and crime
careers. Labeling theorists differentiate between are related both directly—selling, using, and
primary deviance and secondary deviance. possessing illegal drugs all are crimes—and
indirectly—drug involvement often leads to
I Control Theory. Control theory other sorts of crimes. Drug problems can be
attempts to explain not why people deviate but dealt with by recognizing that addiction is a
why people do not deviate. Travis Hirschi brain disease. Other approaches include
argued that young people are more likely to continued prohibition, depenalization, or
conform if their bond to society is strong. This legalization.

166
I Women and Crime. A growing police, the courts, and prisons. Of every
percentage of youth and adults in the criminal 100 felonies committed within the United
population is female. One-quarter of the youth States, only 36 are reported to the police. Of
arrested in the United States are girls; overall, that 36, only 7 or 8 are cleared by arrest. Of
one in five arrests are female. Girls are more those 7 who are arrested, only 5 are prosecuted
likely than boys to be arrested for such offenses and convicted. Only 1 is sent to prison.
as running away from home.
I The Purposes of Imprisonment.
I The Criminal Justice System. The There have been four traditional purposes of
criminal justice system is made up of the imprisonment: punishment, rehabilitation,
reactive agencies of the state that include the deterrence, and selective confinement.

Glossary

anomie A social condition settings, the greater the illegal goods and services in
in which people find it probability that they too will public demand.
difficult to guide their become deviant.
primary deviance Behavior
behavior by norms they
index crimes Crimes that violates social norms but
experience as weak, unclear,
reported by the Federal usually goes unnoticed by the
or conflicting.
Bureau of Investigation in its agents of social control,
crime An act prohibited Uniform Crime Reports.
recidivism Relapse into
by law. These offenses consist of four
criminal behavior.
categories of violent crime
criminal justice system
against people—murder, rape, secondary deviance
The reactive agencies of the
robbery, and assault—and Deviance that individuals
state that include the police,
four categories of crime adopt in response to the
courts, and prisons.
against property—burglary, reactions of other individuals,
deviance Behavior that a theft, motor vehicle theft, and
social control Methods and
considerable number of arson.
strategies that regulate
people in a society view as
internalization The process behavior within society,
reprehensible and beyond the
by which individuals
limits of tolerance. victimless crime An offense
incorporate within their
in which no one involved is
differential association personalities the standards of
considered a victim.
The notion that the earlier, the behavior prevalent within the
more frequent, the more larger society. white-collar crime Crime
intense, and the longer the committed by relatively
organized crime Large-
duration of the contacts affluent persons, often in the
scale bureaucratic
people have in deviant course of business activities.
organizations that provide

167
 Internet Connection www.mhhe.com/hughes6

Use your browser to open the website for information on how much crime was commit­
the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), ted in the United States in the most recent
http://www.fbi.gov/. Explore this site, partic­ time period and how crime has changed over
ularly through the “press room” button and the the recent past. Write a short report on what
“Uniform Crime Reports” button, and look for you find.

168
chapter 6
’S^

Social Stratification

170
Patterns of Social Stratification
7\.s part of an introductory sociology course,
Open and Closed Systems students were asked to record their observa­
Dimensions of Stratification tions of inequality on campus. One student
contributed the following:
The American Class System
Our math classroom is on the third floor of a
Is There Inequality in American Society? building that overlooks the top floor of a park­
Identifying Social Classes ing ramp. At most three or four cars are parked
The Significance of Social Classes up there, although it contains enough space for
Poverty in the United States at least fifty cars. The lower levels of the ramp
are also fairly empty. The ramp is only for the
Social Mobility use of faculty. We students have to park some
distance from campus and even then we have to
Forms of Social Mobility get to school by 7:30 in the morning if we are
Social Mobility and Status Attainment to find a parking space. . . . The faculty enjoy
What Is Happening to the American Dream? many privileges. They have special offices; de­
partmental chairpersons have more spacious
Explanations of Social offices; and deans and the university president
have even more magnificent offices. The faculty
Stratification have “faculty restrooms” which are distinct
The Functionalist Theory of Stratification from those simply labeled “restroom.” Each
The Conflict Theory of Stratification dean has his own private restroom.
A Synthesis of Perspectives
This student observed something that per­
Box 6.1 Sociology around the World: vades all aspects of social life: social stratifica­
The Indian Caste System and Race tion. Social stratification, the term sociologists
in America apply to the ranking or grading of individuals
and groups into hierarchical layers, represents
Box 6.2 Doing Social Research: Income structured inequality in the allocation of re­
Inequality within Societies: A Look wards, privileges, and resources. Some individ­
around the World uals, by virtue of their roles or group member­
ships, are advantaged, while others are
Box 6.3 Issues in Focus: Why Did Doctors disadvantaged.
Start Delivering Babies? College life is not exempt from these pat­
terns, despite the fact that college communities
might seem to be places in which administra­
tors, faculty, and students work together in the
pursuit of knowledge and human betterment. In
fact, wherever one turns, social inequality con­
\ fronts the members of the college community.
The student quoted above was complaining
about disparities among students, faculty, and
administrators, but it is possible to observe so­
cial stratification without leaving the ranks of

171
172 Social Stratification

students. Your status as a university student fine and discuss social mobility, and we will
may differ, depending on whether you’re an see what the conflict and functionalist perspec­
athlete (and within the world of athletics, on tives have to offer to our understanding of so­
whether you're an especially valuable player), cial stratification.
an exceptional student, a commuter, a senior, or
a fellowship student. Status may also be based
on physical attractiveness, accomplishments in Patterns of Social
intramural sports or other extracurricular activi­
ties, or involvement in counterculture move­
Stratification
ments. The position of your family outside the Social stratification depends upon but is not the
campus may influence your position on cam­ same thing as social differentiation—the
pus: Race, ethnicity, wealth, and prestige all process by which a society becomes increas­
play important roles, often determining group ingly specialized over time. Very early in their
memberships and social connections. In student history, human beings discovered that a divi­
clubs and organizations, there are presidents, sion of functions and labor contributed to
vice presidents, secretaries, and treasurers, all greater social efficiency. Consequently, in all
of whom are ranked with respect to one another societies we find that different people typically
and have more power and prestige than the perform different tasks and as a result they oc­
other members. Student government has offices cupy different statuses.
of power and prestige, often controlled by Although the statuses that make up a social
members of fraternities and sororities. Greek structure may be differentiated, they need not be
organizations also typically hold the key to ranked with respect to one another. For in­
election of the Homecoming Queen and King. stance, the statuses of farmer and shop owner in
If social stratification affected only such a rural community are differentiated, but one is
matters as who gets elected Homecoming not obviously of higher rank than the other.
Queen, we might not devote an entire chapter They are merely different. Social differentiation
to its discussion. But social stratification does creates a necessary condition for social ranking,
much more: It results in some members of soci­ but it does not create the ranking itself. When­
ety benefitting greatly and others suffering. ever we find social stratification we find social
Most societies of the world are organized so differentiation, but not the other way around.
that their institutions systematically distribute We begin our consideration of social strati­
benefits and burdens unequally among different fication by examining open and closed stratifi­
categories of people. Social arrangements are cation systems and some of the important di­
not neutral, but serve and promote the goals mensions of stratification: economic standing,
and interests of some people more than those of prestige, and power.
other people.
In this chapter we will examine patterns of Open and Closed Systems
social stratification. We will attempt to answer
the questions of who gets what and why. We Stratification systems differ in the ease with
will use a country with which we are familiar, which they permit people to move in or out of
the United States, to discuss class systems. We particular strata (Wright and Cho, 1992). As
will see how social inequality has serious con­ we will see later in the discussion of social
sequences for individuals’ lives: It affects in­ mobility, people often move vertically up or
come, lifestyle, health, and even the number of down in rank or horizontally to another status
years one can be expected to live. We will de­ of roughly similar rank. Where people can
 Patterns of Social Stratification 173

change their status with relative ease, we refer mensions still have an important influence on
to the arrangement as an open system. In con­ people’s chances of success.
trast, where people have great difficulty in The Hindu caste arrangement, particularly
changing their status, we call the arrangement as it operated in India prior to 1900, serves as
a closed system. A somewhat similar distinc­ an example of a closed system. Under the tradi­
tion is conveyed by the concepts achieved tional Hindu system, life was ordered in terms
status and ascribed status that we considered of castes in which people inherited their social
| pp. 55-56 !-► in Chapter 2. Achieved statuses status at birth from their parents and could not
are open to people on the basis of individual change it in the course of their lives. Members
choice and competition and are common in of the lower castes in India were considered in­
open stratification systems. Ascribed statuses ferior, scorned, snubbed, and oppressed by
are assigned to people by their group or soci­ higher-caste members regardless of personal
ety and are typical of closed systems. merit and behavior. Even today, caste still
Although no societies are entirely open or shapes behavior in some localities, especially
entirely closed, the United States provides a in rural areas, setting the rules of courtship,
good example of a relatively open system. The diet, housing, and employment (Weisman,
American folk hero is Abe Lincoln, the poor 1988; Crossette, 1991).
boy who made good, the rail-splitter who Although the distinction between open and
through hard work managed to move from log closed systems of stratification is clear in the­
cabin to the White House. The American dream ory, in practice systems of one type typically
portrays a society in which all people can alter have some of the characteristics of the other
and improve their lot. type. Box 6.1 shows that the U.S. system of
The United States is founded neither on the racial inequality has many characteristics of a
idea that all people should enjoy equal status caste system.
nor on the notion of a classless society. Rather,
the democratic creed holds that all people Dimensions of Stratification
should have an equal opportunity to ascend to
the heights of the class system. According to Karl Marx and Max Weber have helped us to
U.S. cultural beliefs, the rewards of social life unravel the nature of social stratification. Marx
flow to people in accordance with their merit believed that the key to social stratification in
and competence and in proportion to the contri­ capitalist societies is the division between
bution they make to their community and soci­ those who own and control the crucial means
ety. These beliefs generate much optimism of production—the oppressing capitalist class
about people’s chances of enjoying society’s or bourgeoisie—and those who have only their
rewards. Most Americans believe that they have labor to sell—the oppressed working class or
a good chance of getting ahead (Kraar, 1990), proletariat. In Marx’s view, these two groups
that they have a better standard of living than and their conflicting interests provide the foun­
their parents, and that their children will have a dation for stratification in capitalist nations.
better chance of succeeding than they had For Marx, social stratification consists of a sin­
(Davis and Smith, 1996; Newport, 1997). In gle economic dimension.
practice, however, the ideal is not fully real­ Weber (1946) felt that Marx provided an
ized, and the optimism is not fully justified. overly simplistic image of stratification. He
Though the American system was founded on contended that other divisions exist within so­
the ideal of achievement, ascribed statuses ciety that are at times independent of the class
based on race, gender, age, and other social di­ or economic aspect. Consequently, he took a
 6.1 SOCIOLOGYABOUNDIHE W.QRLD

The Indian Caste System and Race in America

The traditional caste system in 1. Membership in a caste is The first, that membership
India is both a system of hereditary. in a caste is hereditary,
stratified social inequality and a 2. Marriage within one’s caste obviously applies to race. In
system of interdependence. is mandatory. practice, people are
The Brahmins, the most pure, 3. Mobility is nearly impos­ sometimes able to move up in
serve as priests and have sible. the caste system in India by
privileges other members of “marrying up.” In the United
4. Occupation is strongly re­
Indian society do not. The States, in contrast, the racial
lated to caste.
Kshatriyas protect society; they status of biracial children born
hold top military and political In short, one is born into one’s of black and white parents is
positions. Farming, livestock caste, one must marry within governed by what is often
production, and commerce are one’s caste, one cannot move referred to as the “one drop
jobs filled by the Vaisyas, and out of one’s caste, and one rule” (Davis, 1991): In the
the last caste, the Sudras, does the work dictated by South during the eras of
serves those above it. The one’s caste position. slavery and Jim Crow laws, a
untouchables, not strictly a part We don’t typically consider person with “one drop of black
of the caste system, do those the United States to be blood” was black. This idea
jobs Hindus consider to be the operating under a system of translated into the practice of
most polluting: working with caste; as mentioned in the text, classifying a person as black if
body parts, excrement, and in some ways the United States he or she had any known
dead bodies. Each caste plays provides a good example of an black ancestors (Davis, 1991).
important roles in society and open system of stratification. The “one drop” rule still
benefits from the roles Yet if we examine the four holds today. Professional U.S.
performed by others. basic characteristics of a caste golfer Tiger Woods has a
The basic characteristics structure, we find that they mother from Thailand and a
of the caste system, in India or work fairly well to describe the father with African, European,
anywhere, are (Hurst, 1998): U.S. system of racial inequality. and Native American

multidimensional view of stratification and prestige or power. Members of university fac­

identified three components: class (economic ulties and the clergy, while enjoying a good
standing), status (prestige), and party (power). deal of prestige, typically rank comparatively
Each of these dimensions constitutes a distinct low in wealth and power. And some public of­
aspect of social ranking. Some statuses rank ficials may wield considerable power but re­
high in wealth, prestige, and power, such as ceive low salaries and little prestige. For the
that of most physicians. Yet the rankings of most part, however, these three dimensions
some statuses may be dissimilar. Some prosti­ hang together, feeding into and supporting one
tutes and professional criminals enjoy eco­ another (Wright, 1985). Let us examine each
nomic privilege, although they possess little of them in turn.

174
ancestors (Page, 1997), and There is essentially no mobility the South were black. By now,
he describes himself as from black to white or from there has been substantial
“Cablinasian” (for Caucasian, white to black for typical white occupational mobility for
black, Indian, and Asian). and black people in the United African Americans, just as
Nonetheless, one of his States. Of course, the there has been for lower-caste
corporate sponsors, the Nike phenomenon of “passing” can persons in India in the late
shoe company, has packaged occur; persons with a small 20th century. But the
him as an African American, amount of African background occupational distribution in the
and he is widely regarded as and substantial, obvious United States retains
such in the press (Nolan, “white” characteristics have significant castelike
1997; Foster, 1997; Brand- been known to “pass for white” properties. African Americans
Williams, 1997). (Johnson, 1927/1989; Scales- are substantially
The second basic Trent, 1995). But passing is overrepresented in low-status
characteristic, that marriage something that occurs only in service and manufacturing
within one’s caste is a closed system; were there jobs and underrepresented in
mandatory, is not true in the no racial caste system, highly paid, high-status
legal sense; there are no passing would have no professional jobs—just as the
longer any laws in the United meaning. caste model predicts.
States that forbid interracial The fourth characteristic, The southern United
marriages. But it is a rule that that occupation is strongly States before the civil rights
is widely practiced. In the related to caste, also movement clearly operated
United States in the 1990s, for describes American society to under a castelike system
example, fewer than 1 percent a substantial degree. based on race. African
of all marriages involving Occupations that can be held Americans rode on the back of
whites and blacks were by blacks or whites are not the bus, drank from “colored”
marriages between a white dictated by law. But in the water fountains, and used
and a black person (U.S. 19th and 20th centuries, “colored” restrooms. The racial
Census Bureau, 1996). African-American physicians, caste system in the United
The third characteristic of dentists, engineers, and States today may be less rigid
caste, that mobility is virtually corporate executives were than this, but nonetheless it
impossible, is clearly true of nearly nonexistent, and nearly has yet to completely
the black-white distinction. all agricultural field workers in disappear.

▲ Economic Standing of property—wealth—in the form of rare coins,

The economic dimension of stratification con­ precious gems, or works of art, but receive little
sists of wealth and income. Wealth has to do income from it because it does not grow in value
with what people own at a particular point in or generate any regular income. Another individ­
time. Income refers to the amount of new ual may receive a high salary—income—but
money people receive within a given time inter­ have little wealth. A salary of $2 million a year
val. Thus, wealth is based on what people have, does not constitute wealth if the person receiving
whereas income consists of what people get. For it spends $2 million a year on travel, food, enter­
example, one individual may have a good deal tainment, and personal services.

175
176 Social Stratification

achieve the same end by maintaining a “proper

distance” from prestigious figures.
More than a century ago, Thorstein Veblen
(1899) highlighted the part that conspicuous
leisure and conspicuous consumption play in
revealing social ranking. He noted that it is not
enough merely to possess wealth and power to
gain and hold prestige. The wealth and power
must be put on public view, for prestige is
awarded only on evidence. One way we under­
take to advertise high status is to lavish expen­
diture on clothing, because we can size up one
another’s apparel at a glance. The automobile
serves a similar purpose, particularly a very ex­
pensive one. Veblen documented how relative
success, tested by comparing one’s own eco­
From The Wall Street Journal (4/5/94). Reprinted nomic situation with that of others, becomes an
by permission of Cartoon Features Syndicate. established end. Thus, comparisons find sym­
bolic expression, since displaying one’s bank­
book or stock certificates would be impractical
and considered in poor taste.
As our social positions change throughout
▲ Prestige the life cycle, the sorts of things that serve as
Prestige involves the social respect, admira­ symbols of status change. For young people,
tion, and recognition associated with a particu­ having the right clothes is often very important.
lar social status. It entails a feeling that we are Tattoos and piercing various parts of the body
admired and well thought of by others. Prestige with jewelry can serve as status symbols for
is intangible, something that we carry about in youth. Knowing a great deal about sports,
our heads. However, in our daily lives we com­ movies, or popular music all serve as status
monly seek to give prestige a tangible existence symbols, as does being on the cutting edge of
through titles, special seats of honor, deference any kind of fashion, be it in clothes, music,
rituals, honorary degrees, emblems, and con­ cars, computers, literature, or another cultural
spicuous displays of leisure and consumption. product. These also may be important to adult
These activities and objects serve as symbols of status, but the core of adult status has to do
prestige to which we attribute social signifi­ with income, occupation, and lifestyle (Cole­
cance and meaning. Much of our interaction man and Rainwater, 1978) and with the status
with others consists of subtle negotiation over of the people in one’s social networks. Adult
just how much deference, honor, respect, and status is symbolized primarily by where one
awe we are to extend and receive. lives, the nature of one’s occupation, and the
We show deference—behavior dramatizing roles one plays as well as by the status of those
and confirming a person’s superior ranking—in with whom one associates in the community, in
many ways. In presentation rituals we engage voluntary organizations, and in informal social
in symbolic acts, such as revealing regard and relations.
awe by bowing, scraping, and displaying a Family background and wealth count for
humble demeanor. In avoidance rituals we less than they did earlier in the 20th century. Si-
 The American Class System 177

multaneously, an individual’s “personality” and

“gregariousness” have taken on greater impor­ The American Class
tance. Although people still think that money is
the most important thing, the lifestyle individu­ System
als project and the values they reflect now as­
sume a critical part in determining their pres­ We have discussed open and closed systems of
tige (Jackman and Jackman, 1983). stratification and economic standing, prestige,
and power. How is stratification actually mani­
▲ Power fested in society? In this section we will look
Prestige typically leads others to conform to first at the question of how much inequality
our wishes through voluntary compliance, def­ there is in the United States. We will then de­
erence, and acceptance; power, in contrast, en­ scribe how social classes are identified, discuss
tails conduct by which we compel others to do the significance of social class, and look at
what they do not wish to do. As we will see in poverty in the United States. What we learn
Chapter 9, power determines which individu­ will be applied to other industrialized nations
als and groups will be able to translate their later in this chapter.
preferences into the reality of social life.
Power refers to the ability of individuals and Is There Inequality
groups to realize their will in human affairs
even if it involves the resistance of others. It
in American Society?
provides answers to the question of whose in­ Traditionally, Americans have thought of theirs
terests will be served and whose values will as an egalitarian society. As the Declaration of
reign. Wherever we look, from families to ju­ Independence puts it, the United States is a
venile gangs to nation-states, we find that country in which all persons are “created
some parties disproportionately achieve their equal.” If so, there would be little for a student
way. Even in such a simple matter as eye con­ of stratification to study in the United States.
tact, we find the operation of power. Low- What does the data show on this issue? It is
power people typically look less at an individ­ sometimes difficult to reliably measure inequal­
ual when they are speaking to a high-power ity in power and prestige, so let’s look at in­
person than when they are listening. In con­ equality in terms of something we can easily
trast, high-power people display nearly equiv­ measure: economic standing in terms of in­
alent rates of looking while speaking and lis­ come and wealth.
tening (Ellyson et al., 1980). Figure 6.1 shows the percent of aggregate
Power affects the ability of people to make income received by each fifth (or 20 percent) of
the world work on their behalf. To gain mastery the population. In a highly egalitarian society,
of critical resources creates dependency and thus where we still might expect some inequality,
allows one to gain mastery of people. To control the percentages within each year should be
key resources is to interpose oneself (or one’s fairly close to each other. Where substantial in­
group) between people and the means whereby equality is present, we expect large differences
people meet their biological, psychological, and across the categories, with very small shares
social needs. To the extent that some groups going to the poorest fifth and large shares going
command rewards, punishments, and persuasive to the highest fifth. Over the past 45 years, the
communications, they are able to dictate the lowest 20 percent of the population in income
terms by which the game of life is played, mak­ in the United States never received more than
ing its outcome a foregone conclusion. 5.6 percent of aggregate income, while the
178 Social Stratification

r l
1950 4.5H 12 , 17.4 23.4 42.7
I I I
1955 4.8[ 12.3 17.8 23.7 41.3
II
oo

1960 12.2 17.8 24 41.3

I I I
1965 5.2r 12.2 17.8 23.9 40.9
I I I
1970 5.4 12.2 17.6 23.8 40.9
III
1975 5.6 • 11.9 17.7 24.2 40.7
________________________________________________________________________
1980 5.3 r 11.6 17.6 24.4rz 41.1
III
1985 4.8 11 16.9 24.3 43.1

1990 4.6L 10.8 16.6 23.8 44.3

III
1995 4.4I 10.1 15.8 23.2 46.5
________________________________________________________________________
1999 4.3B 9.9 15.6 | 23 | 47.2

0 25 50 75 100

□ Lowest Fifth □ 2nd Fifth □ 3rd Fifth □ 4th Fifth [1 Highest Fifth

Figure 6.1
Percent Share of Aggregate Income Received by Each Fifth of Families
in the United States, 1950-1999
Substantial income inequality in U.S. society is indicated by the very small shares of income going to the
20 percent of families with the lowest incomes and the very large shares going to the 20 percent with the
highest incomes. The share of income received by the highest 20 percent has been increasing since the early
1970s. By 1999, growing inequality resulted in nearly half of all the income in the United States going to
the 20 percent of families with the highest incomes.
Source: Figure generated by the authors using data from the U.S. Census Bureau. 2000.

highest 20 percent has always received more Inequality in wealth is even greater. We
than 40 percent. Since the early 1970s, income define income as money people receive within
inequality in the Unites States has been increas­ a given time interval, such as wages and
ing, most rapidly between 1980 and 1992 salaries, while wealth is what they own at a
(Jones and Weinberg, 2000), and is now at its particular time. Figure 6.2 presents an analysis
highest level in 50 years. In 1999, the top 5 per­ of data from the Federal Reserve Board's 1998
cent of families received 20.3 percent of the in­ Survey of Consumer Finances (see Kennickell,
come, more than four times what it would re­ Starr-McCluer, and Surette [2000] for a de­
ceive if incomes were equal across families. scription of the data). Wealth can be measured
 The American Class System 179

a. Percent Share of Total Net Worth by Quintiles of Net Worth

Median Net Worth

Quintiles of Net Worth
in Dollars for
Each Quintile $0 $71,650 $168,110

a. If we measure wealth by net worth (assets minus debts), inequality in wealth is extremely high in
the United States. More than 80 percent of the wealth is owned by the wealthiest 20 percent of
families. The poorest 20 percent of families owe more than they own. The bottom three-fifths of
families (60 percent) own just over 6 percent of all wealth.

b. Median Net Worth of Families by Ethnicity

Divided by $1-00 $-16 $-10

White Net Worth

b. White families are, on average, much wealthier than African-American and Hispanic families.
Differences in median net worth across the three categories show that for every dollar of net
worth owned by a typical white family, the typical African-American family owns 16 cents, and
the typical Hispanic family owns 10 cents.

Figure 6.2
The Concentration of Wealth in the United States, 1998

Source: Analysis by the authors of data from the 1998 Survey of Consumer Finances, Board of Governors of the Federal
Reserve System.
 _________________________ 6.2 DOING SOCIAL RESEARCH
Income Inequality within Societies: A Look
around the World
We have shown that wealth 1940s to the 1990s. They set in the world. While it used to
and income are distributed quality standards for the data have relatively moderate
unevenly in U.S. society. How they would accept so that they inequality compared to other
do we compare with other could make cross-country countries, Deininger and
countries? How much does comparisons. Squire’s analysis showed that
income inequality within What do the new data inequality in the United States
countries vary around the show? As the accompanying has been increasing since the
world and over time? Is figure for the 1990s shows, early 1980s even while it was
income inequality a persistent there is substantial inequality decreasing in other parts of
feature of societies throughout in every region of the world, the world (Deininger and
the world? And finally—but with the income share of the Squire, 1996), and it is now
perhaps most importantly— lowest fifth never rising to moderately high, as shown
how would we answer such 10 percent, and that of the earlier in this chapter.
questions? highest fifth never falling A primary goal of
Until the 1990s, it wasn’t below 37 percent. Deininger studying social stratification is
possible to answer the and Squire’s (1996) analysis to understand the powerful
questions we have posed. A of inequality over time social and economic forces at
set of data put together by showed no change in the work that create and
World Bank economists Klaus basic overall structure of perpetuate income inequality.
Deininger and Lyn Squire income inequality. Inequality If such inequality varied
(1996) allows us to make at is highest in sub-Saharan randomly or could be easily
least some tentative answers African and in Latin America changed, we would expect
to these questions. Deininger and the Caribbean. Inequality much more variation than
and Squire calculated the is lowest in the formerly these worldwide data show.
percent of aggregate income socialist countries of Eastern Deininger and Squire’s study
received by each fifth (or Europe. illustrates the fact that income
20 percent) of the population What about the United inequality is a persistent
from low income to high for States? It clearly is notone of feature of life in every region
108 countries from the late the most egalitarian societies of the world.

by the net worth of a household, the value of White households are far wealthier than
all assets minus debts. The top 20 percent of African-American and Hispanic households.
households in wealth own more than 80 per­ For every dollar in wealth owned by a white
cent of all wealth. If we combine this highest household, the average African-American
fifth with the next highest category (the household owns 16 cents and the average His­
“fourth fifth”), we find that nearly 94 percent panic household owns 10 cents.
of wealth is owned by the top 40 percent of The very rich in the United States increased
households, leaving just over 6 percent of all their share of the nation’s total pool of privately
wealth distributed among the remaining held wealth during the economic boom of the
60 percent of households. 1980s and 1990s (Nasar, 1992; Kennickell,

180
 Q Lowest Fifth O Highest Fifth

Percent of Total Income Received by Those in the Lowest and Highest Fifths of the Population in Income
in the 1990s
Source: Figure generated by the authors using data from Deininger and Squire (1996) and U.S. Census Bureau (1997).

Starr-McCluer, and Sunden, 1997; KennickelL 400 people grew by more than 95 percent (Ken-
2000). The 1998 Survey of Consumer Finances nickell, 2000). Wealth is distributed so un­
shows that the wealthiest 1 percent of U.S. equally that the top 1 percent of households are
households own 34 percent of all private wealth, worth more than the bottom 90 percent.
up from 31 percent in 1983. The latter half of The surge in wealth at the top has been ac­
the 1990s was a time of sharp acceleration in companied by a sharp increase in the percent­
the growth of wealth for the 400 richest people age of full-time workers who earn less than
in the United States. Between 1995 and 1999, $12,195 annually ($6.10 an hour for someone
the number of U.S. billionaires doubled, and the working 40 hours a week, 50 weeks a year)
total amount of wealth owned by the richest from 12.1 percent of all full-time employees in

181
182 Social Stratification

1979 to 18 percent in 1990 (DeParle, 1992) ciologists who have identified a blue-
and 20 percent in 1997 (Bureau of Labor Sta­ collar/white-collar division in American life
tistics, 1997). (Blau and Duncan, 1972; Sobel, 1989). The
Clearly, there is much inequality in the second view portrays U.S. society as essentially
United States to explain. Sociologists agree that classless, one in which class divisions are
social inequality is a structured aspect of con­ blurred by virtue of their continuous and unin­
temporary life. In saying this, they mean more terrupted nature (the distributional model).
than that individuals and groups differ in the Seen in this manner, social classes are cultur­
privileges they enjoy, the prestige they receive, ally quite alike and simply reflect gradations in
and the power they wield. Structuring means rank rather than hard-and-fast social groups
that inequality is hardened or institutionalized, (Hodge andTreiman, 1968; Eichar, 1989).
so that there is a system for determining who The differing conceptions derive in large
gets what. Inequality does not occur in a ran­ measure from different approaches to identify­
dom fashion but follows relatively consistent ing social classes: (1) the objective method,
and stable patterns that persist. One reason for (2) the self-placement method, and (3) the rep­
this persistence is that inequalities are typically utational method. Although all the approaches
passed on from one generation to the next. In­ produce some overlap in classes, there are ap­
dividuals and groups that are advantaged com­ preciable differences in the results afforded by
monly find ways to ensure that their offspring each (Kerbo, 1996). Moreover, each approach
will also be advantaged; for those that are dis­ has certain advantages and disadvantages. Let’s
advantaged, the disadvantage may persist for consider each method more carefully.
generations.
▲ The Objective Method
The objective method views social class as a
Identifying Social Classes
statistical category. The categories are formed
Sociologists have borrowed the term “stratifica­ by sociologists and/or statisticians. Most com­
tion” from geology. Geologists usually find it monly, people are assigned to social classes on
rather easy to determine where one stratum of the basis of income, occupation, or education
rock ends and another begins. But social strata (or some combination of these characteristics).
often shade off into one another so that their The label “objective” can be misleading, for it
boundaries are dim and indistinct. How do we is not meant to imply that the approach is more
go about identifying social strata, or classes, in “specific” or “unbiased” than either of the oth­
the United States? ers. Rather, it is objective in that it uses numeri­
In the course of our everyday conversa­ cally measurable criteria to categorize individu­
tions, we talk about the “upper class,” “middle als. Figure 6.3 shows one way of depicting the
class,” and “lower class,” referring to these so­ distribution of Americans by family income.
cial classes as distinct groups. Do such groups The objective method provides a statistical
actually exist? Two views are found among so­ measure for investigating various correlates of
ciologists concerning the accuracy of this pop­ class, such as life expectancy, mental illness,
ular conception (Lucal, 1994). The first view divorce, political attitudes, crime rates, and
holds that classes are real, bounded strata that leisure activities. It is usually the simplest and
exist in conflicting relations with one another least expensive approach to research social
(the relational model}. Although this position classes because statistical data can be obtained
has been a central element in Marxist formula­ from government agencies and the Census Bu­
tions (Marx and Engels, 1848/1955; Wright, reau. However, there is more to class than sim­
1985), it also emerges in the work of other so­ ply raw statistical data. In the course of their
 The American Class System 183

$100,000 and over | 15.2

$75,000-599,999 12.7
$50,000—$74,999 | 27.2
$35,000-549,999 [ 16.5
$25,000-534,9991 17^9
$15,000-524,999] 12.1
$10,000-514,999
$5,000-59,999
Under $5,000

Distribution of Families by Income, 1999

Figure 6.3

Source: Figure generated by the authors using data from the U.S. Census Bureau, 2000.

daily lives, people size up one another on many Class is viewed as a social category, one in
standards of excellence. It is not only the actual which people group themselves with others
income, education, or occupational categories they perceive as sharing certain attributes in
that matter, but also the meanings and defini­ common. The class lines may or may not con­
tions others assign to these qualities. form to what social scientists think are logical
For example, one part of the cultural defi­ lines of cleavage in the objective sense. Re­
nition of an occupation is its prestige, the re­ searchers typically ask respondents to identify
spect and admiration people accord it. Sociolo­ their social class.
gists wishing to assign an “objective” ranking Within American life a family’s class posi­
to occupations that reflects the subjective tion historically derived from the husband’s po­
meanings people attach to occupations use oc­ sition in the labor market. But long-term social
cupational prestige scores. To determine the and economic changes, particularly the move­
prestige of occupations, researchers do large ment of many women into the workplace and
surveys and ask respondents to estimate the so­ declining family size, seem to be altering the
cial standing of each of a large number of oc­ way many women assess their class identity
cupations. The results can be used to assign (Baxter. 1994). Whereas in the 1970s most em­
prestige scores to the occupations of respon­ ployed women appraised their class position
dents in other studies (see Table 6.1). Many primarily in terms of the class position of their
electricians, funeral directors, and farm owners husbands, in the 1980s and 1990s employed
run very successful businesses and have high women have moved toward attaching equal
incomes. But because of the meanings people weight to their own characteristics. And single
attach to these occupations, their prestige rank­ men and women now look increasingly to their
ings fall in the middle of the range, as can be own characteristics rather than those of their
seen in Table 6.1. parents in assessing their class identities (Davis
and Robinson, 1988).
▲ The Self-Placement Method The major advantage of the self-placement
The self-placement method (also known as the approach is that it can be applied to a large
subjective method) has people identify the so­ population. However, the approach has its limi­
cial class to which they think they belong. tations. The class with which people identify
184 Social Stratification

may represent their aspirations rather than their

Table 6.1 Prestige Rankings
of Occupations
current associations or the appraisals of other
people. Further, when placing themselves in a
national class structure, people commonly use
Occupation Score
fewer categories than they do when interacting
with actual people and sizing them up in terms
Physician 86
Lawyer
of subtle distinctions.
75
College teacher 74
Chemical engineer 73
▲ The Reputational Method
Dentist 72 In the self-placement method, people are asked
Clergy 69 to rank themselves. In the reputational
Pharmacist 68 method, they are asked how they classify
Secondary school teacher 66 other individuals. This approach views class as
Registered nurse 66 a social group, one in which people share a
Accountant 65 feeling of oneness and are bound together in
Athlete 65 relatively stable patterns of interaction. There­
Elementary school teacher 64 fore, class rests on the knowledge of who asso­
Police officer, detective 60 ciates with whom. The approach gained promi­
Editor, reporter 60
nence in the 1930s when W. Lloyd Warner and
Financial manager 59
his associates studied the class structure of
Actor 58
Librarian 54
three communities: “Yankee City” (Newbury­
Social worker 52 port, Massachusetts), a New England town of
Electrician 51 some 17,000 people (Warner and Lunt, 1941.
Funeral director 49 1942); “Old City” (Natchez, Mississippi), a
Mail carrier 47 southern community of about 10,000 (Davis,
Secretary 46 Gardner, and Gardner, 1941); and “Jonesville”
Insurance agent 45 (Morris, Illinois), a midwestem town of about
Bank teller 43 6,000 (Warner, 1949). In Yankee City and Old
Farm owner 40 City, Warner identified six classes; the upper
Automobile mechanic 40 upper, the lower upper, the upper middle, the
Restaurant manager 39
lower middle, the upper lower, and the lower
Sales counter clerk 34
Cook 31
lower. Warner’s sociological conception of the
Waiter and waitress 28 U.S. class system was popularized by the
Garbage collector 28 media and gained considerable public appeal.
Janitor 22 Even today his formulations carry considerable
Parking lot attendant 21 weight in how the American public has come
Vehicle washer 19 to view and think about social class in Ameri­
News vendor 19 can life.
The reputational method is a valuable tool
Sources: Keiko Nakao, Robert W. Hodge, and Judith Treas, for investigating social distinctions in small
1990. “On revising prestige scores for all occupations," groups and small communities. It is particularly
GSS Methodological Report No. 69. Chicago: National
Opinion Research Center; General Social Surveys,
useful in predicting associational patterns
Davis and Smith, 1996. among people, but it is difficult to use in large
Note: Americans ranked a number of occupations in terms samples where people have little or no knowl­
of prestige in national surveys. The highest possible score edge of one another.
an occupation could receive was 90, and the lowest 10. The
table shows the ranking of a number of the occupations.
 The American Class System 185

▲ Combining Approaches it easier to employ the labels “upper class,”

Warner undertook most of his research prior to “middle class,” “working class,” and “lower
World War II. Sociologists Richard D. Coleman class” (poor people) when considering class
and Lee Rainwater (1978) changed our under­ distinctions. Research suggests that these terms
standing of the class structure of urban America correspond reasonably well with objective class
in a way that is still relevant today. They com­ indicators such as income, education, occupa­
bined the self-placement and reputational meth­ tional skill level, and manual versus nonmanual
ods, interviewing residents of Kansas City and jobs (Kerbo, 2000). However, the terms mask
Boston and querying them about their percep­ important divisions and interests among groups
tion of the levels of contemporary living. The in U.S. society. Moreover, they do not neces­
urbanites ranked each other and themselves in sarily correspond with self-placement identifi­
the following manner: cations. Even so, these class terms remain use­
ful both because they have the most meaning
• People who have really made it. At the for the most people and because they are signif­
very top of the U.S. class structure is an icantly related to major occupational and prop­
elite class of wealthy individuals. erty divisions.
• People who are doing very well. Corporate
executives and professional people make ▲ One Dimension or Many?
up this class. Sociologist Talcott Parsons (1940, 1953) pointed
out some 50 years ago that social position is de­
• People who have achieved the middle-class
termined by one’s location on some dimension
dream. These individuals enjoy the “good
or dimensions of value. As subcultures based on
life” as defined in material terms, but they
ethnicity, lifestyle, religious commitment, pat­
lack the luxuries of those in the higher
terns of consumption, occupation, age, and other
classes.
dimensions become increasingly important in
• People who have a comfortable life. While American cultural life, they have formed the
enjoying a “comfortable” life, the members basis of what we might call “status spheres”
of this class have less money at their dis­ (Berger and Berger, 1972; Wolfe, 1968). People
posal than the people above them and they are increasingly likely to compete with one an­
live in less fashionable suburbs. other within these spheres rather than along a
• People who are just getting by. Some single dimension of status. High status in one
Americans enjoy “respectable” jobs, but sphere may count for little in another; a high-
“getting by” puts a strain on their resources. ranking member of the outlaw motorcycle sub­
• People who are having a difficult time. culture (bikers) may appear to be “just another
Members of this group find “the going bum” to someone whose life is dominated by
tough.” Both the husband and the wife miniature furniture collecting. Likewise, the best
work, but their income is low. fiddle player in Nashville may find it impossible
to distinguish between a principal investigator
• People who are poor. These are “people
(high status) and a research associate (middle
who are down and out.” Many of them re­
status) on a research team in a large university.
ceive government assistance and benefits.
As a consequence, class distinctions in the
United States that were once clear have become
The Coleman-Rainwater divisions, though harder to discern, and a good many Americans
descriptive, are somewhat unwieldy. For the seem to be confused about where they stand in
most part, sociologists as well as laypeople find the class hierarchy (Labich, 1994).
186 Social Stratification

The Significance of Social Classes role. Nearly 18 percent of those who have not
finished high school are hospitalized each year,
Few aspects of social life affect so strongly the almost two and one-half times the rate for col­
way people behave and think as does social lege graduates (Otten, 1992).
class. For one thing, it largely determines their Poor people also have a higher risk of de­
life chances—the likelihood that individuals veloping cancer and dying from it. according to
and groups will enjoy desired goods and ser­ the American Cancer Society: Lower-income
vices, fulfilling experiences, and opportunities people have higher rates of lung, cervix, and
for living healthy and long lives. Broadly con­ esophagus cancers, in which lifestyle plays a
sidered. life chances have to do with people’s critical role. And research consistently shows
level of living and their options for choice. For that those in the lower social classes have
example, Americans in the highest tenth of the higher rates of mental illness (Kessler et al..
class hierarchy spend about 11 percent of their 1994; Williams, Takeuchi, and Adair. 1992).
income for food, while those in the lowest tenth Social class also affects people’s style of
have to spend over 40 percent for food (Blum­ life—the magnitude and manner of their con­
berg, 1980). The members of the higher classes sumption of goods and services. Convenience
also benefit in nonmaterial ways. Their children foods—TV dinners, potato chips, frozen pizza,
are more likely to go further in school and per­ and Hamburger Helper—are more frequently
form better than the children of parents who oc­ on the menus of lower-income than higher-
cupy lower socioeconomic positions (Mickel­ income households. Lower-class families drink
son, 1990). Indeed, by five years of age, less vodka, scotch, bourbon, and imported wine
youngsters who have always lived in poverty but consume more beer and blended whiskey.
have IQs on average 9 points lower than those Social class even affects such things as the
who were never poor; this gap cannot be ex­ styles of furniture people buy and the programs
plained by differences in mothers’ education, di­ they watch on television.
vorce rates, or race (Elias, 1994). Moreover, Social class is associated with various pat­
during the Vietnam War. some 80 percent of the terns of behavior. For instance, voting in­
2.5 million men who served in Southeast creases with socioeconomic status in most
Asia—of 27 million men who reached draft age Western nations (Verba. Nie, and Kim. 1978;
during the war—came from working-class and E. R. Smith. 1989). And people in the lower
impoverished backgrounds (Appy. 1993). classes begin sexual activities at a younger
Class affects health and life expectancy. age. but people in the upper classes are more
The infants of parents of the higher classes are tolerant of sexual variations and engage in a
more likely to survive than infants of parents of wider variety of sexual activities (Laumann et
the lower classes (Korenman and Miller. 1997). al.. 1994). In sum. one’s social class leaves few
Death rates for adults also are significantly af­ areas of life untouched.
fected by income and class (Kerbo, 2000).
General health also is affected. A national sur­ Poverty in the United States
vey of almost 50.000 households and 116.000
people indicated that almost 20 percent of More than 30 years after President Lyndon John­
Americans with family incomes of less than son announced that his Great Society program
$14,000 a year say they are in poor or only fair would end poverty in the United States, poverty
health, compared with a mere 4 percent of remains a significant feature of American life.
those with family incomes of $50,000 and Census Bureau statistics reveal that the percent­
above (National Center for Health Statistics, age of Americans below the poverty line
1996). Education plays a particularly important dropped from 22.4 percent in 1959 to a low of
 The American Class System 187

Figure 6.4
Poverty in the United States, 1959-1999

In 1999 the government classified a family of four as poor if it had cash income of less than $17,029.
Source: Figure generated by the authors using data from Dalaker and Proctor. 2000.
Note: The data points represent the midpoints of the respective years. The latest recession began in July 1990 and ended in
March 1991.

11.1 percent in 1973. However, by 1983 the rate States as the minimum amount of money fami­
had risen to 15.2 percent. Since the mid-1980s lies need to purchase a nutritionally adequate
the poverty rate has hovered close to 13 percent. diet, assuming they use one-third of their in­
However, it reached 15.1 percent in 1993. the come for food. Traditionally, liberals have con­
highest since 1983 (see Figure 6.4), and in 1999 tended the line is too low because it fails to
it stood at 11.8 percent, with 32.3 million people take into account changes in the standard of liv­
living in poverty (Dalaker and Proctor, 2000). ing (Ruggles, 1992). Conservatives have said it
What exactly is poverty? Who are the poor is too high because the poor receive in-kind in­
in the United States? Does the United States come in the form of public assistance, includ­
have an “underclass”? What causes poverty? ing food stamps, public housing subsidies, and
And how does the United States approach the health care (Rector, 1990). In 1999 the poverty
problems of poverty? We will discuss these is­ threshold for a family of four was $17,029
sues in this section. (Dalaker and Proctor, 2000).

▲ Defining Poverty ▲ Who Are the Poor?

The definition of poverty is a matter of debate. About 62 percent of the nation’s poor live in
In 1795, a group of English magistrates de­ large cities, and their number is growing. Over­
cided that a minimum income should be “the all, poverty has become increasingly the lot of
cost of a gallon loaf of bread, multiplied by single and divorced mothers and their children
three, plus an allowance for each dependent” (Huston, McLoyd, and Coll, 1994). For exam­
(Schorr, 1984). Today the Census Bureau de­ ple, in 1999 the poverty rate for married couples
fines the threshold of poverty in the United was 4.8 percent, while that for families headed
188 Social Stratification

More than 4 million white families were living in poverty' in 1999. Although
African-American families are more likely to be poor than white families,
most of the poor in the United States are white.

by a female with no spouse present was nearly 24 percent of divorced older women remain im­
six times higher. This feminization and juve- poverished. Farmers are more likely to be poor
nilization of poverty has changed course as than their city cousins, and there are thousands
women have made gains in both employment of American farmworkers who are poor, many
and wage equality (Bianchi. 1999). Neverthe­ of whom lack access to toilets and clean water
less, women still have a significantly higher risk at their work sites. Handicapped individuals are
of poverty than men (Haynie and Gorman, more than twice as likely as other workers to be
1999). In 1999 fatherless families represented poor. About 23 percent of working-age people
18 percent of the nation’s families, but 53 per­ who receive food stamps and 37 percent of
cent of the households living in poverty. Further, Medicaid recipients are disabled.
in 1999, 16.9 percent of all American children Not everyone who is poor receives welfare.
were members of families living below the And contrary to popular stereotype, whites use
poverty line, and children constituted more than government safety-net programs more than
37 percent of America’s poor. Overall, the poverty African Americans and Hispanics. Even in
rate for African Americans was 23.6 percent, urban areas, there are four poor whites for
more than twice the 9.8 percent rate for whites. every three poor African Americans and every
The rate for Hispanics was 22.8 percent and for two poor Hispanics (Usdansky, 1992).
Asian Americans 10.7 percent (Dalaker and Proc­
tor, 2000). ▲ An “Underclass”?
The poverty rate for the elderly dropped The term “underclass” has been applied by
from 35.2 percent in 1959 to about 9.7 percent some social scientists to a population of peo­
in 1999. Even so, 20 percent of widowed and ple, concentrated in an inner city, who are per-
 The American Class System 189

sistently poor, unemployed, and dependent on In the next section we consider the three
welfare (Coughlin. 1988). Initially, sociologist major theories of poverty.
William Julius Wilson (1987) championed the
concept to describe the plight of “the truly dis­ ▲ Theories of Poverty
advantaged.” Some argue that the term “under­ Various theories have been advanced through
class” has come to reflect the stereotype that the years to explain poverty.
the poor have created their own plight and that
the inhabitants of inner-city neighborhoods are • One approach looks to the characteristics
both fundamentally different from other Amer­ of the poor to explain their difficulties.
icans and violently dangerous. The term is According to the culture of poverty the­
used by sociologists, however, to describe the sis, the poor in class-stratified capitalist
phenomenon of persistent poverty. As historian societies lack effective participation and
Jacqueline Jones (1992) showed, the kind of integration within the larger society
poverty associated with contemporary urban (Lewis, 1966). Clustered in large ghettos
ghettos has a long history dating back at least in cities such as New York, Mexico City,
to the Civil War and has included white share­ and San Juan, the poor develop feelings of
croppers, Appalachian white migrants, and marginality, helplessness, dependence,
marginal white factory workers of the North. and inferiority, which allegedly breed
Sociologist Christopher Jencks (1992) weak ego structures, lack of impulse con­
pointed out that people talk and write about the trol, a present-time orientation character­
“underclass” in at least four different ways: in­ ized by little ability to defer gratification,
come levels (the impoverished underclass), in­ and a sense of resignation and fatalism.
come sources (the jobless underclass), cultural The resulting lifeways are both an adapta­
skills (the educational underclass), and moral tion and a reaction of the poor to their
behaviors (a group that deviates from middle­ disadvantaged positions. They become
class values and norms). Seen this way, ac­ self-perpetuating patterns as the ethos asso­
cording to Jencks, the underclass is a much ciated with the culture of poverty is trans­
more heterogeneous group than the concept mitted to successive generations (Murray,
would suggest. 1994). Political scientist Lawrence M.
Simply being poor does not make a person Mead (1992) offered a modified version of
a part of the underclass. Indeed, the underclass the theory, arguing that the sources of con­
constitutes a minority of the poor. The under­ temporary poverty are essentially psycho­
class is a core of inner-city poor, those individ­ logical and not cultural. He argued that the
uals and families who are trapped in an unend­ dependent poor share the values of the
ing cycle of joblessness and dependence on larger society but lack the confidence to try
welfare or criminal earnings. Their communi­ to live by them.
ties are often plagued by drug abuse, lawless­ Many sociologists argue that the cul­
ness, crime, violence, and poor schools (Wil­ ture of poverty thesis has serious shortcom­
son, 1996). Many underclass women were ings (Valentine, 1968; Duncan, Hill, and
teenage mothers and high school dropouts who Hoffman, 1988; Jaynes and Williams, 1989;
subsequently found themselves sidetracked Demos, 1990). For instance, as we pointed
without the resources or skills to escape a life out in Chapter 1, Elliot Liebow depicted the
of poverty. The rise of female-headed families economically poor streetcorner men of
is associated with the inability of underclass Washington, D.C., as very much immersed
men to find steady jobs (Wilson, 1987, 1991; in American life and not as carriers of an
Massey, 1990; Jencks, 1992). independent culture of poverty. They too
190 Social Stratification

want what other American men want, but • Still another view portrays poverty as a
they are blocked from achieving their goals structural feature of capitalist societies. The
by a racist social order. cyclical movements between economic
Another view sees poverty as largely situa­ expansion and contraction—boom and
tional. This view is supported by a long­ bust—contribute to sharp fluctuations in em­
term study that found that only 2.6 percent ployment. More than a century ago Marx
of 5,000 families could be classed as per­ contended that an industrial reserve army is
sistently poor—those who failed to meet essential for capitalist economies. The indus­
the government’s income standard for trial reserve army consists of individuals at
poverty in 8 or more of the 10 years of the the bottom of the class structure who are laid
study. Another 25 percent of the families in off in the interests of corporate profits during
the sample received welfare at some time times of economic stagnation and then re­
over the decade of the study, but they often hired when needed for producing profits dur­
received it for very short periods. Many ing times of economic prosperity. It is dis­
people who slip into poverty do so for a proportionately composed of minorities,
limited time after major adverse events, who traditionally have been the last hired
such as divorce or illness. For many fami­ and the first fired. Contemporary structural­
lies, welfare serves as a type of insurance ists say that a “new industrial order,” charac­
protection, something they use for a brief terized by a significant shift from manufac­
period but dispose of as quickly as they turing to service-sector employment, has
can. Undertaken by the University of produced massive vulnerability among all
Michigan’s Institute for Social Research blue-collar workers. In sum, poverty derives
(Duncan, 1984, 1987; Duncan, Hill, and from a lack of income-producing employ­
Hoffman, 1988), this research portrays the ment. And high inner-city rates of family
poverty population as a pool, with people disintegration, welfare dependency, drug
flowing in and out. The study casts doubt abuse, and crime are additional outcomes of
on the culture of poverty thesis that being faulty economic organization (Marks, 1991;
poor at one time means being poor always. Jones, 1992).
Although women who were unmarried
heads of households with children were ▲ Poverty Programs
somewhat more likely to be receiving wel­ For much of Western history, assistance to the
fare if they had come from welfare fami­ poor has taken the form of private almsgiving,
lies, most women from welfare families sporadically augmented with public relief. But
did not receive welfare. The Michigan re­ government intervention has not always been
searchers found “little evidence that indi­ truly charitable. For instance, in 18th-century
vidual attitudes and behavior patterns af­ England, poor laws provided workhouses for
fect individual economic progress.” To a the able-bodied indigent to discourage people
far greater extent, individuals “are the vic­ from adding themselves to the ranks of paupers.
tims of their past, their environment, luck, It is interesting to note that much of the 18th-
and chance.” Their findings support the and 19th-century debate surrounding definitions
view that the overwhelming majority of of poverty and its remedies is startlingly similar
Americans, given any reasonable choice, to that of today (Himmelfarb, 1984).
would prefer to work to support themselves The first large national poverty programs in
rather than live on welfare. the United States were established as part of
 The American Class System 191

President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal in wishes. Under this new system, states may
the 1930s. Two of these programs had a signifi­ limit assistance to less than five years and
cant impact on poverty: Social Security and may use the money from the federal gov­
Aid to Families With Dependent Children ernment for things other than welfare assis­
(AFDC). The Social Security program, de­ tance (Bane, 1997; Super et al., 1996).
signed to aid the disabled and prevent poverty
in old age, has sharply reduced poverty among What are the consequences of welfare re­
the elderly so that by 1995, persons over age 65 form? Judging its success is a matter of perspec­
were only about half as likely to be in poverty tive. The number of people receiving government
as people under 25. The AFDC program pro­ assistance definitely decreased. With unemploy­
vided aid to poor families with children. ment rates below 4 percent in some parts of the
Though it did not end poverty, it did provide country, getting people off welfare and into jobs
humanitarian relief, and the increased aid pro­ has been less difficult than it would have been
vided as part of President Lyndon Johnson’s during a recession. Between 1997 and 1999, na­
Great Society program of the 1960s did have tional poverty rates fell (from 13 to 11 percent
the effect of reducing the percent of persons in for adults and from 21 to 18 percent for children)
poverty (Blumberg, 1980; Kerbo, 1996), the re­ and employment rates for low-income single par­
sults of which can be seen in Figure 6.4 (p. 187). ents increased from 63 to 67 percent (Urban In­
How does the United States compare with stitute, 2000). Nevertheless, many states have ex­
other countries? Despite a persistent perception tended the deadlines for hundreds of thousands
that the U.S. government spends enormous of welfare recipients (Kerbo, 2000). Because it
amounts of money to support the poor, in fact was implemented during an economic boom, the
the United States is the only industrialized na­ long-term effects of welfare reform may not be
tion that has no guaranteed income program for felt until the economy falters.
families in poverty and no national health pro­ By putting the responsibility for welfare
gram to meet the medical needs of its citizens into the hands of the states, the welfare reform
(Kerbo, 2000). program also has resulted in significant varia­
The AFDC program survived until 1996, tion among states in how support to families in
when it was replaced by the Temporary Assis­ poverty is managed (U.S. Census Bureau,
tance for Needy Families (TANF) program as 2000). In at least one state, Illinois, studies in­
part of former President Bill Clinton’s welfare dicate that welfare reform has not negatively
reform. The welfare reform program focuses affected children in two key areas: Abuse and
primarily on encouraging work, eliminating neglect reports and entry to foster care both
long-term use of welfare, and handing welfare have fallen (Goerge and Lee, 2000). One of the
over to the states. Its key elements are: earliest welfare reform pilot programs, imple­
mented in Florida, was declared a success by
1. Welfare recipients must work after two
the media, but an analysis by sociologists found
years of assistance.
that more than 60 percent of the clients were
2. Recipients are limited to five years’ total categorized as ineligible for the program’s em­
assistance, including cycling on and off. ployment guarantee—and thus not counted as
3. The guarantee of assistance that was built failures when they did not find work (Rogers-
into AFDC has been replaced with a sys­ Dillon and Skrentny, 1999). Another sociologi­
tem of block grants to the states, money cal study of welfare agencies found that clients
that can be used largely as each state do not learn program requirements; they simply
192 Social Stratification

learn to respond to caseworkers’ demands (Wil­ stratification is a structured system of inequality;

son, Stoker, and McGrath, 1999). and social mobility refers to the shift of individ­
A major problem facing those who are uals or groups from one social status to another.
pushed off welfare and into employment is that Social mobility can occur in at least two
often their work fails to provide a livable wage. ways. First, societies change, altering the divi­
Early welfare-to-work test programs found that sion of labor, introducing new positions, under­
the costs of day care and transportation are not mining old ones, and shifting the allocation of
met by many jobs, and under the welfare re­ resources. Sometimes such social change oc­
form program college students receiving wel­ curs because members of the lower strata resent
fare had to drop out of college to find work, their exclusion from higher ranks and work to
thus limiting their chances to increase their change the established social order. Second, so­
wages (Boo, 1997; Nakashima, 1997; Pierre, cial mobility can take place when shifts occur
1997). And wages are not likely to increase. in the availability of different types of talent.
Surveys show that one clear result of pushing Although those in the higher strata may mo­
people off welfare has been to decrease wages nopolize the opportunities for training and edu­
for low-skilled workers (Kerbo, 2000). cation, they do not control the natural distribu­
How might poverty be handled differently? tion of talent and ability. People often must be
Based on the assumption that poverty is caused recruited from the lower ranks to perform roles
by low income and a lack of well-paying jobs in society that increase their status.
(Jencks, 1992), Bane and Ellwood (1994) sug­ In this section we will describe the forms
gested replacing welfare with a system of social mobility can take, discuss social mobility
income-support policies designed to reinforce and status attainment processes, and take a look
principles of family, work, and independence. at the “American Dream.”
First, people who work should not be poor;
minimum wages should be set high enough to
keep people in low-paying jobs out of poverty.
Forms of Social Mobility
Second, families should not be forced to rely on Social mobility can take a number of forms.
the income of only one parent. The government For example, mobility may be vertical or hori­
needs to better enforce laws requiring absent fa­ zontal. Vertical mobility involves movement
thers to pay child support and should provide from one social status to another of higher or
child-support payments when support from fa­ lower rank. As we saw in Table 6.1, Americans
thers is not forthcoming. Third, jobs must be differ in the prestige ratings they give to vari­
made available to those who are willing to ous occupations. If an auto mechanic (prestige
work. The government should be the employer score 40) became a lawyer (score 75), this shift
of last resort to provide jobs when the economy constitutes upward mobility. On the other hand,
falters and in areas where jobs are scarce. if the auto mechanic became a garbage collec­
tor (score 28), this change involves downward
mobility. If the auto mechanic took a job as a
Social Mobility restaurant manager (score 39), this shift repre­
sents horizontal mobility. Horizontal mobility
In many societies individuals or groups can entails movement from one social status to an­
move from one level (stratum) to another in the other of approximately equivalent rank.
stratification system, a process called social mo­ Mobility also may be intergenerational or
bility. Social inequality has to do with differences intragenerational. Intergenerational mobility
in the distribution of benefits and burdens; social involves a comparison of the social status of
 Social Mobility 193

urbanization occurred, the offspring of farmers

became less and less likely to grow up to be
farmers themselves. In general, more Ameri­
cans are upwardly mobile that downwardly mo­
bile across generations.
What accounts for the higher rate of up­
ward than downward intergenerational mobility
in the United States? First, changes in occupa­
tional structure over time: With technological
advances, more jobs are created toward the top
of the occupational structure than toward the
bottom. Second, fertility differences associated
with social class: White-collar fathers generate
fewer children than blue-collar fathers, making
more room toward the top of the class hierar­
Colin Powell's successful life, which chy. Overall, more than twice as many men
began in a middle-class family, have moved into white-collar jobs as have
illustrates both inter- and intra­ moved out of them (Davis, 1982).
gene rational mobility. We can learn more about social mobility
by looking at status attainment studies, which
identify the processes by which individuals
parents and their children at some point in their enter occupations and attain status in society.
respective careers (e.g., as assessed by the rank­ Two classic sociological studies of status trans­
ings of their occupations at roughly the same mission and attainment have pinpointed some
age). Research shows that a large minority, per­ key factors. The first involved the development
haps even a majority, of the U.S. population of a technique for studying the course of an in­
moves up or down at least a little in the class hi­ dividual’s occupational status over the life
erarchy in every generation. Intragenerational cycle (Blau and Duncan, 1972). Called the so­
mobility entails a comparison of the social sta­ cioeconomic life cycle, it involves a sequence
tus of a person over an extended time period. of stages that begins with birth into a family
There are limits to the variety of most people’s with a specific social status and proceeds
mobility experience. Small moves tend to be the through childhood, socialization, schooling, job
rule, and large moves the exception. seeking, occupational achievement, marriage,
and the formation and functioning of a new
Social Mobility and family unit. The second study, conducted by
William Sewell and his associates (Sewell et
Status Attainment al., 1970; Sewell and Hauser, 1975), was based
When sociologists talk about social mobility, on a survey of high school seniors and follow­
they usually have intergenerational occupa­ up work over the decade following their gradu­
tional mobility in mind. Over the history of the ation from high school.
United States, social mobility has occurred as a Both these studies found that education—
result of changes in occupational structure and the years of schooling completed—has the
the economy (Beeghley, 2000). For example, greatest influence on occupational attainment.
early in the country’s history, the sons of farm­ Blau and Duncan concluded that the social sta­
ers became farmers, but as industrialization and tus of one’s parents has little direct impact on
194 Social Stratification

occupational attainment; rather, it plays an in­ Research in Great Britain has shown that
direct role on status attainment through its af­ social mobility findings for white men cannot
fect on schooling. Sewell and his associates also be generalized to women (Abbott and
likewise found that a family’s socioeconomic Wallace, 1997). While the proportion of jobs
status has no direct affect on status attainment. done by women and the proportion of women
Instead, it affects the occupational attainment working for pay both have increased, women
indirectly by its effect on the child’s status at­ typically come in as routine workers and at
tainment aspirations during adolescence. the bottom of job categories. Similarly, in the
Increasingly sophisticated statistical tech­ United States, women are more likely than
niques have allowed clarification of a number men to be and remain at the bottom of any
of questions (Hurst, 1998), but critics of status scale of salaries and wages and less likely
attainment research contend that it has a func­ than men to be or remain at the top (Gittleman
tionalist bias (Knottnerus, 1991). They argue and Joyce, 1995). Daughters are less likely
that it is not the case that the job market is fully than sons to “inherit” their fathers’ occupa­
open to individuals who acquire positions tions and are more likely to be influenced by
based on education and ability. Although some their mothers’ occupations (Hurst, 1998). For
of the most important factors affecting status males, education is one of a number of vari­
attainment among white males have been iden­ ables affecting status attainment; for females,
tified, it turns out that for women and African education is clearly the most significant factor
Americans the processes of status attainment related to status attainment (Hurst, 1998).
are different. Women also are more likely than men to be
Let’s look first at African Americans. A na­ affected by family and home-life factors;
tionwide sample of boys revealed a number of Waddoups and Assane (1993) found that hav­
differences between blacks and whites in terms ing a child dampens the upward mobility of
of educational attainment (Portes and Wilson, women but not of men.
1976). Using a model similar to that developed Race also interacts with gender in status
by Sewell and others, based on parents’ educa­ attainment. In a study of women in Memphis,
tion, offspring’s education and aspirations, and researchers found that white women raised in
other factors, these researchers found that the working-class families received less support
model predicted attainment for whites better and encouragement for educational and career
than it did for blacks. This suggested that the attainment than did white women raised in
factors that are most important for educational middle-class families and black women raised
attainment among blacks were not included in in either working- or middle-class families
the model. Socioeconomic background, mental (Higginbotham and Weber. 1992). For exam­
ability, and academic performance were found ple, 86 percent of the black middle-class
to be more important for white attainment, while women said their families supported their
self-esteem and educational aspirations were going to college, compared to 70 percent of the
significant variables for blacks. Another study white middle-class women, 64 percent of the
further found that for blacks, unlike for whites, black working-class women, and only 56 per­
grades did not affect educational or occupational cent of the white women raised in working­
attainment (Porter, 1974). Indeed, forblacks, ac­ class homes.
ademic performance is simply not related to Higginbotham and Weber’s study looks at
attainment—not a finding that fits with our view only one aspect of educational and occupa­
of the United States as an “open system” where tional attainment in the United States, but it
performance and ability are important. makes clear the point that the structural model
 Social Mobility 195

What Is Happening
to the American Dream?
America has long been viewed as the land of
opportunity. In the last half of the 1800s, stories
by Horatio Alger enjoyed wide appeal. The sto­
ries told of poor boys who “made good” in
American life by reason of personal virtue,
pluck, diligence, and hard work. More recently,
best-selling books have described how individu­
als can achieve success by investing in real es­
tate, bonds, collectibles, or the stock market, by
dressing right, by intimidating others, by getting
right with God, or by psyching themselves up.
The American Dream is the belief that an
average person, through hard work and perse­
verance, can achieve as much as he or she
From The New Yorker (1/13/92). Copyright © 1992 wishes. A central part of this belief is that even
The New Yorker Collection. Warren Miller from people bom in poverty can live a decent life;
cartoonbank.com. All Rights Reserved. that is, have a nice home, own a car, and send
their children to college. In short, if they work
of Blau and Duncan and the social/psychologi- hard and play by the rules, they can join the
cal model of Sewell and his colleagues do not middle class.
explain all that we need to know about status Is it true? The data on income and wealth
attainment for a diverse population in the inequality we have presented in this chapter
United States. Another factor operating to would seem to indicate that a significant num­
channel individuals into various occupations is ber of Americans are losing the race for pros­
the dual labor market, with the primary, or perity; the rich get richer while the poor stay
core, sector of the economy offering “good poor—or get poorer. And status attainment
jobs” and the secondary, or periphery, sector studies demonstrate that the American Dream
offering “bad jobs” that provide poor pay, poor is a different reality depending on one’s gender,
working conditions, and little room for ad­ race, and ethnicity. The shrinking share of na­
vancement. Recruitment to these two sectors tional income going to middle-income Ameri­
varies, with African Americans, Hispanics, Na­ cans (Figure 6.1 on p. 178) has led some social
tive Americans, and women found more often scientists to express concern about the Ameri­
in the periphery sector (Beck, Horan, and Tol­ can middle class as an endangered species
bert, 1980; Sakamoto and Chen, 1991). If we (Thurow, 1987; Newman, 1993). Some social
want to gain a better understanding of how sta­ scientists see the United States as becoming a
tus attainment functions not just for white men nation of “haves” and “have nots,” with fewer
but for both women and men of a variety of people in between. The most severe gulf, they
races and ethnicities, we need to look beyond say, exists between the nation’s privileged and
education and fathers’ occupations and look in­ residents of inner cities (Bell, 1991).
stead at how race, class, and gender affect the We discussed changes in occupational struc­
status attainment process. ture in our consideration of social mobility, and it
196 Social Stratification

Figure 6.5
Median Income of Households by Race/Ethnicity, in Constant 1999
Dollars, 1972-1999
The American Dream: Coming True, but the Results Are Not Equal across All Groups. The median
income figures used to make this graph have been adjusted for inflation (i.e., are in “real” or “constant”
dollars) so that we can compare them over time to see if incomes have been rising or falling. These data
show that real household income fluctuates over time with the economy, but it has been on a generally
upward trend since the early 1970s and is now higher than it has ever been. Nonetheless, the higher incomes
that people expect as part of the American Dream do not flow equally to all groups.
Source: Figure generated by the authors using data from the U.S. Census Bureau (2000).

is occupational structure that sociologists link to hump distribution in income—highly paid ad­
the disappearance of the middle class. Industrial ministrative and professional workers, such as
change is eliminating high-paying jobs and re­ physicians and professional workers, at the top,
placing them with low-paying ones. Smokestack and low-paid workers, such as hamburger flip­
industries, such as machine tools, autos, and pers and telephone sales people, at the bottom.
steel, provide many middle-income jobs; when But not everyone agrees that the middle
deindustrialization causes their share of total em­ class is in difficulty (Morris, Bernhardt, and
ployment to fall sharply, the middle class shrinks. Handcock, 1994). Some say that the statistics
As jobs in manufacturing decline, most new jobs showing a shrinking middle class are skewed
are created in the service and trade sectors of the by changes in the age and living arrangements
economy. But service industries display a two- of U.S. adults (Linden, 1989). For example.
 Explanations of Social Stratification 197

three-fifths of all homes with incomes under performed. In sharp contrast, the second
$15,000 consist of individuals under 35 or over view—the radical thesis that is rooted in con­
65—those just getting started in occupations flict theory—has been highly critical of exist­
and those who may have retired. If a smaller ing social arrangements, viewing social in­
percentage of the population is of the age that equality as an exploitative mechanism arising
typically occupies the middle class, the middle out of a struggle for valued goods and services
class would reflect that change. And despite the in short supply.
fact that inequality has increased and that As noted in Chapter 1, the focus of the in-
“equal opportunity” may not be so equal, in teractionist perspective is on social action and
real dollars most Americans are better off than interaction, not the large-scale social structures.
they have ever been (see Figure 6.5). Though Although it has been concerned with how
some economists have predicted that members macro structures provide a framework within
of the under-30x generation may never match which social interaction takes place, and with
their parents’ living standards (Levy, 1989; understanding how organizational structures
Levy and Michel, 1991), the booming economy emerge out of micro structures of interaction
of the 1990s and the very low unemployment (Ritzer, 2000), it has not produced a theory of
rate has provided many opportunities for young stratification to explain large-scale structures of
adults to get a start. inequality in societies.
Because the American Dream is about in­
dividuals’ hopes for the future, any discussion The Functionalist Theory
about it ought to include what individuals
think. Recent survey data-sfiewuhat the Am®r4 -
of Stratification
can Dream is alive and well: 62 percent-ef~tJ7S. The functionalist theory of social inequality
fathers BMicve their sons have a better chance holds that stratification exists because it is ben­
of succeeding than they did, a figure essentially eficial for society. All societies require a system
unchanged from 1946. For girls, things look of stratification if they are to fill all the statuses
even brighter: 85 percent of mothers say their comprising the social structure and to motivate
daughters’ chances will be better than theirs, up individuals to perform the duties associated
from 61 percent in 1946 (Newport, 1997). with these positions. Consequently, society
must motivate people at two different levels:
Explanations of Social (1) It must instill in certain individuals the de­
sire to fill various positions, and (2) once the
Stratification individuals are in these positions, it must instill
in them the desire to carry out the appropriate
As sociology developed, the question of why roles. This theory was most clearly set forth in
social inequality and division should character­ 1945 by Kingsley Davis and Wilbert Moore, al­
ize the human condition provided a central though it has been subsequently modified and
focus of the new science. Through the years, refined by other sociologists. Davis and Moore
two strikingly divergent answers have emerged. argued that social stratification is both universal
The first—the conservative thesis that is rooted and necessary, and hence no society is ever to­
in functionalism—has supported existing social tally unstratified or classless.
arrangements, contending that an unequal dis­ Society must concern itself with human mo­
tribution of social rewards is a necessary instru­ tivation because the duties associated with the
ment for getting the essential tasks of society various statuses are not all equally pleasant to the
198 Social Stratification

Critics of the functionalist theory of stratification argue that some workers

are paid an extraordinarily large amount of money for work that is not
functionally important to society. Alex Rodriguez signed a contract worth
$252 million for 10 years.

human organism, are not all equally important (1) some kind of rewards that it can use as in­
to social survival, and are not all equally in need ducements for its members, and (2) some way
of the same abilities and talents. Moreover, the of distributing these rewards among the various
duties associated with a good many positions are statuses. Inequality is the motivational incen­
viewed by their occupants as onerous. Hence, in tive that society has evolved to meet the prob­
the absence of motivation, many individuals lems of filling all the statuses and getting the
would fail to act out their roles. For example, occupants to enact the associated roles to the
imagine being a dentist. How likely is it that tal­ best of their abilities. Since these rewards are
ented and intelligent people would train to be­ built into the social system, social stratification
come dentists—pulling teeth, working to correct is a structural feature of all societies.
extensive (and bad-smelling) decay, bending Employing the economists’ model of sup­
near to people’s faces even when they have ply and demand, functionalists say that the po­
runny noses, coughs, and bad breath, causing sitions most highly rewarded are those (1) that
people pain, anxiety, and distress—if the pay and are occupied by the most talented or qualified
status were not fairly high? Maintaining the den­ incumbents (supply) and (2) that are function­
tal health of our population is important to soci­ ally most important (demand). For example, to
ety, and so we need to motivate people to be­ ensure sufficient physicians, a society needs to
come dentists. offer them high salaries and great prestige. If it
On the basis of these social realities, func­ did not offer these rewards, functionalists sug­
tionalists contend that a society must have gest that we could not expect people to under-
 Explanations of Social Stratification 199

take the “burdensome” and “expensive” warded (Bok, 1993). The officers of large cor­
process of medical education. People at the top porations earn considerably more than presi­
must receive the rewards they do; if they do dents of the United States, cabinet members,
not. the positions would remain unfilled and so­ and Supreme Court justices. Critics also ask
ciety would disintegrate. whether garbage collectors, with their lower
pay and prestige, are more important to the sur­
^Evaluation of the Functionalist vival of the United States than top athletes who
Perspective receive incomes in seven and even eight fig­
This structure-function approach to stratifica­ ures. Entertainers also receive disproportion­
tion has been the subject of much criticism. ately high incomes; in 1993 Oprah Winfrey re­
For one thing, the labor market does not oper­ portedly earned $52 million, in part because
ate freely, rewarding only those of high abil­ her television show is seen in 64 foreign mar­
ity. Often jobs and positions are allocated on kets (Samuelson, 1994). In sum, the notion that
the basis of social connections and power (see many low-paying positions are functionally
Box 6.3). In addition, many people are born less important to society than high-paying posi­
into family positions of privilege or lack of tions is often difficult to support.
privilege, and as we saw in our discussion of
social mobility, this may have a strong influ­
ence on where people end up in the stratifica­ The Conflict Theory
tion system (Kim, 1987).
A 1980s study showed that nearly two-
of Stratification
thirds of the chief executives in 243 large U.S. The conflict theory of social equality holds that
corporations grew up in upper-middle or upper- stratification exists because it benefits individu­
class families. Such findings lead conflict theo­ als and groups who have the power to dominate
rists to contend that society is structured so that and exploit others. Whereas functionalists
individuals maintain a ranking that is deter­ stress the common interests that members of
mined by birth and that is irrespective of their society share, conflict theorists focus on the in­
abilities, and thus that stratification is dysfunc­ terests that divide people. Viewed from the con­
tional rather than functional. Melvin Tumin flict perspective, society is an arena in which
(1953), in his classic critique of the functional people struggle for privilege, prestige, and
theory of stratification, argued that because ac­ power, and advantaged groups enforce their ad­
cess to important, highly paid occupations is vantage through coercion (Grimes, 1991).
not entirely determined by ability, many tal­ The conflict theory draws heavily on the
ented people are discouraged from moving into ideas of Karl Marx. As discussed in Chapter 1.
such positions and as a result our society func­ Marx believed that a historical perspective is es­
tions less effectively and is less productive than sential for understanding any society. To grasp
it could be. Another dysfunction of stratifica­ how a particular economic system works, he
tion that Tumin noted is that inequality creates said that we must keep in mind the predecessor
hostility, suspicion, and mistrust in those who from which it evolved and the process by which
do not benefit from it, thus increasing the like­ it grows. For instance, under feudalism, the me­
lihood of social problems such as crime, drug dieval lords were in control of the economy and
abuse, and the like. dominated the serfs. Under the capitalist system,
Critics also point out that many of the posi­ the manor lord has been replaced by the modem
tions of highest responsibility in the United capitalist and the serf by the “free” laborer—in
States—in government, science, technology, reality a propertyless worker who “has nothing
and education—are not financially well re­ to sell but his hands.”
 6.3 ISSUES IN FOCUS

Why Did Doctors Start Delivering Babies?

Are the positions people hold Martha Ballard was a trained—but not necessarily
and the rewards they enjoy a midwife during a time when more competent—physicians.
consequence of their abilities women, serving as midwives, Her personal competitor was a
and contributions to society? provided most of the health young physician named
The functionalist theory of care for most of the people in Benjamin Page, who charged
stratification says yes, arguing the United States. As Ballard’s $6 to deliver a baby while she
that society must reward those 27 years of record keeping charged $2. Page was clearly
with high ability to ensure that show, she delivered 816 less experienced and less
those in functionally important babies, treated a wide variety capable than Ballard at
positions are the most of illnesses, manufactured her delivering babies. For example,
competent. Melvin Tumin own medicinal syrups and he misused the newly popular
(1953) heavily criticized this ointments, and prepared drug laudanum, a form of
view, arguing that competition bodies for burial. According to opium, putting one laboring
for positions in society is not historian Laurel Thatcher woman into a stupor that
free and that many people of Ulrich, who used Ballard’s stopped her labor completely.
high ability lack power and diary to write her Pulitzer- In Ballard’s opinion, Page was
connections and face barriers prize-winning A Midwife’s Tale, the cause of more than one
that others do not. Martha the midwife’s extensive infant’s death. She wrote in her
Ballard, a midwife who knowledge was gained not diary, “Mrs Kimball . . . was
delivered babies in Maine through attendance at a delivered of a dead daughter
between 1785 and 1812, was medical school but on the job, on the morning of the 9th
caught in a conflict that arose working with other women and instant, the operation
between midwives and by herself to care for others in performed by Ben Page. The
physicians at that time. Her her community. infant’s limbs were much
case illustrates how power Ballard observed and dislocated as I am informed”
and social influence, not ability participated in a major change (Ulrich, 1990:178). And again,
and competence, can be the in health care in the United “The wife of James Bridg was
primary determinants of one’s States—a change from delivered this morn at 1 hour of
position in the social reliance on midwives to a son. It was Born dead and is
hierarchy. employment of professionally to be interd this Evening.

Marx contended that the capitalist drive to duce) and the value that they receive (as deter­
realize surplus value is the foundation of mod­ mined by the subsistence level of their wages).
em class struggle—an irreconcilable clash of Capitalists do not create surplus value; they ap­
interests between workers and capitalists. Sur­ propriate it through their exploitation of work­
plus value is the difference between the value ers. Consequently, as portrayed by Marx, capi­
that workers create (as determined by the labor­ talists are thieves who steal the fruits of the
time embodied in a commodity that they pro­ laborer's toil. The capitalist accumulation of

200
 Doctor Page was operator. judge’s daughter and the midwives. The first women’s
Poor unfortunate man in the wives of an attorney, a medical school in the United
practice” (Ulrich, 1990:178). merchant, and a printer, all of States was not founded until
Yet Page persisted in offering whom were new to the town 1848 (Starr, 1982). By that
his services. and, like Page, educated and time men were firmly in control
Ulrich’s description of the ambitious. Medical sociologist of the medical practice of
involvement of physicians in Paul Starr pointed out in his obstetrics and the up-and-
childbirth suggests that Martha history of U.S. medicine (1982) coming ambitious American
Ballard’s experience was the that the more educated people citizenry had developed a
rule and not the exception. were, the more likely they strong preference for them.
Records show that deaths of were to accept physicians’ The case of Martha
mothers and babies increased claims of superior skill; Ballard and Benjamin Page
rather than decreased when physicians were similar to the provides a clear example of
physicians began routinely elite in education, often shared the constraints that operate in
attending births in the 19th a similar position of respect in the labor market. The change
century. Ulrich noted that the community, and were from a reliance on midwifery to
births attended by physicians involved in the same social employment of physicians
also involved a much higher networks. occurred not because
rate of complications than At this critical time, from physicians were better than
those attended by midwives the late 1700s to the 1840s, midwives at what they did, but
and suggested that birth was women like Martha Ballard and because they were men and
being made more complicated young women who wished to as such were already
by physicians’ use of forceps start a career in midwifery connected to other powerful
and drugs such as ergot and unfortunately did not have the institutions, including law,
opiates in deliveries that a option of going to medical education, business, and
midwife would have school and making the kind of politics. Young physicians
considered routine. social connections with the such as Benjamin Page were
Why would people employ elite that male physicians employed—and paid higher
a young, inexperienced could. In spite of women’s rates—to do something they
physician? Ulrich explains his extensive experience in weren’t very good at. Though
appeal: “Ben Page had certain medical matters during this midwives were as competent
advantages: a gentlemanly period, male physicians were or more competent than any
bearing, a successfully adamantly opposed to the physician at prenatal care and
completed apprenticeship, and admission of women into delivering babies, men had
credit with certain younger medical school, into the more power and better social
members of the Kennebec profession (Starr, 1982; Ulrich, connections and were able to
elite” (Ulrich, 1990: 178-79). 1990), or even into medical drive the women out of their
His list of patients included a training specifically for traditional role.

capital (wealth) derives from surplus value and Workers may remain exploited and op­
is the key to—indeed, the incentive for—the pressed for a protracted period, blinded by a
development of contemporary capitalism. Marx false consciousness—an incorrect assessment
believed that the class struggle will eventually of how the system works and of their subjuga­
be resolved when the working class overthrows tion and exploitation by capitalists. But through
the capitalist class and establishes a new and a struggle with capitalists, the workers’ “objec­
equitable social order. tive” class interests become translated into a

201
202 Social Stratification

subjective recognition of their “true” circum­ ture of human life and is not restricted to eco­
stances and they formulate goals for organized nomic relations. Ralf Dahrendorf (1959) held
action—in brief, they acquire class conscious­ that group conflict is an inevitable aspect of so­
ness. Hence, according to Marxists, if the ciety that would not be eliminated by revolu­
working class is to take on its historical role of tion as Marx had argued. The Marxist di­
overturning capitalism, “it must become a class chotomy between the capitalist class and the
not only ‘as against capital’ but also ‘for itself’; working class directs our attention away from
that is to say, the class struggle must be raised other important conflicts that animate social
from the level of economic necessity to the life in modern societies. Debtor and creditor
level of conscious aim and effective class con­ have stood against each other throughout his­
sciousness” (Lukacs, 1922/1968:76). It is not tory, as have consumers and sellers. And divi­
enough for the working class to be a “class in sions between racial and ethnic groups, skilled
itself’; it must become a “class for itself.” workers and unskilled laborers, and union or­
Marxists have long argued that investigating ganizations have been recurrent features of the
stratification that uses dimensions such as in­ American landscape.
come, education, and occupational prestige Ownership of the means of production
overlooks the key underlying issue in stratifica­ constitutes only one source of power. Control
tion: one’s relations to the means of production. over human beings—the possession of the
In an influential series of studies designed to means of administration—provides another
rectify this problem, Erik Olin Wright (1985, (Giddens, 1985), as illustrated by the commu­
1993; Steinmetz and Wright, 1989) investigated nist regimes in the former Soviet Union and the
class relations in the United States, using Marx’s nations of Eastern Europe prior to 1991. Power
idea that class must be defined in terms of peo­ also flows from knowledge. More than 50 years
ple’s relation to the means of production. He ago, the Austrian economist Joseph A. Schum­
identified four classes: capitalists (people who peter (1883-1950) emphasized that knowledge,
own large businesses), managers (those who technology, and innovation are the cornerstones
manage large businesses), workers (nonman­ (more than price competition) for energizing
agers employed by others), and the petite bour­ economic life (Swedberg, 1991). For example,
geoisie (small entrepreneurs such as shop own­ within contemporary American life, engineers,
ers, restauranteurs, and real estate and insurance systems analysts, and software design special­
agents). Using samples of people in the labor ists derive organizational and social power by
force, Wright found that these categories are virtue of their expertise. In large corporations, a
about as good in explaining differences in in­ good deal of power derives from office rather
come among people as occupation and educa­ than ownership. But in all these examples, in­
tion. Even allowing for the effects on income of fluence lasts only as long as officeholders stay
occupation, education, age, and job tenure, capi­ in their positions. Their hold on power is often
talists have higher incomes than the other tenuous and they are easily replaceable. Much
classes. Thus, Wright concluded that being a the same picture emerges from government.
capitalist makes a difference (Kamolnick, 1988). The people who actually hold and exercise
power are not the owners of the means of pro­
▲ Evaluation of the Conflict duction, and they are powerful only as long as
Perspective they hold office. Marx’s response to this point
The emphasis on economic relations in Marx’s would be his contention that in a capitalist soci­
conflict theory results in a limited view of both ety the government is an administrative unit
conflict and power. Conflict is a pervasive fea­ that runs the society in the service of those who
 Explanations of Social Stratification 203

own the means of production. As we will see in Without systems of stratification, there would
Chapter 9, there are a variety of positions in so­ be continuing conflict and aggression over the
cial science about this issue. distribution of scarce resources. Institutional­
ized inequality provides at least a temporary
answer to the question “who gets what and
A Synthesis of Perspectives why.” Kerbo bases much of his reasoning on
Many sociologists have noted that both the the work of sociologist Gerhard Lenski (1966),
functionalist and conflict theories have merit, who tried to formally integrate the functionalist
but that each is better than the other in answer­ and conflict perspectives. Lenski agreed with
ing different questions (Sorokin, 1959; van den functionalists that the chief resources of society
Berghe, 1963; Milner, 1987). For example, as are allocated as rewards to people who occupy
the functionalists have proposed, some of the vital positions and that stratification fosters a
distribution of rewards within the occupational rough match between scarce talents and re­
structure is explained by the supply and de­ wards. But as a society advances in technology,
mand factors in the labor and job markets it becomes capable of producing a considerable
(Kerbo, 2000). But, as conflict theorists have surplus of goods and services. This surplus
pointed out, the markets for labor and jobs are gives rise to conflicts over who should control
not free and unrestricted, and some of the in­ it. Power provides the answer to the question of
equality in outcomes can be explained by dif­ control and determines the distribution of the
ferences in power and influence across social surplus. Consequently, with technological ad­
classes. vance an increasing proportion of the goods
Some sociologists have tried to synthesize and services available to a society are distrib­
the functionalist and conflict perspectives. uted on the basis of power. In short, Lenski
Harold R. Kerbo (2000), for example, has ar­ held that the functionalist and conflict positions
gued that stratification systems are institutions provide part of the answer, but that neither con­
that have evolved in order to reduce conflict. tains the whole truth.

The Chapter in Brief: Social Stratification

Most societies are organized so that their Patterns of Social Stratification

institutions systematically distribute benefits and Social stratification depends upon, but is not
burdens unequally among different categories of the same thing as, social differentiation—the
people. Sociologists call the structured ranking process by which a society becomes
of individuals and groups—their grading into increasingly specialized over time.
horizontal layers or strata—social stratification.
I Open and Closed Systems. Where situational, and poverty as a structural feature
people can change their status with relative ease, of capitalist societies.
sociologists refer to the arrangement as an open
system. A closed system is one in which people Social Mobility
have great difficulty in changing their status. In many societies individuals or groups can
move from one level (stratum) to another in the
I Dimensions of Stratification. stratification system, a process called social
Sociologists typically take a multidimensional mobility.
view of stratification, identifying three
components: economic standing (wealth and I Forms of Social Mobility. Social
income), prestige, and power. mobility takes a number of forms. It may be
vertical or horizontal and intergenerational
The American Class System or intragenerational. When sociologists talk
Inequality follows relatively consistent and about social mobility, they usually mean
stable patterns that persist through time. We intergenerational occupational mobility.
often refer to advantaged and disadvantaged
groups in the United States as the upper class, I Social Mobility and Status Attainment.
middle class, and lower class. More Americans are upwardly mobile than
downwardly mobile across generations.
I Is There Inequality in American Sociologists study the course of an individual’s
Society? Since the early 1970s income occupational status over the life cycle by looking
inequality in the United States has been at the socioeconomic life cycle. Education has
increasing and is now at its highest level in the greatest influence on occupational attainment
50 years. In 1999 the top 20 percent of the for white men. The processes of status attainment
population received nearly half of the income. are different for women and blacks than for white
Inequality in wealth is even greater. males. Critics of status attainment research
contend that it has a functionalist bias and that
I Identifying Social Classes. Three the dual labor market operates to sort people
primary methods are employed by sociologists into core or periphery sector jobs.
for identifying social classes: the objective
method, the self-placement method, and the I What Is Happening to the American
reputational method. Dream? Controversy surrounds the issue of
whether the American middle class is an
I The Significance of Social Classes. endangered species. Although “equal
Social class largely determines people’s life opportunity” does not apply to all Americans,
chances and style of life and influences depending on race, gender, and ethnicity, in
patterns of behavior, including voting and real dollars most Americans are better off than
sexual behavior. their parents.

I Poverty in the United States. Explanations of Social

Children and the elderly account for nearly half Stratification
of all Americans living in poverty. Three The question of why social inequality and
theories predominate regarding poverty: the division should characterize the human condition
culture of poverty theory, poverty as has provided a central focus of sociology.

204
I The Functionalist Theory of individuals and groups who have the power to
Stratification. The functionalist theory of dominate and exploit others. Marx contended
social inequality holds that stratification exists that the capitalist drive to realize surplus
because it is beneficial for society. Society value is the foundation of modern class
must concern itself with human motivation struggle.
because the duties associated with the various
statuses are not all equally pleasant to the IA Synthesis of Perspectives. Both
human organism, important to social survival, functionalist and conflict theories have merit,
and in need of the same abilities and talents. but each is better than the other in answering
different questions. A number of sociologists,
I The Conflict Theory of Stratification. including Gerhard E. Lenski, have looked for
The conflict theory of social inequality holds ways of integrating the two perspectives.
that stratification exists because it benefits

Glossary

closed system status to another that is objective method An

A stratification system in approximately equivalent in approach to the identification
which people have great rank. of social classes that employs
difficulty changing their status. such yardsticks as income,
income The amount of
occupation, and education.
culture of poverty The money people receive.
view that the poor possess open system A stratification
intergenerational mobility
self-perpetuating lifeways system in which people can
A comparison of the social
characterized by weak ego change their status with
status of parents and their
structures, lack of impulse relative ease.
children at some point in their
control, a present-time
respective careers. power The ability of
orientation, and a sense of
individuals and groups to
resignation and fatalism. intragenerational mobility
realize their will in human
A comparison of the social
dual labor market An affairs even if it involves the
status of a person over an
economy characterized by two resistance of others.
extended period of time.
sectors. The primary, or core,
prestige The social respect,
sector offers “good jobs,” and life chances The likelihood
admiration, and recognition
the secondary, or periphery, that individuals and groups
associated with a particular
sector offers “bad jobs.” will enjoy desired goods and
social status.
services, fulfilling experiences,
horizontal mobility
and opportunities for living reputational method An
Movement from one social
healthy and long lives. approach to identifying social

205
classes that involves asking groups move from one level seeking, occupational
people how they classify (stratum) to another in the achievement, marriage, and the
others. stratification system. formation and functioning of a
new family unit.
self-placement method An social stratification The
approach to identifying social structured ranking of style of life The magnitude
classes that involves self­ individuals and groups; their and manner of people’s
classification. grading into hierarchical consumption of goods and
layers or strata. services.
social differentiation The
process by which a society socioeconomic life cycle vertical mobility Movement
becomes increasingly A sequence of stages that of individuals from one social
specialized over time. begins with birth into a family status to another of higher or
with a specific social status and lower rank.
social mobility The process
proceeds through childhood,
in which individuals or wealth What people own.
socialization, schooling, job

Internet Connection www.mhhe.com/hughes6

Income inequality is a persistent feature of formation will be more detailed than you need.
American life. Go to the area of the U.S. Cen­ Check through the tables until you come to
sus Bureau’s website that presents historical something that clearly presents some aspect of
data on income inequality in U.S. society, income inequality over time. Using the data
http://www.census.g0v//hhes/inc0me/histinc/ presented to inform your argument, write a
histinctb.html. Explore this area for informa­ short report about income inequality in the
tion on how income inequality has changed United States. Does inequality exist? How do
over time in the United States. Some of this in­ you know? How has it changed over time?

206
chapter 7
.. A

Inequalities of Race and Ethnicity

208
Racial and Ethnic Stratification
Races
In 1997 a jury ordered Eddie Bauer Inc. to pay
an African-American teenager and his two
Ethnic Groups
friends $1 million, saying the young men had
Minority Groups
been harassed when one of them was accused
The Potential for Conflict and Separation
of shoplifting. The teenager, Alonzo Jackson,
Prejudice and Discrimination had sued Eddie Bauer after a security guard
Prejudice had him surrender the shirt he was wearing
Discrimination while he went home to find the receipt showing
Institutional Discrimination that he had purchased and not shoplifted it
(Pan, 1997). Dozens of similar lawsuits charg­
Patterns of Intergroup Relations: ing consumer racism have been filed in recent
Assimilation and Pluralism years. They include one by a black woman
Assimilation
whose check for a $168 jacket was refused at a
Foot Locker store; her white roommate’s check
Pluralism
was accepted without hesitation a few minutes
Racial and Ethnic Groups later. In another case a black man was waiting
for his change at a Giant Food store when secu­
in the United States rity guards accused him of shoplifting and
African Americans
asked that he strip. In still another an African-
Hispanics American woman collected a cart full of sup­
Native Americans
plies at a Home Depot and then spent more
Asian Americans
than an hour waiting for a white manager to
White Ethnics
examine and reject her $1,000 gift certificate.
Sociological Perspectives on In 1993 the Denny’s restaurant chain paid
$54 million to 300,000 customers who said
Inequalities of Race and Ethnicity they were discriminated against (Pan, 1997). In
The Functionalist Perspective 1996 Texaco Inc. agreed to pay $176.1 million
The Conflict Perspective to settle an employee race discrimination case
The Interactionist Perspective (Walsh, 1996).
Why so many lawsuits about racism and
The Future of Ethnic and discrimination? Didn’t the U.S. Congress pass
Minority Group Relations civil rights laws in the 1960s that outlawed dis­
Intergroup Relations crimination? It did, but passing laws does not
Ethnicity immediately translate into equal treatment for
all. The U.S. Justice Department can use the
Box 7.1 Doing Social Research: Teasing Out 1964 Civil Rights Act to obtain injunctions
Prejudiced Beliefs that order restaurants, gas stations, theaters,
hotels, and other establishments to stop dis­
Box 7.2 Students Doing Sociology: criminatory practices, but it does not have au­
Institutional Discrimination thority over retailers such as Eddie Bauer or
Giant Foods or Foot Locker. In the cases de­
Box 73 Sociology around the World: Model scribed above and others, private lawyers now
Minorities—Does Class or Do are using desegregation laws to seek damages
Values Spell Success? for their clients.

209
210 Inequalities of Race and Ethnicity

Sociologists must ask several important lower-level employees. In this section we will
questions about race and ethnicity and the strat­ discuss races, ethnic groups, and minority
ification that results from them. Where do race groups, and the potential these groupings create
and ethnicity come from? Why and how are for conflict and separation.
they associated with the distribution of soci­
ety’s rewards? How and why do racial and eth­ Races
nic stratification change? This chapter tries to
answer these questions by examining the The concept of race frequently is used to refer
process of racial and ethnic stratification. We to differences among groups in their physical
will discuss prejudice and discrimination and characteristics. For example, we readily recog­
various patterns of relationships among groups. nize that groups of Norwegians, Chinese, and
We will describe a number of the racial and Ugandans look different; people in various
ethnic groups in the United States. Last, we parts of the world differ in certain hereditary
will take a look at the insights the functionalist, features, including the color of their skin, the
conflict, and interactionist perspectives provide texture of their hair, their facial features, their
into matters of racial and ethnic inequality. stature, and the shape of their heads.
Scientists, however, have considerable diffi­
culty identifying races and categorizing people
Racial and Ethnic in terms of them (Molnar, 1997). For the most
part, races are not characterized by fixed, clear-
Stratification cut differences, but by fluid, continuous differ­
ences, and these differences also change consid­
In Chapter 6 we discussed the class system of erably with time (American Anthropological
stratification. Stratification represents institu­ Association, 1997). It is often next to impossi­
tionalized inequality in the distribution of so­ ble to tell where one population ends and an­
cial rewards and burdens. In this chapter we other begins. Where and among what people in
turn our attention to a related system of stratifi­ Africa or Europe can one say with certainty that
cation, that of race and/or ethnicity. individuals of “white” ancestry cease and indi­
Societies throughout the world contain peo­ viduals of “black” ancestry start? With respect
ples with different skin colors, languages, reli­ to skin color, hair, stature, and head shape, pop­
gions, and customs. These physical and cultural ulations grade into one another. Additionally,
traits, by providing high social visibility, serve as peoples differ in a great many ways, and these
identifying symbols of group membership. In variations occur independently of one another.
turn, individuals are assigned statuses in the so­ Classifications based on skin color do not nec­
cial structure—through a process of ascription— essarily yield the same results as those based on
based on the group to which they belong (see some other characteristic; extremely kinky hair
pp. 55-56 Chapter 2). Many of the same prin­ is found among the moderately pigmented San
ciples we will consider in this chapter also apply of the Kalahari Desert (South Africa) while
to what are variously termed socially marginal­ straight or wavy hair is found among some
ized groups—vulnerable and frequently victim­ dark-pigmented peoples of southern India (Bar-
ized populations who typically have little eco­ nicott, 1964; Zuckerman. 1990).
nomic, political, and social power, including Because human beings do not lend them­
cancer and acquired immunodeficiency syn­ selves readily to cut-and-dried “racial” classifi­
drome (AIDS) patients, the elderly, children, and cations, scientists are far from agreement in di-
 Racial and Ethnic Stratification 211

viding human populations into “races.” Further, For example, research shows that among
the number of features that humans everywhere African Americans, European ancestry, as
share are substantially larger and of consider­ measured by skin color or by blood type, has
ably greater importance than their differences. no association with measures of intelligence.
Indeed, if we examine genetic data, two people This is not the finding we would expect if bio­
selected from within a race are about as differ­ logical factors linked to race were causally
ent from each other as are two people selected linked to intelligence (Nisbett, 1998). In addi­
from different races, regardless of how we de­ tion, research in Western societies over the past
fine race (American Anthropological Associa­ 50 years shows substantial increases in scores
tion, 1997). Racial categories used in the United on intelligence tests that are much larger than
States came originally from European “folk tax­ can be explained by genetic change. This find­
onomies,” popular ways of categorizing people ing indicates that environmental factors, partic­
that emerged following Columbus's voyages to ularly culture, can exercise a strong influence
the New World, but the scientific utility of these on group differences in measured intelligence
categories has never been established. (Flynn, 2000).
How, then, is the concept “race” useful? Despite such scientific evidence and much
For sociologists race is a social construct change in the racial climate over the 20th cen­
(Davis, 1991). A race is a group of people who tury, American culture still includes the pre­
see themselves, and are seen by others, as hav­ sumption that race is associated with individual
ing hereditary traits that set them apart. What character and ability. Because of this presump­
interests sociologists is the social significance tion, race has significance in social interaction,
people attach to various traits. By virtue of in­ affects people’s attitudes, and is associated with
dividuals’ social definitions, skin color or some discrimination, which we will discuss in more
other trait becomes a sign or mark of a social detail later in this chapter.
status (Denton and Massey, 1989).
A Racism
—} A Race, Ability, and Culture An important concept based on race is racism.
It has been common throughout history for Racism exists at two levels, individual and in­
people to believe that race is associated with stitutional. At the individual level, racism is the
personality, moral character, competency, intel­ belief that some racial groups are naturally su­
o)
s- ligence, and other characteristics. Prominent perior and others are inferior. Individual racism
- among recent claims of this kind is the widely depends on two ideas that have been discred­
3 . publicized study The Bell Curve (Herrnstein ited in contemporary scholarship: (1) that peo­
o
and Murray, 1994) that included the argument ple may be reliably classified into racial groups
ft that racial groups differ in intelligence. The (Muir, 1993; Montagu, 1964) and (2) that these
£ - consensus in the scientific community today, groups are inherently different in regard to abil­
however, is that the biological factors that pre- ity, character, intelligence, social behavior, and
sumably underlie race do not cause race differ- culture (Block and Dworkin, 1976; Fischer
ences in intelligence (Fischer et al.. 1996; et al., 1996; Nisbett, 1999). Generally, this form
Jencks and Phillips, 1998; Arrow, Bowles, and of racism gives rise to attitudes of aversion and
Durlauf, 2000), and that claims such as those of hostility toward others based on their race. We
U Herrnstein and Murray ignore the important discuss this below in the section on prejudice.
impact that environmental conditions have on At the institutional level, racism involves
the measurement of intelligence. discriminatory policies and practices that result
212 Inequalities of Race and Ethnicity

in unequal outcomes for members of different been justified by their individual abilities and
racial groups. We discuss this below in the sec­ talents. They are said to be members of mi­
tion on discrimination. While individual racism nority groups.
exists in people’s beliefs and attitudes, institu­ Sociologists commonly distinguish five
tional racism is imbedded in the social structure properties as characteristic of minority groups
and may operate independently of individual (Wagley and Harris, 1964; Vander Zanden,
racism. Anyone who identifies as a member of 1983>: c I w cxcA < rt ih C S
any racial group can participate in individual rvn i tn o<i4-v\ O\ < .
racism. However, participation in institutional 1. A minority is a social group whose mem­
racism that benefits one’s own racial group is bers experience discrimination, segrega­
possible only if one's group is powerful enough tion, oppression, or persecution at the
to dominate major social institutions. hands of another social group, the domi­
nant group, and lack the power to change
Ethnic Groups their situation. The minority group mem­
bers are disadvantaged and also are the
Groups that we identify chiefly on cultural source of the dominant group's advantages,
grounds—language, folk practices, dress, ges­ since the oppression of one people confers
tures, mannerisms, or religion—are called eth­ privilege and status on another.
nic groups. Within the United States, Jewish
Americans, Italian Americans, and Hispanics 2. A minority is characterized by physical or
are examples of ethnic groups. Ethnic groups cultural traits that distinguish it from the
often have a sense of peoplehood, and to one dominant group.
degree or another many of them deem them­ 3. A minority is a self-conscious social group
selves to be a nation (Marger, 2000; Stack, characterized by a consciousness of one­
1986). In addition, ethnic groups have a sense ness. Its members possess a social and
of shared history and shared fate that can draw psychological affinity with others like
people together into a powerful social unit. themselves, providing a sense of identity.
Ethnic identities are often “constructed” by This consciousness of oneness is accentu­
their bearers. For instance, an Asian-American ated by the members’ common suffering
consciousness has arisen among many dis­ and burdens.
parate Asian nationality groups in the United 4. Membership in a minority group is gener­
States (Espiritu, 1992). The new identity arose ally not voluntary. It is often an ascribed
in part as a response to political expediency. position because an individual is com­
Political mobilization also has contributed to a monly bom into the status.
supratribal identity among many Native Ameri­
cans (Nagel, 1994). 5. The members of a minority, by choice or
necessity, often marry within their own
Minority Groups group (endogamy). The dominant group
strongly discourages its members from
Within the United States, African Americans, marrying members of the minority group
Hispanics, Native Americans, Asian Ameri­ and usually scorns those who do.
cans, and Jews have been the victims of prej­
udice and discrimination. Throughout much We may define a minority group as a
of the nation’s history, they have been con­ racially or culturally self-conscious population,
fined to subordinate statuses that have not with hereditary membership and a hi£h degree
 Prejudice and Discrimination 213

minority group and had many of the same mi­

nority characteristics as African Americans (see
Chapter 8). Gay men and lesbians «<-| p. 2471
similarly share a minority status in contempo­
rary society, as do others whose sexual prefer­
ences differ from what is conventional and tra­
ditional in American society.

The Potential for Conflict

and Separation
Although racial and ethnic stratification is simi­
lar to other systems of stratification in its essen­
tial features, there tends to be one major differ­
ence. Racial and ethnic groups often have the
potential for carving out their own independent
For sociologists, race is a social nation from the existing state. Political sepa­
construct, not a set of biological traits. ratism may offer racial and ethnic groups a so­
Gregory Howard Williams, whose father lution that is not available to other disadvan­
was half black, grew up thinking he was taged categories.
white and being treated by others as if The underlying potential for separatist
he were white. In his book Life on the movements exists in nations with diverse racial
Color Line (1995) he describes what and ethnic groups. Unlike class stratification,
happened when he, his schoolmates, the issue is not replacement of one elite by an­
and others in the community learned of other or even a revolutionary change in the po­
his father’s background: overnight, he litical system. Instead, the question is one of
became black. whether the racial or ethnic segments of the so­
ciety seek to be politically independent
(Lieberson, 1970). Examples abound in the
contemporary world of separatist movements,
of in-group marriage, that suffers oppression at including the French Canadians in Canada, the
the hands of a dominant group (Williams, Palestinians in Israel, the Irish Catholics of
1964). The critical characteristic that distin­
Northern Ireland, the various Muslim and
guishes minority groups from other groups is
Christian factions in Lebanon, and the Sikhs in
that they lack power.
India’s Punjab.
Although some sociologists have limited
the concept minority group to groups that have
hereditary membership, such as ethnic groups,
the concept has wide applicability to the situa­
Prejudice and
tion of any social category that is singled out Discrimination
by a dominant group for unequal treatment by
virtue of presumed physical or cultural differ­ Prejudice and discrimination are so prevalent in
ences. In a now classic article, Helen Mayer contemporary life, so much a part of the racial
Hacker (1951. 1974) argued that women were a and ethnic stratification that exists in the
214 Inequalities of Race and Ethnicity

United States, that we often assume they are diced toward members of other groups? Social
merely “part of human nature.” Yet this view scientists in the United States have been study­
ignores the enormous variation among individ­ ing this issue for more than 75 years and have
uals and societies in levels of prejudice and dis­ come up with two kinds of explanations, one
crimination. Even in Hitler’s Germany, where emphasizing social psychological processes
large numbers of Germans supported and par­ and the other emphasizing social structure.
ticipated in the Nazi Holocaust (Goldhagen, Social psychological theories argue that so­
1996), some “Aryans” opposed anti-Semitism cial interaction can produce prejudices in indi­
and helped Jews escape. And whereas Asians viduals. In frustration-aggression theory, preju­
have found acceptance in Hawaii and have dice is a form of scapegoating that results from
prospered there, on the West Coast and in displaced aggression. For example, members of
British Columbia they have had a long history the dominant group may blame immigrants or
of persecution (Glick, 1980). Similarly, whites minority groups when the economy is in de­
held a positive image of blacks in the ancient cline. Authoritarian personality theory argues
world, a situation very different from recent that the tendency to be prejudiced emerges out
history (Snowden, 1983). Even during the civil of overly strict child-rearing practices that re­
rights movement in the United States, individu­ sult in people valuing obedience to authority
als varied in levels of prejudice. Some southern and desiring to dominate others. There is some
whites had progressive racial attitudes and sup­ value in these theories, but neither provides a
ported the African-American struggle for satisfactory explanation of the prejudice we ob­
equality (e.g., Durr, 1985). serve in society. Frustration aggression theory
In this section we will define and discuss cannot explain why ethnic minority groups are
prejudice and discrimination and consider insti­ chosen as targets of prejudice (Marger, 2000).
tutional discrimination. And prejudice is often so widespread and per­
vasive that it could not be entirely due to the
existence of persons who have authoritarian
Prejudice personalities.
Prejudice refers to attitudes of aversion and Socialization theories of prejudice provide
hostility toward the members of a group simply a more satisfactory explanation, arguing that
because they belong to it and hence are pre­ prejudiced attitudes are part of the culture that
sumed to have the objectionable qualities as­ people internalize during socialization by par­
cribed to it (Allport, 1954; Devine, 1989). As ents, friends, and associates in the community,
such, prejudice is a subjective phenomenon—a whose messages are reinforced by educational
state of mind. Racial prejudices generally have experiences and stereotypes presented in
three components: (1) a cognitive component media. Socialization theory can explain wide­
that provides a description of members of the spread prejudice that is learned and supported
target group, often including negative stereo­ by the cultural environment. But it cannot fully
types such as “lazy,” “thoughtless,” “criminal,” explain how and why prejudice can change
or “unfeeling”; (2) an affective component that form and continue to exist when important
involves negative reactions and emotional feel­ agents of socialization such as major media
ings about the group; and (3) a behavioral com­ outlets and the education system produce mes­
ponent that may include the tendency to dis­ sages that oppose prejudice and bigotry.
criminate or behave negatively toward Social structural theories, in contrast,
members of the group. Why are people preju­ argue that prejudice is a cultural mechanism
 Prejudice and Discrimination 215

emerging out of competition and conflict be­ But this does not mean that white prejudice
tween groups, and that it can be an important has disappeared. As traditional racial prejudice
factor enabling a single group to achieve and declined, new forms of prejudice emerged. This
maintain dominance. In the view of realistic new complex of attitudes, termed symbolic
group-conflict theory (Campbell. 1965; Bobo, racism (Kinder and Sears, 1981), modern
1983; Sears et al.. 2000), when the interests of racism (McConahay, 1986), or racial resent­
groups coincide, intergroup attitudes will be ment (Kinder and Sanders, 1996) by various re­
relatively positive. However, if the interests of searchers, stereotypes African Americans as
groups diverge, as is the case when groups people who do not share the American work
compete for scarce resources such as land, ethic, who would rather be on welfare than
jobs, or power, negative prejudicial attitudes work, who would be as well off as whites if
will result. they would “try harder.” and who have recently
In his now classic “sense of group posi­ been “getting more than they deserve.” Accord­
tion” theory. Blumer (1958) argued the preju­ ing to group conflict and group position theo­
dice flows from people’s perceptions of the po­ ries, symbolic racism is a reflection of whites’
sition of their group relative to other groups. concern that further reductions in racial in­
Actual competition for scarce resources is not equality will result in loss of the special status
essential. Prejudice by a dominant group is the that whites in the United States have enjoyed
result of (1) a sense that they are superior to over the years (Bobo, 1983; Bobo and Kluegel,
members of the minority group; (2) a feeling 1993; Hughes, 1997). Evidence in support of
that minority members are different and alien; this comes from research showing that even as
(3) a sense that dominant group members have whites’ support for the principle of racial
a proprietary claim to privilege, power, and equality has increased, support for policies that
prestige; and (4) a fear and suspicion that mem­ would effectively reduce racial inequality has
bers of the minority have designs on dominant not changed appreciably (Schuman et al.,
group benefits. 1997). Traditional racial attitudes no longer
Social structural theories of prejudice pre­ have much effect on whites’ support for poli­
dict that as the positions of groups change in so­ cies that would reduce racial inequality. In­
ciety, the content of prejudices will change also, stead, symbolic racism and similar attitudes are
reflecting the new structural reality. Prejudice now the prime determinants of whites’ racial
researchers have observed such a pattern in re­ policy attitudes (Kinder and Sanders, 1996;
cent years. Though white prejudice against Tuch and Hughes, 1996; Hughes, 1997).
African Americans was strong throughout most
of U.S. history, rooted in the structures of slav­ a Discrimination_______________
ery and Jim Crow racism (Jordan, 1969), tradi­
tional forms of prejudice declined dramatically We have said that prejudice is an attitude or a
following the social changes brought about by state of mind. Discrimination is action. Dis­
the 1960s civil rights movement. Whites now crimination is a process in which members of
are much less likely to believe that blacks are bi­ one or more groups or categories in society are
ologically inferior (but see Box 7.1), are less denied the privileges, prestige, power, legal
likely to support racial segregation, and are rights, equal protection of the law, and other
more likely to support the principle of racial societal benefits that are available to members
equality than in the past (Schuman et al., 1997; of other groups. Discrimination is a form of
Firebaugh and Davis, 1988). racism when those discriminated against are a
 7.1 DOING SOCIAL RESEARCH

Teasing Out Prejudiced Beliefs

In 1957 nine black children black-white gap in income and young blacks entering
walked up the steps of Central high-status jobs was due to a Central High School didn’t
High School in Little Rock, lack of in-born learning ability care whether the whole world
Arkansas. Behind them was a among blacks. Since the 1940s knew that they believed in
mob of jeering white people the percent of whites reporting black inferiority. We now live
and a line of soldiers with a belief in black intellectual in a culture in which it is
bayonets holding the crowd deficiency has dropped from socially unacceptable to
back. At that time, only some more than half (and more than voice such opinions (Schuman
45 years ago, white children 70 percent in the South) to 13 et al., 1997).
went to white schools and percent in 1994 (17 percent in Second, whites may not
black children went to black the South). But when whites realize that they are
schools—and Central High were given a chance to prejudiced. They may actually
School was a white school. But separately rate the intelligence believe, when asked
the Supreme Court had ruled of blacks and of whites, an specifically, that whites are not
that schools should be interesting finding emerges: more intelligent than blacks.
desegregated, and nine 46.6 percent of whites rate Asking the two questions
students were chosen to go to their own group as more separately may bring
the all-white Little Rock school intelligent than blacks. unconsciously held prejudices
(Baker, 1997). What accounts for these to light.
We’ve come a long way findings? First, it is possible Third, whites may rate
since then. Most whites now that when whites respond to groups differently on the two
agree with the principles of surveys they engage in what intelligence questions because
racial equality: that integrated Erving Goffman called they interpret the questions as
schools are acceptable, that “impression management” (see meaning intelligence-as-
people should not be denied [ pp. 82-83|-»- Chapter 3)— related-to-education; that is,
jobs because of race, and that when asked whether whites they may be considering that
people of different races can are more intelligent than most minority groups have
marry if they want to. blacks, they respond no much more limited educational
Yet prejudice and because they think that the opportunities than whites.
discrimination continue; African socially acceptable answer is When they rate African
Americans are still no. A more accurate reflection Americans as less intelligent
underrepresented in the of their beliefs—that whites are than whites, they may actually
professional workforce and in more intelligent—emerges be rating abilities developed
colleges and universities. And when they are asked the two through education rather than
some of what we might call questions separately. This native intelligence.
“old-fashioned racism” still interpretation of the findings Whatever the explanation,
exists. Over the years survey indicates whites are more it is important to remember that
researchers have asked prejudiced than many thought, a simple shift in questioning
respondents if they thought but it also indicates significant procedure and wording can
blacks were as intelligent as cultural change; 45 years ago result in a very different pattern
white people, or whether the the whites jeering at the nine of response.

216
 Prejudice and Discrimination 217

racial minority. As traditional prejudice toward

blacks has shifted to symbolic racism, so has
discrimination changed in its nature. Since the
end of World War II in 1945, whites have
shifted from more blatant forms of discrimina­
tion to more subtle forms (Bobo, Kluegel, and
Smith, 1997; Kinder and Sanders, 1996; Lipset,
1987; Sears, Sidanius, and Bobo, 2000).
Prejudice does not necessarily coincide
with discrimination—a one-to-one relationship
does not inevitably hold between attitudes and
overt actions. While we expect prejudiced peo­
ple to discriminate, and unprejudiced persons
not to, sociologist Robert K. Merton (1968)
pointed out that two other outcomes are possi­
ble and exist because of different social pres­
sures: unprejudiced people who discriminate
and prejudiced people who do not.
Merton points out that organizational pol­
icy and climate and the law strongly influence
people to behave in ways that are inconsistent
with their attitudes. Discrimination, therefore,
is not entirely dependent on individual atti­
tudes. In the United States individual attitudes
have been liberalized over the past few
decades, but social pressures remain that per­
petuate discrimination. One way this can hap­
pen is through institutional discrimination.
huddled masses coming from?”
Institutional Discrimination
From The New Yorker (6/8/92). Copyright © 1992
In their daily operation the institutions of society The New Yorker Collection. J. B. Handelsman from
may function in such a way that they produce cartoonbank.com. All Rights Reserved.
unequal outcomes for different groups. This is
called institutional discrimination, or institu­
tional racism if the disadvantaged group is a experience and some measure of formal educa­
racial minority. Businesses, schools, hospitals, tion. The standards appear nondiscriminatory
and other key institutions need not be staffed by because they apply to all individuals regardless
prejudiced individuals in order for discrimina­ of race, creed, or color. But when members of
tion to occur (Carmichael and Hamilton, 1967; some racial and ethnic groups lack equal oppor­
see Box 7.2). For example, employers often tunities to gain job experience and to receive
specify the qualifications candidates must have college and professional degrees, they enter the
to be considered for particular jobs. Usually the job market at a disadvantage (Braddock and
qualifications have to do with prior job-related McPartland, 1987; Tienda and Lii, 1987).
 ~L2. STUDENTS DOING SOCIOLOGY

Institutional Discrimination

The institutions of modern school years that shaped their support for the institution from
societies are often structured later academic opportunities. state legislators, alumni, and
in ways that deny equal Suburban school systems, corporate contributors. As a
opportunities to the members overwhelmingly white in result universities feel it
of certain ethnic and racial composition, provide solid necessary to field winning
groups. Students in preparation in mathematics. football and basketball teams.
introductory sociology classes Students from these schools Significantly, the football and
used archival and are given the training essential basketball programs—the two
observational research for attacking premed, principal and most financially
techniques to see how engineering, and accounting remunerative sports—are
institutional discrimination courses. In contrast, students carried disproportionately by
restricts the entrance of in inner-city schools with large African-American youths (in
African Americans to major African-American enrollments contrast, swimming, golf, and
state universities. They found typically have had access to tennis—“country-club” type
that although African less rigorous programs in sports—are dominated by
Americans comprise about mathematics. Consequently, whites). However, participation
10 percent of the population of many African-American youths in “big-time” sports is
Ohio, they represent less than are less adequately prepared exceedingly time-consuming,
5 percent of the students for college curriculums, and and students have difficulty
enrolled on the Columbus disproportionate numbers of combining participation with
campus of Ohio State African-American students find more rigorous academic
University (4.8 percent of themselves in remedial math programs (Upthegrove,
undergraduates, 4.9 percent of programs at the university. Roscigno, and Charles, 1999).
graduate students, and Thus, the differences in early Football and basketball players
3.8 percent of students in the education provided to white are more apt to pursue majors
professional colleges). Despite and African-American in subjects that usually do not
the university’s inauguration of youngsters affect later provide a fast track to
a variety of programs and performance in college. economic success. And there
scholarships to attract African- The students found are jobs for fewer than 5,000
American students, the another way in which professional athletes; most
proportion of African-American institutional discrimination is at student athletes will not go on
students has fallen in recent work. Although African- to become professional
years. African Americans are American students are athletes.
also vastly underrepresented underrepresented at Ohio State Although sports allow
in premed, engineering, and University and in programs select African-American
accounting programs, majors leading to the most prestigious youths entrance to a
that afford career lines to the and remunerative professions university, they limit their
most prestigious and and occupations, the same chances to enter more
remunerative professions and cannot be said for the football remunerative professions.
occupations. and basketball programs. At Institutional arrangements thus
The students examined major state universities, athletic structure the opportunities
their own backgrounds and programs are “big business.” available to youths and
identified selective processes Sports programs are major contribute to the perpetuation
in the elementary and middle vehicles for winning financial of social inequalities.

218
 Patterns of Intergroup Relations: Assimilation and Pluralism 219

African Americans have been particularly nicity, class, family, or religion—their decisions
victimized by institutional racism. For centuries have been biased (Pettigrew and Martin, 1987;
they have been the victims of inequality and low Chase and Bell. 1990; Farkas et al.. 1990;
status. At each point along the road toward Karen, 1990). For example, in a 1990 Urban In­
building a satisfying career—from job candi­ stitute study investigators assessed employers’
dacy. to job entry, to performance evaluation and reactions to black and white male job applicants
promotion—African Americans must overcome who were matched in terms of age, speech, edu­
greater obstacles than those encountered by cation, work experience, demeanor, and physical
whites (Braddock and McPartland. 1987; Petti­ build. They found that whites were three times
grew and Martin. 1987; see Chapter 6). More­ more likely to be favored over black applicants
over, as we will see later in the chapter, the than black applicants over white (Turner, Fix,
handicaps associated with poverty—an absence and Struyk, 1991; Wessel, 1991).
of skills, inadequate education, and low job Merit, skills, and talent are relative matters.
seniority—have been left largely untouched by The issue of which group’s values will be used
civil rights legislation and tend to perpetuate the forjudging who is “capable,” “bright,” “consci­
very low status position that produces them entious,” and “resourceful” comes to the fore­
(Wilson. 1987, 1996). front. Historically, gatekeepers have been white
In brief, equality of opportunity, even if re­ and male, and they have selected candidates
alized in American life, does not necessarily who have resembled themselves in family pat­
produce equality of outcome. On the contrary, terns, dress, hairstyle, personal behavior, and
to the extent that winners imply losers, equal­ the ownership and use of property.
ity of opportunity almost ensures inequality Another mechanism of institutional dis­
(Bobo. Kluegel. and Smith, 1997). Conse­ crimination is called environmental racism—
quently, African Americans and many other the practice of locating incinerators and other
minorities have concerned themselves not types of hazardous waste facilities in or next to
merely with removing the barriers to full op­ minority communities. One researcher found
portunity but with achieving the fact of equal­ that 21 of Houston’s 25 legally operating incin­
ity of outcome—parity in family income, hous­ erators, mini-incinerators, and landfills were in
ing, and the other necessities for keeping predominantly African-American neighbor­
families strong and healthy. It has been this hoods (Horowitz, 1994).
sentiment that has propelled proponents of af­
firmative action, still a controversial issue.
One mechanism by which institutional dis­ Patterns of Intergroup
crimination is maintained is gatekeeping—the
decision-making process whereby people are ad­
Relations: Assimilation
mitted to offices and positions of privilege, pres­ and Pluralism
tige, and power within a society. Generally gate­
keepers are professionals with experience and In multiethnic societies, ethnic groups may ei­
credentials in the fields they monitor—for exam­ ther lose their distinctiveness through a process
ple, individuals in personnel, school admission, of assimilation or retain their identity and in­
and counseling offices. Although in theory gate­ tegrity through pluralism. In this section we
keepers assess candidates on the basis of merit, will examine these two patterns of intergroup
skills, and talents—and not in terms of race, eth­ relations.
220 Inequalities of Race and Ethnicity

Assimilation can English reflects a German influence

through words such as “gesundheit” and
In the early 1800s two major ethnic groups in “kindergarten” and a Dutch influence through
the United States were the Germans and the sailing terms such as “skipper” and in the use
Dutch. Today neither group is important in eth­ of “cookie” instead of the English “biscuit.”
nic group dynamics in this country. Why? Cultural assimilation makes more extensive
These groups and others from northwestern Eu­ social relations among groups possible. When
rope assimilated, along with the British, into members of different ethnic groups participate
what we now think of as the white population. with one another in the major institutional
Assimilation refers to those processes whereby structures of society, this is structural assimila­
groups with distinctive identities become cul­ tion. commonly referred to as integration. Typi­
turally and socially fused. Within the United cally. structural assimilation occurs first in sec­
States two views toward assimilation have ondary groups—at work and at school, for
dominated. One—the “melting pot” tradition— example. Only after there has been a consider­
has seen assimilation as a process whereby able breakdown of ethnic group barriers does
peoples and cultures would produce a new peo­ structural assimilation routinely occur at the
ple and a new civilization. The other—the primary group level—clubs, cliques, neighbor­
Anglo-conformity view—has viewed American hood relations, and close friendships. Accord­
culture as an essentially finished product on the ing to Milton Gordon’s (1964) theory, once
Anglo-Saxon pattern, and has insisted that im­ structural assimilation occurs, routine marriage
migrants promptly give up their cultural traits across ethnic group boundaries (marital assimi­
for those of the dominant American group. lation) and the sharing of a single ethnic iden­
Governments in the United States have often tity (identificational assimilation) are natural
favored the latter view through policies that consequences. Eventually social participation,
provide English-only government services and cultural sharing, and intermarriage may occur
education that promotes dominant group values to such an extent that it is impossible to distin­
and language (Marger, 2000). guish the ethnic groups that were formerly dis­
Assimilation is a complex process in which tinct within a society. This is the final stage of
cultural changes precede widespread structural assimilation, amalgamation.
change. Members of different groups within a
single society must share some cultural ele­ Pluralism
ments in order to communicate and carry on or­
dinary interaction. When cultural elements of Ethnic groups do not always completely assim­
one group change in the direction of another ilate into the dominant society or into one an­
group, we call this cultural assimilation, or ac­ other. In U.S. society, Jews, African Americans,
culturation. Chinese Americans, and numerous other
Most cultural assimilation involves cultural groups have retained their identities and dis­
traits of the dominant group being taken on by tinctiveness for many years. This is an example
less powerful groups. For example, Africans of pluralism, a situation in which diverse
brought to the American South to be slaves groups coexist and boundaries between them
learned the language and religion of the slave are maintained.
masters. But acculturation is to some degree al­ Pluralism may be perpetuated because mi­
ways a two-way street. American popular nority groups do not wish to be assimilated,
music forms such as blues, jazz, gospel, and valuing their separate identities and customs.
rock have strong roots in African music. Ameri­ Such groups generally favor what Marger
 Patterns of Intergroup Relations: Assimilation and Pluralism 221

(2000) called equalitarian pluralism; cultural

identity and group boundaries are maintained,
but ethnic group members participate freely
and equally in political and economic institu­
tions. Equalitarian pluralism is the goal of
many American minority groups that are now
culturally distinctive but economically and po­
litically disadvantaged. Switzerland provides a
good example of cultural pluralism. It com­
prises several ethnic groups, including French,
Germans, and Italians, each maintaining its
own language and the government operates
with several “official” languages. Although re­
ligious and ethnic prejudices are by no means
absent, the Swiss have learned to live harmo­
niously with their differences.
Pluralism also may be promoted by domi­
nant groups who wish to maintain their power
and privilege by controlling the participation of
minority groups in society. This is inequalitar-
ian pluralism; ethnic group distinctiveness is
maintained but economic and political partici­
pation of minority groups is severely limited by
the dominant group. The caste system of racial Multicultural programs, which
segregation in the southern United States be­ promote pluralism, have proliferated
fore the 1960s is a good example of inequali- on campuses across the United States
tarian pluralism. in response to the increasing diversity
Government policy may heavily influence of the college student population.
the course that pluralism takes. Equalitarian
pluralism fs fostered and encouraged through
the legal protection of minorities. For example,
Canada’s bilingual policies, in allowing the eastern states to land west of the Mississippi in
Province of Quebec to declare French the offi­ the 1830s and 1840s, serves as an example.
cial language in government, commerce, and Governments also may promote the continued
education, help to prevent total assimilation of subjugation of minority groups through “inter­
French Canadians into a Canada that is domi­ nal colonialism.” For example, before the fall of
nated by the English-speaking population. white power in South Africa, whites maintained
Because minority groups invariably disfa­ apartheid arrangements that allowed for the po­
vor inequalitarian pluralism, government policy litical and economic subjugation of blacks and
is generally required to maintain it. This may be other non-Europeans. Inequalitarian policies are
done by transferring minority populations to at their most extreme when they entail the ex­
prevent their contact with the majority. The pulsion or extermination of minorities. History
U.S. government’s Indian Removal Act of abounds with examples of genocide—the delib­
1830, which resulted in the forcible removal of erate and systematic extermination of a racial or
virtually all Native Americans from the south- ethnic group.
 222 Inequalities of Race and Ethnicity

some urban areas their proportion of the popula­

Racial and Ethnic tion was much greater (U.S. Census Bureau,
1999) . For example, Memphis, Tennessee, has a
Groups in the United population that is 42.1 percent black, while the
States percentages for some other major cities are 34.9,
New Orleans; 31.2, Baton Rouge; 29.9, Rich­
We have defined races and ethnic groups and mond; 29.0, Birmingham; and 25.8, Atlanta.
considered the nature of minority groups and Although the number of families and indi­
the potential for conflict and separation. We viduals living below the poverty line has been
have discussed prejudice, discrimination, and dropping for blacks and rising for whites in re­
institutional discrimination. Here we will take a cent years, the proportion living below poverty
closer look at the circumstances of a number of levels is still much higher for African Americans
groups within the United States to see the ef­ (U.S. Census Bureau, 1999). African Americans
fects of racial and ethnic stratification. had the lowest median income in 1999 ($27,910)
The United States is in transition from a and the second lowest income per member of the
predominately white society rooted in Western household ($14,397) (U.S. Census Bureau,
European culture to a global society composed 2000) . And 21.9 percent of all black families
of diverse racial and ethnic groups. By the year were living in poverty in 1999, more than four
2050, according to Census Bureau projections, times the percent of non-Hispanic whites living
today’s minorities will comprise nearly 50 per­ in poverty (Dalaker and Proctor, 2000).
cent of the U.S. population, a much larger pro­
portion than they do today (Figure 7.1). In ▲ Background
some regions of the country the nonwhite pop­ The subjugation of African Americans as slaves
ulation exceeds the white population today. Los began in the 17th century and was well rooted
Angeles, for example, is 42 percent white, and in the British colonies by the time of the Amer­
El Paso and San Antonio are 74 and 53 percent ican Revolution. This tradition was carried on
Hispanic (U.S. Census Bureau, 1999). Hispanic by the new American nation when it achieved
Americans are expected to grow from 11.2 per­ independence. The new United States extended
cent of the population to 24 percent in 2050. democracy only to the male, white population.
The Asian-American population is expected to Although American mythology says that the
grow from just under 4 percent to 8 percent of Civil War was fought to free the slaves, histori­
the total population by midcentury. The African- ans agree that the political struggle that un­
American population is projected to grow from folded between the North and the South was
12.1 percent today to nearly 14 percent in 2050. primarily an economic contest between a
Native Americans will remain below 1 percent southern plantation elite and northern indus­
but are expected to increase from 0.7 to 0.9 per­ trial, mercantile, and agrarian interests.
cent (U.S. Census Bureau, 1999). The principle of strict racial segregation in
In this section we will look more closely at the United States did not become the rule until
the circumstances of African Americans, His­ the 1890s. Before this time African Americans
panics, Native Americans, Asian American, and still voted in substantial numbers and received
white ethnics. equal treatment on common carriers, trains,
and streetcars. Yet blacks and whites attended
i African Americans separate schools, and whites did not accept
African Americans as social equals. During the
Although African Americans comprised only 1890s and early 1900s lynching attained its
12.1 percent of the U.S. population in 1998, in most staggering proportions and Jim Crow
 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the United States 223

Projections

Share of Minorities in the Population of the United States,

Figure 7.1
1900-2050
The figures for the post-1998 period represent population projections by the Census Bureau, 1999.
Source: Adapted from William P. O’Hare, “America’s Minorities—The Demographics of Diversity,” Population Bulletin,
Vol. 47, No. 4, 1992, figure 1, p. 9. Reprinted by permission of Population Reference Bureau, Inc. Data added from U.S.
Census Bureau, 1999.

laws mandating segregation were passed been dismantling what was left of the War on
throughout the South. Poverty and various federal programs for mi­
norities and the poor. Budget cutting and budget
A The Civil Rights Movement balancing have taken a severe toll on social
The stage was set for drastic change in the South programs.
when the Supreme Court ruled on May 17,
1954, that mandatory school segregation was A Race or Class?
unconstitutional. In the years that followed, the Are opportunities for African-American eco­
Supreme Court moved toward outlawing legal­ nomic advancement affected more by race or by
ized segregation in all areas of American life. class position? Sociologist William Julius Wil­
Simultaneously, the civil rights movement of son (1978, 1987; Wilson and Aponte, 1985) ar­
the 1960s galvanized popular support for the gued that race had become less important than
enactment of new civil rights legislation, par­ social class because civil rights legislation and
ticularly the Civil Rights Acts of 1964, 1965, affirmative action programs have resulted in
and 1968. However, as the United States en­ greater educational, income, and occupational
tered the 1970s, resistance mounted among differentiation. African Americans with good
segments of the white community, particularly educations and job skills rapidly moved into the
against affirmative action measures and against American middle class, while African Ameri­
busing children to promote school integration. cans with limited educations and job skills be­
Under the Reagan, Bush, and Clinton adminis­ came the victims of soaring joblessness and
trations in the 1980s and 1990s, the nation has welfare dependency. Structural factors—the
224 Inequalities of Race and Ethnicity

disappearance of hundreds of thousands of low- for not being white. Considerable differences
skill jobs, mainly involving physical labor— are also found in measures of psychological
contributed to inner-city African Americans be­ well-being between blacks and whites regard­
coming a severely disadvantaged class. Now less of social class, suggesting that there also
poor urban African Americans find themselves are psychological costs to being an African
relegated to all-black neighborhoods where they American in the United States (Hughes and
are socially isolated from mainstream American Thomas, 1998).
life (Charles, 2000; Massey and Denton, 1993; A number of important studies have been
Massey and Eggers, 1990). But supporting the done to uncover the causes of continuing
increasing importance of class is research African-American disadvantage. These studies
showing that blacks of high socioeconomic sta­ find that both racial and class factors are impor­
tus are more likely to have interactions in their tant in shaping the current African-American
own neighborhoods with whites of high socio­ experience (Allen and Farley, 1986; Farley and
economic status than are blacks of low socio­ Allen, 1987; Jaynes and Williams. 1989; Clay­
economic status to interact with whites in their ton. 1996). Among the most comprehensive of
neighborhoods (St. John and Clymer, 2000). these is a report issued by the National Research
Wilson said that racism created a large African- Council (Jaynes and Williams, 1989), an arm of
American lower class that was then perpetuated the National Academy of Sciences, which con­
by changes in the economy and job trends (Wil­ cluded that although African Americans have
son, 1996, 1987, 1991). Examination of data made important economic and social gains, they
from the census also suggests that the gap be­ still lag significantly behind whites—indeed, a
tween poor and affluent African Americans has “great gulf’ separates the two races. The report
grown over time, reflecting not only the eco­ attributed the low relative status of African
nomic success of a rising African-American Americans to a combination of broad-based
middle class but the increasing isolation and de­ economic factors and persistent racism. Essen­
spair among African Americans who have tially the same conclusions are contained in a
fallen further out of the economic mainstream set of 1996 studies (Clayton, 1996).
(U.S. Census Bureau, 1999). Although the percentage of families living
below poverty has been declining for African
▲ The Other Side Americans, it still far exceeds the percentage
Not all sociologists agree with Wilson’s argu­ of white families living in poverty. The
ment about the declining significance of race poverty associated with female-headed house­
(Collins. 1983; Pomer, 1986; Hughes and Her­ holds takes its toll: Nearly half of black fami­
tel, 1990). and there is now widespread agree­ lies are headed by females, with no spouse
ment that race is still an important factor in present, compared to 14 percent of white fam­
American society. Sociologist Charles V. Willie ilies (U.S. Census Bureau, 1999). Similarly,
(1979, 1991) argued that discrimination and the percentage of African Americans going to
racist practices still persist in American life and college increased substantially between 1990
confront all African Americans regardless of and 1998, indicating an improvement in life
their social class. He interpreted income, educa­ chances for African Americans overall, but at
tion, and housing data as revealing that blacks 14.7 percent the rate still falls well below the
and whites with similar qualifications are quarter of whites who finish at least four years
treated unequally in the marketplace—evidence of college (U.S. Census Bureau. 1999). Blacks
of a “racial tax” levied on African Americans are still less likely to be employed in positions
 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the United States 225

Education Occupation
Persons 25 years and older, with 4 Employed civilians, 1992, by percentage
years of college or more, by percentage of their racial group in specific jobs
of their racial group

Family Income
Percentage of racial group by total
income; 1997 dollars

$50,000 to $74,999

Key

| Blacks
I □ Whites

Figure 7.2
African-American Progress in the United States: A Mixed Message

Although African Americans have made some gains in American life, the stubborn persistence of race
problems endures. The United States has not become an integrated society despite the expansion of the
African-American middle class.
Source: Data from the U.S. Census Bureau. 1999. Adapted from Newsweek, November 15, 1993. p. 54.

of highest authority, and even when they are Young African Americans face particularlyX
highly educated they receive less reward in difficult problems. They confront grim job
terms of authority than do whites (Smith, prospects (see Figure 7.3). Moreover, the leading
1999). Figure 7.2 provides data on the persist­ cause of death among African-American youth
ence of the gap between African Americans is homicide (accidents are second; suicide is
and whites. third). Indeed, young African-American men in
 26 Inequalities of Race and Ethnicity

Figure 7.3
Grim Prospects for African-American Youth

Unemployment among 16- to 19-year-old persons, by race, 1980-1998.

Source: Figure generated by the authors using data from the U.S. Census Bureau. 1997a, 1999.

New York City’s Harlem are less likely to reach with the lack of good jobs, the stigma of race,
the age of 40 than young men in Bangladesh. and the fallout from drug use and trafficking.
One in every four African-American men aged Anderson contended that a paucity of good
20 through 29 are in prison, on parole, or on jobs plays a large role in urban ills, a conclu­
probation—more than the total number of sion supported by William J. Wilson’s (1996)
African-American men in college. study on the impact of unemployment.
In sum. the gap between many African
▲ The Despair of the Underclass / Americans and whites remains substantial.
Sociologist Elijah Anderson (1978, 1990, 1994) ' The reason for this continuing gap is not that
has devoted much of his career to the study of \ class is replacing race as the determinant of
inner-city problems. His work takes us inside J African-American life chances, but that class
the world of inner-city African-American \is interacting with race and gender to produce
young men and portrays the havoc that inter­ uhe social cleavages that remain a continuing
personal violence and aggression brings to their 3 feature of American life (Colasanto and
lives. He found that violent inclinations spring, /Williams, 1987; Massey and Denton, 1993;
from the frustrations and alienation associated (clayton, 1996).
 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the United States 227

^Hispanics____________________ ▲ Education and Employment

Many Hispajnics are falling behind other seg­
In 1998, 11.2 percent of the nation’s population ments of the population in climbing the educa­
was Hispanic, people who were born in or tional ladder. According to the Census Bureau,
whose ancestors were born in Spain or in Latin in 1997 Hispanics as a group were nearly twice
American nations. The 30.2 million Hispanics as likely to drop out of school than either
in the United States in 1998 represented an in­ blacks or whites. An estimated 56 percent of
crease from the 14.6 million recorded in 1980 Hispanic adults are functionally illiterate.
and 22.4 million in 1990 (U.S. Census Bureau, Among Hispanics age 25 and older in 1998,
1996, 1999). In some cities, particularly in Cal­ only 11.0 percent had completed college, com­
ifornia, New Mexico, Florida, and Texas, the pared with 25 percent of whites and 14.7 per­
population is between 37 and 74 percent His­ cent of African Americans (U.S. Census Bu­
panic American. reau, 1999).
People descended from Spanish-speaking Hispanics also have traditionally earned
ancestors, particularly younger people, often find less than non-Hispanics-Abont 30 percent of
the term “Hispanic” archaic, if not downright of­ male Hispanic workers are concentrated in
fensive. They prefer instead to identify them­ lower-paying jobs as laborers or assembly-line
selves as “Latino” or by their own ethnic group: workers, compared with 19.5 percent of non­
Mexican, Cuban, Nicaraguan, Guatemalan, Hispanic male workers. About 10.7 percent of
Colombian, Dominican, Puerto Rican, or just Hispanic men are in managerial and profes­
plain American. Some Mexican Americans pre­ sional jobs, a rate less than half that of non­
fer to call themselves “Chicanos.” As you might Hispanic men (27.4 percent). Hispanic women,
expect for a group of people from so many back­ like their non-Hispanic counterparts, are clus­
grounds, the nation’s Hispanic population is not a tered in technical, sales, and support jobs or in
consolidated minority (see Figure 7.4). Beyond a the service sector. But in these groups they are
common language heritage and some shared cul­ represented in lower proportions than their
tural threads, the groups have different histories, non-Hispanic counterparts. In 1999, 20.2 per­
distinct concentrations in different areas of the cent of Hispanic families were living in
United States, and substantially different demo­ poverty, compared with a 9.3 percent rate of
graphic and socioeconomic characteristics (Bean poverty for all families (Dalaker and Proctor,
and Tienda, 1987; Portes and Truelove, 1987; 2000). The income of the typical Hispanic
Vega, 1990). family was 69 percent that of the average
In recent decades the Spanish-speaking pop­ white family in 1999. And the income per
ulation has grown substantially through immi­ household member was lower for Hispanic
gration. Persons of Hispanic origin now account Americans than for any other group: $11,621
for about half the legal immigration into the (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000).
United States. Additionally, vast numbers enter While there has been some blurring of dif­
the United States illegally. An increasing num­ ferences among some Hispanic origin groups,
ber are Salvadorans and other Central Americans making many Hispanic Americans more con­
fleeing guerrilla war, political oppression, and scious of themselves as a homogeneous group,
economic deprivation. But the largest group con­ four distinct categories of Hispanic origin exist
tinues to be Mexicans who see little chance of in the United States today: Mexicans, Puerto
earning a satisfactory living in their crowded na­ Ricans, Cubans, and Central and South Ameri­
tion (Vemez and Ronfeldt, 1991). cans (Bean and Tienda, 1987).
228 Inequalities of Race and Ethnicity

National Origin of Foreign-Born Hispanic Educational Gains (Age 25 and Older)

Hispanics in the United States
I | Hispanics | U.S. Population
Argentina 1.3%
High School Graduates Bachelor's Degree
Ecuador 2%
82.8%
Peru 2%
Dominican Colombia 4%
Republic Other 2.3%
4.8% —
South
Cuba 1970 1998
America
10.1%
11.4%
Hispanic Family Income Lags (in Constant 1999 Dollars)

Mexico
58.7%

1975 1980 1990 1999

Panama 1.2% Fewer Hispanics Vote

Honduras 1.5% Central Age 18 and older registered and voting in
Nicaragua 2.3% 1996 presidential election
America
Guatemala 3.1% | 15.1% 65.9%
El Salvador 6.4% 54.2%
Other 0.7%
Registered Voted

Figure 7.4
Hispanics in the United States

Mexican Americans constitute by far the largest Hispanic group in the United States. Cuban Americans have
the highest income and the most education.
Source: Data from the U.S. Census Bureau, 1999, 2000.

▲ Mexicans Indians, they are the only American minority to

With a population of 19.5 million (U.S. Census enter the society through the conquest of their
Bureau, 1999), Mexican Americans make up homeland. Though Mexican Americans have
nearly two-thirds of the Hispanic population in been longer in the United States than other His­
the United States. Many of them trace their an­ panic origin groups, their median income ranks
cestry to the merging of the Native American below and their unemployment rate above that
population with Spanish settlers. Like African of Cubans and Central and South Americans.
Americans and Native Americans, people of Though they are now primarily an urban-based
Mexican ancestry did not originally become a group, they also still are disproportionately
part of American society through voluntary im­ found in agricultural occupations as seasonal or
migration. With the exception of the American permanent workers.
 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the United States 229

▲ Puerto Ricans The median income of Cubans in the United

Puerto Ricans are the predominant Hispanics in States is about one and a half times higher than
New York City, where about half of the 3.1 mil­ that of Puerto Ricans—$37,537 in 1998 (U.S.
lion mainland Puerto Ricans (Vobejda. 1991; Census Bureau, 1999). Today over half the
U.S. Census Bureau, 1999) reside. Although Cubans in the United States live in the Miami
Puerto Ricans have lived in the continental area, where 70 percent of the Hispanic popula­
United States for more than 100 years, the tion is Cuban.
major emergence of Puerto Rican communities
in the United States began after World War II ▲ Central and South Americans
when large numbers of people began migrating As recently as 1970 there were only a few hun­
to escape unemployment in Puerto Rico. Puerto dred thousand people from Central and South
Rico is a Commonwealth of the United States America living in the United States (Bean and
(it was designated a U.S. territory in 1898), and Tienda, 1987). In 1998 that number had risen to
its citizens migrate from the island to the 4.4 million (U.S. Census Bureau, 1999). The
“mainland" and back again fairly easily and in­ greatly increased immigration from Latin
expensively, a flow that probably contributes to America in recent decades is one of the major
the strong ethnic communities and low inter­ factors contributing to the overall dramatic in­
marriage rates among Puerto Ricans. Of all the crease in the United States Hispanic popula­
Hispanic groups, Puerto Ricans have the lowest tion. The major increases have been primarily
median income—$23,729 in 1998 (U.S. Cen­ people from Colombia, Ecuador, El Salvador,
sus Bureau, 1999); more than 30 percent of and the Dominican Republic.
mainland Puerto Ricans live below the poverty Other countries fairly well represented in
level. In addition to suffering the highest inci­ the United States include Guatemala, Nicaragua,
dence of poverty among the Hispanic origin Peru, and Argentina (Bean and Tienda, 1987).
groups, they have the lowest labor force partici­ Nearly 20 percent of the families in this group
pation. They have been victims of intense prej­ were living below the poverty level in 1998;
udice and discrimination and extreme occupa­ their median income, while higher than that of
tional segregation (Bean andTienda, 1987). Mexican Americans and Puerto Ricans, is still
substantially lower, at $32,030, than that of
▲ Cubans whites (U.S. Census Bureau, 1999).
In 1950 the Census Bureau counted only
34.000 Cubans; during the late 1950s and 3 Native Americans
throughout the 1960s, the United States wel­
comed Cubans seeking asylum from the Castro In 1998, 2.36 million Native Americans (Indi­
regime, and by 1990 the population had topped ans, Eskimos, and Aleuts) lived within the
1 million (Vobejda, 1991) and now stands at United States (U.S. Census Bureau, 1999). Al­
1.3 million (U.S. Census Bureau, 1999). Cuban though there are some 500 tribes, ranging in
Americans have been the most socioeconomi­ size from under one hundred to hundreds of
cally successful of the Hispanic origin groups. thousands of tribe members, Native Americans
Early immigrants were political rather than make up less than 1 percent of the total U.S.
economic refugees. Many professional, highly population. Many tribes have vanished through
educated, and urban people were among the massacres by whites, disease, destruction of
first immigrants, who laid the foundation for a their economic base, or absorption by other
vibrant ethnic enclave economy, primarily in groups. Native Americans vary-substantially in
Miami (Portes, 1987; Portes and Jensen, 1989). their history, lifestyles, kin systems, language,
230 Inequalities of Race and Ethnicity

political arrangements, religion, economy, cur­ ated massive poverty and appalling health
rent circumstances, and identities. One thing problems. In 1929 the government reversed its
they have in common is that Native Americans policy, but in the 1950s the government re­
are the most severely disadvantaged of any turned to assimilationism. In the 1970s, na­
population within the United States (Snipp, tional policy was again reversed, as the govern­
1989; Visgaitis, 1994). ment sought to strengthen Native Americans’
control over their own affairs.
▲ Background Poverty is high among Native Americans:
Estimates vary widely as to how many Native 27.2 percent of Native-American families
Americans were found in the area north of the and 31.2 percent of Native-American individu­
Rio Grande in 1492 (Denevan, 1992; Verano als live below the poverty level. Today about
and Ubelaker, 1992). Some anthropologists one-quarter of Native Americans live on reser­
place the figure as low as 700,000, and others vations, which cover 52.4 million acres in
as high as 15 million. Most nations were farm­ 27 states. Forty-one percent of those on reser­
ing and fishing peoples with relatively stable vations live below the poverty level; almost
communities. Initially, the European powers 70 percent of Navajos are still without electric­
treated the Native-American groups with re­ ity. Overall, unemployment among males 20 to
spect, as nations that could be either enemies or 64 years old is about 60 percent (Valente, 1991;
allies. But as time passed, and as whites in­ Kilborn, 1992). Life expectancy in some tribes
creasingly wanted access to land belonging to is 45 years. By adolescence, Indian children
Native Americans, tribal territories were appro­ show high rates of suicide, alcoholism, and drug
priated and their inhabitants either annihilated abuse: The suicide rate among young people is
or driven inland. often more than 10 times the national average,
The Removal Act of 1830 provided for the and nearly 50 percent of all young Native
relocation of all eastern tribes to lands west of Americans have serious alcohol or drug prob­
the Mississippi River. This forced migration, lems. Complicating the health problems are
known as “the Trail of Tears,” is widely re­ other issues: Tribes across the United States
garded as one of the most dishonorable chap­ are grappling with some of the nation’s worst
ters in U.S. history. At least 70,000 people were pollution problems—uranium tailings, land and
removed, of whom more than 20,000 died en water contamination, chemical lagoons, and il­
route. West of the Mississippi, the tragedies of legal dumps (Satchell, 1993).
defeat and expropriation were repeated. When
the Native Americans resisted, they were sys­ ^Asian Americans______________
tematically slaughtered (Josephy, 1991).
Inconsistencies and vacillations in U.S. There is a great diversity of Asian Americans
government policy are to blame for the plight in the United States. According to the 1990
of Native Americans. Until 1871 the United census, the ancestry of this group breaks down
States treated the Native-American tribes as into 1.6 million Chinese, 1.4 million Filipinos,
sovereign yet dependent domestic nations with 848,000 Japanese, 815,000 Asian Indians,
whom it entered into “treaties.” But in the 799,000 Koreans, and 614,000 Vietnamese
1870s it shifted its policy, to one that made Na­ (U.S. Census Bureau, 1999; Vobejda, 1991). In
tive Americans “wards” of the federal govern­ addition, there are smaller numbers of Hawai-
ment. The new policy, with its aim of forced as­ ians, Laotians, Cambodians, Thais, Hmong,
similation, had a devastating impact on the Pakistanis, Samoans, and Guamanians. All
Native Americans and their cultures, and it cre­ told, 10.5 million persons in the Asian and
 Racial and Ethnic Groups in the United States 231

Pacific Islander population (defined by the ▲ Chinese

Census Bureau as persons with origins in the During the early days of the gold rush, the Chi­
Far East, Southeast Asia, the Indian Subconti­ nese were welcomed as a source of cheap
nent. or the Pacific Islands) lived in the United labor, but when the speculative gold bubble
States in 1998 (U.S. Census Bureau, 1999). burst, whites faced competition with Chinese
More than one-third of all Asian Americans workers and attitudes changed. California led
live in California, while New York City has more the nation in the passage of anti-Chinese laws,
than 11 percent and Honolulu is home to more many of which remained in effect until the
than 7 percent (U.S. Census Bureau, 1999). 1950s; for instance, the California state consti­
Asian Americans now enjoy the highest tution provided that corporations could neither
median family income of the nation’s ethnic directly nor indirectly employ Chinese, and it
groups: $51,205 in 1999 (U.S. Census Bureau, empowered cities and towns to remove Chinese
2000). They are known for their educational and from within city limits.
occupational successes; 42.1 percent of those The Chinatowns of New York City, San
25 years or older have finished at least four Francisco, and a few other large cities expanded
years of college, compared to only 25 percent of as a result of sharp increases in immigration
whites (U.S. Census Bureau, 1999; see Box 7.3 from Hong Kong and Taiwan made possible by
for more on the “model minority”). But Asian- the passage of immigration legislation in 1965
American leaders also point out that Asian- that did away with the old quota system, under
American groups have problems such as crime, which only 105 Chinese were allowed entry
high suicide rates, mental disorders, and disinte­ each year. Above the gaudy storefronts of the na­
grating families, especially among poor tion’s Chinatowns, Chinese families are jammed
refugees and immigrants who have difficulty into tiny apartments. More than 60 percent of
coping with a strange, new society (Lee, 1990). current Chinese Americans were bom overseas.
And although their median income is higher
than that of whites, their income per member of ▲ Japanese
the household is lower—$21,134 compared to The Japanese also have been victims of preju­
$24,109 for whites (U.S. Census Bureau. 2000). dice and discrimination. On two occasions the
Although many Asian-American youths government launched an effort to exclude them
enjoy remarkable academic success, evidence from American life. In 1907 President Theodore
suggests that they may be encountering discrimi­ Roosevelt reached an agreement with Japan to
nation when they apply to the nation’s most limit the immigration of Japanese to the United
prestigious universities (Lindsey, 1987; Bunzel. States. Later, during World War II. the govern­
1988). On the job, too. Asian-American workers ment placed some 120.000 Japanese (two-thirds
face widespread discrimination and are often the of whom were U.S. citizens) in 10 internment
victims of racially motivated harassment and vi­ camps (see photo on page 234).
olence (Dugger. 1992; Mura, 1992). By the A large number of the original immigrants
same token, Asian Americans find that they soon made a place for themselves in California’s
“top out,” reaching positions beyond which their economy through farming. Wives and families
employers fail to promote them. The Census were allowed to join the Japanese men already
Bureau’s March 2000 Current Population Sur­ in the United States; by 1940 nearly two-thirds
vey found that the median income for Asian- of Japanese Americans were native-born
American males with a bachelor’s degree was (Marger, 1997). As with Chinese Americans,
$47,307, about 85 percent of the median income the average family income of Japanese Ameri­
of white males with the same education, $55,444. cans in the second and subsequent generations
 7.3 SOCIOLOGY AROUND THE WORLD

Model Minorities—Does Class or Do Values

Spell Success?
In recent years the nation’s American success and that extends back for centuries
media have heralded Asian their emphasis on education (Marger, 2000). More than half
Americans as “the model and excellence places them at of all Jewish adults have a
minority” and “a superminority.” an advantage in U.S. society. college degree, compared with
Among white ethnic groups, For example, 33 percent of 21 percent of U.S. adults in
Jewish immigrants and Asian-American adults have general (Goldstein, 1992). As
American-born Jews have long completed college, compared a result Jewish males are
been recognized for their quick with only 17.5 percent of concentrated far more in the
rise in U.S. society. And while whites. Asian-American professional occupations
Hispanic Americans as a whole students are more likely than (39 percent of Jewish males
are socioeconomically other students to enroll in versus 16 percent of all white
disadvantaged, Cubans in college preparatory programs; males) and far less in the
particular have had quite rapid they take more math and working class (20 percent
economic success. What science courses and also versus 52 percent of all U.S.
accounts for the successes of spend more time on homework white males).
these model minorities? Is it than other students (Zigli, But there’s another
their values or is it their class 1984; Butterfield, 1986; explanation for the success of
background? O’Hare and Felt, 1991). ethnic groups in the United
One explanation for The “values” explanation States, and this explanation
successful ethnic groups is for Jewish success is similar. takes us back to the
that their values contribute to Jews have encouraged immigrants’ roots, to their
their upward mobility. This independence and countries of origin. Sociologist
argument contends that thrift, achievement more than other Stephen Steinberg (1989)
strong family ties, and hard white ethnic groups, and their argued that Jewish immigrants
work are the keys to Asian- emphasis on education had a significant advantage

is significantly higher than that of non-Hispanic American population. While the Chinese are
whites (U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, still the largest component, there are nearly as
1988); the income of Japanese Americans is many Filipinos. Koreans and Asian Indians in
higher than that of any other Asian-American the United States are increasing steadily. The
group (Marger. 2000). Box 7.3 discusses some Japanese component of America’s Asian popu­
of the reasons for the economic success of this lation is becoming smaller because of low im­
and other ethnic groups. migration and birth rates (Marger. 2000).
Some of these many groups have achieved
▲ Other Asian Groups reasonable success in U.S. society. Chinese. Fil­
Asian Americans are a varied group, with con­ ipino. Japanese, and Asian Indian Americans all
siderable contrasts and diversity. In 1970 the have median family incomes higher than the me­
largest proportion of Asian Americans was dian for the United States as a whole. However.
comprised of Chinese and Japanese, but they Korean. Vietnamese. Cambodian. Hmong, and
now represent about a third of the total Asian- Laotian Americans have family incomes lower

232
 over other immigrants when Asians also may be due to enclave economy that
they first came to the United other structural factors, such benefited them and
States. Italians and other as the development of ethnic subsequent Cuban immigrants
groups of European enclave economies that (Portes and Bach, 1985;
immigrants were primarily of formed as a result of Marger, 2000). Without a
peasant stock; Jews were discrimination (Hirschman and doubt strong family values and
frequently urban merchants or Wong, 1986; Bonacich and a willingness to sacrifice and
manufacturers, and they Modell, 1980). The income of work hard were critical factors
arrived in the United States at lower-class Asian immigrants in the success of Cuban
a time when its industrial who come from rural areas Americans. However, the
economy was expanding and who possess few material and social
rapidly and their skills could be marketable skills is quite low advantages they brought with
put to immediate (and (Dunn, 1994; Marger, 2000). them assured success for a
remunerative) use. In other The experiences of Cuban substantial number of Cuban
words, class, not values, was immigrants also supports the Americans in considerably less
the determining factor. class explanation for the than one generation.
Likewise, some Asian success of ethnic groups in the In short, Jewish, Asian,
immigrant groups have United States. While other and Cuban Americans may
included a high proportion of Hispanic groups came to the well be model minorities. Each
doctors and engineers and United States in hopes of is a good model of how some
others with advanced economic betterment, many ethnic groups in the United
education, and their success in Cuban immigrants in the early States have achieved success.
the United States reflects their 1960s were middle-, upper­ What these stories tell us,
upper-class, professional middle-, and upper-class however, may be less about
backgrounds in their home citizens. These advantaged the importance of values,
countries. Much of the immigrants used their material, beliefs, and good habits, and
potential for success was educational, and social more about the strong
brought with these immigrants resources (networks and influence of material and social
when they entered the United relationships from pre-Castro advantages in the success of
States. Much of the success of Cuba) to create an ethnic immigrants in a new land.

than the U.S. median (Marger, 2000). The earn­ guage, their Protestant religion, and their legal
ings of Laotians, Cambodians, and Vietnamese system. Immigration, mostly from northwestern
are especially low among recent refugees, who European countries, continued throughout the
typically have come from rural areas and who 19th century, bringing considerable numbers of
possess few marketable skills (Dunn, 1994). Irish, Scandinavians, and Germans. But the
largest influx came between 1885 and 1920
b White Ethnics when about 25 million immigrants entered the
United States. Many of these largely Catholic
▲ Historical Immigration and Jewish immigrants, who are the ancestors
Most of the original white settlers of what be­ of those we now speak of as “white ethnics,”
came the United States were British. Although came not from northwestern Europe as earlier
there were large numbers of people of other na­ immigrants had but from eastern and southern
tionalities, particularly Germans and Dutch, the European countries such as Italy, Greece,
British dominated the society with their lan­ Poland, Russia, and Serbia. Differing from the

233
234 Inequalities of Race and Ethnicity

The internment of 120,000 Japanese during World War II was based more on
racism than on national security; none of the nation’s other “enemies in
residence” (German and Italian Americans) were subjected to internment,
and not one Japanese American was ever convicted of spying.

English-speaking Protestant population in cul­ for these groups was that the first generation
ture, language, and religion, these immigrants would gain a solid foothold in the working
appeared alien to most Americans. Their appar­ class, the second generation would go to work
ent challenge to the cultural dominance of the early in life to help support their families, and
old Protestant middle class stimulated the the third and subsequent generations would take
growth of prejudicial nativist sentiments that fu­ advantage of educational opportunities to move
eled a social and political backlash, resulting in into higher-status occupations (Marger, 2000;
significant discrimination, particularly against Greeley, 1977; Yans-McLaughlin, 1982). Jewish
the Irish and Italians. mobility was an exception to this pattern, with
In spite of these problems and the associ­ very large numbers entering the middle class in
ated prejudice and discrimination, the ethnic the second generation (see Box 7.3). Success of
groups established in the United States as a re­ these groups has been a consequence of much
sult of immigration from the 1880s to the 1920s structural assimilation; some marital assimila­
are now largely integrated into U.S. society and tion also has occurred (Lieberson and Waters,
have generally prospered. The typical pattern 1988), as Gordon (1964) predicted it would.
 Sociological Perspectives on Inequalities of Race and Ethnicity 235

▲ The Situation Today Americans make, Waters maintained, because

The success of these immigrant groups, great symbolic ethnicity provides individual identity
as it has been, is not complete. Though they and communalistic feelings with none of the
have achieved much in state and local politics, costs that real ethnic affiliations require.
U.S. national political leadership, including the
Congress and the executive branch, is heavily
dominated by white Protestant males of north­
Sociological
western European heritage (Marger, 2000). The Perspectives on
same is true of the largest corporations.
Some sociologists, such as Greeley (1974), Inequalities of Race
argue that the degree of overall assimilation of
white ethnic groups has been overestimated and
and Ethnicity
that many Americans still identify themselves as
Functionalist, conflict, and interactionist theo­
Jews, Poles, Irish, and Italians and have distinc­
rists have different explanations for racial and
tive attitudes, behaviors, and political interests.
ethnic stratification. Yet, as we noted in Chap­
Research by Alba (1990) and Lieberson and Wa­
ters 1 and 6, the perspectives complement one
ters (1990) confirmed that most white Ameri­
another. Each draws our attention to aspects of
cans, including those of northwestern European
social life that the others tend to overlook. In
background, know and identify with their ethnic
this section we will consider the contributions
ancestry, but these researchers also emphasize
of each of these three major sociological per­
that white ethnicity is neither deep nor stable but
spectives to our understanding of the inequali­
is what Gans (1979) called “symbolic ethnicity.”
ties of race and ethnicity.
This is an ethnicity that contributes to individual
identity and perhaps to family communion, but
does not create or sustain strong ethnic group
The Functionalist Perspective
ties. Alba’s (1990) study found that among Because functionalists conceive of society as
white ethnics the most common ethnic experi­ resembling a living organism in which the vari­
ences are private and innocuous: eating ethnic ous parts of a system contribute to its survival,
foods, discussing one’s ethnic background with they are interested in how these divisions affect (
others, feeling curious about others’ ethnic expe­ the function of the whole social system when )
riences, and attending ethnic festivals. they consider race and ethnicity.
Why has white ethnicity become sym­
bolic? As Mary Waters (1990) pointed out, eth­ ▲ Dysfunctions
nicity does not have much effect on the every­ Functionalists argue that social consensus on
day life of white Americans. It does not affect core values and beliefs is an important founda-
where they can live, what jobs they can get, tion of social integration and stability and thus
who their friends are, whether they will be dis­ helps a society maintain its equilibrium. Ethnic
criminated against, or, for the most part, whom differentiation may be dysfunctional because it
they will marry. For these reasons and because reduces consensus, increases the chances of
there has been a good deal of intermarriage conflict, and thereby threatens the equilibrium
during the long period since the original white of a society. Ethnic stratification may be partic­
immigration, individual white ethnicities have ularly disruptive because it combines two soci­
lost their ascriptive character and are increas­ etal cleavages, one based on culture and the
ingly a matter of choice. This is a choice that other based on economic rewards and political
236 Inequalities of Race and Ethnicity

power. Conflicts attributable to problems of Fourth, functionalists point out that a mul­
ethnic stratification may reach a frequency and tiplicity of conflicts between large numbers of
intensity that imperil the whole social system, differing groups within a society may be con­
as occurred in Lebanon in the 1970s and 1980s ducive to a democratic as opposed to a totali­
and in the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s. tarian order. The multiple group affiliations of
But functionalists do not predict that ethni­ individuals contribute to a variety of conflicts
cally differentiated societies will necessarily crisscrossing society. As noted in Chapter 2, if
disintegrate or be perpetually unproductive and people are opponents in one conflict but allies
unjust. Instead, they suggest that because the in another, deep cleavages along one axis can
tendency toward equilibrium and stability is be prevented. The different groups thus cre­
very strong, ethnic stratification will gradually ated operate as a check against one another
decline. and ensure input to the government from a
variety of diverse points of view. In contrast,
▲ Functions totalitarian societies have a maximum concen­
According to the functionalist perspective, even tration of power in one institution—the mono­
though ethnic conflict is dysfunctional, it may lithic state.
serve some important functions in a society.
First, conflict promotes group formation, and
groups are the building blocks of a society. It
The Conflict Perspective
facilitates a consciousness of kind—an aware­ Whereas functionalists emphasize social sta­
ness of shared or similar values. The distinction bility and the mechanisms that promote or in­
between “we,” the in-group, and “they,” the terfere with it, conflict theorists contend that
out-group, is established in and through con­ prejudice and discrimination can best be un­
flict (see Chapter 4). Groups in turn «<-| p, 102] derstood in terms of tension or conflict among
bindpeople together within a set of "social reLu competing groups. They point out that three in­
tionships. And they define the,statuses people gredients commonly come into play in the
Occupy in the social structure, particularly posi­ emergence and initial stabilization of racism
tions that are-aseribedr (Noel, 1972; Vander Zanden, 1983): ethnocen­
Second, not only is a group defined and its trism, competition, and unequal power. __________
boundaries established through conflict, but As we noted in Chapter Ijeth- -<-[ p. 49 [
conflict also promotes group cohesion. It nocentrism involves the tendency to judge the
makes group members more conscious of their behavior of other groups by the standards of
group bonds and may increase their social par­ one’s own. When individuals are strongly eth­
ticipation, providing them with a means of nocentric, they find it easy to perceive the out­
identification in an uncertain, alienated world. group as an object of loathing—as a symbol of
Third, ethnic and racial conflict may function strangeness, evil, and even danger. Competition
as a safety valve for the society as a whole (Hep- intensifies ethnocentric sentiments and may
worth and West, 1988; Berkowitz, 1989). Preju­ lead to intergroup strife (Olzak, 1992). When
dice provides for the release of hostile and ag­ people perceive that their own group canj^al-
gressive impulses that are culturally taboo within ize its goals only at the expense of another
other social contexts. By channeling hostilities group, iritergfOUP "tensionrare~1Tkelv to mount,
from within family, occupational, and other cru­ each group will see the other as a threat, and
cial settings onto permissible targets, the stability prejudicial attitudes will be generated toward
of existing social structures may be promoted. tEe~out-group (Beck and Tolnay, 1990; Olzak,
This is known as the scapegoating mechanism. 1990; Fossett and Kiecolt, 1989; Quillian,
 Sociological Perspectives on Inequalities of Race and Ethnicity 237

1995. 1996). The boys' camp experiment un­ sells its labor at rates substantially lower than
dertaken by Muzafer Sherif and his associates the prevailing ones, higher-paid labor faces se­
| p. 102 |-»> (1961) and described in Chapter 4 vere competition to maintain its advantage.
documents this process. When the cheaper labor is of a differing racial
Competition provides the motivation for or ethnic group, the resulting class antagonism
systems of social inequality, and ethnocentrism takes the form of racism.
channels competition along racial and ethnic Regardless of the precise form that conflict
lines, but power determines which group will theories take—whether focused on ethnocen­
subordinate the other (Noel. 1972). Without trism, Marxism, or the split labor market—they
power, prejudices cannot be translated into dis,- nonetheless contrast sharply with functionalist
crimination. and groups cannot turn their theories that normal social processes contribute
claims on scarce resources into institutional- to stability rather than to division and social
discrimination. In brief, power is the mecha­ sfriTe?
nism by which domination and subjugation are
achieved. The Interactionist Perspective
^Marxist-oriented theorists take the conflict
thesis even further. They say that racial preju­ Interactionists argue that the way we act is de­
dice and exploitation arose in the Western pendent on the meanings we attach to people,
world with the rise of capitalism (Cox, 1948; objects, and events. Because these meanings
Szymanski, 1976; Geschwender, 1978) and are produced in social interaction, interaction­
benefit capitalists in four ways. First, ideolo­ ists say that the world we experience is so­
gies of racial superiority make colonialism and cially constructed. In this view ethnic groups
racist practices palatable and acceptable to the are rooted in neither physical characteristics of
white masses. Second, racism is profitable be­ people nor their primordial attachments. Ac­
cause capitalists can pay minority workers less cording to h ibutanTand Kwan^1965), “Eth­
and thus generate greater profits for them­ nic groups . . . generally do not share a com­
selves. Third, racist ideologies divide the work­ mon genetic strain; they are products of social
ing class by pitting white workers and minority interaction.”
workers against one another—a tactic of divide Communication was the key variable in
and conquer. Fourth, capitalists require minor­ ethnicity to Shibutani and Kwan (1965). Eth­
ity workers as an industrial reserve army that nicity arises when communication channels be­
can be fired during times of economic stagna­ tween groups are limited and the different
tion and rehired when needed for producing groups develop different systems of meanings.
profits during times of prosperity without dis­ Ethnic distinctions tend to diminish when peo­
turbing the stability of employment among the ple in different groups experience the world in
dominant group (see Chapter 6). similar ways, are treated alike by others, and
Marxists blame capitalists for generating are able to communicate freely and easily with
racism, but sociologist^Edna Bonacicm(1972, members of other groups. The more a group
1975; Cheng and Bonacich, 1984) said that uses a single communication channel, the more
economic competition within a split labor mar­ isolated it is and the more it tends to view the
ket underlies the development of tensions other groups from the perspective of its own
among ethnic groups. A^split labor market is system of meaning. This ethnocentrism is what
an economic arena in which large differences produces prejudice.
exist in the price of labor at the same occupa­ When ethnic groups are stratified and the
tional level. Bonacich noted that when a group advantages enjoyed by the dominant group are
238 Inequalities of Race and Ethnicity

fixed by custom and law, the prejudices of grandchildren of these people grew up living
dominant group members, developed in cul­ in houses next to each other, went to school
tural isolation from minority groups, will re­ together, spoke English with one another, mar­
flect a “sense of group position” (Blumer, ried people from each other’s families, went
1958)—that is, a belief that the dominant group into business with one another, and thought of
is superior and has a proprietary claim to privi­ themselves and one another primarily as
leges and resources and that the minority Americans.
groups are not only alien, but are a threat to the This idyllic outcome is by no means the as­
dominant group’s advantageous position. sured or even the desired outcome for the many
Although interactionists such as Shibutani minority groups that increasingly populated the
and Kwan see ethnic stratification and the dis­ United States in the last decade of the 20th cen­
crimination that accompanies it as the end re­ tury. The Americans with African, Hispanic,
sult of competition and conflict among groups Asian, and Native American roots are not only
over scarce resources (as do the proponents of culturally and linguistically distinct but also
the conflict perspective), it is important to re­ have racial characteristics that distinguish
member that groups can be conflictual only if them. Because of the meanings attached to
they see themselves as distinct and different; race, language, and culture in contemporary
otherwise people cooperate as part of the same U.S. society, ethnic status for these groups is
group or society. Ultimately, the causes of eth­ not “symbolic,” is not a matter of choice, but
nic conflict and ethnic stratification are to be remains heavily ascriptive. This has two impli­
found in the social definitions groups have of cations. First, ethnicity is not the same experi­
each other and in the norms and patterns of in­ ence in the United States for white ethnics as it
teraction that perpetuate these definitions. As is for other minority groups (Waters, 1990), a
Shibutani and Kwan put it, “ethnic stratification problem that is likely to make communication
persists as long as people on both sides of the about ethnic matters difficult and to perpetuate
color line approach one another with common misunderstanding. Second, the ethnic and mi­
expectations of how each is to act in the pres­ nority distinctions that define the structure of
ence of the other.” contemporary America are not likely to dimin­
ish as quickly or in quite the same way as those
of the white ethnics.
The Future of Ethnic What is likely to happen? Of course no one
knows, but let us ask ourselves what the major
and Minority Group perspectives, the functionalist, conflict, and in-
Relations teractionist, predict will happen.
The functionalist and conflict perspectives
both suggest that if ethnic stratification contin­
Intergroup Relations ues in a society, then conflict and strife are
In the late 1800s and early 1900s the United likely outcomes. Both would predict that con­
States was a truly diverse multicultural soci­ flicts will be particularly likely and severe if
ety. Germans, French, Scandinavians, Bohemi­ class and ethnic cleavages coincide.
ans, Russians, Italians, Greeks, Armenians, Where the two perspectives differ is that
Irish, Scots, Poles, and many other groups— the functionalists believe that there are long-run
each speaking its own language—populated social trends that are eliminating ascription and
the nation’s cities and farms. The children and other irrational features from modem, indus-
 The Future of Ethnic and Minority Group Relations 239

trial, socially differentiated societies. Basically, Ethnicity

the problem we face is to manage the change
from ascriptive to achievement-based stratifica­ What is likely to happen to ethnicity? Most ob­
tion systems. From this view the civil rights servers suggest that if ethnic stratification per­
movement (and other equality-oriented move­ sists, then ethnicity will persist as well. Minority
ments such as the women’s movement) are as group members will turn to their ethnic group
much a consequence as they are a cause of for support, strength, and political mobilization.
these changes. We should observe the emergence of new eth­
The conflict perspective, on the other hand, nicities as various groups of immigrants, minor­
predicts that ethnic stratification will remain as ity, and even majority group members having a
long as it is in the interests of powerful domi­ coincidence of interests define themselves as
nant groups to keep it in place. If we want to members of the same group. Some have sug­
reduce ethnic stratification we will have to di­ gested this is happening now in the emergence
rectly intervene through government policies of “Hispanic Americans” and “Asian Ameri­
that will increase the chances that minority cans,” groups that, as we have seen, contain
groups increase their share of power and re­ many nationalities. Alba (1990) argued that
sources. According to this view, the civil rights white ethnics are currently evolving into a group
activism that promotes affirmative action and of “European Americans.” Lieberson and Waters
civil rights legislation is an important causal (1988) pointed to the increasing number of
agent in such change. Americans who, when asked for their heritage,
For interactionists, ethnic stratification say that they are just “Americans,” and sug­
cannot exist unless people define each other as gested that this may indicate the emergence of a
different. Interactionists would predict that as new ethnic group of “unhyphenated whites.”
long as segregation and isolation of minority If ethnic stratification diminishes signifi­
groups persist, particularly that of the poorest cantly, it is possible that ethnicity for all groups
groups, ethnocentrism will continue and prob­ will become increasingly “symbolic.” If ethnic
ably worsen. Racism will not disappear, but status does not dictate one’s chances to be suc­
will only change; the emergence of symbolic cessful in life or is not needed to provide one
racism and new, subtle, forms of discrimina­ with the hope that unjust conditions will be
tion that we noted earlier in the chapter may changed, then it is possible that its significance
be examples of such a change. Only if we will reduce to being a source of individual
break down barriers to interaction and com­ identity and familial communion. In this situa­
munication will people begin to experience tion ethnic groups will remain a rich source of
their common humanity, see one another as personal meaning, but they will no longer enter
part of the same world, and work together to into political and societal dynamics as they
solve common problems. have in the past.
 The Chapter in Brief: Inequalities of Race and Ethnicity

Some U.S. racial and ethnic groups continue to I The Potentialfor Conflict
be the victims of prejudice and discrimination. and Separation. Although racial and ethnic
Sociologists address these questions: Where do stratification is similar to other systems of
race and ethnicity come from? Why and how stratification in its essential features, there is one
are they associated with the distribution of overriding difference. Racial and ethnic groups
society’s rewards? How and why do racial and have the potential to carve their own
ethnic stratification change? independent nation from the existing state. The
question is whether the racial or ethnic segments
of the society will be willing to participate
Racial and Ethnic Stratification
within the existing nation-state arrangement.
Stratification represents institutionalized
inequality in the distribution of social rewards
and burdens. In this chapter we examined a
Prejudice and Discrimination
system of stratification based on race and/or I Prejudice. Prejudice refers to attitudes
ethnicity. of aversion and hostility toward the members of
a group simply because they belong to it and
I Races. The use of the concept of race for hence are presumed to have the objectionable
sociologists is as a social construct; a race is a qualities ascribed to it. A new form of prejudice
group of people who see themselves—and are against African Americans that appears among
seen by others—as having hereditary traits that affluent, suburban whites has been labeled
set them apart. An important concept based on symbolic racism by sociologists.
race is racism, the belief that some racial
groups are naturally superior and others are I Discrimination. Discrimination is
inferior. action, what people actually do in their daily
activities, and involves the arbitrary denial of
I Ethnic Groups. Groups that we identify privilege, prestige, and power to members of a
chiefly on cultural grounds—language, folk minority group. Since World War II whites
practices, dress, gestures, mannerisms, or have shifted from more blatant forms of
religion—are called ethnic groups. Ethnic discrimination to more subtle forms.
groups often have a sense of peoplehood, and
to one degree or another many of them deem I Institutional Discrimination. In their
themselves to be a nation. daily operation, the institutions of society may
function in such a way that they produce
I Minority Groups. Racial and ethnic unequal outcomes for different groups. This is
groups are often minority groups. Five called institutional discrimination.
properties characterize a minority. The critical Gatekeeping and environmental racism are
characteristic that distinguishes minority groups mechanisms by which institutional
from other groups is that they lack power. discrimination occurs.

240
Patterns of Intergroup Relations: unlikely in the foreseeable future, primarily
Assimilation and Pluralism because of continuing social and economic
In multiethnic societies, ethnic groups may barriers and low rates of interracial marriage.
either lose their distinctiveness through a
process of assimilation or retain their identity I Hispanics. The nation’s Hispanic
and integrity through pluralism. population is not a consolidated minority.
Hispanic groups have different histories,
I Assimilation. Assimilation refers to distinct concentrations in different areas of the
those processes whereby groups with distinctive United States, and substantially different
identities become culturally and socially fused. demographic and socioeconomic
Two views toward assimilation have dominated characteristics. Hispanics are twice as likely as
within the United States, the “melting pot” view blacks and whites to drop out of school and
and the Anglo-conformity view. typically earn less than non-Hispanics.

I Pluralism. In U.S. society, Jews, African I Native Americans. Native-American

Americans, Chinese Americans, and numerous peoples vary substantially in their history,
other groups have retained their identities and lifestyles, kin systems, language, political
distinctiveness for many years, an example of arrangements, religion, economy, current
pluralism, a situation in which diverse groups circumstances, and identities. They are the
coexist and boundaries between them are most severely disadvantaged of any population
maintained. In equalitarian pluralism, ethnic within the United States. Forty-one percent of
group members participate freely and equally those on reservations live below the poverty
in political and economic institutions. In level, and unemployment among males 20 to
inequalitarian pluralism, economic and 64 years old is about 60 percent.
political participation of minority groups is
severely limited by the dominant group and I Asian Americans. The average family
may even entail genocide. income of Chinese, Japanese, and Korean
Americans in the second and subsequent
generations is almost one-and-a-half times higher
Racial and Ethnic Groups than that of non-Hispanic whites. But Asian
in the United States Americans are a varied group, with considerable
The United States is undergoing a transition contrasts and diversity. The earnings of Laotians,
from a predominately white society rooted in Cambodians, and Vietnamese are generally low,
Western European culture to a global society especially among recent refugees who typically
composed of diverse racial and ethnic groups. have come from rural areas and who possess few
By the year 2050 today’s minorities will marketable skills.
comprise a much larger proportion of the U.S.
population than they do today. I White Ethnics. Most white Americans,
including those of northwestern European
I African Americans. African Americans background, know and identify with their
remain disadvantaged. The expected lifetime ethnic ancestry, but white ethnicity is neither
earnings of African-American men are deep nor stable. “Symbolic ethnicity” is an
significantly lower than those of white men, ethnicity that contributes to individual identity
and housing segregation remains substantial. and perhaps to family communion, but does not
The full integration of African Americans is create or sustain strong ethnic group ties.

241
Sociological Perspectives on The Future of Ethnic and Minority
Inequalities of Race and Ethnicity Group Relations
Ethnic status for Americans with African-,
I The Functionalist Perspective.
Hispanic-, Asian-, and Native-American roots
Functionalists say that ethnic differentiation
is not “symbolic,” is not a matter of choice, and
reduces consensus, increases the chances of
remains heavily ascriptive.
conflict, and threatens the equilibrium of a
society, but it also promotes group formation
I Intergroup Relations. Functionalists
and cohesion, functions as a safety valve
believe that there are long-run social trends
through scapegoating, and helps maintain a
that are eliminating ascription and other
democratic order.
irrational features from modern, industrial,
socially differentiated, societies. The conflict
I The Conflict Perspective. Conflict
perspective, on the other hand, predicts that
theorists contend that prejudice and
ethnic stratification will remain as long as it is
discrimination can best be understood in terms
in the interests of powerful dominant groups
of tension or conflict among competing groups.
to keep it in place. Interactionists would
At least three different conflict theories exist,
predict that as long as segregation and
and they are related to ethnocentrism,
isolation of minority groups persist,
Marxism, and the split labor market.
ethnocentrism will continue and probably
worsen.
I The Interactionist Perspective.
Interactionists say that the world we experience
I Ethnicity. If ethnic stratification persists,
is socially constructed. In this view, ethnic
then ethnicity will persist as well; if it
groups are seen as products of social interaction.
diminishes significantly, perhaps ethnicity for
Ethnicity arises when communication channels
all groups will become increasingly
between groups are limited and the different
“symbolic.”
groups develop different systems of meanings.

Glossary

assimilation Those minority group whose facilities in or next to

processes whereby groups qualifications are equal to minority communities,
with distinctive identities those of members of the
ethnic groups Groups
become culturally and dominant group.
identified chiefly on cultural
socially fused.
environmental racism grounds—language, religion,
discrimination The arbitrary The practice of deliberately folk practices, dress, gestures,
denial of privilege, prestige, locating incinerators and other mannerisms.
and power to members of a types of hazardous waste

242
gatekeeping The decision­ membership and a high race A population that
making process whereby degree of in-group marriage, differs from other populations
people are admitted to offices which suffers oppression at in the incidence of various
and positions of privilege, the hands of a dominant hereditary traits.
prestige, and power within a segment of a nation-state,
racism The belief that some
society.
pluralism A situation racial groups are naturally
genocide The deliberate and where diverse groups coexist superior and others are inferior.
systematic extermination of a side by side and mutually
split labor market An
racial or ethnic group. accommodate themselves to
economic arena in which
their differences.
institutional discrimination large differences exist in the
The functioning of the prejudice Attitudes of price of labor at the same
institutions of society in a aversion and hostility toward occupational level.
way that produces unequal the members of a group
symbolic racism A form of
outcomes for different groups. simply because they belong to
racism in which whites feel
it and hence are presumed to
minority group A racially that blacks are too aggressive,
have the objectionable
or culturally self-conscious do not play by the rules, and
qualities ascribed to it.
population, with hereditary have negative characteristics.

Internet Connection www. m h he. com/hughes6

Research discussed in this chapter indicates ethnocentrism and prejudice in the United
that subjective racism and prejudiced attitudes States today. On the basis of these investiga­
have moderated considerably in the United tions and your reading of the current chapter,
States over the past 50 years. However, ex­ write a short report on (1) the nature and extent
treme prejudice still exists in the United States. of extreme prejudice in the United States,
Go to the website of the Southern Poverty Law (2) the causes of such prejudice, and (3) what
Center, http://www.splcenter.org/. Explore can be done to eliminate it or reduce its nega­
this website for evidence of the existence of tive effects.

243
chapter 8

Gender Inequality

244
Gender Stratification
In 1997 Charles Perrin was hired to be the
Sexism and Patriarchy chief executive of Avon Products Inc., the
Gender Inequality around the World direct-marketing cosmetics company. Charles
Gender Inequality in the United States Perrin, as you might guess from the name, is a
man. Avon, as you probably know, is a com­
Sources of Gender Roles pany that sells to women. It has a sales force
that is 98 percent female; it has longtime high-
Gender Roles and Biology ranking female executives who were con­
Gender Roles and Culture tenders for the job; it includes women on its
Gender Roles and Identity board of directors; and in general it has a good
record in hiring and promoting women. So why
Sociological Perspectives hire a man to be CEO?
Avon is not any different from most com­
on Gender Stratification panies in the United States. At the end of the
The Functionalist Perspective 1990s only 3 percent of the top executives of
The Conflict Perspective Fortune 500 companies were female (Grimsley,
The Interactionist Perspective 1997). The Avon decision is representative of a
The Feminist Perspective problem women everywhere face; the company
decided to hire someone who had experience
Box 8.1 Issues in Focus: “How Was being a CEO, and that excludes nearly all
Your Day, Dear?” women.
Just as our society structures inequalities
Box 8.2 Doing Social Research: How Many based on race and ethnic membership, so it in­
People Get Raped? stitutionalizes inequalities based on gender.
Men and women differ in their access to privi­
Box 8.3 Students Doing Sociology: lege, prestige, and power. Despite advances in
“There's a Totally Cute Girl the United States and elsewhere, the distribu­
Smoking a--------- ing Cigar!” tion problem of who gets what, when, and how
has nearly always been answered in favor of
males.
In Chapter 6 we examined stratification by
class, and in Chapter 7 we looked at the role
race and ethnicity play in stratification. In this
chapter we examine inequalities based on gen­
der. We begin by considering sex, gender, sex­
ism, and patriarchy. We then take a closer look
at the status of women in society, both in the
United States and around the world. We will
discuss the acquisition of gender identities,
looking at the parts played by biology, culture,
and socialization. Finally, we will see what the
functionalist, conflict, interactionist, and femi­
nist perspectives have to offer to our under­
standing of gender stratification.

245
246 Gender Inequality

The gender roles defined by a society

Gender Stratification have profound consequences for the lives of
its men and women. They constitute master
Throughout the world, human activities, prac­ statuses that carry primary weight in people’s
tices, and institutional structures are organized interactions and relationships with others (see
with respect to the social distinction people Chapter 2). In doing so they place -*-[ p. 56'
make between men and women—in brief, by men and women in the social structure, estab­
gender. For the most part the state, the law, pol­ lishing where and what they are in social
itics, religion, higher education, and the econ­ terms. Thus, gender roles establish the frame­
omy are institutions that have been historically work within which men and women gain their
developed by men, are currently dominated by identities, formulate their goals, and carry out
men, and are symbolically interpreted from the their training. Gender roles are a major source
standpoint of men. As such they are “gendered of social inequality.
institutions.” The only major institution in In this section we will consider sexism
which women have had a central, defining role, and patriarchy. We will then take a closer look
although a subordinate one, has been the family at women’s roles and gender inequality in so­
(Acker, 1992). ciety both around the world and in the United
Before we continue our discussion of gen­ States.
der stratification, we need to define some basic
terms. Sex refers to whether one is genetically
male or female and determines the biological Sexism and Patriarchy
role that one will play in reproduction. Gen­
der, on the other hand, is a form of social dif­ Gender inequality is perpetuated by a set of
ferentiation; it refers to the sociocultural dis­ complex processes referred to as sexism. Like
tinction between males and females. While sex racism, sexism operates at two levels. At the
is given in nature, gender is a socially con­ individual level sexism is the belief that one
structed framework that human beings have sex is superior to the other. This form of sex­
created to make sense of and deal with the sex ism involves two basic ideas: (1) that because
difference. of inherent biological differences, men and
Gender identities are the conceptions we women are naturally suited to different roles
have of ourselves as being male or female. and (2) that this is the primary cause of the
One’s gender identity is part of one’s self­ differential distribution of status, power, and
concept and consequently is a product of social income by gender. At the institutional level
■ p- 79 i—► interaction (see Chapter 3). Our gen­ sexism involves policies, procedures, and prac­
der identity emerges as we enact gender roles tices that produce unequal outcomes for men
and are reacted to by others as being either and women. In principle, sexism refers to dis­
male or female. advantages that may be experienced by either
Gender roles are sets of cultural expecta­ sex. In reality, the patterns of gender inequality
tions that define the ways in which the mem­ in history and throughout the world today gen­
bers of each sex should behave. Gender roles erally involve disadvantages for women and
influence a wide range of human behaviors, in­ advantages for men. What we usually mean by
cluding how people speak, dress, walk, engage sexism, then, is a set of cultural and social
in courtship, get angry, play sports, deal with processes that justify and promote disadvan­
distress, and choose a career. tage for women.
 Gender Stratification 247

▲ Do Women Constitute [Sexism is] the unconscious, taken-for-granted,

a Minority Group? assumed, unquestioned, unexamined, unchal­
Sexism operates against women the way racism lenged acceptance of the belief that the world as
operates against persons of minority racial it looks to men is the only world, that the way of
backgrounds. However, although they are simi­ dealing with it which men have created is the
lar to a minority group, women are clearly not only way, that the values which men have
in the minority in most societies. Given higher evolved are the only ones, that the way sex looks
mortality rates for men, as men and women to men is the only way it can look to anyone,
age, there are increasingly more women than that what men think about what women are like
there are men. But as we noted in the previous is the only way to think about what women are
chapter, being a minority group does not re­ like. (Quoted in Gomick and Moran, 1971:xxv)
quire relatively low numbers. The key charac­
teristic of a minority group is that it lacks ▲ Patriarchy
power relative to a dominant group. And this is The most pervasive form of institutional sexism
true of the situation of women in virtually is patriarchy, a system of social organization
every society. in which men have a disproportionate share of
Let’s look again at the five properties power. Patriarchy is rooted in cultural and legal
of a minority group we considered in Chapter systems that historically gave fathers authority
7, this time with women in mind. pp. 212-13 I in family and clan matters, made wives and
children dependent on husbands and fathers,
1. Historically, women have encountered prej­ and organized descent and inheritance through
udice and discrimination and lack the power the male line. Sociologist Judith Lorber (1994)
needed to readily change this situation. believes that early societies may have been
2. Women possess physical and cultural traits egalitarian for thousand of years, and Jeannine
that distinguish them from men, the domi­ Davis-Kimball (1997) cites archaeological evi­
nant group. dence of female military and social power. One
possibility is that patriarchy emerged gradually
3. Through the efforts of the women’s libera­
as economic arrangements of societies became
tion movement and consciousness-raising
more complicated (Barber, 1994; Ortner, 1996).
groups, women have increasingly become
Most sociologists believe that patriarchal sys­
a self-conscious social group characterized
tems serve the interests of men at the expense
by an awareness of oneness.
of women, and nearly all societies around the
4. Membership is involuntary since gender is world today are patriarchal.
an ascribed status that is assigned to a per­ Although in some societies political change
son at birth. has undermined the legal basis of patriarchy,
5. Only the fifth characteristic does not apply and attitudinal change has undermined its cul­
to women, since endogamy (in-group mar­ tural power, modern societies include many
riage) is not the rule. partriarchal elements. An obvious one is the
practice of women and children taking the last
The existence of sexism not only disadvan­ name of the husband and father; in the United
tages women, but also has a wide-ranging im­ States, only about 10 percent of all married
pact on how we think about our lives and the women have not adopted their husbands’ names
places of women and men in them. As sociolo­ (Span, 1998). More importantly, men have
gist Jesse Bernard put it: more social, economic, and political power
248 Gender Inequality

of discrimination. In the
Middle East and Northern
Africa, for example, the
legal system often excuses a
man for killing his wife if
she commits adultery—an
“honor killing”—but it does
not condone a wife’s killing
of her husband under similar
circumstances. Brothels
often pay off local officials
and the police—indeed, one
human rights group reported
that Thai police regularly
drive Burmese women into
Thailand and deliver them to
brothels (Greenhouse, 1994).
A United Nations
Gender inequality exists in every society around the world, but Human Development Report
recent changes have moved many women who traditionally did released in the 1990s found
only unpaid domestic labor into the paid labor force. that there still is no nation
that treats its women as well
as its men. Islamic militants
than women in societies around the world, the have been crusading against Western-style
topic of our next section. women’s rights and have been making consid-
in Middle Eastern countries
Gender Inequali^^^&C"' recently in Afghanistan. The collapse of the
around the Soviet regime threw Russian women out of
work in disproportionate numbers; 70 percent
In the 1990s, for the first time, the U.S. State of those laid off in the first two postcommunist
Department in its annual human rights report years were women. Most of the workers in
focused attention on the treatment of women. sweatshops helping to boost the Chinese econ­
The findings from 193 nations portrayed a omy are women.
grim picture of day-to-day discrimination and Worldwide half a million women annually
abuse. In Zaire school-age girls spend one- die from pregnancy-related problems, including
third as much time in school as boys do, and botched abortions. In China. India, and some
they are responsible for most of the heavy farm other nations where sons are valued more
work. In the Republic of the Congo adultery is highly than daughters, traditional methods of
illegal for women, but not for men. Indonesian female infanticide and modern sex-selective
women are reluctant to go out alone at night abortions provide the means for disposing of
because men widely view them as fair game unwanted baby girls; China and India together
for sexual attack. Governments typically turn a have 75 million fewer women than they should
blind eye to the abuse of women, and in many have according to demographic calculations
nations the state is a major institutional source (MacFarquhar, 1994).
 Gender Stratification 249

Throughout the world women are sexually 140 countries around the world provide paid ma­
victimized. One form of victimization is the ternity leave by law; the United States, Australia,
traditional practice of female genital mutila­ and New Zealand are the only industrialized na­
tion. An estimated 85 to 114 million women, tions that do not have such laws (International
mostly Muslims in Africa, the Middle East, and Labor Organization. 1997). A number of nations
Southeast Asia, have endured some form of this have had a woman prime minister or president,
procedure, typically undertaken to “ensure” including Great Britain, Canada, Ireland, Portu­
virginity and eliminate sexual sensation to gal, Iceland, the Philippines, Argentina, Bolivia,
make women “more marriageable” (Kaplan, Nicaragua, Poland, Israel, Turkey, India, Pak­
1993). Though government-certified doctors istan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Haiti. Netherlands
and health workers in Egypt have been banned Antilles, and Dominica (Harwood and Brooks,
from performing female circumcision (Ghal- 1993). No nations boast equal representation of
wash, 1997), a national survey there showed men and women in their legislature; the world
that 97 percent of married Egyptian women average for percentage of women in the national
(ages 15 to 49) had been circumcised, and parliaments is 13.8. But many nations are ahead
87 percent of the women with a daughter re­ of the United States (see Figure 8.1).
ported that the daughter had been or would be Changes for women also can be seen in
circumcised (Lancaster, 1996). other aspects of their lives. In 1997 a Japanese
Mass rape and sexual sadism in war is not court ruled in favor of a woman whose husband
uncommon, often a result of the collapse of so­ was asking more than $30,000 in “damages”
cial order that accompanies war. In the civil because she broke up their marriage (Jordan,
war that erupted in 1992 after Yugoslavia broke 1997). The woman, employed full time, had di­
apart. Serbian nationalists raped huge numbers vorced her husband, who demanded that she do
of Bosnian Muslim women. International crim­ all the housework, make him miso soup and rice
inal charges against Serbians included the rapes every morning, and press his clothes. In a soci­
of as many as 20.000 women (Adler, Mueller, ety where such expectations are part and parcel
and Laufer, 1994). Such rapes are seen by some of traditional marriages, the ruling in the
not only as an instrument of sexual violence but woman’s favor was a sign of significant change.
also as a vehicle to demean an enemy’s na­ Nevertheless, in general worldwide social
tional pride and honor. attitudes, norms, and institutions deem women
Two-thirds of the world’s illiterates are fe­ to be inferior—and discrimination tends to start
male, 600 million women cannot read, and at birth. An International Labor Organization re­
90 million girls are not in school. As teenagers, port, based on a survey of 41 nations, concluded
many girls are forced into marriage and some­ that women will need another 1.000 years to
times bought and sold for prostitution and slave match the political and economic clout of men
labor. As wives and mothers, women are often (Sanchez, 1993).
treated little better than farmhands and baby
machines. And should they outlive their hus­ 'Gender Inequality
bands, they may be denied an inheritance, ban­
ished from their homes, and forced to live out
in the United States
their lives as beggars. Social scientists have noted many similarities
Despite the bleak picture painted here, between the status of African Americans and
women around the world do considerably better TTfat of women within the LTnited States
than U.S. women in some areas. More than (Myrdal, T944THacker. 1951,1974? Smith and
250 Gender Inequality

Top 10 Countries in Percentage of Women Legislators

Figure 8.1
Women Legislators around the World

More than 40 percent of Sweden’s legislators are women, the highest proportion in the world. Many other
countries also are ahead of the United States, where fewer than 15 percent of legislators are female. A
number of countries still have no women legislators whatsoever, including Djibouti, Jordan, Kuwait,
Micronesia, and the United Arab Emirates.
Source: Figure generated by the authors using data from the Inter-Parliamentary Union’s website, www.ipu.org.

Steward, 1983). Look, for example, at racist and “women’s place is in the home.” Recent genera­
sexist stereotypes. Both African Americans and tions of both African Americans and women
women have been portrayed as intellectually in­ have challenged those stereotypes by participat­
ferior, emotional, irresponsible, dependent, and ing in social movements for equal rights.
childlike. Both groups lack power, and the ra­ How disadvantaged are women in U.S. soci­
tionalization for their subordination has been ety? In this section we look at the division of
similar—the myth of “contented African Ameri­ labor in the family, gender stratification in the
cans who know their place” and the notion that workplace, the “glass ceiling,” disparities in pay,
 Gender Stratification 251

tially different personality characteristics and

traits (Hoffman and Hurst, 1990).
Across the years the gender division of
labor has operated to bind women to their re­
productive function. Women were viewed as
providing a man with sexual and domestic ser­
vices in exchange for his financial support.
Within this arrangement a sexual double stan­
dard prevailed that permitted men, but not
women, considerable sexual freedom. Until the
20th century, English and American common
law viewed women as undergoing “civil death”
upon marriage. Women lost their legal identity
when they married and, in the eyes of the law,
became “incorporated and consolidated” with
their husbands. A wife could not own property
in her own right or sign a contract. And a hus­
band could require his wife to live wherever he
chose and to submit to sexual intercourse
against her will—a practice we now call rape.
Today marriage and family have become
less of an organizing force in the lives of con­
temporary American women. Over the last three
decades, younger-generation women have come
to experience and lead dramatically different
lives than their older counterparts. Work outside
the home is no longer limited by obligations
that traditionally bound women to husbands and
children. Although they still place a high value
on marriage and the family, younger women
career patterns, sexual harassment and rape, poli­ are now more likely to delay marriage and
tics and government, and the women’s movement. childbearing (see Chapter 10). -*-| pp. 328-29 j
Women in the younger generation are taking
A Dividing Labor in the Family greater control of their lives and are integrating
Sexual inequality has historically been sus­ labor-force participation and family responsibil­
tained by assigning the economic-provider role ities more independently than their older coun­
to men and the childrearing role to women. terparts (McLaughlin et al., 1988).
Labor in the public sphere has been rewarded
by money, prestige, and power, whereas labor A The Second Shift
in the domestic sphere typically has been iso- / Although American men, particularly younger
lated and undervalued (Crittenden, 2001; / men, are shifting their views on doing housework,
Daniels, 1987; Ferree, 1990; Kessler-Harris,/ it is attitudes and not behaviors that are changing.
1990). Gender stereotypes arise in response to Whether or not they work outside the home, the
a gender division of labor and then serve to ra- \ burden of housework still falls primarily upon
tionalize it by attributing to the sexes substan- ' women (South and Spitze, 1994; Shelton and
 8.1 ISSUES IN FOCUS

“How Was Your Day, Dear?”

Remember the Leave It to perform far more household and Monica Longmore used
Beaver reruns on television? work than husbands and that data from the National Survey
Mother would spend the day women do these things of Families and Households to
whisking around the house in whether they have outside study this issue (Greenstein,
a stylish outfit protected by an employment or not. When 1996; DeMaris and Longmore,
apron, tidying and scrubbing women earn more than their 1996). Greenstein found that
and fixing a delicious dinner, husbands, they still do most of inequalities in the division of
and greet Father warmly when the housework, and even household labor are not
he returned from his day at when the husband is not perceived as inequities by
work? Well, times have employed, the wife does the what he calls “traditional
changed. greatest proportion of wives,” women who believe
Or have they? More housework (Greenstein, 1996). that women should do
than 61 percent of married And—here’s the kicker— most women’s work. Nontraditional
American women are part of women seem to think this is or egalitarian wives do
the workforce today. But fair! Only about a third of wives perceive the division of
guess who is still tidying and think that this is an unjust household tasks as unfair. He
scrubbing and fixing delicious situation (Lennon and also found that women who
dinners in American homes? Rosenfield, 1994). What expect to have to do all the
Women. accounts for this perception? housework (and do) have
Research on household Social scientists Theodore relatively happy marriages,
labor shows that wives Greenstein, Alfred DeMaris, while women who think that

John, 1996). In a survey conducted by the Henry jobs as men—indeed, some research suggests
J. Kaiser Family Foundation, Harvard University, they work harder in the workplace (Bielby and
and the Washington Post in 1997, between 50 and Bielby, 1988)pl’he unequal involvement ot
75 percent of the respondents agreed that wives working mothers and wives in household work
do more laundry, cleaning, cooking, grocery has come to be labeled “the second shift,” sug­
shopping, and bill paying (Deane, 1998c). Re­ gesting that after working a shift at a paid job.
spondents also agreed that husbands are more working women start a second shift when they]
likely to mow, shovel snow, make minor repairs, come home) (Hochschild. 1990). Not surpris-
and take out the trash. Women most often ingly, when women assume overwhelming re­
arranged for child care (in 68 percent of the cou­ sponsibility for household duties they suffer
ples surveyed), called baby-sitters (66 percent of stress and overload (Moen and Yu, 2000). In ad­
couples), stayed home from work when a child dition, their satisfaction with the family division
was sick (58 percent), and arranged children’s of household labor can be low; this dissatisfac­
transportation (57 percent) (Deane, 1998c). tion impacts adversely upon their marital happi­
Despite their greater household responsibil­ ness (Suitor, 1991; Pina and Bengtson, 1993).
ities, women allocate just as much effort on paid Box 8.1 has more to say on this issue.

252
 men should contribute to the lessened the likelihood that the husband helped with
maintenance of a home (and either spouse would say their housework; in 1997 it was
they don’t) have more division of household labor 85 percent. In 1949, 40 percent
unhappy marriages. was unfair. said the husband helped with
DeMaris and Longmore DeMaris and Longmore cooking; in 1997, 73 percent
discovered similar patterns, uncovered other interesting said so. And in 1949,
but they looked at perceptions relationships in the data they 31 percent of respondents
of equity for both husbands analyzed. They found that indicated that the husband in
and wives. More egalitarian women who spend more time the household helped with
husbands were more likely to in child socialization activities dishes; in 1997, this had risen
see housework as unfair to (e.g., talking with them and to 57 percent.
their wives, and egalitarian taking them to recreational While sociologists agree
wives also were more likely to events) are less likely to feel that women are doing less and
feel that doing the lion’s share their housework burdens are men are doing more than in
of the household labor was unfair—and so are their the past, women still do the
unfair to them. These husbands. And husbands with majority of housework (Shelton
researchers also found that more education are more likely and John, 1996). The division
women felt that their situations to feel that it is unfair for their of household labor in the
were less unfair—even if they wives to do all the housework. United States clearly
were doing most of the work— Of course, things have discriminates against women
if their husbands be//evedthat improved since the days of and benefits men. When more
housework should be shared Leave It to Beaver. Polls taken women are raised to expect
by both spouses. Further, the in 1949 and 1997 used that men should share equally
researchers found that identical wording so that in household labor, more
husbands who contributed to results could be directly women will perceive the
child care and sporadic chores compared. In 1949, 62 percent current division of labor as
and put in more hours at work of the respondents said that grossly unfair.

fiOvJ YJvtf vn prc-ji n or JcJOSj •

▲ Gender Stratification rates of divorce impelled more women to join

in the Workplace the workforce. African-American women have
The labor-force participation of married women always worked for pay in larger proportions than
in the United States over the past 200 years is white women (Herring and Wilson-Sadberry,
represented by a U-shaped curve, with relatively 1993). In 1998, between 73 and 78 percent of
high participation rates in the 1790s, declining black women with children under age five were
rates accompanying industrialization during the working, while 60 to 66 percent of white women
19th century, and rising rates after the beginning with young children worked (U.S. Census Bu­
of the 20th century—and mounting substantially reau, 1999).
after 1960. Although the participation of married In the United States 68 percent of single
women in the labor force fell during the 19th and 61 percent of married women are now in
century, single women entered the labor force in the paid labor force, compared with 73 percent
increasing numbers throughout that period. In of single and 78 percent of married men (U.S.
recent decades lower fertility and changing so­ Census Bureau, 1999); see Figure 8.2 for a
cial attitudes contributed to the jump in the comparison with other countries. Since 1950 the
labor-force participation of women, while higher number of American mothers employed outside

253
254 Gender Inequality

Figure 8.2
Female Labor-Force Participation Rates* for Selected Countries, 1997

The participation of women in the paid labor force in the United States is not the highest in the world, but
neither is it the lowest.
Source: Figure generated by the authors using data from the U.S. Census Bureau. 1999.
^Female labor force of all ages divided by female population 15-64 years old.

the home has tripled. In 68.1 percent of the fam­ Women have gained ground by entering
ilies with children under 18. the mother is em­ college in higher numbers than men (U.S. Cen­
ployed. More than 70 percent of the women sus Bureau, 1999) and by moving into higher-
who head families with no spouse are employed paying fields traditionally dominated by men.
(U.S. Census Bureau, 1999). Even women with For example, from 1960 to 1996 the percent of
very young children are increasingly part of the all medical degrees (M.D.) that went to women
labor force: 63.7 percent of women with chil­ increased from 5.5 to 40.9; for dentistry (D.D.S
dren under age six and 61.8 percent with chil­ or D.M.D.), it increased even more, from 0.8 to
dren under age one are employed. 35.8 percent; and for law degrees (LL.B, or
 Gender Stratification 255

’GLASS CeiLlHG?//"
GRBAT
1 GUESS I KNOW
WHO'LL 0E
1CLEANING that!

—
Although some women face a “glass ceiling” in their careers, most women are limited by a “sticky
floor”—women are concentrated in low-paying service, support, and nurturance occupations.

SIX CHIX by Margaret Shulock. Reprinted with permission of King Features Syndicate.

J.D.) from 2.5 to 43.5 percent (U.S. Census Bu­ The “sticky floor” is an apt metaphor for the
reau, 1999). More women are also training for occupational frustrations experienced by most
higher-paying jobs. The Department of Educa­ U.S. working women. Consider, for example,
tion predicts that by the year 2006 women will that hundreds of thousands of women find them­
be earning nearly the same number of doctoral selves trapped in low-wage, low-mobility jobs in
(Ph.D.) degrees as men. state and local government. While 55 percent of
Despite these changes many of the current the 3 million or so women in state and local
figures on the employment of women bear a government jobs across the nation work in the
striking resemblance to those of previous lowest-paying employment categories, only a
decades. There was little substantial change in quarter of all men—and merely a fifth of white
the gender segregation of occupations between men—work in these categories. These women
1900 and 1970. Levels of segregation did de­ are the workers who dispense driver’s licenses,
cline in the 1980s and 1990s, but the decline care for the mentally ill, and move the mountain
slowed between 1990 and 1997 (Wells, 1999). of paperwork (Noble, 1992).
The stereotypes many of us hold are based on
fact: In 1998 it was still true that 92.5 percent ▲ The Glass Ceiling <Pgc£r^'€'
of all nurses were women, 97.8 percent of all Positions at the top still elude women execu­
prekindergarten and kindergarten teachers were tives, who find that they crash into what has
female, 11.1 percent of all engineers were been labeled the “glass ceiling,” a set of invisible^ \
women, and 2.3 percent of all firefighters were barriers that prevent women from advancing.^*/ £ £
female (U.S. Census Bureau, 1999). The in­ When glass ceilings do not stop women, glas7^</^A
crease in female employment has come largely walls do; these are barriers that prevent women^ f
through the displacement of men by women in from moving laterally in corporations and thus
some low-paying categories and through the gaining the supervision experience they needC/^Az
rapid expansion of “pink-collar” occupations: to advance vertically (Lopez, 1992). In 1998,
Women make up 98 percent of all secretaries, 44.4 percent of the jobs classified as executive.
93 percent of all bookkeepers, and 95 percent administrative, and managerial were held by
of all receptionists (U.S. Census Bureau, 1999). women (U.S. Census Bureau, 1999). But only a
256 Gender Inequality’

Table 8.1 Men and Women in the Top Table 8.2 Percentage of Women
Jobs at Fortune 500 Companies Corporate Officers’ in Fortune
500 Companies, by Selected
Title Men Women Industries

Chair/CEO 500 2 Industry' Percent

Vice chair 139 2
President 177 1 Apparel 37%
Chief operating officer 14 0 Diversified financials 16
Senior executive VP 28 0 Publishing, printing 15
Executive VP 873 46 Computer software 11
Total 1.728 51 Soaps, cosmetics 11
Food 6
Source: Catalyst Washington Post. December 12. 1997. Commercial banks 5
Wholesalers 4
Electronics, semiconducters 4
very few of these women were at the very top: Petroleum refining 4
Fewer than 3 percent of top executives are
Telecommunications 4
women (Grimsley. 1997). Table 8.1 shows the
Entertainment 0
top jobs at Fortune 500 companies and how
Hotels, casinos, resorts 0
many males and females held each. The percent­
age of corporate officers who were women did Rubber and plastic products 0
increase from 8.7 percent in 1995 to 10.6 per­ Securities 0
cent in 1997. but the great majority of those at Tobacco 0
the top were still male (Grimsley. 1997). A
closer look at specific companies shows that Source: Catalyst 1997.
women corporate officers are doing best in tradi­ ^Officers are defined as those who have responsibility for
tionally “feminine" work, such as apparel, pub­ generating revenue or managing business results.
lishing. and soaps and cosmetics (see Table 8.2).
As corporate boards of directors are still management positions showed that the most
made up primarily of men—only 10.6 percent important factors affecting female representa­
of Fortune 500 board seats were held by tion in management is the percentage of
women in 1997—getting more women into top women in nonmanagement positions (Huffman.
executive positions will probably be a slow 1999). Similarly, women find it difficult to
process. More than 70 percent of survey re­ reach the top in the military (Priest. 1997). For
spondents said a lack of mentoring was a major example, serving as aide-de-camp to a general
or minor reason women face a glass ceiling on in the Army can be an important step toward
promotions (Deane. 1998b). More than half of becoming a general, but in 1997 all the aides of
respondents felt women are discriminated the Army’s four-star generals were men.
against in getting top executive management
positions (71 percent of female and 59 percent ▲ Disparities in Pay
of male respondents) and in getting promotions Women eam less than men. Overall, a woman
to supervisory positions (Melton and Grimsley. employed full time now earns only 76 cents for
1998). And a sociological study of women in each dollar earned by her male counterpart
 Gender Stratification 257

(U.S. Census Bureau, 1999). Some nations do Testament rule, as stated in Leviticus 27:34: A
better in gender pay comparisons. For in­ male between 20 and 60 years old shall be val­
stance, as long ago as the late 1980s the ratio ued at 50 silver shekels. . . . If it is a female,
of female-to-male weekly wages ranged from she shall be valued at 30 shekels.
80 to 90 percent in Australia, Denmark,
France, New Zealand. Norway, and Sweden ▲ Career Patterns: Out of Sync
(Clark, 1993). Although the gap between the with Family Life
earnings of American men and women nar­ Overall, the career patterns of women are quite
rowed in the 1980s, significant disparities re­ different from those of men. The economic ad­
main overall (see Figure 8.3a) and within oc­ vancement of women is complicated by the so­
cupational categories (see Figure 8.3b). cial organization of child care. Economist
Though traditionally women have received less Sylvia Ann Hewlett observed (quoted in Cas­
education than men, there is a sharp disparity tro, 1991:10):
in earnings between men and women at all lev­
els of education (see Figure 8.3c). we have confused equal rights with identical
Economist Barbara R. Bergmann (1987) treatment, ignoring the realities of family life.
calculated that discrimination accounts for After all, only women can bear children. And in
about half of the wage gap; differences in work this country, women must still carry most of the
experience, training, and related factors account burden of raising them. We think that we are
for the other half. The Census Bureau estimated being fair to everyone by stressing identical op­
that 35 to 40 percent of the gap in earnings for portunities, but in fact we are punishing women
men and women derives from gender discrimi­ and children.
nation (Pear, 1987). How does such discrimina­
tion occur? Social scientists studying disparities Women who have children encounter substantial
in pay found that occupations with higher per­ career disadvantages (Crittenden, 2001; Desai
centages of women employees offer lower in­ and Waite, 1991: Glass and Camarigg, 1992;
come than occupations dominated by men, and Tilghman, 1993). The years between ages 25
that occupations involving nurturance (e.g., so­ and 35 are critical in the development of a ca­
cial work, nursing, counseling, teaching, and reer. Yet these are the years when women are
child care) also offer lower wages than other most likely to have children. If they leave the
types of occupations (England et al., 1994). labor force to do so, they suffer in their ability to
Thus, discrimination occurs in the setting of acquire critical skills and to achieve promotions.
wages for various occupations. In addition, Very often they also suffer a complete loss of in­
women often have less experience and time on come for the time they are away from work, and
the job than their male counterparts because of they may also leave with no guarantee that they
family interruptions to their careers, and the sex can return; the United States is one of only three
gap in experience accounts for between a quar­ industrialized nations that do not provide paid
ter and a half of the sex gap in pay (Kilbourne, maternity leave by law (see Figure 8.4). New
England, and Beron, 1994). But even when men mothers who return to work within a few
and women have the same amount of experi­ months may find themselves shunted from a ca­
ence, men are paid more; that is, the effect of reer track to a “mommy track”; male managers
experience on wages is greater for men than for conclude that the women are no longer free to
women (Kilbourne, England, and Beron, 1994). take on time-consuming tasks or as motivated to
Overall, the earnings of contemporary get ahead and fail to consider them for promo­
women still seem to be determined by the Old tion (Wadman, 1992).
 Figure 8.3(a): Median Earnings of Full-Time, Year-Round Workers

Figure 8.3(b): Ratio of Female-to-Male Median Weekly Earnings

for Full-Time Wage and Salary Workers, U.S. 1998

0.00 0.25 0.50 0.75 1.00

 Gender Stratification 259

Figure 8.3(c): Disparities in Earnings by Race, Gender, and Education

□ 9-12 years □ High School Diploma □ Some College IS College Graduate

Figure 8.3
Disparities in Earnings Remain Significant

Figure Captions:
a. Median earnings of year-round, full-time workers by sex, 1960—1998. Recent gains by women in terms of
the ratio of their earnings to those of men is due both to a decrease in earnings of men and to an increase
in earnings of women.
Source: Figure generated by the authors using data from the U.S. Census Bureau, 1999.

b. In all occupations, women earn an average of 76 cents for every dollar earned by men. The ratio of
female-to-male median weekly earnings for full-time wage and salary workers in the United States is
especially low in sales occupations and especially high in farming, forestry, and fishing.
Source: Figure generated by the authors using data from the U.S. Census Bureau, 1999.

c. Total money earnings of persons 25 years and older, by gender, race, and education, 1998. Black and
white women earn less in every educational category than black and white men.
Source: Figure generated by the authors using data from the U.S. Census Bureau. 1999.
260 Gender Inequality

Weeks of Maternity Leave Provided Other Selected Countries

at 100% Pay

France 26.0 Weeks Percentage

off of pay
Vietnam 24.0 South Africa 12 45%
United States 12 0%
Russia 20.0
Chile, Cuba, Belarus, New Zealand 14 0%
Norway, Ukraine 18.0 Japan 14 60%
Canada 18 55%
Brazil 17.0
Italy 20 80%
Poland 16.5 Sweden 52 90%
Australia 52 0%
Netherlands, Spain 16.0

Note: All provide 100% of pay; ranked by length of leave, in weeks

Figure 8.4
Other Countries Provide Greater Maternity Benefits

Many countries provide maternity leave at 100 percent of pay; others provide time off with varying amounts
of pay. The United States has no legal provision for paid maternity leave.
Source: Figure generated by the authors using data from the International Labor Organization. 1997 report.

Equal opportunity for women in public sues continue to impede women’s careers
spheres remains substantially frustrated by (Shellenbarger. 1992). Sociologist Arlie Russell
gender-role differentiation within the family. Hochschild (1997) spent three years doing re­
Sociologist Mirra Komarovsky (1991:23) search on family and work at a midwestem
observed: Fortune 500 company that promoted family­
friendly policies. She found that executives de­
[I]n order to provide real options for men and manded increasingly longer hours of work
women we shall have to reorganize economic from employees without regard to the impact
and other institutions in a profound way, more on families. In one family Hochschild fol­
profound in my opinion, than would be neces­ lowed. the husband took a short paternity leave,
sary, for example, to solve the problems of the but both he and his wife felt that the company
black minority in the United States. . . . Social was not ready to have employees who wanted
investments in child care, maternity and paternity to spend time with their families.
leaves, flexible work hours, job sharing, and As we might expect, given women's repro­
other changes will be required to balance the pri­ ductive responsibilities, the factors that affect a
vate and public worlds for both men and women. woman's labor-force participation are different
at different times in her life (Lehrer. 1999). For
Although many companies are now at­ example, how much a woman and her husband
tempting to appear “family-friendly,” family is­ earn affects the woman's employment deci-
 Gender Stratification 261

sions. but the strength of this effect varies a w ho participated in a nationwide survey reported
great deal across time. Mothers of preschool­ having been subjected to sexist remarks, cat­
ers. for instance, are more likely to seek part- calls, and whistles. In addition. 15.5 percent re­
time employment rather than full-time or no ported sexual victimizations other than rape.
employment in response to increases in wage 13.1 reported having been stalked, 20 percent re­
rates. Lehrer (1999) concluded that factors not ported getting obscene phone calls, and 10 per­
typically considered are important in determin­ cent had had false rumors spread about their sex
ing women’s involvement in the labor market. lives (Fisher. Cullen, and Turner. 2000). A report
We will further address child care and other on elementary, middle, and high schools showed
problems related to women in the paid labor that four out of five students experience sexual
pp. S44-46 -► force in Chapter 10. harassment (AAUW, 1993). Girls are only a lit­
tle more likely to be harassed than boys, but the
▲ Sexual Harassment and Rape report showed that girls are more frequently ha­
Sexual harassment remains a common work­ rassed than boys. Sexual harassment also has a
place hazard for women (Fitzgerald. 1993). much greater negative impact on girls, more se­
The Equal Employment Opportunity Com­ riously affecting their learning environment and
mission defines sexual harassment as "unwel- their emotional lives. A later analysis of the
-^come" sexual attention, whether verbal or AAUW data showed that the risk of being ha­
physical, that affects an employee’s job condi­ rassed by a teacher was more than three times
tions or creates a “hostile” working environ­ greater for girls than boys, and the risk of being
ment (Adler. 1991). Examples of sexual harass­ harassed by a staff member was twice as high
ment include unsolicited and unwelcome for girls as for boys (Lee et al.. 1996).
flirtations, advances, or propositions: graphic Rape is the most violent form of sexual
or degrading comments about an employee’s victimization, and it is a form of sexual vio­
appearance, dress, or anatomy; the display of lence that victimizes women much more than it
sexually suggestive objects or pictures; ill- does men (Kessler et al., 1995). The legal defi­
received sexual jokes and offensive gestures; nition of forcible rape varies across states in the
sexual or intrusive questions about an em­ United States, but it is generally defined as
ployee's personal life: explicit descriptions of forcing persons to engage in sexual intercourse
a male’s own sexual experiences: abuse of fa­ against their will. It can also include forcing a
miliarities such as “honey,” “baby,” and "dear”: person to engage in oral sex and other sex acts.
unnecessary, unwanted physical contact such as Defined in this way. rape of men by women is
touching, hugging, pinching, patting, or kiss­ extremely rare (Thio. 1998). But rape of
ing; whistling and catcalls: and leering. One women by men is anything but rare: Reason­
poll found that 4 of 10 women had encountered able estimates of the percentage of women in
some form of sexual harassment at work, and the United States who have been raped by men
5 of 10 men said that they had said or done sometime in their lifetimes range from 10 to 25
something that could be construed as harass­ percent (see Box 8.2).
ment (Kolbert. 1991). Explanations of sexual Why do men rape women? Most rapists are
harassment include societal-, organizational-, not psychologically disturbed, sexually inade­
and individual-level approaches, but sociologi­ quate. or unable to relate to women in a normal
cal research on this form of sexual victimiza­ way. Because psychological explanations at the
tion is still in its infancy (Welsh. 1999). individual level leave so much unexplained, soci­
Sexual harassment is not limited to the ologists have turned to explanations that empha­
workplace. Half of all female college students size culture, socialization, and social structure.
 8.2 DOING SOCIAL RESEARCH

How Many People Get Raped?

Researcher Mary Koss made by the FBI Index of Crime, are question of both men and
headlines—and drew heavy based on police reports of women found that 9.2 percent
criticism—when she published crime. Before a rape appears in of women and less than
her findings that more than a the UCR, it must be reported to 1.0 percent of men had ever
quarter of all college women the police, and the police must been raped in their lifetimes
have experienced an act that be satisfied that “a man must (Kessler et al., 1995). Both
met the legal definition of rape have had (1) carnal knowledge numbers are significantly
(Koss, Gidycz, and of a woman, (2) forcibly, and higher than those that appear
Wisrgiewski, 1987). Her (3) against her will” (Gove, in either the National Crime
estimate was 10 to 15 times Hughes, and Geerken, 1985). Survey or the UCR.
higher than comparable rates While the NCVS typically Even higher rates are
reported by the Bureau of uncovers higher rates of rape obtained when the question is
Justice in statistics from their than appear in the UCR, the asked in a different way. When
National Crime Victimization questions used to determine respondents were asked if
Survey (NCVS). In fact, both these rates do not actually ask anyone had ever forced them
FBI and NCVS reports indicate a woman if she has ever been to do something sexual,
a very low rate of lifetime raped. A woman must tell the 22 percent of women and
prevalence of rape: between interviewer that she has been 4 percent of men responded
1 and 2 percent. Why are the raped in response to general yes (Laumann et al., 1994;
numbers so different? questions about whether she Michael et al., 1994)
In Chapter 5, we 1 p- 158 | has ever been attacked or A recent study of nearly
discussed the problems threatened. Rape itself is never 5,000 women attending U.S.
associated with determining mentioned; it is up to the person colleges and universities also
how much crime there is. being questioned to volunteer found that what is asked
Rape may be the crime for the information (Gove, Hughes, makes a big difference (Fisher,
which it is most difficult to get and Geerken, 1985). Cullen, and Turner, 2000).
reliable numbers, and it seems An obvious way to get Their study included a
that how the data are gathered more information than is comparison component that
is critical. Let’s look at various possible through the UCR or used methods similar to those
rape estimates and how they the National Crime Survey is used in the NCVS. The main
are obtained. to ask people directly whether study, which used extremely
The Uniform Crime they have been raped. A detailed questions about
Reports (UCR) data, measured national survey that asked this “unwanted sexual

Culture can create a context in which rapes jects, always being ready for sex, and being co­
are more likely to occur. It does this through erced or forced into sexual activity, perhaps
the creation and dissemination of norms, val­ even “enjoying it.” Masculine culture among
ues, and ways of thinking that encourage and young men often involves patterns of discus­
justify rape. Examples are music videos, sion, joking, and banter that treat women pri­
movies, television shows, magazine displays, marily as objects of sexual desire and as legiti­
and pornography that portray women as sex ob­ mate targets in sexual pursuits (Fields, 1993;

262
It would appear that rape is not primarily a problem of public life. These data for college women apply to
the general population. Rapists are not likely to be lurking in dark alleys; they are likely to be sitting in
your living room or next to you in a car. Rape is primarily a problem of private life, and rapists are most
likely to be people with whom the rape victim has a close personal relationship.
Source: Figure generated by the authors using data from Fisher, Cullen, and Turner. 2000.

experiences,” found rates of rape and 1.1 percent an experience a rape or

rape and attempted rape that attempted rape during an attempted rape.
were 11 and 6 times higher average period of about How many rapes we
than the rates found by the seven months. What does believe occur seems to
comparison study. such a rate mean? For a depend primarily on how
The rates reported by school with 10,000 female victims are asked about their
Bonnie Fisher and her students, more than 350 of experiences. Fisher and her
colleagues (2000) are in line them experience rape or colleagues concluded, “The
with those reported by Mary attempted rape in a single use of graphically worded
Koss (1987) for college academic year. And projected screen questions . . . likely
women and by others for the over the five years that most prompted more women who
general population. Fisher’s students now spend getting had experienced a sexual
survey responses showed that an undergraduate degree, victimization to report this fact
1.7 percent of the college one-fifth to one-quarter of all to the interviewer” (Fisher,
women had experienced a college women would Cullen, and Turner, 2000:14).

Thio, 1998). This may not directly cause rape, other college men (Koss and Gaines, 1993;
but it creates a normative environment that Nelson, 1994; Crosset et al., 1996).
makes the world safer for rape and rapists Cultural factors might not be such important
(Martin and Hummer, 1995). Studies show that factors in rape and sexual harassment if it were
campus athletes, perhaps the most heavily in­ not for gender inequality. Because of gender in­
fluenced by the culture of masculinity, are equality, women lack the power to respond
more likely to exhibit sexual aggression than forcefully and effectively to prevent harassment

263
 264 Gender Inequality

and rape and to deal with situations leading to 1993). Although the number of Americans say­
them. In addition, some social scientists argue ing they would not vote for a female presiden­
that sexual harassment, sexual aggression, and tial candidate even if she were qualified
rape are methods men use to intimidate women, dropped dramatically between 1937 and the
keeping them dependent and powerless (Peter­ 1990s, in 1992 it still was 32 percent of the
son, 1992; Schwendinger and Schwendinger, population. Another poll showed that fewer
1983; Brownmiller, 1975). than half the respondents believed the United
Culture and gender inequality combine to States would elect a female president in the
\ powerfully influence the prevalence of rape and next 20 years (Smith. 2001).
sexual aggression. Sanday’s (1981) study of Men still dominate U.S. political life, but
small societies showed that societies with high their monopoly on office is threatened. In 1992,
rates of rape were those where males were women ran for Congress in record numbers. By
heavily dominant and in which sexual aggres­ 2001 women had increased their numbers in the
sion was a symbol of masculinity and of men’s U.S. Senate from 2 to 13 and their representa­
control and mastery of women, while those tion in the House from 29 to 61—a sizable leap
with little rape were those that discouraged sex­ but still under 15 percent of U.S. legislators.
ual aggression. Sanday (1996) and other re­ Thousands of women have entered politics at
searchers (Schwartz and DeKeseredy, 1997; the local and state levels over the last several
Martin and Hummer. 1995; Schwartz, 1995) decades, enlarging the pool of candidates for
have found that college campuses with low higher office. By the early 1990s, nearly a third
rates of rape are those in which the culture of of local officials were women (U.S. Census Bu­
masculinity is not strong and where sexual as­ reau, 1999). Between 1980 and 1995 the num­
sault and rape are taken seriously and severely ber of women state supreme court judges went
punished. Those with high rates of rape are from 14 to 51 (Songer and Crews-Meyer, 2000).
those where the student culture values heavy Women also now constitute a majority of voters.
drinking, male dominance, and traditional mas­ Does having women in positions of leader­
culine values. ship make a difference? A study of state
supreme court judges found that female judges
t ▲ Politics and Government voted more liberally than males in the cases
The United States trails behind a number of na­ studied, death penalty and obscenity cases
tions that have elected female leaders (see Fig­ (Songer and Crews-Meyer. 2000). The re­
ure 8.1). Women in politics are so rare in the searchers also found that male judges were
United States that it was front-page news more likely to support liberal positions when
across the nation in 2000 when former First there was a woman among their ranks. Voters
Lady Hillary Clinton won her New York Senate apparently also perceive differences between
seat. In 1984 Geraldine Ferraro made history female and male candidates for office, some
when, as the Democratic Party’s vice presiden­ based on gender stereotypes but some not
tial candidate, she became the first woman ever (Koch, 1999). Koch’s study of citizens’ evalua­
named to the presidential ticket of a major po­ tions of Senate candidates found that female
litical party, but the Democrats did not win the candidates were more likely to be judged favor­
election. In 1998 only three states had female ably with regard to their ability to handle social
governors (U.S. Census Bureau. 1999). issues and leadership but unfavorably with re­
Political success has not come easily to gard to competence. And Gallup poll results
American women (Witt, Paget, and Matthews, show that 57 percent of U.S. citizens believe
 Gender Stratification 265

that government would be better if more

women held political office (Smith, 2001).
Perhaps more important is the potential for
women in positions of power to make real social
structural changes. For example, it is unlikely to
be mere coincidence that in Sweden, with the
highest proportion of women legislators in the
world, maternity benefits also are arguably the
best in the world: nearly an entire year off work
at nearly full pay, with an additional several
months off at a fixed rate (see Figure 8.4).

▲ The Women’s Movement

Over the past 30 years, no social movement has
had a more substantial impact on the way Amer­
icans think and act than the women’s movement.
In the 1960s the women’s movement built upon
earlier movements while gaining new impetus American society and other societies around
from the involvement of women in the civil the world are changing, and we see this in
rights movement (Taylor, 1989; Buechler, 1990; the increasing numbers of women who are
Simon and Danziger, 1991). Cross-national re­ achieving positions of leadership and
search suggests that the “first wave” (1800-1950) authority. Seen here is Ruth J. Simmons,
of women’s movements focused primarily on president of Brown University and former
legal equality, including the pursuit of suffrage, president of Smith College.
or the right to vote; the “second wave” (since the
1960s) has centered primarily on social equality,
particularly in jobs and education (Chafetz and
Dworkin, 1986). ▲ Persistence and Change
The revival of feminist activity in the We have discussed disparities in pay, promotion
1960s was spearheaded by a variety of groups. discrimination, sexual violence against women,
Some, such as the National Organization for and many other matters. Traditional family
i '-Women (NOW), were organized at the na- roles are in a state of flux, a state of affairs that
tional level by well-known women. Others we will discuss much more in Chapter 10. In
were grassroots groups that engaged in cam­ many ways, opportunities for women have
paigns for abortion reform or welfare rights, changed dramatically over the past several
consciousness-raising discussion sessions, or decades. In many other ways, women are still
promotion of the interests of professional or significantly disadvantaged.
lesbian women. After nearly 30 years of femi­ Just one example of a disadvantage faced
nist activism, a 1992 7zme/CNN survey found by women serves to illustrate how deeply em­
that only 5 percent of American women think bedded in social structure such disadvantages
the women’s movement has not improved their are. In 2001, men receiving Social Security ben­
lives, and 57 percent believe there is still a efits were getting an average of $905 per month,
need for a strong women’s movement (Black­ while women were getting an average of $697
man, Painton, and Taylor, 1992). per month (Hinden, 2001). What accounts for
266 Gender Inequality

this disparity? Benefits are based primarily on country and that women and men have roles in
years worked and wages earned. Because society and at home that can be vastly different.
women still earn, on average, 76 cents for each Thus far, we have been focusing on gender in­
dollar a man earns, and because women's repro­ equality with respect to the macro-structural
ductive responsibilities result in their working features of society. What about more micro- or
fewer years than men, women get smaller retire­ individual-level explanations for differences in
ment benefits (Hinden, 2001). What is required gender roles? In this section we will look at
to make Social Security benefits equal for men gender roles and biology, gender roles and cul­
and women? Either major changes in the way ture, and theories of gender role development.
Social Security benefit levels are determined, or.
major changes in the way men and women are Gender Roles and Biology
compensated for all the kinds of work they do.
How do men and women perceive the posi­ The biological aspects of gender consist of the
tion of women in U.S. society? A survey con­ physical differences between men and women:
ducted in the late 1990s found that both women Women have the capacity to ovulate, carry a
and men see a considerable amount of change fetus until delivery, and provide it with milk
with regard to the relationship between men and after birth; men have the ability to produce and
women in their roles in families, the workplace, transmit sperm. When the developmental
and society. About a third of both groups process goes awry at one or more critical junc­
thought that “a great deal” had changed in re­ tions, individuals develop reproductive organs
cent years, and an additional 40 percent re­ of both sexes. Individuals whose reproductive
sponded “quite a lot.” But the changes are not structures are sufficiently ambiguous that it is
necessarily all for the better. Both men and difficult to define them exclusively as male or
women (62 and 72 percent, respectively) felt female are called hermaphrodites.
that such changes have been both good and bad, The role biology plays in producing behav­
and a significant number said it would be better ioral differences between men and women is far
for the country if men and women went back less clear than the role it plays in physical differ­
to the traditional roles they had in the 1950s ences. For example, testosterone has been linked
(35 percent of men and 42 percent of women) to competitive drive, but both women and men
(Deane. 1998a). Such a response may indicate produce the hormone. Further, the kinds of fac­
that the persistence of practices and attitudes tors that cause changes in testosterone levels
that are burdensome for women continue to out­ (e.g., ±e anticipation of competition) cause those
weigh the benefits of changes that have oc­ changes in both men and women. On average,
curred. Until more women reach positions of men produce more testosterone than women, and
economic, political, and social power, it is likely women produce some hormones in greater quan­
that changes will occur only at a slow pace. tities than men, but all humans produce estrogen,
prolactin, oxytocin, cortisol, and a number of
other hormones as well (Blum, 1997).
Sources of Gender ▲ Are There Real Gender Differences
Roles Based on Biology?
On the basis of a survey of over 2,000 books
It is clear from our discussion of women and articles on sex differences, psychologists
around the world and in the United States that Eleanor E. Maccoby and Carol N. Jacklin
women remain disadvantaged in nearly every (1974) concluded that there are four fairly
 Sources of Gender Roles 267

“well-established" differences between boys opportunities for women and their performance
and girls: as youngsters in school: Equality in opportuni­
ties for adults yields parity among males and
1. Beginning about age 11, girls show greater females in earlier preparatory and mathematical
verbal ability than boys. performances (Baker and Jones, 1993).
2. Boys are superior to girls on visual-spatial In spite of arguments that de-emphasize bi­
tasks in adolescence and adulthood, al­ ology in gendered behavior, this issue is far
though not during childhood. from settled. Recently some sociologists have
proposed formally integrating social and bio­
3. At about 12 or 13 years of age, boys move
logical factors in a single framework, and have
ahead of girls in mathematical ability.
argued that the effect of gender socialization
4. Males are more aggressive than females. depends on biological factors and vice versa.
For example, Udry (2000) showed that prenatal
Rather than settling controversies about the exposure to testosterone (a male hormone that
“essential” or “basic” nature of men and is found in both sexes) in females reduces the
women, the Maccoby-Jacklin findings intensi­ effects of gender socialization on adult gen­
fied them. Other psychologists promptly dered behavior. Udry concluded that biology
launched new surveys of the literature of gen­ sets individual limits on gender socialization
der differences and came to quite different con­ and additional limits to the macro-construction
clusions (Halpern, 1992). For example, Janet of gender. Clearly, more research will be
Shibley Hyde (1991) looked at the evidence for needed before we can arrive at firm conclusions
the alleged cognitive differences (verbal ability, in this area, but these findings suggest that bio­
visual-spatial ability, and mathematical ability). logical and socialization factors work together
She concluded that the magnitude of the differ­ in generating gendered behavior.
ences is at best quite small.
In the years that have intervened since the * Gender Roles and Culture
original Maccoby-Jacklin survey, the gap be­
tween male and female performance on stan­ There is little that is psychologically either male
dardized tests has disappeared on verbal tests or female, although our cultural definitions
and narrowed on mathematics tests; only often make it appear so. It seems that all soci­
among highly precocious math students does eties have seized on the anatomical differences
the disparity between males and females re­ between men and women to assign gender
main large (Hyde, Fennema, and Lamon, roles, the sets of cultural expectations that de­
1990). And a Department of Education study of fine the ways in which the members of each sex
eighth graders in 41 countries found that the should behave. Anthropological evidence sug­
United States was one of only 11 nations that gests that gender roles probably represent the
did not show a substantial gender gap in either earliest division of labor among human beings.
mathematics or science (Sanchez, 1996). Consequently, we are all born into societies
One explanation for the narrowing of the with well-established cultural guidelines for the
gender gap in mathematics is that contempo­ behavior of men and women (see Box 8.3).
rary girls and young women are more confident ThaLlhese cultural expectations are based' >
about their mathematical talents and capabili­ on any “real” gender difference? is c-a-st into /
ties than previous generations of females. But doubt by the results of a survey of 224 soci
even more important, a close connection exists eties (Murdock, 1935). Anthropologist George /-
between the future educational and economic P. Murdock found in his cross-cultural survey
 ______________________ 8.3 STUDENTS DOING SOCIOLOGY
“There’s a Totally Cute Girl Smoking
a------ ing Cigar!”
Many—perhaps most—college transgressions.' Male students here.' “What a fag!" and
students today believe that crocheted in public, bought “Faines aren't allowed in
gender inequality is pretty sanitary napkins, wore here.' Comments recorded by
much a thing of the past. women's clothes or shoes, female gender norm violators
Because they grew up in a time cried, carried purses, tried out included. “It's a good thing
when women could vote, work "women’s occupations." she's married because she
outside the home, run for office, painted their fingernails, and probably wouldn't get any
go to college, and the like, read romance novels. One dates,” “Is this any way for two
some students find feminist even threw a Tupperware pretty young girls to behave?"
ideology—well, extreme. So party. Female students and “There's a totally cute girl
complacent are many students opened doors for men. smoking a------- ing cigar!"
that they are quick to reject smoked cigars and pipes, The experiences of the
arguments of feminist chewed tobacco, sent men hundreds of students involved
sociologists that our culture flowers, went shirtless while in this study clearly
promotes gender inequality doing sports activities, bought demonstrate the power of
through its “compulsory condoms, and read Play girl. gender expectations. Gender
heterosexuality.' But the results Some displayed knowledge role norms function as a signal
of more than 650 field about “guy stuff." such as cars of the willingness of those
observations recorded by and sports. adhering to them to be part of
sociology students over a And what were the the heterosexual world, and
15-year period offer substantial reactions to these norm they provide sanctions for
evidence that compulsory violations? Surprisingly, those who would violate them.
heterosexuality is deeply especially given the wide Feminist sociologists argue
embedded in American culture. variety of projects, the that compulsory
Students were assigned reactions were easily heterosexuality is deeply
to think up some way to violate categorized—and completely embedded in our culture and
a gender norm and to record different depending on whether in the demands it makes on us
what happened as a result of the norm violator was a woman in our everyday lives. This
their violation. They were to or a man. Men were labeled study supports that argument.
choose and perform in public homosexual or potentially
some act typically associated homosexual, and women were Source: Nielsen. Joyce McCarl.
with the opposite sex and considered either to be sexually Glenda Walden, and Charlotte A.
record both the reactions of aggressive and promiscuous or Kunkel. 2000. Gendered
others and their own feelings. of dubious attractiveness to hereronormativiry: Empirical
Over the years, students came men. Comments heard by the illustrations in everyday life. The
up with more than one male gender norm violators Sociological Quarterh
hundred different "gender included. ’We gotta sweet fella 41(2):283-296.

268
 Sources of Gender Roles 269

Table 8.3 The Division of Labor by Sex in 224 Societies

Number of Societies and Sex of Person

by Whom the Activity Is Performed
Men Men Either Women Women
Activity Always Usually Sex Usually Always

Hunting 166 13 0 0 0
Trapping small animals 128 13 4 1 2
Herding 38 8 4 0 5
Fishing 98 34 19 3 4
Clearing agricultural land 73 22 17 5 13
Dairy operations 17 4 3 1 13
Preparing and planting soil 31 23 33 20 37
Erecting and dismantling shelter 14 2 5 6 22
Tending and harvesting crops 10 15 35 39 44
Bearing burdens 12 6 35 20 57
Cooking 5 1 9 28 158
Metalworking 78 0 0 0 0
Boat building 91 4 4 0 1
Working in stone 68 3 2 0 2
Basket making 25 3 10 6 82
Weaving 19 2 2 6 67
Manufacturing and repairing of clothing 12 3 8 9 95

Source: Reprinted by permission from Social Forces, May 15. 1937. “Comparative Data on the Division of Labor by Sex.
by George P. Murdock. Copyright © The University of North Carolina Press.

that vast differences exist in the social defini­ South Pacific, the most dangerous type of
tions of what constitutes appropriate masculine hunting—swimming out to remote rocks in the
and feminine behavior. Indeed, as shown in sea to stalk and club sea otters—was assigned
Table 8.3, the allocation of duties often differs to women. Moreover, women formed the
sharply from that of our own society. For ex­ bodyguard of Dahomeyan kings because they
ample, for generations U.S. communities have were deemed to be particularly fierce fighters.
had laws restricting the weights that a working And although most peoples believe that men
woman is permitted to lift. Moreover, women should take the initiative in sexual matters, the
have been excluded from many jobs because Maori of New Zealand and the Trobriand Is­
the men who control these jobs define women landers (near New Guinea) give this preroga­
as stupid, delicate, and emotional. Yet the Ara- tive to women (Ford and Beach, 1951).
pesh of New Guinea assigned women the task The great variation in the gender roles of
of carrying heavy loads because their heads men and women from one society to another
were believed to be harder and stronger than points to a social foundation for most of these
those of men. Among the Tasmanians of the differences (Bernard. 1987; South and Trent,
 270 Gender Inequality

1988; Intons-Peterson, 1988). So do the

changes observed from one time to another in
sex-linked behavior patterns within the same
society, such as hair length and style and cloth-
Lmg fashions. All this suggests that gender roles

are largely a matter of social definition and so­

cially constructed meanings.
An example of the importance of the part
social definitions play in gender roles is found
in the studies of hermaphrodites: Social defini­
tions play a crucial role in influencing the gen­
der identities of hermaphrodites. At birth the
child is classed as a boy or a girl, and a whole
series of environmental forces then come into
play (Money and Tucker, 1975:8689).
Social definitions play a part in gender dif­
ferences that some define as biological. For ex­
ample, girls have lagged behind boys in certain
academic areas. But research reveals that girls
Used by permission of Hank Ketcham and © by
are still treated differently in school than boys
United Media.
and that parents, teachers, and peers hold
higher academic expectations for boys than for
girls (American Association of University
as a character flaw (Campbell, 1993). Interest­
Women, 1992; Sadker and Sadker, 1994).
ingly, women who pursue competitive careers
Many factors continue to weigh against women
have higher levels of testosterone than women
in mathematics and science; significantly, math
who stay at home, but it is not yet known
functions as a “career filter” not only for tech­
whether testosterone levels rise as a result of
nical fields but also for most professions.
the work or whether women select their careers
The matter of gender differences in aggres­
based on their higher levels of testosterone
sion is also controversial. Surveying the litera­
(Blum, 1997).
ture, psychologist Todd Tieger (1980) wrote
that such differences become observable in
children’s spontaneous behavior only at about
Gender Roles and Identity
five years of age. During these early years so­ Gender identities are the conceptions we have
cial factors foster the differential learning and of ourselves as being male or female. Most
expression of aggression by boys and girls. people have a good fit between their anatomy
Whereas adults encourage boys to display ag­ and their gender identity. Boys generally come
gression, girls are pressured to inhibit it. From to behave in ways their culture labels “mascu­
boyhood scuffles and sporting events onward, line,” and girls learn to be “feminine.”
men learn to view aggression as an instrument But there are some individuals for whom
to attain respect, status, and power. In contrast, this is not the case. The most striking examples
females learn from their parents, the media, and are transsexuals—individuals who have normal
“cooperative girls’ games” that they must con­ sexual organs but who psychologically feel like
trol their aggressive impulses and revile them members of the opposite sex. Transsexuality
 Sources of Gender Roles 271

should not be confused with homosexuality. ing responses that are deemed appropriate to the
Homosexuality is a sexual orientation, not a child’s gender role and discouraging inappropri­
confused gender identity; lesbians have a ate ones. Moreover, children are motivated to at­
strong sense of themselves as females, and they tend to, leam from, and imitate same-sex models
are sexually attracted to other females. In some because they think of same-sex models as more
cases of transsexuality, medical science has like themselves (Mischel. 1970). Children are
found a way to modify the person’s anatomy to given cues to their gender roles in a great variety
conform with the person’s gender identity.______ of ways, from the way their rooms are decorated
-J How do individuals develop gender Tdenti- to the toys they are given to play with and the
fties? In this section we examine four explanations,/ clothes they are given to wear.

Freudian Explanations ▲ Cognitive-Development Theory

The exact role that learning plays in the acquisi­ Cultural transmission theory portrays children
tion of gender identities has been the subject of as essentially passive individuals who are pro­
considerable debate. Throughout much of the grammed for behavior by adult bearers of cul­
20th century, social scientists were strongly in­ ture. Cognitive-development theory provides a
fluenced by the work of Sigmund Freud. Freud corrective to this perspective by calling our at­
and his followers claimed that gender identity tention to the fact that children actively seek to
and the adoption of sex-typed behaviors are the acquire gender identities and roles.
result of an Oedipal conflict that emerges be­ According to cognitive-development theory
tween the ages of three and six. During this pe­ as discussed in Chapter 3 (Kohlberg, -*-[ p.7i [
riod children discover the genital differences be­ 1966, 1969; Kohlberg and Ullian, 1974), chil­
tween the sexes. According to Freudians, this dren come to label themselves as “boys” or
discovery prompts children to see themselves “girls” when they are between 18 months and
as rivals of their same-sex parent for the affec­ three years of age. Once they have identified
tion of the parent of the other sex. Such desires themselves as males or females, they want to
and feelings give rise to anxiety, which Freud adopt behaviors consistent with their newly
said is resolved by children coming to identify discovered status. This process is called self­
with the parent of the same sex. By virtue of socialization. According to Kohlberg, children
this identification, boys acquire masculine form a stereotyped conception of maleness and
self-conceptions and girls learn feminine self­ femaleness—an oversimplified, exaggerated,
conceptions. Freud’s work is now primarily of cartoonlike image. Then they use this stereo­
historical importance; empirical research test­ typed image to organize behavior and cultivate
ing Freud’s theory has largely discredited it. the attitudes and actions associated with being a
boy or a girl.
▲ Cultural Transmission Theory Both the cultural transmission and cognitive-
Unlike Freud and his followers, cultural development theories of gender-role learning
transmission theorists contend that the acquisi­ have received research support (Maccoby and
tion of gender identities and behaviors is not the Jacklin, 1974: Bern, 1981: Serbin and Sprafkin,
product of an Oedipal conflict but a gradual 1986: Martin and Little, 1990). Increasingly, so­
process of learning that begins in infancy (Ban­ cial and behavioral scientists are coming to the
dura, 1971, 1973; Fagot, Leinbach, and O’Boyle, view that any full explanation of gender-role ac­
1992). They suggest that parents, teachers, and quisition must incorporate elements from both
other adults shape a child’s behavior by reinforc­ theoretical approaches.
272 Gender Inequality

A’
▲ Self-Construals and Gender
In Chapter 3 we discussed self- -<-|p.so | Sociological
conception and identity. Psychologists Susan
Cross and Laura Madson used differences in Perspectives on
sglf-construal, which is essentially synonymous
to our term self-conception, to explain gender
Gender Stratification
differences in the United States (Cross and As noted in Chapter 1 the roles, con- -<-| p- 9 j
Madson, 1997). Individuals in some societies tributions, and experiences of women were not
develop a sense of self that is very interdepend­ a major part of theory and social research for
ent; in East Asian cultures, for example,^selL most of the history of sociology. Well into the
definition is based primarily on relationships 20th century, female social scientists, who were
and group memberships. Maintaining harmo­ most likely to make contributions in this area,
nious relationships with others is extremely im­ were marginalized and never able to establish
portant. Such a definition of self is referred to themselves in academic sociology. As a result,
by psychologists as an interdependent self-con­ traditional theories included little that was rele­
strual. In contrast, many Western societies are vant to the issue of gender inequality. Perhaps
individualistic, and[self-definition is based on the first work to attempt a systematic under­
individualism: one's unique attributes and the standing of the differentiation of gender roles
importance of an individual distinguishing him- was Parsons and Bales’ (1955) study of the
or herself from others are key to developing a family from the functionalist perspective. But
sense of self. This definition of self has been as we will see below, many sociologists view
called an independent self-construal. \ this work as both an attempt to explain gender
Cross and Madson, with other researchers, roles and as a justification of prevailing gender
pointed out that the independent self-construal inequalities.
model describes men better than it does women Since the 1960s, however, sociologists
in the United States and that most U.S. women have been heavily influenced by feminist
can probably be best described by the interde­ thinking (see Chapter 1). And while -<-[ p-161
pendent self-construal model. Many social in­ neither the conflict nor the interactionist per­
fluences in the United States promote independ­ spective includes an organized theory of gen­
ent ways of behaving, feeling, and thinking for der inequality, feminists and contemporary so­
men; for women, relational ways of behaving, ciologists have drawn upon the insights of the
feeling, and thinking are more likely to be pro­ conflict and interactionist perspectives to de­
moted. This major difference in self-construal velop an understanding of the nature of gender
between men and women in the United States. inequality and the sociocultural forces that
Cross and Madson argued, has important conse­ perpetuate it.
quences in terms of gender differences, includ­ As you will see. the functionalist, conflict,
ing those in cognition, motivation, emotion, and and interactionist perspectives offer interpre­
social behavior. For example, they found that tations of gender stratification that resemble
women are more willing to express most emo­ and parallel their positions on class and racial
tions, while men are more willing to express or ethnic stratification. We will look more
anger. Women are also more likely to be sensi­ closely at each in this section, along with a
tive to the emotions of others and base their discussion of the feminist perspective on gen­
own emotions on those. der inequality.
 Sociological Perspectives on Gender Stratification 273

The Functionalist Perspective for gender and family relations in industrial soci­
eties. Other patterns exist and meet the needs of
Functionalists suggest that a division of labor individuals, families, and the society; for exam­
originally arose between men and women be­ ple. the household where both wife and husband
cause of the woman’s role in reproduction. Be­ work and the household headed by a single par­
cause women were often pregnant or nursing, ent with resources that allow access to high-
preindustrial societies assigned domestic and quality child care. Critics of the functionalist ap­
childrearing tasks to them. In contrast, men proach also pointed out that this idealized
were assigned hunting and defense tasks be­ structure makes men the more powerful actors
cause of their larger size and greater muscular and women relatively powerless and dependent
strength. Functionalists contend that a gender on men. By arguing that this arrangement is nec­
division of labor promoted the survival of the essary, functionalism becomes a powerful justifi­
species and therefore was retained. cation for the existence of gender inequality.
Sociologists Talcott Parsons and Robert
Bales (1955) built upon principles derived » The Conflict Perspective_______
from the study of the dynamics of small
groups in refining their functionalist position. Much of the critique of functionalism from the
They argued that two types of leaders are es­ 1950s to the 1980s came from conflict theorists
sential if a small group is to function effec­ who rejected functionalist arguments as simply
tively (see Chapter 4). Instru- -<-j pp. io6^o7] offering a rationale for male dominance. They
mental leaders (task specialists) devote their contended that a sexual division of labor is a
attention to appraising the problem at hand and social vehicle devised by men to ensure for
organizing people's activity to deal with it. Ex­ themselves privilege, prestige, and power in
pressive leaders (social-emotional specialists) their relationships with women. Gender in­
focus on overcoming interpersonal problems in equality exists because it benefits men, who use
the group, defusing tensions, and promoting the power it gives them to ensure its perpetua­
solidarity. Parsons and Bales suggested that tion. By relegating women to the home, men
families are also organized along instrumental- have been able to deny women those resources
expressive lines. Men specialize in instrumen­ they need to succeed in the larger world. More
tal tasks, particularly roles associated with particularly, conflict theorists have advanced a
having a job and making money, and women in number of explanations for gender stratification
expressive tasks, supporting their husbands, (Collins, 1975; Vogel, 1983; Collier, 1988;
doing household labor, and caring for children. Bradley, 1989; Chafetz, 1990). Some argue that
Essentially, Parsons and Bales were arguing the motivation for gender stratification derives
that it was functional and beneficial for the soci­ from the economic exploitation of women’s
ety, for families, and for individuals if males labor. Others say that the fundamental motive is
play instrumental, goal-oriented roles and fe­ men’s desire to have women readily available
males play expressive roles, supporting hus­ for sexual gratification. Still others emphasize
bands and nurturing children. Through the that the appropriation of women is not for cop­
1960s, 1970s, and 1980s many sociologists at­ ulation but for procreation, especially to pro­
tacked this position as taking an idealized family duce male heirs and daughters who can be used
form from the United States in the 1950s and as exchanges in cementing political and eco­
claiming that it was the uniquely superior model nomic alliances with other families.
274 Gender Inequality

Sociologist Joan Acker (1992) suggested Another example of how interactionism

that in industrial capitalist societies, production has influenced specific ideas about gender in­
is privileged over reproduction. Whereas busi­ equality can be seen in the study of gender
ness, commerce, and industry are viewed as an stereotyping in everyday language. Our use of
essential source of well-being and wealth, child- language can imply that women are secondary
rearing, child care, and elder care are seen as to men, in less powerful positions than men, or
secondary and wealth-consuming. Although less competent than men, all of which thus en­
“the family” is enshrined and idealized, repro­ courages us to think about women in ways that
duction (the domain of women) is shrouded in perpetuate inequality. This happens when we
societal shadows and devalued. But should the use words like “men” and “he” to refer to both
family fail to function according to the idealized men and women, when we refer to presidents
stereotype, it is widely portrayed as in decline and doctors as “he,” but secretaries and teach­
and peril (see Chapter 10). childrearing ers as “she,” and when we refer to adult women
as “girls” but refrain from calling adult men
The Interactionist Perspective “boys.” Use of such a symbolic framework en­
courages people to think of women stereotypi­
Interactionism has had a very important impact
cally as less suited for powerful instrumental
on the thinking of sociologists about gender in­
roles, to behave toward them accordingly, and
equality. If meanings form the basis of social
to limit the options available for women’s self­
life, then as meanings change, patterns of social
definition (Richardson, 1987). Interactionist
interaction can change, thus changing the na­
theorists argue that by influencing people’s
ture of social structure. Sociologists also have
identities in this way, everyday sexist language
made use of the interactionist idea that we ex­
helps to perpetuate gender inequality, and that
perience the world as a constructed reality.
changing our language patterns can help to
They developed the idea that while sex is given
eliminate it.
in nature, gender is socially constructed; it is a
product of sociocultural processes involving
symbols and meanings. Interactionists argue
The Feminist Perspective
that cultural meanings, including those that As we pointed out in Chapter 1, femi- p- >6
give rise to gender inequality, are continuously nism is not a single theory but an evolving set
emerging and changing through social interac­ of theoretical perspectives. Just as conditions
tion. If so, then people can intentionally change for women may not change rapidly until some
the structure of gender differentiation and in­ critical number of women attain positions of
equality by changing the meanings that under­ economic, social, and political power, so socio­
lie them. For example, when men define them­ logical research focused on women’s experi­
selves in traditional masculinist terms, value ences and activities has increased as a function
male dominance, and view women primarily as of women becoming research sociologists.
objects of sexual pleasure, rape and sexual ha­ Feminist critique of or addition to other per­
rassment are more likely to occur. When we re­ spectives on gender inequality has emerged in
place these meanings with those that value gen­ recent decades. For example, Miriam Johnson
der equality and view women as complete (1993) argued that serving the expressive func­
human beings, the rates of rape and sexual ha­ tion in family and society need not lead to dis­
rassment decline. advantage for women, but that it has led to dis-
 Sociological Perspectives on Gender Stratification 275

advantage because it exists in the context of a bels to produce, express, and legitimate in­
patriarchal culture that values men’s instrumen­ equality. . . . When gender itself operates in
tality over women’s expressiveness. Changing and through macro-social institutions, what it
the patriarchal normative order instead of produces is not just differences .... but in­
changing patterns of role differentiation, then, equality (2000:476).
is a more effective way to reduce gender in­
equality. However, this cultural change has so Sociologists Cecilia Ridgeway and Lynn
far eluded us. and we are left with the question Smith-Lovin (1999) point out that gender is sig­
of how patriarchal structures can be functional nificantly different from other forms of social
(Lengermann and Niebrugge, 1996b). If they inequality. Unlike racial and ethnic inequality
are, it would appear that they are primarily or class stratification, the key players in gender
functional for men. inequality—men and women—interact exten­
Myra Marx Ferree and Elaine J. Hall (2000) sively at home, at work, at church, and in a vari­
provide another critique of functionalism. While ety of role relationships. These everyday inter­
functionalists see group differences as benefi­ actions, they contend, recreate the gender
cial, they explain, feminists “see this grouping system. Such interactions would act to under­
process as a socially costly repression of individ­ mine the gender system only in two cases: (1) if
ual variation and potential.” Ferree and Hall the interactions feature women with status or
argue that inequality does not arise from individ­ power advantages over men or (2) if they are
ual differences between people. Rather, their peer interactions not driven by cultural beliefs
gender-relations model of inequality posits, so­ about the competence of males and females.
cial structures produce inequality and gender Feminist research has added substantially
differences follow from them: to our knowledge of women’s experiential, sub­
jective, and emotional lives. Though a variety
Gender is organized through micro-, meso-, of perspectives make up the “feminist perspec­
and macro-level processes that apply gender tive,” they are unified in the effort to develop
labels to jobs, skills, institutions, and organiza­ understandings of gender inequality that can be
tions as well as to people and that use these la­ used to transform society and women’s lives.

The Chapter in Brief: Gender Inequality

Gender Stratification biologically determined characteristic: gender is

Men and women differ in their access to privilege, a socially constructed characteristic. All societies
prestige, and power. The distribution problem of use anatomical differences to assign gender
who gets what, when, and how has traditionally roles. Gender identities are the conceptions we
been answered in favor of males. Sex is a have of ourselves as being male or female.
I Sexism and Patriarchy. Sexism I Gender Roles and Identity. Gender
operates at both an individual level and an identities are the concepts we have of ourselves
institutional level. The most pervasive form of as being male or female. Theories of the
institutional sexism is patriarchy. Women acquisition of gender identities include
exhibit four of the five properties associated Freudian, cultural transmission, and cognitive-
with a minority group. development. Differences in self-construal may
explain gender differences in the United States.
I Gender Inequality around
the World. No nation treats its women as Sociological Perspectives
well as its men. Women in many countries on Gender Stratification
suffer discrimination and abuse, yet women The major sociological perspectives offer
around the world do considerably better than interpretations of gender stratification that
U.S. women in some areas. resemble and parallel their positions on class
and racial or ethnic stratification.
I Gender Inequality in the
United States. U.S. women do most of the I The Functionalist Perspective.
household work and childrearing. Despite Functionalists suggest that families are
increasing involvement in the paid workforce, organized along instrumental-expressive lines,
women continue to be excluded from top jobs with men specializing in instrumental tasks and
and to earn less than men. Sexual harassment women in expressive tasks.
remains a common workplace hazard for
women, and somewhere between I The Conflict Perspective. Conflict
10 and 25 percent of women have been raped. theorists contend that a sexual division of labor
Men still dominate U.S. political life. is a social vehicle devised by men to ensure
themselves of privilege, prestige, and power in
Sources of Gender Roles their relationships with women.
Gender roles can be seen as arising from
biological development or cultural contributions. I The Interactionist Perspective.
Interaction!sts argue that gender inequality
I Gender Roles and Biology. The persists because of the way we define men and
biological aspects of gender consist of the women and their appropriate roles in society.
physical differences between men and women, Language helps perpetuate inequality.
but the role biology plays in producing
behavioral differences between men and I The Feminist Perspective. Feminism
women is shrouded in controversy. is not a single theory but an evolving set of
theoretical perspectives. Feminists argue that
I Gender Roles and Culture. Gender women are disadvantaged because society is
roles probably represent the earliest division of patriarchal; the assignment of group differences
labor among humans. Various societies have is socially costly and repressive. Everyday
specific social definitions of approprate interactions between men and women recreate
behavior for males and females. and support the gender system.

276
 Glossary

gender The sociocultural hermaphrodites Individuals sex A reference to whether

distinction between males and whose reproductive structures one is genetically male or
females. are sufficiently ambiguous that female; determines the
it is difficult to define them biological role that one will
gender identities The
exclusively as male or female, play in reproduction.
conceptions we have of
ourselves as being male or patriarchy A system of sexism The set of cultural
female. social organization in which and social processes that
men have a disproportionate justify and promote
gender roles Sets of cultural
share of power. disadvantage for women.
expectations that define the
ways in which the members of
each sex should behave.

Internet Connection www.mhhe.com/hughes6

The most powerful political positions in most involvement in political institutions in societies
societies have almost always been held by men. around the world. Using this information, and
Until recent years, women’s involvement in the other information in the current chapter, write a
formal operations of political institutions has short report about the nature of gender inequal­
been minimal. Go to the website of the Inter- ity in politics and the efforts of governments
Parliamentary Union, http://www.ipu.org/. Ex­ and political organizations and associations to
plore this site for information about women’s promote change.
chanter 9

Political and Economic Power

278
Power, Authority, and the State
In 1997 Keith B. Richburg, a foreign corre­
The State spondent for the Washington Post, traveled to
Sociological Perspectives on the State North Korea, where he was allowed to visit
Legitimacy and Authority areas that had never before been seen by an
American journalist (Richburg, 1997). He vis­
Political Power ited a hospital that had no lights, heat, stretchers,
food, antibiotics, or intravenous drips, and a
Types of Government shortage of anesthesia. He visited an orphanage
Political Power in the United States where 20 percent of the children are expected to
Models of Power in the United States die because they got there too late for help to be
of use; 70 percent of the children were there be­
Economic Power cause their parents had died from malnutrition or
disease. He found factories and hotels standing
Comparative Economic Systems empty and idle. In the capital city of Pyongyang
Transition from a Command to a Market strict rationing of electricity results in total dark­
Economy ness by 10 p.m., and the floodlights of big monu­
ments are turned off even earlier. Parts of the
The Power of Corporations city had been without water for days. And in the
countryside, Richburg found people starving.
The Power of National Corporations North Korea in the 1990s is a vivid illustra­
The Power of Multinational Corporations tion of the intimate connections among power,
in the Global Economy politics, and economics and of the enormous
The Control of Corporations impact political and economic processes have
on the lives of ordinary people. When the So­
The Sociology of Work viet Union collapsed in 1991, North Korea
found itself in trouble. As one of the world’s
Changes in the Work Experience last Marxist states, North Korea had imported
The Significance of Work fuel from the Soviet Union, its major petroleum
Satisfaction and Alienation in Work supplier. The Soviet Union also had provided
subsidies to North Korea, and it had been the
Box 9.1 Issues in Focus: What Oppression major market for North Korean exports. A
Teaches—The Long Reach of change in political power in one part of the
Disenfranchisement world—the end of the Soviet Union—hurt
North Korea’s economy very badly. Economic
Box 9.2 Sociology around the World: problems were exacerbated by natural disas­
How Long Has It Been since You ters: In 1996 North Korea suffered major flood­
Had a Coke? ing and in 1997 a severe drought brought
famine. The changes in economic and political
power in this country, inextricably connected to
the collapse of the Soviet Union, have trans­
formed the lives of the people of North Korea.
Individuals and groups who control critical
resources—rewards, punishments, and persua­
sive communications—are able to dictate the

279
280 Political and Economic Power

way social life is ordered. To command key or­ ble social arrangements. It gives direction to
ganizations is to command people and to influ­ human affairs, channeling people’s actions
ence the direction and the outcomes in their along one course rather than another. The
lives. Thus, power is the bedrock of social or­ power that makes a real difference in the way
ganization (Bierstedt, 1950). Changes in how social life works is the power that flows from
power is organized and distributed in a society the dominant organizations and institutions. In
lead to changes in how institutions and groups this chapter we examine “power that makes a
are created and perpetuated, and thus to funda­ real difference”—that which is vested in eco­
mental changes in a society’s way of life. nomic and political institutions.
As we noted in Chapter 6, power is the
ability of individuals and groups to realize their
will in human affairs even if it involves the re­
sistance of others. But when we say that some
Power, Authority,
people have more power and other people have and the State
less, we are doing more than describing peo­
ple’s characteristics. We are describing their so­
cial relations with others.
The State
As sociologist Richard Emerson (1962) ar­ The state—the political institution—is an
gued, power is an attribute of a social relation­ arrangement that consists of people who exer­
ship. If we have two people, A and B, the power cise an effective monopoly in the use of physi­
of person A over B is determined by B's depend­ cal coercion within a given territory. The state
ence on A. Thus, if A is in control of resources rests on force—power whose basis is the threat
needed or desired by B, A will have some degree or application of punishment. Clearly the abil­
of power over B. A’s power will be at its maxi­ ity to take life and inflict suffering affords a
mum when B has no alternative sources of the critical advantage in human affairs. In effect,
resource outside the A-B relationship. A and B force constitutes a final court of appeals; there
need not be people. They can be groups, organi­ is usually no appeal to force except the exercise
zations, ethnic groups, or nations—any person of superior force. Sovereign nations restrict,
or social unit that can be in a social relationship and even prohibit, the independent exercise of
with another. force by their subjects; otherwise, governments
Viewed from this power-dependence frame­ could not suppress forceful challenges to their
work, power is closely linked to economics. An authority (Lenski, 1966; Lehman, 1988). But
economy is a social institution that organizes the even though force is ultimately the basis of the
production, distribution, and consumption of state, it is only in unusual situations that socie­
goods and services. Goods and services are the tal power actually takes this form.
resources that individuals, groups, organiza­ The state is a relatively recent institution in
tions, and nations need to survive. Control of re­ human history. The existence of a state, which
sources, particularly control of production and requires that some people be able to devote
distribution, leads directly to power. Alexander time and energy to organizing power resources,
Hamilton expressed this nicely in The Federal­ was not possible as long as people could only
ist in 1788: “In the general course of human na­ produce enough to keep everybody alive.
ture, a power over a man’s subsistence amounts Changes in subsistence patterns that permitted
to a power over his will.” the production of a social surplus—goods and
Power is not distributed randomly or arbi­ services over and above those necessary for
trarily; it is institutionalized in a patterned, re­ survival—provided the foundations for the state
current manner and hence is embedded in sta­ (see Chapter 2). External factors such -<-[ p-6Q |
 Power, Authority, and the State 281

through the 1960s, the United States also fol­

lowed the conventional welfare-state path with
the state directly financing and providing a va­
riety of social services. Beginning in the 1970s,
however, the nation shifted the focus of its pub­
lic activity increasingly toward the managing
and financing of various medical and elderly
benefits through the private market. As the state
has taken on more activities, it has become in­
creasingly bureaucratic, guiding itself by ex­
plicit rules and procedures based on a division
of function and authority as described by Max
Weber’s model of bureaucracy (Bourdieu,
1994), as discussed in Chapter 4. -<-[ pp. i 15^16^

Sociological Perspectives
Police officers help citizens with many on the State
everyday problems, but the firearms they
carry are a constant reminder that they are Functionalists depict the state as an essential
social institution that evolved as societies
agents of the state, which has a monopoly on
the legitimate use of deadly force. moved from traditional to modem ways. This
image of the state predates contemporary socio­
logical theory; it was articulated by 17th- and
18th-century social philosophers such as
as threats and trading partners also played a Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679), who said human
part. A state typically arose as part of a larger beings were “naturally” a perverse and destruc­
social arrangement or system of states called tive lot. He conjectured that early in history
nation-states. The nation-state arrangement le­ human beings had voluntarily entered into a so­
gitimates sovereignty, state purposes, a military, cial agreement providing for central authority
and territorial jurisdiction (Giddens, 1985). and collective defense as a measure to rid them­
The domain of the state in Western nations selves of rampant brutality, violence, and chaos.
has expanded over time. A growing number of But other philosophers such as Jean Jacques
activities in education, medicine, the family, re­ Rousseau (1712-1778) disagreed. According to
ligion, working conditions, and technology Rousseau, private property was the root of
have become incorporated within its “general human social evils. Once private property was
welfare” function (Skocpol and Amenta, 1986). established, the state followed as an institution
The public welfare expenditures of Western to define and defend property rights. In their
capitalist democracies rapidly increased after original “state of nature,” Rousseau said, human
World War II, but the pace has slackened since beings were “noble savages”—spontaneous,
the late 1970s. In some nations, especially outgoing, loving, kind, and peaceful. The ad­
those like Sweden with social democratic gov­ vent of private property ended this idyllic exis­
ernments, social programs were transformed tence, bringing with it corruption, oppression,
into comprehensive systems of universal bene­ and obedience to a privileged class. Rousseau’s
fits that guaranteed the citizenry a basic stan­ approach foreshadowed the modern conflict
dard of living—what has been called the wel­ perspective on the state. Let us examine the
fare state. During the New Deal years and functionalist and conflict views more carefully.
282 Political and Economic Power

▲ The Functionalist Perspective power—people find themselves in conflict as

on the State they pursue their goals. If no bonds other than
Functionalists contend that there is a good rea­ the pursuit of immediate self-interest were to
son why the state arose and why it has assumed unite people, society would quickly degenerate
a dominant position in contemporary life: soci­ into a Hobbesian nightmare in which “war
ety must maintain order and provide for the against all” prevails. If conflicts among different
common good. More particularly, they point to social strata, races, religions, and special-interest
four primary functions performed by the state. groups were to become deep and intense, the
entire social fabric would be imperiled. Some
I Planning and Direction. The com­ agency is required that is sufficiently strong to
plexity and scope of many activities in contem­ contain conflict within tolerable limits—and that
porary society require overall coordination and agency is the state (Goode. 1972).
integration; personal and informal arrange­
ments no longer suffice. The folkways of fair­ I Protection against Other Societies.
ness that regulated traffic in horse-and-buggy Both war and diplomacy call for centralized
days are no longer adequate for the congested control and mobilization if a people are to max­
conditions of the nation’s highways, and high­ imize their position relative to their adversaries.
way traffic laws are not suitable for handling The state meets this requirement. Indeed, soci­
congested air traffic over airports. When folk­ ologist Charles Tilly (1990) surveyed European
ways and mores are not enough to provide history and concluded that states are shaped
guidelines for daily life, new norms are needed. primarily by the need to prepare for and wage
Such norms—laws—result from conscious war. In modem nations the classic dividing line
thought, deliberate planning, and formal decla­ between foreign and domestic policy has be­
ration. In addition, in times of war, financial come increasingly blurred. In the United States,
panic, or natural disaster, “central direction” is for instance, the dictates of Cold War global
required, performed by only one or at most a commitments and the expenditure of enormous
few individuals who have the power and au­ funds on the military enabled the Pentagon to
thority to implement their plans (Davis, 1949). give substantial direction and shape to the na­
tion’s post-World War II industrial policy and
I Enforcement of Norms. The Native growth (Hooks, 1990a).
American Crow subjected violators of commu­
nity mores to scathing ridicule, and as recently A The Conflict Perspective
as a century ago half the tribes and nations of on the State
the world still organized their lives without po­ Functionalists see the state as a rather benign
litical institutions (Murdock. 1950a). But in institution. Not so conflict theorists! They con­
modem, complex societies characterized by a tend that the state is a vehicle by which one or
preponderance of secondary relationships, such more groups impose their values and stratifica­
arrangements are no longer adequate. Once laws tion system upon other groups. As they view
are created, a special body or organization—the the matter, the state has its origin in the desire
state—is required to ensure law and order by en­ of ruling elites to give permanence to social
forcing legal norms. arrangements that benefit themselves. More
fundamentally, they depict the state as an in­
I Arbitration of Conflicting Interests. strument of violence and oppression.
Because many resources are scarce and Conflict theorists see the state arising in
divisible—particularly privilege, prestige, and history along with the production of a social
 Power, Authority, and the State 283

surplus, which we defined earlier as the goods but a committee for managing the common af­
and services over and above what is necessary fairs of the whole bourgeoisie.” Seen in this
for survival. In hunting and gathering societies, manner, the state is an instrument that is ma­
land is communally owned, and the members nipulated, virtually at will, by the capitalist
of the community share the food derived from class (Beirne, 1979). Instrumental theorists
it. The intensive agriculture technologies in argue that economic power inheres in the own­
agricultural societies produce food surpluses, ership or control of the means of production
so it is no longer essential that every human be (factories, banks, and large farms) and is typi­
employed in subsistence activities. Some mem­ cally transformed into political influence
bers of society, those who can engineer more (Miliband, 1969; Domhoff. 1983). Capitalists,
power for themselves, can live off the surplus it is alleged, accomplish this transformation
produced by others. A new institution, the state through lobbying, campaign financing, inter­
with its police power, is required to enforce the marriage within the capitalist class, and the
unequal distribution of social and material re­ corruption by business of the judiciary and fed­
wards in order to preserve the position of this eral and state legislatures.
privileged elite. Other conflict theorists (structural theorists)
In time, a powerful state can reach outside contend that the state apparatus exercises “rel­
itself and dominate people in other regions and ative autonomy” in its relationship with the
societies. The empires of Britain, Spain. Austro- capitalist class. They say that the state is not
Hungary. Russia, and its successor, the Soviet simply the instrument of the capitalist class,
Union, are historical examples of ruling elites but is an entity with its own interests and ca­
who mobilized the power of the state in pursuit pacities that affect society (Skocpol, 1980;
of resources that would result in even more Quadagno. 1984). The state’s actions, there­
power. This process creates subject peoples and fore, are not always in the interests of any par­
establishes dominant-majority relationships. In ticular class or of the society at large (Barkey
the 20th century we have seen the dismantling and Parikh, 1991). According to this view, re­
of these empires and the emergence of a host lentless class conflict between capitalists and
of formerly subjugated peoples pursuing long- workers, boom and bust economic cycles, and
repressed yearnings of nationhood. Many, in­ intercorporate conflict place limits on the abil­
cluding Indians. Pakistanis, South Africans, ity of the capitalist class to manipulate politi­
Czechs, Hungarians, and Ukrainians, have suc­ cal institutions at will. Although the state may
ceeded, while others such as the Kosovars and promote a climate favorable to capitalism, it
Chechens, whose struggles have been reported must also legitimate the sanctity of the social
frequently in the news early in the 21 st century, order and maintain internal peace (O’Connor,
are still working on it. 1973). As a result, the state routinely pursues
policies that work against the interests of some
I Conflict among Conflict Theorists. capitalists, such as support for welfare pay­
There is a difference of opinion among conflict ments to the poor, rent control, antitrust legis­
theorists regarding the nature of the state. lation, and corporate taxation (Beirne, 1979).
Marxist controversies have given impetus to the Accordingly, the state apparatus is seen as
debate and have prompted sociological re­ standing above the individual elements of the
searchers to pursue their own explorations. economy, even though its basic orientation is
Some theorists (instrumental theorists) have to support capitalist enterprise and to promote
taken literally the Communist Manifesto's, dic­ the unity of the capitalist class (Block, 1987;
tum that “the executive of the modem state is Jessop, 1990).
284 Political and Economic Power

The collapse of communism in much of the

world has diminished the appeal of Marxist ex­ gitimate. Legitimate power is authority. When
planations of the state (van den Berg, 1988). individuals possess authority, they have a rec­
But current research on social policy and the ognized and established right to give orders,
welfare state and comparative-historical studies determine policies, pronounce judgments, settle
of state formation owe much to sociological in­ controversies, and, more broadly, act as leaders.
terest generated by Marxist debates (Tilly, 1990; Legitimacy—the social justification of power—
Gilbert and Howe, 1991; Carruthers, 1994). takes a number of forms (Lipset, 1994; Stryker,
1994). Sociologist Max Weber (1921/1968)
Legitimacy and Authority suggested a threefold classification of authority
based on the manner in whiclT the power is so-
Both functionalist and conflict theorists see / cially legitimated; legal-rational, traditional,
force as the foundation of sovereignty. But as .and charismatic.
we pointed out earlier in the chapter, they dis­ Weber’s interest in authority derived from
agree on the ends served by the state’s use of his broader political interests. Indeed. Weber
force. Functionalists see force as restraining has often been called the “bourgeois Marx” be­
those who would put their self-interests above cause of the similarities in the two men’s intel­
the public good, whereas conflict theorists see lectual interests and the differences in their po­
force as an instrument of subjugation and ex­ litical orientations. Although critical of modem
ploitation. In Chapter 1 we noted that a num­ capitalism, Weber did not advocate revolution,
ber of sociologists have sought to reconcile I preferring instead gradual change. Let us con-
the two positions by emphasizing that both L sider Weber’s three forms of legitimation of
consensus and conflict are central elements of authority.
social life. r— vV Of
Although force may be an effective means / ▲ Traditional Authority ^,^^3
for seizing power, and though it remains the ul­ In traditional authority, power is legitimated
timate foundation for the state, it is not the by the sanctity of age-old customs. Often the
most effective means for political rule (Lenski, claim to such authority rests on birthright; it is
1966). As officials of the Soviet and Eastern generally inherited, since royal blood is thought
European communist regimes discovered, force to be somehow superior to the blood of com­
is both inefficient and costly. Moreover, honor moners. Additionally, a ruler’s power may be
is denied to those who rule by force alone. And perceived as eternal, inviolable, and sacred. For
finally, if an elite is inspired by revolutionary example, medieval kings and queens in Europe
visions for building a new social order, the ruled in the name of “a divine right” ordained
ideals remain unfulfilled unless the masses by God. A good deal of moral force stands be­
come to embrace the new order as their own. hind traditional authority.
The English leader and orator Edmund Burke
(1729-1797) captured the essence of these mat­ ▲ Legal-Rational Authority
ters when he noted that power that is based on In legal-rational authority, power is legiti­
the use of force alone is temporary. A person mated by explicit rules and rational procedures
who hijacks an airliner by threatening to shoot that define the rights and duties of the occu­
passengers has considerable power, but it is ex­ pants of given positions. Weber depicted this
tremely unstable and is not likely to last long. type of authority as prevailing in his ideal-type
All this highlights the importance of the bureaucracy (see Chapter 4). -<-| PP. ns-iitT]
distinction that sociologists make between Under this arrangement, officials claim obedi-
 Political Power 285

ence on the grounds that their commands fall and we often speak of “charismatic” leaders
within the impersonal, formally defined scope such as John F. Kennedy or “charismatic” pop
of their office. Obedience is owed not to the stars such as Elvis Presley. But Weber did not
person but to a set of impersonal principles that have such examples in mind when he devel­
have been devised in a rational manner. Pre­ oped the concept of charisma. To Weber a
sumably. these principles are derived from a set charismatic leader makes an impact on history,
of abstract goaKlhal_people agree with. For ex­ transforming social structure by mobilizing fol­
ample, we obey the police officer directing traf­ lowers to pursue the leader’s goals.
fic because we agree that traffic must flow Weber viewed each of these three bases of
smoothly and that for this to occur, people must authority as ideal types, concepts sociologists
conform to a set of rational principles and rules construct to portray the principal characteristics
devised to ensure this. of a phenomenon. Hence, in practice any spe­
The authority of government leaders is ac­ cific form of authority may involve various
cepted in the United States because Americans combinations and aspects of all three. For ex­
accept the premise that the law is supreme. ample, Franklin Delano Roosevelt gained the
Americans accept the exercise of power be­ presidency through legal-rational principles. By
cause they have come to believe that policies the time he was elected president for the fourth
and orders are formulated in accordance with time, his leadership had a good many tradi­
rules to which they subscribe. The system tional elements to it, while his great popularity
would crumble were a large number of Ameri­ meant that his leadership had some charismatic
cans to reject these “rules of the game.” This properties.
occurred in 1861 when southern states rejected
the election of Abraham Lincoln and federal
authority and seceded from the Union, thus ini­ Political Power
tiating the Civil War. And it was the perception
by Americans that President Richard M. Nixon Politics refers to the processes by which peo­
had failed to abide by the rules in the Watergate ple and groups acquire and exercise power. We
case that led to his downfall in the 1970s. Ide­ commonly think of politics as a feature of gov­
ally, legal-rational authority is “a government ernments. But there is also politics in religious
of laws, not of people.” groups, educational groups, and scientific
groups—even in friendship groups and fami­
▲ Charismatic Authority lies. When power is organized and wielded by
In charismatic authority, power is legitimated the state, we speak of it as political power. In
by the extraordinary superhuman or supernatu­ the modern state, power is wielded through
ral attributes people attribute to a leader. democratic, authoritarian, or totalitarian
Founders of world religions, prophets, military means, depending on how much participation
victors, and political heroes commonly derive states allow from citizens and how much con­
their authority from charisma (meaning “gift of trol is exercised over the everyday lives of citi­
grace”). Followers are devoted to the person of zens. Though democratic governments- appear
the leader, not to tradition or to abstract rational to be organized in the interests of average citi­
rules and principles. Christ, Napoleon, Caesar, zens, social scientists are not in agreement
Hitler, Castro, Joan of Arc, and Ayatollah about how “democratic” such states are. In this
Khomeini all are examples. section we discuss forms of government, polit­
The term “charisma” has passed from ical power in the United States, and models of
Weber’s writings into our everyday language, political power.
286 Political and Economic Power

Types of Government schemes for social reconstruction and societal

betterment. To enforce its power and propagate
Government entails those political processes its ideologies, a totalitarian regime employs
that have to do with the authoritative formulat­ every available means of social control. It uses
ing of rules and policies that are binding and educational and communications networks as
pervasive throughout a society. In contempo­ well as exercising terror by a secret police.
rary nations, the decisions made by government
profoundly affect the everyday lives of its citi­ ▲ Authoritarianism
zens, and very often the citizens of other na­ /Authoritarianism is a political system in which
tions. Policies relating to the state of the econ­ the government tolerates little or no opposition
omy, the direction of economic development, to its rule but permits nongovernmental centers
military expenditures, issues of war and peace, of influence and allows debate on some issues
drug trafficking, education, health care, social of public policy.! Many African and Latin Amer­
welfare, and environmental issues leave no in­ ican countriesTuled by military regimes are au­
dividual untouched by their consequences and thoritarian. Following Stalin’s death in 1953 and
ramifications. In dealing with these matters, until its disintegration in 1991, the Soviet Union
three quite different types of government have progressively took on the properties of an au­
competed in recent generations for people’s al­ thoritarian, as opposed to a totalitarian, state.
legiance: totalitarianism, authoritarianism, and Repression became more selective, and the
democracy. Each can be considered an ideal range of permissible discussion and debate
type because in practice many nations have broadened. The same pattern occurred in China
regimes with mixtures of totalitarian, authori­ following the death of Mao in 1976 and contin­
tarian, and democratic elements. ues up to the present. When totalitarian and au­
thoritarian systems fail, democratic ones do not
▲ Totalitarianism automatically rise in their place.
Totalitarianism is a “total state,” one in which
the government undertakes to control all parts A Democracy
of the society and all aspects of social lifeT] Q)emocracy is a political system in which the
Those individuals and groups (elites) who dom­ powers of government derive from the consent
inate the state apparatus seek to control all sub­ of the governed and in which regular constitu­
ordinate governmental units, all institutions, tional avenues exist for changing government
and even individual families and cliques. The officials. It is an arrangement that (1) permits
two major prototypes of totalitarianism—Nazi the population a significant voice in decision
Germany under Hitler and communist Russia making through the people’s right to choose
under Stalin—remind us that this form of gov­ among contenders for political office, (2) al­
ernment can incorporate either a capitalistic or lows for a broad, relatively equal citizenship
a socialistic economy. among the populace, and (3) affords the citi­
A totalitarian society typically has three zenry protection from arbitrary state action.
characteristics: a monolithic political party, a Clearly, democratic governments are not distin­
compelling ideology, and pervasive social con­ guished from totalitarian or authoritarian
trol. One political party is permitted, and it regimes by the absence of powerful officials,
brooks no opposition. Only a small proportion and for the most part democracy is not charac­
of the population are party members, although terized by the rule of the people themselves.
party membership is a requisite for all impor­ Only in relatively rare instances, such as the
tant social positions. A totalitarian ideology is New England town meeting, do we encounter
utopian in nature. It stipulates grandiose ^direct democracy—face-to-face participation
 Political Power 287

The heavily contested 2000 presidential election was decided by the U.S.
Supreme Court’s ruling that the recount of votes should cease. Despite the
energy that had been put into pre- and postelection campaigning, both sides
accepted the outcome.

and decision making by the citizens. Rather, ited in influence because, in the process of gov­
most democratic nations are characterized by erning, officials must also take into account the
representative democracy—officials are held interests, or points of view, of other groups.
accountable to the public through periodic elec­ A strong civil society—a social realm of
tions that confirm them in power or replace mediating groups, networks, and institutions that
them with new officials?^ sustains the public life outside the worlds of the
state and the economy—is conducive to demo­
I What Factors Promote Democracy? cratic life (Cohen and Arato, 1992). For exam­
A number of sociologists have undertaken a ple, in the United States today we have a broad
search for those factors that promote a social array of public interest and political organiza­
climate favorable to a stable democracy (Kom- tions across the ideological spectrum that ad­
hauser, 1959; Lindblom, 1990; Patterson, 1991; dress a variety of issues and concerns of the pop­
Lipset, 1994). One factor they identify is the ulace. These include the Christian Coalition, the
existence of conflict and cleavage associated National Rifle Association, Planned Parenthood,
with a competitive struggle over positions of and the American Civil Liberties Union, to name
power, challenges to incumbents, and shifts in only a very few. Citizens of all political and
the parties holding office. Many well-organized moral persuasions can link to organizations that
but countervailing interest groups serve as a are pursuing their goals. Having a large number
check against one another. Interest groups are of such competing groups provides many links
organizations of people who share common to government and ensures that no single group
concerns or points of view. Each group is lim­ or institution can attain a monopoly of power.
288 Political and Economic Power

This state of affairs is in sharp contrast to violent remedies. Rather, after the new admin­
totalitarian societies, where isolated and vulner­ istration took over the government, opponents
able individuals confront an omnipotent state. of George W. Bush began working on their
However, competition and conflict can get out plans to defeat him in the next election.
of hand in democratic societies: Sharp social po­
larization that derives from substantial income ’ Political Power in the
inequality may bring democratic institutions into
question and undermine popular commitment to United States
them (Muller, 1988; Bollen and Jackman, 1989). Both totalitarian and democratic governments
For example, in the midst of the Great Depres­ are marked by competition for political posi­
sion of the 1930s, when many people were suf­ tions. But what distinguishes democracies and
fering economically, both communist and fas­ the American system is that the contest for posi­
cistlike movements attracted significant tions of power is legitimized—norms define po­
numbers of followers in the United States. litical competition and opposition as expected
Relatively stable economic and social con­ and appropriate. Free and competitive elections,
ditions also seem to favor a democratic order the right to form opposition parties, freedom to
(Neuhouser, 1992). Significant institutional criticize those in power, freedom to seek public
failure confronts people with stressful circum­ office, and popular participation are among the
stances that can make them vulnerable to ex­ commonly accepted hallmarks of democratic
tremist social movements. For example, Ger­ procedures. Central to the process are political
many underwent ruinous inflation and parties, popular electoral participation, interest-
economic dislocation in the 1920s that made group lobbying, and the mass media.
the middle classes susceptible to Nazism.
Finally, a stable democracy benefits from ▲ Political Parties
an underlying consensus among the populace A political party is an organization designed
that a democratic government is desirable and to gain control of the government by putting its
valid. Citizens believe they can realize their people in public office. It is not the same as an
goals within the existing organizational frame­ interest group, which seeks to control govern­
work because they enjoy “fair play” access to ment policy decisions without assuming the di­
the seats of power. As we will see, voting is a rect responsibility of running the government.
key mechanism for achieving consensus. Al­ In contrast, political parties pursue the control
though Americans wage their election cam­ of government as an end. Thus mass-based po­
paigns with great fury and fervor, once the litical parties tend to abandon or modify policy
election returns are in, the candidates and par­ views that interfere with their gaining or main­
ties accede to the results. The contest between taining political office.
Al Gore and George W. Bush for the presi­ Within American life, the major political
dency in 2000 is a good example of this. Even parties function as brokers or intermediaries be­
though many of Gore’s supporters did not agree tween the people and the government (Lipset,
that proper procedures had been followed in 1993). The relatively pragmatic nature of the
counting the votes in Florida, once the U.S. parties and the structural peculiarities of the
Supreme Court decided the legal issue regard­ two-party system reflect this fact. To win control
ing the certification of the Florida vote, and the of the government, each party must shape itself
Electoral College vote gave the election to to make the widest possible appeal to the elec­
Bush, Gore’s Democratic supporters recog­ torate. This requirement tends to pull each party
nized the legitimacy of the legal process and toward a centrist position, leaving the more ex­
the outcome and did not resort to extralegal and treme elements at the fringes. In close elections
 Political Power 289

Figure 9.1
Who Votes? Percent Voting in the 1998 U.S. Congressional Elections

Source: Figure generated by the authors using data from the U.S. Census Bureau, 1999.

both the Republican and Democratic parties ▲ Electoral Participation

strive for the support of the same uncommitted, and Voting Patterns
often middle-of-the-road, voters. In many re­ The U.S. political system is rooted in the par­
spects, then, the two parties end up resembling ticipation of its citizenry in the governmental
one another. Occasionally one of their more ex­ process through periodic elections. The princi­
treme factions gains control of the presidential ple that each person has one vote is seen as a
nominating machinery, but then they commonly basic mechanism for offsetting the inequalities
suffer electoral disaster, such as the fate of the that otherwise abound in the society by virtue
Goldwater Republican right in 1964 and the of class, gender, and racial inequalities. Still,
McGovern Democratic left in 1972. Critics of many Americans do not vote. In 1996 only
the U.S. political system say that centrist forces 49 percent of the electorate voted in the presi­
and pressures result in the lack of a real choice dential election; in contrast, in 1876, when
for voters. Proponents point out that what is re­ memories of the Civil War were still fresh.
ally happening is that the parties are performing 82 percent of eligible voters—mostly limited
one of their chief functions: compromising dif­ to white males—cast ballots-. As indicated in
ferent and conflicting points of view prior to the Figure 9.1, nonvoters are more likely to be
election (Olson and Meyer, 1975). young, less educated, and of minority status
 ____________________________________ 9,1 ISSUES IN FOCUS
What Oppression Teaches—The Long Reach
of Disenfranchisement
Why don’t people long American women gaining the Women had worked long and
oppressed by authoritarian right to vote provides a hard to gain this right. Yet not
regimes create effective focused example of this effect nearly as many women as
democracies as soon as in action. men voted in the first elections
authoritarianism is lifted? In 1920, the Nineteenth after the passage of the voting
Social structures teach people Amendment to the Constitution rights amendment. In fact, it
patterns of behavior that are extended to women the right to was not until many years
not quickly and easily changed vote: “The right of citizens of afterward that men and
when the rules and laws the United States to vote shall women voted at equal rates.
governing political participation not be denied or abridged by Women born after 1925, who
are changed. Though not as the United States or by any grew up after the Nineteenth
drastic as a change in regime, State on account of sex.” Amendment was passed and

than those who do vote. Voting is associated politicians spend considerable time building up
with participation in groups, both religious a vast array of incumbent protections designed
and nonreligious (Cassel, 1999) and, in young to squeeze out their political competition (Gins­
adults, with having been active in instrumental berg and Shefter, 1990), resulting in incumbent
extracurricular activities (Glanville, 1999). senators and representatives winning more than
Generally speaking, higher-status people see a 90 percent of the time in recent elections, in­
relationship between politics and their own cluding those in 1996 and 1998 (U.S. Census
lives, but many lower-status people do not see Bureau, 1999). The turnout rate in presidential
the political system as offering them anything, elections is typically much lower in the United
or at least anything they can relate to effec­ States than in other nations (see Figure 9.2). In
tively. Although in recent years women have western Europe, Canada, Australia, and New
been slightly more likely to vote than men Zealand, the state is responsible for compiling
(U.S. Census Bureau, 1999), it has not always and maintaining electoral registers. The United
been so. Prior to 1920 women were not allowed States is the only nation where the entire burden
to vote in most elections, and even after 1920 of registration falls on the individual rather than
the voting rates of women were depressed (see the government.
Box 9.1). There are important differences in how var­
Low voting rates may indicate that Ameri­ ious segments of the population vote. Generally,
cans increasingly believe they cannot affect the voters who are better off tend to support Repub­
political process on the national level. Indeed, lican candidates and those who are less well off

290
voting for women had become women failing to vote despite beginning 30 years after
an “inalienable right,” were the having gained the right to do women gained the right to vote
first group to go out and vote so—was only slightly less in a in the United States, yet
in equal numbers. second group of women, women born and socialized
Sociologists Glenn those born between 1896 and during and immediately after
Firebaugh and Kevin Chen 1905. The effect was again the period when women could
(1995) showed that the smaller for women born not vote continued to vote at
oppression people experience between 1906 and 1915, lower rates than men. Voting
during their early years can although women in this cohort rates for men and women
continue to affect their still did not vote at the same have now converged; women
behavior long after the rates as men, and women socialized in an era during
oppression itself is lifted. born between 1916 and 1925 which women have the right to
Using postelection survey data also were somewhat less vote are just as likely to vote
gathered from 1952 to 1988, likely to vote than men. as men are. As Firebaugh and
Firebaugh and Chen found This study illustrates the Chen put it (1995:978): “After
that the odds of women born long-lasting effects of historical passage of the Nineteenth
in 1896 voting in any election conditions experienced during Amendment, historical
were less than half as great as one’s formative years. The conditions no longer ‘taught’
the odds of men voting. This data these researchers used young women the impropriety
disenfranchisement effect— were based on elections of voting.”

tend to support Democratic candidates. Even so, 2000). Although the voting patterns of men and
Democrats still receive a significant proportion women have not traditionally differed, in recent
of their votes from higher-status people, and the years women have been more likely than men to
Republican Ronald Reagan did well among support the Democratic party. Overall, there is a
blue-collar workers. Prior to the 1930s African- persistence of voter identifications with particu­
American voters tended to support the Republi­ lar parties. Changes do occur, although not as
can Party, the party of Abraham Lincoln and precipitously as is commonly imagined (Alwin
African-American emancipation, but since and Krosnick, 1991; Connelly, 2000). The rate
Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal they of ticket splitting (casting votes for different
have voted overwhelmingly Democratic. Reli­ party candidates) is between 20 and 28 percent
gion is often a good predictor of voting, but pat­ (Forgette and Platt, 1999).
terns can change. For many years Catholics
were more likely to vote for Democratic than ▲ Interest-Group Lobbying
Republican candidates (Hamilton, 1972), but As we noted in the discussion of democracy,
with the movement of many Catholics out of the people who share common concerns or points
working class, this is no longer true. However, of view are called interests, and the groups that
the tendency of Jews to vote Democratic re­ organize them are called interest groups. A dis­
mains stable, and since the 1970s born-again tinction is often made between special-interest
Christians have been solid and consistent sup­ groups and public-interest groups. Special­
porters of Republicans. Americans with disabil­ interest groups primarily seek benefits from
ities are more likely to vote Democratic (Gastil, which their members would derive more gains

291
292 Political and Economic Power

Angola I
South Africa
Africa < Guinea
I I
I I
Gambia
Niger 34.9
Brazil I I
I I
Nicaragua
Americas < Argentina
I I
I I
Canada I I
Venezuela
Iceland I I
Sweden I I
Italy
Germany 1 I
Europe < Netherlands
Britain i i
Spain i i
Romania
France
Russia
Turkey
Middle Israel
East Jordan
Egypt 47
Lebanon 40
Australia
Bangladesh
Asia South Korea
i i
Thailand
Japan
30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100%

Figure 9.2
Going to the Polls: A Global View

Voter participation in U.S. national elections is traditionally low: 49 percent of eligible voters in the 1996
presidential election and 33 percent in the 1998 midterm elections. How many voters in other countries
took advantage of their right to vote in their countries’ elections?
Source: Copyright © 1996. The Washington Post. Reprinted with permission.

than the society as a whole. Examples include action committees (PACs) that are set up to
chambers of commerce, trade associations, elect or defeat candidates, but not through the
labor unions, and farm organizations. Public­ organization of a political party. PACs were
interest groups pursue policies that presum­ specifically authorized by the Federal Election
ably would be of no greater benefit to their Campaign Act of 1971. but they had existed be­
members than to the larger society. Consumer fore then. Political action committees typically
protection organizations are good illustrations exert their influence by contributing money to
of public-interest groups. candidates who will support their interests. They
Among special-interest groups that have at­ base their contributions less on ideological or
tracted considerable controversy are political geographical factors than on whether the recipi-
 Political Power 293

U.S. House of Representatives U.S. Senate

PAC Contributions to U.S. Senate and House Candidates, 1997-1998,

Figure 9.3
by Type of PAC
Source: Figure generated by the authors using data from the U.S. Census Bureau, 1999.

ent sits on a congressional committee that can ▲ The Mass Media

help them (Berke, 1990d). Many PACs hedge The (mass media consists of organizations—
their bets by contributing to both candidates in a newspapers, magazines, television, radio, and
campaign, ensuring that they later will have ac­ motion pictures—that undertake to convey in­
cess to the winner. Although members of Con­ formation to a large segment of the public^
gress are presumably elected to represent the Studies show that two-thirds of Americans get
people in their states, more than half the senators most of their news from television, and over
seeking reelection to the Senate finance their half get all their news in this manner (Shea,
campaigns primarily from contributions ac­ 1984). The public secures information about
quired outside their home states instead of from candidates from television through news broad­
contributions made chiefly by their constituents casts and paid advertising.
(Berke, 1990b). As Figure 9.3 shows, PACs run Often the media’s main role is that of
by business corporations contribute more money “agenda setting”: Media coverage places an
than other types of PACs, and they give much issue or problem foremost on the public’s
more of it to incumbents than to challengers. agenda, where it can become a central factor
Contributions are the way interest groups gain influencing the public’s perception of the per­
access to legislators to plead their cases and ob­ formance of an incumbent or challenger (Iyen­
tain special favors for given pieces of legislation gar, 1991). Although there is little credible evi­
(Clawson, Neustadtl, and Scott, 1992). Labor dence that the television networks knowingly
unions, for example, were found to distribute favor particular presidential candidates, they do
contributions to both Democrats and Republi­ influence public attitudes by their selection of
cans who had previously supported prolabor leg­ news events. Recent research findings contra­
islation (Bums, Francia, and Hermson, 2000). dicted the commonly held idea that the media
294 Political and Economic Power

is biased against Republicans: Democratic and The Marxist Perspective?

Republican gubernatorial candidates were not Marxist theory has had a profound impact on
treated any differently over 20 years of newspa­ sociological thinking about power and social
per coverage (Niven, 1999). organization. Sociologists following in the
Increasingly, campaigns are being turned Marxist tradition, such as J. Allen Whitt (1979,
over to high-powered professionals who advise 1982), hold that political processes must be un­
candidates on every detail, ranging from which derstood in terms of the ways in which the
issues they should tackle to the images they major social institutions (especially the eco­
should project in their media appearances. nomic institution) are organized. Rather than
Physical appearance and “good looks” have focusing primarily upon the individuals who
surfaced as paramount matters in an era when control the seats of power (as do power elite
packaging candidates for the media is so criti­ theorists), Whitt looked to the biases inherent
cal. Moreover, TV advertising, for which candi­ in social institutions as shaping political out­
dates spend nearly half their campaign funds, comes. He portrayed society as structured in
gives greater emphasis to style and personality ways that place constraints on decision makers
than substance. Computer technology is em­ and render their formulation of policy largely a
ployed to target specific voter groups and then foregone conclusion. Given the capitalist logic
bombard them with TV advertising and direct- of institutions in Western nations, the ruling
mail appeals specifically tailored to their inter­ class usually need not take direct action to fash­
ests. Campaign managers use public opinion ion outcomes favorable to its interests. The po­
polls not only to find out how voters perceive litical outcomes are built within the capitalist
their candidates but to determine what voters ordering of affairs by the way agendas are set
want to hear their candidates say (Altschiller, and alternatives are defined.
1988; Oreskes, 1990a). These matters raise the
question. How does the political system actu­ ▲(The Elitist Perspective^
ally operate, and who makes it run? Different The elitist perspective found early expression
answers have been proposed. in the ideas of several European sociologists of
the late 19th and early 20th centuries, including
Models of Power Vilfredo Pareto, Gaetano Mosca, and Robert
Michels. They undertook to show that the con­
in the United States centration of power in a small group of elites is
One of the longest-running debates in social inevitable within modern societies (Olsen.
sciences in the United States has to do with the 1970). These theorists rejected Marx’s idealis­
nature of power in the United States. Is power tic vision of social change that would bring
concentrated in the hands of the few or distrib­ about a classless and stateless society. Instead,
uted widely among various groups within they depicted all societies past the bare subsis­
American life? What is the basis of power? Is tence level—be they totalitarian, monarchical,
the exercise of power in the United States unre­ or democratic—as dominated by the few over
stricted or is it limited by the competing inter­ the many. They held that the masses cannot and
ests of numerous groups? Social scientists have do not govern themselves. Even so, change oc­
supplied quite different answers to these ques­ curs across time through the gradual replace­
tions, represented by three theoretical perspec­ ment of one group of elites by another.
tives: the Marxist (or ruling class), the elitist, Within the United States, elitist theory has
and the pluralist. taken a somewhat different course, particularly
 Political Power 295

From The New Yorker (11/16/92). Copyright © 1992 The New Yorker
Collection. Robert Mankoff from cartoonbank.com. All Rights Reserved.

as it was formulated in the work of sociologist social backgrounds, their dominant and over­
C. Wright Mills (1956). Mills contended that lapping positions in key social institutions, and
the major decisions affecting Americans and the convergence of their economic interests
others—especially those having to do with is­ (Domhoff, 1983, 1990; Zeitlin, 1989; Akard,
sues of war and peace—are made by a small 1992). For instance, sociologist Michael Useem
number of individuals and groups whom he (1983) contended that an “inner circle” of inter­
terms the “power elite.” The real rulers of the connected corporate officers and directors as­
United States, said Mills, come from three sumes the stewardship of U.S. political and so­
groups: corporation executives, the military, cial affairs. He found that inner-group members
and high-ranking politicians. These groups are more likely to belong to exclusive social
made such fateful decisions as those surround­ clubs, have upper-class parents, participate in
ing the Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba, the major business associations, serve on govern­
bombing of North Vietnam, the supplying of ment advisory boards, belong to the upper lev­
military assistance to pro-U.S. elements in els of nonprofit and charitable organizations,
Central America, and the procurement of major gain media coverage for themselves, maintain
weapon systems. informal contacts with government leaders, and
The elitist model depicts elites as unified in prefer one another’s company. According to
purpose and outlook because of their similar elitist theorists, elites invariably get their way
296 Political and Economic Power

whenever important public decisions are at ▲ Conclusions

stake. Their power is pervasive; it leaves few What conclusions can we draw from the con­
areas of social life untouched and results in a tending models of power? At the outset it
relatively stable distribution of power. should be stressed that elitist theorists such as
Mills and even Marxian-oriented theorists do
4JThe Pluralist Perspective] t-f not argue that a power elite or governing class
The pluralist perspective sharply contrasts with dominates U.S. society. When important deci­
both the power elite and Marxist models. Plural­ sions are made—especially on the critical is­
ist theorists start with interest groups as the basic sues of war and peace and on matters concern­
feature of organized political life. They say that ing the economy—many interest groups
no one group really runs the government, al­ compete for influence, but some corporate, mil­
though many groups have the power to veto itary. and political power centers clearly have
policies that run counter to their interests (Ries- greater input than other groups. Yet given the
man. 1953; Dahl, 1961). Important decisions are divisions within the highest echelons of the
made by different groups, depending on the in­ U.S. government on welfare and defense
stitutional arena—business organizations, labor spending and tax policies, it is exceedingly dif­
unions, farm blocs, racial and ethnic associa­ ficult to make a convincing case for a unified
tions, and religious groups. When their interests power elite.
diverge, the various interest groups compete for As structural Marxists remind us. political
allies among the unorganized public. But the and economic institutions seem to gain an exis­
same group or coalition of groups does not set tence separate from the specific individuals
broad policies. Instead, group power varies w ith who have ownership or positions of authority
the issue. A mounting body of sociological re­ within them. Thus the question is not only,
search reveals that politics in the United States Who runs America? but also. What runs Amer­
typically proceeds within many relatively self- ica? Each model contains a kernel of truth, and
contained policy domains, each operating more a synthesis of the formulations seems to afford
or less independently with its own issues, actors, the most satisfactory approach (Burris. 1988).
and processes (Burstein, 1991a).
Most groups remain inactive on most is­
sues and mobilize their resources only when Economic Power
their interests are immediately at stake. The re­
sulting distribution of power tends to be unsta­ As noted in the introduction to this chapter,
ble because interests and alliances are typically politics and economics are intimately related.
short-lived and new groups and coalitions are Political systems not only create laws and exer­
always being organized as old ones disinte­ cise police power, they also facilitate the opera­
grate. Government may achieve substantial au­ tion of the economy. In a socialist economy the
tonomy by operating as a broker or balancing government directly controls the economy, in
agent among competing interest groups, but the many cases setting prices and wages and decid­
result is not necessarily effectiveness in admin­ ing what will be produced. In a capitalist econ­
istration. Some pluralists say that so many in­ omy the government oversees and sets parame­
terest groups have sprung up in the United ters for the economy, but in many ways leaves
States, each demanding special attention to its the economy alone, allowing the market to de­
own concerns, that government h^s become cide what the economy will do. In all cases
paralyzed (Shea, 1984). economic organizations, whether they are gov-
 Economic Power 297

eminent bureaucracies or large corporations, social life. Horticultural, agrarian, and indus­
wield considerable power. One way we experi­ trial modes of production followed. Postindus­
ence this power is as employees, doing the bid­ trial social organization, focusing more on ser­
ding of a company in order to get a paycheck vices than on manufacturing and integrating
and move up the ladder of success. But eco­ new information and communication technolo­
nomic organizations also wield power in other gies, will include profound changes in patterns
ways, working to create a favorable environ­ of economic behavior and in market structure
ment for themselves by controlling the markets (International Labor Organization, 2001).
and political systems in which they operate. In Changes in the way people produce, distribute,
this section, we will discuss the different kinds and consume goods and services result in
of economic systems and how they fit into the strong pressures for change in other institu­
global economy. In addition, we will focus on tional arrangements as well.
the power of corporations and the nature of In recent decades two fundamentally dif­
work in modem society. ferent types of economic systems have com­
peted for people’s allegiance. One has been
Comparative Economic Systems characterized by a capitalist market economy,
and the other by a socialist command econ­
All societies confront three basic economic omy. Each has taken a quite different approach
problems. What goods and services should they to economic organization. And each has had
produce and in what quantities? How should substantially different social and political
they employ their limited resources—land, implications.
water, minerals, fuel, and labor—to produce the
desired goods and services? And for whom ▲ The Big Differences
should they produce the goods and services? Modern economic systems differ from one an­
The manner in which they answer these ques­ other in two important aspects. First, they pro­
tions has profound consequences for the nature vide different answers to the question, How is
and the structure of the societies. For instance, economic activity organized—by the market or
if they decide to produce guns and weaponry in by the plan? Second, they provide different an­
large quantities, the standard of living of their swers to the question, Who owns the means of
citizens will be lower than if they emphasize production—individuals or the state? However,
the satisfaction of consumer needs. How they these questions do not demand an “either-or”
go about producing the desired goods and ser­ answer. No contemporary nation falls totally at
vices shapes the world of work, how it is or­ one or the other pole, although the United
ganized, the satisfactions it provides, and the States and the pre-1991 Soviet Union typically
status it accords. And decisions regarding the supplied opposite answers to both questions.
“for whom” question influence the distribution We think of capitalist economies as relying
of wealth, income, and prestige. The answers to heavily on free markets and privately held
these questions derive from the structuring of property, and socialist economies as relying
power within societies. primarily on state planning and publicly held
As we pointed out in Chapter 2, -<-[ p.6o [ property. Yet the two characteristics are not
people have responded differently over the necessarily equivalent. In Nazi Germany, for
course of human history to the dictates posed example, the government controlled and
by economic survival. Hunting and gathering planned the economy, although ownership re­
economies were the earliest form of organized mained mainly in private hands.
298 Political and Economic Power

▲ Market and Command Economies based on the assumption that rational decision
A market economy is one in which decisions making affords better results than the haphaz­
about what will be produced, how much will be ard operation of market forces.
produced, and what products cost are made in
economic transactions between consumers and ▲ An Economy for Whom?
producers. Products that consumers do not Market and command economies differ in how
want, or that are overproduced, fall in price. they handle the issue of how income is distrib­
Items that are in short supply and that people uted. Historically, one of the major criticisms of
want rise in price. Price movements act as sig­ the market system has been that it fails to distrib­
nals to profit-making individuals and firms. ute income equitably. Market economies rely on
They cut back on goods with falling prices and the same price system that determines wages, in­
increase the production of goods with rising terest rates, and profits for the distribution of in­
prices. Economists call this mechanism con­ come among people in the society. Income pay­
sumer sovereignty. ments go in substantial amounts to private
Underlying this approach is a capitalist owners of physical capital—capitalists—or those
ideological notion that if each economic unit is who manage capitalist enterprises. Critics allege
allowed to make free choices in pursuit of its that the economic and political power held by
own best interests, the interests of all will be capitalists limits the government in working to­
best served. However, many social reformers ward a more just and equal social system. They
fault consumer sovereignty for promoting such contend that some problems like the environ­
ills as violence in television programming and mental crisis (see Chapter 12) and the absence of
high-sugar, low-nutrient breakfast cereals. jobs for young inner-city African Americans are
Clearly, markets have little in the way of tradi­ not easily solved through the free market (see
tional morality built into them. A truly free Chapter 6) because such solutions do not pro­
market can supply products many people would duce a profit for capitalists. Accordingly, they
rather not exist, including prostitution, child say that different standards are called for in ma­
pornography, drugs of all kinds, and the ser­ ture industrial societies like the United States
vices of hired killers, to name only a few. where free markets and social welfare must be
A command economy is one in which the balanced (Heilbroner, 1993). Other impulses and
state or central planning authority determines goals, such as sharing income with the poor,
the items that will be produced and their quan­ training unskilled workers, organizing low-cost
tities. A command economy is often very good health care, excelling at technology, and compet­
in moving a peasant society toward industrial­ ing effectively with Japan and Europe, also shape
ization by mobilizing the masses to build miles American capitalism (Uchitelle, 1991a).
of railroad and large dams. But a command
economy finds it difficult to produce a complex A Mixed Economie^J
array of consumer goods in the absence of mar­ When we look at the contemporary world, we
ket signals. are hard-pressed to find a pure form of a capi­
Free-market and command economies also talist market economy. Even the United States
differ in how they go about allocating resources in the early 19th century, which many eco­
to various productive activities. In free-market nomic historians deem to be as close to an ex­
economies, competition among suppliers of ample of pure capitalism as one can find, had
goods and labor services is thought to ensure government subsidies for railroads and canals.
the most efficient and productive use of re­ And socialist countries have had black markets
sources. Command economies, in contrast, are and other “underground” market mechanisms.
 Economic Power 299

Most nations are characterized by mixed Germany and Korea, each of which was split
economies that include elements of both com­ into two parts following World War II and each
mand and market economies. pair of which began at roughly the same eco­
For example, in the contemporary United nomic starting point with similar histories and
States the nation’s tax laws influence invest­ cultural heritages. At the time of German reuni­
ment decisions by providing tax incentives and fication in 1990, East Germany’s per capita
shelters for investors in real estate and mineral gross domestic product was less than half that
exploration. Regulatory agencies impose pollu­ of West Germany. The disparity was even
tion controls, standards for work conditions, greater in the Koreas, where in 1992 the per
rates for electrical utility companies, and li­ capita gross domestic product of North Korea
censing of prescription drugs. Some enter­ was less than one-sixth that of South Korea
prises, such as the Tennessee Valley Authority, (Oliver, 1994).
the Postal Service, and Amtrak, operate as pub­ During the 1980s many of the social demo­
licly owned or quasi-publicly owned agencies. cratic (“mixed”) economies of Western Europe
Some capitalist societies have such mixed encountered mounting difficulty in paying for
economies that their systems are described as their welfare programs and sought to reduce the
“democratic socialism.” In such societies most public spheres of their economies while ex­
production is privately owned, but, as under so­ panding the market sectors. Even so, except for
cialism, there is a large public sector with pub­ many former communist nations, there has
licly owned enterprises involved in public been no wholesale dismantling of social service
transportation, health care, air travel, mining, programs in western European nations.
oil production, education, utilities, and more. Many governments have simply looked
Some of these societies, such as Sweden, Fin­ less to general political solutions to their socie­
land, Denmark, and the Netherlands, have high tal problems and instead have tended to focus
taxes, particularly on the wealthy, and use the their attention upon specific remedies for nar­
money to redistribute some of the wealth and to rowly defined problems. For example, even
fund extensive social welfare and family sup­ though Great Britain has abandoned the social­
port programs. In addition to having much ist policies of the pre-1990s Labour Party, both
lower economic inequality than the United Conservative and Labour governments in the
States, societies with mixed economies usually 1980s and 1990s have strongly supported the
score better than the United States on some im­ popular National Health System that provides
portant quality-of-life indicators such as rates free health care to all citizens. It seems that
of crime, divorce, infant mortality, and life ex­ while capitalism may have difficulty coexisting
pectancy—though the United States does have with the welfare state, it also has difficulty ex­
lower rates of both suicide and births to unmar­ isting without social programs that manage the
ried women than Sweden, Denmark, Finland, hardships produced by the unbridled operation
or the Netherlands (U.S. Census Bureau, 1999). of market processes (Skocpol, 1992; Amenta,
1993; Orloff, 1993).
A Disillusionment with Command
and Mixed Economies ▲ The Welfare State
For nearly a half-century following World War II, Few people really like welfare programs. If noth­
many peoples looked for their social salvation ing else, “welfare” implies that some human
in political formulas with a strong collectivist beings are unable to care for themselves and
bent. In recent years, however, this faith evapo­ thus cannot achieve personal self-actualization
rated. Critics of command economies point to and self-sufficiency on the basis of their own
300 Political and Economic Power

resources. Even so, welfare is an enduring reality dized capital investment, fostered large con­
and its meaning includes more than most people glomerates, and resisted imports as part of an
think. At least four conceptions of purpose have economic system some refer to as “state capi­
coexisted in the design of American social wel­ talism.” Sociologist Peter L. Berger (1986),
fare programs: (1) behaviorist—making the who stressed the importance of group solidarity
poor behave in a manner more acceptable to and respect for tradition rather than individual
dominant groups, (2) residualist—providing a achievement in East Asian versions of capital­
social “safety net” for disadvantaged popula­ ism, prefers the term “communal capitalism.”
tions, (3) social insurance—affording universal Berger concluded that a high degree of state in­
protection against life’s reversals and misfor­ tervention in an economy is quite compatible
tunes, and (4) egalitarian populist—creating so­ with successful capitalism development. In
cial eauality (Marmor, Marshaw, and Harvey, brief, laissez-faire capitalism—“let the state
1990)These rationales, to one degree or another, leave business alone”—may be only one ver­
unddrfie the nation’s various welfare programs, sion of capitalism that works.
although the welfare reforms of the Clinton ad­ However, economic problems in Asian
ministration focus only on the first two, and economies have caused some economists and
pp. 190-92|-» mostly on the first (see Chapter 6). political leaders to rethink the “state” or “com­
Economist Herbert Stein (1993) observed munal” form of capitalism (Chandler. 1997). In
that the United States actually has two “welfare late 1997 and early 1998 the prices of stocks on
states.” As far as federal expenditures are con­ Asian financial markets fell, causing reverbera­
cerned, the welfare state for the nonpoor, which tions throughout the global economy. Though it
includes Medicare and Social Security benefits, is not entirely clear why these problems oc­
farm subsidies, and college tuition grants, is curred, it is possible some of the features of
five times as large as that for the poor, which these economies that were once touted as their
consists primarily of welfare payments. strengths appear to have produced serious prob­
lems. The close cooperation between govern­
▲ Capitalism around the Globe ment and industry creates a situation in which
With the ascendancy of capitalism in the 1990s, friends and family members of political leaders
more and more analysts are noticing that capi­ can exploit political connections for purely
talism is not a monolith any more than commu­ economic gain, establishing enterprises that are
nism was. With their communist adversaries profitable for the owners but are not a healthy
consigned to history, capitalist nations are jock­ part of the economy. In addition, informal rela­
eying to sell their particular mode of capitalism tions between economic actors are often not
to the emerging economies of Russia, eastern subject to the discipline of the market or sur­
Europe, Latin America, and Asia (Neff. 1994). veillance by regulators, increasing the chance
The dynamic Asian nations do not view that they will be economically inefficient and
U.S.-style laissez-faire capitalism as an eco­ subject to fraud.
nomic model. In Japan, Singapore. Hong Kong,
South Korea, and Taiwan, government has in­ Transition from a Command
tervened massively in economic life and fos­ to a Market Economy
tered a “government-business symbiosis” quite
different from the situation in Europe and The transition from a command to a market
North America (Scott, 1991). These nations economy in eastern Europe, the former Soviet
forged strong business-government links, subsi­ Union, and China has followed a multiplicity of
 The Power of Corporations 301

distinctive paths. Western political leaders— The Power of National

and academic economists—have typically as­
sumed that the superior efficiency and perfor­ Corporations
mance of capitalist institutions would allow for
When you drive a car, operate a computer, re­
their simple transplantation to other nations. place a lightbulb, purchase gasoline, or eat a
Yet, experience is showing that these institu­ breakfast cereal, you are using products manu­
tions cannot be replicated according to instruc­ factured by an oligopoly. An oligopoly is a
tions; indeed, the failure of socialism derived market dominated by a few firms. When we
from the attempt to organize economic life ac­ look at such giants of U.S. business as General
cording to a grand design. By contrast, the ori­ Motors, IBM, and General Electric, we find
gins of capitalism in Western nations did not
oligopolies.
develop by either blueprint or conscious design
These gigantic firms exercise enormous
(Stark, 1992). Moreover, many of the legal and
power in American life. The decisions made by
monetary institutions that make privatization their executives have implications and ramifi­
possible—the rule of law, the enforceability of cations that reach throughout the nation, in­
contracts, an independent judiciary, and a sta­ cluding effects on transportation, the environ­
ble currency—are still in their infancy.
ment, what we eat and drink, and the other
The outcomes of the transitions and trans­
products we use. They also affect the lives of
formations occurring in much of the former
millions of U.S. workers. Today’s corporation
communist world are far from certain (Ober-
is no longer a secure or stable workplace. In a
schall, 1996). It is possible that economic en­
quest for efficiency, firms have been charging
terprises in formerly socialist societies will
billions of dollars off their earnings in order to
grow into the large, powerful corporations we
lay off hundreds of thousands of workers
observe in Western and Asian economies. If so,
(Byrne, 1994b).
the economic and organizational life of these
societies will increasingly resemble that of the ▲ Corporate Downsizing
developed capitalist world. We now turn to a and Its Effects on Workers
description of those organizations and their ex­ The restructuring and downsizing of large U.S.
ercise of power. corporations meant the loss of 4 million jobs in
America’s 500 largest companies between 1980
and 1990 (Melloan, 1993). Corporate execu­
. The Power tives contend that large-scale staff reductions
are essential if their companies are to maintain
of Corporations competitiveness in a fast-changing global mar­
ketplace. Yet considerable evidence suggests
The government is an important participant in that companies slashing jobs often end up with
the U.S. economy, but the primary productive more problems than profits. A 1991 survey ex­
role is played by private business. Although amined more than 850 downsized corporations
most of the more than 20 million businesses in and found that only 41 percent met the prof­
the United States are small, large corporations itability goals they had set for themselves. Re­
have a substantial impact on the economy. In structuring seemingly gains some ground for a
this section we will discuss national corpora­ firm in the short run, but in the long term a
tions, multinational corporations, and various company needs products and services whose
ways in which corporations are controlled. sales grow.
302 Political and Economic Power

OUR CEO 15 QUESTION: DIDN'T BUT RI5RY

ANNOUNCING A OUR CEO GET PAID QUESTION:
J0B5 DE5ERVE
TEN-PERCENT DIDN'T YOU
TWENTY MILLION HIGHER PAY.
STAFF REDUCTION SAY WE WERE
DOLLARS THIS YEAR ?
TO CUT EXPEN5E5. GETTING CUT?

DILBERT (11/18/91) reprinted by permission of United Feature Syndicate. Inc.

Sagging employee morale is a major road­ services—that provide services rather than
block that stands in the way of profit growth manufactured products. As some manufactur­
from downsizing. Workers begin to ask. “Am I ing jobs are exported to countries with cheaper
going to have a job?" rather than. “This is a labor costs, new jobs are created in this country
great place to work: how can I make it better?” in service industries. As people lose high-pay­
(Snizek. 1994). Many companies offer their ing manufacturing jobs, they are forced to re­
older employees early retirement, but most train to make themselves valuable on the job
such companies find they lose people they con­ market. Even with retraining, many have no
sider necessary and good performers. Firms choice but to settle for service-sector jobs at
also commonly make the mistake of eliminat­ lower wages. The costs associated with obso­
ing workers but not the w ork, so that the sur­ lescence of human and physical capital have
viving employees have to labor faster or more often been high and have generated consider­
hours. The consequences are employee bumout able hardship in many sectors of American life.
and work left undone (Snizek. 1994) or the The information and communications tech­
ratcheting up again of costs by rehiring (Bor­ nology revolution of the last decade of the cen­
oughs, 1992). tury has the potential to cause yet more dra­
matic changes. Despite the huge increase in
▲ Economic Transitions numbers of people using the Internet and com­
and the Internet Revolution panies operating over the Internet, the annual
The U.S. economy has long been in flux. Every volume of “e-commerce” at the end of the
year thousands of manufacturing jobs are cre­ 1990s was too small a percentage of the total
ated and thousands more are destroyed as firms U.S. economy to have affected productivity
go out of business or change operations and growth (Litan and Rivlin. 2000). But half of all
other firms start new production lines. The investments in plants and equipment in the late
source of much of this change is the rise of the 1990s were in computer and telecommunica­
service sector of the economy—comprising in­ tions technology, and e-commerce was esti­
dustries such as insurance. Internet service, ac­ mated to add between $100 and $200 billion
counting. information processing, and financial annually.
 The Power of Corporations 303

A conference held in 2000 to discuss the national corporations are firms that have their
impact of the Internet on various sectors of the central office in one country and subsidiaries in
U.S. economy concluded that it could increase other countries. Throughout the world, compa­
productivity growth in the following ways nies are shedding the banner of a national identity
(Litan and Rivlin, 2000): and proclaiming themselves to be global enter­
prises whose fortunes no longer depend on the
• Significantly reduce the cost of producing economy of one nation. With the use of computer
and distributing goods and services. communications technology, companies no
• Increase management efficiency. longer even need a geographical center. Managers
and members of work teams can communicate as
• Increase competition.
easily from country to country as they can from
• Increase the effectiveness of marketing and office to office. Today the annual income from
pricing. sales of the largest multinational corporations ex­
• Increase consumer choice, convenience, ceeds the gross national product of most countries
and satisfaction. in which they do business. About half of the
largest economic units in the world are not na­
A single example serves to illustrate the enor­ tions at all but multinational corporations.
mous impact increased use of the Internet could
have on various industries. Health insurance ▲ Division of Labor
companies currently spend $10-$ 15 per paper Multinational corporations are playing a grow­
claim, while Web-based processors may be able ing role in the structuring of the division of labor
to do the same work for 2-4 cents per claim. within the world economy. The economic inte­
Changes are inevitable, but analysts dis­ gration of less developed nations into the struc­
agree about which direction they will take. tures of a world economy can be traced to Euro­
Skeptics say that large gains in productivity or pean exploration and colonization beginning in
consumer welfare should not be expected any­ the 15th century. The arrangement has been
time soon. But others expect that use of the In­ characterized by the differentiation of core and
ternet will spread from large- and medium­ periphery regions (Wallerstein, 1974a, 1980,
sized companies to small companies rapidly 1989). Core regions consist of geographical
and that its use creates a significant potential areas that dominate the world economy and ex­
for creating a large number of jobs for techni­ ploit the rest of the system; periphery regions
cally sophisticated workers and raising the consist of areas that provide raw materials to the
standard of living (Litan and Rivlin, 2000). core and are exploited by it. At first the periph­
eral areas exported spices, coffee, tea, and to­
bacco to Europe. Later, they became suppliers of
The Power of Multinational agricultural and mineral raw materials, while
Corporations in the Global their advantaged classes provided markets for in­
Economy dustrial goods from Europe (Boswell, 1989;
Chase-Dunn, 1989). Today companies go abroad
The rise of multinational corporations and the to develop a source of cheap raw materials and
growing internationalization of the world econ­ in search of lower wages. This has caused huge
omy have given a new dimension to economic losses in textile, clothing, and shoe manufactur­
power (Szymanski, 1981; Fennema, 1982; Bier- ing jobs in industrialized countries and huge
steker, 1987; Barnet and Cavanagh, 1994). Multi­ gains in developing countries (See Figure 9.4).
304 Political and Economic Power

Finland Mauritius 344.6%

Sweden Indonesia 177.4%
Norway Morocco 166.5%
Austria Jordan 160.8%
Poland Jamaica 101.7%
Syria Malaysia 101.2%
France Mexico 85.5%
Hungary China 57.3%
Netherlands Iran 34.0%
-41.5% Britain Turkey 33.7%
-40.9% New Zealand Philippines 31.8%
-40.2% Germany Honduras 30.5%
-35.3% Spain Chile 27.2%
-34.7% Australia Kenya 16.1%
-32.9% Argentina Israel 13.4%
-30.1% United States Venezuela 7.9%

(a) (b)

Figure 9.4
Job Drift

(a) Percent of job losses in the textile, clothing, and shoe industries, 1980—1993; (b) Percent of job gains in
those industries, 1980-1993. Multinational corporations in search of cheap raw materials and labor cause
huge shifts in employment.
Source: Copyright © 1996, The Washington Post. Reprinted with permission.

▲ Private Governments multinational corporation can exercise the op­

Multinational firms not only rival nations in tion of leaving a nation to carry out business
wealth, but also frequently operate as “private elsewhere, which can cause a loss of jobs and
governments,” pursuing their worldwide inter­ tax payments.
ests by well-developed “foreign policies.” In
some instances multinational corporations have ▲ Made in America?
posed a threat to the sovereignty of the nations U.S. multinationals now have a major stake in
in which they operate. For instance, Interna­ keeping much of their production overseas.
tional Telephone and Telegraph (ITT) fla­ They manufacture and sell nearly three times as
grantly intervened in Chile’s domestic political much abroad as they make in and export from
life in the early 1970s. When Salvador Allende, the United States. Likewise, multinational firms
a Marxist, was elected president of Chile, ITT import to the United States parts they use in
worked with the Central Intelligence Agency to manufacturing that can be made more cheaply
overthrow his legally constituted government by foreign suppliers. Multinationals are not
by a coup that installed a military dictatorship. only the biggest exporters in the United States,
The governments of host countries find it more but also the nation’s biggest importers, often
difficult to deal with a multinational corpora­ bringing more into the United States than they
tion than with a domestic firm because the ship out. The globalization of economic activity
 The Power of Corporations 305

markets worldwide. For example, IBM picks

up more than 62 percent of its sales abroad;
even the Coca-Cola Company, the quintessen­
tial American soft-drink firm, earns more than
80 percent of its operating income outside the
United States (see Box 9.2). It has to have the
ability to do research, design, engineer, and
manufacture in any part of the developed world
and to export from one country to another.

▲ Impact on Third World Nations

There is considerable controversy about what
impact multinational corporations in general
have had on less developed or peripheral na­
tions. One view, associated with mainstream
Marxism, claims that international capitalism
has made capitalist countries from precapitalist
ones and established the foundation for worker-
led socialist revolutions. The contrasting view
argues that foreign investments in a country
creates dependencies that have less positive im­
As a profit-making company in the pact than domestic investment does (Dixon and
global economy, what Coca-Cola Boswell, 1996; Firebaugh, 1996). The
wonders most about this person is economies of developing nations have often be­
how long it will be until she has come tied to a single industry, increasing de­
another Coke (see Box 9.2). pendence on foreign investors, distorting pat­
terns of national economic development, and
rendering the nations especially vulnerable to
bust-and-boom economic cycles (Noble, 1989;
Stokes and Anderson, 1990).
is fostering a trend toward a form of “stateless”
corporation (Skiair, 1991). In the emerging ▲ What About the Internet?
global economy, it is becoming increasingly The Internet has dramatically changed the way
difficult to say what is an “American,” “Japan­ companies, including multinational corpora­
ese,” or “Swedish” product. In some cases, for tions, do business. At the end of 1999, there
instance, vehicles sold in the United States are were more than 4.9 million commercial Web
built in 12 countries, with parts coming from all sites (Wiseman, 2000). Although some see the
over the world. If saving U.S. jobs is your goal, Internet as likely to increase productivity and
should you buy a Toyota Camry made in Ken­ benefit consumers, the International Competi­
tucky or a Mercury Tracer made in Mexico? In­ tion Policy Advisory Committee issued a report
deed, it is now impossible to purchase a com­ warning that expansion of e-commerce could
pletely American-made vehicle. result in threats to open competition, primarily
If a large corporation like General Motors, through price signaling and cartel creation. The
IBM, or AT&T is to maintain a leadership po­ report advised governments to follow the devel­
sition in the United States, it must also attain opment of e-commerce and to anticipate the
and hold leadership positions in all developed need for antitrust actions (Wiseman, 2000).
 9.2 SOCIOLOGY AROUND THE WORl D

How Long Has It Been since You Had a Coke?

The average American drinks about people around the world company installed nearly
Coca-Cola Classic every other in a very narrow way: They are 72,000 coolers and 16,000
day. Despite some pockets of potential or infrequent vendors and added 12,000
slower Coke consumption—like consumers who must be trucks to the fleet.
Cleveland, Ohio, where people convinced to increase their rate In the Philippines, where
drink Coca-Cola Classic only of consumption. people drink an average of 84
about once a week—Coca- A 1997 report to Cokes a year, the company
Cola is almost as American as stockholders is titled, “How opened its 21st bottling plant,
apple pie and baseball. Long Has It Been since You which will begin operations
But Coke, which is Had a Coca-Cola?” Inside, the with production of more than
essentially flavored sugar report answers the question: 31 million unit cases annually.
water—or flavored water with “For most people around the In Russia, where the average
no sugar, if you’re a Diet Coke world, it’s been longer than citizen drinks only four
fanatic—is the ultimate you might think. That’s how we servings of Coca-Cola per
consumer product: something know our opportunity is so year, the company sees
that no one needs but that great and why we’re moving “ample room for profitable
many people can develop a so quickly to seize it.” Thinking growth.” Coca-Cola has put in
preference for through about people in this narrow 12 bottling facilities, with more
advertising. However, there’s way has caused Coca-Cola to in development. Coca-Cola is
just so much a person, even a invest a great deal worldwide now the top soft-drink
Coca-Cola lover, can drink, and to create jobs in other producer in 14 of the 15 former
and the U.S. market has countries. According to its Soviet republics.
become saturated. The Coca- report to stockholders, the Despite cultural and
Cola Company has known for company has 14 million retail economic factors that may limit
some time that if it wants to outlets in nearly 200 countries the company’s ability to sell
continue to grow, it has to worldwide. What is it doing in Coke everywhere, the overall
exploit the world market. specific countries to increase strategy seems to be working,
How does Coca-Cola think its share of the market? bringing them closer to their
about marketing its products In Argentina, one of the stated goal: “to make sure the
around the world? A look at company’s growing Latin question, ‘How long has it been
this company’s approach to American markets where the since you had a Coca-Cola?’ is
increasing its sales can tell us average citizen drinks a Coke answered ‘Just had one.’ ”
much about the thinking of every three days, Coca-Cola
multinational corporations plans included new distribution Source: The Coca-Cola Company
marketing their products in the centers, more delivery trucks, 1997 Interim Report, Office of the
global economy. Like other and state-of-the-art technology. Secretary, The Coca-Cola
companies desiring to increase In Mexico, another key Company, P.O. Drawer 1734,
global sales, Coca-Cola thinks Latin American market, the Atlanta, GA 30301.

306
 The Power of Corporations 307

It is clear that work is becoming increas­ All this raises the question of who controls
ingly independent of location, and analysts pre­ corporations—who are their decision makers? In
dict that this will change the quality of work, 1932 Adolph Berle, Jr., and Gardiner C. Means
management practices, and the way work is published The Modem Corporation and Private
contracted out (International Labor Organiza­ Property, a book that has had a profound impact
tion, 2001). While use of the new information on scholarly thought on the matter. They wrote
and communication technologies results in job that corporate power resides with chief execu­
loss, new employment opportunities also are tives who themselves have little financial stake in
created: “The highest rates of job creation, job the firms they manage. The logic of their argu­
destruction, and job switching occur among the ment rested on the assertion that the stock of
most technologically innovative firms in sec­ most large corporations is widely dispersed. Con­
tors where overall employment is growing” (In­ sequently, no shareholders possess a sufficient
ternational Labor Organization, 2001:6). block of stock to impose corporate policy on the
The use of new information and communica­ managers who make the day-to-day decisions for
tion technologies has the potential for increasing their firms. This state of affairs has been labeled
employment in developing countries (Interna­ “the managerial revolution” (Bumham, 1941).
tional Labor Organization, 2001). Some analysts
estimate that up to 5 percent of the service-sector ▲ Emphasizing Short-Term Profits
jobs in industrialized nations—approximately Some critics see the managerial revolution as
12 million jobs—could be relocated to develop­ the source of many of America’s current eco­
ing nations. In India, for example, the past four nomic problems, with corporations rewarding
years have seen the creation of 250,000 jobs for executives who display impressive short-term
women in the operations of telecenters. results. Fearing a dip in today’s profits, U.S.
But the “digital divide” is a significant bar­ executives keep research and technology on
rier. Despite the Internet’s phenomenal growth, short rations and skimp on the investment
only 6 percent of the world’s population has needed to ensure competitiveness in the future;
ever logged on. Nearly 90 percent of those that they are slow to innovate and avoid risk.
have access to the Internet are in industrialized Critics also charge that U.S. industries are
nations (International Labor Organization, managed by persons increasingly oriented to­
2001). Per capita access costs are higher in ward realizing profits by financial stratagems,
poorer countries, and politics play a part; in commodity speculation, and fast-return invest­
Cuba, where what citizens hear and read is ments. Large investors and speculators—called
tightly controlled by the government, Internet corporate raiders—have found that they can
technology also is under government control make a good deal of money by buying and sell­
and only a very small percentage of the popula­ ing companies.
tion uses it legally (Wilson, 2000). Critics also say that executives adopt strate­
gies that allow substantial expense accounts and
high salaries for themselves. In 1997, for in­
The Control of Corporations stance, the average chief executive officer
We have seen that the decisions made by cor­ (CEO) in a U.S. firm received over $900,000 in
porations have vast consequences not only for total compensation—24 times the average U.S.
the citizens of one country but also for the worker’s pay. In contrast, the average Japanese
global community. They have a substantial im­ CEO makes only 10 times the earnings of the
pact upon employment opportunities, economic average Japanese worker; the average CEO in
conditions (depression and inflation), consumer Germany makes 11 times the pay of the average
choices, and political authority. worker there (see Figure 9.5).
308 Political and Economic Power

Total 1997 Total 1997

Compensation Compensation for Approximate Multiples of a Worker's
for CEO Industrial Worker Income Compared with That of CEO
Venezuela $460,859 $ 5,491 84
Brazil 697,991 14,575 48
Hong Kong 672,877 15,663 43
Mexico 424,835 9,927 43
Malaysia 342,151 8,192 42
Singapore 572,414 16,179 35
Argentina 565,767 18,737 30
South Africa 363,160 14,104 26
United States 901,181 37,856 24
Australia 476,700 25,206 19
Britain 489,710 27,387 18
Italy 450,280 28,446 16
France 523,511 34,234 15
Spain 333,562 23,516 14
Netherlands 442,881 31,551 14
Belgium 470,673 35,316 13
Canada 440,886 34,215 13
Germany 423,898 40,298 11
Sweden 340,690 32,041 11
Japan 397,726 41,399 10
Switzerland 465,180 46,457 10
New Zealand 183,233 20,906 9
South Korea 189,381 23,257 8

Figure 9.5 Gap

Chief executive officers in large U.S. companies earn more than their counterparts in most other
industrialized and emerging nations, but the gap between a CEO and a skilled industrial worker is greater in
some other countries.
Note: Data is based on estimates of typical pay as of April 1997 in industrial companies with approximately $250 million
in annual sales.
Source: Copyright © 1997, The Washington Post. Reprinted with permission.

The managerial perspective, with its em­ porations are dependent on suppliers of raw ma­
phasis on leadership discretion, has largely terials, customers, investors, and lenders, execu­
dominated the thinking of American sociolo­ tives must act in ways that do not threaten these
gists and economists since the 1930s. However, important relationships (Mintz and Schwartz,
over the past decade a growing chorus of social 1985; Loomis, 1988). Although in the past cor­
scientists have advanced the view that important porate boards may have sat passively while
constraints operate on managers in discharging CEOs performed below par, today the boss is at
their responsibilities (Fligstein, 1990; Fligstein substantial risk and may be fired if profits are
and Brantley, 1992). For one thing, because cor­ not high enough (Linden and Rotenier, 1994).
 The Sociology of Work 309

Corporate interlocks—networks of individuals Changes in the Work

who serve on the boards of directors of multiple
corporations—are another set of constraints, in­ Experience
fluencing what the managers of one firm can
The work experience of Americans has under­
undertake without reference to the needs and re­
gone significant change over the past 160 years
quirements of other firms. Interlocks also serve
and continues to undergo change (see Table 9.1).
firms with the means to gather the strategic in­
Although more than 70 percent of the labor force
formation their officials need to make corporate
worked on farms in 1820, by 1910 only 31 per­
decisions and build favorable relationships with
cent of Americans were engaged in agriculture.
other firms (Bartol and Martin, 1994).
Today the number of individuals employed in
In sum, it is clear that professional managers
professional, management, technology, adminis­
exercise considerable authority in corporate deci­
trative, and service jobs has exceeded the 70 per­
sion making. But executive officers continue to
cent of people who were involved in farming a
be governed by the requirement that they opti­
century and a half ago, with only 2 percent of the
mize profits. The ascendance of corporate man­
labor force today in agriculture and about 25 per­
agers has not freed corporations to pursue goals
cent in blue-collar jobs and manufacturing.
and policies that consistently run counter to profit
These changes have been accompanied by
maximization. Changes in management may be
a shift from a nonindustrial to an industrial so­
considerable over the coming decades; analysts
ciety and now to a service and information so­
point out that the use of new information and
ciety. In nonindustrial societies the family over­
communication technologies is greatest in com­
shadows and dominates other institutional
panies that have most thoroughly changed the
spheres. Working (earning a living) is not read­
way decisions are made and work is organized
ily distinguishable from other social activities.
(International Labor Organization, 2001).
The situation is quite different in industrial so­
cieties (Dubin, 1976). First, the workplace is
The Sociology of Work physically segregated from the home. Second,
working time is temporally separated in the
Power extends into the workplace. Among daily cycle from leisure time. Third, specialized
other things, it determines whether or not work organizational structures—complex authority
will be available, how work will be organized, hierarchies—take over the management of
and the manner in which work will be remuner­ work activities (Stinchcombe, 1983). Finally,
ated. In a capitalist market economy, such as the economic institution increasingly becomes
that found in the United States, the problem of the focus of other institutions, with the family,
organizing economic activity begins with a sys­ government, religion, and education accommo­
tem of property rights involving the uses of re­ dating to its requirements.
sources and a structure of authority for mobiliz­ Life and work in an economy dominated
ing these resources. Property rights consist of by information and communication technolo­
the claims individuals or groups have on ob­ gies will be affected by values, agreements, and
jects; conversely, they define the conditions institutions different from those of an industrial
under which some individuals or groups are ex­ era (International Labor Organization, 2001).
cluded from the use or enjoyment of these ob­ An “Internet economy” offers the potential for
jects. As we noted earlier in the chapter, the a better balance between work and leisure or
means by which people secure their livelihoods work and family life. It can also pressure em­
in a capitalist market economy—the factories, ployees to work all the time, wherever they are,
mines, offices, and farms—are privately owned and working more hours is a problem Ameri­
and oriented to the production of profits. cans already have (Schor, 1993).
310 Political and Economic Power

Table 9.1 Future Workers: The Workforce of the Future Will Be Older and More Diverse

1990 2005 Percent

Change in
Participation Labor Force Participation Labor Force Labor Force
Rate (percent) (in thousands) Rate (percent) (in thousands) 1990-2005

Total aged 16 and older 66.4% 124,787 69.0% 150,732 20.8%

Men, total 76.1 68,234 75.4 79,338 16.3
Age 16-24 71.5 11,157 73.1 12,564 12.6
Age 25-54 93.5 48,258 92.4 54,780 13.5
Age 55 and older 39.3 8,818 41.8 11,994 36.0
Women, total 57.5 56,554 63.0 71,394 26.2
Age 16-24 63.1 10,096 66.0 11,484 13.8
Age 25-54 74.1 39,882 82.3 49,782 24.8
Age 55 and older 23.Q 6,577 28.7 10,128 54.0
White 66.8 107,177 69.7 125,785 17.4
African American 63.3 13,493 65.6 17,766 31.7
Asians and Pacific Islanders 64.9 4,117 66.4 7,181 74.4
Hispanic* 67.0 9,576 69.9 16,790 75.3

^Hispanics may be of any race.

Source: Monthly Labor Review, November 1991, Bureau of Labor Statistics. Adapted from American Demographics,
May 1992, p. 59.

The Significance of Work even if they could get enough money to live
comfortably for the rest of their lives (Davis
People work for many reasons. “Self-interest” and Smith, 1996). In 1997, a Gallup Poll found
in its broadest sense, including the interests of that nearly 60 percent would continue working
family and friends, is a basic motivation for even if they won $10 million in the lottery
working in all societies. But self-interest need (Moore, 1997).
not involve only providing for subsistence or Work has many social meanings (Levin­
accumulating wealth. Among the Maori, a son, 1964). When individuals work, they gain a
Polynesian people of the South Pacific, a de­ contributing place in society. That they receive
sire for approval, a sense of duty, a wish to pay for their work indicates that what they do is
conform to custom and tradition, a feeling of needed by other people and that they are a nec­
emulation, and a pleasure in craftsmanship are essary part of the social fabric. Work is also a
additional reasons for working (Hsu, 1943). major social mechanism for placing people in
Within the United States, too, work is not sim­ the larger social structure and affording them
ply a response to economic necessity. Surveys identities. Much of who individuals are, to
reveal that between 67 and 75 percent of themselves and others, is interwoven with how
Americans say they would continue to work they earn their livelihood.
 The Sociology of Work 311

▲ The Importance of Control job attachment (Kohn and Schooler, 1973,

Work affects an individual's personal and fam­ 1982; Hartman and Pearlstein, 1987). However,
ily life in many ways (Small and Riley, 1990). the prestige factor partly subsumes a number of
Jobs that permit occupational self-direction— other elements, including the amount of control
initiative, thought, and independent judgment and responsibility that goes with an occupation.
in work—foster people’s intellectual flexibility. The opportunity to exercise discretion, accept
Individuals with such jobs become more open challenges, and make decisions has an impor­
in approaching and weighing evidence on cur­ tant bearing on how people feel about their
rent social and economic issues. The effects of work (Keita and Sauter, 1992; Lawler, 1992) for
occupational self-direction also generalize to both males and females (Neil and Snizek,
other nonwork settings. Individuals who enjoy 1988). The most potent factors in job satisfac­
opportunities for self-direction in their work tion are those that relate to workers’ self-
are more likely to become more self-confident, respect, their chance to perform well, their op­
less authoritarian, less conformist in their ideas, portunities for achievement and growth, and the
and less fatalistic in their nonwork lives than chance to contribute something personal and
other individuals. In turn, these traits lead in quite unique. Surveys show that the vast major­
time to more responsible jobs that allow even ity of Americans, 85 percent, are very or moder­
greater latitude for occupational self-direction ately satisfied with the work they are doing
(Kohn and Schooler. 1983). Such work auton­ (Davis and Smith, 1996). Even so, only about
omy may increase with the Internet revolution, 40 percent would keep their present jobs if they
as most enterprises using new technologies also had the opportunity to choose some other job,
move to decentralized decision-making and perhaps indicating that changing responsibilities
task-oriented teamwork (International Labor is an important factor in job satisfaction.
Organization, 2001).
A variety of workplace conditions—the re­ ▲ Alienation and a Lack of Power
striction of opportunity to exercise self-direction, When individuals fail to find their work fulfilling
work overload, poor quality of interpersonal re­ and satisfying, they may experience alienation—
lations on the job, few opportunities for coopera­ a pervasive sense of powerlessness, meaning­
tive problem solving, job insecurities, job loss, lessness, normlessness, isolation, and self­
and low earnings—have emotional repercus­ estrangement (Seeman, 1959). One expression
sions that can lead to negative family interac­ of alienation is job burnout—individuals
tions (Menaghan, 1991). So the job affects the no longer find their work fulfilling and satisfy­
person and the person affects the job in a recip­ ing; this leads to a sense of boredom, apathy,
rocal relationship across the life course (Kohn reduced efficiency, fatigue, frustration, and de­
and Schooler, 1983; Kohn et al., 1990). In sum, spondency. While the independence of work lo­
our work is an important socializing experience cation associated with the “information econ­
that influences who and what we are. omy” has the potential to benefit workers, it can
also result in isolation and dead-end careers in
Satisfaction and Alienation data processing (International Labor Organiza­
in Work tion, 2001). Employee contracts and benefits in
the digital age may leave workers powerless and
Sociologists find that individuals in occupations unprotected. Any benefits it confers may be un­
that combine high economic, occupational, and equally distributed; fewer women than men have
educational prestige typically show the greatest used the Internet, and the gap is larger in areas of
satisfaction with their work and the strongest more intensive Internet use (Bimber, 2000).
 312 Political and Economic Power

talism produces widespread alien­

ation among workers. A comprehen­
sive study analyzed a number of
major surveys on alienation and
found that most American workers
are neither alienated from their
work nor dissatisfied with their jobs
(Hamilton and Wright. 1986). But in
Marx's view, alienation is a struc­
tural condition. Regardless of how
they feel about it. workers are alien­
ated; having no control over the
conditions of their work, they can
control neither their well-being nor
their survival. If workers say they
are satisfied. Marx would say they
experience false consciousness (see
Chapter 1). pp. 1&-11
TOLES © 2001 The New Republic. Reprinted with permission In contrast to Marx. Durkheim
of UNIVERSAL PRESS SYNDICATE. All rights reserved. depicted alienation as arising from
the breakdown of the cohesive ties
A Marx and Durkheim that bind individuals to society. For Durkheim
Two somewhat different perspectives on alien­ the central question was whether people are
ation are provided by Karl Marx and Emile immersed in a structure of group experiences
Durkheim (Lukes. 1977). Marx saw alienation and memberships that provide a meaningful
as rooted in capitalist social arrangements. For and valued context for their behavior. A group
Marx, work is our most important activity as either coheres and makes life comprehensible
human beings. Through work we create our and viable for individuals or it fails to do so,
world and ourselves. The products of our labor engendering pathology (akin to what we
reflect our nature and form the basis for our called anomie in Chapter 5). -<-| pp. i-to-42
self-evaluations. Further, through work we ex­ Whereas Marx emphasized freedom from so­
perience ourselves as active beings who shape cial constraint as the source of human happi­
the world about us. But according to Marx ness. Durkheim stressed that human happiness
(1844/1960). individuals in capitalist societies depends on a society that provides people with
lose control of their labor and become com­ rules. Rules, said Durkheim. integrate individ­
modities. objects used by capitalists to make uals into cohesive social groups and give di­
a profit. They are alienated from productive rection and meaning to their activity.
activity, the products of their labor, their Both Marx and Durkheim identified forces
coworkers, and their own human potential. that can result in alienation. Clearly, since so
Rather than being a process that is inherently much of life is spent at work, both the nature of
satisfying, work becomes an unfulfilling activ­ work and the quality of group bonds at work
ity that simply produces a subsistence wage. can profoundly affect human happiness, satis­
Research on alienation in the United faction. and how people come to think about
States does not support Marx's idea that capi­ themselves.
 The Chapter in Brief: Political and Economic Power

Power, Authority, and the State I Political Power in the United States.
Power determines which individuals and A constitutional system of government defines
groups will be able to translate their and prescribes the boundaries within which
preferences into the reality of day-to-day social political power is pursued in the United States.
organization. Central to American political processes are
political parties, popular electoral participation,
I The State. The state rests on force and interest-group lobbying (including political
consists of people who exercise an effective action committees), and the mass media.
monopoly in the use of physical coercion
within a given territory. I Models of Power in the United States.
Marxist theory holds that political processes
I Sociological Perspectives on the State. are affected by class interests and conflict. The
Functionalists say the state performs four
elitist model depicts major decisions as being
functions: enforcement of norms, overall social
made by a power elite. The pluralist perspective
planning and direction, arbitration of
says that no one group really runs the
conflicting interests, and protection of a
government.
society’s members and interests against outside
groups. Conflict theorists say the state is a
Economic Power
vehicle by which one or more groups impose
Modem economic systems provide a different
their values and stratification system upon
answer to the question of how economic
other groups and depict it as an instrument of
activity is organized—by the market or by the
violence and oppression.
plan—and to the question of who owns the
I Legitimacy and Authority. Sociologists means of production—individuals or the state.
distinguish between power that is legitimate and
power that is illegitimate. Legitimate power is I Comparative Economic Systems.
authority. Sociologist Max Weber suggested Capitalist economies rely heavily on free
that power may be legitimated by traditional, markets and privately held property, and
legal-rational, and/or charismatic means. socialist economies rely primarily on state
planning and publicly held property. Most
Political Power nations are characterized by mixed economies
Politics refers to the processes by which people that include elements of both.
and groups acquire and exercise power.
Political power is power that is organized and I Transition from a Command
wielded by the state. to a Market Economy. Eastern Europe,
the former Soviet Union, and China are
I Types of Government. Government undergoing a transition from a command to a
can take the form of totalitarianism, market economy, with marketization and
authoritarianism, or democracy, which is privatization proceeding slowly and resulting in
promoted by a strong civil society. a high level of social uncertainty.

313
The Power of Corporations The Sociology of Work
The government is an important participant in Power extends into the workplace, determining
the U.S. economy, but the primary productive whether work will be available, how work will
role is played by private business. be organized, and the manner in which work
will be remunerated.
I The Power of National Corporations.
Large corporations exercise enormous power in I Changes in the Work Experience.
American life and constitute oligopolies. The The work experience of Americans has
decisions made by their executives have undergone significant change over the past 160
implications and ramifications that reach years; the proportion working on farms has
throughout the nation. declined, while the proportion employed in
service industries has risen. Work in
I The Power of Multinational nonindustrialized societies is very different
Corporations in the Global Economy. than work in industrialized societies.
The rise of multinational corporations and
the growing internationalization of the world I The Significance of Work. People
economy, including core regions and work for many reasons in addition to “self­
periphery regions, have given economic interest,” and work has many social meanings,
power a new dimension. Such firms rival especially those that define a person’s position
nations in wealth and frequently operate as in the social structure.
private governments pursuing their worldwide
interests by well-developed foreign policies. I Satisfaction and Alienation in Work.
Individuals in occupations that combine high
I The Control of Corporations. economic, occupational, and educational
Some social scientists say that a managerial prestige typically show the greatest satisfaction
revolution has separated ownership and with their work and the strongest job
effective control in corporate life, but others attachment. When individuals fail to find their
point to the institutional constraints, such as work satisfying and fulfilling, they may
corporate interlocks, that operate on corporate experience alienation. Marx and Durkheim
decision makers. had differing conceptions of alienation.

Glossary

alienation A pervasive authoritarianism A centers of influence and

sense of powerlessness, political system in which the allows debate on issues of
meaninglessness, government tolerates little or public policy.
normlessness, isolation, and no opposition to its rules but
authority Legitimate power.
self-estrangement. permits nongovernmental

314
capitalist economy An interest groups control of the government by
economic system relying Organizations of people who putting its people in public
primarily on free markets and share common concerns or office.
privately held property. points of view.
political power Power that
charismatic authority interests People who share is organized and wielded by
Power that is legitimated by common concerns or points of the state.
the extraordinary superhuman view.
politics The processes by
or supernatural attributes
legal-rational authority which people and groups
people attribute to a leader.
Power that is legitimated by acquire and exercise power.
civil society A social realm explicit rules and rational
public-interest groups
of mediating groups, procedures that define the
Interest groups that pursue
networks, and institutions that rights and duties of the
policies that presumably
sustains public life outside the occupants of given positions.
would be of no greater benefit
worlds of the state and the
mass media Those to their members than to the
economy.
organizations—newspapers, larger society.
core regions Geographical magazines, television, radio,
socialist economy An
areas that dominate the world and motion pictures—that
economic system relying
economy and exploit the rest undertake to convey
primarily on state planning
of the system. information to a large
and publicly held property.
segment of the public.
corporate interlocks
special-interest groups
Networks of individuals who multinational corporations
Interest groups that primarily
serve on the boards of Firms that have their
seek benefits from which their
directors of multiple central office in one country
members would derive more
corporations. and subsidiaries in other
gains than the society as a
countries.
democracy A political whole.
system in which the powers of oligopoly A market
state An arrangement that
government derive from the dominated by a few firms.
consists of people who
consent of the governed and in
periphery regions exercise an effective
which regular constitutional
Geographical areas that monopoly in the use of
avenues exist for changing
provide raw materials to the physical coercion within a
government officials.
core and are exploited by it. given territory.
force Power whose basis is
political action committees totalitarianism A “total
the threat or application of
(PACs) Interest groups set state” in which the
punishment.
up to elect or defeat government undertakes to
government Those political candidates, but not through control all parts of the society
processes that have to do with the organization of a political and all aspects of social life.
the authoritative formulating party.
traditional authority Power
of rules and policies that are
political party An that is legitimated by the
binding and pervasive
organization designed to gain sanctity of age-old customs.
throughout a society.

315
 Internet Connection www.mhhe.com/hughes6

When this book was going to press, data about tional elections. Try using “voter characteris­
who voted in the 2000 presidential election tics” for searching. Are the percentages you find
were not yet available. Use an Internet search different from those presented in Figure 9.1?
engine such as yahoo.com to find out what Are the data for a presidential election different
sorts of people are most likely to vote in na­ from a midterm (Senate and House) election?

316
chapter 10

The Family

318
Structure of the Family:
Some believe that the family has undergone
A Global View a grave loss over the past 40 years. They cite
Forms of the Family easy divorce, the postponement of marriage,
Forms of Marriage a rise in the proportion of the never-married,
Patterns of Courtship and the ready availability of contraception as
forces that have eroded the family and com­
promised its “ultimate function”—the licens­
Marriage and the Family ing of reproduction.
in the United States Others believe the family is not disintegrat­
ing but merely changing, revealing its flexibility
Life within Marriage and resilience. They say that traditional family
Parenthood forms are no longer appropriate for contempo­
Two-Income Families rary times, adding that the structures were
Beyond the Traditional Nuclear Family flawed as conformity-ridden, male-dominated,
and oppressive. They admit that the meaning of
Challenges for American marriage has been changing and with it the fam­
Families and American Society ily institution but claim that pronouncements
concerning the death of the family are greatly
Family Violence, Child Abuse, and Incest exaggerated.
Child Care Whether the American family has been dis­
Divorce integrating or merely changing over the last half
Care for the Elderly of the 20th century, widespread behavioral
changes have occurred in the United States and
Sociological Perspectives throughout Western societies. Table 10.1 com­
pares the circumstances of American children in
on the Family the late 1990s with those in 1960; Figure 10.1
The Functionalist Perspective on page 321 reveals substantial shifts in Ameri­
The Conflict Perspective can family arrangements. No matter what we
The Interactionist Perspective think family is, most of us think it’s tremen­
dously important. “Protecting family” was
Box 10.1 Sociology around the World: ranked at the top of 57 personal values by a ma­
A Wide Variety in Family Values jority of survey respondents in the United
States, Canada, and many other countries
Box 10.2 Doing Social Research: (Roper Starch Worldwide, 2000).
Racial Diversity within Families The “family question,” despite its many
guises, is not new. Concerns about the family
have a long history (Coontz, 1992), and it is
safe to assume that debate will continue. In this
chapter we will look first at the structure of the
family from a global perspective, including
forms of marriage and family and patterns of
courtship around the world. We will then focus
on marriage and family in the United States,
both the traditional nuclear family and other

319
320 The Family

kids, living alone in a comfortable home of

Table 10.1 A Comparison of the State
their own—the image conveyed by a “Kodak
of U.S. Children, 1960
family” about to open gifts under a Christmas
and the Late 1990s
tree. But as we will see in the course of the
chapter, this definition is too restrictive. Even
1960 The Late 1990s
in the United States, this model of the family—
a married couple, breadwinner husband and
Children bom to 5% 33%
homemaker wife, raising children—now com­
unmarried mothers
prises only one in five families. Moreover, in
Mothers returning to 17% 59%
many societies it is the kin group, and not a
work within 1 year
of a child’s birth married couple and their children, that is the
basic family unit. With so many Americans liv­
Children under 18 10% 28%
living in a one-parent ing in single-parent households, stepparent
family (approx.) households, childless households, gay and les­
Infant mortality 28/1,000 7.1/1,000
bian households, and unmarried cohabiting
(deaths before first male and female households, a number of soci­
birthday) ologists suggest that it would be better to dis­
Children under 18 27% 19% pense with the concept of “family” altogether
living below the and focus instead upon “sexually bonded pri­
poverty line mary relationships” (Scanzoni et al., 1989).
Married women with 18.6% 63.7% Sociologists have traditionally viewed the
children under 6 years family as a social group whose members are
old in labor force related by ancestry, marriage, or adoption and
live together, cooperate economically, and care
Source: U.S. Census Bureau, 1999. for the young (Murdock, 1949). However, some
are unhappy with this definition, arguing that
psychological bonds and intimacy are what
forms of family life. We will look at special families are all about; they see the family as a
challenges American families and American so­ close-knit group of people who care about and
ciety face, including divorce, family violence respect each other (e.g., Lauer and Lauer,
and abuse, child care, and care for the elderly. 2000). Many Americans are now willing to ac­
Finally, we will see what the three major socio­ cept alternatives to traditional notions of the
logical perspectives have to offer to our under­ family. The family, then, is a matter of social
standing of the family. definition. Because the family is a social con­
struct, family ties are often independent of legal
Structure of the Family: or kin status (Gubrium and Holstein, 1990).
Defining the family is not simply an aca­
A Global View demic exercise. How we define it determines
the kinds of families we will consider normal
What is the family? Even experts on the family or deviant, and what rights and obligations we
have trouble defining it; textbooks for courses will recognize as legally and socially binding.
on the family offer multiple definitions (e.g., A growing number of judges and legislators are
Cherlin, 1999; Hutter, 1998; Olson and De- now extending to qualifying domestic partners
Frain, 1997). Many of us think of the family as some of the benefits traditionally accorded
a social unit consisting of Mom, Pop, and the married heterosexuals, including health bene-
 Structure of the Family: A Global View 321

fits, property and life insurance, bereavement

leave, and annuity and pension rights.
In this section we will look at forms of the
family, forms of marriage, and patterns of
courtship in the United States and around the
world.

Forms of the Family

Families are organized in many ways. Individu­
als differ in their thoughts about whether par­
ents should be married, how many children
make a perfect family, whether male or female
offspring are preferable, and even whether hav­
ing children at all is important (see Box 10.1).
More fundamentally, families vary in their
composition and in their descent, residence,
and authority patterns—characteristics we ex­
amine here.

▲ Composition
Social relationships between adult males and fe­
males can be organized within families by em­
phasizing either spouse or kin relationships. In
□ Married Couples with Children
the nuclear family arrangement, spouses and
□ Married Couples without Children
their offspring constitute the core relationship; □ Single Parent Households
blood relatives are functionally marginal and □ Other Family Households
peripheral. In contrast, in the extended family □ Living Alone
arrangement, kin—individuals related by com­ □ Other Nonfamily Households
mon ancestry—provide the core relationship;
spouses are functionally marginal and periph­ Today’s Families Differ
eral. Americans typically find themselves mem­ Figure 10.1
from Those of an Earlier
bers of two nuclear families. First an individual
Generation
belongs to a nuclear family that consists of one­
Source: Figure generated by the authors using data from
self and one’s father, mother, and siblings, what the U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Reports,
sociologists call the family of orientation. Sec­ P20-488, March 1995, and the U.S. Census Bureau. 1999.
ond, since over 90 percent of Americans marry
at least once, most are members of a nuclear
family that consists of oneself and one’s spouse enter puberty, she was ritually married to a man
and children, the family of procreation. chosen for her by a neighborhood assembly.
Extended families are found in numerous After three ceremonial days, she was ritually
forms throughout the world. In the Nayara sol­ separated from him and was then free to take on
diering caste of southwestern India during the a series of visiting husbands or lovers. Although
pre-British period, spouse ties were virtually ab­ a woman’s lovers gave her regular gifts on pre­
sent (Fuller, 1976). When a woman was about to scribed occasions, they did not provide support.
 1Q..1 SOCIOLOGY ARQUND THE WORLD

A Wide Variety in Family Values

The family is among the most issue of the perfect number of having a child was important
important institutions in every children, with 50 percent and 51 percent indicating that it
society, but exactly how favoring up to two children and was not. Other countries whose
people value the family varies 41 percent favoring three or respondents felt having a child
from one society to the next. A more children. was important were India,
1997 Gallup survey in 16 Survey respondents also Taiwan, Iceland, Thailand,
countries on four continents were asked whether, if they Lithuania, and Singapore.
found wide variety in attitudes could have only one child, they Men and women within
about the importance of would prefer to have a girl or a each country generally agreed
parents being married, the boy. Although more than half on the questions discussed
ideal number of children to the respondents replied “no above. The only question on
have, whether a boy or a girl opinion” in many countries which men and women had
was preferable, and even in (e.g., Tawian, Hungary, clear differences of opinion
the degree to which people Guatemala, Canada, was gender preference.
desire to have children at all Singapore, Germany, Iceland, Women had either no gender
(Gallup, 1997). and Spain), when respondents preference or a slight
The ideal number of did have an opinion they preference for boys; men had
children for a family varies tended to prefer boys. In only a strong preference for boys,
greatly among countries, from a few countries did a around the world but
India, where 87 percent of the preference for girls beat a especially in the United States
survey respondents indicated preference for boys, and only and in several less
that up to two children was the by a slim margin. industrialized countries.
perfect number, to Iceland, Finally, whether children Valuing the family may be
where 69 percent indicated are important to one’s sense of universal, but family values are
that three or more was the fulfillment also varied by not. These findings strongly
perfect number. Other country, but in almost every suggest that, like other cultural
countries favoring small country surveyed most traits, family values vary
families (with up to two children respondents agreed that they because of differing social,
as ideal) included Spain, were. In Hungary 94 percent of economic, and other factors,
Germany, Colombia, Hungary, the respondents said it was such as religion. They also
Thailand, and Great Britain. necessary to have a child to suggest that as our society,
Countries favoring three or feel fulfilled. The United States economy, and culture change,
more children included was at the opposite extreme, we are likely to observe more
Guatemala and Taiwan. The with only 46 percent of changes in our American
United States is divided on the respondents indicating that family values.

When a woman had a child, one of the men— tions toward the child. It was the mother's kin
not necessarily the biological father—paid a fee who took responsibility.
to the midwife and thus established the child’s For some time sociologists assumed that
legitimacy. However, the man assumed no eco­ industrialization undercut extended family pat­
nomic, social, legal, or ritual rights or obliga­ terns while fostering nuclear family arrange-

322
 Structure of the Family: A Global View 323

ments. A closer look shows a different pattern. residence. For example, among the Hopi of the
By virtue of high mortality rates, the nuclear Southwest, the husband moves upon marriage
family had come to prevail in England before into the dwelling of his wife’s family, where he
the Industrial Revolution got under way eats and sleeps. In the United States newly­
(Laslett, 1974, 1976; Steams, 1977; Quadagno, weds tend to follow neolocal residence pat­
1982). When Tamara K. Hareven (1982) exam­ terns, in which they set up a new place of resi­
ined family life in a textile community in 19th- dence independent of either of their parents or
century New Hampshire, she discovered that other relatives.
industrialism promoted kin ties. Not only did
different generations often reside together in ▲ Authority
the same household, but they provided a good Although the authority a man or woman enjoys
deal of assistance to one another. Indeed, eco­ in family decision making is influenced by
nomic dislocations and the increased availabil­ their personalities, societies nonetheless dictate
ity of nonnuclear kin may actually have en­ who is expected to be the dominant figure.
couraged the formation of extended family Under patriarchal authority, the eldest male
households in the early industrialization of En­ or the husband fills this role. The ancient He­
gland and the United States (Ruggles, 1987). brews, Greeks, and Romans and the 19th-
Overall, a growing body of research suggests century Chinese and Japanese provide a few
that a large number of factors—in addition to examples. Logically, the construction of a ma­
the nature of the political economy—interact triarchal authority family type is very simple
with one another to produce a diversity of fam­ and would involve the vesting of power in
ily life patterns (Hutter, 1998; Cherlin, 1999; women. Yet true matriarchies are rare (Hutter,
Kertzer, 1991). 1998), and considerable controversy exists
about whether the balance of power actually
▲ Descent rests with the wife in any known society
Societies trace descent and pass on property (Stephens, 1963). Matriarchies can arise
from one generation to the next in one of three through default upon the death of or desertion
ways. Under a patrilineal arrangement, a peo­ by the husband. In a third type of family, the
ple reckon descent and transmit property egalitarian authority arrangement, power and
through the line of the father. Under a matri­ authority are equally distributed between hus­
lineal arrangement, descent and inheritance band and wife. This pattern has been on the in­
take place through the mother’s side of the fam­ crease in the United States.
ily. Under the bilineal arrangement, both sides
of an individual’s family are equally important. Forms of Marriage
Americans are typically bilineal, reckoning de­
scent through both the father and the mother; Marriage refers to a socially approved sexual
however, the surname is transmitted in a patri­ union between two or more individuals that is
lineal manner. undertaken with some idea of permanence. The
parties to a marriage must be members of two
▲ Residence different kin groups, which has crucial implica­
Societies also differ in where a couple take up tions for the structuring of the family. Indeed,
residence after marriage. In the case of patrilo- the continuity and therefore the long-term wel­
cal residence, the bride and groom live in the fare of any kin group depends on obtaining
household or community of the husband’s fam­ spouses for the unmarried members of the
ily. The opposite pattern prevails in matrilocal group from other groups. A kin group has a
324 The Family

class, race, ethnic group, or religion. Exogamy

is the requirement that marriage occur outside a
group. Under these circumstances people must
marry outside their kin group, be it their imme­
diate nuclear family, clan, or tribe.
Regulations relating to exogamy are based
primarily on kinship and usually entail incest
taboos, rules that prohibit sexual intercourse
with close blood relatives and exist today in
virtually every society (Olson and DeFrain,
1997). Such relationships are not only prohib­
ited but also bring reactions of aversion and
disgust. At one time social scientists singled
out incest taboos as the only universal norm in
a world of diverse moral codes. But sociologist
Russell Middleton (1962) found that brother­
sister marriage was not only permitted but fre­
quently practiced by the ancient Egyptians. He
speculated that brother-sister marriage served
to maintain the power and property of a family
Norms that govern marriage in many ethnic and prevented the splintering of an estate
groups, including those among Orthodox through inheritance. A similar arrangement ap­
Jews, specify endogamy, the requirement that parently occurred among the royal families of
marriage occur within the group. Hawaii, the Inca of Peru, and the Dahomey of
West Africa.
There have been numerous attempts to ac­
stake in retaining some measure of control over count for both the existence and the prevalence
at least a portion of its members after they of incest taboos. Some have argued that incest
marry (Lee, 1977). In this section we will de­ taboos came about because of real or imagined
fine and discuss exogamy, endogamy, incest negative effects of “inbreeding.” However, the
taboos, monogamy, polygyny, polyandry, and incest taboo has been found even in cultures
group marriage. where people were unaware of the father’s role
in reproduction (Hutter. 1998). Anthropologist
▲ Exogamy and Endogamy Claude Levi-Strauss (1956) suggested that in­
All societies regulate the pool of eligibles from cest taboos promote alliances between families
which individuals are expected to select a mate. and reinforce their social interdependence: the
A child’s kin generally have more in mind than Zulu have a saying: “They are our enemies, and
simply getting a child married. They want the so we marry them.”
child married to the right spouse, especially
where marriage has consequences for the larger ▲ Types of Marriage
kin group. Two types of marital regulations de­ The relationships between a husband and wife
fine the “right” spouse: endogamy and ex­ may be structured in one of four ways:
ogamy. Endogamy is the requirement that mar­ monogamy, one husband and one wife: polyg­
riage occur within a group. Under these yny, one husband and two or more wives;
circumstances people must marry within their polyandry, two or more husbands and one
 Structure of the Family: A Global View 325

wife; and group marriage, two or more hus­ jeopardize these interests: If sons and daughters
bands and two or more wives. Monogamy ap­ were permitted to “fall in love” with anybody,
pears in all societies, although other forms may they might choose the wrong mate. Instead,
not only be permitted but preferred. Monogamy courtship in many societies follows specific
was the preferred or ideal type of marriage in and traditional patterns, the topic of discussion
fewer than 20 percent of 862 societies included of this section. We will consider the nature of
in one cross-cultural sample (Murdock, 1967). love, look at how societies regulate courtship,
Polygyny has enjoyed a wide distribution and examine some of the factors important to
throughout the world. The Old Testament, for mate selection.
example, records polygynous practices among
the Hebrews. In China, India, and the Islamic ▲ The Social Regulation of Love
countries, polygyny has usually been the privi­ Although love has many meanings, we usually
lege of the wealthy few. In the United States, it think of the strong physical and emotional at­
is not legal, but it does exist. A man in Utah traction between a man and a woman as ro­
with five wives and 29 children recently was mantic love. The ancient Greeks saw such love
charged with bigamy and rape. An additional as a “diseased hysteria,” an overwhelming force
30,000 polygynists are thought to be practicing that irresistibly draws two people together and
“underground” (Arrillaga, 2000). The arrange­ leads them to become passionately preoccupied
ment tends to be favored where large families with one another.
are advantageous and women make substantial Sociologist William J. Goode (1959) found
contributions to subsistence. that some societies give romantic love more
Although polygyny has a wide distribution, emphasis than others. At one extreme, societies
polyandry is exceedingly rare. Polyandry usu­ view marriage without love as mildly shameful;
ally does not represent freedom of sexual at the other, they define strong romantic attach­
choice for women; often, it involves the right or ment as a laughable or tragic aberration. The
the opportunity of younger brothers to have American middle class falls toward the pole of
sexual access to the wife of an older brother. If positive approval; the 19th-century Japanese
a family cannot afford wives or marriages for and Chinese fell toward the pole of disap­
each of its sons, it may find a wife for the eld­ proval; and the Greeks after Alexander and the
est son only. Romans of the empire took a middle course.
Social scientists are far from agreement on
whether group marriage has ever existed as a ▲ How Do Societies Control Love?
cultural norm. There is some evidence that it Societies undertake to control love in a variety
did occur among the Kaingang of the jungles of of ways. One approach is child marriage,
Brazil, the Marquesans of the South Pacific, the which was employed at one time in India. A
Chukchee of Siberia, and the Todas of India. At child bride went to live with her husband in a
times, polyandry appears to slip into group marriage that was not physically consummated
marriage, where a number of brothers share until much later. Similarly, in an arranged mar­
more than one wife (Stephens, 1963). riage the parents of the bride and groom make
the arrangements for the marriage, sometimes
Patterns of Courtship when both are too young to marry but also
when both are of marriageable ages. The par­
Marriage brings a new member into the inner ents of the bride may know of the groom
circle of a family, and relatives have a stake in through friends or relatives or may simply an­
who is to be the spouse. Random mating might swer a newspaper advertisement.
326 The Family

Another approach involves the social isola­ that are the counterparts of each other and that
tion of young people from potential mates. For provide a sense of completeness when they are
instance, the Manus of the Admiralty Islands se­ joined. Dominant people find a complementary
cluded their young women in a lodge built on relationship with passive people, and talkative
stilts over a lagoon. The close supervision of people find themselves attracted to good listen­
couples by chaperones was an arrangement ers. Interpersonal attraction depends on how
found among 17th-century New England Puri­ well each partner fulfills the role expectations
tans. Finally, peer and parental pressures may of the other and how mutually gratifying they
be brought to bear. For example, in the United find their “role fit” (Bluhm. Widiger. and
States parents often threaten, cajole, wheedle, Miele, 1990: Collins and Read. 1990).
and bribe their children to limit their social con­ Exchange theory links these three factors.
tacts to youths with “suitable” ethnic, religious, It is based on the notion that we like those who
and educational backgrounds. The net result of reward us and dislike those who punish us
these approaches is the same—a person’s range (Molm. 1991: Lawler and Yoon. 1993). Many of
of choice is narrowed by social barriers. our acts derive from our confidence that from
them will flow some benefit—perhaps a desired
▲ Factors in Mate Selection expression of love, gratitude, recognition, secu­
Given a field of eligible mates, why do we fall rity, or material reward. In the course of inter­
in love with and marry one person and not an­ acting. we reinforce the relationship by reward­
other? A variety of factors are at work. One is ing each other. Thus, people with similar social
homogamy, the tendency of like to marry like. traits, attitudes, and values mutually reward one
People of similar age. race, religion, national­ another. In selecting partners of comparable
ity, education, intelligence, health, stature, atti­ physical attractiveness, we minimize the risk of
tudes. and countless other traits tend to marry rejection while maximizing the profit from such
one another to a degree greater than would be a conquest. And the parties in complementary
found by chance. Although homogamy seems relationships offer each other high rewards at
to operate with respect to social characteristics, low cost to themselves. In sum. exchange theory
the evidence is less clear for psychological fac­ proposes that people involved in a mutually sat­
tors such as personality and temperament. isfying relationship will exchange behaviors
Physical attractiveness also plays a part in that have low cost and high reward.
mate selection. We prefer the companionship
and friendship of attractive people to that of un­
attractive people (Feingold. 1990). However, Marriage and
since the supply of unusually beautiful or hand­
some partners is limited, we tend in real life to
the Family in the
select partners who have a degree of physical United States
attractiveness similar to our own (Murstein,
1972, 1976: Feingold. 1988). According to the The American family has become such a de­
matching hypothesis, we typically experience bated subject that sociologists sometimes ap­
the greatest payoff and the least cost when we pear to be at war with one another. Some argue
follow this course: individuals of equal attrac­ that marriage and family have positive effects
tiveness are those most likely to reciprocate our on children and marriage partners (Glenn.
advances. 1997: Popenoe, 1993). Others—perhaps the
The complementary needs theory (Winch. majority—say that there are both negative and
1958) refers to two different personality traits positive effects and that those who extol the
 Marriage and the Family in the United States 327

virtues of “family” are traditionalists and con­ money. However, regardless of how much the
servatives (Scanzoni, 1997; Skolnick. 1997; wife earned, they measured their financial suc­
Cherlin, 1997). This section focuses on the is­ cess only by the husband’s income.
sues that underlie this debate.
We will examine life within marriage, par­ ▲ Emotional and Sexual Relations
enthood, and two-income families. Then we Most of the married couples had sexual rela­
will discuss some of the many types of tions at least once a week. People who had sex
lifestyles in the United States beyond the tradi­ infrequently were just as likely to have a long-
tional nuclear family; singlehood, single par­ lasting relationship as those who had sex often.
enthood, stepfamilies, cohabitation, and gay While couples were happier when the opportu­
and lesbian couples. nity to initiate and refuse sex was shared
equally by the partners, in more than half of the
Life within Marriage cases the husbands were still the primary initia­
tors. Women tended to link sex and love; men
Most adult Americans hope to establish an inti­ often did not. Less than a third of the couples
mate relationship with another person and make engaged in extramarital activities. Husbands
the relationship work. This finding underlies a were more often repeatedly unfaithful than
study of American couples undertaken by soci­ wives, but their transgressions did not necessar­
ologists Philip Blumstein and Pepper Schwartz_ ily represent dissatisfaction with either their
(1983). Though the study is nearly 20 years old, partner or the relationship as a whole. Women,
it is still the best study of its kind and has much in contrast, often strayed just once, mostly out
to tell us about American marriages. of curiosity; but for them, infidelity was more
likely to blossom into a full-fledged love affair.
▲ More Conventional than Expected Blumstein and Schwartz also found that
American couples are more conventional than early in the marriage men were more likely
Blumstein and Schwartz expected them to be. than women to feel encroached upon by the re­
For example, although 60 percent of the wives lationship and to complain that they needed
were employed outside the home, only 30 per­ more “private time.” But in long-standing mar­
cent of the men and 39 percent of the women riages, the wives complained more often that
believed that both spouses should work. As we they did not have enough time by themselves.
pp. 251-53 j-»> discussed in Chapter 8, when the Further, women were more likely than men to
wives had full-time jobs, they still did the say they were the emotional caretakers of the
greater part of the housework. A study done in family, although 39 percent of the men indi­
1997 by the Families and Work Institute (Bond, cated that they focused more on their marriage
Galinsky, and Swanberg, 1998) shows that men than they did on their work. In about a quarter
do more housework than they used to, but of the marriages, both partners claimed they
women still do most of the housework and were relationship-centered.
child care, even when both husband and wife
have full-time jobs. ▲ Marriage in Middletown
American men could take pleasure in their Like Blumstein and Schwartz, Theodore
partner’s success only if it were not superior to Caplow and his colleagues (1982) expected to
their own. In contrast, women were found to be find the American nuclear family in trouble
happier and relationships were more stable when they undertook a restudy of Robert S. and
when the male partners were ambitious and Helen Merrill Lynd’s sociological classic of the
successful. Most married couples pooled their 1920s, “Middletown” (1929, 1937). The Lynds
328 The Family

had made Middletown, a pseudonym for largest proportion of female-headed households

Muncie, Indiana, into a leading sociological was divorced women (42 percent). Because
laboratory. Caplow and his associates con­ female-headed families are much more likely to
cluded that the doomsayers are wrong and that live in poverty than two-parent or male-headed
the family has not lost its attractiveness. They families, nearly half the children of such fami­
observed (1982:323): lies live in poverty.
What if you probe the general public—or
Tracing the changes from the 1920s to the people who are married? Public opinion surveys
1970s, we discovered increased family solidar­ indicate that Americans depend very heavily on
ity, a smaller generation gap, closer marital marriage for their psychological well-being
communication, more religion, and less mobil­ (Waite and Gallagher, 2000; Gove, Hughes, and
ity. With respect to the major features of family Style, 1990; Glenn and Weaver, 1981). Al­
life, the trend of the past two generations has though divorce rates increased dramatically ear­
run in the opposite direction from the trend lier in the century, they have declined gradually
nearly everyone perceives and talks about. since the early 1980s. And almost everyone tries
marriage; only about 5 percent of Americans
They say their findings were as surprising never marry (see Table 10.2). Most people who
to them “as they may be to our readers.” Other get divorced also get remarried even though the
researchers have come to essentially the same rates of remarriage, approximately two-thirds
conclusions (Whyte, 1990). among divorced women and three-quarters
among divorced men, have been declining since
▲ Are We Giving Up on Marriage? the 1960s (Cherlin, 1999).
That depends on who answers the question. So­ However, American men and women are
ciologist Judith Stacey would be likely to an­ marrying at a later age than they have in recent
swer that we ought to give up on marriage. history (see Figure 10.2). The median age at
“The Family,” she says, “is a concept derived first marriage for U.S. men rose to 26.7 in 1998
from faulty theoretical premises and an imperi­ from a low of 22.6 in the mid-1950s. For U.S.
alist logic, which even at its height never women the figure rose to 25.0 years, up from a
served the best interests of women, their chil­ low of 20.2 years, also in the mid-1950s. In
dren, or even of many men” (Stacey, 1996:50). 1890 half of all women were married by the
Linda Waite and Maggie Gallagher (2000), on age of 22. Although people are postponing
the other hand, recently published The Case for marriage, by their early 40s, 84.5 percent of
Marriage, a book aimed at demonstrating that men and 90 percent of women have been mar­
married people and their children are better off ried at least once (U.S. Census Bureau, 1999).
financially, emotionally, and physically. One of Increasing numbers of Americans no longer
the most consistent findings in health research, view marriage as a permanent institution but as
for example, is that married people typically something that can be ended and reentered. In
have better mental and physical health than the the 1960s only about half of American women
nonmarried (Gove, Style, and Hughes, 1990; agreed that parents who do not get along should
Gove, Hughes, and Style, 1983). split up rather than stay together for the sake of
There also is a racial divide in the answer the children, but by the mid-1980s this had in­
to this question. In 1998, 48 percent of all creased to 82 percent and remains at a similar
African-American female family householders level today. The goal of “having a happy mar­
had never been married, compared to 35 per­ riage” currently ranks well above “being mar­
cent for Hispanics and 22 percent for whites ried to the same person for life” and even far­
(U.S. Census Bureau, 1999). For whites, the ther above merely “being married” (Glenn,
 Marriage and the Family in the United States 329

Table 10.2 Most Americans Marry by Age 65, but Never-Marrieds Are Increasing*

1992 2010
Never Married. Never Married,
Total Married Spouse Othert Total Married Spouse Othert
(in thousands) (%) Present (%) (%) (in thousands) (%) Present (%) (%)

Men
15 and older 93,760 30.2 57.1 12.7 117,134 32.1 54.0 13.9
15-24 17,180 89.4 9.1 1.5 22,219 92.8 6.1 1.1
25-34 21,125 38.6 51.8 9.6 19,654 50.3 41.5 8.1
35-44 19,506 14.1 70.1 15.8 19,805 18.0 64.3 17.8
45-54 13,114 7.3 75.9 16.8 21,741 8.8 72.7 18.5
55-64 10,036 5.6 79.0 15.4 17,129 5.3 77.6 17.1
65 and older 12,800 4.2 73.8 22.0 16,586 4.1 71.7 24.2
Women
15 and older 101,483 23.0 52.7 24.2 125,209 25.2 50.5 24.3
15-24 17,235 79.6 16.9 3.4 21,663 85.9 11.8 2.3
25-34 21,368 25.6 59.4 15.0 20,300 33.1 54.1 12.8
35-44 20,065 10.6 69.0 20.4 20,552 14.9 65.7 19.3
45-54 13,910 5.3 69.0 25.7 22,722 6.4 67.8 25.8
55-64 11,114 4.0 66.3 29.7 18,539 3.7 66.1 30.3
65 and older 17,790 4.9 39.8 55.3 21,433 4.7 39.7 55.5

^Percentage distribution of civilian noninstitutionalized population aged 15 and older bv marital status, sex, and age,
1992 and 2010.
tlncludes married, spouse absent; divorced; and widowed.
Source: Census Bureau and American Demographics projections. Adapted from American Demographics, June 1994, p. 59.

1992). And people seem to be reaching that make to their new roles as parents, and the
goal: almost two-thirds of married Americans “empty-nest syndrome.”
rate their own marriages as “very happy."
▲ The Family Life Course
Parenthood Nuclear families that are not disrupted by di­
vorce, desertion, or death typically pass
Married couples who decide to have children through a series of changes and realignments
find their lives transformed by parenthood. across time, what sociologists call the family
Among other changes, costs go up when chil­ life course. These changes and realignments
dren are added to a family: Total annual expen­ are related to the altered expectations and re­
ditures per child are approximately $6,500 for quirements imposed on a husband and wife as
a low-income family and $12,750 for a high- children are bom and grow up.
income family (U.S. Census Bureau, 1999). In The family begins with the husband-wife
this section we will discuss the family life pair and becomes increasingly complex as
course, the adjustments husbands and wives members are added, creating new roles and
330 The Family

Figure 10.2
Median Age at First Marriage in the United States, 1890-1998

Source: From the U.S. Census Bureau, www.census.gov/population/socdemo/ms-la/tabms-2.

multiplying the number of relationships. The between spouse and child. The result is that
family then stabilizes for a time, after which it young parents may feel that their spouses are not
begins shrinking as each of the adult children is paying enough attention to them. Not surpris­
launched. Finally, it returns once more to the ingly, marital adjustment ratings, an indicator of
husband-wife pair, and eventually terminates marital satisfaction, typically fall after the birth
with the death of a spouse. Of course, many in­ of a first child (Belsky and Rovine, 1990). The
dividual and family behaviors do not occur at addition of a second child changes the family
the usual ages or in the typical sequence as­ again, reducing the mother's participation in the
sumed by the family life course model. At paid labor force, increasing her responsibilities in
times decisive economic, social, political, or housework, and making fathers feel more a part
military events intervene to alter the normal of the family (Boodman. 2000). A consistent
course of events (Elder. 1983.) finding is that the psychological well-being of
parents is a little worse than that of childless cou­
▲ Adjusting to New Roles ples. and it remains lower until children grow up
Each change in the role of one family member and move out of the household (McLanahan and
can affect all the other members. The arrival of Adams. 1987). And despite the changes a child
the first child compels the reorganizatin of a cou­ brings to their lives, most couples report enor­
ple's life. Parents have to juggle their work roles, mous satisfaction with parenthood, ranking their
alter their time schedules, change their commu­ families as more important than work, recreation,
nication patterns, and relinquish some privacy. friendships, or status.
Parenthood competes with the husband or wife
role. After the birth of a first child, husbands and A The Empty Nest
wives who could once focus unlimited attention Clinical psychologists and psychiatrists have
on their spouses now have to split their attention stressed the problem parents face when their
 Marriage and the Family in the United States 331

Labor-Force Participation Rates for Married Women in the U.S.

Figure 10.3
with Children under Six Years Old
Source: Figure generated by the authors using data from the U.S. Census Bureau, 1999.

children leave home. But most couples do not home, two-thirds say that is not a realistic op­
experience difficulty with the “empty-nest” pe­ tion (Public Agenda, 2001). Almost 60 percent
riod; the majority view this stage as a time of of mothers return to work within one year of
“new freedoms.” Indeed, national surveys show their child’s birth (U.S. Census Bureau, 1999).
that middle-aged women whose children have Dual-income couples evolve new patterns
left home experience greater general happiness and traditions for family living and face chal­
and enjoyment of life, in addition to greater mar­ lenges and opportunities not experienced by
ital happiness, than middle-aged women with families with only one breadwinner (Guelzow,
children still living at home (White and Edwards, Bird, and Koball, 1991; Vannoy and Philliber.
1990; Vander Zanden, 1993). With changes in 1992). In this section we will consider some of
the family life course, the “empty nest” has be­ the dynamics of such families: the effects of
come an ill-defined stage; young adults are es­ employment on women and children, who cares
tablishing their own households later and often for the children, and who makes the decisions.
return to reside for varying lengths of time in
their parents’ home (Hill and Young, 1999). ▲ Effects on Women
Women who work outside the home still spend
significantly more time on housework than do
Two-Income Families men (Cherlin, 1999; Crittenden, 2001; Shelton,
Nearly 64 percent of all mothers with children 2000), working the “second shift” we discussed
under six years of age are now in the workforce in Chapter 8. When children enter pp. 251-53
(see Figure 10.3). In 1950 only one in eight the equation, the workload increases, and
were working. And while three-quarters of sur­ women are penalized in the labor force for their
vey respondents think it would be best for chil­ reproductive responsibilities (England. 2000).
dren if only one parent worked outside the There’s an emotional toll as well as an economic
332 The Family

one; most women say that mothers in the paid On the plus side, working mothers provide
labor force experience more stress than mothers a different role model for their children, one as­
who stay home (Public Agenda, 2000). sociated with less traditional gender role con­
Nevertheless, paid employment is typically cepts and a higher evaluation of female compe­
beneficial to women’s mental health and self- tence (Hoffman, 1989; Debold, Wilson, and
esteem. Studies show that both married women Malave, 1993). Perhaps as a result, their chil­
working at a paid job who want to work and dren tend to be more unconventional (Amato
married women who are not in the paid labor and Booth, 1997).
force and do not want to be have good mental
health (Ross, Mirowsky, and Huber, 1983). The ▲ Who Cares for the Children?
problems arise for women who are either work­ With the entry of women into the labor force,
ing or staying home when they don’t want to. arrangements for child care are shifting from
Husbands helping with housework and hus­ care in the home to care outside the home.
bands having a positive attitude about their Preschoolers with employed mothers are cared
spouse’s employment both reduce the psycho­ for in the following ways: 30 percent by child
logical distress of working women (Ross, care centers, 25 percent by relatives, 22 percent
Mirowsky, and Huber, 1983). Sociologist Arlie by one of their parents, 17 percent by a home
Russell Hochschild (1997) has argued that un­ day care provider, 5 percent by nannies, and
paid household labor—the housework, cook­ 1 percent by some other arrangement (Vobejda,
ing, laundry, and giving children the quality at­ 1997). Close to half of all elementary school
tention they need—is more demanding than children whose mothers are employed are left
any work anyone does in the paid workplace. home without adult care (Creighton, 1993).
She has further pointed out that the workplace Families in which the employed mother lives in
has always been a refuge for men and is be­ poverty spend about a quarter of their income
coming so now for women. for child care services; better-off families pay
about 6 percent of their family income on child
▲ Effects on Children care. In the United States today there are 98,374
Many people fear that when both parents work, licensed day care centers and 290,817 licensed
children lose out in terms of supervision, love, family child care providers (U.S. Census Bu­
and cognitive enrichment. What do sociological reau, 1999). But a fair number of children under
studies show? the age of six are still being cared for primarily
Research findings are contradictory regard­ or entirely by their parents, even if both parents
ing the effects of maternal employment during work. A quarter of the mothers who work up to
a child’s first year, with some studies reporting 35 hours per week manage to do so with no non-
negative cognitive and social outcomes (Baydar parental child care arrangements, and 12 percent
and Brooks-Gunn, 1991; Nash, 1997) and oth­ of those who work 35 hours or more use no
ers finding only minimal negative outcomes child care (U.S. Census Bureau, 1999).
(Parcel and Menaghan, 1994). But in general
maternal employment does not appear to harm ▲ Who Makes the Decisions?
children, as long as the hours worked are not In two-income families the man typically has a
excessive (Amato and Booth, 1997). High- larger voice in major household decisions than
quality day care and preschool programs have the woman. Although having an income in­
been shown to be beneficial to children (Field, creases the wife’s authority to make some deci­
1991); the problem is that only 40 percent of sions, evidence suggests that it does not provide
the nation’s children have access to such high- her with power sufficient to win disputes with
quality care (Public Agenda, 2001). the husband (Cherlin, 1999; Blumstein and
 Marriage and the Family in the United States 333

but that these dependencies

should be freely chosen.
Whether both partners are
paid for their work or not,
marriage should be viewed
as a “true partnership,” not a
shifting balance of domina­
tion and subordination.

Beyond the
Traditional
Nuclear Family
Much of the public debate
over the family in the United
States may be misguided be­
cause it uses the stereotypi­
cal white, middle-class fam­
ily of the 1950s as a point
From The New Yorker (10/26/92). Copyright of departure for either praise
© The New Yorker Collection. Edward Koren or criticism of subsequent
from cartoonbank.com. All Rights Reserved. changes. Further, the image
most of us hold of the 1950s
family is less informed by
Schwartz, 1991). For example, when a husband reality than by old television series like Leave It
is offered a better position in another area of the to Beaver, Ozzie and Harriet, and The Donna
country, the wife typically makes the move re­ Reed Show (Kain, 1990; Skolnick, 1991).
gardless of the effect the transfer will have on In fact, family relationships are becoming
her career (Bielby and Bielby, 1992). As more varied. Transracial adoption results in
women’s earnings gain on men’s, however, their families whose diversity reflects that of U.S.
new economic power can shift relationships. society (see Box 10.2). Increasing numbers of
Nearly 34 million working wives in the United children grow up with several sets of parents
States bring home 31 percent of the family in­ and an assortment of half brothers and half sis­
come (Krafft, 1994), and this contribution ters and stepbrothers and stepsisters. Americans
makes a difference. In nearly one-fifth of dual­ now may have any of a number of lifestyles,
career couples, the wife earns more than the the overall patterns of living people evolve to
husband. Although this is becoming more com­ meet their biological, social, and emotional
mon, men often feel their self-esteem threatened needs. In this section we examine a number of
in this situation, and such couples run a high lifestyle options: stepfamilies, singlehood, sin­
risk of psychological and physical abuse, mari­ gle parenthood, unmarried cohabitation, and
tal conflict, and sexual problems (Kessler and gay and lesbian couples.
McRae, 1981; Rubenstein, 1982; Hays, 1987).
Family researchers Linda Waite and Mag­ ▲ Stepfamilies
gie Gallagher (2000) say that marriage works Remarriage frequently results in stepfamilies, also
best when wives and husbands need each other, termed “reconstituted” and “blended” families.
 10.2 DOING SOCIAL RESEARCH

Racial Diversity within Families

Families are very different from Simon used the research A third phase of the study
one another, but the people method of intensive interviewing was undertaken in 1983-1984,
within a family also can be to conduct her study. Each again with personal interviews
diverse. Interracial marriage is family was visited by a team of of both parents and the now­
one way such diversity can one male and one female adolescent children. Of the
occur; transracial adoption is graduate student in 1971; often original families interviewed,
another. What effect does one interviewer was white and 96 participated. In 1991,83 of
such diversity have on families the other black. Parents were these families were found, and
and their members? interviewed for 60 to 90 minutes 76 provided the researchers
Social scientist Rita J. and children for approximately with names and addresses of
Simon (1996) has spent much 30 minutes. Simon and her their adult children.
of her professional career associates interviewed Simon found that the
finding out. She began 204 parents and 366 children families she and her associates
studying transracial adoptees during this first stage of her were studying were very similar
and their families in 1971, research. in terms of social and economic
followed the families until their In 1979 Simon was able status. More than half the
children reached adulthood, to contact 71 percent of her mothers had completed college
and published a summary of original families; 133 of those and 28 percent had gone to
her 20-year study. 143 families agreed to graduate school; none were
Some Americans strongly participate further in the study. employed outside the home.
oppose transracial adoption, This time only parents were Nearly 80 percent of the fathers
claiming that children need to surveyed, by mail or had completed college, and
be raised by parents of their telephone, and questions 61 percent had continued their
own race. What has 20 years of focused on their relations with educations further; most were
research shown? First, lets look their birth and adopted ministers, social workers,
at Simon’s methods. She began children, on the relations their academics, or businessmen.
her study by finding families to children had with extended Church affiliation was important
interview. She wanted parents family members and others in for most of the families.
with at least one child between the community, and on the Nineteen percent of the families
four and seven years old. children’s racial identities. had no birth children; the others

Because more than half of remarried persons are the situation created by such marriages is am­
parents, their new partners become stepparents. biguous. most stepparents attempt to recreate a
One in six American families are stepfamilies; traditional family, which is the only model they
35 million Americans live in a stepfamily, includ­ have. But a stepfamily functions differently than
ing 20 percent of the nation’s children under age the traditional nuclear family (Pill, 1990; Lar­
18. About 40 percent of remarriages unite two di­ son, 1992). For one thing, the stepparent role
vorced persons; half of them are a first marriage does not necessarily approximate that of a bio­
for one member of the couple. logical parent, particularly in authority, legiti­
Andrew Cherlin (1978, 1999) has called re­ macy, and respect. For another, the family tree
marriage an “incomplete institution.” Because of a stepfamily can be very complex and convo-

334
 had both birth and adopted in to help children retain a agreed, and the others said
children. Eighty-one percent particular racial identity. they were not sure. When
had at least one birth child In 1983, self-esteem asked directly what effect
before they decided to adopt scores were essentially the being adopted and raised by
a nonwhite child. About same for black adoptees, other white parents had on their self­
40 percent said their adoption transracial adoptees, white image, a third said it had a
of nonwhite children was adoptees, and white birth positive effect, a third said it
related to their involvement in children. A family integration had no effect, and a third said
the civil rights movement and scale similarly revealed no they did not know. None of the
“a reflection of their general significant differences among transracially adopted children
sociopolitical views.” the four groups of children; responded that it had a
What did Simon discover adopted children apparently negative effect.
about the children’s racial felt as integrated into family life Simon’s results are similar
attitudes and racial identity? as birth children. to those of others:
During 1971 and 1972 she Perhaps the most
All of the studies, even
and her associates found a compelling information about
those carried out by
complete absence of a racial transracial adoption comes
researchers who were
preference for whites on the from the children themselves
initially skeptical, reported
part of the birth children and when they had reached
that transracial adoptees
the nonwhite adopted children. adulthood. In 1991 Simon told
grow up emotionally and
The children correctly the now-adult transracial
socially adjusted, and
identified themselves as black adoptees and birth children
aware of and comfortable
or white, and they showed no that the National Association
with their racial identity.
preference for white or of Black Social Workers and
They perceive themselves
negative reactions to black. several councils of Native
as integral parts of their
Families listed discussing Americans strongly opposed
adopted families, and they
racial issues, attending Native transracial adoption and
expect to retain strong ties
American events, watching the asked them how they felt
to their parents and siblings
television series Roots, about that. Eighty percent of
(1996:88).
making Korean meals, naming the transracial adoptees and
African Americans as 70 percent of the birth children It would appear that in
godparents, and joining said that they disagreed; most racially diverse families,
African-American churches as 5 percent of the transracially parents and children, both
some of the activities engaged adopted children said they adopted and birth, do very well.

luted, populated not only by children of both contributions to the lives of their stepchildren.
spouses but by six sets of grandparents, relatives Indeed, their stepchildren and spouses give
of former spouses, relatives of new spouses, and them higher marks than they give themselves
the people former spouses marry. Matters are (Bohannan and Erickson, 1978). Children living
further complicated because stepparents and with stepfathers apparently do just as well, or
stepchildren have no mutual history and often just as poorly, in school and in their social lives
have had no previous opportunity to bond. as children living with natural fathers. And chil­
Nine out of 10 stepchildren live with their dren with stepfathers on the whole do better
biological mother and a stepfather. Stepfathers than children from homes where the father is
usually underrate their parenting skills and their absent (Beer, 1988; Fine and Kurdek, 1992).

335
336 The Family

Figure 10.4 Percent of Persons Living Alone in the United States,

by Age and Gender, 1998
Adult men are more likely than women to live alone, but women live longer than men.
Source: Figure generated by the authors using data from the U.S. Census Bureau, 1999.

▲ Singlehood and Scott, 1980). People who live alone can

The number of Americans living alone more avoid unwanted intrusions of others and have
than doubled (increased 100 percent) between more latitude to construct their lives the way
1970 and 1996, a much greater increase than the they wish to. This is probably why the mental
16 percent growth in married couples. By 1998 health of persons who live alone is as good as
26.3 million Americans were living alone; more or better than that of unmarried persons living
than one of every four occupied dwelling units with others (Hughes and Gove, 1981).
had only one person in it. Figure 10.4 shows the In the late 1990s, 52 percent of men and
percent living alone by age category. Divorced nearly 38 percent of women age 25 to 29 had
(8.3 million), widowed (8.8 million), and never- never been married. This is more than double the
married (12.2 million) persons constitute dis­ 1970 rate. More liberal sex standards, the high
tinct groups of those aged 15 and older who divorce rate, money woes, and the pursuit of ed­
head nonfamily households, including those ucation and careers have spurred young adults to
who live alone (U.S. Census Bureau. 1999). The marry later than at any time since the Census
high incidence of divorce, the ability of the eld­ Bureau started keeping track in 1890. Even so,
erly to maintain their own homes alone, and the the population remaining single today is smaller
deferral of marriage among young adults have than it was in 1900, when fully 42 percent of all
contributed to the high rate of increase in the American adult men and 33 percent of adult
number of nonfamily households. women never married (Kain. 1984).
Research strongly suggests that people live Changes in patterns of reported happiness
alone because they choose to (Michael, Fuchs. by marital status were uncovered in the 1980s.
 Marriage and the Family in the United States 337

For many years research had shown that mar­ dard of living for men (Holden and Smock,
ried people reported greater happiness than un­ 1991). The overall financial situation of
married, including the never-married. However, female-headed households in terms of their net
in the late 1970s the difference in happiness re­ worth can be seen in Figure 10.5.
ported between the never-married and the mar­ Unwed motherhood is also on the increase.
ried began to shift. By the mid-1980s the dif­ According to the Census Bureau, one in five of
ferences between the never-married and the the nation’s never-married women 15 to 44 years
married had almost disappeared for men and old have become mothers (Bachu, 1997). Thirty-
had narrowed considerably for women (Glenn three percent of all births in the United States
and Weaver, 1988). This pattern remains essen­ were to unwed mothers in 1999 (Ventura and
tially the same today (Adams, 1998). Bachrach, 2000). Though unwed motherhood is
more likely to occur among women in the lower
▲ Single Parenthood class and those in disadvantaged racial minority
One American youngster in four lives with just groups, recent increases in unwed motherhood
one parent. Of all such children, 86 percent live have been much greater among whites, and rates
with their mothers. However, the number of men for teenagers actually fell 11 percent between
raising children on their own has risen; in 1998, 1994 and 1998. Such births do not necessarily
4 percent of the nation’s children were living result in single-parent families; two-fifths of re­
with their fathers only, or 12.5 percent of the cent nonmarital births were to cohabiting cou­
children living in single-parent households. ples (Ventura and Bachrach, 2000).
About two-thirds of single fathers are divorced; Women heading a single-parent family typ­
roughly 25 percent are among the never-married; ically experience greater stress than women in
and only 7.5 percent are widowers. The largest two-parent families (Fassinger, 1989; Simons
share of youngsters in single-parent homes— et al., 1993). For one thing, lack of job training,
38.6 percent—are living with a divorced parent, loss of skills during the childbearing years, and
and 30.6 percent are living with a parent who discriminatory hiring and promotion patterns
has never married; others reside with a parent often mean that single mothers work for low
who is married but separated or are offspring of wages. Female family heads report much lower
a widowed parent. In 1998, 55 percent of self-esteem, a lower sense of effectiveness, and
African-American children under the age of 18 less optimism about the future than their coun­
were living with a single parent. Nearly a third terparts in two-parent settings. But research
of Hispanic children and 23 percent of white shows that women who head households on
children also were in single-parent families their own may choose not to marry depending
(U.S. Census Bureau, 1999). on a variety of factors, including mistrust of
As we pointed out in Chapter 6 -<-[pp. 187^88~] men, fear of domestic violence, household de­
female-headed households are likely to be low- cision making, respectability, and whether the
income households. While 19.2 percent of U.S. potential marriage partner has a stable job with
children live below the poverty level, 49 per­ decent earnings (Edin, 2000).
cent of the children living only with their moth­ Single fathers encounter many of the same
ers live in poverty (U.S. Census Bureau, 1999). problems as single mothers. Indeed, research
In the case of divorce, marital separation fre­ shows that being single and having children
quently produces a precipitous and sustained to raise is worse on the mental health of men
decline in household income for the mother and than on that of women (Simon 1998; Hughes,
child. In contrast, marital dissolution often 1989). Juggling work and child care poses
leads to an improvement in the economic stan­ considerable difficulties, especially for fathers
338 The Family

Median Net Worth by Ethnicity and Household Type, United States

w
aj
o
Q
c

□
o
c
05

Median Net Worth Spouse/Partner or Male Headed Female Headed, No Spouse Present
Divided by White _ ___
Spouse/Partner Net Worth $1-00 $.22 $.11 $.48 $.05 $.05

Figure 10.5
The Financial Status of Female-headed Households

Net worth, or wealth, of a household is all the assets of that household minus all debts. Female-headed
households have far less net worth than other households. The situation of African-American and Hispanic
female-headed households is particularly grave; they have on average 5 cents in net worth for every dollar of
net worth owned by a white male-headed or spouse/partner household.
Source: Figure generated by the authors using data from the 1998 Survey of Consumer Finances, Board of Governors of
the U.S. Federal Reserve System.

with preschool youngsters. Because men are ployed when they reach adulthood, have out-of-
not much involved in child care when they are wedlock children, become sexually active at an
married, they have little to fall back on when earlier age, and cohabit (Musick and Bumpass,
they become single fathers. 1999). Lack of parental supervision and persist­
Many families headed by single parents ent social and psychological strains are usually
survive their hardships with few ill effects; complicated by the problems of poverty (Mann,
some even blossom as a result of the spirit of 1983; Banket al., 1993).
cooperation brought out by their difficulties.
However, a disturbing number of children and ▲ Cohabitation
their parents are saddled with problems. Some Marriage is differentiated from other types of in­
studies show that juvenile delinquency is twice timate relationships by its institutionalized sta­
as likely to occur in a single-parent home as in tus. The number of unmarried adults who share
a two-parent home. Children of single parents living quarters with an unrelated adult of the op­
are more likely to drop out of school, be unem­ posite sex—a type of intimate relationship
 Marriage and the Family in the United States 339

termed cohabitation—has increased in recent an institution and who are more likely to disre­
decades; 4.2 million American households were gard the stigma of divorce (Glenn, 1990; De­
made up of unmarried couples in 1998 (U.S. Maris and Rao, 1992).
Census Bureau, 1999). A little over 10 percent Couples living together but not married are
of all unmarried persons, and 15 percent of the far less liberated about money, sex, and house­
unmarried under 25 years old, currently cohabit. work than their nontraditional living arrangement
Only 2 percent of American women born might suggest. Like married men, cohabiting
between 1928 and 1932 cohabited before mar­ men are more likely to initiate sexual activity,
rying or attaining age 30; 40 percent of those make most of the spending decisions, and do far
born between 1958 and 1962 did so (Schoen less of the housework than their working women
and Weinick, 1993). Cohabiting before mar­ partners (Blumstein and Schwartz, 1983; South
riage has become quite prevalent, with more and Spitze, 1994). Unmarried couples see them­
than half of persons marrying in recent years selves as less securely anchored than married
having done so (Cherlin, 1996). Changes in the couples and accordingly feel more tentative
economy, including the increase in the labor­ about their ability to endure difficult periods. The
force participation of women and the decline in average cohabitation lasts only about 12 months;
the relative importance of the family in the some are more a matter of convenience than any­
transmission of power and wealth, have con­ thing else, with two sharing the cost of rent, utili­
tributed to the growing social acceptance of co­ ties, and food (Larson, 1991).
habitation (Parker, 1990). Research also shows
that children of families that move frequently ▲ Gay and Lesbian Couples
are more likely to cohabit and at a younger age A preference for an individual of the same sex
(Myers, 2000). as a sexual partner, homosexuality also serves
The high proportion of married couples as the basis for family life, though with some
who live together prior to marriage suggests differences from heterosexual couples. Com­
that premarital cohabitation may become insti­ pared with married couples, gay and lesbian
tutionalized as a new step between dating and couples are more likely to split up household
marriage. College students commonly define tasks so that each partner performs an equal
cohabitation as part of the courtship process number of different tasks. However, lesbian
rather than as a long-term alternative to mar­ couples tend to share more tasks, whereas gay
riage. One study of students in the Boston area couples are more likely to have one or the other
found cohabiting couples to be no less likely to partner perform the tasks (Kurdek, 1993).
marry, and no more likely to break up, than Researchers at the Kinsey Institute (Bell
noncohabiting students who were “going to­ and Weinberg, 1978:216) found that lesbians
gether” (Risman et al., 1981). tend to form more lasting ties than gays. How­
In general, however, the rise in cohabitation ever, whereas lesbian and heterosexual couples
is associated with the decline in marriage place considerable emphasis on fidelity, gay
(Bumpass, Sweet, and Cherlin, 1991). Young couples tolerate outside sexual relations quite
people who cohabit become less eager to have well (Blumstein and Schwartz, 1983). About
children and more tolerant of divorce than those 90 percent of gays with established partners en­
who do not cohabit (Axinn and Barber, 1997). gage in sexual relations with other men. On the
Persons who cohabit prior to marriage are more whole, the men define fidelity not in terms of
likely to eventually divorce (DeMaris and Rao, sexual behavior but in terms of each individ­
1992). It seems that the “kinds of people” who ual’s commitment to the other. Gays are more
choose to cohabit are the same kinds of people likely to break up over money issues and other
who have a lower commitment to marriage as incompatibilities than over sexual faithfulness.
340 The Family

I Population Size of Homosexuals. Most persons. Recent sociological research has

recent estimates of the homosexual population addressed the nature of gay identity (Valocchi,
range from 1 to 3 percent (Barringer. 1993; 1999; Yeung and Stombler, 2000) and gay
Crispell, 1993b). One study found that 1.4 per­ and lesbian assimilation (Hequembourg and
cent of women and 2.8 percent of men identified Arditi, 1999).
themselves as gay, lesbian, or bisexual (Lau- The alternative “essentialist” view argues
mann et al., 1994). The percent of persons who that homosexual preference is either inborn or
have engaged at some time in homosexual activ­ is fixed very early in one’s development and
ity may be substantially higher: at least 20 per­ thus is an inherent part of what an individual is
cent of males, according to a Kinsey Institute (LeVay, 1996, 1991). LeVay’s 1991 study pre­
study (Fay et al., 1989). However, another study sented evidence that there are some differences
puts the figure lower, at 7 percent for men and in the brain structures of homosexual and het­
nearly 4 percent for women (Laumann et al., erosexual men. Other studies show that identi­
1994). The major problem with all these esti­ cal twins, who share 100 percent of their genes,
mates is that they rely on self-reports and there­ are more likely to have the same sexual orienta­
fore almost certainly underestimate rates of ho­ tion than fraternal twins, who are as genetically
mosexual involvement. Many people may be alike as any siblings (Burr, 1996). However, it
afraid to admit to homosexual activity out of fear is still not clear whether findings such as these
of discrimination or ostracism. reflect the fact that homosexual preferences are
caused or sustained by biological factors.
I What Is Homosexuality? Is homosexu­ What is not controversial is that, for the
ality a condition or characteristic of people, or most part, gay and lesbian people, except for
is it simply a way we have of describing an ac­ their sexual preferences and practices, are a
tivity that some people engage in? Kinsey’s cross section of the U.S. population, differing
study (Kinsey, Pomeroy, and Martin, 1948) re­ little from their heterosexual counterparts (Bell
vealed the interesting fact that homosexuality/ and Weinberg, 1978; Blumstein and Schwartz,
heterosexuality was not a simple dichotomy. 1983). They are found in all occupational
Kinsey found people all along the continuum fields, political persuasions, religious faiths,
from exclusively homosexual to exclusively and racial and ethnic groups. Some are married,
heterosexual, combining homosexuality and have children, and lead lives that in most re­
heterosexuality in a variety of ways. Though spects are indistinguishable from those of the
he did find the majority to be exclusively het­ larger population.
erosexual, he also found people who engaged
in homosexual activity in certain periods in the I Gay Rights. In 1996 a Gallup poll found
life course and not in others. On the basis of that 44 percent of Americans think that homo­
findings like these, many sociologists and psy­ sexuality should be an “acceptable lifestyle,”
chologists have concluded that it is more rea­ but only 27 percent said that marriages of ho­
sonable to think about heterosexual and homo­ mosexual partners should be sanctioned by law
sexual practices, not homosexual individuals (Moore, 1996). More than 80 percent said they
(Bell, Weinberg, and Hammersmith, 1981). In think gays should have equal rights in terms of
this “constructionist” view, homosexuality and job opportunities, and a majority had no objec­
heterosexuality are social constructions that tion to homosexuals working in the clergy, as
describe behaviors, roles that people may play, schoolteachers, in the armed forces, as doctors,
and identities, not inherent characteristics of or in the president’s cabinet (Saad, 1996).
 Challenges for American Families and American Society 341

Except for their sexual preferences and practices, gays and

lesbians differ little from their heterosexual counterparts. Some are
or have been married, have children, and lead lives that in most
respects are indistinguishable from those of the larger population.

In 1997 the American Psychological As­

sociation, the nation’s leading organization of Challenges
psychologists, passed a resolution to limit
therapy aimed at converting homosexuals to for American Families
heterosexuals, an extension of their 1975 en­
dorsement of the idea that homosexuality is
and American Society
not a mental illness (Weiss, 1997). U.S. Some family problems stay in the family; oth­
Catholic bishops issued a pastoral letter urg­ ers spill over into society. For example, family
ing parents of homosexual children to accept violence, child abuse, and incest produce
and love them, despite the church’s rejection scarred members of society, many of whom go
of homosexual activity (Murphy, 1997). Al­ on to have families of their own in which the
though gays and lesbians have won a number same terrible acts are repeated. The challenges
of important victories in their drive to prohibit posed by abuse and neglect, child care, divorce,
discrimination on the basis of sexual orienta­ and an increasing population of elderly are
tion, many realms of equality still elude them complicated by the public debate over the fam­
and preclude their freedom in practicing an ily we discussed in the chapter introduction. As
open homosexual lifestyle in all spheres of sociologist and U.S. Senator Daniel Patrick
American life (Ingrassia, 1993; Shilts, 1993; Moynihan (1985) observed, .conservatives—
Woods, 1993). fearing government interference—prefer to talk
342 The Family

about family values but not new governmental

Table 10.3 Spouse Abuse around the World
initiatives. Liberals, fearing a “blaming-the-
victim” mentality, like to talk about public pol­
icy initiatives but not family values. Taking a Fewer women reported having been abused by their
more centralist position, Dennis A. Ahiburg and spouses or companions in Colombia, Canada, and
Carol J. De Vita (1992:39) observed: Mexico than in the United States in 1997.

Percentage of Projected
Valuing the family should not be confused with Women Reporting Number
valuing a particular family form. . . . Social Country Abuse (%) (in millions)
legislation (or “pro-family” policies) narrowly
designed to reinforce only one model of the United States 22% 22
American family is likely to be shortsighted and Colombia 17 3
have the unintended consequence of weakening, Canada 9 1
rather than strengthening, family ties. Recogniz­ Mexico 6 2
ing the diversity of American families and ad­
dressing the complexity of their needs must lie at Source: George Gallup, Jr. 1997. “Many women cite
the heart of the policy debates on family issues. spousal abuse; job performance affected.” The Gallup Poll.

Family Violence, Child Abuse,

nearly one-eighth of the husbands had carried out
and Incest one or more acts of physical aggression against
Mounting evidence suggests that family vio­ their wives during the preceding 12 months
lence, child abuse, and incest are much more (Straus and Gelles, 1990). The Centers for Dis­
common than most Americans had suspected. ease Control and Prevention estimated that at
The expression “coming out of the closet” is an least 6 percent of pregnant women are battered
apt one when applied to battered women and by their spouses or partners (Hilts, 1994). At least
victims of child abuse and sexual molestation. 1 in 10 married women have experienced marital
They have been as reluctant to reveal their rape (Straus and Gelles, 1986, 1989).
plight as gay persons have been to reveal their Although both men and women engage in
sexual preferences. In this section we will pres­ violence, men typically do more damage than
ent and discuss some of the data available their female partners (Walker, 1989; Alexander,
about family violence, child abuse, and incest. Moore, and Alexander, 1991). Many of the
people who abuse domestic partners also use
▲ Family Violence violence against others (Moffitt et al., 2000).
Estimates of family violence vary widely. Esti­ Women put up with battering for a variety
mates based on probability samples suggest of reasons (Simons et al., 1993). For one thing,
that minimally from 2 to 3 million American the fewer the resources a wife has in the way of
women are assaulted by male partners each year education or job skills, the more vulnerable she
(Browne, 1993). In a 1997 Gallup poll, one-fifth is in the marriage. Americans place the burden
of the female respondents—a projected 30 mil­ of family harmony on women, with the impli­
lion women—reported having been physically cation that they have failed if the marriage dis­
abused by their spouses or companions, a num­ integrates. A survey of popular women’s maga­
ber significantly higher than for three other coun­ zines showed that domestic violence is
tries surveyed (Gallup, 1997; see Table 10.3). A portrayed as a private problem, with the victim
representative 1985 survey of couples found that held responsible for solving it (Berns, 1999).
 Challenges for American Families and American Society 343

▲ Child Abuse
One need spend only an hour or so in a super­
market or a shopping mall to observe instances
of children being physically or verbally abused.
Such public behavior is but the tip of the ice­
berg. A 1994 USA Todoy/CNN/Gallup Poll
found that 67 percent of American adults agree
that “a good, hard spanking” is sometimes nec­
essary in disciplining a child, despite accumu­
lating evidence that children who get spanked
regularly are more likely to cheat or lie, to be
disobedient at school, to bully others, and to
have less remorse for what they do wrong
(Straus, Sugarman, and Giles-Sims, 1997).
Child abuse goes far beyond unnecessary
spanking; abuse cases may involve burning,
scalding, beating, and smothering. Neglect of
children is a closely related problem. Cocaine
and crack use contributed to a substantial in­
crease in the incidence of child abuse and neg­ The functionalist perspective on the
lect in the 1980s, placing growing demands on family stresses that an important
the child-welfare system. In 1996 the National function of the family is care and
Committee to Prevent Child Abuse counted protection of family members, but
969,000 confirmed cases of child abuse and evidence on child abuse
neglect (Russakoff, 1998). demonstrates that families do not
At its worst, child abuse results in homi­ always serve this function.
cide, and it is unfortunately not rare. In fact, the
age at which females are most at risk of homi­
cide is from birth to age one, and the perpetra­ A Incest and Sexual Abuse
tors are nearly always parents, family friends, The status of incest as a taboo has not kept it
or guardians (Tucker, 2000). In 1997, 115 of from taking place but merely from being talked
the nation’s baby girls and 158 baby boys were about. Probably the best available figures on sex­
killed. Although the chances of males being ual abuse come from a national survey of more
murdered during infancy are even greater than than 2,000 adults undertaken in 1985 for the Los
for females, it is not the most dangerous time Angeles Times by psychologist David Finkelhor
of life for them; the male homicide rate is more and his colleagues. They found that 27 percent of
than four times higher at age 21 (Tucker, 2000). the women and 16 percent of the men disclosed a
Child welfare workers say that risk to infants is history of some sort of sexual abuse during their
related to whether parents and caregivers have childhood (Damton, 1991). A study of first inter­
any parenting skills and to situational factors course experiences found that girls who had sex
including stress and social isolation. Addition­ at ages 11 or 12 were much more likely to have
ally, abusive parents are themselves likely to partners much older than themselves, and both
have been abused when they were children older partners and early first intercourse were as­
(Widom, 1989a,b; Dodge. Bates, and Pettit, sociated with a greater number of problem be­
1990; Simons et al., 1991). haviors (Leitenberg and Saltzman, 2000).
344 The Family

The perpetrator in sexual abuse is com­ can turn for reliable baby-sitting. As we dis­
monly the father, uncle, or other male authority cussed earlier, parents may use nannies, home
figure in the household. In cases of father­ day care providers, or other child care arrange­
daughter incest the fathers are typically “family ments, but the most commonly used form of
tyrants” who employ physical force and intimi­ child care is the day care center. For the many
dation to control their families (Finkelhor, children of single-parent households, nearly
1979; Herman and Hirschman, 1981). The half of whom are living in poverty, and for
mothers in incestuous families are commonly other of our nation’s poor children, the way
passive, have a poor self-image, and are overly they are raised and the child care resources that
dependent on their husbands, much the same are available to them have the potential to help
traits found among battered wives. The victims them improve their lives. How all our children
of molestation are usually shamed or terrified are cared for should be a matter of concern
into treating the experience as a dirty secret. even to those Americans who have no children;
The sexual abuse of children often leads to they are, as politicians love to point out in
behavior problems, learning difficulties, sexual speeches, “our future.”
promiscuity, runaway behavior, drug and alco­
hol abuse, gastrointestinal and genitourinary ▲ Some Good News
complaints, compulsive rituals, clinical depres­ Most child psychologists agree that high-
sion, low self-esteem, and suicidal behavior. quality day care and preschools are good for
Victimized women tend to show lifetime pat­ children (Kagan, Kearsley, and Zelazo, 1978;
terns of psychological shame and stigmatiza­ MacKinnon and King, 1988; Field, 1991).
tion (Kendall-Tackett, Williams, and Finkelhor, Such programs are characterized by small
1993; Malinosky-Rummell and Hansen, 1993). group size, high staff-child ratios, well-trained
staffs, good equipment, and attractive and nur­
▲ Looking to the Future turing environments.
The problems of family violence, child abuse,
and incest have emerged as major public issues. ▲ And Lots of Bad News
Some, but not all, researchers find that the ar­ Much of the day care currently available to
rest of offenders is the most effective means for U.S. parents is of poor quality. Researchers find
preventing new incidents of wife battery (Berk that a child’s well-being is compromised in
and Newton, 1985; Sherman et al., 1992). Per­ centers where group size is large, the ratio of
haps of even greater importance, a cultural rev­ caretakers to children is low, and the staff is un­
olution of attitudes and values is required to trained or poorly supervised (Belsky, 1990).
eradicate the abuse of women and children Others say that even at the best centers, some
(Gelles, Straus, and Harrop, 1988; Buzawa and of the essential building blocks for develop­
Buzawa, 1990). ment are missing because of the very nature of
center-based day care (Greenspan, 1997) and
that motivated parents can provide a superior
Child Care social and intellectual environment (Fox and
Twelve million children under the age of six Lobsenz, 1996). Three-fifths of all child care
have both parents or their only parent in the centers in the United States failed a test for
workforce (Vobejda, 1997). For significant por­ "high quality” (Public Agenda, 2001). Child
tions of the day or night, many working parents care workers rank among the lowest 10 percent
are unable to care personally for their children, of wage earners in the United States, and the
and they lack relatives or friends to whom they high turnover rate of such workers creates low
 Challenges for American Families and American Society 345

continuity of care for children. Additionally, • Experiences tailored to individual differences.

low-quality facilities are more likely to spread a • Developmentally appropriate experiences.
variety of diseases, especially colds, diarrhea,
• Limit setting, structure, and expectations.
and dysentery. In Washington, D.C., more than
half the day care centers were operating with­ • Stable, supportive communities and cul­
out licenses in 1997, with problems ranging tural continuity.
from inadequate toys and books to chipping • A protected future.
lead paint, broken stairs, open windows on
upper stories, overcrowding, and unclean blan­ National policy decisions about caring for
kets and cots (Boo, 1997). the nation’s children would need to incorporate
these or other standards to ensure that child
▲ No National Policy care centers are not simply what consumer ac­
Child care advocates warn that failure to de­ tivist Ralph Nader describes as “children’s
velop a national policy toward child care will warehouses.” But most parents think public
result in “a generation of neglected children.” policy should focus on parental leave instead of
The United States is one of the few industrial­ on child care. Three-quarters of survey respon­
ized nations that does not have a comprehen­ dents believe it is better for children to be at
sive day care program. European nations, par­ home with a parent, and 81 percent believe that
ticularly Sweden, have established nationally children are more likely to get the affection and
subsidized support systems. Only 2 percent of attention they need from a stay-at-home parent
U.S. business and government employers spon­ (Public Agenda, 2001).
sor day care centers for their workers’ children,
and only 4 percent of employees nationwide ▲ Alternatives to Day Care
are eligible for employer-assisted child care As the debate about whether day care is as good
benefits (Vobejda, 1997). Further, while the as Mother continues, increasing numbers of
United States provides no paid maternity leave women are finding alternatives. One alternative
by law, more than 140 countries, including is (sequencing—arranging one’s life to provide
most other industrialized nations, do. With no time to work, time to have children and stay
provisions for maternity leave, the United home with them, and time to reenter the outside
States leaves many women, particularly those workforce again (Cardozo, 1996). While some
who are heads of single-parent households, people insist that two incomes are essential in
with no alternative but to find child care for the United States, a significant number find
their newborns. that it is possible to live—and even save for the
What does good care entail? Whether chil­ future—on one middle-class income. Another
dren are cared for by parents, grandparents, alternative to full-time employment and full-
nannies, baby-sitters, or day care workers, their time day care for children is ^part-time work or
needs are the same. In 2000 T. Berry Brazelton work from the home. Many women find it possi­
and Stanley I. Greenspan published The Irre­ ble to start small businesses, work part-time, do
ducible Needs of Children, in which they de­ freelance work from their homes, or join various
scribe what they see as essential to the emo­ sales enterprises while taking care of young chil­
tional and physical health and development of dren. Others find child-friendly employers that
babies and children: allow babies and children to “come to the of­
fice”; one researcher found that 8.9 percent of
• An ongoing nurturing relationship. employed mothers were caring for their children
• Physical protection, safety, and regulation. at work (Trost, 1990).
346 The Family

Clinical psychiatrist and pediatriciaiyStan- to have teen births, to have illegitimate chil­
ley I. Greenspan (1997) recommended a (^four- dren, and to be poor than children raised in
thirds solution”: each parent works two-thirds two-parent homes (McLanahan and Sandefur.
time and spends one-third of the time raising the 1994; Cherlin. 1996; Jeter. 1997).
children. This provides the family with four- The first two years after a divorce are espe­
thirds of a single income and allows them to cially difficult. Divorced parents do not com­
spend a great deal of time with their children. municate as well with their children, are less
Greenspan also called for government and in­ affectionate, and are more inconsistent disci­
dustry support, including government incentives plines than parents in intact families (Waller-
for employers to provide part-time work options, stein and Blakeslee, 1989). Divorced mothers
more flextime, and guaranteed parental leave. with teenage sons find their situation particu­
larly stressful, in part because they have greater
Divorce difficulty establishing control and authority
Although divorce rates increased sharply from (Hetherington. 1989).
the 1960s to the early 1980s, they stabilized Financial problems complicate the difficul­
and have slowly declined through the end of ties of many women. Only half of divorced
the 1990s (see Figure 10.6). Yet divorce could mothers receive any money at all from their
still be said to be running ahead of marriage: children’s fathers, and this is seldom much.
For every 1.000 married women, more than 20 Moreover, divorce is not the end of family
got divorced every year from 1975 to 1996. changes but often the beginning. Most divorced
compared with a marriage rate of 14 weddings parents remarry, and because the rate of divorce
per 1.000 Americans age 15 to 64 (U.S. Census among remarriages is greater than among first
Bureau. 1999). marriages, many children experience complex
Decades ago. when today’s elderly were family lives (Furstenberg and Cherlin. 1991).
establishing families, divorce was relatively in­ The notion that divorce has adverse conse­
frequent. With the number of divorced people quences for children influences many couples to
increasing over the past 30 years and young remain unhappily married until their youngsters
people delaying the formation of new unions, reach adulthood. However, some evidence sug­
the number of divorced people per 1,000 mar­ gests that staying together for the sake of the
ried people has more than tripled in the past children is not necessarily helpful if the mar­
three decades. There are now 157 divorced peo­ riage is marred by conflict, tension, and discord.
ple for every 1.000 married people (U.S. Cen­ Many of the emotional, behavioral, and aca­
sus Bureau. 1997a). demic problems children exhibit after their par­
ents divorce are apparent before the time of the
▲ The Effects of Divorce on the Family actual breakup of the family. The difficulties ap­
More than half of the couples who divorce have pear to be more a product of stressful marriages
children. Researchers find that the households than of divorce itself (Cherlin et al.. 1991;
of divorced mothers and fathers are substan­ Furstenberg and Cherlin. 1991: Cherlin. 1992).
tially more disorganized than those of intact Clinical psychologist Mary Pipher argued
families, with the children more likely to evi­ the opposite point of view, claiming that her
dence behavioral and academic problems 20 years of seeing families in therapy has con­
(Amato and Keith. 1991; Mulkey, Crain, and vinced her that children may not be affected if
Harrington. 1992: Amato. 1993). Further, the their parents are unhappy but that divorce "shat­
children raised by single parents are more ters many children” (Pipher. 1994:133). Family
likely to drop out of high school, to use drugs, sociologist Linda Waite says research supports
 Challenges for American Families and American Society 347

Figure 10.6 Divorce in the United States, 1940-1996

Although divorce rates skyrocketed in the 1970s, they have been gradually declining since 1979 and are now
lower than at any point since 1975.
Source: Figure generated by the authors using data from the U.S. Census Bureau, 1999.

that view: “As long as Mom and Dad don’t fight Middle-aged and elderly women are espe­
too much, [children] thrive under the love, at­ cially devastated by divorce. These women—
tention, and resources two married parents pro­ called displaced homemakers—have often ded­
vide” (Waite and Gallagher, 2000:144). icated themselves to managing a home and
raising children and then find themselves jetti­
▲ Long-Term Effects soned after years of marriage. Within the
Although divorce may be more commonplace United States, some 100,000 people over the
today, it is no more a routine experience for age of 55 divorce each year.
adults than it is for children. In many cases di­ Grown children of divorce die, on average,
vorce exacts a greater emotional and physical four years sooner than adults who were raised
toll than almost any other type of stress, includ­ by parents who did not divorce, perhaps be­
ing widowhood (Kitson and Holmes, 1992). cause the trauma of divorce may make it more
Separated and divorced people are overrepre­ likely that a child would engage in risky behav­
sented in mental institutions; more likely to die iors as an adult (Tucker et al., 1997). On the
from cardiovascular disease, cancer, pneumo­ other hand, adult children of divorced parents
nia, and cirrhosis of the liver; and more prone are now significantly less likely to divorce than
to die from accidents, homicides, and suicides. children of a generation or two ago; between
348 The Family

1974 and 1993 the propensity to divorce if level, while 21 percent of individuals that age
one’s parents had divorced declined by about do (U.S. Census Bureau, 1999).
50 percent (Wolfinger, 1997). Care for the elderly falls most often on
daughters and daughters-in-law. These women
▲ After Divorce have historically functioned as our society’s
Most divorced people remarry. About five of “kin-keepers” (Brody, 1990; Brody et al.,
every six divorced men and three of every four 1994). Although a recent study found that
divorced women marry again. Divorced men working men and women spent approximately
are more likely to remarry than women. Be­ equal time caring for elderly relatives (Bond,
cause men usually marry younger women, di­ Galinsky, and Swanberg, 1998), over all,
vorced men have a larger pool of potential part­ women are more involved in elder care than
ners to choose from. Divorced men also are men. Daughters are three times more likely
more likely to marry someone not previously than sons to provide parental care (Dwyer and
married. About 61 percent of men and 54 per­ Coward, 1991), and 61 percent of the women
cent of women in their thirties who remarry also work.
will undergo a second divorce. It seems that in­ Although the average caregiver is 45 years
dividuals drag into the new marriage many of old, female, and married. 35 percent of care­
the insecurities and personality problems that givers to the elderly are themselves older than
disrupted the previous one. With one divorce 65 years of age, and 10 percent are older than
under their belt, they are less hesitant about se­ 75. The motivations, expectations, and aspira­
curing a second one should trouble appear. tions of the middle-aged and the elderly at times
differ because of their different positions in the
Care for the Elderly life cycle. Intergenerational strain is usually less
where financial independence allows each gen­
As life expectancy increases, so does our popu­ eration to maintain separate residences. Both
lation of elderly people. In this section we will the elderly and their adult offspring seem to pre­
discuss the “sandwich generation,” take a look fer intimacy “at a distance” and opt for inde­
at who cares for the elderly, and consider inter- pendent households as long as possible. Elderly
generational strain. parents who call upon their children for assis­
Some 52 percent of Americans between the tance are more likely to be frail, severely dis­
ages of 53 and 61, and 44 percent of those be­ abled, gravely ill, or failing mentally.
tween the ages of 58 and 66, have at least one
living parent. Social scientists call middle-aged
adults the “sandwich generation” because they Sociological
find themselves with responsibilities for their
own teenage and college-age children and for
Perspectives
their elderly parents. In 80 percent of the cases, on the Family
any care an elderly person requires is provided
by his or her family. Family assistance supple­ We have been following three major sociologi­
ments what the elderly receive from savings, cal perspectives—the functionalist, conflict,
pensions, Social Security, Medicare, and Med­ and interactionist—as we move through our in­
icaid. One benefit of family connections is eco­ troduction to sociology. What do these major
nomic: Only 5 percent of people 65 and older theoretical frameworks have to tell us about the
who live in families live below the poverty family?
 Sociological Perspectives on the Family 349

The Functionalist Perspective source for entering into intimate, constant,

face-to-face contact with other people. Healthy
As we have noted in other chapters, functional­ family relationships afford companionship,
ist theorists stress that if a society is to survive love, security, a sense of worth, and a general
and operate with some measure of effective­ feeling of well-being.
ness, it must guarantee that certain essential
tasks are performed. The performance of these ▲ Assignment of Status
tasks—or functions—cannot be left to chance Infants must be placed within the social struc­
j p. 19 [-► (see Chapter 1). To do so would be to ture. The family confers ascribed statuses (see
run the risk that some activities would not be Chapter 2) that (1) orient a person to a -<-[ p. 55 [
carried out, and the society would disintegrate. variety of interpersonal relationships, including
Although acknowledging that families show a those involving parents, siblings, and other kin,
good deal of variation throughout the world, and that (2) orient a person to basic group mem­
functionalists seek to identify a number of re­ berships, including racial, ethnic, religious,
current functions families typically perform class, national, and community relationships.
(Davis, 1949). (O V33 ° ▲ Regulation of Sexual Behavior
▲ Reproduction A society’s norms regulate sexual behavior by
If a society is to perpetuate itself, new members specifying who may engage in sexual behavior
have to be created; families perform that func­ with whom and under what circumstances. In no
tion by providing social and cultural supports known society are people given total freedom
and motivations for having children. for sexual expression. Although some 70 percent
of the world’s societies permit some form of
▲ Socialization sexual license, even those societies typically do
The family functions as an intermediary in the not approve of childbirth out of wedlock—this is
socialization process between the larger com­ the norm of legitimacy; like other norms, this
munity and the individual. At birth, children one is occasionally violated, and those who vio­
are uninitiated in the ways of culture, and thus late it are usually punished.
each new generation subjects society to a re­ Critics of the functionalist perspective point
current “barbarian invasion” (see Chapter 3). out that these tasks can be performed in other
Through the process of socialization, children ways. Indeed, by virtue of social change, many
become inducted into their society’s ways, and of the economic, child care, and educational
the family usually serves as the chief culture­ functions once performed by the family have
transmitting agency. been taken over by other institutions. Even so,
the family tends to be the social unit most com­
▲ Care, Protection, and Emotional monly responsible for reproduction, socializa­
Support tion, and the other functions we considered.
Human children must be fed, clothed, and pro­
vided with shelter well into puberty. Through­
out the world, the family has been assigned the
The Conflict Perspective
responsibility for shielding, protecting, sustain­ Functionalists spotlight the tasks carried out by
ing, and otherwise maintaining not just chil­ the family that serve the interests of society as a
dren, but also the infirm and other dependent whole. Many conflict theorists, in contrast, have
members of the community (Rossi and Rossi, seen the family as a social arrangement benefit­
1990). The family also provides an important ing some people more than others. Friedrich
350 The Family

Engels (1884/1902). Karl Marx’s close associ­ mel (1908/1955, 1908/1959) also advanced a
ate, viewed the family as a class society in conflict approach to the family. They contended
miniature, with one class (men) oppressing an­ that intimate relationships inevitably involve
other class (women). He contended that mar­ antagonism as well as love. Sociologists like
riage was the first form of class antagonism in Jetse Sprey (1979) developed these ideas and
which the well-being of one group derived from suggested that conflict is a part of all systems
the misery and repression of another. The moti­ and interactions, including the family and mari­
vation for sexual domination was the economic tal interactions. Viewed in this fashion, the
exploitation of a woman’s labor. family is a social arrangement that structures
close interpersonal relationships through ongo­
▲ Women as Sexual Property ing processes of negotiation, problem solving,
Sociologist Randall Collins (1975, 1988a) has and conflict management. This view is compat­
said that historically men have been the “sexual ible with the interactionist perspective.
aggressors” and women the “sexual prizes for
men.” Women have been victimized by their The Interactionist Perspective
smaller size and vulnerability as childbearers.
Across an entire spectrum of societies women As we saw in Chapters 2 and 3 symbolic inter-
have been seen as sexual property, taken as booty actionists emphasize that human beings create,
in war, used by their fathers in economic bargain­ use, and communicate with symbols. One way
ing, and considered as owned by their husbands. in which families reinforce and rejuvenate their
According to Collins, marriage is a socially bonds is through the symbolic mechanism of
enforced contract of sexual property. Within rituals. Social scientists find that household rit­
Western tradition, a marriage was not legal until uals such as gathering for meals are a hidden
sexually consummated, sexual assault within source of family strength. It seems that when
marriage was not legally rape, and the principal families preserve their rituals, their children fare
ground for divorce was sexual infidelity. A better emotionally, even when the family faces
woman’s virginity was seen as the property of other disruptive problems (e.g., alcoholism).
her father, and her sexuality as the property of Some therapists help families establish rituals as
her husband. Thus, rape has often traditionally a means to heal family stresses and tensions
been seen less as a crime perpetrated by a man (Goleman. 1992; Pipher, 1997).
against a woman than as a crime perpetrated by The symbolic interactionist perspective is a
one man against another man. useful tool for examining the complexities of a
In recent years, however, economic and po­ relationship. When the roles of one family
litical changes have improved women’s bar­ member change, there are consequences for
gaining position. The sexual bargains women other family members. For example, we have
strike can focus less on marriage and more on seen that parenthood alters the husband-wife
immediate pleasure, companionship, and sex­ relationship by creating new roles and increas­
ual gratification. ing the complexity of the family unit. Likewise,
family life is different in homes where a mother
▲ Conflict as Natural and Necessary is in the paid labor force or where an economic
Other social scientists have approached the provider is unemployed. And the loss of critical
issue of conflict somewhat differently. At the family roles caused by divorce has vast impli­
turn of the century psychoanalyst Sigmund cations for family functioning (Gubrium and
Freud (1930/1961) and sociologist Georg Sim- Holstein, 1990).
 The Chapter in Brief: The Family

Structure of the Family: marriage, social isolation of young people,

A Global View close supervision of couples, and peer and
The way in which we define the family parental pressures. A variety of factors operate
determines the kinds of family we will in the selection of a mate: homogamy,
consider to be normal or deviant and what physical attractiveness (the matching
rights and obligations we will recognize as hypothesis), and complementary needs.
legally and socially binding. Exchange theory provides a unifying link
among these factors.
Forms of the Family. In the nuclear
family arrangement, spouses and their Marriage and the Family
offspring constitute the core relationship. In in the United States
the extended family arrangement, kin Some see the nuclear family as the source of
provide the core relationship. Most Americans many modern woes, others as the last bastion
will belong to a family of orientation and a of morality in an increasingly decadent
family of procreation. Descent and world.
inheritance can be patrilineal, matrilineal, or
bilineal, and couples may take a patrilocal, Life within Marriage. Most adult
matrilocal, or neolocal residence. Most Americans hope to establish an intimate
societies are patriarchal, with some relationship with another person and make the
industrialized nations becoming more relationship work. However, increasing
egalitarian; none are known that are truly numbers of Americans no longer view marriage
matriarchal. as a permanent institution but as something that
can be ended and reentered.
Forms of Marriage. Marriage refers
to a socially approved sexual union Parenthood. Nuclear families that are
undertaken with some idea of permanence. not disrupted by divorce, desertion, or death
Two types of marital regulations define the typically pass through a series of changes and
“right” spouse: endogamy and exogamy. realignments across time, what sociologists
Incest taboos are rules that prohibit sexual call the family life course. Altered
intercourse with close blood relatives. expectations and requirements are imposed on
Societies further structure marriage a husband and wife as children are bom and
relationships in one of four ways: grow up.
monogamy, polygyny, polyandry, and
group marriage. Two-Income Families. More than
60 percent of all mothers with children under
Patterns of Courtship. Societies age six are in the paid workforce. Such women
“control” love through child and arranged also do more of the housework and child care

351
than men. Research findings about the effect of members. Children raised by single parents
working mothers on children are varied. In one- are more likely to drop out of high school, to
fifth of such couples the woman is the chief use drugs, to have teen births, to have
breadwinner. illegitimate children, and to be poorer than
children raised in two-parent homes. More
I Beyond the Traditional Nuclear than half the adults who remarry undergo a
Family. Americans have a variety of second divorce.
lifestyles, the overall pattern of living that
people evolve to meet their biological, social, I Care for the Elderly. Social scientists
and emotional needs. Among the lifestyles call middle-aged adults the “sandwich
Americans find themselves adopting are generation" because they find themselves with
singlehood, single parenthood, cohabitation, responsibilities for their own teenage and
and relationships based on homosexuality. college-age children and for their elderly
parents. Grown children still bear the primary
Challenges for American Families responsibility for their aged parents.
and American Society
Some family problems stay in the family: Sociological Perspectives
others spill over into society. on the Family
I The Functionalist Perspective.
I Family Violence, Child Abuse, Functionalists identify a number of functions
and Incest. Family violence, child abuse, families typically perform: reproduction:
and incest are more common than most socialization; care, protection, and emotional
people think. The sexual abuse of children support: assignment of status: and regulation of
often leads to behavior problems, learning sexual behavior through the norm of
difficulties, sexual promiscuity, runaway legitimacy.
behavior, drug and alcohol abuse, and
suicidal behavior. I The Conflict Perspective. Conflict
theorists have seen the family as a social
I Child Care. Most child psychologists arrangement benefiting men more than women.
agree that high-quality day care and preschools Some conflict sociologists say that intimate
provide acceptable child care arrangements. relationships inevitably involve antagonism as
The United States is one of the few well as love.
industrialized nations that have no
comprehensive day care program and the I The Interactionist Perspective.
quality of child care available is often poor. Symbolic interactionists emphasize that
families reinforce and rejuvenate their bonds
I Divorce. Divorce exacts a considerable through the symbolic mechanism of rituals
emotional and physical toll from all family such as family meals and holidays.

352
 Glossary

bilineal An arrangement family Traditionally lifestyle The overall

based on reckoning descent defined as a social group pattern of living that people
and transmitting property whose members are related evolve to meet their
through both the father and by ancestry, marriage, or biological, social, and
the mother. adoption and who live emotional needs.
together, cooperate
complementary needs Two marriage A socially
economically, and care for
different personality traits that approved sexual union
the young.
are the counterparts of each between two or more
other and that provide a sense family life course Changes individuals which is
of completeness when they and realignments related to the undertaken with some idea
are joined. altered expectations and of permanence.
requirements imposed on a
egalitarian authority An matching hypothesis The
husband and a wife as
arrangement in which power notion that we typically
children are bom and grow up.
and authority are equally experience the greatest payoff
distributed between husband family of orientation and the least cost when we
and wife. A nuclear family that consists select partners who have a
of oneself and one’s father, degree of physical
endogamy The requirement
mother, and siblings. attractiveness similar to
that marriage occur within a
our own.
group. family of procreation
A nuclear family that consists matriarchal authority
exchange theory The view
of oneself and one’s spouse A family arrangement in
proposing that people
and children. which power is vested in
involved in a mutually
women.
satisfying relationship will group marriage The
exchange behaviors that have marriage of two or more matrilineal An
low cost and high reward. husbands and two or more arrangement based on
wives. reckoning descent and
exogamy The requirement
inheritance through the
that marriage occur outside a homogamy The tendency
mother’s side of the family.
group. of like to marry like.
matrilocal residence The
extended family A family homosexuality A preference
residence pattern in which a
arrangement in which kin— for an individual of the same
bride and groom live in the
individuals related by sex as a sexual partner.
household or community of
common ancestry—provide
incest taboos Rules that the wife’s family.
the core relationship; spouses
prohibit sexual intercourse
are functionally marginal and monogamy The marriage of
with close blood relatives.
peripheral. one husband and one wife.

353
neolocal residence The blood relatives are functionally household or community of
residence pattern in which marginal and peripheral. the husband’s family.
newlyweds set up a new place
patriarchal authority polyandry The marriage of
of residence independent of
A family arrangement in two or more husbands and
either of their parents or other
which power is vested in men. one wife.
relatives.
patrilineal An arrangement polygyny The marriage of
norm of legitimacy The
based on reckoning descent one husband and two or more
rule that children not be bom
and inheritance through the wives.
out of wedlock.
father’s side of the family.
romantic love The strong
nuclear family A family
patrilocal residence The physical and emotional
arrangement in which the
residence pattern in which a attraction between a man and
spouses and their offspring
bride and groom live in the a woman.
constitute the core relationship;

Internet Connection www.mhhe.com/hughes6

Using a search engine such as yahoo.com. ily values” are defined in our society. How is
search on “family values.” Choose a number of this term thought about differently by different
the sites you find and explore them further. interest and cultural groups, including political
Write a short report about the many ways “fam­ and religious groups?

354
chapter 11

Religion, Education, and Medicine

356
Religion
In Chapter 9 we considered the political and
What Is Religion? economic institutions and in Chapter 10 the in­
A Global View: Varieties of Religious Behavior stitution of the family. In this chapter we turn
Religious Organizations our attention to three interconnected institu­
Religion and Secular Change: tions: religion, medicine, and education. Each
The Protestant Ethic of these is focused on the solution to a set of
Adapting Tradition: Religion problems encountered in social living. Depend­
in Contemporary Life ing on the time of history and culture under
Fundamentalism and Evangelicalism study, these institutions have interwoven their
State-Church Issues solutions to such problems. For example, heal­
The Functionalist Perspective ing was (and for some people still is) more an
The Conflict Perspective issue for religion than for medicine, and many
early health care systems were tied up in reli­
Education gious beliefs and practitioners. Likewise, edu­
cation is often the province of religion; even
The Bureaucratic Structure of Schools today, many religions provide training that sub­
The Effectiveness of Schools stitutes for public education. And our contem­
Alternatives to Traditional Public Schools porary health care system is heavily dependent
The Availability of Higher Education on education, with nurses, physicians, and
The Functionalist Perspective other medical personnel required to obtain the
The Conflict Perspective appropriate credentials before practicing. In the
The Interactionist Perspective pages that follow we will see how religious, ed­
ucational, and medical institutions have
Medicine evolved to meet basic needs for society.

The U.S. Health Care Delivery System

Rising Health Care Costs: Is Managed Care Religion
the Answer?
Alternatives to the U.S. Health Care System: Sociologists are interested in religious beliefs
A Global Perspective and commitments and in the effect religion has
The Functionalist Perspective on health, the family, politics, and other matters
The Conflict Perspective (Sherkat and Ellison, 1999). For example,
The Interactionist Perspective throughout U.S. history the influence of reli­
gion on politics and government has been
Box 11.1 Doing Social Research: strong. Religion has historically played a major
Is the Significance of Religion role in American social movements and does so
Declining in the United States! today. Indeed, one of President George W.
Bush’s first actions after taking office was to
Box 11.2 Issues in Focus: When Nurses Can’t outline his “faith-based initiatives,” plans for
Provide Nursing Care facilitating the work that churches and other re­
ligious organizations do to help solve various
problems of society. His call for action comes
at a time when religion already is at work on
social issues. Liberal religious groups and the

357
358 Religion, Education, and Medicine

nation’s Catholic bishops push for disarmament awe, it can usually be approached only through
and improved social services for the disadvan­ rituals—social acts prescribed by rules th^t
taged. The Christian right sets a different dictate how human beings should behave in the
agenda, one based on the Christian roots, her­ presence of the sacred! In their religious behav­
itage, and values of an older America. What ior. human beings fashion a social world of
role should religion play in public policy? This meanings and rules that govern how and what
debate focuses not on the right of religious ac­ they think, feel, and act.
tivists to lobby for laws consistent with their
beliefs, but on determining the place a reli­ A Global View: Varieties
giously defined morality has in a pluralist soci­
ety (Olson and Carroll, 1992).
of Religious Behavior
In this section we will review the varieties Research shows that only 15 percent of the
of religious behavior found among people world's population is nonreligious or atheist-
around the world and take a look at religious (having no belief in God) (U.S. Census Bu­
organizations. We will consider secular change, reau, 1999). The rest of the world can be cate­
religion in contemporary life, fundamentalism gorized by their adherence to various religions,
and evangelicalism, and issues of church and including Hindus (12.8 percent) and Muslims
state. Finally, we will see what the sociological (19.6 percent), Buddhists (6.0 percent) and
perspectives have to offer to our understanding Roman Catholics (17.3 percent), Protestants
of religion. (5.3 percent) and Jews (0.1 percent), Sikhs.
Baha’is, and New-Religionists.
What Is Religion? Religious behavior is so varied that we
have difficulty thinking about it unless we-de­
Religion has to do with those socially shared* mise some means for sorting it into relevant cat­
and organized ways of thinking, feeling, and ' egories. Although no categories do justice to
acting that concern ultimate meanings about* the diversity and richness of the human reli­
the existence of the supernatural or “beyond* gious experience, sociologist Reece McGee
(Stark and Bainbridge. 1987). As Emile (1975) provided us with a scheme that is both
Durkheim (1912/1965) pointed out, religion is insightful and manageable: simple supematu-
centered in beliefs and practices that are related ralism, animism, theism, and a system of ab­
to sacred as opposed to profane things. The sa* stract ideals. A
cred involves those aspects of social reality
that are set apart and forbidden. The profane ▲ Simple Supernaturalism
has to do with those aspects of social reality A belief in the supernatural entails the notion
that are everyday and commonplace. The sa­ of mana, a diffuse, impersonal, supernatural
cred, then, is extraordinary, mysterious, awe­ force that exists in nature for good or evil.
inspiring, and even potentially dangerous—it Mana is usually employed to reach “here-and-
“sticks out” from normal, routine life (Berger, now” goals—control of the weather, assurance
1967). The same object or behavior can be prcr of a good crop, cure of an illness, good perfor­
fane or sacred, depending on how people defind- mance on a test, success in love, or victory in
it A wafer made of flour when seen as bread is battle. With mana people do not entreat spirits
a profane object, but it becomes sacred to or gods to intervene on their behalf. Rather,
Catholics as the body of Christ when it is con­ they compel a superhuman power to behave as
secrated during the Mass. Because the sacred is they wish by manipulating it mechanically. For
caught up with strong feelings of reverence and instance, the act of carrying a rabbit’s foot is
 Religion 359

thought to bring the bearer good luck, while ligions of Asia are of this type, including Tao­
evil is associated with such things as the num­ ism, Confucianism, and Buddhism. Buddhism
ber 13. Many U.S. hotels and office and apart­ is directed toward reaching an elevated state of
ment buildings have 13 floors, but few have a consciousness, a method of purification that
floor labeled 13; in Taiwan, Hong Kong, and provides a release from suffering, ignorance,
some parts of China, the pronunciation for the and selfishness. In the Western world, human­
number 4 is similar to that of the word for ism is based on ethical principles. Its adherents*
death, so many apartment buildings there do discard all theological beliefs about God-
not have a fourth floor. heaven, hell, and immortality, and substitute for
God the pursuit of good in the here and now.
▲ Animism
Animism is a pattern of religious behavior that Religious Organizations
involves a belief in spirits or otherworldly bo
ingl People have seen spirits throughout na­ Norms, beliefs, and rituals provide the cultural
ture—in animals, plants, rocks, stars, rivers, fabric of religion, but there is more to the reli­
and at times in other individuals. Love, punish­ gious institution than its cultural heritage. As
ment, reverence, and gifts have all been used to with other institutions, there is also the struc­
deal with superhuman spirits, as have cajolery, tural mosaic of social organization whereby
bribery, and false pretenses. Additionally, in an­ people are bound together within networks of
imism, as with mana, supernatural power is relatively stable relationships. We need to ex­
often harnessed through rituals that compel a amine not only the religious customs of a peo­
spirit to act in a desired way. ple but also the ways in which people organize
their religious life. In this section we will focus
▲ Theism on^four types of religious organization:
In theism religion is centered in a belief in fchurches, denominations,~sects, and cults.
gods who are thought to be powerful, to have
an interest in human affairs, and to merit wor­ L ▲ Church
ship. Judaism, Christianity, and Islam are forms Sociologists use the familiar term “church” to
of monotheism, or belief in one goc^. They refer to a form of religious organization that has
have established religious organizations, reli­ never existed in the United States but has been
gious leaders or priests, traditional rituals, and common in history and still exists in parts of the
sacred writings. Ancient Greek religion and world. Church is a religious organization that
Hinduism (practiced primarily in India) are considers itself uniquely legitimate and typically
forms of polytheism, or belief in many gods enjoys a positive relationship with mainstream
with equal or relatively similar power. Hindu society. It usually operates with a bureaucratic
gods are often tribal, village, or caste deities as­ structure fend claims to include most members
sociated with a particular place—a building, of a society. Religions organized along church
field, or mountain—or a certain object such as lines are either integrated into a society’s gov­
an animal or a tree. ernment or operate with explicit government
sanction and support. Its members are bom into
▲ Abstract Ideals the church if their parents are affiliated with it:
Finally, some religions focus on a set of ab­ they do not have to join the church. The aim of
stract ideals. Rather than centering on the wor­ the church is professedly universal. Its response
ship of a god, they are dedicated to achieving to competing groups is to suppress, ignore, or
moral and spiritual excellence. Many of the re­ co-opt them (see Table 11.1).
C/J
o>
o

Fable 11.1 Types of Religious Organization

Characteristic Church Denomination Sect Cult

Size Large Moderate Small Small

Relationship with Affirms prevailing culture Supports current culture Renounces or opposes Although critical of
secular world and social arrangements and social arrangements prevailing culture and society, focuses on evil
social arrangements within each person
Relationship with other Claims lone legitimacy Accepts pluralistic Claims lone legitimacy Accepts pluralistic
religious groups legitimacy legitimacy
Religious services Formal services with Formal services with Informal services with high Informal meetings
minimal congregational limited congregational degree of congregational that draw upon the
participation participation participation participation of adherents
Clergy Specialized; professional; Specialized; professional; Unspecialized; little Charismatic; founder or
full-time full-time formal training; part-time leader has little formal
training
Doctrines Literal interpretations Liberal interpretation Literal interpretation New and independent
of scriptures of scriptures of scriptures tradition with a rather
secularized view of the
divine
Social class of members All social classes Middle and upper Primarily disadvantaged Chiefly middle and
educated
Sources of members Born into the faith; seeks Often requires later Voluntary confessional Often lacks formal
universal membership validation of membership membership membership
acquired from parents
Emphasis Religious education and Religious education and Evangelism and adult Living one’s life in
transmission of religion to transmission of religious membership accordance with basic
the children of members values to youth tenets
Church property Extensive Depends on affluence Little None or limited
of members

Source: Adapted from Glen M. Vernon, Sociology of Religion, New York: McGraw-Hill, 1962, p. 174.
 Religion 361

For the most part the church does not often a form of social dissent, exemplified by
champion new causes or social reform but ac­ the Anabaptists of the 16th- and 17th-century
cepts the dominant goals and values of the soci­ Reformation and the Mormons, Shakers, and
ety in which it exists. It also frequently looks Quakers of the 18th and 19th centuries. Most
back to an earlier way of life. When groups sects are small, and many of them fail to grow
within the church attempt to give it new direc­ larger. Should they survive, gain adherents, and
tions, church officials frequently attempt to become dominant, they have a natural tendency
block the changes (Burns, 1990). A good illus­ to become churchlike. If they become widely
tration of this is the opposition of Vatican lead­ popular in a religiously diverse and competitive
ers to the theology of liberation that draws on environment like the United States, they be­
Marxist analysis in emphasizing the special come more like denominations.
commitment of Roman Catholics to the poor
and has been prominent in Latin America. ▲ The Denomination
The church attaches considerable impor­ The .denomination accepts the legitimacy'
tance to the means of grace that it administers, claims of other religions and enjoys a positive
to the system of doctrine that it has formulated, relationship with the dominant society. In many
and to the administration of rituals that it con­ cases it is a sect in an advanced stage of devel­
trols through an official clergy. It strives to opment and adjustment to the secular world.
dominate all aspects of social life—to teach The membership of the denomination comes
and guide the members of society and dispense largely from the middle class. The moral rigor
saving grace. The church type is best exempli­ and religious fervor of the sect are relaxed. It
fied by the Roman Catholic Church of 13th usually has an established clergy who have un­
century Europe and the Church of England. dergone specialized training to prepare for their
positions at a theological seminary.
▲ The Sect Members often define churchgoing as one
The sect is a religious organization that stands of the duties of upstanding members of the
apart from mainstream society but is rooted in community and as an integral part of involve­
established religious traditions. The sect consid­ ment in the “OK world.” The denomination is
ers itself uniquely legitimate but is at odds with content to be one organization among many, all
the dominant society. It usually consists of a of which are deemed acceptable in the sight of
small, voluntary fellowship of converts, most of God. .Examples of denominations include most
whom are drawn from disadvantaged groups. of the major religious groups in the United
The sect does not attempt to win the world over States: Presbyterians, Baptists, Congregational-
to its doctrines but instead practices exclusive­ ists, Methodists, Unitarians, Lutherans, Episco­
ness. The sect is often founded by individuals palians, Roman Catholics, and Reform and
who break away from another religious body Conservative Jews.
and claim that they represent the true, cleansed
version of the faith from which they split (Stark ▲ The Cult
and Bainbridge, 1979; Wilson, 1990). Members While a sect is formed out of an existing reli-.
who entertain heretical opinions or engage in gion, a cult is a religious movement that rep­
immoral behavior are subject to expulsion. The resents a new and independent religious tradi­
sect thinks of itself as a religious elite. Se®t tion (Stark and Bainbridge, 1979, 1987). The
members believe that other religious interpreta­ cult is alienated and viewed as deviant by the
tions are in error, and they portray the larger so­ dominant society, but it tends to accept the le­
ciety as decadent and evil (see Table 11.1). It is gitimacy of other religious groups. Having no
362 Religion, Education, and Medicine

Positive Negative
Relationship Relationship
with Society with Society

Claims Lone
CHURCH SECT
Legitimacy

Accepts
DENOMI­
Pluralistic CULT
NATION
Legitimacy

Figure 11.1 Types of Religious

Organizations
Source: Adapted from Roy Wallis, Sectarianism: Analyses
of Religious and Non-Religious Sects. New York: Wiley,
1975, p. 41. Reprinted by permission of Peter Owen Ltd.

by their leaders in terms of where they lived,

Some cults exercise very strong control what they did each day, whom they visited,
over their members. When the members what they wore, and even what they ate.
of the Heaven’s Gate Cult, who
committed mass suicide, were found ▲ Summing Up
dead in their beds, they were all lying Whereas churches and denominations typically
in the same position and wearing exist in accommodation with the larger society,
identical clothes. sects and cults often find themselves at odds
with established social arrangements and prac­
tices. Cults differ from sects in that they are not
rooted in existing religious traditions and they
religious tradition, it is difficult for a cult to tend to be more tolerant of other religious
claim sole legitimacy. In addition, knowing groups. In this respect, cults resemble denomi­
that others view them with suspicion, cults nations. In contrast, the sect, like the church,
have a sense of vulnerability and thus an inter­ defines itself as being uniquely legitimate and
est in publicly supporting norms of tolerance. possessing exclusive access to truth or salva­
Cults usually do not require their new tion. This model is depicted in Figure 11.1. '
members to pass strict doctrinal tests, but in­
stead invite all to join their ranks. However, Religion and Secular Change:
many cults are authoritarian and attempt to con­ The Protestant Ethic
trol the entire lives of their members. For exam­
ple, the members of the Heaven’s Gate Cult, People’s religious beliefs and practices can pro­
who committed mass suicide in San Diego, Cal­ mote socioeconomic change. Max Weber
ifornia, in March 1997, were rigidly controlled (1904/1958, 1916/1964, 1917/1958) studied
 Religion 363

several world religions in order to discern how a the early capitalist entrepreneurs. Based on
religious ethic—the perspective and values eiy these observations, Weber (1904/1958:64) con­
gendered by a religious way of thinking—can cluded that the Protestant ethic, particularly as
affect people’s behavion He suggested that there it was embodied in Calvinist doctrine, instilled
are periods in historical development when an “attitude which seeks profit rationally and
circumstances push a society toward a reaffir­ systematically.”
mation of old ways or toward new ways. At
such critical junctures, religion—by supplying ▲ The Doctrine of Predestination
sources of individual motivation and defining The Calvinist ethos had other elements that fed
the relationship of individuals to their society— capitalist motivation, particularly its doctrine of
can be a source of historical breakthrough. predestination. Calvin rejected the idea that a
While a religious ethic does not mechanically person’s status in the afterlife is determined by
determine social action, it can give it impetus by the way he or she behaves here on earth. In­
shaping people’s perceptions and definitions, of stead, Calvin taught that at birth every soul is
their material and ideal interests. predestined for heaven or hell. This notion was
especially disquieting because people did not
▲ Did Protestantism Lead know whether they were among the saved or
to Capitalism? the damned. According to Weber, Calvin’s fol­
In The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capi­ lowers, in their search for reassurance, came to
talism (1904/1958), Weber sought a link be­ accept certain earthly signs of asceticism as
tween the rise of the Protestant view of life and proof of their salvation and genuine faith: har'd
the emergence of capitalist social arrangements work, sobriety, thrift, restraint, and the avoid*-
in Western society. He maintained that the de­ ance of fleshly pleasured. The Calvinists, pre­
velopment of capitalism depended upon the occupied with their fate, subtly began to culti­
creation of a pool of individuals who had the vate these very behaviors. Self-discipline and a
attitudes and values necessary to function as willingness to delay gratification are qualities
entrepreneurs. Once capitalism is established, it that lead people to amass capital and achievfe
carries on in a self-perpetuating fashion. economic success. Capitalist entrepreneurs
The critical problem, Weber said, is to un­ could pursue profit and fulfill their Christian
cover the origin of the motivating spirit of capi­ obligation; the Calvinist ethos took the spirit 6f
talism in precapitalist society. He believed that capitalism out of the realm of individual ambi­
Protestantism, particularly in the form of tion and translated it into an ethical dut$.
Calvinism, was crucial to, but not the only fac­
tor in, the rise of this spirit. Calvinism is based ▲ Other Origins of Capitalism
on the teachings of the French Protestant the­ Many scholars since Weber have raised serious
ologian and reformer John Calvin (1509-1564) questions regarding his hypothesis (Samuels-
and found expression in a variety of religious son, 1961; Cohen, 1980). They have looked to
movements including Puritanism, Pietism, and other factors in explaining the origins of capital­
Anabaptism. ism, including a surge in commerce during the
Weber noted that Protestantism and mod­ 15th and 16th centuries, technological innova­
em capitalism appeared on the historical scene tions,- the influx of capital resources from New
at roughly the same time, that capitalism ini­ World colonies, unrestrained markets, and the
tially attained its highest development in availability of a free labor force. Further, sociol­
Protestant countries and regions, and that it was ogist Randall G. Stokes (1975) showed that the
mostly Protestants, not Catholics, who became beliefs comprising the Protestant ethic do not
 ________________________1_U.... DOING SOCIAL RESEARCH
Is the Significance of Religion Declining
in the United States?
Many of the first European surprise for those who believe Declaration of Independence
immigrants to the North U.S. society has been was signed, only 17 percent of
American continent made their undergoing secularization over the population belonged to a
journey to find religious its history. church or synagogue. By 1860
freedom. As schoolchildren, First, the percent of that number had risen to
we all are taught the stories of Americans who believe in God 37 percent, and in 1926 it had
the Pilgrims, the strict Puritans in some form is extremely increased again to 58 percent.
of New England, and the high: 94 percent, according to But these figures pale in
struggles of the pioneers to recent surveys (e.g., Davis comparison to the 71 percent
establish churches on the and Smith, 1996). Only about of Americans who claimed
prairie frontier. The earliest 2 percent are atheists (do not church or synagogue
days in the history of the believe in God) and nearly membership in 1975, and in
American colonies seem 4 percent are agnostics 1997 that number stood at
steeped in religiosity. (do not know if God exists). 67 percent, almost the highest
Is religion still significant Second, according to historical it has ever been.
in U.S. society? The and contemporary data (Finke To make the point a little
secularization thesis argues and Starke, 1992; U.S. differently, having no religious
that modern societies will give Census Bureau, 1999; preference is currently very
up on religion and become Newport and Saad, 1997), the uncommon in the United
increasingly secular. Some percentage of Americans who States. According to data from
religious and moral leaders claim membership in a church the General Social Surveys,
publically worry that this is or synagogue has risen 1972-1996 (Davis and Smith,
happening. Yet a look at some dramatically over the past 1996), from the early 1970s to
empirical data may provide a 200 years. When the 1991 only 6 to 8 percent of

necessarily lead people to engage in entrepre­ institutions. This view found expression in the
neurial activities. Even so, Weber's early work, secularization thesis, the notion that profape
although not necessarily accurate in all its partic­ (nonreligious) considerations gain ascendancy
ulars, remains a sociological landmark. It demon­ over sacred (religious) considerations in tlje
strates the impact religion can have on human course of social evolution'(Herberg. 1955:
affairs in producing outcomes that are not neces­ Chaves, 1994). In much the manner that indus­
sarily intended or foreseen by its adherents. trialization, urbanization, bureaucratization, and
rationalization have been equated with modern­
Adapting Tradition: Religion ization, so secularization has been widely as­
sumed to accompany the transformation of
in Contemporary Life human societies from simple to complex forms.
Religion may draw upon people’s spiritual
yearnings and adapt them to modem life. Many ▲ Is Secularization Occurring?
Western intellectuals had anticipated that Some evidence seemingly supports the secu­
processes of rationalization would lead to the larization thesis. The Gallup polling organiza­
gradual withering away of religious ideas and tion has been questioning Americans since

364
Americans on average those identifying their religions Germans, 57 percent of
indicated no religious in 1996, 22 percent said they Japanese, 52 percent of
preference; over 90 percent were Baptists, compared with Australians, 41 percent
identified themselves as 8 percent Methodist, 7 percent of those in the United
Catholic, Jewish, members of Lutheran, 4 percent Kingdom, and 26 percent of
various Protestant Presbyterian, and 3 percent those in France.
denominations, or another Episcopalian, all more liberal So: Has American society
religion. Two-thirds of those Protestant denominations. been becoming more secular
with no preference have some Indeed, Baptists are second over its history? Is it in religious
kind of belief in God or a only to Roman Catholics in decline? Despite some
higher power, one in five total membership in the United changes, religious involvement
believing in God and having no States. The increase in and commitment remains
doubts about it. membership of these strong in the United States.
The increase in the number denominations between 1960 While mainline religious
of fundamentalists, those who and 1990 ranged from 12 to denominations have lost some
view the Bible as literally the 900 percent, while members, fundamentalist
word of God, at least partially memberships in more liberal groups have increased their
accounts for the high rate of churches declined by 28 to share and are now as strong as
church affiliation in the United 59 percent (Stark, 1996). they ever have been. Although
States. Those denominations When survey the first half of the 1990s saw a
that sociologists of religion respondents are asked small decline in young people
consider to be fundamentalist whether religion is important expressing a religious
include Baptists, along with the to their lives, 79 percent of preference, a 200-year trend in
Assemblies of God, the Americans indicate that it is, church membership indicates a
Seventh-Day Adventists, the compared with 65 percent general increase in religious
United Pentecostal Church, and of Canadians, 64 percent of involvement in the United
the Church of God. Among Italians, 58 percent of States, not a decline.

1937 on their religious practices. In 1993 Nevertheless, despite the apparently low
some 40 percent of the adult population said turnouts for worship services, very little socio­
they had attended a church or synagogue in logical evidence supports the notion that secu­
the seven-day period preceding the time of larization is taking place in American life
the interview (Princeton Religion Research (Hadden, 1987b; Greeley, 1989). Indeed, the
Center, 1994). However, actual head counts United States remains one of the world’s most
revealed that only 20 percent of Protestants religious countries (see Box 11.1). Religion re­
and 28 percent of Catholics show up for Sun­ mains a powerful force in the United States,
day services (Hadaway, Marler, and Chaves, and survey respondents believe it has the po­
1993). In a more recent survey, 53 percent of tential to do even more. If more Americans
respondents said that being religious meant were deeply religious, a strong majority of re­
“making sure that one’s behavior and day-to- spondents said, crime would decrease, volun­
day actions match one’s faith” (Farkas et al., teer and charity work would, increase, and
2000). Only 5 percent equated it with church parents would do a better job of raising chil­
attendance. dren (Farkas et al., 2000). The vast majority of
365
366 Religion, Education, and Medicine

Americans still say they believe in the exis­ movement that opposes “modernist" theology
tence of God and life after death; significantly, and seeks to conserve the basic principles un­
the proportion of Americans professing belief derlying traditional Christianity-; it views the
in God has not dipped below 94 percent over Bible as the literal and unerring word of God
the past half-century (Princeton Religion Re­ and reaffirms traditional authority. Evangelical­
search Center, 1994). ism is a “glad tidings” movement whose mem­
A new set of ideas in the sociology of reli­ bers profess a personal relationship with Jesus
gion, referred to by some as the “New Para­ Christ; adherents believe that the Bible provides
digm” (e.g., Warner, 1993) has reformulated the the only authoritative basis for faith, stress the
idea of secularization to make sense of the con­ importance of personal conversion, and empha­
tinuing significance and vitality of religion in size the importance of intense zeal for Christian
American life. According to the new paradigm, living. Although the public often lumps funda­
since religion is the only institution that can an­ mentalists and evangelicals together, their dif­
swer the ultimate questions of the meaning and ferences are every bit as great as those dividing
purpose of life for most people, it is an in­ Catholics, Episcopalians, Methodists, and Bap­
evitable feature of human society. Seculariza­ tists (Hadden and Shupe, 1988).
tion is a process in which religions become in­
creasingly worldly and less focused on the ▲ Resisting Change
supernatural (Stark, 1996). But instead of result­ Many religious conservatives have entered
ing in people turning to science for ultimate an­ the political arena. Although the Christian
swers, secularization weakens old religious Coalition—founded in 1989 from the remnants
groups that are becoming less focused on the of the Pat Robertson presidential campaign—is
supernatural and creates opportunities for new currently the largest group, there is not a single
ones. Secularization in the United States has Christian Right but an assortment of organiza­
followed exactly this pattern, producing a de­ tions, constituencies, and leaders who share tra­
cline in the old mainline Protestant denomina­ ditional family values, oppose abortion and gay
tions and an increase in strength among evan­ rights, and favor school prayer (Wilcox, 1992).
gelical, Fundamentalist, and sectlike groups. In More than half the Americans surveyed in 2000
this view, secularization is a “process that leads said it would be wrong to consider a candi­
not to irreligion but to a shift in the sources of date’s religious affiliation when voting, al­
religion” (Stark, 1996:437). As long as there is a though they would like political leaders to be
free market in religion (see “The Religious more religious. But evangelicals were more
‘Marketplace,’ ” below) and people can change likely than other groups to say that deeply reli­
their religious attachments, secularization initi­ gious politicians would make better leaders and
ates a process that revitalizes religion rather that they should be less willing to compromise
than promoting its demise. on key issues, instead voting as their religious
beliefs dictate (Farkas et al., 2000).
Fundamentalism
▲ The Religious “Marketplace”
and Evangelicalism According to Finke and Stark (1992), religions
In recent years the nation has undergone a fun­ that gain members in the religious “market­
damentalist and evangelical revival that has rep­ place” are the hardline ones. They portrayed re­
resented an attempt to capture the roots of reli­ ligious groups as functioning much in the man­
gious inspiration and shape them to the ner of “firms” competing for souls in a “divine
contemporary world (Hunter, 1983, 1987; John­ economy.” Competition fosters religious vital­
son, 1990). Fundamentalism is a Protestant ity, while monopoly breeds religious stagnation.
 Religion 367

The “winners” have historically been "up­ viewed as incompatible with Islam. Through
start sects,” groups that today include Pente­ this revolution, Islamic fundamentalism went
costal, Holiness, and Fundamentalist sects. In beyond religion and became a vehicle for polit­
colonial times the established denominations ical and nationalistic expression. Islamic funda­
went into decline when confronted with compe­ mentalists also challenged several secular-
tition from Baptist and Methodist sects. In turn oriented governments in North Africa and the
Methodism went into decline when its circuit­ Middle East in a pattern that can be seen as a
rider clergy dismounted and became profession­ defensive measure against the intrusions of
alized. its hellfire and brimstone theology Western society (Miller, 1992). Islamic funda­
cooled, and its rustic camp meetings became mentalism has proven itself to be less reac­
“respectable middle-class summer resorts” tionary than reactive: Its leaders have typically
(Finke and Stark, 1992). used traditional Islamic principles and ideas to
High-cost faiths—those that impose sacri­ power their resistance against outside forces,
fices and even stigmas on their members— modernity, relativism, pluralism, and compro­
consistently outperform their more respectable misers within their tradition (Marty and Ap­
counterparts; hardline religious groups also get- pleby, 1992). Even so, Muslims are hardly a
rid of “free riders^’ who dilute the congrega­ monolithic group either religiously or politi­
tion's solidarity by using it for weddings, fu­ cally (Esposito, 1992).
nerals, and an occasional spiritual boost with­
out affording much in return (Iannaccone,
1994). In addition, denominations and individ­
State-Church Issues
ual churches that can extract more resources The First Amendment provided the foundation
from members in terms of time and money for the principle of the separation of church and
grow faster than others (Iannaccone, Olson, and state, by which organized religion and govern­
Stark, 1995). There seems to be an indissoluble ment have remained substantially independent
link between how much a religion demands and of each other in the United States. Compared
how much its members feel it can offer in re­ with many other nations, the United States has
turn. The “losers” are the mainline denomina­ maintained a remarkably hands-off attitude to­
tions, especially the Congregationalists, Pres­ ward religion. Some sociologists believe that
byterians, and Episcopalians, who have evolved the absence of a coerced monopoly has com­
a well-educated, seminary-trained clergy. pelled American religious institutions to operate
in a pluralistic environment comparable to a
▲ Islamic Fundamentalism market economy (Warner, 1993). Even so, in a
Fundamentalism is a feature of all religious tra­ number of cases laws have been enacted and
ditions that change and evolve over time. Islam upheld by the Supreme Court that have im­
is no exception. A pivotal event in Islamic fun­ pinged upon religious practices, including those
damentalism in this century was the Iranian against polygamy among Mormons and against
Revolution of 1979, in which the Ayatollah snake-handling by charismatic Christians.
Khomeini, an Islamic religious leader, overthrew
the Shah Mohammed Riza Pahlavi, replacing his ▲ Civil Religion
monarchy with a theocratic regime rooted in Is­ Although most Americans deem an individual’s
lamic traditions and anti-Western fervor. religious beliefs and practices to be a strictly
In creating this revolution, religious leaders private matter, there are nonetheless certain
drew on the people’s intense resentment of per­ common elements of religious orientation most
sistent Western dominance and the imposition Americans share. These religious dimensions
by the shah of Western ways that many Iranians are expressed in a set of beliefs, symbols, and
368 Religion, Education, and Medicine

rituals that sociologist Robert Bellah (1970: and gay rights (Farkas et al., 2000). Survey re­
Bellah and Hammond, 1980) called civil reli­ spondents favored a moment of silence over
gion. its basic tenet is that the American nation spoken prayers in the public schools and ex­
is not an ultimate end in itself but a nation pressed respect for religious diversity. Jewish
under God with a divine mission. Civil religion and nonreligious respondents were particularly
provides a supernatural legitimacy for national­ wary about mixing politics and religion.
ism. .Although religious pluralism prevents any
one denomination from supplying all Ameri­
cans with a single source of meaning, civil reli­
The Functionalist Perspective
gion compensates by providing an overarching Functionalist theorists look to the contributions
sacred canopy. religion makes to society’s survival. They rea­
Civil religion finds expression in the state­ son that if every known society seems to have
ments and documents of the Founding Fathers, something called religion, its presence cannot
presidential inaugural addresses, schoolchild­ be dismissed as a social accident (Davis, 1951).
ren’s Pledge of Allegiance, national holidays, Accordingly, they ask what functions are per­
historic shrines, mottos, and patriotic expres­ formed by religion in social life.
sions in times of crisis and peril. There are four
references to God in the Declaration of Inde­ A Durkheim: Religion
pendence. Every president but one has men­ as a Societal Glue
tioned God in his inaugural address. And the In The Elementary Forms of Religious Life
government engages in many religious prac­ (1912/1965), the last of his major works. Emile
tices, from the phrase “In God We Trust” on its Durkheim showed how religion serves the
currency to the prayers said in Congress. Sig­ functions of social cohesion and social control
nificantly, both sides of U.S. electoral politics in a study of the Arunta. an Australian aborigi­
(e.g.. Reverends Jesse Jackson and Jerry Fal­ nal people. The Arunta practice totemism, a re­
well) employ civil religion to interpret and le­ ligious system in which a clan (a kin group)
gitimate their places and agendas within na­ takes the name of. claims descent from, and at­
tional life (Williams and Demerath, 1991). tributes sacred properties to a plant or animal.
Durkheim said that the totem plant or animal is
▲ Religion and Morality not the source of totemism but a stand-in for
Determining the place a religiously defined the real source, society itself. He contended
morality should hold in a pluralist society con­ that religion—the totem ancestor. God. or some
tinues to generate controversy in the United other supernatural force—is the symbolizatioh
States. Abortion provides a good illustration. of society. By means of religious rituals, the
There are those who insist that abortion is a pri­ group in effect worships itself. For functional­
vate moral choice and that the state has no right ists the primary functions of religion are the
to make the practice illegal. Others, particularly creation, reinforcement, and maintenance of so­
antiabortion groups, contend that abortion is no cial solidarity and social control.
more a matter of private moral choice than Religious rituals operate in two ways: First
slavery was and that the state has an obligation they provide vehicles by which we reveal to one
to stop it. In a nationwide survey, only 35 per­ another that we share a common mental state;
cent (or fewer, depending on the issue) of re­ second, they create among us a shared con­
spondents believe that elected officials should sciousness that contributes to a social bonding.
base their votes on their religious beliefs, even Durkheim argued that the religious person
on such issues as abortion, the death penalty, is not the victim of an illusion. Behind the
 Religion 369

symbol—religion—lies a real force and reality: For example, African-American churches

society, which, like religion, provides moral au­ have historically made a significant contribution
thority and inspires a sense of self-sacrifice, de­ to the mobilization of protest, as was evident in
votion, and even divinity (see “Civil Religion,” the civil rights movements of the 1950s and
on p. 367). Durkheim concludes that when 1960s. African-American churches provided the
religion is imperiled and not replaced by a sat­ civil rights movement of the 1960s with an es­
isfying substitute, society itself is jeopardized: tablished mass base, a leadership structure that
Individuals pursue their private interests with­ for the most part was economically independent
out regard to the dictates of the larger social of the white power structure, meeting places for
enterprise. the organization of protest activities, and a vi­
able financial foundation. Currently, African-
▲ Meaning and Uncertainty American churches are a major force in the eco­
Although science can tell us much about physi­ nomic development and revitalization of
cal, chemical, and biological processes, it cannot inner-city neighborhoods. Similarly, the gay lib­
inform us about the purpose of the universe and eration movement has practiced the art of
our place in it. It cannot tell us what the mean­ church-based mobilization. The Metropolitan
ing of our lives is. While some people are satis­ Community Church in New York City was at
fied with the notion that the universe and life the organizational center of the movement to le­
have no ultimate purpose, and that our existence gitimate gay culture in the United States.
as beings is ended with death, most people are
not. One important function of religion is to pro­ The Conflict Perspective
vide answers to such questions. The answers From the writings of functionalist theorists we
that religion provides stress the supernatural and gain a view of religion as a valuable and posi­
often link the individual to the supernatural tive source promoting social integration and
through an intense emotional experience. solidarity. We derive a quite different image
By focusing on questions of meaning and from conflict theorists. Some of them depict re­
purpose, religion also helps people in dealing ligion as a weapon in the service of ruling elites
with life’s uncertainties and tragedies: sudden who use it to hold in check the explosive ten­
deaths, disasters, epidemics, droughts, famines, sions produced by social inequality and injus­
wars, accidents, sickness, social disorder, guilt, tice. Others see religion as a source of social
personal defeat, humiliation, and injustice/Re- conflict and point to religious strife in the Mid­
ligion also often is involved in the transitional dle East, India, and Northern Ireland. Still oth­
stages of life. Most religions celebrate and ex­ ers, not so different from functionalists, see re­
plain the major events of the life cycle—birth, ligion as a source of social change.
puberty, marriage, and death—through rites of
passage (ceremonies marking the transition ▲ Marx: Religion as the Opium
from one status to another). of the People
The stimulus for many of the contributions
▲ Functionalism and Social Change made by conflict theorists comes from the work
Another function religion performs is to serve of Karl Marx. Marx)(1844/1960:43-44) por­
as an impetus to social change (Warner, 1993). trayed religion as a painkiller for the frustra­
Social changes that are legitimated and justified tion, deprivation, and subjugation experienced
in shared religious terms may be easier to ac­ by oppressed peoples: “the opium of the pe6-
cept and may proceed with less disruption than ple.” He said it soothes their distress but that
those that have a purely secular basis. any relief it may provide is illusory.
370 Religion, Education, and Medicine

Marx saw religion as producing an other­ threatens believers who fail to obey caste rules
worldly focus that diverts the oppressed from with reincarnation (rebirth) at a lower caste
seeking social change in this world. More par­ level or as an animal. Imperialism has often
ticularly, religion engenders a false conscious­ been supported by religious or quasi-religious
ness among the working class that interferes motivations and beliefs. In the 1890s President
with its attainment of true class consciousness. William McKinley justified his decision to
The focus on the supernatural and the afterlife wage the expansionist war against Spain and
also alienates people from themselves by di­ seize Cuba and the Philippines as a way of
recting their attention away from the material “Christianizing” and civilizing these people
conditions of their own existence and their po­ (McGuire, 1981:188).
tential for controlling their own lives. This Religious organizations themselves are
process of alienation is one of the primary frequently motivated to legitimate the status
mechanisms enabling the ruling class to domi­ quo because they also have vested interests to
nate the working class and to exploit them for protect, including power, land, and wealth
their labor power .(Marx, 1844/1960:122). A (Collins, 1981).
Marxist reading of English history suggests
that the development of Methodism in 18th- ▲ Conflict Theory and Social Change
and 19th-century England prevented revolution Some conflict theorists see religion as an active
by redirecting workers’ discontent and fervor force shaping the contours of social life. Thus,
into a religious movement (McGuire, 1981). it can play a critical part in the birth and con­
solidation of new social structures and arrange­
▲ 'Maintaining the Status Quo ments. While acknowledging that some aspects
Conflict theorists see an inherently conservative of religion inhibit change, like the functional­
aspect to religion. The sense of the sacred links ists, they point out that others challenge exist­
a person s present experience with meanings de­ ing social arrangements and encourage change
rived from the group’s traditional past. Religious (Billings, 1990). Under some circumstances re­
beliefs and practices provide taken-for-granted ligion can be a profoundly revolutionary force
truths that are powerful forces militating against that holds out a vision to people of how things
new ways of thinking and behaving. Practices might or ought to be. Religion is not invariably
handed down from previous generations, includ­ a functional or conservative factor in society,
ing institutional inequalities and inequities, be­ but often one of the chief, and at times the only,
come defined as God-approved ways and highly channel for bringing about social revolution.
resistant to change. Throughout history religion has provided
For example, American slavery was justi­ an unusually effective vehicle for change be­
fied as part of God’s “natural order.” In 1863 cause of its ability to unite people and their so­
the Presbyterian Church of the South met in cial lives. American history has been no excep­
General Synod and passed a resolution declar­ tion. The religious movements associated with
ing slavery to be a divine institution ordained the Great Awakening in the late 18th and early
by God. In 1954 segregation was justified on 19th centuries were an important impetus to
similar grounds. Said Louisiana State Senator the abolitionist movement and later to the tem­
W.M. Rainach in defending segregation in perance and prohibition movements. They also
1954: “Segregation is a natural order—created had an impact on the democratization of the
by God, in His wisdom, who made black men U.S. political system, promoting popular par­
black and white men white” (Southern School ticipation in what was largely an oligarchy of
News, 1954:3). Likewise, the Hindu religion the economically privileged.
 Education 371

Education The Bureaucratic Structure

of Schools
Social scientists view learning as a relatively
Until a few generations ago schooling in the
permanent change in behavior or capability that
United States usually took place in a one-room
results from experience. Because learning is so
schoolhouse. One teacher taught all eight
vital to social life, societies seldom leave it to
grades, with the more advanced and older stu­
chance. Most societies undertake to transmit
dents helping the less capable and younger stu­
particular attitudes, knowledge, and skills to
dents with their lessons. As long as the schools
their members through formal, systematic
remained relatively small, they could operate
trainings—what sociologists call the institution
on the basis of face-to-face interaction.
of education.
Like hospitals, factories, and businesses,
Education is one aspect of the many-
however, schools grew larger and more com­
sided process of socialization by which peo­
plex. To attain their goals, they had to stan­
ple acquire behaviors essential for effective
dardize and routinize many of their operations
participation in society (see Chapter 3). It en­
and establish formal operating and administra­
tails an explicit process in which some indi­
tive procedures. In brief, they turned to a bu­
viduals assume the status of teacher and oth­
reaucratic arrangement, a social structure made
ers the status of student and carry out their
up of a hierarchy of statuses and roles pre­
associated roles.
scribed by explicit rules and procedures and
Schools initially came into existence sev­
based on a division of function and authority
eral thousand years ago to prepare a select few
(see Chapter 4). -<-! PP. 114-16
for a limited number of leadership and profes­
At the very top of this organizational
sional positions. Only in the past century or so
arrangement is the federal government, which
have public schools become the primary vehi­
through a variety of agencies, including the De­
cles by which the members of a society are
partment of Education and the federal court
taught the three Rs, affording them the literacy
system, profoundly influences educational life.
skills required by large-scale industrial and bu­
State educational authorities set the number of
reaucratic organizations. The curricula of
days in a school year and allocate state money
schools—such “core” subjects as mathematics,
for specified programs.
natural science, and social science—are re­
The formal organization of American
markably similar throughout the world. Exactly
schools and colleges typically consists of four
how government interacts with education, how­
levels (1) the board of education or trustees,
ever, differs cross-culturally. For example, most
(2f administrators, (3/ teachers or professors, and
nations have a national curriculum in science
(4) students. The control of most schools and col­
and mathematics, but the United States does
leges is vested in an elected or appointed board
not (Sanchez, 1996).
of laypeople. The board generally appoints and
In this section we will examine the bureau­
assigns administrators and teachers, decides on
cratic structure of schools, the effectiveness of
the nature of educational programs, determines
schools in the United States and elsewhere
building construction, and approves operational
around the world, alternatives to traditional
budgets. The administrators—superintendents,
public education, and the availability of higher
principals, presidents, chancellors, and deans—
education. We will then take a look at the func­
are responsible for executing the policies of the
tionalist, conflict, and interactionist perspec­
board. Although in theory the board determines
tives on education.
372 Religion, Education, and Medicine

Figure 11.2 SAT Scores of Males and Females, 1967 to 1997

Source: Figure generated by the authors using data from the College Entrance Examination Board, 1997.

policy, in practice many policy questions are set­ your hand to talk during discussions, keep your
tled by administrators. Teachers are the immedi­ eyes on your paper during tests, and no running
ate day-to-day link between the larger system in the halls. The physical layout of the school
and individual students, the latter occupying the and the omnipresent symbols of adult authority
lowest position in the school bureaucracy. In emphasize and reinforce the subordinate status
sum, the school system is characterized by a/ of the pupils.
chain of command, a network of positions func­
tionally interrelated for the purpose of accom­ The Effectiveness of Schools
plishing educational objectives^.
By virtue of bureaucratic arrangements, In 1997 a test of 4th, 8th, and 12th graders in
most school environments are remarkably stan­ U.S. schools showed that many of them were
dardized in both their physical and social char­ not even minimally competent in science
acteristics. These patterns are most apparent at (Sanchez, 1997a). More than 40 percent of the
the elementary and secondary school levels. seniors and more than a third of the other stu­
For example, time is usually highly formalized. dents tested did not meet minimal academic
The Pledge of Allegiance is followed by math standards. For example, half the fourth graders
at 8:35, which is followed by reading at 9:10, tested could not identify the Atlantic and Pa­
which is followed by recess, and so on over the cific oceans on a map.
course of the day. Not all the news is bad, however. Recently.
Individual behavior is governed by sets of Scholastic Aptitude Test (SATO scores have
rules—no loud talking during desk work, raise been rising (see Figure 11.2). The differences
 Education 373

w
Q.
□
2
c>
o
c
-C
4-»
LU

Figure 11.3
Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) Averages by Ethnic
1987 and 1997
The scores represent the verbal and math portions of the test for various ethnic groups.
Source: Figure generated by the authors using data from the College Entrance Examination Board, 1997.

between males and females have been narrow­ work of students in the United States lags be­
ing, starting to close the large gaps that opened hind that of students in a dozen other countries,
in the 1980s. The male-female differences in including Canada, Japan, Korea, Singapore, the
math scores in the mid-1990s are as small as Czech Republic, and Hungary (Holden, 2000).
they have ever been. Also, scores of some mi­ Because the study was a repeat of one con­
nority groups are improving faster than those of ducted four years earlier that included fourth
whites (see Figure 11.3). graders, the researchers were able to see
Of course, the effectiveness of schools and whether students had improved over time. The
academic achievement of students depends not news is bad, in two ways: The 1999 eighth
only on what happens in schools but also on thp graders performed about the same as the 1995
structural inequities we discussed in Chapters eighth graders, despite educational reforms
6, 7, and 8, and on the larger social and cultural aimed at increasing achievement; and the
environments of the students, including their United States is the only country in the study
families and communities, and the environment whose students did worse as they got older.
in which the school is located. The eighth graders in the 1999 study got worse
scores than they had earned as fourth graders.
▲ Rating Education Globally In Canada, by contrast, students scored higher
In 1999 a U.S Department of Education study in both math and science than did U.S. stu­
ranked the students of 38 countries in mathe­ dents, and Canada’s performance in 1999 was
matics and science. The study,'which tested significantly better than in 1995 (Cooper,
9,000 U.S. eighth graders, showed that the 2000).
374 Religion, Education, and Medicine

Psychologist Harold W. Stevenson and his ▲ Characteristics of Effective Schools

colleagues (1992, 1993), who spent more than Social scientists have examined what makes a
15 years in cross-cultural studies of U.S., Chi­ school effective. Child psychiatrist Michael
nese, and Japanese educational practices and Rutter (1979) studied London students and
school experiences, found that American schools. The critical element distinguishing
schoolchildren lag behind schoolchildren in schools was their “ethos” or “climate.”Suc­
Japan and Taiwan from the day they enter cessful schools fostered expectations that order
school.. Stevenson and his colleagues blamed would prevail in the classrooms, and they did
the poorer performance of American young­ not leave matters of student discipline to be
sters on the shorter school year in the United worked out by individual teachers. As a result,
States—180 days versus 240 in Japan and it was easier to be a good teacher. Additionally,
Taiwan—and the shorter school day (a half the effective schools emphasized academic
hour to two hours shorter). They also cite time concerns—care by teachers in lesson planning,
spent on academic activities (less in the United group instruction, high achievement expecta­
States) and on viewing television (more in the tions for students, a high proportion of time
United States). In addition, they found that spent on instruction and learning activities, the
Japanese and Taiwanese parents placed greater assignment and checking of homework, and
emphasis than their American counterparts on student use of the library. The researchers also
the importance of children’s working hard at found that schools that fostered respect for stu­
school and on homework. dents as responsible people and held high ex­
But a Department of Education study pectations for appropriate behavior achieved
reached different conclusions about why better academic results. In the more successful
U.S. students lag behind (Sanchez, 1996). Its schools, many students assumed responsibili­
researchers surveyed teachers, analyzed math ties as group captains or as participants in
and science curricula of each nation, and video­ school assemblies.
taped classrooms to see how the subjects were Other research supports the conclusion that
being taught. They found that U.S. students successful schools foster expectations that
spend more class time on science and math and order will prevail and that learning is a serious
are usually assigned more homework than stu­ matter (Lee and Bryk, 1989). Much of the suc­
dents in Japan, They also found that heavy tele­ cess enjoyed by private and Catholic schools
vision watching was as common in Japan as in has derived from their ability to provide stu­
the United States. dents with an ordered environment and strong
The researchers did find, however, that the academic demands (Coleman, Hoffer, and Kil­
way math and science were taught differed. In gore, 1982a; Putka, 1991). Academic achieve­
Japan and Germany, for example, teachers were ment is just as high in the public sector when
much more likely to develop math concepts in the policies and resulting behavior are like
the classroom; in contrast, teachers in the those in the private sector (Coleman, Hoffer,
United States were much more likely to simply and Kilgore, 1982b; Grann, 1999).
state the concepts without any development.
The study also found that expectations were Alternatives to Traditional
lower in the United States. The eighth-grade Public Schools
math curriculum in the United States was simi­
lar to a seventh-grade curriculum in most of the In a movement some predict will transform edu­
other countries studied. cation in the United States, parents are increas-
 Education 375

Catholic School Enrollment Home School Children

Total Private School Enrollment

Figure 11.4
Classroom Alternatives

Traditional public schools are facing a new level of competition.

Source: Figure adapted from The Washington Post, 1997, with updated data from the U.S. Census Bureau, 1999; Osborne,
1999; Rudner, 1999.

ingly choosing to educate their children in ways there was only one charter school in the United
other than enrolling them in traditional public States in 1992; by 1999 there were 1,684 in 32
schools (Sanchez, 1997a).’The number of stu­ states and the District of Columbia, with an en­
dents attending charter schools, religious rollment of 350,000 students (Osborne, 1999).
schools, or nonreligious private schools or being Enrollment in private Christian academies
educated at home has increased significantly in doubled in 10 years. Catholic schools, which
the past several years (^ee Figure 11.4). had had a long period of declining enrollment,
The increase in charter schools, which re­ now have increasing enrollment and increasing
ceive taxpayer money but make their own deci­ numbers of non-Catholic students (Sanchez,
sions about how to teach, was encouraged by 1997b). The provision of vouchers for low-
support from the Clinton administration. Except income children to attend private schools has
for those on Native-American reservations, increased private-school enrollments.
376 Religion, Education, and Medicine

While not yet available as an alternative to tinuing gaps in college-completion rates be­
elementary or secondary school, on-line learning tween wealthier and poorer students and be­
is providing older Americans with the opportu­ tween white and minority students (Mortenson
nity to take college classes at horn® (Confessore, and Wu, 1991). According to data from the
1999). A Los Angeles-based company had U.S. Department of Education and the College
17 on-line students in 1996 and 6,000 in 1999. Board, there is a sharp disparity between rich
The number of students taught at home: and poor in college attendance. Research shows
while harder to estimate accurately, is thought that in the 1990s, nearly 80 percent of students
to have tripled over a 10-year period to betweed whose parents earn more than $67,000 will fin­
700,000 and 1.2 million in 1999 (Rudner, ish college, compared to less than 10 percent of
1999). Home schooling is legal in every state, those with parents earning $22,000 or less
and a variety of “correspondence school” cur­ (Sanchez and Chandler, 1997).
ricula, computer programs to aid learning, re­ The likelihood that African Americans and
source centers, and other materials are avail­ Hispanics receive a college education has im­
able. Although it is difficult to compare proved over the past 40 years, but sharp dispar­
achievement among home-schooled and other ities with whites remain (U.S. Census Bureau,
students, research indicates that home-schooled 1999). Many factors make it difficult for mi­
children have exceptionally high scores on stan­ nority youth to gain entrance to and then re­
dardized tests (Rudner, 1999). And although main in college. First, many of the students
home schooling is often criticized as limiting a have weaker academic preparation in elemen­
child’s social and personal development, re­ tary and secondary schools than white stu­
search shows that home-schooled children do' dents/ Second, most campuses lack a “critical
not suffer disadvantages in self-esteem, leader­ mass” of minority students and faculty who can
ship, or other dimensions of personal develop­ serve as role models and make new students
ment (Knowles, Marlow, and Muchmore, 1992). feel at home. Third, many minority students are
first-generation collegians, and they do not se­
The Availability cure the emotional or financial support from
home that second- and third-generation colle­
of Higher Education gians receive\Johnson, 1988)iThe cost of a
Despite our cherished picture of the United college education plays an important role in se­
States as a place where education is available to lecting who will receive a degree. In recent
all, college and university student populations years the cost of higher education has outpaced
are highly skewed in terms of race, ethnicity, the growth in family income and is nearly triple
and family income. Although we tend to pic­ the rate of inflation. Not all students pay full
ture college students as “youngsters” fresh out price to attend college; in the 1990-1991 school
of high school, only 20 percent of the nation’s year, about half the 20.6 million U.S. students
undergraduates are young people between 18 enrolled in college, graduate school, or a non-
and 22 years of age who are pursuing a parent- collegiate postsecondary school received some
financed education. Two-fifths of all students kind of financial assistance (Bruno, 1996). One-
are part-timers; and more than one-third of all third of these students received aid from multi­
undergraduates are over age 25. ple sources. About 58 percent of black students
A report by the American College Testing received aid, and about 50 percent of white stu­
Program concluded that inadequate financial dents. but white students received a larger dol­
aid, poor academic preparation, and low col­ lar amount of aid: $2,927 compared with
lege retention rates are responsible for the con­ $2,527 forblacks (Bruno, 1996).
 Education 377

Functionalists say that one of the functions of public education is social

integration. In performing this function, schools promote dominant values
and try to shape a common national consciousness.

The Functionalist Perspective acting mandated by a rapidly changing urban

an<*l technologically based society.
Viewed from the functionalist perspective,
schools make a number of vital contributions to ▲ Social Integration
the survival and perpetuation of modem societies. Functionalists say that the education system
Functionalists see schools as serving to complete functions to inculcate the dominant values of a
socialization, socially integrate a diverse popula­ society and shape a common national mind.
tion, screen and select individuals, and develop Within the United States students learn what it
new knowledge. In this section we will look at means to be an American, become literate in
each of these functions in more detail. the English language, gain a common heritage,
and acquire mainstream standards and rules.
▲ Completing Socialization Youngsters from diverse ethnic, religious, and
Many preliterate and peasant societies lack racial backgrounds are immersed within the
schools. They socialize their youngsters in the same Anglo-American culture and prepared for
same “natural” way that parents teach their chil­ responsible citizenship (see Chapter 7). Histori­
dren to walk or talk. According to functionalists, cally, the nation’s schools have played a promi­
the knowledge and skills required by contempo­ nent part in Americanizing the children of im­
rary living cannot be satisfied in a more or less migrants (Dunn, 1993); now, by including
automatic and “natural” way. Instead, a special­ diversity as a part of the curriculum, many
ized educational agency is needed to transmit ta schools are also emphasizing the multicultural
young people the ways of thinking, feeling, anti nature of the United States. Likewise, the
378 Religion, Education, and Medicine

schools are geared to integrating the poor and A survey of tenure-track faculty members
disadvantaged within the fabric of dominant at four-year institutions revealed that the more
mainstream institutions. How well the educa­ hours an instructor spends in class per week, the
tional institution performs these functions is a lower the pay; faculty who teach only graduate
debatable matter. students get paid the most; and the more time
faculty members spend on research, the higher
▲ Screening and Selecting the compensation (Jacobson, 1992). Functional­
We noted in Chapter 2 that all soci- [ p. 561 ism sees the university combining the functions
eties ascribe some statuses to individuals inde­ of research and education. Even when students
pendent of their unique qualities or abilities.
are not themselves involved in research projects,
Other statuses are achieved through choice and
they benefit from the intellectual stimulation a
competition. No society entirely ignores indi­
research orientation brings to university life.
vidual differences or overlooks individual ac­
complishment and failure. Modem societies in The Conflict Perspective
particular must select certain of their youth for
positions that require special talents. The educa­ Conflict theorists see schools as agencies that
tional institution commonly performs this func­ reproduce and legitimate the current social
tion, serving as an agency for screening and se­ order through the functions they perform. By
lecting individuals for different types of jobs. reproducing and legitimating the existing social
By conferring degrees, diplomas, and creden­ order, the educational institution is seen as ben­
tials that are prerequisites for many technical, efiting some individuals and groups at the ex­
managerial, and professional positions, it deter­ pense of others (Collins, 1977, 1979, 1988b).
mines which young people will have access to Let’s take a closer look at how conflict theorists
scarce positions and offices of power, privilege, think this occurs.
and status. For many members of modem soci­
▲ Reproducing the Social Relations
ety, the schools function as “mobility escala­
tors,” allowing able, gifted individuals to ascend
of Production
Some conflict theorists depict U.S. schools as
the social ladder (Krymkowski, 1991).
reflecting the needs of capitalist production and
▲ Research and Development as social instruments for convincing the popu­
For the most part, schools are designed to pro­ lation that private ownership and profit are just
duce people who fit into society, not people and in the best interests of the entire society
who set out to change it. However, schools, (Apple, 1982). The correspondence principle
particularly universities, may not only transmit states that the social relations of work find ex­
culture; they also may add to the cultural her­ pression in the social relations of the school
itage. Contemporary U.S. society places a good (Bowles and Gintis, 1976). Schools mirror the
deal of emphasis on the development of new workplace and hence on a day-to-day basis pre­
knowledge, especially in the physical and bio­ pare children for adult roles in the job market.
logical sciences, medicine, and engineering. In The authoritarian structure of many schools re­
recent decades the nation’s leading universities produces the bureaucratic hierarchy of the cor­
have increasingly become research centers. poration, rewarding diligence, submissiveness,
This emphasis on research has led universities and compliance. The system of grades em­
to judge professors not primarily in terms of ployed to motivate students parallels the wage
their competence as teachers but as researchers system for motivating workers. In short, the
with a primary function of the university being schools are seen as socializing a compliant
viewed as research. labor force for the capitalist economy.
 Education 379

▲ Control Devices quirements of the job. The level of skills re­

Conflict theorists agree with functionalist the­ quired by typists, receptionists, salesclerks,
orists that schools are agencies for drawing mi­ teachers, assembly-line workers, and many
norities and the disadvantaged into the domi­ others is not much different than it was a gen­
nant culture. But they do not see the function eration or so ago. Collins called these tenden­
in benign terms. Sociologist Randall Collins cies credentialism—the requirement that a
(1976) contended that the educational system worker have a degree for its own sake, not be­
serves the interests of the dominant group by cause it certifies skills needed for the perfor­
defusing the threat posed by minority ethnic mance of a job.
groups^ In large, conflict-ridden, multiethnic Because education functions as a certifica-*
societies like the United States, the schools be­ tion of class membership more than of techni­
come instruments to Americanize minority cal skills, it functions as a means of class in­
people. Compulsory education erodes ethnic heritance. For example, Scholastic Aptitude
differences and loyalties and transmits to mi­ Test (SAT) scores play a particularly important
norities and those at the bottom of the social role in determining acceptance or rejection by
hierarchy the values and lifeways of the domi­ the nation’s elite colleges and universities; ap­
nant group. Schools, then, are viewed by con­ proximately 84 percent of all U.S. four-year
flict theorists as control devices employed by colleges use the SAT for admissions purposes.
established elites. SAT scores also are highly correlated with
family income (see Figure 11.5) and vary with
A Productive Capital race and ethnicity (as shown in Figure 11.3).
Conflict theorists see the research and develop­ Asian-American and white students have the
ment function of the universities quite differ­ highest scores on average, with Asian Ameri­
ently than functionalist theorists do. For exam­ cans doing particularly well on the mathemat­
ple, Michael W. Apple (1982) provided a ics portion of the test. The SAT scores of Na­
Marxist twist to the functionalist argument by tive Americans are lower, those of Hispanics
contending that the educational institution pro­ still lower, and those of African Americans the
duces the technical and administrative knowl­ lowest.
edge necessary for running a capitalist order. Whereas at one time a college degree
Viewed in this manner, education is part of the brought an elite occupational status with elite
system of product ion.-It not only reproduces pay, today it brings a middle-class status with
existing social arrangements but also develops middle-class pay. Even so, a degree after high
the know-how needed by capitalists to fuel the school seemingly affords financial benefits (see
economy and gain competitive advantage* in Figure 11.6). A study that compared data from
world markets (Barrow, 1990). identical twins to distinguish the impact of nur­
ture from that of nature estimated that on aver­
▲ Credentialism age each year of education (from grade school
Collins (1979) also downplayed the function­ through graduate school) adds 16 percent to a
alist argument that schools serve as mobility person’s lifetime earnings (Passell, 1992).
escalators. He cited evidence that students ac­ Moreover, the gap between those with more
quire little technical knowledge in school and and less education appears to be increasing.
that most technical skills are learned on the Some economists say that the United States is
job. Although more education is needed to moving to a two-tiered society, with education
obtain most jobs, Collins said that this devel­ levels explaining much of the division (Fread-
opment is not explained by the technical re­ hoff, 1992).
380 Religion, Education, and Medicine

Family Income and Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) Scores

Figure 11.5

The figure shows the relationship between scores on the SAT and the family income for college-bound high
school seniors, 1997.
Source: Figure generated by the authors with data from the College Entrance Examination Board, 1997.

The Financial Value of a Postsecondary Education: Mean Earnings

Figure 11.6
by Education, 1998
Average income increases with greater education.
Source: Figure generated by the authors with data from the U.S. Census Bureau, 1999.
 Education 381

The Interactionist Perspective they were competent to teach youngsters of dif­

ferent races, cultures or income levels (Hanley,
Classrooms can be seen as self-contained “little 1988). Big-city schools, which have the poorest
worlds” teeming with behavior. Symbolic inter- youngsters with the most difficult problems,
actionists undertake to capture these little get the least money, while suburban schools,
worlds in their work. These sociologists do not which have the wealthiest youngsters from the
view the school as a “black box” in which best-educated homes, get the most money.
something goes in and something comes out. Tracking, or ability grouping, tends to be asso­
Instead, they are interested in the processes oc­ ciated with social class, race, and ethnicity,
curring in schools; we will look at some of with minority group members and those with
those processes in this section. low incomes ending up in the non-college-prep
tracks (Levine and Havighurst, 1992).
▲ Communication Interactionists are also interested in what
Communication is the heart of classroom life. they call the. hidden curriculum, which con­
Philip W. Jackson (1968) estimated from his sists of a complex of unarticulated values, atti­
observations in several elementary classrooms tudes, and behaviors that subtly mold children
that teachers average over 200 interpersonal ex­ in the image preferred by the dominant institu­
changes every hour of the school day. Much of tions*. Teachers model and reinforce traits that
the communication is one-way, with the teacher embody middle-class standards—industry, re­
telling and students listening. Indeed, since the sponsibility, conscientiousness, reliability, thor­
teacher functions as the communication gate­ oughness, self-control, and efficiency. Even
keeper, students are often frustrated in taking when teachers are originally from another so­
the initiative in communicative interaction. Ad­ cial class, they still view their role as one of en­
ditionally, the physical arrangement of the tra­ couraging the development of a middle-class
ditional classroom—with students seated in outlook on such matters as thrift, cleanliness,
rows facing the teacher—effectively channels punctuality, neatness, ambition, sexual moral­
most communication flows through the teacher. ity, and respect for property and established au­
One consequence of these procedures and thority. Children learn to be quiet, to be on
arrangements is that they tend to produce indi­ time, to line up, to wait their turn, to please
viduals who are programmed for input and not their teachers, and to conform to group pres­
communication output. sures. In some cases middle-class teachers,
without necessarily being aware of their bias,
▲ Social Inequality find inner-city and minority children unaccept­
Classroom research also sheds provocative in­ able. Their students tend to respond by taking
sights on social inequality (Mehan, 1992). the attitude, “If you don’t like me, I won’t co­
Many data suggest, for instance, that schools operate with you.” The net result is that the
perform relatively well with upper- and middle­ youngsters fail to acquire basic reading, writ­
class youngsters. We would expect this to be ing, and math skills.
the case, for the schools are staffed by middle­
class teachers, the school’s structure is modeled ▲ Self-Fulfilling Prophecies
after middle-class life, and better school facili­ Educational self-fulfilling prophecies, or
ties are provided for these youngsters. Accord­ teacher-expectation effectsalso victimize
ing to a survey conducted by the College of Ed­ inner-city and minority children. The children
ucation at Ohio State University, more than fail to learn because those who are charged
one-third of its student teachers did not feel with teaching them do not believe that they will
382 Religion, Education, and Medicine

learn, do not expect that they can learn, and do In this section, we will look at the Ameri­
not act toward them in ways that help them to1 can health care delivery system, consider
learn <Clark. 1965). Tracking can feed into health care costs and managed care, and com­
teacher-expectation effects. If a group is la­ pare the U.S. system with health care in other
beled low achieving, teachers are likely to ap­ countries. Then we will see what the sociologi­
proach it differently. Among inner-city and mi­ cal perspectives contribute to our thinking
nority youngsters, negative teacher-expectation about medicine.
effects breed student alienation and school fail­
ure, encourage oppositional forms of behavior The U.S. Health Care
designed to undermine the school’s control
strategies, and foster attitudes that lead to the
Delivery System
mocking, taunting, and ostracism of children Many societies have evolved one or more "spe­
who do their homework and strive toward aca­ cialist” positions to deal with sickness (Hughes,
demic excellence (Solomon, 1992). 1968). Curers, shamans, physicians, nurses,
and other practitioners are relied upon to ex­
plain illness and to offer means for eliminating
Medicine or controlling it. Drugs, poultices, surgery,
bonesetting, confinement, acupuncture, electric
Like the educational institution, the functions shock, leeching, talking, ritual, magic, and ap­
now carried out by the medical institution were peal to the supernatural are techniques used by
once embedded in the activities of the family medical practitioners in one or more societies.
and religious institutions. Only in relatively re­ Additionally, medical practitioners serve as
cent times has medicine emerged as a distinct» gatekeepers who legitimately channel people
institution, providing an enduring set of cuff into the sick role. And in modern societies
tural patterns and social relationships responsi­ physicians certify that people have been bom.
ble for problems of health and disease. The have died, are fit to work, are eligible for dis­
World Health Organization defines health as "a* ability benefits, are entitled to accident claims,
state of complete physical, mental, and social and are at a danger to themselves or society.
well-being and not merely the absence of dis­ How does the United States deal with sick­
ease or infirmity.” We usually assess people’s ness? In this section we will examine the health
health by how well they are able to function in care system in the United States, including a
their daily lives and adapt to a changing envi­ discussion of hospitals, physicians, and nurses.
ronment. Health, then, has a somewhat differ­
ent meaning for a soldier, a nursing home resi­ A A Disease-Cure System
dent, an airline pilot, a steelworker, a high In some senses the United States does not have
school football player, a presidential candidate, a "health care system" but a “disease-cure sys­
and a computer programmer. In contrast to tem", instead (Konner, 1993; Spiegel. 1994).
health, most of us think of disease as an unde­ The public believes, and a good many physi­
sirable, serious, and limiting circumstance. Dis­ cians behave as if, most illnesses are curable.
ease is a condition in which an organism does Americans typically view the body as if it were
not function properly because of biological” a machine with replaceable parts: Defects can
causes, The problems may result from micro­ be identified, removed, and replaced through
bial infection, dietary deficiency, heredity, or a medical treatment, be it by means of drugs, sur­
harmful environmental agent. gery, organ transplants, or gene therapy.
 Medicine 383

The expectation of cure in the U.S. health ▲ Hospitals

care system has generated an explosion of inva­ Separate facilities for the ill came into exis­
sive, expensive, and often risky medical inter­ tence among the ancient Greeks. But not until
ventions. The emphasis falls on disease, not on the Middle Ages in western Europe did the hos­
the people who have the diseases. For example, pital movement begin in earnest. By 1450 there
most clinicians and researchers in the field of were some 600 hospitals in England alone.
coronary artery disease concentrate on ways to Most hospitals were run by Catholic religious
clear out fatty plaque buildups in arteries or to orders because healing and health care were
replace clogged arteries surgically. These tech­ deemed to be the province of religion. The hos­
niques do not cure the disease, work less often pitals also cared for the poor, the disabled, and
than we wish, are performed at great risk to pa­ the itinerant. The linking of medical and social
tients, and cost a colossal amount of money. Yet functions had grave health consequences. Trav­
much evidence suggests that behaviors such as elers housed with sick people in one hospital
eating a diet low in saturated fat and choles­ would then carry germs to the next hospital,
terol, avoiding smoking, and getting moderate readily infecting people whose resistance to
exercise can both prevent and reverse much disease was already low. Toward the end of the
heart disease. Similarly, breast-fed babies re­ 17th century and during the 18th century, finan­
quire about 20 percent less than formula-fed cial abuses and the mismanagement of funds by
babies in the way of doctor visits, prescriptions, some religious orders led local governments to
and hospitalizations, but in 1998 only 64 per­ take on greater responsibility for the manage­
cent of mothers were breast-feeding their ba­ ment of hospitals. About the same time, care of
bies at birth and only 29 percent when their ba­ the indigent was physically segregated in facili­
bies were six months old (Health and Human ties separate from the ill (Rosen, 1963).
Services, 2000). Rather than focusing on dis­ By the late 19th century, hospital services
ease prevention and promoting health. Ameri­ were improving. Advances in medical research,
cans look to the “disease-cure system” to solve especially bacteriology, provided a stronger sci­
their problems.'Social pathologies such as drug entific basis for treatment and the control of in­
and alcohol abuse and poor health practices fection. New diagnostic tools such as X rays
such as lack of exercise, unhealthy diet, and and advances in surgical procedures made many
formula feeding show up in medical costs for diseases, injuries, and deformities more
all of us (Kuttner, 1994; Health and Human amenable to medical operations. By the turn of
Services, 2000). the century, the trustees of charity hospitals
Health economists say that a medical sys­ began to woo doctors who cared for well-to-do
tem should have about 50 percent of its doctors patients at home. An increasing number of char­
practicing primary care—the initial care a pa­ ity hospitals refurbished their rooms and adver­
tient receives before being referred, if neces­ tised their amenities. In4he process the hospitals
sary, to a specialist. Primary care includes fam­ ceded considerable control to private physi­
ily practice, internal medicine, and pediatrics. cians. who were more concerned with making
Nonetheless, in 1992 only a third of the na­ the hospital a workshop for the treatment of
tion’s physicians were in primary care and less paying patients than a center for administering
than 15 percent of medical students had de­ charitable care. Hospitals became businesses
cided to go into general medicine, an all-time governed by commercial incentives. As insur­
low (Rosenthal, 1993). Medical care tends to ance developed first for hospital bills and later
be high-tech and highly specialized. for physicians’ bills, the hospital industry and
384 Religion, Education, and Medicine

the medical profession flourished. By 1965

Congress had established Medicare to pay some
of the health care costs of the elderly, and Med­
icaid for those of the “deserving’' poor. By the
mid-1960s, then, hospitals, physicians, private
insurers, and the government had devised a sys­
tem for financing health care that was ripe for
big business and the emergence of for-profit
hospital chains (Gray, 1991: Lindorff, 1992).

▲ Physicians
Sociologist Paul Starr (1982) traced the trans­
formation of health care from a household ser­
vice to a market commodity and the rise of the
private medical practice. He showed that well
into the 19th century most U.S. doctors eked From The New Yorker (6/6/94). Copyright © 1994
out scant incomes. Following the Civil War. The New Yorker Collection. Mick Stevens from
however, a contracting household economy, a cartoonbank.com. All Rights Reserved.
growing urban population, and more efficient
transportation and communication expanded
the market for medical services. By the turn of from their command of an esoteric body of
the 20th century doctors were well on the road knowledge acquired through academic training
to endowing their profession with a “cultural and leavened by a service orientation toward
authority” sufficient to justify claims to self­ the client. The “competence gap” justified both
regulation, state protection, client deference, the physician’s assumption of authority and the
and control of the means of work. In turn, doc­ client’s trust, confidence, and compliance.
tors capitalized on these gains to develop med­ A 1991 survey conducted by the American
ical specialties and mutual networks that de­ Medical Association found that patients may no
creased competition and increased their longer stand in such awe of physicians. Sixty-
economic and political power. By the 1930s three percent of the American public agreed
private practitioners had acquired sufficient in­ that “doctors are too interested in making
fluence and prestige to establish themselves as money”: only 42 percent agreed that “doctors
virtually the sole arbiters of medicine in the usually explain things well to their patients”;
United States. They dominated hospitals, med­ and only 31 percent agreed that “most doctors
ical technology, and other health practitioners, spend enough time with their patients”
including nurses and pharmacists. Additionally, (Nazario, 1992). Consequently, a new type of
doctors institutionalized their authority through relationship based on consumerism has
a system of medical education and standardized emerged between many physicians and their
educational licensing. patients. It focuses on the purchaser's (the pa­
tient's) rights and the seller's (the physician’s)
▲ The Doctor-Patient Relationship obligations. Nevertheless, a recent study of en­
Interaction between a physician and patient counters between patients and doctors found
was traditionally governed by inequality. Like that it is doctors who manage the direction of
other professionals, doctors derived their power the discussion, even though it is patients who
 Medicine 385

have questions to be answered (Roberts, 2000). Rising Health Care Costs:

Dissatisfaction with care provided by physi­
cians and other factors have fostered the growth Is Managed Care the Answer?
of alternative therapies, including chiropractic,
From a virtual cottage industry dominated by
acupuncture, biofeedback, homeopathic medi­
individual physicians and not-for-profit hospi­
cine. herbalism, and reflexology: a third of the
tals, health care is evolving into a network of
population today consults alternative healers
corporations running everything from hospitals
(Eisenberg et al., 1993).
and home health care services to retirement
▲ Nurses homes and health spas. In the middle of the
The nursing profession grew out of the reli­ 1990s Americans were spending an estimated
gious and charitable activities of early hospi­ $1 trillion a year on health care. These expendi­
tals. Religious orders of nuns took on the care tures account for nearly 15 percent of the na­
of the sick and the poor. By the latter half of tion’s gross domestic product (GDP), a propor­
the 19th century, however, increasing numbers tion up from 5.9 percent in 1965. In contrast,
of nonreligious personnel were employed to only about 10 percent of the GDP of Canada,
perform various custodial functions in hospi­ and less than 7 percent of that of Japan and the
tals. Since the jobs required no formal training United Kingdom, is expended on health care,
and were deemed to be menial labor, many although these nations provide universal cover­
poor and uneducated women entered the field. age. So formidable has the medical care indus­
This heritage has contributed to the unde­ try become that some critics have labeled it
servedly low prestige that the profession of “the medical-industrial complex.”
nursing has long endured (Baer, 1991). Addi­
▲ What Accounts for the Rise
tionally, wages in nursing, like those in other
in Costs?
fields with a large concentration of women, re­
A number of forces have pushed up the costs of
main low even today, despite the fact that most
medical care in the United States.
nurses now earn a bachelor of science degree in
nursing in a four-year college degree program,
1. The classical rules that govern marketplace
and many go on to secure master’s degrees in
exchanges have not been applied to the
specialized areas.
health care industry. The sellers—doctors
Through the years nursing has remained
and hospitals—have traditionally deter­
almost exclusively female—in 1998, 92.5 per­
mined the price and product options; and
cent of America’s nurses were women. About
the buyers—patients—have bought what
60 percent of all registered nurses work in hos­
the sellers have ordered instead of shop­
pitals, where they serve simultaneously as man­
ping around.
agers of hospital wards and assistants to physi­
cians. These dual functions often place nurses 2*. Labor costs have risen sharply; since 1950
in situations of role conflict because they are the number of hospital workers per bed has
responsible to both administrative and medical more than tripled. Simultaneously, admin­
authorities. Nurses have been steadily acquiring istrative costs have grown three times
more autonomy in health care. In recent years faster since 1970 than costs for health care
they have moved into territory previously con­ personnel.
trolled by physicians, including delivering pri­ 3. The continual upgrading in the scope and
mary health care on their own (Herbert, 1993). intensity of medical services is costlyz.
386 Religion, Education, and Medicine

For families with no primary care physician or clinic, hospital emergency

rooms are increasingly used for noncritical care.

Technological advances include such ac­ cians, hospitals, and other health providers
cepted practices as hip replacement and should compete for patients in a price-sensitive
coronary-bypass surgery, new therapies, market, not unlike the markets for other goods
and new diagnostic techniques. and services. Another approach to holding
4. The U.S. population is getting larger and down costs is to keep people out of the hospi­
older, fend this fact alone contributes about tal.-Increasingly, hospitals and independent
1 percentage point a year to the increase in medical companies are setting up satellite out­
real costs. patient surgical centers, mobile diagnostic labo­
ratories, hospices, and walk-in clinics for rou­
5. Modem medicine does not reduce the per­
tine care. At the same time, government, in
centage of sick people. It actually increases
seeking to cut costs, has become progressively
it by keeping more people alive, although
more involved in regulating the activities of
not cured.
both hospitals and physicians. The cost of gov­
6. Finally, we have expanded our concept of ernment health care spending has mounted. In
health to encompass mental and psycho­ 1960 the federal government paid only 9 per­
logical difficulties and “conditions'’ such as cent of the nation’s health care costs; today it
infertility. picks up more than 30 percent of the tab.

▲ Competitive Health Services ▲ Managed Care

Soaring health care costs have led to new Medicine is increasingly becoming a corporate
arrangements for financing health care. Their undertaking. Many physicians have set up pro­
theme is “competition”—the notion thatphysi- fessional corporations to achieve the benefits of
 Medicine 387

group practice and to take advantage of special were converting to for-profit status (Gordon,
tax-sheltering provisions. Walk-in clinics— 1997). What difference does it make? In 1994 a
quick-treatment centers that do not require an large not-for-profit HMO spent 96 percent of
appointment—are being established in count­ its revenue on patient care, while a large for-
less communities. Private corporations such as profit HMO spent less than 74 percent on care.
Humana hire physicians for their health care Like many large businesses, the income of
clinics. And managed care arrangements, such CEOs of these health care networks is astro­
as health maintenance organizations (HMOs) nomically higher than that of other workers in
and preferred provider organizations (PPOs), the system. In 1994 the compensation packages
are winning growing numbers of patients. of the CEOs of the seven largest for-profit
Managed care arrangements are designed to HMOs in the United States averaged $7.9 mil­
guide the process of patient care through the in­ lion (Gordon, 1997).
corporation of payment plans, regulations on One point of view is that HMOs maximize
how and where patients can be treated, and re­ profit by keeping people healthy, focusing on
quirements for providers of all aspects of care health maintenance and disease prevention; ad-
from prescription drug services to home health other is that they maximize profit by failing t©
and hospice care. In 1984 nearly all insured em­ adequately provide services. The characteristics
ployees in the United States were covered by of managed care that save money—reduced
conventional insurance without any managed hospital stays, more out-patient services to
care provisions. By 1990, 57 percent of all em­ avoid hospitalization, limited choice of physi­
ployees were covered by conventional insurance cians, limited use of specialists, and others—
that used managed care arrangements (Weiss are some of the aspects of managed care most
and Lonnquist, 1994). Managed care also forms condemned by those who feel it is transforming
the basis of the new health care delivery sys­ American health care in the wrong direction.
tems in the country, such as HMOs and PPOs, Political pressures could lead to changes in
and these systems are increasingly responsible managed care. Some of the specific changes in
for providing health services. HMOs had health care that result from managed care are
56 million subscribers by the end of 1995 (Gor­ detailed in Box 11.2.
don, 1997), and a total of 160 million Ameri­
cans were in managed care plans by 1998.
Under health care network arrangements
Alternatives to the U.S. Health
such as HMOs and PPOs. an employer or an Care System: A Global
insurer typically contracts with a network of
physicians to provide its employees or mem­
Perspective
bers with health care for a fixed sum of money Health care is managed differently in different
each year. Although many physicians complain countries. In China health care is provided at es­
that joining health care networks appreciably sentially no charge for most citizens. Health care
lessens their autonomy and incomes, the eco­ is paid for with employer contributions for
nomic dictates of contemporary private practice teachers and office and factory workers; with
often lead them to take this route. government contributions for students, the mili­
Critics worry that the financial incentives tary, and government employees; and with con­
associated with HMOs and PPOs provide a dis­ tributions from communes for the rural popula­
incentive to provide patients with quality care. In tion (Weiss and Lonnquist, 1994). In Great
1995 more than 70 percent of HMOs were for- Britain 90 percent of the funding for its National
profit organizations, and many not-for-profits Health Service comes from general taxation;
 1 1.2 ISSUES IN FOCUS

When Nurses Can’t Provide Nursing Care

Everyone knows what nurses are able to provide; indeed, in focuses increasingly on profit
do, right? They give shots, the worst cases it is maximization. To do this many
take blood, administer preventing nurses from have chosen to sacrifice care
chemotherapy, bring medicine, providing care at all. at the bedside” (1997:249).
change sheets, explain Gordon spent several One nurse featured in
procedures, and take your years following three nurses at Gordon’s book works on an in­
temperature, blood pressure, the Beth Israel Hospital (now patient unit at the hospital,
and pulse. They sit with dying the Beth-Israel Deaconess where Gordon feels that
people, listen to patients’ fears, Medical Center) in Boston, managed care has caused the
rock newborn babies, and learning about their work, their most visible changes. The in­
reassure postoperative surgery interactions with doctors and patient unit nurse now sees
patients. They provide care, other nurses, and their ability more patients, and the patients
both physical and emotional. to care for patients. Just as she sees are much sicker.
What most of us don’t she was finishing her Earlier in her career, she may
know is how radically different research, the nurses she wrote have seen patients in a variety
a nurse’s role can be about were dramatically of stages of illness and
depending on the affected by health care trends recovery on any single day,
organizational structure in in the United States. As she spreading out her work load
which that role is embedded. put it, the nurses’ jobs were among the critically ill, those
According to writer Suzanne transformed by hospitals who were recovering from
Gordon (1997), “managed “struggling to adapt to the surgery, those who were
care” is causing radical rapid ascension of a corporate admitted for tests or
changes in the care nurses version of managed care that observation, and those who

only a minuscule amount comes from patient adequate health care as an entitlement, regard­
payments. Except for medications, dental care, less of their ability to pay, as is done in some
and some optical treatments, for which there are other countries. How does such a system work?
minimal charges, health care is provided at no Let’s take a closer look at Canada.
cost (Weiss and Lonnquist, 1994). In Kenya a
national health service employs physicians and ▲ Canada’s Health Care Plan
owns hospitals, but health care is also available In 1971 the Canada Health Act mandated that
from private practitioners, religious mission clin­ the government pay for all medically necessary
ics, and traditional native folk healers (Cocker­ physician and hospital services. It allowed the
ham, 1995). 11 provinces and two territories to administer
Widespread dissatisfaction with the their own programs, negotiate doctors’ fees,
U.S. health care system has led some American and set hospital budgets. In 1994 the United
leaders to contend that the United States should States devoted at least 40 percent more of its
provide all its citizens with the essentials of GDP to health care than Canada did.

388
were stable and ready to go required skilled dressing when they get home. You
home. Now she deals almost changes. Until only a few years don’t have time to walk with
exclusively with very sick and ago, such a patient would still an elderly person who has
unstable patients, those for have been in the hospital; now pneumonia, to make sure
whom insurers are willing to it is difficult even to get they’re steady and you
cover hospitalization costs. sufficient home care for her. know they’re going to be
This nurse also used to act as According to Gordon, the okay. You send them home
an educational resource three United States has the shortest before you know they’re
or four days a week; under length of hospital stay of any going to be okay.
managed care she does that industrialized country in the
only one day a week. world. Even before managed Under managed care,
With more patients care, U.S. hospitals were nurses may have many of the
spending less time in the using 20 to 40 percent fewer same duties they had before.
hospital, home care would nurses than hospitals in many But those duties must be
seem an obvious alternative. other industrialized countries. performed more often, more
But another nurse Gordon Patients under managed care quickly, and with sicker
worked with was a home care plans are discharged from patients. Further, professional
nurse, and as Gordon finished hospitals twice as quickly as nurses are finding that they
her research the home care patients under traditional must be performed at the
department was also feeling indemnity plans. expense of other nursing
the pinch of managed care. Does it matter? Gordon’s duties, such as patient
Nurses were asked to see three nurses think it does. One education, listening to patients,
more patients every day and to expressed the problem this and just plain caring about
do less for them on each visit. way (1997:254): patients. What nurses do
One nurse had to argue with a depends on the nature of the
health maintenance You don’t have that period organizational constraints
organization (HMO) to get with patients when you can under which they work, and
additional home care help for a work with them on teaching, these constraints are swiftly
patient who had three draining on how they’re going to changing in our current
abdominal wounds that take care of themselves political and economic climate.

Thelower Canadian costs are due to lower death rates in U.S. and Canadian hospitals are
physician and hospital costs (physician fees similar for a variety of procedures. Signifi­
are 2.4 times higher and hospital fees nearly cantly, U.S. citizens receive, on a per capita
3 times higher in the United States than in basis, only about three-quarters of the doctors’
Canada) and a slower rate in the introduction of services that Canadians do. It seems that by
new. expensive technology. Administration capping fees for procedures, Canadians have
costs are also lower in Canada, where paper­ increased rather than limited access to care be­
work and administration absorb about 11 per­ cause the arrangement has induced doctors to
cent of the nation’s health care spending; in the do more procedures to maintain their incomes.
United States, some 24 percent goes to paper­ But the Canadian government-sponsored
work and administration. health care system is not without its critics.
Infant mortality rates are 20 percent lower Critics point to long waits for some medical
in Canada than in the United States and Cana­ procedures and services (e.g-., the wait for a
dian life expectancy is a year longer. Moreover, cataract or a lens replacement operation is

389
390 Religion, Education, and Medicine

about three months, while that for a coronary including vaccination, health education, peri­
bypass is three to six months). More recently, odic checkups, and public health and safety
shrinking government revenues caused by standardsJThird> it undertakes research in the
Canada’s economic recession during the early prevention, treatment, and cure of health prob­
1990s, combined with exploding medical costs, lems. Fourth, it serves as an agency of social
have forced cutbacks in services and hospital control by defining some behaviors as “nor­
beds (Farnsworth. 1991). mal" and ’healthy" and others as "deviant" and
' A single-payer system, or Canadian-style "unhealthy."
solution, for health care reform would decimate Sociologist Talcott Parsons (1951) ex­
the U.S. health insurance industry in one swift panded upon the functionalist position in his
stroke. Moreover, it would require enormous analysis of the sick role—a sei of cultural ev
increases in federal spending. The government pectations that define what is appropriate anck
would very likely gain vast new powers over inappropriate behavior for people with a dis­
what services would be covered and which fa­ ease or health problem (see also Turner. 1987).
cilities would be expanded or shut down. How­ He said one way societies contain the negative
ever. a single-payer system would tend to pre­ effects of health problems is through institu­
serve the traditional bedrock of American tionalizing illness in a special role, one having
medicine: the freedom to choose one’s own the following characteristics:
physician. The proliferation of managed care
plans has increasingly constrained this freedom *• Sick people are exempt from their usual
(Symonds. 1994). social roles and responsibilities. They need
not attend school or go to w ork, and other
people will not censure them for doing so.
The Functionalist Perspective
• I Sick people are not thought to be at fault
Functionalists note that health is essential to the for their condition. Being sick is a physical
preservation of the human species and organ-' matter, not a moral one.
ized social life. If societies are to function
• Sick people have the duty to get w ell and
smoothly and effectively, there must be a rea­
“not enjoy themselves too much." Because
sonable supply of productive members to carry
being sick is an undesirable state, sick peo­
out vital tasks. Where large numbers of people
ple are obligated to seek competent help
are ill or physically unfit (as in some developing
from medical practitioners.
nations where malaria is widespread), low vital­
ity. low productivity, and poverty abound as •* Sick people should cooperate w ith medical
major social problems. Moreover, community practitioners and follow their instructions.
personnel, resources, facilities, and funds must
be withdrawn from other essential activities to Like other functionalists. Parsons assumes
care for the nonproducing sick (Hertzler. 1961). illness must be socially controlled lest it impair
Functionalists say the medical institution societal functioning!
evolved across time to deal with problems of
health and disease. More specifically, they see The Conflict Perspective
the medical institution performing a number of
key functions in modern societies. First, it Implicit in the functionalist image of the sick
treats and seeks to cure disease. Second, the role is the assumption that health care services
medical institution attempts to prevent disease are impartially and equally available to all
through health maintenance programs (HMOs), members of a society. This image is challenged
 Medicine 391

by conflict theorists (Waitzkin, 1983). They say come have higher mortality probabilities for all
that people of all societies prefer health to ill­ residents (LeClere, Rogers, and Peters, 1997).
ness. Yet some people achieve better health Lung cancer rates are higher in Alaska Natives
than others because they have access to those than in other groups, and African Americans
resources that contribute to good health and to have the highest rates of lung, colon, and
recovery should they become ill. prostate cancer (Brown, 1999).
Conflict theorists point out that the higher
our social class, the more likely we are to enjoy
good health, receive good medical care, and
The Interactionist Perspective
live a long life. Poor people experience more Symbolic interactionists view “sickness” as a
disability and lower levels of health than afflu­ condition to which we attach socially devised
ent people. Even though access to health care meaning^ By way of analogy, consider the
among the poor has improved in recent years, blight that attacks potatoes and com. “Blight”
low socioeconomic status is still the strongest is merely a humanly fashioned construct: If we
predictor of illness and death in the United wished to cultivate parasites instead of potatoes
States and the world (Williams, 1998). Some or com, we would not view the condition as
40 million Americans live in federally desig­ blight. In like manner, the invasion of an indi­
nated areas with a shortage of primary medical vidual’s body by cholera germs no more carries
care, a disproportionate percentage of whom with it the stamp of sickness than the souring of
are poor and members of minority groups milk by other forms of bacteria. For a condition
(Walmer, 1991). Overall, physicians tend to be to be interpreted as a sickness, the members of
scarce in poverty areas, and travel for the sick a society must define it as such.
is often complicated by inadequate public Some conditions are so prevalent among a
transportation. population that people typically do not consider
In practice, U.S. medical care has tradition­ them as unusual or symptomatic. Among many
ally operated as a dual system in which the Hispanics in the Southwest, diarrhea, sweating,
poor have utilized public sources—hospital and coughing are taken-for-granted, everyday
outpatient departments, emergency rooms, and occurrences. Similarly, lower-back pain is a
public clinics—while middle- and upper­ common condition experienced by many lower-
income Americans use private sources such as class American women, who often view it not
physicians in private or group practice. Patients as a product of disease or disorder but as an in­
using public sources must often maneuver be­ tegral part of their day-to-day lives.
tween multiple clinics to obtain their services, Interactionists also are interested in how
and the services are usually disease-oriented the medical profession defines certain condi­
rather than preventive. In addition, the atmo­ tions as diseases even though there is little evi­
sphere in these institutions is often dehumaniz­ dence that the conditions have biological
ing. Since African Americans, Hispanics, and causes or respond to medical treatment Before
Native Americans are more likely than whites 1973, for example, the American Psychiatric
to be poor, these groups also experience higher Association included homosexuality in its man­
rates of disease and shorter life expectancies ual of mental illnesses. Medical “remedies”
(National Center for Health Statistics, 1996). also are subject to culturally and societally de­
For example, Hispanics have a higher rate of vised meanings. For instance, at San Francisco
young adult mortality than whites (Hummer et General Hospital’s bustling refugee clinic, a
al., 2000). Neighborhoods with high concentra­ Haitian man refuses a blood test, fearing that
tions of African-American residents and low in­ the blood, which holds a “portion of the soul,”
392 Religion, Education, and Medicine

could be used for sorcery, and a Vietnamese pa­ sponded to their “misbehavior” with punishment
tient cuts his medication in half, convinced that (Conrad and Schneider, 1980).
American drugs, meant for large people, will Today, an increasing number of behaviors
be too powerful (Goode, 1993). that earlier generations defined as immoral or
In some cases a medical treatment is discov­ sinful are coming to be seen as forms of sick­
ered before the condition is seen as a medical ness, a process sociologists call the medical-
one. The discovery that the stimulant Ritalin has ization of deviance. Drug abuse, alcoholism,
a calming effect on some youngsters led to the and child abuse are regarded in many quarters
conclusion that their disruptive behavior, short as psychological difficulties that are “medical”
attention span, temper tantrums, fidgeting, and problems requiring treatment by physicians, es­
difficulty in learning is a disorder—“attention­ pecially psychiatrists. Whether incest, murder,
deficit hyperactivity disorder” (ADHD), the des­ and rape should be viewed as “crimes” that are
ignation employed by the American Psychiatric best handled by jailers or as “sicknesses” best
Association. Previously, the youngsters were de­ treated by medical practitioners is currently
fined as “bad,” and parents and teachers re­ controversial.

The Chapter in Brief: Religion, Education, and Medicine

Religion I Religious Organizations. Sociologists

distinguish between four ideal types of
I What Is Religion? Religion has to do religious organization: churches,
with those socially shared and organized ways denominations, sects, and cults. Whereas
of thinking, feeling, and acting that concern churches and denominations exist in a state of
ultimate meanings and assume the existence of accommodation with the larger society, sects
the supernatural or “beyond.” Religion is and cults find themselves at odds with
centered in beliefs and practices that are related established social arrangements and practices.
to sacred as opposed to profane things and
often involves rituals. I Religion and Secular Change:
The Protestant Ethic. Max Weber
IA Global View: Varieties of Religious studied several world religions to see how a
Behavior. Religious behavior is so varied religious ethic can affect people’s behavior and
that sociologists attempt to categorize it. One claimed that religion could be a source of
scheme distinguishes between simple social change. Specifically, he linked the rise of
supematuralism, animism, theism, and a capitalism to the Protestant ethic, particularly
system of abstract ideals. Calvinism and asceticism.
I Adapting Tradition: Religion results from experience. Education is one
in Contemporary Life. The aspect of the many-sided process of socialization
secularization thesis states that profane by which people acquire behaviors essential for
considerations gain ascendancy over sacred effective participation in society.
considerations in the course of social
evolution, but little evidence supports the I The Bureaucratic Structure of Schools.
notion that secularization is occurring in the As schools grew larger they had to standardize
United States. and routinize many of their operations and
establish formal operating and administrative
I Fundamentalism and Evangelicalism. procedures.
Fundamentalist and evangelical groups are on
the rise in the United States and elsewhere in I The Effectiveness of Schools. Successful
the world. Fundamentalism opposes modernity schools foster expectations that order will prevail
and reaffirms traditional authority, accepting and that learning is a serious matter. Cross-
the Bible as the literal word of God. cultural research suggests that teachers in some
Evangelicals profess a personal relationship other countries spend more time developing
with Jesus Christ. concepts rather than simply stating them.

I State-Church Issues. The First I Alternatives to Traditional Public

Amendment to the U.S. Constitution has Schools. Parents are increasingly choosing
provided the foundation for the principle of the to educate their children in ways other than in
separation of church and state. The basic tenet traditional public schools. Alternatives include
of civil religion is that the United States is a charter schools, religious schools, nonreligious
nation under God with a divine mission. private schools, and home schooling.

I The Functionalist Perspective. I The Availability of Higher

Functionalist theorists look to the contributions Education. College and university student
religion makes to societal survival and are populations are highly skewed in terms of race,
interested in totemism. According to Emile ethnicity, and family income. Only 20 percent
Durkheim, religion is the symbolization of of the nation’s undergraduates are young
society. people between 18 and 22 years of age who are
pursuing a parent-financed education.
I The Conflict Perspective. Some
conflict theorists depict religion as a weapon in I The Functionalist Perspective.
the service of ruling elites who use it to hold in Viewed from the functionalist perspective, a
check the explosive tensions produced by specialized educational agency is needed to
social inequality and injustice. Other conflict transmit the ways of thinking, feeling, and
theorists see religion as an active force shaping acting mandated by a rapidly changing urban
the contours of social life. and technologically based society.

Education I The Conflict Perspective. Conflict

Social scientists view learning as a relatively theorists see schools as agencies that reproduce
permanent change in behavior or capability that and legitimate the current social order, citing

393
credentialism as one factor and the s Alternatives to the U. S. Health
correspondence principle as another. By Care System: A Global Perspective.
reproducing and legitimating the existing social Health care is managed differently in different
order, the educational institution benefits some countries. In China health care is provided at
individuals and groups at the expense of others. essentially no charge for most citizens. In
Great Britain 90 percent of the funding for its
i The Interactionist Perspective. National Health Service comes from general
Symbolic interactionists see classrooms as taxation. In Kenya a national health service
“little worlds” teeming with behavior. They see employs physicians and owns hospitals, but
U.S. schools primarily benefiting advantaged health care is also available from other
youngsters and alienating disadvantaged sources. Canada’s system provides medically
youngsters through the hidden curriculum and necessary physician and hospital services to
educational self-fulfilling prophecies. all citizens.

Medicine The Functionalist Perspective.

The functions now carried out by the institution Functionalists note that health is essential to
of medicine were once embedded in the the preservation of the human species and
activities of the family and religious organized social life. One way societies contain
institutions. the negative effects of health problems and
disease is through institutionalizing illness in a
I The U.S. Health Care Delivery sick role.
System. In recent decades the medical care
industry has grown appreciably larger, I The Conflict Perspective. Conflict
consuming about 15 percent of the nation’s theorists note that some people achieve better
gross domestic product. Hospitals, physicians, health than others because they have access to
and nurses comprise central roles in the health those resources that contribute to good health
care delivery system. and recovery should they become ill.

I Rising Health Care Costs: I The Interactionist Perspective.

Is Managed Care the Answer? Soaring Interactionist theorists view sickness as a
health care costs have led to new arrangements condition to which we attach socially devised
for financing it. Managed care arrangements meanings. For example, an increasing number
are part of many traditional insurance plans. of behaviors that earlier generations defined as
They also form the basis for health immoral or sinful are coming to be seen as
maintenance and preferred provider forms of sickness—the medicalization of
organizations. deviance.

394
 Glossary

animism A belief in spirits disease A condition in learning A relatively

or otherworldly beings. which an organism does not permanent change in behavior
function properly because of or capability that results from
asceticism A way of life
biological causes. experience.
characterized by hard work,
sobriety, thrift, restraint, and the education The transmission mana The notion that there
avoidance of earthly pleasures. of particular attitudes, is in nature a diffuse,
knowledge, and skills to the impersonal, supernatural force
church A religious
members of a society through operating for good or evil.
organization that considers
formal, systematic training.
itself uniquely legitimate and medicalization of deviance
enjoys a positive relationship educational self-fulfilling An increasing number of
with the dominant society. prophecies (also called behaviors that earlier
teacher-expectation effects) generations defined as being
civil religion Elements of
The fact that many children immoral or sinful are coming
nationalism and patriotism
fail to learn, especially inner- to be seen as forms of sickness.
that take on the properties of a
city and minority youngsters,
religion. medicine An institution
because those who are charged
providing an enduring set of
correspondence principle with teaching them do not
cultural patterns and social
The notion set forth by believe that they will learn, do
arrangements responsible for
Samuel Bowles and Herbert not expect that they can learn,
problems of health and disease.
Gintis that the social relations and do not act toward them in
of work find expression in the ways that help them to learn, monotheism The belief in
social relations of the school. one god.
ethic The perspective and
credentialism The values engendered by a polytheism The belief in
requirement that a worker religious way of thinking. many gods with equal or
have a degree that does not relatively similar power.
health As defined by the
provide skills needed for the
World Health Organization, profane Those aspects of
performance of a job.
“a state of complete physical, social reality that are
cult A religious movement mental, and social well-being everyday and commonplace.
that represents a new and and not merely the absence of
Protestant ethic The
independent religious tradition. disease or infirmity.”
Calvinist ethos that embodied
denomination A religious hidden curriculum the spirit of capitalism.
organization that accepts the A complex of unarticulated
religion Those socially
legitimacy of other religious values, attitudes, and
shared and organized ways of
groups and enjoys a positive behaviors that subtly fit
thinking, feeling, and acting
relationship with the children in the image of the
that concern ultimate
dominant society. dominant institutions.

395
meanings and assume the sect A religious inappropriate behavior for
existence of the supernatural organization that stands apart people with a disease or
or “beyond” and that are from the dominant society but health problem.
centered in beliefs and is rooted in established
theism A religion centered
practices related to sacred religious traditions.
in a belief in gods who are
things.
secularization thesis thought to be powerful, to
rituals Social acts The notion that profane have an interest in human
prescribed by rules that (nonreligious) considerations affairs, and to merit worship,
dictate how human beings gain ascendancy over sacred
totemism A religious
should comport themselves in (religious) considerations in
system in which a clan (a kin
the presence of the sacred. the course of social evolution.
group) takes the name of,
sacred Those aspects of sick role A set of cultural claims descent from, and
social reality that are set apart expectations that define what attributes sacred properties to
and forbidden. is appropriate and a plant or animal.

Internet Connection www.mhhe.com/hughes6

Choose any one of the three institutions dis­ ety? Write a short report, describing the picture
cussed in this chapter. Using a search engine you form of the institution from the informa­
such as yahoo.com, enter the term “religion,” tion available on the Internet and discussing
“medicine,” or “education” in the search win­ whether it is possible to fully understand the in­
dow and conduct a search. Follow the links you stitution using only the material and informa­
find. What do the resources you discover tell us tion you can find on the Internet.
about the nature of this institution in our soci­

396
 ••
'i
chapter 12

Population and Environment

Population
WoHd population reached 6 billion before
Elements in Population Change the end of the 20th century. The effects of a
Population Composition world so populated with humans are evident
Malthus and Marx: Two Views everywhere: global warming, depleted water
of Population Growth supplies, mass extinctions, the destruction of
Demographic Transition the world’s rain forests, the spread of deserts,
Population Policies air and water pollution, famine. By the year
The Effects of Crowding 2025 more than 60 percent of the world’s popu­
lation will be concentrated in cities (Gottdiener
The Urban Environment and Hutchison, 2000), where many of our most
serious pollution problems already are to be
The Origin and Evolution of Cities found.
Patterns of City Growth In the coming decades, population in­
Ecological Processes: Segregation creases will occur almost entirely in developing
and Gentrification countries. Industrialized countries, including
Urban Crisis: Cities in Decline the United States, will be affected more by mi­
Sprawling Urban Growth: The Rise gration than by internal population increases,
of “Edge” Cities with many countries actually experiencing pop­
ulation declines. But industrialized nations con­
The Ecological Environment sume the vast majority of the world’s resources,
so even without substantial population in­
Human-Environment Interactions: creases they play a major role in resource con­
A Closer Look sumption, pollution, and habitat destruction—
The Functionalist Perspective and a major role in providing direction and
The Conflict Perspective assistance to developing countries.
The Interactionist Perspective In this chapter we provide the basics for an
Entering the New Millennium understanding of population, the environment,
and life in cities. First, some definitions: The
Box 12.1 Doing Social Research: environment consists of all the surrounding
Is Development the Best conditions and influences that affect an organ­
Contraceptive? ism or a group of organisms—a population.
Among the chief adaptive mechanisms of
Box 12.2 Sociology around the World: human populations are social organization and
Environmental Problems technology; sociologists are interested in how
in Industrialized Russia these two mechanisms will be employed to deal
with the population and environment problems
we face. Ecology is the study of the interrela-.
tions between the living and nonliving compo­
nents of an ecosystem. In 1921 two Chicago
sociologists, Robert Park and Ernest Burgess,
originated the term 'human ecology.” They ap­
plied theories of plant and animal ecology to
the study of human communities (Palen, 1997).
In examining the relationship between humans

399
400 Population and Environment

and their environment, sociologists look not at By 1650 it had climbed to 500 million, and by
individuals but at populations of humans. 1830 to 1 billion. At the end of World War II and
Ecologists typically study smaller ecosys­ the advent of the nuclear age, world population
tems, but the earth itself also can be considered stood at 2.3 billion. It took millions of years for
an ecosystem. An ecosystem is a relatively sta-* humankind to reach 1 billion in number, but
ble community of organisms that have inter­ within a century it had reached 2 billion, and
locking relationships and exchanges with one within an additional quarter-century, 4 billion
another and their environment. While biologists (see Figure 12.1).
focus on plant and animal species, sociologists Demographic studies help us to see that
find ecosystem analysis a useful way to view where population growth is occurring is critical
the environments humans inhabit. How impor­ to our understanding of the future. Most indus­
tant are other species and the environment to trialized nations now have population declines,
humans? Let’s look at a few examples of the no population growth, or very slow population
connections: Fish excrete waste that is con­ growth. The enormous increases in population
verted by marine bacteria to nutrients that sup­ expected to occur in the next decades will take
port algal growth; the algae are eaten by fish; place almost entirely in African, Asian, and
humans consume fish. Humans excrete wastes South American countries. Although these de­
that decompose and provide nutrition for veloping nations currently use only about a
plants; plants provide both oxygen and food for quarter of the earth’s resources, their rapid pop­
animals, including humans. Cities can be ulation growth and industrialization may com­
viewed as ecosystems, as can all areas in which bine to dramatically change that. In this section
humans live. we will look at the basics of population change.

Population Elements in Population Change

All population change within a society can be
Demography is the science dealing with the reduced to three factors: the birth rate, the
size, distribution, composition, and changes in death rate, and the migration rate into or out of
population. Demographic data show that popu­ the society. In 2000 the population of the
lation growth is at once both awesome and United States stood at 281.4 million (Cohn and
sobering. The world’s population has reached Broder, 2000), with a projected population of
6 billion; during the last century, major im­ 297.7 million in 2010 and 335.0 million in
provements in nutrition, health care, and edu­ 2025 (U.S. Census Bureau, 1999).
cation resulted in people living longer lives
and being more likely to live to reproduce. A Birth Rate
Both these contributed to very large increases The crude birth rate is the number of live
in population growth rates: Many more hu­ births per 1.000 members of a population in a
mans were bom than died. More than half the given year. In 1997 the crude birth rate for the
people in the world live in six nations: China, United States was 14.6 per 1,000, while in the
India, the United States, Indonesia, Brazil, and countries where population growth is increas­
Russia. ing rapidly it is much higher. In western Africa,
It is estimated that some 40,000 years ago Niger has a crude birth rate of 53.7 per 1,000,
the world population stood at about 3 million. At and Uganda in eastern Africa has a crude birth
8000 b.c., the dawn of agriculture, it was 5 mil­ rate of 45.1 (U.S. Census Bureau, 1997a). The
lion. At the time of Christ, it was 200 million. measure is called “crude” because it obscures
 Population 401

Year

Figure 12.1
World Population Growth: Estimates and Projections from Year 1
to 2050
World population has reached 6 billion, growing from 1 billion to 6 billion in less than 200 years. It is
expected to increase to nearly 10 billion people by the year 2050.
Source: Figure generated by the authors using data from the U.S. Census Bureau, www.census.gov/ipc/www/worldhis.html
and www.census.gov/ipc/www/worldpop.html; accessed in March 2001.

important differences among races, ethnic lion in 1964 to 3.1 million in 1973 and then
groups, classes, age groups, and other cate­ began rising again in the late 1970s. In 1990,
gories within the population by lumping all 4,179,000 babies were born in the United
births within a single figure. States, but the figure fell to 4 million in 1997.
The general fertility rate indicates the an­ The reason the number of births was rising is
nual number of live births per 1,000 women that the number of women of childbearing age
age 15 to 44. Demographers also calculate age­ had increased as the large generation bom dur­
specific fertility, or the number of live births ing the baby boom of the 1950s reached adult­
per 1,000 women in a specific age group. Fer­ hood. However, the average number of children
tility rates provide us with information regard­ born to women of childbearing age in recent
ing the actual reproductive patterns of a society. years has been nearly half of what it was three
By contrast, the potential number of children decades earlier. Childbearing is also up sharply
that could be bom if every woman of childbear­ among women in their 30s who postponed hav­
ing age bore all the children she possibly could ing babies until their schooling was completed
is called fecundity. and their careers were begun.
The annual number of births among women It takes an average of 2.1 children per woman
in the United States fell from just over 4.0 mil­ of childbearing age for a modem population to
402 Population and Environment

Figure 12.2
Life Expectancy in the United States, 1900-1997, by Gender and Race

Life expectancy has increased significantly over the past century, but significant gender and race differences
remain. The dip in 1918 was due to the Great Flu Epidemic.
Source: Figure generated by the authors using data from Robert N. Anderson. 1999. United States life tables. 1997.
National Vital Statistics Reports 47 (28). Hyattsville. MD: National Center for Health Statistics.

replace itself without immigration; this is the level death rate is the number of deaths per 1.000
of zero population growth (ZPG). In 1990. for members of a population in a given year. In
the first time since 1971. births in the United 1997 the crude death rate for Americans was
States surpassed the population-replacement rate 8.8 per 1.000. substantially lower than that of
of 2.1 The nation’s birth rates would be lower if Zambia in southeast Africa with a crude death
all births represented planned births: some 35 per­ rate of 24.2 per 1.000 (U.S. Census Bureau.
cent of all births to currently and formerly mar­ 1997a). As in the case of birth rates, demogra­
ried women, however, are unintended. phers are interested in age-specific death rate,
or the number of deaths per 1.000 individuals
▲ Death Rate in a specific age group. At ages 24 to 45. the
The rapid world population growth we are cur­ disparity in death rates between minorities and
rently experiencing is not caused by any dra­ whites is highest: 2.5 times greater for African
matic increase in birth rate; rather, it is caused Americans. 1.8 times higher for Native Ameri­
by dramatic decreases in death rate* The crude cans, and 1.25 times greater for Hispanics. The
 Population 403

major reason is that homicide and accidental of advanced medical technology into develop­
death rates are substantially higher for these ing nations, population growth rates increase.
minorities than for whites.
The infant mortality rate is the number ▲ Migration Rate
of deaths among infants under one year of age The net migration rate is the increase or de­
per 1.000 live births. In 1997 the infant mor­ crease per 1,000 members of the population in a
tality rate in the United States was 7.1 per given year that results from people entering (im­
1,000, approximately 6 deaths per 1,000 live migrants) or leaving (emigrants) a society. Mi­
births for whites versus 13.7 deaths for gration is the product of two factors. There are
African Americans (U.S. Census Bureau. forces—push factors—that encourage people to
1999). Many industrialized nations report leave a habitat they already occupy. And there
even lower infant mortality rates: Japan, 4.1; are other forces—pull factors—that attract peo­
the Netherlands, 5.1; Germany, 5.1; France, ple to a new habitat. Before people actually mi­
5.6; and the United Kingdom, 5.8. In contrast, grate, they usually compare the relative oppor­
Afghanistan has a rate of 140.6 for every tunities offered by the present and the antici­
1,000 infants born; Malawi, 132.1; and An­ pated habitats. If the balance is on the side of
gola 129.2. As the infant mortality rate of de­ the anticipated habitat, they typically migrate
veloping nations drops, population growth in­ unless prevented from doing so by government
creases rapidly. action, immigration quotas, lack of financial re­
The life expectancy of Americans reached sources, or some other compelling barrier. In
76.0 years in 1997 (see Figure 12.2). White men the 1840s the push of the potato famine in Ire­
bom in 1997 could expect to live 74.3 years, land and the pull of employment opportunities
compared with a life expectancy of 67.2 years in the United States made this country appear
for African-American men. The life expectancy attractive to many Irish people. Both push and
for white women born in 1997 is 79.9 years, pull factors are contributing to the entry into the
and for African-American women, 74.7 years United States of large numbers of illegal immi­
(National Center for Health Statistics, 1999). grants from Mexico. Low agricultural produc­
Overall, human life expectancy is nearly twice tivity and commodity prices in Mexican agricul­
as long as it was in 1840, and research done in ture have served as a push factor, and high
Sweden shows that the rate of increase in maxi­ American wages have served as a pull factor,
mum life span has accelerated from 0.44 years with illegalities an insufficient barrier to prevent
per decade before 1969 to 1.11 years per decade migration.
since then (Wilmoth et al., 2000). A number of Other factors also influence migration pat­
other developed nations have higher average terns. For example, the U.S. military presence
life expectancies than the United States. Japan in Korea and the Philippines has meant that po­
and Australia each have a life expectancy of tential immigrants from these nations have
80.1 years and hold the lead among large devel­ been partially Americanized even before leav­
oped countries. They are followed closely by ing their homeland; successful immigrants in
Canada, 79.4; France, 78.6; Italy, 78.5; Spain. turn pave the way for additional arrivals by
77.7; Belgium, 77.5; and the United Kingdom, supplying them with information, employment,
77.4. Some of the lowest life expectancy figures and financial assistance (Suro, 1991).
are for African countries, for example, Malawi, Because migration is usually a burden of
36.3; Zimbabwe, 38.9; Ethiopia, 40.5; and Tan­ some kind involving costs of transportation, set­
zania, 46.2 (U.S. Census Bureau, 1999). Again, ting up a new household, and loss of social net­
as life expectancy increases with the diffusion works in one's community, migrants are usually
404 Population and Environment

Demographers are interested in population composition, including the sex

ratio. The imbalanced sex ratio at retirement centers is produced by large
gender differences in life expectancy.

people who have the resources to bear such bur­ of the Asian and Pacific Island population
dens. Consequently, migrants usually have bet­ moved abroad in 1997 (U.S. Census Bureau,
ter social, economic, and personal characteris­ 1997c). The United States was the destination
tics than those who are left behind (Chiswick, for 798,000 immigrants in 1997 (U.S. Census
1979). Migrants are younger, have more educa­ Bureau, 1999), and the people moving into a
tion, and are more ambitious than others. country can have dramatic effects on its popu­
Movement of people from one nation to lation composition (see Chapter 7).
another is called international migration. People also move about within a nation.
There were about 100 million people “living Internal migration has resulted in a majority
outside their countries of birth or citizenship” of the U.S. population residing in the South and
in the mid-1980s. Although the numbers may West, with population increases continuing in
seem large, only a small percentage of the those regions. In 1997 California. New Mexico,
world’s population ever moves across national Hawaii, and Arizona were the fastest-growing
boundaries. In only a few nations, including states in terms of percent growth (Campbell,
Cuba, Afghanistan, Haiti, and El Salvador, 1997). Boom states gain political clout nation­
have as much as one-tenth of a national popu­ ally because congressional seats are allocated
lation emigrated in recent decades (Kalish, on the basis of population. And although rapid
1994). In the United States, only 0.4 percent population growth often fuels economic
of the white population, 0.2 percent of the growth, it simultaneously strains municipal and
African-American population, and 3.1 percent state services.
 Population 405

▲ Growth Rate The greater longevity of women in the

The growth rate of a society is the difference United States has resulted in a ratio of three
between births and deaths, plus the difference women for every two men over the age of 65;
between immigrants and emigrants, per 1,000 in the over-85 bracket, the margin is higher
population. In recent years the growth rate of than two to one. Why are sex ratios of interest
the United States has been roughly 1 percent. In to sociologists? Let’s take a look at China,
the 1990s the highest annual population growth where there are now many more male children
rate in the world was in Afghanistan, with a than female children. Finding a wife will be a
growth rate of 5.9 percent. A number of nations, serious problem for men in the future (Johans­
including Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, son and Nygren, 1991). And because marriage
Bulgaria, and Bosnia-Herzegovina, have nega­ is one of the main ways societies have of con­
tive annual growth rates (U.S. Bureau of the trolling the behavior of males, China may face
Census, 1997a). This means that without immi­ serious social problems resulting from so many
gration they will lose population. If we consider unattached males.
merely the difference between the birth and Another important population characteris­
death rates (the rate of natural increase), it takes tic is age composition. A population heavily
a population with an annual rate of increase of concentrated in the 20- to 65-year range has. a
1 percent 69 years to double its population; a large labor force relative to its nonproductive
4 percent annual rate increase leads to a dou­ population. Its dependency burdens tend to be
bling of the population in 17 years. light. In contrast, a population concentrated at
either extreme of the age distribution—either
Population Composition under 20, over 65, or both—has a heavy de­
pendency ratio (a large number of nonproduc­
Births, deaths, and migration affect population tive individuals relative to its productive popu­
size. Sociologists are also interested in the com­ lation). We can gain an appreciation for the
position or characteristics of a population. social significance of sex and age composition
Among these characteristics are gender, age, by examining population pyramids.
rural or urban residence, race, religion, national
origin, marital status, income, education, and ▲ Population Pyramids
occupation, The sex composition of a popula­ The age and sex composition of a population
tion is measured by the sex ratio—the number can be portrayed by a population pyramid. It
of males per 100 females. At birth, there are is based either on absolute numbers or on pro­
roughly 105 males for every 100 females. portions. Age groupings are placed in order on a
However, males have higher mortality rates vertical scale, with the youngest age group lo­
than females. During childhood and adoles­ cated at the bottom and the oldest age group at
cence this differential is primarily due to acci­ the top of the pyramid. The numbers or propor­
dents, homicide, and suicide, which are more tions that each specified age group represents of
common among males. The result is that at the total are plotted on the horizontal axis. The
around age 21 or so, women begin to outnum­ sum or portion corresponding to the male seg­
ber men, and the trend accelerates as people ment is placed to the left of the central dividing
grow older because men also have higher rates line and that comprising the female segment is
of illness for disorders that are the leading placed to the right of it. The pyramid itself rep­
causes of death; such as cancer, heart disease, resents the entire population. Demographers use
and stroke. population pyramids to visualize age and gender
406 Population and Environment

are not considered here. Let's look at some spe­

Mexico cific aspects of these pyramids:
80 and Older
1. The baby-boom cohort 6an be seen in all
70-79
the pyramids. Demographers use the term
60-69 “baby boom” to refer to the 19-year period
50-59 (1946-1964) of high fertility following
40-49 World War II. In 1990 the cohort extends
across the middle section (ages 25 to 44);
30-39
and by 2025 it constitutes the protruding
20-29 bands of individuals age 60 to 79.
10-19 The baby-boom generation has had an
Male Female 0-9 enormous impact upon American life. In
1 T I I the 1950s the baby boomers made the
20% 10% 0% 10% 20% United States a child-oriented society of
new schools, suburbs, and station wagons.
They watched The Mickey Mouse Club, lis­
Figure 12.3
Population Pyramid tened to rock and roll, went to Woodstock
of Mexico, 1990 and Vietnam, and fueled the student, civil
The pyramid reflects a young and growing rights, and peace movements of the 1960s
population composed primarily of youngsters and and early 1970s. By the year 2030 one out
teenagers. of every five Americans will be 65 years of
Source: 1990 Mexican Census. Adapted from American age or older and dependent on a Social Se­
Demographics 14. September 1992: 9. curity and Medicare system that must be
supported by the smaller generations be­
hind them. The Social Security dependency
ratio—the number of workers compared
distributions. Sociologists use them to analyze
with the number of recipients—was five to
trends in fertility, mortality, and migration.
one in 1965. but it will drop to two to one
Businesses often use them to gain a better un­
by 2035.
derstanding of their markets.
The 1990 Mexican population pyramid 2. The baby-bust cohoh stands in sharp relief
shown in Figure 12.3 has the shape of a true to the baby boomers. The baby bust began
pyramid. It is typical of a population that is in the early 1970s when fertility dropped
growing by virtue of a high birth rate and a de­ rapidly, reaching its lowest level in 1976
clining death rate. The U.S. pyramids shown in and remaining very low until the mid-
Figure 12.4 reveal a quite different picture. 1980s. This cohort can be seen in the in­
They illustrate the projected shape of the age dentation just above the base of the 1990
structure of the United States from 1990 pyramid.
through 2050 as the baby-boom generation 3. It in turn is succeeded by the baby-boom­
grows older; the size of future cohorts can only echo. sometimes called the “echo boom" or
be estimated. “baby boomlet." These are the children of
The population projections contained in the baby boomers. Not until 2025 when a
Figure 12.4 presume fluctuating fertility pat­ rising mortality rate takes its toll of baby
terns characterized by “booms” and “busts.” boomers will the echo cohort catch up to
The complicating ramifications of migration the baby-boom cohort in size.
 Population 407

Age
1990 Age
2000
Over 100 Over 100
95 to 99 95 to 99
90 to 94 90 to 94
85 to 89 85 to 89
80 to 84 80 to 84
75 to 79 75 to 79
70 to 74 70 to 74
65 to 69 65 to 69
60 to 64 60 to 64
55 to 59 55 to 59
50 to 54 I 50 to 54
45 to 49 45 to 49
I 40 to 44 ! 40 to 44

35 to 39 | 35 to 39
30 to 34 30 to 34
| 25 to 29 I 25 to 29
20 to 24 I 20 to 24
I 15 to 19 15 to 19
| 10 to 14 I 10 to 14
5 to 9 5 to 9
| Under 5 Under 5
54321012345 54321012345
Percent Percent

Age
2025 Age
2050
Over 100 Over 100
95 to 99 95 to 99
90 to 94 90 to 94
85 to 89 35 to 89
80 to 84 80 to 84
75 to 79 75 to 79
70 to 74 70 to 74
65 to 69 65 to 69
60 to 64 r.
55 to 59 55 to 59
50 to 54 50 to 54
45 to 49 45 to 49
40 to 44 40 to 44
33 to 39 35 to 39
30 to 34 30 to 34
25 to 29 25 to 29
20 to 24 20 to 24
15 to 19 15 to 19
10 to 14 10 to 14
5 to 9 5 to 9
Under 5 Under 5
54321012345 54321012345
Percent Percent
| Male □ Female
Baby-boom cohort (bom 1946-1964) □ Baby-bust cohort (bom 1970-1979i __ Baby-boom echo cohort (bom 1985-1995)

Figure 12.4
Population Pyramids in the United States 1990-2050

The pyramids trace the demographic impact of the babv-boom cohort (born 1946—1964), the baby-bust
cohort (born 1970—1979), and the babv-boom echo cohort (born 1985—1995).
Source: For 1990. National Estimates Program: for 2000. 2025. and 2050. National Projections Program. Population
Division, U.S. Census Bureau.
408 Population and Environment

4. If we can use past fertility to predict future ▲ Malthus

fertility, we might predict that a baby-bust In 1798 the English economist and cleric
echo will follow the baby-boom echo, but Thomas Malthiis (1766-1834) published An
we won't know for sure about this until it Essay on rhe Principle of Population. Many of
occurs. the issues he raised are still debated today.
Malthus asserted that human populations tend
▲ Smaller Cohort, Higher to increase at a more rapid rate than the food
Fertility Rates supply needed to sustain them. Human beings.
Much of the demographic theory dealing with Malthus said, confront two unchangeable and
U.S. fertility levels has been stimulated by the antagonistic natural laws: (1) the "need for
work of Richard A. Easterlin (1961, 1987), food" and (2) the "passion between the sexes?’
who has charted regular cycles that rise and fall He contended that, whereas agricultural pro­
about every 20 years. He suggested that small duction tends to increase in arithmetic fashion
generations typically produce large ones and (1-2-3-4-5-6-7-8). population has a tendency to
large generations produce small ones. Easterlin increase in geometric fashion (1-2-4-8-16-32-
conjectured that smaller cohorts have less com­ 64-128). Population will invariably catch up
petition for jobs as they enter the workforce, with progress and literally "eat away" higher
thereby encouraging early marriage and child­ levels of living. Malthus considered famine,
bearing. This results in rising birth rates that w ar. and pestilence to be the chief deterrents to
produce a baby boom. Large generations con­ excessive population growth. As an ordained
front the opposite situation when they reach minister. Malthus either did not consider that
adulthood. They delay marriage and have fewer people might use birth control, or he viewed
children, contributing to a baby bust. birth control as a sin and beneath human dig­
If Easterlin is correct, the total fertility rate nity. But he did believe people could use what
in the United States should rise above the re­ he called "moral restraint." postpone marriage,
placement level as members of the baby-bust and refrain from sexual relations when not
cohort start their families. They should have a married.
higher relative income and a more traditional
family structure; as members of a small cohort A Was Malthus Right?
they will have less difficulty finding jobs, al­ Malthus failed to appreciate the full possibili­
lowing them to marry and start their families ties of the Industrial Revolution and its ability
earlier (Pampel and Peters. 1995). to expand productive capacities to an extent
unknown in his time. We now know that it is
Malthus and Marx: Two Views not true that food always and everywhere can
of Population Growth increase only at an arithmetic rate. For exam­
ple. within the United States the application
The relationship between population growth of technology—farm machinery, irrigation,
and the level of a nation’s welfare has long fertilizers, pesticides, and hybrid plants and
been a central concern for those interested in animals—has resulted in the food supply
population problems. In this section we will growing faster than the population. And as pre­
consider two classic arguments, those of viously noted. Malthus did not foresee the pos­
Thomas Robert Malthus and Karl Marx. In the sibility of new birth control methods or their
environment section of this chapter we will dis­ application within the context of a value sys­
cuss other views. tem favoring small families.
 Population 409

Those who agree with many of Malthus’s produce enough food for all. Thus, he traced
ideas but who disagree with his “moral re­ the problems associated with population
straint” approach to population control—they growth to capitalist society and sought cures in
favor contraception instead—are termed neo- a fundamental restructuring of the social and
Malthusians. Like Malthus, they believe that economic order. In sum, whereas Malthus
ultimately population will be limited in one of looked primarily to the individual to restrain
two ways: decreasing births or increasing population growth through self-control. Marx
deaths. They recognize that economic growth looked to collective action to refashion institu­
has sustained larger populations in some parts tional life.
of the world in recent times, but they predict
that population growth will eventually wipe out Demographic Transition
these economic gains.
In the 1970s neo-Malthusian and biologist A number of social scientists have employed
Paul Ehrlich made some central points in his the idea of demographic transition to map out
book The Population Bomb: There are too the population growth characteristic of the
many people in the world, there is too little modern era (Davis, 1945; Chesnais, 1992).
food, and the environment is being degraded. Viewed as history, the notion seeks to explain
He reminded readers that those who have what has happened in European nations over
enough food still suffer the effects of ecosys­ the past 200 years. Viewed as theory, it ha?
tem destruction and pollution. Neo-Malthusians been used to predict what will happen in devel­
point out that 0.5 million people are chronically oping nations in the futu-re. Demographic
undernourished and that people die of hunger transition theory holds that the process of
every day; that is, there is already not enough modernization is associated with three stages in
food now (Weeks, 1989). population change (see Figure 12.5).

▲ Marx ▲ Stage 1: High Potential Growth

Karl Marx (1867/1906) took issue with many Societies untouched by industrialization and ur­
Malthusian notions and formulations. He in­ banization are characterized by a high birth rate
sisted that an excess of population, or more and a high death rate. As a result the population
particularly of the working class, depends on remains relatively stable. The stage is described
the availability of employment opportunities, as having “high potential growth” because once
not a fixed supply of food. Marx believed that the societies gain control over their death rates,
a deepening crisis of the capitalist system their growth is likely to be rapid.
would inevitably force increasing numbers of
workers into the ranks of the unemployed, ▲ Stage 2: Transitional Growth
leading some individuals to conclude that soci­ Modernization has its initial impact on mortal­
ety is overpopulated. Indeed Marx believed ity levels. Improved housing, better levels of
there was enough wealth to go around; it nutrition, and improvements in health and sani­
merely needed to be redistributed. tary measures bring about a steady decline in
Under socialism, Marx argued, there would death rates. Since a decisive reduction in the
be no population problem because all workers death rate has traditionally been associated
would be integrated into the economy and there with a marked drop in the infant mortality rate,
would be no unemployment. Through proper a larger proportion of the huge yearly crop of
use of technology, a socialist economy would babies survives and in time themselves become
410 Population and Environment

Stage 1 Stage 2 Stage 3

Figure 12.5
Trends in Birth and Death Rates According to Demographic
Transition Theory

parents. Thus, a drop in the death rate, while graphic history; the theory also may have lim­
the birth rate of a population remains un­ ited usefulness in predicting population change
changed, results in a marked increase in the in developing nations. Declines in infant mor­
rate of population growth. As time passes, how­ tality and increases in life expectancy can de­
ever, couples begin to realize that with lower velop very rapidly in today’s technologically
infant mortality rates, fewer births are required advanced world and outpace a society’s evolu­
to produce the same number of surviving chil­ tion of new attitudes about family size. When
dren, and they adjust their fertility accordingly. children have always been considered an eco­
Moreover, the costs and benefits associated nomic asset, it can take a significant period of
with children change as modernization pro­ time to decrease a country’s average family
gresses, making small families economically size. Box 12.1 explores some of the problems
advantageous. The second stage ends when the underlying demographic transition theory.
birth rate sinks toward the death ratQ. Other theories of population do not do
much better. For example, the French experi­
▲ Stage 3: Population Stability ence does not lend support to conflict and
Modernization both provides effective birth Marxist theories contending that capitalism and
control techniques and undermines religious socialism are associated with particular demo­
proscriptions against their use. The result, ac­ graphic patterns (McQuillan, 1984). Appar­
cording to demographic transition theorists, is ently, a great many variables produce widely
that modem societies come to be characterized different demographic outcomes (Knodel,
by low mortality and low fertility, a situation 1988; Bogue and Hartmann, 1990).
approximating zero population growth.
Population Policies
▲ Demographic Transition Theory
Evaluated For countries that want to control population
Social scientists are not sure that the stages rep­ growth, what are the alternatives? There are
resent an accurate portrayal of European demo­ three basic schools of thought relating to fertil-
 Population 411

China's one-child policy is stipulated by law, enforced by the government,

and encouraged by propaganda.

ity reduction policies. In this section we will But even the best family planning tech­
discuss family planning, the developmentalist nique will not be employed unless people want
strategy, and the societalist perspective. We will to use it. For instance, while modem contracep­
consider the use of coercion to control fertility tion makes it easier for Kenyans to limit family
and the problems faced by countries whose size, they have not responded (Passell, 1994).
population is decreasing instead of increasing. For people in many parts of the world, children
are still their chief protection against the buffet­
▲ Family Planning ings of life, providing care when they are un­
Proponents of family planning contend that if employed, sick, or elderly.
contraceptives are made readily available and
information regarding the value and need for ▲ The Developmentalist Strategy
birth planning is disseminated throughout a so­ A second approach entails a developmentalist
ciety, people will reduce their fertility. In turn, strategy, based on demographic transition the­
a reduction in fertility will allow investment in ory. According to this school of thought, fertil­
economic development. Contemporary ity is a pattern of behavior tied closely to the in­
Bangladesh provides a good illustration of a stitutional and organizational structure of
nation that is cutting its birth rate significantly society. “Development is the best contracep­
by aggressively promoting the adoption of tion” was a popular slogan of the 1970s. Al­
modern contraceptive methods—without first though modernization has often been associated
waiting for the reduction that customarily with a decline in fertility, as we discussed in the
comes with higher living standards. section on demographic transition theory, the
 12.1 DOING SOCIAL RESEARCH

Is Development the Best Contraceptive?

A basic principle in Does any evidence researchers to determine

demographic transition theory support this notion? village populations during the
is that there is a general Demographers John Knodel preindustrial period. These
inverse relationship between and Etienne van de Walle “family reconstitution studies”
development and birth rate— (1979) undertook extensive also use available genealogies
that is, as development archival research to determine of social elites. The information
increases, the birth rate of an the accuracy of the “general gleaned from genealogies
area decreases. This idea— inverse relationship” in the and church records can be
that parents adjust their fertility historical record of European used to look at changes in
when they see that large fertility. In general, Europe’s reproductive behavior over a
numbers of offspring are no change from an agricultural to long span of time.
longer needed to support their an industrial society was Second, macrolevel
labor-intensive lifestyles—has accompanied by a drop in studies based on data from
been used to justify a hands- fertility. But two types of published censuses and vital
off policy toward population demographic studies, along statistics, and compiled by
control in Third World with qualitative historical district, provincial, or state
countries. As development analysis, provided them with a offices, can be used to analyze
proceeds, family size will better picture of changes in changes in fertility patterns
naturally decrease, without European fertility. over time for particular
any programs to provide First, microlevel family geopolitical units.
contraceptives or other studies based on church Knodel and van de Walle
incentives to reduce the registers of baptisms, burials, also found a third type of study
number of offspring per family. and marriages allowed useful: qualitative historical

relation is not clear-cut enough to justify a sim­ ▲ Coercion

ple causal link between industrialization and In recent years China has instituted harsh meth­
smaller families (see Box 12.1). ods to curb population growth, including pun­
ishing couples who have two or more children
A The Societalist Perspective and fining a woman pregnant with a second
A third approach involves a societalist perspec­ child 20 percent of her pay if she refuses to
tive in which the government fashions policies have an abortion (Yu, 1994). Chinese officials
designed to produce changes in demographic be­ report that in recent years there have been
havior. Demographer Kingsley Davis (1971:403) about 50 abortions for every 100 births (Tien,
suggested a number of social reforms that would 1992). Such programs have aroused consider­
reduce fertility by rewarding low fertility and able indignation among many citizens in West­
penalizing high fertility, including tax. housing, ern nations.
and other advantages for single people; educa­ Because male children are valued more
tion and career opportunities for women; and highly than female children in China, as in
free birth control and abortion services. many other countries, the one-child policy has

412
analysis, in which letters, may have been unwanted fertility, many other factors
novels, contemporary before fertility rates declined, were linked to the decrease in
commentaries, and physicians’ taking action to limit one’s family size in Europe. They
reports can be used to gain a family size was essentially proposed that introducing the
sense of how much people unheard of among broad concept of family planning (and
knew about birth control and segments of the population. providing means for controlling
what their attitudes toward Third, once people began fertility), along with “the
children and reproduction were to limit family size, increases in diffusion of tastes for modern
at various times in history. the practice of family limitation consumer goods, higher
What did Knodel and van and the decline of marital material aspirations, and an
de Walle conclude from their fertility were basically awareness of alternative roles
assessment of so many irreversible. for women” (1979: 239), could
sources of information? Their Last, cultural setting have a significant impact on
conclusions about fertility influenced the onset and spread modern populations in the
declines in Europe are as of fertility decline; the fertility developing world.
follows: rates of areas with similar Knodel’s and van de
First, sometimes birth socioeconomic conditions but Walle’s findings suggest that
rates declined as development dissimilar cultures began to population policies can be
increased, but just as often the decrease at different times, but implemented in overpopulated
two were not associated. the fertility rates of areas with countries before industrialization
Indeed, fertility declines took different socioeconomic and modernization occur. They
place under a wide variety of conditions and similar cultures also suggest that simply waiting
social, economic, and began to fall at the same time. for industrialization and
demographic conditions, not In other words, the modernization to take care of
simply in inverse relationship researchers found that in fertility is foolish; development
to development. addition to a loose relationship may in fact have no effect on
Second, although a between socioeconomic the fertility rates of various
significant number of births development and a decline in countries or areas.

resulted in an imbalance in the. sex ratio. In when women gain more control over their
China there are now many more male children lives (Chira, 1994a). Overall, it is clear that
than female children. The causes of this are not programs for reducing fertility remain contro­
completely clear; female infanticide and selec­ versial, both in terms of their effectiveness
tive abortion are two possibilities. But it could and their morality.
also be the case that families are hiding female
babies and that a distorted sex ratio does not re­ ▲ Population Loss
ally exist. Concern about population growth is giving way
For the most part population planners in to a new worry in some nations—that of popu­
many nations have focused on how to keep the lation loss. In Spain and Italy, traditionally na­
world's poorest women from having more ba­ tions of large families, the birth rate has fallen
bies. Some women’s groups argue that birth to 1.3—well below the population replacement
rates in poorer nations will decline only after level of 2.1. In the European Union as a whole,
the status, health, education, and economic the average is only 1.58. In Japan the rate is
opportunities for women improve—in brief, 1.57; the world average is 3.3.

413
414 Population and Environment

The fall of communist rule precipitated association between the two factors (Sund-
plummeting birth and marriage rates and soar­ strom, 1978).
ing death rates in eastern Europe and the for­ Nevertheless, crowding does affect human
mer Soviet Union. From 1989 to the first half behavior. Density—the variable measured in the
of 1993 the birth rate fell more than 20 percent studies above—is not the same as crowding.
in Poland, 25 percent in Bulgaria, 30 percent in Density has to do with the physical compact­
Estonia and Romania, 35 percent in Russia, and ness of people in space. Crowding is the per­
more than 60 percent in eastern Germany ception people have that too many other indi­
(Eberstadt, 1993, 1994). A number of govern­ viduals are present in a particular situation.
ments, including those in France and the Crowding, then, is not a product of absolute
French-speaking province of Quebec, have of­ numbers but of people’s social definitions.
fered cash bonuses in recent years to women Thus, architectural designs—the arrangement of
for having babies. However, it may be easier to doors, windows, partitions, and other dividers—
bring down fertility in developing nations than that give people a greater sense of privacy lead
to raise it in developed ones. them to feel less crowded even when the density
remains the same.
The Effects of Crowding Many factors influence whether or not peo­
ple define a situation as being crowded (Sund-
When population growth results in crowded en­ strom, 1978; Jain, 1989), including the length
vironments, what is the effect on humans? We of time spent in the situation, whether the
commonly think that crowding is bad for peo­ crowding was expected or not, one’s frame of
ple. Popular belief holds that it breeds family mind, and whether the setting is impersonal or
breakdown, mental illness, suicide, alcoholism, personal. Crowding also seems to intensify
crime, and violence. The notion found support people’s definition of a situation, making a
in research which showed that population football game more fun but a wait in the doc­
buildup has negative effects on deer, rats, and a tor’s office more unpleasant.
variety of other organisms (Calhoun, 1962; Crowding can be a serious problem when it
Christian, 1963). is a chronic feature of people’s lives that they
The impact of crowding on human behav­ cannot escape. In a study of crowding in
ior is more complex than this. Some scholars Chicago, Gove, Hughes, and Galle (1979; Gove
argue that crowding does not invariably result and Hughes, 1983) showed that household den­
in pathology (Choldin, 1978; Jain, 1989). Pop­ sity, measured by the number of persons per
ulation density in neighborhoods of similar room in the household, is associated with a re­
economic level is not associated with the duction in the quality of mental health, social
crime rate or any other type of social, mental, relationships in the home, child care, physical
or physical pathology. Likewise, contrary to health, and even social relationships outside the
commonsense notions, some low-density home-. These effects are largely due to the feel­
states in the United States have very high sui­ ings that people have in dense living condi­
cide rates; the lowest suicide rates are in high- tions, where they lose their privacy and find
density states such as New Jersey and New other individuals to be intrusive and demand­
York (Frankel and Taylor, 1992). And al­ ing. Research in Thailand shows that these
though researchers have attempted to link pop­ processes also can occur in a different cultural
ulation density to aggression, studies typically environment and a much more dense society
show that there is no significant independent (Edwards et al., 1994).
 The Urban Environment 415

Egypt, the Indus River valley of India, and the

The Urban Environment Yellow River basin of China (Davis, 1955, 1967).
However, a productive economy was not by itself
Cities are one of the most striking features of sufficient to bring about the growth of cities.
our modem era. A city is a relatively dense and New forms of social organization also were re­
permanent concentration of people who secure quired. Bureaucratic structures and stratification
their livelihood chiefly through nonagricultural systems arose that enabled government officials,
activities. The influence of the urban mode of religious personnel, merchants, and artisans to
life extends far beyond the immediate confines appropriate for themselves part of the produce
of a city’s boundaries. Many of the characteris­ grown by cultivators (see Chapters 4 and 6).
tics of modern societies, including the prob­ For the most part, preindustrial cities did not
lems, derive from an urban existence. exceed 10 percent of the population of an area.
In this section we will consider the origin Their sizes were limited by poor transportation,
and growth of cities, patterns of city growth, the difficulty of securing larger areas from out­
ecological processes at work in cities, urban side threats, unsanitary conditions, and a feudal
crisis, and urban sprawl. social structure that tied potential migrants to the
land. Cities of 100,000 or more were rare, al­
The Origin and Evolution though under favorable social and economic
conditions some cities surpassed this size.
of Cities
Cities constitute a relatively recent develop­ ▲ Industrial-Urban Centers
ment in human history. The domestication of Urbanization has proceeded quite rapidly during
plants and the husbandry of animals were criti­ the past two centuries. In 1800 there were fewer
cal innovations that allowed human beings to than 50 cities in the world with a population
live together in larger groups. When human be­ greater than 100,000. In 1900 only 1 person in
ings could “produce” food, population ex­ 20 lived in a city of that size. Today, one in five
panded in settled communities. people live in a center with at least 100,000 peo­
We will examine the earliest preindustrial ple. And 321 cities around the world have popu­
cities, move on to industrial-urban centers, dis­ lations of 1 million or more (Schwartz, 1990).
cuss metropolitan cities, and conclude with a Most early urban communities were city-states,
look at global cities. from which many modem nations have evolved.
Both social factors and technological inno­
▲ Preindustrial Cities vations contributed to the acceleration of urban
Early Neolithic communities were more small growth. Organizational changes permitted
villages than cities. A number of innovations greater complexity in the division of labor (see
were required for towns to evolve. Between Chapter 4). The use of steam as a source of en­
6000 and 4000 b.c., the invention of the ox­ ergy promoted the widespread use of ma­
drawn plow, the wheeled cart, the sailboat, met­ chines. Widespread by the mid- to late-19th
allurgy, irrigation, and the cultivation of new century, power-driven machines accelerated so­
plants allowed for new ways of living. These in­ cial trends that were moving manufacturing out
novations resulted in an economy that could of the home into centralized factories. As the
sustain the concentration of people in one place. factory system expanded, increasing numbers
Among the early centers of urban develop­ of people moved to cities to find jobs. This In­
ment were Mesopotamia, the Nile River valley of dustrial Revolution is a part of American and
416 Population and Environment

European history and is now occuring else­ into what she called the “global city.” Major
where around the world. urban centers are now central marketplaces for
financial trading and investment banking and
▲ Metropolitan Cities the kind of higher value-added activities (legal
Industrial-urban centers typically had only ten­ and accounting firms, advertising agencies, and
uous economic and social relations with the management consultants) upon which contem­
surrounding areas. More recently, metropolitan porary corporations rely. New York, London,
cities—central cities and suburbs—have and Tokyo are prime examples of the global
emerged. This phase in urban development rep­ city; Amsterdam, Hong Kong, Sao Paulo, Syd­
resents a widening and deepening of urban in­ ney, and Toronto are others.
fluences in every area of social life. The critical processes fostering the devel­
Steam and belt-and-pulley power techniques opment of the global city are dispersal and
had produced great congestion in urban areas by concentration. Advanced technology and
the beginning of the 20th century. A movement telecommunications mean that manufacturing
outward was made technologically possible by and production activities need not be concen­
electric power, rapid transit, the automobile, and trated in a few places, resulting in the transfer
the telephone. The result has been the develop­ of routine jobs to low-wage areas of the world.
ment of satellite and suburban areas—broad, At the same time, however, this worldwide dis­
ballooning urban bands linked by beltways— persal of production and manufacturing re­
that constitute cities in their own right. In popu­ quires the centralization of a variety of mana­
lation, jobs, investment, construction, and shop­ gerial and financial operations and services.
ping facilities, the suburbs rival the old inner These functions tend to cluster in big cities,
cities. They are the sites of industrial plants, cor­ and the cities in turn become centers for con­
porate offices and office towers, fine stores, in­ trol and coordination of the global economy.
dependent newspapers, theaters, restaurants, su­ Clustered in big cities are “transnational
perhotels, and big-league stadiums. spaces”—the locations of high-rolling finance
In many cases the rural interstices between and service corporations—that to one degree or
metropolitan centers have filled with urban de­ another are outside the purview of any state or
velopment, making a “strip city” or megalopo­ national government. They have evolved a kind
lis. The northeastern seaboard is a good illus­ of “global culture” so that the airports, hotels,
tration of this process. A gigantic megalopolis restaurants, and high-price, high-prestige loca­
lies along a 600-mile axis from southern New tions are more or less alike from one global city
Hampshire to northern Virginia, encompassing to another.
10 states, 117 counties, 32 cities larger than According to Sassen, the global economy
500,000 people, and embracing nearly a fifth of and its cities have contributed to the emergence
the U.S. population. Urban projections suggest of a new urban class structure. The growth of
that by the year 2050, if not sooner, another transnational financial and service sectors has
urbanized strip will extend from New York created a class of highly paid managers and
State through Pennsylvania, Ohio, northern In­ professionals. But their success relies on a
diana and Illinois to Green Bay, Wisconsin, and large, low-wage, insecure labor force—for ex­
Minneapolis-St. Paul (see Figure 12.6). ample, the cleaning crew that comes in after
hours and the truck drivers who deliver the of­
▲ Global Cities fice supplies. The global city becomes the ter­
Sociologist and urban planner Saskia Sassen rain of the affluent and the poor, with the mid­
(1991) contended that changes in the world dle class all but disappearing (Sassen and
economy are transforming major urban centers Portes, 1993).
 The Urban Environment 417

Washington
n
Mainei
Montana LTh Dakota
Oregon Wisconsin!*^// Mass.
Idaho South Dakota
Wyommc -R.l.
Pennsylvania 1A Conn.
Nebraska
Nevada

Colorado Kentucky
Kansas Missour
D.C.
Arizona Oklahoma Arkansas Tennessee
New Mexico
23/ Alabama
Mississippi \
^Georgia
Louisiana

Florida'

1. Metropolitan Belt 6. Southern Piedmont 13. Willamette Valley 20. Central Illinois
IA. Atlantic Seaboard 7. North Georgia- 14. Central Oklahoma- 21. Nashville Region
IB. Lower Great Lakes South East Tennessee Arkansas Valley 22. East Tennessee
2. California Region 8. Puget Sound 15. Missouri-Kaw Valley 23. Memphis
3. Florida Peninsula 9. Twin Cities Region 16. North Alabama 24. El Paso-
4. Gulf Coast 10. Colorado Piedmont 17. Blue Grass Ciudad Juarez
5. East Central Texas- 11. St. Louis 18. South Coastal Plain
Red River 12. Metropolitan Arizona 19. Salt Lake Valley

Figure 12.6
Megalopolises in the Year 2000

Increasing numbers of Americans live in heavily urban areas. The megalopolitan areas shown here are
numbered in order of population size.
Source: Adapted from Population Growth and American Future. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office.

Patterns of City Growth ure 12.7). Probably no city has grown in ex­
actly the way any of these models suggest.
Human ecologists and urban sociologists are However, each model emphasizes important
interested in understanding the spatial pattern­ processes that help us understand city growth.
ing of people’s relationships and activities.
They provide a number of models that attempt ▲ Concentric Circle Model
to capture the ecological patterns and structures In the period between the two world wars sociolo­
ofucity growth.- Here we present three classic gists at the University of Chicago viewed Chicago
models: the concentric circle model, the sector as a social laboratory and subjected it to intensive
theory, and the multiple nuclei theory (see Fig­ study. The concentric circle model enjoyed a
418 Population and Environment

Concentric Zone Theory Sector Theory Multiple Nuclei Theory

1. Central Business District 4. Medium-Class Residential 7. Outlying Business District

2. Wholesale Light Manufacturing 5. High-Class Residential 8. Residential Suburb
3. Low-Class Residential 6. Heavy Manufacturing 9. Industrial Suburb
10. Commuters' Zone

Figure 12.7
Theoretical Patterns of Urban Structure

Urban areas (numbered 1 through 10) are indicated in each structure.

Source: Reprinted from “The Nature of Cities” by Chauncey D. Harris and Edward L. Ullman from The Annals of the
American Academy of Political and Social Science, vol. 242, 1945. Reprinted by permission.

prominent place in much of this work (Park, Critics point out that the approach is more
Burgess, and McKenzie, 1925). The Chicago descriptive of cities at the beginning of the
group held that the modem city assumes a pattern 20th century and that many cities have never
of concentric circles, each with distinctive charac­ approximated the concentric circle pattern
teristics. At the center of the city—the central (Davie, 1937).
business district—are retail stores, financial insti­
tutions. hotels, theaters, and businesses. Next is an ▲ The Sector Model
area of residential deterioration caused by the en­ Homer Hoyt (1939) portrayed large cities as
croachment of business and industry—the zone in made up of a number of sectors rather than
transition. The zone in transition shades into the concentric circles—the sector model (see Fig­
zone of workingmen 's homes that contains two- ure 12.7). Low-rent districts often assume a
flats, old single dwellings, and inexpensive apart­ wedge shape and extend from the center of the
ments inhabited largely by blue-collar workers city to its periphery. In contrast, as a city grows,
and lower-paid white-collar workers. Beyond the high-rent areas move outward, although remain­
zone occupied by the working class are residen­ ing in the same sector. Districts within a sector
tial zones composed primarily of small business that are abandoned by upper-income groups be­
proprietors, professional people, and managerial come obsolete and deteriorate. Thus, instead of
personnel.- The outermost ring is small cities, forming a concentric zone around the periphery
towns, and hamlets, the commuters ’ zone. of the city, Hoyt contended that the high-rent
 The Urban Environment 419

areas typically locate on the outer edge of a few- and institutions. City development can be seen
sectore. Furthermore, industrial areas evolve as the result of economic and social competi­
along river valleys, watercourses, and railroad tion for urban space.
lines rather than forming a concentric circle
around the central business district. But the sec­ ▲ Segregation
tor model, like the concentric circle model, does One “ecological” process sociologists are inter­
not fit a number of urban communities. ested in is segregation—a process of clustering
wherein individuals and groups are sifted and
▲ The Multiple Nuclei Model sorted out in space based on their sharing of
Another model—the multiple nuclei model— certain traits or activities in common. This clus­
depicts the city as having not one center but tering takes place voluntarily when people find
several (Harris and Ullman, 1945). Each center that close spatial proximity is advantageous,
specializes in some activity and gives its dis­ and the resulting segregated areas have been
tinctive cast to the surrounding area. For exam­ termed natural areas because they do not result
ple, the central business district has as its focus from any official planning by government
commercial and financial activities. Other cen­ units. For example, the multiple nuclei model
ters include the “bright lights” (theater and of city growth suggests that certain similar ac­
recreation) area, “automobile row,” a govern­ tivities profit from the cohesion provided by a
ment center, a wholesaling center, a heavy­ segregated district.
manufacturing district, and a medical complex. Of course segregation may also be involun­
Multiple centers evolve for a number of rea­ tary. Residential neighborhoods frequently at­
sons. First, certain activities require specialized tempt to exclude incompatible commercial and
facilities; for example, the retail district needs to industrial activities through zoning ordinances.
be accessible to all parts of the city. Second, Ethnic and racial groups may systematically
similar activities often benefit from being clus­ exclude other groups from their neighborhoods.
tered together; for example, a retail district prof­ These processes have produced an urban Amer­
its by drawing customers for a variety of shops. ica that is highly segregated racially. Racial
Third, dissimilar activities are often antagonistic segregation supports continuing segregation, as.
to one another; for example, affluent residential the quantity and quality of white contacts with
development tends to be incompatible with in­ blacks are determined primarily by physical
dustrial development. Finally, some activities proximity: If whites don’t live near blacks, they
(e.g., bulk wholesaling and storage) cannot af­ simply don't interact, and thus have no oppor­
ford high-rent areas and hence locate in low- tunity to discard negative stereotypes and build
rent districts. The multiple nuclei modeHs less positive attitudes (Sigelman et al., 1996).
helpful in discovering universal spatial patterns Class segregation—the separation of the
in all cities than in describing how unique pat­ rich from the poor—increased about 26 per­
terns in particular communities developed. cent from 1970 to 1990 (Morin, 1998). The
poor in the United States are increasingly con­
Ecological Processes: centrated in high-poverty city neighborhoods.
Segregation and Gentrification Between 1970 and 1990 the number of Ameri­
cans living in poverty increased by 50 percent,
Some sociologists have applied the theories and but the number of poor neighborhoods has
vocabulary of ecology to human populations. more than doubled (Jargowsky, 1997). At the
“Human ecology” looks at the relationships be­ same time, affluent people are increasingly liv­
tween humans and their human environment ing in affluent neighborhoods (Morin, 1998).
420 Population and Environment

Local politics are significantly affected by reau, 1997a). What is happening in these large
such segregation, with entire political jurisdic­ cities? Let’s lake a closer look at urban crisis in
tions increasingly becoming “poor” or “rich” the United States.
and providing services accordingly.
▲ “Doughnut” Development
▲ Invasion and Succession The “doughnut structure” is an apt description
Invasion and succession are critical ecological of the course of metropolitan development in
processes and are concepts that have been “bor­ many U.S. cities since World War II* The hole
rowed” by sociologists and applied to urban de­ in the doughnut is the decaying central city, and
velopment. Invasion takes place when a new the ring is a prosperous and growing suburban
type of people, institution, or activity encroaches and exurban (beyond the city and suburbs)•re­
on an area occupied by a different typo. Should gion. In some cases, such as New York City’s
the invasion continue until the encroaching type Manhattan, the hole is a core area that is being
displaces the other, succession is said to have revitalized, and the ring is a surrounding part of
occurred. When people with very different back­ the city that is becoming progressively
grounds come to share or compete for urban blighted. A number of trends have contributed
neighborhoods, issues of race, class, and culture to the phenomenon, including the rapid growth
often become highlighted and lead to social con­ of suburbs and exurbs and the return of urban
flict (Winnick. 1991: Wysocki. 1991). growth to coastal regions. People tend to follow
Urban gentrification—the return of the jobs and migrate to areas where they believe
middle class, usually young, white, childless pro­ better employment opportunities exist.
fessionals (sometimes called “yuppies.” for young
urban professionals) to older neighborhoods— ▲ Descriptive and Functional Decline
is happening in large cities throughout the Urban decline can be descriptive or functional.
United States: Haight-Ashbury in San Francisco. Descriptive decline has to do with the loss of
Queen Village in Philadelphia. Mount Adams in population or jobs/ It occurs as people who
Cincinnati. New Town in Chicago, German Vil­ have the resources to leave the city do. while
lage in Columbus, Ohio, and the East Village those who are poor have little choice but to re­
and Soho in New York. Gentrification typically main. The proportion of poor residents in­
culminates in the displacement of the poor and creases as their number is swelled by recent
minorities from these neighborhoods by up­ migrants who also are poor. Urban ills are thus
wardly mobile whites with financial resources aggravated and require an increasing share of a
and clout. Many older cities count on urban gen­ city’s resources. Life in the city then becomes
trification to counteract their eroding population less agreeable and more costly for middle- and
and tax bases. However, gentrification also adds upper-income residents, who move out of the
to urban problems when it displaces the poor city. This cycle hurts the city and complicates
and pushes them into adjoining neighborhoods. its ability to be responsive to people’s needs
and results in increasing isolation of poor and
immigrant populations.
Urban Crisis: Cities in Decline Functional decline refers to a deterioration
City populations fluctuate. But overall, the in city services and the social amenities of
long-term trend toward urbanization continues. urban life. It is reflected in the decay of the
More than half of all Americans now live in urban infrastructure in older industrial cities—
40 large metropolitan areas, each with a popu­ the network of roads, bridges, sewers, rails, and
lation of more than 1 million (U.S. Census Bu­ mass transit systems. Currently half of all U.S.
 The Urban Environment 421

essary repairs of public works, adding to the.

functional decline of cities.

Sprawling Urban Growth:

The Rise of “Edge” Cities
A new form of urban organization is emerging
in the United States. Growing American metro­
politan areas are sprouting multiple “outer
cities,” “minicities,” or “edge cities’r (Suro,
1990; Garreau, 1991). Whereas several decades
ago a central city was relatively compact, now
everything is spread over a much larger cres­
cent of development. The broad, multilane
beltways and expressways that ring most large
cities have made an interlinked metropolis pos­
sible. The transition has been facilitated by the
development of a service-based economy in
which telecommunications—telephones, faxes,
and electronically linked computers—allow
service-sector firms to locate anywhere. Shop­
ping malls or clusters of office buildings,
As populations increase, cities grow, and warehouses, or factories are scattered around
urban infrastructures decay, repair and at interchanges along the broad, ballooning
construction projects cause major disruptions bands of interlinked beltways. These centers of
in traffic flows. development—perhaps a collection of com­
puter companies, a regional medical center, or
a recreation complex—generate other develop­
ment. The typical dwelling units are the con­
communities cannot expand because their dominium, the large apartment complex, and
water treatment systems are at or near capacity. the celebrated suburban home.
According to the Environmental Protection In most cases government structures and
Agency, many of the nation’s water and waste­ policies have yet to adapt to the new patterns of
water facilities have water quality or public growth. In some cities population growth has
health problems; additionally, some cities lose led to movements to break up into smaller po­
as much as 30 percent of their daily water sup­ litical units. Regional approaches are required
ply as a result of leaky pipes. Many roads and to deal with issues such as taxation, highways,
bridges are bearing far greater burdens than parks, water, and waste disposal. Moreover,
they were designed to accommodate, and many many new types of information-processing joTs
are deteriorating. Increases in population lead are moving to outerbelt communities where
to increases in traffic, with heavier use of roads they are effectively out of reach for many cfty
that are already in poor condition. In response dwellers. .The trend may be increasing the
to the fiscal crises of past decades, many local racial polarization of American society and
and state officials balanced budgets by cancel­ worsening the crisis in the nation’s central
ing preventive maintenance and deferring nec­ cities.
422 Population and Environment

Human Alteration of the Earth

Figure 12.8

Human dominance or alteration of several major components of the Earth system, expressed as a percentage
of (left to right) the land surface transformed; the current atmospheric carbon dioxide concentration that
results from human action; accessible surface fresh water used; terrestrial nitrogen fixation that is human-
caused; plant species in Canada that humanity has introduced from elsewhere; bird species that have become
extinct in the past two millennia, almost all of them as a consequence of human activity; and major marine
fisheries that are fully exploited, overexploited, or depleted.
Source: Peter M. Vitousek, Harold A. Mooney. Jane Lubchenco. Jerry M. Melillo. 1997. “Human domination of Earth's
ecosystems.” Reprinted with permission from Science, vol. 277. July 25, 1997. Copyright © 1997 American Association
for the Advancement of Science.

to use by humans. The carbon dioxide con­

The Ecological centration in the atmosphere has increased by
30 percent since the Industrial Revolution
Environment began. And approximately 25 percent of the
world’s bird species have been driven to extinc­
We have learned how demographers measure tion by human activities (Vitousek et al.. 1997).
population growth and have looked at humans In addition, the forested area of the world has
in their urban environments. What is the effect decreased by one-third since the rise of agricul­
of human populations on the natural environ­ ture-based civilization (Noble and Dirzo,
ment of the planet Earth? As you might guess, 1997). Humans have become a major force in
humans have an enormous impact on the envi­ shaping their environment on the earth.
ronment: Indeed, most of earth’s ecosystems
are now dominated by humans.
Let’s take a look at the big picture (Fig­ Human-Environment
ure 12.8): One-third to one-half of the world’s Interactions: A Closer Look
land surface has been transformed by human
activities. More than half of all the accessible One impact of humans on the environment is
surface fresh water in the world has been put based on the use of natural resources and the
 The Ecological Environment 423

production of wastes and contaminants. An­ species at the brink of extinction have been suc­
other is based on the space human populations cessful; for example, the last six condors living
take up; every area taken over by humans is un­ in the wild were captured in 1986, and a captive
available for use by most of the original plant breeding program has produced 12 to 20 fledg­
and animal inhabitants. lings per year since 1991 (Pimm, 2000). Restora­
Sociologists are interested in the relation­ tion ecology—restoring land altered by human
ships between population size, human organi­ activity—is increasingly successful; for example,
zations, environment, and technology. Box 12.2 10,000 hectares (1 hectare = 2.47 acres) of com­
provides an example of the economic, socio­ pletely barren land around nickel smelters in On­
logical, and political aspects of environmental tario have been restored (Dobson, Bradshaw, and
problems. The management of fisheries pro­ Baker, 1997). Restoration ecologists stress the
vides another good example of human factors importance of conservation biology, the protec­
in environmental problems (Botsford, Castilla, tion of existing ecosystems through national park
and Peterson, 1997). A major goal of fisheries and wildlife refuge programs. Such conservation
is sustainability: to limit catches so that fish ensures that species are preserved and can be
populations are never damaged or depleted. used to recolonize reclaimed land in restoration
Overfishing results in the loss of jobs for the projects (Dobson, Bradshaw, and Baker, 1997).
200 million people employed in fisheries glob­
ally and a loss of food for the world’s popula­
tion; fisheries account for 19 percent of the
The Functionalist Perspective
total human consumption of animal protein. Functionalist theorists approach the ecological
But the goal of sustainability has never been environment by examining the interconnections
reached. Researchers describe the sociopolitical between the various parts composing the
pressures that interfere with sound fisheries ecosystems (Faia, 1989). They see the ecosys­
management (Botsford, Castilla, and Peterson, tem as exhibiting a tendency toward equilib­
1997:512): rium, in which its components maintain a deli­
cately balanced relationship with one another.
Managers, under constant political pressure for The perspective is nicely captured by the no­
greater harvests because of their short-term tion of Spaceship Earth—the idea that our
benefits to society (jobs and profits), allow har­ planet is a closed system with finite resources
vests to increase when fishery scientists cannot that, if destroyed or depleted, cannot be re­
specify with certainty that the next increase will placed. Life exists only in the biosphere, a thin
lead to overfishing and collapse ... the bur­ skin of air, soil, and water on the surface of the
den of proving whether higher harvests are planet. Functionalists stress that our survival
harmful falls on the fishery managers, not the depends on our ability to maintain the precari­
fishing industry. The result is a continuous, uni­ ous balance among the living and nonliving
directional increase in fishing effort, and in components comprising the biosphere. They
some cases fishery collapse. fear that our pollution of the environment and
our depletion of the earth’s natural resources
The end result? Approximately two-thirds of are jeopardizing the very environment that is
major marine fisheries have been depleted, over- the basis for life.
exploited, or fully exploited (Lubchenco, 1998). A graphic example of the reciprocal ties
Just as humans can overexploit their natural that bind human beings and their physical envi­
resources, so can they protect them. A number of ronment is provided by the sub-Saharan region
programs aimed at recovering populations of of Africa. The tragedy of the region has been
 12.2 SOCIOLOGY AROUND THE WORLD

Environmental Problems in Industrialized Russia

Pollution causes environmental Krasnouralsk’s children show Shutting down the factory
damage and human health signs of mental retardation. so at least the pollution it spews
problems. Pollution control and A clear case of pollution out now can be stopped is also
cleanup costs money. Anything causing serious and long-term not practical. The factory that
involving money is always effects on a population—and produces the lead contaminants
affected by politics. The an obvious solution, you might is the town’s largest taxpayer
complicated and interwoven conclude: Close down the and employer, providing jobs
roles played by politics, the copper smelter, clean up the for 4,500 workers. Families
economy, human health, and lead-contaminated soil, and cannot afford to provide milk
the environment that are help the children and adults for their children to drink every
played out everywhere can be with every possible medical day. It is unlikely that they
seen clearly in Krasnouralsk, treatment known. would be willing to jeopardize
Russia, a town of 33,000 in the But solving environmental their jobs, despite concerns
Ural Mountains. problems is more complicated about health.
A copper smelter built in than that. Russia has been in What about antipollution
Stalin’s time has spewed gases an industrial depression for controls or payments from the
and lead out of its smokestacks several years, and the factory to the town for
and onto Krasnouralsk for country’s economic crisis looms cleanup? Beyond jobs are
65 years—currently at a rate of larger—at least to Russians— profits; the copper smelter is
150 tons of lead per year—and than its environmental owned and operated by a joint-
the people of Krasnouralsk are problems. First, Russia lacks stock company. The mayor of
sick. They have higher rates of the money to clean up past Krasnouralsk articulated the
circulatory, respiratory, pollution. Second, a recovering problems related to profit and
digestive, skin, bone, and economy—critical to the environmental cleanup: “We
muscle illnesses and ailments, country—will result in factories all know how to count our
and their rate of nervous that currently are shut down money . . . any investor who
system diseases is nearly twice beginning to produce both demands they spend money
as high as the rate in goods and more pollution. on the environment—that is
nonpolluted areas. The children Third, the factories that are difficult. No one will do it
of the town have chronic operating today are too voluntarily.”
anemia and throat illnesses important to their locales for Krasnouralsk and towns
and average blood levels of even the people who are sick to like it all over the world,
13.1 micrograms of lead per want them shut down. including the United States,
decaliter, high enough to cause Vladimir Gurvich is the provide an example of the
adverse health effects. deputy chief physician of the complexity of factors involved
Fourteen percent of the regional health inspectorate for in solving environmental
children have levels above Krasnouralsk. He says the problems.
20.0, which is considered town’s lead contamination is
moderate lead poisoning. so bad that the town should be
Among other problems, lead evacuated, but that is of Source: David Hoffman, 1997.
poisoning affects children’s course impossible. The people Excerpts from "High lead
developing nervous systems of Krasnouralsk would have no exposure sickens children of
and brains, and tests indicate jobs to transfer to, no homes industrialized Russia. ”
that 75 percent of to move into. Washington Post, May 5:A1.

424
 The Ecological Environment 425

captured in recent years by television portrayals damage. On the other side are those who see
of deserts haunted by starving people, infant environmental preservation as their primary
bellies swollen by want, and dead cattle. An es­ goal and who believe that the environment
timated 35 million people in Africa live on the must take precedence over economic goals. The
interfaces of deserts and arable land and are two groups are at odds and contest each other
constantly threatened by hunger. in the political arena.
The desert is growing. Much of this “desert­ Conflict theorists see many of the same cir­
ification” is not attributable to basic climatic cumstances in Africa as the functionalists, but
change, but to the overworking of marginal come to somewhat different conclusions. De­
lands for crops, grazing, and firewood. The in­ sertification is not blamed for the region’s
troduction of Western techniques, such as irriga­ problems; rather, conflict theorists say that
tion, deep plowing, and the use of chemical fer­ growing indebtedness exerted pressure on
tilizers, has compounded the region’s problems African governments to promote cash crops for
(Tucker, Dregne, and Newcomb, 1991). export rather than food crops for their people.
When people intensify their exploitation of Complicating matters, much of the money pro­
the land in order to compensate for desertifica­ vided by Western aid agencies was diverted to
tion, problems increase, including more deserti­ highly visible projects, such as roads, port fa­
fication. Functionalists emphasize that to avoid cilities, airports, and office buildings, while
this type of damage to the ecosystem, human small African farmers were neglected. More­
beings must become more sensitive to both the over, when Western nations have provided food
manifest and latent consequences of their ac­ to African governments, they have found an
tions on the environment. outlet for surplus food in need of a market,
which has benefited U.S. and European farm­
The Conflict Perspective ers. Finally, assistance is often rendered to
African governments that are friendly toward
As is true for many other issues, the conflict
the donor nations; in the process the existing
perspective does not offer a unified point of
regimes are stabilized (Farnsworth, 1990).
view on environmental matters. Some conflict
theorists depict environmental problems as due
more to the distribution of the world’s re­
The Interactionist Perspective
sources than to a limited amount of resources Symbolic interactionists give environmental is­
available in the world. They say that the basic sues a somewhat different twist, focusing their
issue is not one of how much is available but sociological eye upon “people behaviors.” Here
one of which individuals and groups will se­ we will look at two issues of interest to interac­
cure a disproportionate share of what is avail­ tionists: the difference between people’s atti­
able. Hence, the critical decisions that affect tudes and their actiqns, and the difference be­
the environment are made not in the interests of tween expert and public perceptions of risk.
present and future generations but in the inter­
ests of those groups that can impose their will ▲ Are You Ready for Action?
on others. Apparently most Americans believe that they
Conflict theorists also point out that people are devoted to preserving the environment. But
tend to be separated into two camps on envi­ Americans are deeply divided over how to do it
ronmental issues. On one side are those who and at what cost to taxpayers, businesses, and
favor economic development and growth even national economic interests. Fewer than half of
if it results in some measure of environmental all Americans (48 percent) are willing to “go
426 Population and Environment

full speed ahead” in “spending money to clean

Table 12.1 Are You Ready for Action?
up the environment,” while 47 percent say that
Environmental Concern
given the nation’s other problems, it would be
around the World
better to “go slow.” Eighty percent of Ameri­
cans say protecting the environment is gener­
Respondents Say That
ally more important than keeping prices down.
However, only 67 percent are willing to pay 15 Environment They Would Pay
Is a Priority to Protect It
to 20 cents a gallon more for gasoline that
causes much less pollution (Linden, 1990; Gut-
feld, 1991), although gas consumption is appar­ New Zealand 77% 27%
ently not a deterrent to choosing sports utility Canada 73 19
vehicles. Similarly, a 1997 survey of attitudes Switzerland 73 33
about the environment in 24 countries revealed Australia 72 21
a considerable gap between those who think Netherlands 72 27
environmental protection should take priority Germany 71 33
over economic growth and those who would be Finland 70 16
willing to help pay to prevent environmental United Kingdom 69 16
pollution (see Table 12.1). United States 69 23
South Korea 63 15
▲ Public versus Expert Perceptions
of Risk __________ France 63 16
Interactionists have also provided significant Japan 60 14
insight on the socially constructed understand­ Chile 59 21
ings and myths people have about the environ­ Italy 53 23
ment For example, a considerable gap often India 50 51
exists between public and expert perceptions of China 47 30
risk. Public opinion surveys show that oil spills, Russia 47 23
hazardous waste, underground storage tanks, Spain 47 22
and releases of radioactive materials arouse Mexico 44 20
high public emotions. But in terms of the actual Peru 40 39
magnitude of the risk they pose, scientists ad­
Hungary 39 18
vising the Environmental Protection Agency
Poland 32 13
rate these threats near the bottom. By contrast,
Nigeria 27 30
global warming and the destruction and alter­
ation of natural habitats rank relatively low in Ukraine 23 27
public concerns, but scientists place them
among the top risks because their long-term po­ Source: Environmental Monitor by Environics
International, Toronto.
tential consequences are so damaging and their
effects so widespread and difficult to reverse Note: Surveys were conducted in 1997 with a random
sample of at least 1,000 adults in each of 24 countries. The
(see Table 12.2). first number represents the percentage of respondents who
We should not conclude that the public said that environmental protection should take priority over
necessarily disregards “risk hazards” deter­ economic growth; the second is the percentage of
mined by scientists. Rather, people use the in­ respondents who said they strongly agree that they would
formation in combination with information give part of their income to prevent environmental pollution.
Only four countries had roughly the same percentage of
about the social, political, and ethical charac­ respondents who said both that the environment was a
teristics of a risk to make decisions about its priority and that they were willing to pay to protect it.
 The Ecological Environment 427

Table 12.2 What’s a Serious Hazard?

What the Experts Say:* What the Public Fears:t

Relatively high-risk ecological problems Ranked as very serious risks by at least 20 percent
Habitat alteration and destruction (soil erosion, of people polled, in descending order
deforestation, etc.) Hazardous waste sites (in use)
Species extinction and overall loss of biological Hazardous waste sites (abandoned)
diversity Worker exposure to toxic chemicals
Stratospheric ozone depletion Destruction of protective ozone layer
Global climate change (greenhouse warming) Radiation from nuclear power plant accident
Relatively high risks to human health Industrial accidents releasing pollutants into air.
Outdoor air pollutants water, or soil
Worker exposure to chemicals in industry and Radiation from radioactive wastes
agriculture Underground storage tanks leaking gasoline and other
Air pollution indoors substances
Pollutants in drinking water Pesticides harming farmers, farm workers, and
Relatively medium-risk ecological problems consumers who work with them
Herbicides and pesticides Pesticide residue on foods eaten by humans
Pollution of surface water The greenhouse w arming effect
Acid deposition (acid rain, etc.) Nonhazardous wastes, like trash disposal
Airborne toxic substances Radiation from X rays
Relatively low-risk ecological problems
Oil spills
Groundwater pollution (hazardous wastes,
underground tanks, etc.)
Escape of radioactive materials
Acid runoff to surface waters
Thermal pollution

Source: From The New York Times, January 29, 1991. Copyright © 1991 by The New York Times Company.
Reprinted by permission.
*Science Advisory Board, Environmental Protection Agency.
yThe Roper Organization.

acceptability, or what have been called "risk In sum. symbolic interactionists point out
outrage” factors. Risks are more acceptable to that environmental issues qualify for the ad­
the public when they are voluntary, natural, fa­ jective “social” because they involve human
miliar, detectable, and fairly distributed among judgments, decisions, and choices. Environ­
the population. The public's perception of risk, mental issues are also social issues because
then, is in some ways as important as is the re­ they entail the exercise of power. The poor
ality of risk. and minorities are much more exposed than
428 Population and Environment

other citizens to the dangers of natural and a resource to be exploited to a life-sustaining

technological hazards, or what is termed envi­ global ecosystem (Frank, 1997). In 1870, he
ronmental racism. Indeed, much risk is actu­ found, “global” environmental problems were
ally politically negotiated—a network of gov­ basically unknown, but today many world-ori­
ernment agencies, corporations, and public­ ented associations, intergovernmental organiza­
interest groups grapple daily with selected tions, and concerned citizens worldwide recog­
hazards as diverse as bovine growth hormone nize that ozone depletion, climate change,
in milk and explosive decompression in com­ declining biodiversity, and other problems are
mercial aircraft (Cvetkovich and Earle, 1992: global and thus require coordinated efforts at
Dake. 1992). solutions.
People all over the globe are aware of envi­
Entering the New Millennium ronmental problems, but many are prevented by
their focus on day-to-day survival from making
In 1997 Jane Lubchenco. president of the any contribution to solving them (Hertsgaard.
American Association for the Advancement of 1998). So interconnected are the problems of
Science, called upon all scientists to recognize hunger, poverty, international conflict, and the
that "The environment is not a marginal issue, environment that Lester R. Brown and Christo­
it is the issue of the future, and the future is pher Flavin (1999) of the Worldwatch Institute
here now" (Lubchenco, 1998:496). Lubchenco call for a new economy. They argue that meet­
encouraged scientists to redefine the environ­ ing the needs of the world’s poor and redefining
ment to include human health, the economy, economic progress to include environmental
social justice, and national security. Human sustainability are essential to the survival of all
health, for example, is an environmental issue of us. Industrialized nations bear a special re­
in obvious ways—as affected by clean drinking sponsibility, they contend, because although
water, adequate waste disposal, air quality, and population growth is going to be concentrated
exposure to toxic chemicals—and in less obvi­ in developing countries, it is the affluent indus­
ous ways; for example, the incidence and trialized nations that use 75 percent of the
spread of malaria has increased recently be­ world’s resources. Brown, Flavin, and others at
cause of construction of roads in Amazonia to the Worldwatch Institute, along with ecologists
transport timber. Paul R. Ehrlich and Anne H. Ehrlich (1970,
Lubchenco's call for attention to the envi­ 1990. 1991, 1996), have been strong proponents
ronment is backed up by many authorities who of neo-Malthusianism, which maintains that the
have expressed grave concern about the world has too many people, too little food, and
prospects for the earth. In 1992, for example, an environment that is being degraded.
more than 1,600 scientists issued a "Warning to Others disagree with the neo-Malthusians
Humanity” that detailed the environmental and ask. Why have things not yet run out (Bo-
problems we need to solve. The global nature vard. 1989; Tierney, 1990)? This question was
of these problems is reflected in the number of asked by the late economist Julian L. Simon
world summit conferences that have been held (1995). The central assertion of his book. The
in recent years to address population control, State of Humanity, is that things are getting bet­
global warming, and other issues. Harvard soci­ ter all the time and will continue to do so
ologist David John Frank’s historical analysis (Simon. 1995). Simon promoted leaving the
of international treaties shows a shift in the world more or less to its own devices, espe­
very meaning of “nature” over 120 years: from cially to the operation of unimpeded market
 The Ecological Environment 429

CALVIN AND HOBBES © 1992 Watterson. Dist. by UNIVERSAL PRESS SYNDICATE. Reprinted with
permission. All rights reserved.

forces, which is a point of view many ecolo­ The ability of various social scientists, bi--
gists would compare to Calvin’s “ignorance is ologists, economists, and other experts to arrive
bliss” fall off the cliff illustrated in the Calvin at very different conclusions leads us again to
and Hobbes cartoon. the insight supplied by symbolic interactionists
But other analysts also see a role for mar­ that social problems (including environmental
ket forces. Although environmentalism has problems) are matters of social definition. But
been primarily a process of grassroots groups the views presented above can all be seen as
pushing for change and governments following “true”: It can be true that humans have dealt
behind (Hertsgaard, 1998), some researchers successfully with many problems in the past
believe that corporations may now lead the way and that humans need to work hard to deal with
in reducing resource consumption. Their inter­ the problems we face now and will be facing in
est in profit provides a strong motivation to re­ the future. A question of interest to sociologists
cycle, reduce costs caused by planned obsoles­ is, Which individuals and groups will be able to
cence, trade wastes with other companies, and translate their vision of reality into official pub­
find alternative energy sources (Gardner and lic policy? The answer may determine much
Sampat, 1999). about how we approach the future.
 The Chapter in Brief: Population and Environment

Human populations must achieve a working excess of population is related to the

relationship with their environment. availability of employment opportunities, not to
Sociologists have applied theories of ecology to a fixed supply of food. Neo-Malthusians are
the study of human communities, including use those who agree with many of Malthus’s ideas
of the concept of ecosystem, with populations but who favor contraception for population
as their unit of study. control.

Population I Demographic Transition.

Demography is the science dealing with the Demographic transition theory holds that the
size, distribution, composition, and changes in process of modernization is associated with
population. three stages in population change: high
potential growth, transitional growth, and
I Elements in Population Change. population stability.
All population change within a society can be
reduced to three factors: the birth rate, the I Population Policies. Fertility reduction
death rate, and the migration rate into or out of policies are based on family planning, a
the society. Demographers look at crude birth developmentalist strategy, or a societalist
rate, general fertility rate, age-specific perspective.
fertility, fecundity, zero population growth,
crude death rate, age-specific death rates, I The Effects of Crowding. Population
and infant mortality rate. Migration affects buildup has bad effects on deer, rats, and a
population, and demographers measure the net variety of other organisms; the impact of
migration rate. Movement may take the form crowding on human behavior is more complex
of international migration or internal and does not invariably result in pathology.
migration. Births, deaths, and migration affect Social scientists distinguish between density
the growth rate. and crowding.

I Population Composition. Sociologists The Urban Environment

are also interested in the composition of a The city is one of the most striking features of
population, particularly in the sex ratio and age our modem era, basic to many of the
composition. A population pyramid is a characteristics of modem society.
useful tool for analyzing population change and
discerning population trends. I The Origin and Evolution
of Cities. Preindustrial cities were primarily
I Malthus and Marx: Two Views small affairs. Urbanization has proceeded
of Population Growth. Thomas Malthus rapidly during the past 180 years, resulting in
held that population increases more quickly industrial-urban centers, metropolitan cities,
than food supply. Karl Marx insisted that an megalopolises, and global cities.

430
I Patterns of City Growth. Sociologists politics and economics, environment, and
provide a number of models of city growth: the technology. While humans can overexploit
concentric circle model, the sector model, natural resources, they can also protect and
and the multiple nuclei model. restore them.

I Ecological Processes: Segregation I The Functionalist Perspective.

and Gentrification. The structural Functionalist theorists see the ecosystem as
patterning of cities derives from a number of exhibiting a tendency toward equilibrium in
underlying ecological processes. One process which its components maintain a delicately
by which natural areas are formed is balanced relationship.
segregation. Invasion and succession are also
critical ecological processes. Urban I The Conflict Perspective. Some
gentrification is the return of middle-class conflict theorists say that the basic issue is not
professionals to older urban neighborhoods. one of how much is available but which
individuals and groups will secure a
I Urban Crisis: Cities in Decline. disproportionate share of what is available.
Urban decline in many American cities has
been both descriptive and functional. I The Interactionist Perspective.
Symbolic interactionists focus on “people
I Sprawling Urban Growth: The Rise behaviors” related to environmental issues.
of “Edge” Cities. “Outer cities,” Interests include the gap between people’s
“minicities,” or “edge cities” have been made attitudes and actions and the difference
possible by beltways and expressways, and the between public and expert perceptions of risk.
development of a service-based economy in
which telecommunications allow service-sector I Entering the New Millennium.
firms to locate anywhere. In 1997, Jane Lubchenko, the president of
the American Association for the
The Ecological Environment Advancement of Science, called upon
Humans have transformed one-third to one-half scientists to look at the environment as the
of the earth’s land surface and use more than most important issue of the future. Economist
half of all the world’s accessible surface fresh Julian Simon, in contrast, felt that the free
water; some 25 percent of the world’s bird market will result in life improving indefinitely.
species have been driven to extinction, and Others see that we have made progress in
forested areas have decreased by a third since solving some environmental problems and
the rise of agriculture. could continue to do so. Historical analysis
shows that the earth’s human inhabitants have
I Human-Environment Interactions: changed their view of nature as a usable
A Closer Look. Sociologists are interested resource to nature as a life-sustaining global
in the relationships between population size, ecosystem.

431
 Glossary

age-specific death rate The passes through three stages: grow th rate The difference
number of deaths per 1,000 high potential growth, between births and deaths,
individuals in a specific age transitional growth, and plus the difference between
group. population stability. immigrants and emigrants per
1,000 population.
age-specific fertility The demography The science
number of live births per dealing with the size, infant mortality rate The
1,000 women in a specific age distribution, composition, and number of deaths among
group. changes in population. infants under one year of age
per 1,000 live births.
city A relatively dense and density The physical
permanent concentration of compactness of people in internal migration
people who secure their space. Population movement within
livelihood chiefly through a nation.
ecology The study of the
nonagricultural activities.
interrelations between the international migration
concentric circle model The living and nonliving Population movement
approach to city growth stating components of an ecosystem. between nations.
that the modem city assumes a
ecosystem A relatively invasion A new type of
pattern of concentric circles,
stable community of people, institution, or activity
each with distinctive
organisms that have that encroaches on an area
characteristics?
established interlocking occupied by a different type,
crowding The perception relationships and exchanges
megalopolis A strip city
by people that too many other with one another and their
formed when the rural
individuals are present in a natural habitat.
interstices between
situation.
environment All the metropolitan centers "fill with
crude birth rate The surrounding conditions and urban development.
number of live births per influences that affect an
multiple nuclei model
1,000 members of a organism or group of
The approach to city growth
population in a given year. organisms.
that assumes a city has
crude death rate The fecundity The potential several centers, each of
number of deaths per 1,000 number of children that could which specializes in some
members of a population in a be bom if every woman of activity and gives its
given year. childbearing age bore all the distinctive cast to the
children she possibly could. surrounding area.
demographic transition
theory A view of population general fertility rate The natural areas Geographic
change that holds that the annual number of live births areas with distinctive
process of modernization per 1,000 women age 15 to 44. characteristics.

432
net migration rate The that large cities are made up institution, or activity
increase or decrease per of sectors—wedge-shaped displaces the previous type.
1,000 members of the areas—rather than concentric
urban gentrification The
population in a given year that circles'
return of the middle class—
results from people entering
segregation A process of usually young, white,
(immigrants) or leaving
clustering wherein individuals childless professionals—to
(emigrants) a society.
and groups are sifted and older urban neighborhoods.
population pyramid The sorted out in space based on
zero population growth
age and sex composition of a their sharing certain traits or
The point at which a modem
population as portrayed in the activities in common.
population replaces itself
tree of ages.
succession Invasion that without immigration—
sector model The approach continues until the 2.1 children per woman.
to city growth that assumes encroaching type of people,

Internet Connection www.m h he. com/hughes6

Go to the website of the Population Reference environment. Can you find an example of an
Bureau (www.prb.org) and browse through environmental problem that affects population
several pages. Select a topic of interest that dis­ growth? Write a short report summarizing your
cusses the impact of population growth on the findings.

433
chapter 13

Social Change

434
A World of Change When the World’s Columbian Exposition
Sources of Social Change opened in Chicago in 1893, 74 prominent
Perspectives on Social Change Americans tried their hands at forecasting the
Social Change in the United States future. What would the world be like in 1993?
Social Change in Developing Nations One expressed the prevailing view that in 1993
the railroad would still be the fastest means of
Collective Behavior travel. Another was convinced that mail in 1993
would still travel by stagecoach and horseback
Varieties of Collective Behavior rider. A few forecasters enthused about air
Preconditions for Collective Behavior travel—or, more precisely, “balloon travel.”
Explanations of Crowd Behavior None of the 1893 forecasters apparently antici­
pated the automobile, let alone the cell phone,
Social Movements the Internet, a world of 6 billion people, the
publication of a map of the human genome, or
Causes of Social Movements the globalization of both our economy and our
Types of Social Movements environmental problems.
Social Revolution Then, as now, forecasters fell victim to two
Terrorism fundamental problems in attempting to predict
the future. First, change is so much a part of
Looking to the Future our lives that we take it for granted, oblivious
to or unimpressed by much of it; during the
1880s a number of Europeans had already pro­
Box 13.1 Students Doing Sociology: duced experimental gasoline-powered cars, but
The Un-TV Experiment the 1893 forecasters either did not know about
the primitive “horseless carriages” or else did
Box 13.2 Issues in Focus: What Keeps People not deem them to be important. Second, a
Involved in Social Movements? “rearview-mirror effect” operates in which re­
cent events color and dominate our thinking
Box 13.3 Doing Social Research: Social about the future; the railroads were developing
Change: Can We Predict the Future? feverishly in the 1880s and 1890s, so it took lit­
tle imagination to predict that they would be­
come faster and more widespread in the future
(Cornish, 1993).
The study of social change is an attempt
to understand and predict changes in the
world. In this chapter, we will look at sources
of social change and at social change in both
the United States and developing countries.
We will consider collective behavior, includ­
ing explanations of crowd behavior. We will
examine types and causes of social move­
ments, and we will end with a look into the
future.

435
436 Social Change

of action. Many factors interact to generate

A World of Change changes in people's behavior and in the culture
and structure of their society. Sociologists iden­
Sociologists refer to fundamental alterations in tify a number of particularly critical factors, the
the patterns of culture, structure, and social be­ impact of which differs with the situation and
havior over time as social change. It is a process the time and place. In this section we will con­
by which society becomes something different sider the physical environment, population,
while remaining in some respects the saihe. conflict over resources and values, supporting
Consider the enormous transformations that norms and values, innovation, diffusion, and
have taken place across American life over the the mass media.
past 60 years. We have restyled many of our
most basic values and norms: racial upheaval, a ▲ Physical Environment
sexual revolution, computer and communica­ If humans are to survive, they must achieve a
tions breakthroughs, and a new national identity working relationship with their environment.
as a world power have remolded our national Among the chief adaptive mechanisms avail­
life (Manchester. 1993). In the early 1930s, the able to a population are social organization and
U.S. population was less than half its present technology. Hunting and gathering, horticul­
size. Rural America lacked electricity, and its tural. agricultural, and industrial societies all
roads were dirt. In foreign affairs we were an in­ present different types of adaptations. Should
sular, second-class power, although Americans the environment change for any reason, those
themselves were an ardently patriotic people. who have evolved a given type of adaptation
Welfare and divorce were shameful. Pregnancy must respond by making appropriate institu­
made even married women uncomfortably self- tional changes, fashioning new forms of social
conscious, and maternity clothes were designed organization and new technologies. Droughts,
to ‘’keep your secret.” Manliness was prized, and floods, epidemics, earthquakes, and other
patriarchal authority was vested in men as heads forces of nature are among the ever-present re­
of families. Had there been a watchword then, it alities that alter people’s lives. Additionally, as
would have been ■‘duty." we noted in Chapter 12. human pp. 422-23
Today that watchword would more likely beings have a tremendous impact on their phys­
be “rights”: civil rights, women's rights, gay ical environment.
rights, welfare rights, children’s rights, animal
rights, the right to life, the right to choose, the ▲ Population
right to protect, and the rights of the disabled. Changes in the size, composition, and distribu­
Social change has a tremendous impact on our tion of a population also affect culture and so­
lives. Let us begin our discussion of it by ex­ cial structure. In Chapter 12 we discussed the
amining some of its sources. We will go on to implications of population growth. Nearly all
consider perspectives on social change and to such growth will occur in developing nations in
describe social change in the United States and the coming decades, w ith resource use in those
developing nations. parts of the world also increasing astronomi­
cally. The graying of the population is a princi­
ple factor in the United States, with Social Se­
Sources of Social Change curity, Medicaid, and health care costs soaring:
Social change confronts people with new situa­ those 85 and over are the fastest-growing part
tions and compels them to fashion new forms of the population.
 A World of Change 437

▲ Clashes over Resources and Values Innovations—both discoveries and inven­

Conflict is a basic source of social change. The tions—are not single acts but combinations of
end result of conflict is not a simple quantitative existing elements plus new elements. The
mixing of the groups in conflict, but a com­ greater the number of cultural elements from
pletely new entity. Who could have foretold in which innovators may draw, the greater the fre­
1870 the South that eventually emerged from the quency of discovery and invention. For exam­
contest between the Reconstructionists and then- ple, glass gave birth to lenses, costume jewelry,
opponents? Who could have foretold in 1965 the drinking goblets, windowpanes, and many
nation that would emerge 35 years later after a other products. Lenses in turn gave birth to eye­
decade of social turbulence? And who can fore­ glasses, magnifying glasses, telescopes, cam­
tell today the ultimate form of the societies that eras, searchlights, and so on. Such develop­
arose in eastern Europe and the former Soviet ments reflect the exponential principle—as the
empire following the collapse of communism? cultural base increases, its possible uses tend to
Old orders continually erode and new ones arise. grow exponentially.

▲ Supporting Values and Norms ▲ Diffusion

A society’s values and norms act as “watchdogs" Diffusion is the process by which cultural traits
or “censors" permitting, stimulating, or inhibit­ spread from one social unit to another. Diffu­
ing certain innovations. It is interesting to com­ sion is a people process and hence is expedited
pare our readiness to accept technological inno­ or hindered by the social environment. Simply
vations with our resistance to changes in religion because a trait is functionally superior does not
or the family. For example, we continuously de­ necessarily ensure that individuals will adopt it.
bate changes in sexual behavior norms, while re­ Much depends on the network of relationships
sistance to the lightbulb, the automobile, and the that tie people together in patterns of meaning­
airplane disappeared almost immediately. Our ful communication and influence (Strang and
use of the word “inventor” reflects this cultural Tuma, 1993).
bias. The inventor is one who innovates in mate­ Diffusion is often overlooked. We point
rial things, whereas the inventor of intangible with pride to what other societies have acquired
ideas is often called a “revolutionary” or “radi­ from us, but we often neglect to note what we
cal,” words with sometimes odious connotations. have gained from them.-Yet a global economy
combined with the fact that our society is com­
▲ Innovation posed almost entirely of immigrant groups
A discovery represents an addition to knowl­ means that everything we use and do can be
edge, whereas an invention uses existing traced to other societies or cultures. As an illus­
knowledge in some novel form. Thus, a discov­ tration, consider the following now classic ac­
ery constitutes the perception of a relationship count of the cultural content in the life of a
or fact that had not previously been recognized “100 percent” American written as satire by an­
or understood. Einstein’s theory of relativity and thropologist Ralph Linton (1937:427-29):
Mendel’s theory of heredity were discoveries. In
contrast, the automobile—an invention—was [D]awn finds the unsuspecting patriot garbed in
composed of six old elements in a new combi­ pajamas, a garment of East Indian origin; and
nation: a liquid gas engine, a liquid gas recepta­ lying in a bed built on a pattern which originated
cle, a running-gear mechanism, an intermediate in either Persia or Asia Minor He is muffled to
clutch, a driving shaft, and a carriage body. the ears in un-American materials: cotton, first
438 Social Change

▲ The Mass Media

Diffusion is facilitated by the instant flooding
of information across national, class, ethnic,
and economic boundaries by means of the mass
media. According to one view, the media func­
tions as a kind of giant hypodermic needle, dis­
charging endless propaganda into the passive
body of the population. Another view depicts
the media as affording a “marketplace of ideas”
in which an enlightened public carefully and
rationally sifts and winnows a variety of atti­
tudes and behaviors. Yet the media is not nearly
as simple as the proponents of either view
would have us believe. Most efforts at mass
communication merely confirm the beliefs that
people already hold. People typically expose
themselves to mass communications that are
congenial or favorable to their existing opin­
ions and interests. Selective perception also op­
erates so that people tend to misperceive and
misinterpret persuasive communications in ac­
cordance with their existing opinions.
Nevertheless, the mass media have not-so-
The values, behaviors, and expressive minimal effects. We typically think of news
symbolism of the hippie movement of the coverage as the media bringing to public atten­
1960s diffused quickly from San Francisco tion the “important” happenings of the day by
throughout the United States by means of reporting on an objective reality “out there.” But
media portrayals, such as this cover story in as symbolic interactionists point out, “news” is
Time magazine in 1967, facilitating many constructed—some selected occurrences come
social changes during that era. to be translated into “public events” for a mass
constituency while others are ignored (Epstein,
1973). For instance, “news” about women is on
domesticated in India; linen, domesticated in the the increase in U.S. news media, but men con­
Near East; wool from an animal native to Asia tinue to receive more attention from the nation’s
Minor; or silk whose uses were first discovered news organizations; a 1994 survey found that
by the Chinese. . . . men received some 75 percent of front-page ref­
If our patriot is old-fashioned enough to ad­ erences, as against 25 percent for women
here to the so-called American breakfast, his cof­ (Glaberson, 1994).
fee will be accompanied by an orange, domesti­ The media also perform other functions,
cated in the Mediterranean region. He will including what social scientists call “agenda
follow this with a bowl of cereal made from grain setting.” The media sets the agenda of issues
domesticated in the Near East. ... As a side and concerns we spend our time thinking about
dish he may have the egg of a bird domesticated and discussing with others. Some communica­
in Southeastern Asia or strips of the flesh of an tions experts argue that fictional media presen­
animal domesticated in the same region. . . . tations have a “cultivation effect” in which im-
 A World of Change 439

ages are provided that influence public atti­ ism was a doctrine well suited to imperialism
tudes and behavior about such social policies as and provided a justification for Western colo­
crime, violence, and welfare (Gerbner et al., nialism. The white race and its cultures were
1978), though it is not always clear exactly extolled as the highest forms of humanity and
what television and other media are cultivating civilization. Other peoples and cultures were
in the minds of viewers (Hughes, 1980). Box “lower” in evolutionary development, and so it
13.1 describes what happens to students who was only proper that Europeans, being “fitter,”
watch TV critically. should triumph in the struggle for existence.
However, such blatant ethnocentrism did not
stand the test of scientific research. Anthropolo­
Perspectives on Social Change gists demonstrated that non-Western societies—
The founders of sociology, particularly Auguste and many European nations as well—did not
Comte and Herbert Spencer, looked to the pass through the same sequence of stages. In
grand sweep of history, searching for an under­ brief, there is no one scenario, but many scenar­
standing of how and why societies change. ios of social change.
Many contemporary sociologists continue to be Contemporary approaches take a multilin­
intrigued by these “big questions.” The major ear view of evolution. Their proponents recog­
sociological perspectives on social change, nize that change does not necessarily imply
which we will consider in this section, fall progress, that change occurs in quite different
within four broad categories: evolutionary per­ ways, and that change proceeds in many differ­
spectives, cyclical perspectives, functionalist ent directions. Talcott Parsons (1966, 1977), a
perspectives, and conflict perspectives. leading structure-function sociologist, sug­
gested that societies tend to become increas­
▲ Evolutionary Perspectives ingly differentiated in their structures and func­
The doctrine of social progress and a search for tions, leading to, adaptive upgrading.
underlying evolutionary laws dominated much Sociologist Gerhard Lenski (1966; Lenski
sociological thinking during the 19th century. and Lenski, 1987) held that evolution depends
According to Social Darwinists like Spencer, largely on changes in a society’s level of tech­
social evolution resembles biological evolution nology and its mode of economic production.
and results in the world’s growing progres­ These changes in turn have consequences for
sively better. In his theory of unilinear evolu­ other aspects of social life, including stratifica­
tion, Spencer contended that change has per­ tion systems, the organization of power, and
sistently moved society from homogeneous and family structures. According to Lenski, there is
simple units toward progressively heteroge­ an underlying continuum in terms of which all
neous and interdependent units. He viewed the societies can be ranked: hunting and gathering
“struggle for existence” and “the survival of the societies, simple horticultural societies, ad­
fittest” as basic natural laws. Spencer equated vanced horticultural societies, agrarian soci­
this struggle with “free competition.” If unim­ eties, and industrial societies. More specialized
peded by outside intervention, particularly gov­ evolutionary bypaths include herding societies
ernment, those individuals and social institu­ and hybrid societies such as fishing and mar­
tions that are “fit” will survive and proliferate, itime societies.
while those that are “unfit” will in time die out.
As we pointed out in Chapter 1, j pp. 9-io~j ▲ Cyclical Perspectives
Spencer’s Social Darwinism mirrored the orien­ Cyclical theorists look at the rise and fall of
tation of laissez-faire capitalism. Social Darwin­ civilizations. Their objective is to predict the
 13.1 STUDENTS DOING SOCIOLOGY

The Un-TV Experiment

Sociologist Bernard McGrane realize that we commonly take between the different types of
(1993b) of Chapman technical events for granted. programming. McGrane
University in Orange, This insight leads McGrane to observes that from a
California, asks his students to inquire of his students what functionalist perspective such
watch television for the other social practices and a practice is quite functional
purpose of “seeing” television. institutions escape our because “the first imperative of
In what McGrane terms “our conscious notice as we go any institution is its own
un-TV experiment,” the about our daily lives. survival”—in brief, “the
students engage in “stopping McGrane also asks his medium is the message.”
the world” by “stopping the students to watch a television Significantly, many
television.” McGrane uses this program and a news program students articulate considerable
technique as one means to each for 10 minutes without anger and resentment over
demonstrate to his students turning on the sound. Some having to undertake the
how we go about the “social students reported that when experiments (they also are
construction of reality.” they watched a program of instructed to “write up” their
In one exercise their choice without sound, observations). They frequently
students are instructed to they were lulled into “a stupor voice the objection: “I wasted
count “technical events” for of passivity.” Nor had they 30 minutes of my time.”
10 minutes on television. The previously appreciated how McGrane relates their
students count the number of “boring” television can be. experience to Weber’s
times they see or hear a cut, News programs also tended to “Protestant ethic” in which time
zoom, superimposition, voice- dull their senses with an is associated with “being
over, fade in/out, and the like. overloading of the mind with productive,” “getting ahead,”
The number of technical images of death, despair, and “accruing value.” In
events that the students murder, and sensationalism. watching television in the
typically report range from Moreover, students often had manner prescribed by their
about 90 to more than 180—in difficulty recognizing when the instructor, students were
only 10 minutes of watching. news stopped and the violating societal expectations—
The counting exercise commercials began because indeed, they were not even
takes on significance when we there were no “borders” being entertained.

course of a civilization or society, including its the German scholar Oswald Spengler
demise- Cyclical theorists compare societies in (1880-1936), whose Decline of the West
a search for generalizations regarding their (1918/1926) became a best-seller. He con­
stages of growth and decline. tended that culture passes through the same
The 19th century was a time of faith in stages of growth and decline as individuals: a
evolution and human progress, but the catas­ period of development, followed by maturity,
trophe of World War I and the periodic eco­ eventual decline, and death. Based on his ex­
nomic crises that have plagued industrial na­ amination of eight cultures, Spengler said that
tions led some scholars to express doubt about each culture possesses a life span of approxi­
the course of human history. One of these was mately 1,000 years. Western culture, he held,

440
 A World of Change 441

emerged about a.d. 900, and therefore its end Sociologist William F. Ogburn (1922) drew
is close at hand (hence the title of his book and upon evolutionary models to fashion a func­
the interest it provoked). tionalist approach to social change. He distin­
English historian Arnold J. Toynbee (1934/ guished between material and nonmaterial cul­
1954) also sought to depict uniformities in the ture and located the source of change in
growth and decline of civilization and to iden­ material invention—tools, weapons, and tech­
tify the principles that underlie this develop­ nical processes. Nonmaterial culture—values,
ment. Toynbee said that civilizations arise in re­ norms, beliefs, and institutions—must adapt or
sponse to some challenge. A challenge may respond to changes in material culture, result­
derive from natural forces, such as severe cli­ ing in an adjustment gap Ogburn called cul­
mate, or from human factors, such as warlike tural lag. Although the notion of cultural lag
neighbors. A civilization grows and flourishes contains a valuable insight, it vastly oversimpli­
when the challenge is not too severe and when fies matters. No single factor is capable of ex­
a creative minority (an intelligent elite) finds an plaining social change; in real-life situations a
adequate response to the challenge. When the vast array of forces converge in complex inter­
creative minority fails to find a response ade­ action with one another to give society its dy­
quate to a challenge, the civilization breaks namic properties.
down and disintegrates. In the course of disin­ Social life abounds with examples of an
tegrating, the minority transforms itself into a uneven rate of change resulting in social dislo­
ruling elite and imposes its will by force. This cation. For instance, the automobile fostered a
development hastens the decline because it in­ whole host of changes. It spurred tremendous
tensifies internal strife. growth in the oil, tire, glass, and accident insur­
ance industries. It promoted suburban develop­
▲ Functionalist Perspectives ment, degradation of the natural environment,
As we saw in Chapter 1, the con- -<-|pp. 18-20I and an exodus of the central city’s affluent pop­
cept of system is central to the structure-function ulation. Cultural lag is evident today in the
model of society. A system is a set of elements many problems associated with the use of the
or components related in a more-or-less stable Internet, including hacking, the spread of com­
fashion over a period of time. One of the fea­ puter viruses, Internet pornography, Internet
tures of a system stressed by structure-function scams, and the Napster controversy. We can ex­
theorists is its tendency toward equilibrium. pect that our society also will require a signifi­
As we pointed out earlier in the chapter, cant amount of cultural adjustment as a result
structure-function sociologists like Parsons of the sequencing of the human genome (Jef­
(1966, 1977) have introduced the notion of fords and Daschle, 2001).
evolution to the perspective to broaden the
concept of equilibrium to include both devel­ ▲ Conflict Perspectives
oping and self-maintaining properties. The so­ Conflict theorists hold that tensions between
cial group is portrayed as living in a state of competing groups are the basic source of social
dynamic or moving equilibrium. The equili­ change. Nowhere does one find a clearer exposi­
brated social system adjusts itself to distur­ tion of the conflict perspective than that pro­
bances that occur, accommodating them within vided by Karl Marx, particularly as it finds ex­
the functioning structure and establishing a pression in his notion of the dialectic. As we saw
new level of equilibrium. Hence, even though in Chapter 1, the dialectic depicts -<-|pp. 10-11
society changes, it remains stable through new the world in dynamic terms as a world of be­
forms of social integration. coming rather than being. According to Marxian
442 Social Change

dialectical materialism, every economic order tem was inspired by a wish to improve com­
grows to a state of maximum efficiency, at the merce, foster physical and social mobility, and
same time developing internal contradictions or bolster national defense. But the interstate sys­
weaknesses that contribute to its decay.. Class tem also had many unanticipated consequences
conflict is a particularly powerful source of that permanently changed the nation’s social
change, and Marx saw it as the key to under­ landscape. It fostered the rapid growth of strip
standing human history. Marx said that all and edge cities and magnified the split between
change is the product of a constant conflict be­ outlying communities and inner cities. Are “in­
tween opposites. All development—social, eco­ formation highways” having both positive and
nomic. or human—proceeds through the resolu­ negative effects?
tion of existing contradictions and the eventual
emergence of new contradictions. The outcome ▲ The Information Revolution
of the clash between opposing forces is not’ a The Industrial Revolution was a revolution be­
compromise (an averaging out of the differences cause the steam engine, the cotton gin, the lo­
among them), but an entirely new product, one comotive and rails, and the power loom were
bom of struggle. In this manner both individuals agents for great social change. They took peo­
and societies change.. It is a dynamic process of ple out of the fields and brought them into fac­
complex interchanges between all facets of so­ tories. They gave rise to mass production and,
cial life. As Marx (1867/1906) observed, “By through mass production, to a society in which
acting on the external world and changing it, he wealth was not confined to the few.
[the individual] at the same time changes his In a similar fashion, computers are revolu­
own nature.” tionizing the structure of American life—what
Not all conflict theorists agree with Marx some have termed the information revolution
that “all history is the history of class conflict.” (see Figure 13.1). In 1998 alone, Internet-
Other types of conflict may be equally or in related industries created more than 1 million
some instances more important than class con­ jobs and generated over $330 billion (Wise­
flict, including conflict between nations, ethnic man, 2000). More than half of U.S. households
groups, religions, and economic interest groups had computers in 2000, and 41.5 percent had
(Coser, 1956, 1957; Dahrendorf, 1958). Internet access (U.S. Department of Com­
merce, 2000). We can read the newspaper, ac­
Social Change in the cess government data, order books and CDs
and groceries, check on class assignments, read
United States lectures, and exchange messages with friends
In this section we will examine one aspect of or strangers in virtually any part of the world—
change, that associated with the rapid introduc­ all on the Internet. At the end of 1999 there
tion of technology into American life. Socio­ were nearly 5 million commercial websites,
logical models depict technological innovations with 500,000 more per month being added
as a reweaving of the social fabric—a reshap­ (Wiseman, 2000).
ing of the norms, roles, relationships, groups, A number of issues have been repeatedly
and institutions that make up society. Today we raised about the social impact of computers.
hear a good deal about the construction of “in­ First, the computer automates workplace activi-
formation highways” and “information infra­ ties that have been performed by people. The
structures.” The building of another highway Industrial Revolution centered on the supple­
system—the interstate system—reminds us of mentation and ultimate replacement of the
the vast impact that changes can have. The sys­ muscles of humans and animals by introducing
 A World of Change 443

Information Technology
Leads Investment... . .. While Information

o
ra
>
oZ

... and Boosts Exports ... . .. and Consumers Join

the Information Age
3.51---------------------------------- - -----

1980 1993

Figure 13.1
The Information Revolution

Most of the readers of this book have grown up in a world that is much changed from that of their parents,
as this set of figures shows.
Source: U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of Labor Statistics, and Morgan Stanley & Co. Adapted from May 18,
1994 issue of Business Week by special permission. Copyright © 1994 by McGraw-Hill, Inc.

mechanical methods. The information revolu­ likely to be people who already have more
tion goes beyond this to supplement and re-* power and advantages than others. While recent
place some aspects of the minds of human be­ increases have occurred in all economic, racial,
ings by electronic methods. But it seems that and ethnic groups, and the gender gap in Inter­
job creation accompanies job destructions with net use has disappeared, important differences
the highest rates of both occurring in the most remain (see Figure 13.2). For example, people
technologically advanced sectors of the econ­ with disabilities are only half as likely to have
omy where overall employment is increasing Internet access as others; African Americans
(International Labor Organization, 2001). and Hispanics have the lowest household Inter­
Second, information is a source of power, net access rates in the nation; female-headed
and computers mean information. The central­ households are half as likely to have Internet
ized accumulation of data permits the concen­ access as two-parent households; and individu­
tration of considerable power in those who als 50 years of age or older are among the least
have access to computers, These are most likely to use the Internet (Hoffman and Novak,
444 Social Change

for integrating several information files into

networks of computerized data banks. With
such networks, personal data that we provide
for one purpose can potentially be accessed for
other purposes. Thus, as people handle more
and more of their activities through electronic
instruments—mail, banking, shopping, enter­
tainment, and travel plans—it becomes techni­
cally feasible to monitor these activities with
unprecedented ease.
Finally, computers and the Internet provide
new means and opportunity for crime and de­
viance. People have found innovative ways to
use the Internet to commit fraud, to solicit for
prostitution, to prey upon the vulnerable, and to
buy and sell illegal goods and pornography
(e.g., Durkin and Bryant, 1995). We should ex­
pect more such innovation until means are de­
From The New Yorker (7/5/93). Copyright © 1993 veloped to eliminate or reduce crime and de­
The New Yorker Collection. Peter Steiner from viance in this new medium of communication.
cartoonbank.com. All Rights Reserved.
▲ What the Information Revolution
Cannot Do
1998; U.S. Department of Commerce, 2000). While the changes to come in this still-very-
And although in the Western world many of us young revolution will probably be dramatic,
take Internet access for granted, only 6 percent there also are clear limits to the impact the In­
of the world’s population has ever logged on ternet will have on our lives. First, as we have
(International Labor Organization, 2001). mentioned, the “digital divide” effectively ex­
Third, computers alter the way people re­ cludes much of the world, and significant por­
late to one another. On a telephone, we hear the tions of the United States, from participating in
other person’s voice. In face-to-face contact, Internet-related activities. As the number of
we see people smile, frown, and nod. But com­ people who routinely use the Internet rises,
puter exchanges offer no such feedback. Thus, those who have no access are at an increasing
computers may have consequences for our disadvantage. Second, how the Internet changes
sense of individuality. Computer exchanges dif­ our lives depends entirely on how we use it. In
fer in other ways. People are less likely to hold 2000, the biggest use of the Internet was for
back strong feelings when communicating by sending and receiving e-mail, with on-line
computer. And as with any piece of writing, shopping and bill paying the fastest-growing
how clearly ideas are communicated depends uses (U.S. Department of Commerce, 2000). To
on the writer’s skill. the extent that such activities reduce our use of
Fourth, computers have implications for in­ paper, transportation, and other consumers of
dividual privacy and the confidentiality of our resources and energy, using the Internet can be
communications and personal data. The grow­ seen as environmentally friendly. On the other
ing use of computers to collect data and store hand, an assessment of energy consumption
information provides the technical capability concluded that 8 percent of the electricity used
 A World of Change 445

Computer Ownership and Internet Access in U.S. Households,

by Race and Ethnicity, 1998-2000

E] 1998 D2000

Figure 13.2
The Digital Divide

Access to computers and the Internet is increasing rapidly in the United States, but a significant “digital
divide” remains among racial and ethnic groups.
Source: U.S. Department of Commerce, 2000.

in the United States is now attributable to com­ ties” (The Economist, 2000b). Likewise, the
puter use (The Economist, 2000b). And when ease of communication offered by the Internet
the end result of convenient order placing is in­ might be thought to have the potential to im­
creased consumption and delivery of goods, we prove our understanding of those in other
are not helping the environment. cultures. But some pin the blame for war and
Neither, some analysts think, are we likely conflict on human nature, which remains un­
to significantly improve international relations changed by the information revolution: “De­
and understanding via the Internet. In the mid- spite the claims of the technoprophets, human­
1850s, when the first transatlantic telegraph ity cannot simply invent away its failings. The
was sent, technology enthusiasts predicted that Internet is not the first technology to have been
it would eradicate “old prejudices and hostili­ hailed as a panacea—and it will certainly not
446 Social Change

be the last” (The Economist, 2000b: 12). It may to be enhanced when a nation’s economy pro­
be that an intelligently structured and wisely vides for literacy, education, and communica­
applied computer technology might help a soci­ tion, creates a pluralistic rather than a centrally
ety to raise its standard of literacy, education, dominated social order, and prevents extreme
and general knowledgeability. But there is no inequalities among the various social strata. Ef­
automatic, positive link between knowledge ficient systems of communication and a diver­
and its enlightened use. sity of social groups and organizations are be­
lieved to distribute political resources and skills
Social Change in Developing among multiple segments of the community
and provide the foundation of effective opposi­
Nations tion parties.
It is difficult today to read a newspaper or
watch the news without noticing the changes ▲ World System or Dependency
that continually affect the world. The Middle World system (and dependency) approaches
East, Central America, southern Africa, and view the social structures of developing natioris
countless other global centers may conjure up as shaped by the historical experience of colo­
images of boiling cauldrons of social transition nialism. the timing and manner of their incor­
and transformation. Sociologists have ap­ poration into the global capitalist economy, and
proached social change in developing nations the perpetuation of their dependency through
from two somewhat different perspectives: political domination, multinational corpora­
modernization and world system. tions. and unfavorable exchange arrangements.
According to world system and depend­
▲ Modernization ency analysis, developing nations cannot reca­
Modernization describes the process by which pitulate the developmental trajectory of West­
a society moves from traditional or preindus­ ern nations and Japan. An unequal exchange
trial social and economic arrangements to those takes place between core and periphery nations
characteristic of industrial societies. Implicit in (see Chapter 9), with development in core na­
the notion of modernization is the assumption tions occurring at the cost of underdevelop­
that there is basically one predominant course ment in periphery nations (London and
of development—namely, that followed by ad­ Williams, 1990: Walton and Ragin. 1990;
vanced Western nations and Japan. Viewed in Chase-Dunn and Hall. 1993). More particu­
this manner, modernization entails patterns of larly. specialization in the production and ex­
convergence in which societies become in­ port of raw materials is said to be detrimental
creasingly urban, industry overshadows agri­ to the long-term growth prospects of develop­
culture. the population increases in size and ing nations. Such specialization distorts these
density, the division of labor becomes more nations’ economies because they become re­
specialized, and the knowledge base grows sponsive to the demands of the world market
larger and more complex. East Asia, including rather than to internal developmental needs;
Taiwan, South Korea, Hong Kong (now part of development is shaped primarily by external
China), and Singapore, is the showcase of mod­ forces and processes. Further, investments in.
ernization theories. the production or mining of raw materials mo­
The momentum for change derives from nopolize capital to the detriment of other types
internal forces and processes. The chances that of investment. And class formation in the de­
a developing country will evolve in the direc­ pendent nations results in a small elite whose
tion of liberal Western democracies are thought economic interests are linked to foreign in-
 Collective Behavior 447

vestors in the core countries* (Berberoglu, thrown themselves into a great many types of
1987; Bradshaw, 1988). Dependency theorists mass behavior, including social unrest, riots,
see Latin America and Africa as affording stark manias, fads, panics, mass flights, lynchings,
evidence of the limits that dependency imposes religious revivals, and rebellions. Accordingly,
on nations. no discussion of social change can neglect col­
In sum, whereas modernization approaches lective behavior.
look to convergences in political and economic
development, world system and dependency
analysis looks to divergences. And whereas
Varieties of Collective Behavior
modernization theories view direct, private for­ Collective behavior comes in a great many
eign investment as an asset in the development forms. To gain a better appreciation for the im­
of developing nations, world system and de­ pact such behavior has on our lives, let us con­
pendency approaches consider foreign invest­ sider a number of varieties of collective behav­
ment as the prime culprit in many Third World ior at greater length.
social ills. Overall, those in advantaged interna­
tional positions tend to favor explanations that ▲ Rumors
emphasize the internal features of development A rumor is a difficult-to-verify piece of infor­
(modernization approaches), and those in dis­ mation transmitted from person to person in rel­
advantaged positions prefer explanations that atively rapid fashion. We often think of rumors
look to external factors (world system or de­ as providing false information, and in many
pendency approaches). cases this is true. But they also may be accurate
Fast-moving world events have also im­ or, at the very least, contain a kernel of truth.
pacted the sociological study of change in de­ Rumors typically arise in situations in which
veloping nations (Firebaugh, 1992; Bollen and people lack information or distrust the official
Appold, 1993; Moaddel, 1994). The field is in sources of information. They are a substitute for
flux because in recent years it has confronted a hard news, a collective attempt by people to
host of new issues: How will the demise of achieve information and understanding about
communism and Cold War tensions impact matters that are important to them but about
these countries? Will an information age enable which they are ignorant (Shibutani, 1966; Ros-
developing nations to leapfrog stages in eco­ now, 1991). As such, rumors are both a form of
nomic development? How will new population collective behavior and an important element in
policies and women’s issues affect develop­ most other forms of collective behavior.
ment policies? Periods of anxiety, tension, and sagging
economic conditions provide an environment
that leads to a proliferation of rumors (Rosnow
Collective Behavior and Kimmel. 1979; Koenig, 1982, 1985).
Under these circumstances rumors give people
Rapid social change and the upheavals that re­ a way to make sense out of their social world
sult from it also make it more likely that people and to structure reality. Indeed, the more fright­
will engage in collective behaviors—ways of ened people are by a rumor, the more likely
thinking, feeling, and acting that develop they are to repeat it. They often repeat a rumor
among a large number of people and that are that frightens them in hopes of finding that it is
relatively spontaneous and unstructured. And wrong. But since other people may not afford
collective behaviors can result in social change. contrary information, the process serves to es7
From earliest recorded times people have calate popular fears (Goleman. 1991b).
448 Social Change

Rumors tend to evolve and take on new de­ gesture arbitrarily serving as signs of an in­
tails as people interact and talk, and with the group or out-group status (Erikson, 1968).
Internet they can spread around the world in the Some fads, however, come to preoccupy
time it takes to walk to your neighbor’s house individuals, becoming, all-oonsuming passions.
to gossip. Some research suggests that highly Such fads are called crazes. Financial specula­
anxious people spread rumors much more fre­ tion at times assumes craze proportions
quently than less anxious ones. Likewise, (Chatzky, 1992). In the famous Holland tulip
rumor participants—people who are eager to mania in the 17th century, the value of tulip
listen to or pass on a rumor—are often individ­ bulbs came to exceed their weight in gold; the
uals who wish to attract attention (Koenig, bulbs were not planted, but bought and sold
1982, 1985). among speculators.
One type of rumor that is particularly com­
mon involves alleged contamination (Turner, ▲ Mass Hysteria
1994). For instance, McDonald's has had to Mass hysteria refers to the rapid dissemination
fight rumors that it puts earthworms in ham­ of behaviors involving contagious anxiety, usu­
burgers. Some people have seen a communist ally associated with some mysterious for ye. For
connection in the clenched-fist symbol of Arm instance, medieval witch-hunts rested on the be­
& Hammer, the baking soda company. Procter lief that many social ills were caused by witches.
& Gamble has been plagued with persistent ru­ Likewise, some "epidemics” of assembly-line
mors that its 140-year-old moon-and-stars illness—mass psychogenic illness—derive from
trademark is a satanic symbol. hysterical contagion. In recent years episodes of
mass psychogenic illness have occurred in U.S.
▲ Fashion and Fads plants packing frozen fish, punching computer
Human beings manage to be conformists even cards, assembling electrical switches, sewing
when they seek change. They achieve this shoes, making dresses, and manufacturing lawn
strange anomaly by a set of norms that demand furniture. In most cases the workers complain of
some measure of conformity while they endure headache, nausea, dizziness, weakness, and
but that last only a short time (Davis, 1949). breathing difficulty. However, health authorities,
Such norms are termed fashions and fads. including physicians, industrial hygienists, and
A fashion is a folkway that lasts for a short toxicologists, find no bacteria, virus, toxic mate­
time and enjoys widespread acceptance within rial. or other pathogenic agent to explain the
society. Fashion finds expression in such things symptoms. Mass psychogenic illness is usually a
as styles of clothing, automobile design, and collective response to severe stress. An event
home architecture. such as speedup or required overtime commonly
A fad is a folkway that lasts for a short time triggers the outbreak (Colligan. Pennebaker. and
and enjoys acceptance among only a segment of Murphy. 1982).
the population. Indeed, the behavior is often
scorned by most people. Fads often appear in ▲ Panic
amusements, new games, popular tunes, dance Panic involves irrational and uncoordinated but
steps, health practices, movie idols, and slang. collective actions among people induced by the
Adolescents are particularly prone toward fads, presence of an immediate, severe threat. For
perhaps because their identities are rather dif­ example, people commonly flee from a catas­
fuse and fluctuating. The fads become a vehicle trophe such as a fire or flood. The behavior is
whereby young people can gain a sense of iden­ collective because social interaction intensifies
tity and belonging, with aspects of dress and people’s fright. Consider what happened on
 Collective Behavior 449

Halloween evening in 1938 when a radio drama

(by Howard Koch) of H. G. Wells’s novel The
War of the Worlds stirred up incidents of panic
behavior in the United States (Cantril, 1940).
The broadcast purported to describe an inva­
sion of Martians and was related in the form of
special news bulletins and on-the-spot reports
interspersed with interviews with “eyewit­
nesses,” “scientists,” “public officials,” and
“commentators.” As the broadcast proceeded,
people ran to tell others by word of mouth and
by telephone. Some ran to the streets in panic.
Others took to their cars to drive as far as possi­
ble from the place of invasion. Still others fell
to the floor in prayer, or sat immobilized, wait­
ing for the inevitable end. Estimates suggest
that at least a million Americans were disturbed
by the story. The following morning, when
newspapers and radio broadcasts reported that
the affair was a hoax, the excitement ended.

▲ Crowds
The crowd is one of the most familiar and at
times spectacular forms of collective behavior. These rioters at a soccer match provide
It is a temporary, relatively unorganized gather­ a good example of an acting crowd.
ing of people in close physical proximity. Be­
cause a wide range of behavior is encompassed
by the concept, sociologist Herbert Blumer
(1946; see also McPhail, 1989) distinguishes tion of people who are engaged in rioting, loot­
four basic types of crowd behavior. The first, a ing, or other forms of aggressive behavior in
casual crowd, is a collection of people who which established norms carry little weight.
have little in common except that they may be Although crowds differ from one another
viewing a common event, such as looking in many ways, they also share a number of
through a department store window, visiting a characteristics:
museum, or attending a movie. The second, a
conventional crowd, entails a number of peo­ b Suggestibility. The behavior of crowd
ple who have assembled for some specific pur­ members is not guided by conventional
pose and who typically act in accordance with norms. Individuals are usually more sus­
established norms, such as people attending a ceptible to images, directions, and proposi­
baseball game or a concert. The third, an ex­ tions emanating from others.
pressive crowd, is an aggregation of people 2. Deindividualization. Deindividualization
who have gotten together for self-stimulation is a psychological state of diminished iden­
and personal gratification, such as occurs at a tity and self-awareness /Zimbardo, 1969).
religious revival or a rock festival. And fourth, People feel less inhibited in committing
an acting crowd is an excited, volatile collec- disapproved acts in a group.
450 Social Change

3. Invulnerability In crowd settings individu­ make collective behavior virtually inevitable.

als often acquire a sense that they are more Let us take a closer look at each of the deter­
powerful and invincible than they are in minants in Smelser’s model.
routine, everyday settings. Moreover, they
feel that social control mechanisms are less ▲ Structural Conduciveness
likely to be applied to them as individuals, Structural conduciveness refers to social con­
resulting in an increase in behavior not ditions that permit a particular variety of col­
normally approved by society, such as ag­ lective behavior to occur. Before a financial
gression, risk taking, self-enhancement, panic is possible, for example, such as the
stealing, vandalism, and the uttering of ob­ stock-market crash of 1929, there must be a fi­
scenities (Dipboye, 1977; Mann, Newton, nancial market where assets can be exchanged
and Innes, 1982). freely and rapidly. This basis does not exist in
societies where property can be transferred
We will return to a discussion of crowds only to the firstborn son on the father’s death
shortly, considering several theories of crowd because the holders of property lack sufficient
behavior. But first, let us examine a number of maneuverability to dispose of their assets on
preconditions for collective behavior. short notice.

Preconditions for Collective ▲ Structural Strain

Behavior __________________ Structural strain is said to occur when impor­
tant aspects of a social system are “out of
Sociologist Neil J. Smelser (1963) provided a joint." Wars, economic crises, natural disasters,
framework for examining collective behavior and technological change disrupt the traditional
based on the value-added model popular among rhythm of life and interfere with the way peo­
economists. Value-added is the idea that each ple normally carry out their activities. As stress
step in the production process—from raw ma­ accumulates across time, individuals experi­
terials to the finished product—increases the ence social malaise—a feeling of underlying
economic value of manufactured goods. and pervasive discontent.
As viewed by Smelser. episodes of collec­
tive behavior are products of a sequence of ▲ The Growth of a Generalized Belief
steps that constitute six determinants of col­ Structural strain and a sense of social malaise
lective behavioral) structural conduciveness, by themselves are not enough to produce col­
(2) structural strain, (3) growth and spread of lective behavior. People must define a situation
a generalized belief, (4) precipitating factors, as a problem in need of a solution. In the
(5) mobilization of participants for action, and course of social interaction, they evolve a
(6) the operation of social control. Each deter­ shared view of reality and common ideas about
minant is shaped by those that precede it, and how they should respond to it. This type of be­
it in turn shapes the ones that follow. More­ lief regarding Martian invaders precipitated the
over, with the introduction of each successive panic associated with the 1938 Halloween
determinant to the value-added sequence, the broadcast.
range of potential final outcomes becomes
progressively narrowed. Smelser contended ▲ Precipitating Factors
that each of the six factors in the scheme is a Some sort of event is needed to touch off or trig­
necessary condition for the production of col­ ger collective action. A precipitating event cre­
lective behavior, while all six are believed to ates. sharpens, or exaggerates conditions of con-
 Collective Behavior 451

duciveness and strain. Additionally, it provides leged to be the most segregated large city in the
adherents of a belief with explicit evidence of South. The brutal social control brought to bear
the workings of evil forces or greater promise of on Birmingham African Americans gave impe­
success. Revolutions, for example, are often pre­ tus to some 1,122 civil rights demonstrations in
cipitated in this manner: the March 11. 1917, the following four months in cities throughout
tsarist decrees against Petrograd strikers precipi­ the nation.
tated the Russian Revolution.
▲ Assessing the Value-Added Model
▲ The Mobilization of Participants Smelser’s value-added model provides a useful
for Action tool for grasping the complexity of collective
Collective behavior requires participants. Soci­ behavior, but the approach does have serious
ologists use the concept “critical mass” to refer limitations. In some cases of collective action,
to the threshold or number of participants that all six stages do not occur, or they do not take
must be reached before collective behavior place in the sequence Smelser specified (Mil­
erupts or explodes (Oliver and Marwell, 1988; gram, 1977). Additionally, some forms of
Macy, 1991). Recruitment to religious sects and crowd behavior are better explained by other
to social movements typically occurs through perspectives, to which we turn next.
lines of preexisting social relationships; for ex­
ample, among relatives, neighbors, friends, and Explanations of Crowd
work associates (Gould, 1991; Opp and Gem, Behavior
1993). In turn, intense and sustained social ac­
tion is mediated through integration into orga­ Although crowd members differ in a great
nizational and personal networks of individuals many ways, their behavior seems to derive
(McAdam and Paulsen, 1993). from a common impulse and to be dominated
by a single spirit. What happens in the course
▲ Operation of Social Control of crowd behavior? What processes fashion
The sixth factor in Smelser’s scheme is the op­ people’s behavior under crowd conditions?
eration of social control, a counterdeterminant Three somewhat different answers have been
that prevents, interrupts, deflects, or inhibits the supplied by sociologists to these questions.
accumulation of the other factors. Social con­
trol typically takes two forms. .First. there are ▲ Contagion Theory
controls designed to prevent the occurrence of Contagion theory emphasizes the part that
an episode of collective behavior by lessening rapidly communicated and uncritically ac­
conduciveness and strain (e.g., welfare pro­ cepted feelings, attitudes, and actions play in
grams that seek to pacify the underclasses). crowd settings. Its proponents assume that una­
Second, there are controls that attempt to re­ nimity prevails within a crowd; crowd members
press an episode of collective behavior after it often seem to act in identical ways and to be
has begun (e.g., police measures and curfews). dominated by a similar impulse. Thus, a crowd
In some instances, however, the activities is often spoken of in the singular, as if it were a
of the agents of social control precipitate col­ real thing—’’the crowd roars” and “the angry
lective behavior and even violence (Wadding­ mob surges forward.” This view of the crowd is
ton, Jones, and Critcher, 1989). A good illustra­ embodied in the influential work of the 19th-
tion of this occurred in the spring of 1963 when century French writer Gustave Le Bon (1896:
the Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr., took the 23-24), who set forth the “law of the mental
civil rights fight to Birmingham, Alabama, al­ unity of crowds.”
452 Social Change

Le Bon’s contagion theory depicted the that characterize crowd members. They may be
crowd as characterized by a “mob mind” that impulsive, suggestible, opportunistic, passive
overpowers and submerges the individual. A supporters, cautious activists, or passers-by.
uniform mood and imagery evolve conta­ The approach denies that people find them­
giously through three mechanisms: imitation— selves spontaneously infected with the emo­
the tendency for one person to do the same tions of others to the extent that they want to
thing that others are doing; suggestibility-—a behave as others do (Turner, 1964; Turner and
state in which individuals become susceptible Killian, 1972; Shibutani, 1986).
to images, directions, and propositions emanat­ Instead, emergent-norm theory draws upon
ing from others; and circular reaction—a the work of psychologists Muzafer Sherif
process whereby the emotions of others elicit (1936) and Solomon Asch (1952) that deals
the same emotions in oneself, in turn intensify­ with social conformity in ambiguous situations
ing the emotions of others in a reciprocal man­ (see Chapter 4). Collective behav- pp. 110-12!
ner. However, Le Bon’s concept of the crowd ior entails an attempt by people to find meaning
mind as some sort of supraindividual entity— in an uncertain social setting (Turner and Kil­
one that is endowed with thinking processes lian, 1972). Individuals search for cues to ap­
and a capacity for feeling and believing—is re­ propriate and acceptable behavior. Like the sub­
jected by most social scientists (Milgram and jects in Sherif’s experiments, who developed
Toch, 1969). Only individual human beings are group norms that were different from the stan­
capable of thought and emotion. dards they developed when they were alone,
crowd members collectively evolve new stan­
▲ Convergence Theory dards for behavior. Crowd members then pro­
Whereas contagion theorists see normal, decent ceed to enforce the norm: They reward behavior
people being transformed under crowd influ­ consistent with it, inhibit behavior contrary to
ence. convergence theory proposes that a it, justify proselytizing, and institute actions
crowd consists of a highly unrepresentative that restrain dissenters. Since the new behavior
body of people who assemble because they differs from that in noncrowd situations, the
share the same predispositions. For instance, norm must be specific to the situation—hence,
social psychologist Hadley Cantril (1941) stud­ an emergent norm.
ied a Leeville, Texas, lynching and contended
that the active members came chiefly from the ▲ Assessing the Perspective
lowest economic bracket and several had previ­ The three perspectives provide differing views
ous police records. As a class, poor whites were of crowd behavior. Even so, they are not mutu­
most likely to compete for jobs with African ally exclusive. Consider what happens at a
Americans and were most likely to find their homecoming football game. Contagion con­
own status threatened by the presence of suc­ tributes to the excitement through a process of
cessful African Americans. These individuals circular reaction. Convergence operates since
provided a reservoir of people who were ready loyal alumni and football enthusiasts are se­
for a lynching with a minimum of provocation. lected out from the larger population and come
together in the stadium. Finally, an emergent
▲ Emergent-Norm Theory norm defines what constitutes an appropriate
The emergent-norm theory stresses the lack response to a particular event and suppresses
of unanimity in many crowd situations and the incongruous behavior. Each perspective affords
differences in motives, attitudes, and actions a useful tool for understanding crowd behavior.
 Social Movements 453

Causes of Social Movements

Social Movements
What factors lead people to form and join so­
Sociologists view a social movement as a cial movements? Social movements may arise
more-or-less persistent and organized effort from social misery and, more particularly, in
on the part of a relatively large number "Of social and economic deprivation. They alsovre-
people to bring about or resist change. The quire resources and organizations.
civil rights movement mobilized 200,000 peo­
ple to march in Washington, D.C., in 1963 ▲ Deprivation Approaches
and many more to demonstrate across the As noted in earlier chapters, Karl Marx held that
country and resulted in an end to segregated capitalist exploitation leads to progressive im­
schools and other public facilities. The poverishment of the working class. He expected
women’s movement has transformed our soci­ that over time conditions would become so
ety from one in which women are relegated to abominable that workers would be compelled to
the kitchen to one in which women work recognize the social nature of their misery and
alongside men in almost every type of career. overthrow their oppressors. However, Marx also
Like collective behavior, social movements recognized that the suffering of the underclasses
often appear in times of rapid social change. can be so intense and their resulting alienation
Both frequently provide an impetus to social so massive that all social and revolutionary con­
change. Indeed, both occur outside the institu­ sciousness is deadened. Marx also recognized a
tional framework that forms everyday life and type of relative deprivation, a discontent associ­
break through the familiar web of ordered ex­ ated witntEe gap between what people actually
pectations. But while collective behavior is have and what they have come to expect and feel
characterized by spontaneity and a lack of in­ to be their just due. He foresaw that the working
ternal structure, social movements possess a class could become better off as capitalism ad­
considerable measure of internal order and vanced, but the gap between owners and workers
purposeful orientation. This organizational would widen and produce among the latter deep­
potential allows social movements to chal­ ening feelings of comparative disadvantage
lenge established institutions. (Giddens, 1973; Harrington, 1976).
Central to the concept of social move­ A number of sociologists have suggested
ment is the idea that people intervene in the that a major factor in the evolution of the
process of social change. Rather than re­ African-American protest in the 1960s was the
sponding passively to the flow of life or to its emergence among African Americans of a
troubling aspects, people seek to alter the growing sense of relative deprivation
course of history. Of equal significance, they (Geschwender, 1964; Gurr, 1970). The prosper­
undertake joint activity. Individuals con­ ity of the 1950s and 1960s gave many African
sciously act together with a sense of engaging Americans a taste of the affluent society. They
in a common enterprise. Christianity, the Cru­ gained enough to arouse realistic hopes for
sades, the Reformation, the American Revolu­ more. Hence, grievances related to squalid
tion, the antislavery movement, the labor housing, limited job opportunities, persistent
movement, Zionism, and fascism—like other unemployment, low pay, and police brutality
social movements—have profoundly affected were felt as severely frustrating. The civil rights
the societies they have touched. movement arose not so much as a protest fed
by despair as one fed by rising expectations.
 13.2 ISSUES IN FOCUS

What Keeps People Involved in Social Movements?

Why do people join social One answer is that leaders that successful groups were
movements? And, having must get members and more likely to have used
joined, why do they continue to potential members to believe in mechanisms promoting
participate? the cause, to be committed to it commitment than unsuccessful
The rational choice model out of personal, fervent belief. groups (Kanter, 1968). In the
suggests that people get Another proposes that some 1980s John Hall reanalyzed her
involved because of what they sort of social mechanisms are data, finding that four factors
perceive the movements can required to control behavior, were strongly associated with a
do for them. But once people resulting in members who are group’s long-term success
are involved, how should committed to the movement for (Hall, 1983, 1988):
leaders of the movements reasons beyond personal belief
keep members actively in its inherent worth. • A common ethnic back­
participating and contributing In 1968 Rosabeth Kanter ground and/or a foreign
and prevent them from published an account of language spoken by the
engaging in “free ridership”; 30 American communal groups group’s members.
that is, being members in in the 19th century, including • A spiritual hierarchy, with
name but not actually the Shakers, Utopia, Amana, those in authority being of
contributing anything to the New Harmony, Oneida, and the higher moral status than
cause? Order of Enoch. She showed other members.

Sociologist James Davies (1962, 1969, 1978a; Taylor, 1989; Walton and Ragin, 1990).
1974) found that relative deprivation may also They emphasize the importance of structural
be fostered under another condition—that char­ factors, such as the availability of resources for
acterized by his “rise-and-drop,” or “J-curve,” pursuing particular goals and the network of in­
hypothesis (see Figure 13.3). He contended that terpersonal relationships that serve as the focus
revolutions are most likely to take place when a for membership recruitment. People are seen as
prolonged period of social and economic bet­ participating in a social movement not as the re­
terment is followed by a period of sharp rever­ sult of deprivation but as a response to a rational •
sal. People fear that the gains they achieved decision-making process whereby they weigh -
with great effort will be lost, and their mood the costs and benefits of participation. Conse­
becomes revolutionary. quently. conditions of political opportunity—for
instance, support from established elites, con­
Resource Mobilization Approaches temporary models of successful political ac­
According to the resource mobilization school, tivism, and preexisting organizational networks
social discontent is more or less constant and and organizations—play a critical part in the de­
thus endemic within all modem societies (Tilly, velopment of social movement?.

454
• Obligatory confession, in How can we determine opposite has been found: In
which one’s transgres­ the importance of such control the groups that were the
sions might be pointed out mechanisms as the wearing of oldest and survived intact the
before confession by uniforms, the presence of a longest, researchers found
other members or leaders. spiritual hierarchy, obligatory continuing high levels of these
• The wearing of uniforms, confession, and common control mechanisms. Clearly,
or special clothes that set ethnicity or foreign language? people experience their
group members apart Perhaps one or more of these connections to these groups
from the rest of society. control mechanisms are as feelings of commitment,
needed at first, to cement the and we know that group
An example might help bonds connecting the group involvements cause
make those characteristics members. But are they transformations of personal
more concrete: The Amish, a required on a continuing identity. But Hall’s study
group that speaks German, basis, or does belief in the shows that these factors are
has church leaders and elders, cause, movement, or group less important than
and dresses very differently take over? mechanisms of social control
than the “English,” as Amish If the success of social in maintaining group solidarity.
call non-Amish persons. movements and intentional It is the use of control
Children are not taught to communities were dependent mechanisms that accounts for
speak English until they attend on the intensity of belief and the longevity of social
school. If one transgresses in commitment that arises from movements and groups.
Amish society, the punishment that belief, we might expect
can be shunning, in which the that as these groups get older Source: Michael Hechter, 1987.
transgressor is cast out from the social control mechanisms Principles of group solidarity.
Amish society and cut off from identified by Hall would cease Los Angeles: University of
friends and family. to be needed. In fact, the California Press.

In many cases, resources and organizations ers. Hence, the success or failure of a social
outside the protest group are crucial in deter­ movement derives from strategic factors and
mining the scope and outcomes of collective the political processes in which it becomes en­
action. External support is especially critical meshed (Burstein, 1991b; Morris, 1993). Other
for movements of the poor. Sociologist J. Craig factors also may be involved (see Box 13.2).
Jenkins (1985) contrasted the unsuccessful at­
tempt to organize farmworkers by the National Types of Social Movements
Farm Labor Union from 1946 to 1952 with the
successful organization of Mexican farmwork­ A set of ideas—an ideology—is critical to a so­
ers by the United Farm Workers from 1965 to cial movement. An ideology provides individu­
1972. Jenkins argued that the United Farm als with conceptions of the movement’s pur­
Workers succeeded because internal divisions poses. its rationale for existence, its indictment
in government neutralized opposition elites, of existing conditions or arrangements, and its
while the support of the liberal-labor coalition design for action (Moaddel, 1992). It functions
during the reform years of the 1960s and early as a kind of glue that joins people together in a
1970s turned the tide in favor of the farmwork­ fellowship of belief. But an ideology not only

455
456 Social Change

An Intolerable Gap
between What People
Want and What They Get^i
c
o Expected Need
o A Tolerable Gap
CO Satisfaction^
between What
ro People Want and
0)
What They Get Actual Need
Satisfaction Revolution
Occurs at
This Time
Time

Figure 13.3
Davies’s /-Curve Theory of Revolution

The figure illustrates Davies’s theory that revolutions are often fostered when a period of social and
economic betterment is succeeded by sharp reversals, fueling concern that the gains will be lost.
Source: Adapted from James C. Davies, “Toward a Theory of Revolution,” American Sociological Review, vol. 27,
February 1962, fig. 1, p. 6.

binds together otherwise isolated and separated phasis. They sought to institute basic changes
individuals, it unites them with a cause. In so in the republican form of government in the
doing it prepares them for self-sacrifice on be­ United States, to rearrange the class structure,
half of the movement—at times even to lay and to inaugurate a system of greater African-
down their lives for the “True God,” “the New American autonomy.
Nation,” or “the Revolution.” Organized efforts called resistance move­
Some movements pursue objectives that ments arise not only for the purpose of institut­
aim to change society through challenging fun­ ing change but also to block change or to elimi­
damental values; others seek modifications nate a previously instituted change. Thus, the
within the framework of the existing value movement for civil rights in the South un­
scheme. In the former case, revolutionary leashed a white counterattack beginning in the
movements advocate replacement of the exist­ 1950s that found expression in the organization
ing value scheme; in the latter, reform move­ of white citizens’ councils and Ku Klux Klan
ments pursue changes that will implement the groups (Vander Zanden, 1965, 1983).
existing value scheme more adequately. The Still other types of movements—expressive
civil rights movement identified with the lead­ movements—are less concerned with institu­
ership of the Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr., tional change than with a renovating or renewing
had a reform emphasis. It sought to extend val­ of people from within, frequently with the prom­
ues already acknowledged as inherent in politi­ ise of some future redemption. Pentecostal and
cal democracy to the African-American popula­ holiness religious sects are the most common ex­
tion of the United States. In contrast, a number amples of expressive movements. Less common
of African-American nationalist groups that are expressive movements that appeal primarily
arose in the late 1960s had a revolutionary em­ to the middle class, such as Zen Buddhism and
 Social Movements 457

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CtENfcCUT -’WTO
urn. ji
■1
■ i .one I
L.

Participants in organized social movements, such as these protesters at the

International Monetary Fund meeting in Seattle in 2000, often use signs and
placards that contain succinct and clear statements of their ideology.

est (Erhard Seminars Training) that were popular the established regime is weakened so that the
in the United States in the 1970s and 1980s (Tip­ army is no longer a reliable tool for suppress­
ton, 1982). Although most expressive move­ ing domestic disorder. Where army officers are
ments arise among the underprivileged, they do drawn from elites in conflict with the central
not seek comprehensive social change nor do government, or when troops sympathize with
they aim to save the world. Their goal is to save their civilian counterparts, the unreliability of
individuals from a world that is becoming pro­ the army increases the vulnerability of the
gressively degenerate or oppressive. state. Third, political crises—often associated
with long-term international conflicts that
result in military defeat—weaken the existing
Social Revolution regime and contribute to the collapse of the
A social revolution involves the overthrow of a state apparatus. And fourth, a substantial seg­
society’s state and class structures and the cre­ ment of the population must mobilize in upris­
ation of new social arrangements. Revolutions ings that bring a new elite to power. Peasant re­
are most likely to occur under certain condi­ volts usually stem from landlords’ taking over
tions. First, a good deal of political power is peasant lands, substantial increases in taxation
concentrated in the state, so there is a central­ or rents, or famines. Urban uprisings com­
ized governing apparatus. Accordingly, the monly derive from sharp jumps in food prices
state can become the focus for collective anger and unusually high levels of unemployment
and attack. Second, the military’s allegiance to (Skocpol, 1979; Goldstone, 1991).
458 Social Change

A number of historians and sociologists demned, and the emphasis falls on the fashion­
have surveyed important Western revolutions in ing of stable institutions. Although not all revo­
search of common stages and patterns in their lutions pass through the identical sequence of
development. From this work have stemmed a stages, there are recurrent patterns in the un­
number of observations regarding the sequence folding of revolutionary activity.
of events that typically unfold in the course of
major social revolutions, an approach called the Terrorism
natural history of revolutions.
Prior to the revolution, intellectuals— Terrorism is the use of force or violence
journalists, poets, playwrights, essayists, lawyers, against persons or property to intimidate or
and others—withdraw support from the exist­ coerce a government, a formal organization,
ing regime and demand major reforms. Under or a civilian population in furtherance of polit­
increasing attack, the state attempts to meet ical, religious, or social objectives. In prac­
the criticisms by instituting a number of re­ tice, as with a great many other behaviors,
forms (e.g., the reforms of Louis XVI in what constitutes terrorism is a matter of social
France). The onset of the revolution is her­ definition. Thus, it is often difficult to distin­
alded by a weakening or paralysis of the state, guish “your terrorist” from “our freedom
usually brought on by the government’s in­ fighter” or to differentiate "aid to terrorists”
ability to deal with a major military, eco­ from “covert support of friendly forces,” as
nomic, or political problem. The collapse of with the Reagan administration’s controversial
the old regime brings to the forefront divisions support of the Nicaraguan contras, or counter­
among conservatives who attempt to minimize revolutionary fighters, in the mid-1980s. But
change, radicals who seek fundamental what distinguishes most contemporary terror­
change, and moderates who try to steer a mid­ ism is the extent of state involvement in carry­
dle course. Coups or civil war often ensue. ing out well-planned and highly destructive
The first to gain the reins of power are usually acts against adversary nations (Perdue. 1989).
moderate reformers. It is a new mode of warfare with far-reaching
The moderates seek to reconstruct govern­ implications.
mental authority on the basis of limited reform,
often employing organizational structures left ▲ A Media Event
over from the old regime. Simultaneously, radi­ Very often terrorism is aimed at a media audi­
cal centers of mass mobilization spring up with ence. not the actual victims. The “theater of
new organizations. The moderates, saddled terror” becomes possible only when the media
with the same problems and liabilities that afford the stage and access to a worldwide au­
felled the old regime, are replaced by the radi­ dience. The act of media coverage also often
cals. The disorder that follows the revolution enhances the importance of the issue that al­
and the seizure of power by the radicals results legedly led to the terrorist activities. Newspa­
in coercive rule. This is the stage of “terror” per readers and television viewers see the
that characterized the guillotine days of the issue as of substantially greater importance
French Revolution. Turmoil persists and allows and as justifying resolution by national or in­
military leaders to move into ascendancy. Fi­ ternational action. For instance, the 1983
nally. radicalism gives way to a phase of prag­ bombing of the Marine barracks in Beirut led
matism and the consolidation of a new status many Americans, including members of Con­
quo. The “excesses” of the revolution are con­ gress, to oppose U.S. involvement in Lebanon.
 Looking to the Future 459

The media portrayed grotesque scenes of the a job payoff down the road. We involve our­
bodies of young American soldiers being selves in environmental, civil rights, antinu­
dragged through the streets in Somalia in clear, or women's movements to have a voice
1993. making the American public desirous of in the shaping of tomorrow’s world.
avoiding further entanglement in the affairs of And yet we can only speculate on what the
other countries. future will bring. We will probably have little
more success anticipating the century ahead
▲ Terrorists and Social Change than did our compatriots 100 years ago at the
When terrorists engage in brutality in the ser­ future-oriented World's Columbian Exposition
vice of a cause, they can see themselves as act­ in Chicago, which we discussed in the intro­
ing to save the world and destroy evil. They are duction to the chapter. For the most part the
frequently teenagers and young adults who ex­ forecasts provided by 74 prominent Americans
perience a strong sense of political powerless­ not only turned out to be w rong but hilariously
ness and helplessness that boils into burning wrong. On the other hand, sometimes human
rage. The more the individuals are impatient, beings are able to predict the future, at least for
desperate, and alienated from the power struc­ limited periods: 30 years ago The Kerner Com­
tures they wish to command and from the mission, a presidential commission on U.S.
masses they seek to lead, the more likely they race relations, predicted that “our nation is
are to resort to violence (Reich, 1990). moving toward two societies, one black, one
Somewhat similar patterns find expression white—separate and unequal.’’ A 1998 report
in issue-oriented terrorism such as that associ­ indicated that despite substantial racial progress
ated in the United States with bombings of in some areas, racial inequalities are becoming
Planned Parenthood offices and women's more deeply rooted in U.S. society (Curtis and
health clinics that offer abortion services. In Harris, 1998).
contrast to the close-knit, disciplined groups of Clearly, the complexity of society makes it
the 1980s, more acts of terrorism are now exceedingly difficult to predict the distant future
being perpetrated by loose groupings of people with accuracy, and even the not too distant fu­
of similar backgrounds and beliefs or by indi­ ture is often hard to anticipate (see Box 13.3).
viduals acting alone. People may engage in po­ Futurists—individuals who specialize in the
litical violence when they view themselves as study of the future, seeking to understand, pre­
victims of repression and deem peaceful dict. and plan the future of society—have iden­
protest to be ineffective. Many of the same fac­ tified two changes that seem to be central to
tors that underlie social movements also feed contemporary social life (Coates and Jarratt.
terrorism. 1990: Halal and Nikitin. 1990). First, the United
States is being restructured from an industrial to
an information society. Second, modem soci­
Looking to the Future eties are increasingly shifting from a national to
a global economy.
We undertake many of our daily activities in For 300 years technology has been cast in
anticipation of the future. We carry out our job a mechanical model, one based on combustion
responsibilities in the expectation that we will processes. The steam engine opened the me­
be paid at the end of the week or the month. We chanical age, which reached its apex with the
invest our money, energy, and time in an educa­ discovery of nuclear fission and nuclear fu­
tion based on the assumption that there will be sion. Now high-tech industries are becoming
 13.3 DOING SOCIAL RESEARCH

Social Change: Can We Predict the Future?

Physical scientists can predict due to illness, death, the growth of technology and
some things with great accidents, crime, and other knowledge can shift things in
accuracy. But what about things. Economists can predict directions we are unable now to
social scientists? Can they that if the price of a product is anticipate.
predict the future? Are social doubled, fewer people will buy The answer, then, is no.
events predictable? As with it. Sociologists can predict the Social scientists cannot predict
physical events, an ability to persistence of educational with any accuracy major social
predict social events could inequality. But can social phenomena such as revolution.
save lives. Predicting civil wars scientists predict major social But as Hechter pointed out, the
and revolutions, for example, changes? utility of the physical and social
could allow civilians to take Hechter reminded us that sciences “may not rest in their
action to protect themselves. many years ago philosopher ability to accurately forecast
But as sociologist Michael Karl Popper distinguished events”; rather, as Karl Popper
Hechter pointed out, a major between scientific predictions, said (Popper, 1963:343), the
social revolution such as the which are conditional (e.g., a role of science in social life is
collapse of communism in prediction that specific changes “the modest one of helping us
Russia and Eastern Europe in a system will result in specific to understand even the more
took virtually everyone by changes in outcomes), and remote consequences of
surprise—social scientists, unconditional historical possible actions, and thus of
citizens of the affected prophecies. The characteristics helping us to choose our
countries, and leaders of the required to make accurate actions more wisely.”
affected countries. predictions for a system are
As with the physical that it be well isolated, Source: Michael Hechter, 1995.
sciences, some social stationary, and recurrent— Symposium on prediction in the
phenomena can be predicted characteristics that simply do social sciences: Introduction:
fairly accurately. Selling not apply to societies. Societies Reflections on historical prophecy
insurance is based on mostly can change, new social in the social sciences. American
accurate estimates of the risk situations that we have never Journal of Sociology,
of loss the company will incur experienced before can arise, 100(6):1520-1527.

information-intensive rather than energy- or researchers are close to being able to track in a
materials-intensive. The shift to an information computer model all 6 billion people on Earth,
economy may improve our ability to forecast and very fast computers already are used to de­
the future. Crisis forecasting, a technique now tect suspicious patterns in data that lead to
being developed at Los Alamos National Labo­ identifying fraudulent tax returns and Medicare
ratory, uses computer models to predict such claims. Similar searches for “unusual” data in
things as the path and behavior of a wildfire or databases on international events might be use­
the spread of biological toxins (Lane, 1998). ful in predicting political instability and terror­
The method may be extended to human events; ism (Lane, 1998).

460
 Looking to the Future 461

A new international era also is being As we have noted throughout this textbook,
shaped. The collapse of the communist bloc, sociology invites us to scrutinize our prosaic
the worldwide explosion of ethnic and national­ world and notice what we otherwise often ig­
ist sentiments and hatreds, the groping of east­ nore, neglect, or take for granted. It looks be­
ern European and Asian nations toward market hind the outer reaches of the social experience
economies, and the surge of Islamic fundamen­ and discerns its inner structure and processes—
talism have introduced profound social change. suspending the belief that things are simply as
Much about this new world and this new they seem. As such, sociology is uniquely suited
agenda is in the process of unfolding. Even so, to fostering the skills necessary for living in an
it is already clear that the new era will afford ever-changing world filled with countless
unbounded opportunities for sociologists to choices and seemingly endless uncertainty. The
gain new insights into social life and for apply­ challenges we confront in the 21st century may
ing these insights to social policy. well inspire you to pursue a sociological career.

The Chapter in Brief: Social Change

A World of Change sequential stages characterized by an

Sociologists refer to fundamental alterations in underlying trend. Cyclical theorists look to the
the patterns of culture, structure, and social course of a civilization or society, searching for
behavior over time as social change. It is a generalizations regarding their stages of growth
process by which society becomes something and decline. Functionalist theorists see society
different while remaining in some respects the as a system that tends toward equilibrium, with
same. cultural lag an important factor in social
change. Conflict theorists hold that tensions
I Sources of Social Change. Many factors between competing groups are the basic source
interact to generate changes in people’s behavior of social change.
and in the culture and structure of their society,
including the physical environment, population, I Social Change in the United States.
clashes over resources and values, supporting Computers have consequences for the use and
values and norms, innovation (discoveries and manipulation of social power. They alter the
inventions), diffusion, and the mass media. manner in which people relate to one another,
and they have implications for individual
I Perspectives on Social Change. privacy, the confidentiality of
Evolutionary theorists, particularly those with a communications and personal data, and
unilinear focus, depict history as divided into employment.
I Social Change in Developing Nations. Social Movements
The modernization approach sees Social movements are vehicles whereby
development as entailing a pattern of people collectively seek to influence the course
convergence as societies become increasingly of human events through formal organizations.
urban, industry comes to overshadow
agriculture, and other changes occur. According I Causes of Social Movements. Some
to world system and dependency analysis, an sociologists seek the roots of social movements
unequal exchange takes place between core and in social and economic deprivation; others look
periphery nations, with development in core to the resources and organizations aggrieved
nations occurring at the cost of persons can muster as providing the key to an
underdevelopment in periphery nations. understanding of social movements.

Collective Behavior I Types of Social Movements. An ideology

Collective behavior is not organized in terms is critical to a social movement. Common forms
of established norms and institutionalized lines of social movements include revolutionary,
of action. reform, resistance, and expressive movements.

I Varieties of Collective Behavior. I Social Revolution. Social revolutions

Collective behavior comes in many forms, are most likely to occur when: (1) a good deal
including rumors, fashions and fads (which of political power is concentrated in the state,
can turn into crazes), mass hysteria, panic, (2) the military is no longer a reliable tool for
and crowds. Types of crowds include the suppressing domestic disorders, (3) political
acting crowd, the casual crowd, the crises weaken the existing regime, and (4) a
conventional crowd, and the expressive substantial segment of the population mobilizes
crowd. These crowd types share three in uprisings.
characteristics: suggestibility,
deindividualization, and invulnerability. I Terrorism. Although what constitutes
terrorism is a matter of social definition,
I Preconditions for Collective Behavior. sociologists have come to see terrorism as a new
One framework for examining collective mode of warfare with far-reaching implications.
behavior is based on the value-added model
popular among economists and specifies six Looking to the Future
determinants of collective behavior. Futurists have identified two changes that
seem to be central to contemporary social life:
I Explanations of Crowd Behavior. the United States is being restructured from an
Sociologists offer three approaches to crowd industrial to an information society and modem
behavior: contagion theory, convergence societies are increasingly shifting from a
theory, and emergent-norm theory. national to a global economy.

46:
 Glossary

acting crowd An excited, convergence theory An behavior in a crowd setting

volatile collection of people approach to crowd behavior and then enforce the
who are engaged in rioting, stating that a crowd consists expectations in the manner of
looting, or other forms of of a highly unrepresentative norms.
aggressive behavior in which body of people who assemble
expressive crowd An
established norms carry little because they share the same
aggregation of people who
weight. predispositions.
have gotten together for self­
casual crowd A collection craze A fad that becomes stimulation and personal
of people who have little in an all-consuming passion, gratification, such as occurs at
common with one another a religious revival or a rock
crowd A temporary,
except that they may be festival.
relatively unorganized
viewing a common event,
gathering of people who are expressive movement
such as looking through a
in close physical proximity, A movement that is less
department store window.
concerned with institutional
cultural lag The view that
collective behavior Ways change than with a renovating
immaterial culture must
of thinking, feeling, and or renewing of people from
constantly “catch up” with
acting that develop among a within.
material culture, resulting in
large number of people and
an adjustment gap between fad A folkway that lasts for
that are relatively spontaneous
the two forms of culture. a short time and enjoys
and unstructured.
acceptance among only a
deindividualization
contagion theory An segment of the population.
A psychological state of
approach to crowd behavior
diminished identity and self- fashion A folkway that lasts
that emphasizes the part
awareness. for a short time and enjoys
played in crowd settings by
widespread acceptance within
rapidly communicated and diffusion The process by
society.
uncritically accepted feelings, which culture traits spread
attitudes, and actions. from one social unit to futurists Individuals
another. specializing in the study of
conventional crowd
the future; they seek to
A number of people who have discovery An addition to
understand, predict, and plan
assembled for some specific knowledge.
the future of society.
purpose and who typically act
emergent-norm theory An
in accordance with ideology A set of ideas that
approach to crowd behavior
established norms, such as provides individuals with
stating that crowd members
people attending a baseball conceptions of the purposes
evolve new standards for
game or concert. of a social movement, a

463
rationale for the movement’s the existing value scheme of a fashioning of new social
existence, an indictment of society more adequately. arrangements.
existing conditions, and a
relative deprivation structural conduciveness
design for action.
Discontent associated with the Social conditions that permit
invention The use of gap between what people a particular variety of
existing knowledge in a new actually have and what they collective behavior to occur.
form. believe they should have.
structural strain
mass hysteria The rapid resistance movement A condition in which
dissemination of behaviors A social movement that arises important aspects of a social
involving contagious anxiety, to block change or eliminate a system are “out of joint.”
usually associated with some previously instituted change.
terrorism The use of force
mysterious force.
revolutionary movement or violence against persons or
modernization The process A social movement that property to intimidate or
by which a society moves advocates the replacement of coerce a government, a formal
from traditional or a society’s existing value organization, or a civilian
preindustrial social and scheme. population in furtherance of
economic arrangements to political, religious, or social
rumor A difficult-to-verify
those characteristic of objectives.
piece of information that is
industrial societies.
transmitted from person to value-added The idea that
natural history of person in relatively rapid each step in the production
revolutions The view that fashion. process—from raw materials
social revolutions pass to the finished product—
social change Fundamental
through a set of common increases the economic value
alterations in the patterns of
stages and patterns in the of manufactured goods.
culture, structure, and social
course of their development.
behavior over time. world system An approach
panic Irrational and that views development as
social movement A more-or-
uncoordinated but collective involving an unequal
less persistent and organized
action among people that is exchange between core and
effort on the part of a relatively
induced by the presence of an periphery nations, with
large number of people to
immediate, severe threat. development at the former
bring about or resist change.
end of the chain coming at the
reform movement A social
social revolution The cost of underdevelopment at
movement that pursues
overthrow of a society’s state the other end.
changes that will implement
and class structures and the

464
 Internet Connection www. m h h e. co m/h u gh es6

Select a social movement that you support or about this movement. Write a short report
that is of interest to you—the women’s move­ about the movement. Is it a reform, resistance,
ment, gun control, pro-life, pro-choice, rain or revolutionary movement? Which approach to
forest preservation, etc.—and use a search en­ social movements—deprivation or resource
gine such as yahoo.com to find information mobilization—best accounts for it?

465
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 photo credits
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Black Star

509
 name index
Bengtson. V. L.. 252. 496 Bollen. K. A.. 287. 447. 469
A B Bennett. A.. 123. 468 Bonacich. E.. 233. 237. 470. 472
Abbott. P.. 194. 466 Bach. R. L.. 233. 496 Benson. J. K.. 120.468 Bond. J. T.. 327. 348. 470
Acker. J.. 246. 274. 466 Bachman. J. C.. 495 Berberoglu. B.. 447. 468 Bond. R.. 112.470
Ackerman. N. W.. 466 Bachrach. C.. 337. 502. 505 Bergen. B.. 185. 468 Bonger. W. A.. 145. 470
Acock. A. C.. 4. 72. 466 Baer. E. D.. 385 Berger. P. L„ 4. 185. 300. 358.468 Boo?K.. 192.345.470
Adair. R. K.. 186. 507 Bahr. H. M.. 472 Bergeson. T. R.. 75. 468 Boodman. S. G.. 330. 470
Adam. B.. 17. 466 Bailey. C. A.. 144. 164.486 Bergmann. B. R.. 257. 468 Booth. A.. 332. 466
Adams. J„ 330. 492 Bainbridge. W. S.. 358. 361. Berk. R. A . 344. 468 Borgatta. E. F.. 104. 467
Adams. M.. 337. 466 501,502 Berke. R. L.. 293. 468 Bomstein. M. H.. 474
Addams. J.. 15 Baker. A. J. M., 423. 476 Berkowitz. L.. 236. 468 Boroughs. D. L„ 302. 470
Adler. F.. 249. 466 Baker. D. P.. 125. 267. 467 Berle. A.. Jr.. 307 Bosse. R . 91.470
Adler. P.. 56. 466 Baker. P . 216. 467 Bernard. J.. 247. 269. 468 Boswell. T . 11. 303. 305.
Adler. P. A.. 56. 466 Baker. W. L.. 496 Bemdt. T.. 72. 468 470. 476
Adler. S. J.. 261.466 Bales. R. F.. 104. 106. 272. 273. Bernhardt. A. D.. 196. 493 Botsford. L. W.. 423.470
Adler F., 156.466 467. 495 Berns. N„ 342. 468 Bottomore. T. B.. 11.470
Adomo. T. W.. 466 Ball-Rokeach. S. J.. 45. 73. Bernstein. A.. 6. 468 Bouchard. T. J.. 69.470
Agger. B.. 15. 466 467. 497 Bernstein. 1. N.. 146. 468. 481 Bound. J . 91. 470
Ahiburg, D.. 342. 466 Ballard. M.. 200-201 Bemston. G. G.. 471 Bourdieu. P.. 281.470
Akard. P. J.. 295. 466 Bandura. A.. 71. 271.467 Beron. K.. 257. 486 Bovard. J.. 428. 470
Alba. R. O.. 235. 239. 466 Bane. M.J., 191. 192.467 Berra. Y.. 28 Bowles. S.. 70. 378. 470
Albert. S. M„ 470 Bank. L.. 338. 467 Best.S.. 16.469 Bradbum. N M.. 28.470
Albonetti. C.. 146. 481 Barak. G.. 157. 467 Beuhring. T.. 152. 469 Braddock. J. H . III. 217. 219. 470
Aidwin. C. M.. 470 Barber. E.. 247. 467 Bianchi, S. M.. 188.469 Bradley. H.. 273. 470
Alexander. E. R.. ill. 342 Barber. J. S„ 339 Biderman. A.. 158. 469 Bradshaw. A. D.. 423. 476
Alexander. P. C.. 342. 466 Barenboim. C.. 85. 467 Bielby. D. D.. 252. 333. 469 Bradshaw. Y. W.. 447. 470
Alexander the Great. 325 Barkey. K.. 283. 467 Bielby. W. T.. 252. 333. 469 Brand-Williams. O.. 175. 470
Algier. H.. 195 Barnet. R. J.. 303. 467 Bierstedt R„ 280. 469 Brantley. P„ 308. 478
Allan. E.. 161.502 Bamicott. N. A.. 210. 467 Biersteker. T.. 303.469 Brazelton. T. B.. 345. 470
Allan. S.. 17.466 Barr. R. G.. 52. 467 Billings. D. B.. 370. 469 Breines. W.. 117.470
Allen. W. R.. 224. 466. 478 Barringer. F.. 340. 467 Billy. J. O. G.. 492 Brewer. M. B.. 109.470.492
Allende. S.. 304 Barrow. C. W.. 379. 467 Bimber. B . 311.469 Bridges. G. S.. 146.470
Allport. G. W„ 214. 466 Bartlett. C. A.. 115.479 Bird. G. W . 331.481 BrintS., 12.470
Altman. L. K.. 466 Bartol. K. M.. 107. 110. 124. 125. Birdwhistell. R.. 76. 469 Broder. D. S.. 400. 473
Altschiller. D.. 294. 466 309. 467 Birkett. D.. 42. 44. 469 Brody. E. \1.. 348. 470
Alwin. D. F . 291.466 Bass. B. M., 107.467 Bitar. N„ 73. 479 Bromet E.. 486
Amato. P. R.. 332. 346. 466 Bates. J. E„ 343. 476 Blackman. A.. 265. 469 Brooks. G.. 249. 482
Amenta. E.. 281. 299. Baudrillard. J.. 17.468 Blackwell. B. S.. 161.469 Brooks-Gunn. J.. 332. 468
466. 500 Baxter. J.. 183. 467 Blakeslee. S.. 346. 506 Brouillette. J. R.. 134-135.470
Andersen. M. L.. 56. 466 Bavdar. N„ 332. 467 Blakley. T. L.. 496 Brown. D.. 157.471
Anderson. A. B.. 305 Beach. F. A.. 269. 479 Blanchard. K. H.. 107. 483 Brown. L. R . 60. 428.471
Anderson. E.. 7. 29. 226. Beaman. J.. 500 Blasi. J. R.. 125.469 Browne. A.. 342. 471
466-467 Bean. F. D.. 227. 229. 468 Blau. P.. 116.469 Brownmiller. S.. 264. 471
Anderson. N„ 467 Bear. J.. 76.477 Blau. P. M„ 119. 182. 193. Bruno. R. R.. 376. 471
Anderson. R. N.. 402/ 467 Bearinger. L. H.. 152. 469 195.469 Bry ant. C. D.. 444. 476
Andruski. J. E.. 488 Beck. A. J.. 164. 468 Bledsoe. T.. 500 Bryk. A. S.. 374. 488
Aponte. R.. 223. 507 Beck. E. M., 195. 236.468 Bligh. W.,41 Bry son. B . 48. 471
Apple. M. W.. 378. 379. 467 Becker. H. S.. 132. 146.468 Block. F.. 283. 469 Bucher. R.. 502
Appleby. R. S.. 367. 491 Beeghley. L.. 193 Block. N.J. 211.469 Buchmann. M„ 87. 471
Appold. S. J.. 447. 469 Beer. W.. 335. 468 Bluhm. C.. 326. 469 Buckley. S. M.. 50.471
Appy. C. C.. 186. 467 Behar. R.. 156.468 Blum. D.. 266. 270. 469 Buechler. S. M., 265. 471
Arato. A.. 287. 473 Beime. P.. 283. 468 Blum. R. W.. 86. 87. 469 Bumpass. L. L.. 338. 339.471.493
Arditi. J.. 340. 482 Bell. A.. 195.468 Blumberg. P.. 186. 191.469 Bunzel.J.H . 231.471
Aries. P.. 84. 92. 467 Bell. A. P„ 339. 340. 468 Blunter. H . 21.22. 121.238. Burawoy. M.. 119. 471
.Aronson. E.. 112. 467 Bell. C. S..219.472 449.469 Burbank. V. K.. 85.471
Arrillaga.P.. 325. 467 Bellah. R. N.. 368. 468 Blumstein. P.. 327. 332. 339. Burgess. E. W.. 399. 495
Arrow K.. 211.467 Bellinger. D.. 69. 494 340.469 Burke. E.. 284
Asch. S.. 111-112.452 Belsky. J.. 330. 344. 468 Bobo. L . 215. 217. 219. 469. 499 Burkett.S. R . 151.471
Assane. D.. 194. 505 Bern. S.. 271.468 Bogue. D. J.. 410. 469 Bumham. J.. 307.471
Axelrod. R.. 109 Bendix. R.. 114. 468 Bohannon. P.. 335. 469 Bums. G.. 361.471
Axinn. W. C.. 339 Benedict. J. R.. 474 Bok. D.. 199.469 Bums. P. F . 293.471

510
 Name Index 511

Burr, C..340. 471 Chiricos, T. C., 146, 164. 472, 505 Coughlin. E. K.. 189,474 Demo, D. H„ 4. 72.81.85.466.
Burris. V.. 471 Chiswick, B„ 404. 472 Coward. R. T.. 348, 476 484, 499
Burstein, P . 296, 455,471 Cho, D„ 172. 507 Cox. O. C„ 237. 474 Demos, V.. 189,475-476
Bush. G. W„ 287, 357 Choldin. H. M., 414. 472 Crain. R. L„ 346, 493 Denevan. W. M„ 230. 476
Butterfield. F„ 144. 232.471 Chomsky. N.. 74.473 Crane. J., 144, 474 Denton. N. A., 211. 224. 226. 491
Buzawa. C. G.. 344. 471 Christ. 285 Creighton. L. L., 332, 474 DePalma. A.. 99, 476
Buzawa. E. S.. 344. 471 Christian. F„ 41 Cressey. D. R.. 156, 474 DeParle. J., 182.476
Byrne. J. A.. 301.471 Christian. J. J.. 414. 473 Crews-Meyer. K. A., 264, 501 Desai. S.. 257. 476
Christiansen. F. B., 69, 70. 478 Criqui. M. H.. 504 Deutsch, N. L„ 483

c Christovich. I. A.. 488

Christovich, L. A.. 488
Crispell, D„ 474
Critcher, C.. 505
DeVault. M. L„ 30. 476
Devine. P. C., 214, 476
Cacioppo. J. T.. 70. 471 Chyi-ln. W.. 500 Crittenden. A.. 251, 331, 474 Dickson. W. J., 119, 497
Caesar, 285 Cialdini, R. B.. 44, 497 Crocker. J.. 102.474 Dillman, D. A.. 28. 476
Cain. V. S.. 502 Clark. K. B.. 382, 473 Croninger, R. G., 489 Dionne. E. J.. Jr., 28, 52, 476
Calasanti. T.. 90. 91.471 Clark. L. H„ Jr., 257. 473 Cross, S. E„ 53, 272, 474 Dipboye. R. L„ 450, 476
Calavita. K.. 156. 471 Clawson, D.. 293, 473 Crosset, T. W„ 263, 474 Dirzo. R.. 422, 494
Calhoun. J.. 414. 471 Clayman. S. E.. 15. 491 Crossette, B., 173 Dixit, A. K„ 109. 476
Calkins. D. R.. 477 Clayton. O., 224. 226. 473 Crowley. J. F„ 495 Dixon. W. J., 11.305. 470, 476
Calvin. J„ 363 Clinard, M. B„ 145-146, 156, 473 Crutchfield. R. D., 146, 151, Djilas, M„ 120,476
Camarigg, V.. 257 Clinton. B.. 35. 117, 157. 191, 264 470, 474 Dobson. A. P.. 423. 476
Campbell. A.. 471 Clinton. H.. 264 Cullen. F. T.. 156. 261, 262. 263, Dodge. K. A., 343, 476
Campbell. D. T., 215, 471 Clipp. E. C„ 101,477 478. 490. 508 Dohren wend. B. P.. 490
Campbell, P.. 270,404, 471 Clymer. R.. 224. 501 Curtis. L. A.. 459, 474 Domhoff. C. W„ 283, 295, 476
Cantril. H.. 449, 452. 471 Coates. J. F., 459. 473 Cvetkovich, G., 428, 474 Doupe, A. J., 75, 476
Caplow, T„ 327. 328. 472 Cochran. J. K„ 131.473 Dovidio. J. F.. 477
Cardozo. A. R.. 345. 472 Cockerham, W. C.. 140. 165, Dowdall. G. W.. 506
Carley. K.. 106. 472 388, 473 D Doyle, P. A., 146. 468
Carlson. C., 87. 472 Cohen, A. K„ 132, 142,473 Dahl. R.. 296. 474 Dregne. H.F..425. 504
Carmichael. S.. 217, 472 Cohen. J.. 363. 473 Dahrendorf, R.. 202, 442, Dubin. R., 309, 476
Carroll. J. W._ 358. 494 Cohen. J. L., 287, 473 474, 475 DuBois, W. E. B.. 14
Carruthers. B. G., 284, 472 Cohn. D.. 400, 473 Dake. K„ 428, 475 Duffett. A.. 478
Case, J., 120.472 Coil. C. G„ 187 Dalaker. J.. 4. 78. 187. 188, 222, Dugger, C. W.. 231.476
Caspi. A.. 493 Colasanto, D.. 226. 473 227, 475 Duncan, G. J.. 189. 190, 470, 476
Cassel. C. A.. 290.472 Cole. S.. 25, 26.473 D'Alessio. S. J., 146, 475 Duncan. G. J., 476. 189, 190
Castilla. J. C., 423, 470 Coleman. J. S., 85, 117. 176. 374, Dandeker, C., 116, 475 Duncan. O. D„ 182, 193, 195.
Castro, F.. 110. 285 473, 490 Daniels, A. K„ 251,475 469, 476
Castro. J., 257, 472 Coleman, J. W„ 145.473 Daniels. D.. 69, 494 Duneier, M.. 4, 476
Cavanaugh. J.. 303. 467 Coleman. R. D.. 185. 473 Danziger. G., 265 Dunn. A.. 233. 476
Cemkovich. S. A.. 151-152. 472 Colgan. P.. 46. 473 Damton, N., 343, 475 Dunn, W„ 377, 476
Chadwick. B. A., 472 Collier. J. F„ 273, 473 Daschle, T„ 429.485 Durkheim. E„ 8, 11-13, 14, 17,
Chafetz. J. S.. 16. 265. 273. 472 Colligan, M. J., 448. 473 Datan, N„ 84, 475 18,55, 100, 137, 140,312,
Chambliss. W. J., 146. 147. Collins, N. L.. 326. 473 Davidow, W. H„ 124. 475 368-369, 476
149. 472 Collins. P. H„ 56. 466,473 Davie. M. R..418, 475 Durkin. K. F.. 444, 476
Chamlin. M. B.. 473 Collins. R.. 20,45. 120, 273, 350, Davies, J.. 454. 456/ 475 Durr. V. F., 134,214,476
Chandler. C„ 300. 376. 472. 499 370. 378, 379,473-474 Davis. A.. 184, 475 Dworkin. G„ 211, 265. 469. 472
Chang. S., 503 Collins. S„ 224. 474 Davis, F. J., 174,211,475 Dwyer. J. W.. 348. 476
Chao. W„ 500 Collins, W. A.. 23. 69. 474 Davis, J., 193, 475
Charles. C. Z„ 224. 472, 504 Combs. M. W„ 500 Davis. J. A., 173,310.311,475
Chase. S. F„ 219. 472 Comery. T. A., 69, 474 Davis. K., 18.67,68.197, 282, E
Chase-Dunn. C.. 303. 446. 472 Comte.'A.. 8, 14, 18,439 349. 368.409,412, 448,475 Earle, T. C„ 428, 474
Chase-Lansdale. L.. 472 Confessore, N., 376, 474 Davis, K. E„ 215,478 Easterlin, R. A.. 408, 476
Chatzky. J. S.. 448. 472 Conger. R. D.. 88. 474, 500 Davis, N. J., 183. 475 Eberstadt, N.,414,477
Chaves, M.. 364. 365. 472.481 Connelly, M.. 291,474 Davis-Kimball, J.. 247, 475 Eder. D„ 70, 72, 85, 87, 474,477
Chayet. E.. 486 Conrad. P., 392,474 Dawidowicz. L. S., 157, 475 Edin, K„ 337, 477
Chen, C.. 502 Cook. K. V., 497 Day, L. H„ 12, 505 Edwards. J. N.. 331, 414, 477. 506
Chen. K.. 291.478 Cook. S. W„ 28. 499 De Vita, C. J., 342, 466 Edwards, R„ 120, 477
Chen. M. D„ 195,498 Cooley. C. H.. 21, 79-81. 100, 474 De Vries. R. C„ 91,476 Eggers, M. L„ 224, 491
Chen, X.. 489 Coontz. S., 319, 474 Deane. C„ 252, 256, 266,475 Ehrlich, A. H„ 428. 477
Cheng. L„ 237, 472 Cooper, H.. 506 Deaux. K„ 27, 28. 30, 475 Ehrlich, D.. 502
Cherlin. A. J.. 320. 323. 327. 328, Cooper. K. J.. 373, 474 Debold, E.. 475 Ehrlich, P„ 409
331,332, 334, 339. 346, Copp. T„ 101.474 Deegan, M. J.. 9, 15, 475 Ehrlich, P. R.. 428, 477
471,472, 479 Cornish. E.. 435, 474 DeFrain, J., 320, 324, 495 Eich, C., 481
Chesnais, J.. 409, 472 Corsaro, W. A., 70, 72, 85,474 Deininger. K.. 180, 181r, 475 Eichar. D. M., 182.477
Chesney-Lind, M., 161, 472 Corson. R. L.. 477 Delbanco. T. L., 476 Einstein. A., 437
Childe, V. G„ 60. 472 Corzine. J.. 7.484 DeMaris. A., 252-253, 339, 475 Eisenburg. D. M.. 385, 477
Chira. S„ 412,472 Coser, L. A., 20,21.474 Demerath, N. J., III. 368, 507 Eitzen. D. S„ 156. 500
512 Name Index

Ekman, P., 76, 78, 477

Elder, G. H„ Jr., 101,330,
Fligstein, N„ 308. 478
Flynn, C. A.. 483
Giles-Sims, J., 343, 502
Gilligan, C.. 90, 480
H
474, 477 Flynn. J. R„ 211.478 Ginsberg, A., 144/ Haas, A., 60,481
Eleey, M. F„ 479 Fogarty. T. J., 146,484 Ginsberg. B„ 290, 480 Hacker. H. M„ 213. 249. 481
Elias, M„ 186,477 Foleno, T., 478 Gintis. H„ 70, 378. 470 Hadaway. C. K.. 365,481
Elliot. G. C„ 79, 477 Foley. P„ 478 Giordano, P„ 151-152. 472 Haddad, C. J.. 115.489
Ellison, C. G„ 357, 499 Ford, C. S„ 269. 479 Gittleman. M., 194,480 Hadden, J. K.. 366. 481
Ellwood, D„ 192, 467 Forgatch, M. S., 467 Glaberson. W., 438. 480 Hagan. J.. 145, 146. 156. 481.482
Ellyson, S. L., 177,477 Forgette. R., 291.479 Glanville, J. L„ 290. 480 Hage, H„ 60,482
Emerson, R. M.. 280, 477 Fossett. M.S., 236, 479 Glaser, D„ 152, 503 Halal. W. F.. 459. 482
Engels. F„ 349-350, 477, 491 Fost, D„ 76, 479 Glass. J.. 257, 480 Hall. E. J., 275. 478
England. P„ 16, 257, 331. 477, 486 Foster, C„ 477 Gledhill-Hoyt. J.. 160,480 Hall. E. T.. 47. 482
Epstein, E. J„ 438,477 Foster, J. B.. 4. 479 Glenn. N„ 74. 326, 328-329. 337, Hall, J. R.. 454-455. 482
Epstein, S. H„ 477 Foster. T„ 175,479 339. 480 Hall. T. O.. 446, 472
Erickson. B. H.. 48, 477 Fox, I.. 479 Glick, C„ 214, 480 Hallam. J. R.. 79. 499
Erickson. M. L.. 164, 477 Francia. P. L„ 293, 471 Goffman, E.. 57, 79. 82-83, 113, Haller. A. O.. 499
Erickson, R„ 335. 469 Frank, D. J.. 428. 479 216, 480 Haller. L.. 54/
Erikson. E„ 85, 88-89. 448, 477 Frank. M. L„ 87. 479 Goldhagen. D. J.. 135.214,480 Halpern. D. F„ 267. 482
Erikson. K. T„ 132, 137-138. Frankel. M.. 414.479 Goldin-Meadow, S„ 74. 480 Hamburg. D. A.. 85. 482
146, 477 Freadhoff, C., 379. 479 Goldstein, J. R„ 484 Hamilton. A.. 280
Eshleman, S., 486 Frenkel-Brunswik, E., 466 Goldstein. S., 232, 480 Hamilton. C.. 217. 472
Espiritu, Y. L., 212, 477 Freud. S„ 88. 271,350. 479 Goldstone. J. A., 457. 480 Hamilton. R.F.. 312. 482
Esposito, J. L.. 367, 477 Friedman. A.. 120, 479 Goldwater. B.. 289 Hammersmith. S. K.. 340. 468
Etzioni, A.. 113, 477 Friedman. H. S., 504 Goleman. D„ 90, 99. 350,447. 480 Hammond. P. F„ 368. 468
Evans. M. D. R.. 11 Friesen, W. V., 76, 477 Goode. E. E„ 392, 480 Hamper. B. R.. 119.482
Fuchs, V. R„ 336, 492 Goode. W. J.. 282. 325,480 Handcock. M. S.. 196, 493
Fuhrman. E. R.. 12,479 Gordon. M. M„ 220. 234. 480 Handelsman. J. B.. 21 It
F Fuller, C. J., 321,479 Gordon. S.. 387. 388-389. 480 Hanley. R„ 381,482
Fagan, J., 493 Fuller. T. D„ 477 Gore, A.. 287 Hansen. D. J.. 344. 491
Fagot. B.L., 271,477 Fumham. A., 73. 479 Gorman. B. K„ 188.482 Hardin. G. J., 107.482
Faia. M. A.. 423. 478 Furstenberg, F. F.. Jr., 346, Gornick. V., 247. 480 Hare, A. P.. 104. 105.482
Falwell. J., 368 472. 479 Gottdiener. M., 391.480 Hareven. T. K.. 323. 482
Farkas. G„ 219, 478 Gottfredson. M. R., 155.483 Harkins. S. G.. 107, 482.488. 507
Farkas. S„ 365, 366, 368. 478 Gould. R. V.. 480-481 Harkness, S.. 52. 482
Farley. R.. 224. 466, 478 G Gould. S. 1., 451 Harrington. M.. 346. 453. 482. 493
Farnsworth, C. H„ 390. 425, 478 Gaertner. S.. 105. 479 Gove. W. R.. 70. 99. 140. 150. Harris, C. D..419, 482
Fassinger, P. A.. 337, 478 Gagnon, J. H.. 488. 492 158. 262. 328. 336.414. Harris. F„ 459. 474
Fay. R. F„ 340, 478 Gaines. J. A.. 263. 487 480. 481.484 Harris. J. R., 69, 482
Feingold, A.. 326, 478 Galinsky, E.. 327, 348. 470 Goyder. J., 28. 481 Harris. L„ 86. 87, 482
Feld. P„ 503 Gallagher. M.. 328, 333. 347. 505 Graham, M. A.. 87. 481 Harris. M„ 212. 505
Feldman, M. W„ 69. 70. 478 Galle. O. R..414. 481 Grann. D.. 374.481 Harrop. J. W.. 344, 479
Felson. R. B.. 103,478 Gallup. G., Jr.. 479 Granstrom, K., 110. 481 Harsanyi. Z.. 69. 482
Felt. J. C.. 232, 494 Gans, H. J.. 19. 235.479 Grant, D. S„ 145.481 Hartjen. C. A.. 152. 482
Fennema, E.. 267. 484 Garcia, J. E.. 107.478 Gray. B. H . 384, 481 Hartman. C.. 311.482
Fennema. M.. 303, 478 Gardner. B. B„ 184.475 Greeley. A. M.. 235, 365, 481 Hartmann. D. J.. 410. 469
Fenyvesi, C.. 478 Gardner. G.. 429. 479 Greenaugh. W.. 69. 474 Harvey. O. J.. 500
Ferraro, G.. 264 Gardner. L„ 152, 479 Greenfield. L. A.. 162/ Harvey. P.. 300. 491
Ferree, M.M., 251,275,478 Gardner. M. R.. 184.475 Greenhouse. S.. 249, 481 Harwood. J.. 249. 482
Fetrow. R. A.. 467 Garfmkel. H„ 121,479 Greenspan. S. J.. 344. 345. 346. Haskell. M. R„ 151.508
Fiedler. F. E„ 107, 478 Garreau, J.. 421,479 470. 481 Haurin. L. J.. 495
Field, T„ 344, 478 Gartin, P. R., 164 Greenstein. T. N.. 252, 481 Hauser. R. M.. 499
Fields, S.. 262, 478 Gartner. R.. 160. 488 Greenwald. A. C., 79. 481 Havighurst. R. J.. 489
Fife. J. J., 157 Gastil, J., 291.479 Greenwood. P. W.. 165.481 Hawkins. D. F., 146. 482
Figlio, R. M.. 156, 164, 503,507 Ge. X.. 474 Grimes. M.. 199,481 Hawkins. G., 154. 159, 508
Findlay, S„ 478 Gecas, V.. 81,86, 479 Grimsley. K. D„ 125.245.256. Hay. D. F„ 84. 497
Fine. G. A., 22. 23, 478 Geerken, M„ 158, 262.481 481,492 Haynie, D.. 161. 188. 482
Fine, M. A., 335. 478 Gelles, R. J., 342. 344, 479. 502 Grob, G. N„ 150.481 Hays, L.. 333, 482
Finke. R.. 364, 366. 367, 478 George. R. M.. 191,480 Grobe. R. P.. 478 Hechter. M . 455. 460. 482
Finkelhor. D.. 343. 344. 478. 486 Gerbner. G.. 439. 479 Gross, L„ 479 Heckathom. D.. 44. 164. 165.482
Firebaugh. G., 215, 291, 305. Gem. C.. 451,495 Groves, W. B.. 143,498 Heilbroner. R.. 298. 482
447, 478 Geschwender, J. A.. 237, 453. 479 Grube. J., 73, 467 Heimer. K„ 144,491
Fischer, C. S., 211,478 Ghalwash. M.. 249. 479 Guamera. S. M.. 508 Helenius, H.. 86. 501
Fisher. B. S„ 261, 262, 263, 478 Ghoshal, S., 115.479 Gubrium. J. F„ 321.350. 481 Helms. R. F., 145,485
Fitzgerald, L. F., 261,478 Gibbs. J. P.. 138. 164.477.479 Guelzow, M.. 331,481 Helstela. L„ 86. 501
Fitzpatrick. E.. 15. 478 Giddens, A., 202, 281.453,480 Gurr, T. R„ 453, 481 Henry. T.. 155,482
Fix. M.. 219. 504 Gidycz. C. A.. 262. 487 Gurvich. V., 424 Hepworth. J. T.. 236. 482
Flavin. C.. 60. 428. 471 Gilbert. J.. 284. 480 Gutfeld. R„ 426 Hequembourg. A.. 340. 482
 Name Index 513

Herberg. W.. 364. 482 Hughes. D.. 54r John. D.. 251.253. 500 Kilgore. S„ 374. 473
Herbert. B.. 385. 482 Hughes. M.. 81. 158.215. 224. John. O. P.. 104-105.498 Killian. L. M„ 452. 504
Herbert. M. S.. 477 262.328. 336. 337.414. Johnson. C.. 500 Kim. J.. 186. 199. 486, 505
Herman. J.. 344. 482 439. 481.484, 486. 504 Johnson. H.. 366, 376. 485 Kimmel. A. J.. 447. 498
Hemng. C.. 253. 483 Hummer. R. A.. 263. 264. 391, Johnson. J.. 478 Kinder. D. R„ 215, 486. 487
Hermson. P. S.. 293. 471 484. 491 Johnson. J. W.. 175.485 King. D.. 344. 490
Hermstein.R. J.. 211.483 Humphrey, J. A.. 146. 484 Johnson. L. B.. 186 King. M. L.. Jr., 138. 451,456
Hersev. P., 107. 483 Hunter. J. D.. 366 Johnson. M.. 274. 485 King. R., 157
Hertel. B. R.. 224. 484 Hurst. C. E.. 174. 194.484 Johnson. M. C.. 508 Kinsey, A. C., 340. 487
Hertsgaard. M.. 429. 483 Hurst. N.. 251.483 Johnson. R.. 144. 485.486 Kitson. G. C.. 347. 487
Hertzler. J. O.. 390. 483 Huston. A. C.. 187 Johnson. T. R.. 492 Klass. P„ 58. 487
Herzog. A. R.. 91. 483. 486 Hutchison. R., 391.480 Johnston. L. D.. 495 Klein. K. J.. 125, 487
Hetherington. E. M. 474. 483 Hutter. M.. 320. 323. 324 Jones. A. F.. 178. 485 Klineberg. O.. 4. 487
Hewitt. J. D.. 158.497 Hutton. R.. 69. 482 Jones. D. P., 267. 467 Kluckhohn, C„ 42, 487
Hewitt. J. P , 22, 40.483 Hyde. J. S„ 267 Jones. J.. 189. 190.485 Kluegel. J. R.. 215. 217. 219. 469
Hewlett. S. A.. 257 Hyman. H. H„ 103 Jones. K., 451. 505 Knodel. J. E., 410-411,
Hickman. J. N„ 132.483 Jordan. M.. 215. 249. 485 412-413,487
Higginbotham. E.. 194. 483 Josephy. A. M. Jr., 230. 485 Knottnerus, J. D.. 194. 487
Hill.C. T..497 I Joyce. J., 194. 480 Knowles. J. C„ 376. 487
Hill. M. S.. 331.483 Iannaccone, L. R.. 367 Koball. E. H.. 331. 481
Hill. R . 472 Indergaard. M.. 156. 503 Koch. J. W._ 264. 487
Hiller. E. T.. 44 Ingham. A. C.. 107, 489 K Kock. H.. 449
Hilts. P. J.. 342 Ingrassia, L.. 341 Kagan. J.. 344. 485 Koenig. F.. 447. 487
Himmelfarb. G.. 190.483 Inkeles. A.. 70 Kain. E. L.. 333. 336. 485 Kohlberg. L„ 71, 271,487
Hinden. S.. 265. 266. 483 Innes. J. M.. 450,491 Kalish. S.. 404. 485 Kohn. M.L.. 81,311.487
Hinkle. R.. 14.483 Insko. C. A.. 105 Kallgren. C. A.. 44. 497 Kolata. G.. 487. 492
Hirsch.B. J.. 87.483 Intons-Peterson. M. J.. 270. 485 Kamerman. J. B.. 92, 486 Kolbert. E.. 261.487
Hirschi. T„ 34. 150-151, Iyengar. S.. 293. 485 Karnin. L. J.. 10. 48. 70.489 Kollock. P.. 109.487
155. 483 Kamolnick. P.. 202. 486 Komarovsky. M., 260. 487
Hirschman. L.. 334. 482 Kanter. R. M„ 454. 486 Konner. M„ 382
Hirshman. C.. 233.483 J Kaplan. D. A.. 249, 486 Korenman. S.. 186. 487
Hitler. A.. 285. 286 Jacklin. C. N.. 266-267. 271.490 Kaplan. H. B.. 144.486 Koretz, G.. 487
Hobbes. T„ 281 Jackman. M. R.. 177.485 Karau. S. J.. 107. 486 Komhauser. W.. 12. 287. 487
Hobfoil. S. E.. 101.501 Jackman. R. W.. 177. 287. Karen. D„ 219. 486 Koss. M. P.. 262. 263. 487
Hochschild. A. R„ 252. 260. 469. 485 Karlin. J.. 115. 489 Kowalski. R. M„ 83. 488
332. 483 Jackson. A.. 209 Kearsley, R. B.. 344. 485 Kozhevnikova. F. V.. 488
Hodge. R. W.. 182. 184z. 483 Jackson. J.. 368 Keita. G. P.. 311.486 Kraar. L.. 173, 487
Hoebel. H. A.. 44. 483 Jackson. P. W., 381.485 Keith. B.. 346. 466 Krafft. S.. 333. 488
Hoecker-Drvsdale. S.. 9. 483 Jackson. T.. 28 Keller. H.. 46. 74. 486 Kramer. R. M.. 109. 470. 492
Hoffer. T.. 374. 473 Jackson. W. A.. 4. 485 Kelley. J.. 11 Krauthammer. C.. 136.488
Hoffman. C.. 251,470. 483 Jackson-Beeck. M., 479 Kellner. D.. 16.469 Krohn. M. D.. 145.490.492
Hoffman. D.. 424. 443-444.483 Jacobs. D„ 145. 485 Kelly. R.C.. 133.486 Krosnick. J. A.. 291.466
Hoffman. L.. 332. 483 Jacobson. R. L.. 378. 485 Kelly, W. R.. 146.468 Krueger. R. F., 493
Holden. C„ 29. 373. 483 Jaffee. D„ 115. 118. 120, Kendall. D.. 56. 486 Kruglanski. A. W„ 110. 488
Holden. K. C.. 337. 483 124, 485 Kendall-Tackett. K. A.. 344. 486 Kruttschnitt. C.. 160.488
Holmes. C. S.. 506 Jago. A. C.. 107. 505 Kendler. K. S.. 486 Krymkowski. D. H.. 378. 488
Holmes. W. M., 347. 487 Jahoda. M.. 466 Kennedy. J. F„ 110. 285 Krysan. M.. 499
Holstein. J. A.. 321,350. 481 Jain. U..414, 485 Kennickell. A. B.. 178. Kiibler-Ross. E.. 92. 488
Hood. W. R.. 500 James. J.. 104. 485 180-181.486 Kuhl. P. K.. 75. 476. 488
Hooks. G.. 282. 483 Janis. I. L.. 110.485 Kephart. B.. 481 Kuhn. M., 21,22, 488
Horan. P.. 195.468 Jankowski. M. S.. 478 Kerbo. H. R.. 182. 185, 186. 191, Kuhn. T.. 488
Homey. J., 32. 34-35. 483 Janowitz. M.. 101. 500 192. 203,486 Kunkel. C. A.. 268
Horowitz. C.. 219. 483 Jargowsky, P. A.. 485 Kemis. M. H.. 508 Kuo. M„ 148, 506
Horowitz. H. L.. 131. 132.483 Jarratt. J.. 459. 473 Kerr. N. L„ 108. 486 Kurdek. L. A.. 335, 339. 488
Hostetler. J. A.. 52. 483 Jaynes. G. D.. 189. 224.485 Kertzer, D.. 323. 486 Kurtzman. H. S.. 502
House. J.. 8.91.483.484. 486 Jeffords. J. M„ 429. 485 Kessler. R. C„ 89. 186. 261. 262, Kuttner. R.. 383. 488
Hout. M., 478. 484 Jeffries-Fox. S.. 479 333. 477, 486 Kwan. K. M.. 237. 500
Howard. G. J„ 490 Jencks.C.. 189. 192. 211.485 Kessler-Harris, A.. 251.486
Howe. C„ 284. 480 Jenkins. J. C.. 455. 485 Ketcham. H.. 270/
Howell. J. C.. 490 Jensen. G.F.. 151.485 Kethineini. S.. 152,482 L
Hoyt. H..418. 484 Jensen. L.. 229. 496 Kelt. J. F.. 85.486 Labich. K.. 185. 488
Hsu. F. L. K.. 310. 484 Jessop. B., 283, 485 Khomeini. A., 285. 367 Lacerda. F.. 488
Huber. J.. 332. 498 Jesus Christ, 285 Kidd. R. F.. 486 Lachman. R.. 47. 488
Huey. J.. 484 Jeter. J., 485 Kiecolt. K. J.. 79. 236. 479. 486 Ladd. C., 72, 468
Huff-Corzine. L., 7. 484 Joan of Arc. 285 Kiernan. K. F.. 472 LaFree.-G.. 153. 158.488
Huffman. M. L„ 256. 484 Jobe. J. B.. 502 Kilborn. P. I.. 230, 476. 486 Lamon. S. J., 267
Hughes. C. C„ 382. 484 Johansson, S., 406. 485 Kilbourne. B. S.. 257. 477. 486 Lancaster. J., 249. 488
514 Name Index

Lane. E.. 460. 488 Lindorff. D.. 384. 490 Marmor. T. R . 300. 491 Meier. R. F.. 146. 473
Lang. O.. 90. 488 Lindsey. R . 231.490 Marsh. H. W._ 80. 491 Melber, B D.. 492
Langan. P. A.. 4. 163. 488 Link. B.C.. 150.490 Marshall. I. H.. 32. 34-35. 483 Melillo. J. M.. 422/ 505
Langley. M., 488 Linn. E.. 489 Marshaw. J. L.. 300. 491 Melloan. G . 301.492
Lardner. G.. Jr.. 160. 488 Linton. R.. 56. 437. 490 Martin. L.. 47. 49 Melton. R. H.. 256. 492
Laren. D.. 470 Lippitt. R. O.. 106.489. 506 Manin. C. B . 340.487 Meltzer. B. N„ 23. 491
Larson. J.. 334. 339. 488 Lipset. S. M., 117. 217. 284. 287. Martin. C. L . 271.491 Menaghan. E. C.. 311.332.
Laslett. P.. 323.488 288. 490 Martin. D. C.. 107. 110. 124. 125. 492. 495
Lasswell. H.. 20.488 Liska. A. E.. 138. 140. 145. 309. 467 Mendel. G.. 437
Latane. B.. 107, 488. 507 146. 490 Martin. J.. 219. 496 Merton. R. K.. 12. 19. 78. 136.
Laub. J. H., 4.498 Litan. R. E.. 302. 303. 490 Martin. L.. 491 140-142.217.492
Lauer. J. C.. 488 Little. J. K.. 271.491 Martin. L. R.. 504 Messick. D. M.. 109.492
Lauer. R. H.. 488 Litvin. S. J.. 470 Martin. P. Y„ 263. 264.491 Messner. S. F.. 140. 142. 145.
Laufer. W. S.. 249.466 Lizotte. A. 146. 159. 490 Martineau. H.. 8. 9. 14 146.492
Laumann. E. O.. 186. 262. 340. Lobsenz. N. M., 344. 479 Martinez. R.. 145.481 Mestrovic. S. C.. 12. 492
488. 492 Locke. J. L.. 70. 490 Martinson. R.. 165. 491 Meyer. P.. 289. 495
Lawler. E. J.. 8.311.326. 488 Loder. T. L.. 483 Marty. M. F„ 367. 491 Michael. R. T_. 262. 336.
Le Bon. G., 451-452. 488 London. B.. 446. 490 Marwell. G..451 488.492
Leary . M. R.. 83. 488 Longmore. M. A.. 252-253. 475 Marx. K.. 10-11. 14. 17.20. 120, Michaels. J. W.. 131.492
LeClere. F. B . 391.488 Lonnquist. L. E.. 387. 388. 506 173. 182. 190. 199. Michaels. S.. 488
Lee. B. J.. 191.480 Loomis. C.. 308. 490 200-202. 294.312. 350. Michel. R. C., 197.489
Lee. F. R.. 488 Lopata. H. Z.. 91.490 369-370. 409. 441-442,491 Michels. R.. 116-117. 294.492
Lee. G. R.. 324. 488 Lopez. J. A.. 255. 490 Massey. D. S.. 189.211.224. Mickelson. R. A.. 492
Lee. H.. 148.480. 506 Lorber. J.. 247. 490 226. 476.491 Middleton. R.. 324. 492
Lee. J. E.. 506 Lorenz. F. O.. 474 Mastrofski. S. D.. 161.491 Miele. G. M.. 326. 469
Lee. S.. 502 Louis XVI. 458 Matsueda. R. L.. 143. 144. 491 Miethe.T. O.. 131.492
Lee. V. E . 261.374.489 Lubchenco. J.. 422/ 423. 428. Matthew s. G.. 264. 507 Mikulincer. M.. 101.501
Lehman. E. W„ 280. 489 490. 505 Maugh. T. H., 46.491 Milgram. S., 111. 112.451.
Lehman. J. M., 12.489 Lucal. B.. 182.490 Maxwell. C. D.. 160.491 452.492
Lehrer. E. L.. 260-261. 489 Lucas. S. R.. 478 Maxwell, S. R.. 160.491 Miliband. R.. 283. 492
Leinbach. M. O.. 271.477 Luhtanen. R.. 102. 474 Maynard. D. W„ 15.491 Miller. A.. 160.488
Leitenberg. H.. 343. 489 Lui. L.. 492 Mazur. A.. 76. 491 Miller. J.. 367. 492
Leiter. J.. 508 Lukacs. G.. 202. 490 McAdam. D.. 451.491 Mills. C. W.. 5-6. 15. 295. 492
Lemert. E. M.. 132. 146.489 Lukes. S.. 312.490 McAndrew. B.. 101.474 Milne. L.. 90. 492
Lengermann. P. M.. 9. 15. 16. Lunt. P. S., 184 McCabe. D.. 132.491 Milner. M„ Jr.. 203. 492
275. 489 Lykken. D.. 470 McCauley, C„ 110.491 Mintz. B.. 308. 492
Lennon. M. C.. 252 Lynch. J. P.. 158. 469 McCauliffe. C.. 110 Mirotznik. J.. 490
Lenski. G. E.. 60. 203. 280. Lvnd. H. M.. 327-328. 490 McClintock. M. K.. 471 Mirowsky. J.. 332. 492. 498
284. 439 Lynd. R.. 327-328. 490 McConahay. J. B . 215.491 Mischel. W., 271.493
Lenski. J.. 60. 439. 489 McDonald. M. A.. 474 Moaddel. M.. 447. 455. 493
Lepenies. W„ 8. 489 McGee. R . 358,491 Modell. J.. 233. 470
Leshner. A. I.. 159. 489 M McGonagle. K. A.. 486 Moen. P.. 252. 493
Less. L. J.. 495 Maccoby. E.. 266-267. 271. McGovern. G., 289 Moffitt. T. E., 342.493
LeVay. S.. 340. 489 474. 490 McGrane. B.. 440.492 Molm. L. D., 326.493
Levenson. M. R.. 470 MacCoun. R. J.. 159.490 McGrath. D.. 192. 507 Molnar. S , 210.493
Levemier, W., 489 MacFarquhar. E.. 248. 490 McGue. M.. 470 Money. J.. 270. 493
Levi-Strauss. C.. 324. 489 MacKinnon. C. B.. 344. 490 McGuire. C.. 503 Montague. A.. 211.493
Levine. D. U.. 489 Macy. M. W„ 109. 451. 490. 491 McGuire. M. B.. 370. 492 Mooney. H. A . 422/ 505
LeVine. R. A.. 52. 489 Madson. L.. 53. 272. 474 McKay. H.. 143.510 Moore. D. C„ 7. 484
Levinson. D. J.. 88. 466. 489 Malave. I.. 475 McKenzie. R D.. 418. 495 Moore. D. W . 310, 340. 493
Levinson. H.. 310. 489 Malinosky-Rummell. R.. McKinley. W., 370 Moore. S.. 342. 466
Leviton. A.. 69. 494 344,491 McLanahan. S.. 4. 72. 330. Moore. W., 197. 475
Levy . F., 197.489 Malone. M. S„ 124.475 346.492 Moran. B. K.. 247. 480
Lewin. K.. 106. 489 Malthus. T.. 408 McLaughlin. S. D.. 251.491 Morgan. J. N.. 91. 483
Lewinski, M„ 157 Manchester. W.. 436. 491 McLaurin. M.. 47. 492 Morgan. W. R.. 495
Lewis. M.. 84. 489 Manis. J.. 23.491 McLoyd. V. C.. 187 Morin, R.. 419. 493
Lew is. O.. 189. 489 Mankoff. R.. 295/ McPartland. J. M.,217. Morris. A. D.. 455. 493
Lewontin. R. C.. 10. 48. 489 Mann. C.. 502 219. 470 Morris. M.. 196. 493
Lieberson. S.. 213. 235. 239. 489 Mann. J.. 338. 491 McPhail. C.. 449. 492 Morris. N., 164. 493
Liebow. E., 4. 5. 7. 28. 29. Mann. K.. 156. 506 McQuillan. K..410. 492 Mortenson. T. G.. 376. 493
189.489 Mann. L.. 450. 490 McRae. J. A.. 333. 486 Mortimer. J. T.. 84. 493
Lii. D.. 217. 503 Mao Tse-Tung. 286 Mead. G. H.,21.22, 79.81-82. Mosca. G.. 294
Liker. J. K.. 115.489 Marger. M. N„ 212. 214. 220. 492. 500 Moskowitz. B. A.. 74. 493
Lincoln. A.. 285 232, 233. 234.491 Mead. L. M.. 189. 492 Mott. F. L.. 495
Lindblom. C. E.. 287. 489 Markovskv. B.. 8.488 Means. G. C.. 307 Mouzelis. N., 8. 493
Linden. D. W.. 308. 426. 489 Marks. C.. 190.491 Megdal. L. M„ 477 Moynihan. D. P . 341.493
Linden. E.. 426 Marler. P. L.. 365.481 Mehan. H.. 381.492 Muchmore. J. A.. 376. 487
Linden. F.. 196. 490 Marlow. S. E.. 376. 487 Mehrabian. A.. 75-77. 492 Mueller. G. O. W., 249. 466
 Name Index 515

Muir. D. F.. 211.493

Mulkey. L. M.. 346. 493 o Peters, H. E„ 408, 495
Peters. K. D„ 391,488
Reagan. R.. 110, 157
Reckless, W. C„ 150,497
Muller. E. N„ 287. 493 Oberschall. A., 301. 494 Petersen. T.. 108, 496 Rector, R, 187. 497
Mura. D., 231.493 O’Boyle. C.. 271.477 Peterson. C. H., 423. 470 Reed, M. D.. 103,478
Murdock. G. P„ 48. 50. 267. 269. O’Connor. J., 283, 494 Peterson. D.. 481 Regoli. R. M.. 158, 497
282. 321. 325.493 O’Dell. J. W.. 104,494 Peterson. R. A.. 46. 47. 48. 496 Reich. W.. 459.497
Murphy. C.. 341.493 Ogburn. W. F.. 441. 494 Peterson, R. D.. 164. 264, 496 Reid, L. L„ 477
Murph) . J. F.. 508 O’Hare. W. P.. 232. 494 Peterson. R. S.. 503 Reno. R. R.. 44. 497
Murphy. L. R.. 448. 473 Ohlendorf, G. W., 499 Petterson. S. M.. 6. 496 Resnick. M„ 86, 87. 482
Murray. C.. 189. 211. 483. 493 Oleinick, L.. 470 Pettigrew, T. F.. 219. 496 Resnick. M. D.. 152. 469
Murstein. B. I.. 326. 493 Oliver. C„ 299. 494 Pettigrew. T. J.. 80. 496 Reuter. P„ 159. 490
Musick. K., 338. 493 Oliver. P. E.. 451. 494 Pettit. G. S., 343, 476 Rheingold, H. L„ 84, 497
Musto. D. F.. 159. 493 Olsen. M. E.. 294. 494 Philliber. W. W.. 331, 505 Richardson, L„ 16. 56. 274. 497
Myers. K. A.. 508 Olson. D. H.. 320. 324. 495 Phillips. M.. 211. 485 Richburg. K. G., 279. 497
Myers. S. M„ 339. 493 Olson, D. J., 289, 495 Piaget. J.. 71.496 Ridgeway, C. L.. 8, 275, 488, 497
Mvlander. C.. 74. 480 Olson. D. V. A.. 358. 367. 494 Pierre. R. E„ 192. 496 Riesman. D.. 296. 497
Myrdal. G„ 49. 249.493 Olzak. S.. 236. 495 Pill. C. J.. 334. 496 Riley. D..311
O'Malley. P. M„ 495 Pimm, S. L„ 423, 496 Riley. M. W._ 84. 497
Opp. K.. 451.495 Pina. D. L„ 252, 496
N Orcutt. J. D._ 145.494 Pinker, S„ 46. 496
Risman. B. J., 339, 497
Ritzer, G.. 8.9, 11, 15. 16. 17-18,
Nader. R.. 345 Orenstein. P.. 86. 87,495 Pipher. M.. 87, 346. 350, 496 114, 116, 197,497
Nagel. J.. 212.493 Oreskes. M.. 294. 495 Pitchford. S. R.. 151.474 Rivlin, A. M.. 302. 303. 490
Nakao. K.. 184r Orloff. A. S.. 299. 495 Platt. G. J.. 291.479 Roberts. F.. 497
Nakashima. E.. 192. 494 Ortner. S., 247. 495 Plomin. R.. 69, 496 Robertson. P., 367
Nalebuff. B. J.. 109.476 Osborne, D.. 375, 495 Plumb, J. H„ 84. 496 Robinson. R. V.. 183. 475
Naoi. A.. 486 Osgood, D. W„ 32, 34-35, 152. Pollard. R. A.. 496 Rockefeller, J. D.. 9-10
Napoleon. 285 483, 495 Polonko, K.. 499 Roethlisberger, F. J., 119, 497
Nasar. S.. 180.494 Otten. A. L.. 186.495 Pomer. M. I., 224, 496 Roffman. J. G.. 483
Nash. J. M„ 332. 494 Otto. S. P., 69. 70.478 Pomeroy. W. B.. 340. 487 Rogan. D. P„ 500
Nazario. S. L.. 384. 494 Pontell. H. N.. 156. 471 Rogers. R. G., 391.488
Needleman. H. L.. 69. 494
Neff. R.. 300. 494 P Pope. W.. 11.496
Popenoe. D.. 326. 496
Rogers-Dillon. R. H.. 191, 497
Rohan, M. J., 44. 497
Neil. C. C.. 311.494 Pagano. M. E„ 483 Popper. K.. 460, 496 Rojek. D. C.. 151.485
Nelson. C. B., 486 Page. C.. 175. 495 Porter. J., 194. 496 Rokeach, M.. 45. 73. 467. 497
Nelson. M. B.. 263, 494 Paget. K. M.. 264. 507 Portes. A., 194. 227. 229. 233. Romanelli. E., 120, 497
Nelson, T. F.. 148. 494 Pahlavi. M. R.. 367 416.496. 499 Ronfeldt. D.. 227. 505
Nestel. C.. 495 Painton. P.. 265. 469 Poundstone. W„ 109. 496 Rooney. J. F.. 113. 497
Neugarten. B. L.. 87. 88. 90. 494 Palen. J. J., 399. 495 Powell. C.. 193/ Roosevelt. F. D.. 191, 285, 291
Neugarten. D. A.. 87. 88. 90. 494 Palloni. A., 156.482 Powers. C. H.. 60, 482 Roosevelt. T., 231
Neuhouser. K.. 287. 494 Pampel. F. C., 408. 495 Pratkanis. A. R.. 79, 481 Roscigno. V. J., 504
Neustadtl. A.. 293. 473 Pan. P. P.. 209, 495 Presley. E.. 285 Rose. S„ 10. 48, 70, 489
Newcomb. T. M.. 55. 494 Parcel. T. L.. 32. 495 Priest. D.. 256. 496 Rosecrance. R., 117, 498
Newcomb. W. N„ 425. 504 Pareto. V.. 294 Proctor. B. D., 4, 78. 187, 188. Rosen, G.. 383, 498
Newman. K. S.. 195, 494 Parikh. S.. 283, 467 222, 227, 475 Rosen, P. L., 116
Newport. F.. 173. 197.494 Park. R. E.. 399.418,495 Prosser. E. C., 87. 472 Rosenau, P., 1, 498
Newton. J. W.. 450. 490 Parker. S.. 339. 495 Ptacek. J., 474 Rosenberg. M.. 79. 80, 85,
Newton. P. J.. 344. 468 Parkinson, C. N., 117. 495 Putka, G„ 374. 496 477, 498
Nie. N. H.. 186. 505 Parks. R. B.. 491
Rosenfeld. R„ 142, 492
Niebrugge. J.. 9, 15. 16. Pames. H. S.. 94, 495
Rosenfield. S.. 252
Parrott, S.. 502
275. 489
Nielson. J. M.. 268 Parsons, T„ 18, 185, 272, 273.
Q Rosenthal. E., 383, 498
Quadagno. J. S„ 283, 323.496 Rosnow. R. L„ 447, 498
Nikitin. A.. 459, 482 390. 439.441.495 Quillian. L„ 236-237. 497 Ross, C. E.. 332,492, 498
Nisbett. R. E.. 211.494 Passell. P.. 379.411,495 Quinney, R„ 145, 497 Rossi, A. S., 9, 70. 349. 498
Niven. D.. 294. 494 Paternoster, R.. 156, 158. 164.
Rossi. P. H„ 70, 349. 498
Nixon. R. M.. 157. 285 495. 503
Rotenier. N.. 308. 489
Noble. B. P„ 255.494 Patterson. G. R.. 467 R Rothbart. M.. 104-105. 498
Noble. I. R.. 422. 494 Patterson, O., 284. 495 Raab. S„ 156. 497 Rothchild. J., 156. 498
Noble. K. B.. 305. 494 Paulsen. R.. 451, 491 Ragin. C.. 446. 454, 506 Rothenberg. R.. 28. 498
Noel. D. L.. 50. 494 Paulus. P. B.. 110.495 Rahav. G.. 152, 497 Rothschild. J.. 120. 498
Noel. D. M.. 236, 237, 494 Pear. R.. 257, 495 Rainach, W. M., 370 Rousseau, J. J., 281
Nolan, M. F„ 175, 494 Pearlstein. S., 311, 482 Rainwater. L.. 176. 185. 473 Rovine, M.. 330, 468
Nolan. P.. 60. 489 Pennebaker. J. W.. 448. 473 Ramirez. R. R.. 503 Rowe. A. R„ 165, 503
Nolen-Hoeksema. S.. 86. 494 Pense. G. E„ 35.495 Rao. V. K„ 339. 475 Rubenstein. C., 333, 498
Norlock. F. B.. 477 Peplau. L. A.. 497 Raphael. R.. 85. 497 Rubin. Z„ 497
Nottelmann. E.. 85. 494 Perdue. W. O.. 458. 495 Rapoport. A . 109, 497 Rudner, L. M., 376, 498
Novak. T. P„ 443-444. 483 Perrin. C.. 245 Rappoport, L., 508 Ruggles, P . 187.498
Nuland. S. B.. 92. 494 Perrow. C.. 115. 118. 122,496 Raymond. C.. 25. 497 Ruggles. S., 323, 498
Nygren. O.. 405, 485 Perry, B. D„ 70. 496 Read. S. J.. 326.473 Russakoff. D.. 343. 498
516 Name Index

Russell, R.. 120,498 Seff. M. A.. 86. 479 Smith. A.. 249. 501 Stiwne, D., 110,481
Rutter, M„ 374,498 Segal, N. L„ 470 Smith. D.. 264. 501 Stoker. R. P„ 192, 507
Ryan, J„ 48,498 Seidman, R. B.. 146, 472 Smith. D. A.. 164, 500. 501 Stokes. R. G„ 305, 363. 502
Rymer, R„ 67.498 Sellers, C. S.. 473 Smith, E. R„ 186, 501 Stolyarova. E. 1.. 488
Ryskina, V. L„ 488 Sellin. T„ 164, 507 Smith. P. B„ 112,470 Stolzenberg, L., 146.475
Selltiz, C„ 28, 499 Smith. R. A., 217, 219. 225, Stombler. M.. 340. 508

s
Saad, L„ 340. 494.498
Selz. M„ 124.499
Senna, J. J„ 500
Serbin, L. A„ 271.499
469, 501
Smith, T. W., 173,310,311,364,
367,475
Stone. A. A„ 28. 502
Stone. K., 120. 502
Strang. D.. 437, 502
Sabshin, M„ 502 Sermsri, S., 477 Smith-Lovin, L., 275, 497 Straus. M. A„ 342. 343. 344,
Sadker. D„ 87, 270, 498 Sewell. W. H„ 193, 499 Smock, P. J., 337.483 479, 502
Sadker, M„ 87, 270, 498 Sewell. W. H„ Jr., 55, 499 Snipes. J. B., 491 Strauss. A.. 121.502
Sagarin, E„ 132,137,138,142.498 Shah, R., 69.474 Smpp, C. M„ 230. 501 Strote. J.. 480
St. John. C„ 224, 501 Shapiro. S. P„ 156, 499 Snizek, W. F„ 124, 302,311, Struening. E„ 490
Sakamoto. A.. 195, 498 Shaw, C. R., 143, 499 494, 501 Struyk. R. J„ 219. 504
Saltzman. H„ 343, 489 Shea. J. C„ 293. 296, 499 Snowden. F. M., Jr., 214, 501 Stryker. R.. 284. 502
Sampat. P„ 429,479 Sheehan. D., 478 Sobel. R. 182. 501 Stryker. S„ 23
Sampson. R. J., 4. 143.498 Shefter, M„ 290, 480 Solomon, P., 382, 501 Styfco. S. J„ 5. 508
Samuelson. R.. 199, 363, 498 Shelden, R. C„ 161,472 Solomon. Z., 101, 501 Style. C. B.. 328. 481
Samuelsson, K„ 363. 498 Shellenbarger. S„ 260, 500 Sommer. R., 76. 501 Sudman. S„ 28. 470
Sanchez. R„ 267, 371. 372. 374, Shelton. B?A„ 251, 253. 331, 500 Songer, D. R., 264, 501 Sudnow . D.. 92. 502
375, 376.498, 499 Sheridan. J. F.,471 Sonnega. A., 486 Sugarman. D. B.. 343. 502
Sanchez. S.. 249. 499 Sherif. C. W„ 500 Sorokin, P„ 203, 501 Suitor. J. J.. 252. 502
Sanday, P. R„ 264. 499 Sherif.M., 102, 104, 109, 110, Sourander, A., 86, 501 Sullivan. M. W.. 489
Sandefur, G.. 4, 72. 346, 492 112, 237,452, 500 South, S. J., 251,269-270, Sumner. W. G.. 14. 44, 48.
Sanders, L. M„ 215, 487 Sherkat. D. E„ 357. 500 339. 501 50. 502
Sanford, R. N„ 466 Sherman. L. W., 344. 500 Span. P., 247, 501 Sundberg, U., 488
Sapir. E„ 46, 499 Shew. M. L„ 152.469 Spates, J. L., 53, 501 Sunden. A. F.. 181. 486
Saporito, B., 123,499 Shibutani. T„ 237, 447, 452. 500 Spencer, H„ 8, 9-10, 14. 18. 439 Sundstrom. E.. 414. 502
Sarat. A., 156, 506 Shilts. R„ 341.500 Spengler, O.. 440. 501 Super. C. M„ 52. 482
Sassen. S., 416, 499 Shills. D„ 500 Sperber, M., 131. 148. 501 Super. D. A.. 191. 502
Satchell, M.. 230. 499 Shils, E. A.. 101, 113. 500 Spiegel. D.. 382, 501 Surette. B. J„ 178. 486
Sauter, S. L„ 311 Shipley, B. E, 468 Spitze.C.. 251,339. 501 Suro. R.. 403. 421. 502, 503
Savin-Williams. R. C.. 85, 499 Shoemaker. D. J.. 142, 143, Sprafkin, C., 271, 499 Sutherland. E. H„ 143. 145.
Scales-Trent, J.. 175, 499 150-152, 479, 500 Sprague, J.. 30, 501 156. 503
Scanzoni. J., 321.327, 499 Shrout, P. E„ 490 Sprey, J.. 350, 501 Sutton. J. R.. 150. 503
Schatzman, L.. 502 Shuan. Y.. 478 Squire. L., 180, 18 lr, 475 Sw anberg. J.. 327. 348.470
Schlenker, B. R . 79, 499 Shupe. A., 366. 481 St. John, C., 223. 501 Swatos. W. H . Jr.. 116
Schmidt. J. D., 500 Sica, A., 17. 500 Stacey, J., 328. 501 Swedberg. R.. 202. 503
Schneider, J., 392, 474 Sidanius, J., 217, 499 Stack. J. F„ Jr., 212, 501 Sweet. J. A.. 339. 471
Schoen. R.. 339, 499 Siegel. L. J„ 500 Stalin, J., 286 Swidler. A.. 478
Schoenbach, C., 486 Sieving, R. E„ 152. 469 Stanger. C., 489 Swift. J„ 104
Schoenbaum, B , 46 Sigelman. L„ 419. 500 Stark. D.. 301.366. 501 Symonds. W. C„ 390. 503
Schoenherr. R. A.. 119. 469 Signonielli, N., 479 Stark. R.. 151.358, 361,364, Szymanski. K.. 107. 237. 303.
Schooler, C., 81,311. 486 Simmel, G„ 20, 21, 105. 350, 500 366. 367,483,501,502 482.503
Schor, J. B„ 309,499 Simmons, R. G„ 84,493 Starr, E. G.. 15
Schorr. A. L„ 187,499 Simmons, R. J., 264/ Starr-McCluer, M., 178,
Schuman, H.. 215. 216, 499 Simon. D. R.. 156. 500 180-181,486 T
Schumpeter, J. A., 202 Simon. J., 428, 500 Starr. P„ 201, 384, 502 ’t Hart. P., 110, 503
Schur, E., 157. 499 Simon, R. J., 265, 334-335, Steams. P. N ., 323. 502 Tajfel. H.. 104-105
Schwalbe, M. L„ 81.479 474. 500 Steeh, C„ 499 Takanishi, R.. 85.482
Schwartz, M. D., 264 Simon. R. W., 500 Steffensmeier, D.. 160. 161, 502 Takeuchi. D. T„ 186. 507
Schwartz. J., 415. 499 Simons. R. L.. 337, 342, 343, 500 Stein, H„ 300, 502 Tanioka. I.. 152. 503
Schwartz. J. E.. 504 Simpson, E. E., 146, 470 Steinberg. L.. 474 Tarde. G.. 143
Schwartz, M., 308, 492 Singer, E., 103, 500 Steinberg. S„ 232. 502 Taylor. E., 265. 469
Schwartz, M. D., 264. 499 Skinner, B. F., 71,500 Steiner, P.. 444/ Taylor. H..414. 479
Schwartz, P„ 327, 333, 339, Skiair, L„ 305, 500 Steinmetz. G„ 202. 502. 503 Taylor. J. M.. 90.480
340, 469 Skocpol. T„ 29, 281,283, 299. Stephens, J. D„ 164. 502 Taylor. R. C. R., 120,472
Schwendinger. H.. 143, 264. 499 457. 500 Stephens. W. N„ 325, 502 Taylor, V., 16. 56. 265, 454,
Schwendinger. J. S„ 143, 264.499 Skolnick. A., 327, 333. 501 Stepp. L. S„ 152, 502 497, 503
Scott. D.. 293,473 Skolnick. J. H.. 157. 501 Stem, L„ 86. 502 Teachman. J.. 499
Scott. J.. 300, 499 Skrentny. J. D., 191,497 Stevenson, D. L„ 137, 502 Tellegen, A., 470
Scott. R.. 116,469 Slomczynski. K. M.. 486 Stevenson, H. W„ 374, 502 Tetlock. P. E.. 110, 503
Scott. S. R., 336 Slotkin. J. S„ 140, 501 Stevenson, J.. 119/ Therrian, M., 503
Searle. J. R., 23,499 Small. M. F., 52. 501 Steward, A. J„ 249. 501 Thio. A.. 261,263. 503
Sears. D. O..215. 487,499 Small. S. A.. 311.501 Stigler, J. W„ 502 Thistle, S„ 14. 503
Seeman. M„ 311, 499 Smelser, N. J.. 450, 501 Stinchcombe, A. L., 309, 502 Thoits, P. A.. 30. 503
 Name Index 517

Thomas, D. S., 78, 503 Upthegrove, T. R., 504 Weaver. C. N.. 328. 337. 480 Wilson, P. J.. 48
Thomas, M. E.. 224. 484 Usdansky. M. L„ 188,504 Weber. L„ 194. 483 Wilson, S„ 307, 507
Thomas. W. I., 78, 503 Useem, M„ 295, 504 Weber. M„ 13, 14, 17.22, 23,51, Wilson, W. J., 4, 189,219, 223,
Thompson. L„ 499 115-117, 116, 119, 173, 226, 507
Thoreau. H. D.. 103 281. 284. 362-363, 440. 506 Wilson-Sadberry, K. R.. 253. 483
Thrasher. F. M., 143, 503 V Webster, P„ 486 Winch, R. F„ 326, 507
Thurow. L. C„ 195. 503 Valente. J.. 230, 504 Wechsler. H„ 148, 480. 494. 506 Winfrey, O., 199
Tice. D. M.. 80. 503 Valentine, C.. 189, 505 Weeks. J. R.. 409. 506 Wingard. D. L., 504
Tieger. T„ 270. 503 Valocchi, S„ 340, 505 Weigold. M. F„ 79, 499 Winges. L. D., 492
Tien. H. Y..412 Van Creveld. M., 101,505 Weinberg. D. H„ 178,485 Winn. M„ 73, 507
Tienda. M.. 217, 227. 229, 468. 503 Van de Walle, E„ 412—413. 487 Weinberg. M. S„ 339, 340, 468 W'innick. L„ 420, 507
Tierney. J„ 428. 503 Van den Berg. A., 284. 505 Weinick. R. M„ 339,499 Wiseman. A. E.. 305, 442. 507
Tilghman. S. M.. 257, 503 Van den Berghe. P.. 21, 203, 505 Weisman, S. R., 173, 506 Wisniewski. N., 262, 487
Tillman. M., 156. 503 Vander Zanden. J. W., 70, 72. Weiss, G. L.. 387, 388. 506 Witt, L„ 264. 507
Tillman. R.. 156. 471 212, 236. 331.456. 505,506 Weiss, M„ 489 Wittchen, H.. 486
Tilly. C.. 282. 284. 454, 503 Vannoy, D.. 331, 505 Weiss, R., 341.506 Wolfe. T„ 185,507
Tipton. S. M., 457. 503 Veblen, T.. 118, 176, 505 Welch. M. R.. 151.503 Wolfgang, M. E„ 156. 164.
Tittle, C. R„ 151, 156. 158, Vega, W. A.. 227, 505 Welch. S„ 500 503, 507
165. 503 Ventura. S. J., 337, 505 Welles. 0., 450 Wolfinger, R.. 348
Tiucker, P„ 270. 493 Verano, J. W„ 230. 505 Wells. H. G„ 255, 449 Wong.M. C.. 233. 483
Tobin. K„ 490 Verba. S„ 186, 505 Wells, T.. 506 Wood. P. B., 473
Toch. H„ 452.492 Vemez. G.. 227. 505 Welsh. 261.506 Woodard. M. D.. 113, 507
Tolbert. C.. 195. 468 Vernon. G. M., 360? Wessel. D.. 219, 506 Woodiwiss. M„ 158. 507
Toles. 312/ Vinicur. D. L.. 477 West, M. J., 84. 497 Woods. J. D.. 341.507
Tolnay. S. F.. 236. 468 Visgaitis. G., 230. 505 West, S. G.. 236, 482 Woods. T„ 174-175
Tomlinson-Keasy. C.. 504 Vitousek. P. M.. 422, 505 W'ethington. E.. 89. 506 Workman-Daniels. K.. 470
Tong. R.. 16. 503 Vobejda. B„ 229, 332. 344, Wheeler. S„ 156, 506 Wright. E. O., 11, 172, 174. 182.
Tonry. M.. 164.493 345, 505 Whitbeck, L. B.. 500 202, 502. 507, 520
Toynbee. A. J.. 441. 503 Vogel. L„ 273. 505 White. B. J., 500 Wright, J. D.. 312,482
Tracy. P. E„ 156. 503 von Poppel. F„ 12. 505 White. L.. 331.506 Wright. J. P.. 156. 507
Treas. J., 184? Vorakitphokatom. S„ 477 White, M.. 151.471 Wrightsman, L. S., 27, 28, 30,
Trehub. S. E„ 75. 468 Voss. K„ 478 White. R. K.. 106,489, 506 475, 499
Treiman. D. J., 182.483 Vroom, V. H„ 107, 505 Whitt, J. A., 294, 506 Wrigley, J.. 31-32, 508
Trent, K.. 269-270. 501 Whittier. N.. 16. 56.497 Wu. Z.. 376.493
Tronick, E. Z., 53. 503
Trost. C„ 346. 503 w Whorf. B„ 46, 506
Whyte. M. K., 328. 506
Wysocki. B„ Jr.. 450. 508

Trow. M. A.. 117. 490 Waddington. D., 451,505 Widiger, T. A., 326, 469
Trueheart. C.. 117, 503 Waddoups. J., 194. 505 Widom, C. S„ 343, 506 Y
Truelove, C.. 227, 496 Wadman. M. K., 257. 505 Wiesel. E.. 135, 506 Yablonsky. L.. 151,508
Tuch. S. A.. 215, 504 Wagley. C„ 212, 505 Wiggins, B. B„ 70, 72. 506 Yamagishi. T.. 107. 508
Tucker. C. J.. 425, 504 Wagner. M., 79, 477 Wiggins. J. A., 70, 72, 506 Yamigishi. T„ 108. 508
Tucker. J. S.. 347, 504 Waite, L. J„ 4. 257, 328, 333, Wilcox, C„ 366. 506 Yans-McLaughlin. V., 234. 508
Tucker. N., 343. 504 346-347, 476. 505 Wilke, H„ 492 Yeager, P. C„ 145. 473
Tucker. P., 270 Waitzkin, H.. 31,505 Wilke, J. R„ 7, 118, 507 Yeung, K„ 340, 508
Tuma. N. B.. 437, 502 Walden, G„ 268 Williams, B. A., 446. 490 Yinger, J. M.. 79, 508
Tumin. M. M„ 199, 200. 504 Waldo. G. P„ 146, 164. 472, 505 Williams, D. R.. 186, 507 Yoon. J., 326, 488
Turkheimer, E., 69, 504 Waldron, M„ 69. 504 Williams, G. H.. 213/ Young, W. J., 331.483
Turkkan. J. S„ 502 Walker. L. E. A., 342. 505 Williams. K... 488. 507 Yu, P..412
Turner. B. S.. 390. 504 Wallace. C., 194 Williams, K. D„ 107. 486 Yu. Y„ 252, 493
Turner, J. H„ 11,504 Wallerstein. I., 303, 505 Williams. L„ 226, 473
Turner, M. A., 219. 504
Turner, M. G„ 261, 262, 263, 478
Wallerstein. J. S„ 346, 505
Wallis. R„ 362?
Williams. L. M.. 344. 486
Williams. R.B.. 391,507 z
Turner, P. A., 452, 504 Walmer. T„ 391.505 Williams. R. H„ 368. 507 Zajicek, A. M., 90. 471
Turner, R. E., 134-135, 470 Walsh. E. J., 506 Williams. R. M., 189. 224, 485 Zeitlin. M„ 295. 508
Turner, R. H„ 80. 82. 504 Walsh. S„ 209, 506 Williams, R. M.. Jr., 44, 136, Zeiazo. P. R.. 344, 485
Tyler, T. R.. 138, 504 Walton, J., 446. 454. 506 213, 507 Zemke. P. E„ 492
Ward, J. V„ 90. 480 Williams, W. J., 7 Zhao. S., 486

u Ward. L„ 14
Warner, L. A., 159, 506
Williamson. M. H.. 472
Willie, C. V., 224. 507
Zigler. E„ 4. 508
Zigli. B., 232, 508
Ubelaker, D. H„ 230, 505 Warner, R. S„ 366, 367, 369, 506 Wills, G„ 507 Zimbardo. P.. 449, 508
Uchitelle, L„ 298, 504 Warner, W. L„ 184. 506 Wilmoth, J. B.. 403 Zimmerie. D. M„ 492
Udry, J. R„ 70, 267, 504 Warren, M., 69? Wilson, B. R„ 361,507 Zimmerman. D. H.. 121-122. 508
Uggen, C., 152, 160. 504 Washington, G.. 135 Wilson, J. K„ 495 Zimmerman. M. K., 30. 501
Ullian. D. Z„ 271,487 Waters, M. C„ 235. 239. Wilson, J. Q.. 118, 154, 159. 507 Zimring, F. F.. 154, 159, 508
Ullman, E. L..419, 482 489. 506 Wilson, K. L., 194, 496 Zingraff, M. T.. 151,508
Ulrich, L. T„ 200-201 Watkins. S. C„ 473 Wilson, L. A., 192, 507 Zuckerman. Man in, 210, 508
Uppal. S„ 87,472 Watterson. B., 429/ Wilson, M.. 475 Zuckerman. Miron, 79, 508
 subject index
Locators in bold indicate glos­ AMA (American Medical B Marx and. 10-11
sary entries: locators with t indi­ Association). 384 Babies, delivery by doctors. origins of. 363-364
cate additional tables: f indicates Amalgamation. 220 200-201 poverty. 190
additional figures. American Association for Baby-boom cohort. 406 Protestant ethic. 13. 362-364
the Advancement of Baby-boom echo. 406 social stratification. 198.
Science. 428 Baby-bust cohort. 406 200-202
A American Association of Behavior: Care, functionalism. 349
AAUW (American Association University Women (AAUW). behaviorist concept in welfare The Case for Marriage (Waite
of University Women). 86-87. 261 state. 300 and Gallagher). 328
86-87. 261 ' American Cancer Society. 4 collective. 447—453 Caste systems. 174—175
Abstract ideals. 359 American College Testing of crowd(s). 449—450 Casual crowds. 449. 463
Acculturation. 220 Program (ACT), 376 fashioning, and interactionism. Category! ies), 58. 62
Achieved status. 55. 62. 173 American Dilemma (Myrdal), 49 22-23 Centers for Disease Control and
ACT (American College Testing American Dream and social reflexive. 72. 96 Prevention. 342
Program). 376 mobility. 195-197 varieties of religious. 358-359 Central business district. 418
Acting crowds. 449. 463 American Indians. 157. 222. Belief. 151.450 “ Charisma. 13
Adaptive upgrading. 439 229-230 The Bell Curve (Hermstein and Charismatic authority . 285. 315
Administrators, education. 371 American Medical Association Murray). 211 Charter schools. 375
Adolescence: (AMA). 384 Benefits, specialized, in Cheating. 131-132
delinquency. 141-142. 147. American Psychological bureaucracies, 124—125 Children and childhood:
160-161 Association (APA), 341 Beth Israel Deaconess Medical abuse of. 343
juvenile crime. 155-156 American Sign Language (ASL). Center (Boston). 388-389 child care. 332. 344—346
socialization. 85-87 46.74 ~ Bias. 104-105 child marriage. 325
Adoption, transracial. 334—335 American Sociological Bilineal. 323. 353 nannies. 31-32
Adulthood: Association. 35. 39 Binge drinking. 148-149 socialization. 84—85
later. 90-91 American Telephone & Birth rate. 400—102 two-income families. 332-333
middle. 88-90 Telegraph (AT&T). 305 Black markets. 298 (see also Adolescence)
young. 87-88 Amish. 51.454—155 Blacks (see African Americans) Chinese. 231
(see also specific topics) Animism. 359. 395 Blended families. 333-335 Christian Coalition. 366
AFDC (Aid to Families with Anomie. 167 Board of education. 371 Church. 359-362. 395
Dependent Children). 191 Anomie theory. 140-142 Body language. 76. 95 Circular reaction. 452
African Americans: Anticipatory socialization. 84. 95 Bonds, elements of social. Circumcision, female. 249
background. 222-223 APA (American Psychological 150-151 Cities. 414-422
caste system. 174-175 Association). 341 Breast feeding. 383 defined. 415. 432
civil rights movement. 21,215. Apartheid. 221 Bureaucracy: edge. 421
223,369 Archival research. 29. 38 characteristics of. 115-116 gentrification in. 419. 420
institutional discrimination. Arranged marriage. 325 and conflict theory. 119-121 growth patterns. 417-419
217-219. 246 Artifacts. 76 defined. 114. 127 origin and evolution of, 415-419
population growth. 222 Asceticism. 363. 395 in education. 371-372 segregation in. 419—420
poverty of. 4-5. 6. 28-29. Ascribed status. 55. 62. 173 and functionalism. 114-119 urban crisis and. 420-421
224-226 Asian Americans. 222. 230-233. humanizing. 123-125 Civil religion. 367-368. 395
prejudice against. 215 ASL (American Sign Language). problems of. 116-119 Civil rights movement. 21.215.
race or class, 223-224 46. 74 in religion. 359. 361.367-368 223. 369. 451
slavery, 222-223, 370 Assimilation. 219. 220. 242 and symbolic interactionism. Civil society. 287. 315
social mobility. 194 Atlanta University Conferences 119. 121-122 Class conflict, 10-11. 20. 38. 283
and sociology. American. 14—15 on Negro Problems and Weber. 13. 281 Class issues:
Thomas theorem. 78. 96 (1896-5 914). 14 African Americans. 223-224
in the United States. 222-226
Age norms. 88. 95
AT&T (American Telephone &
Telegraph). 305 c class conflict. 10-11. 20. 283
class consciousness. 202
Age-specific death rate. 402. 432 Attachment. 150 Calvin and Hobbes class identification. 182-185
Age-specific fertility, 401.432 Authoritarian leadership (Watterson). 428 Coleman-Rainman class
Agents of socialization. 72-74. 377 style. 106 Canada, health care system in. divisions. 185
Aggregates. 62 Authoritarianism. 286. 314 388-390 conflict theory of crime. 145
Aggression, 261-264. 270 Authority: Capital, productive, and inequality in U.S.. 177-182
Agrarian societies. 60 defined. 284. 314-315 education. 379 poverty. 186-192
Aid to Families with Dependent family, 323 Capital (Marx). 120 significance of class. 186
Children (AFDC). 191 state.284-285 Capitalist economy (capitalism): as social analysis category. 56
Alienation: types of. 284-285 bureaucracy. 116. 120 social stratification. 174. 175
anomie. 140 Autonomous w ork groups. and crime. 145 Clock, social. 88. 96
defined. 311,314 123-124 defined. 296. 315 Close supervision. 326
religion. 370 Avoidance rituals. 176 global perspective. 300 Closed systems. 172-173. 205
at work, 311-312 Avon Products Inc.. 245 laissez-faire. 9 Coca-Cola Company. 305. 306

518
 Subject Index 519

Coercion, 412-413 Contemporary sociology. 15-18 on crime, 154 Demography. 400, 432
Coercive organization, 113, 127 critical theory, 15-16 cultural disintegration among Denominations, 360r, 361,395
Cognitive developmental theory, feminism, 16 Dinka. 50 Density, 414, 432
” 70,71-72, 271 postmodernism. 16-18 on family values, 322 Dependent variable, 25-26. 38
Cohabitation, 338-339 Control group, 26. 38 gender inequality. 248-249 Deprivation approaches to social
Coleman-Rainman class Control theory. 34. 150-152 income inequality. 180 movements, 453-454
divisions, 185 Control(s): infant care, 52-53 Descent, 323
Collective behavior, 447—153 education and. 379 as model minority. 232 Descriptive decline. 420-421
crowd behavior explanations. experimental, 26-27 on parentese, 75 Deterrence, 164-165
451—453 in work, importance of. 311 Crowding. 414. 432 Developing nations, 412-413,
defined, 447, 463 Conventional crowd. 449, 463 Crowd(s), 449-153, 463 446-447
preconditions for. 450-451 Convergence theory. 452. 463 Crude birth rate. 400. 432 Development. Erikson's stages
varieties of, 447—150 Core regions, 303, 315 Crude death rate. 402, 432 of. 89z
College Board. 376 Corporate crime. 145-146 Cubans. 229 Developmentalist strategy, 411
Columbia University, 15 Corporate downsizing. 301-302 Cults. 360f, 361-362. 395 Deviance. 132-152
Command economic systems, Corporate interlocks. 309, 315 Cultural assimilation, 220 control theory, 34. 150-152
296-301 Corporations: Cultural lag. 441,463 cultural transmission theory.
Commitment. 151 control of. 307-309 Cultural relativism. 62 143-144, 271
Communication: corporate crime. 156-157 Cultural transmission theory, defined, 132, 152, 167
defined, 74, 95 multinational. 303-307 143-144 definitions and redefinition of,
doctor-patient relationship, national. 301-303 Cultural universals. 63 135-136
384-385 power of multinational. 303-307 Culture. 40-64 functions and dysfunctions,
in education, 381 sociology of work. 309-312 components of. 42—18 137-138
nonverbal. 75-78, Ilf (see also Bureaucracy; countercultures. 53, 62 labeling theory. 146-150
social, 74-78. 77/ Workplace) cultural integration. 49. 50 medicalization of, 392, 395
verbal, 74-75 Correlation, 26. 38 cultural relativism. 49-50. 52 norm(s), 132
Communism, 283-284 Correlation, spurious, 26. 39 cultural universals, 48 permissible variation, 136
Communist Manifesto Correspondence principle. 378. 395 defined. 41-42, 63 relativity of, 133-135
(Marx). 283 Counterculture. 53. 62 ethnocentrism, 49, 236 social control. 138-139
Commuters' zones, 418 Courts, 161-162 gender inequality. 247 social properties of, 132-138
Comparative and historical Courtship patterns, 325-326 gender roles, 267-270 structural strain theory. 140-142
research, 29-30 Crazes, 448. 463 nonverbal communication. 75 theories of, 138, 139-152
Comparative functions, reference Credentialism. 379. 395 subcultures, 50-54 (see also Crime)
groups, 103 Crime, 152-165 unity and diversity. 47-54 Dialectical materialism, 10-11.38,
Comparisons, social. 80, 96 and conflict theory, 145 (See also Cross-cultural studies) 441-442
Compensation (see Income) corporate and white-collar. Culture-bound. 139 Differential association, 143, 167
Competitive health services, 386 156-157 Culture of poverty. 189, 205 Diffusion, 437-438,463
Complementary needs, 326. 353 defined, 152, 167 Cyclical perspectives on social Diffusion and social change. 437
Compulsory heterosexuality, 268 drugsand, 158-160 change, 439-441 Dilemmas, social, 107-109, 128
Computers (see under Internet) forms of, 153-158 Dinka, cultural disintegration
Concentric circle model, government, 157 among, 50
417-418, 432 juvenile. 155-156 D Direct democracy. 286
Concrete operational stage, 71 measuring. 158 Data collection. 25-30, 34 Discovery, 437. 463
Conditioning, 70, 95 organized. 156 basic concepts, 25-26 Discrimination:
Conflict theory: property. 153-155 comparative and historical defined, 215, 242
on bureaucracy, 119-121 victimless, 157-158 methods, 29-30 institutional. 217-219. 246
on deviance, 138, 144—146 violent, 153-155 experiments, 26-27 pay and gender inequalities,
on ecological environment, 425 women and, 160-161 feminist research methods. 30 256-257, 265-266
on education, 378-379 (see also Deviance) multiple methods, 26-27 vs. prejudice, 213, 215, 217
on the family, 349-350 Crime Is Not the Problem: observation. 28-29 race and ethnicity, 213-214,
on gender stratification, Lethal Violence in America surveys, 27-28 215-218
273-274 (Zimring and Hawkins). 154 Day care. 332. 344-346 (see alto Gender inequality)
on medicine, 390-391 Crimes of domination. 145 Death, 91-92. 159 Disease. 382. 395
overview of, 18, 20-21,24r, 70 Crimes of government, 145 Death rate. 402-403 Disease-cure system. 382-383
on race and ethnicity, 236-237 Crimes of resistance, 145 Decisions, two-income families, Disenfranchisement and
on religion, 369-370 Criminal justice system, 161-163 332-333 oppression, 290-291
on roles, 57-58 courts, 161-162 Decline of the West (Spengler). 440 Displaced homemakers, 347
on social change. 441—142 defined. 152, 167 Defendant. 161 Distributional model of class
on social stratification, 199-203 police. 161 Definition of the situation, 78. 95 identification. 182
on the state. 282-284 prisons, 162-165 Definitions of deviance, 135 Diversity, cultural. 47-54, 76
Conformity. 110-112, 141-142 Criminal propensity Deindividualization, 449. 463 Division of labor:
Conservative perspective on perspective, 34 Delinquency, 141-142, 147. Durkheim's perspective on.
social stratification, 197 Crisis forecasting, 460 160-161 11-12
Conspicuous consumption, 176 Critical theory. 15-16 Democracy, 286-287, 315 in the family, 251-253, 257.
Constructed reality, 22. 38, 237 Cross-cultural studies: Democratic leadership style. 106 260-261
Consumer sovereignty, 298 caste systems, 174-175 Demographic transition theory. in multinational
Contagion theory. 451—452. 463 Coca-Cola, 306 409-410,432 corporations, 303
520 Subject Index

The Division of Labor in Society Egocentric bias. 79. 95 Family, 319-354 Formal organizations. 112-125
(Durkheim), 12 Elder care. 348 challenges for. 341-348 defined. 112. 127
Divorce. 346-348 Electoral participation. 289-291 changes in marriage. 328-329 religions. 359-362
Doctor-patient relationship. The Elementary Forms of Religious child abuse, 343 types of. 113-114
384-385 Life (Durkheim). 368 child care. 332. 344-346 (see also Bureaucracy;
Doctrine of predestination. 363 Elitist perspective on power. cohabitation. 338-339 Group! s))
Dominant group. 212 294-296 courtship patterns. 325-326 Formal sanctions. 139
Domination, crimes of, 145 Emergent-norm theory. 452, 463 defined. 321.353 Fortune 500 corporations. 145
Doughnut structure. 420 Emotional support, division of labor. 251-253. Free markets, 298
Downsizing. 301-302 functionalism. 349 257. 260-261 Free-rider mechanism. 108
Dramaturgical approach. 83. 95 Employee participation, divorce. 346-348 Freudian theory. 271
Drug war in United States. 159 bureaucracies, 123-124 elder care. 348 Functional decline. 420-421
Drugs and crime. 158-160 Employee stock ownership plans forms of. 321-323 Functionalism, 18-20. 24r
Dual labor market. 195. 205 (ESOPs), 125 gay and lesbian couples. control theory. 150
Duties. 57. 63 Endogamy, 212, 247, 324. 353 339-341 on deviance, 138, 140
Dyads. 103. 127 Enlightenment. 16 incest. 343-344 on ecological environment.
Dynamics, group (see Group Environment. 415-429 marriage (see Marriage) 423, 425
dynamics) defined. 399. 432 nuclear, 321.354 on education. 377-378
Dysfunctions: ecological. 422-429 of orientation, 321.353 on family. 349
of bureaucracy. 117-118 environmental racism. 219. 428 of procreation, 321,353 on gender stratification. 273
defined, 19,38 (see also Population; Urban racial diversity in, 334-335 overview. 18-20. 70
of deviance, 137 environment) remarriage, 348 on race and ethnicity. 235-236
of race and ethnicity, 235-236 Environmental racism, 219. second shift, 251-253 religion. 368-369
242,428 sexual abuse, 343-344 on social change. 441
Equal Employment Opportunity single parenthood. 337-338 on social stratification,
E Commission (EEOC). 261 singlehood. 336-337 197-199
Earnings (see Income; Pay) Equalitarian pluralism. 221 as socialization agent. 72 on the state. 282
Ecological environment. 422-429 Equilibrium, social change. 441 sociological perspectives on. Functionalist perspective
human-environment Erikson’s stages of 348-350 (see Functionalism)
interactions. 422-423 development. 89f stepfamilies. 333-335 Function(s):
new millennium. 428-429 ESOPs (employee stock structure of. global view. defined. 38
in Russia. 424 ownership plans). 125 320-326 ~ of deviance. 137-138
sociological perspectives. Essay on the Principle of two-income. 331-333 manifest and latent. 19
423-428 Population (Malthus). 408 in the United States. 326-341 of race and ethnicity. 236
Ecology. 399. 432 Ethics. 35. 363. 395 violence in. 342-344 Fundamentalism. 366-367
Economic determinism. 11.38 Ethnic groups. 212. 242 Family friendly companies. Futurists. 459. 463
Economic power. 296-301 (see also Race and ethnicity; 260-261’
Economic standing in social specific ethnic groups) Family life course. 329-330. 353
stratification. 174. 175 Ethnic identities. 212 Family planning, 411 G
The Economist. 53 Ethnocentrism. 49. 63, 236 Fashion. 448. 463 Gangs. 141-142. 147
Economy. 280 Ethnomethodology, 121, 127 FBI (Federal Bureau of Gatekeeping. 219. 243, 381
Ecosystem. 400. 432 Euthanasia, 92. 95 Investigation). 146. Gay and lesbian couples. 339-341
Edge cities. 421 Evaluation of theories; 153-155.262 Gay rights. 340-341
Education. 371-382 of conflict theory. 21 Fecundity. 401.432 Gender identities. 246,
alternatives to traditional of functionalism. 20 Federal Bureau of Investigation 270-272
schools. 374-376 of interactionism. 23 (FBI), 146, 153-155. 262 Gender inequality. 245-276
board of. 371 Evangelicalism. 366-367 Federal Election Campaign Act cross-cultural studies. 248-249
bureaucratic structure, Evolutionary perspective on (1971), 292 family roles. 251-253. 257.
371-372 social change. 439 The Federalist (Hamilton). 280 260-261
defined. 371. 395 Exchange theory. 326, 353 Female genital mutilation. 249 patriarchy. 246. 247-248
global rating, 373-374 Executive pay, 307-309 Feminism; in politics and government.
higher, availability of, 376 Exogamy, 324. 353 contemporary sociology. 16 264-265
Hispanics in, 227. 228r Experimental groups. 26. 38 feminist perspective. rape. 249. 261-264
social mobility, 193-194 Experiments. 26-27. 38 274-275 roles, sources of, 266-272
sociological perspectives, Exponential principle. 437 research methods. 30 sexism, 246, 247-248
377-382 Expressive crowds. 449, 463 as sociological method. 9 sexual harassment, 261-264
(see also School! s)) Expressive leadership. 106. 273 women’s movement. 265 sociological perspectives on,
Educational self-fulfilling Expressive movements. 456. 463 Feminization of poverty. 272-275
prophecies, 381-382, 395 Expressive symbolism. 47 187-188, 337 stratification, 246-266
EEOC (Equal Employment Expressive ties. 100. 127 Fertility rate, 401-402, 408 women’s movement, 265
Opportunity Extended family, 321.353 Field experiments. 26 workplace, 253-261
Commission), 261 Flex time. 124 (see also Gender roles)
Effective schools. 372-374 Florida. 2000 Presidential Gender issues:
Efficacy, personal. 81 F election in. 287-288 adolescent girls. 86-87
Egalitarian authority. 323, 353 Fads. 448. 463 Folkways. 44. 63. 282 babies, delivery by doctors,
Egalitarian populist concept in False consciousness. 201 Force. 280. 315 200-201
welfare state, 300 Families and Work Institute. 327 Formal operations stage. 71 defined, 246
 Subject Index 521

divorce. 348 Hindu caste system. 174-175 Institution(s). 59. 63 Intragenerational mobility,
identification of. 266-267 Hispanics. 222. 227-229 (see also Education; Medicine; 193. 205
as social analysis category. 56 Historical methods of data Religion) Invasion. 420. 432
Gender roles. 266-272 collection. 29-30 Instrumental leadership. 106, 273 Invention, 437. 464
biology. 266-267 HMOs (health maintenance Instrumental theory. 283 Involuntary membership. 247
culture. 267-270 organizations), 387, 389 Instrumental ties, 100, 128 Involvement, 150
defined. 246 Home schooling. 375r. 376 Integration. 220 Invulnerability. 450
identity formation. 246. Homogamy , 326. 353 Integration, cultural. 48. 50 Iron law of oligarchy. 116. 128
270-272 Homosexuality: Intelligence, prejudice The Irreducible Needs of the
Genera) fertility rate. 401.432 cross-cultural perspective. 134 concerning, 216 Children (Brazelton). 341
Generalized belief. 151.450 defined. 339-340. 353 Interactionism: Islamic fundamentalism. 367-368
Generalized other. 81-82. 95, 139 gay and lesbian couples, on bureaucracy. 119, 121-122 ITT (International Telephone and
Genocide. 221. 243 339-341 on ecological environment. Telegraph). 304
Gentrification. 419. 420 Horizontal mobility. 192. 205 425-128 ITU (International Typographical
Gestures. 76-78. Ilf Horticultural societies. 60 on education. 381-382 Union). 117
Glass ceiling. 255-256 Hospice. 92. 95 on the family. 350-351
Global cities. 416 Hospitals. 383-384 on gender stratification. 274
Global perspective on medicine. How to Observe Manners and and labeling theory. 146 J
387-390 Morals (Martineau). 9 on medicine. 391-392 Japanese. 231
Global rating, education. 373-374 Hull House. Chicago. 15 overview. 21-23, 22-23. 24r Jews as model minority. 232. 233
Government: Hunting and gathering on race and ethnicity. 237-238 Job burnout, 311
crimes of. 145. 157 societies. 60 on self. 79 Juvenile crime. 155-156
defined. 286. 315 Hypothesis. 26. 34. 38 on socialization. 72
private, and multinational as sociological theory,
corporations. 304 21-23. 24r K
types of. 286-287 I (see also Symbolic Kerner Commission. 459
Group dynamics: Ideal types. 13. 115. 118-119. interactionism) Kinsey Institute. 339
conformity. 110-112 284-285 Interactionist perspective Kinship. 60
group size. 103-106 Identity, gender. 246. 270-272 (see Interactionism)
groupthink. 110 Ideology. 455. 463—164 Interdependent self-construal. 272
leadership. 106-107 Imitation. 452 Interest groups: L
social dilemmas. 107-109 Immigration of white ethnics. defined. 287, 291,315 Labeling theory. 146-150
social loafing, 107 232-234 lobbying by. 291-293 Laissez-faire capitalism. 9. 300
Group marriage. 325. 353 Impression management. 82-83. Interests. 287. 291.315 Laissez-faire leadership style. 107
Group(s). 99-129 95, 99.216 ' Intergenerational mobility. Language:
conformity. 110-112. 141-142 Imprisonment. 162-165 192. 205 as cultural component. 45—16
defined. 63, 99.127 In-groups, 102. 128, 137 Internal migration. 404. 432 defined. 45.46. 63
group size. 103-106 Incest, 343-344 Internalization. 138.167 linguistic relativity
groupthink. 110 Incest taboos. 324. 353 International Labor hypothesis. 46-47
importance of. 99-100 Income: Organization. 249 parentese, 75
in-groups. 102, 137 defined. 175. 205 International migration. 404. 432 slang in, 51-52
leadership of. 106-107 discrimination in pay. International Telephone and in verbal communication. 74—75
minorities. 247 256-257. 265-266 Telegraph (ITT). 304 Language acquisition device,
out-groups. 102. 137. 236 executive pay. 307-309 International Typographical 74. 95
primary. 100-102 inequality in. 180 Union (ITU). 117 Latent functions. 19. 38
reference. 103 of two-income families. Internet connection: Latinos (Hispanics). 222.
secondary. 101-102 331-333 culture and social structure, 64 227-229
social dilemmas. 107-109 in the U.S.. 177-178, 183/ deviance and crime. 168 Laws. 44—15. 63, 282
social loafing. 107 Independent self-construal. 272 family, 354 Leadership. 106-107
as social structure. 58-60 Independent variables. 25-26. 38 gender inequality, 276 League of Women Voters, 58
Groupthink. 110. 127-128 Index crimes. 152-158. 167 groups. 129 Learning. 371. 395
Growth rate. 405. 432 Industrial Revolution. 8. 14. 408, political and economic Leave It to Beaver (television
Gulliver's Travels (Swift). 104 416. 422 power, 316 program). 252-253
Industrial societies. 60, 193-194 population and environment. 433 Legal-rational authority.
Industrial-urban centers. 415—416 religion, education and “ 284-285.315
H Inequalitarian pluralism. 221 medicine. 396 Legitimacy
Harvard School of Public Health Inequality (see Social inequality) social change, 465 norm of. 349. 354
College Alcohol Study. 160 Infant care, cross-cultural study social stratification. 206 state. 284—285
Harvard University. 15 of. 52-53 socialization. 97 Life chances, 186. 205
Health. 382. 395 Infant mortality' rate. 403. 432 sociological perspective. 39 Life course:
Health maintenance organizations Informal organization. 118. 128 Internet issues: adolescence. 85-87
(HMOs). 387, 389 Informal sanctions. 139 economic transitions in. adulthood. 87-91
Heaven’s Gate. 362 Information revolution. 442—144 302-303 childhood. 84-85
Hermaphrodites, 266. 270 Innovation. 142. 437 and multinational corporation, death. 91-92
Heterosexuality as compulsory. 268 Institutional discrimination. 305. 307 defined. 83. 95
Hidden curriculum. 381. 395 217-219. 243, 246 social change. 443- 444 later adulthood. 90-91
Higher education. 376 Institutional racism. 211. 217 w orkplace, changes in. 309 middle adulthood. 88-90
522 Subject Index

socialization across, 83-92 disease-cure system. 382-383 National Institutes of Health Operational hypothesis. 34
young adulthood. 87-88 global perspective on, 387-390 (NIH). 25 Oppression and
Life events, 88. 95 health care delivery system in National Organization for disenfranchisement. 290-291
Life expectancy. 403 United States. 382-385 Women (NOW). 58. 265 Organic solidarity. 12
Life on the Color Line hospitals. 383-384 National Research Council. 224 Organized crime, 156. 167
(Williams). 213/ nursing care, 385. 388-389 National School Board Out-groups, 102. 128. 137. 236
Lifestyles, 13. 186, 333,353 physicians. 384 Association. 155
Linguistic relativity hypothesis, sociological perspectives Native Americans. 157, 222.
46-47 on, 390-392 229-230 P
Literacy, 249 U.S. health care system, Natural areas. 419. 432 PACs (political action
Literature review, 34 200-201,382-385 Natural history of revolutions. committees). 292-293. 315
Lobbying. 291-293 Megalopolis. 416. 432 458. 464' Panic, 448-449. 464
Looking-glass self, 79-80. 95 Methodology in sociology, 9 Nature and nurture: Paralanguage, 76, 96
Los Alamos National Metropolitan cities, 416 gender roles. 267-270 Parental pressure, 326
Laboratory. 460 Mexicans, 228 in socialization, 68-70 Parentese, 75
Love. 325-326 Microlevel theoretical Nazism. 15.286. 287. 297 Parenthood. 329-338
perspectives, 70 NCVS (National Crime Parkinson's law. 117-118. 128
Microsociology. 7-8. 38 Victimization Survey), Participant observation. 28. 38
M Middle adulthood. 88-90 262-263 Participative management. 123
Macrolevel theoretical Middletown, marriage in. Negotiated order. 121, 128 Party, in social stratification.
perspectives, 70 327-328 Neo-Malthusians. 409 174, 177, 202
Macrosociology, 7-8. 38 Midlife crisis, 89 Neolocal residence. 323, 354 Patient-doctor relationship,
Mafia. 156 Migration rate, 403-405 Net migration rate. 403. 433 384-385
Mana, 358. 395 Military, gender stratification Neutrality. 13 Patriarchal authority. 323. 354
Managed care, 386-387 in, 256 New York City, 122,420 Patriarchy. 247
Manifest functions. 19. 38 Minimal group paradigm. 105 NIH (National Institutes of Patrilineal. 323, 354
Market economies, 298-301 Minority groups: Health), 25 Patrilocal residence. 323. 354
Marriage: characteristics of. 212-213. 247 "Noble savage," 281 Pay:
courtship patterns, 325-326 defined. 212. 243 Nonmaterial culture. 41. 441 discrimination. 256-257,
defined. 323. 353 model minority. 231, 232-233 Nonmaterial social facts. 12 265-266
divorce. 346-348 women as, 247 Nonverbal communication, executive, 307-309
exogamy and endogamy,-324 (see also Race and ethnicity; 75-78, 77/ (see also Income)
forms of. 323-325 specific groups) Norm of legitimacy, 349. 354 Peer group. 72, 141-142. 147
life within, 327-329 Mixed economies. 298-299 Normative functions, reference Peer pressure. 326
remarriage. 348 Model minority. 231. 232-233 groups, 103 Penitentiary. 164
two-income families, 331-333 The Modern Corporation Norm(s): Performance, role. 56. 63
in the United States, 326-341 and Private Property age. 88. 95 Periphery regions, 303. 315
Marxism, 10-11. 15, 145.202, (Berle and Means), 307 as cultural component. Permissible variation,
294. 305,312 Modernization. 446, 464 43-45 defiance, 136
Mass hysteria. 448. 464 Monogamy. 324. 353 defined, 43, 63 Persistently poor. 188-189
Mass media: Monotheism. 359, 395 and deviance. 132 Personal crime. 145
defined. 293. 315 Moral indifference, 3 internalization of. 138. 167 Personal efficacy. 81.96
political advertising, 294 Morality, religion, 368 and social change. 437 The Philadelphia Negro
political power of, 293-294 Mores. 44. 63, 282 state and enforcement of. 282 (DuBois). 14-15
social change, 438-439, Mortality rate, infant. 403, 432 (see also Deviance) Physical environment and social
440-441 Mortification. 113. 128 North Korea, power and. 279 change. 436
as socialization agent. 73 Multilinear view of evolution. 437 NOW (National Organization for Physicians. 384
terrorism. 458-459 Multinational corporations. Women). 58. 265 Pluralism. 219. 220-221. 243, 296
Mass psychogenic illness. 448 303, 315 Nuclear family: Police. 161
Master status. 56. 63 Multiple nuclei model, 418/ alternatives to. 333-341 Political action committees
Matching hypothesis. 326, 353 419. 432 defined. 321.354 (PACs), 292-293.315
Material culture, 42, 441 family life cycle. 329-330 Political party. 288. 315
Material social acts, 12 Nurses. 385, 388-389 Political power. 285-296
Materialism, dialectical. N defined. 285. 315
10-11,442
Matriarchal authority, 323. 353
NAACP (National Association
for the Advancement of o elitist perspective. 294-296
gender inequlities in, 250t
Matrilineal (arrangement). Colored People), 14 Objective method of class government types. 286-287
323. 353 Nannies, 31-32 identification. 182-183, 205 Marxism. 294
Matrilocal residence. 323. 353 National Academy of Objectivity. 13 pluralism. 296
Meaning: Sciences. 224 Observation, research method. in the United States. 288-294
in interactionism. 22 National Association for the 28-29 Politics. 285. 315
in religion. 369 Advancement of Colored Observational learning. 71. 96 Polyandry. 324. 354
Mechanical solidarity. 12 People (NAACP). 14 Oedipal conflict. 271 Polygyny. 324. 354
Medicalization of deviance. National Committee to Prevent Oligarchy. 116-117 Polytheism. 359. 395
392, 395 Child Abuse. 343 Oligarchy, iron law of. 116. 128 Population. 399—414
Medicine. 382-392 National Crime Victimization Oligopoly. 301.315 birth rate. 400-402
cost increases in. 385-386 Survey (NCVS). 262-263 Open systems. 172-173. 205 composition of, 405-408
defined. 382, 395 National Farm Labor Union. 455 Operational definition. 34. 38 crowding and. 413—414
 Subject Index 523

death rate. 402-103

defined. 399
Prosecutor. 161
Protection, functionalism. 349
Relational model of class
identification. 182
s
demographic transition. Protestant. 13. 362-363 Relationships: Sacred. 358. 396
409-413 Protestant ethic. 13. 362-364. 395 defined. 100. 128 Saliva experiment. 134-135
elements of change in. The Protestant Ethnic and doctor-patient. 384-385 Sanctions, 139
400-405 the Spirit of Capitalism in groups. 100-103. 137. 236 SAT (Scholastic Aptitude Test),
loss of. 41.3-414 (Weber), 363 Relative deprivation. 103. 128. 372-373, 379. 38O(
Malthus vs. Marx views on. Proxemics. 76. 96 453. 464 Satisfaction, work. 311-312
408-409 Puberty rites. 85. 96 Relativism, cultural. 49-50. 52 Scapegoating. 236
migration rate. 403-405 Public-interest groups. 292. 315 Religion. 357-371 Schizophrenia. 140
policies for. 410-413 Puerto Ricans, 229 and conflict theory. 369-370 Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT),
and social change. 436 Punishment, 71. 164 in contemporary life. 364—366 372-373. 379. 380/
The Population Bomb control theory. 151 School(s):
(Ehrlich. P.).408 defined. 358.’395-396 alternatives to. 374-376
Population pyramid. 405—408. 433 Q functionalism. 368-369 Asian Americans as model
Postindustrial societies. 60 Quality circles. 123 fundamentalism and minority, 231
Postmodernism. 16-18 Questionnaires, 27-28 evangelism. 366-367 bureaucracy in. 371-372
Poverty. 186-192 organizations. 359-362 cheating in. 132-133
African American. 4—5. 6. Protestant ethic. 362-364 control theory. 151
28-29, 224-226 R religious organizations. 359-362 deviant behavior. 151
characteristics of poor. Race and ethnicity. 209-243 social change. 364—366 effectiveness of. 372-374
187-189 assimilation, 220 sociological perspectives on, sexual aggression in, 261
culture of. 189. 205 caste system. 174-175 368-370 as socialization agent. 72-73
defined. 187 concept of. 210-211 state-church issues. 367-368 (see also Education)
and functionalism. 19 discrimination. 213-214. in the United States. 364-365 Scientific method. 30-35
Native American. 229 215-219 varieties of religious behavior. Screening, and functionalism. 378
programs for. 190-192 diversity within families. 358-359 Second nature. 139
Puerto Rican. 229 334-335 Religious marketplace. 366-367 Second shift. 251-253
theories of. 189-190 ethnic groups, 212 Remarriage. 348 Secondary' deviance. 147. 167
underclass. 188-189. 226 ethnic groups, defined. Representational thought. 71 Secondary groups. 101-102. 128
Power. 279-316 212.242 Representative democracy, 286 Sector model, 418-419. 433
authority, state and. 280-296 ethnicity, concept of, 239 Representative samples. 27-28 Sect(s), 360/. 361,396, 451
control of corporations. 307-309 future of. 238-239 Reproduction, functionalism. 349 Secularization thesis, 364. 396
of corporations, 301-309 intergroup relations. Reputational method of class Segregation. 419. 433
defined. 20. 38. 205, 280 238-239 identification. 184. 206 Selection, and functionalism. 378
economic, 296-301 minority groups. 212-213 Research (see Sociology Selective confinement. 165
of multinational corporations in pluralism. 220-221 research) Self. 79-83
global economy. 303-307 potential for conflict and Residence. 323 defined. 79. 96
of national corporations, separation. 213 Residential zones. 418 generalized other. 81-82.
301-303 prejudice, 214-215, 216 Residualist concept in welfare 99, 138
organization of. and race, concept of, 210-211 state. 300 impression management.
evolution. 439 race, defined. 211. 243 Resistance, crimes of. 145 82-83. 99
political (see Political power) as social analysis category. 56 Resistance movements. 456. 464 looking-glass. 79-80. 95
in social stratification. social mobility. 193-195 Resocialization. 113. 128 Self-attribution. 81
174. 177. 202 sociological perspectives on, Resource mobilization Self-awareness. 80
sociology of work. 309-312 235-238 approaches to social Self-conception. 80, 96. 272
PPOs (preferred provider stratification based on, 210-213 movements. 454-455 Self-conscious social group. 247
organizations), 387-390 in the United States, 222-235 Resources and social change. 437 Self-construals, 272
Precipitating event. 450-451 (see also specific groups) Retirement. 90 Self-esteem. 80. 96, 272
Predatory crime. 145 Racism. 211. 215. 243. 248. Retreatism. 142 Self-fulfilling prophecies,
Predestination, doctrine of. 363 424. 428 Revolutionary movements. 381-382. 464
Preferred provider organizations Radical perspective on social 456. 464 Self-image. 80. 96
(PPOs), 387-390 stratification. 197 Revolutions in social movements, Self-managed teams,
Preindustrial cities. 415 Random samples. 27-28. 38 457-158 123-124
Prejudice. 213-215. 216. 243. 247 Random samples, stratified. 28. 39 Rights. 57. 63 Self-placement method of class
Preoperationai stage, 71 Rape. 249. 261-264. 350 Rights, gay. 340-341 identification. 183-184. 206
Presentation rituals. 176 Reality: Risk, environmental. 426-428 Self-reports. 27-28
Prestige, 176-177. 205 constructed. 22. 38. 237 Ritualism. 142 Self-socialization. 271-272
Primary deviance. 147. 167 new levels of. 4-5 Rituals. 350. 358. 368. 396 Sensorimotor stage, 71
Primary groups. 100-102. 128 Rebellion. 142 Role(s), 56-58.63.90-91 Separation. 213
Prisoner’s dilemma game. 108-109 Recidivism. 164. 167 Role conflict. 57-58. 63 Set. role. 57. 63
Prisons. 162-165 Reconstituted families, 333-335 Role performance. 56. 63 Settlement houses. 14
Private experiences as sociological Reference groups. 103. 128 Role set. 57. 63 Sex:
imagination. 5—7 Reflected appraisals. 80. 96 Role socialization. 63. 84 biological development.
Productive capital, 379 Reflexive behavior. 72, 96 Role strain. 58. 63 266-267
Profane, 358. 395 Reform movements. 456. 464 Romantic love. 325. 354 defined. 246
Profits, short term. 307 Rehabilitation. 164 Rumors. 447-488. 464 sex ratio. 405. 411^112
Property crime. 153-155 Reinforcement. 71 Russia, ecology of. 424 sexism. 246-248
524 Subject Index

Sexuality: recruitment into. 451 macro- and microsociology. 7-8 Students, education. 372
abuse. 343-344 revolutions, 457—458 term origin. 8 Style of life. 186. 206
within marriage. 327 social revolution. 457-458 Sociology, development of. 8-18 Subcultures. 50-54. 63
regulation of behavior. 349 terrorism. 458—459 American sociology. 14-15 Subjectivity and social
sadism. 249 types of. 455—457 class conflict. 10-11 organization. 13
sexual harassment. 261-264 Social organization and contemporary sociology. 15-18 Succession. 420. 433
Short term profits, 307 subjectivity, 13 feminist and methodology. 9 Suggestibility. 449. 452
Sick role. 390. 396 Social revolution. 457—458. 464 founding of sociology. 8 Suicide. 12, 92. 231
Significance of work. 310-311 Social solidarity. 12-13 social Darw inism. 9-10 Suicide (Durkheim). 12
Significant other. 82. 96 Social statics, 8. 39 social integration and social Supematuralism. 358-359
Single fathers. 337 Social stratification. 171-206 facts. 11-13 Superstructure of society. 11
Single parenthood. 337-338 American class system. subjectivity and social Surplus value. 200-201
Singlehood. 336-337 177-192 organization. 13 Surveys, 26-28. 39
Situation, definition of the. 78. 95 defined. 171.206 Sociology research: Symbolic ethnicity. 235
Situational poverty. 190 dimensions of. 173-177 conduction of. 24—35 Symbolic gestures, 76-78. 77/
Slang. 51-52 explanations of. 197-203 data collection. 25-30. 33. 34 Symbolic interactionism:
Slavery. 222-223. 370 patterns of. 172-177 ethics of. 35 bureaucracy. 119. 121-122
Small work groups. 125 racial and ethnic. 210-213 logic of science. 25 and self. 79. 81
Social bonds, elements of, 150-151 social mobility. 192-197 scientific method. 30-35 symbols in, 22
Social change. 435-461 Social structure. 54-60 Special-interest groups. 291. 315 as theoretical perspective. 18.
defined. 464 groups. 58-59 Specialized benefits, in 70. 72
in developing nations. 446-447 institutions. 59 bureaucracies, 124-125 Symbolic racism. 215. 243
perspectives on. 439^442 roles. 56-58 Spit experiment. 134-135 Symbols:
predicting. 460 societies, 59-60 Split labor market. 237. 243 as cultural component. 45—16
religion. 364—366 statuses, 55-56 Spurious correlation. 26. 39 defined. 45. 63
sources of. 436-439 Social surplus, 280, 283 The State of Humanity expressive symbolism. 47
terrorism. 459 Social system, functionalist (Simon. J. L.). 428 in interactionism. 22
in the United States. 442—446 perspective on. 18-19 State(s): significance of. 46-47
Social class (see Class issues) Socialism. 116. 120.408 conflict theory of crime. 145 System, society as social. 18
Social clock. 88. 96 Socialism, functionalism. 349 defined. 280. 315
Social communication. 74-78. 77/ Socialist economy. 296. 315 deviance. 145
Social comparisons. 80. 96 Socialization, 67-97 legitimacy and authority. T
Social consensus, 19-20 in adolescence. 85-87 284-285 TANF (Temporary7 Assistance
Social construction, world as, 237 in adulthood. 87-91 as political entity. 59-60. for Needy Families), 191
Social control. 138-139, 167,451 agents of. 72-74. 377 280- 296 Task specialists. 106. 128, 273
Social Darw inism. 9. 38. 439 anticipatory. 84 sociological perspectives. Teacher expectation effects,
Social differentiation. 172. 206 in childhood. 84—85 281- 284 381-382, 395
Social dilemmas. 107-109. 128 death and. 91-92 state-church issues. 367-368 Teachers, education. 372
Social dynamics. 8. 39 defined. 68. 96 (see also Bureaucracy) Television (see Mass media)
Social-emotional specialists. 106, definition of situation in. 78 Status. 55-56 Temporary' Assistance for Needy
128, 273 foundations of. 68-78 achieved and ascribed. 55. 173 Families (TANF). 191
Social facts. 11-13. 39, 100 internalization of norms, assignment of. Terrorism. 458-459. 464
Social inequality: 138. 167 functionalism. 349 Theism. 359. 396
by class. 177-182 in late adulthood. 90-91 defined. 55. 63 Theories, sociological:
by education. 381 in middle adulthood. 88-90 master. 56 anomie theory'. 140-142
by gender (see Gender nature and nurture, 68-70 in social stratification. 174. cognitive development theory.
inequality) roles in. 63. 84 176-177 70,71-72. 271
by income, 180 self and. 79-83 status attainment, 193-195 control theory. 34. 150-152
by race and ethnicity. 213-219 self-socialization. 271-272 status symbols. 176 cultural transmission theory.
Social insurance concept in social communication. Stepfamilies. 333-335 143-144. 271
welfare state. 300 74-78. Ilf Stereo types: on deviance. 139-152
Social integration. 11-13. theories of. 70-72 age. 90 on ecological environment.
377-378 in young adulthood. 87-88 gender. 251. 271-272 423-428
Social isolation. 326 Socially marginalized groups. 210 racial and ethnic. 215. 216. 231 on education. 377-382
Social learning theory. 70-71 Societalist perspective. 412 The Story of My Life (Keller). 46 on family. 348-350
Social loafing. 107. 128 Society(ies): Strain, role. 58. 63 on gender stratification.
Social malaise. 450 and conflict theory. 20-21 Stratified random samples, 28. 39 272-275
Social mobility. 192-197 defined. 42, 63 Streetcomer men. 4—5, 7-8 labeling theory. 146
African Americans. 194 state in protection of. 282 Structural conduciveness. on medicine. 390-392
defined. 192. 206 types of. 59-60 450.464 macro- and microsociology. 7-8
forms of. 192-193 Socioeconomic life cycle. 193. 206 Structural feature of capitalist overview. 4-8. 18-24
status attainment. 193-195 Sociological imagination. 5-7, 39 society, poverty as. 190 on race and ethnicity. 235-239
in United States (U.S.). 195-197 Sociology: Structural strain. 140-142. reality, new levels of. 4—5
Social movements. 453—461 American. 14—15 450.464 on religion, 368-370
causes of. 453-455 contemporary. 15-18 Structural strain theory. 140-142 on social change. 441—446
defined. 453. 464 defined. 1. 3-4. 39 Structural theory. 283 social learning theory. 70-71
future trends in. 459-461 development of. 8-18 Structure, social. 54-60. 63 social stratification. 197-203
 Subject Index 525

on socialization, 70-73 development of sociology, Urban Institute, 219 White-collar crime, 156-157, 167
sociological imagination, 5-7 14-15 Utilitarian organizations, White ethnics. 232-235
on state(s), 281-284 drug war, 159 114, 128 WHO (World Health
structural strain theory. family in. 251-253, 257, Utopian, Marx as, 11 Organization), 382
140-142,450 260-261 Whorfian hypothesis, 46
theory, defined, 24
(see also Conflict theory;
health care system. 200-201.
382-385 V Women:
and crime, 160-161
Functionalism; identifying classes, 182-185 Value-added. 450,464 divorce, 348
Interactionism) inequality in, 177-182 Value-free sociology. 13, 39 poverty, 187-188, 337
Third world nations, 305, political power. 288-294 Value(s): as sexual property, 350
412-413, 446-447 poverty, 186-192 as cultural component, 45 social mobility, 194
Thomas theorem. 78. 96, 100 racial and ethnic groups, defined, 45,63 two-income families, 331-333
Total institutions. 113 222-235 institutional discrimination, 219 voting, 290-291
Totalitarianism. 286. 315 rape, 261-264 social change, 437 women’s movement, 265
Totemism. 368. 396 religion. 364—365 Variables, 25-26, 39 workplace, 253-261
Touch, 76 sexual harassment, 261-264 Verbal communication. 74-75 (see also under Gender)
Traditional authority. 284, 315 significance of classes, 186 Verstehen, 13, 22, 39 Working smarter, 123
Trained incapacity, 118. 128 social change in, 442-446 Vertical mobility, 192, 206 Workplace:
Transsexuals, 270 social mobility in, 195-197 Victimless crime, 157-158, 167 career patterns, 257-261
Triads, 105, 128 women in politics and Violence: gender stratification, 253-261
Twin studies. 69 government, 264—265 child abuse, 343 glass ceiling, 255-256
Two-income families, 331-333 workplace, 253-261 family, 342-344 pay disparities, 256-257
(see also Gender inequality) violent crime. 153-155 sociology of work, 309-312
u U.S. National Center for
Educational Statistics, 19
Virtual offices, 124
Voluntary organizations, 113, 128
Workplace, changes in. 309
World Health Organization
U. S. (see United States (U.S.)) Universals, cultural, 48 Voting patterns, 289-291 (WHO), 382
UCR (Uniform Crime Reports). University of California at World system, 446-447, 464
158, 262
Uncertainty in religion, 369
Berkeley, 15
University of Chicago, w Y
Underclass, 188-189 14-15, 143 Wages (see Income)
Uniform Crime Reports (UCR), Unobtrusive observation, War, rape and sexual sadism Youth culture, 51-53
158, 262 28, 39 in, 249
United Farm Workers, 455
United Nations Human
Urban environment, 415-422
edge cities, 421
The War of the Worlds
(Wells), 449 z
Development Report. 248 gentrification, 419, 420 Washington Post, 252, 279 Zero population growth (ZPG),
United States (U.S.): growth patterns, 417-419 Wealth, 175. 177-182,206 402, 433
class, 223-224 origin and evolution of cities, Web sites (see Internet Zone in transition, 418
class system. 177-192 415-419 connection) Zone of workingmen’s homes, 418
corporate production, 304-305 segregation. 419-420 Welfare programs, 190-192 ZPG (zero population growth),
crime in, 154 Urban gentrification, 420. 433 Welfare state, 281, 299-300 402, 433
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