Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond I :iilli>" ]

CHAPTER FOUR

Contacts and Communications between

Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

Contacts and communication networks between 'Bengal' and lands beyond from

the 5th to the 13th centuries AD have been immensely facilitated by the geo-

features of 'Bengal'. As 'Bengal' is situated in a 'transition zone' between South

Asia and mainland Southeast Asia, it forms the capstone of the arch formed by

the Bay of Bengal. It is a comparatively narrow land-bridge between the

subcontinent of India and Southeast Asia because of the Tibetan massif in the

north. Enjoying this geographically strategic location, 'Bengal' entered into trade

with the lands beyond her geographical territory from the beginning of the

Christian era, if not earlier, both by land and sea. It is to be mentioned here that

the Bengal delta is the only outlet to the sea for the land locked Ganga Valley.

Bengal's own distinct geographical situation and the geo-physically determined

overland and sea routes made her the gateway of the extensive contacts and

communications between Indian sub-continent and mainland and maritime

Southeast Asia and beyond.

Hence, we would like to discuss how the geographically determined routes

contributed to Bengal's trading transactions and consequent cultural contacts

and exchange with the outside world particularly with Southeast Asian
 Map!~: Trade Routes of early Bengal (Overland and Over-sea)

-·-·-·. '•.... \ China

....................
Tibet
.'.
J~sa
'·, ·,
•

Sincere thanks to Pritam Datta, PhD scholar of CSRD/SSS/JNU, for helping me out to prepare this
electronic version of the map.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond I- I
countries. There were some trade routes in early Bengal which had been

extensively used by the traders and travellers to establish the communication

with 'Bengal' or with other regions through 'Bengal'. Those routes were also

being used by the inhabitants of 'Bengal' themselves to establish contact with

the lands beyond (for trade and consequent cultural and religious contacts and

missions). In this connection, it deserves special mention here that 'Bengal' had

an influence on the art Uhewiiri style) and architectural style and design

('crucified form') of Vihara architecture in Southeast Asian countries which will

be discussed in the third section of this chapter.

II

Contacts and Communications (overland and oyer-sea): According to

Amitabha Bhattacharyya, since the very remote past, different corners of Bengal

were accessible to one another both by land and riverine courses, while 'Bengal'

itself was connected with the rest of India and extra-Indian territories by land

and over-sea routes. 1 There was an intense trade and consequent religious and

cultural contacts and exchanges between 'Bengal' and other regions of the

Indian subcontinent, Central Asia, Southeast Asia and China. Far away areas, like

the eastern Mediterranean regions, were also linked with the Bengal coast,

though perhaps only indirectly. Greco-Roman literary accounts particularly

1 Amitabha Bhattacharyya, Historical Geography of Ancient and Early Medieval Bengal,

Calcutta: Sanskrit Pustak Bhandar, 1977, p.I03.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond 1·1
Periplus of the Erythraean Sea by an anonymous author (c. 60 AD) was aware of

a country named 'Gange' through which flowed a river of the same name. The

river Gange, i.e. the Ganga, also had its confluence with the sea in the country

called Gange. 2 Thus, the area corresponds to the coastal/ deltaic Bengal. In this

area also stood, according to the Periplus, a port called Gange. This port and the

Gange country was noted for the availability of very fine cotton textile, the

Gangetic, and a fragrant oil known as the Gangetic nard.3 It should be noted here

that Niharranjan Ray added the suffix 'bandaf (port) to 'Ganga' (the river) and

coined the name for 'Gangabandar'4 for the port. His naming of the port is

acceptable (since the name denotes location of the port on the river Ganga), as

long as we must remember that the name 'Gangabandar' is provisional and in no

way indicates what the port may have actually been called by its local residents.

Abdul Mom in Chowdhury has mentioned the routes while determining the trade

and cultural contacts between Bengal and Southeast Asia. 5 In addition, S.M.

Imamuddin has detected Bengal's communication routes with Far East.6

2 B.N. Mukherjee, 'The Earliest Limits of Vailga', Coins and Currency Systems of Early Bengal,
Kolkata: Progressive Publishers, 2000, pp. 45-51.
3 Periplus of the Erythraean Sea: Travel and Trade in the Indian Ocean by a Merchant of the
First Century, by W.H. Schoff, (1st published in 1912 by Longmans, Green and Co., London.),
New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, 1995, p. 47-48.
4 Niharranjan Ray, History of the Bengali People (Ancient Period), translated in English with
an introduction by John W. Hood, Calcutta: Orient Longman, 1994, p. 252.
s Abdul Momin Chowdhury, 'Bengal and Southeast Asia: Trade and Cultural Contact in the
Ancient Period', Ancient Trades and Cultural Contacts in Southeast Asia, Bangkok: The office
of the National Culture Commission, Thailand, 1996, pp. 95-114.
6 S.M. Immamuddin, 'Bengal's Maritime Trade with the Far-east upto the Sultanate Period',
journal of the Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, Vol. XXVII, No. l, 1982, pp. l0-17.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond I,;7~ I
Haroun-er-Rashid has identified the communication routes between Bengal and

Thailand in early times from 3rd century BC to 12th century AD.7 In the foremost

works of Niharranjan Ray give a comprehensive description of communication

routes between 'Bengal' and beyond. 8 Shahnaj Husne Jahan mentioned some

maritime trade routes [3 routes in early historic period (from the 3rd century BC

to the 3rd century AD), 4 routes in late historic period (from the 4th to the 7th

centuries AD), 2 routes in early medieval period (from the 8th to the 12th

centuries AD) and 10 routes in medieval period] in her recently published book. 9

It is to be stated here that the overland as well as over-sea routes and internal as

well as external communication system has been deeply regulated by the

geography of 'Bengal'. Deep forests, highlands, rivers and mountainous barriers

made the overland movements difficult for 'Bengal' to keep contacts with the

lands beyond. But the sea in the south has given her an opportunity for open

communications with the maritime world from the antiquity.

7 Haroun-Er-Rashid, 'Ancient Association between Bengal and Thailand', ]AS Bangladesh,

XIX, No. I, 1974, pp. 25-39.
a Niharranjan Ray, Bangalir /tihas Adi Parva, (in Bangia), Kolkata: Deys Publishing, 1402 BS,
pp. 90-98.
9 Early Historic Period: (a) Sri Lanka-South India-Orissa-Bengal-Southeast Asia; (b)
Tamralipti-Sri Lanka; (c) Tamralipti/Gangabandar-Chu-li (Takkola)-Fu-nan-Svannabhumi.
Late Historic Period: (a) Tamralipti-Sri Lanka; (b) Tamralipti-Ka-cha (Kedah); (c) Harikela-
Sri Lanka; (d) Harikela-Lang-chia (Pegu or Lower Burma)-Kedah. Early Medieval Period:
(a) Basra-Samandar (Chattagrama); (b) Samandar-Ka-cha-Srivijaya (Palembang in
Sumatra). For medieval period she mentioned 10 routes connecting Sonargaon,
Chattagrama, Shatijam and Satgaon. Shahnaj Husne Jahan, Excavating Waves and Winds of
(Ex)change- A Study of Maritime Trade in Early Bengal, Oxford: John and Erica Hedges Ltd.,
British Archaeological Reports, 2006, p. 183.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond I !iii~ I
Oyer/and Contacts: As Haroun-Er-Rashid comments, 'Though there has been

much research concerning the maritime trade routes, the fascinating chapter

concerning overland connections between eastern India and Southeast Asia has

been barely touched by the scholars'.to Niharranjan Ray has mentioned some of

the external land routes, which have been well documented in the digvijaya

section of the Sabhaparva of the Mahabharata 11 , the Raghuvamsa of Kalidasat2,

travelling accounts by Fa-Hsien, Hsuan Tsang and 1-tsing, the Kathasaritsagara

of Somadeva 13, Tabaqat-i-Nasiri of Minhaj-ud-din bin Siraj-ud-din ai-Juzjani1 4

and some inscriptions. 1s The existence of overland routes from Pataliputra to

Pul).dravardhana, Pul).dravardhana to Kamrupa, Kamrupa to Samatata, Samatata

to Tamralipti, Tamralipti to Kafl).asuvarna, Kafl).asuvarna to Kaliii.ga, Tamralipti

to Bodhgaya, Tamralipti to Ayodhya, Tamralipti to Mithila and Tamralipti to

10 Haroun-Er-Rashid,]ournal of the Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, XIX, No.I, 1974, p. 29.

11 There is a story in the Mahabharata, as to how Bhlma subjugated eastern India and
conquered Vangas and the neighbouring coastal region. Panchanan Tarkaratna (ed. & tr.),
Mahabharata, in Bangia, Vol-1, Chapter XIV, Calcutta, 1830, p. 230.
12 Following the accounts given by Kalidasa it appears that Vanga was situated at the
coastal areas of Bengal as the Vangas are referred to as nau-siidhanodyatiin and ganga
srotontareshu. Narayan ram Acharya Kavyatirtha (ed.), The Raghuvamsa of Kiilidiisa, Canto.
IV, pp. 33-36, 2nd edition, Bombay:Sanskrit Series, 1948.
13 The Kathiisaritsiigara of Somadeva refers to merchants travelling from Put:tdravardhana
to Pa~aliputra. Kathasaritsiigara, tr. C.H. Tawney, Vol-2, Calcutta: JW Thomas, 1880.
14 Tabakat-1 Nasiri of Minhaju-s Siraj, in The History of India as Told by its Own Historians,
edited by H.M. Elliot and John Dawson, Delhi: Low Price Publications, reprinted, 2008, pp.
259-383.
1s Amitabha Bhattacharyya, Historical Geography of Ancient and Early Medieval Bengal,
Calcutta: Sanskrit Pustak Bhandar, 1977, pp. 103-107; Niharranjan Ray, History of the
Bengali People, pp. 66-72.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond I'~~f I
Andhra has been acknowledged by the academia.1 6 These routes which were

changing their directions time to time served the purpose of intra-regional

mobility and communication within 'Bengal' and extended deep into some other

regions of the Indian subcontinent and mainland Southeast Asian countries. In

this regard mention must be made that the above-stated contacts of Tamralipti

gradually faded out in and around the 8th century with the decline of this famous

port. The last known epigraphic mention of Tamralipti comes from the

Dudhpani inscription, assigned to the 8th centuryP It is likely that Tamralipti

declined mainly on account of the growing siltation of its navigable channel.

Three main land routes extending from 'Bengal' to the west were the gateways

of communication with North India and Central Asia. One of these land routes

expands over the vast region from Pur:tdravardhar:ta to Varar:tasi and Ayodhya,

through Mithila or northern Bihar, through Champa (near Bhagalpur), and

Pataliputra, near Bodhagaya. This particular route stretched all the way to the

ports of Sind, Saurashtra and Gujarat. There are suggestions in the 15th century's

Puru~aparfk~a by Vidyapati of a trade route between Gau~ and Gujarat.ta Hints

of this road may also be gleaned from the account of Hsuan Tsang (first half of

the 7th century AD) and the stories of the Kathasaritsagara (a collection of

16 Niharranjan Ray, History of the Bengali People, p. 67; Ani! Kumar, Trade in Early Medieval
Eastern India (c. A.D. 600- A.D.1200), New Delhi: Janaki Prakashan, 2001, p. 89; Himansu
Bhusan Sarkar, 'Bengal and Her Overland Routes in India and Beyond', journal of the Asiatic
Society of Bangladesh, vol-16, 197 4, pp. 92-119.
17 F. Kielhorn, 'Dudhpani Rock Inscription of Udayamana', Epigraphia Indica, Vol-2, No-27,
pp. 343-346.
18 Niharranjan Ray, History of the Bengali People, p. 68.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond I :IU~ I
popular stories composed by Somadeva between 1063 and 1082 AD). 19 The

second land route running north from Tamralipti to Pa~aliputra through

Kall)asuvall)a to Rajmahal and Champa. The third route also ran directly

northwest from Tamralipti by way of Bodhgaya to Ayodhya. The Dudhpani

inscription (found at Hazaribagh area) records that three merchant brothers -

Udayamana, Sridhautamana, and Ajitamana - enjoyed considerable success in

trade at Tamralipti from where they intended to return to Ayodhya.zo This

connectivity between Tamralipti and Ayodhya must have been overland in

nature. It will be logical to assume that the overland route between Tamralipti

and Ayodhya in Uttor Pradesh ran through the forest areas of the modern

Jharkhand. Hsuan Tsang suggested about the above-mentioned second route

and 1-tsing's account, together with an eight century inscription, gives an idea

about the third one. 21 These were the roads that maintained the contacts and

communications between 'Bengal' and north India. The railway tract between

'Bengal' and north India is believed to have been constructed along with this

early overland route.

Nowadays the importance of these three routes attracted scholars' attention on

the trade in war horses. War horses of fine quality were rare in India and needed

to be imported from West and Central Asia through the north-western frontier

19 Kathiisaritsiigara, tr. C.H. Tawney, Vol-2, Calcutta: JW Thomas, 1880, p. 86; Niharranjan
Ray, History of the Bengali People, p. 68.
2o F. Kielhorn, 'Dudhpani Rock Inscription of Udayamana', Epigraphia Indica, Vol-2, No-27,
pp. 343-344.
21 Niharranjan Ray, History of the Bengali People, p. 68.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond I J~~; I
of the subcontinent. B.N. Mukherjee22 and Ranabir Chakravarti23 proved on the

basis of the distinct archaeological evidences, the shipping of horses from a port

in 'Bengal', Chandraketugarh, going back as early as the 3rd century AD. Most

probably by using the above-mentioned land routes the horses seemed to be

imported to the deltaic Bengal from north and north-western part of the

subcontinent, a region well known for the availability of excellent horses from

Central and West Asia. Some of the imported horses appear to have been

shipped out from Chandraketugarh to overseas destinations. By analysing a

terracotta seal impression which shows a figure of a horse on board a sea-going

ship, found from Chandraketugarh, Ranabir Chakravarti stated of transaction in

horses in early Bengal. The discovery of Kharo~ti-Brahmi inscriptions from

Chandraketugarh and Oceo (Thailand) and Sembiran (Bali) led Chakravarti to

conclude that coastal Bengal had linkages with these areas in Southeast Asia.

22 B.N. Mukherjee, 'Khoro~ti and Kharo~F-Brahmi Inscriptions from West Bengal, India',
Indian Museum Bulletin, Vol- XXV, 1990, pp. 1-80; 'The Coinage of Daravati in Southeast Asia
and the Kharosti-Brahmi Script' in Debala Mitra, ed., Explorations in the Art and
Archaeology of South Asia: Eassays Dedicated to N.C. Majumdar, Kolkata: Directorate of
archaeology and museums, Government of West Bengal, 1996, pp. 527-34.
23 Ranabir Chakravarti, Trade and Traders in Early Indian Society, Manohar, New Delhi,
2002, pp. 113-141, 160-186; 'Maritime Trade in Horses in Early Historical Bengal: A Seal
from Chandraketugarh', Pratna-Samiksha Qournal of the Directorate of Archaeology, West
Bengal), Vol-1, 1992, pp. 155-164; 'Early Medieval Bengal and the Trade in Horses: A Note',
]ESHO, 42.2, Leiden, 1999, pp. 194-211; 'Befriending the Bay: Maritime Trade and the
Eastern Seaboard of the Subcontinent (Prior to C. 1500)', 52nd Foundation Day Lecture,
Dhaka: Bangladesh Asiatic Society, 3 January, 2004.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond ll!~~ I
One of the commodities of this long-distance trade could have been the horse. 24

B.N. Mukherjee provided explanation on the basis of the contemporary Chinese

account of Kang Tai (249-50 AD) who mentioned about the exports of horses

from India to Ko-ying country (Malay Peninsula or the east coast of Sumatra)

continually by sea.zs

Like India, China has also had a very close contact with the mainland Southeast

Asia through land routes. 26 And 'Bengal' was also well connected to China and

Tibet through the same. It might be concluded that the land routes which

connected 'Bengal' with China and Tibet extended further to Southeast Asian

countries forming a long chain of roads eventually connecting 'Bengal' with the

mainland Southeast Asia.27 Adhir Chakravarti talked about a road extending

from South China by way of north Myanmar, Manipur and Kamrupa to

Afghanistan. 28 In ancient times, the silk and bamboos of China were believed to

24 Ranabir Chakravarti, 'Bengal and the Trade in Horses', p. 207; Trade and Traders in Early
Indian Society, pp. 120-21.
zs B.N. Mukherjee, 'Coastal and Overseas Trade in Pre-Gupta Vanga and Kalinga', Trade in

early India, edited by Ranabir Chakravarti, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005, pp. 207-
08; Banga, Bangala 0 Bharat, in Bangia, Kolkata: Progressive Publishers, 2000, pp. 19-20;
Adhir Chakrabarty, 'Bangia o Bohirbishva', ltihas Anusandhan-4, in Bangia, pp. 56-57.
26 D.K. Chakrabarti, and Nayanjot Lahiri, 'The Assam-Burma Route to China', Man and
Environment, Vol-X, 1986, Indian Society for Prehistoric and Quaternary Studies, Deccan
College, Pune, pp. 123-135.
27 R.C. Majumdar, Ancient Indian Colonization in Southeast Asia, Baroda: Oriental Institute,
1963 (2nd edition), p. 4.
2a Adhir Chakravarti, 'Bangia o Bahirbishwa (Pragauponibeshik Kal)', ltihas Anusandhan 4,
in Bangia, Calcutta, 1989, p. 53; Nripendra Bhattacharya, Banglar Arthanoitik ltihas, in
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond I ~!§ I
have been exported to Afghanistan across Bengal. As he (Adhir Chakravarti) has

pointed out, it has been mentioned in 'Hsien Han-Shu' by Pan Ku and 'Sse-ke' or

'Shi-Ki' by Tsu-ma-Kuang (1084 AD) that the Chinese diplomat Chang Chhien on

his diplomatic mission to Bactria in 138-126 BC discovered that the bamboo

artefacts and cotton clothes of South-west China were being exported to Bactria

via the land route that cuts across Szechwan and Yunan of China and north India

and Afghanistan. 29 From this Chakravarti assumed that these commodities

reached Bactria across the land routes of north Bengal, Kamrupa and upper

Myanmar.

To the east of Bengal was the region of Kamrupa in upper Assam, and to the

north were China and Tibet. The existence of a route connecting the ancient land

of Pragjyoti~a-Kamrupa and China through Myanmar has been well attested to

by Hsuan Tsang (7th century AD). According to him 'to the east of Kamrupa the

country was a series of hills and hillocks without any principality and it reached

the South-West barbarians (of China), because the inhabitants were akin to the

Man and the Lao'. 30 The pilgrim is said to have learnt also from the people of

Kamrupa that 'the South-West borders of Szechuan were distant about two

Bangia, Calcutta, 1390 BS, Second Edition, p. 19; Niharranjan Ray, History of the Bengali
People, p. 68.
29 P.C. Chaudhury, The History and Civilisation of the People of Assam to the Twelfth Century
A.D., Gauhati: University of Gauhati, 1959, p. 381; Amitabha Bhattacharyya, Historical
Geography of Bengal, pp. 106-07.
30 Thomas Watters, On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, Vol. II, London: Royal Asiatic Society,
1905, p. 185; S. Beal, Si-Yu-Ki Buddhist Records of the Western World, Vol. II, London: Kegan
Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co., 1906, p. 195.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond 126<1> ·I
month's journey, but the mountains were hard to pass; there were pestilential

vapours and snakes and herbs'. 31

It has also been evidenced by the Tabaqat-i-Nasiri of Minhaj-ud-din bin Siraj-ud-

din al-Juzjani (written in 1260 AD and containing the earliest account of the

invasion of Bengal by Ikhtiyar uddin Muhammad Bakhtiyar Khalji) and in the

very famous stone inscription (Kanai Barsi Inscription, dated 1205-06 AD)32

regarding the expedition into Assam and Tibet of Bakhtiyar Khalji that 'Bengal'

had contacts with Assam and Tibet through a land route that runs north-

eastwards across north 'Bengal' and Kamriipa. At the last stage of his career,

Bakhtiyar Khalji made an expedition to Tibet. There is no clear explanation

about the motives underlying his project. But it is to be said that his inordinate

ambition or desire was to secure mastery over trade route from Tibet to

Kamrupa and thence to 'Bengal' or his intention was to discover a short-cut

route to Turkistan. 33 About the horses importation from Tibet to 'Bengal',

Tabaqat-i-Nasiri tells us that kohi or tanghan types of mountain horses were

used to bring by the merchants into the territory of Lakhnauti (of Bengal) from

Tibet through thirty five mountain passes (darhh) between 'Kamrud' (Kamrupa)

and 'Tirhut' (north Bihar).34 The Sena capital Lakhnauti (Lak~mat;Iavati) daily

31 S. Beal, Buddhist Records, pp. 198-99.

32 Maheswar Neog, Prachya Sasanavalf, Gauhati: Assam Prakashan Parishad, 1974, pp. 1-2.
33 Abdul Karim, 'Tabaqat-i-Nasiri', Banglapedia: National Encyclopedia of Bangladesh,
2006, http: //www.banglapedja.org/httpdocs/HT/T 0002.HTM
34 Tabaqat-i-Nasiri by Minhaj-ud-din bin Siraj-ud-din al-Juzjani, English tr. and ed. by H.G.
Raverty, Calcutta: Asiatic Society, 1881, (reprint Delhi: Oriental Books, 1970), p. 568; The
J.figtD"J' of 111dia ag Told ~y i~ Ow11 l·MM1'il111§1 V6l-2, pp. :n 1-12.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

received a supply of about fifteen hundred horses for sale from Karbattan, Kar-

pattan or Karambatan. 35 This shows that even in the 13th century the same route

from Bihar to Tibet through 'Bengal' and on to China continued to be used. 36

Marco Polo in the late 13th century AD also mentioned that the north-east

emerged as the supply area of horses to eastern India. Polo speaks of a

westward route connecting Aniu (it lay somewhere to the south of Carajan

which is identified with Yunan) with Caugigu that was linked with 'Bengala' by

an overland route.37 Horses from Yunan could therefore reach 'Bengala' through

Pagan, which was connected with south-eastern Bangladesh and the Lusai and

the Tripura hills. According to Polo, the overland journey from Carajan to

'Bengala' could be completed between 45 to 55 days.3 8

Another land route have been extensively used in the 9th and lOth centuries AD

that extended from Tonkin to Kamrupa; from Kamrupa this road crossed the

Karatoya, passed through Pul).dravardhana, running across the Ganga to

Kajati.gala, reached Magadha.39 In the lQth century about three hundred Chinese

35 Karambatan has not yet been satisfactorily identified but was obviously located
somewhere at the foot of the Himalayan range, in the northeastern borderland of India.
Tabaqat-i-Nasiri by Minhaj, tr. and ed. by Raverty, 1881, (reprint Delhi: Oriental Books,
1970), pp. 565-68; The History of India as Told by its Own Historians, Vol-2, pp. 311-12.
36 Amitabha Bhattacharyya, Historical Geography of Bengal, p. 107.
37 Ranabir Chakravarti, Trade and Traders, pp. 174-75; 'Horse Trade and Piracy at Tana
(=Thana, Maharastra, India): Gleaning from Marco Polo',]ESHO, Vol-33, 1991, pp. 159-82.
38 H. Yule and H. Cordier, trs., Travels of Ser Marco Polo, Vol. 2, London: J. Murray, 1903,
106-09, p. 120.
39 The references of this route are available from a valuable source like Kia-Tan (composed
in 8th century AD). 1-tsing also stated that in the 3rd-4th centuries AD Chinese priests came to
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

missionaries followed this route to lndia. 40 In this connection it may be noted

here that Ibn Battuta (1303-1377 AD) 41 refers to a route leading to China from

Kamrupa. He describes that from 'Kamru' (Kamrupa?) he went to China and that

he proceeded as far as the city of Khansa.42

There was another mountain road to Tibet, a road which stretched from the area

of Darjeeling-Jalpaiguri through Sikkim and Bhutan, through the Himalayan

mountain passes, through Tibet and then onto China. Some intimation of this

road is provided in the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea of the first century when,

apparently, silk and silken products would come from China into Vailga by way

of either this mountain road or the eastern road from Kamrupa. 43 Most probably

by using this road the people of the mountain country have to come down to the

plains of 'Bengal' and Assam.

Another significant land route that originated in south-eastern Bengal (it began

in the Lalmai-Mainamati area of present Comilla district in Bangladesh)

extended up to the Pagan. This route ran from Samatata/PaWkera through the

valleys of Surma and Kachhar (Sylhet and Silchar of present days), over the

India from Szuchuan via Upper Myanmar. P.C. Raychaudhury, History and Civilisation of
Assam, p. 381; Niharranjan Ray, History of the Bengali People, pp. 68-69; Amitabha
Bhattacharyya, Historical Geography of Bengal, p. 107.
4° R.C. Majumdar, Hindu Colonies in the Far East, Calcutta: Firma K.L. Mukhopadhyay, 2nd

edition, 1963, p. 226.

41 H.A.R. Gibb, The Travels of Ibn Batuta in Asia and Africa, translation of the Rihala of Ibn
Batuta, London: Routledge, 1929.
42 lchhimuddin Sarkar, Aspects of Historical Geography of Pragjyotisa-Kamrupa (Ancient
Assam), Calcutta: Naya Prakash, 1992, p. 179.
43 Niharranjan Ray, History of the Bengali People, p. 69.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond I· lit I
Lusai hills, through Manipur and northern Myanmar to Pagan in central

Myanmar.44 It is being assumed that this link was instrumental in fostering close

matrimonial ties and political connections between the PaWkera4s and the

rulers of Pagan in Myanmar. Hsuan Tsang also mentioned about the same route

from Szuchuan to Kamrupa which ran from Bengal to southern portion of China

through Assam, Manipur and upper Myanmar.46 Haroun Er Rashid showed that

through the same route Bengal had contacts with the mainland Southeast Asia,

especially Thailand.47

44 Abdul Momin Chowdhury, 'Bengal and Southeast Asia: Trade and Cultural Contact in the
Ancient Period', Ancient Trades and Cultural Contacts in Southeast Asia, Bangkok: The Office
of the National Culture Commission, 1996, pp. 96-97; Niharranjan Ray, History of the
Bengali People, p. 69.
45 The location of Panikera, according to Morrison, was in the Lalmai-Mainamati hills
(Camilla district, Bangladesh), more likely on the eastern side near the northern end of the
range. The earliest reference to it (11th century AD) occurs in a manuscript of A~!asahasrika
Prajnapiiramitii preserved in the library of the Cambridge University. The copperplate of
Rar:tavankamalla clearly establishes that PaHikera was the head quarters of Samata~

(Indian Historical Quaterly, Val-XI, p. 282). In one of the plates of Lac;lahachandra found at
Mainamati lands were granted in Pa!!ikera in the Samatata mar:t<Jala of the Paundra Bhukti
(D.C. Sircar, Epigraphic Discoveries in East Pakistan, Calcutta: Sanskrit College, 1973, 4 7).
Devaparvata was also situated in this area. B.M. Morrrison, Political Centers and Cultural
Regions in Early Bengal, Jaipur-Delhi: Rawat Publication, 1980, 52; R.C. Majumdar, History
of Ancient Bengal, Calcutta: G. Bharadwaj, reprinted 1974, pp. 278-79; Abdul Momin
Chowdhury, Dynastic History of Bengal, Dacca: Asiatic Society of Pakistan, 1967, p. 163.
46 Abdul Momin Chowdhury, 'Bengal and Southeast Asia', pp. 96-97; Niharranjan Ray,
History of the Bengali People, p. 69.
47 Haroun-Er-Rashid, 'Ancient Association between Bengal and Thailand', journal of the
Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, XIX, No. I, 197 4, pp. 25-39.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

A second land route connected Chittagong with lower Myanmar (ancient

Srik~etra or Pro me of southern Myanmar) through Arakan. It was through these

two routes the trade and cultural relationship between Pagan-Srik~etra and

Chittagong-Comilla was maintained in early times. Traditions on both sides bear

ample testimony to this contact.48 The significance of the 'Chittagong-Arakan-

Prome' land route is being increasingly articulated in recent days also.

Apart from these, mention must be made of one more land route that started

from KarJ:lasuvarJ:la to Tamralipti and then ran directly towards south,

connecting 'Bengal' with south India. Hsuan Tsang claimed to have travelled this

road from KarJ:lasuvarJ:la by way of Odra, Kailgoda, Kaliilga, south Kosala, and

Andhra into the Dravidian, Chola and Maharashtrian regions. 49 It is proved that

Rajendra Chola of Chola Dynasty (1012-44 AD)So and Vikramaditya VI (1076-

1126 AD) of the western Chalukya family of Kalyana 51 entered into 'Bengal'

through this route. Rajendra Chola's expedition (roughly between 1021 and

1024 AD) to 'Bengal' clearly shows that an existence of a land route from the

south along the eastern coast of India right up to 'Bengal'. According to

Tirumalai Inscription the Chola king attacked and overthrew, in order,

48 B. Bhattacharya, 'Bengali Influence in Arakan', Bengal Past and Present, Vol. XXXIII, 1927,
pp. 134-44; G. E. Harvey, History of Burma, London: Frank Cass & Co. Ltd., 1925, p. 42; Abdul
Momin Chowdhury, 'Bengal and Southeast Asia', p. 97; Niharranjan Ray, History of the
Bengali People, p. 69.
49 Niharranjan Ray, History of the Bengali People, p. 70.
50 E. Hultzsch, 'Tirumalai Rock Inscription of Rajendrachola I', Epigraphia Indica, Vol-IX, No-
31, 1907-08; Amitabha Bhattacharyya, Historical Geography of Bengal, p. 105.
51 Vikramankadevacharita of Bilhana.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

Dharmapala of Dat:I~abhukti (the marchland between Orissa and 'Bengal'

corresponding to Medinipur and Balasore ), Rat:Iasiira of TakkaQ.ala~am

(southern Ra~ha) and Govindachandra of Vailgala-desa (south-eastern Bengal)

and finally defeated Mahipala in Uttira-la~am (northern Ra~ha) and reached the

Ganga. 52 An inscription (1200 AD) from Ablur states that the Kalachuri king

Bijjala (1156-6 7 AD) also defeated and killed the king of Vailgala.53 An

inscription from Mysore, dated 1190 AD, also reports about an invasion against

Vailgala king. 54 These are the clear indications of overland routes between

'Bengal' and South India. According to Niharranjan Ray, Chatanyadeva (1486-

1533 AD) went to Nilachala and South India along the same road, which

presently leads the railway to Chennai.ss

Before concluding this account of land route contacts, special mention must be

made once again of Hsuan Tsang. 56 The account left by him furnishes us with

52 E. Hultzsch, 'Tirumalai Rock Inscription ofRajendrachola I', Epigraphia Indica, Vol-IX, No-
31, 1907-08, p. 233; D.C. Ganguly, 'Vailgala-desa' The Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol-XIX,
No-4, December 1943, p. 298.
53 D.C. Ganguly, 'Vangala-desa', p. 297.
54 D.C. Ganguly, 'Vangala-desa', p. 297.
55 Niharranjan Ray, History of the Bengali People, p. 70.
56 Samuel Beal, Sl- YU-KI Buddhist Records of the Western World, London: Trubner and Co.
Ltd., 1983 (2nd edition), pp. 193-204; Samuel Beal (tr.), The Life of Hiuen Tsiang by the
Shaman Hwui Li (2nd ed.), New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, reprint, 1973; Thomas
Watters, On Yuan Chwang'sTravels in India, Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt.
Ltd., 1973 (2nd Indian Edition), pp. 182-193; D. Devahuti, The Unknown Hsuan Tsang, New
Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2001; Abu Imam, 'Chinese Accounts', Banglapedia: National
Encyclopedia of Bangladesh, Dhaka: Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, 2006,
http://banglapedia.net/HT/C 0 20 l.HTM.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

accurate details regarding the routes connecting different parts of 'Bengal' in the

first half of the 7th century AD. Not only Hsuan Tsang speaks of the places he

visited, but he also mentions the distances he covered during each sector of this

journey. According to HSI- YU-CHJ, Hsuan Tsang started his eastward travels to

'Bengal' from kie(ka)-chu-wen(?)-k'i-lo (Kajailgala) to pun-na-fa-tan-na

(Pul)dravardhana) by crossing the river Ganga and above 600 JiS7, From

Pul)dravardhana he went to ka-mo-lu-po (Kamarupa). After travelling 900 li and

also crossed another large river the pilgrim reached Kamrupa from where he

started southward journey towards san-mo-ta-t'a (Samatata). Hsuan Tsang

reached Samatata after travelling 1200 or 1300 li and then respectively he

travelled to tan-mo-lih-ti (Tamralipti) and kie(ka)-lo-na-su-fa-la-na

(Karl)asuvarl)a). From Samatata to Tamralipti Hsuan Tsang travelled west for

over 900 li and from Tamralipti to Karl)asuvarna he travelled north-west for

over 700 li. Finally he went to wu-t'u (Odra, Orissa). 58 It should also be noted

here that there is another version of his travels in 'Bengal'. The Life of Hsuan

Tsang59 states that he reached Karl)asuvarna from Pul)dravardhana rather than

from Tamralipti. However, Cunninghum identified most of these places at the

57 6 lis make a mile.

58 Thomas Watters, On Yuan Chwang'sTravels in India, Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal
Publishers Pvt. Ltd., 1973 (2nd Indian Edition), pp. 182-193.
59 Samuel Beal (tr.), The Life of Hiuen Tsiang by the Shaman Hwui Li (2nd ed.), New Delhi:
Munshiram Manoharlal, reprint, 1973.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond I >~'; I
time of his archaeological survey60 and the identifications of the places

mentioned by Hsuan Tsang would indicate that a route ran from KajaiJ.gala to

Kamrupa through Pul}dravardhal}a. Another route connected Assam with

southeast Bengal, while a third route through coastal Bengal was a link between

southeast and southwest Bengal.

The above-mentioned land routes presupposes that from the early historic times

most of the main parts of 'Bengal' were accessible to each other and 'Bengal'

itself was connected with the rest of India and outside Indian territories

especially with the mainland Southeast Asia with the changing directions of the

routes time to time because of the deltaic geographical characteristics.

Maritime Contacts; Enjoying the deltaic characteristic features and

geographically strategic location, 'Bengal' was connected from the early

centuries of the Christian era by the sea with the Indian coastal regions as well

as the extra-Indian territories comprising maritime Southeast Asia in general. At

this point mention must be made about the waterways of river and sea on the

basis of the archaeological, literary, epigraphic and numismatic evidences.

The maritime trade routes connecting 'Bengal' within the time frame of our

study were Tamralipti, Gangabandar6 1I Chandraketugarh, Wari-Bateshwar,

6o Alexander Cunninghum, The Ancient Geography of India, the Buddhist Period, including the
Campaigns of Alexander and the Travels of Hwan- Thsang, London, 1871 (First Published),
Delhi: Low Price Publications, Reprinted 2006, pp. 421-425.
61 It should be noted here that we are using the name 'Gangabandar' though the Romans
called the port as 'Gange' or 'Ganges'. Niharranjan Ray added the suffix 'bandar' (port) to
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond -'

Savar (Vailgasagara-sambhal)c;iariyaka/ Navyavakasika) and Chanagrama

(SamandarI Sudkawan 62). Before identifying the maritime communication

routes, a few words about the early name(s) of the Bay of Bengal may not be

irrelevant here.63

By quoting B.N. Mukherjee, Ranabir Chakravarti drawn the attention to a

statement of Pliny (death AD 79)64 who made the first attempt to designate the

term Indian ocean (mart Indicum). While Pliny makes no explicit reference to the

eastern sector of the Indian Ocean, Claudius Ptolemy (around the middle of the

second century AD) gave the clear connotation for the first time of this maritime

'Ganga' (the river) and coined the name 'Gangabandar' for the port. Since the name denotes
location of the port on the river Ganga, we must remember that the name is provisional and
we have no way (as yet) of ascertaining what the port may have actually been called by its
local residents.
62 From the 9th to the 14th centuries AD Samatata and Sudkawan was the principal outlet of
the Bengal coast to the sea. Arabic texts and Ibn Battuta often mention these port names
and their connections with the maritime world.
63 The data and analysis followed for naming the Bay of Bengal is largely based on the
research work by Rariabir Chakravarti: Trade and Traders in Early Indian Society, New
Delhi: Manohar, 2002, pp. 113-117, 142-148, 154, 160-169; 'Befriending the Bay: Maritime
Trade and the Eastern Seaboard of the Subcontinent (Prior to C. 1500)', S2nd Foundation
Day Lecture, Dhaka: Bangladesh Asiatic Society, 3 January, 2004, pp. 5-8.
64 Pliny completed his Natura/is Historia in or before 79 AD. The significance of Pliny's
statement on the naming of the Indian Ocean has been discussed by B.N. Mukherjee in a
Bangia article published in the fortnightly Desh, 5 December, 1992, pp. 23-29. According to
Ranabir Chakravarti, Pliny's mari lndicum appears to have been located south of the Indian
peninsula. The present map of the Indian Ocean, published by the National Atlas and
Thematic Mapping Organization, places this maritime space up to the Cape of Good Hope in
the west, to Antarctica in the south and includes the Red Sea, the Persian Gulf, the Arabian
Sea and the Bay of Bengal, but leaves out the Java and the China Seas.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

space under the name of 'Gangetic Gulf. 6 S This is obviously the same as the

present Bay of Bengal. Indigenous literary texts leave for us two blanket terms:

piirva (eastern) and paschima (western) samudra or jaladhi (sea), referring

respectively to the Bay of Bengal and the Arabian Sea. 66 However, the term priik-

samudra,67 figuring in a Faridpur copperplate of about mid-6th century AD, may

be taken to denote the eastern sea which is synonymous with the present Bay of

Bengal. A new term was coined by Muslim authors, i.e., a/ bahr a/ Hind: the sea or

ocean of India. According to them, this sea had several segments. One of these

was bahr Harkand or bahr Harkal, figuring by Sulayman (dated 851 AD). 68 The

name 'Harkand' or 'Harkal' is derived from Harikela, one of the well known

subdivisions of early Bengal (embracing the present day areas of Chittagong,

Noakhali and Camilla in Bangladesh, an area to the east of the Meghna River).

The regularity of the mention of bahr Harkal in Arabic accounts from the tenth

century onwards (notably in the Hudud a/ A/am of 982 AD) is a clear indication

of the growth of maritime movements in the Bay of Bengal.

65 Ranabir Chakravarti, Trade and Traders, pp. 116-17.

66 Ranabir Chakravarti, Trade and Traders, p. 117.
67 D.C. Sircar, Select Inscriptions Bearing on Indian History and Civilization, Vol-1, Calcutta:
University of Calcutta, 1965, pp. 363-67.
68 Arabic Classical Accounts of India and China, by Ibn Khurdadhbih, and Sulayman Al-Tajir
et al, Translated from Original Arabic with Commentaries by S. Maqbul Ahmad, Shimla:
Indian Institute of Advanced Study, 1989, pp. 37-39.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

Significantly enough, the Madanpur copperplate inscription of the Chandra ruler

Srichandra,69 dated 971 AD, explicitly refers to Vangasagara-sambhti1J{iariyaka.

The term should denote the sea (stigara) of Vailga (generally meant the central

part of deltaic Bengal, i.e. Dhaka-Vikrampur-Faridpur regions, Bangladesh); it

also included in it the adjacent coastal areas, variously called Vailgala

(Vailga+ala) and Anuttaravailga (southern Vailga). The term 'Vailgasagara' thus

stands for the present Bay of Bengal and is certainly the indigenous base from

where the Bangia designation 'Vailgopasagara' was derived. It may not be

difficult to understand that bahr Harkal and Valigastigara corresponded to the

same maritime space, i.e. the present Bay of Bengal.7°

Some archaeological artifacts belong to different periods (Northern Black

Polished Ware, Rouletted Wares, Knobbed Wares, Stamped Wares, Footed

Wares and Indo-Pacific glass beads) indicate the existence of the maritime trade

network between 'Bengal' (Gangabandar/ Chandraketugarh71, Tamralipti and

69 R.G. Basak, 'Madan pur Plate of Srichandra, Year 44', Epigraph fa Indica, Vol-XXVIII, pp. 51-
58; D.C. Sircar, 'Madanpur Plate of Srichandra, Year 46', Epigraphia Indica, Vol-XXVIII, pp.
337-39. The plate was issued, according to Basak, in the 44 year of Srichandra's reign, i.e.,
AD 969, while Sircar dated it to the 46 regnal year, i.e., AD 971.
7o Ranabir Chakravarti, 'Vangasagara and Other Related Terms: An Examination', History
and Archaeology of Eastern India, edited by Asok Datta, Delhi: Book and Books, 1999, pp.
254-64.
71 There is no unanimous agreement among scholars about the location or the identification
of 'Gange' or Gangabandar. Murray locates Gangabandar at Chattagrama but Tailor in the
neighbourhood of Sonargaon. Cunningham believes it was at Jessore. D.C. Sircar suggested
that the port-site was at Gangasagar, the Hugli River (Ganga) and the Bay of Bengal (Sagar).
Schoff has identified Ganges as Tamralipti. Kalyan Rudra and M.K. Mukherjee have
suggested that Harinarayanpur was Gange. K.G. Goswami proposed for the first time that
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

Wari Bateshwar) and Orissa (Sisupalgarh and Manikpatna), Tamil Nadu

(Kanchipuram, Karaikadu, Alagankulam and Sengamedu), and Sri Lanka

(Kantarodai, Mantai and Anuradhapura) from the 3rct century BC to the 3rct

century AD. 72 Bengal's contact with Sri Lanka, the farthest points on the Bengal-

Orissa-South India-Sri Lanka route, must have begun somewhere in the 5th

century BC, if the story of Vijaya's maritime voyage to the island is taken into

consideration.7 3 The Sri Lankan Pali chronicle, the Mahiivarhsa, compiled from

earlier sources and composed between the 4th century AD and the early part of

the 5th century AD, speaks of a country of the Vailgas and a nearby country of the

Kaliilgas. These were allied and maintained matrimonial relationship. In the

Mahiivamsa there were some descriptions of maritime voyages from 'Bengal' to

Sri Lanka.74 There is a reference of'Tamalitti'7 5 in Mahiivarhsa, probably the port

'the site of Chandraketugarh seemingly represents the ancient market town of Gange of the
Periplus ('Chandraketugarh and its Archaeological Importance', Indian Museum Bulletin,
1966, 43). This proposition then subsequently have supported by Niharranjan Ray, Gautam
Sengupta and Ranabir Chakravarti.
n Sunil Gupta, 'Early Indian Ocean in the Context of Indian Relationship with Southeast
Asia', History of Science, Philosophy and Culture in Indian Civilization, Vol-1, Part-3 (India's
Interaction with Southeast Asia), chapter 7, eds. G.C. Pande, New Delhi: Munshiram
Manoharlal Publisher, 2006, pp. 119-129; V.D. Gogte, 'The Chandraketugarh-Tamluk Region
of Bengal: Source of the Early Historic Rouletted Ware from India and Southeast Asia', Man
and Environment, Vol-XXII, No-1 Oanuary-June 1997), pp. 69-85.
73 Shahnaj Husne Jahan, Excavating Waves and Winds of (Ex)change- A Study of Maritime
Trade in Early Bengal, England: John and Erica Hedges Ltd., British Archaeological Reports,
2006, pp. 161-62.
74 Wilhelm Geiger, The Mahiivamsa or the Great Chronicle of Ceylon, New Delhi: Asian
Educational Services, 1986, pp. 51-54,62-64.
75 Wilhelm Geiger, The Mahiivamsa, Chapter 19, Verses 1-23.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

Tamralipti. Along with the Mahiivarhsa, the other Pali chronicles from Sri Lanka,

the Rajavalliya and the Dfpavarhsa were believed to be the earliest reference to

the maritime activities in 'Bengal'.

Archaeological artifacts, particularly etched semi-precious stone beads also

indicate a definite contact and maritime routes between Bengal and Myanmar

(Beikthano ), Thailand (Ban Chiang, Kok Samrong and U Thong), Malaysia

(Tanjong Rawa and Kuala Selinsing), Indonesia (Leang Buldane cave in Salebabu

Island), the Philippines (Palawan Island) and China (Shi Zhai Shah and

Lijiashan).7 6 The Ch'ien-Han-shu records an account of a maritime enterprise

from Tonkin (China) to Huang-che during the time of Han Wu-ti (141-87 BC).

The pronunciation of Huang-che in ancient Chinese was as Gwang-zie which

certainly reminds the Gange77 which, as we have already discussed, could denote

both the Gangetic delta and the port of Gange. The text, compiled by Pan Ku in

the 1st century AD, contains a description of a voyage by a Chinese mission to

Gangabandar which took one year to reach the portJB The identification of the

port of 'Gange' is problematic issue. Some scholars tend to equate with

Tamralipti, the premier port of ancient Bengal. B.N. Mukherjee, on the other

hand, favours its identification with Deganga in 24-Parganas district (North)/9

implying that the name Gange survives in the place-name Deganga. However, a

76 Shahnaj Husne Jahan, Excavating Waves and Winds of (Ex)change, 2006, p. 162.
77 Amitabha Bhattacharyya, Historical Geography of Bengal, pp. 108-09.
78 Brian Colless, 'Han and Shen-tu: China's Ancient Relations with South Asia', East and
West, New Series 30 (1-4), 1980, p. 164.
79 B.N. Mukherjee, 'Kharo~ti and Kharo~tJ-Brahmi Inscriptions in West Bengal (India)',
Indian Museum Bulletin, Vol- XXV, Calcutta, 1990, p. 24.
 Inscribed seals from Chandraketugarh showing ship

Courtesy: Trade and Traders in Early Indian Society, by Ranabir Chakravarti,

Delhi: Manohar, znd enlarged edition, 2007.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

large number of scholars prefer to equate the port of Gange with the well-known

archaeological site of Chandraketugarh (about 35 km north-east of Kolkata).

Chandraketugarh, located on the moribund delta of the Ganga-Brahmaputra

river system adjacent to the almost dried up course of the river Vidyadhari, once

a large tributary of the Bhagirathi appears to have functioned as an inland

riverine port with an access to the sea. 80 Among diverse archaeological materials

found from Chandraketugarh attention may specially be paid to a few inscribed

terracotta seals/ sealings showing images of sea-going vessels. This strongly

suggests that Chandraketugarh was a port-site, a point that assumes a special

significance in its proposed identification with Gange.

Pliny testifies that during his time there were both land and sea routes

connecting Rome with Asian countries. The Ganga delta was especially noted for

the availability of excellent textiles, the Gangetic muslin of the Periplus. 81 The

Periplus also informs of the transportation of nard (a fragrant oil) along with the

textiles, two Gangetic luxuries in considerable demand in the Roman Empire, by

coastal voyages to ports on the Tamil coast from where these were possibly

taken to Muziris (Cannanore or Caranganore) in the Cera country, the premier

8o Ranabir Chakravarti, 'Befriending the Bay: Maritime Trade and the Eastern Seaboard of
the Subcontinent (Prior to C. 1500)', S2nd Foundation Day Lecture, Bangladesh Asiatic
Society, 3 January, 2004, pp. 11-12.
81 Niharranjan Ray, B.D. Chattopadhyaya, Ranabir Chakravarti, and V.R. Mani, (eds.), A
Sourcebook of Indian Civilization, Hydrabad: Orient Longman, 2000, reprinted 2002, pp.
298-99; Periplus of the Erythraean Sea: Travel and Trade in the Indian Ocean by a Merchant
of the First Century, by W.H. Schoff, (1st published in 1912 by Longmans, Green and Co.,
London.), New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, 1995, pp. 44-48.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

port in Malabar, figuring prominently in the Periplus. 82 The shipping of the

Gangetic nard is now confirmed by a maritime loan contract document of c. mid

znct century AD.83 It speaks of the loading of 60 containers of Gangetic nard on

board the ship, Hermapollen, lying at anchor at Muziris from where it reached

through different stages of overseas, overland and fluvial journeys Alexandria in

Egypt. 84 From there these were finally shipped to Rome. As indicated in the

Periplus the ports of Malabar (i.e. Naura, Tyndis, Muziris, Bacare and Balita etc.)

served as emporiums for Roman traders. These ports were connected by

overland routes with the ports on the East Coast of south India. Then the route

went further along the coast to Dosarene (Orissa), Gange ('Bengal') and Chryse

Chora and Chryse Chersonesys 85 (i.e. Suvall).abhiimi and Suvall).advipa of the

82 Ranabir Chakravarti, 'Early Historical India: A Study in its Material Milieu (c. 600 BC-AD
300)' in Trade and Traders in Early Indian Society, Delhi: Manohar, 2002, pp. 54-55.
83 For the translation and study of this extremely significant document see, Lionel Casson,
'New Light on Maritime Loans: P. Vindob G 40822', Trade in Early India, edited by Ranabir
Chakravarti, Oxford: Oxford University Press, Oxford India Paperbacks, 2005, pp. 228-243;
Niharranjan Ray, B.D. Chattopadhyaya, Ranabir Chakravarti, and V.R. Mani, (eds.), A
Sourcebook of Indian Civilization, Hydrabad: Orient Longman, 2000, reprinted 2002, pp.
607-09.
84 Ranabir Chakravarti, 'Befriending the Bay: Maritime Trade and the Eastern Seaboard of
the Subcontinent (Prior to C. 1500)', p. 17.
85 From the account of Perip/us it appears that although some such region Khryse was
known to the author, where it lay was not clear to him. It may be Myanmar and the
immense gold mines regions of the Malay peninsula, comprising the states of Pahang, north
of Malacca. The same distinction between a 'golden region' and a 'golden island' as seen in
Periplus occers in Indian texts. The names 'Suvan:tabhiimi' and 'Suvan:tadvipa' occers in
ancient texts like the Kathasaritsagara, ]ataka stories, Arthasastra and many other texts.
These names had become so familiar that beginning from the 1st century AD besides many
Indian and Graeco-Roman authors, Arabs, Chinese and Tibetans have also referred to them.
Mapf4= Distribution of Rouletted Ware in South and Southeast Asia

Courtesy: Archaeological Heritage, Dhaka: Bangladesh Asiatic Society, 2007

 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond I~' I
Sanskrit sources). But it should be mentioned here that till now we could not

trace any 'direct Roman contact' with 'Bengal'.

Some Kharo~ti/Kharo~ti-Brahmi seals and seal impressions with the picture of

ships/boats on terracotta found from Chandraketugarh, strongly suggest that it

was a major port of early historic period in 'Bengal'. 86 This area was well

connected with the maritime networks particularly with maritime Southeast

Asia. The discovery of Kharo~ti/Kharo~ti-Brahmi documents in Thailand and

Vietnam and the Rouletted Wares (RW) and etched semi-precious stone beads

from Thailand, Malaysia and Indonesia adds to the dimension of our knowledge

of Bengal's oversea contacts and communications with the maritime Southeast

Asia. 87 V.D. Gogte has claimed, on the basis of XRD (X ray diffraction) analysis of

the RW, that the clay for the manufacturing of the fine RW was available only in

the Lower Ganga Plain with the epicenter in the Chandraketugarh-Tamralipti

zone 88 and nowhere else. He therefore argues that Chandraketugarh-Tamralipti

Many Greek and Arab authors believed in the ancient tradition that the soil of the Khryse
island and Khryse land was made of gold. Udai Prakash Arora, 'Greek Geographers on the
Indian Ocean and Southeast Asia', History of Science, Philosophy and Culture in Indian
Civilization, Vol-1, Part-3 (India's Interaction with Southeast Asia), chapter 10, edited by G.
C. Pande, New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publisher, 2006, p. 180; Amitabha
Bhattacharyya, Historical Geography of Bengal, p. 109; Ranabir Chakravarti, 'Befriending
the Bay', p. 11.
B6 Ranabir Chakravarti, Trade and Traders in Early Indian Society, pp. 129-30.
87 Ranabir Chakravarti, Trade and Traders, p. 134; Shahnaj Husne Jahan, Excavating Waves
and Winds of [Ex) change- A Study of Maritime Trade in Early Bengal, Oxford: John and Erica
Hedges Ltd., British Archaeological Reports, 2006 p. 163.
88 Vishwas D. Gogte, 'The Chandraketugarh-Tamluk Region of Bengal: Source of the Early
Historic Rouletted Ware from India and Southeast Asia', Man and Environment Qournal of
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

was the principal manufacturing zone of the RW. From this area RW is said to

have been sent to various places along the entire length of the eastern sea-

board89 and also to distant places like Buni culture sites in north Java, Sembiran

(on the north coast of Bali) and at sites in Vietnam (Tra Kieu) in maritime

Southeast Asia. 90 This clearly speaks, once again, regular coastal network of

communication between Bengal littorals and Southern part of the Indian

subcontinent and maritime Southeast Asia.

Considering the geographical location of Wari-Bateshwar9 1, Dilip Kumar

Chakrabarti predicted that the region had Southeast Asiatic and Roman contacts.

The discovery of yielded Rouletted Ware, Knobbed Ware and Punched-marked

the Indian Society for Prehistoric and Quaternary Studies), Vol-XXII, No-1, January-June
1997, p. 83.
89 The eastern sea-board experienced coastal communications and linkages that are
indicated by the distribution of a particular type of pottery, the RW, all along the eastern
littorals. The find spots of the RW (3rd century BC to AD 3rd century) are located close to the
coasts in Tamilnadu (most importantly Arikamedu near Pondicherry), in Andhrapradesh
(Amaravati), in Orissa (Sisupalgarh and Manikpatnam), in West Bengal (Chandraketugarh
and Tamluk) and in Bangladesh (Wari-Bateshwar and Mahasthan).
90 H.P. Ray, 'The Archaeology of Bengal: Trading Networks, Cultural Identities', journal of
the Economic and Social History of the Orient UESHO), 49.1, Leiden, 2006, p. 80.
91 Wari and Bateshwar are two adjacent villages in Amlabo Union under Belabo police
station in Narsingdi district (Bangladesh). The location of Wari-Bateshwar on the bank of
an ancient course of the Brahmaputra can only mean that it was an estuarine port. The
cultural materials found from this site are roughly dated between c. 3rd century BC and the
3rd century AD also indicative of maritime contacts with the maritime world. E Haque, SSM
Rahman and SMK Ashan, 'A Preliminary Report on Wari-Bateshwar Trial Excavation by
ICSBA', journal of Bengal Art, 5, Dhaka, 2000; MM Hoque and SS Mostafizur Rahman, 'Wari-
Bateshwar', Banglapedia: National Encyclopedia of Bangladesh, Dhaka: Bangladesh Asiatic
Society, 2006, http://www.banglapedia.org/httpdocs/HT/W 0022,HTM.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

coins from excavation and on the basis of the findings of high-tin Bronze

Knobbed Ware, sandwiched glass beads, gold-foil glass beads and Indo-Pacific

Monochrome glass beads Chakrabarti tried to identify Wari-Bateshwar with

Ptolemy's Sounagoura port in the znd century AD. This port was earlier identified

with modern Sonargaon by C. Schwartzberg's historical atlas of India. As

because of its location on the bank of an ancient course of the Brahmaputra and

the Indo-Pacific Monochrome glass beads were found here, Chakrabarti

assumed that it was possibly of the earliest urban centres in the region, it was a

port city and it might have had trade relations within Bengal and the lands

beyond.92 The availability of Punched-marked coins must have first circulated in

the Ganga valley, especially the middle Ganga plains. It is likely that these coins

reached a site in eastern part of the delta because of the spread of Mauryan

power at least up to PuJ:.l~ra (Mahasthan) area. It is, therefore, to be assumed

that the linkages of Wari-Bateshwar with both PuJ:.l~ra area and the middle

Ganga plains, possibly by overland and riverine routes of Communications.

Because of the yielded RW, Wari-Bateshwar was also linked with

Chandraketugarh-Tamralipti zone and the eastern sea-board as these are also

associated with the find spots of the same pottery.

After the mid 2rd centul'Y AD. rl!{!Ul~r tr:IffiC between Tamralipti and Sri Lanka
appears to have continued. Fa-Hsien arrived at Tamralipti by land route from

Champa and then sailed from Tamralipti to Sri Lanka in the early 5th century AD

n Dilip Kumar Chakrabarti, 'Archaeological Studies- From Prehistoric Age to Pre-Medieval

Period', Cultural Survey of Bangladesh: Archaeological Heritage, edited by Sufi Mostafizur
Rahman, Dhaka: Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, 2007, pp. S-6.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Heyond ~-t•l
in a large merchant-vessel with a favourable wind during the season ofwinter. 9 3

It is very likely that the voyage was undertaken during the season of north-

eastern monsoon wind. After spending two years in Sri Lanka receiving

instruction from teachers and copying a number of manuscripts Fa-Hsien

embarked on another merchant ship. After a long and stormy passage he

reached Java. 94 Over two and a quarter centuries after Fa-Hsien, another Chinese

pilgrim Hsuan Tsang in the first half of the 7th century AD was advised by a south

Indian priest that such voyages were extremely perilous 95 because of the

cyclones in the Bay of Bengal during the time of north-eastern monsoon wind.

He described Tamralipti was well connected by land as well as water. The coast

of this country is formed by a recess of the sea. 96 By the second half of the 7th

century, when I-tsing visited south Asia, it is known from some records on

maritime contacts between Bengal, Southeast Asia and China that 1-tsing sailed

on a Persian merchant ship from Canton in 671 AD. After crossing the South

93 Samuel Beal (tr.), Travels of Fah-hian and Sung-yun, Buddhist Pilgrims from China to India
(400 AD and 518 AD), London: Trubner and Co., 1869, pp. 147-48; A Record of Buddhistic
Kingdoms. Being An Account by the Chinese Monk Fa-Hsien of Travels in India and Ceylon (AD
399-414} in Search of the Buddhist Books Discipline, translated by James Legge, New Delhi:
Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, 1991.
94 H.G. Quaritch Wales, The Indianization of China and of South-East Asia, London: Bernard
Quaritch Ltd.,1967,pp.10-11.
95 Samuel Beal (tr.), The Life of Hiuen Tsiang by the Shaman Hwui Li with an introduction
containing an account of the works of 1-tsing (2nd ed., first published by Kegan Paul, Trench,
Trubner and Co., London in 1911), New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd.,
1973 (Reprint), p. 133.
96 Samuel Beal (tr.), Si-Yu-Ki: Buddhist Records of the Western World, Vol-2, London: Kegan
Paul, Trench, Trubner and Co., 1906, pp. 200-01.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

China Sea he arrived at Bhoga (southeastern Sumatra), then he travelled to

Malayu (eastern coast of Sumatra), and then proceeds to Ka-cha (Kedah of the

Malay Peninsula). His ship sailed via the Nicobar Islands and finally arrived at

Tamralipti. 97 There can be a little doubt that the Tamralipti-Ka-cha (Kedah)

transoceanic route was a continuation of Tamralipti-Chu-li (Takkola) route. Sea

routes from Tamralipti, south India and Sri Lanka converged at the Nicobars,

from where the route to Ka-cha was well connected.

The Buddhagupta inscription98 also proved a maritime trade network of Bengal-

Malay Peninsula which was in operation even in 400 AD. This interesting

Sanskrit inscription (wish-inscribed document) comes from the northern part of

Province Wellesly in Malay Peninsula. It is written in a 5th century script, and

records the gift of a mahcincivika (the captain of mahcinau, large ship or a senior

mariner) Buddhagupta, an inhabitant of a Raktamrttika, and a prayer for his

successful voyage. 99 Hsuan Tsang's account, discovery of archaeological remains

(clay seals etc.)too and the identification of Raktamrttika1° 1 would indicate

97J. Takakusu (tr.), A Record of the Buddhist Religion as Practised in India and the Malay
Archipelago (A.D. 671-695) by 1-tsing, translated by J. Takakusu, Oxford: Clarendon Press,
1896, znct Indian Eidition, New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, 1982, appendixed
map, pp. xxx, xxxiv, 211.
98 D.C. Sircar, Select Inscriptions Bearing on Indian History and Civilization, Vol-1, Calcutta:
Calcutta University, 1965, p. 497; Amitabha Bhattacharyya, Historical Geography of Bengal,
pp. 110-11.
99 D.C. Sircar, Select Inscriptions, p. 497.
100 D.C. Sircar, 'Inscribed Clay Seal from Raktamrttika', Epigraphia Indica, Vol-XXXVII, 1967-
68, p. 28.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

Buddhagupta's origin was definitely in India, and particularly in 'Bengal'. And

through Bhagirathi, the channel of the Ganga linking up to the Tamralipti,

'Bengal' established its maritime contact with Southeast Asia and Archipelago. 102

Mahiiniivika Buddhagupta may have reached Tamralipti from Murshidabad by

overland or riverine routes and then he sailed to Malay Peninsula from

Tamralipti, a port from where I-Tsing is known to have sailed to Ka-cha (Kedah)

in the Malay Peninsula too.l03 It confirms the existence of a maritime route

connecting Tamralipti particularly with Ka-cha. So it leaves very little doubt

about the maritime contacts between Bengal littorals and the Malay

Peninsula.1° 4

101 Raktamrttikii can now be identified on good grounds in the region of Murshidabad
district of West Bengal. Recent evidence from archaeological excavations leaves a little
doubt about the identification of Kart:~asuvart:~a, capital city of Bengal king Sasarika (late 6th

and early 7th century AD) and Raktamrttikii mahiivihiira, the Buddhist monastery which
stood on its suburb bears the description left by Hsuan Tsang. Kart:~asuvart:~a and
Raktamrttikii have been identified with places called Rangamati and Kansona on the right
back of the Bhagirathi near Chirutti Railway Station in the Murshidabad district. Sudhir
Ranjan Das, Rajbatjidanga: 1962 (Chiruti, jadupur). An Interim Report on Excavations at
Riijbii¢idiiligii and Terra cotta Seals and Sea lings, Calcutta: Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1968, p.
57.
102 Abdul Momin Chowdhury, 'Bengal and Southeast Asia', p. 100.
1o3 A Record of the Buddhist Religion as Practised in India and the Malay Archipelago (AD
671-695) by 1-tsing, translated by J. Takakusu, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1896, 2nd Indian
Edition, New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, 1982.
1o4 Ranabir Chakravarti, Trade and Traders, pp. 127-28.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

Tamralipti, the port par excellence and the earliest one in 'Bengal',tos was at its

height when Fa-Hsien and Hsuan Tsang visited respectively in the 5th and 7th

century AD. This port was well connected with the distant lands of China and

different islands of Southeast Asia and was the outstanding port in the Ganga

delta, the chief outlet of the entire landlocked Ganga Valley to the Bay of

Bengal.t 06 Mainly three maritime routes starts from Tamralipti: one of which led

to the West, while the other to the East and Southeast directions. Firstly the

south-westward route that led to West till eastern Mediterranean regions, 107

over the south and west coast of India, across Sri-Lanka; secondly, the route that

along the Bay of Bengal penetrating the narrow Isthmus of Kra reaching the

mainland or islands of Southeast Asia and to the distant region of China; and

thirdly, the south and south-eastward route that extends towards the coastal

1os It is beyond doubt that Tamralipti, generally equated with Tamluk (in the Medinipur
district, West Bengal) situated on the right bank of the river Rupanarayal). This
identification has been reinforced by Tiimraliptimiihiitya portion of the Brahmii~J¢apurii~Ja.

Paresh Chandra Dasgupta, 'Some Early Indian Literary References to Tamralipta', Modern
Review, 1953, pp. 31-34; Abdul Momin Chowdhury, 'Banglar Bhaugolik Parichay', in Bangia
Sahityer Jtihas, Vol-1, ed. Anisuzzaman, Bangia Academy, Dhaka, 1987, p. 31; Haroun-Er-
Rashid, ]AS Bangladesh, XIX,No. I, 1974, p. 28; Hosne Ara Motahar, 'Bangladesher
Prachintama Bandar Tamralipti ebong Prachin Banglar Byabsa-Bal)ijya', Bangladesh
Asiatic Society Patrika, June-December, 1993, pp. 15-23; Shahnaj Husne Jahan, Excavating
Waves and Winds of (Ex)change, pp. 9-18, 163-68; Ranabir Chakravarti, Trade and Traders
in Early Indian Society, pp. 129-135, 164-169.
1o6 Ranabir Chakravarti, 'Befriending the Bay', p. 11.

1° 7 Romila Thapar, 'Great Eastern Trade: Other Times, Other Places (Maritime Trade in the
First Millennium AD)', The Fourth Vasant ]. Sheth Memorial Lecture, Mumbai: The Vasant J.
Sheth Memorial Foundation, January 10, 2002, pp. 3-10.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

Palora (or Paloura?)toa of Gopalpur in Ganjam district of Orissa and from there

across the Bay of Bengal till the archipelago of the Southeast Asia.1° 9 Niharranjan

Ray has also clearly mentioned three sea routes in his work: (1) Tamralipti-

Arakan-Brahma-Malaya-Jabadvipa-Subarnadvipa route; (2) Vailga-Simhal route;

and, (3) Tamralipti-Palora-Malay-Subarnabhumi route. 110 The voyages

described in the three jataka tales (Mahajanaka jataka, Sankha jataka, and

Samudda-Vd1Jija jataka) 111 , in the Ceylonese Pali chronicles of MahavarilSanz and

DfpavarilSa, 11 3 the Kharo~t} and Kharo~F-Brahmi Inscriptions,114 and in the

accounts of Fa-Hsien, Hsuan Tsang and I-tsing 11 S clearly give an indication about

1° 8 Palora has been identified by Yule as Jelasur near the mouth of the Suvarnarekha in
Orissa.
1° 9 R.C Majumdar, Ancient Indian Colonization in South-East Asia, Baroda: Oriental Institute,
2nd edition, 1963, pp. 4-5; Hindu Colonies in the Far East, Calcutta: Firma K.L.
Mukhopadhyay, 2nd edition, 1963, p. 13; Abdul Momin Chowdhury, 'Bengal and Southeast
Asia: Trade and Cultural Contact in the Ancient Period', Ancient Trade and Cultural Contacts
in Southeast Asia, Bangkok: The Office of the National Culture Commission, 1996, p. 99.
110 Niharranjan Ray, History of the Bengali People, pp. 68-70.
111 E.B. Cowell (ed.), The ]a taka or Stories of the Buddha's Former Births (translated from the
Pali by various hands), six volumes, London: Luzac and Co., 1957, Vol-4: pp 9-13 and 98-
104, Vol-6: pp 19-37.
112 Wilhelm Geiger, The Mahiivamsa or the Great Chronicle of Ceylon, New Delhi: Asian
Educational Services, 1986, XIX: pp. 1-8, 11, 22-23.
m Hermann Oldenberg, The Dlpavamsa: An Ancient Buddhist Historical Record, New Delhi:

Asian Educational Services, 1982, pp. 160-62.

114 B.N. Mukherjee, 'Kharosti and Kharosti-Brahmi Inscriptions in West Bengal (India)',
Indian Museum Bulletin, Vol- XXV, Calcutta: Indian Museum, 1990, pp. 17-18, 34, 38.
115 Fa-Hsien, Hsuan Tsang and 1-tsing visited Tamralipti respectively in the 5th and 7th
centuries AD. Fa-Hsien began his return voyage to China from this port in a merchant ship
in AD 414. The voyage took him straight to Sri Lanka, then to Java from where he reached
Chinese coast. The direct connectivity of Tamralipti with Sri Lanka and in an indirect
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

the first two routes: The merchants setting out from Varar:tasi or Champa by

boat, sailing along the Ganga-Bhagirathi to Tamralipti, and from there following

the coast of the Bay of Bengal to Ceylon or Sumatra or Suvarr:tabhiimi (land of

gold,116 possibly lower Myanmar) and some other places in the maritime

Southeast Asian archipelago. On the basis of the earliest reference to

transoceanic voyages across the Bay of Bengal by Geographer and Astronomer

Ptolemy,11 7 Niharranjan Ray described the third route (Tamralipti-Palora-

Malay-Subarnabhumi route). R.C. Majumdar also talked about this particular sea

route in his books,llB

When we consider 'Bengal' in the context of the trade networks of the mid-7th to

the mid-8th centuries AD, it is clear that the trade routes leading to and from

manner with Java in maritime Southeast Asia is proved from this account. Hsuan Tsang
described that 'the water and land' embraced each other at Tamralipti and it was very well
connected by both land and sea routes within and the lands beyond Bengal. 1-tsing arrived
in Tamralipti in 673 AD and mentioned it, according to Takakusu, as a 'port on the coast of
Eastern India'.
116 G. Coedes, The lndianised States of Southeast Asia, Honolulu: East West Center Press,
1968, p. 29; R.C. Majumdar, Champa (History and Culture of an Indian Colonial Kingdom in
the Far East: 2nd to 16th Centuries AD), Delhi: Gian Publishing House, 1985 (reprint), p. XI.
11 7 Ptolemy (Klaudios Ptolemaios) in his Geographike Huphegesis (An Outline of Geography)
composed in around the middle of the second century AD says, "[t]he passage across it [i.e.,
the Gangetic Gulf] from Palora to Sada in a direct line from west to east is 1,300 stadia ....
The voyage is continued onward from Sada to the city of Tamala, a distance of 3,500 stadia
in a south-eastren direction". Surendranath Majummdar Sastri, McCrindle's Ancient India as
Described by Ptolemy, a facsimile reprint edited with an introduction, notes and an
additional map, Calcutta: Chuckervertty, Chatterjee & Co., 1927, p. 24.
118 R.C Majumdar, History of Ancient Bengal, 346; Hindu Colonies in the Far East, Calcutta:
Firma K.L. Mukhopadhyay, znct revised and enlarged edition, 1963, pp. 13-14.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond ,

'Bengal' were only subsidiary lanes. After the 5th century AD, Gangabandar had

ceased to function and Tamralipti seems to have declined gradually around the

8th century AD. 11 9 It is generally believed that Tamralipti declined because of

hydrographical changes in the western part of the Ganga delta, resulting in the

gradual silting of the river Rupnarayana on which it stood.

In the first half of the 7th century AD Hsuan Tsang visited Samatata, an area

contiguous with Harikela. Samata~a was known at that time to have contacts

with several areas in Southeast Asia. Valuable indications are gleaned from

Hsuan Tsang in this regard. It is explicitly mentioned in the accounts of Hsuan

Tsang that there was commercial linkage between Samata~a (Southeastern

Bengal) and Southeast Asian countries and archipelago. He has given valuable

indications that strongly suggest, for the first time that around 7th century AD

Samata~a area gradually began to emerge as point of contact for coastal as well

as long-distance voyages in the Bay of Bengal. Hsuan Tsang drew our attention

by mentioning the names of six countries of mainland Southeast Asia which had

contact with Samata~. He did not visit those countries but gathered information

about them at Samata~a. Watters has identified the six countries as 1. Shi-li-cha-

ta-lo (Srik~etra in Myanmar with its capital at Prome on the Irrawaddy); 2. Kia-

mo-land-kia (Kamalanka, identified with Pegu and the Irrawaddy delta in

119 The last known reference to Tamralipti is furnished by the Dudhpani inscription,
palaeographically assigned to the 8th century (F. Kielhorn, 'Dudhpani Rock Inscription of
Udayamana', Epigraphia Indica, Vol-2, No-27, pp. 343-346). According to this record, three
merchant brothers came to Tamralipti from Ayodhya and earned money by trading. This
once again points to the long-distance connection between the port and its hinterland.
Ranabir Chakravarti, Trade and Traders in Early Indian Society, p. 133.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond I:·~j ·I
Myanmar); 3. To-lo-po-ti (Dvaravati, the famous kingdom of Myanmar in

Sandowe region); 4. 1-shung-na-pu-lo (Isanapura to the east of Daravati); 5. Mo-

ho-chen-po (Mahachampa in Vietnam; and 6. Yen-nio-na-chen (Yamanadvipa,

identification uncertain).tzo There is a clear hint that contacts between Samatata

and these regions in mainland Southeast Asia had already started by the first

half of the 7th century AD, probably by maritime voyages.l21

During the last quarter of the 7th century AD 1-tsing reported about the voyage to

Ho-lai-ka-lo (Harikela) 1ZZ from Sri Lanka. 1-tsing started on a voyage from China

to South Asia. After a month's journey he reached Sri-vijaya (Palembang in

Sumatra), then Kedah via Mo-luo-yu (eastern coast of Sumatra). From there he

sailed to south India and finally to Sri Lanka. He sailed again from Sri Lanka by

ship and after about a month's sail 1-tsing reached Ho-lai-ka-lo (Harikela) in

eastern 'Bengal'. 1Z3 Harikela maintained contact not only with Sri Lanka but also

with some ports in Southeast Asia countries and archipelago.

120 Thomas Watters, On Yuan Chwang'sTravels in India, Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal

Publishers Pvt. Ltd., 1973 (2nd Indian Edition), pp. 187-88, 200.
121 Ranabir Chakravarti, Trade and Traders in Early Indian Society, pp. 134-35; Samuel Beal
(tr.), The Life of Hiuen Tsiang by the Shaman Hwui Li with an introduction containing an
account of the works of I-tsing, pp. 13 2-33.
122 Identified with the Noakhali, Comilla, Chittagong and adjacent areas in Bangladesh.
Harikela was an important commercial zone since the late 7th century AD is clear from the
Chinese evidence of 1-tsing. Adhir Chakravarti, 'Harikela's Contacts with Outside World',
journal ofAncient Indian History, Vol-XIX, Parts 1-2, 1989-90, pp. 1-53.
123 Latika Lahiri, Chinese Monks in India: Biography of Eminent Monks Who Went to the
Western World in Search of the Law during the Great T'ang Dynasty, Delhi: Motilal
Banarsidass, 1986, pp. 94-96.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond !.~ ]
The decline of Tamralipti in 8th century AD immensely enhanced the importance

of Samata~/Harikela. 124 From the 8th century AD onwards the major area of

seaborne contacts between 'Bengal' and other countries in the Indian Ocean

shifted to Samata~/Harikela where Samandar emerged as a porttzs and started

playing a vital part of the maritime contacts and communications in the early

medieval period. The Arab and Persian geographers, merchants and travelers

provide us with valuable information regarding maritime trade contacts in

'Bengal' from the 9th to the 12th centuries AD. 126 The importance of these

maritime trade routes has been described in the writings of Sulayman (compiled

in 851 AD)1Z 7, Ibn Khurdadbih (death, 912 AD)tza, Al-Masudi (death, 956 AD)129,

124 The important point to note is that from the 9th century AD onwards the major seaborne
outlet of the Bengal coast shifted from the western sector (Riic;lha-Vaiiga) to the south-
eastern (Samata~a-Harikela) zone. Ranabir Chakravarti, 'Seafaring in the Bengal Coast: The
Early edieval Scenario', in Trade and Traders in Early Indian Society, pp. 160-186; D.C.
Bhattacharya, 'Harikela and the Ruins at Mainamati', Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol-20 (1-
4), 1944, pp. 1-8; A.B.M. Husain, et a!, Mainamati-Devaparvata, Dhaka: Asiatic Society of
Bangladesh, 1997.
12s Ranabir Chakravarti, Trade and Traders, p. 135; Abdul Karim, Social History of the
Muslims in Bengal (Down to AD 1538), Chittagong: Baitush Sharaf Islamic Research Institute,
2nd revised edition, 1985, pp. 27-32.
126 From the writings of Sulayman, Ibn Khurdadhbih, the anonymous author of Hudud al-
A/am, and Idrisi we can easily get to know the Arab and Persian maritime link with Bengal.
Abdul Karim, Social History of the Muslims in Bengal, Chittagong: Baitush Sharaf Islamic
Research Institute, 2nd revised edition, 1985, pp. 25-36; Arabic Classical Accounts of India
and China, translated from Original Arabic with Commentaries by S. Maqbul Ahmad,
Shimla: Indian Institute of Advanced Study, 1989, pp. 3-87.
12 7 Sulayman wrote his Silsilat-ut-Tawarikh in about the year 851 AD. This Arabic text was
first published by Langles in 1811 and a French translation with a commentary was
published by M. Reinaud from Paris in 1854 under the title: Relation des voyages faits par
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

and Al-Idrisi (birth, end of the 11th century AD) 130 . Among the geographers, Ibn

Khurdadbih was the first to discuss the trade-route from the Arabian Sea coast

to the Chinese coast in his book. Al-Masudi and Al-Idrisi have done the same

thing chiefly following the accounts of Khurdadbih. The importance of this

maritime route and contacts was widely considered not only in 'Bengal' but also

in the history of the 'Bay of Bengal Interaction Sphere'13 1 world which drew

/es Arabes et les Persans dans l'lnde et a Ia China. In 1922, Gabriel Ferrand published
another French translation under the title Voyage du Marchand Arabe Sulayman en Inde et
en China. In 1948, M. Jean Sauvaget published a fresh Arabic text with a French translation
and an exhaustive commentary. Maqbul Ahmad translated the Account into English based
on Sauvaget's Arabic text. For details seeS. Maq bul Ahmad (tr.), Arabic Classical Accounts of
India and China, Simla: Indian Institute of Advanced Study, 1989; S.H. Hodivala, Studies in
Indo-Muslim History (A Critical Commentary on Elliot and Dawson's History of India as Told
by its Historians), Bombay: S.H. Hodivala, 1939.
12a The name of the book of Ibn Khurdadbih (b. 820 AD; d. 912 AD) is Kitab al-Masalik wal-
Mamalik (Roads and Kingdoms) translated from original Arabic with commentaries by S.
Maq bul Ahmad, Simla: Indian Institute of Advanced Study, 1989.
12 9 Al-Masudi (d. 956 AD), Muruj adh-dhahab. For details see Ahmad M.H. Shboul, Al-Masudi
& His World: A Muslim Humanist and His Interest in non-Muslims, London: Ithaca Press,
1979.
H.M. Elliot and J. Dawson, History of India as Told by its Own Historians, Allahabad: Kitab
Mahal, 1956.
130 Al-Idrisi (b. end of the 11th century AD), India and Her Neighbouring Territories,
translated by S. Maqbul Ahmad, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1960.
13 1 Sunil Gupta, 'Early Indian Ocean in the Context of Indian Relationship with Southeast
Asia', in History of Science, Philosophy and Culture in Indian Civilization, Vol-1, Part-3
(India's Interaction with Southeast Asia), chapter 7, eds. G.C. Pande, Centre for Studies in
Civilization, Munshiram Manoharlal Publisher, 2006, pp. 111-142. Gupta proposed to
express the Indo-Southeast Asian exchange dynamic in terms of its core functional area:
The Bay of Bengal Interaction Sphere (BBIS). Within this maritime area fundamental
techno-cultural processes are observed - movements of ethnic-linguistic communities,
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

within its fold the countries of Southeast Asia also - Thailand, coastal Vietnam,

Malaysia and Indonesian islands of Java and Sumatra.

The maritime routes of 'Basra-Samandar (Chanagrama)'1 32 and 'Samandar-Ka-

cha-Srivijaya' 133 were the most prominent trade networks in between the 9th to

the 12th centuries AD. The most detailed account of trading routes has been

given in Ibn Khurdadhbih (846-4 7 AD), which describes the coastal voyage from

Basra in Iraq, along the western coast of India, through the Palk Strait and round

the shores of the Bay of Bengal. 134 Numismatic evidence, in the form of 15

Abbasid coins, also confirms the existence of trade-route connecting Basra (at

the head of the Persian Gulf) and Siraf (an important port in Abbasid Empire

situated on the eastern coast of the Persian Gulf) with Sa man dar in 'Bengal'. This

contact must have continued at least till the mid-12th century AD when Al-Idrisi

opening of land-sea routes and ports, innovations in boat building and navigational
technologies. The BBIS comprises littoral tracts surrounding the Bay of Bengal. Its
hinterland includes Sri Lanka, the eastern part of the Indian subcontinent (the Indian states
of Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, Orissa, West Bengal, Assam and Bangladesh), the Chinese
Province of Yunnan and the western part of Southeast Asia (Myanmar, coastal Thailand,
coastal Vietnam, Malaysia and Indonesian islands of Sumatra and Java). Major land and Sea
routes connecting various areas of the 'hinterland' passed through the Bay of Bengal.
(Pages-111-12).
m Shahnaj Husne Jahan, Excavating Waves, pp. 170-71.
133 Shahnaj Husne Jahan, Excavating Waves, pp. 171-72.
13 4 'Al-Masalik Wa'l-Mamalik' by Ibn Khurdadhbih in Arabic Classical Accounts of India and
China, pp. 3-30.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond!··~·~
composed his Kitab Nuzhatu-1 Mushtakji lkhtiraqu-1 Afaq and described various

towns and ports in South Asia.t3s

Samandar, located close to Sandwip Island, should logically be identified with a

port in or near Chittagong (in Bangladesh) roughly from the 9th century

onwards. Both Ibn Khurdadbih and AI ldrisi speak very highly of Samandar as a

port. AI ldrisi mentions three places along with Samandar, i.e. Kashmir, Kanauj

and Kamut (Kamrupa). He described that aloe wood was brought to Samandar

from Kamrupa in 15/20 days' time by river. Ibn Battuta speaks of the blue river

which is the Meghna. The river was used to bring down logs of Kamaruni aloes

wood from the north-east to the port of samandarjSudkawan. Though the

distances given by him are confusing and unacceptable,1 36 the indication of

existence of a riverine communication route between Samandar and Kamrupa is

very clear.

An elaborate description of the sea-route to and from 'Bengal' is furnished by

the account of Ibn Battuta (arrived 'Bengal' in 1334 AD). 137 From the Maldive

135 Elliot and Dowson, History of India as Told by Its Own Historians, Vol-1, London: Trubner
and Co., 1867, pp. 90-91.
136 For example, if the distance given by Al-ldrisi from Kashmir to Kanauj is 7 days' then the
distance from Kashmir to Samandar cannot be the same period. Abdul Karim, Social History
of the Muslims in Bengal, pp. 30-31.
137 Ibn Battuta visiting Bengal in the middle of the 14th century gives some important
information. The first town of Bengal, he entered, was Sudkawan. It was a great city,
situated on the shore of the vast ocean. The description of Sudkawan that it was very close
to the great sea and that the two rivers (Ganga and Jun) have united before falling into the
sea. Ibn Battuta undertook a northerly riverine journey from Sudkawan to Habang or
Habiganj (in Bangladesh) by a boat along the Blue river (generally identified with the river
Meghna) would strongly suggest that it was located near Chittagong.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

islands Ibn Battuta was sailing and reached Sudkawan via Serendib and Ma'bar

(Coromandel coast). 138 On his return trip he sailed from Sudkawan for Java in a

Chinese junk.1 39 His journey by a Chinese junk is a further pointer to the

connections between the Bengal coast and Chinese harbours via the Malacca

Straits and Southeast Asia. Atisa Dipailkara, whose name is famous for the

spread of Buddhism in Tibet, is known to have visited Suvarnadvipa

(traditionally referring to the maritime Southeast Asia) during the years 1011 to

1023 AD. 14o Atisa took a voyage to Suvarnadvipa by a merchant vessel. This

vessel, after several months' strenuous journey, brought him to that island

(Suvarnadvipa). On his return journey he sailed from Suvarnadvipa to

Tamradvipa (Sri Lanka) and finally to the Bengal coast. 141 These highlights the

maritime routes and linkages between south-eastern Bengal (Samandar/

Sudkawan) and South India, Maldives, Southeast Asian countries and China in

the early medieval times. These ports also played an important role in the inland

riverine communication in coastal Bengal. Ibn Battuta was also aware of an

island near Sudkawan. This island was, according to him, full of merchants

arriving there from distant places. It is likely that this island near Sudkawan is

the same as Sandwip of present times.

138 H.A.R. Gibb (tr.), Ibn Battuta: Travels in Asia and Africa, London: Broadway House, 1929,
p. 246.
139 H.A.R. Gibb (tr.), Ibn Battuta, p. 271.
140 Sarat Chandra Das (tr.), Indian Pandits in the Land of Snow, Calcutta: S.K. Lahiri, 1893, p.
50.
141 Ranabir Chakravarti, Trade and Traders, 181; R.C. Majumdar, History of Ancient Bengal,
p. 585.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

A study of available Chinese evidence and the epigraphic documents strongly

suggests that around 7th century AD Samata!a areat 4Z began to emerge as point

of contact for coastal as well as long-distance voyages in the Bay of Bengal.

Devaparvata was the capital of Samata!a143 and emerged as a lively inland

riverine port of prominence from the second half of the 7th and to the first

quarter of the 1Qth century AD, identified with Mainamati-Lalmai in Comilla

district (Bangladesh).1 44 The Kailan Copperplate of Siidharat).arata (665-75 AD),

the earliest epigraphic evidence of Devaparvata, described that this port was

encircled by the river K~iroda (i.e. modern Khira or Khirnai) and both banks of

which were decorated by boats. Devaparvata is further described as

sarvatobhadra, meaning either it was approachable from all four sides (by

142 The territory to the east of the river Meghna i.e. Noakhali-Comilla area in Bangladesh.
Md. Mosharraf Hossain, Mainamati-Lalmai: Anecdote to History, Dhaka: Dibyaprakash,
2006.
143 So far five successive capitals of Samatata datable from the 6th to the 13th centuries AD
are known. These are 1. Kripura (identified with a small town about 18 km north of
Mainamati in Camilla. Gunaigarh grant stated that Vainyagupta was ruling Samatata from
his capital at Kripura, most probably as an independent local ruler, in 507/508 AD); 2.
Karmanta Vasak (identified with a village in Chauddagram police station, about 23 km
south of Camilla. King Devakhadga was issued two copperplates at his 7th regnal year, i.e., c.
665 AD, found at Ashrafpur village in Camilla, fromjayaskandhaviira Jayakarmantavasaka;
3. Devaparvata; 4. Vasantapura (yet to be identified); and 5. Pagikera - the location of
Pagikera, according to Morrison, was in the Lalmai-Mainamati hills (Camilla district,
Bangladesh), more likely on the eastern side near the northern end of the range.
144 A.B.M. Husain, eta!, Mainamati-Devaparvata, Dhaka: Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, 1997,
pp. 1-75, 93-124, 233-75; Abdul Momin Chowdhury, 'Devaparvata (A Stronghold in
Southern Bengal)', journal of the Varendra Research Museum, Vol-1, 1972, pp. 60-67;
Ranabir Chakravarti, 'Val)gasagara-sambhfu).<;lariya: A Riverine Trade Centre of Early
Medieval Bengal', in Trade and Traders in Early Indian Society, pp. 142-159.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

river?) or it had gates on all four sides (K~irodaya sarvvatobhadrakcid

Devaparvatcit) and there were three naudal}t;iakas or boat parking stations

around it.1 45 The inscription also mentions a villabhatiga (the Bangia word bil,

moss covered with water) which was associated with ni~krcinta pravi~{aka

(facilities for entry and exit of vessels). 146 After a century the Asiatic Society

copperplate ofBhavadeva Abhinavamrgartka (765-80 AD) speaks about the river

K~iroda and adds the epithet jayaska ndhavara (Royal camp) to Devaparvata. 147

This inscription bears much more elaborate description of Devaparvata than the

earlier one (Kailan copperplate) that suggests the importance and prominence

of Devaparvata grew in one century. The Paschimbhag copperplate of

Srichandra (925-75 AD), dated 930 AD,1 4B once again described Devaparvata as

being encircled by the river K~Iroda on which plied numerous boats propelled

by many sailors (navikas). All these leave an image that Devaparvata had a

distinct orientation to riverine communications and its intimate and lively

association with inland riverine network and maritime connection with the Bay

of Bengal till the first quarter of the lOth century AD is beyond doubt.

145 D.C. Sircar, Select Inscriptions, Vol-2, pp. 36-40; 'The Kalian Copperplate Inscription of
King Sridharanarata of Samatata', The Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol-XXIII, 1947, pp. 221-
41.
146 D.C. Sircar, Select Inscriptions, Vol-2, pp. 340,363-77.
147 D.C. Sircar, Select Inscriptions, Vol-2, pp. 744-50.
148 D.C. Sircar, Epigraphic Discoveries in East Pakistan, Culcutta Sanskrit College Research
Series No. LXXVII, Calcutta: Sanskrit College, 1973, pp. 19-40; Kamalakanta Gupta
Chaudhury, 'The Paschimbhag Copperplate of Srichandra', in N.K. Bhattasali
Commemoration Volume, Dacca: Asiatic Society of Pakistan, 1966, pp. 166-99.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond I:~ I

In the second half of the 1Qth century Srichandra issued a charter (Madanpur

copperplate inscription of Srichandra) 149 to record the gift of a plot of land from

the jayaskw:u;iavara of Vikramapura. The land was donated at a place called

Vwigasagara-sambhcu:u;iariyaka in Yolamat:J.~ala (about 24 km to the north-west

of Dhaka, areas around modern Savar). This area, though not situated in a

littoral tract, had an intimate association with the eastern sea through inland

riverine routes. The term Sambhat:u;lariyaka may stand for a place where items

could be stored (bhtiJJtfara) and may have had some functions as a particular

type of trade centre. The name Savar was possibly derived from the Sanskrit

Sambhara, meaning a collection or storage of commercial commodities. The

other word, Valigasagara, may indicate the early medieval name of the eastern

sector of the Indian Ocean, i.e. the Bay of Bengal and Vangopasagara (in

Bangla). 1S0 The compound expression may, therefore, speak of a centre

associated with trade in the Bay of Bengal. Ranabir ChakravartP 51 also examined

some terms, expressions and place-names that written in some copperplate

149 The plate was first edited and partly translated by Basak and was later commented upon
by Sircar. The plate was issued, according to Basak, in the 44 regnal year of Srichandra's
reign, i.e. AD 969, while Sircar dated it to the 46 regnal year, i.e. AD 971. R.G. Basak,
'Madanpur Plate ofSrichandra, Year 46', Epigraphia Indica, Vol-XXVIII, 1949, pp. 51-59; D.C.
Sircar, 'Madanpur Plate of Srichandra, Year 46', Epigraphia Indica, Vol-XXVIII, 1949, pp.
337-339.
150 Ranabir Chakravarti, 'Vangasagara and Other Related Terms: An Examination', in History
and Archaeology of Eastern India, edited by Asok Datta, Delhi: Book and Books, 1999, pp.
254-64.
151 Ranabir Chakravarti, Trade and Traders in Early Indian Society, pp. 144-47, 151-53, 167-
69.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

inscriptionstsz (i.e. nauvarakats 3 - an officer entrusted with the affairs of the

mercantile marine, ardhanauvii{aka 154 - junior officer to the nauvii{aka, prak-

samudratss - the territory up to the sea, Navyavakasikats6 - name of an

administrative centre and its literally meaning 'a new channel', Vmige-navyeiS 7 -

navigability of water courses, NavyamaD<;lala158 - administrative unit, nau-

bandhakasjnauda1Jtf.akas15 9 - parking stations for boats and vessels) and

suggested the existence of the inland riverine ports Navyavakasika at Savar and

Devaparvata at Mainamati-Lalmai in Southeast Bengal. These are also provided

the significant linkages - through riverine routes - between the littorals and the

interior.

152 Ranabir Chakravarti made his comments about inland riverine ports and their
connections with the Bay of Bengal maritime space by analysing the data provided by
Kailan Copperplate of Sridharai)arata (665-75 AD), Asiatic Society Copperplate of
Bhavadeva (765-80 AD), Paschimbhag. Madanpur, and Rampal copperplates of Srichandra
(925-75 AD) and Calcutta Sahitya Parishad Copperplate of Visvarupasena of the 13th
century.
153 R.G. Basak refers the word to the Head of the royal navy, though it is difficult to prove
that the Chandras ever maintained a regular navy. 'Madanpur Plate of Srichandra, Year 46',
Epigraphia Indica, Vol-XXVIII, 1949, pp. SS-56.
154 R.G. Basak, 'Madanpur Plate ofSrichandra, p. 56.
155 D.C. Sircar, Select Inscriptions, Vol-1, pp. 363-67.
156 D.C. Sircar, Select Inscriptions, Vol-1, pp. 367-68.
157 Nani Gopal Majumdar, Inscriptions of Bengal, p. 141.
158 N.G. Majumdar read the name of the ma~t;lala in the Rampal copperplate of Srichandra
as Nanya-mai)<;iala. But B.C. Sen gives the alternative reading Navyamai)<;iala. Nani Gopal
Majumdar, Inscriptions of Bengal, 8; B.C. Sen, Some Historical Aspects of the Inscriptions of
Bengal, Calcutta: University of Calcutta, 1942, p. 144.
159 D.C. Sircar, Select Inscriptions, Vol-1, pp. 344, 366, 369.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond I~$[
When the inland riverine port at Savar first came to notice in the second half of

the 6th century, Tamralipti was the most famous port in 'Bengal'. The gradual

decay of this leading port (Tamralipti) within a century or slightly more has

affected Bengal's seaborne trade and also the conditions of inland riverine ports

like Navyavakasika. The earlier riverine harbor at Devaparvata seems to have

been relegated to a less significant position and from the 9th century AD

onwards Samandar, located near present Chattagram in Bangladesh, started

flourishing as a major harbor in Southeast Bengal. In this way Vailga-Samatata

continued to maritime connections with the Bay of Bengal and the littoral areas

of present Bangladesh in early medieval times through its many rivers.

Because of the deltaic formation land and water are inextricably mixed in

'Bengal'. The extensive network of rivers in 'Bengal' had injected a high degree

of dynamism in the communication facilities of the region. The rivers of 'Bengal'

provided the vital linkages of the deltaic hinterland with the major port(s) on

the coast. Ranabir Chakravarti pointed out correctly that the area of Vailga

continued to maintain connections with the Bay of Bengal and the littoral areas

of Bangladesh in early medieval times through its many rivers. 160 This must have

resulted in the coining of the name Navya to denote a part of Vailga, as seen in

the Calcutta Sahitya Parishad copper plate of the 13th century AD.1 61 The same

160 Ranabir Chakravarti, Trade and Traders, p. 150.

161 Pau~Jdravardhana-bhuktyantahpatf-Vaitge novye. N.G. Majumdar, Inscriptions of Bengal
(Containing Inscriptions of the Candras, the Varmans and the Senas, and Isvaraghosa and
Damodara), Kolkata: Sanskrit Pustak Bhandar, New Edition 2003, p. 146; D.C. Sircar,
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

record speaks of the village of Vinayatilaka (in Navya) which had the sea (i.e.

Bay of Bengal) as its eastern boundary and a channel as its southern limit. 162 The

term 'navya' was used definitely to highlight the navigability of water courses

(rivers, new channels etc) up to the sea.1 63

Turning the attention to the western sector of 'Bengal' we do not come across a

major port like Samandar. But it must also be pointed out that recent

archaeological explorations in the coastal areas of the Medinipur district (West

Bengal) amply bear out a number of early sites not far away from Tamralipti.

Sites like Bahiri, Tilda and Tikasi were well connected in ancient times with

riverine and the sea-borne trade of south-western Bengal. 164 One copperplate

(dated 1196 AD)1 65 issued from a place Dvaraha~aka by Srimad-"Qommanapala,

an independent local ruler in the Sundarban area. Dvaraha~aka stood on the

eastern bank of the river Ganga and emerged as a small riverine outlet. We can

be explained the name Dvaraha~aka as a ha{aka or h{{aka (local level trade

'Vangiya Sahitya Pari sad Plates of Visvarupasena', journal of the Asiatic Society, Letters, Vol-
XX, 1954, pp. 201-8.
162 Navye Vinayatilakagrame piirvve samudrasfma and dakshil;e pra1Jullfbhiih sima. N.G.
Majumdar, Inscriptions of Bengal, 146; D.C. Sircar, 'Vangiya Sahitya Parisad Plates of
Visvarupasena', 201-8.
163 Ranabir Chakravarti, Trade and Traders, p. 150.
164 The riverine contacts and access to the sea may underline their significance as
supporting or feeder ports. Gautam Sengupta, 'Archaeology of Coastal Bengal', in Tradition
and Archaeology: Early Maritime Contacts in the Indian Ocean, eds. by H.P. Ray and Jean-
Francais, New Delhi: Manohar, 1996, pp. 113-28.
165 The plate was discovered from Rakshasakhadi in the 24 Parganas (South) district of
West Bengal. It is located at the confluence of the Ganga and the Bay of Bengal. D.C. Sircar,
Epigraphia Indica, Vol-30, pp. 43-45.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

centre) located at the dvara or gate. Ranabir Chakravarti assumed that

'Dvarahataka was another local level trade centre with facilities of inland

riverine movements and also linked to an opening to the sea'.166 It should also be

noted here the emergence of chaturakas in 'Bengal' during the last phase of the

Sena rule. 167 Chaturakas appear to have been neither a village, nor a full-fledged

urban centre. 168 These were often located at the convergence of riverine and

overland routes and functioned as a nodal point. A case in point is Beta44a-

chaturaka (mentioned in the Govindapur copperplate of Lak~mal).asena, 1179-

1206 AD 169 ) which had the Ganga as its eastern landmark or boundary (piirve

]ahnavl). This is the same as Betor in the Howrah district and the Portuguese

accounts of 16th century highlighted the importance of this Betor for providing

the crucial riverine connection up to the famous port of Saptagram.1 70 As

Portuguese large ships could not sail upstream through the river Saraswati to

reach the port of Saptagram, they anchored near Betor from where inland

riverine vessels travelled to Saptagram, the port piccolo of the Portuguese. The

166 Ranabir Chakravarti, 'Between Villages and Cities: Linkages of Trade in India', in
Explorations in the History of South Asia: Essays in Honour of Dietmar Rothermund, edited by
G. Berkemer, Hermann Kulke, Tilman Frasch, and Jurgen Lutt, Delhi: Manohar, 2001, p. 109.
167 An unknown type of settlement began to appear in the late Sena records of the late 12th
and early 13th century. This is chaturaka.
168 So far four such chaturakas figure in Sena records. These are Beta<;i~-chaturaka, Ura-
chaturaka, Nava-sa111graha-chaturaka and LauhaJ:i<:la-chaturaka.
169 Lak~mat:tasena issued this copperplate at his Znd regnal year, i.e., AD 1181. N.G.
Majumdar, Inscriptions of Bengal (Containing Inscriptions of the Candras, the Varmans and
the Senas, and lsvaraghosa and Damodara), Kolkata: Sanskrit Pustak Bhandar, New Edition
2003, p. 97.
1 70 Ranabir Chakravarti, 'Between Villages and Cities', pp. 109-10.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

particular significance of Beta~~a-chaturaka is as a linkage in the inland riverine

network in the western part of the Bengal delta.

Before summing up we should be pointed out about the influence of the

monsoon wind system (June-September: south-west monsoon;

October/November-March/ April: north-east monsoon)1 71 which must have

deeply influenced on the movements of the ship and some times even the

directions of the routes. By analysing the existing literary sources Shahnaj

Husne Jahan suggested some favourable periods for transoceanic voyages across

the Bay of Bengal: (a) From Sri Lanka and Coromandal Coast to 'Bengal' and

Southeast Asia: the inter-monsoon period between the south-west and north-

east monsoons (August-September); (b) From 'Bengal' and Southeast Asia to Sri

Lanka and Coromandal Coast: north-east monsoon (November-February) and

the inter-monsoon period (March-April); and (c) From 'Bengal' to the southeast:

the north-ea~t momoon (Decembt!r•F@bru:uy) :md thg following intermeaiary

period (March-April).172 On~ can easily get thi5 knowledge of the monsoon

winds in early Bengal by analysing the voyages information provided by

Ptolemy's account, Periplus and the accounts of Fa-Hsien, Hsuan Tsang and 1-

tsing. 173

m Ranabir Chakravarti, Trade and Traders in early Indian Society, p. 128.

m Shahnaj Husne Jahan, Excavating Waves and Winds of(Ex)change, pp. 145-160.
17 3 Himansuu Bhusan Sarkar, Trade and Commercial Activities of Southern India in the
Malayo-lndonesian World (up to 1511}, Calcutta: Firma K.L. Mukhopadyaya, 1986, pp. 305-
10; Ranabir Chakravarti, Trade and Traders in Early Indian Society, pp. 122-29.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

Now we may sum up by noting that the above mentioned maritime contact

routes connected 'Bengal' with a number of overland and over-sea destinations

during our time frame till 13th century AD. The importance of the maritime

routes of early Bengal for maritime voyages along the eastern seaboard and also

with maritime Southeast Asia is enormous. Tamralipti, the port par excellence,

played an important role in the early maritime route networks. Then Samatat:a

was gradually making its presence felt, in the communication networks, since

the 7th century AD. The decline of Tamralipti immensely enhanced the

importance of the Samata!a/Harikela in the eastern maritime space. From the 8th

century AD onwards the major area of seaborne contacts between 'Bengal' and

other countries in the Indian Ocean became Samatat:a/Harikela where

SamandarjSudkawan (near Chittagong in Bangladesh) emerged as a great port

and played a vital part in the eastern seaboard maritime networks.

These above mentioned contact networks had played a pivotal role in the trade

and consequent cultural contacts and exchanges in early times between 'Bengal'

and lands beyond particularly Southeast Asia.

III

Trade and Cultural Interactions between 'Bengal' and Southeast Asia:

Without entering into theoretical scepticism and passionate academic debate as

to who influenced whom, and to what extent, it can be stated without incurring

historical fallacy that India had definite contacts and communications with
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond I !,f I
Southeast Asia since the antiquity. And, we posit here that 'Bengal' was the

'strongest' part in this entire chain of contacts and communications that brought

two geographically distant lands in close association. Bengal's own distinct

geographical situation and the geo-physically determined overland and sea

routes made her one of the important gateways of the extensive contacts and

communications between Indian sub-continent and Southeast Asia.t 74 Hence,

due recognition needs to be paid to 'Bengal' for these contacts and

communications in early days on the basis of whose empirical evidence, the

entire counter-hegemonic academic discourse of 'Greater India' 17S and

'Indianisation' 176 developed as a landmark in Indian Historiography. However, it

is now considered to be beyond any doubts that 'Bengal' and Southeast Asia had

intimate trade and consequent cultural contacts. Modified and moderated

174 South India was another important gateway between India and maritime Southeast Asia.
It is difficult task to prove that whose influences, 'Bengal' or 'South India', were deeper on
the cultural sphere of the Southeast Asian countries and archipelago.
11s R.C. Majumdar, India and Southeast Asia, New Delhi: B.R. Publishing, 1979, Chapter 1, pp.
1-15; 'Ancient Indian Colonization in Southeast Asia', The Maharaja Sayajirao Gaekwad
Honorarium Lecture 1953-54, Baroda: Oriental Institute, 1963 (2nd Edition); Hindu Colonies
in the Far East, Calcutta: Firma K.L. Mukhopadhyay, Agents, 1963 (2nd Revised and Enlarged
Edition).
176 G. Coedes, "Indianisation must be understood essentially as the expansion of an
organised culture that was founded upon the Indian conception of royalty, was
characterised by Hinduist or Buddhist cults, the mythology of the Purli~s and the
observance of the Dharmaslistras, and expressed itself in the Sanskrit language. It is for this
reason that we sometimes speak of 'Sanskritisation' instead of 'Indianisation'." G. Coedes,
The lndianised States of Southeast Asia, Honolulu: East West Center Press, 1968, pp. 15-16;
The Making of Southeast Asia, London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1966; H.G. Quaritch Wales,
The lndianization of China and of Southeast Asia, London: Bernard Quaritch, Ltd., 1967.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond l.;fl' I
sometimes by Bengal's own regional 'personality' 177, different cultural and

religious elements of Indian sub-continent as a whole, as well as her own

individual styles of art and architecture went to Southeast Asian countries. The

Bay of Bengal, monsoonal wind, climate and agriculture had made this contact

easy and meaningful,17B

The question of contacts and communications between 'Bengal' and Southeast

Asia is widely linked to the broader question of the contacts between India and

Southeast Asia. The entire question of the contacts and communications

between India and Southeast Asia is of immense magnitude and importance. Not

only does it bear a preponderant academic weight, but this entire issue has an

immense emotive appeal to the Indian historians, especially the 'nationalist'

historians: the elating pride and glory associated with the entire notion of

'Greater India' which is an outcome of the intense researches on the extensive

contacts and communications between India and Southeast Asia since ancient

antiquities, and the subsequent passionate soul-searching. The intimate

commercial, cultural and political liaison between India and Southeast Asia is

enduring. Numerous epigraphic and literary sources authenticate this close

bond since early days. However, this entire matter reserves greater relevance

177 Ahmad Hasan Dani, 'Individuality of Bengal Art',journal of Bengal Art, Vol-2, 1997, pp. 9-
16; Abdul Momin Chowdhury, 'Aspects of Ancient Bengal Society and Socio-religious
Attitude: Tradition and Continuity', Dhaka University Studies, Vol-XXXVII, December, 1982,
pp. 148-160.
178 Abdul Momin Chowdhury, 'Bengal and Southeast Asia: Trade and Cultural Contact in the
Ancient Period', Ancient Trades and Cultural Contacts in Southeast Asia, Bangkok, Thailand:
The Office of the National Culture Commission, 1996, p. 95.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

due to the entire academic debate concerning 'Greater India' or 'Farther

India' 179• This contentious issue of 'lndianisation' of Southeast Asia is an

epiphenomenon of the intimate contacts and communications with the distant

lands of Southeast Asia needs to be contextualised against the backdrop of the

colonial construction of the theory of 'splendid isolation' which posited India as

an uncivilised land of savagery, steeped into bottomless abyss of ignorance,

where the first elements of civilisation were implanted by the British

themselves. Thus, colonial mission of civilising India became a 'white man's

burden'. Against this backdrop, the construction of the notion of 'Greater India'

by the Indian intelligentsia can be considered as an earnest attempt at

deconstructing this colonial myth. This trend, which, following Antonio

Gramsci's terminology and notion (particularly the theory of cultural

hegemony) 180, can be considered as an intellectual counter-hegemony, originally

and conceptually aimed at deconstruction of the colonial myth and stereotypes

which had hitherto sustained the British 'illusion of permanence' of their

continued hegemony over Indian psyche and intellect. Thus, the destructive

force of malign, exploitative political imperialism was juxtaposed against a

constructive force of benign, creative cultural imperialism. Thus, Eurocentricism

begot its theoretical and conceptual adversary and counter-notion,

Indocentricism. The megalomaniac notion of Pax Britannica came under

179 G. Coedes, The Indianised States of Southeast Asia, Honolulu: East West Center Press,
1968, pp. xv-xxi.
180 Joseph A. Buttigieg (ed.), Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci, New York: Columbia
University Press, 1992, pp. 233-238.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

intellectual attack of the concept of a counter-hegemonic Pax Indiana. The

original aim and purpose of the construction of this conceptual and intellectual

counter-hegemony was to debunk the British complacence that military and

political subversion sufficed to sustain the colonial hegemony in India. Against

this, was being illustrated how the cultural colonisation of India in Southeast

Asia has been perpetual with its enduring cultural legacies.

These notions of 'Indianisation' or 'Brahmanization' 181 of Southeast Asia which

pompously boast of India's 'cultural imperialism' in the antiquities have implicit

overtures of cultural chauvinism of the Indian 'nationalist' intelligentsia.

However, though this academic exaggeration, (which tends to downplay the

process of syncretism giving overdue credence to superimposition of Indian

culture over the local culture of Southeast Asia, ignoring the local individuality)

should be debunked, it should also simultaneously be established that India

definitely had intimate commercial, and then subsequent cultural contacts with

the mainland and archipelago of Southeast Asia. These extensive contacts and

communications, in reality, aided and facilitated cultural syncretism between

1s1 Indianization was viewed as 'Brahmanization' by the advocates of this hypothesis

(representatives: F. O.K. Bosch, J.C. van Leur). On the basis of the German book (Geschichte
lndiens: von der lnduskultur bis heute, Munchen: C.H. Beck, 1998, pp. 195-206) written by
Hermann Kulke and Dietmar Rothermond, Lukas stated that it (Brahmanization) is
believed to have been executed mainly by Brahmans and to have been operated on the
initiative of the Southeast Asian courts. D.G.E. Hall, A History of South-East Asia, London:
The Macmilan Press Ltd., 1976 (3rd edition), pp. 12-20; Helmut Lukas, 'Theories of
Indianization: Exemplified by Selected Case Studies from Indonesia (Insular Southeast
Asia)', Sanskrit in Southeast Asia: The Harmonizing Factor of Cultures, Bangkok: Sanskrit
Studies Centre of Silpakorn University, 2003, pp. 82-83.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

two regions, rather than a vertical superimposition of one over the other. And

Bengal played a pivotal role in establishing and enduring these contacts,

catalysing the eventual cultural syncretism.

Because of the geographically strategic location 'Bengal' had played an

important role as the gateway of contacts and communications between India

and Southeast Asia. Niharranjan Ray terms 'Bengal' as iisamudrahimiichala

(lying between the Himalayas and the sea) land and gives a very fascinating

description about Bengal's geographical location. 1B2 Scholars consider 'Bengal'

as a 'region' with 'identical' geo-features. 'Bengal', the largest delta in the world,

is located at the eastern part of the South Asian sub-continent. Surrounded on

the north, west and east by disconnected mountains or hill systems, thick forests

and on the south by the sea, 'Bengal' can be termed as 'frontier zone'.1 83 Some of

its 'unique' geographical features are old and new alluvial land, many rivers and

their tributaries, 'open-door' in the south constituted by the Bay of Bengal,

1B2 The Himalayas surrounding Nepal, Sikim and Bhutan in the north; the Brahmaputra
river and valley in the north-east; the northern parallel plain land of Bhagirathi in the
north-west till Darbanga; Garo-Khasia-Jayantia-Tripura-Chittagong hilly tracts in east
extending upto the sea in the south; the mountainous highland and forest-laden plateau of
Rajmahal-Santhal districts-Chhota Nagpur-Manbhum-Dhalbhum-Keonjar-Mayurbhanj in
the west; and the Bay of Bengal in the south. Gau<;i-Put:~dra-Varendra-Ra<;ih-Sumha­

Tamralipti-Samata~a-Vaiiga-Vaiigala-Harikela- the janapadas; the villages, hills, fields, arid

lands, dense and inaccessible forests drenched by Bhagirathi-Karotoya-Brahmaputra-
Meghna-Padma of ancient Bengal are situated within the aforementioned physically
bounded land. This physically-bounded land is the historic cradle of the multiple activities
of the Bengalis. Niharranjan Ray, Bangalir Itihas Adiparva, in Bangia, Kolkata: Dej
Publishing, Enlarged 2nd Edition, 1402 BS, pp. 70-71.
1 B3 Richard M. Eaton, The Rise of/slam and the Bengal Frontier 1204-1760, New Delhi, 1994
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond I,~ j

distinct climatic conditions and rainy season. With these geophysical features a

regional'personality' developed in Bengal with an individuality of its own, and it

bears the definite stamp of this deltaic land.

On the other hand, the region roughly East of India and South of China (but

excluding Australia and the Pacific Islands) has been called Southeast Asia, the

separate entity and distinct in many ways from rest of Asia. It is a transitional

area between East Asia and South Asia and is sometimes called as the 'Tropical

Far Easf.1B4 In the context of geographical framework Bengal and Southeast Asia

have some close resemblances, especially both regions are under the influence

of same monsoonal wind system. Thus, scholars have found justification in

grouping together the wet countries of 'Monsoon Asia' as opposed to arid and

dry Western and Central Asia. 1B5 Bengal has Jot of common traits with Southeast

Asia: rice and fish is the staple diet, chewing of betel nut and betel-leaf is

common, and there are similarities in the way many tropical articles, such as

bamboo, are used. The multitude of rivers in Bengal afforded easy

communication with in the region and Bengal's location on the Bay of Bengal

offered her the opportunity of participating in sea-borne trade and commerce

and consequent cultural contacts with Southeast Asian countries and

184 R.C. Tiwari, 'Geography of Southeast Asia', in History of Science, Philosophy and Culture in
Indian Civilization, Vol-1, Part-3 (India's Interaction with Southeast Asia), chapter 7, eds.
G.C. Pande, Centre for Studies in Civilization, Munshiram Manoharlal Publisher, New Delhi,
2006, pp. 17-33.
185 A.L. Basham, The Civilizations of Monsoon Asia, New Delhi, 197 4, pp. 8-10.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

archipelago. 1B6 'Bengal' is situated in a 'transition zone' between Southwest and

Southeast Asia. Enjoying this geographical situation, 'Bengal' commanded trade

and consequent cultural activities with Southeast Asia from the beginning of the

Christian era, if not earlier, both by overland and over-sea.1B7 The trade and

cultural contacts and communications were carried out through the overland

and maritime contact routes, as we have already discussed, between Bengal and

the lands of the East and Southeast Asian countries and archipelago.

One of the earliest products/items that involved in the maritime voyages

between these two regions was the Rouletted Ware (RW). 18 B The discovery of

RW from Tra-Kieu in eastern Vietnam, Sambrian and Buni grave complex sites in

Indonesia, Bukit Tengku Lembu and Chansen in Thailand, Kuala Selingsing

Perak in Vietnam etc. is very significant in the context of recent findings by

Gogte 189 and he concludes that RW in questions were produced in 'Bengal'

186 Ranabir Chakravarti, Trade and Traders in Earlyy Indian Society, pp. 113-141; Asok
Datta, 'Bengal and Southeast Asia- Early Trade and Cultural Contacts, journal of Bengal Art,
Vol-4, 1999, pp. 49-60.
187 Ian C. Glover, 'The Southern Silk Road: Archaeological Evidence for Early Trade Between
India and Southeast Asia', Ancient Trades and Cultural Contacts in Southeast Asia, Bangkok,
Thailand: The Office of the National Culture Commission, 1996, pp. 57-8.
188 H.P. Ray, 'The Archaeology of Bengal: Trading Networks, Cultural Identities', journal of
the Economic and Social History of the Orient UESHO), 49.1, Leiden, 2006, pp. 79-81. On the
basis of the recent excavation report (France-Bangladesh joint Venture Excavations at
Mahasthangarh: First Interim Report 1993-1999, edited by M. Shafiqul Alam and J.F. Salles,
Dhaka: Department of Archaeology, Bangladesh, 2001) Ray claimed that Mahasthan was
also the production centre of RW.
189 Vishwas D. Gogte, 'The Chandraketugarh-Tamluk Region of Bengal: Source of the Early
Historic Rouletted Ware from India and Southeast Asia', Man and Environment Oournal of
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

(particularly in Chandraketugarh-Tamluk and Mahasthan) and were distributed

(or exported?) to the island and mainland Southeast Asia along with other trade

commodities/items. Other products involved in the trade activities, exports and

imports, were grains, textile products, spices of diverse types, aloes wood,

sandalwood, swords, cowry-shells, precious metals and horses. Of these the

'Gangetic muslin', spices and horses must have been precious commodities.

Grains and muslins were the essential commodities by seaborne voyages from

'Bengal' and exported as local products, but the horses and aloes-wood appears

to have been shipped to Southeast Asia and the lands beyond as an item of

transit trade.1 90 We have already mentioned the transactions and transshipment

of all these trade items in the previous chapter and the first section of this

chapter.

In searching the cultural tie between Bengal and Thailand, Haroun-Er-Rashid

says: "The distribution of Neolithic chopping tools leads us to believe that the

eastern part of the subcontinent was culturally affected by south-east Asia,

possibly as early as 5000 B.C. The spread of the plough, domesticated water

buffalo, domestic fowl and many other types of cultivated plants are related

events, indicating close cultural interactions between eastern Indian

subcontinent and south-east Asia". 191 Abdul Momin Chowdhury, regarding the

the Indian Society for Prehistoric and Quaternary Studies), Vol-XXII, No-1, january-june
1997, pp. 78-83.
190 Ranabir Chakravarti, Trade and Traders in early Indian Society, pp. 118-21, 173-77;
'Early Medieval Bengal and the Trade in Horses: A Note',]ESHO, 42.2, Leiden, 1999, pp. 194-
211; Kamrunnesa Islam, Aspects of Economic History of Bengal, pp. 142-153.
191 Haroun-Er-Rashid, Ancient Association, pp. 25-26.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond ].~ I
trade and cultural contacts between 'Bengal' and Southeast Asia, comments that

it is conjecturable from the scattered sources Bengal had a definite trade and

cultural contacts with the mainland and archipelago of Southeast Asia and this

closer intimacy had inextricably bound these two regions together.1 92 On the

basis of this intimacy and reciprocal contacts, Niharranjan Ray hypothesises that

the religious and cultural ethos of 'Bengal', together with those other parts of

India, gradually spread over other regions (mainland and maritime Southeast

Asian countries) on the basis of trade contacts. Territorial expansion follow the

same way in other lands - initially upon the arrival of the merchants, that's of

religion and priests follow soon, much to the need of the merchants themselves.

Finally the military and cultural influences inevitably succeed this following

through the historical sacrosanct process or rules. 193 Some elements have made

the trade and cultural intimacy between eastern region of India or 'Bengal' and

Southeast Asia very firm - the affinities of climate, agriculture, and monsoonal

wind made this firmness 'easy' and 'meaningful'. These also have ensured the

cultural proximity of these two regions.1 94 That is why the 'rice culture' is seen in

the countries of Southeast Asia and 'Bengal'. Apart from this, however, some

dissimilarity can also be identified between north-west India and Bengal and

Southeast Asia. It is no doubt that these are primarily conditioned on climate: in

192 Abdul Momin Chowdhury, 'Bengal and Southeast Asia', pp. 95-96.
193 Niharranjan Ray, History of the Bengali People, pp. 121-22.
194 At the heart of this cultural proximity lies rice. The genesis of the civilisation based on
rice is possibly in the hilly region of north-east. Many have identified Darjeeling-Sikkim
region as the starting point of such civilisation. See Harun-Er-Rashid, 'Ancient Association',
journal of the Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, Vol-XIX, No.3, 1974, p. 25.
 /)"' '>-:,·,·}·:~.}
Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond ,~"~,,
=1? "~]iff~,'!· c

Bengal rules the 'wet culture' while in northwest India predominant is 'dry

culture', former is the cradle of 'rice civilisation' while the latter embodies

'wheat and barley civilisation'.

There are a few epigraphic documents that clearly established the role of

'Bengal' in the commercial and religio-cultural activities in the Southeast Asia.

'Bengal' even linked up with some parts of Southeast Asia because of some

similarities in the scripts.1 95 With the help of three structural tables, Harun-Er-

Rashid1 96 has illustrated the similarities that Thai scripts bear with that of

Bengali script during its evolutionary stage. From this he has concluded that

Brahmi script prevalent in 'Bengal' during the Gupta age had profound impact

on other contemporary and customary scripts in Southeast Asia. In addition, he

also points out the similarities in pronunciation between Thai alphabets on one

hand, and the Bangia alphabets on the other197.

It appears from one later period inscription, the Kalyani inscription (1478

AD)1 98, that the settlement in Suva~abhumi (Lower Myanmar) was apparently

195 For the development of the Bangia script in early times see Amitabha Bhattacharyya,
'Some Aspects of the Development of Bengali Script', journal of Ancient Indian History, Vol-
XIX, Parts 1-2,1989-90, pp. 97-110.
196 Harun-Er-Rashid, 'Ancient Association', pp. 36-38.
197 Haroun-er-Rashid, Ibid., p. 38.
19B In Myanmar there are many stone inscriptions in Mon, Pyu, Burmese and Pali. Kalyani
Inscription was written in Pali and Mon. It was erected by king Dhammaceti of
Ramasnnadesa in 1478 AD on the ten sand stones of which three are in Pali and the last are
in Mon. The main purpose of this Kalyani inscription was to record the execution of king
Dhammaceti's sasana purification though it partly dealt with history of Buddhism in Sri
Lanka, India and Myanmar.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

colonized by the people from 'Bengal', the Golas (Gau~as). Their name has

become the Mon and the 'Burmese' appellation for all foreigners from the

west. 199 Two Sanskrit inscriptions found in Cambodia (Phnom Penh Stone

Inscription of Bhavavarmal)a, dated 639 AD and Prah That Kvan Pir Inscription

of Pu~kara, dated 716 AD)Zoo exhibit so completely all the peculiarities of the

Gau<;ia style that G. Coedes expressed the view that the records were composed

by a Pa!Jdit who either belonged to 'Bengal' or was trained there. 20 1 Another

Sanskrit inscription comes from the Northern part of Province Wellesly in Malay

Peninsula written in a 5th century script proves maritime voyages and close

association of 'Bengal' with Southeast Asia.zoz One of the best instances of

Bengal's cultural relations with Southeast Asia during the early medieval times

is seen in the request from the Sailendra ruler of Java and Sumatra,

Balaputadeva, to the Pala emperor Devapala (AD 821-61) to grant some land in

favour of a Buddhist monastery at Nalanda. The request was upheld by Devapala

199 Taw Sein Ko, 'Some Remarks on the Kalyani Inscriptions', Indian Antiquary, Vol-23,
1894, pp. 256-57; R.C. Majumdar, History of Ancient Bengal, p. 582.
200 Radhavallabh Tripathi, 'Southeast Asia Through Epigraphical Records in Sanskrit',
Sanskrit in Southeast Asia: The Harmonizing Factor of Cultures, Bangkok: Sanskrit Studies
Centre of Silpakorn University, 2003, p. 272.
201 R.C. Majumdar, History of Ancient Bengal, p. 582; G. Coedes, Indianized States of
Southeast Asia, p. 30.
202 Amitabha Bhattacharyya, Historical Geography of Bengal, p. 10; Abdul Momin
Chowdhury, 'Bengal and Southeast Asia', p. 100; G. Coedes, lndianized States of Southeast
Asia, p. 51.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond I'*tl
by granting five villages for maintaining the monastery2° 3 and this shows the

close connection between these two regions.

Evidence of an earlier connection of a Sailendra king with Bengal is provided by

an inscription (782 AD) found at Kelurak. 204 Mention has been made here of a

king DharaQindrazos belonging to Sailendra dynasty. His preceptor, named as

Kumaragho~a, is said to have come from Gau~i Dvipa (Gau~ade~a or 'Bengal'?)

and installed an image of goddess MafijusrL 206 Mafijusri is a synthesis of the

three Buddhist jewels (Triratna) and the Brahmanic trinity (Trimurti) and all

the gods. This popularization of the Mahayana Buddhism in Southeast Asia is in

all probability an extension of the Buddhist school which gained ground in

Eastern India ('Bengal' and Bihar) more or less at the same time. The close

connection with Nalanda facilitated the diffusion. 207 The discovery of images and

sanctuaries of various manifestations of the Bodhisathvas in Myanmar, in Malay

Peninsula (Ligor), in Java (Kalasan, Kelurak) and in Cambodia (Prasat Ta Kearn)

prove that Mahayana Buddhism gained grounds in Southeast Asia in the last

203 Ranabir Chakravarti, Trade and Traders in Early Indian Society, p. 181; R.C Majumdar,
Ancient Indian Colonization, pp. 40-43; History ofAncient Bengal, p. 582.
20 4 Kelurak is situated to the north of the Lora Jomggrang temple at Prambanan in the
Jogyakarta district of Central Java.
2os G. Coedes mentioned the name of the king as Sangramadhananjaya. R.C. Majumdar and
Abdul Momin Chowdhury also mentioned the same. But recently Radhavallabh Tripathi
read the name as Dharar:tindra.
2° 6 Radhavallabh Tripathi, 'Southeast Asia Through Epigraphical Records in Sanskrit',
Sanskrit in Southeast Asia: The Harmonizing Factor of Cultures, Bangkok: Sanskrit Studies
Centre of Silpakorn University, 2003, p. 272.
2o1 Abdul Momin Chowdhury, 'Bengal and Southeast Asia', pp. 101-02.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

quarter of 8th and early 9th centuries AD probably under the influence of Pala

dynasty and the teachers of the university of Nalanda.zoa Two Buddhist texts in

Java Sang hyang Ka mahayanikan and Kamahayanan Mantranaya, contain

exposition of the Mahayana form transcending to Tantrayana or Vajrayana.2° 9

Similar was the case in 'Bengal'. It is quite natural that the initial epicentre of

Buddhist culture, 'Bengal', had played a significant role in the expansion of

Buddhism and Buddhist culture towards the east. Buddhism imbibed adoration

of images in 'Bengal', most probably due to the influence of Bengal's distinct

regional 'personality' and 'individuality'. Though fundamentally, it was a direct

rejection of beliefs and practices that the Buddha himself had preached his

original creed. Debiprasad Chattopadhyaya comment that Buddhism 'almost

completely surrendered precisely to those beliefs and practices, as a direct

rejection of which the Buddha himself had preached his original creed ... being

an elaborate worship of all sorts of gods and goddesses of popular pantheon'.ZlO

This transformation has been termed as 'mystic forms generally referred to as

Vajrayana and Tantrayana or Sahajayana and Kalachakrayana'. 211 According to

2os G. Coedes, Indianized States of Southeast Asia, pp. 89-96; Niharranjan Ray, Sanskrit
Buddhism in Burma, Amsterdam: H.J. Paris, 1936, p. 100; Abdul Momin Chowdhury, 'Bengal
and Southeast Asia', p. 103.
209 Gopinath Mohapatra, 'Migration of Buddhism to Southeast Asia', Sanskrit in Southeast
Asia: The Harmonizing Factor of Culture, Bangkok: Sanskrit Studies Centre, Silpakorn
University, 2003, pp. 64-75; R.C. Majumdar, India and Southeast Asia, New Delhi: B.R.
Publishing, 1979, pp. 192-99.
21o Debiprasad Chattopadhyaya in Lama Chimpaand A. Chattopadhyaya (tr.), Taranatha's
History of Buddhism in India, Simla: Indian Institute of Advanced Study, 1970, Vol-XII-XIII.
211 R.C. Majumdar, History ofAncient Bengal, p. 527.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

Abdul Momin Chowdhury these broad similarities in the fate of Buddhism may

not indicate anything positive, but may be taken to be suggestive of Eastern flow

of Buddhist thought and practices from 'Bengal' to Southeast Asia.z12

In this way Buddhism spread to some parts of Southeast Asian countries and

archipelago after being modified in 'Bengal' through the overland and maritime

routes. Many Buddhist scholars during this time went to }ave and influenced the

transformed Buddhism. It is on record that eminent Buddhist scholars like

AtiSadipailkara of 'Bengal' (11th century AD), who was a teacher of Nalanda,

visited Suvan:tadvipa to teach Mahayana school of Buddhism. 213 As a result the

Mahayanist gods became popular and made their appearance in Java like

Adibuddha, Prajfiaparamita, Bodhisattvas, Taras and Avalokitesvara etc.Z 14

The cultural expansion from 'Bengal' to Southeast Asia has been most

prominently and explicitly discerned in different spheres of art and

architecture.z 1s Scholars have noted in examples of subsequent periods

influences of Gupta art, then of Pala and Sena art of 'Benga}'Z16 as well as the

212 Abdul Momin Chowdhury, 'Bengal and Southeast Asia', p. 103.

213 R.C. Majumdar, Suvar7Jadvipa, Vol-2, Dacca: University of Dacca, 1938, p. 117; Sarat
Chandra Das, Indian Pandits in the Land of Snow, Calcutta: Firma K.L. Mukhopadhyay, 1965
(first published in 1893, Calcutta: Baptist Mission Press), p. SO.
214 Gopinath Mohapatra, 'Migration of Buddhism to Southeast Asia', p. 71.
21s Kalipada Lahiri, 'Prachin Banglar Gaurab', Bharatbarsha, in Bangia, 49th year, Vol. 2, No.I,
1368 BS, p. 307.
2 16 R.D. Banerjee, 'Eastern Indian School of Medieval Sculpture', AS/: New Imperial Series,
Vol-XLVII, Delhi, 1933. B. Sahai and J.C. French, The Art of the Pal Empire of Bengal, New
Delhi: Ramanand Vidya Bhawan, 1983; S.K. Saraswati, Early Sculpture of Bengal, Calcutta:
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

influence of Orissa on the images of Myanmar, Thailand and Java. The

development of bronze technique of Nalanda, most of which belong to the Pala

school of art, had definite influence on ancient Javanese art.Z17 It may be true

that the Hindu-Javanese bronzes in general have not developed from Pala art,

but Pala images have enriched the art of Java with a number of motifs and types.

There is much similarity in the composition and in the dress of these two kinds

of images. Most probably, the Javanese casters knew Pala representations and

took them as their model,ZlB

The earliest evidence of artistic influence from eastern India or 'Bengal' dates

back to the 4th century AD, on the basis of two bronze statues, one found at

Phong Tuk in the Chao Phraya valley and the other near Khorat in north-east

Thailand. The Phong Tuk statue at first considered belonging to the Amaravati

school by A. Foucher, but later it was classed by A.B. Griswold as a copy of a Pala

sculpture. 219 We can even mention here that the famous Buddha statue of Dong-

duong (near DaNang, Vietnam) was re-classified by Coedes 220 as Gupta art

rather than that of Amaravati. Gupta art is essentially a product of the Gangetic

valley. The source of Gupta influence in some parts of Southeast Asia must have

Sambodhi Publications, 1962; Kalipada Lahiri, 'Pracheen Banglar Gaurab', in Bangia,

Bharatvarsha, 49th Year, Vol-2, No-1, 1368 BS.
2 17 A.J. Bernet Kempers, The Bronzes of Nalanda and Hindu-javanese Art, Leiden: Late E.J.
Brill Ltd., 1933, p. 77.
21a Kempers, The Bronzes ofNalanda, pp. 72-77.
219 On the basis of the two books written by Foucher (L'Art Greco-bouddhique du Gandhiira)
and D. Rajanubhab (Monuments of the Buddha in Siam) Haroun er Rashid made this
comment. 'Ancient Association between Bengal and Thailand', p. 30.
22o G. Coedes, Jndianized States of Southeast Asia, p. 18.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

been essentially from the Gangetic valley through the ports of 'Bengal' and

Orissa. 221

It is quite likely that Buddhist monks and travelers from Southeast Asian

countries to Nalanda and some other famous Buddhist places in 'Bengal' carried

PiHa small bronze images and thus the art style and designs of 'Bengal' became

popular in Java, Sumatra and Myanmar. 222 A collection of bronze sculptures from

Mainamati-Chittagong area of Bangladesh, the Jhewary collection, attracts

scholars' special attention. 223 These are assigned to post-Gupta, but pre-Pa.la

period and proved the existence of a local centre of Buddist art in southeastern

Bengal.22 4 Two recent works are addressed specifically to the Jhewari figure -

one is an exhaustive iconography study,zzs the other an analysis of stylistic

221 Sri Lanka (Ceylon) seems to have been an important source of Gupta-like art. The ports
of western India may also have been responsible for some Gupta influence. Le May
observed 'if colonists could and did come from India in the days of Amaravati, then there is
no reason why their successors should not follow them in the times of the Gupta emperors,
though possibly from the port of Tamralipti'. R. LeMay, A Concise History of Buddhist Art in
Siam, Tokyo: Charles E. Turtle,1963, p. 24.
222 A.K.M. Shamsul Alam, Sculptural Art of Bangladesh, Dhaka: Dept. of Archaeology and
Museums of Bangladesh, 1985, p. 35.
223 The discovery of a hoard of 66 metal figures from Jhewary village in 1927, however,
necessitated a re-consideration of import-imitation hypothesis. Slowly, but steadily, art
historical studies have come to accept the importance of Jhewari bronzes in the domain of
early medieval art of Eastern India.
224 Gautam Sengupta, 'Art of Southeastern Bengal: An Overview', journal of Ancient Indian
History, Vol-XIX, Parts 1-2, 1989-90, pp. 127-29.
22s Debala Mitra, Bronzes from Bangladesh - A Study of Buddhist Images from District
Chittagong, New Delhi: Agam Kala Prakashan, 1982.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond ~-~ I
features 226 of Jhewari Buddhas. Shamsul Alam and Abdul Momin Chowdhury

claimed that this distinct style of art formed a valuable link with some parts of

Southeast Asia particularly with its migration to Myanmar22 7 and exerted strong

artistic influence on the art of some part of the region (Southern Thailand, Java

and Myanmar) because of the geographical proximity. A bronze Vishnu from an

unspecified site of Java now preserved in the Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde,

Leiden, The Netherlands, Susan L. Huntingtonzza suggests that it was brought to

Java at an early date to serve as a model for Javanese artists. She has argued in

favour of its south eastern Bengal origin.

We may delineate a few points of influence regarding the architectural style,

ground plan and design which clearly shows the close association of 'Bengal'

with some parts of Southeast Asia, more specifically Myanmar and Indonesia

(Java). A 'unique' form of temple architecture (cruciform pattern) developed in

early Bengal which is being appraised by the scholars as the most magnificent

and distinct expression of architectural style and design that constitute Bengal's

individuality in the realm of architecture. The excavations at Paharpur229 and at

2 26 Asok K. Bhattacharya, ]hewari Bronze Buddha - A Study in History and Style, Calcutta:
Indian Museum, 1989.
227 A.K.M. Shamsul Alam, Sculptural Art of Bangladesh, 91-92; Abdul Momin Chowdhury,
'Bengal and Southeast Asia', p. 104.
22s Susan L. Huntington and Jhon C. Huntington, Leaves from the Bodhi Tree: The Art of Pala
India (8th.J2th Centuries), Seattle and London: The Dayton Art Institute, 1990, p. 173.
229 Paharpur an important archaeological site in Bangladesh, situated in a village named
Paharpur under the Badalgachhi Upazila of Naogaon district. K.N. Dikshit, 'Excavations at
Paharpur, Bengal', Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India, No.-55, Delhi, 1938.
 Cruciform Ground Plan: Somapura Mahavihara, Bangladesh

Courtesy: 'Bengal and Southeast Asia: Trade and Cultural Contact in the Ancient Period', by
Abdul Momin Chowdhury, Ancient Trades and Cultural Contacts in Southeast Asia, Bangkok,
Thailand: The Office of the National Culture Commission, 1996.
 Cruciform Ground Plan: Chandi Sevu Qava)

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Courtesy: 'Bengal and Southeast Asia: Trade and Cultural Contact in the Ancient Period', by
Abdul Momin Chowdhury, Ancient Trades and Cultural Contacts in Southeast Asia, Bangkok,
Thailand: The Office of the National Culture Commission. 1996.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

Mainamati23° unearthed the examples of this type of temples. Recent

archaeological excavations in the Mainamati area clearly established the

preponderance of the 'cruciform' type of central shrine built in the centre of the

large courtyard of the square monastic establishments, where the numerous

cells are arranged systematically on all four arms of the square with massive

back walls and only one fortified entrance set in an attractive projection in the

middle of the northern side.z31

This typical form seems to have been evolved in the Samata~a area in the 7th and

8th centuries AD and many early and intermediary stages of this experiment are

in evidence here. The Mainamati excavations, carried out intermittently since

1955, have brought to light the Salban Vihara,Z 3Z the Ananda ViharaZ33 and the

23o Mainamati an isolated ridge of low hills in the eastern margins of deltaic Bangladesh,
about 8 km to the west of Co milia town is a very familiar name in Bengal's cultural heritage,
where archaeological excavations have revealed very significant materials. Bangladesh
Archaeology, No-1, Dhaka: Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Bangladesh, 1979;
A.B.M. Husain (ed.), Mainamati-Devaparvata, Dhaka: Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, 1997;
Md. Mosharraf Hossain, Mainamati-Lalmai - Anecdote to History, Dhaka: Dibyaprakash,
2006.
231 Abdul Momin Chowdhury, 'Bengal and Southeast Asia', pp. 105-09.
232 Shalban Vihara of Bhavadeva (last quarter of the 8th century AD) is among the most
important excavated sites in Mainamati. It lies about the middle of the Lalmai ridge in the
vicinity of the present day Bangladesh Academy for Rural Development (BARD) at Kothari
near Camilla in Bangladesh. Debala Mitra, Buddhis Monuments, Calcutta: Sahitya Samsad,
1971, pp. 243-46; B.M. Morrison, Lalmai: A Cultural Centre of Early Bengal, Seattle:
University of Washington Press, 1974, p. 23; Sufi Mostafizur Rahman (ed.), Cultural Survey
of Bangladesh Series-1: Archaeological Heritage, Dhaka: Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, 2007,
pp. 293-94.
233 Ananda Vihara situated in the Kothari area near Co milia, is the largest of the Mainamati
monuments. It also has the largest water tank in the area. This Vihara complex was built by
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond

Rupban Mura Vihara234 with its typical cruciform plan of the central shrine. This

'unique' type is not seen in any other parts of India nor is its further

development traceable in India beyond the adjacent parts of Bihar. Its full and

final development is found in the giant establishment at Paharpur (Somapura

Mahavihara)Z 35 and at Antichak in Bihar (Vikramasila Mahavihara)236, both built

Anandadeva, the third ruler of the Early Deva Dynasty, at the end of the 7th or the
beginning of 8th century AD. A.K. Shamsul Alam, Mainamati, Dhaka: Dept. Of Archaeology
and Museums of Bangladesh, 1975, pp. 28-30; Cultural Survey of Bangladesh Series-1, 293;
Md. Mosharraf Hossain, Mainamati-Lalmai: Anecdote to History, Dhaka: Dibya Prakash,
2006, pp. 28-31.
234 Rupban Mura lying on a hillock just beside the modern BARD in the Kothari area on the
south of the Comilla-Kalirbazar road. Deep diggings have revealed three main periods of
building and repairs and rebuilding, the earliest corresponding to 6th- 7th century AD. Very
few remains of the latest period (10th- 11th century AD). A.B.M. Husain (ed.), Mainamati·
Devaparvata, pp. 95-105; Mainamati-Lalmai: Anecdote to History, 40-41; Cultural Survey of
Bangladesh Series-1, pp. 290-93; A.K. Shamsul Alam, Mainamati, pp. 28-30.
235 Somapura Mahavihara was one of the most famous Buddhist monastic institutions of
ancient Bengal which was alluded by the expression of jagatcmg netraika visrama bhiih (a
singular feast to the eyes of the world). It is situated in a village named Paharpur under the
Badalgachhi Upazila of Naogaon district in Bangladesh and built by the second Pala king
Dharmapala (781-821 AD). Tibetan works (Tibetan translations of Dharmakiiyavidhi and
Madhyamaka Ratnapradipa, Taranatha's history and Pag-Sam-jon-Zang) record the glory of
Somapura Mahavihara. Many Tibetan monks visited the monastery during the period
between 9th and 12th century AD. K.N. Dikshit, Excavations At Paharpur, 1938; R.C
Majumdar, History of Ancient Bengal, pp. 613-16; Abdul Momin Chowdhury, 'Bengal and
Southeast Asia', pp. 105-09; Cultural Survey of Bangladesh Series-1, pp. 294-95; Aparna
Bandyopadhyay, 'Sompuri Mahabihar', Bharatvarsha, in Bangia, Vol-2, No-2, 1364-1365 BS,
pp. 197-200.
236 Vikramasila Mahavihara was founded by the Pala King Dharmapala (775-810 AD) and
the location has now been established archaeologically at the site of Antichak in the
Bhagalpur district of Bihar, covered the period from the early 9th century to the 12th century
AD. Frederick M. Asher, 'Vikramasila Mahavihara', Bangladesh Lalitakala, Vol-1, No-2,
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond Im I

during the reign of the Pala emperor Dharmapala in the beginning of the 9th

century AD. There is hardly any doubt now that this peculiar cruciform plan of

the central shrine of the Buddhist viharas profoundly influenced that of ancient

Myanmar, Java and Cambodia. The nearest approximation to this form is

afforded by some of the ancient Buddhist temples of Pagan in Myanmar, of

Kalasan and Prambanam in Central Java particularly by Chandi Sevu and Chandi

Lora Jangrang temples.

The nearest example is furnished by the temple of Ananda (Ananta Panna,

infinite wisdom) at Pagan, at great achievement of Kyanzittha (1086 to 1112

AD).Z3 7 It is beyond doubt that the plan and execution of the Ananda temple

speak of its Eastern origin. It may differ in details of execution, the character and

tone may also not be the same, but the inspiration could very well be linked with

similar edifices in 'Bengal'.Z3 8 Dikshit refers to Chandi Lora Jongrang and Chandi

Sevu of Prambanam in central Java offering the nearest approximation to the

plan and superstructure of the Paharpur temple. He also claimed that the inner

plan of the Chandi Sevu shrine strikingly resembles that of the central shrine

Dhaka, 1975, pp. 108-10; Krishnendy Ray. 'Vikramasila Mahavihara', Banglapedia: National
Encyclopedia of Bangladesh, 2006, http: //www.banglapedja.org/httpdocsfHT/V 0046.HTM
237 The period of Kyanzittha could very well be the period of Eastern expansion, either
voluntary or forced, of Buddhism from 'Bengal' towards Southeast Asia. Charles Duroiselle,
'The Anand a Temple at Pagan', Memoirs of the Archaeological Surveyy of India, No-56, Delhi,
1937.
238 The plain around Pagan, about one hundred square miles in area, is full of ruins of
temples. A few of them, in fair state of preservation and having similar plan as that of
Ananda, prove that the inspiration from 'Bengal' in this area was fairly widespread and
dominant. Abdul Momin Chowdhury, 'Bengal and Southeast Asia', p. 106.
 Contacts and Communications between Early Bengal and Lands Beyond ImI
and the second terrace at Paharpur. 239 Chandi Sevu, the biggest Buddhist

sanctuary after Borobudur, was constructed in the 9th century AD when this

region had a close connection with 'Bengal'. 240 We have discussed this

connection earlier. In general terms, it may be a legitimate hypothesis that the

Bengal shrines of 8th - 9th centuries AD may be considered to be an influencing

factor for these Southeast Asian Buddhist edifices and no doubt the geographical

location - the geographical and physical proximity and the extensive contacts

and communications - played the determinant role.

We intended to underscore in this section with some examples of Bengal's

cultural influence on socio-cultural efflorescence in some parts of Southeast

Asian countries and archipelago. However, the academic 'scramble' over the

issue of designating Southeast Asia as an extended sphere of influence or

cultural colony of either India ('Indianization'), or China might also beget the

question as to whether it is valid to exaggerate the cultural influence of 'Bengal'

in Southeast Asia as a pervasive 'Bengalisation'(?). We argue that outflow of

cultural elements, from 'Bengal' in particular and India in general, were

moderated and modified by the local elements in Southeast Asia. Thus, the result

was a cultural syncretism.

239 K.N. Dikshit, Excavation at Paharpur, Bengal, p. 7.

240 S.M. Imamuddin comments correctly that the Buddhist religion brought these two
regions together and bound them by the 'same cultural chain': 'The Buddhist monasteries
of Paharpur and Lalmai (Mainamati) of Bangladesh, the Ananda Vihara at Pagan in Burma
and the Great Borobodur in Java are the embodiments of the historical and architectural
links of the same cultural chain'. S. M. Imamuddin, 'Bengal's Maritime Trade with the Far
East up to the Sultanate Period', journal of the Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, Voi-XXVII, 1982,
p.IO; Abdul Momin Chowdhury, 'Bengal and Southeast Asia', p. 109.
 Concluding Observations I',fij,, I
CONCLUDING OBSERVATIONS

'Bengal' is a definite geographical region in the South Asian subcontinent,

consisting of Ganga-Brahmaputra delta with the very specific and in some cases

'unique' geographical contours and features. Structural evolution of the Bengal

basin with the extensive well-defined old alluvium land tracts, comparatively

new alluvial land, the largest delta of the world and heavy monsoons are the

landmark geographical features of the region. Flatness of the region, bounded by

the Rajmahal hills on the north-west and the Lalmai-Chittagong ranges on the

south-east, creates a low-lying land, gradually sloping from the high plateau of

the north towards the Bay of Bengal. 'Bengal' is located on the eastern frontier of

the Indian subcontinent and a 'transition zone' with a comparatively narrow

land-bridge between South Asia and mainland Southeast Asia. The many rivers,

their tributaries, distinctive water bodies and climatic condition add new

dimensions to the geographical features of the land of 'Bengal'. There were

distinct political, socio-economic and cultural ethos of the four major units in

early Bengal - Put:J.~ravardhana, Ra~ha, Vailga and Samatata/Harikela. These

were never united under any power in the pre-AD 1200 days. All these four

units or sub-regions make a single entity named 'Bengal' - a territorial unit in a

historical sense and often recognised by geographers as a 'region' within the

subcontinent.

The cultural and economic life of a region at any point of time happen to be

influenced by many elements. In 'Bengal', the interaction between man and

 Concluding Observations I .~ I

geographical environment played a very important role. Just as geography and

nature imprinted indelible stamp on the behavioral patterns and trends in socio-

cultural and economic life of 'Bengal', similarly man too, in several instances,

regulated nature according to their own needs. In this context, we investigated

the influences of geo-features on some traits of Bengal society and culture and

the patterns of economic life in the concerned period and tried to identify

certain attitudes and traditions which maintained continuity through the

following ages, changing and adapting itself to the new from time to time under

the distinct geo-physical situation of this deltaic region of 'Bengal'. With the

man-environment interaction, a regional 'personality' developed in 'Bengal' with

an individuality of its own that bears a definite stamp of this deltaic land.

From our research it can be stated that 'Bengal' had developed its own

distinctive socio-religious, cultural and economic features in very clear terms.

The process began before our chronological bracket and it is clearly manifested

in the socio-cultural, religious and economic life-patterns of the people of the

land of 'Bengal' during our period. The regional individualities, in terms of socio-

cultural and economic aspects, of the Buddhists, the Brahmal)as and the Muslims

of 'Bengal' were distinct from the population living elsewhere beyond the Delta.

It is quite obvious that in the formation of socio-economic and cultural life-

pattern of 'Bengal' one has to take into account the blending of indigenous

elements with those brought from outside. Before the coming of the brahmal)ic

ideas, thoughts and practices, 'Bengal' witnessed an advanced civilizational

 Concluding Observations

standard. The earliest evidence of this can be found for instance in the Pandu

Rajar Dhibi.

The 'personality' of Bengal was largely influenced by the non-Brahmal)ic legacy

of the local people, because, geographically 'Bengal' located itself far beyond the

stronghold ofVedic/Brahmal)ical orthodoxy. The brahmal)ical influence became

weaker on its long eastward journey from the central Ganga valley. 'Bengal'

received it at a stage when its non-Brahmal)ic socio-cultural roots were firmly

established.

From an analysis of the sources of the period under review, we have seen a

significant indication of 'liberalism' of Bengal's 'personality'. This essentially

generous deltaic mind continued during the middle ages. We find reflections of

this liberal attitude in the copperplate of land grant inscriptions of early Bengal

from the 5th to the 13th centuries AD. The popular attraction towards

Vaishnavism is clearly manifest in these records. Even in the medieval period, in

the Chaitanya and Natha sanyasis, we can clearly hear similar echoes of this

characteristic liberalism. It's natural that in the formation of a regional

'personality', different elements would remain active in different regions. In the

'Bengal' context, it is her distinct geo-features such as the delta, monsoonal

rains, rivers and other water-bodies have played an exemplary role.

In the 'Bengal Delta', various religions got reshaped in her own way. This can be

seen in the arrival of Buddhism in 'Bengal', the typical features of the religion

that developed here and its expansion towards Southeast Asia. All these were

the results of the influence of Bengal's geographical location and her long
 Concluding Observations I)~': I
cultural legacy that intermingled with the geographical factors. Now it is

historically proved that Buddhism amalgamated with some new dimensions of

Tantricism under Bengal's regional surroundings and then moved to the

Southeast Asian countries and in Nepal, Tibet and China.

Similarly, Islam in the deltaic region of 'Bengal' had to accommodate a wide

variety of local religio-cultural elements and this 'syncretic tradition of Islam'

has been termed variously as 'regional Islam', 'folk Islam' or 'popular Islam'. This

local character of Islam in 'Bengal' has its root also in the non-Brahmanic legacy

of the land. The people of the land imbibed this spirit from the non-Brahmat:tic

socio-religious behaviour under Bengal's distinct regional environment. Bengal's

own way of accommodating cultures always had an active input into the growth

of its regional consciousness.

In the same way, geography had impelled Bengal's agricultural dynamics.

Bengal's economic life and rural settlement pattern in our period are based on

agriculture. This is because of its distinct geo-physical condition. The availability

and growth of certain agricultural products, paddy for example, happened

because of the availability of water through rivers and rains, and the fertility of

soil. Bengal's economic life has been uniquely shaped by the interaction between

the rivers and other water-bodies of the region and the delta settlers. Again, the

extension of cultivable land by clearing of jungles played an important role in

changing the economy and the culture of rural 'Bengal' and shaping the patterns

of early rural settlements. In this process the rural settlements that developed
 Concluding Observations I :~, I
through agriculture in early deltaic Bengal bears a regional character which is

different from the other regions of the subcontinent and lands beyond.

These numerous waterways - the life of the land - have nurtured 'Bengal'

through the ages and have continued to influence its character. Changes in the

courses of the rivers have very often compelled the people to shift their

settlements from one place to another. This resulted in acculturation and

admixtures. The rivers have made the people of the land more accommodating

to new manners, customs and behaviours. As in socio-cultural spheres, so in art

and architecture, music and literature, a definite stamp of this riverine deltaic

land can be discerned.

We find the geographical condition of deltaic Bengal playing a decisive role in

the area of trade and commerce and consequently cultural contacts and

exchanges with the world beyond the delta. The reality of the deltaic

geographical situation made 'Bengal' an agriculture based economy on the one

hand and on the other its location provided enormous opportunities for trade

and commerce with the other parts of the world. Since the 1st century AD, the

information relating to Bengal's trade and commercial transactions are available

in numerous sources. Rivers have provided 'Bengal' with inland communication

facility while the Bay of Bengal has opened the door for her to participate in

maritime trade. Various sources of the time mention names of some important

sea-ports of 'Bengal' which were well-known to the maritime trading world. The

trade in various kinds of excellent textile products brought much fame for

'Bengal'. The raw material of this textile industry was available, because soil and
 Concluding Observations I':f1: I
climate of some areas in 'Bengal' were highly favourable for cultivation of this

fibre.

In this connection, mention must be made of the trade and cultural contacts and

exchanges between India and Southeast Asia where 'Bengal' took part as one of

the gateways of the entire chain of communications. The main reason behind

this was the geographical proximity of these two regions. 'Bengal' is situated in a

'transition zone' with a narrow land-bridge between South Asia and mainland

Southeast Asia. Enjoying this geographically strategic location, 'Bengal' could

easily participate in the trading transactions and extend her cultural

engagements through overland and maritime routes. Especially in the sphere of

art and architecture of a number of Southeast Asian countries, 'Bengal' exerted

definite influence. The cruciform pattern of temple architecture, which is typical

of 'Bengal', was exported to some parts of Southeast Asia.

It can be deduced from this research that immediate, easy and regular

interaction between the sub-units of early Bengal was sometimes hindered by

geographical and natural barriers, created mostly by the river system. Due to

this peculiarity of the geographical features, while one part of 'Bengal' was

involved in advanced agriculture, another part was engaged in cultivation along

the slopes of the mountains; while one part was engaged in maritime trade,

another was not even introduced to the use of coins; while in one part there was

the expansion of Brahmanism, another part was steeped in non-institutional

local religious forms. These were the local variations of the terrain that more or

less remained throughout the period under discussion and thereafter. Despite
 Concluding Observations

these dissimilarities, one cannot deny a sense of unity and cultural similarity as

well as the spirit of assimilation and syncretism as a common link shared by the

people of the deltaic Bengal which in fact bear out the 'personality' of Bengal too.

The latent force of the continuity oftradition remains unabated.