Chapter 3 Muslim Scholars’ Response to Nationalism: Adaptative Approach

I
n the previous chapter, emergence of nationalism in India, factors
responsible for its development and spreading of different national
organizations were discussed. The present chapter deals with
Muslim scholars‘ response to nationalism. It treats those scholars who
tried to accommodate nationalism strands in their thought in one way or
the other. There is attitude of approval of it. What were their contentions
and impact upon future development of India.

3:1. Some Early Developments

At the outset a brief review of the historical developments is
desirable to understand the modern scenario. It is a fact that with the
decline of the Mughal Empire and the passing of political power to the
British, the Hindus and the Muslims started drifting away from each
other The Muslims grew apprehensive of Hindu domination and resented
the tenacity with which the Hindus had advanced themselves in various
spheres. The fears they entertained in relation to the Hindus greatly
influenced the role they were to play in future. In spite of a common
history of a thousand years, the two communities could not present
themselves as a single political entity. All efforts of the Indian National

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Congress to achieve this objective failed miserably and, although the

Congress always had some Muslims in its ranks and a few of them even
occupied the highest positions in it, by and large they preferred to
organize themselves separately in order to protect and advance their
political rights and interests1.
The Muslim nationalism grow apace under Sir Syed during the last
quarter of the 19th Century, is an acknowledged fact. He had a keen
desire to place the Muslims on a footing of equality with the Hindus who
had half a century ahead over them. As a necessary corollary, the Muslim
nationalism developed a strong anti Hindu spirit, ‗for the Hindus were
anti-British and demanded representative Government, which meant their
permanent domination over the Muslims who formed only one-fourth of
the total population of India‘. Also because, the Muslims did not want to
oppose the British so soon after 1857. Thus it is obvious that, such kind
of thinking gradually made Muslims and consequently Hindus more and
more self-conscious politically2.
The uprising of 1857 was crushed ruthlessly by the British. The
Mughal empire was abolished, and thus the symbol of Muslim
domination came to an end. Most of the old aristocracy was dispersed
and vengeance was wreaked on rebellious Muslims, Hindus and others.
But the general feeling was that the Muslims were the main force behind
the uprising. Jawaharlal Nehru writes, ‗… the heavy hand of the British
fell more upon the Moslems than on the Hindus.‘3 Subsequently the

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Muslim community suffered set-backs in the social, economic and

political fields, which came under Hindu domination4.
More than fifty years after birth of the modern politics ‗Hindus‘
introduction of the conception of ―Indian nationalism,‖ the Muslims
stepped into politics of the British. The British policy had regarded the
inhabitants of India as one nation and planned all constitutional reforms
and industrial and economic development on the basis of India as one
political unit. Quite obviously, any constitution which treated the
inhabitants of India as one nation, would exalt the Hindus (who, now
with merger of the Shurdras, out numbered the Muslims by about three
times) into the position of a permanent majority and transform the
Muslims into a perpetual and unchangeable minority. Such a constitution,
therefore, under the label of ―Indian nation‖, invested the Brahmans with
the power of an absolute master, and reduced the Muslim existence
dependent on his mercy5.
In its early phase, Muslim nationalism did not have before it the
objective of separation from India or the formation of an independent
Muslim state6. According to P. Hardy the feeling of being a distinct
nation developed among Indian Muslims only in the 1940s, when it
became clear that the British would soon leave India. Prior to that, the
Muslim nobility had little in common with the Muslim peasantry and
artisan castes7. Muslim professionals and entrepreneurs feared
permanent Hindu domination in a united India, and therefore, demanded
a separate state where their interests could be safeguarded. The ideology

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of Muslim nationalism based on communal distinctions was put forth by

the Muslim League to legitimize and mobilize support for a separate
homeland8.
There was, throughout the course of modern Indian politics, a
section of Muslims which did not share the general Muslim view that a
Hindu Muslim unity was impossible or that separation was the only
solution. Some considered them the Congress school of Muslims, as
politically. They were substantiating to the stand of the latter. They may
also be called the ‗Nationalist Muslim‘ group, for that was the label given
to it by the Congress and accepted by it. ‗Nationalist Muslims‖ were
Muslims who were opposed to Muslim separatism, to the two-nation
theory, and later to the demand for Pakistan, and who subscribed to the
congress view of the communal problems. They believed in one united
Indian nationalism in which religious affiliations were both irrelevant and
undesirable9. Few of them are Dr. M. A. Ansari (1880-1936) and Hakeem
Ajmal Khan (1863-1927), Maulana Mahmud Hasan (1851-1920), Abul
Kalam Azad (1888-1958), Muhammad Ali (1878-1931) and Hussain
Ahmad Madani (1879-1957)10.

3:2. Maulana Hussain Ahmad Madani and Composite

Nationalism
Maulana Hussain Ahmad Madani has made an influential and
significant contribution11 in religious thought of twentieth century
India12. He was a product of Dar-ul-Uloom, Deoband. He was a

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distinguished educator, great freedom fighter, staunch proponent of

Hindu-Muslim unity and a strong advocate of composite nationhood .
He enjoyed equal respect among both Muslims and non-Muslims13.
Being a strong advocate of composite nationalism he was of the opinion
that Muslims are actually the original inhabitants of India. He explains:
Among various communities residing in India, Muslims alone
can legitimately claim they are the original inhabitants of the
land. Among all the communities residing in India, only Muslims
have firm religious faith that they are the descendents of Adam,
the first human aborigine of planet Earth. It is inseparable part of
their belief based upon Qur‘anic verses that entire humanity on
this earth has originated from Adam. Contrarily, rest of the
communities in India, believe in the gradual evolution of homo
sapiens14.

Islamic literature tells us that Prophet Adam (A.S.) descended

directly from the heaven on Indian soil. India was his first domicile and
the entire human race has spread from here. Therefore, according to
Islamic traditions and teachings, India is the original habitat of Muslims.
Those who do not trace their origin from Adam cannot legitimately claim
India as their original homeland15. He also writes:
Unlike Hindus and Zoroastrians who completely destroy the dead
body, either turning the corpse into ashes by placing upon a pyre
and later throwing it into the rivers or by placing it on the Tower
of Silence for birds to consume it, only Muslims bury the dead

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body into graves, Unlike them, even after death, a Muslim

remains attached to the Soil. Their graves remain intact. And as
per Muslim‘s belief, on the Day of judgment, it is from these
graves that they would be resurrected into yet another life.
Though the dead body of Muslims placed beneath the earth also
gets partially destroyed, it is from the remaining particles that
their new existence would come into being. Thereby, Muslims
physical domiciliary to the land would remain till the dooms
day16.

In short, India has been the cradle of Islam since time immemorial.
The country, therefore by faith, is and shall remain the original homeland
of Muslims17.
Maulana Hussain Ahmad Madani had presented exhaustively his
views on composite nationalism and many ‘ulamâ’ accepted them
without refutation18. In his presidential address, the Maulana further
elaborated it as following:
We the residents of India, being Indians have something in
common that remains alongwith the religious and cultural
differences. It is like our human nature does not change just
because of variance in our visages, differences in our
personalities and traits, and differences in our colour and stature.
Likewise our religious and cultural differences do not become
hurdle in our national partnership. From the point of view of
nationality, we all are Indians. Therefore, to think of the benefit
of the country and concern for its protection from any harm is the

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equal responsibility of Muslims as of any other nation and

religious entity. It is necessary to strive adequately and jointly to
achieve it. If a house catches fire and all residents of the village
do not extinguish, it or if the whole village would not erect
embankment during the flood, then the whole village will be
destroyed and life would become difficult for one and all.
Likewise, whenever the country is in trouble it is the duty of the
inhabitants of a country (whether they are Muslims, Hindus,
Sikhs, or Parsis) that they should strive hard and jointly to
remove it. The duty of national partnership applies equally to all
residents. Differences of religion cannot become any weakness or
a hurdle. They can fulfill this duty even while remaining true to
their religion. The same partnership is to be found in municipal
boards, district boards, in councils and assemblies. Members of
various religions fulfill their duties in these institutions and feel
themselves as composite part of it. This is the meaning of
‗composite nationalism‘ here. To read in it any other meaning
than this is wrong and inappropriate19.

Thus, Maulana Hussain Ahmad Madni views nationalism as the

phenomenon where religious and cultural differences are of no
importance. Indians are Indian and every citizen is responsible for the
protection and progress of their country. Difference of religion can not
became any weakness or a hurdle for them. In his book, Composite
Nationalism and Islam, Maulana explains its bearings as:

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By composite nationalism I mean here ‗nationalism‘, the

foundation of which was laid down by Prophet Mohammad
(SAAS) in Madina. That is to say, the people of India as Indians,
as a nation united (despite religious and cultural diversity),
should become one solid nation and should wage war against the
alien power that has usurped their natural rights. It is incumbent
upon every Indian to fight against such a barbaric regime and
throw off the shackles of slavery. It is important not to interfere
in another‘s religion – rather all nations (communities) living in
India are free to practice their religion, life by its moral values
and act according to their religious traditions. While maintaining
peace and tranquility, they should propagate their ideology ,
follow their culture, promote civilization and protect their
personal law. Neither should a minority interfere in the personal
affairs of other minorities or the majority, nor should the majority
strive to assimilate the minority into itself.
This is what the Indian National Congress has been
striving to achieve ever since its inception. In its first session in
1885, it outlined its main objectives in the following words; ‗To
unite the divergent and conflicting elements – that form the
Indian populace and turn them into one nation.‘20
However, even after this (somewhat ambiguous) declaration, it has
always stated that all citizens shall be free to pursue their religion,
culture, personal law, etc. The proposal discussed at the meeting of
the All India Congress Committee meeting on 8th August 1931,
described the fundamental rights and duties of the citizens:

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Any constitutional provision or declaration that the Indian

National Congress would make or through it the independent
Government shall make, shall strive for the following points;
1. Every Indian citizen shall have the rights of freedom of
speech and expression, total freedom of coordinated action
and collaboration and right to peaceful, assembly for any
purpose that is neither immoral nor against the law.
2. Every Indian citizen shall have the freedom of conscience and
right to declare, follow and propagate his religion – provided
it does not degenerate and cause public disorder.
3. All religious minorities shall have the constitutional right to
protect of their cultures, languages and their religious rituals.
Besides, the areas inhabited by linguistic minorities shall have
adequate safeguard to their languages.
The working committee meeting of the Indian National
Congress, held in Calcutta on 26 October 1937, reinforced and
elaborated the same objectives21.
In 1921 at Karachi, Mohammad Ali Jauhar, organized a
conference, in which questions were invited from the public on national
issues and answers were given. Maulana Hussain Ahmad Madani gave
answers to various questions of the people. Madani‘s answers aroused a
national fervour. People began to look at him as a leader with a great
vision for India. His nationalism was not restricted to mobilizing
Muslims alone. He understood the need for collective efforts of Muslims

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as well as Hindus for challenging the British rule. His pluralistic

credentials were recognized widely. Even Hindu religious leaders like
Shankaracharya and Jagat Guru publicly supported Madani‘s stand and
exhorted their community to follow him22.
In December 1937, at a political meeting in Delhi, Maulana
Madani made a straight forward statement, ‗In the current age, nations
(aqwam) are based on homelands (autan, pl. of watn), not religion
(madhab).‘ What made this point obvious to him was that people abroad
made no distinction of whether a person was, ‗Muslim, Hindu, Sikh, or
Parsi all were viewed as ‗Hindustani‘. He reiterated as he often had
before, all Indians were viewed with contempt because of being in
bondage to colonial rule. The following day, Urdu news papers Al-Aman
and Ahsan (soon followed by others) had reported that Maulana Madani
had said that no ‗nation‘, but Millat (a term commonly linked to religious
community) depended on territory23. His views were taken seriously by
Dr. S. M. Iqbal, a great poet and thinker, of the 20th century Muslim
world, and raised many controversies among the Muslims elite in India.
A detailed discussion on Iqbal‘s treatment of nationalism will follow in
the next chapter of the present thesis. Here it is dealt in a marginal way in
the context of his comments on Maulana Madani‘s views.
In one of his poems, he strongly criticizes the stand of Madani that
Millat (community) in Islam is constituted by nation (watan). He writes:

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Thus from Deoband, Hussain Ahmad proves somewhat

strange singing out high on the pulpit
That Millat is based on land (watan).
What does he know of the stance of the Arab
Messenger, on whom be peace?
Bring yourself close to Mustafa, for his alone is faith complete
If you cannot approach him
You‘re just an Abu Lahab!24

Maulana Madni also wrote in Muttahida Qaumiyat aur Islam under the
title of ―The Reality of My Delhi Speech and Spreading of the News of
Composite Nationalism‖ wherein he clarifies his stand about nationalism:
As Allama learnt from my replies to some of my friends‘ letters, I
had no intention of advising any one on nationalism and I had
used no such words in the statement I had issued in Delhi. I was

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simply talking about the great loss and sufferings that the British
government has inflicted upon all Indians, especially Muslims. I
also mentioned the fact that in our times the country makes a
nation. And that all Indians, whether they be Hindu, Muslim,
Sikh or Zoroastrian, are looked down upon everywhere abroad.
Since they all belong to this country, they are regarded as one
qawm. Their prestige and honour is no better than that of slaves;
they are treated shabbily and their legitimate demands are
ignored. Indians are not only discriminated abroad regarding their
citizenship rights, but are also discriminated against vis-à-vis
their human rights. All their protests fall on deaf ears. This is, in
my view, an effect of slavery25.

In this connection Hussain Ahmad Madani further elaborates that

supposing this was the case (that no other word except Millat has been
used for Muslims in the holy Qur‘ân), it does not mean that merely no
mention is proof of its negation – especially when both the literal as well
as the Sharî‘ah (religious) meaning testify to the word Millat.
Mohammad Iqbal has himself admitted that rightly guided people are
those who have entered into the fold of the religion (Millat) of the
Prophet Muhammad (SAAS). He has quoted Jennies from the holy
Qur‘ân, i.e., the momin of Aal-i-Fira‗un (the believers among the people
of Pharaoh), momin of Qaum-i-Moosa (the believers among the people of
Moses), the momin of Qaum-i-Isa (the believers among the people of
Jesus) and the momineen of Prophet Mohammad (the believers of

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Prophet Mohammad). When momin (a believer) Prophet Jesus was given

the glad tidings of Jannat (Paradise) after his crucifixion, referring to the
infidels as his qaum (nation), he says, ‗Would that my people know (what
I know)‘. The holy Qur‘ân describes the Prophets, who are believers by
birth, the compatriots of non-believers. Thus (when I examine Allama
Iqbal‘s arguments), if this discrepancy is not a wonder of the time, then
what is it?
To Madani it is not comprehensible due to different reasons, that
Millat, too, is divided and can be divided and attributed to different
aqwam26. Maulana also clarifies that he had not given the definition of
millat but of qaum and the two words are used in the scriptures to denote
two different things. Millat denotes Dîn or Sharî‘ah whereas qaum
means any group of men and women. He further illustrates his contention
as following:
The word qaum is used for any group which has characteristic of
comprehensiveness or togetherness or commonality; it may be
religion, country, race, language, vocation, colour or any other
material or non-material quality. For example, the Arab nation,
Ajam nation, Egyptian nation, Pakhtoon nation, Persian speaking
nation, or expression like Syed, Sheikh, cobbler, black, white,
sufi, worldly nation etc, in Arabic language and Islamic scriptures
this kind of usage is quite frequent.
Indian nation is a similar usage. Currently in foreign countries all
inhabitants of India are treated as one Indian nation, no matter if
they be Urdu-speaking or Bangla-speaking, black or white,

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Hindu or Muslim, Parsee or Sikh. The word Indian denotes each

of them. I have lived outside India for about seventeen years
during which period I had occasion to interact with people of
Arabia, Syria, Palestine, Africa, Egypt and Malta. Similarly I had
occasion to for years interact with Germans, Austrians,
Bulgarins, English, French, Australian Amercian, Russian,
Chinese, Japanese, Turkish and Arab people. If they did not use
Arabic, Turkish, Persain or Urdu the conversation took place
with the help of interpreter. I found that all of them treated all
Indians as one nation. If dictionary meaning does not contradict
this meaning and the common use confirms it, where is the point
in misconstruing it? I do not know according to which category,
absolute or genetic, can it be said that Islam prescribes human
character or behaviour as the basis of nationhood, as the critics
like editor of Ahsaan make out, according to which its usage for
territorial distinction may be impermissible. Equal and brotherly
treatment is a different matter altogether although the distinction
can be seen in scriptures as well. Besides, I had not used it in the
context of Islamic teachings or ideology27.
Maulana was in favour of Composite Nationalism but at the same
time he believed in Islamic brotherhood. About Islamic brotherhood,
Maulana Madani said:
Undoubtedly, as I have mentioned earlier, the Prophet of Islam,
Hazrat Muhammad (SAAS) created a bond among Muslims that
is superior to all bonds. In comparison, bonds such as
nationalism are pale and colourless. A Muslim, whoever and

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wherever he is, is the brother of another Muslim and he has right

over other Muslims. This bond of rabita (relationships) exists
only among those who have accepted Islam. In the case of those
who have not embraced Islam, this bond cannot be established.
They could be part of composite nationalism, but only through
the bonds of nasal (race), rang (colour) and nationality, etc.
The question is: Can a Muslim join hands with non-Muslims
and become part of the same nation and on the basis of this
composite nationalism, can he enter into siyasate mulki and
forge economic, commercial, agricultural and industrial
relations with them? Is there a need of such a thing in India?
It is quite apparent that waiting for all Indians to become
Muslims in order to enter into such an alliance is wrong and
harmful. There is no doubt that Islam combines principles of
both ideological and practical reformation. Moreover, it does not
only strive for the reformation of an individual, but also strives
to reform society as a whole — irrespective of privileged or
under-privileged. Islam focuses on problems universally and
permits all sorts of reforms. But the point is whether Islam (the
Islamic principles that deal with individual as well as
community life and pertain to such issues as God, relationship
of God with His creatures and relationships between His
creatures) permits that together with non-Muslims, a United
Front can be formed on the basis of wataniyat, nasal, rang or
language (zabaan), etc., to defeat the enemies of Islam and
benefit Muslims in political, commercial, agricultural and

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industrial fields, without compromising on the basic tenets of

Islam?
As far as I have studied and followed the verses of the
holy Qur‘ân, I have understood that there is no clear cut
categorization of it, i.e., at times it is obligatory, at other times it
is desirable, or preferable, or permissible, or even prohibited. Its
condemnation is only on the basis that nationalism, in Western
parlance today, is applied to those principles that relate to
collective human life and that is altogether anti-religion, and
thus would be attributed by this particular terminology.
However, this meaning of nationalism is neither popular among
people, nor would a true Muslim accept it, nor is there any such
movement underway. Neither the Indian National Congress and
its volunteers are propagating it. Therefore, raking up this issue
to an emotional pitch is an exercise in futility.
It must be remembered that we form a united body
everyday to achieve our common goal. Not only do we
participate in it, but we also often struggle to acquire its
membership and spend thousands of rupees for this. While
defining such a membership as beneficial for the nation and
community. We consider our participation obligatory. Town
area, unified area, municipal board, district board, councils,
assemblies and educational institutions and hundreds of such
organizations and associations are formed with a definite
purpose on the same principle of law and with the intention to

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serve the common interest. Interestingly, participation in such

anjuman (association) is not prohibited.
However, and strangely enough, when the same type of
association is formed for the liberty of the country from British
occupation, it is declared haram (prohibited) against Islamic
teachings, against our soul and our conscience, and even against
common sense. When a nationalist outfit is formed on the basis
of the principle of composite nationalism, why is it viewed as
illegal? When an issue arises in councils and assemblies against
a fundamental principle of Islam, it is rejected. The same will
happen in a set up that is based on the principle of composite
nationalism28.

After clarifying the linguistic confusion the Maulana Madani

comes to the political substance of his argument and points out the dire
need to get rid of the British who have exploited Indians and rendered
them destitute. For achieving this objective, he says, unity of Indians is
the most effective strategy though other ways also can be employed. That
is why in its inaugural session the Congress stated its first objective as
―bringing together different sections of India‘s population and weld them
into a united nation.‖29
As already stated that Maulana Hussain Ahmad Madni was of the
view that Muslims are the original inhabitants of India. It is the duty of
every inhabitant in general and Muslims in particular to strive hard to
remove trouble from India. He considers India as a single nation (qaum)

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as his opinion is that Millat denotes Dîn and Sharî‘ah and qaum means
any group of people. About Muslim brotherhood, he believes that this
relation is superior to all other bonds. Relations like nationalism becomes
of little value in front of this relation. There are many other bonds like
colour, race and nationality through which Muslims and non-Muslims
could be a part of composite nationalism like in India. It is the duty of
Muslims to take part in different fields e.g., political, foreign, economic,
commercial, agricultural and industrial relation of country. He is of this
thought that it is wrong and harmful to wait for participation in different
domains of the country until whole country will come under Muslim rule.
Maulana shows his surprise that on the one side, Muslims spend
thousands of rupee to acquire a membership in a united body made for
achieving a common goal and consider such membership beneficial for
nation and community which makes this participation obligatory. But
when the same type of association is formed with an aim to set India free
from foreign rule, it is declared haram (prohibited) and against Islamic
teachings against our soul and our conscience, and even against common
sense.
3:3. Maulana Abul Kalam Azad
Abdul Kalam Azad (1888-1958) is regarded as another important
scholar of the early 20th century India who accepts Indian nationalism in
his own way. He studied at Mekka and in 1898, when the family returned
to India, he was tutored by his father Maulana Khairuddin Ahmad in the
Islamic science. Later, he came into contact with Shibli Nomani (1857-

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1914), and was exposed to the reformist writings of Egyptian scholars-

Muhammad Abduh (1849-1905) and Rashid Rida (1865-1935). With his
enriched intellectual experiences, he was able to comment on
contemporary issues with sensitivity in his first major journalistic
venture, Al-Hilal, a magazine launched in 1912. It took educated
Muslims by storm with its eloquence and fervor. ‗The Muslims were set
on fire by his passionate words‘ recalled Sulaiman Nadwi (1884-1953),
who worked with him on the staff of Al-Hilal for some time in 191330.
As early as 1905 unnoticed even by his strict disciplinarian sufi-
alim father, Maulana Abdul Kalam Azad who had then hardly stepped
into manhood started feeling dissatisfied with the religious as well as
political life of the Indian Muslims. At that time, the Muslims were
dependant on the ‘ulamâ’ for guidance in religious matters and for
political leadership, on the Aligarh school. Azad disliked both 31.
Commenting on them he said:
It drives made to see the deplorable sight that today, among the
Muslims there are only two types of leaders. For the
traditionalists there are the ulama, for the modernists the western-
educted intellectuals. Both are ignorant of religion and both are
paralyzed limbs of the community. They have no idea of their
destination: The one unable to get a boat, The other can‘t find the
shore. The first group is beset by religious superstitions,
prejudices and stagnancy; while the other is caught up in atheism,
imitation of the west, and love of power and position32.

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Azad strayed into the political arena in Calcutta and then in the
throes of the Swadeshi agitation. Impressed by the revolutionaries, he
regarded their anti-imperialism parallel to similar movements in other
Muslim lands: he claimed that the Al-Hilal was founded to propagate his
nationalistic, anti-imperialistic stand, from 1912-1913 until his
imprisonment in 1912, he was connected with several agitations for
which he was often sent to jail33.
His extra-textual reading of history and philosophy as well as his
knowledge, through Arabic newspapers, of the political activities of the
nationalist groups of the Muslim world convinced him that no political
struggle would be successful in India unless it was launched jointly by
the Hindus and the Muslims34. In 1940, he was elected as the president of
the Indian National Congress and on its behalf negotiated with the Cripps
Mission (1942) and the cabinet Mission in 1946. Both in the Interim
Government and after India won her freedom in 1947, he served the
country as its Education Minister. In fact, he is responsible for laying the
foundation of the educational policies of free India and served the India
national Congress and united nationalism till his death in 195835.
Even, Gandhiji, one of the leaders of Indian National Congress,
said about Maulana Azad, in May 1940:
I have had the privilege of being associated with Maulana Abul
Kalam Azad in national work since 1920. In the knowledge of
Islam he is surpassed by no one. He is a profound Arabic scholar.
His nationalism is as robust as his faith in Islam. That he is today
the supreme head of the Indian National Congress has deep

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meaning which should not be lost sight of by every student of

Indian politics36.

Maulana considered the Hindu-Muslim unity and brotherhood as

supreme which had contributed to the building up of Indian culture since
distant past. He was of the opinion that both the communities should
strive shoulder to shoulder for the freedom of the country. He made these
ideas very clear during his presidentship of the Indian National Congress.
At the time of taking over as the president of the congress in 1940, he had
remarked, ―Today we need neither any Hindu organization nor any
Muslim organization. What we need is a singular and unique
organization that is Indian National Congress‖. Maulana Azad
condemned the view of Muslim League that Congress belonged much
mud-slinging of his opponents. But he always stuck to his guns. Owing to
this opinion of Maulana Azad, the five-member Executive Council of the
Viceroy formed in 1945 consisted of two Hindus and one each Muslim,
Parsi and Indian Christian37.
Maulana Azad related country with humanity and not with any
religion. His remarks with this regard are quite striking, ―Today eleven
centuries have gone. Islam holds the same right over India as does
Hinduism. If the inhabitants of this country profess Hinduism for many
thousand years, Islam too is people‘s religion here for a thousand years.
Like a Hindu declaring proudly that he is an Indian, follow Hinduism, so
also we can say with equal pride that we are Indian and follow Islam. I
would like to express it in wider terms that Indian Christians too have the
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right to say with pride that they are Indians and they believe in
Christianity‖38.
This was the reason why as the President of the Congress, he
declared that the Muslims should join the Congress for the freedom of the
country. The country did not belong to a particular community, it
belonged to all and one39. Throughout his life, Azad struggled to purge
nationalism of religious orthodoxy and narrow-mindedness. He held that
every Muslims was a member of Indian nation and could not by virtue of
common bond of religions, separate himself from the large Indian society
and claim the status of independent nationhood. Although deeply
religious, he thought that to support nationalism in India would not be
possible without Hindu-Muslim unity, which to him was far more
important than even the freedom of the country40.
As a great champion of Hindu-Muslim unity and integrity of India,
Maulana Azad had very clear view about religion and nationalism. To
stick to his Indianness and its nationality do not seem him adverse to his
religion. The question of India first or Muslim first was irrelevant to
him41.He says, ―I am proud of being an Indian. I am part of indivisible
unity that is Indian nationality. I am indispensable to this noble edifice
and without me this splendid structure of India is incomplete‖42. In fact
he stands for a united India of Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Parsis and
others on the basis of a rational approach to common problems. To him
the problem of understanding between the two (Hindus and Muslims) as
it exists, is primarily a matter of cultural adjustment43. Throughout his

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life, he was an ardent advocate of Hindu-Muslim unity, and did

everything in his power to promote amity and friendship among them. He
constantly appealed to the both to cooperate with each other in different
spheres of life. To facilitate uninhibited friendship and collaboration
between the two communities, Maulana Azad wanted the Hindus and
Muslims to look upon themselves as members of a single homogenous
group or fraternity to which he gave the name of ummat-i-wahida (one
nation). In support of this, he cited the example of the Defence Treaty
generally called mithaq-i-Madina which the Prophet of Islam (SAAS)
had made with the non–Muslim tribes inhabiting the outskirts of Madina,
just after Hijrah (the Prophet‘s (SAAS) historic migration from Makka to
Madina)44.
Maulana Azad elaborates his united nationalism in the context of
the Prophet‘s (SAAS) joining hands with the diverse communities of
Arabia on the basis of having treaties with them to be friendly and at
peace for the common cause of humanity. In his presidential speech on
the occasion of the Khilafat Conference at Agra in 1921, he explains it:
The need of the hour is that the seven crore Muslims living in
India, should establish such close ties and develop such fellow
feeling with the twenty –two crore Hindus, that they may
henceforth be reckoned as one single nation and country as
inseperable parts of one combined and indivisible whole.
Muslims living in India ought to know that whatever Prophet
Muhammad (SAAS) has said is next in importance only to the
decree of God. These are the very words dictated by the holy

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Prophet as one of the terms of the Treaty. I hereby promise to

make complete peace with the tribes dwelling in the
neighbourhood of Madina and express full agreement with the
stipulations set down by them, We, the signatories of the
aforesaid Treaty, genuinely desire to combine and unite as
members of a single band, group or community45.

He amplifies it that the cause of standing against the British for

which he advocated in al-Hilal was because of the Britishers wiping out
Muslims of their existence from the globe. Then using the example of the
Prophet‘s covenant with the non Muslim Madinites, he gives the Indian
Muslims the ultimate precedent for uniting with the Hindus against a
common enemy. The prophet‘s ahad nama (written treaty) stated that he
hereby makes peace with the Jewish tribes who lived around Madina and
declared that they had now joined together to become ummat-e-wahida,
signifying the united nationality. Similarly, Azad says, in accordance
with the Prophet Muhammad (SAAS) precedence the seven crore
Muslims should join with the twenty - two crore Hindus and become one
nation (qaum). He warns the Muslims that the friendship with Hindus
should not be regarded by either party as a political expedient. It should
come from the depth of their conviction and bear the stamp of sincerity46.
Azad began to realize that nationalism was not inconsistent with
the spirit of Islam and that pan-Islamism was nothing short of a
misnomer. This drastic change in his outlook resulted from his objective
study of the political developments in his own country. He was also

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struck by the progress made by the Western countries in social, economic

and political spheres. He found that the basis of their progress owes much
to their nationalism and the separation of politics from religion47. In
―Islam and Nationalism‖, published in the second phase of Al-Hilal (Al-
Hilal Thani) which ran from June – December 2007, Maulana Azad
writes about nationalism as:
What is Nationalism? It is the concept for a special state of man‘s
collective consciousness and a notion of social order. It
distinguishes one group of people from another and makes it
possible for a large number of them to come together to lead their
lives and undertake their collective responsibilities. It is better
then it examines the human predicament with regard to man‘s
social relations and beliefs, before we look at the teachings of
Islam in this respect48.
It is natural that all human beings have love for the place where
they live for many years and in these years they have got an attach with
every thing of that place, he has also got constituency of experience, he
has kin and relatives there. Same idea has been expressed by Azad in the
following way:
Man develops a natural affinity for the place where he lives for a
period of time. His fondness for it is for more than one reason.
First, the physical conditions of the place coordinate the course
the course of his life in a manner that each of its seasons and
attributes correlates with some aspect of his life, and it develops
an attractiveness for him. Secondly, the continuity and

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consistency of experience, by itself, has an influence on his

animal consciousness. It naturally becomes more familiar with
the things it comes in regular contract with. Thirdly, with the
place of habitation all the affiliations of race and kinship also
merge. Man has his kith and kin at the place where he is born and
brought up, and its every hook and corner becomes associated
with their affections and memory. Therefore, after racial
affiliation, man feels a kinship with his place of nativity, and
gradually its hold becomes firmer. Eventually, it becomes the
centre of his love, and pivot of his temporal aspirations.
―Patriotism‖ is a maturing of one‘s alliance to the ―city-
state‖. As civilization progresses and expands, habitations and
towns grow in numbers, man‘s contacts become more extensive
and the city-state also starts to widen. Now, instead of this place
of birth and habit, man starts to regard the entire area (in a corner
of which he lives) as his native land. Gradually the scope widens
further, and in place of small patches bigger tracts of land come
into this fold. So much so that the concept of patriotism, now
encompasses an entire country.
The collective consciousness of race had unified the
masses into a unit of race. Next, the consciousness and place and
habitat created a unit more common and extensive than race, It
includes different tribes and races and unifies them.
‗Nationalism‖ follows ―Patriotism‖ as the next stage of social
consciousness. It connotes a wider scope of human relations, and
encompassing all the older orbits, creates a higher order of unity.

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This orbit of social consciousness is wider than all the past orbits,
and brings within its ambit larger and larger numbers of people.
The chain of relative extensions ends with the continental
division. The final stage, where this process of evolution reaches
maturity is the stage of ‗Humanism‘ and ‗Universalism‘ . At this
stage man realizes that the boundaries and relative affilations of
human associations and areas that he had created were not actual
and natural. True relationship is only one, the entire earth is
man‘s native land, mankind, one family and all human beings are
brothers. At this stage the voyage of man‘s collective affiliations
terminates and in place of unity of race, unity of place and unity
of nationality, the only and perfect unity, the unity of the human
race, created by God Almighty manifests itself. To begin with,
the piece of land, where he was born meant everything to him.
After birth, the four walls of the home became his universe. He
looked at other creatures, and before long, recognized the
different species and the nature of each one of them. He looked at
the sky, and after thousands of years realized that the sun has a
social system and the earth is one of its members49.

After going deep into Indian phenomena, Maulana Azad conceived

that Indian nationalism was neither Hindu nor Islamic; it was secular and
a synthesis of multi- religious colours. This sort of Indian nationalism,
according to him was a reality. To him the concept of nationalism aimed
at first, to overthrow the British Raj through the unity of the people and
then, further, to achieve the organic unity of India for the building of the

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Indian nationhood. All the people of India must have the sense of
oneness and belongingness to the country. According to him, every
Indian Muslim is a member of Indian nation and can not by virtue of the
common bond of religion, separate himself from the larger Indian society
and claim the status of the independent nationhood. The course of events
convinced Azad that nationalism in India was impossible of realization
without Hindu-Muslim unity. He was overwhelmed by the need of unity
so much that he considered it dearer than the freedom of the country
itself50.
Maulana Azad always talked in terms of a broad-based nationalism
embracing all religions and communities in a country like India where
there has been great diversity in the matter of language and culture. He
had a firm faith in a balanced mind representing a composite nationalism
which is all inclusive51. His attitude towards nationalism was often
rational. It was his conviction that if one can become a nationalist in a
definite time by adopting citizenship then it should not be difficult for
people belonging to different religions and living a territory for a long
time and developing common culture, customs and common interests to
become a nationalist52. It was in 1940 on the occasion of the Rambgarh
session of Indian National Congress that he made a good elaboration of
his concept:
I am a Muslim and I am proud to be so. My sources of inspiration
are the Islamic traditions built over more than 13 hundred years.
If I lose even a fragment of this inspiration then I shall deem my
life useless. My real property is the history, education, art, culture

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and civilization and heritage of Islam. It is my good fortune also.

To protect it is my duty. Being a Muslim I have special linking
for the religion and culture of Islam and I do not want any kind of
interference in this matter. But together, with these sentiments I
have other values also which constitute the reality of my life.
These realities exercise some restraint on me. The consciousness
of Islam does not come in the way of these values; on the other
hand they give direction to me and help me. It is a matter of pride
for me to be an Indian. I am a part of indivisible India; this is
Indian Nationalism. The common history of India extending to
eleven hundred years has brought India to this stage of common
achievements. This stamp of unity in all our literature, culture,
art, dress behavior, customs and every day activity. Anything
which breaks this stamp of unity is unrealistic. It is this common
life of eleven hundred years which has moulded us into a broad-
based nationalism53.

To strengthen national unity and integrity, Maulana Azad laid an

emphasis through his ideas on the role of religion and politics, It was his
fundamental belief that being a Hindu, or a Muslim or a Sikh or a
Christian, a person can be a true nationalist by observing his or her
religion. But in order to realize this it is necessary that India‘s old culture
and civilization should be properly linked with modernism54. He wanted
to make a change in Muslim attitude in reminding them that India is not a
strange place for us. The ancestors, as he says, had India in their blood 55.
He had the firm belief that in the plurality of the Indian situation no
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particular religion could be the basis for nationalism in India, thereby

indicating the way towards a sort of secular identity of Indian nationality
with the patent idea that, having no religion of its own, it treated all
religions at par and did not differentiate their adherents on the basis of
religion and culture. With the increasing cry of the two-nation theory as
propounded by Jinnah and his likes in the Hindu Mahasabha, he
vigorously campaigned to promote the idea of a common or united
nationalism, which he concerned as more rational and congenial to the
times56.
Azad thinks that India‘s historic destiny is in becoming a
hospitable land where, from times immemorial, caravans of races,
cultures and religions have come and settled. ―One of the last of these
caravans‖, he says, ―was that of the followers of Islam… This led to a
meeting of the culture-currents of two different races. Like the Ganga and
Jamuna they flowed for a while through separate courses, but nature‘s
immutable law brought them together and joined them in a sangam. This
fusion was a noble event in history. Since then, destiny, in her own
hidden way began to fashion a new India… We brought our treasurers
with us, and India too was full of the riches of her own precious heritage.
We gave our wealth to her and she unlocked the door of her own
treasures to us. We gave her what she needed most, the most precious of
gifts from Islam‘s treasury, the message of democracy and human
equality.‖57 He further observed; ―Eleven hundred years of common
history have enriched India with our common achievements. Our

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languages, our poetry, our literature, our culture, our art, our dress, our
manners and customs, the innumerable happenings of our daily life,
every thing bears the stamp of our joint endeavour. There is indeed no
aspect of our life which has escaped this stamp…… This joint wealth is
the heritage of our common nationality, and we do not want to leave it
and go back to the times when this joint life had not begun.
―If there are any Hindu amongst us who desire to bring back the
Hindu life of a thousand years ago and more, they dream, and such
dreams are vain fantasies. So also if there are any Muslims who wish to
revive, their past civilization and culture, which they brought a thousand
years ago from Iran and Central Asia, they dream also, and the sooner
they wake up the better. These are unnatural fancies which cannot take
root in the soil of reality. I am one of those who believe that revival may
be a necessity in a religion, but in social matters it is a denial of
progress58.
―These thousand years of our joint life have moulded us into a
common nationality. This cannot be done artificially. Nature does her
fashioning through her hidden processes in the course of centuries. The
cast has now been molded and destiny has set her seal upon it. Whether
we like it or not we have now become an India nation united and
indivisible No fantasy or artificial scheming to separate and divide can
break this unit. We must accept the logic of fact and history and engage
ourselves in the fashioning of our future destiny59.

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From his political debut in the national struggle Maulana Azad was
an uncompromising believer in the composite Indian nationalism. In fact,
he was among those few who were not shaken in their faith in composite
nationalism even by the partition of the country60. He persuaded the
people to show the tolerance and broad-minded in dealing with the
aftermath of the partition.
Thus Azad subscribed to harmonious religious as well as political
life of Indian Muslims along with their fellow natives. According to him
both ‗ulama’ and Western educated intellectuals were unable to grasp the
full truth of Islam. He tried to convince the Muslim world that no
political struggle would be successful in India unless it was launched
jointly by the Hindu and the Muslims. He wanted that the Hindu and the
Muslims to look upon themselves as members of a single homogenous
group or fraternity to which he gave the name of ummat-e-wahida (One
nation). He claimed that Al-Hilal was founded to propagate his
nationalistic and anti-imperialistic stand. His concept of nationalism
aimed at first, to over throw the British Raj through the unity of the
people and then, further to achieve the organic unity of India for the
building of the Indian nationhood.

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References
1. Uma Koura, Muslims and Indian Nationalism, The Emergence and the
Demand for India’s Partition 1928-40, Manohar Publications, 1977, p.
1.
2. Kamalesh Sharma, Role of Muslims in Indian Politics (1857-1947),
Inter-India Publications, New Delhi, 1985, p. 53.
3. Jawaharlal Nehru, An Autobiography, The Bodley Head, London, 1955,
p. 460.
4. Ishtiaq Ahmad, The Concept of an Islamic State, St. Martin‘s Press,
New York, 1987, p. 69.
5. Bimal Prasad, A Nation Within a Nation 1877-1937, Manohar
Publications, New Delhi, 2000, p. 49.
6. A. Aziz, Pakistan from Crisis to Crisis, Royal Book Company, Karachi,
1986, p. 190.
7. P. Hardy, The Muslims of British India, Cambridge University Press,
Cambridge, 1972, pp. 1-2.
8. Ishtiaq Ahmad, op. cit., p. 66.
9. K. K. Aziz, The Making of Pakistan: A Study in Nationalism, National
Book Foundation, Karachi, 1976, p. 174.
10. Idem.
11. Shaikh ul Islam, Maulana Hussain Ahmad Madni was born at 11 o‘clock
on the night of 19th Shawwal 1296 Hijri in village Bangermau of district
Unnao (Uttar Pradesh). His parents named him ‗Chirag Muhammad‘.
His native place was Alahdapur in Tanda tehsil of district Faizabad
(Uttar Pradesh), The Prisoners of Malta, Maulana Syed Muhammad
Main, Manak Publications, New Delhi, 2005, p. 86.
12. Maulana Hussain Ahmad Madni, Composite Nationalism and Islam,
Manohar Publications, New Delhi, 2005, p. 23.
13. Farhat Tabasum, Deoband Ulema’s Movement for the Freedom of India,
Manak Publications, New Delhi, 2006, p. 138.
14. Maulana Hussain Ahmad Madni, Hamara Hindustan aur Uske Fadhail,
Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind, New Delhi, 2001, p. 1.
15. Ibid., p. 2.
16. Ibid., p. 4.
17. Ibid., p. 3.
18. Maulana Syed Mohammad Main, The Prisoners of Malta, Manak
Publications, New Delhi, 2005, p. 202.
19. Ibid., pp. 202-03.

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20. Maulana Hussain Ahmad Madni, Composite Nationalism. op. cit., pp.
118-120.
21. Idem .
22. Farhat Tabasum, op. cit., p. 141.
23. Maulana Hussain Ahmad Madni, Composite Nationalism. op. cit., pp.
37-38.
24. Allama Iqbal, Kulliyat-i-Iqbal, (Persian), , Pakistan.
25. Maulana Hussain Ahmad Madni Composite Nationalism. op. cit., pp.
55-56.
26. Ibid., pp. 75-85.
27. D. R. Goyal Maulana Hussain Ahmad Madni: A Biographical Study,
Anamika Publishers and Distributors (P) Ltd., pp. 170-171.
28. Maulana Hussain Ahmad Madni, Composite Nationalism. op. cit., pp.
102-105.
29. D. R. Goyal, loc. cit.
30. Mushirul Hasan, ed., Islam and Indian Nationalism: Reflections on
Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Manohar Publications, New Delhi, 1992, p.
79.
31. Mushirul Haq, A Revolutionary Nationalist, Syeda Saiyidin Hameed,
Ed. India’s Maulana, Abul Kalam Azad, Vol. I, Vikas Publishing House
Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi, 1990, p. 164.
32. Abul Kalam Azad, Al-Hilal, 1(4), August 4, 1912, p. 4.
33. Mushirul Hasan, op cit, p. 79.
34. Mushirul Haq, A Revolutionary Nationalist, op. cit., p. 164.
35. Mushirul Hasan, op cit, p. 79.
36. Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad (Tributes,
Writings, Speeches), Khuda Baksh Oriental Public Library, Patna, 2002,
p. 15.
37. T. W. Arnold, Biographical Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol. 1, Cosmo
Publications, New Delhi, 2006, p. 555.
38. Dr. P. N. Chapra, Maulana Abul Kalam Unfulfilled Dreams, Interprint,
New Delhi, 1990, p. 149. See Presidential Address delivered by
Maulana Abul Kalam Azad at the fifty-third Session of the Indian
National Congress held at Ramgarh, March, 19-20, 1940.
39. T. W. Arnold, Biographical Encyclopedia of Islam, Cosmo Publications,
p. 555.
40. Dr. Ravindra Kumar, Life and Works of Maulana Abul Kalam Azad,
Atlantic Publishers and Distributors, New Delhi, 1991, p. 57.
41. Ibid., p. 18.

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42. Dr. P. N. Chapra, op.cit., p. 149.

43. Dr. Ravindra Kumar, op. cit., p. 18
44. Zia al-Hasan Farooqi, Maulana Azad Towards Freedom, B. R.
Publishing Company, Delhi, 1997, p. 129.
45. Idem.
46. Syeda Saiydin Hameed, Islamic Seal on Indian Independence Abul
Kalam Azad – A Fresh Look, Oxford University Press, Karachi, 1998, p.
99.
47. Zakir Hussain, Abul Kalam Azad Between Dreams and Realities,
Prakash Book Depot, Bareily, 1990, p. 128.
48. Abul Kalam Azad, ―Islam and Nationalism‖, Al-Hilal, (Al-Hilal Thani),
June,December, 2007.
49. Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad (Tributes,
Writings, Speeches), op. cit., pp. 40-42.
50. Zakir Hussain, op. cit., pp. 128-129.
51. Dr. Ravindra Kumar, op. cit., p. 2.
52. Idem.
53. Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad (Tributes,
Writings, Speeches), op. cit., pp. 61-80.
54. Dr. Ravindra Kumar, op. cit., p. 3.
55. Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad (Tributes,
Writings and Speeches), op. cit., p. 89.
56. Zia ul-Hasan Farooqi, op. cit., p. 176.
57. Ibid., pp. 177-178.
58. Dr. P. N. Chapra, op. cit., p. 149.
59. Zia ul-Hasan Farooqi, op. cit., p. 178.
60. T. W. Arnold, Biographical Encyclopedia of Islam, op. cit., p. 556.

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