Domestic Violence and Education: Examining the

Impact of Domestic Violence on Young Children,

Children, and Young People and the Potential Role of
Schools
1*
Michele Lloyd

1
School of Education, University of Hertfordshire, United Kingdom
Submitted to Journal:
Frontiers in Psychology

Specialty Section:
Gender, Sex and Sexuality Studies

ISSN:
1664-1078

Article type:
Review Article

Received on:
13 May 2018

Accepted on:
11 Oct 2018

Provisional PDF published on:

11 Oct 2018

Frontiers website link:

www.frontiersin.org

Citation:
Lloyd M(2018) Domestic Violence and Education: Examining the Impact of Domestic Violence on Young
Children, Children, and Young People and the Potential Role of Schools. Front. Psychol. 9:2094.
doi:10.3389/fpsyg.2018.02094

Copyright statement:
© 2018 Lloyd. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons
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Frontiers in Psychology | www.frontiersin.org
 Domestic Violence and Education

1 Frontiers in Psychology Research Topic

2 New Perspectives on Domestic Violence: from Research to Intervention
3
4 Words (excluding Abstract and References): 7,401
5
6 Domestic Violence and Education: Examining the Impact of
7 Domestic Violence on Young Children, Children, and Young
8 People and the Potential Role of Schools
9
10 Dr Michele Lloyd, School of Education, University of Hertfordshire, UK
11 [email protected]
12
13 Abstract
14 This article examines how domestic violence impacts the lives and education of young
15 children, children, and young people and how they can be supported within the education
16 system. Schools are often the service in closest and longest contact with a child living with
17 domestic violence; teachers can play a vital role in helping families access welfare services.
18 In the wake of high profile cases of child abuse and neglect, concerns have been raised about
19 the effectiveness of multi-agency responses to children living with abuse. In the UK, the case
20 of four-year-old Daniel Pelka who died in 2012 following abuse and starvation by his mother,
21 who experienced domestic violence, and her partner, led to a serious case review. It found
22 recording systems in Daniel’s school were not used consistently, and details held by different
23 agencies were not collated to enable the formation of a coherent assessment. The lack of
24 integrated working cited in the report echoes findings from previous serious case reviews. A
25 strong correlation exists between domestic abuse and child abuse, with approximately half of
26 all domestic violence situations involving direct child abuse. Children can also be affected
27 indirectly by violence occurring in their home by seeing or hearing it taking place. This
28 article examines the impact of domestic violence on the mental health of children, and the
29 impact on their education. Violence in children’s lives often causes disruption to their
30 schooling and harms the quality of their educational experiences and outcomes. The abuse
31 children experience can result in emotional trauma, physical and psychological barriers to
32 learning, and disruptive behavior in school, while the underlying causes of these problems
33 remain hidden. Knowing when and how to seek advice from multi-agency professionals is an
34 essential part of effective practice among school staff. Despite their vital role in identifying
35 signs of abuse and signposting referral pathways, research indicates teachers often lack
36 confidence and knowledge for such work. The article examines how the professional
37 learning and professional confidence of teachers can be developed, and how recent policy and
38 practice developments in the UK have the potential to influence work in this area.
39
40 Keywords: domestic violence, education, early childhood, children, young people, schools,
41 teachers, multi-agency working
42
43 Introduction
44 Every school is likely to have children affected by domestic violence. The aim of this article
45 is to examine how domestic violence impacts the lives of young children, children, and young
46 people, and the potential role that schools can play in helping to address their needs.
47 Wellbeing and healthy relationships are the foundations of learning. The immediate and
48 long-term costs of domestic violence can thus be high, affecting children’s education as well
49 as having long-term developmental consequences.

1
 Domestic Violence and Education

50 Many types of abuse occur within the domestic sphere. In the UK the government
51 definition of domestic violence and abuse is: ‘any incident or pattern of incidents of
52 controlling, coercive, threatening behaviour, violence or abuse between those aged 16 or over
53 who are, or have been, intimate partners or family members regardless of gender or sexuality.
54 The abuse can encompass, but is not limited to: psychological, physical, sexual, financial,
55 emotional’ (Home Office, 2018). Although this definition applies to those aged 16 or over,
56 children also experience the harmful effects of domestic violence, as will be examined further
57 below. There is growing awareness of the emotional harm of domestic violence, evidenced
58 in the UK in the offence of controlling or coercive behaviour in intimate or familial
59 relationships which has a maximum custodial sentence of five years, a fine or both (Home
60 Office, 2015). As well as being affected by physical abuse, children can be affected by non-
61 physical domestic abuse based on coercive control, such as isolation, continual monitoring,
62 financial abuse, and verbal and psychological abuse (Katz, 2016). Domestic violence is part
63 of the landscape of child protection. Government documentation on child protection titled
64 ‘Working Together to Safeguard Children’ (HM Government, 2013) details safeguarding
65 responsibilities of professionals and organizations, and promotes a child-centred approach
66 based on the needs and views of children (Holt, 2014).
67 While the term domestic violence is used in this article, a number of terms are present
68 in literature such as intimate partner violence and inter-parental violence, and sometimes
69 terms are used interchangeably. Since there is a governmental definition of domestic
70 violence, and also for consistency, I will adopt the term domestic violence predominantly
71 here. The terms intimate partner violence and inter-parental violence will be used when
72 referring to studies that specifically adopt these terms. Comment [ML1]: Explanation added
in concerning the terms used in the
73 Domestic violence and child protection is a complex, multifaceted area. It is common article
74 for domestic violence and, as specified in this case, intimate partner violence (IPV) to co- Comment [ML2]: Abuse changed
75 occur with other problems: ‘children’s experiences of and responses to IPV exposure cannot to violence for consistency
76 be viewed in isolation from other adversities and inequalities’ (Etherington & Baker, 2018,
77 p.70). The co-occurrence of stressful problems in early life is often referred to as adverse
78 childhood experiences (ACEs). ACEs is a construct emerging from a long line of studies into
79 traumatic events occurring in childhood such as domestic violence, sexual, physical and
80 emotional abuse, household dysfunction, and neglect (Felitti et al., 1998; Dube et al., 2001).
81 Research studies find that having these ACEs has long-lasting effects into adulthood. ACEs
82 can be a source of long-term psychological distress as well as having longitudinal effects on
83 physical health, substance misuse, interpersonal violence and self-harm (Hughes et al., 2017). Comment [ML3]: Citations for ACEs
added
84 The ‘toxic trio’ of domestic violence, substance misuse, and parental mental health problems
85 can render children at risk of harm and complex trauma. Poverty all too frequently intersects
86 with ACEs. Although poverty is viewed as a social marker regarding the distribution of
87 domestic violence risk, the association is not causal (Ray, 2011). Domestic violence cuts
88 across all socio-economic groups and all backgrounds. Victims of all backgrounds,
89 predominantly women, face common difficulties when leaving an abusive partner. Research
90 demonstrates that it is at the point of leaving, or after she has left, that a woman is in most
91 danger (Calder & Regan, 2008). It is not uncommon for victims of domestic violence to
92 remain living with perpetrators, even risking their own safety, rather than risking themselves,
93 and their children, becoming homeless.
94 Teachers are well placed to play a pivotal role in identifying and responding to
95 domestic violence since they have contact with children more than any other service. As
96 emphasized by Sterne and Poole (2010, p.17), ‘although staff in schools may not be able to
97 stop the violence at home, they are in a position to make a considerable difference to
98 children’s lives’. Statistics from the Department for Education (DfE) (2017b) show that of
99 the 646,120 children referred to children’s social care in England 2016-2017, the highest
 Domestic Violence and Education

100 number of referrals, 27.5%, came from the police. The second highest percentage of referrals
101 came from schools at 17.7% followed by health services at 14.4%. School referrals
102 combined with education services referrals of 2.6% means that education accounted for
103 20.3% of referrals overall. Once referred and assessed, statistics show the percentage of
104 children in need according to identified factors. In 2016-2017 (DfE, 2017b) the most
105 common factor was domestic violence which applied to 49.9% of children in need; this
106 incorporated violence directed at children or adults in the household. The second most
107 common factor was mental health at 39.7% which likewise encompassed mental health of the
108 child or adults in the household. The prevalence of domestic violence is not only high among
109 children in need but also among the wider population with as many as one in six young
110 people in the UK reporting experiencing it during their childhood (Radford et al., 2011).
111 Exposure to domestic violence generates a multitude of responses and needs and it is
112 important for children and young people not to be regarded as a homogeneous group or
113 lacking the capacity for posttraumatic growth and recovery: ‘it is wrong to stereotype all
114 children as inevitably and permanently damaged by living with domestic violence’
115 (Mullender et al., 2002, p.121). Although some children experiencing domestic violence will Comment [ML4]: Abuse changed
to violence for consistency
116 exhibit difficulties in their schoolwork, the education of others will not be adversely affected:
117 ‘some children living with domestic abuse achieve highly in school; throwing themselves into
118 school life and work can provide an escape’ (Sterne & Poole, 2010, p.23). Similarly, while
119 some students affected by domestic violence will experience educational settings as a source
120 of continuity and security, others will experience them as challenging. It is therefore
121 essential to take into account the range of responses to domestic violence among children.
122 This article firstly looks at how domestic violence is conceptualized with regard to children,
123 and how it affects them across different ages. This is followed by an examination of multi-
124 agency working between schools and other organizations. The importance of recognizing
125 individual and family contexts is considered before analyzing prevention education in
126 schools. Finally, recent developments in policy and practice in the UK are examined in terms
127 of both the challenges and opportunities they pose.
128
129 Conceptualizing domestic violence in relation to children
130 Domestic violence is manifested in various ways and has been conceptualized by some as Comment [ML5]: Domestic violence
used rather than violence in the
131 taking direct and indirect forms. Indirect abuse can result from inter-parental violence where private sphere
132 children are not the subject of direct abuse. However, children witnessing inter-parental
133 violence, and hearing it without necessarily seeing it, can still feel its effects: ‘While often
134 characterized as witnesses to inter-parental violence, which implies a passive role, children
135 actively interpret, attempt to predict and assess their roles in causing the violence’ (Baker &
136 Cunningham, 2009, p.199, emphasis in original). Indeed, the terms direct and indirect abuse
137 have been interpreted as potentially misleading and perhaps simplistic. Callaghan et al.
138 (2018, p.1566) argue it is too restrictive to view domestic violence as abuse between partners
139 in an intimate dyad whereby children are perceived as ‘affected by’ the abuse: ‘Far from
140 passive witnesses, they are not “exposed” to violence and abuse; rather they live with it and
141 experience it directly, just as adults do’. Regarding children as ‘affected by’ domestic
142 violence diminishes its impact on them. Instead, Callaghan et al. (2018) call for children to
143 be recognized as direct victims of violence and abuse which in turn could improve
144 professional responses to their needs.
145
146 Impact of domestic violence on young children, children, and young people
147 Domestic violence occurs at all ages. Sterne and Poole (2010) point out that the duration of
148 children’s encounters with domestic abuse has a greater bearing on their stress levels than the
149 severity of the abuse. Harm caused by domestic violence can be physical, emotional,
 Domestic Violence and Education

150 behavioral, cognitive, and social, and effects are usually overlapping and interrelated.
151 Although harm can be present across all age phases, I will differentiate by three age groups,
152 namely young children aged one to four, children aged five to 10, and young people aged 11
153 to 16 since challenges and issues arising from domestic violence are different across these
154 ages. It should be noted, however, these age groups are approximate and children’s
155 experiences and responses will be influenced by individual needs and context. Comment [ML6]: Age ranges specified
156
157 Impact on young children
158 The effects of domestic violence can be felt in early childhood. Research shows that Comment [ML7]: The term
domestic violence is used instead of
159 psychosocial development is more problematical among toddlers exposed to IPV who violence in the private sphere
160 additionally experience physical abuse (Harper et al., 2018). In some cases domestic
161 violence during early childhood leads to emotional problems. Among pre-school children it Comment [ML8]: Abuse changed
to violence for consistency
162 can cause separation anxiety from the non-abusing parent, commonly their mother. Pre-
163 school children’s restricted ability for coping due to their young age means that behavioral
164 and psychological disengagement is one way they react to inter-parental violence (Baker &
165 Cunningham, 2009). Pre-schoolers sensitized to the noise of family violence may cope by
166 tuning out noise, consequently posing difficulties for those wishing to interact with them in
167 the school setting. According to Baker and Cunningham (2009), pre-school children will
168 react to inter-parental conflict in a variety of ways including becoming withdrawn, anxious,
169 engaging in repetitive play, regressive behavior, having inhibited independence, sleep
170 problems, tantrums or impaired understanding. The signs and symptoms of domestic
171 violence and inter-parental violence are not always easily detectable. Moreover, it is difficult
172 for staff in pre-school to know whether children’s conduct is associated with experience of
173 domestic violence or regular behavior expected of this age group. If staff suspect abuse,
174 and/or notice changes in pre-school children, background checks into the home environment
will help inform their professional judgement. Staff can check if the child has a previous
175
history of abuse and if a parent has a history of violence including towards adults or animals
176 since they are likely to be violent towards children as well (Beckett, 2007). It is important for
177 pre-school staff to exchange information with other healthcare professionals such as health
178 visitors who work with children from birth to five. Guidelines in the UK recommend health
179 visitors undertake routine screening for domestic violence and share information with pre-
180 schools and schools as appropriate. The quality of the parent-child relationship also needs to
181 be considered by pre-school staff, for example is the child reluctant to go home or fearful in
182
183 the presence of a parent. Early years teachers and support staff can develop strategies for Comment [ML9]: Additional discussion
on behavior associated with domestic
184 supporting pre-school children displaying symptoms through giving positive feedback, violence versus other age-related issues,
185 focusing on desirable rather than undesirable behavior, validating the child’s feelings, and screening for domestic violence, and
information sharing
186 preparing for transitions during the day (Baker & Cunningham, 2009).
187
188 Impact on children
189 Separation anxiety due to domestic violence is not limited to pre-schoolers and young school- Comment [ML10]: Abuse changed
to violence for consistency
190 aged children experiencing such anxiety could be clingy, and feign illness or be disruptive at
191 school in the hope of being sent home. In relation to the physical impact of domestic
192 violence Calder and Reagan (2008) state effects include, but are not limited to, injury, eating
193 problems, and stress-related conditions such as asthma and bronchitis. Emotional effects,
194 they note, are manifested in disruption to schooling including non-attendance, attention and
195 concentration difficulties, sleep disturbance, withdrawal, insecurity, guilt, depression and low
196 self-esteem. Behaviorally, the impact might be changes in conduct, unpredictable behavior,
197 aggression, anger, and hyperactivity. Being the perpetrator or victim of bullying can also
198 ensue (Children’s Commissioner, 2018). Some children facing trauma at home display
199 hypervigilance and hyperarousal at school, constantly watchful and fearful of danger (Sterne
 Domestic Violence and Education

200 & Poole, 2010). Domestic violence can negatively affect cognitive skills, language
201 development and educational attainment.
202
203 Impact on young people
204 In older children potential indicators of domestic violence include self-blame, depression, Comment [ML11]: Abuse changed
to violence for consistency
205 self-harm, suicidal ideation, substance abuse, risk-taking behaviour, criminal behaviour, poor
206 social networks, disaffection with education, and eating disorders (Children’s Commissioner,
207 2018). Research indicates that experiencing domestic violence has a differential impact
208 along gender lines. Girls are more likely to internalize symptoms in the form of withdrawal,
209 anxiety and depression, whereas boys, though still susceptible to anxiety and depression, are
210 more prone to externalizing symptoms through violence against peers or antisocial behavior
211 (Baldry, 2007). Research with young people found that being listened to, taken seriously,
212 and jointly involved in finding solutions were key means of helping them cope; in cases
213 where no one listened, young people felt ‘doubly disadvantaged’ (Mullender et al., 2002,
214 p.121). The effects of domestic violence clearly have implications for student wellbeing and
215 learning examined in more detail in the following section. Comment [ML12]: Transition to next
section added
216
217 Research with school teachers
218 Research has demonstrated how domestic violence impacts on students’ engagement in
219 learning when living within, as well as leaving, abusive homes. Those leaving domestically
220 violent homes face the additional threat of temporary homelessness or overcrowded
221 accommodation. Research with school teachers in England has shown that the sequential
222 issues of domestic violence and homelessness can lead to unstable accommodation, with Comment [ML13]: Abuse changed
to violence for consistency
223 children being re-housed frequently, obliged to live with relatives or friends, or living long
224 distances from school due to lack of local housing (Digby & Fu, 2017). Non-permanent
225 accommodation has an impact in the classroom through children’s lack of ability to
226 participate socially and academically. Primary and secondary school teachers in Digby and
227 Fu’s (2017) sample spoke of the effects of homelessness on children they worked with such
228 as lack of space at home to study, limited access to a computer for homework, increased
229 anxiety and stress, and living in noisy, overcrowded accommodation which affected their
230 sleep. The teacher participants also noted that while children in younger age groups became
231 withdrawn, the tendency was for older pupils to exhibit anger and aggression. The study
232 revealed the adverse effects on teachers themselves who described feeling emotionally
233 exhausted as well as frustrated at not always being able to help their students. Children living
234 in a refuge are additionally vulnerable to being teased and bullied at school due to the stigma
235 associated with refuge accommodation (Sterne & Poole, 2010). Given the multiple effects of
236 domestic violence, teachers and support staff in schools need to be equipped with knowledge,
237 understanding and skills to identify and respond to internalized and externalized symptoms
238 discussed next.
239
240 Domestic violence, schools and multi-agency working
241 UK government guidelines underline the importance of multi-agency working in child
242 protection (HM Government, 2015). In order to strengthen education as part of multi-
243 professional team working the government recently made a commitment to giving schools a
244 greater role in forthcoming statutory guidance for safeguarding children (HM Government,
245 2018). Despite this emphasis ‘Surprisingly little attention has been paid to the inter-
246 organisational information exchange in the educational context’ (Baginsky et al., 2015,
247 p.355) which this article seeks to examine. The UK government’s statutory guidance for
248 schools and colleges titled ‘Keeping children safe in education’ (DfE, 2016) emphasizes that
249 safeguarding children is everyone’s responsibility. Rather than being the exclusive concern
 Domestic Violence and Education

250 of the Designated Safeguarding Lead in school ‘any staff member can make a referral to
251 children’s social care’ (DfE, 2016, p.7). However, it is evident from research and Serious
252 Case Reviews (SCRs) into child abuse and child deaths in the UK that school staff are
253 sometimes unclear about their role in the child protection process, and that effective training
254 is needed to enable school staff to better support children and their parents.
255 SCRs have repeatedly cited failure to respond to early signs of abuse, poor record
256 keeping, and sharing information too slowly as contributing to ineffective practice (DfE,
257 2016). The SCR into the death of four-year-old Daniel Pelka in 2012 found that recording
258 systems in his school were not used consistently, different social work and health
259 organizations held partial information which was not collated to enable the formation of a
260 coherent assessment, and insufficient training of school staff resulted in their not being clear
261 of their role in child protection, nor whom to contact with concerns (Wonnacott & Watts,
262 2014). Daniel was frequently hungry when he went to school where he searched for food,
263 including in bins (Lock, 2013). Although his mother said he had health problems, he had
264 further unexplained injuries which did not prompt a referral. His mother’s experiences of the
265 ‘toxic trio’ of domestic violence, substance misuse, and mental ill-health complicated matters
266 further still. Lack of professional confidence among child protection workers can be a barrier
267 to multi-agency working as in the case of Daniel Pelka ‘where uncertainty and apprehension
268 lead to inaction’ (Baginsky et al., 2015, p.355). Effective child protection requires
269 understanding of collaborative roles: ‘children are best protected when professionals are clear
270 about what is required of them individually and how they need to work together’ (Holt, 2014,
271 p.56).
272 Collaboration across agencies is similarly examined in a report entitled ‘The multi-
273 agency response to children living with domestic abuse’ (Office for Standards in Education,
274 Children’s Services and Skills [Ofsted] et al., 2017) which calls for health practitioners,
275 social workers and the police to share child protection information more readily with schools.
276 Evidence from inspections in six local authorities in England demonstrated aspects of good
277 practice within schools for addressing domestic abuse including: schools having awareness-
278 raising assemblies; disseminating posters and information booklets; hosting visits from
279 charities and the police; counselors, play therapists and learning mentors working with child
280 victims; and providing parents with support service information. The latter took the form in
281 one school of giving out pens with a telephone number disguised as a bar code. Having
282 support resources available in school is an important way of informing young people’s
283 friends of how to respond to disclosure since young people experiencing violence sometimes
284 confide in their friends (Refuge, 2008). Impediments identified by teachers in the inspection
285 report by Ofsted et al. (2017) included limited resources for working with children affected
286 by domestic abuse; and psychological harm being taken less seriously than physical harm.
287 The report calls on schools to prioritize education about healthy relationships which was not
288 always in evidence from the inspections. Schools responding to domestic violence also
289 entails working with parents, especially mothers who tend to be the non-offending parent.
290 Working with parents requires a context-sensitive approach which forms the focus of the
Comment [ML14]: Transition to next section added
291 following section.
292
293 Recognizing the child and family context
294 Parental non-disclosure of domestic violence coupled with wariness towards social services
295 have a deep-rooted history, due in part to feelings of guilt, shame and fear of children being
296 taken into care. Young people themselves have expressed fears of being removed from home
297 (Ellis et al., 2015). Research shows that making a disclosure to professionals or other adults
298 can be traumatic for children, with instances of family members becoming angry and upset
299 and holding the child responsible for consequences (Children’s Commissioner, 2018).
 Domestic Violence and Education

300 Cultural taboos can render disclosure of domestic violence, including ‘honour-based’
301 violence, even more difficult for members of certain communities. Interventions by social
302 workers are sometimes perceived, if not directly experienced, as punitive rather than
303 supportive. In order to facilitate identification and disclosure of domestic violence victims
304 must be treated in a non-judgemental way and their complex needs recognized.
305 Professionals, including teachers who are the Designated Safeguarding Lead in their school,
306 require knowledge, training and strategies for inquiring about abuse, and how to manage both
307 disclosures and non-disclosures.
308 The range of needs among those living with domestic violence requires a professional
309 response informed by victim context. Welfare services need to adopt an intersectional
310 approach to domestic violence and its attendant issues (Ramon, 2015) whereby disability,
311 race and ethnicity, gender, age, socio-economic status, immigration status, and sexual
312 orientation of children and parents alike are taken into account. Immigration status, for
313 instance, can be a factor in non-disclosure. In recognition of the importance of
314 intersectionality Etherington and Baker (2018) advocate service providers engage in
315 reflexivity by examining whether their provision ignores or attends to children’s multiple
316 social locations. The needs and access to resources of a middle-class child, for example, will
317 differ to those of a child living in persistent or recurring poverty. An intersectional, child-
318 centred approach is promoted by Etherington and Baker (2018), one which takes into account
319 the specificity of children’s individual experiences, and is sensitive to the characteristics
320 shaping their experiences. Where interconnected factors such as domestic violence and Comment [ML15]: Abuse changed
to domestic violence for consistency
321 mental health problems affect a family’s context, they need to be understood and documented
322 in conjunction with each other rather than in isolation (Lloyd et al., 2017).
323
324 School engagement with domestic violence prevention and education work
325 In addition to making referrals to social care ‘Schools also have an essential role in educating
326 children about domestic abuse’ (Ofsted et al., 2017, p.28). Yet research has revealed a lack
327 of work in school on domestic violence. A survey commissioned by the domestic violence
328 charity Refuge (2008) involving 513 young women aged 18-21 revealed that just 13% had
329 learned about domestic violence while at school and nearly 70% responded they would have
330 welcomed such lessons.
331 Engaging in prevention education and awareness raising in school can increase
332 domestic violence disclosure from young people, though research shows mixed outcomes, Comment [ML16]: Abuse changed
to violence for consistency
333 with increased disclosure following some educational programs but not others (Ellis et al.,
334 2015). Moreover, participating in a school-based program results in some young people
335 more likely to disclose to a family member than to professionals (Ellis et al., 2015). Trust in
336 professionals plays a key role in domestic violence disclosure. Experiences of abuse can lead
337 to young people having diminished trust in adults and in their ability to support and protect
338 them, sometimes a consequence of teachers in school not acting upon student disclosure of
339 abuse in the home (Swanston et al., 2014). Teachers building trust with young people is
340 therefore of vital importance.
341 Prevention programs in school are more effective when promoted through whole-
342 school policies and practices than through single-component programs or individual teachers
343 (Harne & Radford, 2008). Program evaluations also show that while one-off education
344 initiatives have some value in raising awareness of domestic violence, attitudinal change is Comment [ML17]: Abuse changed
to violence for consistency
345 better sustained when learning is revisited and reinforced in subsequent years (Harne &
346 Radford, 2008). Adopting a gendered approach is another preferred format for changing
347 attitudes as it underlines that domestic violence is rooted in unequal power relations between Comment [ML18]: Abuse changed
to violence for consistency
348 men and women; although men can be victims too, the majority are women and they are
349 subject to domestic violence in more severe and repeated forms (Women’s Aid, 2009).
 Domestic Violence and Education

350 Furthermore, where prevention programs in schools include a male facilitator, there is a
351 higher likelihood of boys changing their attitudes (Ellis et al., 2006).
352 A more recent evaluation of a UK school-based domestic violence prevention
353 program was undertaken by Fox et al. (2016). They evaluated a six-week education program
354 (one hour each week) delivered by domestic abuse practitioners in seven secondary (high)
355 schools and compared participant questionnaire responses with those of participants in six
356 schools not receiving the intervention program. The study had a total of 1,203 participants.
357 When pre- and post-test responses were statistically analysed, findings showed that boys and
358 girls alike who had participated in the intervention program became less accepting of
359 domestic violence and were more likely to seek help for abuse in comparison to those in the
360 control group. Comparable degrees of attitude change occurred across those who had
361 experienced abuse and those who had not experienced it. Although those in the intervention
362 group indicated a higher likelihood of engaging in help-seeking behaviour from pre- to post-
363 test, this trend was not maintained at the three-month follow-up data collection stage leading
364 Fox et al. (2016) to argue that young people require more than a one-off program to persuade
365 them of the benefits of seeking help for abuse. Congruent with previous evaluation research,
366 Fox et al. (2016) emphasize that in order to help ensure the sustainability and effectiveness of
367 prevention education teachers need to be trained and supported to integrate such education
368 into the school curriculum. Comment [ML19]: Discussion of
program evaluation research included
369 For prevention and support work in school to be effective, teachers themselves
370 evidently need to feel supported by school processes and management (Sterne & Poole,
371 2010). When addressing the needs of children living with domestic violence school staff
372 should be prepared with information about services, signposting to external agencies,
373 ensuring student safety, and knowing what to do next following disclosure. Without this
374 information, students could be put in a worse situation than before (Howarth et al., 2016).
375 Just as teachers need to have a clear understanding of their role in safeguarding children, so
376 too they need to know the boundaries of their role. Research warns of the dangers of teachers
377 acting beyond their professional scope such as asking a child to talk about their experiences
378 without being suitably qualified which can have a traumatic effect on the child (Swanston et
379 al., 2014). A sensitive approach is needed to help both students and their parents already
380 living with domestic violence. Yet teachers’ responses to research reveal they often lack the
381 professional confidence and expertise to provide domestic violence prevention education and Comment [ML20]: Abuse changed
to violence for consistency
382 intervention support, highlighting the need for effective staff training at both initial and
383 continuing professional teacher education, and to include school nurses (Refuge, 2008).
384 The content, manner and personnel delivering domestic violence education in schools Comment [ML21]: Abuse changed
to violence for consistency
385 clearly require careful consideration to enhance student engagement and handle student
386 vulnerability (Fox et al., 2014). Different models of educational program delivery have been
387 employed in school. Some entail teachers delivering school-based initiatives themselves,
388 others favour delivery from external specialists, while some opt for collaborative
389 implementation. Although external facilitators have specialist knowledge, expertise and
390 experience of discussing sensitive topics with young people, teachers have more in-depth
391 knowledge of students and their individual circumstances (Fox et al., 2014). Working in
392 partnership with external facilitators provides a way for teachers to develop their professional
393 learning and confidence. The respective strengths of external specialists and teachers can be
394 complemented through collaboration:
395
396 ...preventive interventions when co-delivered with specialist organisations might offer
397 the possibility for school staff to increase their skills in dealing with disclosures and
398 subsequently help improve the health and well-being of children and young people.
399 (Ellis et al., 2015, p.60)
 Domestic Violence and Education

400
401 The need for effective professional learning and training of school staff applies to the
402 issue of interpersonal violence too. Cross-national European research in secondary (high)
403 schools found that teachers frequently had limited confidence and knowledge to address the
404 problem of interpersonal violence and abuse (Barter et al., 2015). Findings from the study
405 echoed domestic violence program evaluations in that rather than interpersonal violence and
406 abuse being left to the efforts of an individual teacher championing the cause, the issue
407 should be addressed at institutional level as a whole-school concern. Schools have an
408 essential role to play, then, in tackling domestic violence and the following section examines
409 how recent policy and practice have the potential to influence work in this area. Comment [ML22]: Transition to next
section added
410
411 Developments in policy and practice
412 Following long-running campaign calls for the introduction of mandatory relationships and
413 sex education (RSE) in schools, the UK government announced in March 2017 it will
414 introduce compulsory lessons in all schools in England (in Wales, Scotland and Northern
415 Ireland RSE is expected but not compulsory). Current guidance on sex education in England
416 was introduced in 2000 but content has not kept pace with social change, especially in respect
417 to social media, online pornography and ‘sexting’. While parents will still have the right to
418 withdraw their child from sex education, draft government proposals have suggested parental
419 withdrawal should only be possible until three terms before the child is aged 16, after which
420 the child should be able to decide to attend (Department for Education, 2018). Subsequent to
421 a consultation period schools will be required to teach the new RSE content from September
422 2020 (Department of Health & Social Care, & Department for Education, 2018). Statutory
423 curriculum content in schools promoting healthy relationships, and raising awareness of
424 unhealthy relationships and the unacceptability of violence in relationships, is a positive step
425 towards equipping young people for modern-day life.
426 Another move in the right direction is the UK government’s consultation document
427 which proposes the implementation of a designated senior lead for mental health in every
428 school and college (Department of Health & Department for Education [DoH & DfE], 2017).
429 Educational settings present a valuable opportunity to promote mental wellbeing and prevent
430 mental ill-health since half of all mental health conditions start by the age of 14 (World
431 Health Organization, 2013). Although 61% of schools currently offer counseling (DoH &
432 DfE, 2017), concerns have been raised about schools’ ability to resource such support
433 coupled with the length of time students sometimes need to wait. There have also been long-
434 standing concerns around high referral thresholds for external support services such as Child
435 and Adolescent Mental Health Services (CAMHS) which some children affected by domestic
436 violence have not been accepted for due to referral criteria (Swanton et al., 2014). Long Comment [ML23]: Abuse changed
to violence for consistency
437 waiting times to access such services have been a further source of distress; the average
438 waiting time is 12 weeks but the longest is up to 100 weeks (DoH & DfE, 2017) during
439 which time problems can escalate requiring more intensive and more costly support. The
440 government’s consultation document proposes a four-week waiting time for National Health
441 Service mental health services for children and young people, and recommends content on
442 mental wellbeing be part of the Personal, Social, Health and Economic education syllabus in
443 schools. The government’s aim to implement training for the designated senior lead for
444 mental health to all areas by 2025 has been criticized for being too slow. Concerns have been
445 raised about the added pressure these proposals would place on an already overstretched
446 teaching workforce facing recruitment and retention difficulties, and about the level of
447 funding needed to ensure teachers have well-developed training for the vital role of
448 designated senior mental health lead (Education & Health & Social Care Committees, 2018).
449 While training programs can improve teachers’ confidence and skills to deal with children’s
 Domestic Violence and Education

450 emotional needs (Place2Be, 2015), budgetary and workload pressures mean training
451 opportunities are unlikely to be available in all schools, discussed further below. With the
452 number of young people with a diagnosable mental health condition standing at one in ten
453 (DoH & DfE, 2017), strategies aimed at addressing the causes and symptoms of mental
454 health problems must be adequately resourced if they are to be effective.
455 Another area for consideration when tackling domestic violence in children’s lives is
456 the role of school nursing. The number of school nurses has been reduced in recent years.
457 They are not always represented at child in need meetings, nor is relevant information always
458 shared with them (Ofsted et al., 2017). Furthermore, term time working arrangements for
459 school nurses mean they are not available during school holidays. Their restricted
460 availability was referred to in the SCR of Daniel Pelka. School nurses attending relevant
461 meetings and being employed during school holidays could facilitate greater consistency of
462 care, better informed assessments, and improved multi-agency working.
463 Coming to school hungry is not conducive to learning and some schools provide
464 breakfast and breakfast clubs. Since those living in poverty are at increased risk of domestic
465 violence , having breakfast at school at no cost, or reduced cost, can be a valuable means to Comment [ML24]: Abuse changed
to violence for consistency
466 aid learning. For those impacted by domestic violence breakfast clubs can be an opportunity Comment [ML25]: Abuse changed
467 for quality time for parents and young children attending together (Sterne & Poole, 2010). to violence for consistency
468 An evaluation of breakfast clubs set up in high deprivation areas in the UK found reduced
469 hunger in students, enhanced concentration and behavior, and improved social skills (Graham
470 et al., 2017). Many schools offer homework clubs too. Those in temporary accommodation
471 as a result of domestic violence may lack space or computer access to do homework and Comment [ML26]: Abuse changed
to violence for consistency
472 homework clubs at school can be a facilitator of learning. Extra-curricular activities and
473 after-school clubs can also provide positive experiences. While the cost of extra-curricular
474 activities is sometimes prohibitive, schools can provide confidential financial assistance,
475 although some parents may be reluctant to seek financial help. Domestic abuse based on
476 coercive control is another possible impediment to participation. Because coercive control
477 can result in the abused parent, predominantly mothers, and their children becoming isolated
478 and lacking opportunities for relationships with those beyond their immediate family, after-
479 school clubs might be denied to these children but where participation is permitted they can
480 be a means for children to develop social skills and confidence (Katz, 2016).
481 Paramount to effectively supporting students is the adoption of a holistic, child-
482 centred approach. If teachers are aware of issues in students’ home lives, they will be better
483 informed to provide tailored support to meet the individual needs of students regarding their
484 learning, and social and emotional development. School staff need to be able to confidently
485 ask students if anything is wrong at home and take appropriate action (Mullender et al.,
486 2002). Research with young people affected by domestic violence found they valued Comment [ML27]: Abuse changed
to violence for consistency
487 teachers, tutors, learning mentors and school counselors in helping to identify abuse and
488 access support (Howarth et al., 2016). In terms of educational attainment, additional learning
489 support, perhaps in a one-to-one or small group context, could help improve the educational
490 outcomes of students. This would require a sensitive approach, however, particularly as
491 students get older and may not wish to be singled out from peers.
492 Early intervention strategies to help children and young people experiencing domestic
493 violence can be strengthened through organizations engaging in joined-up thinking and
494 working. An illustrative example is Operation Encompass, an early intervention initiative
495 being piloted in selected areas of the UK which entails police notifying a school by 9 am if a
496 child has witnessed or experienced a domestic abuse incident the previous evening (see
497 http://www.operationencompass.org/). A key adult at school (the Designated Safeguarding
498 Lead or Deputy) is informed of the case and cascades information to teaching staff to allow
499 immediate and ongoing support to be given to the child. As a trauma-informed charity
 Domestic Violence and Education

500 Operation Encompass takes into account the child’s past trauma, where applicable, and the
501 child’s responses and coping strategies. Operation Encompass can explain to the school why
502 a child is absent or has been dropped off at school by someone else. The initiative is enabling
503 police and schools to work in partnership to mitigate the impact of abuse and has the potential
504 to be an exemplar of collaboration.
505 The Freedom Programme (see http://www.freedomprogramme.co.uk/) is another
506 initiative being run, including in schools, to teach and empower victims of domestic violence
507 to recognize signs of abuse and make positive changes in their lives. Organizations interested
508 in the program need to make a commitment in terms of ensuring their staff are trained in the
509 program and have time for implementing it. The Freedom Programme can also work with
510 children due to start school and has proved effective in bringing about positive change in
511 women’s and children’s lives.
512 Schools play a role in providing help when dealing with the fallout of domestic
513 violence in others ways too, such as setting up practical arrangements to minimize the risk of
514 child abduction by the offending parent following parental separation (National Children’s
515 Home, 1994). Volunteering at their children’s school, where appropriate, can serve as a way
516 of non-abusive parents spending more time with their children and helping to protect them
517 (Hamby, 2014).
518 Perhaps unsurprisingly, some teachers feel overwhelmed dealing with issues facing
519 both children and their parents. Pressure on teachers to address problems among children and
520 parents, such as increasing mental health issues, have left some feeling they are becoming
521 like social workers. Mullender et al. (2002, p.219) emphasize the importance of teachers
522 listening to children vulnerable to domestic violence and offering emotional support:
523
524 This is not the same as becoming social workers, which teachers understandably fear in
525 an already over-stretched working life and without the necessary training. Rather, it
526 means being an effective channel for children to gain access to welfare services outside
527 of school, by opening up an early opportunity for them to confide that something is
528 wrong.
529
530 Despite good practices taking place in schools and with partner organizations, funding cuts in
531 the UK have meant some support services for victims of domestic violence are no longer Comment [ML28]: Abuse changed
to violence for consistency
532 available (Lloyd & Ramon, 2017; Ofsted et al., 2017). Survey findings from domestic
533 violence support services in England show that 60 per cent of respondents cited funding cuts,
534 and the associated uncertainty, as their most significant challenge (Women’s Aid, 2018).
535 Reduced funding has led to services being unable to offer support to all women and children
536 referred to them, loss of welfare service staff, and lower capacity to deal with increasing
537 referrals of women with complex needs. Children and parents, predominantly mothers, living
538 with domestic violence have been impacted by cuts to services resulting in schools taking on
539 a greater role in supporting them . The role played by schools in supporting vulnerable Comment [ML29]: Content added
children has implications for how teachers work with other agencies and in the next section I on the impact of funding cuts
540
541 will look at how there can be tension between increased school autonomy and agencies
542 working together. Comment [ML30]: Transition to next
section added
543
544 The paradox of greater school autonomy and working together
545 Difficulties documented in research and governmental reports concerning inter-organizational
546 working may be exacerbated by government policy devolving greater power to individual
547 schools. Previously, state schools were funded by government and run by the local authority.
548 Academy schools, initiated under the Labour government, and free schools under the
549 Coalition government and subsequent Conservative government, are still state-funded but are
 Domestic Violence and Education

550 not overseen by the local authority; they receive funding directly from central government
551 affording them increased budgets. With budgetary independence and increased autonomy for
552 their own governance these schools are able to set the pay and conditions for staff rather than
553 abiding by national teacher pay and conditions required of local authority-run schools.
554 Academies and free schools are attended by over two-thirds of secondary school students and
555 a quarter of primary school students (DfE, 2017a). Despite academy and free schools still
556 being expected to liaise closely with local authorities on matters such as child protection and
557 safeguarding, they have greater self-determination in shaping the relationship they have with
558 local authorities (Baginsky et al, 2015).
559 Academy and free school status also has a bearing on school staff training and
560 continuing professional development (CPD) opportunities. Although local authorities are
561 still a provider of CPD, increasingly schools are buying-in, frequently expensive, CPD and
562 training from private providers (NASUWT, 2018). Schools are thus operating in a market
563 system, especially pertinent now the majority of secondary schools are academies with
564 budgetary autonomy. Schools can choose between ‘market-leading’ training providers who
565 offer consultancy services. Funding for school staff training comes, in part, from Pupil
566 Premium grants given to schools in England to support the education of the most
567 disadvantaged students. Based on rates for 2017-18, for each student eligible for free school
568 meals, their school will receive a payment of £1,320 (primary) and £935 (secondary).
569 Current school practice is for the cost of staff training to be paid for by Pupil Premium and
570 from a school’s own budget. Their budgetary independence means academy and free schools
571 will have greater freedom to determine the nature and extent of staff training by external
572 private providers. There have, however, been cuts in real terms in UK funding for education
573 since 2010 (Belfield et al., 2018) posing implications for school budgets and accordingly for
574 staff pay and training. A survey of 1,615 teachers found budgetary and workload barriers
575 impeded their access to training: ‘Teachers report that their school does not have enough
576 money to fund training/CPD and that external training/CPD is often very expensive’
577 (NASUWT, 2018, p.14).
578 Greater school autonomy has additional implications for Local Safeguarding Children
579 Boards (LSCBs) whose role is to coordinate local work to safeguard children. As a multi-
580 agency body LSCBs are attended by representatives from the local authority and relevant
581 organizations such as health services and the police. However, research by Baginsky and
582 Holmes (2015) indicates that increasing fragmentation of educational services has seen
583 academy schools (including free schools), and private fee-paying (non-state) schools being
584 represented on less than half of LSCBs. While over 80 per cent of boards were represented at
585 senior level by local authority schools, the same was true of only 20 per cent of boards
586 attended by academy schools (Baginsky & Holmes, 2015).
587
588 Domestic violence and student wellbeing within an attainment-driven education system Comment [ML31]: Subheading
changed to sound less like a summary
589 Given the spectrum of behavioral responses to domestic violence teachers need to be attuned of the article
590 to changes in children, some becoming withdrawn, others disruptive. Confrontational
591 responses can, however, be difficult to account for: ‘If underlying contributory factors are not
592 obvious or understood, those children are likely to be labelled as problematic’ (Ofsted et al.,
593 2017, p.14). This can lead to school staff misinterpreting students’ behavior and disciplinary
594 action might ensue. Indeed, data show a growing number of students excluded from school
595 have mental health needs (Education & Health & Social Care Committees, 2018), and
596 children impacted by domestic violence (Ofsted et al., 2017) and/or living in poverty (House
597 of Commons Education Committee, 2018) are more likely to be excluded from school in
598 comparison to their peers. This is worrying in the context of schools focusing on
599 examination results and league tables. Teachers and educationalists lament the marketization
 Domestic Violence and Education

600 of education whereby examination results have become a key measure by which schools
601 define themselves and are defined by others, and schools are set in competition with each
602 other in the form of league tables (Berry, 2016; Berry, 2017; Scott & Scott, 2018). Research
603 with teachers shows such changes are negatively impacting teacher-student relationships and
604 student wellbeing, with teachers reporting having less time to attend to the needs of
605 individual students, and reporting that their own stress levels sometimes adversely affect their
606 interaction with students (Hutchings, 2015). Baginsky et al. (2015, p.358) discern tension
607 between the prioritization of examination results and children’s wellbeing:
608
609 Potentially there may be an inherent conflict between, on the one hand, pressure on
610 institutions to demonstrate high levels of academic attainment and discipline by pupils
611 in a competitive educational “market” and, on the other, the role of schools in
612 recognising and meeting the pastoral needs of children who are vulnerable or
613 disadvantaged.
614
615 Where teacher performativity and student outcome measures in the form of examination
616 results are at variance with the more holistic nurturing of students, efforts to support those
617 impacted by domestic violence could be hampered and diminished. Concerns about schools Comment [ML32]: Abuse changed
to domestic violence for consistency
618 becoming ‘exam factories’ have led to calls for a rebalancing of the education system
619 whereby schools do not give precedence to academic outcomes at the expense of student
620 wellbeing and personal development.
621
622 Conclusion
623 What happens in childhood and adolescence has profound implications for wellbeing in adult
624 life. The prevalence of domestic violence as the most common factor cited in cases of Comment [ML33]: Abuse changed
625 children in need in England in 2016-2017 (DfE, 2017b) emphasizes the need for addressing to violence for consistency

626 this enduring problem through prevention, early intervention and education. So too is wider
627 attitudinal and social change needed whereby domestic violence is no longer trivialized as
628 ‘just another domestic’ or portrayed as the fault of, predominantly women, victims, as
629 evidenced in our earlier research into media representations (Lloyd & Ramon, 2017).
630 Domestic violence must be addressed as a public health concern and not only as a privatized,
631 individualized problem. The ways in which gender violence is based on and reinforced
632 through women’s wider structural inequality and lack of power in relation to men needs to be
633 recognized if violence within the domestic sphere is to be tackled effectively.
634 Encouragingly there is some evidence of domestic violence research in the context of
635 education, though it remains relatively under-investigated. The continuing fragmentation of
636 the UK school system and plurality of school types highlight the need for increased research
637 to evaluate schools’ engagement in multi-agency working and to gain insight into effective
638 practice. Some teachers and school support staff are themselves victims of domestically
639 violent relationships and workplace support would be beneficial both for individuals and the
640 school setting as a whole. Future research could usefully ask teachers and support staff their
641 views on their professional learning and training needs in this important area of work.
642 Too frequently blame, shame and guilt cast a shadow over lives affected by domestic
643 violence. Multi-agency working and in-school education and support can help prevent abuse
644 and optimize outcomes for children, young people and their families living with the
645 consequences of domestic violence.
646
647
648
649
 Domestic Violence and Education

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