Participatory Communication: The New Paradigm?
Participatory Communication: The New Paradigm?
Participatory communication:
the new paradigm?
Jan Servaes
& Patchanee Malikhao
by Latin American social scientists, and a theory dealing with dependency and | 93
underdevelopment was born. This dependency approach formed part of a gener-
al structuralist re-orientation in the social sciences. The ‘dependistas’ were prima-
rily concerned with the effects of dependency in peripheral countries, but implic-
it in their analysis was the idea that development and underdevelopment must be
understood in the context of the world system.
This dependency paradigm played an important role in the movement
for a New World Information and Communication Order from the late 1960s to
the early 1980s. At that time, the new states in Africa, Asia and the success of
socialist and popular movements in Cuba, China, Chile and other countries pro-
vided the goals for political, economic and cultural self-determination within the
international community of nations. These new nations shared the ideas of being
independent from the superpowers and moved to form the Non-Aligned nations.
The Non-Aligned Movement defined development as political struggle.
Since the demarcation of the First, Second and Third Worlds has bro-
ken down and the cross-over centre-periphery can be found in every region, there
is a need for a new concept of development which emphasizes cultural identity
and multidimensionality. The present-day ‘global’ world, in general as well as in
its distinct regional and national entities, is confronted with multifaceted crises.
Apart from the obvious economic and financial crisis, one could also refer to
social, ideological, moral, political, ethnic, ecological and security crises. In other
words, the previously held dependency perspective has become more difficult to
support because of the growing interdependency of regions, nations and com-
munities in our globalized world.
From the criticism of the two paradigms above, particularly that of the
dependency approach, a new viewpoint on development and social change has
come to the forefront. The common starting point here is the examination of the
changes from ‘bottom-up’, from the self-development of the local community.
The basic assumption is that there are no countries or communities that function
completely autonomously and that are completely self-sufficient, nor are there
any nations whose development is exclusively determined by external factors.
Every society is dependent in one way or another, both in form and in degree.
Thus, a framework was sought within which both the centre and the periphery
could be studied separately and in their mutual relationship, both at global,
national and local levels.
More attention is also being paid to the content of development,
which implies a more normative approach. Another development questions
whether ‘developed’ countries are in fact developed and whether this genre of
progress is sustainable or desirable. It favours a multiplicity of approaches
based on the context and the basic, felt needs, and the empowerment of the
most oppressed sectors of various societies at divergent levels. A main thesis is
that change must be structural and occur at multiple levels in order to achieve
these ends.
Media and Glocal Change
provide nationally as well as regionally and locally. At the same time, the public, if | 95
the media are sufficiently accessible, can make its information needs known.
Communication theories such as the ‘diffusion of innovations’, the
‘two-step-flow’, or the ‘extension’ approaches are quite congruent with the
above modernization theory. The elitist, vertical or top-down orientation of the
diffusion model is obvious.
The participatory model, on the other hand, incorporates the concepts
in the framework of multiplicity. It stresses the importance of cultural identity of
local communities and of democratisation and participation at all levels –interna-
tional, national, local and individual. It points to a strategy, not merely inclusive of,
but largely emanating from, the traditional ‘receivers’. Paulo Freire (1983: 76) refers
to this as the right of all people to individually and collectively speak their word:
This is not the privilege of some few men, but the right of every (wo)man.
Consequently, no one can say a true word alone –nor can he say it for
another, in a prescriptive act which robs others of their words.
96 | Freire (1970, 1973, 1983, 1994), and the second involves the ideas of access, par-
ticipation and self-management articulated in the UNESCO debates of the 1970s
(Berrigan, 1977, 1979). Every communication project that calls itself participatory
accepts these principles of democratic communication. Nonetheless there exists
today a wide variety of practical experiences and intentions. Before moving on to
explore these differences it is useful to briefly review the common ground.
The Freirian argument works by a dual theoretical strategy. He insists
that subjugated peoples must be treated as fully human subjects in any political
process. This implies dialogical communication. Although inspired to some
extent by Sartre’s existentialism –a respect for the autonomous personhood of
each human being–, the more important source is a theology that demands
respect for otherness –in this case that of another human being. The second
strategy is a moment of utopian hope derived from the early Marx that the
human species has a destiny which is more than life as a fulfilment of material
needs. Also from Marx is an insistence on collective solutions. Individual oppor-
tunity, Freire stresses, is no solution to general situations of poverty and cultur-
al subjugation.
These ideas are deeply unpopular with elites, including elites in the
Third World, but there is nonetheless widespread acceptance of Freire’s notion of
dialogic communication as a normative theory of participatory communication.
One problem with Freire is that his theory of dialogical communication is based
on group dialogue rather than such amplifying media as radio, print and televi-
sion. Freire also gives little attention to the language or form of communication,
devoting most of his discussion to the intentions of communication actions.
The second discourse about participatory communication is the
UNESCO language about self-management, access and participation from the
1977 meeting in Belgrade, the former Yugoslavia. The final report of that meet-
ing defines the terms in the following way.
» Access refers to the use of media for public service. It may be defined
in terms of the opportunities available to the public to choose varied
and relevant programs and to have a means of feedback to transmit
its reactions and demands to production organizations.
» Participation implies a higher level of public involvement in communi-
cation systems. It includes the involvement of the public in the produc-
tion process, and also in the management and planning of communi-
cation systems.
» Participation may be no more than representation and consultation of
the public in decision-making.
» On the other hand, self-management is the most advanced form of
participation. In this case, the public exercises the power of decision-
making within communication enterprises and is also fully involved in
the formulation of communication policies and plans.
Jan Servaes & Patchanee Malikhao
Others limit access to mass media and see it as ‘the processes that permit users to
provide relatively open and unedited input to the mass media’ (Lewis, 1993: 12)
or as ‘the relation to the public and the established broadcasting institutions’
(Prehn, 1991: 259). Both the production and reception approaches of ‘access’ can
be considered relevant for an understanding of ‘community media’.
These ideas are important and widely accepted as a normative theory
of participatory communication: it must involve access and participation
(Pateman, 1972). However, one should note some differences from Freire. The
UNESCO discourse includes the idea of a gradual progression. Some amount of
access may be allowed, but self-management may be postponed until some time
in the future. Freire’s theory allows for no such compromise. One either respects
the culture of the other or falls back into domination and the ‘banking’ mode of
imposed education. The UNESCO discourse talks in neutral terms about ‘the pub-
lic’. Freire talked about ‘the oppressed’. Finally, the UNESCO discourse puts the
main focus on the institution. Participatory or community radio means a radio sta-
tion that is self-managed by those participating in it.
tion, though widely espoused in the literature, is not in everyone’s interest. Due to | 99
their local concentration, participatory programmes are, in fact, not easily imple-
mented, nor are they highly predictable or readily controlled.
100 | ized. The control over communication and information may not be monopolized
by one or a few segments of the society. Unfortunately, most of the time structur-
al aspects stand in the way of the ideal of democracy. In most developing coun-
tries, the first stone for bridging the gap between the ruling elite and the masses
has still to be laid. For the establishment of participatory democracy, therefore, dia-
logue must be made possible between the authorities and the public, nationally,
regionally, and locally. In the political sector, this can be done through political par-
ties, pressure groups, civil action groups, environmental movements, and the like.
Thus political credibility as well as social and cultural identity of the population and
an awareness and support of the development goals are needed.
The concept of Community Media (CM) has shown to be, in its long the-
oretical and empirical tradition, highly elusive. The multiplicity of media organizations
that carry this name has caused most mono-theoretical approaches to focus on cer-
tain characteristics, while ignoring other aspects of the identity of community media.
This theoretical problem necessitates the use of different approaches towards the
definition of community media (Table 1), which will allow for a complementary
emphasis on different aspects of the identity of community media (for an elabora-
tion, see Carpentier, Lie and Servaes, 1991). For a more elaborate description of the
different domains of alternative/participatory media, see Lewis (1993: 12).
By way of summary
The above-described changes in the field of communication for development
could be summarized as follows.
The perspective on communication has changed. Early models in the ‘50s and
‘60s saw the communication process simply as a message going from a sender to
a receiver (that is, Laswell’s classic S-M-R model). The emphasis was mainly
sender- and media-centric; the stress laid on the freedom of the press, the
absence of censorship, and so on. Since the ‘70s, communication has become
more receiver- and message-centric.
The emphasis now is more on the process of communication (that is,
the exchange of meaning) and on the significance of this process (that is, the
social relationships created by communication and the social institutions and con-
Jan Servaes & Patchanee Malikhao
text which result from such relationships). As a result, the focus has moved from | 101
a ‘communicator‘ to a more ‘receiver-centric’ orientation, with the resultant
emphasis on meaning sought and ascribed rather than information transmitted.
With this shift in focus, one is no longer attempting to create a need for the infor-
mation one is disseminating, but one is rather disseminating information for
which there is a need. The emphasis is on information exchange rather than on
the persuasion in the diffusion model.
The ‘oligarchic’ view of communication implied that freedom of infor-
mation was a one-way right from a higher to a lower level, from the centre to the
periphery, from an institution to an individual, from a communication-rich nation
to a communication-poor one, and so on. Today, the interactive nature of com-
munication is increasingly recognized. It is seen as fundamentally two-way rather
than one-way, interactive and participatory rather than linear.
The cultural perspective has become central to the debate on communication for
development. Culture is not only the visible, non-natural environment of a person,
but primarily his/her normative context. Consequently, one has moved away from
a more traditional mechanistic approach that emphasized economic and material-
istic criteria to a more multiple appreciation of holistic and complex perspectives.
The end of the colonial era has seen the rise of many independent states and the
spread of democratic principles, even if only at the level of lip service. Though
often ignored in practice, democracy is honoured in theory. Governments and/or
powerful private interests still largely control the world’s communication media,
but they are more attuned to and aware of the democratic ideals than previously.
At the same time, literacy levels have increased, and there has been a remarkable
improvement in people’s ability to handle and use communication technology. As
a consequence, more and more people can use communication media and can
no longer be denied access to and participation in communication processes for
the lack of communication and technical skills.
102 | attempt by local power-elites to totally control the modern communication chan-
nels –press, broadcasting, education, and bureaucracy– does no longer ensure
control of all the communication networks in a given society. Nor does control of
the mass media ensure support for the controlling forces, nor for any mobilization
around their objectives, nor for the effective repression of opposition.
Some may argue that thanks to the new ICTs, especially the Internet
and www, one has to re-address the debate on the digital divide; however, others
remain sceptical and less optimistic.
One has to accept that “internal” and “external” factors inhibiting development
do not exist independently of each other. Thus, in order to understand and devel-
op a proper strategy one must have an understanding of the class relationships of
any particular peripheral social formation and the ways in which these structures
articulate with the centre on the one hand, and the producing classes in the Third
World on the other. To dismiss Third World ruling classes, for example, as mere
puppets whose interests are always mechanically synonymous with those of the
centre, is to ignore the realities of a much more complex relationship. The very
unevenness and contradictory nature of the capitalist development process nec-
essarily produces a constantly changing relationship.
Some communication systems (e.g., audio- and video-taping, copying, radio broad-
casting, and especially the Internet) have become cheap and so simple that the ration-
ale for regulating and controlling them centrally, as well as the ability to do so, is no
longer relevant. However, other systems (for instance, satellites, remote sensing, trans-
border data flows) remain very expensive. They are beyond the means of smaller
countries and ‘have-nots’. Moreover, they may not be ‘suitable’ to local environments.
Information has been seen as the leading growth sector in society, especially in
advanced industrial economies. Its three strands –computing, telecommunica-
tions and broadcasting– have evolved historically as three separate sectors, and
by means of digitization these sectors are now converging.
Jan Servaes & Patchanee Malikhao
Throughout the past decade a gradual shift can be observed away | 103
from a technological in favour of more socio-economic and cultural definitions of
the Information Society. The term Knowledge Societies (in plural as there are
many roads) better coins this shift in emphasis from ICTs as ‘drivers’ of change to
a perspective where these technologies are regarded as tools which may provide
a new potential for combining the information embedded in ICT systems with the
creative potential and knowledge embodied in people: “These technologies do
not create the transformations in society by themselves; they are designed and
implemented by people in their social, economic, and technological contexts”
(Mansell & When, 1998: 12).
True knowledge is more than information. Knowledge is the sense or
meaning that people make of information. Meaning is not something that is deliv-
ered to people, people create/interpret it themselves. If knowledge is to be effec-
tively employed to help people, it needs to be interpreted and evaluated by those it
is designed to help. That requires people to have access to information on the issues
that affect their lives, and the capacity to make their own contributions to policy-
making processes. Understanding the context in which knowledge moves –factors
of control, selection, purpose, power, and capacity– is essential for understanding
how societies can become better able to learn, generate and act on knowledge.
Modern mass media and alternate or parallel networks of folk media or interper-
sonal communication channels are not mutually exclusive by definition. Contrary
to the beliefs of diffusion theorists, they are more effective if appropriately used
in an integrated fashion, according to the needs and constraints of the local con-
text. The modern mass media, having been mechanically transplanted from
abroad into Third World societies, enjoy varying and limited rates of penetration.
They are seldom truly integrated into institutional structures, as occurs in some
Western societies. However, they can be effectively combined, provided a func-
tional division of labour is established between them, and provided the limits of
the communication media are recognized.