DHARAVI

INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS & SLUM UPGRADING

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DHARAVI
INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS & SLUM UPGRADING

STUDIO LEADERS Kim Dovey & Richard Tomlinson

STUDENTS
Urban Planning Bridie Allanadale, Marli Roberts, Chris Funtera
Architecture Elba Garcia Clark, Annie Harrison, Lasse Kilvaer, Andrew Yit
Urban Design Scout Morris, Nurliyana Rusli, Maria-Fernanda Suarez-Spindola
Architecture/Construction Stephanie Kaul, Nigel Mak, Michaela Nikakis, Amy Cheong
Landscape Architecture Keelan O’Hehir
Architecture/Property Max Osidacz

PARTNERS SPARC (Society for Promotion of Area Resource Centres)

National Slum Dwellers Federation

ISBN 978 0 7340 4771 7

© 2012 Melbourne School of Design, University of Melbourne

Editors: Kim Dovey and Richard Tomlinson

Design and Layout: Scout Morris

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 CONTENTS
1_ INTRODUCTION 2

2_ URBAN PLANNING CONTEXT 4

3_ SOCIAL & ECONOMIC CONTEXT 6

4_ MORPHOLOGY 12

5_ CONSTRUCTION 16

6_ CRITIQUE OF THE G+7 18

7_ NEW SPATIAL TYPES 22

8_ SPATIAL TRADING SCHEMES 24

9_ URBAN DESIGN SCENARIOS: 32

Subtract & Insert (Central Open Space)

Subtract & Insert (Distributed Open Space)

luster based eplacement rofit

10_ AFTERWORD: 38

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1_INTRODUCTION
In September 2011 sixteen students and two staff from the Melbourne School of
Design spent 11 days exploring informal settlements and slum upgrading in Dharavi,
Bombay. The studio was hosted and assisted by SPARC, in collaboration with the
National Slum Dwellers Federation. This report is an edited version of the analysis
and urban design work emerging from the studio.

At about 223 hectares and housing around 600,000 people, Dharavi is one of the
world’s largest, oldest and most famous informal settlements. It has grown over the
past years from a fishing village on a s ampy and unused patch of land ell north
of the city centre of Bombay to currently occupy a much sought after location at the
heart of the expanded metropolitan area.

The standard mode of upgrading in the past has been to demolish sites of about a
hectare and construct eight-storey housing (known as a G+7) generally enclosed
within a compound wall. The planning backdrop is the Dharavi Redevelopment
Project (DRP) wherein private developers were invited to bid for redevelopment
rights and required to provide eligible households with replacement housing (of
30 sq metres). This market-led framework has not been successful and following
community resistance led by the National Slum Dwellers Federation, a commitment
has been made to community-led redevelopment. The students were invited by
to thin outside the confines of e isting proposals and to imagine alternatives
to those proposals in terms of both planning process and urban design outcomes.

The community we studied is a one-hectare neighbourhood known as Navrang

that has been labelled ‘ambiguous’ because it embodies a range of different
redevelopment interests and has not formed cooperative housing societies. It is
occupied by over 300 households plus a large number of migrant workers who live
in the small te tile factories that occupy about half of all floor space. hile nearly all
of the housing in this location is viewed as a slum, upgrading is complicated by the
fact that most households own their own house of 2-4 rooms, yet rent out perhaps

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half of it and are dependent on this rental income. It appears that the residents of
Navrang have proven resistant to upgrading plans largely because they fear the loss
of rental income from their existing property.

The buildings are generally of sound construction – single room accretions that have
grown over 40 years to a height of 2-4 storeys forming rows lining narrow lanes.
antilevered upper floors often almost meet above the narro lanes, ho ever the
solid construction and lack of sunlight also produces a relatively cool microclimate.
The lanes are too narro for vehicular traffic and the largest open spaces are about
4 metres wide. The site is framed by vehicular streets of 6-8 metres wide to the north
and south lined with shops.

ur initial responses to this place ere often conflicting desires to preserve and
to replace it. The desire to preserve is linked at once to the aesthetic of informality
and the intense sociality, diversity and productivity of the streets and lanes – it is
an incredibly interesting and diverse urban assemblage. The desire to erase stems
from poor conditions of sanitation, ventilation, light, open space and overcrowding
in some areas.

This project seeks to build on previous projects undertaken by SPARC in collaboration

with KRVIA – an urban design and architecture school in Bombay. It has become
apparent that redevelopment cannot proceed effectively without integrated urban
planning and design visions that can test the redevelopment framework and model a
range of possible outcomes in terms of density, height, open space, building types,
vehicular access, functional mix and so on. In the short time frame of this studio we
cannot suggest solutions – our goal has been to analyse and learn what we can
about one particular piece of Dharavi and to suggest a range of possible responses
in terms of both planning process and built form.

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2_URBAN_PLANNING_CONTEXT
While once peripheral to the peninsula city of Bombay, Dharavi now lies at the heart of
the metropolitan net or of traffic flo s, ell served by transportation infrastructure
and services. It is immediately south of the high-income area of Bandra and across
the river from the new Bandra Kurla Complex, which is intended to serve as Bombay’s
second CBD. The site lies in the fork of the two major railway lines connecting
central Bombay to the larger metropolitan area with walkable connections to three
stations. Major arterial roads line all sides.

The history of redevelopment in Dharavi is well covered in the booklet Re-

Dharavi , . riefly stated, the current frame or is to provide
redeveloped housing (30 square metres per houshold) for all eligible households
through a market-led strategy that seeks to utilize high potential land values as a
means of upgrading e isting housing hile also leveraging profit for both the state
and private developers. The planning tools involve the application of a Floor Space
Index (FSI) coupled to Transferable Development Rights (TDRs).

The FSI (known elsewhere as a Plot Ratio or Floor Area Ratio) is the ratio of
constructed floor area to site area. The redevelopment frame or determined that
Dharavi have an FSI of 4, compared to 2.5 in other slum rehabilitation projects (for
comparison, suburban densities often have an FSI below 0.1). If developers do
not utilize the maximum amount of FSI, the excess FSI can be transferred to other
developments within Bombay but north of Dharavi through TDRs. TDRs can also be
sold. Since the existing FSI of the informal settlement is about 2, the redevelopment
framework enables substantial increases in density.

The idea behind the Dharavi Redevelopment Plan is that the value created by
the FSI and TDRs would enable developers to buy the land, provide free housing
for eligible households, invest in municipal services and also profit from private
development, both on-site and elsewhere using the TDRs. It has been estimated
that if the land could be cleared and sold then it would yield the government $US25
billion. nticipating such profits, in the aharashtra overnment initiated a
master plan that divided Dharavi into giant sectors and called for private tenders. A
combination of the GFC and resident resistance to this plan has ensured very little
redevelopment.

While a small proportion of Dharavi is privately owned, most of Dharavi is legally

owned by the State. It should be noted, however, that most of this land has long been
occupied by a very dense and substantial informal settlement and all of these houses
are owned by the families who built them. In some cases occupancy of the land
dates from the mid-nineteenth century. The Plan originally proposed that families
that could prove residency prior to 1995 would be eligible for free rehabilitation
housing in the face of significant opposition the overnment has proposed to revise
the eligibility date to 2000. Estimates as to the number of eligible households range
between 57,000 and 90,000 families, however, 30%-40% of the existing population
would remain excluded from the redevelopment, including recent owners, renters
and migrant workers.

A distinguishing feature of Dharavi has always been its production and commercial
activity - 80% of those employed work within Dharavi. This is primarily an informal,
decentralised production process relying on a network of small, home-based
production units that provide space for recycling industries, leather tanneries, heavy
metal work, manufactured goods like garments, shoes, luggage and jewellery, and
even the production of certified surgical thread. These products generally
serve all of Bombay, and many are distributed into global markets. One estimate
places the annual value of goods produced in Dharavi at US$385 million – 288 million.
While potential developers undertake to provide space for economic activities, it is
generally anticipated that this will serve only a small proportion of existing economic
activities. This contributes to resistance to the redevelopment plan

Resistance to the Dharavi Redevelopment Plan was led by several resident groups

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 and the Alliance of SPARC, NSDF & Mahila Milan. Residents were anxious about
the master plan and frustrated by the absence of community consultation and
involvement. Their concerns were expressed through a number of peaceful protest
marches and grass roots campaigns.

In 2010 an alternate strategy was outlined by SPARC/KRVIA in the publication ‘Re-

Dharavi’ where they argued for a smaller grain approach that recognized the existing
nagars, chawls, and co-ops of the informal settlement. The giant sector size of the
master plan was broken down to a more incremental process with high levels of
resident participation and community control. The report embodied a critique of the
FSI controls and argued that the FSI of 4 was far too high to be achieved on-site. Key
issues to emerge included the displacement of residents who did not meet eligibility
requirements, the loss of industrial and commercial activity and the loss of rental
income when rental space was not replaced.

Greater Mumbai Dharavi - divided into 5 sectors according to the LAND

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 3_SOCIAL_&_ECONOMIC_CONTEXT
The one hectare study site of Navrang is home to around 300 households plus a
large number of migrant workers who live in the production rooms in which they
work. The community is highly socially mixed in terms of ethnicity, religion, caste,
age and gender. Both Hindu and Muslim communities are substantial with a mosque
on site and a Hindu temple adjacent. Many of the residents are transient with a
large number of renters and male migrant workers. Some residents suggest this
transient population creates a feeling of unsafety and restricts the movement of
omen, ho ever, it is also often geared to the flo s of rental income upon hich they
NR depend. This is a key issue that has produced ambivalence towards redevelopment.

The current planning framework is largely based upon resident needs (rather than
rights) and determines that all long-term residents shall be ‘given’ a 30 square
metre apartment to replace the house they currently ‘own’. Migrant workers and
residents who rent are excluded from redevelopment along with those who have
‘bought’ property since 2000. Long-term residents have often constructed a 3 or 4
room house (as a vertical stack of rooms) over a long period of time and they often
rent parts of this space to either other families or industry. The current planning
framework has no place for this mix of uses in the redevelopment scheme.

Dharavi in general is a major site of informal manufacturing production with different

neighbourhoods specializing in the production of recycled plastics, pottery, textiles
and surgical thread. Much of this industry is conducted in sweatshop conditions in
terms of heat, ventilation, safety and overcrowding. The exploitation of cheap labour
KO is enabled by the unregulated informality of the informal settlement. The employment
generated by these industries is a major driver of rural-to-urban migration and many
rural families will slip into poverty if it is lost. These industries are interconnected
within Dharavi through intricate networks of local suppliers and vendors. The working
conditions within our study site are better than many parts of Dharavi since they are
almost entirely textile related – clothes and accessories, embroidery and wallets and
belts.

The site currently comprises close to 1000 rooms, of which approximately 50%
are used for industrial production and migrant housing - rented from the long-term
residents ho built them. The flo s of rental income are regarded as crucial to their
future – particularly their children’s education – and many are reluctant to agree
to any redevelopment that does not sustain this income. The conundrum is that
residents are unlikely to agree to lose existing housing and rental income; yet the
redevelopment framework has no scope for the replacement of rental space.
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There is a very limited provision of local schools, libraries, community space or
childcare. There is one community room on site but very little open space. There are
two communal toilet blocks on the site and no private toilets.

Most families live in a single room house of about 15 square metres with many in
spaces of no more than s uare metres for five people. This space ill generally
incorporate a large amount of storage and can only function through time cycles
where the single space becomes kitchen, dining, living and sleeping in sequence.
Increasing their living space is very important to residents, but is balanced against the
desire for rental income. Residents have both material and emotional investments
in the buildings and interior spaces are often richly decorated and personalised.
igrant or ers sleep on the floor in the rooms in hich they or about per
room) and generally use street vendors for food.

ACTOR NETWORKS
The research and interviews we have done suggest eight key ‘actors’ with different
sets of interests in the use of space and possible outcomes of redevelopment.
The series of vignettes that follo are not specific people but are constructed from
interviews.

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 RESIDENTIAL OWNER
Hadiya, along with her husband, built their G+1 house more than 50 years ago. It
is now shared with other family members including 3 sons, 3 daughters-in-law and
5 grandchildren. While Hadiya, and her daughters-in-law attend to domestic duties,
her sons generate income for the household as an electrician and rickshaw drivers.
Her husband has been unable to work due to poor health. Hadiya and her husband
occupy the ground floor at night. er sons, their ives and children live in the
space above which is partitioned for privacy.

Dharavi has been her family home for many years - she likes the local Mahim school
that teaches English and has good credentials. Hadiya’s concerns include limited
space for children to play and the public hospital is too far away. She recounts feeling
unsafe with so many male migrants in the neighbourhood plus a sense of unease at
her family being a Muslim minority in an otherwise Hindu area. Yet Hadiya is happy
where she is and does not wish to move. She would support redevelopment if her
family were offered space equivalent to or better than that currently occupied.

RESIDENTIAL TENANT
Umila has lived in Dharavi for 25 years after migrating with her family as a teenager.
he has lived for years ith her husband and four children in a ground floor room
of 18 square metres which she rents for Rs3500 per month. This space is used for
eating, sleeping, living and working - she says she is happy with the size.

Umila works from home preparing lunches for migrant workers. She buys produce
from a local shop and currently supplies 80 workers with their lunch every day. Until
10 years ago Umila lived and worked in a room half this size which she said was very
difficult. he sends her children to school, but cannot afford the ell credentialed
English schools and is concerned that her children will not have access to college.
She has entered an agreement with an NGO where the funds she invests in her
children’s schooling will be reimbursed (by the NGO) upon graduation. Umila would
like to remain in close proximity to her sister and their family, and would like a safe
playground for the children.

INDUSTRIAL TENANT
Ishmael is the owner of a wallet-making business who lives in outer Bombay but
rents space in Dharavi for his business. He sources his leather from local suppliers.
Currently he has a contract with a handful of shops and stalls who sell his wallets
in Bombay. His business employs six wallet makers who work six days a week for
Rs150 per day. The space in which they work is a 15 square metre room with stair
access and a window for light and ventilation.

Ishmael rents space in Dharavi due to its close proximity to suppliers, clients and
because rent is cheap. He is open to the idea of redevelopment but needs space for
his business with access to supplies. His priorities are economic; if displaced from
this rental space he would seek other rental space in Dharavi.

INDUSTRIAL OWNER
I N D U S T R I A L O W N E R
A long-term resident of Dharavi, Akhil has used his knowledge of the area to
establish a business manufacturing women’s shoes. He bought a G+1 building in
INDUSTRIAL
WORKSPACE

2006 and now employs 12 migrant workers from villages outside Bombay. Akhil sees
his business as integral to Dharavi and as employment for the migrant workers.
As a recent owner, Akhil does not have the identity card required for inclusion in
INDUSTRIAL
WORKSPACE

redevelopment plans and he fears he will lose both his business and his building. He
sees the current system of entitlement to redevelopment as fla ed, since those ho
bought space in the last ten years will be forgotten. Akhil understands that change
in Dharavi is inevitable and ants to fight for the retention of industrial space in the
redevelopment plans.

A long term resident of Dharavi, Akhil has used his knowledge of the area to establish a business
manufacturing women’s shoes. Having bought the G+1 structure only five years earlier he is
assisted by his younger brother in managing the 12 staff he employs, most of whom have come
from villages outside of Bombay. Akhil sees his business as integral to Dharavi and the vulnerable
migrant workers for whom he provides a wage and a place to sleep whilst they are working.

With redevelopment, Akhil fears he will lose all of the 45 square metres of industrial space he has

8
accumulated since he does not have the identity card required for inclusion in redevelopment
plans. He sees the current system of entitlement to redevelopment as flawed, since he and a
large sector of the community who bought their spaces in last ten years will be entirely
forgotten. However, Akhil also understands that change in Dharavi is inevitable and therefore
wants to fight for the retention of industrial space in the redevelopment plans or in the very least
to be able to buy space at an affordable price if it were necessary to do so.
LANDLORD
abal is aged in his early t enties and lives on the ground floor of a three storey
building with his mother and sister. The family owns the two storeys above his home
and the G+1 structure next door. Sabal rents all of these spaces out to industrial
tenants who currently include two textile manufacturers and a wallet maker.

Sabal is studying for an IT degree at university. While he is currently Hindu, he plans

to convert to Christianity in a year’s time. He says does not like believing in many
Gods, but also alludes to the fact that he is of a lower caste and it affects his future
opportunities. Sabal opposes redevelopment in the Navrang area. His extended
family is spread out through his ‘nagar’ and would support upgrading only if his
situation could be preserved.

COMMERCIAL OWNER C O M M E R C I A L O W N E R

COM M ERCIAL

Rashmi has lived in Dharavi for most of her life and began building her current
SPACE

BEDROOM

house with her husband 36 years ago when they were about 20. Since then they
have added three further floors to ma e it a structure. ashmi lives in and INDUSTRIAL

runs a shop on the ground floor ith a partition separating commercial from living
WORKSPACE

space. She rents the two rooms above to embroidery businesses. The money she
has earned from her rental and commercial spaces has been used to support her INDUSTRIAL
WORKSPACE

three sons.
Aged in her late fifties, Rashmi has lived in Dharavi for

The conditions in ashmi s area have improved flooding during monsoon season
most of her life with her husband who built their current
BED1 BED2
dwelling 3 6 years earlier. Since then they have added WET
AREA
three further floors to their dwelling making it a G+3

once inundated the shop and surrounding homes. Rashmi and her family are happy
structure.

Rashmi lives and owns a shop on the ground floor with a

with their situation and do not want to move. They have invested a great deal into
partition separating her commercial space form her
living space. She rents the spaces above her shop to
embroidery businesses. The money she has earned from

their home and now receive good revenue from the shop and rented spaces above.
her rental and commercial spaces has been used to
support her three sons, one of whom is handicapped and
therefore requires a lot of attention.

ny redevelopment ould mean a significant loss of income. The conditions in Rashmi’s area used to be poor because
flooding during the monsoon season would inundate her
shop and the surrounding homes, although the area has
since improved. Overall, Rashmi and her family are
happy with their situation and do not want to move. She

COMMERCIAL TENANT
and her family have invested a great deal into their
home, receiving good revenue from their commercial
frontage and rented spaces above. Any redevelopment
would mean a significant loss in both income and living

Aslam grew up in Dharavi and has lived in the same family home with his eight
space.

other family members for all of his thirty five years. o ith a ife and three sons
to support, he rents a small commercial space of 1.6 square metres adjacent to a
pedestrian corridor. Here he sells household goods such as detergent, water and
rice from a small wooden structure attached to the side of a dwelling. He rents the
space from the owner of the attached building.

Aslam aspires to own his own commercial space but fears any redevelopment plans
may put this potential out of reach as the value of property would increase. He also
fears his rental space will not be transferred into the vision for the new Dharavi, and
that the cost of commercial rental space will increase.

MIGRANT WORKER
Aged in his early forties, Ravi works in a small sewing factory. After each six
months of work he returns home to his village for a number of weeks where his
family rely on his earnings to survive. The factory is three rooms high and employs
or ers. avi or s si days a ee and sleeps on the floor. round floor
flooding during the monsoon season forces all production to cro d into the upper
floors. avi has no ob ections to redevelopment as long as it does not interfere ith
his earnings, however, he is largely excluded from any such negotiation. Better
or ing conditions ould be seen as a positive benefit.

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 ACTOR NETWORK ANALYSIS

This assemblage of interests helps to understand why this community is generally

opposed to redevelopment and the conditions under which they may agree. In
general terms those who own the properties have the greatest long-term interest,
but only the long-term owners are included in current redevelopment plans. None
of them ill automatically benefit under the current proposal because of the lac
of provision for rental or for commercial/industrial property. The settlement has
evolved into much more than simply a squatter settlement.

Everyone wants more space but as the settlement has adapted over time to
provide more space it has largely been turned to rental. The economic interests
of owner/occupiers have led to the growth of the textile industry. These residents
often prioritize their children’s education above internal space standards.

The tenants and migrant workers clearly have less long-term interest in
redevelopment and they are largely excluded from negotiation. However, their
position is often marginal and they will inevitably be affected. While rental markets
are adaptable the long-term effect of redevelopment will reduce the availability of
cheap rental while separating residential from industrial and commercial property.

The migrant workers are the least powerful and most vulnerable within this
network. Their migration to the city is part of a global migration to cities that is
economic in nature and cannot be stemmed. A key task in this regard is to develop
upgrading programs that acknowledge this and incorporate strategies that enable
integration into urban life.

These actors form an interactive network. The resident owners build the rooms that
KO they rent or sell to industrial tenants or owners who hire migrant workers who buy
lunch from residents and goods from shopholders who rent from owners and so
on. This is a dynamic but relatively resilient system in the sense that it is constantly
changing yet resists wholesale transformation.

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SOCIO-SPATIAL MIX

The stories in these vignettes hint at the complexity of building ownership and
occupation in Dharavi. The section below shows a hypothetical distribution of these
functions and distributions across the 3-dimensional space on the site. One row of
buildings may contain all of the actors in this network.

It is generally assumed in current redevelopment plans that industrial and

commercial functions need to be close to the ground with residential property
above. The existing situation, however, is much more mixed and industrial
functions are more commonly on the upper floors. This is largely because such
rooms are rented from o ners ho see to inhabit the ground floor. This location is
more crucial for housing because the overcrowded interiors are relieved somewhat
by the capacity to spill both social life and domestic items into the adjacent
laneways during the day. The industrial uses are more self-contained and do not
have these threshold functions nor the volumes of entry traffic. etail functions
are clearly lin ed to ground floor locations but they are also lin ed economically
to residential so that shops can also function as housing and shopkeeping can be
integrated with domestic life.

The stories in these vignettes hint at the complexity of building ownership and
occupation in Dharavi. The diagram and streetscape below shows a hypothetical
spatial distribution of functions and actors in this network. NR

I N D U S T R I A L O W N E R
C O M M E R C I A L O W N E R
INDUSTRIAL
COM M ERCIAL WORKSPACE
SPACE

OCCUPANT
BEDROOM

INDUSTRIAL INDUSTRIAL
WORKSPACE WORKSPACE

INDUSTRIAL
WORKSPACE

LIVE-IN OWNER LIVE-IN TENANT COMMERCIAL TENANT COMMERCIAL OWNER MIGRANT WORKER INDUSTRIAL TENANT INDUSTRIAL OWNER
Aged in her late fifties, Rashmi has lived in Dharavi for
most of her life with her husband who built their current
BED1 BED2
dwelling 3 6 years earlier. Since then they have added WET
AREA
three further floors to their dwelling making it a G+3
structure.

Rashmi lives and owns a shop on the ground floor with a

partition separating her commercial space form her
living space. She rents the spaces above her shop to
embroidery businesses. The money she has earned from A long term resident of Dharavi, Akhil has used his knowledge of the area to establish a business
her rental and commercial spaces has been used to manufacturing women’s shoes. Having bought the G+1 structure only five years earlier he is
support her three sons, one of whom is handicapped and assisted by his younger brother in managing the 12 staff he employs, most of whom have come
therefore requires a lot of attention.
from villages outside of Bombay. Akhil sees his business as integral to Dharavi and the vulnerable
The conditions in Rashmi’s area used to be poor because migrant workers for whom he provides a wage and a place to sleep whilst they are working.
flooding during the monsoon season would inundate her
With redevelopment, Akhil fears he will lose all of the 45 square metres of industrial space he has

USE
shop and the surrounding homes, although the area has
since improved. Overall, Rashmi and her family are accumulated since he does not have the identity card required for inclusion in redevelopment
happy with their situation and do not want to move. She plans. He sees the current system of entitlement to redevelopment as flawed, since he and a

Residential Commercial Industrial

and her family have invested a great deal into their large sector of the community who bought their spaces in last ten years will be entirely
home, receiving good revenue from their commercial forgotten. However, Akhil also understands that change in Dharavi is inevitable and therefore
frontage and rented spaces above. Any redevelopment wants to fight for the retention of industrial space in the redevelopment plans or in the very least
would mean a significant loss in both income and living to be able to buy space at an affordable price if it were necessary to do so.
space.

OWNER OCCUPIER ABSENT OWNER

OWNER

Typical Spatial Distribution of activities and ownership

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4_EXISTING_MORPHOLOGY
Like nearly all informal settlements globally, this part of Dharavi has been formed
by a process described variously as incremental housing or room-by-room
accretion. This is largely a practice of self-organization where families house
themselves first in a single room ith others added over time. total of
individual lots e ist on this site ith varying floor space and heights. uildings
range from floors and the scale of each room or unit varies from about
30 sq metres with an average of about 15 sq m. The accretion process is both
horizontal and vertical - rows of houses have formed into blocks of up to about
10 connected buildings, generally one room thick. In the northern part of the
site the morphology suggests that a rough grid plan has been staked out prior
to construction with narrow lanes between rows. The additive process on each
property has then been vertical the settlement has intensified to a height of
storeys.

The existing morphology of the site with regard to building location and height
has been mapped as part of a government survey. While the plan is substantially
accurate, the height of buildings is unreliable. While all buildings in Dharavi are
unregulated, there is a government edict that no building should be more than 2
storeys high – the survey suggests that this is the case but the reality is that about
35% of all buildings are 3 storeys (G+2) and about 10% are 4 storeys (G+3). The
survey shows the locations of community buildings and retail but not industrial
production.

The increment size of a 15 sq metre room is a global norm with many variations -
limited by the size and weight of materials as well as cost. The height limit of four
floors is also self organi ed beyond three levels both access and construction

Existing pedestrian network and grain size (Source MHADA survey)

12
rapidly increase in difficulty. pper floors have often been added to provide rental
income for the o ners of the ground floor ith e ternal access provided via a
ladder that enters a cantilevered upper floor from beneath. This system cannot
easily continue beyond 2 storeys and the third and fourth levels are often accessed
internally. This in turn reduces the adaptability of the building since upper floors
must be used and rented as clusters rather than single rooms. Thus the self-
organi ed system of room by room accretion and individual access to upper floors
reaches its limit at four levels. Since ceiling heights are not high, the settlement
peaks at about 11 metres.

The site is framed by vehicular streets to the north and south with an intricate
network of laneways connecting the 100 metres between them. This network of
public space varies from the narrowest lanes of a half-metre to the broadest streets
of about 8 metres width. While there is no clear street hierarchy, these streets and
lanes differ markedly in character as they change scale.

DIAGNOSTIC MAP
The map below shows a diagnosis of the existing site indicating the main access
lanes, problematic zones with poor light or ventilation and the
areas of intensive social activity.

OPEN SPACE AND COMMUNITY FACILITIES

There is very little open space on the site and most of this is little more than
interstitial space or occasional widening of laneways. There are 2 blocks of sanitary
facilities for common use.

Diagnosis of existing site

13
 Main Street

MAIN STREETS

- Approx. 6m wide
- Low density G + 2 or G + 3
- Shared pedestrian access with vehicles
Existing conditions to keep

- Eddy space incorporated to allow communal gathering spaces

- Eyes on the street for security
[Illustrations: Annie Harrison]

MAIN STREETS
Main streets are at least 6-8 metres wide but with an irregular shape that appears to have been
produced by the demolitions necessary to provide vehicular access. The small alcoves along the
edges have generally become pedestrian eddy spaces. These main streets are lined primarily with 2-3
storey buildings ith shops or commercial enterpri es on the ground floor. These streets are thic ith
pedestrians – dominated by adult males to some degree but with a strong presence of women and
children. The street becomes noisy when vehicles move through, tooting constantly in the pedestrian
traffic. The eddy spaces along the edge are particularly valuable as pedestrian retreat and social
space; some have street furniture that prevents parking. These main streets are the spaces that
connect this community to the larger city and they are vulnerable to increases in vehicular traffic and
parking.

14
 Main Street

FULL SECTION OF SITE

LARGER LANEWAYS SMALL LANES

The larger laneways are 2-3 metres wide and lined with Smaller lanes range from about .7 to 2 metres
building entrances on both sides. Entries are usually set wide. The smallest of these are minimal urban
up behind a narro plinth that serves as flood barrier, passageways without entry transition, storage or
entry porch, seat, work platform and storage. These social life. At 2 metres wide the lane allows some
plinths are also the base for steep stairs or ladders that transition space and ladders to upper floors but
provide entry to the overhanging upper floors. These the overhang means that upper floors are at times
lanes are often bridged with colourful washing lines; almost joined.
they can be highly social spaces and quite beautiful
streetscapes. Elsewhere in Dharavi are examples of
broader lanes of 4-5 metres which, if protected from
vehicular traffic, are often vibrant social spaces.

15
 NM

EXISTING SITE

16

KD
EGC

NM

KD KD

17
KD
5_CONSTRUCTION
The prevailing construction throughout our site and most of the informal settlement
can be described as room-by-room accretions in rows with each building extending
between 2-4 rooms high. This is thus a micro-construction industry that is adapted
to the narrow alleys and lanes where vehicles cannot penetrate. There are some
rare examples where it is clear that more than one room has been constructed in a
single project – these may involve the collaborative upgrading of up to 4 adjacent
houses.

ACCESS
The 4 storey limit is partly a result of limited access. Construction in these areas
does not require cranes – materials are brought to the nearest location on trucks
or hand-carts and hoisted up the existing building as each room is added. All of
the newer high-scale developments have been constructed adjacent to main roads
with vehicular access.

STANDARDS
Standards of construction vary markedly across Dharavi but are generally far more
sound and permanent than in most newer informal settlements.

MATERIALS
round floors are generally concrete ith a ceramic tile or stone finish. round
and first floor alls are commonly bric or concrete bloc ith a painted cement
render interior surfaces may be tiled. pper floors may be timber framed ith
metal, ply ood or fibro cement asbestos sheeting. pper floor construction
is commonly steel I-beams (spanning 3-4 metres) with concrete or timber
flooring finished ith tiles or render. oofing structures are also steel beams or
occasionally small trusses for longer spans. Roof cladding is commonly metal or
fibro cement asbestos sheeting and may be covered ith tarpaulin sheets for
additional aterproofing.

18
OVERHANGS
pper floors are generally cantilevered ith an overhang of about mm
which serves a key function of enabling an external ladder access for rentable
space. The cantilever is generally achieved with small steel I-beams. On the
wider laneways the overhang provides a narrow porch/seat/storage/work area. In
narrower alleys the overhang blocks light and ventilation, and can be a hazard for
those walking beneath.

PROCESS
Almost all construction is micro-scale – one room at a time. Additional levels may
be constructed by erecting a working platform. Once the supporting brick walls are
constructed, they are topped ith either steel girders in the event another floor is
to be added), or metal sheeting to form a roof.

RETENTION OF EXISTING STRUCTURE

There is little evidence of buildings in a state of collapse; much of the building
stock has served for over 30 years and need not be demolished for constructional
reasons. Existing brickwork construction in some areas could be strengthened with
thickening or steel sections to create greater rigidity and capacity for additional
floors. This could reduce the amount of ne construction that is re uired and
speed up the redevelopment process. Demolition of asbestos roofing carries a
serious risk.

BUILDING TYPE
The construction type of single rooms in ro s reflects the fact that internal
ventilation is crucial to thermal comfort. While there are some sections of the site
where rooms are joined on three sides, these are in the minority and these interiors
have very poor ventilation.

REDEVELOPMENT
A post and beam construction system could be well-suited to redevelopment since
it leaves space open between columns and allows for incremental change and
adaptation with a variety of materials and elevations. The use of repeated structural
elements would be cost effective and such a system could be inserted into the
existing morphology with small spans (between 3 and 5 metres)

19
 steel roof truss

corrugated metal external cladding

plywood sheet internal cladding

metal window grate

steel i-beam

metal stair

ceramic wall tile

single brick
[Illustrations: Stephanie Kaul]

stone/slate sheet

steel i-beam

single brick

20
 informal settlement can be described as room-by-room accretions in rows with
each building extending between 2-4 rooms high. This is thus a micro-construction
CONSTR industry that is adapted to the narrow alleys and lanes where vehicles cannot
penetrate.
CONSTRUCTION DETAILING

detail 01

As extensions are added incrementally, there may

be a variety of materials in a single building detail 01

detail 02

Detail One

As extensions are added incrementally, there may

Often buildings are raised a few steps. This not only
provides flood resistance, but some street furniture
such as nib walls and steps. These create a
be a variety of materials in a single building
semi-private space and sense of address

detail 02

Often buildings are raised a few steps. This not only

such as nib walls and steps. These create a

semi-private space and sense of address
Detail Two

ceramic wall tile

ceramic floor tile

single brick

stone/slate sheet

steel i-beam

internal render finish

single brick

external render finish

21
KO KO NR
6_CRITIQUE_G+7
The G+7 is the common name for a number of rehabilitation projects that have
adopted an eight storey building type – often with community and commercial
uses on the ground floor and floors of apartments above. ost residents of
such projects have been resettled from other parts of Dharavi but many have
also moved from nearby settlements on railway easements and some are former
pavement dwellers. Most such projects are enclosed within compounds with
restricted access and here commercial operations are difficult others merge
directly into the streetscape ith ground floor shops. The building form often raps
around a courtyard or semi-enclosed open space. We were able to visit some G+7
projects and interview a small number of residents.

INTERIORS
Many of the apartments have a 4.3 metre ceiling which includes a mezzanine
level of 1.5 metres. The design of higher ceilings was the result of pressure
from residents and NGOs to incorporate some of the upper level space that was
otherwise lost in the move from the most common two-storey buildings to the
apartments. The mezzanine level is generally a sleeping loft or storage. One 3
generation household (with 9 residents) had extended the loft across the entire
room and divided the upper level into 3 closet sized bedrooms for the married
children and grandchildren. The single entrance largely prevents the loft from being
rented or used for industrial purposes. Each dwelling that we visited had a toilet.

[Illustration: Andrew Yit]

Typical apartment
22
 RESIDENT SATISFACTION
The residents interviewed consider the apartment to be an improvement on their
previous housing. Most of this satisfaction focused on the interiors and the sense of
having moved out of the slums. These apartments are also regarded as generally
safe and peaceful compared to the neighbourhood beyond the compound with
better sanitation and kitchen space. Many residents have the same neighbours
they lived with in the slums but they also enjoy a higher social status. These views
are from a tiny sample and may not be representative.

SEMI-PUBLIC SPACE
There is a dramatic difference between the semi-public spaces of the informal
settlement and the G+7 upgrade. Here the single-loaded corridor access to and
between apartments is well maintained but there is little vitality. The sense of
domestic, social and economic activity spilling from entrances into the laneways
does not occur in these corridors. Domestic space is less integrated with public
space and the semi-private spaces are largely reduced to a single function.
[Illustration: Andrew Yit]

Typical apartment with loft

23
 ELEVATORS
Elevators are often broken due to poor maintenance so some residents
are regularly faced with a long climb for access. All residents pay the same
maintenance cost but have vastly different levels of reliance on the elevators.
The high ceilings (allowing for the loft) of most of the apartments exacerbates the
problem because the first five floors are already the e uivalent of eight floors. ive
storeys is often considered the limit for buildings ithout an elevator but eight floors
may be an unfortunate height in the sense that it is just below the level at which a
dysfunctional elevator could not be ignored.

ENCLOSURE
Many of the G+7’s in Dharavi are enclosed in high walls that mark a clear
distinction between old and new developments. This enclosure is seen as desirable
by residents for many reasons including cleanliness, security, status and symbolic
ownership. The street level spaces, although often neat and tidy, are devoid of the
rich multilayered social interactions that can be found beyond the wall in Dharavi’s
streets. With their setbacks and modernist forms they are reminiscent in some
ways of public housing projects in rich cities of the West that have long been
deployed to keep the poor at a distance from the rest of society; yet here they are
formed from a desire for retreat.

The creation of large enclaves at ground level can also be disruptive of the
richly interconnected spatial structure that is crucial to the social and economic
vitality of Dharavi. ust north est of our site is a cluster of five buildings ithin
a single compound that bloc s these flo s for over metres. ot all
redevelopments are in compounds - some of these blocks are integrated directly
into the street net or here the ground floor becomes retail and the net or is
largely maintained.
KD

KD

KD KD

24
EFFICIENCY
The commercial viability of the ground floor has been compromised by being
disconnected from the ider traffic flo and the open space at ground level is very
inefficiently used. hile the courtyard and fringe areas of the compound are large
enough for social life and children’s play they seem little used compared to the
informal settlement.

DENSITY
While the FSI of the G+7 is usually about double that of the informal settlement
(4:1 vs 2:1), this does not produce a doubling of density because a large proportion
of built space within the G+7 is consumed by access routes and stairwells. The net
density of the G+7, depending on compound size is about 400 dwellings/hectare. If
the study site were developed in this manner while allowing for street access, then
the yield would be about 300 dwellings – similar to the current density but without
the industrial production or the commercial network.

KD

KO

25
7_NEW_SPATIAL_TYPES
The site is remarkably homogenous in spatial typology due the single-room
SPATIAL TYPES
increments of the construction process; limitations on access and long span
materials have ensured that almost all buildings are variations of a footprint of
about 3.5is xremarkably
The site 5.5 metres (10-20 square
homogenous metres)
in spatial and extend
typology due thebetween 2-4 rooms
single-room increments of the
vertically.
constructionMost buildings
process; are attached
limitations on accesson two
and sides as row
long span houses
materials although
have ensured that almost all
some areare
buildings attached on of
variations 3 sides with of
a footprint noabout
cross3.5
ventilation. Interiors
x 5.5 metres (10-20 may be partially
square metres) and extend
subdivided.
between 2-4 rooms pper floors generally overhang by
vertically. Most buildings are attached on mm ith easternal ladder
two sides row houses although
access from the ground floor.
some are attached on 3 sides withccess beyond the first floor may be internal or
no cross ventilation. Interiors may be partially subdivided.
external.
Upper oors generally overhang by 500-800 mm with external ladder access from the ground
oor. Access beyond the rst oor may be internal or external.
COMBINE ADJOINING HOUSES
The most significant problems
NEW SPATIAL TYPES ith the current typology are here the houses are
adjoined on three sides without cross-ventilation and where the entry adjoins a
narro
COMBINE lane ay that lac
ADJOINING s light and air. The significant number of such units could
HOUSES
be
Thesimply adaptedproblems
most signicant by opening withup
theofcurrent
wallstypology
to provide cross the
are where ventilation
houses areand doubleon three
adjoined
the floor area to about
sides without cross-ventilation sand
uare metres.
where the entry adjoins a narrow laneway that lacks light and air.
The signicant number of such units could be simply adapted by opening up of walls to provide
POST & BEAM INFILL
cross ventilation and double the oor area to about 30 square metres.
Since all apartments need cross ventilation, a plan-type with long narrow
apartments
POST & BEAM produces
INFILL a higher FSI and reduces the amount of laneway space
required. A 6 metre grid
Since all apartments needofcross
post ventilation,
and beamaconstruction
plan-type with could
longcreate
narrownew spatial produces a
apartments
types
higheras
FSIbelow:
and reduces the amount of laneway space required. A 6 metre grid of post and beam
construction could create new spatial types as below:

The post and beam framework enables current high levels of spatial adaptation to continue -
The postexpansion
through and beamand framework enables
partitioning current
of interior high levels of spatial adaptation to
spaces.
continue through expansion and partitioning of interior spaces.
This type also creates a deeper setback on the main entry side of the building which becomes
This type also
an external creates
space a deeperchores,
for household setback on the
drying main possible
clothes, entry side of the building
shopfronts and enhanced
which becomes
streetlife. Externalan external
entry space
to upper forcan
oors household chores,
be via ladders or drying clothes,
separate possible
stairways. A wider
shopfronts and enhanced streetlife.
laneway would provide more light, air andternal entry to upper floors can be via
potential for greenery (note the planter boxes) and
social life.
ladders orInseparate
this scenario rear lanes
stairways. would
A wider remain would
laneway small with through
provide access
more light,closed
air andto
discourage subdivision into smaller rooms without ventilation.
potential for greenery (note the planter boxes) and social life. In this scenario rear
lanes would remain small with through access closed to discourage subdivision
into smaller rooms without ventilation.

26
Following are illustrations of how such spatial types could be expanded into a G+4 typology with
community space on the roof.
Following are illustrations of how such spatial types could be expanded into a G+4
Dining
typology with community space on the roof.
[Illustration: Andrew Yit]
[Illustration: Lasse Kilvaer]

27
8_SPATIAL_TRADING_SCHEMES
The informal settlement of Dharavi is characteri ed by very high levels of fle ibility
and change with regard to spatial functions and allocations – rooms can be added
and functions converted between residential, industrial and retail; and from
ownership to rental. This adaptability is an integral part of the local economy and
we have explored some possible strategies and systems that may facilitate such
fle ibility in space allocation. These schemes recogni e the changing needs of
informal settlements and propose an adaptive spatial strategy that allows multiple
changes and adjustments to occur during the process of development.

SCHEME 1: HOUSE SWAP

One of the greatest barriers to slum upgrading in this location is the problem of
getting agreement from a diversity of residents. The current planning framework
suggests that agreement is sufficient but has not been possible in this area.
This scheme is designed to enable house swapping between owners who support
and oppose redevelopment – thus enabling supporters to swap to an area with
sufficient support hile others can s ap to an area that is not threatened ith
redevelopment. Imagine the following scenario:

Hadiya is an owner-occupier who opposes development because she is happy

with her current situation. However, many of her immediate neighbours want
redevelopment. Sabal is a nearby owner who desires redevelopment yet his
immediate neighbours oppose redevelopment. The proposed scheme allows for
adiya and abal to s ap their properties possibly including a financial ad ustment
and maintain priorities. It enables the emergence of clusters of households with
common interests and helps to build resident support for redevelopment.

Much of the existing housing is similar in size, amenity and construction standard.
In order to keep social networks intact house swapping would work best between
houses that are largely within the same neighbourhood and redevelopment
framework. Thus, this scenario will work best if redevelopment schemes are
relatively small in scale and proceed as one neighbourhood cluster at a time.

This scheme has the potential to facilitate change in a deadlock situation where
required levels of resident support cannot be achieved. It also provides an
opportunity for those who are uncertain
Pro-development about the process of upgrading to make an
Anti-development
informed decision after viewing the
households process of change.
households

Pro-development Anti-development
households households

Pro-development Anti-development
households households

Cluster A Cluster A

Cluster A Cluster A

Cluster A Cluster A

Cluster B Cluster B

28
Before Trade After Trade
Cluster B Cluster B
SCHEME 2: RENTAL REPLACEMENT

The existing situation is essentially an accretion of rooms where ownership

applies to stacks of 2-4 rooms of about 15 square metres each. The current
redevelopment framework suggests that each long-term owner be granted
ownership of 30 square metres of redeveloped housing - often less than the
amount of space that current residents own. While the redeveloped space will be of
higher value, the rental income will not be replaced. This scheme seeks to provide
fle ibility through the opportunity to trade ithin a frame or of allocated space.

Imagine the following scenario:

Sabal currently owns a four-storey building that he has built incrementally over
years his family lives on the ground floor ith the three upper floors rented.
He is offered an upgrade of his current living space from 15 sq metres to 30
sq metres but does not agree because he loses 50% of existing space. This
scheme would offer to replace a percentage of his current rented space. Since
the rental space will be upgraded to a higher value Sabal is likely to agree to
less than full replacement.
This scheme makes upgrading more expensive but it also more economically
sustainable and has the potential to increase the level of resident support.

A variation on this scheme is to offer additional space in the redevelopment at

a subsidized rate up to the level at which existing space is fully replaced. This
subsidy (and/or the % of replaced space) can be negotiated to the level necessary
to secure resident agreement to upgrading. Beyond the level of replacement space
would be traded at market rates. This scheme would enable individual families to
enlarge their houses and to continue or develop commercial opportunities.

SCHEME 3: ADAPTIVE SPATIAL DESIGNS

These spatial trading schemes cannot be seen in isolation from the architectural
and urban design of the redevelopment project. The spatial framework should be
designed to allow for houses to extend and contract, for functions to be changed
and for external access to different spaces to be available wherever possible. Such
a scheme is most likely to be facilitated by post and beam construction with a high
level of interconnectivity and adaptability between cells. It is important that the
redevelopment scheme does not implement a strict separation between functions
and locations but rather learns from and retains something of the fle ibility of the
existing morphology. Scenario:

Pradeep currently owns a shop and lives both in and above it. He negotiates that
his house in the upgrade will be at the rear of a new shop. Over time he wants to
expand the living space and negotiates to rent or buy one of the spaces above.
Later when his children move out he may choose to rent part of this space, or to
sell the shop.

An adaptive design enables the expansion and contraction of families and

enterprises to be integrated with transformations of space and architecture.

29
EFFICIENCY
The commercial viability of the ground floor has been compromised by being
disconnected from the ider traffic flo and the open space at ground level is very
inefficiently used. hile the courtyard and fringe areas of the compound are large
enough for social life and children’s play they seem little used compared to the
informal settlement.

DENSITY
While the FSI of the G+7 is usually about double that of the informal settlement
(4:1 vs 2:1), this does not produce a doubling of density because a large proportion
of built space within the G+7 is consumed by access routes and stairwells. The net
density of the G+7, depending on compound size is about 400 dwellings/hectare. If
the study site were developed in this manner while allowing for street access, then
the yield would be about 300 dwellings – similar to the current density but without
the industrial production or the commercial network.

KD

KO

25
 URBAN PLANNING AND DESIGN PRINCIPLES

Resident Driven Not Market-Driven: The desires of residents and not developer
profits should be the drivers of redevelopment. esident o ners have a right to
remain in the houses they have built until agreement on the forms and processes is
reached in an open and transparent manner.

Staged Redevelopment: Staged projects are easier to insert into the existing
fabric with minimal disruption and more likely to gain community involvement and
approval. The northwest corner of the site adjacent to existing high-rise buildings
currently houses a toilet block and community room. This location presents the
best opportunity to begin redevelopment with a substantial building that can then
be used for temporary housing during construction.

Laneways: All laneways with poor light and air should be upgraded or replaced. As
a general principle laneways of less than 2 metres width are problematic.

Entrances: Entry areas to private space should be designed to enable social

interaction.

Pedestrian Network: A permeable pedestrian network should be created or

maintained at ground level and protected from vehicular traffic.

Open Space: A minimum of 400 square metres of open space should be provided
in addition to access lane ays. uch space should ideally be sufficient for
children s lay, eddings and community events protected from vehicular traffic.
It should be shaped and integrated in a manner that inhibits encroachment by new
informal housing.

Community Facilities: Existing toilet blocks should be maintained or replaced and

space should be included for new community facilities where possible.

Functional Mix: The redevelopment should maintain a mix of commercial,

residential and industrial space. It should recognize that spatial adaptations
between such functions will inevitably continue.

pen spaces protected from traffic

31
 (Central Open
SCENARIO A: SUBTRACT AND INSERT (CENTRAL Space)
OPEN SPACE)
MICHAELA NIKAKIS

This scenario provides all existing owners with an upgraded 30 square metre
apartment and replaces all existing rental space. There is provision for additional
space to be acquired at market rate. The overall vision allows for the existing
fabric to remain in place so far as possible, with improvements to infrastructure,
access, street frontage, cross ventilation and light. The proposed new construction
is concrete frame and bric infill a system that allo s a degree of fle ibility ith
partition walls so that spatial allocations can occur according to residents’ needs.
This system also enables possible future e pansion on upper floors.

Construction will occur in stages with disruption minimised by erecting a G+7

to er in the north est corner first. esidents ill be temporarily relocated here
to allow for new development to occur, one block at a time. Wider lanes have
been created as both pedestrian walkway and open space while protected from
vehicle access. A large open space has been created at the centre of the site
with generous playspace for children. Adjacent to it is a community centre which
includes a school, childcare, library and hall. Some narrow lanes have been
retained as ‘back’ lanes for cross ventilation and light but the main entry to every
house is onto a more generous lane or open space.

32
DIAGNOSIS FUNCTIONAL MIX DEMOLITION
 33
NEW BUILDINGS PEDESTRIAN NETWORK
 SCENARIO B: SUBTRACT AND INSERT (DISTRIBUTED OPEN SPACE)

This scenario is an example of possible redevelopment where all existing resident

owners receive a 30 square metre apartment (roughly double their existing ground
floor space , plus replacement of all e isting rental accommodation. isting parts of
the settlement that have valuable characteristics are retained while making strategic
demolitions of problematic areas and insertions of new projects to create greater
amenity. These projects can be relatively small scale, staged over a long time frame
and involve different developers as residents may decide.

PRINCIPLES
Higher density along existing wider commercial streets with lower rise developments
on narrower streets/smaller open spaces between. Retain the existing commercial
streets with their ‘staggered’ footprints and eddy spaces. New small open spaces
to be distributed throughout the site. Improvement of dwellings without cross-
ventilation or with small plot size

Open space and pedestrian network

Existing (purple to be demolished) Stage 1 Stage 2

34
STAGING
Many staging options are possible within this scenario, beginning with demolition
of the existing northwest toilet block and construction of an eight-storey apartment
tower as temporary housing for residents while construction is taking place. This
block matches the height of existing buildings across the street and will offset density
requirements in other areas of the site. Residents from other parts of the site can be
relocated as development agreements are reached and construction commences.

Stage 6

Stage 3 Stage 4 Stage 5

35
 SCENARIO C: CLUSTER BASED REPLACEMENT (20% FOR PROFIT)

This scenario models one possible outcome if the current pressure to secure
partnerships with private developers were to be accepted by the community - 20%
of the site is set aside for ultimate ownership by the developer. The proposal
also models a process of development in stages through the demolition and
replacement of relatively small-scale clusters. While all of these clusters are
necessary to the staging process, two of them comprising 20% of the site have
been reserved as for profit sectors. The eligibility frame or is that all e isting
resident/owners are provided a 30 sq m apartment and over half of all existing
rental is replaced.
d
l Development begins on the northeast corner site where there is easy access,
,
n minimal e isting residential property and capacity for significant bul ithout
e disruption (it is adjacent to other bulky developments). Residents of each
successive cluster occupy the temporary housing during demolition and
construction of their cluster.
g
2
y
e PROPOSED DEVELOPMENT OUTCOMES
I
t NUMBER OF UNITS (existing) @ 15m2
Ground floor units 400
Units on upper floors 451
Total Existing 851
t
s NUMBER OF UNITS (allocated)
e Ground floor units @ 30m2 400
y
EXISTING
50% of upper floor units @ 15m2 226
g Sect
Total Allocated 626
Sect
A

FLOOR SPACE INDEX (FSI)

Total Allocated Unit Area
n Ground floor units 12000 B
Upper floor units 3390
UTCOMES
Total Allocated Space 15390

m Total site area (excluding circulation & profitable

5m2 devwelopmment area) 6450
400
g FSI 2.4
t 451
851
NOTE: FSI Calculation does not include additional spaces required for profitable development and
n circulation)

e
y
n
e 400 EXISTING
2
226
S
626 Existing showing clusters and staging
PROPOSED B
A

S
A

PROPOSED
DEVELOPMENT STAGES
Stage 1. Temporary 12000
Housing Stage 2 Stages 3-5 B
Development begins on the northeast corner site where Residents move into the temporary housing while the purple Residents of each successive cluster occupies the temporary
Stage
there is1:
easyTemporary
3390Housing
access, minimal - This property
existing residential building and cluster is demolished and redeveloped at 4-7 storeys. housing during demolition and construction of their cluster.
would
capacitybe
forused 15390
forbulk
significant temporary housing
without disruption (it is adjacent Stage 2: Residents move into the temporary When stage 5 is occupied the temporary housing (stage 1)
to other bulky developments). This building would be used becomes available for private sale.
and sold for profit at the conclusion of the
for temporary housing and sold for profit at the conclusion
housing hile the first cluster is demolished
development
tionof&theprofitable
developmentprocess.
process. and redeveloped at 4-7 storeys.
Stage 3
6450

2.4
ed for profitable development and

36
on Stage 1 Stage 2 Stage 3
 Section A-A
Section B-B

This scenario demonstrates one way in which cluster-based staging could occur
through the use of temporary housing that ultimately becomes for profit housing
at the conclusion of the process. In this scenario such conditions produce primarily
5-7 storey walk-up housing that is slightly lower in scale than the G+7 but with
minimal open space. The degree to which this scenario improves the current
condition would be contested along with the acceptability of 7 storey walk-ups.
Stage 6
rary Residents of the final cluster move into units which distributed
ster. amongst the previously developed clusters 2-5. The fina
e 1) cluster area is then demolished and redeveloped for profit.

Section A-A
Section B-B

age 3 Stage 4 Stage 5 Stage

PRIVATE
DEVELOPMENT

Final Plan

Stage 6
e temporary
tage of
Residents the
esidents of the final cluster
final cluster move into units which distributed
their cluster. move
amongst intotheunits distributed
previously developedamongst
clusters 2-5. The final
ing (stage 1) the previously
cluster area is thendeveloped
demolished and clusters
redeveloped for profit.
Stage 5: When stage 5 is occupied . The final cluster area is then
the temporary housing (stage 1) demolished and redeveloped for
Stage 4 becomes available for private sale. profit.

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Stage 3 Stage 4 Stage 5 Stage 6
10_AFTERWORD
KIM DOVEY

One of the more enlightening comments by Sheela Patel during our visit was: “You know,
you didn’t come here to solve the problems of the slums; you came here to learn…”.
Indeed we learned so much in this short time and much of what we learned was how little
we know of this extraordinarily complex place with its diverse residents and industries,
its labyrinthine spaces, politics and transformational practices. We were invited to
engage with these issues and much of what we learnt has come from entering into the
difficulty of this multidisciplinary assemblage of planning and design issues. Dharavi is
a paradigm case of a ic ed problem here every definition of the problem involves an
over simplification, here every prospective solution raises more complications, here
every new building or policy produces unpredictable adaptations.

The work presented here should be seen in this light as just another cluster of analysis
and ideas thrown into this mix. The student work is undertaken primarily for them to
learn, to struggle ith the difficulties of the real orld ithout the responsibilities of
implementation. This works best if they do this with the freedom to imagine and to re-
think existing approaches but within the constraints of the possible. This means engaging
with the processes and morphologies of informality that have produced Dharavi in the
first place.

o hat do e learn from this ne ey lesson as that the sociality and productivity
of this neighbourhood is highly dependent on the spatiality of the streets and laneways.
Many of the lanes are dark and narrow without the space or light for social, domestic or
productive activity to spill into public space – they represent a clear case for upgrading.
Yet as the lanes widen beyond about 2 metres width they become highly intensive spaces
of social interaction and productivity, crowded to be sure but with light, air, occasional
sunshine and open space. Such spaces only work in this way when protected from the
noise, smell and danger of vehicular traffic.

Another lesson is that the existing housing and infrastructure represents a huge
investment that is primarily built and owned by current residents. Much of the housing
stock is of permanent and sound construction that could continue to be upgraded without
demolition. The primary current strategy for upgrading is market-led, based on the idea
that existing property values can be leveraged to provide new housing for eligible existing
residents free of charge plus private profit and ithout cost to the state. The main
tool for achieving this is the allocation of a very high Floor Space Index (4) coupled
with Transferable Development Rights. The existing FSI on our study site is about 2,
which is a natural limit for the incremental building type. Scenarios A and B show that
a minimal increase beyond this is possible hile preserving significant portions of the
existing housing, opening up the most narrow access lanes and creating new open space
and community facilities. While Scenario C shows how the demolition and replacement
process can be broken down into clusters, it also suggests that setting aside a portion of
the site for profit pushes the density to ards a high rise typology that re uires complete
demolition of existing housing. While it is possible that all of the private development
could be transferred to other sites, the intention of the state is clearly to retain it within
Dharavi in the belief that high property values can be used to both extract capital and
fund redevelopment. The evidence here suggests that unless the FSI can be strictly
AY limited this market-driven scenario is inconsistent with the development of a sustainable,
livable and productive community.

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KD
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This project could not have proceeded without the collaboration of the Alliance of SPARC,
the National Slum Dwellers Federation and Mahila Milan. Our heartfelt thanks to Sheela
Patel (Director of SPARC) and Jockin Arputhan (President of NSDF) for making this
possible and giving generously of their time in discussion. A range of people allied with
these organizations have helped with organization, information, orientation, interpretation
and safety.They include from SPARC: Mitali Ayyangar, Monali Waghmare, Keya Kunte
and Preeti Banarse; from NSDF: John Bhai and from Mahila Milan: Laxmi Shambhu
Shankar, Famida Thakur and Prema Salgaonkar. We also wish to thank the residents
of Navrang community in Dharavi who generously gave of their time for interviews .
Aneerudha Paul, Director of KRVIA (Kamla Raheja Vidyanidhi Institute for Architecture)
and George Jerry (Asst Professor) were generous with their time in hosting discussions,
presenting recent work and in sharing the very substantial Dharavi database generated
over their long collaborations with SPARC. Our thanks to the Australia India Institute and
Director Amitabh Matoo for generous funding of this publication. The travelling studio KD
was supported by the Melbourne School of Design, University of Melbourne.

one of the ideas e pressed here necessarily reflect the vie s of or D .

All student work is group work with the exception of Scenario 1 which was undertaken by
Michaela Nikakis as her Design Thesis. Photo credits are as follows: AY (Andrew Yit),
EGC (Elba Garcia Clark), KD (Kim Dovey), KO (Keelan O’Hehir),MR (Marli Roberts), NM
(Nigel Mak), NR (Nurliyana Rusli)

Design & Layout: Scout Morris.

KD

KO NR

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KD