Trust Distrust in America Report 2019
Trust Distrust in America Report 2019
RECOMMENDED CITATION
Pew Research Center, July 2019, “Trust and Distrust in
America”
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www.pewresearch.org
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Trust is an essential elixir for public life and neighborly relations, and when Americans think
about trust these days, they worry. Two-thirds of adults think other Americans have little or no
confidence in the federal government. Majorities believe the public’s confidence in the U.S.
government and in each other is shrinking, and most believe a shortage of trust in government
and in other citizens makes it harder to solve some of the nation’s key problems.
As a result, many think it is necessary to clean up the trust environment: 68% say it is very
important to repair the public’s level of confidence in the federal government, and 58% say the
same about improving confidence in fellow Americans.
Americans think their distrust of the federal government and each other is a
problem that gets in the way of solving issues
% of U.S. adults who believe …
Moreover, some see fading trust as a sign of cultural sickness and national decline. Some also tie it
to what they perceive to be increased loneliness and excessive individualism. About half of
Americans (49%) link the decline in interpersonal trust to a belief that people are not as reliable as
they used to be. Many ascribe shrinking trust to a political culture they believe is broken and
spawns suspicion, even cynicism, about the ability of others to distinguish fact from fiction.
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In a comment typical of the views expressed by many people of different political leanings, ages
and educational backgrounds, one participant in a new Pew Research Center survey said: “Many
people no longer think the federal government can actually be a force for good or change in their
lives. This kind of apathy and disengagement will lead to an even worse and less representative
government.” Another addressed the issue of fading interpersonal trust: “As a democracy founded
on the principle of E Pluribus Unum, the fact that we are divided and can’t trust sound facts means
we have lost our confidence in each other.”
Even as they express doleful views about the state of trust today, many Americans believe the
situation can be turned around. Fully 84% believe the level of confidence Americans have in the
federal government can be improved, and 86% think improvement is possible when it comes to
the confidence Americans have in each other. Among the solutions they offer in their open-ended
comments: muffle political partisanship and group-centered tribalism, refocus news coverage
away from insult-ridden talk shows and sensationalist stories, stop giving so much attention to
digital screens and spend more time with people, and practice empathy. Some believe their
neighborhoods are a key place where interpersonal trust can be rebuilt if people work together on
local projects, in turn radiating trust out to other sectors of the culture.
The new survey of 10,618 U.S. adults, conducted Nov. 27-Dec. 10, 2018, using the Center’s
nationally representative American Trends Panel, covers a wide range of trust-related issues and
adds context to debates about the state of trust and distrust in the nation. The margin of sampling
error for the full sample is plus or minus 1.5 percentage points.
Levels of personal trust are associated with race and ethnicity, age, education and
household income. To explore these connections, we asked questions about people’s general
trust or distrust in others, their sense of the exploitative tendencies or fairness of others, and their
assessment of the overall helpfulness or selfishness of others. Then, we built a scale of personal
trust and distributed people along a spectrum from least trusting to most trusting. About a fifth of
adults (22%) display consistently trustful attitudes on these questions, and roughly a third (35%)
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Strikingly, nearly half of young adults (46%) are in the low trust group – a significantly higher
share than among older adults. Also, there are no noteworthy partisan differences in levels of
personal trust: Republicans and Democrats distribute the same way across the scale.
It is worth noting, of course, that while social trust is seen as a virtue and a societal bonding agent,
too much trust can be a serious liability. Indiscriminate trusters can be victimized in any number
of ways, so wariness and doubt have their place in a well-functioning community.
Levels of personal trust tend to be linked with people’s broader views on institutions
and civic life. The disposition of U.S. adults to trust, or not to trust, each other is connected with
their thinking about all manner of issues. For instance, those who are less trusting in the
interpersonal sphere also tend to be less trusting of institutions, less sure their fellow citizens will
act in ways that are good for civic life and less confident that trust levels can rise in the future.
Those with high personal trust have higher confidence in key leadership groups
% of U.S. adults in each group who have a great deal/fair amount of confidence that ____ will act in the best
interests of the public
Note: The trust scale is built on questions about people’s general trust or distrust in others; their sense of the exploitative tendencies or
fairness of others; and their assessment of the overall helpfulness or selfishness of others. For details, see Chapter 2 subsection “People
sort along a continuum of personal trust.”
Source: Survey conducted Nov. 27-Dec. 10, 2018.
“Trust and Distrust in America”
PEW RESEARCH CENTER
Also, Americans’ views on interpersonal trust provide strong clues to how they think their fellow
citizens will react in a variety of civic circumstances; their confidence in groups ranging from the
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military to scientists, college professors and religious leaders; and the strategies they embrace for
dealing with others. For example, low trusters are much more likely than high trusters to say that
skepticism is the best mindset for most situations (63% of low trusters say this vs. 33% of high
trusters). They also are more likely than high trusters to say that being self-reliant is a better
choice than working together with others (33% vs. 24%).
When Americans perceive that trust in the federal government has been shrinking,
they are right. Long-running surveys show that public confidence in the government fell
precipitously in the 1960s and ’70s, recovered somewhat in the ’80s and early 2000s, and is near
historic lows today. Although there is a widespread perception that trust in other people also has
plummeted, whether that truly has happened is not as clear, partly because surveys have asked
questions about personal trust less frequently or consistently.
By and large, Americans think the current low level of trust in government is justified. Just one-in-
four (24%) say the federal government deserves more public confidence than it gets, while 75% say
that it does not deserve any more public confidence than it gets. Similarly, among U.S. adults who
perceive that confidence in each other has dropped, many think there is good reason for it: More
than twice as many say Americans have lost confidence in each other “because people are not as
reliable as they used to be” (49% support that statement) than take the opposite view, saying
Americans have lost confidence in each other “even though people are as reliable as they have
always been” (21% say that).
The trust landscape isn’t entirely bleak: Most Americans have confidence others will
uphold key civic virtues, though not in every case. Clear majorities of Americans are
confident their fellow citizens will act in a number of important pro-civic ways. This includes
reporting serious local problems to authorities, obeying federal and state laws, doing what they
can to help those in need and honestly reporting their income when paying taxes.
However, this level of confidence does not extend across all civic activities. It seems to plunge as
soon as politics enter the picture. U.S. adults render a split verdict on whether they can count on
fellow Americans to accept election results regardless of who wins: 53% express “a fair amount” or
“a great deal” of confidence that others will accept the results, while 47% say they have “not too
much” or “no confidence at all” that others will accept the election outcome. Americans also are
split on whether they can rely on others to reconsider their views after learning new information
(49% have at least some confidence, 50% little or none), stay informed about important issues and
events (49% vs. 51%) and respect the rights of people who are not like them (48% vs. 52%).
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Additionally, the
inclination of Americans to
express different levels of
Note: Respondents who did not give an answer are not shown.
trust depending on the Source: Survey conducted Nov. 27-Dec. 10, 2018.
circumstances is reflected “Trust and Distrust in America”
PEW RESEARCH CENTER
in their views on various
institutions and kinds of
leaders. The military enjoys “a great deal” or “fair amount” of confidence among 83% of U.S.
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adults, as do scientists (83%). Not far behind are principals of K-12 public schools (80%) and
police officers (78%).2 Confidence in journalists stands at 55%.3
These supportive views stand in contrast to the public’s overall lack of confidence in elected
officials and corporate leaders: 63% express little confidence in elected officials, and 56% take a
similarly skeptical view of business leaders.
Democrats and Republicans think differently about trust, but both groups wish it
would rise. Although supporters of the country’s two main political parties hold similar levels of
personal trust, Democrats and those who lean Democratic are more likely than Republicans and
Republican leaners to express worry about the state of trust in America. For example, Democratic
partisans are more likely to say that trust in the federal government is shrinking (82% vs. 66%)
and that low trust in the federal government makes it harder to solve many of the country’s
problems (70% vs. 57%).
At the same time, there is bipartisan agreement that it is important to improve trust in both the
federal government and in fellow Americans, as well as that there are ways to do so.
There are some partisan differences, too, when it comes to confidence in Americans to act in some
civically beneficial ways. For instance, 76% of Republicans and 63% of Democrats (including
independents who lean toward each party) have confidence people would do what they can to help
those in need. Similarly, 56% of Republicans and 42% of Democrats have confidence the American
people respect the rights of people who are not like them.
Partisan differences also show up in the levels of trust extended toward various kinds of leaders,
including the military, religious leaders and business leaders (groups toward whom Republicans
are more favorable than Democrats) as well as scientists, public school principals, college
professors and journalists (groups that generally enjoy more confidence among Democrats than
among Republicans).
2 This survey asked two questions related to public school leaders: one about the public’s confidence in principals and superintendents for K-
12 schools, the other just about principals (not referencing superintendents). Some 77% of respondents say they have a great deal/fair
amount of confidence in public school principals and superintendents. The findings cited throughout this report are from the question focused
only on principals.
3 This survey asked two questions related to journalism: one about the public’s confidence in journalists, the other about confidence in “the
news media.” Some 48% of respondents say they have a great deal/fair amount of confidence in the news media. The findings cited
throughout this report are from the question about journalists.
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In some key areas, Democrats tend to worry more about trust-related issues,
but members in both parties agree it is important to improve the situation
% of U.S. adults in each group who believe …
There is a generation gap in levels of trust. Young adults are much more pessimistic than
older adults about some trust issues. For example, young adults are about half as hopeful as their
elders when they are asked how confident they are in the American people to respect the rights of
those who are not like them: About one-third (35%) of those ages 18 to 29 are confident
Americans have that respect, compared with two-thirds (67%) of those 65 and older.
There is also a gap when it comes to confidence that Americans will do what they can to help
others in need. More than four-in-ten young adults (44%) are confident the American people will
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accept election results no matter who wins, compared with 66% of older adults who believe that’s
the case.
At the same time, older Americans are more likely to believe Americans have lost confidence in
each other because people are not as reliable as they used to be: 54% of those ages 65 and older
take this position, compared with 44% of those 18 to 29.
Majorities believe the federal government and news media withhold important and
useful information. And notable numbers say they struggle to know what’s true or
not when listening to elected officials. People’s confidence in key institutions is associated
with their views about how those institutions handle important information. About two-thirds
(69%) of Americans say the federal government intentionally withholds important information
from the public that it could safely release, and about six-in-ten (61%) say the news media
intentionally ignores stories
that are important to the Nearly two-thirds of adults find it hard to tell what’s
public. Those who hold these
true when elected officials speak
views that information is being % of U.S. adults who say it is ___ to tell the difference between what’s true
and what’s not true when …
withheld are more likely than
others to have greater concerns
about the state of trust.
On a grand scale of national issues, trust-related issues are not near the top of the
list of Americans’ concerns. But people link distrust to the major problems they see,
such as concerns about ethics in government and the role of lobbyists and special
interests. The Center has asked questions in multiple surveys about how Americans judge the
severity of some key issues. This poll finds that 41% of adults think the public’s level of confidence
in the federal government is a “very big problem,” putting it roughly on par with their assessment
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of the size of the problems caused by racism and illegal immigration – and above terrorism and
sexism. Some 25% say Americans’ level of confidence in each other is a very big problem, which is
low in comparison with a broad array of other issues that Americans perceive as major problems.
Americans’ confidence in government, each other are not seen as top-tier problems
% of U.S. adults who say each is a “very big problem”
Note: This material combines findings from three separate surveys. Respondents who gave other answers or no answer are not shown.
Source: Surveys conducted Sept. 24-Oct. 7, 2018, Nov. 27-Dec. 10, 2018, Feb. 19-March 4, 2019.
“Trust and Distrust in America”
PEW RESEARCH CENTER
It is important to note, though, that some Americans see distrust as a factor inciting or amplifying
other issues they consider crucial. For example, in their open-ended written answers to questions,
numbers of Americans say they think there are direct connections between rising distrust and
other trends they perceived as major problems, such as partisan paralysis in government, the
outsize influence of lobbyists and moneyed interests, confusion arising from made-up news and
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Many of the answers in the open-ended written responses reflect judgments similar to this one
from a 38-year-old man: “Trust is the glue that binds humans together. Without it, we cooperate
with one another less, and variables in our overall quality of life are affected (e.g., health and life
satisfaction).”
Americans offer a range of insights about what has happened to trust, the
consequences of distrust and how to repair these problems. The open-ended survey
questions invited respondents to write, in their own words, why they think trust in the U.S.
government and in fellow Americans has eroded, what impact rising distrust has on government
performance and personal relations, and whether there are ways trust might be restored. Some of
the main findings:
Why trust in the federal government has deteriorated in the past generation: Some 76% of
Americans believe trust in the federal government has declined in the past 20 years. When asked
what happened, the respondents to this question offer a wide range of diagnoses, some of which
are more commonly cited by Republicans, others of which are Democrat-dominated. Overall, 36%
cite something related to how the U.S. government is performing – whether it is doing too much,
too little, the wrong things or nothing at all – including how money has corrupted it, how
corporations control it and general references to “the swamp.” President Donald Trump and his
administration are cited in 14% of answers, and the performance of the news media comes up in
10% of responses. Additionally, 9% of these respondents say distrust in government arises from
big social forces that have swept the culture, such as rising inequality and the spread of
individualism. Others mention the intractability of problems like climate change or illegal
immigration, as well as increasing polarization among the public and its leaders.
Republicans and those who lean Republican are more likely that Democrats and those who lean
that way to mention government performance problems and corruption (31% vs. 24%). But
Democrats are more likely to cite Trump’s performance as a contributor to problems related to
trust in the federal government (24% vs. 3%).
Illustrative answer: “People are jaded in this day and age. Elected officials
cannot be trusted. There is a huge divide between Democrats and Republicans.
Social media allows people to air dirty laundry. People are not as friendly and
neighborly as they were years ago. Society has drastically changed!” Woman, 46
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Why Americans’ trust in each other has deteriorated in the past 20 years: Some 71% think that
interpersonal trust has declined. Those who take this position were asked why, eliciting a laundry
list of societal and political problems: 11% believe Americans on the whole have become more lazy,
greedy and dishonest. Some 16% of respondents make a connection between what they think is
poor government performance – especially gridlock in Washington – and the toll it has taken on
their fellow citizens’ hearts. About one-in-ten of these respondents say they blame the news media
and its focus on divisive and sensational coverage.
What would improve the public’s level of confidence in the federal government: Some 84% of
Americans believe it is possible to improve the level of confidence people have in the government.
Their written responses urge various political reforms, starting with more disclosure of what the
government is doing, as well as term limits and restrictions on the role of money in politics. Some
15% of those who answered this question point to a need for better political leadership, including
greater honesty and cooperation among those in the political class. A small share believes
confidence will rise when Trump is out of office. Additionally, some offer specific roadmaps for
rebuilding trust, often starting with local community-based solutions that rise upward to regional
and national levels.
What would improve Americans’ level of confidence in each other: Fully 86% believe it is possible
to improve interpersonal confidence across the nation, and a number of their answers focus on
how local communities can be laboratories for trust-building to confront partisan tensions and
overcome tribal divisions. One-in-ten make the case that better leaders could inspire greater trust
between individuals. Some suggest that a different approach to news reporting – one that
emphasizes the ways people cooperate to solve problems – would have a tonic effect.
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Illustrative answer: “Get to know your local community. Take small steps
towards improving daily life, even if it’s just a trash pick-up. If people feel engaged
with their environment and with each other, and they can work together even in a
small way, I think that builds a foundation for working together on more weighty
issues.” Woman, 32
Why Americans’ low public confidence in each other and in the federal government is a “very
big” problem: Some 25% think this, and the majority of those who explain their views cite their
distress over broad social issues, including the shriveling trust neighbors have in each other, the
toll political partisanship and tribalism take on interpersonal relations, a rise in selfishness, or a
decline in civility and moral behavior. Some mention political leaders.
Illustrative answer: “Everything is impacted by the lack of trust – and the driver
of the declining trust is the head of the federal government. Trust cannot be repaired
without truth – which is in short supply.” Woman, 56
The issues that cannot be effectively addressed because Americans do not trust the federal
government: Nearly two-thirds (64%) say that low trust in the federal government makes it
harder to solve many of the country’s problems. About four-in-ten of those who then give follow-
up answers (39%) cite social issues topped by issues in immigration and the border, health care
and insurance, racism and race relations, or guns and gun violence. Some also cite environmental
issues, tax and budget matters, or political processes like voting rights and gerrymandering.
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Even with respect to the federal government, people’s judgments depend on exactly which federal
officials they are asked about, suggesting that views are highly nuanced. When asked about their
level of confidence in officials appointed by the president to oversee government agencies, only
42% of adults register at least “a fair amount” of confidence, and responses are strongly related to
party affiliation. But when asked about career government agency employees who are not
appointed by the president, about six-in-ten (61%) say they have at least a fair amount of
confidence in these individuals to act in the best interests of the public. Partisanship colors these
opinions as well, but not as much as with political appointees. Democrats are more likely than
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Republicans to say they have confidence in career employees; Republicans are more likely than
Democrats to say they have confidence in political appointees.
Most people (57%) think public confidence in the federal government has declined in recent years
and don’t think the government deserves more public confidence than it gets. Yet, perhaps
signaling that people think confidence needs to be higher, a similar share (62%) believes that the
public has too little confidence in the federal government.
The public is not skeptical about all institutions and leaders. In fact, most people have positive
views about most of the groups asked about in this survey. More than eight-in-ten Americans
(83%) say they have at least a fair amount of confidence in scientists to act in the best interests of
the public, and the same percentage say this about the military. Nearly as many express
confidence in school principals and police. College and university professors are viewed with
confidence by 68% of those surveyed; 61% say they have at least a fair amount of confidence in
religious leaders to act in the best interests of the public.
Opinion about journalists is more mixed. A small majority of the public (55%) reports having at
least a fair amount of confidence in journalists. By contrast, two groups receive confidence ratings
that are negative, on balance. About four-in-ten (43%) say they have at least a fair amount of
confidence in business leaders, while an equal share has not too much confidence and 14% say
they have no confidence in business leaders. Elected officials are at the bottom of the list, with 37%
expressing at least a fair amount of confidence; 48% say they have not too much confidence and
15% express no confidence in elected officials to act in the public’s best interests.
Perhaps unsurprisingly, partisanship shapes confidence in many of these institutions and leaders.
But views of elected officials in general are remarkably similar across party lines: 37% of
Republicans and the independents who lean Republican, compared with 36% of Democrats and
Democratic leaners, express at least some confidence in elected officials. Those who identify with a
party – whether Republican or Democrat – tend to be somewhat more positive than those who
just lean toward a party.
Partisan differences range from 11 to 46 percentage points for all of the other institutions and
leaders in the list. Views are most sharply partisan for journalists (a 46-point gap, with 30% of
Republicans and 76% of Democrats expressing at least a fair amount of confidence), college
professors (36-point gap, again with Republicans less favorable), and presidential appointees to
executive agencies (32-point gap, this time with Republicans more favorable). Partisan gaps are
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quite sizable for career agency officials (23-point gap, with Democrats more favorable), religious
leaders and the police (20 points, with Republicans more positive than Democrats for both
groups) and business leaders (17 points, with the same partisan pattern).
Note: Respondents who gave other answers or no answer are not shown.
Source: Survey conducted Nov. 27-Dec. 10, 2018.
“Trust and Distrust in America”
PEW RESEARCH CENTER
Younger adults tend to express less confidence in several of these leaders and groups than do older
adults. Adults under 30 are significantly less confident about the military, religious leaders,
business leaders and police officers than are those 50 and older. This pattern is especially evident
among Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents. Among different age cohorts of
Republicans, the pattern is more mixed.
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Young adults are less confident in the military, business, police, religious leaders
% of U.S. adults in each group with a great deal/fair amount of confidence in …
Note: Respondents who gave other answers or no answer are not shown.
Source: Survey conducted Nov. 27-Dec. 10, 2018.
“Trust and Distrust in America”
PEW RESEARCH CENTER
Racial and ethnic differences in confidence tend to be fairly modest except in regard to journalists
and the police. Blacks express much more confidence in journalists – but much less confidence in
police officers – than do non-Hispanic whites. Blacks are more likely than whites to have at least a
fair amount of confidence in university professors (80% vs. 64%). And among blacks in the survey,
about half (52%) say they have either a fair amount (39%) or a great deal (14%) of confidence in
police officers. By comparison, 85% of non-Hispanic whites express at least a fair amount of
confidence in police officers, including 36% who say they have a great deal of confidence in them.
In sum, there is no generalized propensity to trust leaders. The level of trust people express
depends on both who is being asked and who they are asked about. In broad strokes, similar
individuals tend to trust presidential appointees, police officers, the military, religious leaders and
business leaders; they express less trust in other groups they are asked about. At the same time,
others tend to trust career civil servants, scientists, college and university professors, journalists,
and public-school principals.
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Trust in the federal government and the people running it is clearly quite low among much of the
public, and most Americans are aware that the public lacks confidence in its leadership. But is a
lack of public trust itself perceived as a problem for the country? Compared with a variety of other
public problems, lack of confidence in the government registers as a problem but ranks lower than
notable numbers of the issues asked about. Especially when compared with substantive issues like
health care, drug addiction and the affordability of education, lack of public confidence is
government is seen by considerably fewer people as a very big problem (41%, compared with 67%
saying this about the affordability of health care, 70% about drug addiction and 63% about the
affordability of education).
But other process issues that are likely related to public trust in government are viewed as serious
problems by sizable numbers of people. The issue of ethics in government is viewed as a serious
problem by about as many people (67%) as drug addiction – the top issue, at 70%. And 62% say
the ability of Democrats and Republicans in Washington to work together is a very big problem.
About half identify “the way the political system operates” (52%) and the role of lobbyists and
special interest groups in Washington (53%) as very serious problems.
Although only a minority of the public identifies confidence in the federal government as a serious
problem for the country, the share that does so is comparable to the number who identify the
availability of affordable housing and illegal immigration as very big problems. And several
perennial political issues are viewed as less serious than public confidence in the government,
including the quality of public schools (36% say it’s a very big problem), terrorism (34%), the
condition of roads, bridges and public transportation across the country (33%), sexism (26%) and
job opportunities (25%).
Democrats are more likely than Republicans to view the current level of public confidence in the
federal government as a big problem. Among Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents,
47% say this, while 34% of Republicans and Republican leaners do so. In general, larger shares of
Democrats than Republicans find the issues asked about to be big problems, though for many
items the size of the partisan gap is relatively modest. There is little difference in perceptions of
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Democrats and Republicans about the extent to which the financial stability of Social Security and
Medicare is a problem; there is also little partisan difference in views about the way military
veterans are treated. And, notably, there is bipartisan agreement in the view that the ability of
Democrats and Republicans to work together in Washington is a very big problem; 65% of
Republicans say this, as do 62% of Democrats.
In general, smaller shares of younger adults express concern about many of these issues,
compared with older people. For instance, a far larger share of older than younger adults perceive
the role of lobbyists and special interests as a very big problem. About seven-in-ten adults 65 and
older say this (71%), compared with just 36% among those under age 30. Similarly, the ability of
Democrats and Republicans to work together is viewed as problematic by 73% of those 65 and
older but only 47% of those under 30. Similar but less striking differences by age are seen with
respect to Americans’ level of confidence in the federal government, the condition of the country’s
infrastructure, the way military veterans are treated and the financial stability of Social Security
and Medicare.
Young and old generally agree about the seriousness of some of these issues: There is little
difference by age in views about the quality of the public schools, Americans’ level of agreement on
basic facts and the availability of affordable housing. Young people are somewhat more likely than
their elders to view Americans’ level of confidence in each other as a very big problem. But even
among those under 30, just 31% do so.
To better gauge the public’s thinking on these and other issues raised in the survey, groups of
respondents were asked to describe, in their own words, their reasoning and concerns about
various topics related to trust. To minimize the burden on any given participant in the survey,
smaller groups of respondents were chosen at random to offer these open-ended responses. And
offer they did.
Large majorities of those asked to respond provided at least a brief explanation to most questions,
and many provided very extensive and detailed answers. For example, asked why the public is now
less confident in the government than it was 20 years ago, the roughly 3,400 respondents who
answered wrote nearly 75,000 words in total. These responses were read, coded and classified and
will be described in this chapter and throughout this report. A selection of the responses will be
included, sometimes lightly edited for punctuation, spelling and clarity, to convey some of the
passion and concern expressed by the respondents.
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Why is there less confidence in the federal government today than 20 years ago?
The survey’s respondents who said that confidence in the federal government has declined over
the past 20 years had a lot to say about why this has happened. While about three-in-ten declined
to answer, those who did provided responses that ranged widely, touching on government
performance, the behavior of the president and the parties, the intractability of problems, and
polarization among the public and its leaders.
The most common responses dealt with government performance or lack thereof. Overall, 36%
wrote something related to how the government is performing – whether it is doing too much, too
little, the wrong things or nothing at all – how money has corrupted it, how corporations control it
and general references to “the swamp.” While Republicans (at 41%) are more likely than
Democrats (32%) to talk about government performance as a reason for the decline in trust, this is
a relatively bipartisan view. And Democrats and Republicans are about equally likely to refer to
polarization and gridlock as sources of public discontent (9% and 11% each, respectively).
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president who thinks he can do or say anything without repercussions and with a God complex.
He knows nothing about foreign affairs or diplomacy and lies continuously, contradicting himself
regularly. He is scary.”
Another wrote: “Donald Trump has created a government atmosphere of ‘alternative facts’ and
made up information with no room for dialogue or truth. This makes it very difficult for sincere
government workers to do their jobs and makes it easier for incompetent or unethical government
workers to move ahead without any checks and balances. I believe that chaos is not conducive to
effective government, and just creates further distrust and lack of confidence that departments are
working toward the same goals for America.”
Although far more people mentioned Trump and the Republicans as culpable for the situation,
some did call out the Democrats or the left, as this woman did: “I don’t recognize my country. Left
wing mobs are out of control; the border is under siege; lack of morals and respect (especially our
elected officials); lack of decorum and dignity during public hearings; crooks not being held
accountable for their actions: CLINTON.”
Roughly equal shares of respondents mention the news media and information sources (10%) and
specific policy and social issues (9%) as reasons for the decline in public trust. These topics are
cited in roughly equal numbers by both Democrats and Republicans. One broad comment about
the media was provided by a 55-year-old man: “Certain media personalities and companies are
providing their listeners and viewers with a biased view of the world and the government. They
depict everyone as having a secret agenda that is trying to manipulate the public. The hosts
portray themselves as the only trustworthy source of information. The viewers then feel compelled
to tune in, because they want ‘the truth.’ In the end it is those same people who are being
manipulated….”
Typical of criticism of partisan news sources was this comment: “There are now more sources of
targeted news that present propaganda – output intended to mold audience to adherence to a
single view and prejudice it against other views – and generally false ideas including lies about the
government – both people and structure – and events both here in the USA and worldwide.”
With respect to policy and social issues, respondents named a wide range of problems that they
believe the government has not dealt with or has exacerbated. These include inequality and the
problems of the poor (3%), cultural degradation (2%), and race, taxes, deficits, immigration,
foreign affairs, education and religion (roughly 1% each).
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A few other topics are mentioned by numbers of respondents, including the influence of social
media (3%), scandals and problems from the past (2%) and the general tone and tenor of politics
(1%).
What are the consequences of low levels of trust in the federal government?
How do Americans think about the impact of low public trust in the federal government? The
survey took two different approaches to this question. One was to ask a sample of respondents
who said that level of confidence in the federal government is a very big problem to explain why
they thought this. The other was to pose a direct question about the impact of low trust on the
country’s ability to solve problems, and then to ask those who said low trust hinders the country to
describe which problems they are thinking about.
Many survey respondents struggled with the more general question of how the level of confidence
constitutes a problem for the country. While a large majority of those who characterized the level
of trust as a very big problem provided an answer, many of those responses addressed the causes
of low trust and the general condition of political polarization rather than the consequences.
But many did focus on how the public’s level of confidence produces gridlock and hinders the
country’s ability to deal with its problems. As one respondent put it, “Confidence in the federal
government helps the country work well together. We are currently fighting each other.” Another
wrote: “There is a lack of bipartisanship in the government. We are not working together to solve
problems, rather just pointing fingers at the other party.”
A related theme was that Americans’ trust concerns create a downward spiral that exacerbates the
condition. As one respondent put it, “Many people no longer think the federal government can
actually be a force for good or change in their lives. This kind of apathy and disengagement will
lead to an even worse and less representative government.”
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Those who said that low trust makes it harder to adequately solve the country’s problems were
asked which issues they were thinking of; 60% mentioned at least one issue, with many offering
three, four or more examples.
The issues spanned a broad array of topics, with a couple getting more attention getting more
attention than others. Immigration – an issue that has defied serious congressional and
presidential efforts over the past two decades to resolve – was mentioned by 17% of those asked
the question. Slightly fewer (13%) mentioned an issue related to health care or health insurance.
Economic topics were cited by a comparable number (12%), encompassing such issues as tax
policy, the deficit, jobs and infrastructure. Climate change and the environment followed closely
(mentioned by 10% of those asked). Problems with gridlock, elections, corruption, money in
politics and other general governance topics were mentioned by 6% of respondents. Explicit
mentions of Trump constituted 3% of answers, as did mentions of foreign policy issues including
world trade and Russia’s behavior.
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Yet there is also evidence that people worry the swing toward interpersonal distrust is an
overreaction: About three-in-four Americans (79%) think their fellow citizens have too little
confidence in each other. Relatedly, a fifth of adults (21%) think personal confidence in the
country has worsened for little
good reason. They agree with
Americans are worried about the declining level of
the statement that personal
trust citizens have in each other
trust is dropping even though
% of U.S. adults who believe …
people are as reliable as they
have always been.
Those who feel some urgency about the problem offer a variety of reasons why they think things
have deteriorated. Among the many factors on their minds, they cite social and policy woes, such
as a perception that Americans are increasingly living with loneliness and isolation, as well as the
nation’s continuing struggles with race relations, crime, and religion versus secularism. They also
call out others’ personal traits such as laziness, greed and dishonesty. Additionally, a share of the
public thinks toxic national politics and polarization have taken their toll on the way Americans
think of each other.
This chapter develops a personal trust scale according to survey respondents’ views about the risks
and rewards of meeting and engaging with others. Americans sort into a spectrum of high,
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medium and low trust. Their place on the spectrum is strongly tied with their views about
institutions and their dispositions toward each other, their different views about the urgency of the
problems linked to distrust, their beliefs about the fallout from distrust, their personal strategies
for handling trust issues and their sense of how distrust impacts dimensions of national life.
About seven-in-ten Americans (71%) think people are less confident in each other than they were
20 years ago. This compares with 22% who believe Americans are as confident in each other now
as they were a generation ago and 7% who think they are more confident now than then.
Why the decline? In a closed-end question, 49% of Americans say they think citizens’ trust in each
other has fallen because people are not as reliable as they used to be. This compares with 21% of
Americans who think interpersonal trust has declined even though people are as reliable as they
always have been. The view that others are less reliable than in the past is more common among
those 50 and older, Republicans and those who lean Republican, those without a college degree,
those living in households earning less than $30,000 and those living in rural areas.
The 71% who believe there has been a decline in interpersonal trust were asked in an open-ended
format to name any major reasons why they think interpersonal confidence has fallen over the
past generation. Many cite societal and policy problems as underlying factors. In all, 43% of those
who think interpersonal trust has deteriorated mention some kind of social ill as the cause of the
decline in interpersonal trust. For instance, they attribute the decline to harmful social
circumstances like the isolation and loneliness of some citizens (14%), personally harmful
behavior like greed and dishonesty (11%), or persistent social ills such as crime, violence, drugs
and scams (9%).
Some 16% of those worried about a decline in personal trust blame polarization and government
gridlock or just the poor performance of government over the past generation. About one-in-ten
(11%) cite the performance of the news media, whether in biased reporting, one-sided coverage or
dissemination of misinformation. Beyond that, some lay the problem at the feet of Trump and
Republicans, or of Democrats.
A variety of themes recur in people’s written responses. Some, like this 49-year-old woman,
lament the interplay of several modern realities: “We do not ‘need’ each other in the same ways we
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people become less trustful of others. When we see one political party unable to acknowledge the
good things that the other party does, it sends a message to the people that no matter what the
other party does, it’s no good. This type of attitude trickles down to the public. When the
journalists only report one side of an issue, it does a disservice to the public and to the people
involved in the report.”
How does this play out in everyday life? A Millennial woman described it this way: “We have
become a very polarized society where people make snap judgments about others solely based on
their political leanings. It wasn’t like this before. In the past people may meet someone new and
get to know them and realize what they have in common, etc. Now if you meet someone and they
are on the opposite end of the political scale, then people … tend to make all-encompassing
assumptions about many aspects of who that person is. And doesn’t necessarily realize they have a
lot in common.”
Others feel this makes even routine engagement with others more fraught. One 28-year-old man
argued that this makes for self-censorship and less collaboration: “Everything is more polarized,
and it is generally more difficult to disagree with someone, come to a general understanding, and
move on. As you go about your day interacting with others, inherent trust is reduced because you
don’t want to share your beliefs with others for fear that you will be the new target of the day.
Every email, text, tweet and conversation is filtered and likely does not reflect the full belief.”
A number of respondents tied tribalism to polarization in the way this 26-year-old man did:
“America has divided itself into hundreds of ‘special interest’ groups whether those are created by
race, religion, sexuality, etc. and it has gotten to a point where too many people are offended by
what used to be considered common language, and I think it has made too many Americans
‘afraid’ of speaking and trusting people they don’t know. Sometimes offending another person can
have serious repercussions and it seems like most people are trying to play the ‘victim’ about
everything.”
The dolorous impact of technology is a central concern, appearing in a number of the answers like
this one: “[The] rise in social media and narrow cast media means that we converse in bubbles.
This has led to polarization of discussions and beliefs. We have lost the ability to have civil public
discourse and remember that good people can disagree.” A more succinct respondent put it,
“Social media has become a cancerous blight on society.”
A kind of overarching theory of the problem of shrinking trust came from this 64-year-old woman:
“Since the late 1980s and early 1990s, Western culture has increasingly become more tolerant of
selfishness and greed and less respectful of sacrifice and honor. Also, the prevalent reliance on cell
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phones & computers for short, indirect and impersonal communication has lessened our
assurance that others are presenting information in a sincere and honest fashion. Having a
President who lies routinely does not provide the nation with a noble role model.”
Compared with some other major concerns Americans have, their worries about interpersonal
trust are relatively modest. A quarter (25%) believe that Americans’ level of confidence in each
other is a very big problem and another 50% say it is a moderately big problem. That places this
concern near the bottom of the list of major problems people see for the nation. In fact, more
people cite as a big problem the difficulties tied to institutional distrust than issues tied to
interpersonal trust. There is a bit of a partisan cast to these views: Democrats and independents
who lean Democratic are more likely than Republicans and Republican leaners to think
Americans’ level of confidence in each other is a big problem (29% vs. 20%).
Even though interpersonal distrust is not seen as a top-ranking issue, there is an undercurrent of
urgency about addressing the problem of interpersonal trust. Fully 70% agree with another
statement, “Americans’ low trust in each other makes it harder to solve many of the country’s
problems.” That contrasts with 29% who back a different assertion, “The country’s problems
would be just as hard to solve even if Americans’ trust in each other was higher.”
In this instance, too, Democrats are somewhat more likely than Republicans to support the idea
that distrust woes are important to fix (74% vs. 66%).
Those who feel most urgently about the problem – the 25% of adults who describe lack of
interpersonal confidence as a very big problem for the nation – were asked why they think that is
the case. Their answers range across a host of concerns. Two-thirds of this group (67%) cite an
issue tied to social or community deterioration like lack of trust among neighbors (listed by 29% of
those who are highly worried about interpersonal trust as a problem), divisions among Americans
tied to political polarization and “tribalism” (24%), the spread of selfishness (8%) and rising racial
schisms (4%). Additionally, 8% suggest the actions of President Trump are tied to the lack of
confidence Americans have in each other.
In explanations of their answers about why the level of interpersonal confidence is a very big
problem, people wrote about several factors. Some started with the idea that a lack of trust stifles
essential social interaction. A Gen X man put it this way: “People are allowing fear to stop them
from having productive dialogue with people who have different opinions and views. The other
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view point is considered evil instead of just different.” A young Millennial woman linked declining
interpersonal trust to the nation’s inability to solve problems, writing, “If Americans cannot learn
to value and trust each other, they will never learn to value and trust those appointed to govern us.
We have to be united to conquer issues.”
Note: Respondents were allowed to give multiple answers and up to three of them were
And Trump figures in a share of coded.
responses like this one: “The Source: Survey of U.S. adults conducted Nov. 27-Dec. 10, 2018.
“Trust and Distrust in America”
toxic atmosphere created by the PEW RESEARCH CENTER
current president has
significantly impacted people’s confidence in each other.” Another respondent put it this way: “We
appear to be experiencing an era of mistrust, apprehension, skepticism, fear, disenfranchisement,
hatred of those not like ourselves, and disregard for the common good. Certain individuals have
ascended to prominence by playing to the dark sides of human nature. We need leadership in
whose light we can stand, and a rational and empathetic citizenry to bring about good for
everyone.”
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Fewer lay blame on Democrats for creating problems tied to personal trust, but there were
answers along those lines. One 76-year-old man wrote, “Republicans work and pay. Democrats tax
and give it away.” Another said, “[I] do not see an attempt for Democratic leaders to reach across
the aisle. Too bitter that the America[n] people elected an outsider to manage what they did not.”
For those who are most anxious about the poor state of interpersonal trust, the stakes are almost
cosmic. A 31-year-old man spoke for many in writing this answer: “John Marshall [the fourth chief
justice of the U.S. Supreme Court] said confidence is key to our democracy. As confidence in each
other deteriorates, so does the strength of our democracy.”
How people think about others and how to deal with them is a useful way to understand why
people worry about the effects of personal trust. There is a rich literature on these issues, often
focused on the role of “social capital” in people’s lives. Our survey aims to fit into that history,
though with modifications to some traditional measures of interpersonal trust.
For decades, many survey researchers have followed a three-question strategy about personal trust
enshrined in the work of the General Social Survey. Our questions covered much of the same
ground, but with changes in question wording. We embraced suggestions by researchers at the
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, who expressed concerns about some of
the traditional language and framing of the GSS questions. Our questions:
▪ Generally speaking, would you say that most people can be trusted or most
people can’t be trusted? About half (52%) opted for “most people can be trusted.” 4 (This
item is modified from the GSS version.)
▪ Do you think most people would try to take advantage of you if they got the
chance or would try to be fair no matter what? Some 58% chose the option that people
“would try to take advantage of you if they got the chance.”
4 It is not possible to compare these findings with long-running General Social Survey trust-related questions. Not only is the question wording
substantially different in one of the questions, but it is also the case that these queries were made on the Center’s American Trends Panel, a
web-based method that is different from the GSS method of conducting the vast number of its interviews face-to-face. These mode-of-
interview differences can produce somewhat different results even when identical questions are asked. We have found that there are
instances when asking the same question in different survey modes – phone or web – also affects respondents’ answers.
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Note: Respondents who did not give an answer are not shown. Whites and blacks only
include non-Hispanics. Hispanics are of any race.
Source: Survey conducted Nov. 27-Dec. 10, 2018.
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In the broad context of all three groups, it is striking that there are no partisan splits on these
issues tied to interpersonal trust. Ideologically, those describing themselves as moderate are more
likely to be low trusters and to answer each of the individual questions in this battery in a
downbeat way.
People’s views on personal trust are strongly associated with their views on issues related to
institutional trust. On virtually every survey question about institutions covered in Chapter 1, high
trusters have significantly more confidence in institutions than low trusters, whether it is the
military, police officers, business executives or religious leaders.
Those with high personal trust have higher confidence in key leadership groups
% of U.S. adults in each group who have a great deal/fair amount of confidence that ____ will act in the best interests
of the public
Note: The trust scale is built on questions about people’s general trust or distrust in others; their sense of the exploitative tendencies or
fairness of others; and their assessment of the overall helpfulness or selfishness of others. For details, see Chapter 2 subsection “People sort
along a continuum of personal trust.”
Source: Survey conducted Nov. 27-Dec. 10, 2018.
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On other trust-related issues, low trusters stand out for their downcast views. For instance, low
trusters are considerably more likely than high trusters to see various issues facing the country as
“very big” problems. To begin with, low trusters are twice as likely as high trusters to think
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Americans’ lack of trust in each other is a very big problem (33% vs. 16%). The differences between
low and high trusters also apply to such issues as the way military veterans are treated (52% of low
trusters see this as a very big problem vs. 44% of high trusters who say the same), the financial
stability of Social Security and Medicare (57% vs. 47%), the quality of public K-12 schools (39% vs.
30%) and the quality of roads, bridges and public transportation across the country (38% vs.
28%).
Still, Americans render at least one positive assessment in this otherwise challenging
environment. While Americans have varying and nuanced views about trust in institutions and in
other people, large majorities of trusters and non-trusters alike believe others trust them,
personally. Some 98% of high trusters, 93% of medium trusters and 79% of low trusters agree with
the statement “most people trust you.” Overall, just 11% of Americans agree with the statement
“most people are suspicious of you.”
In addition to asking versions of traditional questions about interpersonal trust, this survey
explored other personal strategies for dealing with others. By a wide margin, Americans think it is
better to be cautious than to take risks (78% vs. 22%). However, by another lopsided verdict, they
think it is better to work together with others (71%) than to be self-reliant (29%).
These divergent views suggest that the idea of working together is popular and somewhat immune
to the ravages of low personal and institutional trust. For instance, fully 67% of low trusters on the
personal trust scale say in most situations it is better to work together than be self-reliant.
On two other questions the public splits fairly evenly, and those divisions mirror related questions
in the GSS battery. When they consider the question, “In most situations, do you think it’s better
for people to be trusting or skeptical?” half say trusting, half say skeptical. When asked what
typically happens when they, personally, first meet people, 53% say they do not trust them until
they get to know them better, while 46% say they trust a stranger right away until they have reason
to doubt that person.
People’s views about interpersonal trust (as measured on the personal trust scale) are closely
related to their answers on these personal strategies questions. For example, low trusters are twice
as likely as high trusters to say that skepticism is the best mindset for most situations (63% of low
trusters say this vs. 33% of high trusters) and that a cautious approach is better than a risk-taking
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While high trusters are more likely than others to think risk taking is a better strategy, a majority
of high trusters still believe it is better to be cautious than take risks (73% vs. 27%).
When it comes to demographic differences, women are more likely than men to opt for caution
than risk taking (82% vs. 74%) and to think that working with others is better than being self-
reliant (76% vs. 65%). Blacks are somewhat more likely than whites to opt for skepticism (57% vs.
49%) over trust and choose working together with others (76% vs. 70%) over self-reliance.
Interestingly, there are not very notable or consistent differences on these questions by age
groups, by educational attainment, by community type and by household income. There are also
no striking partisan or ideological differences on these questions.
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Answering a battery of questions about civic and political activities, Americans offer varying views
about how their fellow citizens would behave. There are some situations in which majorities think
others will act in virtuous ways. They include instances of law-abiding or civically beneficial
behavior. For instance, 73% of adults have “a great deal” or “fair amount” of confidence that the
American people would obey federal and state laws. Similarly, six-in-ten or more U.S. adults
express confidence that others would report a serious local problem to authorities when they see
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it, do what they can to help those in need, honestly report their income when paying taxes, work
together to solve community problems and treat others with respect.
At the same time, there are some situations in which Americans are roughly split between being
confident and not confident about how others would behave. These split verdicts relate to whether
others would accept election results regardless of who wins, reconsider their views after learning
new information, stay informed on important issues and respect others’ rights.
Finally, there are activities where a majority of Americans are not confident in the capacities of
others. Nearly six-in-ten Americans are not confident that fellow citizens are able to cast informed
votes in elections or have civil conversations with those who have differing views.
Across the board, there are sharp differences in how Americans answer these issues depending on
where they sit on the personal trust scale. High trusters generally have significantly more positive
views about their fellow Americans’ civic and political behaviors than do medium or low trusters.
The gaps are particularly striking when it comes to how much confidence high trusters and low
trusters express in Americans’ willingness to treat others with respect (54 percentage point gap
between high and low trusters), respect the rights of people who are not like them (48 points), do
what they can to help others in need and obey federal and state laws (both have 45-point gaps),
accept election results regardless of who wins (43 points) and honestly report their full income
when paying taxes (38 points).
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Low trusters and high trusters have sharply different confidence levels in how
Americans will behave in key civic situations
% of U.S. adults in each group who have a great deal/fair amount of confidence in the American people to …
Note: Respondents who gave other answers or no answer are not shown. The trust scale is built on questions about people’s general trust or
distrust in others; their sense of the exploitative tendencies or fairness of others; and their assessment of the overall helpfulness or
selfishness of others. For details, see Chapter 2 subsection “People sort along a continuum of personal trust.”
Source: Survey conducted Nov. 27-Dec. 10, 2018.
“Trust and Distrust in America”
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In addition to the difference among those who have different levels of personal trust, there are
other differences on these issues related to age. Those ages 65 and older have notably higher levels
of confidence in their fellow citizens than young adults ages 18 to 29. It is especially evident when
it comes to people’s confidence in others to respect the rights of people who are not like them,
where there is a 32 percentage point gap between young adults and those 65 and older. Also, there
is a 27-point gap between those age groups when it comes to confidence that others will do what
they can to help those in need, a 26-point gap when the issue is confidence that people will respect
each other, a 22-point spread in confidence that others will accept election results regardless of
who wins, and a 21-point difference when the issue is people’s confidence that others will
reconsider their views after learning new information.
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The generation gap is large when it comes to views on respecting others, helping
those in need, accepting elections
% of U.S. adults in each age group who have a great deal/fair amount of confidence in the American people to …
Note: Respondents who gave other answers or no answer are not shown.
Source: Survey conducted Nov. 27-Dec. 10, 2018.
“Trust and Distrust in America”
PEW RESEARCH CENTER
It is important to note, though, that there are some areas where different age groups essentially
have the same level of confidence in other Americans’ behaviors. These include their confidence in
others’ willingness to honestly report their full income when paying taxes, have civil conversations
with those who have differing views, stay informed on important issues and report a serious
problem to local authorities.
On most of these issues there are no partisan differences of opinion – Republicans and those who
lean Republican and Democrats and those who lean Democratic share similar views. However,
there are a couple of issues where partisan differences arise. For instance, 76% of Republicans and
Republican leaners have confidence people would do what they can to help those in need,
compared with 63% of Democrats and Democratic leaners who believe that. Similarly, 56% of
Republicans and leaners have confidence the American people respect the rights of people who are
not like them, compared with 42% of Democrats and leaners.
Democrats, though, are more upbeat about Americans being willing to accept election results
regardless of who wins. Some 57% of Democrats and leaners are confident of that, compared with
47% of Republicans and GOP leaners.
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People’s trust judgments and dispositions seem to have wide implications. Those with low
interpersonal trust are more pessimistic than others across several dimensions of American life.
About three-quarters of those with low trust believe that Americans’ are less confident of each
other than they were 20 years ago, that Americans’ low trust in each other makes it harder to solve
many of the country’s problems and that Americans have too little confidence in each other.
In addition, low trusters are more likely than high trusters to believe Americans have lost
confidence in each other because people are not as reliable as they used to be and that Americans’
level of confidence in each other is a very big problem. They are also more likely than high trusters
to think Americans have far too little confidence in each other (30% vs. 20%).
Those with low interpersonal trust have less hope in key parts of public life
% of U.S. adults in each group who say …
Note: Respondents who gave other answers or no answer are not shown. The trust scale is built on questions about people’s general trust or
distrust in others; their sense of the exploitative tendencies or fairness of others; and their assessment of the overall helpfulness or
selfishness of others. For details, see Chapter 2 subsection “People sort along a continuum of personal trust.”
Source: Survey conducted Nov. 27-Dec. 10, 2018.
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In this new survey we add to those insights, finding that the vast majority of adults say that
Americans’ level of agreement on the basic facts about issues and events is a problem. Fully 85% of
adults say this is at least a moderately big problem, including 42% saying it is a very big problem.
In urgency, this issue ranks alongside Americans’ level of confidence in the federal government
and the availability of affordable housing as problems that worry Americans. And it falls slightly
above issues such as the quality of public K-12 schools and the condition of roads, bridges and
public transportation across the country.
At the same time, Americans Nearly two-thirds of adults find it hard to tell what’s
admit they at times have true when elected officials speak
trouble distinguishing the truth % of U.S. adults who say it is ___ to tell the difference between what’s true
from falsehood from certain and what’s not true when …
sources. For example, nearly
two-thirds (64%) of adults say
Very Somewhat Not too Not hard
it is hard to tell the difference hard hard hard at all
between what’s true and what’s 64% 35%
Listening to
not true when listening to 25% 40% 26% 9%
elected officials
elected officials. Smaller shares 48 40
of adults struggle with Using social
16 31 26 14
media
discerning facts on other
41 43
media. For instance, 48% say it Watching cable
is hard to tell the difference television news 11 30 29 14
30 69
between what’s true and what’s
Talking with
not true when using social 4 27 49 20
people you know
media, including 16% who say Note: Those who did not give an answer are not shown.
it is very hard. And 41% say it is Source: Survey conducted Nov. 27-Dec. 10, 2018.
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By contrast, a majority of adults (69%) say it is not hard to determine the truth when talking with
people they know, while just three-in-ten (30%) struggle with truth when talking with these
individuals.
While not pronounced, there are modest differences between partisans on some of these issues.
For instance, Republicans are more likely than Democrats to say they find it hard to tell the
difference between what’s true and what’s not when watching cable TV news (46% vs. 38%),
listening to elected officials (68% vs. 62%) or using social media (51% vs. 45%). Women are more
likely than men to say they find it hard to tell the difference between what’s true and not true when
listening to elected officials (69% vs. 60%). And Hispanics are more likely to say they struggle with
the information provided by the people they know: 40% of Hispanics find it hard to tell the
difference between what’s true and what’s not true when listening to people they know, compared
with 31% of blacks and 28% of whites.
Not only do Americans worry about made-up information and the lack of agreement on facts, they
also think that key institutional information sources withhold useful information that could
appropriately be shared with the public.
A clear majority of adults say the federal government could share more with the public than it
does. Fully 69% say the federal government intentionally withholds important information from
the public that it could safely release. By contrast, 29% say the federal government publicly
releases the important information it can safely release.
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In written responses explaining their answers, respondents gave voice to a variety of suspicions
about the information the government does not share, but should share. A 76-year-old man
argued, “They are not honest about most of their activities since they think that they know more
about what is good for the general public than we know for ourselves.”
Relatedly, a Baby Boomer wrote: “The government conveniently classifies information that could
sway the public to be against certain actions or investigations. The government needs to be more
open to the public and trust in their understanding.”
Some people believe the government’s motive for keeping information secret is to protect its
reputation, rather than to protect important national interests. Said one Millennial: “I think the
government withholds certain pieces of information pertaining to all large-scale disasters and
attacks on America and intentionally avoids information that does not show them in a favorable
fashion.”
One strain of thought involved people’s worries that the government knows a lot more about
American life than it shares. One Millennial pointed to “[t]he general state of the country without
bias, almost anything about Trump and his various scandals, objective information of any kind.” A
generational contemporary put it this way: “Relevant statistics concerning economic trends and
employment metrics, that are unflattering in light of their policies and preferred narrative”
The public’s concern about information withholding extends beyond the government. Some 61%
say the news media intentionally ignores stories that are important to the public, while about four-
in-ten (38%) believe news media makes their best effort to cover the stories important to the
public.
While partisans are relatively similar in their overall judgment that the media withholds some
information, there is some disagreement about the severity of one-sided coverage. About one-in-
five (19%) of those who gave written responses said that the news media is biased or focuses on
opinions rather than facts. Republicans are more likely than Democrats to make this complaint
(22% vs. 16%). This is in line with other findings by the Center documenting a higher level of
concern among Republicans about one-sided coverage. Similar to what they feel the federal
government withholds, 15% of adults say the news media does not cover domestic policy-related
issues such as the justice system, crime, immigration, issues involving race and issues tied to
climate. And 11% say that news media leaves out good news about Trump’s accomplishments and
the economy.
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One typical comment about one-sided news coverage came from a 71-year-old woman: “The truth
about any story they cover. The complete story and not just tidbits doled out on a hit-or-miss
coverage. The ‘news’ reported consists more and more of gossip about individuals from the
‘entertainment’ industry as well as politicians and/or issues with which the media has bias. I
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frequently find myself asking questions about why I am hearing/seeing a story about some
‘entertainers’ divorce issues or a volcano eruption in Indonesia when neither of these has any
direct impact on me and mine.”
For a number of respondents, the issue is not so much ignored news subjects as not-fully-covered
stories. Wrote one: “I think that, as much as anything, they slant coverage to reflect their own
opinions. Ignore may be a strong word, downplay might be a better or word and or it may be they
just put more emphasis on the stories that reflect their leanings. I also think that this is reflected
on the local level as well.”
Others said some specific issues are not fully covered. A Millennial man wrote, “Climate change is
not given enough coverage. I believe looking at who a politician’s donors are is more illuminating
than simply covering some speech they gave, and yet is never in the news. News media is a
business and thus ignores stories that may affect purchasing of ad space either in their newspapers
or during their commercials. This means we do not get a full picture of the news, only what they
allow.”
The public’s lack of faith in the government’s and news media’s abilities to fully inform the public
ties to the way Americans respond to various trust-related issues. For example, adults who say that
the federal government intentionally withholds important information from the public are more
likely than others to say that Americans’ trust in the federal government has been shrinking (80%
vs. 63% among those who say the government does not release some useful information) and to
say they are not confident that elected officials act in the public’s best interest (67% vs. 53%).
They are also more likely to point out problems, such as Americans’ level of agreement on the
basic facts about issues or events (89% vs. 78%) and Americans’ level of confidence in the federal
government (89% vs. 80%).
Similar patterns exist for adults who believe that news media intentionally ignores some stories
that are important to the public. These adults are more than three times as likely as those who say
news media makes their best effort to cover the stories that are important to the public to say that
they are not confident that news media acts in the best interest of the public (71% vs. 22%). And
45% of those who say news media ignores stories also say that it is hard to tell the difference
between what is and is not true when watching cable television news, compared with 35% of those
who believe news media is doing their best.
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Although majorities of all demographic and political groups say it is possible to improve
Americans’ confidence in the federal government, differences between groups still exist. For
instance, whites (87%) are more likely than black (71%) or Hispanic adults (81%) to say that the
level of confidence in the federal government can be improved. Those with college degrees or
higher are more likely than those without a college degree to think things can be improved (91%
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vs. 81%, respectively). A similar gap exists between those living in households earning $75,000 or
more and those in households earning less than $30,000 (91% vs. 77%). Patterns are similar when
it comes to interpersonal trust.
When they consider the past 20 years, those who are concerned about Americans’ declining
confidence in the federal government cite a host of factors they think caused the decline, including
polarization and gridlock, the overall poor performance of government, the role of money in
politics, President Trump’s performance and behavior, and problems with media coverage of
politics. Those who believe the situation can improve sketch out a variety of strategies for making
things better.
About three-quarters (73%) of those who think it is possible to improve Americans’ confidence in
the federal government offered an answer to the open-ended question we asked about solutions.
About a quarter of them (23%) recommend political reforms, including less secrecy in government
activities, more honesty from politicians, term limits and curtailing the role of money in politics.
Another 15% call for general improvements in political leadership, while 7% specifically seek
remedies to Trump’s behaviors and performance as a solution. Some 12% think collaborative
problem solving that brings people together might prompt a better kind of national politics. An
additional 8% cite policy fixes related to issues like taxing and spending, economic disparities and
social safety net issues would increase confidence in the federal government.
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Note: Respondents were allowed to give multiple answers and up to three of them were coded.
Source: Survey of U.S. adults conducted Nov. 27-Dec. 10, 2018.
“Trust and Distrust in America”
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Others wrote that the quality of leadership has a direct effect on trust. A 69-year-old man wrote:
“Elected officials with integrity would help immensely. I believe it is unethical to run for office
based on criticism of your opponent. Sadly, people are elected based on who tells the best or most
popular lies.”
Trump was prominently mentioned in a notable share of answers. At times, respondents like this
woman, 51, argued that his departure from the scene would be helpful: “We are currently without
a leader of any kind. Trump is the opposite of a leader, dividing and inflaming at every turn. He
represents the death of democracy in America.”
Some argued the exact opposite and said allowing Trump to do his job would be a trust restorative.
A 45-year-old woman put it this way: “President Trump’s agenda is constantly hitting roadblocks
through the media’s biased coverage and the unnecessary investigations, a.k.a. the ‘witch hunt,’ to
pave way for impeachment. Trump was elected based on his promises and he is doing an amazing
job keeping his promises. A huge step to improve confidence in the federal government would be
to let Trump do his job with accurate news coverage.”
A number of respondents pressed for reducing the role of money in politics because they think it
distorts priorities in trust-harming ways. Said one man, 63: “We are not represented properly.
Special interest groups and corporations run the government. Take money out of politics! If an
elected official is sponsored by a special interest group, who is that official going to represent? It’s
not complicated.” A similar fix-it approach came from this 52-year-old Gen X man: “Appoint
people with ethics and the public at heart. Stop appointing people from industries they will
oversee. Stop income inequality and stop trickle-down economics and tax breaks to the rich. Get
more money into the middle class and to the poor. Stop making the rich richer and stop creating
an oligarchy.”
Some respondents cited policy solutions they think would make people feel more confident about
their government and its role in their lives. One wide-ranging answer came from a 68-year-old
woman: “Guaranteeing affordable health care. Reining in election spending. Reining in corporate
lobbying and campaign spending. Meeting obligations to veterans. Leading the Judiciary in
sentencing reform and de-incarceration of matured, stable prisoners. Demilitarizing law
enforcement. Reforming environmental regulation to be more equitable and less ponderous.
Reforming agricultural protections to benefit smaller enterprises. Protecting the security of
elections and electronic communication.”
Another woman took a different tack and argued that trust would increase if the federal
government only focused on the matters it could effectively tackle. As she put it: “If we would face
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reality that the federal government … should not and is not able to solve all our problems. If it
would focus on limited governing, and do that well, confidence could be improved.”
Some Americans argued that the tone and focus of the news media are at fault and that confidence
in government would be restored with changes there. As a woman, 63, put it: “News media reports
only the negative and sensationalizes it and ignores everything positive. If the public was given
more positive information about things the government has done, confidence of the American
people could be elevated.”
Others, like this 27-year-old man, made the case for compromise and greater reliance on
expertise: “If our elected officials, including POTUS, made an actual effort to work together and
compromise, that might improve trust. Additionally, if elected officials actually believed their
country’s experts (e.g., scientists) and took heed of reports and recommendations, that may also
improve confidence.”
A 52-year-old woman wrote about historic trends: “Confidence in the federal government has been
eroding steadily over time. Watergate was the first blow to confidence in the federal government,
then starting with Bill Clinton it has gone into a deep dive. People need to open their minds to
others’ opinions rather than just holding onto what they already believe. The media and social
media could do a better job of reporting the truth and setting the agenda, encouraging people to
build bridges rather than creating continual division.”
Some 72% of those who think it is possible to improve the level of confidence Americans have in
each other answered an open-ended question seeking their ideas for solutions.
The most common recommendations among this group are for people to change their
interpersonal behavior, with three-in-ten Americans (30%) offering proposals along those lines.
These responses included suggestions that people be less tribal and partisan – that if people spent
more time getting to know others, especially those whose views did not align with their own, they
would end up finding interests or ideas in common. That, they argued, would increase trust.
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Note: Respondents were allowed to give multiple answers and up to three of them were
coded.
Source: Survey of U.S. adults conducted Nov. 27-Dec. 10, 2018.
“Trust and Distrust in America”
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One illustrative quote from open-ended answers in the survey came from a 66-year-old woman:
“Each one of us must reach out to others. Even people who are the same, but unknown to you, an
individual may distrust. It takes interaction with people face-to-face to realize that we do all
inhabit this space and have a vested interest in working together to make it a successful, safe, and
environmentally secure place to live. No man is an island.”
A related thought from a 47-year-old man: “Intentionally creating dialogue between differing
sides: police with community members, principals with parents, politicians with each other,
liberals and conservatives, different religious groups, etc. Skilled moderators probably will be
necessary.”
Another group of respondents concentrates on the virtues of being kind and cooperating with
others. Many of them believe that neighbors working side-by-side on local projects would
inevitably lead to more trusting relationships in communities, and that such projects would draw
people out of more isolated and lonely circumstances. One woman, 79, put it this way: “Seek
common ground that engages as many as possible in the community and organize around a
project that addresses that common concern.”
A third group of answers that fell in this category relate to individual accountability. These
individuals argue that interpersonal trust would grow if people took responsibility for their lives
and modeled trustworthy behavior for others. An illustrative quote from open-ended answers in
the survey came from a 34-year-old woman, who said trust would improve if the country had
“more people displaying more effort to take care of themselves, their health, their finances, their
life-altering choices. Someone who can’t take care of themselves can’t be assumed to be able to
take care of anything outside of themselves.”
Another 32-year-old woman said, “Get to know your local community. Take small steps towards
improving daily life, even if it’s just a trash pickup. If people feel engaged with their environment
and with each other, and they can work together even in a small way, I think that builds a
foundation for working together on more weighty issues.”
One-in-ten (10%) who think interpersonal trust can be improved look at the role leaders play in
setting the tone for the culture. They assert that better, more inspiring and less divisive leaders
would set a tone for the country that would affect the way Americans think about the
trustworthiness of others. For example, one 58-year-old man argued: “It starts with our leaders
including: federal government, local governments, schools, businesses, etc. They must set
examples for the people, showing honesty, integrity, and welfare for others and being less selfish.
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This would have a trickle-down effect on the whole. Until this happens, don’t plan on it getting any
better.”
A portion of respondents (2%) make the case that more good news about successes and feats of
collaboration would show a side of community life that could ease interpersonal tensions and help
people see that the world is not relentlessly foul. Here is how one 48-year-old man sees it: “News
and media show all the negative/bad things going on, so people are not trusting of anyone. Media
should show more of the good news and the good people do, rather than always reporting the bad
things.”
A few Americans believe that Trump and his allies have made it harder to trust others; fewer make
that argument about Democrats, but that did come up in fewer than 1% of the answers.
Others believe that improvements in policy areas or education spaces might ease interpersonal
distrust. A portion of Americans also see a cause-effect connection between digital technology and
social pathologies. They think that the degree to which people, especially younger Americans,
spend time with their screens means they have withdrawn from interacting with others and that
personal trust takes a hit. “I think society needs to not be glued to electronics and social media,”
wrote a 51-year-old woman. “This affects people’s social skills and it often keeps them from
dealing with reality.”
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Acknowledgments
This report is a collaborative effort based on the input and analysis of the following individuals.
Find related reports online at pewresearch.org/internet.
Research team
Lee Rainie, Director, Internet and Technology Research
Scott Keeter, Senior Survey Advisor
Andrew Perrin, Research Analyst
Cary Funk, Director, Science and Society Research
Aaron Smith, Director, Data Labs
Courtney Kennedy, Director, Survey Research
Greg Smith, Associate Director, Research
Claire Gecewicz, Research Associate
Alan Cooperman, Director Religion Research
Juliana Horowitz, Associate Director, Research
Baxter Oliphant, Senior Researcher
Jeffrey Gottfried, Senior Researcher
Alec Tyson, Senior Researcher
Claudia Deane, Vice President, Research
Meg Hefferon, Research Analyst
Nick Bertoni, Panel Manager
Madhu Kumar, Research Assistant
Meera Ramshankar, Senior Administrative Coordinator
Courtney Johnson, Research Associate
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Methodology
The American Trends Panel (ATP), created by Pew Research Center, is a nationally representative
panel of randomly selected U.S. adults. Panelists participate via self-administered web surveys.
Panelists who do not have internet access at home are provided with a tablet and wireless internet
connection. The panel is being managed by Ipsos.
Data in this report are drawn from the panel wave conducted November 27-December 10, 2018. A
total of 10,618 panelists responded out of 13,570 who were sampled, for a response rate of 78%.
The cumulative response rate
accounting for nonresponse to American Trends Panel recruitment surveys
the recruitment surveys and Active
panelists
attrition is 3.7%. The margin Recruitment dates Mode Invited Joined remaining
of sampling error for the full Landline/
Jan. 23 to March 16, 2014 cell RDD 9,809 5,338 2,515
sample of 10,618 respondents Landline/
is plus or minus 1.5 percentage Aug. 27 to Oct. 4, 2015 cell RDD 6,004 2,976 1,471
Landline/
points. April 25 to June 4, 2017 cell RDD 3,905 1,628 806
Aug. 8, 2018–Oct. 31,
2018 ABS/web 9,396 8,778 8,778
The ATP was created in 2014, Total 29,114 18,720 13,570
with the first cohort of
Note: Approximately once per year, panelists who have not participated in multiple
panelists invited to join the consecutive waves or who did not complete an annual profiling survey are removed from the
panel. Panelists also become inactive if they ask to be removed from the panel.
panel at the end of a large,
PEW RESEARCH CENTER
national, landline and
cellphone random-digit-dial
survey that was conducted in both English and Spanish. Two additional recruitments were
conducted using the same method in 2015 and 2017, respectively. Across these three surveys, a
total of 19,718 adults were invited to join the ATP, of which 9,942 agreed to participate.
In August 2018, the ATP switched from telephone to address-based recruitment. Invitations were
sent to a random, address-based sample (ABS) of households selected from the U.S. Postal
Service’s Delivery Sequence File. In each household, the adult with the next birthday was asked to
go online to complete a survey, at the end of which they were invited to join the panel. For a
random half-sample of invitations, households without internet access were instructed to return a
postcard. These households were contacted by telephone and sent a tablet if they agreed to
participate. A total of 9,396 were invited to join the panel, and 8,778 agreed to join the panel and
completed an initial profile survey.
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Of the 18,720 individuals who have ever joined the ATP, 13,570
remain active panelists and continue to receive survey Weighting dimensions
Variable Benchmark
invitations. source
Gender 2017 American
Community
Weighting Age Survey
Education
The ATP data were weighted in a multistep process that begins Race/Hispanic
with a base weight incorporating the respondents’ original origin
Hispanic nativity
survey selection probability and the fact that in 2014 and 2017
Region x 2018 CPS March
some respondents were subsampled for invitation to the panel. Metropolitan status Supplement
The next step in the weighting uses an iterative technique that Volunteerism 2015 CPS
Volunteer
aligns the sample to population benchmarks on the dimensions Supplement
listed in the accompanying table. Voter registration 2016 CPS Voting
and Registration
Supplement
Sampling errors and statistical-significance tests take into Party affiliation Average of the
three most recent
account the effect of weighting. Interviews are conducted in both Pew Research
Center telephone
English and Spanish, but the American Trends Panel’s Hispanic surveys.
sample is predominantly U.S. born and English speaking. Internet access 2018 Pew
Research Center
internet core
trends telephone
In addition to sampling error, one should bear in mind that survey
question wording and practical difficulties in conducting surveys
Note: Estimates from the ACS are based on
can introduce error or bias into the findings of opinion polls. non-institutionalized adults. Voter
registration is calculated using procedures
from Hur, Achen (2013) and rescaled to
The following table shows the unweighted sample sizes and the include the total US adult population.
error attributable to sampling that would be expected at the 95%
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level of confidence for different groups in the survey:
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Unweighted
Group sample size Plus or minus …
Total sample 10,618 1.5 percentage points
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Sample sizes and sampling errors for other subgroups are available upon request.
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Topline questionnaire
2018 PEW RESEARCH CENTER’S AMERICAN TRENDS PANEL
WAVE 40 NOVEMBER
FINAL TOPLINE
NOVEMBER 27 – DECEMBER 10, 2018
TOTAL N=10,618
ASK ALL:
SOCTRUST2 Generally speaking, would you say that… [RANDOMIZE]
Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
52 Most people can be trusted
47 Most people can’t be trusted
1 No answer
ASK ALL:
GSSTRUST2 Do you think most people… [RANDOMIZE]
Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
58 Would try to take advantage of you if they got a chance
41 Would try to be fair no matter what
1 No answer
ASK ALL:
GSSTRUST3 Would you say that most of the time people… [RANDOMIZE]
Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
37 Try to help others
62 Just look out for themselves
1 No answer
ASK ALL:
TRUSTME Generally speaking, do you think… [RANDOMIZE]
Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
89 Most people trust you
11 Most people are suspicious of you
<1 No answer
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ASK ALL:
CONFVALUES Generally speaking, how much confidence, if any, do you have in the American people
to… [RANDOMIZE WITHIN EACH FORM]
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ASK ALL:
CONF1 How much confidence, if any, do you have in each of the following to act in the best
interests of the public? [RANDOMIZE ITEMS, SPLIT OVER THREE SCREENS]
ASK ALL:
c. The military
Nov 27-Dec 10, 2018 41 41 12 4 1
Jan 29-Feb 13, 2018 39 41 15 4 <1
May 10-Jun 6, 2016 33 46 15 5 1
d. Religious leaders
Nov 27-Dec 10, 2018 15 47 27 11 1
Jan 29-Feb 13, 2018 9 40 34 16 1
May 10-Jun 6, 2016 13 39 32 14 1
e. Business leaders
Nov 27-Dec 10, 2018 4 39 43 14 <1
Jan 29-Feb 13, 2018 5 40 42 13 <1
May 10-Jun 6, 2016 4 37 44 14 1
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f. Scientists
Nov 27-Dec 10, 2018 33 49 14 3 <1
Jan 29-Feb 13, 2018 27 52 17 5 <1
May 10-Jun 6, 2016 21 55 18 4 1
h. Police officers
Nov 27-Dec 10, 2018 30 48 16 5 <1
ASK ALL:
CONF2 A variety of officials work at federal agencies. How much confidence, if any, do you have
in these different groups to act in the best interest of the public?
[RANDOMIZE ITEMS a and b]
A Not No
great A fair too confidence No
deal amount much at all answer
a. Officials appointed by a president to oversee
government agencies
Nov 27-Dec 10, 2018 5 37 40 17 1
ASK ALL:
CONFLEVEL Overall, how much confidence would you say Americans have in the federal government?
Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
3 A great deal
29 A fair amount
57 Not too much
10 No confidence at all
<1 No answer
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ASK ALL:
PROBS Thinking about some of the issues facing the country these days, how much of a
problem, if at all, are each of the following?
A
A very moderately Not a
big big A small problem No
problem problem problem at all answer
a. Americans’ level of confidence in the
federal government
Nov 27-Dec 10, 2018 41 45 11 2 1
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IF R THINKS LEVEL OF CONFIDENCE IN FED GOVT OR EACH OTHER IS A VERY BIG PROBLEM
PROBSOPEN1 In a sentence or two, please describe why you think Americans’ level of confidence in
the federal government is very big problem. [OPEN END]
REASONS WHY CONFIDENCE IN FEDERAL GOVERNMENT IS A “VERY BIG PROBLEM”
[N=1889]
Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
84 Gave an answer
16 Refused
Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
22 Corrupt/self-interested and self-serving politicians
20 NET Trump and Republicans create the problem
19 Results from Trump’s behavior and policies
1 Results from Republican party activities
17 NET Broad societal problems
13 Lack of trust leads to societal ills
1 Makes it hard to address racism and racially sensitive issues
1 Makes it hard to address poverty and related issues
1 Results from the public’s ignorance
* Reflects a decline in morals
10 Results from government gridlock/political polarization
2 Results from news media bias
2 Results from Democratic party/leaders behavior and policies
1 Results from the size of government and its performance
1 Results from election-related issues/gerrymandering
* Results from people’s use of technology/internet/social media
11 Other
17 Refused/Don’t know
Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
85 Gave an answer
15 Refused
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Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
67 NET Lack of interpersonal trust relates to broad societal problems
29 Can’t trust neighbors or fellow citizens
24 Results from political polarization/tribalism
1 Results from Republican party activities
8 Results from selfishness
4 Results from racism and racial sensitivity problems
2 Relates to lack of civility
2 Results from a breakdown in morals
1 Makes it hard to address inequality/social safety net issues
8 Results from the behavior/activities of Trump
3 Relates to the performance of politicians as a group
3 Relates from negative/divisive news media coverage
1 Results from the behavior/activity of Democratic party/leaders
1 Results from election-related issues/gerrymandering
5 Other
16 Refused/Don’t know
ASK ALL:
LACKTRUST1 Would you say Americans’ level of trust in the FEDERAL GOVERNMENT has been…
[RANDOMIZE “Growing” and “Shrinking”; ALWAYS DISPLAY “Staying about the
same” LAST]
Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
8 Growing
75 Shrinking
17 Staying about the same
1 No answer
ASK ALL:
LACKTRUST2 Would you say Americans’ level of trust in EACH OTHER has been…
[RANDOMIZE “Growing” and “Shrinking”; ALWAYS DISPLAY “Staying about the
same” LAST, IN SAME ORDER AS LACKTRUST1]
Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
7 Growing
64 Shrinking
29 Staying about the same
<1 No answer
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Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
Low trust in the federal government makes it harder to solve many of the country’s
64 problems
The country’s problems would be just as hard to solve even if trust in the federal
35 government was higher
1 No answer
Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
60 Gave an answer
40 Refused
Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
39 NET Social issues
17 Immigration
13 Health/medical/insurance issues
6 Racism and racial sensitive issues
5 Gun-related issues
4 Inequality, poverty, social safety net issues
4 Issues related to Social Security and entitlements
2 K-12 and college education improvements, student loans
2 Criminal justice/reform issues
1 Abortion
1 Gay rights, LGBTQ-related issues
1 Sexism/harassment issues
1 Privacy-related issues
* Crime-related issues
* Addiction-related issues
* Legalizing marijuana
* Problems connected to the FBI, intelligence community
12 Many issues (listing 4 or more problems), all issues
12 NET Economic and budget issues
5 Tax policy/reform
4 Debt and deficits
1 Jobs and economic performance
1 Infrastructure
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Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
Americans’ low trust in each other makes it harder to solve many of the country’s
70 problems
The country’s problems would be just as hard to solve even if Americans’ trust in each
29 other was higher
1 No answer
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<1 No answer
Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
6 More confident in the federal government
76 Less confident in the federal government
17 About the same
1 No answer
Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
73 Gave an answer
27 Refused
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Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
36 NET Government activity/inactivity
27 General government performance, corruption, role of money
9 Polarization/gridlock
14 NET Trump and Republicans
13 Trump’s performance/behavior
1 Republicans performance
10 NET Problems with news media and information
5 News media bias/performance
3 More access to info and reporting on scandals and problems
1 Misinformation in general
1 Conservative bias in news
1 Liberal bias in ne
9 NET Social and policy problems
3 Inequality, problems of the poor
2 Broad cultural degradation
1 Tax and budget issues
1 Racism, issues tied to racial sensitivity
1 Immigration problems
1 Military issues, foreign affairs
1 Performance of schools/colleges
1 God, religion removed from public life
* Health care, insurance
* Climate, role of climate deniers
3 Technology, internet, social media
2 Performance of Democrats now and in the past
2 Scandals/problems from past like Watergate/Vietnam
1 Many reasons
1 General tone of politics and elections
3 Other
28 Refused/Don’t Know
Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
76 NET People are less confident in the federal government
19 The federal government deserves more public confidence than it gets
57 The federal government does not deserve any more public confidence than it gets
1 No answer
24 NET People are more confident in the federal government/about the same/no answer
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Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
13 Far too much confidence
22 Too much confidence
42 Too little confidence
20 Far too little confidence
3 No answer
Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
42 It’s possible to have economic policies that benefit everyone in the country
56 Pretty much any economic policy will end up benefitting some people at the
expense of others
1 No answer
Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
84 Yes, it is possible
15 No, it is not possible
1 No answer
ASK IF TRUSTCURE1=1:
TRUSTCURE2 What do you think would help improve Americans’ confidence in the federal government?
[OPEN END]
Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
73 Gave an answer
27 Refused
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Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
23 NET Political reforms and changes
16 More transparency, less secrecy
4 Term limits
3 Curtail the role of money in politics
2 Conduct fair elections
1 Fix Constitution
* End gerrymandering
* Reduce partisanship
15 Improve political leadership and government performance
12 Work together in communities to solve problems
8 NET Fix/adopt policy changes to address …
3 Tax and budget issues
2 Economic problems
1 Health care/insurance
1 Education
1 Welfare, entitlements
1 Immigration
1 Solving all the country’s problems
* Gun control
* Housing
* Climate/environment
* Racism
* Infrastructure
7 Get rid of/deal with Trump
4 Reform the news media
2 Bring corrupt leaders to justice
2 Keep promises
1 Change use of technology/internet/social media
1 Let Trump do his job
1 Rely more on facts
1 Stop Democrats from causing problems
1 Spiritual and religious changes can help
6 Other
30 Refused/Don’t know
Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
68 Very important
25 Somewhat important
5 Not too important
2 No at all important
<1 No answer
www.pewresearch.org
78
Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
61 The news media intentionally ignores some stories that are important to
the public
38 The news media makes their best effort to cover the stories that are
important to the public
1 No answer
ASK IF R BELIEVES THE NEWS MEDIA DOES NOT COVER STORIES (AVOID1=1):
AVOID2 What important news stories do you feel the news media ignores? [OPEN END]
Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
64 Gave an answer
36 Refused
Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
19 General complaints about one-sided coverage performance
15 NET Domestic issues and policies
4 Crime and the justice system
4 Race-related issues
3 Immigration, border issues, “invasion”
3 Climate/environment issues
1 Poverty, hunger, homelessness
1 Guns
1 Stories related to religion
1 Coverage of average Americans
1 Abortion
11 NET Trump’s accomplishments, good news about the economy
9 Trump’s accomplishments
2 Good news about the economy
6 Good news in general
5 NET International news, national security stories
4 International news
1 Stories about wars in Iraq, Syria, Afghanistan
4 Democrats problems, scandals
4 Democrats problems, scandals
www.pewresearch.org
79
Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
69 The federal government intentionally withholds important information from
the public that it could safely release
29 The federal government publicly releases the important information it can
safely release
2 No answer
Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
58 Gave an answer
42 Refused
Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
16 NET Information about specific domestic-policy issues
7 Climate and environment
6 Budget, taxes, deficits
3 Medical, health, insurance issues
1 Immigration
1 Privacy and surveillance issues
1 Economic policy
1 Guns and violence
1 Policy impact assessments/analysis
* Crime and police issues
* Elections, vote tampering
14 NET Information about general government problems and scandals
8 Information that would embarrass the government, damage its reputation
5 Government corruption and waste
1 Secret decisions, backroom deals
www.pewresearch.org
80
Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
46 Trust them right away until you have reason to doubt them
53 Not trust them until you get to know them better
1 No answer
Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
7 More confident in each other
71 Less confident in each other
22 About the same
<1 No answer
THE REASONS WHY AMERICANS ARE LESS CONFIDENT IN EACH OTHER THAN THEY
WERE 20 YEARS AGO [N=3,981]
Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
www.pewresearch.org
81
78 Gave an answer
22 Refused
Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
43 NET Societal and policy problems
14 People are more isolated, lonely, out for themselves
11 People are lazy, greedy, dishonest, untrustworthy; generational change plays a
role
9 Crime, violence, drugs, scams, general fear
6 Racism, racially-sensitive issues, sexism
4 God, religion removed from public life, decline of morals
4 Inequality, problems of the poor
1 Immigration
1 Education, school performance problems
16 NET Government activity/inactivity
15 Polarization, gridlock
1 Government performance, problems, corruption
11 NET Problems with the news media and information
9 Bias and news media performance
1 Misinformation in general, abundance of information
1 Conservative bias in news
* Liberal bias in news
4 Performance of Trump and Republicans
2 Performance of Democrats
1 Rise of extremism, hate
2 Other
24 Refused/Don’t know
Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
71 NET Americans are less confident in each other
49 Americans have lost confidence in each other because people are not as reliable as they
used to be
21 Americans have lost confidence in each other even though people are as reliable as they
have always been
1 No answer
29 NET Americans are more confident in each other/about the same/no answer
www.pewresearch.org
82
PERSCONF4 When you think about the amount of confidence Americans have in their fellow citizens,
do you think they have… [RANDOMIZE ORDER 1-4 FOR HALF, 4-1 FOR OTHER
HALF]
Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
7 Far too much confidence
11 Too much confidence
55 Too little confidence
25 Far too little confidence
3 No answer
Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
24 People will not cooperate with one another even in a crisis if they don’t
trust each other
75 In a crisis, people will cooperate with each other even if they don’t trust
each other
1 No answer
Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
50 Be trusting
49 Be skeptical
1 No answer
Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
78 Be cautious
22 Take risks
1 No answer
Nov 27-
Dec 10
www.pewresearch.org
83
2018
29 Be self-reliant
71 Work together with others
1 No answer
ASK IF FORM=2 OR FORM=3 [N=5,351]:
TRUSTCURE3 Do you think it is possible to improve the level of confidence Americans have in each
other or is that not possible to do?
Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
86 Yes, it is possible
13 No, it is not possible
1 No answer
Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
72 Gave an answer
28 Refused
Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
30 NET Changes in personal behavior
13 Be less partisan/tribal, respect others
11 Be kind and cooperate
6 Be more personally honest and trustworthy
10 Elect better, more inspiring leaders
8 NET Reform and reorient the news
6 End fake news, sensational, divisive coverage
2 Report more good news, stories about people solving problems
5 NET Fix/adopt policy changes to address problems with …
2 Education
1 The political system/gerrymandering
1 Economy
1 Safety net problems
1 Crime
1 Literacy
* Immigration
* Drug addiction
* Justice system
4 NET Embrace programs to improve human behavior relating to …
1 Racism
1 Incivility
www.pewresearch.org
84
1 Identity politics
1 A lack of a belief in a unified America
* Sexism
3 Impeach Trump, elect someone else
3 Embrace religious, moral solutions
1 Change the way people use technology/internet/social media
1 Less government, more personal responsibility
1 It will take a national crisis to restore trust
* Democratic party/leaders are the problem
4 Other
33 Refused/Don’t know
Nov 27-
Dec 10
2018
58 Very important
35 Somewhat important
6 Not too important
1 Not at all important
1 No answer
www.pewresearch.org