Regional Development Theory Peter Nijkamp: VU University, Amsterdam, The Netherlands
Regional Development Theory Peter Nijkamp: VU University, Amsterdam, The Netherlands
Peter Nijkamp
VU University, Amsterdam, The Netherlands
Maria Abreu
University of Cambridge, Cambridge, UK
Contents
Summary
This paper offers a concise and selective overview of regional development theories.
Starting from traditional regional growth theory, it introduces next findings from
location and agglomeration theory, including infrastructure and network modeling.
Next, innovation, entrepreneurship and knowledge are addressed, and interpreted as
critical success conditions for modern regional development. Elements from
endogenous growth theory and the new economic geography are introduced as well.
Finally, attention is paid to the regional convergence debate, while the paper concludes
with some prospective views.
Regional development is about the geography of welfare and its evolution. It has played
a central role in such disciplines as economic geography, regional economics, regional
science and economic growth theory. The concept is not static in nature, but refers to
complex space-time dynamics of regions (or an interdependent set of regions).
Changing regional welfare positions are often hard to measure, and in practice we often
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use Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita (or growth therein) as a statistical
approximation. Sometimes alternative or complementary measures are also used, such
as per-capita consumption, poverty rates, unemployment rates, labor force participation
rates or access to public services. These indicators are more social in nature and are
often used in United Nations welfare comparisons. An example of a rather popular
index in this framework is the Human Development Index which represents the welfare
position of regions or nations on a 0-1 scale using quantifiable standardized social data
(such as employment, life expectancy or adult literacy).
The motives to measure regional development are manifold. But a prominent argument
all over the years is that welfare positions of regions or nations may exhibit great
disparities which are often rather persistent in nature. These in turn translate into large
disparities in living standards. For example, in 1960, the world’s richest country had a
per capita income that was 39 times greater than that of the world’s poorest country
(after correcting for purchasing power), while by the year 2000, this gap had increased
to 91. Areas in our world do not only have significant differences in welfare positions,
but it takes also sometimes decades or more to eliminate them. As an illustration we
take here Tanzania (the world’s poorest country in 2000), which experienced on
average a modest growth rate of 0.6 percent per annum over the period 1960-2000. In
order to reach the world’s average per capita income of 8,820 US dollars per annum at
its current rate of growth, it would need another 485 years. Even if the annual growth
rate were to increase to 1.8 percent (i.e., the world’s current average), it would need
161 years to close the gap. And if it were to grow at the rate of South Korea (the fastest
grower over the period concerned), it could close the gap in just 49 years. Persistent
spatial welfare disparities are a source of frustration for both economists and policy-
makers.
The literature on regional development has usually centered around two dominant
issues: how is regional welfare created and how can we cope with undesirable
interregional welfare discrepancies? The first question is normally referred to as
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‘allocative efficiency’ and addresses the economic issue of an optimal spatial-economic
use of scarce resources (i.e., inputs such as capital, labor, physical resources,
knowledge etc.) so as to generate a maximum value of output. The second question is
more of a socio-political equity nature and addresses the mechanisms and conditions
(economic, policy interventions) that may help to alleviate undesirable development
disparities in the space-economy. Normally, efficiently operating regions tend to grow
faster than regions with less favorable development conditions, so that there is an in-
built tension between efficiency and equity among a system of regions, at least in the
short run. It goes without saying that the efficiency-equity dilemma is one of the most
intriguing issues in regional development policy which has extensively been discussed
in the literature.
The present contribution aims to shed light on the complexity of regional development.
It will start off from the heart of regional economics, viz. location and allocation theory,
and will include an exposition on neo-classical factor endowment and infrastructure
theory (Section 2). Next, a more contemporaneous contribution will be offered on the
modern drivers of regional development, viz. knowledge and entrepreneurship, while
also paying attention to recent advances in endogenous growth and the new economic
geography (Section 3). In a subsequent section (Section 4) we will address more
explicitly the so-called convergence debate and the role of governments in regional
development policy. We will conclude with some retrospective and prospective
remarks.
The location patterns of people and economic activity in our world show apparently a
great variation. And hence, location theory has played a central role in explaining not
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only the dispersion of economic activity, but also the dispersion of welfare among
regions. Consequently, regional development theory is deeply rooted in location theory.
Location theory has already a long history in regional economics and economic
geography. Starting off from path-breaking ideas set forth by Von Thünen, Christaller,
Lösch, Isard, Hoover and many others, modern location theory has moved into a strong
analytical framework for regional economics and economic geography. Cost
minimization and profit maximization principles are integrated in a solid economic
setting, in which both partial and general spatial equilibrium studies on the space-
economy can be found that highlight the geographical patterns of industrial and
residential behavior. Furthermore, the theory is also able to encapsulate the impact of
public actors (e.g., regional development policy).
Thus, the fundamentals of classical location theory are made up of a blend of physical
geography (determining the accessibility of a location and the availability of resources)
and smart economic behavior (through a clever combination of production factors and
market potentials in space).
However, location patterns are never static, but have an endogenous impact on
newcomers. Thus, incumbent firms may attract others through scale, localization and
urbanization advantages (e.g., in the form of spatial-economic externalities in a
Marshallian district). Consequently, agglomerations tend to become self-reinforcing
spatial magnets impacting on the entire space-economy. Such concentrations of
economic activity create welfare spin-offs for a broader regional system and thus
determine the geographic patterns of welfare and regional development. In this context,
we may also observe a blend between location theory and urban economics or urban
geography.
In recent years, we have witnessed the emergence of the digital economy through
which actors could be networked world-wide. As a consequence, the interaction
between industrial networks and location as well as the access to telecommunication
networks has gained much interest. Locations that offer the best available network
services are the proper candidates for many firms in the ICT, high-tech and high-
services sectors and are able to generate a high value added to regional development.
The availability of and access to infrastructure is another critical success factor for
regional development. In addition to the presence of labor as capital on traditional
factor inputs, we observe an increasing interest in measuring the impact of
infrastructure on regional development. Especially in a world with shrinking distances,
space-time accessibility of regions becomes a critical determinant of relative regional-
economic positions. Transport economics and transport geography have offered an
abundance of theoretical and empirical evidence on the importance of physical
infrastructure for regional growth. The uneven provision of infrastructure have also
been identified as a key determinant of regional income disparities in less developed
countries, as is witnessed in various World Bank studies.
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3. Entrepreneurship, Innovation and the Knowledge Economy
Since Marshall, Schumpeter and Kirzner we know that innovation and entrepreneurship
are the driving factors behind economic growth. There is an avalanche of literature on
the importance of entrepreneurship for enhancing the innovative capacity and growth
potential of regions.
Endogenous growth theory has played a central role in the growth debate since the
1990’s. The main idea of these new contributions is that technological progress is not
exogenously given, but an endogenous response of economic actors in a competitive
business environment. Consequently, in contrast to earlier macro-economic explanatory
frameworks, the emphasis is much more as individual economic behavior of firms. In
this way, it can be demonstrated that regional growth is not the result of exogenous
productivity-enhancing factors, but rather the outcome of deliberate choices of
individual actors (firms and policy-makers).
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open space-economy. Consequently, knowledge policy – often instigated by ICT
advances – is a critical success factor for regional welfare creation.
In recent years, we have also witnessed the emergence of a new strand of literature,
coined the ‘new economic geography’, in the vein of endogenous growth theory.
Although the term ‘new economic geography’ is arguably not appropriate (most
concepts can already be found in the regional economics and regional science literature
since the 1950s), this seemingly new approach has attracted quite some attention within
the neoclassical economics literature. It marries the increasing-returns monopolistic
competition model with the micro-foundations of spatial-economic behavior, including
interregional trade. This recent approach emphasizes the importance of agglomeration
externalities (caused by increasing returns to scale) for regional welfare creation, in the
context of global competitive forces where trade (between regions or countries) plays a
critical role. This, regions are then part of a global competitive network system. Recent
contributions within this literature have found that agglomeration can be a welfare-
improving outcome for workers in both core and periphery regions, for instance, if
agglomeration raises the innovation rate. This result provides theoretical support for
regional development policies destined to support and enhance existing clusters of
specialization.
Regions and nations in our world show complex development patterns. Textbook
economics would teach us that under conditions of free competition, homogeneity of
preference and technology parameters, and mobility of production factors all regions in
the space-economy would tend to a converge to the same per-capita income growth
rate. In neoclassical economic growth models, convergence between regions takes
place through capital accumulation. Regions that are further away from their state states
grow faster in the short run, but in the long run diminishing returns to capital set in and
the growth rate drops to the exogenous growth rate of technological progress. This
tends towards a situation where the growth rate of GDP per capita falls and becomes
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constant (i.e., it becomes equal to the exogenously-determined technological growth
rate). The neo-classical growth models therefore predict that in the long run countries
and regions will converge in terms of per-capita income levels, if one controls for the
effects of differences in initial conditions.
The conflicting predictions of the neoclassical and endogenous growth models have
generated intense scrutiny and a plethora of empirical studies, known collectively as the
‘convergence debate’. The literature has generally found that while per-capita income
levels between the poorest countries (of Sub-Saharan Africa) and the richest countries
(Europe and the United States) have diverged over the past few decades, there is
convergence among countries that are similar in terms of initial conditions and policies,
for instance, among the countries of the European Union or the fast-growing East Asian
economies (a phenomenon known as ‘conditional convergence’). The evidence also
suggests that per-capita income levels among regions within countries have diverged
markedly in recent years, particularly in large, diverse countries such as India and
China. An increase in regional disparities in fast growing regions such as India and
China is not necessarily bad news, however. Improvements in living standards in vast
countries such as these implies that global inequality as a whole may be decreasing (in
tandem with improvement in living standards in these countries), and economic theory
suggests that an increase in agglomeration may lead to further improvements in the
long run, as knowledge spills-over into other regions and sectors of the economy. The
findings of the convergence literature therefore highlight the key role of regional
development policies in promoting economic growth and human development.
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infrastructure policy with the aim to create the necessary physical conditions (e.g.,
improvement of accessibility) in order to enhance the competitive capabilities of
regions;
self-organizing policy where regions are encouraged to get their acts together on
the basis of indigenous strength with a limited role of governments;
Regional policy has played an important role in shaping the European Union, as the
vast differences in regional development among European regions would weaken social
cohesion in Europe. The Structural Funds administered by the European Union, and in
particular, the Regional Development Fund, have been strategic vehicles to cope with
spatial disparities in Europe. It is noteworthy that the various above mentioned
explanatory frameworks for regional development differences have often been
incorporated in the policy responses on spatial disparities in Europe, including the
current interest in entrepreneurship and technological innovation.
Glossary
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space, allowing for imperfect competition and
resources required for spatial interaction.
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Biographical Sketches
Peter Nijkamp: Doctorandus, econometrics, Erasmus University Rotterdam, The Netherlands, 1970;
PhD, regional planning, Erasmus University Rotterdam, The Netherlands, 1972.
Peter Nijkamp is Professor of Regional Economics, Faculty of Economics and Business Administration,
VU University Amsterdam, since 1973. He has been Visiting Professor in several universities in Europe,
North-America and Asia. He is a fellow of the Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences
(KNAW) and of the Belgian Academy of Sciences. At present, he is President of the Governing Board of
the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO).
Peter Nijkamp’s main research interests cover plan evaluation, multicriteria analysis, regional and urban
planning, transport systems analysis, mathematical modeling, technological innovation, and resource
management. In the past years he has focused his research in particular on quantitative methods for
policy analysis, as well as on behavioral analysis of economic agents. He has a broad expertise in the
area of public policy, services planning infrastructure management and environmental protection. In all
these fields he has published many book and numerous articles.
Professor Nijkamp is a member of editorial boards of some 30 international journals in the field of
regional and urban economics environmental management and transportation policy.
Maria Abreu: BSc in Economics, 1999, London School of Economics, United Kingdom; MPhil in
Economics, 2000, Tinbergen Institute, The Netherlands; PhD in Economics 2005, VU University
Amsterdam, The Netherlands.
Maria Abreu is Research Associate at the Centre for Business Research (CBR) of the University of
Cambridge, and Research Fellow of the Cambridge-MIT Institute. Since completing her PhD she briefly
worked for the World Bank, before joining the Programme on Regional Innovation of the Cambridge-
MIT Institute in 2006. Her research interests include regional economic growth, regional development
policies, spatial modelling of growth processes and the drivers of regional innovation.
She is currently working on an Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) sponsored project on the
regional impact of university-industry interactions.
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