‘Haldighati’
The Thermopylae Of Rajasthan – IV
18th century painting depicting the battle of Haldighati, by Rajasthani painter, Chokha
(Source: Wiki) [Title Picture]
“When army commingled with army
They stirred up the resurrection-day upon earth.
Two oceans of blood shocked together:
The soil became tulip-coloured from the burning waves.” 1
THE BATTLE
Haldighati was not entirely unfrequented, as it lay on the way to Gujarat, trod by
pilgrims on their way to Mecca. The Mughal generalissimo Man Singh however
showed a patent dread of venturing close to it and dithered in Molela (Molera)
pitching tents, collecting provisions and inspecting his surroundings, hovering around
the approach to the defile, whose narrow sinuous tracks occasionally opened into
wider spaces sufficiently capacious to encamp a whole army.
The Battle Array
1
Abu’l Fazl (Akbarnama)
By most reliable accounts, the Rana’s army consisted of 3000 cavalry 2, 20003
infantry, and 100 elephants, accompanied by a 100 pick-men, drummers and
trumpeters. According to Mughal sources, 4 the Rana was not in favour of marshalling
his forces, but did so on the advice of his
chiefs. The Akbarnama relates that their
divisions corresponded to traditional
arrangement of the Rajputs, ordered into
harāwal (vanguard), chandāwal
(rearguard), vāmpārshwa (left flank), and
dakshinpārshwa (right flank), altered to the
local conditions of Haldighati. The 800-
strong van was led by Hakim Sur Pathan, a
descendent of Sher Shah Suri, who had
pressed to the Rana’s standard against the
Mughals. He was supported by Chundawat
Kishan Das of Salumber, Dodiya Bhim
Singh of Sardargarh, Rawat Sanga of
Deogarh and Rathore Ram Das of Badnor
(son of Jaimal of the Chittodgarh siege
fame). The 500 strong right flank was led
by Raja Ram Sah of Gwalior, along with
his three sons, Shalivahan, Bhanu Sinha
and Pratap Sinh Tanwar, while the left
flank consisting of 400 men was put under
Man Singh Jhala’s command, supported by
Jhala Man Bida of Badi-Sadri, Man Singh
Sonigara (son of Akhai Raja) of Jhalor. 5
The rear was held by Rana Punja of
Panarwa, followed by Purohit Gopinath,
Jagannath, Mehta Ratan Chand, Mahasani
Jagannath, Keshao and Jaisa, and
Charans of Soniyana. The centre was
occupied by the Rana himself at the head
Battle Array of 1300 horsemen, supported by his
(Source: Mewar and the Mughals)
Minister Bhama Shah, and the brother of
the latter, Tarachand. The 400 odd Bhils who had accepted the commission of
‘Rana’ Punja were posted atop the numerous hillocks of the ghāti armed with their
traditional short swords, bows and arrows and rocks to be hurled at the enemy. 6
2
Badayuni (Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, Vol. II)
3
Suryavansh, Folio 54(a) (Most sources however do not mention foot-soldiers in the Rana’s army.)
4
Iqbalnama and Akbarnama (Chapt. XXXII, pg. 245)
5
The Gallant Rao Chandrasen’s participation in this battle does not find mention though he is mentioned to
have sought shelter in Mewar around that time.
Then, on June 187, 1576 Man Singh moved his men (around 5000 regulars as per
Badayuni8 and 4000 of his own Kachwaha clan, and another 1000 other Hindu
auxiliaries) to a clearing just below the dale, and organised his battle array. A chosen
party of 80-85 skirmishers who would bear the brunt of the first assault, led by
Sayyed Hashim Berha formed the frontline, called Jauza-i-Harawal. Behind this was
the advance party (iltmish) made up primarily of Kachhwaha clansmen led by Raja
Jagannath (Man Singh’s uncle) and was supported by Asaf Khan and Khwaja
Ghyas-ud-Din. The strongest point in their line was the right wing, composed of the
Sayyeds of Barha, under the command of Sayyed Ahmad Khan, a position
considered most dangerous and honoured, reserved for those known for their
hereditary valour. The left flank put under the command of Qazi Khan Badakhshi
(later called Ghazi Khan) and buttressed by Rai Lonkarn Kachhwaha of Sambhar,
was positioned at the mouth of the pass (dahna-i-ghati) south-east of Khamnor.
From here the Mughal battle line stretched westwards up to the Banas river. A
reserve company was put under Madho Singh while the rear was brought up by
Mehtar Khan (commander of Ranthambore). Man Singh took up position in the
centre on an elephant while the chronicler Badayuni was with some special troops in
the advance guard. Leaving aside the Hindus and the Indian Muslims of Barha and
Fatehpur, the imperial troops were all crack cavalry and archers from Central Asia
(Uzbeks, Kazhaks and Badakshis). The Mughals could not deploy any artillery or
heavy ordinance given the impossibility of transporting it over the terrain, but used
musket fire. The Rajputs did not employ any firearms.
Description of the Battle
It was however not possible for the Mewari army to hold their position since, after
both armies had waited considerable time for the other to assume the offensive, the
Rana ultimately decided to give battle and the Rajputs issued out to charge.
Early in the morning of June 21, 1576 9 the elephant bearing Mewar’s standard
appeared from the opening of the dell and behind it debouched from the West side of
the hill (q’blaruia-i-koh) the Rana’s van under Hakim Sur Pathan, and sweeping
aside the Mughal skirmishers in a trice rolled them on the imperial van, upon which
fell the raging torrent of Afghans with such ferocity, that they spilt almost
instantaneously and “were about to sustain a complete defeat”.10 The scene of this
6
It however never came to their participating in the action since the battle scene shifted to the open area, as
we shall see.
7
June 21, by some accounts
8
“And 5,000 regular troopers, partly from his own body-guard, and partly belonging to the Amīrs who were in
command, he [the Emperor] appointed and dispatched as his force.”
9
MuT-II, Akbarnama - Vol. III, Jagannath Rai inscription (Verse 41), Epig-Indica – Vol. XXIV, ‘Raj Ratnakar’ –
Canto 7, V. 17 (“प्रातः पुनः ध्वनति चाह चातुर्य घोषे”)
10
Badayuni (MuT II, Pg. 236)
The Sites of Encounter (Battle of Haldighati)
first clash of arms was to the north-west of the ghāti. (X1 in picture), according to
Badayuni, an uneven ground full of brambles and serpentine windings.
Following the van the Rajput centre burst forth from the waist of the pass (az’mian-i-
ghati) led by the Rana himself11 and descended upon the enemy like doom. Unable
to withstand the onslaught the Mughal ranks broke formation and bolted. Jagannath
was stranded fighting for his life in desperation and could be rescued only with great
effort by reserves sent in by Madho Singh, and the Mughal van retreated to the
security of their centre.
Next, the Rana’s right wing under Ram Sah sallied out and launched a savage attack
on the Mughal left flank and put them to flight. The Sheikhzadas of Sikri (kinsmen of
Sheikh Salim Chishti) and Lonkarn’s corps who were holding the left line fled “like a
flock of sheep”12, as also the grievously injured Shah Mansur, and passing by the
Mughal van took refuge in the right wing. The Rana charged at Ghazi Khan who tried
to hold out but receiving an injury soon hightailed it seeing the wisdom of the words
“Flight from overwhelming odds is one of the traditions of the Prophet” 13, and the
Mughal left was all but vanquished.
The Mughal right flank tried in vain to check the progress of the Mewar army but
11
“The Rana came into the field from behind the defile (az’aqb-i-dera) and therefore had passed the preceding
night east of the range at Lohsingh.” (Sarkar, ‘Miltary History of India’)
12
MuT II
13
Ibid.
were rocked back on their heels by the impetuous assault. The Mughal frontline,
advance guard and the left and right wings were completely scattered. Most of the
soldiers took to their heels to escape with dear lives. Some riders did not draw reign
until as far as 15-20 kms from the scene.14
Taking advantage of the crumbled Mughal lines, the Mewari right now penetrated the
Mughal centre and pushed ahead 15 as Man Singh frantically tried to rally his men,
who were however unable to contain the Mewaris’ advance. A fierce hand to hand
combat now raged between the armies at the centre (X2 in picture), where the Rana
chose to concentrate his energies. 16 After biding out of action for almost a decade,
the weapons of the sanguinary Mewaris came in free play strewing the field with
blood and carcasses of the enemy.
At this point, the Rana decided to send in his elephants to further terrorise the
enemy. He was anxious to wrap up the battle swiftly by getting the better of the
freaked Mughal ranks before they could gather
themselves since, being vastly outnumbered, he
had no recourse but to mount a full frontal assault
forced to commit all his men, and did not have any
reserves.17 The Maharana’s prized elephants Luna
and Ramprashad caused mayhem in the Mughal
centre as the Rajputs pushed further ahead, now
dangerously close to the Mughal general, Man
Singh. The Mughals too pressed their elephant
Gajamukta to clash with Luna, but he got injured
and had to retreat. But Luna too had to be
withdrawn since his mahout sustained a fatal shot.
The imperial elephants Gajraj and Ran-Madar were
plied to meet Ramprashad. The coveted elephant
was ultimately captured by the Mughal faujdar
Hussain Khan when his mahout was killed.
War elephants collide in battle
(Source: Wiki)
14
Ibid.
15
“Ram Sah of Mewar army forged ahead towards the Mughal centre and performed such prodigies of valour
against the Rajputs of Man Singh as baffle description. Similarly the young heroes who acted as the bodyguard
of Man Singh performed such exploits as were a perfect model.” - the grudging accolade that the Rajputs’
gallantry elicited out of the bigoted mulla, Al Badayuni (MuT II)
16
According to Jadunath Sarkar ‘Rakht Talai’ (X3) was the spot where the bodies of the fallen Rajputs had been
washed before cremation, not the spot where the pitched battle was fought.
17
The Rana had been constrained to give up the advantage and charge, apprehensive as he was that if he
waited too long, the Mughals would spread out infiltrating the mountainous fastness, and if they occupied the
barren rocky terrain buffering Kumbhalgarh, it would be possible for the enemy to control the ground by
sending in a steady stream of reinforcements from outside.
Just then, emerging out of the dust and scrimmage, Man Singh noticed a looming
spectre appear before him, and suddenly the towering figure of the Rana astride his
trusty steed, Chetak, was upon him. Before Man Singh could recover, the Rana
smiting left and right through the surrounding guard had propelled himself within
striking distance of him.18 18th Spurring his majestic charger, dressed with a head-
gear to give him the appearance of an elephant, to plant its forefeet on Man Singh’s
elephant enabling him to deliver his blow tellingly, the Rana hurled his spear at the
Mughal general. Man Singh dove into his howdah just in time to parry the blow and
wheeled his mount around to make a getaway. 19 The spear struck the steel of the
howdah and Man Singh was saved, though his mahout fell down dead.
A close up of an 18th century painting depicting the battle of Haldighati, which shows the moment when
Rana Pratap astride his steed Chetak attacked the Mughal general Raja Man Singh sitting atop his
elephant (Source: Pinterest)
Jadunath Sarkar has discounted the description of this encounter 20, however it is
recorded in Mughal as well as Rajput sources, though in varying manner. 21 But the
18
“During these blazing sparks of commotion and contest, and the heat of the fires of fortune. Kuar Man Singh
and the Rana approached one another; and did valiant deeds.” (Akbarnama III)
19
Amarkavya Vanshavali, Folio 44 (b); Raj Ratnakar, Canto 7, verses 39-41
20
Military History of India, pgs. 78
21
The Amarkavya, like Akbar’s official biography, describes the Rana and Man Singh’s approach towards each
other, but the former gives more details, according to which Dodiya Bhim appeared before Man Singh and bid
emotion ascribed to the Rana’s move, that he was seeking an engagement with Man
Singh to settle a score, seems fanciful. The targetted movement of the Rajput
divisions towards the Mughal centre indicate that, given the huge disparity in
numbers to his disadvantage, the Rana’s strategy had been to quickly destroy the
leading ranks to secure the gains made in the initial charge and gain an upper hand
in the battle. Finding Man Singh within range he had taken his chances to injure or
possibly kill the Mughal commandant to force the enemy to abandon the ground and
concede the battle.
But having ploughed into the heart of the affray the Rana was in no small danger
now. His steed was injured, a spear at the trunk of Man Singh’s elephant having
pierced one of its feet. Seeing their leader in trouble the Rajputs in the imperial ranks
fought with desperate urgency. The active operation by the Rana had drawn the
attention of the enemy soldiers on him and he found himself surrounded. A hail of
arrows directed at him by Madho Singh’s men inflicted several wounds on the Rana,
who counter-attacked veering all around and killed Bahlol Khan with a single mortal
stroke of his sword. Plying his sword and spear he cut his way through the rush of
Mughal soldiers back to his lines, where Jhala Man Bida, who had swerved from his
original position in the right, hastened to his side. He had been rendered free to
assist the Mewari centre having beaten the Mughal left wing to a skedaddle.
During this stage of the battle, which had shifted now to a plain to the south-west of
Khamnor that
extended upto
the southern
part of the River
Banas, the
Muslim cavalry
hung about at
the periphery of
the storm
shooting their
arrows and
bullets with
unerring effect
into the mingled
mass of Rajputs
The ground near Banas where the pitched battle took place. contending in
the middle,
mostly indiscriminately. Badayuni ventured to ask Ali Asaf Khan how they
distinguished between the imperial Rajputs and the Rana’s troopers, to which he
replied sardonically that it did not matter: “whichever side a man falls, it is a gain for
Islam because it is one Hindu the less.”22, 23
him ‘juhar’, thereafter the Rana moved towards him and attacked him.
22
Badayuni (MuT II)
All this while, Mehtar Khan detailed to the reserve had watched stupefied the Mughal
commanders and rank and file turn tail and dart off in all directions to save their lives,
the way they hadn’t done in the two decades since Tardi Beg’s craven defeat at
Tughlaqabad. The completely anticlimactic rout and the incongruous scene of
Mughal soldiers running pell-mell left him bemused. He suddenly came to from his
daze and decided to join the battle instead of standing around in the sidelines. To
make the scurrying Mughal soldiers fall back in line he started beating the kettle
drums and shouting the report that the Emperor had arrived in person. 24 The device
succeeded in getting the spooked ranks get a grip over themselves and stop their
flight, and rallied them to turn around and once more engage with the Rajputs.
The rally turned the tide of the battle irretrievably, as with the arrival of reserves the
Mughals were able to make a better stand. Superior numbers soon started to tell
upon the fortunes of the day. By this time the momentum of the initial onset was
spent and five hours of continuous fighting in the extreme mid-June heat had sapped
the Mewaris. One by one their leaders were felled fighting heavy odds. Ram Das
Rathore met the heroic death of his father, as did Ram Sah of Gwalior along with his
three sons, paid back richly the kindness of Mewar’s sovereign in incurring the
imperial wrath by harbouring them.
The Rana’s own life was threatened now as Mughal ranks closed in, an easy target,
made conspicuous by his insignia. His lines had crumpled up and crowded in the
centre, hemmed around from three sides by enemy soldiers pouring in from all
directions, with each passing moment making the chances of getting away all the
more bleak. And then in the closing moments of the battle, an act of purest Rajput
devotion was witnessed.
The Rana was too chivalrous to leave the field, but it was useless for the hope of
Mewar to lose his life in that battle. Realising the crisis, in a moment’s decision Jhala
Man Bida snatched the Rana’s standard and rushed forward shouting that he was
the Rana defying the imperialists to face him. The ruse succeeded and the Mughal
captains each eager to win the honour of being the captor of the Rana converged
upon him, and thus drawing the full force of the enemy attack on himself he released
23
And this is the stark lesson which stares at us: Even the deepest fidelity and unstinting bravery of the Rajputs
in the service of an Islamic state, common stakes and fighting shoulder to shoulder together in life and death,
failed to reach any middle-ground with the Muslims. Under no condition will the aims of Islam be diluted or
the minds of Muslims be humanised to view infidels sympathetically, even as fellow human beings.
The occasional personalities who have acted at variance to this principle (an eclectic Muhammad-bin-Tughlaq,
or an Akbar, or Ibrahim Adil Shah, or the Awadh Nawabs) do nothing to change the course and character of
Islam. The undercurrent of deep-seated hatred against kafirs will be the dominant sentiment of Muslims in
every situation and every age and in every single expression or utterance or choice. The much-hyped
“composite culture” is nothing but a gross falsification of what was a fraught epoch of Indo-Islamic
interactions.
This singular testimony in Badayuni’s account also illustrates the magnitude of folly of those Rajputs who
collaborated with external powers for gaining limited personal advantage and stood against members of their
own race fighting for independence, as also it accentuates the validity of the Rana’s principled stand: not
cowering before Islamic imperialism at any cost. That it was geographically limited to the area he could control
does not diminish the principle.
24
Badayuni (MuT II)
the pressure on Pratap. His faithful chiefs seized the bridle of his courser and turned
him towards the pass in the rear who then “marched around and carried his master
away from the peril.”25 Jhala Man Bida met the death he had courted and with his fall
the rest of the Mewar army dissolved and deserted the field or were killed in retreat. 26
The remaining chiefs, Rathor Shankar Das and Rawat Netsi offered resistance for
some time but soon perished. Immortalised with this battle were also the chiefs
Sonigara Man, Dodiya Bhim, Hakim Khan Sur, Rama Sandu and 350 Rajputs, their
lifeblood consecrated to the Thermopylae of Rajasthan.
In the next section we rejoin the Rana in his further course and analyse the nature of
this conflict and its outcome.
By
Smita Mukerji
25
Raj Prashasti, Canto 4, Verse 25; MS Amarkavya Vanshavali, Folio 44b.
26
“The brave warriors of the war-seeking army rushed in pursuit, and struck down many of the Rajputs.”
(Tabakat-i-Akbari, Khwaja Nizam-ud-Din Ahmad)
