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UMI A Bell & Howell Information Company 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor MI 48106-1346 USA. 313/961-4700 800/521-0600THE QUEST FOR MULLU : CONCEPTS, TRADE, AND THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISTRIBUTION, OF SPONDYLUS IN THE ANDES A Thesis Submitted to the Committee on Graduate Studies in Partial fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Faculty of Arts and Science TRENT UNIVERSITY Peterborough, Ontario, Canada © Copyright by David Blower 1995 Anthropology M.A. Program May 1996du ‘Acquisitions et services ‘The author has granted anon- exclusive licence allowing the ‘National Library of Canada to reproduce, loan, distribute or sell copies of his/her thesis by any means and in any form or format, making this thesis available to interested ‘The author retains ownership of the copyright in his/her thesis. Neither the thesis nor substantial extracts from it may be printed or otherwise reproduced with the author’s permission. 1305, nue Wellington, ‘Quan ON KIAONE Canada. exemplaires de cette thése ala disposition des personnes intéressées. L’auteur conserve la propriété du droit d'auteur qui protége sa thése. Ni la thése ni des extraits substantiels de celle-ci ne doivent étre imprimés ou autrement reproduits sans son oa 0-612-21671-3 CanadABSTRACT The Quest For Mullu: Concepts, Trade. And The Archaeological Distribution. Of Spondylus In The Andes David Blower This thesis is designed to identify the nature of the relationship between Spondylus. a sea mollusk, and mullu a Precolumbian Andean concept. with the intention of understanding the shell's value and meaning in a system of trade and exchange. By defining the ritual and ceremonial value of the shell it is possible to understand why it was an important trade commodity, and why it might have been the foundation on which a trade network was based. Through a review of the available literature and original sources, and an analysis of the shell's appearance and context in archaeological sites, the concept of mullu is defined as more complex than previously considered. It is seen to function on different levels of ritual ceremony and in varied contexts and associations. The importance of mullu to trade networks and the ideology of the Andes forms the basis for its designation as a ritual and trade complex.ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This thesis would not have evolved into its present state without the support and contributions of my supervisory committee who read and ‘commented on the earlier drafts: Dr. John Topic, Dr. Theresa Topic, and Dr. Joan Vastokas. Dr. John Topic has supervised the development of this work from its early drafts to completion, but both he and Dr. Theresa Topic have been involved completely in my exposure to Andean archaeology, through course work and field study. since my time as an undergraduate. The two field seasons of work in Ecuador which led to this study were conducted under the support of grants awarded to both Dr. John Topic and Dr. Theresa Topic. To both of them I express my appreciation for the opportunity to work in the Andes and the chance to observe and experience the culture firsthand. Thanks also to Dr. Daniel Sandweiss who not only acted as my external examiner, but who was able to recommend source material which affected my understanding of pre-Columbian open-sea navigation and the issue of Chincha trade. The information provided through these additional references was greatly appreciated. During the two seasons spent in Ecuador I was fortunate enough to meet ‘two persons who could introduce me to local customs. discuss their own experiences in Andean archaeology, and who were very patient with my attempts at Spanish conversation. In the first season, Alfredo Melly Cava from Trujillo, Peru, and in the second Jhonny Villon Morales, Guayaquil, Ecuador, provided companionship and friendship during my stay. In both instances their efforts helped greatly with my general understanding of Latin American culture. and also opened a few doors that would have remained closed to a novice gringo.While examining the collections of Spondylus material at various Ecuadorian institutions, I was to meet many individuals who offered help and encouragement. I would like to thank two in particular. In Quito, Rosa Ordéiiez Romero, Auxiliar Técnico, at the Museo Jijén Y Caamatio. Universidad de Catdlica, was very helpful with my examination of the Spondylus figurines and artifacts from Cerro Narrio. During my coastal travels to visit archaeological sites and collections related to the early use of Spondylus I had the pleasure of meeting Sr. Olaf Holm, former Director of the Museo of the Banco Central in Guayaquil. Sr. Holm offered encouragement and information on some of the more obscure references to mullu and Spondylus. for which I might still be searching. and who has continued his support through correspondence since my departure from Ecuador. The contributions of the people mentioned, and others not mentioned, have had an effect on the final appearance of this thesis. but without the support of my wife Vera, and our daughters Devon and Morgan, I am doubtful that there would bea thesis at all. To them goes my deepest appreciation and love. While the above individuals have greatly affected the final thesis, they are in no way responsible for any omissions. misconceptions, misunderstandings, or other errors that appear in this text. I have always been capable of making those mistakes on my own.Chapter ONE Two TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction Spondylus Spondylus And Its Habitat Spondylus princeps Spondylus princeps princeps Spondylus princeps leucacantha Spondylus princeps calcifer Spondylus unicolor Spondylus Physiology Determining the Origin and of Spondylus Material Mullu Orthographic Variation Things That Are Mullu Technicolour Mullu: Colour In The Chronicles Gender, Duality And The Vagina Dentata Rain, Lakes, And Springs: Water Association Food For The Gods, Food For The People Mullu Survival In The Colonial Period And Beyond Summary RENRSTS 4FOUR six References Figures Appendices A Procurement, Transportation, and Trade Spondylus Procurement Transportation: Delivering The Shell The Value of Spondylus ‘The Mullu Trade: Building A Network Maritime or Land Trade: Articulating Systems Chincha: The Centre of Trade? ‘The Mesoamerican Connection System Operators: Trade Specialists Summary Spondylus Distribution Archaeological Distributions and the Evidence of Trade Ecuador: From Coast to Highlands Peru, Over Time and Space ‘Summary Conclusions Andean Sites Containing Spondylus Materials Toponyms Containing Variations Of The Word Mullu In Ecuador Spondylus Material In The Museo de Jacinto Jijon y ‘Caamafio (Quito) The Use of Spondylus In Mesoamerica BAARABKBAK SRRAFComoran eun List of Figures El Segundo Mes, Febrero. Pavear Varai Quilla Idolos I Vacas De Los Chinchai Svivs. Los yndios Idolos I Vacas De Los Andi Svios. Sacrificauan Ande Suyo Idolos I Vacas De Los Colla Svios {dolos I Vacas De Los Conde Svios Paccha in the form of plate of Spondy/us from Chimi Spondylus princeps Spondylus princeps leucacantha Spondylus calcifer Spondylus princeps unicolor Spine pattem differences on princeps unicolor and princeps princeps Roll-out of the Tello Obelisk ‘The Smiling God from Chavin de Huantar Staff god (C-1) Staff god (C-4 ) Coricancha cosmogram by Santacruz Pachacuti Yamqui Staff Goddess illustrating the vagina dentata Staff Goddess showing variation of the vagina dentata ‘Spondylus shell diving scene from a Middle Sican silver earspool ‘Middle Sican gold earspool with Spondylus diving scene Middle Sican gold earspool Spondylus shell diving scene Middle Sican metal earspool Spondylus diving scene Middle Sican silver cylinder showing Spondylus diving 153 155 156 157 158 158 159 viiDiving motif from the North Coast of Peru Middle Sican spatula showing a Spondylus shell diver Mullu Toponyms in Ecuador Hatvn Chasqvi, Chvrv Mvllv Chasqvi Cvraca. Churu mullo chasqui Ecuadorian balsa raft Construction view of sea-going vessel Distribution of Spondvus habitat and routes of Spondylusexchange Andean Spondylus Sites List of Whole and Worked Shell by Site Figurines from Cerro Narrio Ecuador Chronology Peru Coastal Chronology Peru Highland Chronology 162 villCHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION The cosmology of the Precolumbian Andes incorporated many beliefs and materials of ritual or sacrificial importance. One such material was Spondylus, a ‘warm water sea mollusk whose natural habitat extends from the Gulf of California to Ecuador. Important to Precolumbian Andeans for its use in dedicatory offerings and sacrifice, Spondylus is found in archaeological sites throughout the coasts and highlands of Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, Chile and into Argentina. However, it is not unique to this area. Throughout the Americas Spondvlus appears in archaeological contexts that illustrate its valued position and function across cultural boundaries. In Mesoamerica Spondylus appears in situations similar to that of the Andes, but its presence in the prehistoric cultures of North ‘America, Melanesia and Europe give evidence of a more universal relationship between people and shells from the sea (Claassen and Sigman 1993; Halstead 1993; Shackleton and Elderfield 1990). In the absence of written records, the role that this shell played in Andean cosmology is pieced together in this thesis through a compilation of ethnohistoric chronicles, indigenous oral accounts and the published results of archaeological investigation. While Spondylus shell is a recoverable artifact that can illustrate patterns of use over space and time, it is the Quechua term mullu, as it refers to Spondylus. that must be defined and understood. Both the physical and conceptual definitions of Spondylus are linked to ‘each other, and are important to an understanding of the mullu concept. but at times the word mullu and the physical object referred to as Spondylus may differ. The question, "if Spondylus is mullu, is mullu necessarily Spondylus" must beanswered. Are the two terms as synonymous as they first appear to be, or are there conceptual associations to mullu that make it more complex than just an equivalent linguistic gloss for Spondylus? I will argue here that mullu describes a concept broader than Spondylus and that use of the two terms as synonymous is inappropriate and confusing. This confusion began with the initial interpretation of mullu by the chroniclers as a sea shell used by the natives to make red and white beads (Sémano 1967:66 [1525]). Their interpretation of the tem failed to recognize the complex of concepts behind the word, treating the shell itself as mullu instead of the function and meaning which it represented. It is understandable that this confusion occurred, since while the chroniclers were learning the Quechua vocabulary of the Andes, both the use and significance of Spondylus were declining. Almost five hundred years later we are still trying to define the concept of mullu. Mullu as Spondylus held a multifaceted position in the ideology of the Andes. A symbol of sexuality. agricultural and human fertility, and rain, it was offered as a sacrifice to the springs and rivers that brought water (Davidson 1981:80; Marcos 1986:197; Murra 1975). Forsome ceremonies it was sacrificed in conjunction with children, animals and other items such as gold, silver, chicha. coca, and feathers (Guaman Poma 1980:213, 221, 225, 239; see Figs. 1-5: Molina 1989 [1575]:121; Murda 1987 [1590]:420). At times, the sacrifice of mullu was made as an offering for good health (Molina 1989 [1575]:133). On some occasions the ground up shell and chaquira were thrown into furrows to promote agricultural fertility, and at other times crushed Spondylus shell was scattered on the ground where the lord would walk (Cabello Valboa 1951 (1586]:327). It was mixed with corn flour and the blood of sacrificed animalsadded to chicha as a drink offering! (Acosta 1962:248: Avila 1975 [1598]51; Carrién Cachot 1955:38; Muriia 1987 [1590]:422), and it was used whole as dedicatory offerings in the post-holes and floors of ceremonial buildings. As a concept, mullu was representative of the Andean system of duality and complementary oppositions, such as upper/lower, left/right and male/female. In one early Spanish transcription of an Andean myth mullu is recognized not only as an offering to the gods. but also as the food of the gods? (Avila 1975 [1598]:52). These are just some of the uses and meanings associated with mullu, a concept which will be defined further through associations described in the chronicles and native imagery and supported by the evidence of the archaeological record. In archaeological contexts Spondylus appears in both worked and unworked forms, and is found as burial accompaniments or dedicatory offerings. Its appearance in burials as pendants or necklaces may indicate additional use of the shell as a status marker often associated with female skeletons. The use and importance of mullu in Andean ritual are evidenced by the visual representations of the Spondylus shell itself. From diving and the harvesting of Spondylus to its representation in design motifs. Spondylus shell appears as a recurring image in artwork ranging from Chavin (Burger and Salazar- Burger 1993), Carhua (Wallace 1991a) and Middle Sican (Cordy-Collins 1990) to the Chimu at Chan Chan (Davidson 1980; Pillsbury 1993). 1. Usan de estas conchas cuasi en todas las maneras de sacrificios, y aun el dia de hoy echan algunos el mollo molido en la chicha por supersticion. (Acosta 1962:248). 2"_.En ese momento, vino un hombre Horando intensamente; traia a su hijo; levaba también mullo, coca y un potaje sclecto llamado ticti, "Para quc los tome Huallallo [Caruincho]" ,decia." (Avila 1975 [1598]:51)The visual record is part of the context on which the concept of mullu is based. The archaeological artifacts adored with Spondvlus material and representations of Spondylus shells tell us that this shell was important at specific time periods and locations throughout the course of Andean prehistory During the Late Intermediate Period the door to the house of the idol at Pachacamac was decorated with ground down Spondylus princeps shells (Pérez Bonay 1975:321). Cupisnique stirrup spout vessels and Chimu/Inea plates from the North Coast (Carrion Cachot 195: Davidson 1980; Pérez Bonay 1975:141,178) all show variations of the Spondylus shell theme (Fig. 6). As important as finding Spondylus in the archaeological record is for locating possible trade systems, ritual activity and methods or places of production, the visual representations indicate its place in the belief system and its status as a valued object. For the purpose of this thesis. the term mullu is used to express the Quechua meaning of Spondylus as a concept that combines its physical and ideological atributes. A single definition of these terms is not possible as the meaning may change when used in different geographic regions, different ritual contexts, and in conjunction with other words. An important side-effect of Spondylus research concems its value as an indicator of trade or exchange. The ideological implications of Spondylus should not overshadow the economic information available concerning the methods of its procurement and transportation. How it was used, and its inherent value due to those uses and needs, may have been responsible for the formation of long- distance trade networks. The by-product of this use is the information that allows us to rebuild these possible networks. This thesis is divided into three sections: the first concerns the Spondylus shell itself, its physical characteristics and attributes; the second examines the‘mullu as a concept and the evidence through which we identify its function and meaning: and the third considers the evidence of its procurement. transportation and trade. Throughout these three sections, however. those aspects of Spondylus use that indicate ritual and trade activity. and its conceptual identification as mullw, will be examined. Whether or not Spondylus and mullu are synonymous terms which refer to shell material and chaquira beads, or whether mullu incorporates a larger, symbolic/metaphoric category of meanings and activities that can be identified as a ritual and trade complex will be discussed in the following chapters.CHAPTER TWO SPONDYLUS Description of the physical characteristics of Spondylus shells and species is important to the identification of different cultural uses and the determination of several possible levels of cultural meaning. All Spondylus shells do not appear interchangeably in the archaeological record. Whether or Rot one species was preferred over another for specific functions or utilized subject to availability is unclear. Identifying the shell as to its species and sub- species provides information on two distinct aspects of this study: first, it indicates the preference of use and the different values associated with each species, and second, it enables researchers to narrow down the geographic area from which the shell originated for use in the identification of trade. Spondylus and Its Habitat Spondylus is a genus of mollusk in the Spondylidae family that is distributed worldwide in tropical waters from the Atlantic coast of the Americas and West Indies to the Mediterranean, Hawaii to the Philippines. Australia and Japan, and the Indian Ocean. It is this broad availability of Spondylus to human populations that partially accounts for its presence in the archaeological sites of Australia, Europe, North America, and South America (Claassen and Sigmann 1993; Halstead 1993; Shackleton and Elderfield 1990). The context of its presencein these sites suggests that the human populations of all these areas associated Spondylus with similar patterns of socioeconomic and ritual use to that of the ‘Andes. In the Rhine and Danube Basins of Neolithic Europe Spondylus appeared in the forms of necklaces, pendants and bracelets (Clark 1986:8) more than 1700 km from its source in the Aegean Sea. As in the Andes, European Spondylus indicates some form of exchange network(s) due to the distance travelled. Only two species. Spondylus princeps and Spondylus calcifer. which are found in the Pacific coastal area known as the Panamic Province are of interest to this study of Andean Spondylus. The Panamic Province, more precisely known as the Panamic-Pacific Province, covers the zone of shallow-water fauna that extends approximately 7,250 kilometres from the Gulf of California at latitude 30” 30’ North, down to latitude 4” 15° South at Cabo Blanco in northwestern Pera (Olsson 1961:24), The differences between these two species are based on morphological attributes, and in the case of sub-species, on their range and natural habitat. Although both species are referred to interchangeably by the general term Spondylus, the spiny projections that are present on princeps have caused it alone to be known as the thorny oyster. or ostra espinosa (Norton 1986:133). Whether calcifer and princeps are used interchangeably and accorded equal value in ritual or monetary contexts is a question to be discussed in this thesis. The species and sub-species as described by Keen (1971:96-98), Lamprell (1987:56,60), and Olsson (1961:150-153),are listed below.‘Spondylus princeps Spondylus princeps is a bivalve held together by a ligament and an interlocking hinge. The outside morphology of the shell, known as the sculpture, is formed by radial rows of crowded spike-like spines and the primary interspaces that are covered by secondary and tertiary spines. The average size can reach 130mm - 150 mm, but occasionally larger examples appear. The colour of the outer shell varies from orange to coral-red. Variation in the Positioning of secondary and tertiary spines and the colour of the valves and spines is illustrated in the three sub-species that follow. Spondylus princeps princeps (Figure 7) This is the most common of the princeps sub-species to appear in the Andean area due in part to a habitat that ranges from the coast of Panama in Central America south to northwestem Peru. The valves are usually regular in shape with many teeth along the outer margins. The outer shell has crowded, cclose-set short or medium-length, spike-like spines projecting away from the shell. The primary and secondary spines are set in six rows. Additional tertiary spines appear in pairs in the space between the primary and central secondary rows. The primary, secondary, and tertiary spines can be identified by their diminishing size. Each interspace between the primary rows has one central row of secondary and usually four rows of tertiary spines, two on each side of the middle. It is this arrangement of spines and the amount of space between rows that is important to the identification of sub-species. On the inside of the shell there is a wide and deeply coloured marginal band that parallels the outer edge ofeach valve. The extemal colour of the shell body and spines can be orange or coral red. At times this shell is referred to as Spondylus pictarum, a name that appears in early archaeological literature and is stil in use in some modern South American museums. Spondylus princeps lencacantha (Figure 8) Possibly the only sub-species of princeps that is native to the coast of Ecuador, leucacantha may only appear to be a different species due to its adaptation to different environmental surroundings. Physically. the spines on the outer shell are less crowded and the interspaces more open than other princeps varieties. The primary spines are longer than on princeps princeps and fluted or foliated at the ends. The inner margin is deeply coloured like the other varieties, but the spines are white or yellow and lighter in colour than the main body of the shell. Unfortunately, the fragile ends of the spikes are often missing in archaeological contexts due to either damage in transit, or the requirements of the finished product. This makes identification of sub-species much more difficult. Spondylus calcifer (Figure 9) Ranging from the Gulf of California south to Peru this species has many similarities to princeps but is easily identifiable by the purplish colour of its outer shell when present on artifacts. The main difference is size. as it can grow to an average 155 mm or more across and weigh up to 1.5 kilograms. Spondylus calcifer displays small spiny projections in its early stages that are more numerous and evenly distributed than on princeps. The mature calciferspecimens do not have spines, but the presence of spines in the immature specimens leads to confusion when differentiating between the two species. Apart from the lack of spines and larger size, calcifer also differs in the shape and size of the two valves. The valves are asymmetrical with a border of foliated concentrics. growth rings that can be seen as layers on the outer edge of the shell. The inner shell is white with a purplish band on the inside margin, and an outside colour of purple or violet. This species is referred to as Spondylus limbatus in early literature and some museum collections. Spondylus princeps unicolor (Figure 10) The inclusion of a sub-species that is normally found from the Gulf of California south to Jalisco, Mexico, is important partly because the range of these shells has not been defined with any degree of certainty. and partly because its physical differences allow for species comparison relating to point of origin. When it is finally possible to identify Spondylus material as to its point of origin, the ability to recognize West Mexican Spondylus in Andean sites will contribute important information to the question of whether or not Ecuadorian traders augmented their supplies with imported foreign shells. The unicolor valves are rounded and symmetrical in shape with primary spines that are enlarged but often flattened or fluted between wide, open interspaces. There are three smaller rows of spines between the primary rows —- ‘one secondary and two tertiary on either side of the secondary. The colour is uniform for spines and shell body with an interior that is porcellaneous white and a deeply coloured band. The basic difference between this shell and princeps princeps is the number of tertiary spines. Unicolor has one on each side of the secondary spine and princeps has two (Figure 11).Spondylus Physiology Identification of Spondylus is difficult, as no two specimens of any species are exactly alike and can differ in shape, spine development, and colouration. depending on the limitations of space, nutrition and water movement (Lamprell 1987:9). Asa bivalve, the Spondylus mollusk has a ball and socket type hinge with a central ligament, and two large interlocking teeth on each side. The valves are held together by a locking mechanism that prevents the shell ftom being opened by predators. This mechanism includes the adductor muscle, denticulations on the edges of the two valves that interlock, and the hinge teeth, all of which makes it nearly impossible for humans to open the shell without breaking the edges (Purchon 1968:179). The valves of the Spondylus are inequivalve, meaning that one valve is larger and overlaps the other. Also equilateral, the apex, or beak, of each valve is centred between the anterior and posterior ends of the shell (Abbott 1974:12). The surface of the valves, or sculpture, can be either concentric or radial and can occur simultaneously in the form of ridges, ribs, spines, and foliated processes. Concentric growth lines appear on the edges parallel to the margins of the valves. Radial sculpture runs from the umbones, at the beak, to the margin ends of the shell, as in the ridges of spines (Abbott 1974:12). The purpose of the spines is unclear, but they may protect the shell from direct attack by marine predators and by encouraging the growth of seaweed, tubeworms, and barnacles which actas a form of camouflage (Lamprell 1987:9). ‘The right valve is used to fasten the shell to the marine environment, and the left half is free to open and close when feeding. The right half of the Spondylus is the lowermost valve, also referred to as the male half, that becomescemented to the substratum by a secretion from within the mollusk (Lamprell 1987:9; Olsson 1961; Purchon 1968). The designation of male and female halves does not necessarily relate to the male/female dyad of Andean cosmology, but rather is a modern designation. ‘The natural habitat of Spondylus shells varies with each species. They live in sub-littoral waters and can be found at a depth of between 6 and 60 metres depending on the species (Keen 1971:98: Marcos 1978:103; Paulsen 1974:597). While valves of both calcifer and princeps are sometimes found washed up on shore, divers were more commonly used to harvest them. Determining the Origin of Spondylus Material Because of the inability of Spondylus to survive in the cold waters off the coast of Peru south of Cabo Blanco, between Piura and Tambez, it is generally accepted that Spondylus artifacts found in Peruvian sites were obtained through interaction with the natives of the Ecuadorian coast. Similarly, the presence of Spondylus in the Andean highlands and Oriente of Ecuador was the result of interchange with the coast. However, due to the presence of a possible trading relationship with Mesoamerica (Paulsen 1977), and the suggestion by Marcos (1977) that Spondylus was traded back and forth along this network, identification of the point of origin of Spondylus remains an important goal. ‘There are several methods of analysis presently in use in other parts of the world that may enable Andean archaeologists to unlock the information hidden inside the archaeological samples of Spondylus. Trace element analysis has been used successfully to date European varieties of Spondylus to the time that they were harvested (Shackleton and Elderfield 1990:313). By measuring levels ofstrontium isotopic composition in the Spondylus shells. the strontium levels were correlated to the strontium levels of Mediterranean sea water that have increased over the last 100 million years. With this method Shackleton and Elderfield(1990) were able to determine whether Spondylus artifacts were carved from either recent or fossil species of the shell. Locating the source of Spondylus remains found in the archaeological record can be difficult. Until recently, no physical or chemical method was available for identifying the source of shells originating in continuous bodies of water such as the various coasts of the Pacific Ocean. However, North American archaeologists have developed new methods of locating the source of Busycon artifacts through trace element analysis (Claassen and Sigmann 1993:334- 335,342). By measuring levels of magnesium present in North American shell researchers were able to distinguish shell origin between sections of continuous bodies of water. This method is based on the identification of a distinctive geochemical profile related to the geochemistry of individual watersheds at the point of entry into a larger body of water - such as an ocean. While a bay or inlet may be connected to a larger body of water, it will still have a particular geochemical signature that will be absorbed into the shell through the process of diagenesis. By matching the element levels in a Spondylus shell with the unique combination of elements present in a specific semi-contained area, it might become possible to identify the point of Spondylus origin. With research of this type already being used to understand the role of Spondylus in the trade activities of Europe and North America, similar procedures might determine if Spondylus material found in the Andean highlands originated in the Ecuadorian region or even further north in the West Mexican area. This would create a clearer picture of Andean trade networks and their operation.The use of trace element analysis to identify artifacts of Spondylus is not reported for the Panamic area. However, another method of determining Spondylus origin for this region is coming into use. Simpler and less technically complex than element analysis, it is based on measuring the distance between the primary and secondary rows of spines on the outside shell and the spine pattern (Olaf Holm 1994: personal communication). This method can only be used for species and subspecies of princeps due to the necessity of observing variation in the grouping of the spines that are no longer present in mature calcifer samples. As previously mentioned, princeps unicolor from the Gulf of California and West Mexican area has rows of spines that are more widely spaced than in princeps princeps. The spines of princeps leucacantha are less crowded than princeps princeps with variation in spine colour but with a similar sculpture. It is not clear whether the spines of the different species stay at proportionately different spacing patterns throughout their growth cycle, or if they change with time. It is also not uncommon for a shell to exhibit inconsistency in the spine sculpture patterning (personal observation). The fingerprint-like sculpture Pattern necessary to this method of identification can be seen to deteriorate into a random pattern away from the centre axis of the shell. Because of the inconsistency in patterning, this technique is not conclusive. Sculpture pattern recognition is not a foolproof method of identifying origin but neither is the use of element analysis. Both methods of research need to be expanded to include the study of Andean Spondylus. It would be necessary to look for this variation in all the complete Spondylus valves found in archaeological sites before any conclusive proof could be found one way or another. The drawback to this method may be that we might not be identifying species from different regions but rather showing that habitat ranges of these species during prehistory were more extensive.Colour variation is also an identifiable characteristic of different species. For example, some of the spine rows of leucacantha are white. not the overall coral red associated with other shells. Identification using this method relies heavily on visual observation and is subject to the obvious problem of ‘comparing specimens at different stages of maturity, and shells that have been weathered through environmental exposure. By these methods, new information taken from the shell itself could improve our knowledge about shell movement and interchange. The ability to identify species from outside the Andean region is important to future studies of archaeological Spondylus specimens. The inability of Spondylus to survive the cold water of the Humboldt Current is the foundation of Spondylus artifact study as it relates to trade and the methods of interaction that resulted in its presence in widely dispersed archaeological sites of the Andes. The identification of the sub-species is a relatively new activity for archaeologists. At times distinguishing shell below the species level is overlooked. In many early chronicles shell beads were referred to as bone, since they were considered to be fish bones. Early research into seashell materials placed them all together under a generic heading: “shell”. Because of these erroneous and vague identifications, some of the available information concerning Spondylus can only be suggested by the reports. not confirmed. Improvements in malacological identification of various shell species over the past century have increased the amounts of quantifiable data available to archaeological researchers. In the case of Andean Spondylus it is now necessary to identify the sub-species, where possible, to gain a greater understanding of trade relationships.CHAPTER THREE MULLU. Defining mullu is more problematic than describing Spondylus. The list of characteristics includes a group of abstract concepts that vary according to geographic location and use. Chroniclers used the term mullu in a purely physical way when referring to sea shells of a white or coral colour (Gongalez Holguin 1608; Santo Thomas 1560). By understanding the concept of mullu, an understanding of its place within the socio-cultural belief systems and ritual of the Andes, and the trade networks that handled its distribution, can be developed. As translated by Diego Gongalez Holguin (1608), mullu is defined as “concha colorado de la mar chaquira, o coral de Ia tierra,” which refers to beads made of red sea shells, or coral of this land. The related term mollo (sic) also refers to coral, or pearls, as translated by Domingo de Santo Thomas (1560), confirming an ambiguity of definition that could lead to alternative sea shells such as the Pinctada mazatlanica or Pteria sterna, more commonly known as the pearl oyster, taking their place alongside Spondylus as mullu (Mester 1990:21). The coral colour of some parts of the Spondylus shell, when seen as finished beads, may be responsible for this definition. Another word, with a similar pronunciation - muyu - meaning "round", may be related through the roundness of the beads or necklaces on which they were strung (see below). The suggestion that mullu could actually refer to a coral is disputed by Petersen (1970:25) who identifies most of the coral found in Andean museumexhibits as material made from the spines of Spondylus. Some confusion may have been created by the use of the plural form “corales" which also referred to bracelets of coral material (Diccionario De Autoridades 1976 (1726]:589). If the coral material was in fact Spondvlus. then the bracelets may have been made of Spondylus, called mullu, but referred to as corales by the Spanish. This is an example of the semantic problems that hinder the definition of mullu. Orthographic Variation While the orthographic variations of Quechua words create confusion as. to the intended meaning behind words used in the chronicles. the grammatical use of those words as roots for other words and actions can provide the key to unlocking the lost information. In the chronicles, Spondylus is known interchangeably as mullu, mollo, and mullo. All three terms appear in the toponyms, phrases and chronicles of both Peru and Ecuador. However. there appears to be no set rule as to where these derivations of the term were used. Confusion about the specific meaning of each of these words, and whether their use was restricted to a direct translation for Spondylus. is apparent in the definitions of each variation and derivative forms. Problems of pronunciation, orthography, and literacy were experienced by the Spanish as they attempted to put a written form to an unwritten language - runa simi. The written form of Quechua was filtered through a foreign linguistic system that reflected what the writers thought they heard - not what they had heard (Mannheim 1991: 127). Even the indigenous chroniclers faced a problem of interpreting their own meanings and linguistic signs into another language (Harrison 1982:68). One reason it is not possible to translate Quechua phrasesliterally is due to the differences in language patterns and word signification based on pronunciation of similarly spelled words (Mannheim 1991: 128,135). By lowering the sound of a final syllable it is possible to change the entire meaning ofa word. The issue is further complicated by the absence of a single form of the Quechua language. Dialectic variations of Quechua were a reflection of ethnic identity and differed from valley to valley (Cobo 1979:39; Harrison 1989:35: Mannheim 1991:50). This problem of spelling variation in the Spanish interpretation of the Quechua language might be explained by regional differences in pronunciation. but the problem is exacerbated further with the inconsistent use by researchers of the various spellings. The Spanish inability to distinguish Quechua vowels was also compounded by the lack of a written record with which they could correlate spellings with pronunciations; a problem that modern researchers do not have to face. Both Hyslop (1984:248) and Rostworowski (1977:176) substitute the more recent orthographic spelling of muyu for mullu when describing Spondylus. If muyu is a variant spelling representing mullu then it might explain why toponyms such as Mullupungu appear in Ecuador and Muyupongu appear in Peru. The lack of toponyms in Peru with the mullu prefix is puzzling as the geographical separation in use appears to follow modem political boundaries. However, muyu, defined by early dictionaries as meaning round, does not directly relate to the definition of mullu. The modem use of the word muyu relates more to the action of winding or circulating (Lastra 1968:91; Parker 1969:164). The only possible connection of ‘mullu to roundness is its association with events of a cyclical nature such as birth, rebirth, and regeneration. It may be that there is no identifiable association between the words mullu and muyu, and as such the lack of mullu toponyms inPeru can become the subject of other investigations. Conversely. it is possible that all of these definitions relate in a complex of meanings. In another example of mullu variation, Hyslop (1984:35) discusses the region of Mullepungu (sic) southwest of Tomebamba, referring to it as a Spondylus door along a Spondylus trade route. In this case. 'u’ and ‘o! appear interchangeable in the orthography of mullu indicating that Mullepungu could be similar to Mollepungu. But molle is a type of tree that, when burned, gives off an odour similar to incense, acts like a laxative for animals when the ground-up bark is ingested. and whose red berries were used for the making of chicha (Cordero 1911:40; Olaf Holm 1994: personal communication), none of which indicate a connection to the definitions of mullu. If there is a connection, then perhaps it is found in the relationship of these items as they might have been associated with mullu during sacrificial rituals. Further analysis of these terms and the uses to which the objects were put may explain the etymological and metaphorical relationships of these words. Things That Are Mullu The identification of mullu has at times been hampered by an uncertainty over materials used and their categorization. A distinction is made that mullu could be stone. bone. or shell. Coloured travertine, a buff-coloured porous mineral formed by the deposition of calcium carbonate in hot springs, such as those near Cuenca in Azuay, is difficult to distinguish in the archaeological record from Spondylus shell material (Bushnell 1951). The travertine hardens upon contact with the air and can then be made into beads similar to those ofSpondylus. Spanish chroniclers would have referred to the material as mullu based on its similarity in colour and material. At times Spondylus beads have been identified as bone. based on its early determination as fish bone material simply because it came from the sea (Olaf Holm, personal communication). A description of chaquira - beads made of red and white Spondylus shell - by Cieza de Leén (1962:99) described them as "long strands of fine bone beads, white and red" 3. Again, the mistaken identifications included in historical accounts makes the determination of material difficult. Some mullu comes in the form of necklaces or jewellry called mullo. Often the mullo is made of pearls and precious stones (Guaman Poma 1980:306,916). Because some of these objects have no Spondylus material in them, it is difficult to determine whether it is the jewellry and its use that is referred to as mullu, or if the alternate materials used in its manufacture can also be considered as mullu. In Ecuador, small necklaces of green material are currently known as ‘mullo. In the Museo del Banco Central in Cuenca a miniature necklace made of green stone material from the site of Pumapungo is listed as a mullo by Max Uhle (1994: personal observation). Uhle (1922:208) also describes the artifacts from Chinguilanchi near Loja in this way: All of the subsoil of the floor contained numerous shells of Spondylus (pictorum) offerings inlaid with green, red, white ‘mullus’ of stone and shell. In various parts of the subsoil we also found groups of different classes of unattached mullu, below the same altar, were piled a group of 40, more or less. Spondylus shells. 3"...Traen atados grandes ramales de cuentas de hueso menudas, blancas y coloradas, que llaman chaquira" (translation by Salomon 1987b:66). 4.".-Todo el subsuelo del piso contenia numerosas conchas de Spondylus (pictorum) votivas relicndas con mullus verdes, colorados, blancos, de picdra y concha, y objectos de otra clases. En varias partes del subsuelo se encontraronIn this case, Uhle is drawing a distinction between Spondylus shell, mullu of stone, and the offerings filled with green, red and white inlays. The description of different classes of mullu and coloured mullos may have been created by Uhle as descriptive terms which do not reflect pre-Columbian native use, and as such are irrelevant to this discussion. The identification of red and white mullu can be related to the red and white of the Spondylus shell, but the use of green maul/us brings a new dimension to the definition. The problem of defining mullu increases when the question of mullu material is combined with questions of colour association. Technicolour Mullu: Colour In The Chronicles The use of colour symbolism in the Andes assigns various objects to specific symbolic complexes which form dyadic oppositions. such as the celestial and terrestrial complexes. The placement of Spondylus in the terrestrial symbolic complex of earth, irrigation water, and agricultural fertility. rests on the colour association of the shell's red rim to red earth and pottery clay (Davidson 1981; Mester 1989: 165). Ann Mester (1989:162; 1990) places the pearl oyster in the celestial symbolic complex, but considers both materials to be mullu. Both these complexes are related to masculinity and femininity - mullu can belong to both of them. The celestial complex is masculine and offerings of Spondylus would bring thunder, lightning and torrential rains, while the female terrestrial complex is connected to springs, lakes, soft rains and the sea (Davidson 1981:81). también grupos de las diferentes clases de mullus, en estado libre; debajo del altar mismo, un grupo de, més 0 menos, 40 conchas de Spondylus amontonadas."These associations are based on colour assignments and a comparison of drawings by Guaman Poma that supposedly illustrate differences in object status between Spondylus representing agricultural fertility, warfare and the low status non-Inca peoples, and pearl oyster representing high status, beauty. and moral excellence (Mester 1989:160). However, the litter referred to as the “quispi ranpa" identified by Mester as the "litter of pearls", could be identified as the litter of crystals. Guaman Poma refers to it as a litter of precious stones 5 (1980 [1583-1615]: 304-305/33 1[333]) and describes quispi as pearls, precious stones. such as emeralds or crystal, and necklaces of mullo 6 (1980 [1583-1615] 306/332[334]). In this case mullu is separated from pearls and other precious stones in the definition of quispi. Whether or not Mester is right in her assessment of mother-of-pearl as an object that can be seen to represent high status, beauty, and moral excellence based on the writings and drawings of Guaman Poma requires further analysis. However, I think Mester (1990) is correct in suggesting that mulfu refers to other colours and shells. and that madreperla. as a colourful object associated with the colour symbolism of the Andes (Mester 1989:162-165), can also be classified as a mullu. The colour symbolism used by Mester for her argument is based on Martin de Muria (1987 [1590]:420) who described the ground sea shells used in sacrificial offerings as paucar mollo and yahuar mollo 7. The shells have different names according to their colour and were offered for different Purposes. 5"ANDAS DEL INGA QVISPIRANPA". 5". Perlas del Ynga y de sus prencipales que son piedras preciosas. Se llamauan quispe perlas, picdras prociosas umina, cuychi. uaccri y colarcs se llamaua mullo. Estos dichas cosas auia en tienpo del Ynga en este rreyno". 7". .Otras veces offecian polvos de almejas de la mar, molidas, que dicen paucar mollo y yahuar mollo,...”an identification also made by Acosta 8 (1962 [1590}:247) and Cobo 9(1990:117). This difference in shell types and colour classification is also referred to by Cristobal Molina (1989 [1575]: 68) when describing the different mullus as red and yellow seashells '°. Mester (1990:213) defines paucar as light and bright, although resplendent would be more appropriate, therefore indicating that the yellowish shine of mother-of-pearl is the paucar mullu, while yahuar. or blood(y). refers to the deep red Spondylus shell. The association of yahuar to red Spondylus may be apt, but Muria might be associating paucar mullu with the white part of the Spondylus shell when polished to a high gloss. This interpretation may be more appropriate considering Muria (1987 [1590]:420) was aware of chaquira of mullu that contain both red and white beads of the shell. Rather than a symbolic definition for types of mullu. pethaps paucar and yahuar were simply designations for the two different colours - white and red - and the quality of their lustre. As the material and colour associations of mullu become clearer the definition becomes broader, to the point that objects are not just mullu, but mullw-like, Molina (1989 (1575]:133) describes a ceremony to bring about good health where several varieties and colours of maize, including some with red and yellow stripes,'! are gathered with coloured mollo mollo that is known as 8». [conchas...llamaban mollo] Tienen diferentes nombres segin la color, y asi sirven a diferentes efectos". 9 "..According to the color, the shells were offered for different purposes, sometimes whole, other times ground into powder, othcr times broken into pieces, and in addition, some figurines were made from the powder” [translation by Roland Hamilton]. - y conchas de la mar que Ilaman mullo, colorado y amarillo, hechas a mancra de maiz. ..." 11 "_y mafz entre vetado de colorado y amarillo que llaman gunacara’ymaymana mollo,'2 and then ground together and blown on the guacas '3. The term ymaymana mollo probably refers to all kinds of mullu, while the use of the reduplicative noun mollo mollo infers likeness or similarity to mollo (Parker 1969:100). It is obvious from the above that not all mull is made of Spondylus material, nor is itall of the same colour. From Cobo (1990:69), the list of shrines and guacas on the road to Antisuyu includes a guaca called Lampapuquiu to which was sacrificed "shells of two colours, yellow and red!4" The use of red and yellow colours within the context of ritual or sacrificial offerings has survived to the present day. Modern ritual traditions in Peru use mesas or charm bundles that include red and yellow maize (Gifford and Hoggarth 1976:64) for ceremonies like those mentioned above by Molina. In one of the myths of Huarochiri, the god Paria Caca sent red and yellow rain '5 onto Huallallo Caruincho, which was dammed up by one of Paria Caca's alter egos called Llacsa Churapa, creating the lake known as Mallo Cocha (Avila 1975 [1598]:52: Salmon and Urioste 1991:68). In this case the rains are the same colour as the types of com used in sacrifice. Mullu colour association is further augmented by the addition of bluish-green, or turquoise, to that of red and 2 "...y otras conchas de la mar que Ilaman ellos mollo mollo de todas las colores que pueden aver, que llaman ymaymana mollo;" 13 "A todas las guacas y uilcas quatro partidas desta tierra, agdellos y antepasados mios, recevid este sacrificio doquicra que estais y dadme salud." 14 “[AN-9:1] la primera se decia, lampapuquiu, era una fuente que estaua en [tachado: vndamarca] Vndamacha [sic; debe decir Andamacha] sacrificauanlc conchas de dos colores, amarillas, y coloradas” (from Rowe 1979:38). 15". desde cinco direcciones hizo caer torrentes de Iluvia; esa lluvia era amarilla y rojas" (Avila 1975 [1598]:52).yellow. and green. Llacsa Churapa has the same first name as the "bright greenish-blue colour that blew from the mouth of Maca Uisa like smoke as he spoke"!6 (Avila 1975 [1598]:52; Salomon and Urioste 1991:115) after eating mullu. The original Quechua term used in the Huarochiri Manuscript (Salomon and Urioste 1991:214) for describing this coloured smoke is Macca (Iacsa), a term that also refers to smelted or alloyed metal materials such as copper or bronze (Gongalez Holguin (1608) 1952:207). Asa colour Hlacsa is described as a green powder or stone, like copper oxide (Arriaga 1968[1621]:46). similar in colour to turquoise. If lacsa is a by-product of muilu consumption then there could be an association between turquoise coloured objects and mullu. During sacrificial ceremonies the person in charge of the huaca would ask for offerings of mull and /acsa (Arriaga 1968[1621]:46) indicating a ritual value for /lacsa. The connection between Hacsa and mullu forms a foundation for the suggestion that the colour green. or greenish-blue, is also associated with mullu in a very strong symbolic way. Based on the colour association and the use of the word Ilacsa to describe both the colour and materials, then turquoise material can also be associated with mullu. The connection between //acsa and turquoise may be based on colour or the fact that turquoise as a phosphate of aluminum includes traces of copper that give it its bluish-green hue (Clark 1986:69: Grieder 1988:87). The material called Jacsa was important enough in the Late Horizon for the creation of a position known as the /lacsa camayoc, a person who worked turquoise and stones from the sea (Rostworowski 1975:335). Copper is one source known to produce the powdered oxides known as Hacsa. But is it the green-blue colour or a specific 16 ~..Y mientras hablaba, brotaba de su boca el aliento y una especie de vapor azulado". (Avila 1975 [1598]:52)substance that is referred to as Macsa? Bluish-green smoke, bluish-green turquoise, and bluish-green copper oxide all can be defined as /lacsa The association of turquoise and mullu goes deeper than just the colour of exhaled mullu gas. Turquoise and Spondylus appear together in many archaeological contexts suggesting a ritual connection (see Appendix A). Near Cuzco collections of 40 turquoise figurines each were found at the Middle Horizon site of Pikillacta in context with Spondvlus princeps, Strombus shell and a bronze bar '7 (Cook 1992:344). At Marcahuamachuco, also Middle Horizon, turquoise material carved in the shape of small Spondylus shells was found in association with real Spondylus (Theresa Topic 1994: personal communication). This association appears again at Huacho, north of Chancay, where a Spondylus bivalve was recovered with a small greenstone idol and three small stones inside (Cook 1992:359). Unfortunately the Huacho Spondylus is not dated to any specific time period. However, the three small stones were described by local inhabitants as "the first lima bean", "wheat", and “chili pepper", which would indicate a post-conquest interpretation. The association of the colour green, turquoise-like material and mullu is becoming stronger and better defined through archaeological contexts and ethnographic research. Moder ethnographers have identified the importance of the colour green to the Andean people through its association with ancestors and souls of the dead. Like mullu which signifies rebirth and regeneration, the word mallqui describes both the green branches of the angoripa tree and dead ancestors, signifying renewal and continuation (Isbell 1978:147). Also, on the first of 17 The 'bronze' bars referred to by Cook have been identified by Juan Larrea [1960:59-94].as copper scepters known as yauri - the Quechua word for the Inca royal staff. Yauri is an Aymara word for copper, and the presence of the staff possibly indicates royal status for the figurines .November, during Kawsasqanchis, the souls of the dead retum to visit their relatives. Those who have seen the dead souls’ ethereal presence, describe them as "pretty and green" (Allen 1988:164). The use of green objects and the colour green as a description for important concepts requires more study than is possible in this thesis, but the connection between these events and mullu is quite clear. Gender, Duality, And The Vagina Dentata Another entry in the dictionary of Gongalez Holguin (1608:249) lists the words "mulluysimi pucaysimi mulluy virpa". and translates them as "el de los labios colorados hermosos." When translated the words hold similar meanings: ‘mulluysimi, having a mullu mouth; pucaysimi, having a red mouth; and mulluy virpa, having mullu lips. With the word simi relating to the mouth or speech, and by eliminating the Quechua words virpa for labios and puca for colorados, we are left with only mullu to correlate with hermosos. The translation of Gonealez Holguin's definition to English would be the person with the beautiful, or lovely red lips. Whether it can be translated directly in this way is questionable. It is possible that the words refer to a more abstract concept that is not yet clear. The key to this discussion may centre on the presence of the letter y as a suffix to mullu and puca. There are several possible reasons and actions associated with the use of y in modem Quechua grammar and syntax that might explain its purpose in this situation (Lastra 1968; Mannheim 1991; Parker 1969; Sola 1967). In some cases the addition of y as an allomorph of the niy suffix indicates a first person relationship to the noun, such as: wasi - house, and wasiy- my house. It can create a noun that functions as an adverb referring to an abstract action. such as: Jamka - to work, and lamkay - working. or it can indicate a direct command when added to a verb stem. With these options available, the role of the word mullu can be regarded as that of noun, verb, adverb. or command. Unfortunately, determining the intended form is difficult without the accompanying vocal inflection that would identify the proper meaning. Allof the above phrases refer to red lips or red mouth through either the inclusion of the Quechua equivalents or because mullu is described as having red lips. There is a similarity between the use of mulfu in this sense and the red margins that encircle the edges or lips of the Spondylus shell. The physical appearance of Spondylus as an object with red lips is one characteristic that relates it to female genitalia. The Spondylus shell has been described as a representation of the female genitalia, representing a mythical vulva that was protected by its intertwined spines (Marcos 1986: 198). An understanding of the use of muilu in the above definitions may be dependent upon understanding this other gender related association. ‘A more recent definition for mullusimi, without the y. is "mujer de labios muy rojos y hermosos" (Lara 1978:146). While the definition may be based on that of Gongalez Holguin there is a change in gender reference that is confusing. The lack of ay could be the result of syllable-final weakening over time where the uy diphthong was simplified to a u in its position at the end of a word (Mannheim 1991:216). With simi (mouth) being the subject (Lara 1978:220), the adjectives relating to rojos (red), hermosos (beauty), and mujer (gender), are all included in the reference to mullu. When translated into woman with beautiful red lips, this gender specific context becomes symbolic. The Gongalez Holguin definition is not specific about gender using e/, which can mean either he or the person, instead of mujer (John Topic 1994: personal communication).The question then becomes. “Is this a reference to a female who has unusually lovely lips, or does the phrase connect mullu to the female genital area?” As an important ritual object. the value of muilu may be partially related to its resemblance to the vulva as it relates to birth and the bringing of new life. It is clear that the use of the word mullu in these phrases does not directly relate to Spondylus, but instead to a conceptual representation of the shell. This is a further example of how mullu can not be translated directly into Spondylus shell or chaquira and, as such, indicates again the many meanings and associations available to the word. The female metaphor continues into an examination of the basic structure of oppositions in Andean cosmology. The appearance of Spondylus in the dyadic structure of left/right, male/female is based in part on the physical characteristics of the shell (Burger and Salazar-Burger 1993; Cordy-Collins 1978: Paulsen 1974). This duality is represented through the separation of left valve/right valve and the gender identification of the male valve/female valve, an assignment of attributes that can still be found today among the Desana Indians of the northwest Amazon (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1971:167-71). Our own dichotomy of a physical shell/conceptualized shell illustrates both the concrete and abstract traits of Spondylus/mullu. Spondylus representations at Chavin de Huantar are well documented and appear in various forms such as on the Tello Obelisk (Figure 12), although none as important as in the carving of the Smiling God dated to phase D, at about 400 BC (Burger and Salazar-Burger 1993:98; also see Figure 13). The carving is important not just because of the presence of Spondylus, but because of its association with a Strombus shell and the dyadic structure that the two shells represent.The gender identification of mullu as a female symbol of disorder. destruction and regeneration is illustrated by its placement in the Smiling God's left hand, while in the right hand is a Strombus shell, the male symbol of order and structure (Lathrap, Collier and Chandra 1975:59). A similar presentation of these male/female associations can be seen on the Tello Obelisk (Lathrap 1985:249,250). Spondylus was found not only in the representations at Chavin during the Early Horizon, but was used by elites in ceremonial centres and burials in both the coastal and sierra regions of the Andes (Norton 1986:135). Textiles from the Carhua site south of Paracas show Chavin related motifs and designs that included Spondylus shells. Specimens that show representations of staff gods and goddesses exhibit characteristics of Chavin iconography. Staff god C-1 (Fig. 14) holds a pouch of Spondylus shells, with a Spondylus shell wing on his back, while staff god C-4 (Fig. 15) is shown with staffs, headband, and waistband finials that all end in Spondylus shells (Wallace 1991a:75-76). The gender identification of supernaturals (see Lyon 1978, Stone 1983) verifies these images as male gods with Spondylus. It could be expected that female supernaturals would be depicted holding the shells but that is not the case. It is apparent that Spondylus as a female metaphor and staff goddesses will have to be tied together through other means. At Kuntur Wasi in the northern highlands of Peru tombs were excavated from the Kuntur Wasi phase (760 B.C.-460 B.C.) that appear to illustrate the male/Strombus and female/Spondylus relationship. Excavations of Tomb 1 included a 50 - 60 year old male along with Strombus artifacts ~- three trumpets. two small Strombus beads, one Strombus plate and one Strombus pendant, while Tomb 4 , a 60+ female, contained 849 beads of red Spondylus in various shapes and sizes (Kato 1993:217,222). The male/female identification with Strombus andSpondylus as indicated in the iconography of Chavin. was put into practice at the site of Kuntur Wasi. This is not to say that all the male tombs uncovered at Kuntur Wasi included Strombus artifacts; Tombs 2 and 3 did not. However, the fact that the female and male burials excluded the other type of shell is significant in this case. This relationship between females and mullu continued throughout succeeding time periods until the end of the Late Horizon. At Inga Pirca in Ecuador Spondylus fragments were found in the area now known as the Temple of the Moon (Pilaloma) where seventeen female skeletons were entombed. While the site was eventually used by the Inca, the Temple of the Moon is located in the section built by their predecessors, the Caflari. Archaeological evidence of this nature is used to corroborate the chronicle information concerning the feminine association of Spondylus with the male/female dyad. However, it should be noted that Spondylus was not used exclusively by women, and in other contexts appeared as an indicator of other associations. The relationship of mullu to water, water sacrifice, and female characteristics is an important one. The placement of water, the moon, and women in the left/right dyadic structure of Andean cosmology can be seen in the diagram drawn by Santacruz Pachacuti Yamqui to illustrate the cosmogram found on the wall of the Coricancha in Cuzco (Harrison 1982:75, 1989:66-69; Silverblatt 1981:164-169: see Fig. 16). The presence of water, the moon, and ancestors on the female side indicates a complex of identifiable associations. The left/right theme continues throughout the Andes and can be seen in the drawings of Guaman Poma. Action is separated into upper/lower, left/right, male/female, where the male complex traits occur on the right, and female activities appear on the left, unless they are dominant to the theme of the picture (Adomo 1982). EyThese associations make it clear that mullu was considered to be part of the female symbolic system of associations. Associating the definition of ‘mulluysimt. pucaysimi. mulluy virpa as the woman with beautiful red lips with the deep red lips of Spondylus princeps and the belief that Spondylus represents a “mythical vulva" (Marcos 1986:198), presents an interesting possibility. Any physical manifestations of this belief are difficult to locate. If the Spondylus shell with its bright red margins can be seen as lips, and its long leafy spines can be seen as interlocking teeth, then what we are looking for is a female figure with a vagina dentata. Such a figure can be found in the visual presentation of female staff goddesses on Carhua textiles. The argument for the presence of staff goddesses as opposed to staff gods has been made convincingly by Patricia Lyon (1978) who recognized the vagina dentata as one of the characteristics common to the female deities (Figures 17,18). The vagina dentata is not unique to the Andes. and in fact appears around the world in the mythologies of many cultures (Thompson 1955:833). What is interesting about the vagina dentata and mullu is the similarity by definition and symbolic representation of the two objects. The vagina dentata motif represents women who have teeth in their vaginas (Lyon 1978:98). the significance of which is not known in this instance. Visualizing the spiny projections as teeth could make the Spondvlus shell appear as a disassociated vagina dentata. When the lexical meanings of mullu as it related to red lips and the association with female genitalia are combined, the definitions mentioned above take on a new meaning. I suggest that with the female associations, ideological implications and genital references to mullu already discussed, that Spondylus princeps (the thorny oyster) is a living representation of the vagina dentata. If the motif accurately represents a Spondylus shell, then the teeth serve a protective purpose rather than one ofeating. and if it is a Spondylus shell then perhaps it is located in this position because the Spondylus shell was a symbol of rebirth and fertility. Whether the vagina dentata symbolism was based on the Spondylus shell and the concept of mullu, or whether Spondylus was imbued with the female characteristics of rebirth and fertility due to its similar physical appearance to the vagina dentata is unknown. Were Spondylus and its metaphoric portrayals responsible for the depiction of the vagina dentata, or did the visual representation create another role for the already gendered shell to portray? We should remember that vagina dentata is a non-native Latin term used to describe this mythological imagery. To use it in the Andean context does not indicate that the Andeans were using the same concept of vagina dentata. It might be more appropriate to consider that vagina dentata is a useful term for something that is similar by definition, but which is more correctly referring to a Spondylus vagina. 1 would also suggest that the words mulluysimi, pucavsimi and mulluy virpa are all references to this concept of a Spondylus vagina and represent the verbalization of the image in everyday life. This connection is further strengthened when considering the secondary imagery of the breasts of the staff goddess as eyes and the Spondyvlus vagina as the lips and mouth. ‘This concept in itself helps differentiate the associations attributed to the shell even though it is referred to by the all encompassing term mullu. Mullu in the chaquira form could not be considered as a representation of female genitalia as the vagina dentata, or vice versa. The complete bivalve is required to accomplish this connection. 3BRain, Lakes and Springs: Water Associations The association between mullu, the sea. and sacrificial offering is related by several chroniclers. Acosta (1962 [1590]:247) describes the offering of “conchas de la mar", that the natives call mollo, to the fountains and springs '8. The shells were said by Acosta and Muria (1987 [1590]:422) to be daughters of the sea, also known as Mamacocha the mother of all the waters. A similar version of this theme is presented by Bernabé Cobo (1990 [1653]:117) who identifies the springs and fountains as the daughters of the sea, not the Spondylus!?. Whether or not it is the shells or the springs that are the daughters of the sea is an interesting point. Spondylus comes from the sea and could be seen as a child bor of the sea. This could be an illustration of the connection between Spondylus and the female genitalia if the shells are being referred to as daughters of the sea based on their ability to symbolically bear life-giving water. It may be that both descriptions are appropriate as both the shells and the springs are important to the provision of water and as such could both be daughters of the sea. According to Karsten (1926:384) the shells would contain some of the “water-power of the great ocean" as daughters of the sea, and as such could transfer some of the ability to always supply water through their sacrifice to the springs. The reasoning behind this assumption can be fourd once again in 18 «._tten también sacrificaban u oftecian conchas de la mar, que llamaban mollo, y oftecianlas a las fuentes y manantiales, diciendo que las conchas eran hijas de la mar, madre de todas las aguas". 19°. These Indians were also accustomed to sacrifice seashells, especially when they made offerings to the springs. They said that this was a very appropriatc sacrifice because the springs are the daughters of the sea, which is the mother of all waters" {translation by Roland Hamilton).Cobo's (1990:60) list of guacas. On the seventh ceque of the road to Chinchaysuyu was a spring called Callancapuquiu to which was “offered shells so that it would always flow20." The suggestion that mullu could be responsible for the production of water appears in the Koniraya myth from the Huarochiri Manuscript (Salomon and Urioste 1991:66). A battle took place between Paria Caca and Husllallo Caruincho who lived on the Isla de Mar in Mullo Cocha, a lake that was inhabited by mollusks (Tello and Mejia Xesspe 1979:38). The mollusks were expelled from the lake by Paria Caca in reprisal for flooding the earth with the waters of the sea and Mullu Cocha (Tello and Mejia Xesspe 1979:38). The responsibility for the flooding was placed on the sea mollusks (Spondylus) imbuing them with the ability to control or provide water and rain. The lake and its name have survived into the present day as one toponym that does use the / rather than y spelling for the place name. Mullucocha is located in Peru about 30 km east-northeast of Huarochiri at 4.300 m.as.L. a highland location that would not have been home to shells from the sea. It is likely that the name was associated with this location either because the myth required the presence of mullu to account for its sacrifice to the god who produced rain, or that quantities of Spondylus shell had been sacrificed at this location. An underwater survey of highland lakes such as this might be useful in determining if sacrificed Spondylus or fossilized shell is Present. The relationship between women, water sources, mullu, and the daughters of the sea is made all the more complex by the suggestion that a relationship exists between women urinating and the creation of springs and other water 20 "[CH-7:6] la sesta se decia, callancapuquiu, es el manantial de Ticutica (sic; debe decir Ticatical, al qual ofrecian conchas por que siempre manase (Rowe 1979:24),sources (Silverblatt 1981-33). If women could create water sources through urination, and if mudlu and the water sources are "daughters of the sea" - with mullu also representing the female genital area (vagina dentata) - then the association becomes stronger. An alternative explanation for the relationship between urination and the creation of springs might be that it is the amniotic fluid emitted prior to childbirth, and not urine, that is seen as causing the creation of water sources (Joan Vastokas 1995: personal communication). Women, water, and mullu are all related to each other, either alone or together. Mullu is also indirectly linked to the moon through its association with women and water in a female complex of characteristics that appear in the cosmogram from the Coricancha in Cuzco. The most powerful element of the complex is the moon. It is the moon that appears on a cyclical basis affecting agriculture and seasons of rain, both which are associated with mullu sacrifice, but more importantly its cycles are similar to monthly menstrual cycles. The lunar effect on tides might also affect the activity of mullu harvesting (Daniel Sandweiss personal communication: 1995), presenting specific time periods when the operation was more easily conducted. Food For The Gods, Food For The People An alternative use for mullu comes again from the myths of Huarochiri (Avila 1975 [1598]:105; Salomon and Urioste 1991:67-8, 116), where the idea that it was consumed by the gods first appears. The meaning of mullo is translated into Spondylus as it refers to the activity of bringing (mullon), giving (mulloyquitaca), and eating (mullocta) the thomy oyster shell. When Tupay‘Ynga Yupanqui summoned the huacas to Cuzco to aid him in his attempts to quash provincial rebellions, it was Maca Uisa, son of Paria Caca, who agreed to provide help. With the job completed the Inca provided Maca Uisa with celebration and food to which Maca Uisa replied, “I am not in the habit of eating stuff like this. Bring me some thorny oyster shells, [eating] them all at once, making them crunch with a Cap Cap sound." 21 (Salomon and Urioste 1991:116). From the transcriptions of this myth it is the shell that is supposedly being consumed not the meat of the mollusk. The suggestion that Spondylus meat is harmful to humans at certain times of the year, capable of causing death (Davidson 1981) may contribute to this view that it is only the gods who are capable of eating it at any time of year, but there is no indication in the myths that anything more than the shell is being used. However. the Spondylus meat is Quite edible when cooked (personal observation) and could have figured in the diets of coastal groups in Ecuador where it could be freshly obtained It is this myth that has contributed to the idea that Spondylus is the food of the gods. However, there is no indication in the Quechua version that mullo is referring to Spondylus?2, rather that the god is simply asking for mullo, an unidentified material, to be brought. There is no indication as to the morphological substance of mullo apart from the act of grinding of the teeth which infers a toughness to the material. In many cases both modern researchers 21 "__Yo no me alimento de estas cosas. Manda que me traigan mullo.” ¥ cuando le trajeron el mullo lo devoré al instante: "jcap, cap!", rechinaban sus dientes, mientras masticaba’ (Avila 1975 [1598]:105) 2» [299] chaysi micoy yaya flispa carachiptin ca manam fiocaca cay ynacta micoccho cani mullocta apamuy ‘lispas mafiarcan chay si mullocta coptinca cap ‘cap fiichispa tui lla micorcan...(Salomon and Urioste 1991:215).and chroniclers have restricted the definition of mullu to a specific meaning. ‘Spondylus shell, and help propagate the idea through their own work This is an example of the different uses and associations of the term mullu which have spread over the Andean area. Associations that occur in one region and time do not necessarily correlate with those of another region and time. If they did, then the consumption of muilu by a god of Huarochiri could be seen as the performance of cunnilingus on the vagina dentata of the staff goddess from Carhua. However. there is no evidence available that would support this suggestion and no indication that the associations were shared. Other references indicate that mullu might also have been used as food of the people, or at least as a condiment for the people's food. Excerpts from chronicles that follow include references to guacamullu, an herb used in cooking. The definition of guacaas it refers to sacredness in association with a ritual object such as mullu is made all the more interesting by this association with plant material. The identification of mullu as an herb is confirmed by Gonealez Holguin (1952 [1608]:165) who defines huaccamullu as a "cierta yerua de comer", but the type of herb is not identified. The question is: why would an herb be referred to as mullu. if itis not Spondylus shell? This is another example of mullu being used as a reference to objects not made from shell. An initial reaction would be to identify guacamullu as guacamole but there appears to be no relationship. Avocado, or palta, was known by the Spanish when they arrived in Peru and it was not prepared in the manner as described in the following accounts. While there are similarities between guacamullu and guacamole as a green coloured foodstuff, its identification as guacamole appears to be a red herring. The first reference comes from the Relacién y descripcién de la ciudad de Loxa near the southern border of Ecuador written in 1571 by Jusn Salinas Loyola(1571: 296). In it he describes the use of various vegetables and herbs, ‘including one called guacamollo that is eaten with or without vinegar and cooked with meat?5. A similar description is given by Sancho Paz Ponce de Leén (1582:238) in the Relacién y descripcién de los pueblos del partido de Otavalo concerning the area north of Quito in which he also refers to the herb called guaca-mullos?4. In both cases the reference is to an herb called guacamullu or huacamullo, and in the Salinas Loyola account it appears to be described as green (verde) and Prepared by boiling. Those plants whose leaves were boiled and eaten are referred to by Rowe (1963 [1946]:216).as yoyo, but in the Relaciones geograficas de Indias (Fornee 1965:18 and 22) they are called yuyos 25. An alternative meaning for verde could be unripe and not an indication of colour (John Topic 1994: personal communication), but the relationship between mullu and the colour green has already been discussed and could be relevant in this case. A third reference is found in Guaman Poma's Nueva Cordnica Y Buen Gobierno (1980:/338[340]) where he describes a list of items, including uacamullo, given as a token of payment 26. The only indication of what 3 "La yerba que mas sirve alla de hortaliza que tenian los naturales, llamase guacamollo (huaccamullu); verde se come con vinagre y sin ello, y cocida, con came; es muy buena y para dias de cuaresma asimismo". 2»._¥a he dicho que en esta tierra los indios naturales della se sirven y han servido para su sustento del maiz y frioles y altramuccs y papas y camotes, quc son batatas, y de unas yerbas que ellos Ilaman guaca-mullos” 25" _¥ comian maiz y chuno, papas, quinua, oca y yerbas, que llaman yuyos, ..." 26 "_y le servia y le daban indios, que los cargaba para cerca indios de Callauaya, para lejos lucanas, y Ic llamaban Incapchaquin y hasta darle camncros, maiz, papas, aji, sal, lana, algodén, pescado y camarones chiche conejo hasta darle uacamullo, ocororo, ancaua, llullocha, murcoto, lachac onquena; éstas cosas servian de tributo y no daban tanta pesadumbre como ahora...”uacamullo refers to in this case is through its association with the other items which are listed after it - “ocororo. ancaua. Mullocha, murcoto, and Machac onquena”. all of which refer to types of aquatic plants or watercress. Trying to identify the herb known as guacamullu with the intention of associating it with mullu means identifying a plant that fits into either the colour associations or ritual associations of the shell. In Historia natural y moral de las Indias. José de Acosta (1962 [1590]: 246) describes the use of coca for sacrifice calling it an herb. Coca was known by this name at this time by the Spanish but it was not cooked or eaten with vinegar. Nevertheless. Acosta lists its use in Peru along with corn. coloured feathers and treasure beads. called mollo. and sea shells. all for sacrificial purposes. Whether coca was combined with mullu to create a guacamullu is unclear, but appears to be unlikely. Coca is connected to mullu by the necessity of adding an alkali. in the form of lime or quinoa ash. to release the alkaloid in the coca leaves. Lime is a form of calcium carbonate, the same material that makes up Spondylus shells. Ground-up Spondylus calcifer is often used as lime to aid in coca chewing (Keen 1971) and this association may have been responsible for a conceptual relationship between the two. Defining the term guacamuilu from the information available is difficult. Ethnobotanical records of modern and post-conquest Peru indicate several possibilities. One herb that may have been referred to as guacamullu is Amaranthus. also known as bledos. and referred to by Bemnabé Cobo (Herrera and Yacovleff 1935:84 [Libro IV. Cap. I1:337]) and Juan Lépez De Velasco (1971:10 [1574]). The green leaves of the bledos. or Amarantus paniculatus. were eaten in boiled salads and used as a condiment like chili pepper (Herrera and Yacovleff 1935:85). The red and white seeds (Towle 1961:37), also a source of food, sound similar to the red and white beads or chaquiras of Spondylus shell.Perhaps these seeds represent a form of pseudo-mullu due to their physical resemblance to the chaquiras. The definition of mullw as "small round seed-like objects" (Olaf Holm 1994: personal communication) describes both the chaquiras and the bledos seeds. This identification of bledos as guacamullu may not be correct. no matter how plausible. What is more important to the discussion of ‘mullu than this identification is that the term which includes mullu relates to an herb or food with no direct physical link to Spondylus. If the identification refers to plants from the sea. such as watercress. seaweed or sea moss (coralina) that might appear entangled in the Spondylus spines. then an indirect relationship might have existed. However. this is only speculation at this time. Mullu Survival in the Colonial Period and Beyond While mullu did not disappear overnight in the Colonial Period, its value as a trade commodity decreased and its use was outlawed. subject to physical punishment and legal action. During the period when the Spanish attempted to stamp out idolatry and native beliefs. regulations were enacted which made it a crime to keep mullu or llacsa. among other objects. Those caught breaking this rule received one hundred lashes. had their hair cut off. and faced court proceedings”? (Arriaga 1968:171). 27 "Item. From now on no Indian of either sex will keep mullu, paria, or llacsa, or will make a sancu or tecti, nor will he have an asto, nor keep the com they call Auantay. airigua, micsazara or collauzara, not will they keep with potatoes. ocas, camotes, or yucas, and anyone who breaks this rule will be given one hundred lashes and his hair shor, and proceedings will be started against him for having lapsed into idolatry (Arriaga 1968:171). 4The importance of mullu and its ritual connection was not completely ‘eradicated in the post-conquest era. Mullu appears in several instances as an item found in the toolkits of shamans who were charged as sorcerers. and as an item of ritual importance to sacrifice. Around 1700 A.D. in the southern highlands of Colombia. in the community of Paccha. a shaman known as Andrés Arévalo was charged with being a sorcerer. In his package of magical objects was a collection of pre-Columbian artifacts that included mullu and a “special conch trumpet used by muilu couriers" (Salomon 1983: 418). Later. in the mid- eighteenth century town of Andagua. in the Valley of Ayo near Arequipa, the leader of a "faccién de idolators". Sebastian Tintaya, was similarly charged with having magical influence over his enemies. His llama-skin pack included mullu shell. coca. maize. and prehispanic statuettes (Salomon 1987a:155). Both instances show not only the survival of the word mullu but also its connection to matters of ritual significance. An even later use of the word and concept of mullu was recorded by Adolph Bandelier who wrote about the Lake Titicaca region of Bolivia (1969 [1910]). He describes an 1895 ceremony performed by the local Aymara on Titicaca Island before being allowed to begin archaeological excavation (1969 [1910]: 97). The shaman who performed the ceremony for Bandelier listed the required ritual items as: coca, uira-koa leaves, llama-tallow. two fetuses of a llama and a pig. a piece of the skin of a titi or wildcat. grape brandy. wine, and especially mulfu. In this case the mullu was in the form of a small white animal object. Bandelier concluded that mullu was a fetish of white alabaster representing a bull or cow, similar to those found in New Mexico, but also known on the altiplano. In Quechua, similar small stone figures were called illas or engas (Cook 1992:356). The recovery of small llama figurines made of Spondylus in archaeological sites may explain how the Aymara came to refer to them as‘mullu. This could be an indication that it was the use and ritual power of the object that was referred to as mullu. not the material from which it was manufactured. Bandelier(1969[1910]:100) was unable to determine whether the Indians had other fetishes like the one they called muliu, but did notice that the animal form fetishes called mullu were sold around the country by Quichua speaking shamans known as callahuaya (1969 [1910]:103). While mullu was usually an animal figure. fetishes in the form of men and women were also used (1969 [1910]:105.106). In Peru small stone il/as in the shape of cattle, sheep, and horses are used today as sacrifices to the Wamanis, the mountain deities who control the availability of water (Isbell 1978:151). The pre-Columbian figurines shaped like llamas and alpacas are also identified as illas and are considered to be power generating objects (Allen 1988:54: Isbell 1978:151) that are often sacrificed to the ‘Wamanis to increase the herds of guanacos. llamas and alpacas (John Topic 1995: personal communication). It is possible that the sacrifice of small animal figurines. formerly made of Spondylus. to the gods for water is the continuation of the prehispanic sacrifice of mullu for water. The present day Aymara use a similar assemblage of ritual objects. using the term mesa for certain elements of the ritual complex that include the lump of llama fat coated with gold and silver paper. stone spirit seats and the cloth on which the artifacts are placed (Sharon 1978:82). In Bolivia, the spirit seats are power objects made of alabaster or soapstone again which are provided by the travelling doctors known as qollahuayas (callahuaya). Shamans in northem Peru also use a collection of items laid out in an altar- like format known as a mesa for ritual activity (Sharon 1978). Their collection of items includes metals, shells, tobacco. stones and other objects similar to thosedescribed in the ritual ceremony by Bandelier above. The shells listed in the ‘mesas for both the Peru and Bolivia regions include scallop. pearl and snail shells. as well as unidentified bivalve shells. In the case of the Peruvian mesa the bivalve shell is called Concha San Juan Bautista and listed as a large oyster shell which symbolizes rebirth that is brought from the ocean (Sharon 1978:168). The terms mullu and Spondylus are not used but the photographs and drawings provided by Sharon (1978:84) do resemble Spondylus. while the reference to rebirth is reminiscent of mullu. The concepts of ritual sacrifice may have evolved over time without the presence of mullu. or the concept of mullu may have evolved with a name change for many reasons. In 1942 offerings of mullo mescladas with the blood of cuy or llama were still being made to marshes and streams for rain and the fertilization of the earth (Tello 1967:22). Future research must face the possibility that those concepts represented in the past by mullu may now be referred to by another name. or vice-versa. Summary The difference between Spondylus and mullu can be summed up as follows: Spondylus is a shell while mullu is a concept that varies in its context and form of presentation. It is apparent that mullu is more than a term that translates directly into Spondylus. The possibility that mullu may refer to Strombus, mother-of-pearl, turquoise artifacts. coloured maize. or even herbs. should indicate that Spondylus may be just one of a number of items that are involved in the concept of mullu. The gender associations and its position in male/female oppositions. visual representations. and use as an offering for water is significant in the multi-45 purpose concept of mull. As food for the gods and food for the people. the consumption of mulfu and guacamullu may have brought more spiritual than physical nourishment. The colour associations of red. yellow. turquoise and green with mullu appear in mythology and ritual use. The possibility that some of these colours represent objects that are known as mullu, or are mullu-like is also evident from the chronicles. The recognition of these colour associations and mullu-like objects gives a strong indication that there is a complex of characteristics or traits that can be ascribed to mullu. not just its definition as a Spondylus shell.CHAPTER FOUR PROCUREMENT, TRANSPORTATION, AND TRADE Apart from its ritual value, acquiring mullu for use in ceremonies created an alternative value for the shell based upon its movement through a transportation and trade network. To bring the shell from coastal Ecuador to the Peruvian coast and Andean highlands meant that mechanisms of procurement and transportation had to be established which could consistently supply the escalating demand. The ritual value of mullu was based on an ideology that was not affected by distance, scarcity of supply, or travel time. When sacrificed, the shell's ascribed ideological traits would function regardless of its position in a trade network. Because of this, the ideological value of mullu was independent from the value of Spondylus as a trade good. Conversely, the trade value of Spondylus was dependent upon the ideological value of mullu. Whether or not the Spondylus trade involved the assignment of value to the shell in a commercial sense that could be equated with other objects is unknown. Perhaps there was no commodity value for Spondylus shell during the pre-Columbian era. The ideological value of Spondylus may have relegated it to a category of trade quite different from that normally used for metal or textile goods. To understand the role of the Spondylus trade it is necessary to first look at the methods of Spondylus procurement and transportation, and then to discuss the various trade and Spondylus use relationships that might have been in existence in the pre-Columbian Andes.Spondylus Procurement While the natural habitat of Spondylus makes diving the only possible method of acquiring quantities of the shell. how the diving was accomplished and by whom might not have been known without the recovery of Middle Sicén and Chimu artifacts depicting the harvesting operation. Evidence for the harvesting of Spondylus comes in the form of metal earspools (Cordy-Collins 1990: Norton and Marcos 1981:148), textiles (Cordy-Collins 1990:403), and ‘ornaments that are similar in their diving scene portrayals (Figures 19-24). In most cases a central horizontal object identified as a raft divides the scene into an upper and lower half with two people on the upper half (on board the raft) holding ropes attached to two divers. A similar image of Spondylus procurement can be found on the eastern side of the Uhle ciudadela at Chan Chan, where a frieze named Los Buceadores (The Divers) has been uncovered (Pillsbury 1993:151). The Spondylus shell also appears as a design motif on Huaca Esmeraldas east of the city centre (Pillsbury 1993:137). Sheet gold objects from the Braning collection show the divers holding tools for loosening the shells from the rocks (Cordy-Collins 1990:399: Lehman 1975 (1924]:21). Wooden implements similar to these prying tools were recovered by Max Uhle (Cordy-Collins 1990:399: see Fig. 25) at Site H, Moche Valley. along with Spondylus shells. In some of the representations (Figs. 20 and 25) oblong objects are attached to the divers backs that may have been diving weights. Diving to these depths demands a considerable expenditure of energy based upon the time of descent and time needed to search the bottom for shells. By looking at a contemporary study of cachidos and funados, female divers (daughters of the sea?) on the coast of South Korea and Japan, ( Hong, Rennie, and Park 1982:2-3), we can infer the oxygen constraints and diving limits 47that are imposed on humans in situations similar to that of the buceadores of Ecuador and Peru. The unassisted cachido can dive to a depth of 5-6 metres which allows them 15 seconds of time to forage on the bottom. The funado use diving weights to speed their descent with assistants on the surface to aid in their ascent and to haul up the materials. These weights minimize the amount of ‘oxygen needed by the diver. leaving them free to go to greater depths and spend ‘more time on the bottom. The weights allow them to expend less energy and time reaching the lower depths. Because of this the funado can work at depths of 20- 30 metres and average 30 seconds at the bottom gathering shells. Oblong stones 28 with narrowed centres for tying a rope around and thought to be diving weights were found by Jorge Marcos and Presley Norton (1981:148-149) at Isla de la Plata, Ecuador, in the centre of the Spondylus harvesting region. If these are in fact diving weights then it illustrates the organization that was in place for the procurement of Spondylus. It is interesting that these pictorial representations are found in the remains of cultures from areas where Spondylus did not naturally occur. Diving for Spondylus could not have taken place in the Moche or Lambayeque Valleys. This therefore implies knowledge of the activity either as it was performed by other groups in distant areas. or by members of their own group who had travelled to those areas to procure their own Spondylus supplies. A third possibility might be that the motif and use of the symbols were passed along as part ofa ritual complex from other areas. This knowledge may also be the result of newcomers to the area already familiar with Spondylus diving and harvest. The myth of Lord Naymlap may have been based on one of these newcomers 28". Pesos de piedra en forma de torpedos y con garganta en el centro y el extremo para amarrar una soga aparecen a lo largo de la secuencia desde Machalilla a Mantefio"who brought the Spondylus knowledge to the Lambayeque valley. The legend also includes a host of minor officials such as Fonga Sigde who scattered Spondylus powder on the ground before Naymlap as he walked 29 (Cabello Valboa 1951 [1586]:327). The association between the lord and Spondylus may have served to legitimate the status of the individual concemed and might be the foundation for suggestions of Spondylus use as a status object by the Chimu (Davidson 1980). How this knowledge of Spondylus diving came to be is unclear. Is it possible that during certain climatic intervals people of the North Coast had access to Spondylus for limited time periods? The El Niflo event is the most obvious source of short-term climatic change in this part of the world. Study of climate patterns in the Chimbote area of Peru indicate that from 11,000 BP to 5000 BP, the central and northern coasts of Peru were subjected to warm water that today is only found north of Paita (Rollins, Richardson, and Sandweiss 1986). The evidence includes archaeological shellfish specimens of species that today are inhabitants of warm water regions further north. However, while a warm water event in place as late as 5,000 years ago might have produced Spondylus in the 29. Dicen los naturales de Lanbayeque (y con ellos conforman los demas pueblos a este valle comarcanos) que en tiempos muy antiguos que no saben numerarlos vino de la parte suprema de este Piru con gran flota de Balsas un padre de Compafias. hombre de mucho valor y calidad llamado Naimlap y consigo traia muchas concubinas. mas la muger principal dicese auerse llamado Ceterni trujo en su compafiia muchas gentes que ansi como 4 capitan y caudillo lo venian siguiendo, mas lo que entre ellos tenia mas valor eran sus oficiales que fueron quarenta. ansi como Pita Zofi que era sus trompetero 6 Taftedor de unos grandes caracoles, que entre los Yndios estiman en mucho, otra Ninacola que era el que tenia cuidadado de sus andas y Silla, y otro Ninagintue a cuio cargo estaua la vevida de aquel Seftor a manera de Botiller, otro llamado Fonga sigde que tenia cargo de derramar polvo de conchas marinas en la tierra que su Seftor auia de Pisar, .."archaeological record it is unlikely that it would be responsible for diving scenes appearing in the Middle Horizon - Late Intermediate Period. Ifthe El Nifio was able to affect the availability of Spondylus in these areas during more recent times then perhaps the images represent first-hand knowledge of procurement activity. Analysis of the Quelccaya ice cores indicates that an El Niflo event took place around 1100 AD, prior to the diving scene friezes at Chan Chan being created (Pillsbury 1993:297). But there is a difference between climatic changes which lasted for an extended period of time (6,000 years) and those of the El Nilo which were considerable shorter. The relative brevity of an EI Niffo event rules out the creation of Spondylus beds suitable for harvesting. The presence of Spondylus in Peruvian waters could only be the result of Spondylus larvae moved by the El Nifio current. While the mollusk could have survived for several years it would have been limited in size and unable to reproduce when the cold-water Humboldt current returned (Sandweiss 1992:152). However, the knowledge of Spondylus diving may have diffused down the coast from areas as far south as Tambez which was still within the shell's native habitat. Transportation: Delivering the Shell Knowing where the shell originated and how it was harvested is the first step in determining how it reached its final destination. Archaeological evidence provides us with much information concerning trade routes. final destinations, and contexts of use (see Appendix A), but less about the people and methods responsible for its transportation to those archaeological sites. Through toponyms, chronicles, and excavation, we can track some of thosepeople responsible for shell movement and distribution, even if we are unsure of the nature of the actual exchange. ‘Guaman Poma (1990-1002) included a Mullo Pongo on his list of tambos situated along the main north-south road from Quito to Cuzco in the central Ecuadorian highlands. While the Mullo Pongo identified by Guaman Poma in the ‘Ambato region is not easily located today the appearance of mullu in toponyms is stil evident. The use of mullu, mollo, and mullo, appears in the place names of such present day locations as Mullo Pungu, Mullo Corral, Mulluturo, and others in Ecuador (Instituto Geografica Militar n/d:1171.1190: see Appendix B). When located on a map, most of these locations are found in the Andean highlands along a north-south route through Ecuador (see Fig. 26). Place names that refer to Spondylus doors (gateways) or Spondylus sites in the highlands indicate that they were placed on routes of transportation. The possibility exists, then, that these locations were related to either the transport, storage, or manufacturing process connected to the system of interchange of Spondylus. In many cases a relationship can be inferred between a place and its name to an activity or material with which it had been connected. This appears to be the case with the word mullu. According to Albornoz (1989 [1585]:187), inthe area of Tomebamba (Cuenca) there is a hill named Mollotoro - principal guaca of the Caftares. Possibly an important site for mullu sacrifice. Tomebamba is further connected to mullu through the Mullu Cancha, a palace with walls decorated with plaster of coloured mullu beads (Cabello Valboa 1951 [1586]:365), built by the Inca from which to rule the northern part of the empire (Muria 1987 [1590]:124). The Mullu Cancha has been located in the Pumapungo site on the Cuenca Banco Central property. From this location objects of Spondylus. including a carved lama figurine (enga), have been recovered (personal observation).There is a connection between the toponyms around Cuenca and the coast. One modem toponym, Mullupungu, appears in El Oro province, Ecuador, east of Machala where the road enters the highlands on a route to Cuenca. It is possible that these toponyms are located on an early Spondylus trade route from the coast to the Cerro Narrio-Caftar-Tomebamba region. During the Inca period, the balsas would carry the shell from the Ecuadorian coast to Tumbes where it would be transported by road through the puerta de! mullu to Tomebamba in the sierra (Hocquenghem 1993:709). The use of mullu related words in the toponyms of Peru is less obvious. Books like Diccionario geogréfico del Perii (Stiglich 1922), Toponimos Quechuas del Peru (Espinoza Galarza 1973) and Toponimias Quechuas de Cajamarca y sus derredores (Puga Arroyo 1971), do not list toponyms with ‘mutllu, mollo, or mullo, in them. Instead the words with the closest pronunciation to Ecuadorian toponyms include a y instead of a //: moyococha. moyobamba, moyopampa, and muyu (Puga Arroyo 1971:63-65). In this case, unlike the use by Hyslop and Rostworowski, the variation is not the result of a recent shift to a new orthography. The lexical problems involved with these orthographic variations have already been discussed. Nevertheless, the lack of ‘mullu toponyms in Peru can not be seen as an indication that places associated with muilu activity did not exist, just that they may have been identified by a different name. It should also be noted that none of these toponyms appear along the coast. The issue of maritime trade networks (see Chapter 5) is not aided by the mention of any coastal sites with mullu toponyms. Where are the Puerto Mullus or Mullu Pongos of the coastal areas that received the maritime shipments of Spondylus for redistribution? To answer this question it is necessary to look to alanguage other than Quechua in use along the coastal areas that may have had its own terminology for the concept of mullu. Locating evidence of transportation can be accomplished through the identification of material remains, but the people responsible for that movement must be identified through surviving historic information. Apart from the already mentioned Fonga Sigde (Cabello Valboa 1951 [1586]:327), the only concrete information available to us for officers or people who controlled this exchange of mullu comes from the Late Horizon period of Inca control. In the writings and illustrations by Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala (1980) we are introduced to individuals who are associated with mullu in two different ways. First, there are individuals of high rank whose name contains the word mullu, and second it appears in the name and duty of a special messenger connected to the transportation of mullu. In the first instance Guaman Poma (1980:60) identifies the Great Lord of the Condesuyos as “capac apo Mullo". Later when speaking of the council of captains that advised "Mango Ynga", he identifies another as “Apo Mollo" (Guaman Poma 1980-371). Cabello(1951:366)also refers to royal capitanes called Mullo Cauana and Mullo Pucara from Collasuyos. There is no indication of how these officers received these names or how they relate to mullu. Possibly the apo Mullo was a lord in charge of the overall mullu activity for a certain sector. However, there are three possibilities associated with these names: the person holds a position based on a connection to mullu procurement and distribution; the appellation Mullo/Mollo is a mark of distinction or nickname used to denote status, rank, or an accomplishment; or it happens to represent an ideologically powerful object. The second reference is to a person who might have carried the shell from one location to another known as the churu mullo chasqui, the messenger who simply a name thatbrings the shell. or perhaps heralds the coming of the shell (Guaman Poma 1980: 323,757). The association of churu or snail shell with mud/u implies that the chasqui brought both Strombus (churu) as well as Spondylus to the highlands. An illustration by Guaman Poma (Fig. 27) shows the messenger blowing a ‘Strombus shell trumpet and describes the churu mullo chasqui as the son of the lord and bringer of caracol, which can be translated as snail or conch shell (Guaman Poma 1980:323). The mullu chasqueros travelled further than the other chasqui - no doubt due to the long distances involved in obtaining Spondylus - and were identified by a headpiece of white feathers. A similar term, mullu chasqui camayoc, referred to the Inca official who was responsible for the traffic in mullu (Rostworowski 1975: 335, 337 (Francisco Falcén 1571: fol. 226 r}). The Quechua word camayoc was used in the Andes to describe a person who specialized in a craft for the benefit of the community. the state, oF religious group. Rostworowski (1975:337) suggests another term for the Chincha merchants who brought the shell from the north as mollo hapic camayoc to differentiate their position from that of the pescadores, making them a carrier of shell instead of a messenger of shell. The role of Spondylus and the responsibilities of the mullu chasqui camayoc have been described in the following way: ‘The trade for Spondylus was designed to maintain the constant supply of one of the principal ritual components of the Andean cognitive structure. The ritual sacrifice of Spondylus under such cognitive structure served to maintain the need for more Spondylus and in this way the permanent controlling organization (government) of Andean Society controlled the flow of Spondylus by also controlling the specialist production of prestige products manufactured by Andean craftsmen (to be traded for Spondylus). In this sense the Mollo Chasqui ‘Camayoc were the comptrollers of money in the Andean World (Marcos 1977/78: 122).It appears that Marcos is conferring a great deal of responsibility, and possibly authority, on the mullu chasqui camayoc that is not actually evident. There is a difference between acting as messengers and handlers of a valuable object and actually controlling the value or intrinsic power of that object. The use of the term comptroller may be misleading. raising the mullu chasqui camayoc to a position of status that they did not actually enjoy. There is more evidence to indicate that they were involved in the transportation of shell than in controlling its value. ‘That there were named officers indicates the importance to the state of this shell, but it must be remembered that Spondylus was not the only elite or ritual material with which the state dealt, or desired. Because of the ecological constraints on the access to sumptuary goods, successful traders may have been able to turn the situation to their own advantage deriving political authority for themselves through control of Spondylus (Mester 1990:268). The suggestion concemns the ability of traders to become members of the elite group through acquired status based on political and economic control of sumptuary or ritual goods. Certainly arriving in a new social group with a supply of very desirable ‘mullu would have been useful for acquiring status for oneself. Burials at La Plata excavated by Dorsey (1901) were found with Imperial Cuzco artifacts. They may have been the remains of the mullu chasqui camayoc who settled in the area to control trading of Spondylus at the centre of Salangone (Marcos 1977/78:114). However, while there is more evidence for an Inca presence on La Plata based on the stylistic similarities of ceramics and figurines with those of Lake Titicaca, Pachacamac, and El Angel (McEwan and Silva 1989) there is no concrete evidence that the Inca presence was in fact represented by mullu chasqui camayoc. Identifying Inca people in an area where Spondylusmight be obtained does not necessarily mean that the two were connected. People of the Andes were receiving quantities of Spondylus long before the Inca created mullu chasqui camayoc. Whether these officials were involved in trade as administrators or merely as porters is unclear. Trade officials would only have become necessary if the value of the shell were changing into a market value. In this sense then officials may have been used to administer the trade in mullu. The Value of Spondylus Any value that can be ascribed to Spondylus was dependent upon the various ways that it was used by those groups who considered it essential for its ritual or sumptuary characteristics. Ritual use created a demand, the lack of availability of Spondylus increased its value, and the traders provided the supply. Because Spondylus was consumed through sacrifice, supplies were constantly in need of replenishment. Nevertheless, the use of Spondylus as an important ritual item, not available locally to coastal Peruvians and highland ‘Andeans in general, out of necessity creates another use for the shell. Its status ina trade mechanism can be viewed in two different contexts. First, it was used as a symbolic accompaniment to facilitate the trade in more mundane goods, or second, it was used as a commodity in a commercial interchange where its value could be equated with other objects. Pablo Joseph de Arriaga (1968 [1621]:45). described mullu as a large sea shell that the Spanish and coastal Indians sold to Indians of the sierra. In the Post-conquest era a piece of shell "smaller than a fingernail" could be bought for four reales (Arriaga 1968 (1621]:45). Why itheld such value was unknown to the Spanish. The only obvious reason according to Arriaga was that the Indianswould make beads of Spondylus and place them with their huacas. This explanation itself indicates how little some of the Spanish understood about the meaning of mrullu. On the Ecuadorian coast a treasure bead complex existed as a form of primitive currency. Called chaquira, a form of which was made from red and white Spondylus. it lasted from the Formative period to the Conquest (Galvan Garcia and Barriuso Pérez 1986:63; Marcos 1978:120: Salomon 1986-92). Shell beads from the coast were traded along with cotton fibres and salt to the highlands for copper. The value of these beads as described by Cieza de Leén (1962 [1554]:151) was such that at times they were traded for large quantities of gold 3°. The beads became a type of currency used by the Spanish for trade with the Indians until they had imported enough glass beads from Europe to use in their place (Holm 1966/67:141). The glass beads may have replaced the chaquiras of Spondylus and their monetary value, but not the value of mullu as already discussed. The monetary value of mullu when used as chaquira in the north Andean area differed from region to region. A unit of currency in the Amazon of 1577 consisted of twenty-four bone beads which equaled one day's labour or the right to spend one night with a woman (Salomon 1987b:66 [Oberem 1971:171]). In the Pasto region a single unit, or braza, was worth “one-sixth the value of a cotton cloak, or one-fourth of the value of a load of red pepper” (Salomon 1987b:66). The fact that Spondylus kept its value over an extended period of time can be explained by its role in sacrifice, accumulation, conversion to jewelry, and 30 *.. Traen en sus personas algin adornamiento de joyas de oro y unas cuentas muy menudas, a quien llaman chaquira colorada, que rescate extremado y rico. Y en otras provincias he visto yo que se tenia por tan preciada esta chaquira, que se daba harta cantidad de oro por ella”burial offerings, all of which took it out of circulation. This constant need for a consistent flow of new shells helped to maintain a system of trade and manufacture (Marcos 1986:201). ‘The Mullu Trade: Building A Network ‘The existence of trade and exchange systems in the Precolumbian Andes is ot at question. Rather. it is the methods of interchange and transportation as they relate specifically to mullu that require closer analysis. There is ample evidence of land-based trade routes, road systems, and llama caravans carrying g00ds from one area to another in the Andes, indicating that trade could have been conducted completely by land if it had been necessary. There is also evidence that coastal fishermen had the ability and the means to travel by sea to neighbouring communities for the purpose of establishing contacts that might have included the exchange of goods (see Figs. 28,29). What is at question is the ability of native watercraft to traverse long-distance maritime trade routes such as those suggested for the traffic in Spondylus. Moreover. was the demand for Spondylus the motivating force behind an hypothesized trade network that stretched from Mesoamerica to the south of Peru (Marcos 1977/78; also see Fig. 30)? The possibility of a Mesoamerican connection to the maritime network will be discussed in Chapter 5. Where does the evidence of the intent to travel long distances and the capability to accomplish such voyages come from? In both instances the answer for many researchers is found in the report by Bartolomé Ruiz (Samano 1967: 65- 66 [1525]) detailing his encounter with a native raft and the cargo that it carried. The raft with a crew of twenty was intercepted about four leagues south ofAtacames near Cabo de la Galera on the coast of Ecuador (Guinea 1989:143 {Sdmano 1844]: Tello 1967-22 ). Included in the translation that follows is a description of the seized raft and those trade goods that were used to exchange for Spondylus: This ship that I say he took seemed to have a hold of almost 30 tons; jit was made with the floor timbers and keel of some canes as thick as Posts tied with ropes of henequen that are like hemp and the upper thinner canes tied with the said ropes, this was where the people and merchandise were because the lower deck was wet: it had masts and spars of very fine wood and cotton sails in the same size and style as our boats and very good rigging of the said henequen that I say is like hemp, and some stones for anchors in the manner of a barber's millstone. They brought many pieces of silver and gold for the adornment of their persons for exchange with those with whom they went to trade, among which were crowns and diadems and belts and bracelets and armour for the legs and breastplates and tweezers and bells and masses of beads and rosecleres and mirrors adorned with the said silver and cups and other drinking vessels; they brought many cloths of wool and cotton and shirts .. and many clothes, all of them very much worked with rich decoration, in colours of cochineal and crimson and blue and yellow and of all the other colours and of diverse manners of work and figures of birds and animals and fish and trees, and they brought some small scales to weigh gold like a roman balance and many other things in some strings of beads they had some small stones of emeralds and chalcedony and other stones and pieces of crystal; and all this they brought to trade for some seashells of which they made red beads like coral (the reddish colour) and white, that they had the boat nearly full of them. 31 31 "este navio que digo que tomo tenya parecer de cavida de asta treyenta toneles hera hecho por el plan e quilla de unas cafias tan gruesas como postes ligadas con sogas de uno que dizen henequen que es como caflamo y los alstos, de otras cafias mas delgadas ligadas con las dichas sogas a do venian sus personas y la mercaduria en henxuto porque lo baxo se bagnada traye suys masteles y antenas de muy fina madera y velas de algodon del mismo tallle de manera que los nuestros navios y muy buena xarcia del dicho enequen que digo ‘que es como cafiamoe unas potales por anclas a manera de mucla de barvero. trayan muchas piegas de plata y de oro para el adomo de sus personas para hazer rescata con aquellas con quyen yban a contratar en que yntervenyanThe above reference to red and white beads made from seashells has been cited as a reference to Spondylus, the thorny oyster, in many articles (Anawalt 1992; Cordy-Collins 1990; Guinea 1989: Hosler 1988; Marcos 1977/78; Mester 1990; Murra 1975: Rostworowski 1977). It is hard to find an article or discussion of Andean maritime trade that does not trace the proof of such activity back to this particular report. Although mullu was not specifically referred to on this first encounter, the definition of mullu (Gongalez Holquin (1952 [1608]); Santo Thomas (1951 [1560]) and its use as red and white chaquira does suggest that the sailors or traders were carrying Spondylus material in their cargo of goods. The importance of Spondylus to the Ecuadorian traders can be seen in the value of goods that they were willing to exchange for the shell. Whether they were accumulating shell for their own purposes or for trade elsewhere is not clear. That Spondylus was an object of exchange between Ecuador and Peru can be clearly identified through archaeological remains dated back to the Preceramic period at the sites of La Paloma and Aspero (Richardson, McConaughy, Heaps de Pefta and Décima Zamecnik 1990) on the Peruvian coast. However, it is not until the Initial Period (1800 BC - 1100 BC) and Early Horizon about (1100 BC - 100 coronas y dyademas y cintos y pufletes y armaduras como de piernas y petos y tenacelas y cascaveles y sartes y magos de quentas y rosecleres y espejos goamecidos de la dicha plata y tacas y otras vasijas para veber trayan muchas mantas de lana y de algodon y camisas a aljulas y alcaceres y alaremes y otras muchas ropas todo lo mas dello muy labrado de labores muy ricas, de colores de grafia y carmesy y hazul y hamarillo y de todas otras colores y de diversas maneras de labores ¢ figuras de aves y amymales y pescados y arboledas v trayan unos pesos chiquitos de pesar oro como hechura de romana y otras muchas cosas en algunas sartas de quentas venian algunas piedras pequeftas de esmeraldas y cagadonias y otras piedras y pedacos de cristal y anyme todo esto trayan para rescatar por unas conchas de pescado de que ellos hazen quentas coloradas como corales y blancas que trayan casy el navio cargado dellas". (Samano 1967: 66[1525]).BC)that Spondylus begins to appear in the central Peruvian highlands (Paulsen 1974:601). The nature of the type of exchange taking place is unclear, but the existence of Spondylus remains may confirm the presence of trade, or a trade network. The possibility of a long-distance network of maritime trade is based on the fact that specific items of exchange are found in discontiguous areas along the Pacific Coast (Paulsen 1977:153). The need for exchange with culturally distinct groups of people, in this case people from the coast of Ecuador, created a trade system (Wilcox 1986:32) that could not only supply the required shell but also created a vehicle for the exchange of other less prestigious goods (Marcos 1977/78:115). By examining the fluctuations of trade over time and the forming and reforming of economic relationships between polities, the study of Spondylus trade can be used to trace the socioeconomic development of the polities involved in the long-distance trade relationship (Bach 1980:307-8: Norton 1986:133). Conversely, the study of Spondylus should also be useful in determining how that socioeconomic development affected the trade itself and the people involved in its operation (Schortman and Urban 1987:52). Does an increase in socioeconomic development reflect an increased demand for ritual goods such as Spondylus? The communication provided by the goods, and how their symbolic meanings affected the interactions and cultural exchange of different socioeconomic groups. is as important as understanding the act of trade itself (Schortman 1989:61; Schortman and Urban 1987:49). Did the trade in Spondylus affect the relationship between trading partners. creating a hicrarchical relationship based on who acted as supplier and who was the receiver? Spondylus was valued for different reasons by the traders and the users. The value to the user was based on the belief system of their own group. The 6value to the trade system may have been due to the value of the opposite exchange items, or the act of piggy-backing other trade goods along with the Spondylus. When considering mullu as a trade item we must remember that ultimately its value is derived from its ideological significance. As social formations in the Central Andes progressed from small independent groups to larger states and finally empires, the role of Spondylus changed. The mechanisms of trade and/or procurement evolved accordingly, increasing the ability to import and export larger quantities of Spondylus across larger distances. Maritime or Land Trade: Articulating Systems? There are only two possible methods of transportation in this area: by land or by sea. The mechanisms of exchange could vary depending upon the method of transportation and geographic region through which it was travelling. Spondylus distribution might have been handled through a maritime system of exchange along the coast. where trade specialists were instrumental in the formation of commercial exchange (Rostworowski 1977a:182). In the highlands a sponsored exchange system based on state controlled redistribution and verticality would have created an alternative system that was not based on commercial value (Marcos 1977/78:119; Rostworowski 1977a:182). The understanding of these differences is based not just on archaeological evidence of Spondvlus. but also on the more complex issues of exchange and goods redistribution that affected the entire Andean area. The presence of these different systems articulating in a trade network could have formed an exchange system that served an area as extensive as thatcovered by the archaeological distribution of Spondylus. However, while the evidence of Spondylus distribution can be used to infer exchange it does not indicate direction of travel. Maritime trade would see shell being moved along the coast and then into the sierra, while land trade down the Andes would branch out into the valleys travelling towards the coast. Whether the shell was being moved from the coast to the sierra, or sierra to the coast. is more difficult to determine when dealing with unworked specimens. Direction of movement is best observed by evidence from sites that indicate the shell was being worked as it was transported down a particular route - such as the cut-off hinge sections found at Ricaplaya near Tambez in Peru. Because of this. the presence of ‘Spondylus remains can only play a small part in the determination of trade networks. If Spondylus were moved through long-distance trade routes. either overland or by sea, then it would have passed through several different polities As polities advance through the stages of political and economic development, corresponding stages of exchange have been identified that might include one or more methods such as reciprocity, redistribution, and market exchange. The redistributive economy of archaic states is characterized by the long-distance trade of lightweight goods that include precious or prestige items while trade in the bulkier basic commodities is underdeveloped (Whitecotton and Pailes 1986:185). Internal and external trade networks are governed by different mechanisms depending on the material transported and the distance travelled. External trade in the case of Spondylus is instigated by its non-availability in areas that require its use. Itis possible that the trade of. Spondylus. as a symbolic and valuable item. was responsible for developing a method of transportation by which other products were also exchanged and transported (Marcos 1977/78:113). Thephysical size of the trade network and the territory that it covered is important to its study. Of particular importance is the long temporal duration of a network despite changing socioeconomic relationships. In the case of Spondylus. there is Proof that a long-distance network of exchange existed prior to the time of Spanish contact, beginning in Ecuador and eventually reaching as far south as Chile. It should not be assumed that a long-distance network of trade was operated by a single group of traders throughout the network. It is entirely possible that the network involved a series of short-distance relationships moving objects from one group to the next on down the line. Spondylus could have been involved in several different mechanisms of exchange depending on which stage of the trade network it was travelling through. There is no doubt that a land-based network of trade was used in the Andes, or that coastal cultures had short-distance seafaring capabilities. There has been considerable debate among archaeologists about whether prehistoric coastal peoples of northwest South America had the technology for long- distance sea travel. The evidence of deep sea vessels capable of carrying out maritime trade to Peru and possibly even Mesoamerica from Ecuador is archaeologically thin. but historic sources provide some information that indicates sailing rafts were in use along the Ecuadorian coast and the Gulf of Guayaquil (Edwards 1969:4, 1972:860; Zeidler 1978:23). It is known that the Mantefio traders from Ecuador had access to balsa logs to build rafts capable of extended coastal and offshore travelling (Edwards 1969:8; Norton 1986:131). The rafts were constructed out of seven to nine balsa-wood logs of varying lengths lashed together with cord to form a pointed prow and a square stern. A mast was stepped in the middle log while a platform or shelter built on top kept the cargo dry (Rowe 1946:240: also see Fig. 29). The balsas and the one-person caballitos made from totora reeds could be used for fishing. diving, and coastal travel.important activities for any maritime based group (Fig. 28). A problem with the use of balsa rafts for long-distance travel was inherent in the balsa material itself. While the rafts were available for use in coastal trips they would eventually become waterlogged and need to be dried out before being used again. This would certainly affect the travelling time and capacities of long-distance voyages. However, experimentation with pre-contact Peruvian navigation techniques based on historic records indicates that coastal groups had greater navigational knowledge and seafaring capabilities than has been previously accepted (Heyerdahl 1957: Heyerdahl. Sandweiss and Narvaez 1995). The use of keel-like guara boards inserted between the balsa logs. raising and lowering them as needed, possibly allowed the balsa crew to travel in any direction at will (Heyerdahl, Sandweiss and Narvaez 1995:27). The information concerning the Perhaps going unrecognized by chroniclers unfamiliar with the previously unknown technique. Figure 29. a schematic drawing published in the 1840's by F. E. Paris of the early 15th century balsas in the Guayaquil area, shows the vessel equipped with the guara boards. Sélazar de Villasante ({1568/71] 1992:61) reported that the Indians of Puerto Viejo in coastal Ecuador were sending wood and planks to Los Reyes (Lima) in Peru by sea. Without a technique such as guara board navigation this could have been a time consuming operation as the Humboldt current would have made sea travel south from Ecuador difficult. When travelling south along the coast to Peru in the colonial era, the Spanish would stop at Manta in Ecuador, the island of Puna, and then at Timbez (later at Paita), before continuing on to El Callao near Lima: travellers took on food and fresh-water at these stops for the lengthy journey (Borah 1954:35), Because of the problems associated with currents andwinds along the Peruvian coast, at times the Spanish Passengers would disembark at Tambez and travel south by land. Chincha: The Centre of Trade? During the Late Horizon on the south-central coast of Peru, distribution of foodstuffs and material goods is attributed to the merchants of Chincha by some sources. The following section will iscuss both the historic information which links Chincha with trade and a maritime trade network, and the lack of archaeological evidence with which to support Spondvlus trade activity during the time of Inca rule. The Aviso de el modo que havia en el gobierno de los Indios en tiempo del Inga y cémo se repartian las tierras y tributos.32 transcribed by Maria Rostworowski (1970). details much about the maritime relationship of the people of Chincha. The Aviso lists a population of 30,000 taxpayers for the coastal community including 10.000 fishermen, 12,000 farmers, and 6,000 merchants involved with trade (Rostworowski 1977a:169). The indication from this census is that in the case of Chincha. with 10,000 tribute payers involved with fishing. it is unlikely that the large quantities of fish caught could be used solely by the inhabitants and therefore dried fish was probably the Chincha contribution to an exchange system (Wallace 1991b:261). The Aviso also indicates that the traders 2 An anonymously written manuscript located in the library of the Royal Palace in Madrid. Spain (tomo XXII de "Miscelénea de Ayala” [folio 261-273v]. The date of the Aviso is also unknown . but by correlating its information with that of other chronicles it appears to have been written between 1570 and 1575 (Rostworowski 1977:103[1970)).used copper to buy and sell goods.3? This in itself implies a relationship with the highlands where the copper would have originated. With 6,000 mercaderes to arrange transactions, Chincha can be viewed as a distribution centre for both coastal and highland goods if the account is taken at face value. But were the inhabitants of the Chincha Valley involved in long-distance maritime distribution and procurement? According to Rostworowski (1970:144; 1977a:176) the mercaderes made trips from Chincha to Cuzco, Quito, and Puerto Viejo to obtain gold, emeralds, and Spondylus for the Inca. However, the Aviso does not actually contain any reference to Spondylus. instead referring to chaquiras of gold and emeralds 34 The sea and its resources are important to any coastal community, and the yunga merchants and fishermen of Chincha were experts in handling the balsa rafts and caballitos de totora through which they exploited that resource (Rostworowski 1977a:168). However, conducting long-distance trade from a one-person caballito would have been difficult. Again, the Aviso used by Rostworowski (1977b:137) as evidence for Chincha as a trading centre does not state that merchants were using the rafts and caballitos. only that the pescadores each used one. It is possible that with large balsa rafts Chincha traders could have made the voyage to Ecuador, but support for that hypothesis must come from sources other than the Aviso. Rostworowski (1977a:175) also suggests the 33 "..compraban y vendian con cobre” (Rostworowski 1977176). 34" Avia en este gran valle de Chincha, seis mil mercaderes y case uno de ellos tenia razonable caudal, porque cl que menos trato tenia trataba con quinicntos Pesos de oro y muchos de ellos trataban con dos mil y tres mil ducados; y con sus compras y ventas iban desde Chincha al Cuzco por todo el Collao, y otros iban a Quito y a Puerto Viejo, de donde traian mucha Chaquira de oro y muchas esmeraldas ricas y las vendian a los caciques de Ica, que eran mui amigos de ellos...(Rostworowski 1977b:138).Possibility that the raft encountered by Bartolomé Ruiz was from Chincha, and that it was the natives from this craft who gave Ruiz information on Chincha and its riches, based on an annotated map35 which referred to Chincha. There is no evidence to indicate that this was the case, but if the Chincha people did need ‘Spondylus for trade then they would have had to obtain it from the warm waters to the north. If different zones or regions of markets and trade had their own basic products of exchange, then the special commodity of the northem zone was Spondylus Rostworowski 1970:152, 1977b:118). The reconstruction of trade pattems by Rostworowski indicates that the role of Chincha in the Spondylus trade was to import enough shell to exchange for highland materials such as copper. This exchange made the acquisition, Processing, and exchange of Spondylus a major economic activity in the Andean area (Hosler 1988:842; Rostworowski 1970:120). Dried fish, chili, cotton, gourds, and chaquiras would have gone to the sicrra in return for metals. charqut (dried meat) and textiles. Prior to Inca rule the involvement of Chincha in this trade activity is seen by Rostworowski (1977a:176) as a commercial interchange which occurred during the “florescence of the coastal cultures". With the increase of verticality - the practice of establishing ties to altitudinally diverse resource zones by a related group of people - during Inca rule, this commercial interchange by the Chincha merchants diminished. However, the Aviso does indicate that merchants were still a large part of the Chincha population at the time of Spanish contact. Questions concerning the validity of Rostworowski's interpretation about the role of Spondylus have been raised based on the lack of physical evidence in the Chincha region. The evidence of pre-Inca Spondylus use on the north coast 35 el puerto y provincia de la ciudad de Chichay "(Rostworowski 1977:175).of Peru appears far greater than that in the archaeological record of Chincha where its presence is exclusively related to the Inca period (Sandweiss 1992:10). If the Chincha merchants were involved in Spondylus trade prior to the Inca period then where is the evidence of its use? Anne-Marie Hocquenghem (1993:706) suggests that the small amounts of Spondylus found at Lo Demés by Daniel Sandweiss (1992) indicate that there was no maritime Spondylus traffic from Puerto Viejo to Chincha3é. As a major neutral Port-of-Trade, Chincha supposedly held economic power. The Inca would not have wanted to endanger their access to Spondylus (Rostworowski 1970:161; Wallace 1991b:262). along with the various other items of trade. The presence of a fully functioning trade network at Chincha already supplying quantities of Spondylus to the highlands may have initially suited the Inca purpose. Since the highland pattern of vertical control would not have brought Spondylus to the Inca, a different approach would have been required, at least until the Inca controlled the northern area of supply (Murra 1973:265). Unlike the highland systems of exchange and redistribution operated by the Inca, the Chincha area is known as a port of commercial exchange and economic Power. Groups in the Andean highlands and the coastal areas of Peru depended on outside social groups to supply Spondylus During the Late Horizon this dependence may have been demonstrated by the Inca’s tolerance of Chincha trade activities in order to preserve their own access to Spondylus (Rostworowski 1970:128). Any maritime trade from the coast of Ecuador to the south would have included the merchants of Chincha, either by trading directly to the port or by meeting the traders at a site further north. The traders of 35 " La poca cantidad de Spondylus, encontrada en las excavaciones de Lo Demis, podria explicarse, simplemente, por la inexistencia del trafico de mullu por balsas, desde Puerto Viejo hasta Chincha" (Hocquenghem 1993:706).Chincha would have relied upon the participation of highland populations in a network of llama caravans that moved the goods obtained through complementarity. The trade of items of localized occurrence like Spondylus, Strombus, guano, and arsenical copper would have been based on the cooperation of the highlanders (Shimada 1987:144). But if this were the case, then one must wonder why the Inca had mullu chasqui camayoc to look after Spondylus procurement and distribution. The archaeological evidence (Dorsey 1901) indicates that members of the Inca hierarchy, possibly mullu chasqui camayoc, were stationed at La Plata island off the coast of Ecuador in the centre of the Spondylus harvesting region, but it is unclear why these officials would co-occur with specialized trades. If the Inca state had its own agents in place at the source of Spondylus supplies, then Chincha may have only been involved with transportation of the shell and not the administration of its procurement and distribution. The model of long-distance maritime trade is not the only possible mechanism by which Spondylus might have been moved into coastal or highland sites in Peru. Rather than a maritime network with connections from coastal ports to the highlands, a land-based redistribution network and state administered trade may have been more important economically (Lynch 1989:5; Murra 1975:267). It is possible that both these models existed at the time of conquest (Sandweiss 1988:99). ‘Whether or not the Inca tolerated trade activity by the Chincha merchants or dealt with it by controlling existing operations rather than eliminating and replacing them is open to debate. According to Sandweiss (1992:10) it is possible that Chincha's long-distance trade actually increased under Inca rule. While Chimu resisted the Inca takeover, losing power as a result, Chincha may have been rewarded for its peaceful surrender with the Chimu long-distance tradingrights (Sandweiss 1992:10). If this were the case then the traders may have been acting in a merchant capecity for their local lords and. in turn. their Inca rulers. The problem lies in the interpretation of the accounts such as the Aviso provided by the Spanish. Were they interpreting the situation as it was. or as it fit within their own experiences and cultural contexts? The Aviso provides a good deal of statistical information based on numbers. and as such contains little cultural bias. It is the interpretation by Rostworowski that is at issue. An alternative view by Susan Ramirez-Horton (1982:132) suggests that "the formerly independent traders may have been incorporated into the empire as state agents. charged with procuring the goods otherwise unavailable within the imperial system.” While the use of verticality might have supplied the coast with highland goods and vice-versa. there would still have been a need for goods that could only be supplied from outside the sphere of the vertical associations. Spondylus would have been one such item that required specialized agents to arrange for its procurement and transportation. This suggestion may be more appropriate when considering the mullu chasqui camayoc and all the other camayoc designations listed by Rostworowski (1975:335) for the region. All parties involved may have been working for the Inca state carrying out the activity of redistribution of goods to the appropriate resource zones. The Spanish interpretation of coastal-highland interchange could have misconstrued a system of exchange or tribute between polities where the "porters of the lords". or emissaries. were mistaken by the Spanish for merchants (Ramirez-Horton 1982129). In this case. the Indians may have been transporting ‘materials for distribution or storage in another area of the lord's jurisdiction (Ramirez-Horton 1982:132). and not necessarily involved in commercial interchange. Like the problem of understanding mullu as anything more than just Spondylus. the Spanish may have had trouble understanding the nature ofthe connection between the people of the coast and the sierra as anything other than a merchant/consumer relationship based on their own experiences. The ethnohistoric information appears to indicate that Chincha was an important trading centre. The archaeological proof of such an important trade operation engaged in the movement of Spondylus would show evidence of Spondylus in the Chincha area. Unfortunately that is not the case. So far there is a lack of archaeological Spondylus evidence available from Chincha to suggest that the shell was being accumulated. worked. traded. or even used in local contexts as would be expected of a major centre involved in its trade. Excavations at Lo Demés in Chincha by Daniel Sandweiss (1992:102) turned up only three Spondylus fragments. Two “bits of spine and one finished circular bead (Sandweiss 1992:102) of Spondvlus are not much to base the existence of a trade network on as they could have been carried there in many different ways. Early excavations by Max Uhle in the Chincha Valley did recover Spondvlus artifacts from various sites (Kroeber and Strong 1965). However. Uhle noticed that the Spondylus finds and fine beads were not from the Late Chincha and transitional Chincha burials but instead were characteristic of the Inca burials. Because of this he concluded that any trade in Spondylus did not reach significant levels until the Inca period (Kroeber and Strong 1965:31). It should be noted that Uhle conducted his excavations in the 1920's and. as such. was not referring to the long-distance maritime trade network theory of the past twenty years When contrasted with the quantities of archaeological evidence on the Peruvian north coast. the small amounts of Spondylus in the Chincha area makes its identification as a Spondylus trade centre questionable. However. the same excavations by Sandweiss (1988:106) did indicate a large amount of fishing activity had taken place in the Chincha area. and also a marsh where the totorareeds necessary for watercraft could be found. The evidence partially substantiates the ethnohistoric information on fishing and the presence of materials for building seagoing vessels. but not the Spondvlus trade. The presence of emeralds in Chincha connects that area with trading centres in Ecuador such as Puerto Viejo where emeralds from Colombia were distributed. While this might reinforce Chincha's position as a stop on a trading route. it does nothing to reinforce the idea that Spondylus was being imported by Chincha merchants and then distributed to the highlands. Questions about the place of Spondylus in this network must be answered archaeologically and through further examination of ethnohistoric records. The question also needs to be asked. "If there were a maritime trade network of the scope suggested. could it have been driven by a single object like Spondvlus?” Much of the present literature seems to indicate that the ritual demand and importance of mullu were the primary reason behind Spondylus trade networks. with most other objects occupying a secondary position of importance. The Mesoamerican Connection The maritime trade network from Ecuador to Chincha is only part of the archaeological puzzle. Contact north of Ecuador to Mesoamerica is also seen as part of a long-distance maritime network. The hypothesized Ecuador- Mesoamerica network is founded on the presence of Andean related artifacts in Mesoamerica. Artifacts. ceramic style. technical knowledge of metallurey and bronze. artistic depictions of chimaera. maize flour. the shaft tomb complex. textile styles and technique. have all been identified in West Mexico. Colombia. and lower Central America (Anawalt 1992:122: Hosler 1988:832.843: Marcos1977/78:117: : Meighan 1969:13: Paulsen 1977:141 and 153). From AD 1000 until the Spanish invasion. Peruvian influence is particularly strong in Mesoamerica. Its during this period that a suggested long-distance maritime trade organization was in place connecting Chincha on the South Coast to Ecuador and Mesoamerica in a Pacific Coastal network (Hosler 1988:832). The rationale for a trade network between Ecuador and Mesoamerica is. according to Jorge Marcos (1977/78:120). that a diminishing Spondylus supply in the Ecuadorian area created the need for external trade relationships with partners who lived within the geographic distribution of the shell. Increased Spondvlus use in Peru and Bolivia under Chavin. Huari-Tiahuanaco and the Inca expansion increased the flow of Spondvlus to the Andes. and created a demand for additional supplies (Marcos (1977/78:120). At present there is little evidence to indicate what quantities of shell were available in the Ecuadorian area. or how much exploitation would have caused them to become depleted. A shortage of Spondylus shells might be reflected in the size of shells recovered from archaeological sites. An increase in the recovery of immature specimens may indicate that adult shells had been over-harvested. and as such an analysis of shell size from all sites is necessary. Whether Spondyvlus was involved in a trade network may only be solved by the trace element analysis of Spondylus artifacts in order to determine their point of origin. If Spondvlus was involved in rade with Mesoamerica then what were the mesoamericans receiving in exchange? According to Hosler (1988:852) smelting techniques and fabrication methods related to the production of arsenical copper are possible exchange candidates. however. West Mexico had its own supplies of copper and chrysocolla at Ameca. and worked copper appears in shaft tombs around 350-500 AD (Weigand. Harbottle and Sayre1977:21) long before the appearance of a Pacific Coastal trade network to the south. Trading expeditions to Zacatula on the Rio Balsas in West Mexico from "somewhere" (West 1961:133[Albomnoz 1525]) south of Mexico are one line of evidence which suggests the possibility of maritime trade. The purpose of these expeditions was to exchange "exquisite things" for local goods. The definition of “exquisite things" is unclear but should at least imply the trade of finished goods over raw materials. There is no archaeological proof that the somewhere south of Mexico. was in fact. Ecuador. Rafts coming from Ecuador through open water would have covered a straight line distance of approximately 3200 kilometres across open sea (Anawalt 1992-122: Meighan 1969:12). The possible evidence that this kind of navigation knowledge was in use by native seafarers at the time is restricted to pre-Spanish visits to the Galapagos Islands (Heyerdahl and Skjalsvold 1990 [1956]). Contact evidence with the islands is based on ceramic styles related to Coastal Tiahuanaco. Chimu. Inca. and coastal Ecuadorian origins. and that cotton growing on the islands belongs to a species cultivated on the Peruvian coast (Heyerdahl and Skjalsvold [1956] 1990:72). The shortest distance between the Galépagos Islands and the mainland is approximately 1.000 kilometres. A certain degree of navigational knowledge can be assumed by this evidence of repeated voyages. The abil y to carry out these journeys would rely on the use of the guara board techniques previously mentioned. What is not known at this time is the date at which guara boards may have come into use. The knowledge of navigation and the ability to sail into the wind does not mean that sailing the open seas was a simple maneuver. Even the Spanish initially sailed south along the coast from Mexico to Ecuador until a new route following a course shaped like a “fishhook" through open sea was discovered in the 1540's (Borah 1953:31). Ethnohistorically known traders from the south ofMexico and ships travelling north off the coast of Ecuador and to the Galapagos Islands are not proof that contact of a trading nature was ever actually made. Travel north to Mesoamerica along the current would not have been difficult and could be accomplished in four to six weeks - El Callao (Lima) to West Mexico - during late summer (Borah 1954:30). although travellers were at the mercy of the storms that hit the unprotected western coastline of Central America. Unpredictable weather conditions and seasonal ocean currents (Craig and Psuty 1968:15-18: McEwan and Dickson 1978:365) may have forced traders to stay in Mexico for five or six months at a time. thereby explaining the introduction of Andean materials to the area (West 1961:134). and also the possibility of trading colonies of Ecuadorians living in West Mexico (Anawalt 1992:127). A return journey from Huatulco. West Mexico. to Peru took colonial sailors at least ‘seven or eight months during the months of April to October (Borah 1954:30). Contact through land travel or coastal voyages is not an unrealistic possibility. however time-consuming it may have been. It is the establishment of a long-term trade relationship based on Spondvlus that is the primary question here. ‘One of the common traits between Mesoamerica and Ecuador was the use of copper money-axes that originated in the Andean area and moved northward. The distance between the Andes and Mesoamerica is shortened by the discovery of money-axes in Nicaragua (Holm 1966/67:142). and the recovery of Stone camelid effigies. a jadeite pendant and a reptilian-like figure from the Las ‘Huacas site in Costa Rica (Fonseca and Richardson 1978). Evidence of this kind might indicate that contact took place as a result of short-distance contacts in a down the line fashion rather than a long-distance jump. If there is evidence of Ecuadorian influence in the West Mexican area perhaps it is because people travelled north and settled there due to the difficulties in returning home. Observation of Ecuadorian style in textiles andceramics of the Mesoamerican region do not necessarily indicate trade as much as they indicate the presence of Ecuadorian travellers. What the evidence does not indicate. is whether the Spondylus used in Mesoamerica is from Ecuador. or whether Mesoamerican Spondylus appears in the central Andes. The movement of shell and the identification of Spondylus as an exchange commodity was not unknown in Mesoamerica. Spondylus. called teotlchipuli in Nahua. meaning "divine conch". evoked the planet Venus or "Seftor de la Aurora". and was associated with ofrendas. used as grave goods in human interments. and occurred in caches with and without other material culture (Kolb 1987.23), Regional shell exchange networks that carried Pinctada mazatlanica and Spondylus princeps. among other shells. from the Mexican coast to the highlands had been in existence since Early Formative Oaxaca (Pires-Ferreira 1982:313). A sustained Spondvlus trade relationship is not yet evident in the archaeological record. The need for alternate supplies to meet Andean demands hhas not been proven. and the presence of specialized mullu traders from the ‘Andes working in Mesoamerica has not been mentioned in the historical record. While there is ample evidence available to indicate that indirect contact between Mesoamerica and the Andes did take place. direct contact through a long- distance maritime trade network can not be proven at this point. However. the present lack of archaeological proof should not be seen as an indication that maritime trade did not take place. There are many indications that contact did exist. If it did take place it cannot be proven that Spondylus exchange was a part ofeither form of contact. although the identification of Spondvlus unicolor in Andean sites would provide a strong first step in corroborating the theory. There were also enough traders and merchants working in the Mexico-Ecuadorcorridor who could have facilitated the transfer of goods in both directions. If the assumption that Spondvlus was traded from Mesoamerica is correct. then more information is required concerning the possibility that Mesoamerican ‘gToups had a desire to trade their own supplies of ritually important Spondvlus. ‘System Operators: Trade Specialists Who were responsible for the operation of this Pacific Coastal trade network? Were independent merchants involved for their own. private gain. or were the states and polities responsible for the maintenance and operation of the network? The answer to the question is dependent upon the historical period considered. As the systems of trade evolved and grew over time. the period best suited to analysis is the era immediately prior to contact with the Spanish . The traders operating at that time included the pochteca and oztomeca. professional merchants of the Aztec culture in Mexico (Carrasco 1983:72). the Mantefio traders of the Manabi coast in Ecuador (Mester 1990:11). the mindalaes of northem highland Ecuador (Salomon 1978:237). the Chincha merchants of Peru (Rostworowski 1977:99). and the mullu chasqui camayoc of the Inca state. All of these traders were involved in travel within their own areas. some of them we know were involved with Spondvlus. while others administered trade for their state. If there was a network. then these were the people responsible for its operation. The pochteca of Mexico served the Azicc state by exporting items made by artisans to ports-of-trade and other locations for exotic goods in a market system (Carrasco 1983:73: Salomon 1978:235). When. serving in a domestic capacity theywere pochteca. but were called oztomeca in distant areas where they were in contact with other members of the trade network (Carrasco 1983:72). In the northem Andes. the control of goods came under the jurisdiction of the local elite. leaders of complex chiefdoms. who were not under the control of a single paramount leader (Mester 1990:267). The mindalaes of northern Ecuador were also a merchant caste who. like the pochteca. were working for political elites as import-export operators responsible only to their own chief (Salomon 1978:214). When the Spanish arrived in the northern Andes they found itherit igs that they called tianguez or tiangueces. derived from the Nahuatl word tianquiztl. used to describe a native marketplace and based on their observations of the similarities in trade taking place (Salomon 1978:239). Also seen at these markets were the red and white chaquira beads made of Spondvlus that connect the highlands to the coast. and in turn to the maritime network of trade (Salomon 1978:237). Highland groups also required other raw materials for luxury goods that were used to express rank and relied on access through trade specialists to lowland and maritime tropical zones controlled by foreign groups (Salomon 1978:233). There is no evidence to indicate that these groups of traders had contact with one another. or that they made a conscious decision among themselves to form a network of trade for mutual benefit. Summary There are several points to consider in the study of trade that can be used to indicate pattems of exchange (Adams 1974:241). By approaching these as a checklist of Spondylus based activity. it is possible to identify the level to which Spondylus trade had developed. Initially itis necessary to identify: the source ofSpondylus. which for reasons of a biophysical nature can be located on the coast of Ecuador or further north. The source of the Spondvlus trade has been placed in the same location by ethnohistoric accounts (Hosler 1988:832: Murra 1963:805: Samano 1965:65-68) and archaeological evidence (Mester 1990: Norton 1986). Second. an analysis of the traded materials for function. association with other artifacts. iconography. and stylistic description. should be able to place the item in context. Spondylus is in all cases used in either a ritual or status function. associated with other shell artifacts and sumptuary goods. or found in sacrificial or burial contexts. Spondylus. as a marker of social status and public ritual. is a part of the more complex aspects of trade relationships. Its position in the network was important enough to the Inca to assign an official. the mullu chasqui camayoc. to oversee its procurement and distribution. Its value as a trade item must be measured by the value it retains or obtains at the end of the network. The trade of Spondylus provided a positive correlation between the distance traveled and its value in the network. by maintaining a high ritual value (Zeidler 1978:28). The purpose of exchanging sumptuary or ritual goods must be considered in relation to the exchange of subsistence and ordinary goods. Was a need for subsistence goods the reason for exchange in items like Spondvlus? Subsistence goods would not have travelled the long distances that Spondylus did. but both items may have travelled the same routes at similar times. Zeidler (1978:13) treats sumptuary and ritual good exchange as a systemic regulator. a method of keeping the trade in subsistence goods moving when either the balance of trade is altered. or the stability of the network is affected. Wright and Zeder (1977:234) also view the movement of ritual goods as systemic regulators where the producers of certain goods are not very aware of each other's existence. dealing instead with trade specialists.Another point to consider is the difference between the social needs of the group and those of the agents of exchange. As social groups evolved. the levels of stratification also increased. The practice of Spondylus procurement became more specialized within a group to the point where those people involved with the operation of specialists and distribution can be seen as clite groups. The elite groups controlled the economic process that preserved the trade in Spondylus, Imported wealth from outside the social system may be wealth that the local elites were free to amass (Schortman and Urban 1987-52). but ina system of reciprocity and redistribution like that of the Andes. the elites had a duty to the other members of their society. Spondylus was not just an elite good to be hoarded as a marker of status. It was also a ritual item which. when sacrificed. affected the lives of all group members. By using the Spondylus for the people. the elite groups were using it as much for themselves. As Netherly (1977:266) explained. “on the north coast it would have been the lords who had access to and interest in the cargo of the raft captured by Ruiz. Their responsibility for the spiritual welfare of their subjects would involve them with the need to obtain adequate amounts of Spondylus.” Whether the Ecuadorian mindalaes. Mantefio traders. and Chincha merchants were oblivious to the possibility of personal gain through the trade and exchange system is not indicated in any historic accounts. While some worked for the state. others may have worked for themselves. Trade of elite goods may have brought more benefit to the traders than trade in non-elite goods. The question. "{Qué organizacién politico-econémica manejaba la extraccién. transformacién. transporte y distribucién del Spondylus hacia el sur?” (Murra 1975:258) is being answered through the identification of trade relationships. methods of transportation. and trade officials. 81Before moving on to a discussion of Spondylus distribution and trade models. it is helpful to review what is known about the trade network from archaeological and ethnohistoric sources. First. there is archaeological evidence of Spondylus shell in ritual contexts at coastal and highland sites in the Andes. Second. these shells were transported from the coast of Ecuador through some system. Third. ocean going vessels were available by the time of conquest that could have made the journeys required to transport the shell from Ecuador to Peru. The encounter of Bartolomé Ruiz with an indigenous watercraft indicates that Ecuadorian coastal trade was taking place and that their craft were large enough to make deep sea joumeys while carrying a substantial cargo. Fourth. evidence of specialized fisherman/traders and divers indicates the importance of the Spondvlus trade. Fifth. the appearance of cultural traits. characteristics. and other material items in discontinuous areas indicates a relationship between cultural groups based on either maritime trade relationships or land-based diffusion. Much of what is known about the maritime trade network. and the importance of Spondylus to it and socioeconomic development. is based on a combination of archaeological evidence. ethnohistoric accounts. patterns of trade and economic development from other cultures. and a raft of twenty native travellers who had the misfortune to come into contact with Pizarro's conquistadors. The point of origin for these Spondvlus items of trade has been located through ethnohistoric sources and archaeological evidence to areas on the Ecuadorian coast. As Spondylus is a non-local item in the Peruvian area. it was necessary to either travel to the source or to enter into an agreement with foreign groups who could act as suppliers. The creation of an exchange relationship with a culturally distinct group of people initiated a trade system (Wilcox 1986:32)that could not only supply the required shell. but also created a vehicle for the exchange of other less prestigious goods (Marcos 1978:115). Shimada(1985:391) suggests that by the Middle Horizon the long-distance trade in Spondylus from the Ecuadorian coast was controlled by the middle Sican elite with Batin Grande as the hub of the network. The discussion of Spondvius trade would not be complete without a consideration of the possible Mesoamerican connection to the trade network. The evidence of Spondvlus use in Mesoamerica has been well documented (Moholy-Nagy 1989: Willey 1972). The similarities of its use between Mesoamerica and the Andes are numerous (see Appendix D for use by Mayan groups). The evidence of contact between the two regions is strong. and the Possibility of a long-distance maritime trade network that included Mesoamerica should not be discounted summarily even though at this time there is no archaeological proof that Spondvlus was involved.CHAPTER FIVE SPONDYLUS DISTRIBUTION The evidence of Spondylus distribution and its use can be traced through its recovery from the archaeological record. The escalation of its use and contextual associations indicates its importance to the various cultures of the Andean area during a period that spanned several millennia. Excavation indicates that Spondylus use expanded both spatially and temporally through the periods we know as the Preceramic to the Late Horizon. From the religious tradition of Chavin, through the Middle Horizon to the oracle at Pachacamac, Spondylus has been linked ritually with Andean cosmology and economic systems of trade and exchange (Davidson 1981:77; Paulsen 1974:605). The ritual Position and morphological characteristics of Spondylus in the Andean belief system created a ritual value to the end-user that was at some point regenerated as a trade value by those groups responsible for its transportation. The trade value of Spondylus became apparent when exchanging it for other materials. This commercial and ideological value associated with Spondylus might be considered oppositional, and as such, is similar to the dyadic structures found in the Andean cosmological system. Spondylus and other materials such as Strombus, mother-of-pearl. turquoise, rock crystal, obsidian, and goods from the Oriente have been found in archaeological sites from the northern area of Ecuador into Peru (see: Bruhns 1989; Buys and Dominguez 1989; Elera 1993; Grieder. Bueno Mendoza, Smith and Malina 1988; Holm 1981; Shimada 1982). In most of these cases the sites appearin locations that provide ease of access and movement across the Andes. or at least into the Andes. indicating coast-highland interaction. As an archaeological artifact. Spondylus can be defined physically in two ways: as a whole shell with morphological characteristics that may lead to an identification of species and origin. or in a modified form showing signs of human alteration. This information may be enough to create patterns of trade and exchange. or to track networks of transportation. but mullu. the alter-ego of Spondylus. can best be defined by its context within these archaeological sites and in visual representations. Our understanding of mullu is based on inference. oral history. and interpretation of the context of Spondvlus in the archaeological record Archaeological Distributions and the Evidence of Trade The first step in determining the relationship between Spondylus and trade is to locate the temporal and spatial occurrences of it in the archaeological record. By recognizing its movement in space. a pattern of trade or exchange may be suggested which can form the basis for a model of socioeconomic activity. The level of Spondyius use over time can be used to indicate the importance of trade and the evolution of the systems of procurement. By combining both sets of information the value of Spondylus as a ritual item can be gauged through the amount of time or energy expended for its acquisition, The system of exchange for Spondvlus began about 3000 BC. (Marcos 1977/78: 122) and was separated by Paulsen (1974: 599) into three time periods related to the sociocultural status and role of Spondvlus and Strombus: in the first stage. 2800-1100 BC. shell from the Ecuador coast was traded to theEcuadorian sierra: in the second stage, 1100-100 BC. the trading area was expanded south and became firmly entrenched in the culture of the central Andes: during the last stage. 100 BC - AD 1532. the trade area stretched from Quito to Lake Titicaca. As a general indication of Spondylus trade activity. this breakdown into time periods coincides with much of the archaeological information available twenty years ago. However. additional archaeological esearch now indicates that the second stage dealing with interaction between the Peruvian coast and northern highlands possibly occurred much earlier than previously thought. The evidence for these time periods and the amount of use of and distance travelled by Spondvlus comes from the archaeological excavations of sites ranging from the Preceramic Period to the Late Horizon (see Figs. 31.32. and Appendix A). The following sections will deal with the stages and geographic areas of Spondvlus use as set out originally by Paulsen. by incorporating more recent data and discussing the nature of the evidence for Spondylus trade activity and growth, Ecuador: From Coast to Highland Spondylus trade was centred on the Manabi coast of Ecuador. a location where evidence of Spondylus and Spondylus workshops appears from the Early Formative Valdivia Phase. through Machalilla. Chorrera. and Guangala. to the Mantefio Phase (Norton. Lunnis and Nailing 1983). The movement of Spondvius away from the coast begins much earlier. During the Early Formative period in Ecuador. highland-lowland trade is seen in the large quantities of Spondylus that appear in the southern highlands at Cerro Narrio. Identified as a workshop sitefor producing shell ornaments. Narrio served as a centre for the exchange of many materials. including Spondylus and crystal (Bruhns 1989) to the Amazon basin (Lathrap 1975:48). and the montafia cave of Los Tayos (Marcos 1977/78: 110.114). Occupation at the coastal sites of Valdivia and Machalilla overiaps with early Cerro Narrio and Los Tayos. (BC 2000 - BC 500). creating an opportunity for a Spondylus exchange system. On the coast Spondylus shell with the red rim removed is common in Valdivia sites but finished artifacts are rare. suggesting that most cut rim was for export. The most common use of Spondylus in the Valdivia period was as abraders. polishers and beads (Meggers. Evans and Estrada 1965:37-38). In contrast. large quantities of Spondylus rim and ornaments appear at Cerro Narrio in the highlands of Ecuador indicating both preparation and completion of the final product (Lathrap. Collier and Chandra 1975:48). The cut red rims may have been traded for coca and other products from the Amazon basin. ‘The artifacts from Cerro Narrio are interesting not only for the shapes of the finished product. but also because of the choice of material. Cerro Narrio figurines and adornments were carved out of both Spondylus princeps and calcifer. Unlike the objects manufactured from the red rims of Spondvlus princeps. the human-featured figurines at Cerro Narrio are made predominantly from purple calcifer (see Fig. 33). 1 was able to examine the Cerro Narrio Spondylus collection at the Museo de Jacinto Jijon y Caamafo in Quito (Appendix C) and my comments are based on this sample. Unfortunately. Provenience for artifacts in this collection is weak. A major site study was conducted by Donald Collier and John Murra (1943) but Bennett. Jiion y Caamaito. and Max Uhle all reported on the much looted area. The artifacts from Cerro Narrio and the surrounding area that make up the Jijon y Caamaitocollection are listed generically as artifacts from Cerro Narrio at the Jacinto Jijon y Caamaiio museum. The Cerro Narrio figurine collection represents a unique form of Spondylus use in the Andean region. No other site. or culture area, appears to have manufactured the figurines carved from Spondylus. Today. the figurines from the Cerro Narrio region are located in many coastal and highland regional museums. but they are all attributed to Cerro Narrio. The manufacturing technique indicates that all parts of the shell were utilized in the carving of both large and small objects. The depth of the head section indicates that the hinge portion of the shell was used along with the outer shell for carving. unlike the majority of other cultures where the shell's hinge was cut off and discarded. In most cases the back of the figure is the unfinished outside section of the shell. Some of the figures are finely featured and polished on both sides. but the thicker figures are rougher and cruder. possibly indicating that the crude figures are an unfinished form. With their chubby cheeks and baby-faced appearance the crude figures could have been an early form of a figure that was worked on and aged over time as its owner aged (John Topic 1994: personal communication). The finely featured and polished figurines may reflect the physical maturity of the Possessor. the status of the owner. or simply the skill of the carver. The figures range in size. with the smallest being less than a centimetre in width and the largest approximately nine centimetres in length. There is no wastage of material as the diminutive sizes indicate that the small artifacts could have been made from small scraps. It should be noted that the smallest pieces appear to be carved from orange Spondylus princeps shell. There is no indication for why this change occurred. but it might relate to a difference in value between the two shells. or. perhaps the calcifer shell is not as conducive to fine carving.In addition to the figurines at Cerro Narrio. there are complete Spondvlus shells without spines. square and round cuentas. chaquiras. pendants. collars. earspools and highly polished rim fragments that might have been a form of currency (personal observation). Non-shell artifacts include stone knives. Polishers. beads. figurines. bone awls made from deer femurs. and large spiral seashells that might be Strombus (Collier and Murra 1943:67-70). The large amount of Spondylus at Cerro Narrio and the location of the site on a main east/west trade route indicates that it was a workshop and finishing centre for Spondylus artifacts. and that the site was probably involved with distribution. The Spondylus figurines at Cerro Narrio were not found in the Late Complex. indicating a decrease in contact with the coast (Collier and Murra 1943:81) and possibly the reduction of its importance as a workshop centre. To the east of Cerro Narrio Spondylus has been found at the cave of Los Tayos. in a valley that provides access to the Amazon (Marcos 1977/78: 110.114: Porras G. 1978:11). Spondylus artifacts included trapezoids. perforated discs. circular crowns. cylindrical beads. rings. a feline mask and a serpent-bird pendant. These last two have similarities to Mesoamerican mythological creatures. and are both also incorporated later into the imagery at Chavin (Porras G. 1978:37.70). Radiocarbon dates at Los Tayos indicate the Spondvlus was placed in the cave at 2970 B.P. > 50, orapproximately BC 1020 (PorrasG 1978-63) which predates Chavin's Early Horizon New Temple. The most important and impressive artifact from Los Tayos must be the feline mask which is now housed in the Centro de Investigaciones Arqueolégicas of the Universidad Catdlica in Quito. Whether it is a mask or a gorget is hard to tell. It does have what appears to be a mouth slot and two holes for eves. but there is a third hole of the same size off to one side that reduces the impression that it is a mask (personal observation). What is clear is that it was carved from avery large piece of orange Spondylus princeps that had to originate at the coast. There is another mask presently located in the site museum at Real Alto (1994: personal observation) of a similar shape with eye holes but no mouth. that is not finished or polished like the Los Tayos mask. but which might indicate that mask- making originated on the coast with the shell. Both masks are approximately 20 cm in length. indicating that they were fashioned from two very large examples of the princeps variety. At the coastal mainland village of Salango the remains of specialized production activities related to Spondylus working were uncovered at site OP-JP- SI-140 on the grounds of the Fabrica de Salango (Norton 1986:140). Salango itself and the Isla Salango were identified by Ruiz (Samano 1967: 66 [1525]) as an important town for sea trade. The archaeological remains include ceramics. obsidian blades. and chisels made from the white centres of Spondylus calcifer dated to the Guangala phase at 100 BC to AD 800. Large quantities of Spondvlus nuclei with the red rim removed date to the Manteiio phase (Stahl and Norton 1987:384). Also uncovered at Salango were quantities of unworked gastropods and bivalves: 29 of the species present could have been used for food. Copper from the highlands found at the site might represent the trade counterpart to Spondylus. A major feature of the Salango excavation are lenses of ash and carbon found in association with fragments of shell and lime often contained by an olla or pot (Allan n.d.:14), These remains may result from lime kilns used to reduce the cut-off white calcifer rims to lime used for coca chewing (Allan nd: : Mester 1990:27). This removal of rims appears along the coast south to the Santa Elena Peninsula from 100 B.C. on. where all the coloured margins of the Spondvlus were cut away and no immature Spondvlus specimens have been recovered (Paulsen 1974:597).Evidence of Spondylus use at this site is undeniable. but Spondvlus processing was only a small part of the activity uncovered at Salango. The multiple levels of occupation and variety of data recovered from the site indicate more comprehensive activity was taking place. Any suggestion that it was primarily a Spondylus workshop requires closer examination (Richard Lunnis. 1994: personal communication). Excavations on the Isla de la Plata. 40 kilometres northwest of Salango. indicate that Spondylus princeps may have been imported and stored on the island for shipment down the trade network to the south (Norton 1986:141), Storage is suggested due to the modem-day abundance of calcifer over princeps in the La Plata area. but the lack of Spondylus princeps in modern waters does not necessarily indicate that the same species was not more abundant in the pre- Columbian era. The excavation of site OM-PL-IL-14 on the Isla de la Plata uncovered more than 600 valves of Spondylus princeps that had been cleaned and placed face down in a 4 by 5 metre sealed area (Norton 1986:141). Norton's suggestion that the stored Spondylus was destined for trade to the south is unsubstantiated. Spondylus princeps may have been stored for trade purposes or placed in a ritual context. Ritual activity on the island is indicated by offerings containing cut stones. beads and pendants of turquoise. beads of Spondvlus. ceramic and stone figurines with the heads removed. These offerings continue through Bahia. Tolita. Jama-Coaque and Guayaquil phases of occupation (Marcos and Norton 1981:147: see Fig. 34). The importance of Spondylus to the La Plata site is obvious. but it is not proof of the Spondvlus role in a trade network. On the other hand. the presence of Spondvlus. coral. and emeralds in Middle Sicdn elite tombs during the Middle Horizon. and Sican ceramics on the Isla La Plata does indicate that interaction owas taking place and that the Spondylus possibly was moved through a maritime network (Hosler. Lechtman and Holm 1990-77). At Los Frailes. north of Salango. the Spondylus artifacts recovered included rectangular plaques. a Spondylus calcifer plumb bob. and cuentas made of the red rim. The care with which the red cuentas were manufactured and the lower quality of the white cuentas is taken as an indication that the red cuentas were meant for the long-distance trade network. while the white cuentas were used locally (Mester 1990:177). Further north at Atacames excavations of tolas by Galvan Garcia and Barriuso Pérez (1986:61-63) have turned up a large number of red and orange coloured Spondylus shell chaquiras. dated to the Integration Period (AD 500- 1500). It is in this area of the Esmeraldas coast that Ciscala was located. which was described in 1569 by natives of Manta to Captain Andrés Contero as a place where there was peace and safety for all to come. and buy and trade}? (Carranza 196: 9). Asa trade centre. Ciscala might have required the use of primitive currencies such as the chaquiras already mentioned. A route from the Quito area to the coast can be found through evidence of material other than Spondylus. but with a Spondylus connection. Obsidian. like Spondylus, can be connected to a specific area of origin. in this case volcanic regions. In Ecuador. obsidian artifacts have been found in the Milagro-Quevedo culture area whose people facilitated the exchange of products from the coast to the highlands during late Prehistoric times (Holm 1981:31). A commercial route 37" Dicen hay un pueblo grande que se llama Ciscala que tiene paz con todas las demas provincias. v aque! pueblo es seguro a todos y alli se hacen ferias 0 mercado v los tacamas traen oro y esmeraldas a vender v. los campaces y pidres levan sal y pescado y. los beliquiamas llevan ropa v algodén y hacen alli sus mercados" (Carranza 1965:89).from Quevedo to Latacunga may have brought the obsidian south to the coast in exchange for Spondylus. One source of obsidian in northern Ecuador is in the Valley of Mullumica about 30 km east of Quito in the Guamani highlands (Athens 1992:210: Salazar 1985). The obsidian from this volcanic outcrop is distinguished by its reddish brown colour (Salazar 1985:139). By using X-ray fluorescence and neutron- activation analysis. obsidian artifacts from El Inga. Chobshi Cave (Cuenca region). and Site OGSE-46 on the Santa Elena Peninsula have all been identified as originating from sources within 15 kilometres of the Mullumica area (Burger. Asaro. Michel, Stross and Salazar 1994:228). Investigations in the area have not produced any Spondylus material. leaving us to speculate whether or not the name of the Valley derives from the Quichua 3* mullu or if it is related to mull because of its crystal-like appearance. The obsidian may have been traded for Spondvlus. or at least associated with it because of the red colour of this type of obsidian and its importance as a trade object. If the name is used because of the translucent shimmering qualities of the obsidian itself. then the word mullu does appear to represent a concept other than simply that of Spondylus. In this sense the brightness of obsidian would have more in common with mother-of-pearl. not the dull sheen of Spondvlus. It is obvious that Spondylus was transported from the coast to highland centres throughout Ecuador. Archaeological distributions indicate that other materials were moving in the same fashion. but exactly which route was used is still unknown. Spondylus from the coast near Atacames and Esmeraldas could have been transported east to Quito without ever going near Quevedo. That 38 In Ecuador the word Quechua is commonly pronounced and spelled as Quichua.does not mean that Spondylus destined for Quito did not go through Quevedo, just that it requires more evaluation. As the last period of time prior to the Spanish invasion, the Late Horizon is the era that we know the most about - as seen through the eyes of the Spanish. In the northern area of the Andes the presence of the mindalaes, trading over long distances, represented a different political economy than that of the southem and central Andes (Bray 1992:219). The mindalaes operated in Ecuador and the Colombian Andes trading chaquiras from the coast into the highlands as monetary wealth objects (Salomon 1978:236-7). Because of this association with monetary wealth, or primitive currency, Salomon (1978:241) suggests that the economy of the northern area has more in common with Mesoamerica than it does with that of the Inca. An analysis of ceramic materials from northern Ecuador (Bray 1992:228,230) indicates that the Inca were transforming regional interdependency into local dependency on the Inca state while at the same time attempting to curb long- distance trade activities. Inca control in the northernmost area of the empire was not as firmly entrenched at the time of contact as it was in the south, resulting in partial tolerance by the Inca for the exis ing trade system (Salomon 19876). Recent investigations into the procurement and exchange of obsidian in Ecuador (Burger, Asaro, Michel, Stross and Salazar 1994:228-255) during this period indicate that the mindald operated exchange network might not have linked the country in the manner suggested above. Instead, it appears possible that the northem and southern Ecuadorian groups were not closely linked by interregional exchange, but were separated by sociopolitical and economic pressures (Burger, Asaro, Michel, Stross and Salazar 1994:250). This does not mean that exchange was not taking place, or that Spondylus was not part of acoast-highland trade network. just that the political economy of Ecuador requires further investigation. Peru, Over Time And Space Archaeological Spondylus occurs at sites located throughout the coast and highlands of the Andes. dating to various time periods. The distributions and associations can best be understood by examining its appearance through the chronological sequence and identifying inter-site relationships and context of use. In Peru the first evidence of Spondylus use possibly predates the second stage period (1100-100 BC) originally defined by Paulsen (1974:599). Unfortunately there are no major finds of worked Spondylus artifacts. only fragments with little published documentation. According to Robert Feldman (1992:73), archaeological excavations of sites from the Preceramic Period (3000- 1800 BC) have recovered Spondylus at Aspero and La Paloma on the central coast. The quantity and type of Spondylus artifacts found at these sites is not specifically stated. The finds are referenced to unpublished dissertations by both Feldman and Jeffrey Quilter. Feldman (1982:81) refers to a high status burial at Aspero of a newborn infant found on the floor of Huaca de los Sacrificios. that included over 500 beads of shell and other materials. but does not identify the shell. It is only later when discussing long-distance trade and the presence of artifacts made from exotic materials that he mentions Spondylus shell and admits that" although only a single small fragment of the red shell was found in the Aspero midden. it came from a reasonably secure context" (Feldman 1982:81). Feldman does notsay that the Spondylus shell was included among the shell beads found in the infant burial. Richardson, McConaughy. Heaps de Pefia. and Décima Zamecnik (1990:437) cite Quilter’s unpublished Ph.D. dissertation when referring to "a few fragments" of Spondylus from La Paloma and Feldman's for Aspero. but are not more specific. Quilter (1989:24) attributes the discovery of Spondvlus at La Paloma to Frederic Engel who found the shell in 1973. although its "exact provenience within the site is unknown" (Quilter 1989:29). The published information on Spondvlus at these sites is weak. and because of this it is difficult to assess its true implications. At best. it appears that there are only minute quantities on these sites. At Huaca Prieta. a late Preceramic mound in the Chicama Valley (BC 3100 - BC 1300) excavated by Junius Bird (Bird and Hyslop 1985). there is no mention of Spondylus shell among the list of mollusks which were identified to the genus and species levels. Excavations by Frederic Engel (1963:80) at Asia. another Preceramic site in the Omas Valley. produced no evidence of Spondvlus at that site either. This does not imply that Spondylus was not present at Aspero. La Paloma. or El Paraiso. Just that its appearance was sporadic at best during the Preceramic Period. with no evidence of widespread organized distribution. Better documentation appears for the Late Preceramic/Initial Period sites of Los Gavilanes in the Huarmey Valley (Bonavia 1982:143), and in the highlands at La Galgada(BC 2300- BC 2200)(Burger 1992:53: Grieder 1988:89-94: also see Figs. 35 and 36). The presence at El Paraiso of coloured feathers (Quilter 1985) from the eastern slopes of the Andes. along with the small amounts of Spondvlus. indicates that some level of exchange was already taking place between the coast. the Andes. and beyond. Lathrap (1973:177) argues for a trade association between the Upper Amazon and the coasts of both Ecuador and Peru for thistime period (2000 BC - 1500 BC) based on ceramic styles and the use of chonta wood from the tropical forests for carving dolls recovered on the coast. The trade situation parallels that of Late Formative Ecuador where a lateral exchange existed along a coast-highland-Oriente corridor (coast-Cerro Narrio-Los Tayos). The first solid evidence of Peruvian Spondylus use still appears in the Initial Period (BC 1800-BC 600). The north coast of Peru and its related highlands were delineated from Ecuador by an ever-changing frontier that separated the south and central Andes from that of the northern area (Hocquenghem 1991:315). Nevertheless. it was permeable enough to allow for the presence of marine shells in both coastal and highland ceremonial centres and wavstations located along inland exchange routes (Hocquenghem 1991:315). The movement of Spondvlus south from Ecuador across this frontier is seen in the Initial Period at Cerro Nafiafiique near Chulucanas in the upper Piura Valley, in what might have been a gateway for long-distance exchange across the Andes (Burger 1992: 101). During the Initial Period Spondylus is found at several coastal sites. At Puémape in the Cupisnique Valley. Spondylus beads are found in burials with turquoise and mother-of-pearl (Elera 1993:246). At Punkuri in the Nepefia Valley (Proulx 1985:38) and at Garagay in the Rimac Valley it appears in the form of carved pendants. beads. and whole shells found in burial contexts and in caches possibly used to sanctify ceremonial buildings (Burger 1992: 63.89). The burial at Punkuri included a pair of Spondylus shells in association with a decapitated female while a Spondyius shell bead from Garagay appeared in a votive offering in the floor of Pyramid B. In the Early Horizon. evidence of layers of ground Spondylus appear at the ‘Temple of Morro de Eten in the Lambayeque Valley (Elera 1993:249). The use of ground Spondylus in ritual contexts occurs in many Andean ceremonies. but itssumptuary use as a status marker will appear later in the burial platforms at Chan Chan. Both Spondylus and Strombus have been found at Chavin de Huantar. In both the Old Temple and the later Janabarriu Platform Spondvlus shells appear in wall and floor burials and as debris (Burger 1992:138.169.171). Ceramic vessels based on the stirrup spouts from Late Tutishcainyo occupation in the montafia indicate the possibility of trade with Machalilla and the Santa Elena Peninsula in Ecuador. (Burger 1992:130: Paulsen 1977:147-8: Lathrap 1973:177). A similar relationship of trade or the exchange of ideological beliefs with the Paracas region during the Early Horizon can be found in the Carhua textiles showing both a Chavin related iconography and a Spondylus motif (Wallace 1991). Excavations of the cemeteries at Cerro Colorado in the Paracas region have uncovered Spondylus shell beads. necklaces. and bracelets in contexts that indicate Spondylus was used as a symbol of elite status (Carrién Cachot 1949:59: Paul 1990:39.42). The obvious ideological importance of Spondylus at Chavin may have been responsible for an increase in the frequency of its appearance into and during the Early Intermediate Period. The recovery of Spondylus shell in the Nazca Valley during the late Early Intermediate Period (BC 200-600 AD) and early Middle Horizon (Nazca 8 approx. AD 750-850) illustrates the extent to which trade in Spondylus was expanding. At the base of Unit 19. in the Room of the Posts at Cahuachi. a vacant ceremonial centre in the Nazca Valley on the south coast of Peru. ten complete unworked Spondvlus shells were found interred in the sand filling a wall niche with two others found in a circular depression nearby (Rodriguez de Sandweiss 1993:294: Silverman 1988:417:1993:178), While Chavin may have been responsible for an increase in ideological importance of Spondvlus and visual representations. the use of Spondvlus atNazca as dedicatory offerings in construction is more closely allied with the findings of Moche sites on the North Coast. The similarities of Spondylus use do not remain consistent in all contexts over space and time. While Moche in the Early Intermediate Period was using Spondylus and turquoise inlays. excavations by Grieder (1978) at the highland Recuay site of Pashash in the Callejon de Huaylas do not indicate the presence of any Spondylus material in the architecture or among the burials. This discrepancy is unexplained. It is during the Middle Horizon that the importation of Spondvlus shell onto the North Coast of Peru increases noticeably (Cordy-Collins 1990:408). Spondylus begins to appear in the burials of Pachacamac in the Lurin Valley (Uhle 1991 [1903]:37). The oracle at Pachacamac was founded in the Early Intermediate Period and lasted until the Spanish conquest. Whole shells are found in burials in front of the Temple along with omaments of Spondylus from the female burials in the Cemetery of Sacrificed Women. The female burials include necklaces. bracelets. chaguiras. pendants, and zoomorphic forms inlaid with mother-of-pearl. some of which are inlaid with stone identified as lapis lazuli or sodalite (Uhle 1991 [1903]:95). Further south on the central coast in the Ica Valley. Spondylus is found in the tomb at Pinilla (Paulsen 1968). Unworked fragments and drilled Spondylus objects were buried with artifacts of copper and gold. At the Moche site of Pampa Grande in the Lambayeque Valley. radiocarbon dates of AD 650 are given for a burnt cane roof from a Spondylus workshop adjacent to Huaca II (Shimada 1990:372). Also at Pampa Grande a small scale copper working area was also identified by Shimada (1987:137). who concludes that the association between copper and Spondylus indicates that they were trade objects of comparable value. The combination of copper and Spondylus might also be the result. or the reason for. the relationship of /acsaand mullu found in the myths of Huarochiri. Other investigations at Pampa Grande (Jonathan Haas 1985: 397,401,404) revealed whole Spondylus shells, pendants of Spondylus, and necklaces made of trapezoidal pendants, some found with the bones of a child and an immature llama skeleton. The association between Spondylus, children, and immature llama skeletons is seen again in the Middle Horizon and Late Intermediate Period at Cerro Blanco, Huaca el Dragon, Huaca de la Luna, Tacaynamo, Calvario de los Incas (Bourget 1995:2) and Huanchaco (Donnan and Foote 1978) in the Moche Valley. ‘A comparison of collections from Cerro Blanco, Huaca el Dragon, Huaca de la Luna, Tacaynamo, Calvario de los incas indicates that “all of the five temples contain great quantities of Spondylus and Conus shell, both in complete or in rectangular form" (Bourget 1995:3). The largest number of shells were found at Calvario de los Incas, along with evidence of the incineration of shells. The incineration of shells along with textiles is considered by Bourget (1995:3) to be an indication of ritual activity, although burning the shell could result in a lime source used for coca chewing. At Cerro Blanco and Huaca el Dragon, where the Spondylus appeared as “rectangular pieces, complete shells, or in their destroyed state", there were no tools or evidence of workshops (Bourget 1995:3). Excavations by Navarro Santander (1986:27-29,32,40) at Tacaynamo produced zoomorphic and geometric forms, beads, and inlays, of Spondylus. ‘The presence of Strombus and mother-of-pearl at Tacaynamo (Navarro Santander 1986:27- 28,32) does not alter the fact that while the quantity of Spondylus artifacts increases over time with the examination of Moche Valley sites, so to does its association with Conus fergusoni. Like Spondylus, Conus fergusoni is only found from Baja, California, south to the Santa Elena peninsula of Ecuador. While it can be found intertidally it more commonly occurs in water up to 165 metres in depth (Keen 1971:667). 100A tentative visual identification of whole Spondylus at Cerro Blanco and Huaca El Dragon indicates that four varieties of Spondylus were present (Bourget 1995: personal communication). The importance of this identification cannot be overlooked, for two reasons. First, it indicates the possible presence of Spondylus princeps unicolor, believed to be restricted to the coast of west Mexico, and an association with long-distance trade. Second, whether the identification is correct or not, it is an indication that researchers are now attempting to identify to the variety level whenever possible. At the highland site of Marcahuamachuco (AD 400 - 1000) in the Condebamba Valley, 9.6 kg of Spondylus shell were recovered from an offering (dated to about AD 600-650 -J. Topic 1995: personal communication) found in a pit near the Castillo (T. Topic 1989:3). A combination of complete half-shells and cut rectangular pieces with holes drilled in the centre top and bottom were recovered along with a quantity of cut and carved turquoise stone, some shaped to look like Spondylus shells (T. Topic 1989:3). At another location on the same site more Spondylus material was uncovered similar to the first cache but also including tubular beads of Spondylus (T. Topic 1989:7). Further south near Cuzco, two collections of 40 turquoise figurines each were found at the Middle Horizon site of Pikillacta in context with Spondylus princeps, Strombus shell and a bronze bar (Cook 1992:344). In the Ayacucho Basin, 15 kl northwest of Huari, the site of Azéngaro displays a similar use of turquoise and Spondylus in effigies, geometric forms, beads and fragments (Anders 1986:211). The relationship between mullu and bluish-green stones (turquoise) has already been presented in Chapter Two, but the association of Spondylus with turquoise and bluish- green stones appears almost exclusively in Huari related sites. It is possible that the origin, or at least development, of these relationships can be seen in the archaeological record of Marcahuamachuco, Pikillacta, and Azangaro. Like theMoche Valley temples that may have been the forerunners of the funerary platforms at Chan Chan (Bourget 1995:5), these Spondylus and turquoise artifacts may have been the inspiration for the related visual representations and associations of the Chimu. Bridging both the Middle Horizon and the Late Intermediate Period in the Lambayeque Valley, Middle Sicdn (900-1100 AD) art and ceramics from Batén Grande depict divers collecting Spondylus and the Sicén Lord holding Spondylus shells in both hands (Cordy-Collins 1990:397; Shimada 1990:326). Tumis decorated with representations of the Sicén Lord and animals include turquoise and Spondylus inlays as well as metal representations of Spondylus shells (Carcedo Muro and Shimada 1985:69-70). Spondylus found in the Huaca Rodillona at Batén Grande was placed as fill in column boxes, alternating with bundles of I-shaped arsenical copper foil, or naipes, in association with a human burial (Shimada 1990:341). An estimated 400 whole Spondylus shells were found at Batén Grande buried with 200 human sacrifices and 2,000 bundles of arsenical copper foil (Shimada 1990:367). Similarly, in Ecuador copper axe-money, consisting of a copper blank similar to naipes, symbolized value and was also found in tombs (Salomon 1986:93). This is a further indication of the expanding relationship that existed between Ecuador, the source of Spondylus, and Peruvian cultures. The presence of Spondylus, coral, and emeralds from Colombia in Middle Sican elite tombs, and Sican ceramics on the Isla La Plata off the coast of Ecuador, is seen as an indication of maritime activity that was already in place by the Middle Horizon (Hosler, Lechtman and Holm 1990:77). The extent of actual maritime movement may have been quite small. The shortest distance from La Plata to land is only 23 kilometres which means that goods could have been transported by land the rest of the way.During the Late Intermediate Period, Spondylus is found at Pacatnamu in the Jequetepeque Valley. Burials include Spondylus valves tied to the hands of a young female (Verano and Cordy-Collins 1986:87) with burnt shell and beads (Bruce 1986:98). Probably the most important occurrence of Spondylus was found in the royal burial platforms at Chan Chan where it was used whole, ground or crushed into powder (Conrad 1982:99,104; Davidson 1981:77). Excavations at Chan Chan in the Moche Valley include Spondylus in subfloor burials in the audiencias (Keatinge 1982:203), a stone-lined bin of ground Spondylus in the forecourt of a burial platform (Conrad 1982:96), and six complete Spondylus shells in an olla under a kitchen in the SLAR area (J. Topic 1977:84). Further evidence of Chimu use of Spondylus has been recovered from sites in the Viru and Chicama valleys (Davidson 1980:7). In the Moche Valley Spondylus is found as fragments, dust (powdered) and as valves. The Chicama Valley finds at Chiquitoy Viejo appear only as fragments and valves, while the Vira. Valley sites (V-124, V-304) only indicate the use of valves (Davidson 1980:79). Although the use of different recovery techniques by researchers may be responsible for the different results. The use of Spondylus in a powdered form may have been overlooked or missed during collection (Daniel Sandweiss 1995: personal communication). Itis possible that the difference in form of Spondylus use at various Chimu sites follows a hierarchy of Chimu settlements by rank. Mackey (1987:124) ranks the Chimu sites into four levels according to the presence of audiencias, patios, storerooms, burial platforms and number of compounds. The use of Spondylus at these sites can be ranked in a somewhat similar fashion. Site V-124 with only valves evident falls into the category of an administrative centre ranked on the third level of Mackey's list. Chan Chan as the primary centre is the only site where powdered Spondylus appears. Not only was the use of powdered 103‘Spondylus reserved for the ruling group at Chan Chan, but it also indicates that sound or powdered Spondylus was associated with elite status as a sumptuary good. Looking at the use of Spondylus throughout these time periods shows an increase in the use of whole shells, and variations such as crushed or ground shells, in dedicatory offerings from the Early Intermediate Period to the Late Intermediate Period. A decrease is noted in the use of Spondylus as pendants and necklaces over the same time period. Spondylus is used as a raw material in Chimu artwork, as inlay material. But it is also frequently represented as an iconographic object manufactured from other media, especially ceramics and metalwork. These representations usually depict the entire shell. This might indicate that a greater importance was attributed to the shell itself than in any Status associations that could be derived from wearing small pieces of Spondylus in the form of pendants and necklaces publicly. Davidson (1980:59) argues that ‘Spondylus did in fact imply rank in Chimu society based on the restriction of the shell to elite groups: "By manipulating the contexts in which this shell (Spondylus) is represented, the Chimu artisan communicates the elite control over the distribution of status commodities. The close association between this shell and the highest ranking individuals in Chimu society is visually Portrayed by the iconographic device of limiting the manner in which this shell is shown with human figures. For example, although it is shown with various groups of the Chimu elite, this shell is only held in the hands of the most elaborately costumed figures. When portrayed with lesser ranking individuals, the shell is represented as the spouted chamber of spout and bridge bottles.”The dichotomization of representation into these two categories supports the argument that Spondylus was an indicator of the status held by those members of Chimu society who controlled and arranged the mechanisms of trade. The extensive amount of Spondylus recovered from the North Coast area indicates not only increased use of and demand for large supplies of the shell, but suggests that shell passed through coastal cultures to the cultures in the highlands. There is more evidence of concentrated Spondylus use on the north coast than any other area, so far. The possibility of coast-highland exchange with Chan Chan as the coastal terminus is indicated by the excavation of Unit BB by John Topic (1977). The large number of llama burials in the unit, llama dung, Possible sleeping platforms, a communal kitchen, and a macaw skeleton native to the eastern side of the Andes, indicates that Unit BB was a trading terminal where lamas and the caravan drivers were quartered (Topic 1977:275-281). However, while there is ample evidence of Spondylus use at Chan Chan, there is no Spondylus evidence from this particular excavation that would tie in Spondylus as one of the transported materials. On the south coast, the role of Chincha as a centre of trade in the Late Horizon has already been discussed in Chapter Four, but I will review the archaeological distribution of Spondylus here. Max Uhle excavated several sites in the Valley and concluded that there were no Spondylus shells or artifacts in the pre-Inca burials, only in those of the transitional and Inca phases (Kroeber and Strong 1965:30). Burials excavated in the Pampa de Canelo, in front of the ruins of La Centinela, included shells, necklaces, beads, pendants, and zoomorphic forms, some of which were inlaid with green stone (Kroeber and Strong 1965:30-31). Later excavations at Lo Demas in the Chincha region by Daniel Sandweiss (1992:102) turned up only a few Spondylus fragments in an area of large-scale fishing activity. These finds do not necessarily substantiate theposition of Chincha in a maritime network, as many other coastal sites show evidence of the cultural use of Spondylus without being tied to a trade network. Spondylus artifacts cannot always be considered as indicators of commercial trade. The movement of goods can, at times, be nothing more than a case of simple transportation without the intent to trade. The discovery of red and white Spondylus shell figurines shaped like llamas and humans at sites such as Cerro Copiapé in the Chile/Argentine Cordillera (Iribarren Charlin 1978:447; Reinhard 1992:90) could be a result of the Inca expansion of Collasuyu in the Late Horizon and do not necessarily indicate that the region was previously part of a maritime trade network. Similarly, the Spondylus beads from the Calchaqui Valley. Argentina, appear in the production debris of elite Inca households, where the officials in charge of relocating the local wealth to the Inca empire were stationed (Earle 1994). Military campaigns and expansion during the Inca conquest may also have redistributed finished Spondylus objects north away from Cuzco. Some of the Spondylus artifacts found in Late Horizon Ecuadorian sites might have been carried there after first being imported to Cuzco. Shipment of Spondylus from the coast of Ecuador to the centre of the Inca empire was one of the functions of the mullu chasqui camayoc. As the empire expanded, objects of ritual value could have been carried to new locations. The llama figurine found in Chile and the llama figurine found in Cuenca at Pumapungu (Ecuador) may have been carved in the same location and carried by an Inca official. In this sense, then, the recovery of a Spondylus figurine in the highlands of Ecuador for this time period need not indicate that Spondylus was arriving directly from the Ecuadorian coast. The archaeological recovery of these artifacts should indicate the possibility that finished Spondylus artifacts might not always be found at the site of their initial destination, but instead could have been redistributed to secondary sites. 106Summary The archaeological evidence of Spondylus use presented above seems to support the various associations of mullu that were discussed in Chapter Three. However, on closer examination the evidence appears to corroborate some associations only within specific geographic areas and time periods. While the list of sites contained here is by no means complete, it does represent a cross- section of those sites within each area where the associations are related. ‘The gender metaphor appears most strongly on the Phase D plaque from Chavin de Huantdér in Peru. and at sites with strong Chavin influence such as the Paracas culture and the Carhua textiles, but there is little evidence that the same association applies to the rest of the Andes. The interment of Spondylus with female skeletons has been mentioned for Kuntur Wasi (Kato 1993:222), La Galgada (Grieder 1988: 89. 92, 94), Pacatnamu (Bruce 1986:105), and Pachacamac (Uhle 1991 [1903]:95), inPeru. Apart from these connections there is little direct evidence elsewhere in the Andes of the female association. Males were also buried with Spondylus grave goods. The burials of female skeletons at Ingapirca by the Cafari in the Late Intermediate Period near Cuenca with Spondylus may be nothing more than coincidence, but because of the Chavin information there is a tendency to relate all Spondylus with female characteristics. For the same Feasons the place of Spondylus in dual opposition to Strombus is similarly identified with evidence from the Early Horizon. Water associations come more from historic records than archaeological evidence. Spondylus sacrificed for water does not necessarily have to appear in the archaeological record as Spondylus artifacts contained by water. Caches of Spondylus do not always imply that sacrifice for water was their reason for being,and yet the relationship of mullu to water is seen as a common trait throughout the Andes. Much of this relationship is based on the myths of Huarochiri in the central highlands of Peru and the tales of the "daughters of the sea" by Cobo (1990) and Acosta (1962). Similarly, the suggestion that Spondylus was seen as food of the gods is not based on archaeological evidence but again stems from one source: the myths of Huarochiri. The use of Spondylus chaquira as a form of monetary wealth in the northem Andes and on the coast of Ecuador does not appear to have spread south to Peru where chaquira is found as dedicatory offerings in post holes and under floors. When Spondylus was used in a post hole it did not necessarily engender that building with female characteristics, any more than it meant the building was dedicated to the acquirement of water. A building with Spondylus interred under it may have held a ritual significance to the acquirement of water, but in other locations such as Chan Chan it appears to indicate rank or status (Day 1973:276). Perhaps the connection lies in the ruler’s responsibility to Provide water for the general population. In these instances it can only be seen to show that the shell was an important ritual and symbolic item, highly regarded by the people who put it there. Those concepts related to Spondylus such as the Spondylus/Strombus dyad do not appear to have been universal characteristics. At Cerro Narrio the shell was predominantly used in the manufacture of figurines that remained in the local area, although the site was on an east-west trading route from the coast to the Oriente. During the Middle Horizon at Huari sites Spondylus is used in dedicatory offerings and associated with turquoise. The Chimu used whole, worked and crushed shells but the association is with Conus not Strombus. From the Late Horizon at Cabeza de Vaca (Timbez) Spondylus is found in association with Strombus, Conus, and various other shells. While it appears 108that Spondylus was not the only important shell in Andean history, it can be seen to have been a consistently important shell over both time and space. The increase in Spondylus use during the Middle Horizon can be seen archaeologically, but the reasons for its increase are less clear. One theory suggests that the increase may have been brought on by the adverse effects of a 32 year long drought that hit the Central Andes starting in AD 562. The shell may have been widely used in rituals to appeal to the deities responsible for the return of water (Shimada 1991: LI). However, this reasoning concerning the increased use is restricted to a single Spondylus characteristic, to bring water, that is contradicted by its other archaeological contexts. The increase in use is more likely the combined result of its other uses. There are no easily identifiable characteristics that can be used to define Spondylus use in the Andes based on this evidence. The only common denominator for all these situations is that Spondylus was an important highly regarded and much desired object. The archaeological evidence concerning Spondylus indicates the same conclusions as that discussed for multu in Chapter Three. The multiple meanings of mullu are as consistent as the multiple archaeological contexts of Spondylus. Amore definable trait for Spondylus is its appearance as a pre-Columbian trade material. Full-blown trade networks do not instantly appear but expand over time. Archaeological investigation has shown that the range and quantities Of Spondylus use in the Andes increased over several thousand years. The methods of procurement and distribution indicate those mechanisms used in transporting goods by land or sea, over long or short distances. The movement of Spondylus and its appearance in the archaeological record is an important indicator of trade and exchange systems. It might also be argued that the lack of ‘Spondylus in the archaeological record is just as important. For example, asimportant as the shell was during the Late Horizon to the Inca, it is strange that no evidence of its use appears at Hudnuco Pampa: an ancient Inca administrative and storage centre (Morris and Thompson 1985). Increased Spondylus use throughout the chronological sequence could be used to support the presence of a maritime trade network along the coast of Ecuador and Peru, and possibly north to Mesoamerica. Spondylus trade may well have been the reason for the creation of a network, and one of the major commodities transported. However, the distribution of Spondylus at prehistoric sites such as Aspero, Chavin, Garagay, and La Galgada indicates that Spondylus Possibly appeared in Peru long before the evidence suggesting a maritime long- distance trade network appears. If the addition of marine transport is viewed as nothing more than an improvement to the already existing network of land-based trade, then the improvements are only in the area of quantity and speed of distribution. The archaeological distribution of Spondylus does little to reconcile the maritime-network debate. ioCHAPTER SIX CONCLUSIONS This thesis has examined the importance of mullu to Andean cultures. From chaquira beads to the vagina dentata, Spondylus and mullu represented both concrete and abstract elements of Andean cultures. At the basic level, mullu was simply a Quechua word used to refer to Spondylus shell in all its manifestations. In a more specific sense mullu was the chaquira beads made from the Spondylus shell. In its broadest meaning, mullu was an umbrella term that included other materials such as mother-of-pearl, turquoise and Strombus. Mullu evokes different relationships of materials at different levels and times depending upon the ritual need and its context. The concept of mullu was a complex that included these other items, their ritual use, and trade value, representing multiple levels of cultural involvement at any given time. While serving as chaguira, mullu could also be used in ritual ceremony or as a personal adornment by the same culture group. The possibility that mullu was simply a synonym for Spondylus must be discounted. In the Introduction I asked the question, "while Spondylus is mullu, is mullu necessarily Spondylus?". to which the answer must be, "not always". It is apparent that Spondylus was used as mullu, in the same sense that chaquira beads were mullu made of Spondylus, but it is equally apparent that mullu was much more than just Spondylus. The possibility that mullu was a term for a complex which included Spondylus and other items such as mother-of-pearl, Strombus, foodstuffs, and mWmetaphorical associations, deserves serious consideration. The work by Ann Mester (1990) on mother-of-pearl as a form of mull provides a foundation on which to question the material make-up of mullv. Further investigation of the chronicles should increase the inventory of possible mullu materials which appear to vary in colour and substance. If we accept that mullu represents different materials or combinations of ‘materials then we must also accept that its meaning changes depending upon the ritual need and its context. We know from the chronicles that mullu was used in sacrifice, but was Spondylus referred to as something else when used in dedicatory offerings under floors and in post holes? The mullu used in ceremonial sacrifice appears in combination with other materials (Guaman Poma 1980; Molina 1989 [1575]:133), similar to the combinations called mesas used by modern healers. Does the combination of mullu with other sacred objects increase or alter its sacred power, or can the power of mullu be imbued on another object? If there are other materials called mullu, such as foodstuffs then we must also deal with materials that are mullu-like, or related to the concept of mull, Finally, if the concept of mullu did include these other items, their ritual use, trade value, and sumptuary use, then it was being used on multiple levels and as part of what could be considered as a ritual and trade complex. Through its position in the complex, and very likely at the centre of it, Spondylus became associated with the methods of procurement and distribution that developed into long-distance trade networks. While the primary uses of mullu are of interest to the study of socio-cultural belief and ritual, the secondary characteristics of Spondylus as a valued trade item provide information of a socio-economic nature. 12However, the long-distance exchange of Spondylus should not be seen as a monocausal explanation for the formation of trade networks. Rather it was one of many commodities travelling through the networks. While Spondylus could only be procured through long-distance trade, there were other materials required by Andean groups which could have necessitated the formation of a network. References to the importance of pearl oyster shell, arsenical copper production, and the trade of technical knowledge all indicate that other materials were moving through the networks, not to mention the short-distance trade in subsistence and utilitarian goods. With its role in Andean cosmology and its association with trade networks, Spondylus can be seen as an object of extremely high value. With its many different representations within the cosmology of the Andes ‘mullu can be seen as a concept that forms the basis for a ritual and trade complex of characteristics. In the past twenty years, Spondylus has become an important aspect of Andean archaeology. 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