(CHAPTER SEVEN SONGS OF RECIPROCAL VILLAGE LABOR, Before the colonial epoch, the mutual aid and village age-grade asso- ciations performed every manner of farm labor in the Sukuma region, These associations were known as the kisumba or basumba,' These were village associations of physically capable men and women. Their work consisted of various public works affairs of the village, which included planting and harvesting the common crops of a village,” mutual farm labor on association members’ plots, work on the plots of the newly arrived or infirm, road or dam construction and repair, firefighting, building cattle feeds, and building and repairing huts. ‘The kisumba association was a variation on a cultural theme, found in most places but not all, primarily mandatory but in some places voluntary, inclusive of women but in some places exclusive. They were groups ranging from five to thirty people. If the group got too big, it would take too long to go through everyone's mutual aid farming needs. Payment varied from livestock held and owned collectively, to food and beer for the workers. Variable factors regarding payment included the number of people needed, the type of soil to be tilled, the size of the beast to be slaughtered for payment, and whether or not the hide would be retained by the owner. Often, the group rested content with a small advance and waited to settle their accounts after the cotton harvest. It would elevate the status of a person in the eyes of his neighbor, if he summoned the kisumba to hoe his land, and then remunerate them handsomely with food and drink. ‘One of the oldest and most common types of Sukuma kisumba labor was buyobe or ‘neighbor's help’. This was an ad hoc reciproc- ity-based labor that mobilized when needed, and was shared among friends, neighbors, and relatives. For their labor, members received gilts of ugali corn meal, or beer. The cultivation of sorghum millet was The language variation here depends on whether the assocition is collection of persons (ha-prefix), or as an organization (ki- prefix, signifying noun). “Traditional’ crops included millet, bananas, sweet polato, cassava, cowpeas, pigeon peas, rice, cor, groundnuts, pumpkin, and cucumber.172 (CHAPTER SEVEN the primary work of these groups. Large areas were cultivated, with three to five acres per household as the average. The crops were left alone, until grain heads formed and seeds began to set. From planting time until the grain was stored in baskets, there was a strict division of labor on age and gender lines. Children were responsible for keep- ing watch against small birds until harvest time. At harvest, women collected the grain heads and stored them aside, as described here by the explorer Grant: “The reapers consisted of women and girls, who sang pleasantly (...) those ‘who had small knives cut the stalk four or five inches below the grain, and held it in their eft hand till the hand was full, when it was placed in «huge tub of bark lying in the field (1864: 62). Men then threshed the grain with threshing sticks (migati), and ‘women winnowed and stored the seeds (Magoti 1984: 27). The culti- vation of sorghum millet was a primary site for musical labor activity, and a number of ancient songs exist in the memories of elderly farm- ers. Some of these songs are taught to the children’s associations, or bayanda, who tend to these crops today. Labor associated with the production of millet also included the women’s labor genre known as manhe. Manhe was a cover term for any activity having to do with grinding millet. It was a specific music genre, it was the name for a nearby granite rock on the homestead, it was any type of domestic labor using the manhe stone, or it was a ritualized courtship activity. Varkevisser (1972: 242) writes: ‘There used to be a manhe in every neighborhood, a large rock with a number of holes gouged in its surface at regular yard intervals. When ‘women had to brew beer for various festivals, they ground millet in these holes. At work, they sometimes gossiped and played games and some- times took off their clothes and slid down the rock. ‘The young men of the neighborhood always knew when the girls had gone to the manhe and used the rock as a place of courtship. A youth watched carefully to see which of the girls did the best work and then stepped in and tried to prevent her from moving her grinding stone until she shook hands ‘with him as a sign that she would allow him to escort her some distance along the road toward home. > The Sukuma join the bayanda rank at the age of ten, until puberty. ‘Children train their muscles by working hard and they learn to work collectively. They also practice speaking in public, and they learn the rules that govern behavior in the adult neighborhood organizations’ (Varkevisser 1972: 268).SONGS OF RECIPROCAL VILLAGE LABOR 173, For large village festivities such as weddings, manhe work was highly organized and coordinated. Magoti (1984: 39) writes: Large grinding stones were sought, and fish were brought for the grind. crs, These were usually women from a wider area fifty or more in num- ber. They turned up on the appointed day toward evening, some with their own grinding stones. A few of their husbands and young men also dropped in on the following morning to slaughter the bull given to the ‘women by the candidate's father. The grinding usually lasted all night and well into the afternoon of the following day. It was hard work, but the womenfolk enjoyed it very much. One of the old ladies used to beat the drum while the others sang at their grinding, or occasionally, jumped about in rude mimics. Kisumba labor societies depended upon the mfuji wa nhembe, or horn blower, to wander the village compounds either the morning of work, or the evening prior, to remind and call together group members. Every group had its distinctive calling style, so to be distinguishable from the others. The horn used, known as mhaninga,! was either a hollowed-out cow or antelope’s horn, or more specifically, a type of reed instrument witnessed at the end of the nineteenth century by Kollman in Ntuzu. This was a reed aerophone fashioned from a millet plant, with ‘A sounding funnel made of a calabash; the blowhole on ‘one end of the mitama (millet) tube; its sound not unlike that of an alpine horn’ (Kollman 1899: 164). Today the mhaninga is made from other materials available at shops in town, such as plumbing funnels, surgical tubing, or PVC pipe. ‘A.common attribute of kisumba songs is to encourage the farmer to work hard, and to shame those who do not. Mimbo ga itula (millet- threshing songs)* characteristically praised the self-determination of the hardworking farmer and admonished the laziness of ‘thieves’ and ‘parasites’ who would live off the labor of others. As with other labor- related music in the Sukuma region, in many documented cases these earth-pounding songs are the choruses to well-known songs of old, which found new longevity in the millet labor context. Since most Sukuma labor is gender-specific, much of the content in these songs is about men’s relations with women or vice versa, to ‘This reed aerophone is also commonly called miandala in the Sukuma region, a variant of the mkangala Bangoni mouth bow described by Kubik (1997: 321-322) ‘hich uses the same reed plant for its building material "Literally, ‘songs for beating’174 (CHAPTER SEVEN include discussions of courtship, love gained and love lost, as well as reprimands directed toward the other sex for their perceived misbe- haviors. Manhe songs are generally concerned with gossip, marriage, family, and life cycle issues. Women have always adapted their wed- ding songs, drinking songs, and age-grade ritual songs to the commu- nity kisumba farm labor context, where they sing about the joy and pain of childbirth, problems associated with growing and harvesting crops, and the difficulties of living with men. Through song, women are able to express their ideas and feelings, on topics which they may feel could get them into trouble if placed and perceived in everyday discourse. (106) Tukingila Buha (‘We came from Buha’) Tukingila Buha We came from Buha Tula nakana teletele The red soil really stuck on us Naishingisha, bamayu I shake my head, bamayu Kidiku, mayu ‘The rainy season, mayu Shatimulila huu! ‘Has really arrived! Ku bamayu (2x) To the bamayu (2x) Illus. 14. A kadete (one-string fiddle) performer encourages and regulates the pace in which the farmers work. Town of Kisessa, 8 January 1994,SONGS OF RECIPROCAL VILLAGE LABOR 175 (107) Tukingila Mabuha (‘We came from the Buha regions’) Tukingila Mabuha ‘We came from the Buha regions Kujula twana, teletele ‘We carried high, small children, so many Naishingisha, bamayu Ishake my head, bamayu Kidiku, mayu ‘The rainy season, mayu Jaludimulila Herded toward [them] Ku bamayu (2x) To the bamayu (2x) Interpretation: This song is a fascinating case study. The singer knew about two versions of the song. According to the singer Kang'wiina ‘Mwami ng'wana Mihumo, many people insist that the song came with one of the many migrating clans pouring into the Sukuma region in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. In the first version (#106),° the singer relates that the red earth, together with the conditions of the rainy season, really made a strong impression on this singer. It is unclear whether the red earth and rain are what the singer left in Buha, or are the conditions the singer faces now in the Sukuma region. In the second version (#107), the singer is traveling with ‘small children, so many’. They are being ‘herded’ and directed toward the women at home. (108) Nkanda, ntaale wa Babinza (‘Nkanda, the great one of the Babinza’) Nkanda, ntaale wa Babinza _ Nkanda, the great one of Babinza Basukuma, tumanile ‘The Sukuma people, we know Lyene ihanga lya makanji It is indeed the country of frightful awe Baluganda twa Babinza ‘The clans of Babinza Hu bataale ba Sukuma Are indeed the leaders of the Sukuma Interpretation: This anonymous itula (millet-threshing) song, collected by Bischoff (1996: 118),* documents the Balongo-Babinza clan migra- tion led by the conqueror hero Nkanda or Ntanda, who left Geita with a group of two hundred fifty men and women, and arrived in an area seventeen miles north of Mwanza sometime in the early 1700s. The * Recorded by author, Bujora centre, 23 February 1995, IUATM song #293, Recorded by author, Bujora centre, 23 February 1995, personal collection of author. * Bischoff did not provide a translation ofthis text176 (CHAPTER SEVEN Balongo-Babinza, whose clan emblem is the iron hoe, were forgers of iron. They claim, however, to have originally been hunters and fisher- men, from either Bunyoro or Busoga in Uganda. The Babinza, whose name means ‘those who sell salt, may have originated the Sukuma practice of caravaning to Lake Eyasi for sat. According to local tradition, Nkanda proclaimed that he was the leader of the area, by sounding the local king's ng'oma (Lupande"). Indeed Sukuma oral literature is full of instances illustrating the point that anyone who sounded the g’oma in the manner of the chiefs indi- cated an act of high treason, which brought punishment by death or banishment. Nkanda is a very beloved folk hero to the Wasukuma. ‘Magdelena Lubimbi* emphasized that: Wimbo huu unamkumbuka Nkanda. Nkanda ni jina la mtu ambaye alikuwa mashuburi, mkubwa wa ukoo wa Babinza. Mpaka sasa hivi wako schemu nyingi, watu wena, na wengi wao utawakuta ni wakulima, (This song remembers Nkanda. Nkanda is the name of someone who was very famous, the leader of the clan of Babinza. Up to now they are in many areas, they are good people, and many of them you will find are farmers.) (109) Lyasolaga nanga (‘It has taken sticks’) Lyasolaga nanga Ithas taken sticks Lilitula busiga Itis threshing millet ‘Mbogoshi linu na Nyalaja ‘Mbogoshi from Nyalaja Interpretation: This itula song, performed by Kabujiku at his home,’ links two domains of labor in the Sukuma region: that of beating millet and that of going on the salt caravan trip to Nyalaja. The protagonist here is Mbogoshi, a legendary figure from Nyalaja, who took to the seasonal labor of threshing millet when not on the salt journey. The term Mbogoshi as used here, is a person's dance name. The term also refers to a bag of charms used to ward off danger while on the Nyalaja trip. The third-person pronoun reference ‘it, alludes to the subject as a creature with unusual strength, not a man but a ‘thing’. To local historian Michael Masalu*, Mbogoshi was an historic fig- ure, not a mere legend: Mbogoshi alikuwa mtu mashauri kama kiongozi wa nyimbo za kupura mitama, Alichukua fimbo ya kupura mitama, anasikika kama ni mtu kuwaimbisha watu wa kupura mitama, Watu » Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 12 September 1994, IUATM song #229,SONGS OF RECIPROCAL VILLAGE LABOR 17 wa Nyalaja walijulikana kama watu wenye nyimbo nyingi, zikiwemo wa ail ya safari, kupura mitama, na nyimbo nyingine za vita, (Mbo- goshi was a man well-known as a leader of millet-threshing songs. He carried a stick for threshing millet, indeed he was known as a leader with these songs for threshing millet. Those Nyalaja travelers were known as people who had many songs for going on journeys, for threshing millet, and for going to war.) (110) Mayu, naluha (‘Mayu, I have agonized) Mayu, naluha ‘Mayu, Ihave agonized Naluha, nene (2x) Thave agonized, myself (2) Liteleni likatulaga ‘The train breaks through Na magengeli, likatulaga Through mounds of dirt, it breaks Abo ngva Mhela,likatulaga Through those of Mhela, it breaks 2x) (2x) Ong'wa Lili, li mu kumonela hei? Of Lili, where will you find her? Ulwa katandatu, mu kumonela On Saturday, where will you find hei? (2x) her? (2x) Interpretation: This is an itula labor chorus for motivating work- ers while threshing millet, performed one time by Miswaki Primary School students," and on another occasion from memory by Michael ‘Masalu."' The verses here are interchangeable, sung randomly as the musicians see fit. Primary school students in Tanzania are required to cultivate small farm plots, and millet is a common crop cultivated in this environment. The best plots are showcased in regional, inter- regional, and national competitions, thus bringing prestige and visibil- ity to the winning school (Document #3, A/3/20, Agriculture: School Shambas and Competitions, 1953-1960). ‘The worker compares himself to a train forging through the coun- tryside, intrepid and unstoppable. As Fitta ng'wana Liaku’ puts it: Treni, inapigilia tu, inapita po pote. Ukiweka jiwe, inapitia, ukiweka ngombe, inapitia, ukiweka gari, inapitia. Wale waimbajt, wanashika Jjembe, au wanashika fimbo wakati wanapura mtama. Wanaulainisha, hhadi wanapiga ardhi. Hakuna kitu cha kuwasimamisha! (The train, it just forges through, it passes anywhere at all. If you put a stone before © Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 20 July 1994, IUTM song #618. Recorded by author, town of Magu, 28 July 2006, personal collection of author.178 (CHAPTER SEVEN it, it passes through, if you put a cow in front of it, it passes through, if you place a car in front of it, it passes through. Those singers, they can carry a hoe, or they carry sticks when they thresh millet. They make it soft until they beat the earth. There is nothing that will stop them!) (111) Tukapande (‘Let us tread’) Tukapande na kise Let us tread upon the millet pile Wa ngwana Wile ‘Of ng wana Wile Mayu, tukapandagile Mayu, let us tread upon it Iki akahimbiwagwa na banhu Because he is praised by people Elelo tukapandagile (2x) ‘Today let us tread upon it (2x) Interpretation: The singer Jige Malehe" praises ng’wana Wile for being such a productive farmer, and encourages the work group to thresh the pile of millet he has produced, She says that itis a motivational song: Niingi anahamasisha kila aliyeshika fimbo. Aliyekuja kwenye uwanja wa kupura mtama, ahamasike na aongeze bidii, ili kupiga mtama uwe tayari kupepetwa tayariwa kutumiwa, (The niingi motivates every- one who can grab a millet stick. When he came to the field for millet threshing, he saw he should motivate and lead with speed, to thresh ‘millet that is ripe, to winnow it, and ready it for use) ‘The following two songs encourage farmers to diversify their crops in the face of famine, to include not only millet, but also other crops including different types of famine-resistant millet. (112) Tulimagi busiga (‘Let us cultivate millet’) Tulimagi busiga (2) Let us cultivate millet (2x) Tulime buluba na ngalabuto Let us cultivate cotton and sweet cassava Imali twikunga ‘Wealth we have received Tulime buluba Let us cultivate cotton Iki ilongejiwa ibei (2x) Because its price is rising (2x) Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 20 December 1994, IUATM song #222,SONGS OF RECIPROCAL VILLAGE LABOR 179 (113) Twalima wilu (‘We cultivate wilu millet’) (©) Twalima wilu (C) We cultivate wilu millet (R) Wilu! (2x) (R) Wilu! (2x) (C) Na manjajani (C) And manjajani millet (R) Wilu! 2x) (R) Wilu! (2x) (C).Na mangowa (©) And mangowa millet (R) Wilu! (2x) (R) Wilut (2x) (C) Ngolongo tembe (C) Nghholongo tembe millet (R) Wilu! (2x) (R) Wilu! (2x) (©) Nghhalima nkula, bayanda — (C) I cultivate nkula mille, young men (R) Nghalima nkula, ukusanga —(R) I cultivate nkula, you will meet (it) Ng’halima nkula, ukwilago! T cultivate nkula, there on the rich soil! (©) Nghalima nkula, ongwa baba (C) I cultivate nkula, that of baba (R) Nghalima nkula, ukwilago (R) I cultivate nkula, there on the rich soil ‘Masanja na Sani Masanja and Sani Neghalima nkula, ukwilago cultivate nkula, thereon the rich soil Interpretation: Tulimagi busiga, performed by a bacheyecki group in rehearsal," encourages the farmers to cultivate a variety of crops, including cotton, because the price paid by the wholesaler is going up. In Twalima wiluu, a well-known song that I recorded from three sources (Masanja Sotinge Ng'wana Masunga,"' the Banam‘hala of Kisunun’ha,"* and Jige Malehe),"* the singer lists the types of millet that he cultivates to fight the effects of famine. Millet is cultivated in this area for beer, bread, and porridge. Although a song of much older origin, it came into prominence again in the 1930s as a response to the colonial government's policies on monocrop cotton farming. The song is still performed today. The singer mentions several types of mil- let: wilu, a variety of millet having white seed; manjanjani (otherwise known as manzanzani), a variety of millet with red seeds found in the » Videorecorded by author, village of Miswaki, 1 August 1994, IUATM song #625. ° Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 20 December 1994, IUATM songs006, ® Recorded by author, village of Ntulya, 10 December 1994, IUATM song #207. © Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 20 December 1994, IUATM songe220,180 (CHAPTER SEVEN Ntuzu region; mangowa, another variety of millet with red seeds found in the Ntuzu region; nkula, a variety of millet with dark brownish red seeds that is a favorite of farmers because of its resilience (eleusine coracana); and ngholongo tembe, a variety similar to nkula. ‘The Mwanza Cultural Affairs Officer Juma Mashaka Kalunde* pro- vides this fascinating interpretation of the song, and mentions also that millet workers in some regions are accompanied by kadete (one- string fiddle, an instrument common throughout East Africa having Sudanese origins): Wimbo huw ni kuhimiza wakulima kulima aina ya mtama mbalimbali, ambao huhimili katika ukame na mvua kidogo, na ambao huokoa watu katika kipindi cha njaa. Mtama ni zao zuri kuponya njaa, Manju anahimiza hasa mtama mwekundu huwa haufi hata wakati wa jua kali huleta nguvu mwilini na chakula bora. Ni maa- muzi muhimu kwa wakulima, kujua watalimaje wakati huo. Inaweza- kana wimbo huu ulitumika wakati wa ukoloni kulalamika dhidi ya Kulazimishwa kulima pamba tu. Mara nyingi waimbaji walitumia adete pia shambani, pamoja na wimbo huu, na zana nyingine ambazo zinafanana, maana kadete ina sauti tamu kurahisisha kazi (This song encourages farmers to cultivate various types of millet, those which can survive drought and rain, and can save people during a year of famine, Millet is an excellent crop to ward off hunger. The composer especially praises red millet, because it does not die even in the hot sun, it provides strength for the body and is good food. An important decision concerning farmers, is to know what, in this day and age, should we cultivate? It is possible that this song was used as a protest song, against those who would make them plant cotton, Many times singers would use the kadete in the fields with this song, together with other songs that resemble it, because the kadete has a sweet voice that makes work easier.) (114) Ngawa (Ngawa’) Ngawa, abalimi Ngawa, those who harvest Bebe ule nigo lyakidika You are a load to carry on the head Iya ngado gosegose heavy all in all Hechene wakundika mahala That is why you have overturned silos Ulazugilwa maliliwa ‘You will be cooked what remainsSONGS OF RECIPROCAL VILLAGE LABOR 181 Interpretation: In this anonymous itula song from the Ujamaa epoch remembered by the singer Jige Malehe,” the composer makes a warn- ing example of Ngawa, saying that she will be a burden to those who farm if she does not do her share of the labor. She ‘will be cooked what remains’, meaning she will only eat those things left by others. Mwanza Cultural Affairs Officer Juma Mashaka Kalunde* had this statement: Bidii kazini ni msingi wa matokeo bora. Niingi anahimiza, “Ukifanya kazi kwa bidhi, ndipo hata majirani utawatia moyo na kuja kukusaidia. Kwani hutawakera kwa kuombaomba chakula? Ukifanya uvivu na uzembe daima utakuwa unapikiwa mabakibaki’. (To work thoroughly is the foundation of good happenings. The niingi urges that, ‘If you work hard, you will give even your neighbors the heart to come and help. Why should you aggravate them with begging- begging for food? If you are lazy, you will always just be cooked [the food] that remains’) (115) Ng'wamalile uwing’we ("You have finished yours’) Newwamalile uwingwe You have finished yours Newwayutungwa kunyenyeka! (2x) You will depend on stealing! (2x) Milimo ikasataga ‘Works inflict pains Tulamugishe ngwa‘Masala’(2x) We may greet you as, ‘Cleverness’ (2x) Interpretation: This anonymous itula song encourages farmers to work hard, and not to live off the labor of others. Those who do so seem clever, but in truth, they are thieves. I collected the song on three occa- sions, from the Banam’hala council of Kisunun'ha Nyumbani,!* Paulo ‘Mafanyanga,” and Jige Malehe.” Juma Mashaka Kalunde” had this comment about the ethical teach- ing found in this song: ‘Usiwe mvivu wa kulima’. Niingi anahintiza ila mtu hula kwa jasho lake. Hivyo, ukifanya uvivu kulima hutapata mazao mengi. Matokeo yake, utatumia na kumatiza. Kwa vile kulima upalilia, kuvuna kupiga ni kazi ngumu na nzito, watu wakupita na » Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 20 December 1994, IUATM song #221 ™ Recorded by author, village of Ntulya, 10 December 1994, IUATM song #208. » Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 20 December 1994, IUATM song #226. ® Recorded by author, town of Magu, 28 july 2006, personal collection of author.182 (CHAPTER SEVEN kuwa wanakusalintia kwa utani na kukebehi tokana na uvivu na uzembe. Wimbo unahimiza kilimo na hasa zao linalostahili ili kujt- hami na ukame, zao kama mitama, Na kwamba kukwepa kusaidia kupiga mtama, kuna sheria, (‘You should not be lazy with farming’. ‘The composer encourages everyone to eat as a result of their own sweat, It is like this, if you are lazy in farming, you will not harvest plentiful crops. Based on your actions, you will finish what food you have. In this regard, to farm, to weed, and to harvest, you will find the work difficult and a burden, so people will pass and they will greet you with jokes, based on your laziness. This song urges farming, and espe- cially, plenty of crops that will merit protection from drought, crops like millet. And, for [those] that avoid helping thresh the millet, there are sanctions’,) Magdelena Lubimbi* elaborated on this point about shirkers: Hata kama utakuwa umeshamaliza labda wewe ya kwako, lakini ni vyema ukawa umeendelea tu, siyo ukae. Unapoambiwa kufanya, unajifanya kama wewe ni mgonjwa, kwa watu watabadilisha hata salaam zako, watakusalimu kama wewe mwenye akili baado. (Even if you have fin- ished perhaps your own work, it is decent if you could just continue {helping others}, you should not sit. When you are told to do some- thing, [if] you pretend as if you are sick, then people will start even to change how they greet you, they will greet you as if you have not yet any intelligence.) jam Lubimbi*, however had another opinion, feeling that the song's primary use was during competition between two labor groups while working the fields: Sasa kikundi kimoja, kimeshamaliza kuweka bugota wao, na hiki kikundi cha pili, ipo tayari. Sasa ndiyo wanaanza kuchekana sasa: ‘Sasa ninyi hamna bugota, unaanza kukwepakwepa. Lakini sasa hivi kwa kuwa ninyi hata kazi hamna, huwezi kwenda kutengeneza bugota, unategemea yetu. Na sisi tupo chonjo, hatuwezi kutoa mara moja’. (Now one group, they have finished placing their bugota, and this second group, their bugota is ready. Now indeed, they start to laugh at one another: ‘Now you folks have no bugota, you are starting to shirk around. But now, even work you have none, you can- not go and prepare bugota, you depend on us [to do the work]. Now ‘we are quarreling, we cannot reduce it all of a sudden’.)SONGS OF RECIPROCAL VILLAGE LABOR 183, (116) Lya ku Welelo (‘Of Welelo’) Iya ku Welelo Of Welelo Kuduhu uSeba No one can compare to God Kunduhu nuntungilija There is no one who tells the truth Kuniulu upone busiga Even should you harvest millet Nahene, uli makoye All right, you have problems Nulu ubakije kaya Even should you excel at home Nahene, uli makoye Allright, you have problems Nulu ubakije myenda Even should you excel with clothing Nahene, uli makoye Allright, you have problems Nulu ubakile ubinghinu Even when you become fat Nahene, uli makoye Allright, you have problems Kongwa nzoka, akusataga Hit bya snake, it has wounded you" Baba, abamana buganga Baba, those who know the buganga Basimba sigulu The diggers of the anthills Balogi, bahunga, babulaga na Witches, defrauders, killed grandfather guku Nglwan'kililijo Ng’wana Ikilijo Wandeka, na kutola? Biya we, He left me, to marry? No, no biya Interpretation: In this anonymous itula song performed by the Banam'hala council of Kisunun’ha Nyumbani,® the composer reminds his audience that there is no discrimination regarding shortfalls and tragedy in this world. Only God provides. No matter who you are, bad circumstances can strike anyone at any time. This singer's grandfa- ther was killed by people skilled in medicinal manipulation. Then, the young man was left to fend for himself in the task of raising a bride price. (117) Lyahenda (‘The sun has set’) (© Dyahenda (C) The sun has set Tuje ku manhe Let us go to the grinding place (B) Lelo, mayu (R) Today, mayu Ndikasukulwa (2%) Indeed, where I will be chosen (2x) * Kong'wa nzoka, ‘hit by a snake’, a curse or exclamation at any sudden misfortune. ® Recorded by author, village of Ntulya, 10 December 1994, IUATM song #209,184 (CHAPTER SEVEN Interpretation: This manhe song sung by Paulo Lusana® references the ‘well-known alternate function of the collective manhe grinding stone, a place where women meet in hopes of being ‘chosen’ by male lovers and potential grooms-to-be. A woman is singing to a female friend, asking her for company to the manhe site. (118) Waligumilile (‘You have taken shame upon yourself’) Waligumsiile You have taken shame upon yourself NeWwana Makwi Ngwana Makwi Hambimbilikano ya banhu Before the gathering of people Hakozunya nsumba For accepting a young man Alliyo uli halufia While [people were] mourning Hambimbilikano ya banhu —_ Before the gathering of people Interpretation: In this anonymous, well-known and oft-cited story set to song (see also song #191), the singer Jige Malehe™ castigates the young woman Makwi for accepting and acting on the advances of a young man in an inappropriate setting, that of a relative's funeral ‘The phrase waligumilile, ng’wana Makwi is an aphorism that castigates anyone who does anything in an inappropriate way or in a careless ‘manner. (119) Natali nu nakomanga (‘I am still pounding’) Natali nu nakoranga manhe — Tamstill pounding [at] the grinding stone Nakomanga manhe Pounding [at] the grinding stone Sumo ja ng'weli (2x) Sayings from [the] west (2%) Abo Iya batwala ‘Those whom it has taken ‘Na babo lya babinza milundi And those whom it has broken (2x) their shins (2x) ® Recorded by author, Chicago, IL. (USA), 11 June 1998, personal collection of author % Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo, 20 December 1994, IUATM song #563SONGS OF RECIPROCAL VILLAGE LABOR 185 (120) Mawe gakwila (‘Stones have increased’) Mawe gakwila Stones have increased Nyanguge ni Kisessa Nyanguge and Kisessa towns Mahela ging’we ngwagadimila You have held to your money Naluhayaga ukashelwa I would like the flour ground Niyo shakulombela shido kali If you ask alittle they turn hostile Shilifutilaishinganza Palms are throbbing Nene nanogile ukusha Hiwe! Lam tired of grinding on the stone! Interpretation: In the manhe song Natali nu komanga, performed by Ngéollo Kasongo together with the Kujitegema group.” the singer laments that she is still doing this kind of work, work that has taken ‘many to the grave. She decries the debilitating physicality of the work of grinding flour by hand. Mawe gakwila, collected by Lupande (1995: 38)," is a modern manhe song that discusses the mills that have begun to replace mane labor. This singer complains about the price charged for using the flour grounding mills, even though the ‘stones’ (flour mills) have increased. The singer calls the mill owners stingy for not allowing everyone to use them. (121) Bikilagi ifugo (‘Place the porridge pot’) Bikilagiifugo Place the porridge pot [on the fire] Damalaga ugusha ‘We have finished grinding Interpretation: The collector and translator Patrick Kija attributed this manhe song to Kasiya Ndaha of Seke (1985: 21). After the work was completed, the girls sang this song to inform the parents of the girl whose grain they were grinding, that their work was finished, and that it is now time to cook the corn meal. The song is thus a public and ritualized means of communication from a younger generational group to an older one, letting them know that they too are members of the community workforce. ® Recorded by author, village of Isangidjo. 10 March 1995, IUATM song £629, © Lupande's English translation: “There are many flour mills/ Nyaguge and Kisessa / You still keep your money / I will like to use the flour mills / It is not easy to be assisted / The palms are pulsative / Tam tired of (working) with a hand stone mill’186 CHAPTER SEVEN (122) Hiiya hee, salenge! (‘Hiiya hee, salenge?) (©) Hiiyahee, salenget (R) Tuseseme! (C) Hiiyahee, salenge! (R) Tuseseme! Hiiya! Tukanglwe mabele! Hiiyal Ng’hana mayu! Hiiyal Sesema! bpm: 4 note = 65 call Wii- yan = how cal is yat Kung-wa Response cyl Hii yat (©) Hiya hee, salenge! (R) Let us be quick and diligent! (C) Hiya hee, salenge! (R) Let us be quick and diligent! Hiiyal Let us go drink this milk! Hiiyal Of our mayu! Hiya! Be quick and diligent! CDEFGB. ps Nga =a ma = Fig. 16. Music transcription of Hiiya hee, salenge.SONGS OF RECIPROCAL VILLAGE LABOR 187 Interpretation: Though one source claimed, tongue-in-cheek, that all the kisumba ever did regarding music was ululation’” (Nzwilendo*), the fact is that song was a critical component to kisumba labor. The genre of music most associated with the early kisumba associations was isalenge. Of all Sukuma music genres, isalenge™ has the most contentious and mythical history. The origins of isalenge, as a song, a genre, or a kisumba-like labor association are unclear. Informants say that there were isalenge farmer societies in the Nyamwezi area, related to the bak‘honongo, the legendary farmers’ group said to have started the bugobogobo dance (see Chapter VIII). This claim relates to another claim, which found isalenge to be the name of a precolonial hoe-gathering ceremony, where the hoes of the community, gathered before the beginning of the agricultural season, were blessed by the chief (Malcom 1953: 38). In another account, the legendary ng'wana Malundi was the originator of this dance (Turnbull 1926). Mashauri Budaka* had these points to make about the isalenge genre: Huu mchezo wa busalenge, zilikuwa na wimbo ambao ni fupi tu, ambazo ni kulimia, ili wakulima waende pamoja, kusudi watumie nguvu zao pamoja wakati wanalima, Inaweka tamaa ya kulima, wote wanalima kwa raha, pamoja. Uko wengine wanashangalia, tena hasa ilikuwa wa zamani. Vilikuwa vijana wa zamani, na walilazimishwa. Baada kumaliza hapo, unaenda kwa majirani yako, na unaendelea mpaka kijji chote kimemaliziva, na unaenda na kififi kingine sasa pamoja. (This dance of busalenge, it just had songs that were very short, for farming, so the farmers could go together, with the purpose they should use their strength together when they farm. It places the desire to farm, [where] everyone farms with joy, together. Others there make some joyful noises, and again, especially it was of long ago. It was done by the young, long ago, and they were required to do this. After finishing here, you would go to your neighbors. You would con- tinue until the whole village was finished, and then you would go to another village as a group together.) ‘The song most associated with salenge labor was a song known as Salenge, tuseseme, which found its way into the repertoire of labor Known in Kiswahili as vigelegle and Kisukuma as Iupuundu, ululation is hardly fan insignificant act in African music, but a crucial ype of pointed but affirmative ‘commentary by the female chorus members and the audience. 2 Also known as busalenge, salenge, or sawenge.188 (CHAPTER SEVEN societies all over the Sukuma region at the beginning of the twentieth century, and thus had many variable origin stories associated with it. I recorded the song text provided here from Nunhya ng'wana Jonge, who sang the piece together with assistance from his neighbors.” According to older sources, the song is among the most popular and well-known songs in the Sukuma region. Sources claim that it was either the chorus of an old wigaashe tune attributed to Ngwanilongho Gotolo, an ngaalu and rival of ng’wana Malundi (Masalu*), or, it was composed by Sawenge, of Bulima (Mihumo*). It is remembered as having been around as late as the 1920s (Mihumo*). It was sung by kisumiba societies while they worked (Mihumo”), by porters on the road, by warriors going to battle (Banam’hala council of Kisunun'ha Nyumbani*), and it has been appropriated by the more recent, thief- tracking sungusungu asociations, sung while chasing after lost cattle (Misuga”). (123) Naliho na khonong’a (‘I possess khonong’a’) Naliho na Khonongia I possess khonongia ‘Munhu, na ngWwana Nkanda A person, and ngwana Nkanda Kalamuna, kalunde, selena! _Tt overwhelms, small cloud, soar! Abung'wabinilaga isalenge ‘Those of you who were dancing isalenge” Yali ngwakilela njiye ‘You stepped over boundaries Yali ya mapinda mu mbazu! ‘Those having pockets on the ribs! Interpretation: Clearly this song, collected by the author on two occa sions (from the bucheyeeki singer Lushita ng'wana Nzwilendo,” and Michael Masalu),” found its way into the isalenge performance con- text via musicians who were versed in ritual medicinal preparation, as that is what the metaphors here allude to. The composer begins by announcing that he has k’hononga, a kind of root used as a charm in dance associations, and deemed important in some Sukuma ritual practices (line 1). The singer addresses himself as human, and then specifically aligns himself with Nkanda, the mythical explorer hero of, Recorded by author, village of Miswaki, 27 June 1994, IUATM song #8. Michael Masalu sang the line as: Ako, nabinilaga salenge (There, 1 dance salenge) % Recorded by author, village of Isingidjo, 23 November 1994, IUATM song #181 © Recorded by author, town of Magu, 30 July 2006, personal collection of author.SONGS OF RECIPROCAL VILLAGE LABOR 189 the Babinza clan (line 2, see also song #108). The narrator then men- tions kalamuna, the name for a container used specifically for holding Khononga root (line 3). The narrator castigates his competitors, the salenge dancers, for ‘crossing over the line’ (lines 4-5). Finally, the nar- rator evokes the common trope of competitive bragging, mapinda mu mbazu, or ‘pockets on the ribs, referring to the arsenal of protective charms that the singer carries close to his body (see also song #196). Michael Masalu* mentions that this medicine helps him with his work: Niingi anaamini bugota hiyo, inaweza kumfanyia vitu vyote. Ashinde na wapinzani, apate watu wa kucheza pamoja, na ana imani ‘na bugota hii kwa sababu alipewa na baba yake. (The niingi believes in this bugota, it can do anything for him. He should be enabled to beat his competitor, he should get people to play with, and he believes in his bugota, because it was given to him by his [medicine] father.) (124) Bunyika ng'wana wane (‘Bunyika, my child’) Bunyika, ngwana wane Bunyika, my child Bubu buganga Powdered buganga Budo na budo, ngwanone, Just alittle, my child, store it for me umbikile Kiwike utizungwolekeja nu noko But do not show even your mother Akunikenangula She will kill me Amakiima mahadui ‘Women {can be] enemies Gali mangu kusaya ‘They get angry easily Gali na ng’holo ndo ‘They have small hearts Giti ya ngoso Like that ofa rat Akandemela, unke wane She oppressed me, my wife Huna nung’wila kusama ‘Then I told her to relocate Amakima galena ngholo ‘Women have small hearts Nao giti ya ngoso Like that of a rat Nene nela Thave no more to say Interpretation: This anonymous isalenge song from Geita has little context, though it was transcribed by Gibbe (n.d. 30) and published without commentary by Mkongola (1980: 64). From the text, we © Mkongol’s Kiswahili translation: ‘Bunyika mtoto wangu / Chukua dawa hit / ‘Chukua kidogo tu / Mioto wangu niwekee/ Ta tu usimwonyesha mama yako / Atant ‘angamiza/ Wanawake adui / Wepesi kuchuia/ Wana mioyo midogo/ Kanna ya panyta/ Me wangu / Tulishindana / Nikamwambia ahame / Wanawake wana miayo midogo /190 (CHAPTER SEVEN can see that the singer is addressing one of his medicine adepts. After ‘warning the male adept about the problems of living with women, the singer asks the adept to store the medicines given him, but to hide the medicines from the adept’s mother. (125) Wakulisimba wa minis rowed brow’) Wakulisimba wa mininghalaga You will dig it with furrowed brow it with fur- Nu muchembe gwaho Its potato slices Guti nangemelo Have no comparison Paga mbasa Until you have an ax Ukuchemba [Then can] you cut them Ngwana Malushu Ngiwana Malushu Huna guzunya kuchemba That’ how you cut them Wakulisimba wamining’halaga You will dig it with furrowed brow Interpretation: In this song remembered by Fitta ng'wana Liaku,™ the singer reminds the listener that the work of cultivating potatoes is dif- ficult, but that it will pay off. The song was collected also by Joseph Lupande (1995: 40)." Fitta ng'wana Liaku says: Umechimba, umekunja uso kabisa, mpaka umetumia nguvu, kwa ajili ya kukata viazi vikubwa vya kuweka juani, hauna mfano. Unatumia shoka kulikata, Anasemea kwa vijana tu, wakati wanacheza ndono. (You have dug, you have scrunched your face, until you have used strength, because of cutting big potatoes, and placing them in the sun, there is no comparison. ‘You use an ax for cutting. He tells the young men this while they play ndono.)* Kama ya panya Sina zaidi’(Bunyika my child / Take these medicines / Take just @ litle My child store it/ Just do not show your mother / She will press upon me / ‘Women are the enemy / Quick to anger / They have small hears / Like that ofa rat My wife / We fought /I told her she should move out / Women have small hearts / Like that ofa rat /Thave no more to say). * Recorded by author, sown of Magu, 23 August 2006, personal collection of author. © Lupande’s English translation: This is a huge potato / Its digging means exhaus- tion / Te gives incomparable slices / You need an aXe to ut it / Son of Malushu / For this agrees / Its digging means hard work” * From the verb kudona, ‘to vigorously disturb a wire or string’ This was a six- foot braced monochord musical bow with a permanently attached gourd and ten: sion noose. In some areas, it [called nzoli. This isthe same monochord rither found throughout southern and central Africa, discussed by Kubik (1999: 17). The healer Kisunun’ha Nyumbani used the ndono in order to facilitate his diagnosis of patients, ‘whereby he received inspirational instructions from his clan ancestors for the appro”SONGS OF RECIPROCAL VILLAGE LABOR 191 (126) Watogwa walwa (‘He loves alcoho?’) Watogwa walwa, Masindi He loves alcohol, Masindi Atubulya (2%) He will not eat (2x) (©) Atogilwe kuyela (©) He likes to roam around (R) Hiyaa! (R) Hiyaa! (©) Kuyela (©) To roam around (R) Hiyaa! (R) Hiyaa! (©) Atogitwe kulala (C) He likes to sleep (R) Hiyaa! (R) Hiyaa! (©) Kulata (©) Tosleep (R) Hiyaa! (R) Hiya! Atupona He'll have no harvest Interpretation: This anonymous busumba song collected by Mkongola (1980: 42), was sung to substantiate and predict the actions of a lazy man named Masindi, who liked to loiter without doing work. His ‘work’ was to be drunk, and to sleep, therefore, he could not harvest anything. The song acts as a reminder to the lazy ones that there are serious consequences to their inactions, when it comes to farming. Retired Makoko Language School instructor William Lubimbi* had this comment: Wimbo huu unamhusu mtu ambaye anapenda zaidi kinywaji. Hapendi kufanya kazi, hasa kazi ya kilimo. Sasa mwimbaji anamwambia kwamba, yeye safari hit, hatapata chakula cha kutosha. Ngoja atalima, lakini hatapata. Yeye anapenda kulala, anapenda kutembeatembea, anapenda kunywa pombe. (This song is about a man who loves alcohol more than anything else. He does not like to work, especially the work of farming. Now this singer tells him that, on this journey, he will not get food to suffice. To wait, he might farm, but he will not harvest anything. He likes to sleep, he likes to move around from place to place, and to drink.) priate cure to use for his patient. The string was divided into two sections of unequal length, and therefore plays two different tones, The musician vibrated the opening of the resonator against the musician's chest for varying timbral effects, and held a seed shell (idiophone) in the same hand that he used to strike either ofthe two string sec~ tions of the ndono with a plectrum crafted from a small tick. © Mkongola’s Kiswahili translation: ‘Masindi anapenda pombe / Hatakula / Anap- nda kuzurura / Kuzurura hatakula / Anapenda kulala / anapenda kulala / hatavuna’ ‘Author's English translation of Mkongola: Masindi loves to drink J He will not eat He loves to loaf around / To loaf around he will not eat /He loves to sleep / He wil not harvest’192 (CHAPTER SEVEN Illus. 15. Makoko Language School instructor William Lubimbi. Village of ‘Makoko, 13 October 2006. (127) Ng’wana Mukeje (‘Ng'wana Mukeje’) Ngwana Mukeje NgWwana Mukeje Tukaninga kulwa kabisa We leave [without] eating at all Wali ngokolo He isan infirm person Walatalimaga He did not farm Minala yaliitashilaga aha Shame will not end with him ngWwakwe Huna lulu tubone giki He has nothing now we should see Tuninge We should leave Hamo akubona minala Perhaps he will see shame Interpretation: In this song performed by the bacheyeeki of Miswaki,” the singer lambastes the lazy farmer. The bucheyeeki genre was an early twentieth-century wigaashe dance offshoot. The name originated as an onomatopoeic term describing the bead and shell adornments that * Videorecorded by author, village of Miswaki, 9 July 1994, [UATM song #605,SONGS OF RECIPROCAL VILLAGE LABOR 193 ‘were woven into costumes for these dances (Cory Papers #192), and may have once been associated with the verb kucheyeeka, ‘to sway’. The dance started to spread in popularity in the 1930s, and enjoyed a heyday period in the 1950s (Seso*). In the past forty years, the dance has lost its associations with competitive performance and has become known strictly as a reciprocal aide farmer's assistance association, where each member takes a turn inviting the other group members’ to come help work on his/her fields. William Lubimbi* explains: Wimbo huu uliimbwa ili kumwonya mtu ambaye alikuwa mvivu wa kulima, Kila mara kwenye mji wake njaa ilikuwa haishi. Watu wanapata shida, hana chakula, hamna mali nyingine. Kila siku tu, labda wakikuwa walikaa tu, Sasa huyu mwim- baji, badala ya kuenda moja kwa moja kuwaambia uso kwa uso, akaona aimbe wimbo, wakumwonya ili aanze nayeye kulima kwa kujitegemea. Kwa sababu wimbo huw utaimbwa na watu wengi, watakaosikia, wakati wa kuimba, labda ataanza kujifikiria, ‘Kila mmoja ananiimba, wanafikiri vibaya kuhusu mimi, labda afadhali nianze kulima ili njaa iishe kwangu’. Kwa hiyo anaonywa kwa wimbo kwa njia ya wimbo. (This song was sung to warn someone who was lazy in farming. Per- petually, in his homestead, famine never ends, it seems. People get serious problems, there is no food, and there is no additional income. Daily they just sit. Now this singer, instead of going directly there to tell this guy to his face, he sees that he should sing this song, to warn him that he should farm, and thus depend on himself. Because this song will be sung to many people, they will hear it, and at the time it is sung, perhaps they will start to think to themselves, every one of them, ‘He is singing about me, they think ill of me, perhaps better I should start to farm so famine will leave my side’. Therefore, he warns with this song, via song.) (128) Ng’wana Balinago (‘Ng'wana Balinago’) Nglwana Balinago Ngwana Balinago Natukalajiwagwa ng'uno yilima Tam not threatened because of farming Neluno twalima kale no ‘As we have farmed since long ago x) (2x) Ngluno ya maluho Because of miseries Gashi, hus kupata masala So, to become intelligent194 (CHAPTER SEVEN Interpretation: In this song collected by Bischoff (1996: 116),” the ger expresses his pride as a farmer and as a worker. The Mwanza- based painter Simoni Ndokeji* had this interpretation: Anasema hatashiki na mambo ya kilimo. Kama ni kilimo ni muda mrefu mno tumelima sababu ya shida, lakini shida ndiyo zinaleta maarifa, yaani akili za kujikomboa na shida. (He says he is not afraid of farming. If it is farming, for a long time we have farmed to decrease our suffering, Suffering, however, indeed brings knowledge, in other words, it brings forth the wits to save us from further problems.) Pius Magaka* had this point: Yeye hatashiki na kilimo kwa sababu ameshaanza kulima tangu zamani. Kwa hiyo hapati usumbufis, kwa ajili ya jembe. Ame- pata shida, lakini kwa sababu ya jembe amelishinda, kumbe, mateso nikufundisha mtu ajitegemea. (He is not afraid to farm because he has started farming since long ago. Therefore, he does not worry, because of the hoe. He has received problems, but because of the hoe, he has defeated these problems, so, problems indeed teach one to depend on themselves.) (129) Igolo (‘Yesterday’) Igolo nakabuka mhindi mhindi Yesterday I set off late in the evening Najile kuli nimi obuluba Going to the cultivator of cotton Ng'wa Gumbha, kuli kilela Of Gumha, nurturer of mhina (2%) orphans (2x) ‘Mpangamichu nu Haha, bibasa Mpangamchu and Haha, the twins Kuli Tungu kanatukadilaga At Tungu’s place I will not be long Buluba bukuyanjiwagwa ‘The cotton is getting overwhelmed by ‘mapalala leftover grass and leaves Mandege gakuyanjiwagwa ‘The com is getting overwhelmed by ‘mapalala leftover grass and leaves Busiga bukuyanjiwagwa ‘The millet is getting overwhelmed by ‘mapalala (2x) leftover grass and leaves (2x) Unene, najile ukudila biya Tam going, and no delaying Mpangamchu nu Haha, Mpangamchu and Haha, the bibasa (2%) twins (2x) Interpretation: This song, recalled with enthusiasm by folklorist Paulo Mafanyanga and attributed by the singer to Kanigini ng'wana Song’oma Song translation not provided by Bischof.SONGS OF RECIPROCAL VILLAGE LABOR 195 in the early 1980s," reminds that it is important to pick and pack your cotton immediately because otherwise the common debris of dirt and leaves will make the harvest less attractive to the buyers at the ginnery mill, The singer uses as his protagonists in this song Mpangamchu and Haha, twin characters who show in up in many Sukuma children’s stories and folktales. “The singer recalls this anecdote: Manju anahimiza kulima na kutunza mazao haswa pamba. Yafaa kuivuna mapema kabla haijaharibika kwa zunasa takataka. Hii yote ni kumuhamasisha mlimaji asicheke, aende- lee kulima na haswa kulima pamba. Sasa, wakati waliimba hivyo, sasa eye mwimbaji alikuwa akiwaongoza ambao wanalima. Anakwenda uugeni, ni anaenda kusalimia. Badaaye anarudi kwenye kilimo chake mapema, ili isichafuke na majani. Watu Mpangamchu na Haha ni watu kama wa mapacha, watu wa kuzaliwa siku mmoja. Ni wachezaji wake au wafuasi wake, wote hawa wajue kwamba chakula kama mitama au chakula kingine, anahimiza, ni vizuri kupalilia majani. Kwa maana ni kama mapacha, Wasukuma wanaamini, ukiwafundisha, kila wimbo wanajua wote, wakajua kwa haraka sana. Kwa hiyo analinganisha wenzake Mpangamchu na Haha kama mapacha, kwa sababu wanajua mambo yote kwa haraka kama huyu mwimbaji. (The composer tells the farmers that they should really watch their crops, especially cotton. Itis best to harvest early, before it [the crop] is destroyed, from debris sticking to it. This song is all about convincing the farmer he should not joke around, he should continue in farming, to cultivate cotton. Now, at the time they sang this, the singer was the one leading those who were farming. He took off somewhere to be a guest, he went off so he could visit and greet someone. Afterward, he returned early to tend to his farming, so that it would not be destroyed by grass and dirt. These people, Mpangamchu and Haha," are twins, people who are born on the same day. They are his players or his followers, and he urges them to be aware that when dealing with crops like millet or other kinds of food, that it is good [practice] to weed well. Now, about twins, if you teach them, every song that they learn they will learn well quickly. Therefore, he compares his colleagues Mpangamchu and Haha to twins, because they come to know things very quickly, like this singer.) “© Recorded by author, village of Ng'wasubuya, 20 July 1994, IUATM song #34, © Common name given to twins in Sukuma culuture.196 (CHAPTER SEVEN (130) Lelo, aah lelo (‘Today, aah today’) Lelo, aah lelo Today, aah today Lelo aba nguno ki Today what is the reason they were balutusikimbaga? backbiting us? Tulelemako abo twitunga de? (2x) We who have tied ourselves tight? (2x) Naponile busiga na maliwa Thave a lot of millet and cassava Unnuna nzata kulet Famine away! Ikaya baba itundemela ‘The family homestead will not defeat me Iki niyo naliniitunga de For I,a person who has tied himself tight Nitunge nkuyu kulima buluba _Thave tied myself to cultivating cotton Alu Nkunula nang've alinilomela And Nkunula he i talking to me Myenda ya kulanda In clothes that are borrowed Ilus. 16. Singer Edward ‘Mzee Kijana’ Shing’oma. Village of Gambos, 12 September 1994,